(navigation image)
Home American Libraries | Canadian Libraries | Universal Library | Community Texts | Project Gutenberg | Children's Library | Biodiversity Heritage Library | Additional Collections
Search: Advanced Search
Anonymous User (login or join us)
Upload
See other formats

Full text of "Richard the Third up to Shakespeare"

Google 



This is a digital copy of a book ttiat was preserved for generations on library shelves before it was carefully scanned by Google as pari of a project 
to make the world's books discoverable online. 

It has survived long enough for the copyright to expire and the book to enter the public doinain. A public domain book is one that was never subject 
to copyright or whose legal copyright term has expired. Whether a book is in the public domain may vai^y country to country. Public domain books 
are our gateways to the past, representing a wealth of history, culture and knowledge that's often difficult to discover. 

Marks, notations and other marginalia present in the original volume will appear in this file - a reminder of this book's long journey from the 
publisher to a library and finally to you. 

Usage guidelines 

Google is proud to partner with libraries to digitize public domain materials and make them widely accessible. Public domain books belong to the 
public and we are merely their custodians. Neveitheless, this work is expensive, so in order to keep providing this resource, we have taken steps to 
prevent abuse by commercial parties, including placing technical restrictions on automated queiying. 

We also ask that you: 

+ Make non-commercial use of The files We designed Google Book Search for use by individuals, and we request that you use these files for 
personal, non-cojnmercial purposes. 

+ Refrain fi'om automated querying Do not send automated queries of any sort to Google's system; If you are conducting research on machine 
translation, optical character recognition or other areas where access to a large amount of text is helpful, please contact us. We encourage the 
use of public domain materials for these purposes and may be able to help. 

+ Maintain attribution The Google "watermark" you see on each file is essential for informing people about this project and helping them find 
additional materials through Google Book Search. Please do not remove it. 

+ Keep it legal Whatever your use, remember that you are responsible for ensuring that what you are doing is legal. Do not assume that just 
because we believe a book is in the public domain for users in the United States, that the work is also in the public domain for users in other 
countries. Whether a book is still in copyright varies from country to country, and we can't offer guidance on whether any specific use of 
any specific book is allowed. Please do not assume that a book's appearance in Google Book Search means it can be used in any manner 
anywhere in the world. Copyright infringement liability can be quite severe. 

About Google Book Search 

Google's mission is to organize the world's information and to make it universally accessible and useful. Google Book Search helps readers 
discover the world's books while helping authors and publishers reach new audiences. You can search through the full text of this book on the web 



al |http : //books .google . com/ 



o .^ 



5"^ 



PALAESTRA. 



Untersuchungen und Texte aus der deutschen 
und englischen Philologie. 

Heraasgegeben 



von 



Alois Brsndl und Erlt-h Schmidt 



X. 

Richard the Third up to Shakespeare. 
By George B. Churchill, Ph. D. (Berlin). 



BERLIN. 
MAYER Z. MOLLER. 

1900. 



PALAESTRA. X. 



Richard the Third 



up to Shakespeare. 



^y 



George B. Churchill, Ph. o. (BerUn) 

Associate Professor in Amherst College. 



BERLIN. 
MAYER X. mOLI-ER. 

1900. 



10760 7 



To 

My Friend and Teacher 

Alois Brandl. 



Preface. 

The foHowiiiK pages, especially those of Part I, may 
seem to require some word of explanation, if not of apology. 
The book has grown out of a study which had for its 
object to determine exactly what was the nature of the 
raw materia! ready to Shakespeare's hand when he began 
to write his Richard 111. That the Richard whose 
character and career were the subject of Shakespeare's 
work was not the Richard of history has long been well 
known. His story had been moulded and remoidded by 
successive chroniclers down to the Hall and Holinshed 
from whom the great dramatist drew most of his material. 
But Richard had also been the subject of literary treat- 
ment before Shakespeare's, in the Mirror for Magistrates, 
for example, and in two other still extant plays: and it 
was thought that a careful analysis of these, with a study 
of their relations to each other and to Shakespeare/s play, 
would bo an assistance of some value in the appreciation 
of (he latter. It had not been intended to consider in 
detail the work of the chroniclers, but the attempt to 
detemiino the historical sources of the material presented 
by the plays soon led to the discovery that none of 
Shakespeare's commentators has presented this material 
completely or even without considerable error so far as 
he has gone. It was necessary, therefore, first to analyze 
the growth of the Richard saga in the chronicles. The 
results of this study appear in Part I. Where others of 
such note have failed, I cannot hope that my own work 
will be found wholly free from mistakes ; but 1 ventui'e to 
hope that the reader will here be able to trace without 



vm 

essential error tlio dcvclopnient of Ricliani's stury in the 
various cbronicles and liistories. and to perceive clearly 
tlic contributions bf each. Tlie product in the cotuplele 
I'orm that lay before Shakespeare may be seen in iJoswell- 
Stone's Sliakspere's Holinshed, if to tlie citations 
tliere given are added certain omitted passages which 
1 have noted elswhere (Henig's Archiv, Bd. XCVlll, 
p. 159) and tlie special contributions of Hall (ef. p. *206l. 

The exigencies of the press and the author's (h'stancc 
from the place of publication, which have prevented him 
from reading his own proof-sheets, will, I trust, be con- 
sidered sufficient excuse for the rather large number of 
misprints, the most important of which are recorded in the 
Corrigenda, and for certain uncorrected inconsistencies 
in the spelling of proper names, such as Fahyan and 
Hardyng. 

1 wish here to record my hearty appreciation of 
obligation to Prof. Brandl, to whom the book owes its 
origin and from whom I have received constant help and 
encouragement; to Dr. Wolgang Keller, from whom came 
the infonnation of the date assigned by the Caius College 
Ms. toLegge'sRichard usTertius, and many other friendly 
suggestions: to Prof. A. Keller of the German I'nivei-sity 
of Prague, who furnished me th(! source of Rous's quotation 
from Claudian (cf. p. 46) and the note on Andre's ijuotation 
from Seneca (cf. p. 60); and to Mr. Wilfrid Perrett, who 
has with unfailing kindness performed the difficult and 
tedious task of correcting tlie proof-sheets. 

Amherst College, Mass., October 20, 1899. 



Contents. 

Part I. Richard iu the Chronicles. 

Pftge 

IntruJiiction 1 

The I^ncastrian chroniclers, 1 , , . the Hicliard 
saga, "2 . . . historical table. 3. 

), Historic nf the Arrival of Kdward IV fi 

Aiilhorship, date, use hv later chronifler«. 8 . . . 
contentR. 7—11 . . . summary, 11 — IS . . . Yorkisl 
character. 11 . . . contrihiition to the nafra, 12. 

11. Warkworth's Chronicle W 

Dale, authorship, 13 . , . use by Stow and Hol- 
inshed, 14 . . . contents, 14—19 . . . summary, lit. 20. 

III. Ms. References lo the death of Henry VI ■ . ■ '20 

IV. A Chronicle of London from 1089 lo l4H!l ... 21 
V. The First (!ontiniiatiun of the History of 

Croyland Monastery 22 

Authorship, dale. 22 . . . contenLs, 22.23 . . . 
summary, 24. 
VI. The Second Cont in nation of the History of 

('reyland Monastery 24 

Authorship, date. 24 . . . contents. 24 — 41 . . . 
stunmary, 41—4(1 . . . character! iiation of Kichard, 
42 . . . Kichard's crinip*i. 42 . . . contributions to the 
saga, 45. 

VII. Kous's nisli>ria Hettum Aiipliae 46 

Date, 4(i . . contents, 4tt— 4!t , . . sununary, 49—52 
... Tudor flattery, ciiaracteriz.ition of Richard and 
Richmund, 49 ... Richard's deformity, his crimes, 
BO . . . classical influence in Rous, 61. 
Vlli. The Memoirs of Philippe de Comine-s - . • . • 62 
Date, use by Hall, 62 . . . contents, 62—57 ... 
summary, 67—50 . . . Ularence's death in the butt 
of malmsey, 58 . . . divine ju.stice in the York- 
Lancaster struggle, 59. 



IX. Bernard Andre's History of Henry VII . . ■ • 59 
Date, 69 . . . contents, &9— 63 . . . sumBury, 64—66 . . 
contributions to the suf^a, 64 . . . characterization 
of Richmond. Ihe mew«enf|^r of(iod, and of Richard 
the "blood-sucker", 64 . . . Richard's crimes, 66 . . 
classical influence, 66 , . . speeches, divine justice, 66, 

X. Fabyan's Chronicle 66 

Date, 66 . . . contents, 67 — 73 . . . summary 
74, 76 . . . contributionn lo the sapa, 74. 
XI. More's Hinlory of King Richard III 7n 

A. The English version — author, publication 
75 . . . relation lo the Latin version, 76 . . . dale 
77 . . . contente 78-116. 

B. The Latin version — contentii, 116—118 . 
summary, 118—127 . . . use hy later chroniclers 
119 ... conlributions lo the saga, 119 ... Richard's 
person 119 ... his character, 120 ... hin protector- 
ship, 128 . . . his conscience, 124 . . . little reference 
to divine justice, lack of classical influence, 126. 

XII. Polydore Vergil's Historia Angliae 127 

Dale, 127 .. . English translation, 128 .. . use by 
Hall and the Hardyng continuator, 128 . . . contente. 
128—165 . . . summary, 156 — 161 . . . importance of 
Vergil's work in the development of Ihe saga, 165 . . . 
use by later chroniclers and Shakespeare, 156 . . . 
account of Richard's early life, 15<l . . . varying 
accounts of the character and death of Warwick, 

157 . . . comparison of Vergil with More, 167 . . . 
Richard'H later life, person and character in Vergil, 

158 .. . his conscience, 1B9 . . . the motives of divine 
vengeance and of destiny , and their use by 
Shakespeare, 160. 

XIIJ. Rastell's Pastime of People IKl 

Author, use of Fabyan, 161 .. . the death and 
burial of the two princes, 161. 
XIV. The Continuation of Hardyng's Chronicle ■ • 162 
Authorship, 163 . . . translation and adaptation 
of Vergil, 101 . . . contents, 164—172 . . . summary, 
172, 173 .. . contributions to the saga, 172 .. . use 
by Hall, 172. 

XV. Hall's Chronicle 178 

Author, editions, date, 173 . .. use of Vergil, Fabyan. 
de Comines, More. 174 .. . contents, 174 — 301 . . . 
summary, 201—307 . . . purpose of Hall's -work, 201 .. . 



IX 

Pwa 
arlditional iaformation or Riohard's earlj c&reer, 
202 . . . hiH charai'ter and crimen, 202 . . . description 
of Bichmoud, '2(4 . . . NpoecheH, 206 . . , addilitms 
to Ihe saffa, 205 . . . use by later chruniclerK, especially 
HolinHhed, 208 . . . u.se by Shakespeare, 206. 

XVI. Grafton's Chronicle 207 

Author, 207 .. . date, 308 .. . use of Hall, Verpl. 
Fabyan. More, 20ft .. . contents, 206—211. 

XVII. Holinahed's (.Chronicle 211 

.Author, editions, 211 ... use of Hall, Stow, other 
sources, 212 .. . contents, 212—222 . . . nse of Hall 
by Shakespeare in 3 Henry VI, 218 . . . summary, 
222, 223 . . . but one addition to the saga, '222 . . . 
Sliakuspeare's use of Holinshed, 223. 

XVIU. StoT'8 Annals . ■ . 223 

Author, editions, sources, 223 . . . contents, 
224-227 ... the case of Burdet, 22& . . . the indict- 
ment of Clarence, 225 . . . faithful ime of More, 227. 



Part n. Bichard In Poetry and the Drama. 

I. The Song of Lady Bessy 231 

Authorship, date, 231 .. . contents, 231—234 . . . 

summary, 234 — 230 . . . popular feeling toward 

Richard and Kichmond, 234. 

U. A Mirror for Magi^itrates ■ ■ ■ ■ 235 

Purpose of the vork, 23r> . . . editions, legends of 

the time of Richard, 237. 

1. King Henry VI, murders of Edward and Henry, 
238 ... use of Hall, 288. 

3. Qeorge Flantagenet [Clarence], contents, 
239-241 . . . addition to the saga, 241 .. . Clarence 
murdered by Richard in person, 242 . . . olher 
evidences that popular tradition regarded Richard 
as Clarence'^ murderer, 242, 249 , . . possible use 
of the legend by Khakespeare, 246, 

3. King Edward IV, contents, 246. 

4. Syr Anthony Wod vile, contents, 246—248 ... 
summary, 248. 

fi. Lord Hastings, contents,2u0,251..summary,252. 

ft, Henry Duke of Buckingham, contents, 
252 — 250 . , , summary, 256 . . . Buckingham's 
motive for rebellion, 25il . . . eomjiarison with 
Shakespeare's play, 267. 



xn 



7. (7olJingbourne. contents, ground of hia 

execution, 258. 
fl, Bicharde Ptantapenet Duke ofGlocenter, 

conientA, 2!i9 . . . xummar.v. 260 . . . omission of 

Richard's deformity and of his dream, 260. 
9. Shore's Wife, contents, 360—268 ... summary. 

2«3-284 ... her beggary, 2«3 . . . use by The 

True Tragedy, 264. 
m. Legge's Richardii.t Tertius 26fi 

AUunioDS to Ihe play, 265 ... life of Legge, 265 .. . 
place, time and circumstances of production, 266 
[nee also AddeodumJ. .. manuscripts, 269 ... printed 
ctiitions, 268 . . . historical }Kisition of the play, 269 . . . 
influence upon popular dramatists, 271 .. . historical 
sources, 273 . . . anal>-sis of the play, with sources of the 
scenes, imitations of Seneca, and comparison with 
Shakespeare'-s pla^-. 280—371 . . . other imitations 
of Seneca, 371 .. . the character of Richard in 
Richard TertiuK, 875 . . . formal imitatioQ of 
Seneca in material, theme, ami "fable", 381... epic 
iiceneN, SH5 . . . lyric Noenes, 387 . . . dramatic scenes, 
388 . . . the chorus, 390 . . . construction, organization 
of the material, 380 . . . the relation of liogge's play 
to Shakespeare's, S93. 
IV, Lacey's Ricbardus Tertius, a transcript of Legge's 

pla.v . 396 

V. A Tragical Report of King Richard the Third ■ 396 

Entry in the Stationers'^ Register, 395. 
VI. The True Tragedy of Richard the Third . ■ • Sfifl 

Entry in the Stationers' Register, 306 . . . previous 
notices and commenlM, 396 . . . historical position 
of the play, its nature and style, 398 . . . influence 
of the chrnnioles and of Marlowe, 399 ... of the 
revenge -plays, 400 . . . verse and prose in the play, 
403 . . . corruption, 404 . . . historical sources, 404 . . . 
use of the Mirror for Magistrates, 409 . . . 
anal\'sis of the play, with sources of the scenes and 
relation to other early plays, 413—469 . . . supposition 
of reference to Drayton's Heroical Epistles un- 
founded, 480 . . . WiUiam Slaughter not an actor 
in the Queen's company, 444 . . . Denis in the True 
Tragedy and in Alleyn's play, 466 . .. the character 
of Richard in the True Tragedy, 468 ... in- 
fluence of Legge's play upon the True Tragedy 



xin 

— of Marlowe's plays, 480 ... Henry VI and the 
True Tragedy, 484 ... the True Tra'gedy and 
Shakespeare's Richard III, 407 . . . the date of 
the True Tragedy, B34 . . . the authorship of 
the True Tragedy, 639. 

Vn. Chute's Shore's Wife .-528 

Entry iu the Stationers' Begister, date, extant 
copies, composition, 528. 
VIII. Fletcher'sTheKising to the Crowne of Richard 

the Thirde B20 

Authorship, date, contents, 5211 ... sources More 
and Holin»hod, o30 . . . influence of popular 
tradition, 630. . 
IX. Henslowe'a Play on Richard III ■--■'•■■■ 581 
X, A PoHsible Original of Shakespeare's Play • ■ 681 
Opinions of Lloy<l. Fleay and Ixtwell, 582 . . . 
opinion of Halliwell and quotation from supposed 
previous play, 538. 

XI. Drayton's Heruical Epi.stle^ 634 

The argument for reference to Drayton in the 
True Tragedy, r)34 . , . date of the Epistles, oXt. 

1. Que en e Margaret to 'William de- la- Toole, 
contents, 636. 

2. Edward the fourth to Shore's wife, 
contents, bXJ. 

3. Shore's wife to Edward the fourth, con- 
tents, 688 . . . note on portrait of Shore's wife, 6311. 

XII. Index Table of some of the Sources of Shake- 
speare's Richard III 588 



Richard the Third 



up to Shakespeare. 



Part I: 



Richard in the Chronicles. 



Introduction. 



The success of Henry of Richmond at the battle of 
Bosworth, August 22, 1485, and his subsequent marriage 
to Elizabeth of York, daughter of Edward IV, ended the 
contest of nearly ninety years between the houses of 
Lancaster and York for the throne of England. The history 
of that contest, as it culminated in the claims of Richard 
of York, in his wars and those of his sons Edward and 
Ricliartt, was written by Lancastrian chronicler. Two 
of them were foreigners, to whom tlie task was assigned 
by Henry himself. Another doubtless derived his information 
largely if not wholly from a patron who had been a leading 
opponent of the last Yorkist king and an important aider 
to Henry's success. All had the strongest material in- 
ducements to favor the reigning house, and none at all to 
excite royal disfavor by even descnhing impartially such 
acts of the House of York as really deserved iipprobation. 
These inducements diminished little if any in power during 
the reigns of Henry VIH, of Edward VI and of Mary, 
and they were greatly increased in the reign of Elizabeth, 
whose nature imperiously demanded homage and rebuked 
favor shown to her historical as well as actual foes. 

There was besides an inducement other than material 
(ir political to describe the last stage in that contest, the 
reign of Richard III, in terms most disparaging to the 
house of York. Richanl had not only been the reigning 
head of a family that had usurped the throne; he had 
become that reigning head by murder and usurpation 
within the usurping family itself. His short rule had been 

Palaesim. X. 1 



— 2 — 

that of a tyrant, and qo tyrant could win approbation in 
genuine English feeling. It is highly natural, therefore, 
that the Lancastrian historians should have painted Richard 
in dark colors, and that those colors should have grown 
darker with time. Crimes known to be his were treated 
with ever-increasing emphasis: other crimes were with 
plausibility suggested or insinuated as his. and in the 
course of years accepted as certain. His person, too. was 
subjected to the same treatment. From the Richard, one 
of whose shoulders, it was asserted, was higher than the 
other, was developed "crookbacked Richard", repulsive in 
figure as in life. Legend and prophecy were made to 
contribute their part to the picture. Thus but a few years 
after the historical Richard's death there existed what has 
not inaptly been called a Richard saga, the historical 
elements of which modem scholars have attempted to , 
discover only with most unsatisfactory results. / 

This saga was not shaped by the chroniclers alone: 
The life of Richard was made the subject of literary 
treatment in the poems of the Mirror for Magistrates 
and in various ballads, and of dramjitic treatment in a 
Latin university play, in an English play for a popular 
audience, and in other plays that have not come down to 
us. All these, according to their pm-pose and point of 
view, had a share in giving form to the conception of the 
chroniclers. 

Thus at the beginning of the last decade of the 
sixteenth crntury, when the so-called chronicle history, or 
history-play, was for the first time attempted by the 
master who brought it to fullest perfection, a historical 
Richard III did not exist. It was the Richard of a 
hundred year old saga whom alone Shakespeare knew and 
made the subject of his play. 

It is the purpose of this dissertation to trace the 
development of tlmt saga through tlie sixteenth century, in 
chronicl*;, poem, and drama, and to sliow what tliat Richard 
was whose cliaracter and deeds Khakespeare found ready 



„ 3 — 

to his hand as raw material for his dramatic picture. 
The historical Richard will need to be considered only so 
far as the mythical Richard may thus Ike better undei'stood. 
To trace the development of the Richard saga it is 
necessary to consider the writers in chronological order. 
That tlieir references may be more clearly understood, I 
subjoin a brief table of the important historical events in 
the struggle between York and Lancaster. 

1399. Richard II is deposed by Henry Bolingbroke, son 
of Richard's uncle, the Duke of Lancaster; he is 
crowned as Henry IV. The lineal heir was Edmund, 
Earl of March, great-grandson of Lionel, Duke of 
Clarence, third son of Edward III. Bolingbroke 
was son of the fourth son, John of Gaunt, Duke 
of Lancaster. ' 

1413. Death of Henry IV. His son crowned as Henry V. 

1415. A conspiracy in favor of Ednmnd Earl of March 
defeated. 

1422. Death of Henry V. The Duke of Gloucester made 
Protector of the infant Henry VI, 

1452. Contest between the Duke of York, gn^at -great- 
grandson of Lionel, Duke of Clarence, and the Duke 
of Somerset, grandson of John of Gaunt, Duke of 
Lancaster (by his mistress, Katherine Swynford). 
York claims the crown. The wars of tlie Roses 
begin. Birth of Richard, Oct. 2, 1452. 

1454. York made Protector, on account of Henry's illness. 

1455. First haltle of St. Albans, between the parties of 
York and Somerset. York victorious. 

1460. York declared by ParUament heir to the crown, 
after the death of Henry VI. Battle of Wakefield, 
Dec. 30; defeat and death of York and his son 
Rutland. George (C:iarencc) and Richard sent by 
their mother to Utrecht for safety. 

1461. Battle of Mortimer's Cross: Yorkists under Edward 
victorious. Second battle of vSt. All)aiis: Yorkists 

1- 



— 2 — 

that of a tyrant, and no tyrant could win approbation in 
genuine English feeling. It is highly natural, therefore, 
that the Lancastrian historians should have painted Richard 
in dark colore, and that those colors should have gi'own 
darker with time. Crimes known to be his were treated 
with ever-increasing emphasis; other crimes were with 
plausibility suggested or insinuated as his, and in the 
course of years accepted as certain. His person, too, was 
subjected to the same treatment. From the Richard, one 
of whose shoulders, it was asserted, was liigher than the 
other, was developed "crookbacked Richard", repulsive in 
figure as in life. Legend and prophecy were made to 
contribute their part to the picture. Thus but a few years 
after the historical Richard's death there existed what has 
not inaptly been called a Richard saga, the historical 
elements of which modern scholars have att-empted to 
discover only with most unsatisfactory results. , 

This saga was not shaped by the chroniclers alone: 
The life of Richard was made the subject of literary 
treatment in the poems of the Mirror for Magistrates 
and in various ballads, and of dramatic treatment in a 
Latin univei-sity play, in an English jday for a popular 
audience, and in other plays that have not come down to 
us. All tlipsc. according to their pui'pose and point of 
view, had a share in giving fonu to tlie conception of the 
chraniclcrs. 

Thus at the beginning of the last ileciule of the 
sixteenth century, when the so-calh^d chronicle history, or 
history-play, was for the first time attempted by the 
master who brought it to fullest perfection, a historical 
Richard III did not exist. It was the Richard of a 
hundred year old saga whom alone Shakespeare knew and 
made the subject of his play. 

It is the purpose of this dissertation to trace the 
development of that saga through the sixteenth century, in 
chronicle, poem, and drama, and to show what that Richard 
was whose charactei' and deeds Shakespeare found ready 



— 3 — 

to his band as raw material for his dramatic picture. 
The historical Richard will need to be considered only so 
far as the mythical Richard may thus hs better understood. 
To trace the development of the Richard saga it is 
nccessaiy to consider the writers in chronological order. 
That their references may be more clearly understood, I 
subjoin a brief table of the important historical events in 
the stniggle between York and Lancaster. 

1399. Richard II is deposed by Henry Bolingbroke, son 
of Richard's uncle, the Duke of Lancaster; he is 
crowned as Henry IV. The lineal heir was Edmund, 
Earl of March, great-grandson of Lionel, Duke of 
Clarence, third son of Edwiu-d III. Bolingbroke 
was son of the fourth son, John of Gaunt, Duke 
of Lancaster. ' 

1413. Death of Henry IV. His son crowned as Henry V. 

1415. A conspiracy in favor of pjdnmnd Karl of March 
defeated. 

1422. Deatli of Henry V. The Duke of Gloucester nuule 
Protector of the infant Henry VI. 

1452. Contest between the Duke of York, {ii-eat-gi-eat- 
grandson of Lionel, Duke of Clarence, and the Duke 
of Somerset, grandson of John of (Jaunt, Duke of 
Lancaster (by his mistress, Kalheririe i^wynford). 
York claims the crown. The ware of the Roses 
begin. Birth of Richard, Oct. 2, 1452. 

I4J>4. York made Protector, on account of Henry's illness. 

1455. First battle of St. Albans, between the parties of 
York and Somerset. York victorious. 

1400. York declared by Parhament heir to the crown, 
after the death of Henry VI. Battle of Waketield, 
Dec. 30; defeat and death of York and bis son 
Rutland. George (Clarence) and Hichanl sent by 
their mother to Utrecht for safety. 

1461. Battle of Mortimer's Cross: Yorkists under Kdward 
victorious. Second battle of St. Albans; Yorkists 



I. Historic of the Arrival of Edward IV in England 

and the flnall rccouerye of IiIk Kinfrdonies from Henry YI, 

A. », MCCCCLXXI. 

From the eiul of the 16"" Century this work was un- 
known until used by Shiiron Turner in his History of 
Enf,'lan(i during the Middle Ages. It was edited by 
John Bruce for the Camden Societj', 1838, from a Ms. 
copy made by the chronicler Stowe. My citations arc 
from Brueo's edition. 

This narrative was written inmicdiatcly after the 
events it relates, in 1471, by one who represents himself 
as "a servaunt of (he Kyngs. that presently .saw in effect 
a great parte of his exploytrs. and the resydcwe knewe 
by true relation of them that were present at every tyine" 
(p. 1). In it we have, as its editor says, "an authorised 
relation put foilh by the Yorkists themselves, and giving 
their own account of the events upon which many of the 
heavy charges brought against their 'house' have been 
founded" (Tntrod. p. VI). Unknown, or ignored by Lan- 
castrian writers, part of it made its way eventually into 
Stnwe's anil Holinsbed's Chronicles. I cannot do better 
than t« give ilr. Bruee's account of its fate. "A Ms. of 
it is ascertained to have been extant in the library of 
Fle*'twooil. the well-known i-ecorder of London in the 
time of Elizaln'th; and from that Ms., Fleetwood, without 
acknnwb'iiging his authoiity, compiled a narrative of Ed- 
ward's restoration, whicli was inserted in Holinshed's 
Chronicle, and is referred to its author I»y the name 
•\V. Fleetwood" in the margin. In passing under Fleet- 
wood's hand .... many passages wvm omitted, many 



_ 7 — 

softened, and in some of the most important places the 
narrative of Hall, translated from Polydoro Vcrgii, was 
adopted as 'more pleasing to Lancastrian car'. After it 
had been thus diluted by Fleetwood, it received an infusion 
of Lancastrian spirit by Abraham Fleming, the editor of 
that part of Holinshcd, who interpolated a number of 
passages from Stowe, derived from the Chronicler [Wark- 
wortl), sec III] with whom we are made acquainted by 
the extracts in Leland's Collectanea. In -these various 
ways the red rose was blanched [sic!], the colour of the 
narrative was changed in all its more important passages, 
and the servant of Edward IV was transformed into a 
Lancastrian chronicler" (Introd. p. XIII). 

The history begins vdtii the landing of Edward in 
England. After suffering adverse winds in the harbor of 
Flushing for nine days, he came to Crowmere in Norfolk. 
Men sent on shore reported the presence of strong oppos- 
ing forces, and Edward sailed toward the north, where 
after a great storm and separation from his companion 
ships the King landed with Hastings "within Humber, on 
Holdernes syde, at a place callyd Ravenersporne, even 
in the same place where soratime the Usurpowr Henry 
of Derby, aftar called Kynge Henry the IV, landed, aftar 
his exile, contrarj' and to the dissobeysance of his sovereigne 
lord, Kynge Richard the II, whome, aftar tliat, he wrong- 
fully distressed, and put from Ids reigne and regalie, and 
usurped it falsely to hymselfe and to his isswe, from 
whome was linially descended Kynge Henry, at this tyme 
using and usurpinge the corone, as sonne to his eldest 
Sonne, somtyme callyd Kynge Henry the V"' (p. 2). Glou- 
cester landed four miles away. Earl Rivers at Pole, fourteen 
miles away, and the others where they best could. 

The people were not ready to join Edward's standard 
in an attempt to regain the kingdom, but for love of "that 
prince of fut noble memorye"', his fatlier, were ready to 
allow him to proceed unmolested in prosecution of his 
claim to the dukedom of York; and this Edward gave 



— 8 — 

out as his sole purpose. Approaching York, he was met 
by tlie Recorder and warned to return, because he would 
not be allowed to enter. Continuing, he was met by others, 
who declared that he would be admitted if his claim were 
merely to the dukedom. Afterward he "came to the wor- 
shipfull folks whiche were assembled a little within the 
gates" (p. 5), and satisfying them in a parley, was ad- 
mitted. At Nottingham "came unto hym two good Knyghts, 
Syr William Parre, and sir James Harington, with two 
good bands of men . . . the nombar of VI" men" (p. 7). 
Edward then besieged Warwick in Coventry, where War- 
wick offered to come over to the King if he might have 
"some gode and expedient appoyntmcnt", which the King 
refused, as not standing with his honor and surety. 
Clarence now joined Edward, having previously become 
reconciled to him, because all his family, he saw, would 
be deprived of the realm, because mortal war was likely 
to fall between him and his brothers, and the winner 
would prol)ably be in as great danger as before, and 
especially because he was in great suspicion and hatred 
with all the followers of Henry, who were Ukely to pro- 
cure the destruction of him and all his blood, and because 
it was unnatural and against God to suffer a war between 
himself and his brother to continue. There had been 
many mediators between them, the most active being the 
duchess of Burgundy, Edward's and Clarence's sister. When 
the brothers met, "there was right kynde and lovynge 
langwage betwixt them twoo, with parflte accord knyt 
togethars for ever here aftar"' (p. 11). "And than, in 
lyke wyse, spake togethar tlie two Dukes of Clarence and 
Clocestar" (p. 11). 

Clarence tiicd to reconcile Warwick to bis brother, 
but failed. Jjeaving his host before Coventry, Edward 
proceeded to London, stopping l)y the way at Davcntry, 
where on Palm Sunday he heard divine service and 
worshipped Cod and St. Anne, wlio shewed him "a fayre 
miracle; a goode prouostique of good aventure that aftar 



— 9 — 



shuld hffiill utilif \\u: Kyii^(_> fiy tin- liarul of God. and 
niPtliatidTi u( iIimI. liifly iiiijtron Ht^ynt Atine'" {p. II). Ati- 
luilli-il iiilu Loinlun. KJward took possession of Kiofj; Hoiiry, 
and tlier wf^nt to WcstiiiiTintor. wIioip he "lionoryd. made 
liip (IcToul iirayci'tf. ami gftvo- thaiikyngs to dod" Cp. If)- 
Thence Edward went to his <iueoii, who liiid borne hiui 
a 80ft in sanctuary. 

Warwirk now lijl'i, I'oVLTitry and drew lowuril Lnnrinn 
as hvr as Bariiet, ti'n niiit'H IVoiu tlic city, wIuti* Etiwaril 
mot him, ■"coimiiitliiifj his cawse and quarelJ to AJliiivghiy 
fJod"' (p. 19). The liattin ni' Barnet U dosrnh^^d in detail. 
It b«?)(an hoi ween fujui' ami Jive in ihu iiiui'nin^, in a j^reat 
mist, l)ccause of which the two fronts did not mpet evenly, 
but Warwi<k*8 overlappod ?'dwai'd'.** ai the west end, where 
Kdward's men were outiiuinbert'd and brake. Hence ran 
the news to London that the King had been defeated. But 
it was not ISO, "I'oi' the Kynge, trustinsi' verely in God's 
lit'Ipe, owr bleBsyd ladyes, and Seynt Cieorge, toke to hym 
great liardies anil coraji^e for to wupprese the falcchode 
of all them that so falsely and so traytorowsly had coit- 
5(iired ajiajnst hym, where thrwghe ... he, with jrreat 
violence, hett and l)are d^iwti aforo hym all that atode in 
liyg way, and, than, turned t*> tlie ranire, first on that one 
hand and than on tliat othar hand, in lengtbp, ami f'o bet 
and bare ihem dnwne, ho thai noiliing niyght. stande in 
the sy^ht nf liyni and the wpIIo ansurod fejowshipo that 
nltendyd trewly u[h»ii hyin: so that, blessed he God! he 
wan the tilile there" (ii|i. 19— *iO). In the buttle was slain, 
by whoii is not mButioned, the Eai'I of Warwick, "somewhat 
l!einge'\ Then again is great gloty given to God, who 
gave Edward the victory. 

Margaret now entered England and fouglit the battle 
of Tewkesbury. Here Rdvvard •ordeined three wards; 
disiilayed his hannars; dyil Idowe up the tronipets: coni- 
mytted his caws and (iiiarrel to Alniyghty God, to owr 
most bles.syd lady his nmtliar, Vir^yn Mary, tlie i^lori'itia 
martjT Si'int (leorgo, and all the waynts; and avuunced. 



ciirftctlj upon his eiierayes" (jj. 29). The king's van Rttacked' 
Willi •'rit/iit-a-sIiariK'i fihwrr" of iirmws. In fiunl of Ihe 
eiieni.v'8 fli'lil were many huips ajii! ili'i^p diki's, lifilgi's 
and trees, so tliat it was hard lo npiiruarli them upar; 
but tho (hike of Soiiicrset, lending' Marfraret's van, caine 
out into till- open and attacked the king. "Tlie Kyiigo, 
full manly, sot, furilie even upon them, enteryd and wann 
(lie dyke, and hcd^f. upon thrm intn the clmisi?. and, with 
^eat vyolciicp, jjut thoni upe towards tlie liyll. and, so 
also, the Kyrig's vaward, Ijping in Mip rulr of tbo Duko 
id (iloucestar''. Then a rcsBrve force of Edward's burst 
Upon Snnierset's men from the side, and dismayed by llic 
doul)k- attack tlu-y lircike and fled. "At this point of theyr 
llyglil, till! Kyn^'e eorii^nusly set upon that othar felde. 
where was chfff Edwiird, called Prince, and in (ihort 
whiK' put hyni to discoinfiture and llVighf, "In the wynnyge 
of the fioldf* such as ahode hand-stroke wero slayno in- 
eontiniTit: Edvrui'd. callt'd Prince, vjna taken, flfiii^'e to 
the lownc wanli^. and wliiyne. in the fielde" (p. 30). 

After the liattle, (Jlouc<'titPP, as Constnldf of Enjfland, 
and tlie T)nke i.f N'ru-folk. as Marnhnl. tried and eotidemned 
In dcatli the Duke ciCSoriiersel and others uf tiie prisoners. 
Nothing is waid of their having li^eeii ainonp the number 
of rertain fnjrilives who. it is slated, were foiiiul by Ed- 
ward in the Aldiey ebnrcli ninl there paribaied by him, 
although the jdace had no franehise rs a sanctuary. 

News of tlie death iif tlici Prince, the capture of the 
Queen, the downfall uf Henry's party everywhere, was 
hriaiyht tfl "Henry, late calleil Kyn:p, hein^ in tho Tower 
of London: not hai'j'nei'. afore that, knowledge of the 
.snide inatars. he toke it to so groat dispile. ire, and in- 
dingnation. that of pure displea.stire, and molenroly, ho 
dynd the XX HI day of the monithc of may. Whom the 
Kyngr dyd to he hrowght to the friers prechai-s at London, 
and there, his funerall service donne, to be carried, by 
Tatar, lo an Abliey upon Tliamys syd, XA'j myles from 
London, called Chart«ey. and there honorably entoryd" (p. 30). 



— 11 — 

Margaret was taken prisoner three days after the 
battle in a poor religious place, "where she had hyd hir 
sflfe, for the surty of hir parson, the Saturdaye, eriye in 
the mornynge, after his [read: hir] sonne Edward, callyd 
Prince, was gon to the fiide for to withdraw hirselfe 
from the adventure of the battayle" (p. 31). 

The narrative concludes with an account of the bastard 
Fauconbridge's rebellion in Kent, his assault upon London, 
his repulse and tinal submission at Sandwich, where he 
and his ships were received on the King's behalf by the 
Duke of Gloucester. 

Such is the only purely Yorkist account that we have 
of this period. Its character naturally corresponds to its 
official authorship. Edward forms throughout the central 
figure, is in all the leader, and the winner of his own 
battles against the forces of a usurper, calling himself 
king. Gloucester is rarely mentioned, as landing with 
Edward, as speaking with Clarence at the reconciliation, 
as commanding the kings van at Tewkesbury, and following 
or aecompanyng him in a charge, as judging the captured 
Somerset, and as receiving for the king the surrender of 
Fauconbridgo. All Edward's acts arc handled favorably: 
Clarence is praised for his return to his brother; there is 
no suggestion of Gloucester's part in any crime. Henry 
dies of pure melancholy, Prince Edward is slain in the 
field. In the account of his death the position of the words 
"in the fielde" awakens a little suspicion, and wliother 
we are to suppose that Edward "abode hand-stroke"' and 
fought for his life is not clear. At all events, the writer 
gives one to understand — as Edward's historian would 
have to do — that tlie prince was slain in fair battle. 
The death of Warwick, as here related, is not that of the 
Warwick who in 3 Hen. VI.5 : 2, cries, '"Why. then, I would 
not fly". The editor of Chronicles of the White Rose 
(p. 65) condemns this as an nnwaiTanteri "aspersion upon 
the personal bravery of the bravest inan of a brave age", 



— 12 — 

and accounts for it by the fact that the writer is biassed 
by his Yorkist predilections. Warkworth, however, whose 
bias is wholly Lancastrian, has a more extended account 
of Warwick's flight (cf. p. II), and his account was copied 
by Stowo and Hohnshed. The Queen is with historical 
truth represented as not present at the battle of Tewkesbury. 
However inuch is concealed or mis-related, the chief 
value of the work for the present purpose lies in its very 
partisanship. Tiie account presents the picture to which 
all the later Lancastrian pictures are opposed; and by 
comparing it witli tliese we are better able to estimate 
how much of them also may be due to partisanship. The 
most important result of such a comparison is the perception 
that the religious devotion of Richmond, his faith in 
himself as the minister of God's vengeance upon a usurper, 
was not the characteristic of Richmond alone. The Rich- 
mond who in Richard in, 5, 3 prays on the night before 
the battle of Bosworth, 

"0 Thou whose captain I account myself, 
Look on my forces with a gracious eye: 
Put in their hands thy bruising irons of wrath, 
That -they may crush down with a heavy fall 
Th' usurping helmets of our adversaries!" 

was successful, and this picture of him lives; the Edward 
who on Palm Sunday before the battle of Barnet prayed 
to (jod, our Lady, Saint George, and Saint Anne, and to 
whom was vouchsafed a miracle as "a good sign and token 
of good and prosperous aventure that God wold send hym 
in that he had to do", namely, to overthrow "the usur- 
poure Henry and his complices", is to be found in this 
single Yorkist account alone. Throughout the relation 
Edward's devotion and belief in God's help are emphasized, 
and at the close, in an extended paragraph, is a paean 
of privisc for ''tho lielpe and grace of Almyghty God", to 
whom the suceess was due. His religious fceUng did not 
prevent Edward from putting King Henry to death; 



— 13 — 

Rtid iH» mnie did it prevent Ridiniontl from juitliiig lo 
dt-atli tlif sou of Clarence, an act in some respects even 
more (Inniiiablf' than Riclianrs niurder of his nephews. 
Such R-hfri'-Jus ilcvotioTi did nut, then, belong to cliaracter; 
it belonged tm tlie times. Pai'tisa]! writots. however, 
miiny of ilieni priests, enijibasizcd it as Ji diaractpnstic 
of their masters: thrnutrlKuit tlie sixteenth rentiiry then- wsis 
Imt cine jiiuty: in 81iaIi<'S|)eiirir, tlierefom, Ricliiiinnil is 
truly the caiilain of tlie I^rd. Tliat attitude of tliP 
chnmiclers wbieli pave Shftltrs|ieare a. saga Ifichiin>nd wboin 
111* could rejisDnahly present iis the Lord's eniitain. maizes its 
[ftptn'iiraiic.ir in the tirst ekl-oiiicle vc have hail to consider. 



n. Wiirkwiirth'.s t'hrttiiifie (if the first Uiirfi'fii y^nrs 
ul' Uh' r(>lt;ii of Kini; Fdwnrd. 

This wiirk way wi'ittcn by Jnliii Warkwortli. innsler 
of St. IVter's t'olh-Kc, Cambridge, from 1473 to !4*IH. Thi- 
(frealer i»n1i(Hi nf thi* mniniseri|it volume in wliieli ii is 
i-«>ntuim-il is a mere tniiiseriiilioii of "CuxtonV" ChroTiielr 
tif Uriile. To thin ih addi'd an acrount hy Wiirkworib 
Uiiiinclf of Ihp earlier jiart of Edward's reign, rinliiif; with 
the year 147S. and ajipiirnitly written not lonp after tbat 
date. EfalliWL'll calls attention to tfie fnct Mint a ija.'^sa|.''e 
ttpop cpitain priiphotle wells must have beeu potined in 
the same year, 147a. as the prodi^es rrcount^d, iie is 
indiciiteil liy lh« uiic of the present teiis<'. The same is 
ph'twn hy the s|drit of the passap' itself. Tin- iirodigjes 
aro rocont enoniih to he a very vivid warning of events 
not yet eonie tf) [mss. As a matt.i'r of fact, they never 
dill e«me to pas.^. That there were hiter addilions, 
hnwevi-r. HalUwell dofs not appnar to havp notjcnd. Two 
jueh are appaceiit- Jn the itassafTti aliuve iiienli(Mied, 

rkwfirlh Kay* (»f the well eiilled Wemerc tlnit it not 



— 14 — 

only ran liugely this year (the tbirtecnth), but "ranne stylle 
to the Xnj day of June next yero followynge" (p. 24). 
A passage ou the consequences of Clarence's perjury 
cannot have I)ecn written iMjfore his death in 1478. 

The book was presented by Warkworth to the library 
of his college and remained, as a whole, unpublished till 
1839, when it was edited for the Camden Soci(^ty by James 
O.Halliwell(,Halliwell-Phillips).thewell-knownShakespearian 
scholar. But it was not unknown earlier, for Leland, in 
his Collectanea, gathered 1534^1543, made copious 
selections from it; and Stowe, who mentions it among his 
authorities, apparently twic*', as Chronica Petri Colleg. 
and again as Liher Collegij H. Petri, adopted large 
portions of it in his Annals, from which they passed 
into the second edition of Holinshed. That it was 
known in the time of Henry VJI does not admit of 
assertion, it shows, at all events, what reports were 
circulated concerning some of Eichard's deeds even 
during his lifetime. That these are highly important will 
be clear enough wheii it is seen liow many of tlie reports 
of the later chronicles depend on oral tradition. The 
crimes with which Richard was charged were of course 
nearly all connnitted in secret, and did not admit of written 
proof. His connection with them was tirst suggested by 
one man to another, and found its authority always in 
what '•men said" or "wise men weened". That rumoi-s 
of Richard's crimes were early wide spread is proved by 
such a book as \Varkworth"s: and these rumors, wliich as 
current on men's lijis were known to the writei-s of 
Heni-y Vll. form the ln'ginning of the saga. The following 
citations are from Halliwell's edition. 

Warkwoi'th's stniy Itegins with the coronation of Ed- 
ward, whore liis lirothi'r (.leorge is made Duke of Clarence, 
and Richard Duke of (Jloucestc^-. 'The iirj« yere of 
Kynge Edwarde, tlie Eric nf Warwyke was sent into 
France for a maryage for tlie Kyngr, for one fayre ladye, 
suster-doughtcre to the Kynge of Fi'aunee. And whiles 



- 15 — 



Uie wir'tii' Et'k' uf Wai'wyk(> way. in Frauiice, Ilio Kyiigi.' 
wftfi wedded t« ElisalK>tlin Gray, wt-dow: .... and the 
weddyiig*? was pruvely in a secrete jilacc. And wlien the 
Erie wf Warwyke come home and ht'rde hprcof, Ilieimc 
w:is he grelvly displi^syd wiilic tlif Kyug; and after that 
rtMw groti* disceticyoiie evei' nmre and more botwene 
ibi' Kynjk' and liyin". Tiny wrn' accoidfd diverse times; 
"hut tlir'i in'vi:i'f liilTyd liiyrdprv afture" (jj. 3). 

The capture of Kiii^ Henry is thus described; "Kyiige 

Herry was tnknic hysydi' a hciwse of religiijin.- fn Jjiinca- 

s(iO'i'*'% ''y •'i'^' uiL'tif of It lihickc iiionke of Abyu^oiif. in 

a wode called Cletherwode. Itesyde Btmgei'ly Hjppyng- 

stx-ines, by Thnnias Talliutt, soiine and hcyre to Son> EJ- 

muiiili' Talbot of Bii.s.shalltN and Jhoii Talbott Lis cosynft 

ot lltolcbry, witJii' other moo; whicli disecyvidB, hcynge at 

his djncrc at Wnddynfrtoiic Hallo, iind caryod to Londmift 

tttt hopso l»!ik*^^. mul his le^s Imwudc to tlip styrope. imd 

9» bniufiht ihruirii Londotie to the Totire" (p. a). 

In the tiintli year (.'lareiu-e niarriod Wiirwick's dauyhtor 
lUiilii']) ill t'sdais. lujil witli liiifi, tliontrh absent from Riig- 
liiiiil. slirri'd u|i thi' rvbdllionof RoViiii of Kcih'sdiih'. RiJtnrned 
Id Knjjland. they took advantage of the defeat of Kdwunl'a 
twTA'H at IJanhiiry by Hobin [said tiy \Vark.swoith to be 
Sii' William Ciini'ars|. Loi-d Rivei-s IRdward's futhiT-iii- 
'«*! and his son were <aplured in the forest of Dene, 
■fiinl liebcaili'd lit. Noi-lliainjitoii Jjy C'larenetf".s and War- 
I'ick's tmler. Kdwiiid, deserted by his troops, was raptured 
I9 tlir Ardibishop of York, and carried 'Mu Yorko cite; 
^d tber. by fayre speebe and proinys*". tlie Kyn^fe sraped 
'>uto of the Bisshoiipys liandus. and came' unto Londone. 
"oil ilyd what hyin lykede" {ji. 7V Later, furces of the 
"f'D of liin-d Welk's anil Sir Thomas Dimmock. stirred up 
''J (.'lan-iiex; and Warwick, were defealud by Kdwaiii in 
'Jni'ohiahii'i?; whoi-eupon the two coiispirakn-s fled the 
tin^lrim. 

Tlicy johicd Mai'paret in Krancn. aad docidod to make 
a uiarrian'-' between uimiher of Warwick's daughters lAimv] 



1(5 — 



and Prince Eitwani, "wliicli wa,« t'ouclutlcd. and in Frauiice 
worscliiiipfully weddMr*. On tlu' iTtiu-n of ("Ijirence and 
Wai-wick to England, Edwfinl purposed to oppose thcra 
with a force under ftie command nt" Marquis Montapue, 
"N'overe tbf inllBn:, th(^ st'ide Markes Jloiita^u lia.tydij tbe 
Kynge. and pui-poawle to liav-e taken liym" [p. 10). Warnpii 
of tliis ant] of tlie iHsiifficiicney of tlu' forci's cm wliieli lie 
could rv\y, Edward fled from England, "oven' the see 
into Flaunders, to liis brother-! u-lawe. the? Duke of Bur- 
geyne^ f'lr sricmui-i' :ind hnlp" (p. ii). 

"The more purti- of jieple" were glad of Henry's 
lesloration. Bpforf, they liad hated him. Tho pansie of 
this was tlie [juttiiiy to diiatli of "thr f,'iind Dnki- of 
(rloiicpter" [Himi[dirry, Uip Pnttpctor], and oMicrs. the 
covrtonsni'ss and srllisliin'ss of thost^ about the king, and 
the loss of the Erfiich provinces. Hut this wiis ''nlle liy 
cause of liis faU lonles. and aeverc of liyiii''. Men had 
expected peace and anieiiiliiieut from aimtlKr ktnp. but 
they hail not eonie. 

Edward no'W n^tiiriied to IiIh kjn^'dom. Trouhk'd on 
the sea Ijy sloi'uif?. and cppo^od hy sti'iinii forees in Nor- 
folk, whore lie had intended to land. Edward was olditfod 
to land "in Ynrkeseliyre at Ravenyw-siKH'c". Here lie was 
opposed by fnre'i'M nf the riien of Hiildi'fiiesK un^b-r a prient, 
and Sir Johii Westcrdale: hut he declared to iliem "'that 
he c;amo tbedere hy tJi* Ei-le of NnrilininhiM'lorides avyse, 
and scbewede the Kries U^tten* y-si-ad to liym He. iiiid*-i-e 
his spbIp: aud also lie camn foi' to clayiae tli(> Dueliery 
of Yorke. tli*' 'iv'liiche was liis itdierytiiunee of ryplil, and 
80 parsed fortii to tlie cil-c of Y^jrke. wIilmi- Thomas Clj^'ffijrd 
lete hyni inne. and thee he wa« examyniMle aye-nne; and 
he heyde to the niayi-e and ahlennenne and to alle the 
coiniiits of the cile, in likewyhe as he was ftfon* in Holder- 
ncs lit his landyng: that was to sey. that [ha] nevere 
wuldr riayme no titJo. nc take uppone liondi^ to be Kynge 
of Enjriond. . , . and thorlo afon:' alle peple. he er>-ed "A! 
Kynytt Herry! A! Kynjiti and Trynre Edwanle!" and 




— 17 — 

wered ane estryche feder, Prynce EdwardeB lyvery. And 
sdter this he was sufferd to passe the cite, and so helde 
his wey southwarde, and no man lettyd hyni ne hur- 
tyde him." 

Arrived at Nottingham he wa.s met hy Sir William 
a Stanley, Sir William Norya, and others, with many soldiers, 
'^an anone aftere he made his proclamacyone, and called 
hym self Kynge of Englonde and of Fraunce" (p. 14). 
"The Erie of Warwyke had a letter from the Duke of 
Clarence, that he schulde not feght withe hym tylle he 
came hym self; and alle was to the distruccion of the 
Erie of Warwyke, as it happenede aftyrwarde". "A litelle 
cute of Warwyke mctt the Duke of Clarence with Kynge 
Edward . . . and ther thei were made acorde, and made 
a proclamacion forthewitho in Kynge Edwardes name ; and 
so alle covandcs of fydelitie, made hetwyx tlie Duke of 
Clarence, and the. Erie of Warwyke, Queue Margarete, 
Prince Edwarde hir sonne, Iwthe in Englonde and in 
France, were clerly brokene and forsakene of the seide 
Duke of Clarence; whiche, in conclusione, was distruccion 
bothe to hym and them; for perjury schall nevere have 
bettere ende, witheoute grete grace of God. Videfinem &c." 
The battle of Barnet is thus briefly described: 
'•On Ester day in the niornynge, the xiiij. day of 
Apryl, ryght erly, eche of them came uppono othere: and 
ther was suche a grete myste, that nether of them inyght 
see othere perfitely; ther thei fauglite, from iiij. of clokke 
in the mornynge unto x of clokke the fore-noiie. And 
dyverse tymes the Erie of Wai-wyke party hade the vic- 
tory, and supposede that thei hade wonne the f'elde. But 
it hapenede so, that the Erie of Oxoiifordes men bade ujipon 
them ther lordes lyvery, bothe before and behynde, which 
was a sterre withe stremys, wiche [wasj myche tyke Kynge 
Edwardes lyvery, the sunue with stremys; and the myste 
was 80 thycke, that a manne myghte not profytely juge 
one thynge from anothore: so the Erie of Warwikes menne 
achott and faught ayens the Erie of Oxeufurdes menne, 

Pklawtn. X. 2 



— 18 — 

wetynge and supposynge that tliei hade hene Kynge Ed- 
wardes menne: and anone the Erie of Oxenforde and his 
menne cryed "treasoune! treaaoune!" and iledde awaye from 
the felde withe viij. c. menne. The Lorde Markes Mon- 
tagu was agreyde and apoyntede with Kynge Edwarde, 
and put uppone hym Kynge Edwardes lyvery; and a 
manne of the Erles of Warwyke sawe that, and felle up- 
pone hyme, and kyllede hym. And whenne the Erie of 
Warwyke saw his brother dede and the Erie of Oxenforde 
fledde, he lepte one horse-backe, and tlede to a wode by 
the felde of Barnett, where was no waye forthe; and one 
of Kynge Edwardes menne hade espyde hyme, and one 
came uppone hym and kylled hym, and dispolede hyme 
nakede" (p. 16). 

Now Margaret entered England and there was fought 
and lost the battle of Tewkesbury. "And ther was slayne 
in the felde, Prynce Edward, whiche cryedo for socoure 
to liis brother-in-lawe the Duke of Clarence." Margaret's 
followers, including Somerset, took refuge in Tewkesbury 
Abbey Church, whither Edward pursued them, sword in 
hand. But a priest who was saying mass conjured him 
upon the Sacrament he bore to pardon them, and the 
King did so. But two days later they were belieaded 
nevertheless. 

The bastard Falconhridge now attacked London and 
was repulsed. At Sandwich the King received him and 
his ships in submission. "After, by the Duke of Gloucetre 
in Yorkeschyre, the seide Bastardc was behcdede, noght 
with stondynge he hade a chartcre of pardone." 

"And the same nyghte that Kynge Edwarde came to 
Londono, Kynge Herry, beynge inwarde in presono in the 
Toure of Londone, was putt to detlic, the xxj. day of 
Maij, on a tywesday nyght, betwyx xj. and xij. of the 
cloke, beynge thenne at the Toure the Duke of Gloucetre, 
brotherc to Kynge Edwarde, and many other: and one 
the morwe he was chestyde and brought to Paulys, and 
his face was opyne that every manne inyglite see hyme; 



atiti in Iiya lyinge he bledde one Ibe pameat tlier; aud 
afterward at the Bliilie Frycos was bmuglitr, ;iii(i tli^r lie 
liLi^Ur iiew and frt'sche; iiinl I'l'niii llieiis h« w.fn cnry\*i\ Iv 
Cliyrchesey Abbey iu a bote, and huryod tbore in nure 
Lady ChapollB.'* 

TliP hnef chronicle concludes with an apcount of 
tbo taJdrg of the Aj'chhishop of York and of tJie Earl 
of Oxford. 

With this cluomclc begins the long Lancastrian series. 
Otwuiiying an important position and wnting wliile Ed- 
ward was king. Warbworth possibly did nol dare to he 
very strongly Lancastrian in what hp wrote, even though 
hr may have preserved it from public new tiil a later 
Urae. But his feeling is plain onough. In his description 
of King llcnry, while stating faitlifully the rra.sons why 
oiun hated him. he takes pain^ to say that Henry hiiu^telt 
waa never to blame. His picliii-e of EdM'ard is far diffe- 
rent from Uiat of "Tlie Arrival". Wo hear in detail 
of tiie deeeption by which ICdward recovered the crowu, 
of bis broken promises to the citizens of York, of his be- 
heading the injhhts at Tewkesbury e^ntrary tn liis phgli(^?d 
faith, of the execution of Falconbridgo despite the King's 
pnrdon. Thus early is sounded the Lancastrian note of 
eonderuniition of (.■huecice's perjury, with the assertion 
tlial his end was fitting retrilmtion. Here lirst in tlu^ 
long row of works that chronicle the struggle of York and 
tiancaster does Kale appear as tlie agent of God's ven- 
gi-aiier for crime. ThiTc is no coiidemuatiun of Clarence's 
unnatural conduct in forsaking Ids brother. 

As for Gloucester, his acta are hinted at, rather 
tjiiin stated. In the account of Prince Edward's lieath 
there is no indication that ho was murdered, aud much 
less any mention that Hitlmrd was coiiiuicted with such 
a miirdei*. In fact Richard is not nienliniiL'd at all as 
present at Ttwkf^slmry or Barnet, thought in both battles 
be wa« his brother's stoutest champion, In the circum- 
stautlal account of King Henry'e death, (JJoucester is not 

2* 



— 20 — 

mentioned as the murderer; but the implication is pretty 
plain Warkworth evidently regarded Richard as the exe- 
cutor of a deed considered hy Edward and his friends to 
be a political necessity. It was an act the responsibility 
for which, by whomsoever executed, no one member of 
the house of York can be made to bear. That this view 
was common there is, as will bo seen, abundant evidence. 
But already, shortly after the deed, Richard is suggested 
as its executor. Otherwise he is mentioned only as crea- 
ted Buke of Gloucester, and as the executor of the pre- 
viously pardoned Falconbridge. 

Considering its Lancastrian feeling Warkworth's ac- 
count is noteworthy for what it omits to say of the death 
of Prince Edward. How much is meant by the statement 
that the prince called to Clarence for succor it would 
be difficult to say. At all events he is said to have been 
killed "in the field" with others who are admitted to have 
been fairly slain, and there is nothing in Warkworth's 
statement inconsistent with a belief that Warkworth knew 
nothing of any unfair treatment of Edward. Noteworthy, 
too, from the caine consideration, is the account of War- 
wick's death, a much more open aspersion on his char- 
acter as a brave man than the account in the Yorkist 
"Arrival". 



m. Ms. References to the death of Henry YI. 

I take the occasion here to cite from Halliwell's pre- 
face to Warkworth other references to Henry's death, 
dating from nearly the same time as Warkworth's state- 
ment. They show more fully the nature of the rumors 
then current. 

a. Ms. Cotton Otho, B. XrV. fol. 221, v«. "Rex Hen- 
rieus Sextus in arce London ferro transfigitur et 
occiditur." 

b. Ms. Arundel, (College of Arms) No. 5, fol. 171, v". 
"Bt HemicuB, nuper Res, reponitur in Turrim London, 



— 21 — 

6t> in vigilia Ascensionis dormientp, ibidpri feliciter 
moriens. pir Taiuisiam iiavicrula usfiiut ad Alihatliiam 
tie Clieltosye (Ipductus, ibi Bepultus est." 

c. Ms. London t'broTiioIe. IJil)!. Cotton. Vitcll. 
A. XVJ fol. 133. I'". "ALso upon (vuconcion c^•yn. 
Kyng Honry was brought Iroia tho tower thnif^'h 
(■liepo unto Fowlys upon a bei'p. and abuwte the 
lieore niorL* glcA'ys aail stavys than torches; who was 
slayne, as it was ami, by tUe Duko of Glowcetir; 
Iml liowo he wns dufd thedir hi- was brought 
deed; and in the cbii'ch thc! corps Rtodo all nyghtj 
and on the morne he was conreyt'd to Cliertsey, 
where he was huiycd." 

Bolwcon thR words "deed'' and "therlir" Halliwell 
iiisorts, as lacking to the sense, [nobody knewe, butj, 
Rathiir, tho words '"how he was dead'" — however he died. 

d, Tlircc othf-r Ms. rcferfnces of early datP do not 
mention tht- manner of Hpnr>''8 dratli. Herd's nu'trical 
history, also i|uotcd by Halliwcll, dates from the 
tnhhlle nf tlie Ifi"" century. C'f. for the whole collection, 
HalliwTir.-^ pri^face to Warkworth, XI— XVlll. 

TJiese citalJons show that the rumors current at the 
nnd of the lo*"* ecniury by no meaii.>! unanimously assign 
(Houcester a share, and niUL'Ii loss a princfpal role, in the 
di-aih of Hpnry. Two meation thi- rumor, ono saya that 
he di«d happily, three mention simply that he died. 



IV, A rhroiilelo of London, from im» to Uh'i; written 
ill tho Ktfteeiith Century. 

Printed from Mss, in Ibe BritiHh Mtiseiun in 1827. 

This ac^iourt from tho twenty-second ypar of Henry VI, 
when a new Land begins, is a very mcap-o statement of 
A few facta. Of Princt^ Edwanl's death the slnteraent is 
only "'Tliau was quono Margi-ot, and prynce Edward hir 



— 22 — 

sone with theare compeigny, landid in the west; and kyng 
Edward met them at Tewkesbury : and there was the prynce 
slayne with many others" (p. 144). Of Clarence it is 
said : "Tlie duke of Clarence was atteyntid of high treason, 
and afterward put to deth in the Tour of London" (p. 146). 
Henry's death is not mentioned at all. The account 
closes with a statement of the death of King Edward. 



This chronicle, though said by Paul! to have been one 
of Fabyan's sources, clearly furnislied him nothing about 
this period. It is confined to the meagrest statement of 
facts, and furnishes no rumors concerning the deeds of 
Gloucester or Edward. 



T. The Fii^t Continuation of tlte History of Croyland 

Monastery. 

This was written by the Prior of the monastery, who 
brought the account from the beginning of the reign of 
King Stephen, to whicli point the history had been written 
by Petrus Blesensis, down to the year 1470, in which year 
the conclusion was written. It is admitted here, some- 
what out of its clironological position, because, noting as it 
does but a few events of the first years of Edward's reign, 
it rather serves as an introduction to the second continuation 
than is an independent story of importance in itself. 

Under date of 14G5, and written in that year, is a 
notice of Henry's capture in the North, and of liis being 
brought to the Tower "cum manu forte". Here "sub salva 
custodia omnem ei humanitatem Rex Edwardus uberrimc 
jussit inipendi, & ([uaeque sihi nocessaria congrua cum 
reverentia exhiheri" (p. 539). Mention follows of the 
execution and fining of many nobles, bishops, and abbots, 
for sending money to Margaret and her son and urging 
them to return to England. 



— 23 — 



EtlwarH's marria^v follows. ""Rpx Eiiwardus cum 
jam I'lTvoir juvcntutis urjrLTL'tur, pro|)ria freliw clcctiuno, 
ciijiisilani mililis rrlifiaTii viduani, Elizabeth nomine, flx 
palrr (juiil;i.m iiiilite, rii^trt' tit(j Diidssa progpnitani; in- 
ctiiisultis Hegni prororiiius, clandfstius desfionsavlt niatri- 
Diofiio; jili|tic post liaec ipsaiu soleuiiiiter in Rrgiiiarii 
cnmnari fecit. Ijund (piifiem Eegni Optiinates aogre tnlenint 
& idiKtuN r|"i'i J"^' tarn iiicdiocn atirpn pt'ijcrnaiam, ad Regni 
consortium sectim prat-propere subliniaret'" (p, 5H9'). 

In 146ft, "iittor ipsuni Regeni & illuBtriHeimiimOumitcm 
Warwioi Ricliardum, ojufi co^iirttumi. magna. & non sine 
ffiultiirum sariKiiinf sopienda. a^^cidit discoj-dia: on ([uufl 
Rex afTectuosia allcetus nimiiim Reginae siiggestionibus, 
sin^Ios I'juKdciii Reeinao pi-inpitniuos. & t]m earn atiijuo 
*:anguims titiilo foniiii^^ciiant. in spefi;tteni sibi admittons 

Ifamiliaritntom, immcnais ditabat mmifriitus, & ad digniora 
winiper circa inTSdnjiin wiiarn nfHicia pronioveljat; fratres 
fiuotiiip sijos A rognntos Feyiii do sanguine progouitos, & 
ipsurii Coiniiern Warwici Riciiardum, eum cet-eris sibi 
fiiidibuK Kegni Proceribus, a sua praesentia profligavit" 
(p. 542). 

I Tln'rcupoii seizing the opportunity, thoy stirred up. 
an InsumTtioii aninug the ccnimons i>f the north, who, 
complaining llint tlicy wrie ""taxis & iributis animis per 
eosdrtri Rcpis & Retinae I'nmilinres gravitcr oppressos", 

iHwl-cd a c^'rtain KoIktI of Rcdesdali- their captain and 
huitlencd toward Warwick, wlio was in London. Meeting at 
Hinlpi-cotf^ near Hanlmry the forcos of Pembroke, who 
was hastening to Edward's relief, Robin's men were 
victorious, and Pembroke and other uobles of Wales^ 
'gpnppofii captivi" were bel^aded at Northampton, "ad 

[ikrbttriimi praefati Cotnitis Warwici, nulla irlcrveiiicnte 
SinptioiH'" (p. 543). Edward, much di^^t^l^bed, admitted 
'cnnfciTiicc with liini Warwick, t'htn'rice and otliPi-s, 
"untbas illc in prEnin adventu nx indij^aaiitiK aiiinii rigore 
lurbrduiii jiraelcndelial vultniii;" but allcr tlii'j bad pro- 

[iniwd to ^)e taitiUul to him and tn aliiuiiUni tlicir adherent.i. 



_ 24 — 

,,compIaeitior jani effecUis, eos in favoreni & benevolentiam 
admisit uberiorem". 



There is little in the above account to require com- 
ment. It 18 noticeable, however, that Warwick's dissension 
was causeil, according to the scribe, because the King's 
favor had been turned from him to the relations of the 
queen. Nothing is said of his mission to France or anger 
at Edward's marriage. The account of Warwick's and 
Clarence's reconciliation to Edward will be found to differ 
from later accounts. 



VI. The second Continuation of the History of Croy- 
land Monastery. 

The seatnd continuation of the Crojland Chronicle 
covers the period from 1470 to a date shortly after the 
battle of Bosworth, 1485. Its author was Prior of the 
monastery, a doctor of canonical law, a member of Ed- 
ward IV's Council, and had been employed by hini in 
diplomatic service (cf. p. uo7). The continuation, as various 
statements in tlic work seem to show, appears to have 
been wholly written after the battle of Bosworth. Cf. 
Paul! 5; 695. 

Finding the account of the preceding writer, either 
because of lack of interest in worldly affairs, or from a 
desire to be brief, an insufficient preface to his own work, 
the second coiitinuator first briefly reviews the events 
leading up to those of tlie year 147(». In this review he 
mentions the battle of liudlow: the exile of Richard of 
York to Ireland and of liis son Edward with Warwick to 
Calais; the return of Warwick and the battle of Northampton; 
York's retui'n from Ireland and his claim to the throne; 
the decree of Parliament: tlie oath sworn by Y'ork, Edward, 
and Rutland to bo faithful to Henry. The battle of Wake- 
field was caused, according to the s(ril)e, liy partisans of 



llif Qiifcn WMn nppdpnd ||ii' iU*ri<'c ami wislirtl In n-vi^rsc il. 
York L-aiiii: to IjiiUIc af^ainnl llunii ""iiit] rcpriuiL-iulis L-urum 
wmatihiis" (p. 550). 

Tlic battip of St. AUmiis fdllowt'd. Mi-anwhiK- Eilwanl 
Itail l)«'nn waginj; siiccpsslul harilc at llmrliiiiLT's Tross 
apHiiist like sii|iiioitt'rs of the Quulti. Henriug ol' Iiim 
failicr's ili'iitli. iind hnliliiiir liiinsflt' rrli-nst'il ('nun liis uiit.h 
(o lli'iir.v l-ii'caiiHi' IIk' iatUr liail aHsui-ialPil liinisi-H' with 
Ijip slayers of York, he niarrhi'fl to Laiuloii atul "was 
l»rofUuiiii-il kiu};. Tbr liiitli of Edwiird's ilaiiglifrr Elizaljetli, 
anri tlic luar'i-iiigf' (if his fiistvr Miicgatpt U> the duke of 
Blj-^iiii1>' fii]I()W. '"Sliijcr iiuu Ilitlianliis NuvyL t'oumS 
Warwicj, qui paitilms Francnruni contra Bm-giirdionea 
im aliquot aiirils favert! visiis est. niagiiaiii aiiimi imiiji- 
'natioaetu t'^pit". F-jr lie Uatfil tlio iliiko of Burguiuly 
wiib a (ieiullj hatred. "Hanc ego roputo vcriowin cansani 
^tiisciilii tntiT Re^i-iii & CouiilPin. (|itiiiii i|.isurii inatrinioniuni 
tflgis rum EUzaliL'tli Ri'jiina (p. oi>l). This iiiumiigf, 
tliouiili III" had at first mu-rmured at it, herause lie iiaJ lipfuri; 
laborrd in havi^ Kdwanl Inki- to ivil'o tlif widuwi'd iiiiccn 
ol'Si'^itlHiid, Warwick bad Jiidiseiiucntly witli ail tin? prclaiL's 
anil greater lords soleimily inaisod iiiifi approvrd at Hadtng- 
liArii.- His fiivor towards tin.' (|i]i'('3i's kiu {'LHiliiiued until 
iliry assisted in Iningin^ iiliimi. Margaret's iraiTiagc to tlir 
ditkt! of Burgundy. The battle of Hcdgci^ute foUowwl and 
ilirn- not only Herbert, Karl of Peniliroki^ pcrisliod. as 
slali'^d by tlie pri'r.i'dirig scribe, but also Rivei-s and Julin 
WiXHlvillf, tbp fatbiT urn! bnhthiT uf tbi- (|uecn. 

Ill UfiU Edward was captured by ClaiTiice. Warwick, 
mill tlie .Vr^llhi^bnp of Viirk. and cmvevt-d first to Warwick 
and ibfJi to ;\Iiddl( bfiiii. "a ijuo lanaTi jDiU'ter omai-in spmi 
pacae niiiaculos, non tatn evaait, qiiaiii dp espreea* ipsiu^i 
r.Jiiiiii.- Warwioi consensu ilismissiih est" (j). :>52). Vm- 
ail insujT*.'ctiou urose in tlie north winch Warwick roiibl 
not Kupprftps willioiit forces wliidi roulil lii- cailled togi^ther 
only Uy [iiyndiuniithni in llie Ufillio ot the king, and no 
pudi proclamation wuiUtl tiie people olmy till tbey tiaw the 



— 2B — 



kinK in full liliert.y at Yoi'k. Edward, SF-iKin^ his nppnr-* 
tunily, ImHloiu'd tu Lonilon. Thrrf t'larrncc and Wnrwick 
came to him, and •'■pax: & omnium iinpa call ilium aliolilio 
foris cmiceditur. Miinf t tamen fortassis alta mentc rt'posita. 
Ulic ili^spectae Majpstatis injuria: hie iiirais elati rea 
mens eibi conscia facti' (p, S52). 

Thorc lolliiwfd thr. insurrection undor tlie son of Lord 
Wells. Whon litis wiis sucL-essfuIly iiut down hy Edward. 
Clarence and Warwick, as if conscious of participaticin in 
rchfllion. \Wi\ the kinjidoTii. ArrivP'd in France and kindly 
reei-'ived by King Louie, tht^y were taken into favor by 
Margaret and Prinze Edward, and "eorum ac Rpgiu 
Henrici partes so lie oet^^ro fiiielitir ohscrvatiiros pro- 
mittunt. Et ut tain dil^'ctis i|Tiani fides ita renovata in- 
dubitalior fuluris «aeculis appariri't. coutrahunt jiponsatia 
int«r dictum Prinfipem & donunam Anuam praefati Comitis 
Warwici liliaiu junion'it]. \ani spnlorpru, Isabpllam 
riniiiino, Dus quif t'lariMitiae ante sibi iixorf*m dpvinx^rat". 

Returning to England aftpr an exilii of six months, 
Clarpnco and Warwick soon gathered so large a force 
tiiat the sukliers oC Edward, aesenihled at Doncaster. 
abandoned him. The Mar(|uis nf Montajrue, tm hearing of 
thf arrival (if his brother Warwick, determined to ahimdon 
the cause of Bdwanl, and to caiiture the king with the 
very forces he had raised to defend him. Tliis purpose 
was reported to Edward, and he thereupon lied over eea 
to Ids hrother-in-law in Burgundy. His wife took refuge in 
Bftnctuary at Westminster, where ?Iip hore a son, a hapi)y 
event that .somewhat revived the hopes of Edward's well- 
wishers. 

H^nry was restored to his tiirone. ■'"Vidissee popnlum 
innnnierum hanc piissimi Regis" Henrici restiiutioneni 
iniraeidn, niutylionemr[ue ipsani dextrae eKeeIsi o|ieribus 
ascripsiBse"' (p. 554): and yet how past finding out arc 
the ways of Gud was williin six months sufficiently evident. 
For Kdward. aided liy fihips and forees from the duke of 
Burgundy, landed in England, at tlolderness, "codeni niiidem 



— 27 — 



inlcWflquo (|iiondam HcriricusqiiaituFRegcmRiciiardiim 

kJepoaitunis niiplicuiU Pii^sinjr lliioudi tlii^ lity of York, 
*^on alitor sc intitulnnfi nisi Ducem, taofiuani haorixlcm 
palris aui. ila etiini pniiftci' illic advprsantey di&tiiiiiMlare 
oportuiC* (p. ooi), Le <?umc witlioat resistance to rovi'nti-y, 
in w'iiieli Warwick and Oxford had ahut tLi'meelvos up. 

iM<iaiiwln"le("!ar«nice."'Rfgi dulcilLT cunciliiUus". tl)nni;j-li 
Ui{' [iipdiaiion td' liis sisters llargEirot of Biirjiiindy and 
pie Duchesii of Exeter, came to liiin with a Uu-ge anny 
from thu' west. Hawtoning to London. Edward oncic mure 
itiijH-istiirn.'tl Bung Heni'j", and two days alttur avt out a^ain 
l«ward tlje nnpiny. wim Imil fullowed liiiii, Ihiuking that 
th** king wouhl bt' niiiri' irit<'nt upon devotiors tlian upon 

I amis at thiK Easter lEuie. On Easter day lie met the 
enemy at Barnet. ""Jlaue fit contlictus terrilulis". On 
Henry'8 siilc fell 'Wun clarissinii duuifiii fratres germani", 
Warwick and Montague. Tu Kdward. despite con- 
undf-rahU^ losses ""eessil niiraldlis. inspciaiH. i!fc f?l(irii»sa 
f victoria". 

KilwanI n-tiinicd with GlmitfTitrr and rUiit'nce to 
Hdun: lnit iie liad bhi' long \\mv. uf tv&{^ fur Slurpirot 
[and her son riiiw entered Hliiirhind, l^lany nohh'S joined 
iher. Tlipy niarehf.'d from (Virtpwail and PeTonsliirp toward 
itiiouccfitcrshire nnd t'liCHti-r, wImti" wore hnwnirn whom 
tUiey expected I*> tiiid favorable to the house of ijincastcr. 
Kdward was loo tjuirk t\>r tlifni. and inter<'ept('d them at 

(Tewk'-isbury in Uloiirfstershirc, "Tandem ix'titu.'* est Rex 
Edwardds prafelara victoria, interlcctis de parti' Hefrinae, 
turn in ennipo tuni poRten ultrinSius <iuonindiini maiiihus, 
ipso Prineipe Eilwardit iinij^enilo Uc^s Henriei, victo 
i)uc4* Sfjnu-rseliae. C'oinitrqun Devoniae, ac aliis 
inniiniii oninilfUK ae singulis menu uhIih" f p. 655). Martrarot 
l-wftn raptnred and hmii^ht tn IvOmlnti, But evfii yot Ed- 
[vartl was not frvf Intni tmulilr. foi' tln-rt' lullowod thn 
[opriaing of tJie bnRlard Kalron bridge in Kent, and his 
fuiisuco'ssful attark on Ijondnn- P'dward, <m Ins tiimiiphant 
lfnlranr<^ inio Iji>nilon. stM^ined Ui liavi' won Iht' hearts of 



— 30 — 



Be appeared to withdraw uiort' and iiior*- frrnti the 
presfiic*.', had scarcely a word iu say in tlit.' council, 
spemed unwilling to oat or drink in the king's liouyi 
Tliis aluMiation was caused, as many tltnu^ht. hy llie fac 
tbat on the general resumption nf tin' royal concpssioiia^ 
Clarence had lost the lordship of TutUni^. ami many otiier 
lands. Moreover, Margaret, widow of the duke of Bur 
gundy, who had fallen in Ijattle in Lorraine hi 1477. pro-^ 
posed to marry the duke's daughter and sole heir, Maria, 
to Clarence, wliora she had always lored mor« than an) 
other of her kin. Such an elevation of his an^ateful' 
brother was displeaHirig to Etlwaril, and he threw all 
poBsihle impeilimeutB in its way. At this the indignation 
of tlie duke was greatly incr'ensed. "Jainijue alter altenim 
non satis Craternis oculiy respicerc eoepit'". Tln^n miglit 
hare been seen Buch flatterers as are always to be found 
in king:s' courts runniiiir hapk and forth from t!ie one 
brother to the ollior. repoi'linfr their words, in however 
aecret conclave uttered. The duke'sj fall was l)rougIit 
about thus: a certain tipcromannei- named John Stacy 
was accused of having cndeavoi'ed to procure by ineaus 
of leaden images and other tilings the death of Lord l■Jeau^ 
champ, at tbe reijuest of B«utieliam]rs adulterous wife 
At his examination he not only confessed this, but impli- 
cated OIK! Thomas Burdet, a servant of (larenee. Burilet 
was arrested and condemned, and perished witli Stacy oa 
the gallows at Tyburn, strongly niaintainiug his innocenci"!' 
On Uie ncx.t day ClariMtce came to the council clianihBr_ 
at We8tniius.tci-. bringing with him the famous preach* 
Dr. fJodard, who i-eiiiiried to the council Burdet's coafessioi 
and dcdaralioiti of iiinofenc^. 

At this time the king was at Windsor. When he hear 
of what had hfippenfd in llie council, he wan greatly dig 
plcaaod; and lucditating on Uh; informations against ( .'larcnc 
which had been brought to lum, he summoned his brothe 
to appear at the roynl palace in Weptminstcr. There ii 
the presence; uf the mayui' aud aidcruieii of London Ufl 



— 31 — 



npbra.id<Ml ClrtrPiice veliPiiifiitly for his :icl, as imputing 
iryuslice to Uie goverimieiit,, and an perilous to judgi^s aud 
juries. The diike was placed in custody and reiitained 
tliL'i-e till his death. "Quae: autfiii in Parliamento proximo 
secuta sunt"', says tlie writer, '"mens rffuglt eiiiuTare; taiii 
trisUs visa est disceptatio ea liabita inter duos tantae 
humaiiitntis gcniianos". Kor no one argued against the 
dukf save the king: no one replied to ILt king aavL' the 
duke. Men were brought who seemed to many to fulfil 
llio functions of accusers rather than of witnesses, Clarence 
offered to defend his cause hy personal combat. Parliament 
decided that the testimony was siiftieient. and sentenced 
Itiiu, by the mouth of Buckingham, created Lord High 
Steward for the puiiiose, to death, Tho r^secminu of the 
senlonce was long delayed, till the Speaker ot the HoufJe 
of Coniinons ap[ii'ared with hi.s associates in the Upper 
lloui^i', aud ivsked that the bent'^ucL' might he carried out. 
"■< 'oiisequenter iiifm paucos di«s fiictuiii est id qualecunque 
oral gL'UUH supplicii gecrctu intra Turriiu Loudiiiiiaruai 
(ulinani finis iiiali)" (ji- Tt&i). 

Ill consequence of this act many jtersuaded the king 
that li*- might rule at will over the whole kingdom, for 
the idols of the pi'uptc had been put away. And the 

iiig. "licet intra se i,ut aliitrorj sai^pissiiiie poniilena I'acti", 
ruled so magnificently that he sn^i-nied to be feared by all 
while he liiui.srir feared no onf\ 

At this time IfCgau renewed Iroublcfi for Edward, on the 
eidv. of FYanco. fi'oni whirh bis yearly tribute failed to 
come, and front Scotland. Tu Scotland wiw sont a large 
army under thp coininaad of Oloucester. What he accom- 

j^Li:iL<'^d in that expedition, and ho^v much money he foolishly 
itiU ifi evident enough from the results. For he reached 
liiigliurgb with his whole army unresisted, but left that 
richeiit ijf citii^a unlouched, and retur'ned by way of Berwick. 
That town, lying at the very entrance of the country, was 
capturi'd, and the eawtle. which belli out longer, at length 
(qU int4i the hands of the EngUsh at the cost of auiiie 



— 32 — 



slaiiflUor and hlnofl. Tliis Ifttle fictinisitinn. or p^^-lmp^ 
buUiT perditinii, gayiJi Mm writer, fur it wijjt :iCHJO luarlis 
per year to maiiiUii), coat the roaliii more than U)0,000 
pounds. "Hiiec emit quat in Scotia Dux iili; oonfpffrat" 
(p. 5Ga). 

As for Fraiiov, Edward, enraped at the lose of Ills 
trilmte and still more by the failure tt) marry his daughter 
to the Dauphin, detpnninpd to unileitnke another cxprdilion. 
Prftpii rations tor this werr making, 'cum RfA illt jieqiie 
aenio. neque quo%is iiitelSecio certo generi; mori)!, cujus 
cura in ininoil pM-snria fitcjlis imn vitterotiir. afTt^rtns esset; 
decidit in k-otTiiii" A])ril 9, 1483 (jjp. 5(13-4). '"Is Print'eps 
licet diehus suis cupiditEitihus i^t lujtui nhuis inteiaperanter 
iiidiilsisse (Tftliitur. in tidi^ tiinicii Catho'licus siiniiiif. Linnvt- 
icdrum seViTiHaimus LostJs, stipioritiiim &l)i"H"tiin]]n liominuni 
Clericonimijue prumotor aimintissiiiuis: sacranientonun 
Ec-Rlesiac dcvfttissinins revcrator: ]n"cr;ititnniiiiUP nuorutn 
oinuiutii poetdti^ntissiniiis fiiit" |[i. ii(i4). Those present at 
Ins d<;a.th. and especially th<M'xi'c.iitors of hia will. IfistilitH! 
that be wished all men to whom he owed nnythlii^, hy 
contract, fraud, or tixtniUoii. to \>v fully Katii^ficd of thfjir 
claims. Long IjKore hiP death he hail made hie will, and 
at tho time of his rfpath he added some codicils. What a 
wretrh('d and unhappy sequel this wise disposition of every- 
thing liiid, till' following tragedy will kImpw. 

The Privy Council met. to deteniiine the day on which 
the yoiin^ Prinee. who was at thai lime in Wa'lps. should 
he crowned, and with Imw hirge a retinue Le sliould eoine 
np to London. On this point there was a k""*^^' diver- 
gence of opinion, tie occasion of wliirli was this: all 
desired to see the prince succeed his father: hut the wiser 
dosired Ia withdraw him from the guardianship of hi.** 
uncles and hi;* hrothei-s of the queen's hlotnl. Which was 
not an easy thtn^r U\ acunmplish if these same men thrnugli 
their influence with the priiico were allowed tv set the 
nuinlier a,s hijrh as they would. Hastint's declared that he 
would Hue to Calais, of which he was captain, if the king 



— 33 — 



Iw not come up with a moderatr number; for he feared 
if Uis power fell ijito the bands ol tbe llit! queen's kindred 
tlicy would avongp the injuries tjjcy i>r<^lendcd lie bad 
ilwje them. "Duravit ftniiii jaiu dlu makn-olentia grandie 
inter ip:*uni Dnminuui de Hastyngg atiiue eos". "Beiug- 
nistiiiia autem Regina", wishing to prevent any trouliiis, 
wrote tt) the prince to bring not more tbau 2000 men. 
WitL tbis number Hastings wa.'* satisfied, for he was SLiru 
tliat GloucejiU'r and Huckiiigbani. "in (iuiljtis luaxinie oou- 
fldebat", would bring np no less a number. ^ 

AH niiw awiiitfd the coronation upon the 4"' nf May. 
"InttTf-ii scriliit Dux Gloftstriaii ad funsnUitiuncni 
liejdnan duJcissrmas litt.i>raK: promittit advi'iituni, ohsei)uiuni, 
fidflilHteni. it oiuiu- lU'bituni .suum Ri/gi & domino suo 
Edwardo quintij, fnitris aui dtduncii Regis atque ipaius 
Jteginae primogc-nito. Vcnions itaijue Elioracum cum 
deceiiti faniilia. singulis vcste lugubri indutis. soIcjuk^j^ 
al^uti lachrytuis plsnas Regis ^xctiuiaa tacit. OruDRUi 
Nobilitatom illai-uni partium ad Bdelitatcm tibi Regis sacra- 
uit-ikiJH CDnstriiigeiis: ipse prior omnium jural" (p. 5^5). 

Whi'n Richard bad reached Northamptou. hu was met 
by Buckingliani, and tJierp came to bim tlBre Lord Rivers, 
and Kicliard Urey, and otburs scat by tho king, ''ut uninia 
agfiida aj-liilrin jiatrui sui Ducitii GlouuoBtriap suIk 
milltireut" ip, 5!io). Tb<'y wcru r«CL'ived "jocuudo uimis 
Uqu6 hilari vulLu", dinod with tbt^ Duki' and Buekingltanji, 
with eouilcous cnnTiTsation. and p;u'tt'd for tiic nigbt to 
tlu'ir sevi^ral inns. Early the. next momiug, "possimo, ut 
po«t(?a visum eat, hac node capto cousEUo", aO tliu lords 
went out together to present tliemselves to Uie young 
king, wbu waM at Stony Stratford, a few miles away. 
SeaffC«ly were they arrived at the entrance to this village, 
whiMi Rivers and Grey were arrested and ordered to he 
se4it Ofirtli. And slxai^htway, before this was known in tbe 
rillag^e, Gloucester and Buckingham hastened in and arrested 
others of l.lie king'w train^ among them SirTbomas Vaugbuu. 
"Uu» tamen ilic Olocustriao, qui btyufl iactiuiiui Priucopa 



— 34 — 



erat, niliil reverpntiae quod capitis nudatio, genufleclio, 
aliusvo (jiiilihet. corporis hiibilus in subdito exci^it, dicto 
iii'liuti 8U(i Re^ri faccre drstulii aut ircuHnvit. — Taiihim 
dicfbat se prospicerp tuU'iae enrporis sui, cum frrto scicbat 
hujuacemodi homines asHtst&rp latrri Urgis. qui in lionoris 
vitaoque auae extoriiiiniuiu conjuiaruiif" (p. 565). Thorio- 
upon all the kind's foUowors were bidden to withdraw. 

On the fullowing niglit rumor^? of what Lad liappoiied' 
were brouglil tn Ixtndon, and tbi' qucpii fled to satiftuary' 
in WeBtniinsttT witb all bor children. The next morning, 
niaoy of the citizens took sides, some appearint^ at West- 
aiinster to sujiport the quL-eii; others in London, uuder 
the shadow of Hastings. 

AflPr a fpw days had flapseil, ]lucli:inf»liaiii aud (JIou-" 
ccster appeared in London with the joung king, wliom (bfj, 
lodf^cd in ttm palace uf the bishop of St. Paul's. Theyj 
conijirllctl all the lords, the mayor and aldermen, to| 
swear an oatb of fidelity to Uic kiu^. At a meeting of 
tlif* coucici! vaiiouH. places were proposed for the kiuii^'Bl 
residence! — "'aliqueiu alium laxioreni locum" — till ho 
should be crowned: Kwctinghain's siiggei^tion of the Tower 
\^(iii aooeptcd. "Acocpitif|UC dictiis Richardus . . . ilium 
solennoin nmgistratuni. fiui Duci Humfrido Gloccstriae,] 
staiiti' niinore aetati- Regis Henriei. ut Kegni Protector 
appi-'lliifctiir, tilim cciutiiigetiaL"'. This aulbon'ty lie used 
with the consent and good will of all the lords. The* 
king's exjronation was yi't down for June 22, and '".speiii- 
bant & expeotabant univerei pacem & prosperitateiii Kegni'' 
(p. 56li). 

Hastings, who seemed to assist the two dukes in every' 
way and lo have deserved their especial I'avor, declared 
his joy that the rule had been transferred from two of the I 
queen's blood to two nobler men of the king's blooil; and 
thai without so much bloodshed as would happen from a 
cut finger. Hut a little while after his great joy was 
turned to mourning. For by the Protertor's wonderful 
sbrcwdness divided Council-uieetiufTH were held, one at 



- 35 



» 



Westminster, one in the Tower, wiiere ILo king was. On 
the thirtcpnth of June, HastiLgs, cijiiiiiig bi tlie Cntiucil- 
mceting at tLe Tower, bj llie Protector's order was belmfulcii. 
The Arcbbishop of York and the Bishop of Ely. savL^d hy 
Ihpir cloth from death, wrre imprisoned in different cnstlcs 
iu Wales. ''Ita sublatis sine, justitia aut judicio tribus 
forlioribua fumhiw novelli Regis, caeterisqiie omnibus 
fidolibus ejus sintilia funiiidaulilus,, fuccnint amodo hi duo 
Uuccs quicguid eupiebant" (ji. ot>6J. 

Oil the following Mniidny Ihpy came "cum multitudinc 
masinia . . , cura giadiis & fusLibuK" to Westminsltjr, 
whwe tbey compelled tho Lord Cardinal olTanti-rbiiry to 
ajip+^al to the (|U[^eit tu give lijj lin' ynuriy duke of York 
for the sohice of the king his brother. •'Ilia verbis gra- 
lantor aiiiiueiis. diniiwit iiueruui", and Lbo Cardiual touk 
him to the Tower. 

From that day the two dukes sliowed their plans 
openly. "Nam evocatis ah Aquilon*^, Wallia, & ceteris 
|aibiu»vis partibus sub eorum ditione & potnsLate cou- 
jUa, hoiiuailtus armatis in innnero terribili & inaudito, 
dictus Kicliardus Protector viccsinio sexto die praefati 
BUMiKiK •fuiiii Uir^'inine Kcg^ii suli titulo RogLi noniinis 
ni vr»dicavil;8eyue eodeni die apiid niat,niam aulaiii West- 
UiOiiasterii in ratliediain tiianiioreani ibi intruii^it'' (p. 56U). 

The means hy which Ihiw ■wuh l)rciU),'b( aboiil is as 
foUowH. A p''tition was breuglit forward, in which it was 
declared thai Edward's cLiiUlren wore baatards, as before 
he had married Etizabolb be had oatered iut-o a contract 
"cuin quadanh Doinina Alienora Botiiler", and a^^ tlii' 
diisct'iidauls of Uai-ence had been attaiiited, tiloucuster was 
Irfl HH the only undoubted heir of Kichard, Duke of York. 
Whyrufiire (HoucestL-r was besought, at the cud of the 
pctilioQ. on the part of tho Lords and Commons, that ho 
would assiinn' what was his rifrlit. It w;i>i ^fiven out that 
Ihw petition was eoiin)osrd iu the North, but all knew who 
in LoimIdh was tlie soUr author of so gieat and Infaiuous 
a iwdition u»- GG7). 

a* 




— 36 — 



From tJie North came a large numlirr of troopa. com- 
manded Ijy Ricliaid Riitcliff, who stftppetl on Lis way at 
PoTiifrrt, io put to dciiUi. ";il)iscjiie ullji .... foinia jiuJicii 
observatii", Hiv<>rs, Orey ami Vaiigliaii. "Et is cat si-cundiiw 
sanyuis qui in liac siiliitiiufrt niiilnliniii' iiinorrnter pfTufiUs 
eet" (p. 567). 

Oil -Iiily (> Rinhniil an4 Anne wrrc rrowncil. "Ab rn 
dk ilum pivTi-ot, homu into a|ii>clnt.uf est Rex Kiohardua 
a con(]ua<'stii ti^rtiiiR'" ip. 5(571. Rioltnrd now niadf a piv>- 
greBS iiit^> llii? XortL, passing tliroufj'li Windsrir. Oxford, 
and Coventry to York. Here a second rorrmiition wac 
e^lebratpd for the sake of iTii]>rt'Bwiii^ tlic pcoplp, wiUi all 
posBibli? poirsp. For (tiis be biid itioinw i-nougb. tiaving 
taken to biirisolf all tbn treasures wbii^h King Kdward hml 
aecunuibit'i')! siih! jilawd at thv disiinwal nf the i^xffuloi's 
of bis will. Richard's only sou, Edwiird, was here made 
Prince of Wales. 

Wbili- all this was g"oing nn, tbe iwn prinr^'s rnmaini'd 
under giiJird ui tlic Tower. Many, t'speeiully in the South 
and West, urged tbe queen to send lier daug'hifli's 8erT<*tlj 
into Fi-ance, that, it' anything befel the jinncps, tbe true 
royal blotid ndght yet exist. Hearing of tins, Hielianl set 
strict guard iiboul thi- sjnietunry. Tbrougbout the Houtli 
aTid West men began to rise in rebellion, and ''fartis pro- 
rlainatimiibns piihlieis ijiiod Dux Biiky ngbiiniiae Hen- 
rie.us. c[iii pei' id teiiipuris huliitaluit apiid Brekenok in 
Wallia, facli pooiiit^'ns, Capitimcus in bac in principalis 
exister*-t.. vtiliratuni est. dictios Rejdfl Edward i piieros, i|U(i 
genore violenli interitus ignoraliir, (U'cessisK*; in falji" 
(p. r>6S). 

On hearinti of this the conspmxtors called to mind 
Heni7 ot Hiebmond, who was living in Biitanny in exile, 
and, on the advice of the Bishop of Ely. Buckingham sent 
to RichmoJid, urging bim to come lo England as ijuickly 
as possible, marry the Priucess Klizabi-lb, and with her 
take possession of tlie whole realm. Picbdni was ih)1 
unaware of the cons.piratorH' plans, but had rtilb>wed Ibem 



— 37 — 



viUi the f^ri'Sitcst vigilaiicit. But'.kiiiitham's wimk' ctuiitry 
ks siirn>iiiKlL>ii lij men to wlioni Rif-liartl luid pmiiiiscd 
liic iluku's |iot;Bu»Hiiins, whu sliuulJ iiiterci'iU tiim the 
[Mrtiuwrit ho left his Iiomt;; excry wjiy intn England was 
IjKSt't. Itin'kitighiiJi was at Lliis time with tUc HishotJ wf 
Elj ami (itlipr conspirntofs in the? liouso of Walter Devenmx, 
Lord Fi'tTi'Ts. Sroinx that Iio was so hrminvd in tUat it 
waa ijiipdssiililf to tiiicl ji safi^ fgiess, hr tli^^l hy niglii in 
disguise: ''qui lamlcni in Kujusdain paiipciis tugiirto per 
uberinmrii sulitn provisiiuLeTii victiialiuiii illic allat-onitn, 
disivHiiJcrtus caidtur, A usqut! ad civitatem Sarisbu- 
riensem, «ili^ ^^^ ^^ cum masjmo exercitu contul(>rat, 
IicrdiU'lus in die comiuentoratioms Animarum . . . io publico 
uiercato . . . capitah>m subiit sententitviii" (ji, 568). 

Of the other coiiepirators. aoine, including Dorset, fled 
h« Hritaiiny. some to sanctuary; one, Thomas Saintieger, 
wild captm-ed and beheacl<3d. 

Muan while Kichiiiond came with certain shipti to the 
hiirlmr of Plymouth; but learning what had happenpd 
tiaih'd away a^ain. Richard returned from thti West to 
Uitiildu iiL triiniiph. At the next Parliament he made 
BUcll pronfi'iptious of Ids foes jis were unheard of even 
fmm (Ictai'ian. Antony, and L«*|iidua. The [iroptTty of the 
i-siK'S was (riven to nieti of the Nortii, whom hv. placed 
aJl about Uiniself, "1n tip]jrobriLiin & munniir porpetuwrn 
iinuiiuni Ausfraliuin |KipuIoruin. qui ina^^is i|Uotiilii.* ad 
retanini iloniiuor'uai siioruni Hperatiua reditunt, riiiam 
islurum praeaoruammm tyranniilcm reapexrrunt" (|i. 670). 
Now the fp]eeii."'i'j-f(|uciitil'ns iiitercessionibns tcrribi lib usque 
minis adhibiiia. ad id .^ollicitata", sent out all ber tlaughtt^rs 
from panrtuary to King Richard. Shortly after, almost 
all llie teniporal and spiritual lords uf the rL'alin. beaded 
hy the Duke of Norfolk, took an oath to be laithtul to 
Kicliartra son Rilward, as their supronie lord, tiliouhl any- 
tiling liefal the king. 

"Si'd quam vana est cogitatio hnniiikiji cupientia rea 
Muu slabilire sine Deo, brevi postua cucupertum est. Nam 



— 3ft — 



soqupnti nirrnsc Aprilis, ilie nnn miiltiini vario all aiini- 
vpTsario Regis Edwiirdi, piiPr illr iiiiicus, in ijuo taiitis 
sacramentis t.r)ta Epguiie saccessionis spcs reponebatur . . 

occuhuit Vitlisscs tantisppr patrem & niatreni . . 

prac subitis (U>lorilius iwnc msamr^" (p. 571). 

It wiiB DOW reported that the Mnspirators would 
shortly apjt(^ar in EnglaTid, find Rlcliard tonk sufli t>xcellpnt 
pn^cautiuns, hy meatif of concossions ami distributions 
tlmmgfhout the whole rfalm, that bo was better prepared 
in that year than any tiinu aft'^rward. A truce was con- 
cluded wiMi the Scotch king at Nottingham. 

C^ristmaa |148g) was celebrated in the palace at 
"Westminster with espeoial splendor. On Twelfth Ki^ht 
tlio King appeared crowned in the great hall as on the 
. day of his coronation. Here, in the midst of the CestiviLies, 
ho- was informed by his spies, that wjtliout any dout)t his 
foes would entifr or try to enter Kngland the next snrnnier. 
Nothing Cfjuld he more pleasing tn him than this, for it 
would put an oad to all his anxieties and evils; but think- 
ing shrewdly that money, the sinews of war, was beginning 
lu fiiil him, be liad reeounse to tlic exaelions he had so 
c-ondemned in his brother Edward. Chosfln men were sent 
out to eoHect money "'precibus atque uiiiiis, per fas & nefas" 
from men of almoat every rank. Much else the scribe 
ouiitfl from very shame; this nevertheless ought not to 
he passed over in f^ilencr. that at the {'hristmfis festivities 
attention was attracted to th"' faet tbiit changes of garment 
of the same color and form were presente<l to the queen 
and to the Lady Klizaheth. At tliis pei>ple began to talk 
anil wonder greatly, and many said that the king, cither 
expecting the death of th^ r|iieen or intending lo obtain a 
divorce, (or which he ihmigbi lie had suflieient grounds, 
was ttu-niiig his mind to bringing about hy any means a 
maarlage with the Lady Elizalieth. Only so, it seemed, 
could he be turn of Itis kingdom, and the hopes of his 
rival be blighted. 

A lew days after this the queen began to become 



— aft 



exceeiHuglj ill, "cuju.s lanji^iior i(k^o niagia aU\UG magia 
excrevisse ernsebatur. f|iifj<nii'x ipso thori siii con.stirtijm 
otunino aspernabaiur. It.ji(]ut! a meilicis sihi consultum, 
at facnret jmlicavit". Aliout the iiiuldk* of March [Mai-cli 16], 
on the (lay of a gn-at oclipso ul' tlie sun, Anna, tliyd. 

But tlic purpose of tlie kinjr to marry his niece being 
)irou|i'ljt tfj the ears of sonify who liid not wiwli it to tnkt; 
place, he was compiled at a meeting- of the LH^ancil to 
declare that such an idea had never entered his head; 
tliough there were men present who Icnt'w the contrary 
ti) hv. tviit'.. Those who were especially opposed to tliia 
marriage, and wliose opinions Richard himself aeaiTely 
(larod to oppose, were RatcUffp and Catcsby. Tliesc dpclarcd 
to the kitiy that if he did not in person repudiate this 
(les-igji ID the presence of the mayor and citizens of London, 
the mcin *^f the North, in whom he especially trusted, 
would rise againsit him, iniputing to him the death uf the 
qupen, Wai"vnck« daugliter and heir, throufili whom he 
Imd Hrpt obtained tiis honors. They also brought in more 
than twelve doctors of theology, who d(.*clared that even 
the pope could not give a disipensation for marriage within 
so riosti a degree of consanguinity. It was thouglit by 
many that the real reason of C'atesby's and Rat^'liffe's 
op|KisititPH was a fear that if Elizabeth bceanui queen she 
would have it in her power to he revenged on them for 
ihi* death of Rivers and G-ray. So a little liefure Easter, 
in (iresenre of the mayor and rilizens convoked for the 
pnrpogc, Richard repudiated any design to marry his niocc. 

And now came news that Richmond would soon be 
on his way. Kroni a certain prophecy Richard expected 
bis foe t*i land at Milford near Southampton, anil arranged 
special (Iffences there; lint he was deceived. On the first 
day of August Richmond landed without opposition at 
Milford iu Walia. 

On hearing the news, tiie king, who was at Nottingham, 
rejoiced greatly, or at least seemed to rejoice, writing 
everywhere that the longed - for day was come, when he 



— 40 — 



couli] oner! niorp give peace to fltp state. Mi-anwliile h<* sefit 
out lorrilitr. iniiudak's that all men who were liorn to any 
inlieritajice in the realm should prepare to fight on the king's 
side, on ijonalty of all their goods, possessions and lives. 

A little before Rictimond landed, Thomas Htanley, 
husband of Richmond's mother, had been allowed to depart 
to luH home in Lancaster, on condition of sending bis son 
Geort^e, Lord Klrango, as a pledge to Eieliard at Notting- 
ham. This he did. Wlien Richmond landed, thn king 
feiaring Stanley's defection wrote bidding him prepcni 
himseil at once before th'.' king. Stiinley juade answer 
that he was suffering from the sweating-sickness and could 
not eome. His son, who was preparing to escape from 
Richard, w;is eaptumd. and a plot on tins part of his fattier, 
his uncle Willtaiii .Stanley, and Sir John Savaga, to go over 
to Richmond was revealed. He begged for mercy and 
promised that Ids father should come at once with all his 
power to aid the king. In addilion he wi'ote his father 
of the peril in which he was, and begged for the aid he 
had promised Richard. 

William Stanley and Savage were proclaimed traitors, 
and the army, though, not wholly gathered, advanced to 
Leicester. There was found a number of men fighting for the 
king greater than was ever before seen in England lighting 
on one side. Thenco Richard, wearing his crown and 
accompanied hy Norfolk and Northumhcrlatid, pmceediMl 
with giTat i)omp to a spot about 8 ndles from Leicester, 
where he pitched his camp. 

The next morning Richard rose as the dawn was 
be^nitiiig to glinmier. His chaplains were not ready to 
say mass, no Uroakfasl was ready to re-enkindle the king's 
fainting (tabescentem) spirit, and he, it is said, reported 
thathehndhad (errible visions, as if he bad been surrounded 
by a multitude of ilemons. "Faciem uti semper attenuataiu, 
tunc niagis diseolni-ntam & mortiferam prao se tulit"; and 
he declared that the rpsnlt of the battle wonld be th* 
destnirlion of th« r^^alni, for the victor, wliich ever hfl 



— 41 — 



tiKjuiii rtp, woiucl ilpKtniy tlioso who had oppospit him. 
finally, ns lie wnw tlio ent-ray app roach inj^, he guvo onlern 
to hwhpatl Lord Slrarif^o, '■■]lli autem quihus hoc offifium 
dtttmn est, vidmiten anpipiLi^m rriii niinis inajorisiiiie pondena 
(|iiani unius hoiiiinii; extt'niiiniu]ii in iiianibus essp, differentes 
crudele Regis mandatum exeqni iliimserunt hominom suo 
nrhitrio. & ad interiora belli reYcrsi sunt" (p. 574). 

When battk* was joined, Richmond proceeded straifjlit 
toward King Richard; Osl'ord attacked the wingrammanded 
hy Norfolk. Where Northuniherland stood, no strokes were 
scon either givpn or taki'n. Finally Richmond won a glorious 
victory, logelticr with that must precious crown which 
Richard had formerly worn on his head. "Nam inter 
pugnandum. & non in fuga. dictus Hex Hichardits multis 
lAta]ibus Tulneribus ictus, quasi Priiicops aniiuosus & 
ftudeotiseimiis, in campo occubuit" (p. 574). 

"Invento inter alios mortuos corpora dicto Ricliardi 

R«gis multasquo alias contumeUas lllatas, ipsoi|ue 

non satis humaniter propter funem in collum adjcctum 
usque at Lcieestriani deportato: novus Rex corona tinn in- 
si^ii^T I'uiuiuaesita tlocuratus Ltucestriam vadit" (pp. 573-4). 
Northumberland and h^unvy havh thoingplvps up. fateshy 
wa« capturwl and holicaded at Leicester, a fallirr nnd 
son named BreehT were han;^cd. And ainci^ no other 
elocutions were lioanl of, "spd Prlncipem hunc novum in 
oiniu>s suam clementiant inipurtissp, coepit laudaii ab 
inihus, tanquiim Angelas ile coi'lo niisna'^, ])er (|uem 
BUS dignaretur visitare plebem suam, &, liberare earn de 
quibus hactanas afllicta est supra, modum" (p. 575). 
Et ila finit liiintma, quam us(|ue ad exituni dicti Regis 
Uchardi, ([uoad Veritas gcsloruin se itienti oCfcrebat, 
w alia Bcita inlf^rmixtione mendacif, odii, aut favoris, 
leclarait; promisimus" (p, 575). 

That the statPincnt with wbicli the continuation closes 
Ib a true character izatloH of the work has been universally 
iidmitt.ed. Kautty in a lew ]itiinta. ft nevertheless remains 
Uic moBt importunl and authoritative source of knowlodgo 



42 



of the pftriofl it covers. Conscif^ntiously devotetl to the 
service of King Edward, the wrilor is not hj any means 
in liis liistory a bigoted partisan of fcliP Houso of York. 
His slateiiKMit of tlio murder of that "glorimis martyr" 
King Henry, coniinitted hy a "tyrflnt", is suftieioiit to 
provo that, Whoever actually committed the crime, tiie 
burdi'fl of it had to be borin! liy tlnj whole r'lyid Iiouse. 
Tho writtir knows Itow nlsn to rowgnizi*. sill Henry's 
"■remark able virtues", and tlio iiiiiiwies worked at liis t-umb. 
Edward. toojs not free from Iiis cririeisni, although the eulogy 
wiiieli follows the account of his death is sufHeiently strong, 
la Considering the account of these two kings, it is important 
tfl remember that it was written aft^r the beginning nf a 
Lancaster-Tudor dynasty. Wliatever influence tTiatfiict may 
have Lad in opening the eyes of the writer to Hcnrv's virtues, 
it certainly did not tend to weaken liis faith in Edward's. 

The treatment of Richard, however, rests upon a 
wholly different basis. There is nowhere evident any fa- 
vorable disposition on the part of the scribe toward him. 
One may be certain that, if spared at all, he is spared 
tliroush the writer's desire to write the truth, free from 
all admixture of hatred. Unsparing as the treatment of 
Kicliard is. it bears every mark thai it is written from a 
amscientiinis historian's point of view, and not that of a 
personal foe. Tho only tracr of what might be called 
per^ioral feeling if an nccasinnal exprei^pion like "homo 
iftte". It iy in no sense artful, tliere is no dependence 
upon prophecy, legend or heaniiay in an attempt to add 
color to the picture of a tyrant. 

Such conside rations make exceedinj^ly noteworthy the 
writers tn^atnient of those early crin)e.« with which Hichard 
was charged. Neither lie nor anyone else is mentioned a& 
connected with a murder of Prince Edward, who is said 
to have been slain in the field. Of tliis account Gaii'dner 
says: "These words, I think, naturally imply that the 
first-named person, at least, was slain in the fletd, and 
some others after the battle 'hy the vindictive hands of 



— -13 — 



certain jiprsons'. It seems prnliahlp^ however, that the 
writer, who was one of Edward IVb council, exprt^ased 
himself amI>iti:uouyly nn punioso to sliield the {ruittj. This 
liP pvwiently did iii Iiis allusiciii to tlui deatli of Hf^nry VI" 
iLifc of Riclmrd 111, p. 12). In ivply to this, it must bo 
said that there can ho little doubt that tliifi passap^ like 
tilt' reut of llie liiptory, was written after tlif death of 
Riehurd^ when the writer could Imve had no reason, as 
he clearly had 110 diypositinn. tu shield him. A strong proof 
that these passages were written after Edward's and 
Richard's deaths is foiinil in the reason offered hy the 
scribe for not continuing his Idstory into the reign of 
Henry VII; "Cum mos scribentium historias vivcntiuai 
gesia relir^re solet, ne vitiorum descriptio odium pariat 
rirlutum recitatio adulatoris criinina dctur: statuit prae- 
fatus scriptor una cum niorte Richardi Regis suo labori 
fineoj imponere" (p. 577). 

At all cventy. if, as is possible, the passage was 
wriit.en before Richard's death, it must have been written 
at abitut the same liini^ as that nn the death nf Henry, 
wheii: the statement Ik luA only '"reniarkahly strong", as 
Gairdner calls it, but dimply uuthinkahte as written while 
tho author was a niemhor of Edward's council. If the 
deed waii, as Uairdner says, and as there can he no 
doubt, "80 clearly abetted by autJiority that it was not 
«pediont then to speali the wlinl! truth about it" (Lite 
i)f Richard 111, p. 'JO), there can lie nn rea.Houahle doubt 
tfaAt it could not have lieen expedient for a member of 
tCdwiml's cfluncil to have called the dni^r nf the deed a 
tyrant or its \ictini a martyr. If the writer eould venture 
to wriie this passage^ he could certainly have vi'iitured to 
write what he knew aboiit the death of Henry. Fur- 
ther, the passage, rightly conHidored, seems clear enough. 
Soniereel, who is therein mentioned, was beheaded with 
others two days after the battle. That fact must have 
been known to the writer, ami l>y "certain avenging hands" 
he clearly means those of the executioaers of Somerset 



— 44 — 



and hiis companions, ('ourtney was slain on th« tifld: and 
it is dear enough tliHt Uio writiT simply meant to ment- 
ion tjie important deaths, without lEist in ^dulling lis to 
whether they took place un th« battie-tield, or at Uic exe- 
cution later- 

If the passage on Henry's death was, as seeraa nearly 
CBrtaJn, wiilten after llio dflatl] of Richard, the pious 
wish that the iiiiuderfr may lie spared to repent, shows 
that Ihe writer intends no reference to Kiehard. If, on the 
other hand, it was written liefore Richard's death, the 
most rcasooaijle conclusion soenis to he that the writer 
here aa elsewhere, refrains from stating rumors where he 
is not ecrtiun of the truth. Noteworthy in this connection 
is the writer's treatment of the death of Anna. We are 
tiohi that Ilatclifl'e and tlateshy asserted to Richaj-d that 
ho would be aceueeit ol' the death of !iis wife, if he mar- 
ried Ehzahetli, hut the serihe carefully refrains from stat- 
iUf; or sugffestinK that Richard poisoned Anna. 

Ko hint ia giyen that Richard had a hand in Cla- 
rcnee'g death. 

Thus with four ^cat crimes imputed to Richiud by 
later writers he remains in the Croylaiid history uncon- 
nected: and with only oeo of thorn is his connection evon 
huggesieil. 

"Witi the deaths of Hastings, of Rivers and his com* 
panituiH. and of the princes, lie is of eeiiu-se charged; but 
the laelH are sciirc«'ly more than mentioned. Tliere is no 
lamentation, no rhetorical pathos, least of all in connec- 
tion with the deaths of the princes. The most that is said 
in such sort is that the death of Ri^ei-s was the second 
shedding of innocent blood in this setliiion. 

But if there is evident a determination to keep within 
the Itounds of known fact in the writer's treatment of 
Richard, there is on the other hand, as said hefore, no 
sign of any disposition to shield him. The facts spoke for 
themselves without any rhclorical ornamentation. Richard 
is the tyrant anil murderer. His dissimulation and per- 



— 45 — 



jury ar* brought out hy the statement of bis oath of fidel- 
ity to the ynunjj; King, taken by his ™iiniia.nii and by 
tiiiii fin-^t of iill. at York, by his Iptters to the tim-eii, liis 
devotion to the Prince on nieeting him at Stony ytratfoni. 
Ills coniiR'Iliiig thp lords and tbn autlioritics of London to 
takp the oath of lidplitj to Edward at the Bishop's palace. 
Another dark side of his character is shown hy insisting 
t>n liich-it'd's oiifjcrnpss to 4'nti^r mi an incpstnous maniat^e 
with his nieco. "With how litlli- favu- the C'royland con- 
tiiiuator looked un Ricbard. and Low little disposed he was 
to And pood in Ids acts Is seen im liig treatment of Hichard'e 
Sculcb CiiiiipiU(in. His success in this was of very preat 
valu* tn England, and his services were gratefully recog- 
nized liy till' Ring, by PapLiarnent, niirt by Un> whole na- 
tion. According tn the writer, however. Richard not only 
rpfuBcd tn obtain important success that was within his 
grasp, hut saddled the nation witli a monstrous expense 
hy the capture of Berwick, which he calls "pcrditio"' 
rathor than "acriiiisitio". All that the cflntinuator finds 
of good to 8ay of Richard is a mention of his "'ingenium 
ojtci'llpnR", anil of his bravo death in battle. 

Thnnifrbout the account there are very few traces of 
reflrxion. piniis, philosophical, or rhetorical, upon the events 
nniTTiti'd. Tlicre is almost no insistence upon God's puii- 
inhment ior crimes connnitted Ijy Hiclmnl. How vaiu are 
tlw* puniosps of a man who endeavors to establish his 
plaoF! witlionl ilod. was shown liy' the li>sa of Ric!iai"d'8 
tmv sou, on wlium lay all bis bopo of founding' a dynasty. 
How past Hnding out are God's ways, was shown by Ed- 
ward's final overthrow of Henry, who had been, in the 
pfi>|)li''fi belief, restored by the hand of the Most High. 
Richmond ~ and thin k the most important tonch — 
fieemed an angel sent from heaven by wboni God deigned 
to vleit Ljs people and free them from their unheard-of ills. 
•niese are practically all the relleetions to which the author 
turiiH aside from thp plain current of tils story. In (ho 
words about Richmond, however, is soon the heginnint; of 



— 46 



ft i^^t destined in the succeeding years to an enormous 
extension. 



Tn. Joaii»ir4 Ros8i HiKtnria Re^iuii Angliao. 

This boot was written ly John Rous, an antiquary, 
wlio wax cha|ilaiii at Guy's Cliffe, nipar Warwick, and died 
ill 14fll. Tlie lyst fact meiitiont'd in lii« worl( is that God 
blessed King Hnniy [VII] with offjipriiig of Imth sexes. 
Priucm Arthur was born Seiitenibcr 19, 1436. Princess 
Margaret Nov. 29. 1489. The bir1.li of Henry. June 28, 
1491, is not mentioned, and between these last two dates 
thi! composition nf lliis part nf Rons's narrative must lie. 
His work was dedicated to Henry VH. It was published 
from a nuinuscriiit in the Bodleian Libi'ury by Thomas 
Hftarne in 1716. and again in 1 74r>. The folKjwing citations 
are from tlie scwnd edition. 

Of the character of Henry VI Rous sayis, '"Rex iste 
Henrieus sestus, ut erevit aetate, erovit similiter A virtutibus, 
omni Eietate Ulseretionis capax, Deo & beatap virgiai Mariae 
devotissimus, sed mundo & nmndanis operibus niiuime 
doditus, ea semper mnmiitt+'ns Concilio". "Iste etiani sane- 
tissimus vir a regno turijitei- fu^atuy .... tandom captus 
& incarceratus ost, pluriuiis iinnie pacifioe onmin -sufFerens" 
(j>. :210). Of his death — ■ "It^Tiitii thrdiiiiin in'giuni ascen- 
deus, nou diu iJ.a residens, sed iteruni incHiTeratus demum 
martirio eoroiiatu.s mi^avit ad Eloctunini Bel si'mpiternuni 
consortinni, niiraculis miraliilitor thoruscans, patieulia 
vincens, & per hoc pationtiam cunctis edocens" (ji, 210). 
Latftr, Rous says in speaking of Ridiartl's eriiiies, "ipsuni 
Banotis.iiniuin viruni regein Hcnricum sextum per alios, 
vel nmltis credentibus manu pociuH propria inteiiecit" (j).215). 

Edward, wjio succeeded, hud as guide in all his acts" 
"fortuna vnltu hilari arridens &, in adversis si-uto suae". 
Ho was always favored by the people, ""juxtaillud poeticum; 
mobilfi verealur semper cum principe vulgus".') 

') From L'limdiiiii IV l-oiis. or Hgikh'ius, vm. SOi. 



— 47 — 



To Edward succeeded his son, a child of about thir- 
teen years and a half [really twelve and a half]. At that 
time be was at Ludlow, whither the friends of his father 
hastened to hira, and whence "niiUtuni Gartorii snlito ser-, 
vicio cuui splendido cOTtvtvio clictus juvenis rex rcniovit 
8P . . versus Londinias" (i). '2V2). Ooniiug uiion them at 
StouyStratfoi'd Richard, "dux GlouceStriae &8ua ordinatione 
protector Aiifcliae" (p. 212). with a strong hand totik the 
younp Prince under Uis own rule as Protector, arrestud 
Rivers. Richard Grey and Vauglian. and sent them to 
Pomfrot, where a short time iit'ter they were unjustly put 
to doiith. Later, the lilarl of Northumborlaud is stated 
to have been thPJr priocipal judge. Thus the young kiii^, 
torn friiiii those most fnithful to him and received [by 
Riehanl) with kisses and embraces, fell "ut innncons nguus 
iti umtius luporuin" (p. 212). He was brouffht to Loudon 
and liidfiod in the palace of the liishop. Everything 
perlaining tv the royat dignity was done after the wonted 
fasliinii, in bis name, and coins were struck off bearing 
his name. 

On hearing of the fate of her kinsmen the queen 
motlier fled with the young Duke of York and her daugh 
ttiTtt to sanctuary in Westiuinster Abbey. Her son Dorset 
and her hrothnr-iti-law Edward Grey lli>d elsewhither, 
being arnUHed ut' pluttiiig Elm death of the Prot^^ctor. Upon 
tlio arrival of the Earl of Northumberland in London, 
"statini dux Gkiune.striae regni Pmtcft,nris tituluin ad es- 
htredationem doniini sui regis Edwardi quinti invenit, pro 
sua propria promotione non invenit sed pr^prius ftusit" 
(ji. 214). Then Edward the fifth, king in fact though not 
^^crowned, with his brother Richard, oblainod from Weet- 
linstpr under a promise that he should be salu, were put 
into prison, "ita quod ex post paucissimis uotuin fuit qua 
morte niartirizati sunt" (p, ^14). 

Then mounted the throne "tyrannus res Ricardus, 
qui iiaturi ml . . . biennio matris utero ttmlus, exiens cum 
dcuUbus et ■capillis ad bumeros" (ji, 213), At his nativity 



\ 



— 48 ^ 



Scorpio, the fiipn fif tlie houfte of Mflrs. was fiEcendant, 
and like the scorpion, "vultu IjlanJieud, cauUa puiigene", 
lie &bowetl hiiiisoif lo aU. For lie rcceivoil Edward the 
fifth 3nHUiii.'l.v with enihrac^^s and kisses and llien killed 
him; aad liis wifo Aiiiia the Queen he poi80iicd._Aiid be- 
cauKti thwe was a certain prnpliiioj that after K. shtmld 
rejgn G., Gftorgp, Duke of Clareiicp, "peremptus est" 
(p. 315): and the otiior Q., Qloueesttir, was preserFed to 
fulfil the prophecy. '*Simi]i pr(i]>liotia Hiinilndufi, dux 
Oloucestriae, luiiditus poremptus dieobatiir, uenipe quod 
dux Gloucestriae ipsuni interlicerot, et tatuiu coinpjHtuui 
est in isto inisero rege Ricaido tercio prius Gliniceslriae 
duce" (p. 315^. The Ijord Hastings lin beheaded without 
trial, the Arrhhish'ip of York and the Bisliop of Ely he 
imprisaied. "ad haec inaxiiue desiidante Henrico duco Buk- 
kynghaniiae" (p. 816). The Lord Stardey was woiuided, 
arr&sted, and put in prison, liut restorod to liberiy. He 
had been made by liicbimJ Lurd L'haiuberlain aud High 
Constable of Eni^laud. '"Regt! Edwardo quiiito incan',f!rato 
res Ricardus terciua oaiiiefi gazas suas contulit Hynrico 
duci Bukkynphamiae, qui tunc liberaturani dans de nndis 
Staffordeiisium glurlabaturt st* tot do illiti habere sicul 
prius habuit Ricardus Nevel comes Warwici de baculis 
r'auiosis, id est, rajrtnd staves. Multuiu tannni nuintim 
oraat iiuparfis, & non diu ([uiu crovit. latous odium inter 
regein & dueeni"' (p. 216). Buckingham's rebellion, bis 
capiurn, and pxceution at Salisbury, follow. 

liiehnrd'B prijgr»KSPS to Ohmcpster and to York are 
montiunL'd. At the latter plact; Richard's son, "parvulus 
soptoni annorum" was prnclainied Prinee of "Wales, but 
died shortly after. Then EJwaid, son of the dead Clarence, 
was proclaimed heir apparent, hut subsetiuently John, 
Earl of Lincoln, was preferred to him. 

And now. the hfe of Ejitg Richard basteuing towaid 
its setting, many secretly withdrew from hijn to join 
Richmond, who appeared at MUford Haven in Wales. He 
hati cuimparativeli- few against many, yot he slew Richard 



— 49 — 



battle. Tliis Richaj-d, cruel beyond compare, had reigned 
"id iriptar Aiitecliristi repnnturi": and as AntecLrist shall 
I'all hermrtcr in tlic iniilst of liis giTati.'St glory, so Ricljard 
pfrisliotl wreticliedly. Lading with hirw on the field his 
)Wii and many <if liis treasurt-s and in tlie midst of a 
sat thirong. Yi-t. desiring to tell the tiutli in Richard's 
lioQor, RoiiR snys that he, Miuufh small of hody and weak 
nf slrti-ajjlli. fimirlit liki- a n<il)l'f soldier lo his la&t breath, 
dffeiidiiij: liimsell with the greatest skill tclarissimo). ofieii 
cryiujr out that ho was heirajed, and shouting, Treaaon, 
irpaKoii. IrGnson. find thus, tas-tiiig tlie cup which he had 
nftcii ijivcn otliei'S to di'ink (,'Vut;l.aiis <|iiiid aliis saepius 
l)n»pinaverat"). oiidod his fifp most, wretchedly (jj. 918). 

Rous is thi' fli-st of till? chroniricrs to describe Richard's 
IK-reon. "Parvao staturae orat. curtani habeny faciem, 
inauqualcs hunmros. dexter sujierior sinisterque inferior" 
(p. 216). Ric'hinnnd. on the other hand, had aa angelic 
face. eviT intiiing Iotp in all who gazed upon it. Rous 
fmU his hook wiUi a direct address to Henry, full of 
{■xtravagant praise, "quia in ainoris ardore to iatuens, o 
noliili rvx. si tantaiu Kraliam |ien)iissivani in oculis muni- 
tlreutiae tuar invt-ui, sub tua .speeiali Uceutiii et favore 
allni|uor" (p. 219). Ancient jirophecie-s. the favor of God 
nhiiwii iu ]us success, and gifts from the poiH', are signs 
of ^lory III conn\ Aud a furthm- .sign i.s that God has 
blessed him with offspring of both Boxes. "Tuo nempe ex 
feniinv" prodiK niodernUR pnnoe|i,s Walliae inclitiis Arthuriis 
liliuft tuus pntiiogcniliis & lierr;?: An^Hae l)f-t} ordinante 
futiinis, alterius Arthuri inagni in fiitnm divina provideiitia 
Iinfbilat4'ni .'iuseepiurus" ^l^. tJlOi. 

The ti*reg<*ing aomjuut is nut merely Lancastrian. It 
^4ns written din-elly for the pernsal of Henry VIT, and its 
wliol» spirit in aecomini)datpd io tliat end. The doseripUous 
vt Hetir)' VI, of Henry A'll, most of all of Richard him- 
self. Routi painted in Uie coloi's likeliest to be pleaying to 
bis royal patron. Henry VI is the '"holiest of men", patient 
nf oil niisfnrtune. '"refulgent with luiracles" after his death: 



— 50 — 



and Hunry Vll has an angelic countenance that wins IliC] 
lf>vu of iill who bdiold it. To this llatttiring portrait that 
uf Rk'hanl is nntunLll.v a contrast.. Tn Rou-ij's wchrk tirst 
do wp ttnil details of Richard's person, wealt of body,] 
short of tiUitun- mnd r>f facr. wilk the riglit sliouldpr hicher 
than the h*rt — curiously difi'iTcut tVom tin.' hiti'r iiirturPj 
[in which Kichai'd'fi loft shoulder is reproeonted as higlu-f] 
lian tin.' right. Hi^re tir^t we Ucgih to hi'-nr talps nt 
{icliitrtr^! iiii.»nstrij«s birth, hairod and tuuthcd, liixving hfcn' 
|ri his niotber's womb two years — again an interesting 
jontrast tr> Shakespoarf's r':'prf«cntiiti'>ii that Riirhard'Sj 
lihysical |K^fu)iarities w^erc duo tu thi? I'ai-t that hn was sentJ 
hetbro his time; into this iiroathinp world, unfiuitihod, scarcef 
htih'niadi? nil. AsLrolopy is drawn into ttm jncturc. Scoqiio 
was a.'iccudant at RicIiurdN liirth and like the so.orpton 
'Hnltii Idaridicns cauila jmngrns" he showed himself. 
Sliakos[)ear(> would cprtaiidy have made use of the sIniileJ 
had ho known it, in his idcture of t!io Richai-d who could] 
smile and murder while lie smiled. Toad, spider, hog, a' 
cockatrice with murderous eye, all these is Richard in 
Shakespeare's picture, hut the scorpion fsiils, The bit of 
astrology, too, nngbt well have iieeu included in the 
treatment of the Richard who accounts to the tjueen for] 
thi; death of her niiirderi'd sons with the words 'ijo.' at' 
their hirthw j^'ood stars were o|iini6ite'\ Prophecy, too. plays' 
its part, in Rous "a picture of Rtcimrd. Hn is the fultiller 
of the propliecy that after E., G. should roipi — a prophecy 
which hero makes its first ai)pearance in the chronieles;, 
he fulfils likcwiee a propheey which according to the! 
aiitlioi' had caused tlic dnatU of Humphrey the good duke 
uf Gloucester. 

Defonued as Richawl is in person, and monstrous ia\ 
his birth, oven so defonufld and monstrous is he in his 
character — a verj- Aiiterhrist. He receives ihp yoiing^ 
king witli,kisso9-aTid Tirhrac**, and within tiirt* mouths 
niUT<lt*rs him and his brother. He is the nnirdein^r of| 
Henry VI: he hisheads RiTers and his contpaiiioiiji aj^aiiii! 



justiw. Hasting without a trial; ho poisons his uwu wifo 
AriiK'. It is instniitivH' [n tiol-'. thiit at Ihi^^ -.'iirly date: itj 
UtUl lilmjfli', as a t\\vx. whul liiU-r Liuiciistriiui-Tudur 
histurians. liko More, told with resorvatinns. This coulii 
liyver liav'p ht't'ii tiiorp limit u ruitmr. uiiil ils stJitciiH-iit 
hpj'P as fart shows that Rous wus eagiT to charge Rirhiird 
with all till' rriiiifs which hv had any rnasouahlR pretext 
for c'harjfiiifj; liiiii with. liitcri'^tiTifi^. tliprt'forp. is what Rous 
omits ii« Nny. TJiat lJ,ic]iard with his own hamis iiiurdwyil 
King Henrv Is told only on tJie aullinritj' of "inulUs cre- 
dwiIihuK". lliclianl's agency in biingiiijr ahoat Clart^ace's 
dt-atli is not ivi-ii siifrgpstnL Hail any niiiior of it been 
known to R^us he would sui'cly Uav<' iiiL'utiijin.'d it in his 
mtalojruc uf Hirliard's crimes. 

Nutfworihy. fuiili«T. is tlir fact that Koiis. liko Shake- , 
s[«^an*. ivjin-sciils III'' |iriiiih(^ry ah<iat (i, as tht- soln raasr 
of C'lurcnce'M (k-atli. In Iho days ofnoriry VII, it apppars^ 
mipIi a piTipht^ry wa-s coiisidiTPd cunso enoaph. 

In Hon? t'Ogin? ^or^' slightly to nifpoar in Richard's 
story tJie classical iiitluftnce. Fonuiie smiles on Edward 
with ph*'i"T('itl look, iirid iirntrrts him bcnpatb hiT shield : 
and anotlKjr Idt of HGiieca-Hkt! relli-ciiun on Uii- Hcble 
popolat'J' iippnai's ill tlio lipv quolinl iron naudian, 'mobile 
vi>r!*atur w'riiinT ■cum pririi'iiic viiljjius", 

la noni'lu>;inii it inusi oner, inorp he pjiipliasizctl tliut 
lliis tolcrahly roniidi-tc^ picture of Ritdiurdtlie ininisliM' and 
tyrant, linin iinilpr' a hostllf star and [jt'risliinj^ likn 
Aiilcchiist. is th<^' (jroduci not uf a historical I'L-ding, but 
iif a coiirtii'r'H. ThiTo is no aot-d to assert that it is a 
dlsliuitt'st pitlun*: hut it is a work of art, tlie work of 
an artist, whose night is of thf kind tlial finds tho face of 
a king angi'lir, It must be* said, moroover. tliat Rous 
roiild on occasion draw a very different portrait of 
Ric'Iiani, as Mr. (lnirdm:'[' Iuls ^hnwa. ''Tii lln' Wmwick 
lioll coniposod hy him lie pays liini jRichimJ] liu^ frdluwing 
IriLiuli*: 'Tin- nioyt nnghty (irincp Ricliard by the g^i'acu of 
of iJotl king of Kngliinrl juid «if Friiace, and Lord of 

i' 



— 52 — 

Ireland, l)y very matrimony, without discontinuaneo or 
any defiling in the law, by heir male linoally descending 
from King Han-y the Second, all avarice set aside, ruled 
his subjecf-s in his realm full eommendably, punishing of- 
fenders of his laws, specially extortioner ■ and oppressors 
of his commons, and cherishing those that were virtuous; 
by the which discreet guiding he got great thanks of God 
and love of all his subjects, rich and poor, and great land 
of the people of all other lands about him'. Though written 
in the past tense there can be little doubt this eulogium 
was composed during Richard's life, and for the king's 
own gratification". (Gairdner, Life of Richard HI, p. 323,fn.) 
Which only makes one wonder the more what Rous's 
portrait of Richmond would have lieen had Richard been 
, victorious. 

Tliere are two original drawings of Richard in existence 
made by Rous himself: in neither of these appears any 
trace of Richard's alleged deformity. 



VIII. The memoirs of Philippe de Comines. 

Philippe de Comines, counsellor, chamberlain and 
diplomatic agent of Charles the Bold, later of Louis XI, 
was born in 1447, ilied 1511. The first six books of his 
memoii-s were written between 1488 and 1604, and the 
passages quoted below were, like Rous's book, written 
between the birth of Artliur, 148(), and that of Margaret. 
1489, as is shown by de Comines' reference to Henry VII 
as having two beautiful children (Ed. Mile. Dupont, 2 : 245). 
The memoirs were first jirinted in 1524, and went througii 
many editions before 1548. when Hall used the book in 
compiling his clironicle. 

I quote from the three vnhinie I'dition of the Soci('*t^ 
de I'histoire de France, edited by Mile. Dupont, 1840. 

In chapters 4, 5. (i and 7 of Book III, de Comines 
relates the prepai'ations of Warwick and Clarence in France 
for their invasion of England, and subsequent events down 



— 53 — 



to Kilwiinlri 4li-li[ii(ivi' Micr-f.sh Mt. Ti'wkrsbiiry. Hr sprnks 
t»{ tlir' iinuriii^e. not liLlintliul, »{ I'ririct.' Kilwiiril :iiiil tlu; 
spconiJ daujiiiter of thi; Karl of V\'arwir.k. Wliiln Warwick 
ami ("kin-iifi: van-i: |jn-[iariu^ fiir IIr- invasion lliiTf caini) 
tu t'alui.s t'l-iiiii Kiiif: Hitwiinl i\ young lad.v who (icceiveil 
the jotcndaiit nf l.'uUiiBt Wauuloe'). wlio wnfi friendly to 
Warwick. iiit<i bfiifvinji; that slif* bore ovfi-fiirrs ot" ponro 
from Kin? Edwiu-d. Ae a niiittor of fnrt. sbo lioro a 
messfipo from the king to rhirfTirc. nrjring liini not to be 
it «iuw of the dostrnctif>n of liis own liouse to thf lipnctit 
uf tJiiit i»f LHiiL-astiT, jiiiii that fmm the, marria^p of War- 
wick's daughter t^ Hrfirys rjntt Edwiini th'^re coliUI l)» 
nil duubt. that Lc itituiidiMl to make lh« latter kin;; of Eu^~ 
land. No wcl] ditl MiIr womnn fiillil her niissiion that elio 
won uvor ('UinMir'4'. who [irniuisfd to joia hi?i hinlher ns 
soon as lui arrivi'il in Kritrland. 

Warwick di'scfiuli-d upon Enuhind and drovi- run Kil- 
ward. ■■(nii uVstoit point lioiunip (h- jrrunt orilre. nini.s fort 
lioau priuc*'. p(tjs ipn' iiu! i|iie. j'aye jamais vou en ce 
t^-mps hi. i*t In-s v;iilhitii" il : 2311). He lied tiiirrindly 
willi lilouceslLT, and aflrr ln-inir in irrcat iljinj;'"'' irom. 
frertain sliips of tlio Kn.st«iHhiic>i (nn^iiliants of the Hanseatic 
Lc!i;:iH') ri'iiflifil Hdhiind. On ('(Jiriiritr tn piiwi-i- in Eiijr- 
laad Warwick tvalonul Hrnry to lite thinn*^. "I'li la pri'sence 
<iu due du t'luri'iicc. a i|ui ro ens m; phiiHoit pas'" (1 :250). 
Bctward name to ihr Dukp of liiirtriiiicl.v. dr t'ornineg' 
iiiBSler. anil rocrivcd fruni him Kccrf't aid. in ships and 
nmn«',T. whilf tin' diikf itpndy !^iipfMn-t<id Hi-iir.v. and llioujiht 
\w hail niiuif' frictiiis i^n hoiL au\w, lunvvor Kdwanis 
L'xpoiltiinn rtlicadd tui-n out. K(lwai"d lutids'd in Knyland, 
rvacliml J.oridf>ii lu'lon' Warwick imuUI Itfff) thprf, then 
wrnt Ui iiit'tM Warwi<'k. WtiiMi tltL* armies wen* upposito 

') ItL'^towl iif tliv Kbuid-tuiiiitiunud Wnnplor, tlml hi. Luid 

Vwiiltick. all ih«> jirUilKil I'diliuiix ln'furi' Mile, riii|"iiii\ ami one 
itf th« Mtw. iisf'l ii.v ln«r linvt- llif iiiinm Vanrli-r. lli'ricd Diim ik 
lilt* imitit' ruLttiil in finll'x (iind Holin»hcit'a| srciiniii. nikrn from 
lis Cominoi*. 



54 — 



each iither. t'l^ircncc rwmc over to Edward. "Voiis iive?, 
Iiien ent^Midu, [>ar c,v dcvant. rommc oesto maiTluvtHlisp 
diidici due (Ic Ularcnce avoit estc^ iiienee" eaya de Coiiiiinjs 
(1 :2o9), n'frrriiig to the mission of tlie yoiin^ lady 
nieiitioiiod l><.'l'on^ 

Of the battlp of Barnet, de CoininoB says tliat it was 
"trcs asiH'p pl tres forte". It was fouglit I'ntarrly on (uul, 
and so clnsely diil the Iwn nriiiies join ''(iiu' In my d'Aiiyle- 
lurre cumliatit pii sa personiie autiiut i-nii plus i|iie nul 
lioriiiiic fiui flit df's deux rostez" (I ; 259). In liJitile. says 
de Coiuines, it "ft^a-s Wiirwick's eu.slom never to light un 
foot, but to set Ids followers to flgbting aad Ilien mmint 
on horsebaek. If all Wiiw going well he would jtiin in the 
mClt'-e^ "et 81 clle alloil nial il se doslogeoit dt lioime 
heure". But this time Lis lirother. Manjuis jUontn^c. 
who was a very brave knight, made him !>end away bis 
horses oml li^'ht on foot, And in iLi.s Imttlc lie was killed, 
uiidei' what circumstaiuTS we ore not told. The loss in 
the battle was gi-eat, ft^r Edward, who had ooTicei\ed a 
fpccai hatred toward the peopb- of Kiiglaiid on account of 
the favor rbey showed Wurwifk, diti not make use of his 
customary hattle-ery, "Savo the people and slay Ihc 
nobles"' (I ; 2fi0| 

Of Hetiiy and his doatUj ii« {'ominoR says "Lp did 
roy Henry catoil bomme fort ignorant, et iiresrjne insensf^: 
rl, si je n'en ay oiiy riicntir, iricordiTieiil aprcn i-esli- batmlle. 
In due de l_'lucestre. fren* diiriict roy J^iiouaid, Jequel depuis 
a est^ roy noinin^ Rlrhard, tua de sa main, oW foil tuor 
en sa presenre, en (ji][d<|ne lien a part, re Imn Iiomme rny 
Heiio" (1:^61). In the hatlle of Tewkesbury. "K> diet 
roy Edouani en eut la victoire, et flit le prinee de Oalles 
tU'^ sur le ebninp, et ]>iusieurs aiitres grans sr-ii^ieui's. ot 
tres (rrant nondire de peuple" il : 2(t2). Alter that day 
Edwjird hud pcaer- until his death; '^nmis non pas suns 
g;i'ant travsiil d'espcrit et gi'ans pensees" (I : 2t>(Jj. 

t)f the death of Clarencw de (.'omines says, "'Li' n>y 
Rdoiiard felt mourir son I'rere le dno ile Clarenre en une 



Oil 



I 



pippe de nuilvojsii^, ptnir I'a qu'il sp vouloit tiiiri' Hoy 
comma on disoit" (I : ^9). 

Tliore is an exteiulinl account ol' Edward's cxiioiUlion 
to France- and ihti tieAtir at Picquiffiiy, with mcntinn of 
various pro|ihecifs of Uib Enjrlisii fijiiiii'<.'.ti'd with Ihi'sfn 
eventi^. apropos of wMeh the author remarks that tbt? 
Enylisli i\Tv iieTpr unprovided with |iro|>hocios. TLi? (Ii_':itli 
or Kdwarci was, iicondiiig to de <^'oininf.'S, causi^d by llit* 
marriajtic of Margucnie of Flanders with the dauphin, X 
wltiitii Hifwani had drsirpil for his own dauglitt^r, Elizahelh. \ 

Thereupon the Dukft uf Gloucester took upon himself 1 
the Koverncient of his nephow, some ten years of age; did / 
him honuigre as kin^; h'-d him to London, prftciuliufr that / 
he intended to crown him. and for tlic puriiosLi of ge^ttiii^ / 
the othfir mn out of sanctuary {2 ; 156). He then declared / 
his nephews bastards, on the authority of the Bishop off 
Bath, wh") loM Richard that he had miirried Kdwnrd to ', 
a certain lady of Knjrland. of whom lie denircd i^ obtain 
po(«?of!pion; and that none wero present at the marriage 
liQl himself. Kdward and thf lady. Thus he nided Kltdiard 
U> exeeute his evil desire. RieKard then "leit mourir ses 
deux neveux, oL se fell appellpr roy Uiehard" [2 : 158). 
The two ehildren he hnif caused to be declared bastards 
in full Parlianienl. 

Tlio news of this nuirrier was soon receiverl iti i-Vance; 
and wlirn Rirliai-d wnite sii!;ning himself kiay, asking the 
friendship of King Louis and dnuljllesis hoping to receive 
tho "pension" which Louis had paid Edwanl, "le Roy ne 
roulut respoudrp a ses Ictti-es no ouyr Ic niessagier, et 
IVstium tres cruel et niauvajs: car apres lo treapiw du diet 
roy Kdouard. |e diet due de C'locestre avoit faict honimaige 
k »oa neveu, counne k son my et souverain seigneur, et 
incontinent ai»res commit c-p cas" (2 : 244). 

Uut ttiis cruelty did not last hiiij^, fur Ihein^ in (rreat^r 
pride than any Kin^' of Enjriand for a hundred years, and 
havinp put to death tin' Duke of Buckin^liam, iloA raised 
up against him in tlio Earl uf Ricliniond an enemy without 



— 56 



aoj ibrco, ■''ne tiuI druicl u lafoutumie irAiigIi'ti.'rrv'"t'^-'-^^f»V 
Kichmond had liren from the ago of lift<'ca nr llierealjouls 
(2 : 158; Hf^hipcn, H : 24()) a |irisoiier in Brittaii_v. 

Oa the occasinii nf Buckingham's rebellion he marlc 
an unsuccessful ai1nn|il to hxml in Eug^land. A second 
attempt was successful, n Itattle ensued in wliicti Riclininnd 
had the help of his istcpfather Stanley with :i(i.O(>0 men, 
Richard was f^Iaiii nnd Richmond cruwiietl im tlm ticld 
with Richard's crown. "Kst-ce cccy fortune!* C'est vray 
jugenient di* Dii^u'. Tli^t lliis may ln> moTf api>areni. dp 
Coniines adds, "(hs <|U0 le roy Richard 4'Ut faict ce cruel 
fiieurtre, il perdil sa femme: aucuns veullenl dire iiu'il la 
foil mourir. n rfavoit que uiig tils, lequel incontinent 
mouruf ' C2 : 16U). 

I have here unitGd the two nccounls which are given 
in Book V Chap. :^0 and Book YJ Chap. 8. Tlu' first account 
is found in a cbapie^ lioadwl: '■Exeniples dps nuilh»'iirs 
dee princes et revolutions des estats amvez par jugenient i 
de Dieu" (3 : 153). Of ihese the hi-st examph- was ihe 
fate of Richard, hut their had been nuuiy uiher examples 
before his time in England. The line of Lancaster ha.d 
fallen at Ritwai'd's hands, Warwick had jirrisbcil and hi-s 
brothers with him. Many English lords had slaiu their 
enemies, only to suffer llic rcvengu of their dead erieiiiii's' 
sons. '"Or est il bien a pouscr que telles plajes ne viengnent 
que par la divine justice" (2 : 154J. The secouil acnuint 
closes with tlie words "ailleurs ay |)arle de cesle niHtierc. 
mais il scrvoit encores d'en parlei- icy. et par ftspecial . 
pour nionstrer eonmie Dieu a payi'' ftuHaiiU en riosln^ 
temps, telle ei'uaultez, i^um utteiulrc"'. Elsewhere (1 nib). 
de Coaiines has anothei' chapter; ''Digression sur les eilatzJ 
offle-es et nmbilions. jku' rexeniitle (hw Aiigli'i^". Henvi 
again is reeiii-d the Imig weries of Enghsh t-alaniilies; Hvuryj 
sixth, crowned king, is deposed, imprisoned, and killod;] 
Richard nf Vni'k ruMriiM liimsclf kiti<r nnd jierishi's a fewl 
days after: Warwick sii|i|iorts the House ot York, Soniersctj 
that of Ijnneasler: in thf end. all of Warwick's and Sn«]er-I 



— 57 — 

s« « lioiisi's iirf Ijolicndfii or full in liatllo; Edward puts 
to d^aiij Ids lnotbor C'iarcuL-c for as[)irlng to the crown, 
he dips, and Gloucester puts to cleatii Edward's childrea, 
luki'M liiriiweir rider in tlieir place; incuntintrit tlicrc- 
'^Riciimojul enters England, and puts to dcatii this 
cruel murderer. Thus in these i|uaiTels of Enjfland about 
ei(rf)ty men of the royal line of England pcrisli. Where- 
fore de L'omiacs "warns princrs a(,'ainst alluiving divisions 
to spring up in (hoir realms. "Jlais mon advis est i|Ue 
il no se faict pas ijue par diBpo.sition divine: car i|uanl 
les princes ou royaulnies ont este en ^ant i)rosperit<? ou 
richesses. et ilz out niescongiioissance dunt precede telle 
grace, Dieu leur dresee ung eniiwiiy uu ennemje, dont nul 
lie se doubtoroit, conime voua poroz veoir par les voyu 
nuuunez on \& Bililw, et par ee i\\ie puis peu trannees en 
nvez veu en ceete Anglelprrc" (1 : 70). 



De Comines bad a c^rtsLin personal connection -witli 
the Engh'sh affairs of which lie writes. He was the diplo- 
niutic agent of ('h:u'les of Jiiuginidy, when Wiirwick and 
Clarenw took refuge in France: was the duke's agent when, 
later. I^Mwanl look refuge witli him, and ohlained help, 
whih- th*- partisans of Henrv were lieirig assured no help 
winild he giveji. He was. ugaiii. the eounsellor of Louis XI 
when l-iitwnrd niude his treaty in pi-aee with him in !47o. 
t)n this orciLsion and iiii others he had spoken with Ed- 
ward, and learneil from tlie kintr?) uwn ]]]m that lii.'^ war- 
cry was. "'Slay lln' nohUit* and spare the people". With 
Richnif>nd, too. he hail tatked. and JearniHl from hiin the 
story of hi.s imprit^ontmiit in Itrillaiiy. But of whal. went 
tm on Engh^h soil, ih- (Vnnines liad only heai-say evidence. 
His account of the halth' of Tewki'»tliury ami prince Edward's 
lieatli was evidenlly dcriv'-d rioiii Ejighsh refugeets in 
Hiirgiindy, for it contains the wonLs, ""conuuo in'ont diet, 
ceulx i|iii y ewtoierif; and hiw atory of Henry's dratli is 
niiidjti(»ned hy "si ,je n'en ay ouj mentir", "if what i have 



— 58 — 



hearil he lorri'Lt". But ili* Comings' sdirj' is nf j^ipal valii«> 
as bearing testimony' to tho runioi's afliiat aiiumg English- 
men of high rank, especially among Lancastrian partisans. 

He has the ruiii'>rs that TfichiinJ iiiiirdi^rf'd wi[\\ his 
own hand, or ciiuscil to be murdered in his [irespiiw. King 
Henry; the statement of snniB that hi' put his wife to 
dpatrh: lh« fact that he slew his nppliL^ws. It is upon this 
alone that all de tbniinfs' hati-eil uf Rit^hard is bast'd. 
Princ* Kdward, lie states, was elain on the liciUh ami the 
statement ia esppciahy notewnrtliy, since de Cuinines al- 
most certainly, as before said, ^--ot his information from 
Lancastrinn refugees in Burguntlj'. These, if unaware 
from personal esiierience of what happened on the tield of 
battle, must, it seems, hay been in possession of all Lan- 
eastriftn reports Maeerning it. There is no statement, 
either, of Riehani's complicity in the death of Clarence. 

Hoary VI aiipears in de foniines' accKiiiit as a man* 
very igiiornnt and alniust "withnut si?nse. Edward is prais.- 
ed for his good looks, and his courage; his inordinate 
Inve of w(vmen is mentioned, and he is called a man of 
no high orih>r. 

De C'omines' armunt nf Warwiek is especially not«- 
wnrtliy. He luiiy havi* sliari'd tlic hatred of liis former 
master, ('hartea of Burgurnly. for Warwick: hut when he 
wrote hp was in the service of Louis, who was War- 
wick's friend and helper. It is remarkabln, therefore, 
that while we have no arcount of the manner of Warwick's 
death, his porlniit. — (juite consistent with the acrniint is his 
death in Warkworth. and *'The AiTival", — is that of a co- 
ward. Such appears to have been the emnmnn opinion 
of French hi.-^toHans. { 'haetellain. for example, (nuoti'd by 
Mile. Dupont in herod. of de t'omines, 1 :250) saya of him: 
"Warwyr . . estoit hiieho et eouard, ne oncqties ne sc trouva 
en lieu, fort fuitif," 

In de Oomines' iiceount appears for the flrat time the 
famous iniii of niiUtusfy iti wliich Clarence ie said to Lave 
been drowned. 



- 59 — 

Not the Ira'st noti.'W(irt]i.v p:iii. (if lic ('<imitn>i^' trea" 
iiietit is liis. iiitiisU'iiPc [li:it the liund uf (livine jtislioe i» 
clearly to be soeu thi'ou^^boui Lho sU'uggle of Lancaster 
and York. }lis view is in most points a sniiirwhat gi'ne- 
ral oiw. tlic ilisnsti'rs he rerounrs iiri- Urni's vfugftancf 
iipoH priiifi's bi'causiL' tlu\v ''<* i"t' rwogtiizt' HJiii as the 
Btmrcts of ihrir prospt'i-ity: nr lln-j aro sent by (tO(1 as 
jiunishniLTit fur piirlisiin i|Uiun<!:!i anil divisions. But- witli 
ri'gard to Ktiwiinl and Hii^hard \m stiitrinicnt is ninrc 
ilir«ct. Edwiini is imnislifd fur tUt? luurdtT of CUrencc 
\>y RicIuLrd's iiiufdcr of Ins I'lilldivn: and fiir timt murder 
ill Hirn Itit'liiiid is jMinisln'il li_v llit' loss of liiH w'ifi', rd' Lis 
stun, ami iiually of iiis own life, at the hands of Richmond, 
Ills enemy rtiiseil up liy Ood. 



» 



IX. BiTiitird Aiulrt^'s Hii-tDry of Henry VII, 

Andre wjis nn Augusliiiian friar, a native of Toiiluusc, 
to arnimpaidrd Hi-nry in Ids descfnt ii[io[i Krigliind. He 
Ls iniiili- puL-t liiuR-alL-, lutor tu I*riiia- Arlliur, and ruyal 
historiograplifT. His work was liegun in 1500, and most. 
of it ciHuiiDscd (wu years later (cf. Die. N'al. Uiuj:, siih rmin.)- 
In tlii_' account follnwint: tlio battle of .lioswt.irth. Fox is 
nirotioncil as liishop of Wiiii^hestiT, to which seo he was 
elevalfril t)ct. 17. loOI. (rairdiier'H n*ijiint. from which [ 
(|iio1t!. is from the uniiiin- Ms. of thu Cuttoniuo liljrary 
{Doni. XVlll. fl'. V2G^22^). which iw thuiii^ht to ho the 
idfinlical coi>y prosittUi'd t* tliu king. 

Tbi! work is. as Andrt'- says. (p. I'M "iiol so nnifh a 
hlstury a* a liogi-aidiy'", and i.-veii as such it. is siiitrnlarly 
sbnrt nnil ineompli'ti;. He coiiiplains of lack of matorinl, 
that be i«. as il wi-rc wanih'rintr Mlrnlly in ditrJiness witliout 
a guidr. tJial !»■ htiK rmlliin^ siivi' wliat he tbas lieai'd. Hut 
Ihc work was written for Henry hiinsi-lf, aad nudimhtedly 
ri-piTwril.s thr view he wislicd to he taken of tlie nvPiits 
lliat prnrcriefi his enthronement. 




Aft'iir speaking at Ii?iiglli ni Henry's ilesci-iit ami liirlli, 
nnfl of hifi wonilerful .il>ili1y in li*aniiiig. Andco mciitiinitf a 
"divine prophecy'' of Riclimord's future kiiig:ship, matip by 
Henry VU "Henrico SoxUh (Hiatlain die odm prot'i'riliup rl 
opliniatibus rcj^ni conviviuni f\in|iUs^ii«U!ii ajf^nte. idem rex 
inter lavandum manu^, coinito Ricliemundine accito. prac- 
dixerat ilium aliquarido i-c^iii iruij^rnacula siisjci-pturum. 
oiimiai|Lo nianu sua (uL nuiif. viilcmua relipiter puBiiirir-ti 
habiturum" (p. 14). Becauae of ihis pmpliecy. ami by 
Henry's advii-p. young Rirliimmd was sont hy bis Timthrr 
across tiiu cliaiinc] fur siifcty. Hi.*re he wjis welcomi'd l).y 
Francis of liritanny, bpcausp Iip knew, for so he bad 
learned from uthers, tlial Riclnnond wmild ono day roign 
in England. 

Meariwiiile Edward, "iiesciit i|ua stiniulalus accensas- 
que Fiiria". aspired to the rlirooe. "Pallida Tisipliiwte 
faces awendit mortlferas, (|ui!)iis illos ad violamlum fidt-in 
ac jusjiiranduni excitat" <]i. Irt). Wiir ■cnsut-s. Of l^riin-r 
Edward's death Andrt' snjs only, "is . , , in Tbeoxberyf 
prarlin reriderat" (|i. 291. 

rtjiniiitj til sjn^ak ol' the doatli of tlio "lioly king". Andrf 
ohservpfi "minim dictu est (|nid sit owailti potcntia fat!: 
quo alii 'Mi IioTiii, alii ad iiiabt fenintiii- pnicoipitfs. Vndo 
non injuria trugifu.s |iii niar^n, Spiii*ca|'l osclamat. 'Fata 
nolent^ni traliiint, vidi-ntcjii diicunt'. Hoc idoo dis^^rim quia 
RichaiduH. riiniitis [iracfiiii iiiaiTliii>rnin I'rntpr iKdward IV, 
at first Karl of Miirohi. (JloiiecKtriin' dux. si vrni est faraa, 
ad rcgeiii iiintK'<.'ntifiwiinuiii tmcidaiidiiin fircernitiir; bwic 
nani(iuc ab miyuiculis saiifruiniili'iitii pliicufn' fannnnr* 
('(J. 171. In u later iiiiBsayf, Aodri' oxpn-suly mt'ntiuns that 
Hcriy's doatli wsiy resolved iipmi hy Edward. Where* 
upon he says; "Non possurii Inn* in Inon hip hifrymis ab- 
^tinore, duin tn^'fuui in ^anctuiii viniiii tnintlnntiaiu, iiunia->| 

'} Tliifj •lUi.^ljilioii Is Ti-ii Troiii any nt Si'iicr-a's* plnyM. Hw'j 
(lial«{^u< 111- l'r<niili'tilift l.'nti. ft lias "rl vulrnU^s •julilnm n»n| 
Irftliiinlui' u roriiiDitt", uii'l later Kii "FulA iiDH 4lii<-<jiii". It Diny baj 
iJint II ijii'dinrMil wrilt-r foriii-'il Iht-utt Jiilo nnc .siititntiicw. 



(il 



I 



I 

I 
I 



I 



nitQUini. crudolitati^Tii, socrota iiifiiLf revolvn" {p. 20^. And 
then follows, in Lhc most aj)pmvo<l style of laineiitfitioii, a 
liassat'i' cnliUcii "Aucloris iaorjinosa cxclamatio". "His 
itagtit* gestis, ecw hiirnaiii saTipuinis sitititr illc Richardus 
iJIoLcestriae dux it Cratro puo Ktluardo Quarto iniseus ad 
ipsiiiji Hyiirioum trucidaiuium accfsyit, iElunniu^ . . . |Blaiik 
in Ms.J 

Tn llift i^vils tliiit fdlkivvod this crurl iiuirdar. svlmngt the 
vbolo wdrld in-iirs witiicws. "Calaniitates siijuul'cni ad cuni- 
uluni ionumenililes |uisl ilia eonsrtcutae sunt" Ip. 29). For 
Edward, thmigh duriiip liis life (ali'i'ii'") '^ """^'' pf'tort 
and jfli)riLHis king- nhcr Ids Jeatli Wiis iniiiislicd in tlif 
Itersoiis of his children, whom lie had raniimitted to the 
pmlectiou of his liiritin'V Riclianl. Whili* li«^ lived, ton. Iio 
was often in terror Insl Rirhninnd aliould succeed him. 
"Proiihtiticis quorumdiiiii tf.sUiiioiiiis fxtrrritus" he sought 
by money, entrpaties. and great promises, to induct? the 
Ihikv itf Brittany Ui yirlrl up Riclijird ti» liim. then by 
stcallJi to obUiiii possession of him, hut in vain. "Veruni 
aec praevaluit umiuani in Deuni mcjrialls nstutia; ijuare 
post hare adversa valrtndine rorrrptus nhiit" (p. 231. 

Thi-'Q Richard, "protector a ic^n vocatus f;t (lechvralilR^', 
named protector by the king and publicly prnclainiod as 
such, tffst hade sunitimn froiti VValPs Iub brother's sons 
^filios. .Andre thouglit that tho Duke of York was with 
his hruthttr). coriccalini; tho tyrannical purpose be bad 
already toncrived. The iiueen tied tn sftuettiary, Then 
the tyrant, aftci- putting to di^alli the lords whom ho knew 
to be faithful to his brotber, "nepotea i|uoque eJnm ferro 
iticnntoft feriri jussit: sicpn' uiotk morte. exitiuni exitio 
penBaluni est' (p. 24>. Thus!, while the uohles w«re lattliful 
in wihIh hut far Hstraniji'd from him in their hearts, Richard 
wats raiseil to the throne. 

Meanwhile HirhniontI wan informed of what went on 
ill Knjrl-'"il- '*" Huekiiif-'ham's rolwdlion he determined to 
land in England, but was dissuaded liy Dorset. Afterwards, 
Uorst't, •'Riehin-dn soUieitiitiis". sl.arli*d In return home, hut 




— «2 — 



was niirsuert hy moii wliDni llidiinoiid sent, auti hrnuglil 
luck. Now Franct!* provcil U'cai-Jicrous, iiitcruliii!^ U) win 
RicliardV fa7or by deiivcrin;,'' up Riclinufnd: but tbr latter, 
getting wind of tliis. tIeJ In (.'liaiics of France*, wlio. "'di-, 
vino volut (»ri\c'«lri iiilnictiiiliis" gavi- !iim aiil. and litcb- 
nioiid set out, iift+T prayer lo (Jod ;i!i(l n spcwii Ity Ox- 
ford, largely oomyosod of quntfttions from Lucan. In liis| 
prayer Rielniiuiid di*cl!it'cs tbat. In.' is miliai'kitijr in ai-'onr- 
danci' with Oc>d'!; hi'iIhh'. iint. as (itiit is his wiMii'ss, drawn 
Ukt&Io by avarice. amliitiiMi. or tliirst for blood: "si-di 
Aiifjliaf n'giii(]iift iinpaloniin biiigiiiii niisenitus r-alaiiHlnRain 
captivitatJMii ilLuc acci'do" ip. -2^1 In kis taslt bf jirajs, 
for God's guidance. Addressing his forc<?s, he decJiwea I 
(hat the tyiaat liaa slahi all bis Wii savi- Ids inoOipr. has 
fillL-d the wbolt land with blood, has [lui to df-atli JJut-kiiig- 
liain. who was fornu^ily most dear to him, many innocent I 
nobles of Ihi- rr-alra. aud liriully lii*; own rmjUiews. "N'lis 
aute.ni, i|ui Dc'i nutu rrliuL|iiiinui, sitibmidus sanguinis pari 
modo iii^cu]jiit. Kunu vwn teiaijus nostrum advpiiit. quo 
Deu8 Judi's Justus illjus st-elera nuuiibuH iiostris punicl." 
Contrary tu his natur*!. he nssf-its, dors be uncliTtakH this 
cruel war, but it is bt;tti-r to oboy (lod's i^omniands than 
wpend his lite aaiitl a lorriga [K-oplf. His fnrces are small, 
hut Uod will yraat biiii tin- victory, as he did U' Mows. 
as victory earno in stiiall ;iniii<.'.s over Xerxes. Darius, 
Croesus and many otln'i's. Hiii; adross ends with n request , 
to the prieyts In pray wiilioui ee'asiufi till \ii't,ory vomv. 

When Kiehiu'd bi-ard the news of RieiiiiKnid's arrival 
in Wal(^8. "ut eolubei' mala {{rauiina iiautus in lurcroni ac 
rabii'iii inflauiiiisitui' atijue act'i-nditur. iioii secus ac Hyr- 
caaa tif^n'is auL ilarsus apt'r ulii vuhiera seiitit. Itaqui; 
repeutinuiii in ehiinorem rrumpens, funbuadus ita suos 
alhii]ui(ui'" (|i. 31). Then follows the "Tyranni in sum 
ruribunda oratio". composed in accordance with the char- 
acter a.scribed In Jiicliai'ii. One jniHsagc will nnfl'ice to 
show its nature. "Edieo auteni vobis. julieo attiun ijiipero 
Hi siin- niiserinwdia. slue pietate. sine gratia, uniiics ifruftl 



— fift — 



reniKiuc pfidiitis: tJallus ftutcrii 4-1 r-vti'ms i|unsf|iip nd 
uiiuui jugulate, I'Jiecati'. ac cruci affi^nU'. Ipsum vi>ro 
RicheniuiKitaf ticiniirpni sinp uUo vel sauguiuis vel nobili- 
Uitis rcspL't'tu trufidan-. aiit vivuiii si jmU'stis a4l(lucilp, 
ut iUuni jjrac seiitcntia niea excu^ntatis uovis a1(|ue in- 
auditis suppHciis. vel mea iiiEum trudtbin, Juguleiii. iater- 
imam" (|i. Itl), W> are prcsiMJtcd witii thr npipasite pictun; 
in Rich iiiij lid's -'Ad Aiigliani saluUitiu lul suosque scfunda 
justa(|iip oratin." He prpfta liis uativt^ laud in luuchtlie 
style tif an Agaiiiriiinou or Tiijestes, ^Salvc, lielli poLena, 
pacisque niagiRtra, JnifL'iitis oi'iialii. isacris. doUitiKimo cunctis 
foiiuiiiie diMiisr eXLX'Ilis uiiiiii'S iiua.s iiiaxiiuile ambit Oce- 
anus", btc. (p, 30). He wimes not to ia,v the laud waate 
hy fire arid swdrd, but tn free it from a tyrant and with 
the li>'l|) of God to receive back ibf aiici<.'«t right of his 
family, lli».* throne. His men ure directed in tlie strongest 
ti'nii>J lo beware of cnniuiittin;/ any iujury aynirist the 
mliiibilaiils for tin- sake ol unincy uv fooil, anil nol tu tp- 
coive such without paying for it "voa smtera ilideni in 
iitios fariatis, nihil aiil vvvhv nut fnttt> )|und qiind vobis 
riietipsiu fat'ere niiiiinu' volelis [nTpcLrantes. Si ita ft'ce- 
ritis Onus t»rit luiUh pri>i»iliiis. (]uip])i^ alienis diu nnu gaudpt 
illiciius usui-pator" |p. 31.) 

All atri'iiuiit of the liattli- of Bosworth is imiitti^d, for 
lackof kliowk'dgc. After the battle '"piirta Dei nptinii maxirni- 
Hue diviiia disiinsitiniii* a Richnuundiac cniuito frlicit-or 
virt<iria. tyrnniKjiiuc prL» iniTitis tciicidattj" {p. 3fl), Hpiiry 
indiilifes in a spofich of thaulis^iviiig. to Jesus and the 
Virgin, ln;giiitiing with the hexameter "'gratia nulla potest 
n nil' ninic diirna rftV-rri" and ending with a sappLic strophe. 
He i-xjircst^i-H his somiw for llm falh'ii and hUU bury them 
honorably. "inipriiuisipsiusRichnrdi Regis in ... . |Blauk iu 
Ms.] cum niiini niinla ceveriMiiin i^epeliendunuseatio" (p. 33), 
an order wliieh h-uve? out of account the real way in which 
KicbardVhiKly wji.slii-oitghl,lyin^ stark uakiul ucross n lioi-se's 
buck, "like .1 liu^' IT a calf, into Leieestti-. and there buried 
"wilJiout any soleiunity" iHardyiu^: eon. eU. Luruby. p. i27J. 



— fi4 — 



With tliP account of Aiidn', the Ricliard-saga has 
taken a loni^ steii lurwaril. Tbo account is not alii^lory: 
it is a jmrtrait ol' twn fig'ures, the ojie uf darlni'ss. the 
other of light. ii'Iai^k Richard and the angelic Kirhninnd. 
Richard i* not merely a tyrant, usurper and miirdfrer. he 
13 the monsti'r who from his cradle iindfl his joy in df**ds 
of hlood, the hutcher selected because of his nature for 
the execution of murder. He is the Sliakesiieriaii Richard 
to whom Anna says: 

"Thuu wast provoked bj thj bloody mind, 
Thai nerer dreamt on ougrht but butt? heri est*' R,IIL1 :2, 

and of whom Margaret says: 

murder is thy alms-deed: 
Pelitioners Tor blood thoune'or pull'm bnc-k. 3 H. VI, 5:5. 

The "eanguijiis sititor" of Andn'^ is the ''blooil-supver'" 
ami "hhHid-sucker" of the liHer ehronicletJ and Stiakr^iteai*. 
The tyrant wU<.i, swullen with rage like a t^eepeiit that lias 
fed on noxious herbs^ tiko a Hyrcauiau tl^r or a Miirsian 
hoar that feel a wound, Inirals out in a wild couiuiuml V\ 
his suldiftrs ih.)il with liiti own hand he may slay Rieliunmd 
with new and uuh«ard-of tortures, h the liichai'd whom 
8hakcspeare makc» Richutond call 

"The wretched, bloody, and iiaurping boar, 

Thi.1 

Swills .voiir ■ft'iirm blimd Uke waalii. and makes his trough 
In ,VOUr Bmhowelled husoiiiH". — 

There i« in the revenge tragedies little more sftvat^e than 
this speech of Richard to hiw tniops. It is scarcely surpassed 
by the si>eech of Richard in the True Tragedy: "Tliis. 
ay this verie day, 1 hopo with this lame hand of ndne, 
to rake out that hatefnll lieart of Richmond, and when I 
haue it, to eat it panting hnte with <iiilt. and ilnnku Ids 
blood luke warme. tho I be sure twil poyson nie" (Sit. lAh. 
5:iaO). There is no offset to this black picture, nothing 
that counts in Richard's favoi-. HIk tyranaical inirposo 
lie is Raid to havf conceived lipfore the piinci' came fi-oin 



— 65 — 



Wales, aod Lo liavL- sent for Inm tliat, the piir|ii»He might 
be executed. The priitges wera. -aii6»oiiag-ta"ijfilrf, slain* 
by til*- swoi*d, " ^ 

But if not onfi thing is said in fayor of Richard, some 
things that are nt>t said do so count. Andr^ does not 
mention tluit Princn Edward wit«i murdered at all, but sayy 
tb«t hv fell fij:htin)r in \hf hattle of Tewkeshnrj-. Nothinir 
is said of L'larfiicr's death or of Annas. That he would 
have niiTirionwl any rcijuted crinios of Richard in this 
connection, if he had hf^ard of thimi. his T\'holc characteri- 
BaUon leaves no dc>uht;y*'t Low should h^', living in Henry's 
court nikd ijurroujuiod hy Jii'iu-y's frionds. have failed tn 
hfftr (if them? There is no riiitisl'nettiry answer, B&ve that 
uo sueh charges wre euirent at tliia time. 

Ont* morn fact Mnceriling RiKhard remains to be noted. 
A»dn'> siiys that he had been naineil ami declared Pro- 
tector by King Edwai'd, a statement here met with foi- 
tiiH limt tune. 

The pieture of Richmond is natmally the gi-eutest 
contrast to that of RicJianL Ijoiig exiled, his future 
liin^!ii|t is prophesied by the hnlioal of men — a prophecy 
hell' me;ntioned for the Ursl time. He returns to his na- 
\i\t' land n* Uod's nieKsrnyer. nent by Him to iniiiisli 
Richurd's Climes, lie miterR Entrlaml not because of 
avarice. Hinbition. nr tliii-Kt of blood. Imt out of pily lor the 
oppr^saud. The war which he is compelled 1*) enter upon, 
contrary lo hi« naturii, it; (icidV war, and He will y;rant 
the vict^iry. Richmond is a princely advocate of the Golden 
Rule, loves and shows njerr.y. lij most effective eoiilrast 
to Richard's blood-thirs^ty desire to yhiy Riciimoiid with 
^kis own baud, he bids hury hie conquered foe with evei-y 
liind of honor. The Richiiumd of Andi^ \b the Richmond 
nf HUaktisiieare. 

To make those two figures prToctivo, new literary 
lufaiiH are emjiloycd. The 8t[»iy is iitfuscd Llii'oufchout 
Vi'itii Andrii'ti cluiisical learning, (>mlielli(«tied with Latin 
piM»Lry from l*uean, Vergil, and others. Now fur Uie first 



— 66 — 



time is Senecan philoBojiLiy apiiiii.'!! lo Ricliiinl. He lias 
become the willing follower wliijin tbp t'lites hurry on to 
evil. Edward, too, is iiiiiifllcil lu liis nicasiiTL's against 
Henrj by sonio Fury, wliilr pale Tisiplione. avpr^cr of 
Diuriler, iiiulles Ikt fatal tiirclies. 

AndiV' is also the first writer to frame long apwdies, 
somewhat after the style of Livy, far (ho. cliaractors of his 
stnry. Out of about 22 pages actiuilly dtiYotini In an ,10- 
eount of the events preceiliny \hv bcgiiiiiiiig of Ht-iirys 
reign, nine arc tiken up in tspfcchRfi. Miir^ Vergil, anrl 
Uall followt'O Andr'/ in carrying this trick tn cxcosy, hut 
nowhere are thero-BUcTiabenrd and prppoaterous flxampl'-s. 
We do not wonder that afU-r closing hiw spHfch (»f11iariks- 
giviiig with a stanza of Latin Kiippliiw, Ricbniond ex- 
claims, "1 know not what I sliall say nioro". Pov wluit 
these sifeeches becimie an revealiTK of eharactiT it is uiilv 
necessary to reft^r to S)i:xk4'S]H'ai"f"splaj: yet ihc Hirhuioml 
and Richard of Shakespeare's speeches — modelled on ihose 
of Vergil and Hall — am in all essentials the Ricliiiril ,%ni\ 
Richmond of Andrt. 

In Andrf*, ton, is far niore strongly emphasized than 
ever before, the part jdayetl In the gruesome story by di- 
vine justire. Kot only Richard pnys the pennlty of bin 
trijiies, l)nt Edward a!ti(» is [miiishcd fur the JiiurdiT of 
Henry by biw fear of liiebninnd while lie lives, !)j his uwn 
deatli, ajid nios.t of all by llii- di-alli of his ehildrfn wfter 
him — ''mors niortc exitium exitio peiiaatuin". 



X. Fabyan'N 4'brouicl«. 

Robert Fabyan was a merehmit and alderman of 
Loudon in the reign of Heury VJi. He resigned the of- 
tlee of aldermuu ill 1502, lo avoid tlie expenae of the 
mayoralty. His death occurred in 1612. According to hie 
own Btatenienl <j). 681) Iiis,chrouicle, which ends with the 
beginning of Henry Vll's reign, was tiuisUed Nov. 7, ir)04. 
The first edition of his work appeared in 1516. edited by 



— fi7 — 



> 






Ricliard Pynson, and ended witb the battle of Bosworth, 
A srMiul edition bj William Rastell, including tbe vd^i 
of Heniy VII, appeared in 153;i. a ttiinl in 1645. An 
edition in 1S59 brought the account clown to Elizalieth. 
The following citations are from Ellis's rt;print, 1811. 

Kaliyan's awoniit is tliat of a citj, and not a royal, 
chrouiclor. According to tlie list of authorities mentioned 
by liini he liad no cxtcndrd Ms, or printed work upon 
which to biific his stury of the reigns of Edward and 
KichartI, and his soiccos must have been only such oral 
u)d written testimory as was possible to a memlier of the 
I-ondon city gfjveriinn^nt. His ro|)ort, therefore, is of 
gr^at iraportanco as shcwinj,' the viicw of Richard held in 
th<? city — tradition aad saga sliapptt l>y a different circle 
from any that had a hand in the accounts hithoito examined, 

Our summary begins after tlip battle of St. Albaiiii. 
in which wa« killed Richard's father, Duke of York. 
H^'aniifi; of tlu; lot^s of thi-s field, the Duchess of York 
scat IiRr two younger sons, Geortfi! and Richard, to Ut- 
Fpcht, wh«re tUey rouiaiaod a whihv Edward was made 
king, liy help of Warwick, and Henry fled to Scotland, 
whili! "that noble and most bountciio'ns pryncessp queue 
Margarita, of whom many and vntrowe surmyse was ima- 
jrcned 'awd told*-, wa;* fayiie trj tlye njinfiirllcswc" (p. 040), 
Toward llif end of Edwui'd's first yi'sir Hii-liacd was i-rcatpd 
dukK of GloucesU'r. 

Tlie marriage of Edwnrd to Klizahcth Grey and the 
iiMMUiurcii adopted to ensun-! secrcry iiro ilctailed at len^'-lh. 
''And BO this maryago was kept secret after, tyll nedely 
it mu«t« be disrouci'jd &. disclosed, by meane of other 
whicUe were offeryd Tuto the kjnge, as the quene of 
ScoUoe and other. "What obloquy ran after of this ma- 
rya|f<*. liowe thri kynge was ciichauDted by the duchosse 
of Bedford^ [mother of Elizabeth Grey] and howe after 
be wold« haue refusyd her, with many other thynges 
coDc*rnyng this matier. I here passe it ouer" (p. 654). 
Tliifl yti'ar Henry was taken prisoner in a wood ia the 



— 68 — 



North country by one named Canliowc, nntl after prt^unlctl 
tn tlio king, wtio sent liim to the Towit. 

In the iiiiitli year of Edwanl "tlie diRsjiiinliHl fauor 
whicii atwoiin the king and tUo eric of Warwyke hoAi 
this (read: styll, &s in lalor oii.) eontynut-d aync tl 
maryage ol' the i|uene, hcffannf to a|(pi>r<s in soiiioch thj 
the orle with di'ewe liyni from thiy kinge, and conffderyd 
vato Lyiii iho duke of Cliirciico, Lhiit l^efurr haddc ttiarye 
his tkiUjtrliti^r" (|i. U57). Wlinrriijiou I'lisu'.'d tin? r"?ltelli< 
of Robin of Kedesdale. (Jlareiioe and Warwick fled 
Fraiicp, returned wiUi help, iind drove cnJt Edward, 
fled to Oharlfs, duke of Burgundy, who bad majTied hi 
sistpi-, while his queen took sanetuary at WestTTiinslrr. 
King Urnry was restoiinl lo Ids throne, Duiiiij,' ll 
parlianu'ut that ciLsufd, Kdwaid w:is iiroi-lalTiii'd usiirpe 
and Rielmrd traitor. 

Thfii Eiiward retuuu"-!! to Eiifrlaad, landed at Rave 
spore, and dn'w tewai'd York, '■inii.kjrci^lds priH'ljtiiiations H 
the name of Kyn^ Ileury, ami sliewyd to Ihr jjcople, that 
he came for aouw eLteaU but oonly to clayme liis enhery- 
tannee. y dukedonu- of Ynrke; arid sno jiassyd llieTOiinlrps 
tyU he rariie t<i y i^ytii' uf Yorke, wln-re lln* rytezyiis lielde 
hjm onte tjll they knewe hie eiitwnt. And when he had 
shtswyd viilu (Ih-jiii. as he hefoi'e had donr viitn otbrr. & 
anifenufd it liy an ollie. lie wiiJi there reet-yned" (p. (}tlO). 
Coiidnp t(i IxJiidoii. Eilward took poswssion of the city and 
iai]iris()iied Henry in tlie lower. Thea followed the liatlle 
of Biiniet. "'Ill wkichi; season the duke of I'iai'i-iice. 
conlnu-y to his othe and prnniyse made vnto the Frenshe 
kjugu, refiisyd tlie title of kyng Henry, & Rinlayidj with 
y strength as he hadde, mrfe strejght vnto his hrnder 
kyiige Edwai'de, wherwith the otlier lordea wen; sonidi'iUe 
abasslied" (p. fi61|. After a long aad cruel fisht EdwanI 
obtained the upper baud, and Wfti-wick was ala-iu — how. 
we are uoi- told. 

"Of the mystoe and other inipedymentoB whiche fyll 
upon the lordes partye. by reason of tlie hicantaxjyouB 




» 



Bungoy, as tbo fiiuie wont, mo lyst nat 
i« wryi*'"' (p. (>til), 

Mai'KaixH and her son now Inrdefi in Rniiland anil 
ailvancf'd t'l 'IVwht^wfjiiry, "wlipic tlbi? kinjii' lucite will Ler 
und her (listreKsyd. ami chfisyii hi'r crnm]iuiiy and slewe 
nmiiy uf tlit'^m, lij llu- wliiohi' lijitayll sln' w:is taknii, ainf 
Sir Kdwiird lici' sotip, and so hrniight vnto ilip kyngo. Rut 
aftfM- llu' kyiigi' liiicliili' iiiu'stytnuui with tlif snyil Sir Edwiirdi', 
;iiid lif tiad luwwfryii vnlo liyiii cnntrnrjii lii^^ pleasure, lie 
tliunnff strake liym willi his gauiiteli?t vpon the face: aft*r 
wliH'ln- ntnik" so !>y liyni rt-'cyiiecl. ho was fty tlif kynKt^s 
w-TUBUJiLx itH-iMityiHMiLly wlaynft vjiDii tlio .nil. day of tliB 
niuurtli of May. Wliaii Kyii^i^ Edwarde liaddj^ thus suh- 
»liiyi! his fnt'iny^'s. aiione hi; seiil (Hieni' Margan^te vnto 
Ixmiluu. wherr sho irstyd a season, and fyoally slie waa 
senl homu into her comitru" (.p. fi62'). 

'•Thaiine vpnn Assennon Kiiyn nest ensuynge, y 
varps ufHriirt' llir .VI. lult' Icyiiiru was bnuifrlit unreupr- 
«olly froiu y TowiT Ihoitigli y hygli slretfsury cytif vnto 
PauUa Cbiircli, and iijf?re lofto for that ny^rhr. and vpon 
y morowc roinipyifil with glt'yiiys & othpi' W4'pyns, as hp 
htdore lliylhiT was bmugiitf vnto C'hprtyssfy. whi-re lie 

huryud- Of y dcth of this prynpo dyuereo talpswerR 
Inidp: hut thp ni'if't wiiiiiKin I'jiitu' wcnip. liial lie was 
Mykk*-)! Willi a. dagger, hy th<' liundes nf the dnkp of 
<ilouprt*r" I)). (Ifiyi. (cf. with the |)assagp from a Ms. 
I/)ndtin clinm., c uikUt Itl. Oiip arpount was evidnntty 
iiiflut'ucpd liy tilt- other, m' thr twu had a eoniiuor .*iource). 

In Id*' 17^ yivir ''that is to meanp y xviii- <taye of 
Frhniary. tin; duke of L'larpiict! and . . . hrother to the 
kyiij;'-. thanrif' Ix-yiit: pi-vsoncT in y Tnwpr, was seorptly 
put t<j 'J'-rh A drowripd iit a Iiarell of iruilurifyt! within the 
«ayd Tower" (p. 6fi6f. 

As 8"'>n as Kirit' Ell ward was dead, ''grudge and 
vnkyndnessp hpgnnni' i-n take place atwpno the kynges 
and till' (tuHiM's allyo, for the lorde inan|uys of Dorset 
brvpd^T j Rivers. DorsHi was tlie queen's son. Kabyan has 



— 70 — 



tho same mistakP in the ramp heltiw] vnlo the qunni! 
(pUioi' of liis alTyiiytie, lia<l Uioii tie rulo iiiul kopyn^e or" 
lliis yongo kynge, wtki<?Uc at tlio tynic of bis iadcrs di'the 
was of the -Agv. of , xt . yore or ilnTf iibiiuiL, and so lieynj^i 
in this gj'dynfj;e in the Mart-he of Walys, coiiueyd hpn 
towarde London"' {p. filiS). TIig duky of Gloucester now 
intervened. With a number of men from tlie Nortli hi 
mot the king at Sttiny Stratford, and "aflcr dissymuk'd 
rauntenaunce mado atwene liyni and tlie foresayd iiiarqwys'',! 
took the king under his own charge, and accompanied hjj 
Bufking'bani brought him '"wTth all lionour" to London,' 
Upon receipt ol' the nt^ws?, the (lut'fu took sanctuai^ in, 
Westminster with the young duke of York. The king w? 
met by mayor and citizens at Hai'nesay Park and con-' 
seypd to the bishop'ji palace. Then tfloucester "inuegeljd, 
so the arliyssliop of Caunterhury nainyd Bowchier, Uiat 
went ^itb hym to the ipienrt" (p. fi6fi), and by promise 
obtained from her the duke of York. 

Wliile provision was tnakiug for the king's coronaiior 
Gloucester was "a<lriuttcd for lord protector"', and causedl 
to be beh(ja<led at Ponifret. Sir Antony Wydyuyle [Earl 
Rivers], the lord Uiehard Gray, Sir Rieliard Hawte, and 
Sir Thomas Vaghan. Gloucester now sent "lor tJie more 
partie" of the nobles and coiinsmllod with thein, feeling 
their minds without letting them perceive hie wieked purpose. 
"Sodaynly vpon tho . xin . day of Iimyt heyng within th( 
Tower in the counsayll chambre, witli dyuerse lordos with' 
liyni, as tlie duke of Btikkynghaai, erle of Derby, the lorile 
Haslynges, than lorde chamberlajne, with dynerse other, 
an owle crye by his assent of treason was made in the 
vtter chandjrc, wLerwith (he sayd lorde iirotectoiir beyngi 
warnyd, roose vp & yode hymselfe to the chamber dor 
and there receyued in suche persones a.s be before hac 
appoynleii to execute his raalycious purpose, the whiche 
inoontynently set bandc vpon the forerianiyd lord chambei 
layne and other: in the whichc .styrrynge tho erle of Derby 
WR8 hurte in the face, and kepte a wliyle vnderholdcvj 



— 71 



Tliannp liy comniaHndnmcnf of thm sayd lorde pnnt-ftctoiir, 
tiie sa>(l lunlc tUaiiihcrlajiiP in all liast wjik huhle in tlie 
murt or |ila_vrif wlieri' lln> rlia[t(^i:i uf the Tower stnmlfth. 
ami tlnTi" willimLit iuginiieTit, ur Inline Ijj'iui' uf curifiissinii 
or n-iienlaunr-r, v]ion an endo of a longe and grrat tyiiiTjer 
lotTfTC. wliiche t-liert.' fnyi? with nthpi- for th<i rnpajryiiKc of 
iUv. sayd TfiWff, causi^tl his hedde to be sinytten nf. and 
all fur tic knewe well Iliiit hi^ wolde nat assf^ril. viito liis 
wycked intent" (p. tiilH). Then Mie liishops of York and Ely 
wcro sot in sure keeping, while (bo earl of Derby, for foitr 
of his son tho li>rd Strange, lest he should array CTK^shirc 
ad Lan«.'at:hire a^iiin^f Richard, was spt at lar^e, 

"Tbanne hogannc the longe couert dissjmulacion, 
whicbc of the lordt protrcioiu' had been so craftly 8hado^yyd, 
ijj bn-ke nut. !it large'' (p. (j(i9). L'pon the Sunday ftdlowinj?. 
Doctor Rate Shaa, in a sermon at Panl's eross, before 
RichanI, Biickinfilmni. and olbci-s, declared that.tln' children 
of Edward were illcgitininte. Kew of the audiennie favored 
thi' inatltT. "Of tin- wliiehc dt^claraeinn, as the faiiif went 
after, the sayd doctour Sliaa toke such repentaunee, that 
ho lyued in lytoU prosperite after". On the Tuesday 
following, in a speech at llnildliall before the mayor Jind 
citizens, Buekini-diain. in an eloriuent oration, set furlh 
Richard's right to the rrown. On the next Thnrsday '"the 
sayd Iiirilo [irutectour tiikyiig then 7pon liym as byng and 
guni^rnnurofllierealiiie'' went to Westminster. tflok[>ossession, 
made Ijie roynj oath, and exhorted the judgrs of tho law 
In execute justice (p. t>(i9l, "Wliirli pas-sftynie the. two 
princes w^T^jiUL-imd^er yunr kcpyngc within the Towftr'\ 
On Friday the protfctorTraS pr^dnimod kingf Tlicn "foF' 
f<TO "f the i|ii''ii''f* I'loih^ and other" Tp. nr»9) "he sent for 
mftn from tho North; they canie to the nnniber of 4000 men 
and renintned till aft(M- they cornnation, "In which foresayd 
ps.'wf tynie. the niaripiys of Dorset, brodpr [sic! cf, above] 
vnto (|UcnL' Elizabeth, that before was lied, eseapyd many 
wondf^rfull <laLntr*'rs, both aboute Loudon, Ely, and other 
places" (p. 670). 



_ 72 — 

Kern Fahyan dndareg; "Tedyoua it is to me to wryle 
the tragnlyoua liyakiry" ul' Riclmril. "i-xrcpt that I rciiipmlire 
that good it is to wryte and put in rLMiieiiibraunce the 
punysuhmenl of synnera, to Hie f:nde tLat other may 
PscJieWe to fall in lykc flaunp:t;r"' (p. 070). From now on 
few or none favured Richard excerpt for dread or for tlte 
grciit gifta they recoivL-d of liim. For Richard (*pared not 
to U56 in tliis way tho IreuBuro accunmlated l)y Edward, 
and borrowed more from tht" citizens of Ivondoii. Those 
so won rioct^ived him afterwanisi. Ridiard wa.-i miwred 
and then went North to pacify a rebellion. Ho (TLmteil his 
tpgitimato son Triaco of Waley, and his illegitimate son 
Captain of Calais, ■"wliiche encreiisyd more grudge to 
hymwarde" (p. 670). 

In tlie next ye-ar, "the foresayd ^'iHlgf encroasinge, 
and the more for itsuiocbe as the comnmn fame went that 
kjTige RicLardc hadde within the Towor put vnto secrete 
detli thf -IT. sontip.s of his hrodrr Edwardo tho .mr. for 
the whiche, and oilier causes hadtUt within tlio breat of 
the duke of Bukkyojg'ham, thii sayd duke, in secrete manner, 
conspyrcd agaynii hyni, and al]y4'd liyiii with dyaoree 
gcntylmen, to tbu eiide to In7[ig liis puniosf' al)outo" |p. B70|. 
Leai'iiiag of tliis, Richard sunt to arrest him. and Bucking- 
ham, wlio was at his manor of Brecknock "jimaliy accnnp- 
auyL'd", (led to the house of a servant of his, naoied 
Banastef, For tlie sake of tie reward offered liy Richard, 
^ WOO and land £ lOO in value, or t'lso for fear of hi^ 
life, Bannster delivered up liackinghisni to tjio sheriff of 
the shire [not named], and tho iirisonpr was hrouglit to 
Richard at SaliHtmry. Here be was bphearipd after vainly 
requesting to be allowed tn see the king, 

Xow, while Richard was "iedynge his lyfe in givat 
agony and doul)te, triistyngp (ewe of such as were about 
hyui" ("p. 671), many passed over to Franco and there 
allied them to ''that vortuous prynce Henry, sone vnto 
the erle of Eiclimonde^ discendjd Ijneally froni Henry 
the .Tin. lately kyag of this realme", and agrwd- to hnip 




73 



him to beTOOiw King of Rnglatifl if lie would marry princcsB 

I Elizahoth. Among ttipse wefn Sir James Blnunt. kf'fjjer 

of tl»> caKtlR of (Jiiyiiys (Ouhirs: (.ithprwigf Ham CJastlu), 

and thu Esirl of Oxford, who lnul heen his prisoner sUice 

K Ihe eleventh year of Edwiinl IV. 

I "Whyletliysc..('scsiiiyd..Wa8onenami'(!WylIjnmOi)lyn|H;- 

^Lhmme ^ak^'n, and nfter ht> . . was caste for soiuiry t.rfasnrm: 
^^^■br a i^me which was lnyds to hie chsirge, . . as foIoTvith. 

^^^^V Thp rallc, Iho vhWf, ii^il l.oiii!'ll our dug'im, 

^^^^F RuljtK nil Knghmte vuili^r n hofrge. 

■ The whiche was ment, that Catishy, Ratrliffe. and tho 

~ Innlc Louell, ruk'd ihc larade undpr the kjni^i', wldcli 

bare thp whjtn Imre for his con^'saunce. For the whiche 

and other . . ho was put to the moost crueli deth" tp- 672). 

Then follows a ^uesoiHe account of his execution. 

|U Rii'hniond landed at Mylltounie (there is nn mention 

B of his first unsuece-ssfut atlempt), '"for whose defence of 

landyngUi kynge Ricliarde, for somoche as he feryd hym 

lytt'Il. made but small prouycion" (p. 672). "When Henry 

B landed "lie incontyently [sic!] fim-.ljd downs upon the ertlit 

H aud with mekfi counteuaunce and pure dpuocion began 

" this psalnic: '.fudica me- Dens, et decernc ciiusam meam' &c. 

IThv whiclie whennft lie hadde fynysshid to the cnde, and 
bys^ed the grounde nieitely and rouen?ritly, made the signe 
of tlio crfjase v])oii bym. he coniniauiidyd suche as were 
aboutf' hyni boldly in the name of Ood and seint George 
to sette forrwawfe" (p. 872). At Bosworth ensued a sharp 
batllp. whifli wmtid have 1>pen frharper if Richard's nipn 
b»d reniaiiiecl (jue to him; but many left him and went 
oTy»r to Ripfnnond, '"and some stode houynge a ferre o/, 
tjll they sawe to whiche partye the victory fyll." Richard 
1-wa« fUmn. witli Nnrfolk ami Brackenbury, and bis corpse, 
"spoylfd. it, naked, as he was borne, cast behynde a man, 
and m caryed nnreuorontly iiveilhwartc the horse backe 
Tflto the fryer:* af Lpyccter: whtrc after a season that he 
hnH ly**n. thai all men niyght licholde hym. he was iherpi 
with HtrV i*ciiriruc* huryed" fp. fi73). 




— 74 — 



Of tin; greatest interest in Fabyan's nuiTative is the 
lictaiicil account of Princt' Rdwunrs iIoatL. Hew Tor the 
Hrsl, lime, t.liirt,v yam nfk-r tlit- i»VL-nt. ilo wr iiici-t willi 
the statement that the iiiinco was captured in tlu» bRlllc 
ami hiDiifiiht to tilt' king. Vnv a ilis|)lea!^injr iiri-swiT — 
nut trJvt'ii — Kintr Eilwiird strikes Mm — liut only with 
his gautitli't; whmmpon the prince is miu-dcred bj tliej 
king's servants — no namps given. 

The account of IIenr3''ts death a^ri-cs so nrai'Iy with' 
that of tho Ms. clironicle cltod in Tilt;., tluil the i>in)j 
account was evidently taken from the other, or else thcyj 
had a eoinmoii source. 

For the spcond time occurs the sE.atGiiii_^nt that ('laronci' 
was put to death in a butt of wine. De Comines' work, 
if seen by Fahyan. niiiat have bnen scon in Ms. It is notJ 
mt'iitioncd by Fahyan as one of his sources, and tlierr isT 
no indication elsewhcrr that Ite ever used it. It is more I 
probahle thiTpforc that both authors derived tlirir account] 
from iKipular report id. Chronicler of the White KosCrJ 
p. 2r.i lu the contrary). 

Amnnff the facts mentioned for the first time tiy Fahyai 
are the capture ol' Margaret in the battlejield of Tewkes-] 
hury (historically incorreet): (he lietrayal of HuekinghamJ 
by Biinister: t'olliiigtiourne's rime: and the manner of 
Richard's bringing to Leieeater. and hia buHal there. 

As for iJie chnmiclpr's attitude Inward Hirliard, it is) 
plainly enont^li one of intense ojiposition. hut he confinci 
liimt^cir iijorttly In a statement of his dee<ls, with no attempt 
at enibellif^bniont. and with few rcllection.s save the ptateuient 
that he writes tlic "tragcdious liiatory" of Richard as a 
warning to sinners. Kichmond i& treated in murh tlw 
same way from the opposite point of view, He i« a virtuous 
prince and the lineal descendant of Henry IV; meekly 
and reverently, with pure devotion he ealls on (-{nd to 
judge him and decide his cause. But ther« is no flattei 
HKidii FiMMi that conveyed by tho speeches, and no rhetorics 



— 75 — 

att^nijits lo Piihance ttie picturu of liim that ie preeeuted 
by the farts nf his story. 

In aiklilioii it sliould Le not.*»il tLaL Fabyaii niakos uu 
mention of Ricljaril's appdiiitnient as protector by the king, 
and llial notliirig Is said uf llie visit by Itie mayor aiifl 
ftliiemit-n of Lnndori lo Biiyuard Castle to urge Richard 
lo take upon liimself the crown. Considering Fabyan's 
knifwMge of city affiitrs Mils wouhl sconi .surjirifiing, were 
it not for the coiisiderattnii (hat tlii; wiitcr doubtless wished 
to shield hi& fellow-citiztms. 

The cardinal who goes to the queer in sanctuary to 
beg fcr the young Dtiko of York is called by Fabyan the 
Archbishop of Cantorbiiry. 



Xl> Hure'N Hiintory of King Kitliaril 111. 

A. The English Version. 

Sir Tliomas More was bora 1477^ and died 1535. At 
tiip age of thirteen ho was plnced in the housohold of 
Dnctor Morion, then ArclibiBhop of Canterbury; ami he, 
it is jrenerally. ami douhtli'^K righlly, assumed, wni.« the 
anihorily for most of the facts which appear in this his- 
tory. .As bishop of Ely, Morton Iiad opposed Eiclturd, 
been contined by bins, had escaped, had reudcred inipor- 
lant as§tst.ancc in bringing Henry to the throne, and hat! 
been raised by him to tJie primacy of England. 

The work first appeared ia somewhat mangted form 
in Grafton's continuation of Hardyng's Chronicle. 1543, 
atid again in Hall's "The Unyon of the two noble and 
illuslre fameli^s of Lancastre and Yorke", as published in 
l»48. It was printed from an authentic copy by More's 
nt'pbew William Raatell, in his edition of More's works, 
l6o7. As there printed it eontaine certain passages said 
by the editor not lo h(^ contained in More's Eugliah work, 
but to be tran.*lated out of that which he wrote in Latin, 
This I,atin history was first printed in the 1566 edition 



— 76 — 



of More's works. The relation of lli« two vprsioiis is in 
doiilit. Hannfftoii. Meti^morpliosis of Ajax, La(3 "■heanl" 
thai tlir Lfitin viTsiciii was hy ArdiliisLniJ Morton, ami 
Buck, History of Richanl III. Iii4fi, says that Mnrtmi 
wrntp "a buoke itl fjatiEU' iifpiinst kin^ Rlrliard. wliifli 
raidp aft^^Twaitl to tin- liaiuls of Mr. Monre^ sniiiiitiriiP jils 
Rurrarifc'". This book had been seen by ii Iricrnd of Buck's, 
who tiilii liini of ft, Tlie thc-orv «if Morion's iiutiiorfiiip 
has Ijepii held by many of tho best hiptorifini^ since, auiontj 
them Paull (5 : l!47). Tho Latin is considered to be much 
iiifLTior to Morc's. and "tJio tone oft^n implir-s that the 
writor W!is a contemporary witness of some of tho events 
di'scribod" (Die. Nat. Biog. sub More). 

An oppoeite theory, however, was proposed by Sir 
Henry Ellis in the prpfaee to \m eiiition of Grafton's 
Hiinljiig, He was "inclined to thint that the English 
copy was the work of Morton", on account of a sentence 
oceurriiig in Clrafton's copy of More. Speakinij of Edward's 
last sickness, tlie writer says that it "contimied longer then 
false and fantastieall tales have untruly and falsely sur- 
mised, as 1 my.'^elf tiiat write this pamphlet truly knpw'\ 
This, Ellis thinks, liear-s evidence to an earlier pen than 
More's; and th& f^ditor of Chronicles of th^ Whit<i 
Rose af^TPPS with him lliaf then- is "'nmch greater iiri»- 
hahility" that Mtjrton wrote the En^'Ush rather than tlic 
Latin. Ellis also finds "the colour of eloquence . . eo 
richly spread <iver tiic; whole tract thiit it haw no appear- 
ance of having been translatetl from another langua;;e'': 
and thinks it "singular that th*' passage (|unted slioidd lie 
omitted in the editions of (he reign printed in Hall. Ho- 
linshed. Stow and Speed" ip. xx^. An a matter ol fact, 
the passage does occur in Hall (p. 343. 13. 41 — 43). who 
copied More's work as it appeared in the continuation of 
Hardyng. Holin«lied, 8tow, and Speed copied Rastell's 
edition from thw copy in Mt»rw'K own hand, where the 
jiapsage is not. t/> he found. 

The t|uesiI(jiL of date lias its importance in detunnining 



77 — 



HP authui-slii]). Piiiili sayB of ttif Knalish veirion; 
ist uiislieitig, wio sich nachwi'iseii lilsst, urn dns Jabr 1509, 
aus Morons Fprtcr i^pflosseu." Upon what pvidonce he ns- 
lies fur l.liis ■piirly (Into I dn not know. Ttio date ^'einTiilly 
accepted is that assifined bj Rask'Ll on tlic title page cif 
tbe Hrst publisht'd oditinn — "about the yoare ol'our Lorde. 
I')l3"; and this was rajiipd by Holinsbed (vnl. 3, p. 36I1). 
Al the l>e^niiiiif of the woi'k, Lowl'Vlt, occurs the slate- 
iiinnt that Anne, daug-bttM' of Edwai-d IV, was iiinrrird l« 
"Thomas, than Ijonle Hnwardc, and after Earle r»f Surrey". 
This pastiap^. at least, must havp l»een written after Feb. 
1. 1514. when Howacd wa.s n^ade Earl of Surrey upon 
his fatlierV okivalioii to the dukodnni of Norfolk. Hut as 
the iiassagft is found in the Latin viTsion alwo. it prov^f* 
that if the Latin vorsion w;is <irit,'iii.illy Morton's, nw- ad- 
dition at l^a.st was madi^ aftoi- bis d^ath. Honiido thiA, tho 
portinii of 1h'' KntrliBb version Unit foUows RjifUani'n nit'o- 
nation with wliit'h tjie L:\tiii vi-rsion ends — csinii'd. Iiave 
be^n writtP^H hy Morton, who dii^d in I5iX), since it mentions 
(od. Lumby. |), 81) "tho late . , king Henry", who died 
Apr. yi, 1509. 

Whih' il nppoars impnssihle to decide with ahHolute 
satisfju'tiou Ihf (jue.slion of millioishi)). it fs beyond dniibl 
that thr r*atiii veisimi is the iiasis of tlic English, whicli 
follows the othiT with nmch greater faithfulness than bsi.** 
iiftpn heen asserted, Ihniigh it is snniewhat fuller, ami in 
a, few phiccs a paraphriiJ*e latlirr than a tnuislation. But 
that, contrary to hlllis's opinion, it is a transbTtii.ii rnmi the 
Latia, tho constant rccurrencu of Latin ronstniction>ii and 
idifinis, which appears on c^oniparisnii. is fulJy suftieient 
to provt;. 

The Knp^lish hook be^ns with the death of Edward FV 
ftini endu fil»ruptly, in the ntidst of a conversation between 
liuckingiiani anii Bishop Morton which is said by Moru to 
biive led \n Buckingham's rehellion. 

The followinti; citatiftns are t«ken frmn the edition of 
Dr. Lumby, printed by the Pitt Pniss, 1983. 



y 



— 78 — 



The person of Kins EfJward is first doscrihed. Iiia 

/ virtues recouiitL'tl, and tLe- quipt state of tlie roalni ami 

^-^pgeneral affettion of the jieuple brought foi'ward as ftn 

/indiration that his chiklrcti would have betii securely 

/ protected, had they not been removed l>7 the Duke of 

I Gloucester. 

\^ Before wrilin^ the deeds of this man it is nccesaai-y 
to show what mauiifii' of man he was, and, to tiat end, 
to go back a little, Ricljard was the sou of Richard. Duke 
of York, "a noble man and a mighty", who '"begaiine not 
by warro, but bj lawo. to challenge the crown, putting 
his ttlaime into the parliamente". Here it was decided that 
the crown should fall to York and liis issue, after tlie 
death of Henry. Fnr this he could not liear to wait, 
battled for the crown at Wakefitdd, and lost it. He left 
ihree sons. Edward, (leorge and Richard. "Al three as 
they wer great states of birtbe. soo were they ^reat* and 
Btatelye of stomacke, greilye and ambicious of authorilie, 
and inipacjent of paiieners. Edward, reuengiof^ his fathers 
death, deprived King Henrie. and attained the crown. George 
Duke of riarence was a goodly mdile jiniice, and at all 
pointes fortunate, tf either his owne ambicion had not set 
hiiu a.gainst hi.« brother, or the eiiuic of his enemies Uis 
brother agaynete him", for either tlirougti the tiialigiiity 
of the quoen and her kindred, or the dulje's own ititentjon 
to become king, faulty or fanltlesw, he was attainted uf 
treason by parliament, eonUeinnod to death, "and thtrupon 
hastily drouned in a Butte of Malaiosey. whose death 
kyng Kiiwardi- (iilbeit he conimaunded it) whi'n he wist 
it was done, pltiously bewailed and sorowfuUy repented". 
\ Then foUow!^ the famous description of Richard's 

person. "Richardo the third sonne, of whom we nowe 
entreate, was in witte and courage egall with either of 
them, in hodye and prowesse farre vnder them bothe. 
little of stature, ill fetured of limnies, croke backed, his 
left shoulder tnuch higher then his right, hard fauoured 
of visage, and suche as is in 8tate.s called warlye., in other 



— 79 — 



» 



niennp otherwisp, he was malicious, wrathful!, enuious and, 
from afore liis liirtli, euer frowardo. It in for truuth 
re|)oi'tvd, that the Diiches liJs iiicilber liad mucin; adoe in 
ber trauailo [timt sha could not lie ilHiupred of liyiii 
vucut] '), aud that liee came into the worhle with tlie; 
feete fowjirdn, n£ moune bee borne outwardt?!, and (as the 
fi»nm mniit'tli') sdso not vnlotbod, wliitliei- in*»riiii.Mif liatrt'd 
rciMirte aliiiiiitf tlic trouibe, or files that nature ilmuiigRtl 
1)«r course in liys beginniiigp, whiche in the course of his 
lyfp many thiiiiies vnniiturallye eoiniiiiltcd. Xruip eiiill 
captaiiK! wa3 bee in the warre. as tu wliiclie liis dispusicinii 
am more metelj then for peace. Sundryc victories hiidde 
and soiniiietiinf oucrthrowt^s, but iieuir iii defaults. 
for his owne iiarsoiic. cither i»f liardiiicsse or polyUkc^ 
order; free was hcc called of dyspRiiw. and sotiuucwhnt 
iilwu4> h.vs power libcrall, ivnth larg'e giftas liec gt-i liini 
rneliiddii^tt? trt-ndculiippp, fur whiclir hee waf^ fain to pil 
and «p«>yle in other places, and get him stcdfast lia.tr<>d. 
lie van close and Hocretc, a deepv dissinmU'T, lowlyo of 
eoutittfvnannce, arrogaiit of heart, outwardly cmiuipiiiahle 
wiic-re he inwiirdoly hatLHl. not lettinj; tu kiss^ii' whuine hee 
iouglit« 10 kyll; di^pitious and cruell, not for eaill will 
ly, iMit (ifler for amhirion, and intlicr for th<' snretio 
eiifTeasP iif ids putate. KrcridL" :nid IV»a was [iiiiclm 
what jndifforcat, where his adua.untapL' pri^w, hr" apsired 
no iiiaiin dfathi.'. whose lift' williwtnodi* his purpost-. He 
^It'we with his ijwne bandes kiiijf Hi'iiiy the sixl, being 
pri8oiiei' in tht* Tower, as ineimo ronstantly aaye, and that 
wilhniit coinniaundenHMite or kaowt>lcflii(e of thf kiii^. whiche 
lie vudoubti^dly. yf he had catKiided that tiling"!*, haue 
lintcd tliat honrlierly office, to souie other then his 
Bwnc lioroe broUuri'. Scinime wise uicnne alsu wcrnc, that 
lirifto couertly conuaydi^ lack-'d not in helping fnrth 
lirotiier Clarence to his deatli : whiche Lee resistc^d 




'I IIbII.i>. ^^. flnisltcil hy l.iimbv. who "oxTHirpatM" without 
Ni Diiii'h 1LH llie hint of nti aalt*ruikl 



— §0 — 



opf^nly, lidwlteit snmwliat (us mcnne dempd) mor« fatiitl 
then he that vrtv hartely minded to his wdtb. And Ui 
that thus demo, think ttiat lip lonf? time in king Edwardes 
life foretliouglit to be king in case tfaai Uie king liin brother 
(wboBe life ii«e looked that euil dyete shoulde ehorteu) 
Bliouhlt* ImiMieii U) deceasp (as in dede be didi wUile 
eliildi'tiii wer yoiigo. And tiiei denie. that for thys iiiteai 
he was gladde of hie hrnthers deatli tin' Duke of Claren 
whose lil'p must nudes haue hindered liyni bo nntendyngp. 
whither the same Duke of Oareuce hadde kpiitehiiti intv 
to his no|)liew the yoiign king, or eiiliprpriseH to he kyng 
bhiiselfe, Gut. of al thi.s pointe is there no certaintie. and 
wboBo diuiaeth vppori cruijectures maye as wel nhot^^ 
farre as to shurt" (pp. 5- -7). 

Since Richard "well wistp and holpe to mayiitayn 
long L-ontinuL'd jfri'dpe and lii'arte l)!'p.nnyiige bet.wi*ne tl>i 
Quencs kiiinMl aiid tlie kingeg lilomj, nytlier pattie eiaiying 
othei'8 authorit^'e." lie thought to And a good istart for his 
pliin in thii! disecnsioii. KdwnnI dtiring bis life hatl sufferwl 
tills hec^ausc be felt liitiiself ahle to lule l>oIh paitieti. but 
^ocwiing^ to die be perceived in it disastrous consequences 
lor luH ehildren. He summoned to him, therefore, eonie 
of thoBo wiio were at variance, and especially Don^et and 
MaBtiugB. -''agayno whotue thi' Quene specialty gi-udged, 
foi- the givat fauoure the kyng hare hyni, and also for iJiat 
Btoee thougbte hyni seei-etelye familyer wiih thn kynge in 
'j('anIJOH coaiupanye" (p. 9). The king called the ullenlion 
qf his nobles to the fact that the only surety tor his 
^Mldren lay in their concord. It viaji not Kiifticient tJiut 
fi^ loved his sons; if the nobles liat-i-d each otluir no good 
foonclusion could be arrived at, and by their authority 
i alone could the children be sapportwd. Whereas there 
twas ereiy reaeon that they should love each other, hatred 
did exist among tliem, '^suche a pestilente acrpente ig 
imhieion and do&vrc of vaine glorye ^nnd soiieraintye" 
vhat trouble that bad caused of late in England tli«y all 
knew, hut now everything was peaceful. "Ba( yf you 



en) 

i 




— fll 



among ymire &f\tc in a childos roypiKi fall at. dobatp, many 
.1 irtKul Mtaii sbul piTisli ami hapru'ly lie to, nnil yi; to, 
eiT thys liiiid fiii(!t' [n'ricr' a^aiii". Wliercforf Uc fxlior- 
tf-rl tliem by llieir htw for Uiiii, by liis for tliem, anil by 
liif; tore of tLe Lord for them all, to lovo earb otbor. 
Tlii^n the KJn^ endod. bHng no Inngiir able to sit. up. 

Til his sppi'cb the lords made answer as he wished, 
and "Uicre in his presente (as by tlu'Jr wordee appeied) 
ech foriimie other, and joyiied theii- hands logethfr. wben 
(as it afti>i' ftppoftml by tlit-ir dudi'fi) Uieir Ueiis wer far 
asondor'' (p. V2). 

At iiio ilfitth uf lii« I'nthvr {Mo yoniig Prince Edwnrd 
was ai Ludlow in Wales. whithuT Uv hud Ijcen sent that 
his preseiiw might help to koop tLe lawless pwpulatiun in 
ord«r. As his ^ovoriu»r liad Ij^eii appointed Lord Rivors, 
linitli^r (if the l^iieeii. mid Uio nthers of the PrincB's 
housirlioUi all b«loTigHd U> tliH t^uf'en's pui-ty. This fact 
Rirhiinl turned to tlieir destrnction. For he' sent secret 
lUpjHBiiffeix and Icller;* ro all wburn lie knew to he oppos- 
i«l lo Iht* (juf-en's party, declaring' it insufferable that 
LhcPriiicn jtbotiUI 111' in the hatid-s of liis niothor's low-born 
ttin. while those f>f rhi' royal blood were reninved fioin him. 
Such powvr in tin- liamls of these men viiu sure to lead to the 
undoiniir of thosv whom tbey opposed. Of tlii?' Uiern was 
ni> U-*» fi-ar to be felt heauise of (lie late atonement, made 
f.ir the kind's jdeasure and not of tlifir own wills. No one 
would be 91) unwise ns to trust a n^w friend mattt; of an 
nW ifc. or t<i lliiitk that an iimirly kinilness would lii' 
tie«.'|iiT S4-;itrd tliiin u ipiiitiee many year,s rooted. 

Thns Richard "Ret afinV Oiose who were of thctnselves 
>y to kiinJIc. and esjieeiaily Utiekint^biini iuid Hastings. 
|o did not liear "eelie to other so niuelie loue, a** hatred 
buthi' nolo the t^upnrs ivftrto". So they agreed with 
Ktchard U\ remove from llie king's n:itiipiiny all his mother's 
fhentb. I.i«rarTiin(i tluit these intiiiided to liiing the king 
ap to Ijondon with a Htronj; train. Kiebard "st'i^retely by 
divctv ineaues, uaui^ed tbo (juene to be purswaded . , . 



that it neither wer nede, and also shoIU he jeopardous, the 
KitiK ti» coiiiL^ v]) strong" (p. 14). For the lonls of Uor 
kindi-ed w^mld liy a largti ti'Hiu give Llif otlicrs witli whom 
tley liad been at variance cause lo suspect that it was 
nioant Tiot so mucli for thf King's saft'^uard as for tliejr' 
di'tftruction. These woiiUl assciuiili^ Ji power for Ilieir de- 
fence, and thp kingdom wuuhi be in uproar. For which, 
her kindred wnuhl surf>ly [je t)hiinL^d. as having ''broken 
the :i(iiit-ie and peace tliat the king Ler husband so pm- 
deutelye made lietweiie liys kltiiie and hers in tus death- 
bed, and whieh the other party ritilhrully obeertied". 

The (fiueen was persuadfiK and wrote to her son and 
to Loni Rivers tlmt they shouhl cimie with few. and Glou- 
ceeter and his fiiends -wrote so rcverPtitly to tlie King anil 
so li>viiigly 'o l-'i^ Quceji's friends, that (hey suspected ' 
nolhing and complied. 

' The King had reaciitid Stony Sttallord, ten miles 
from Nortliampton, and River.^J was ut tlipi latter city in- 
tending t^o overtake Hh' King next day, vlien BuekirigUam , 
and Gloucester arrived. In the evening there was "muclil 
ftiemUdy chere" between them and niveps. But during ; 
the night tliey iK>ssessed themselves of the key.s of Rivers' j 
inn, and sot guards in the roads that none of Rivers'| 
meu shOiUid rench Stony Stratford. When Rivery in the 
morning found himKelf loeked in, ''in so few liouros so grot] 
a chaunge inarueyloualye misliked". Lest he shtmltll 
soem to be afraid of some fault on Ids own part, "he de-i 
termined vppon the suretie of his own conscience, to goe, 
boldfilyc to them, and inquire what tliys matter mygbtfli 
nieaiie" (p. 16). Richard and Buckingham immediately | 
acriised him of intending to sot distance between the King 
and them and to brint; tlie]u to eotil'usion; and when he 
attempted to excuse himself they intenupted kim, and puti 
him in w:ird. Then tliey made haste to Stratford, wlierui 
they came to the King. "And as sone as they came in his 
presence, they lighte adowne with all their companie abouto^ 
them. To whome the Duke of Buckingham saide, goe 



— 83 — 



are. Gontlcniormo and yoinen, kepo joure rowmes. And 
thus in a goodly arraye thoi caiue to the Idngo, and on 
thoiro kiii'ofi in very liiiiiiliU^ wipe saEurd his grace: wMclio 
rect-yut'd llioni iii vi-ry joyous iirnl umisible inaiier, imthingp 
eRrtlilyt* knowing nor niistrustinge as yi*t. But cuen by 
aiitl Ity in Lis presorice they pikod a quaiTeil to the Lorde 
Richard Graye. tlic kinges otbor hrotlior by liis mother, 
sayingc that hee, with tlie lorde Marques his brotlier and 
the Liinlr TiiviTs his viiele. liaddi^ fDunipassod to rule the 
kin^t? and the rL'aliiiL'. and to setle niriauiice among the 
stall's, aad to siihdcwe and destroys tlie noble blood of 
llie realai. Tuwurd tJK.' accuuiiiplisliiage whereof, they 
saytip that the Lorde Manjups haddu entered intfl the 
Tower of London, and theuce taken out the kJnf;es Treasor, 
and sent nienne to the sea. All ■whic.he thinge these Dukes 
wiste well were done for good purposps and necetistiri 
l>y the whole coiinsaJle at Loudon, sauing that sommewhat 
llioi must sai. Unto whiche woordes the king aunswered, 
what my hrother Marqui^s hath diino J cannot saie. But 
ipi gdiid faiih I dare well auiL'-wcn.- for inyac ouele Riuert* 
and my brothci" lu-n-, that thci he innocent of any such 
matters. Ye. my liujie. quod the T>nke of Bnekiiigluim, 
Ihei haue kepte tln'ire dealing in these matters farre fro 
thf knowledge of your good grace" [pp. 17—18), 

Heri'uiinii they iirri'sled (iray and Viiughan and hrought 
the King imek to NortLaiuiiton. Here tha King's foruior 
servants were removed and new ones set about him, at 
which the King ''wipte and wa.s nothing eontente, hut it 
lM'*»ted not". At diiiiuT Rieliani sent Rivers a disb from 
his own tfthjp. "Prayinge him to ben of good cheere, all 
t;lRiuld l>e Wfll iiiough". Rivers aont it to his nepbew 
Hichard Gray, with the same inesHage for his comfort, as 
otir to whom adversity was less well kiiuun. Yet "for al 
this cxmmfortahle eourtcsye" Rivers, Grey and Vaughan 
were sent nurlL to tlivei-s ])nsons, and afterwards beheaded 
at Ponirr(^L 

Thus Uichard "tooke upon htuiself the order and 



— 84 — 



gouernanw of the younp: king, wlintii with much honor 
aud liuiiilile reupreiice hi: conuaytd vpptnvanU' lowarde the 
ditvc" (ji, IK). Oil n'cciviii^- till! news of the disaster a 
little hiMoi'L' the iiiidiiifiilil Idlluwiiig, the Qunen "In gret 
fright and liRuincs, hewailing lifr childes rain, her frendes 
mischanoL'. and her own itilortune, daiiiiiing the tiiiiG thot 
ouer Hhee diswailcd ihp K*'l'"-''y'i^ f*'' [Hiwer about© the 
kingi\ gutc hot- suLl'e in all tlie hastt- jiossible with her 
yoflf^iT Hoiinc and bor d()ug:hter9 . . . into the Saiiictuarye" 
at Wiiti(,niiii=iter (p, 19), 

Not long after midnight came a message from Hastings 
to thi! Aivlihifihiip of York, then Lliaiiwlhir of EujKljiad. 
conveying lu iiiiii tlie iiewn of wiiat had lieeii dune at 
Stratford. The Iriglitcncd Ai-phbiehop callfid up his ser- 
vants, armed llieni. lowk the great yi/al, iitid liefore daylii^ht 
came to the Queen, lli-r lie found in llie niidst of great 
confusion, owing to the conveyanop of her stuff— "cheat«g, 
coffiTti, paL'ki?.'*. fiirdclh's. Irussps" — into sanctnaiTi'. He 
comfiirli.'d ber u.s hesl he might, and jriive up to her tUt; 
great seal. Returned home, he saw tlie Tlianies covered 
with lioats eonfaiiiicig llie Diiiie uC Gloucester's men, watch- 
ing tluit noljud.v shonld gn to 3n.rn;tuar>'. •"Then was 
there sreatii comnuicioti and nmrnmre aa well in other 
plncew al)out, as syerially in tlie cil.v, tlui iieople diuersolye 
diuining^c: vppon tJds deaiinge" (p. 20). Miiny q\ thn lords 
armed thcinsel^'os out of f^iar for theniyi.\lv(^s or favor of 
the Quoen. At o meeting of tlie lords to counsel about 
the matter the Archhi.shop o!' York and Hastings werp 
present. The fornier had .s;ent for Mie great seal again 
"fearing Ihat it wold be as<'rihiid (as it was in dede) to hia 
ouenruicli lightnesse. (hat he so sodainly had yelded"" it 
uji til the Queen. HasUjigs. "whose troulh towai-de the 
King no manne rtouhtad nor neded to double", persuaded 
the lorda thui Richard was faithful to the King, that 
Rivers and the others had been arrested for attempts 
against Richard and Buekinghmn, and that they would 
lator bo judged by the OoimcLl. Ho advised tlmm not to 



— Sft — 

stir up trtiulilii liy jiul^ing (Iio ruattcr tun liaslily", Willi 
thpsr piirswaaotmw nf iSin Lonio H!i[Htyngi»s. wlii'n»rir jmrti',' 
U.vmsoirc bclieued, of piirtu he wist Uie conlrEvryL', liu-afil 
coirniiocinns woro soinmrwhat appcasfd" (p. 21). 

When ilii- kirtjr ajiproacliptl Mil' city ]w was iiii'.t at 
Harnf^ay liy the mayor and mniiy cit-iznns, and rnnductod 
inlii IxjJidcin. "Tilt! Duke nf GIoucestLT liare liiiii in o|«ti , 
sif^hlr xo reiireiitlye 1j» llie Priiic-c with all siMiiblaiiTiOL' iif ^^^ 
lowlitH'saf, llial from the great uliloquy in which hoe waa 
KOi) liit<"' before. Itcc wassodainelyr i'allr'n in soo <ri'fa(i:' Inistr. 
■ that at tJit.' counsiiylc nrxl asseinhled, hec was made Hit' unclj 
tnanne chose and thouKlit* most iiiiete, to bee pnttcctourp of 
the king and liys n-ulnip. so that (wre it drati^nyn ur wt-rc it 
foly) t.lip laiiili waw betaken U> tht: wolfe to ki>!)p" (ii. 23). 

At this metrling Un; iiislioit of Lincoln was made 
Chancellar iii pUifc of York, and otlior appHiinliiifut.'s w«*re 
niarip. N'.iw Rirlinrii. tbirsling swo to Hniwh what Im had 
bf'fiiin. and knowiiitr that if he dcpos<!d llio kiri^ tlir mahn 
wonld fjill to his brother, who waa in Ka.nctiinry. dr-tfrnii- 
rit'd to have him out. At t\w ntst ui^ecliii^ of the I'omn'il, 
lhf> (b'cjarncl it a lioinoiiK docd of the Qun'cn to ki'i*p thn 
Uiike of York fr4iiii his brothet" "whose spccyall ploaetirft 
and pouiilforlr wt^n- to liaui' bis lnotUer vnWi liym": that 
111'!" |iurposL' wns to litirig I)il' lords into obloquy. "As 
tliou^ic Uiey ww' nnt to hop trusted with thp Kyngrs 
linitjjt'r, that by lUc a.';si'iitf of th*' nolilfs nf ihc Uridp 
ir<Tr appoyiited, as tbf Kyngfs norestc Inendt'S, to tim 
loicjon of his owno royall parsone". Th« King needed 
i« romjianion, and who moP'O fit than liis brnibi'i ? If thi' 
Dokc wcTL' kept in sanctuary projilo would suspri'l thai tlierc! 
wiLssome grarc C4iusp for it, and Imrm would grow. Therft- 
forp Itirhard propiwpd lliat tinmc should gn to pcrsnndr 
Uie tineen to give the Uukn up. "For al whioh coiisider- 
acions. none Bcomcth uieo more luetplye than oun* reuorcntjd 
fathnr Iirfp prcspnlf. my Ijurde CanlynLtH" {p, 14'. If the 
Queon would not givo up tlio rliild, Richard urged that tlic 
(.AEUtlinal iihouUl take tiim by force, undi^r the Kini^s 




— 86 — 



authoriiy. Sin'li w;is liis opinion, unless the coiiiiril willed 
oiliorwise. tor he was always ri.^:uly tu iihantiv liis own 
will upon tlii'ir hrtirt' ailvir.es. 

Thi^ couiinl H{iTi.'('il. aini iLc Arciiljislioi) (jf York uiiilcr- 
took the task, (liTlnrinE< liowevpr. thai it" th« Queen would 
not srivL- up Uir lioy, tlir siiiictfiiir\ , IihIIhwciI as il. was liy 
lieiii^ (irilii-iiti'd ill niiiUi hy Siiiiit Pvivr iiiiil iimlliUulfs nt' 
au^i'ls (for proof of wliicli tLi-y hail Kaiiit pL'ter's cojip in 
the Aiilu-.v (0 !*liowl ftiid ki'pt Hiifi-cii ever lii-fure. hIhhiIiI 
not be violattMl. U tin- Queen woiitii uot ilelJvcr iiii tlie 
Duke tile Uiiidranco womld he only a nu^ther's druatl and* 
wunjiiEiiwli fear. ''Woniaiuiishc fcan.'. ua.ve womnnnisliL- 
frowanU'uesse (tjuod llic Uuke of Buckyn^liain}", In Uiri 
opinion llio Queen jiaii ncmglil to I'oar. She iniglit eome 
out herself and ahidr with Ler sons, if aifu were really 
bent upon lining life rhiUlren a niisehitl tlie sanctuary 
wouUi not liindur them. lie did nut wish to Itreak sanetnjiry: 
dehtors and partisans in eivil wai-s should liave a placfl 
of refuge: jt'l everyhoily knew '"what a raltWe of tlievcs, 
niurth eryfs, and iiiiilii-i<iiis lieygliuoas Irait^>urs"' t4K)k ad- 
vantage of it. As for the prinee, he had no need of sanctuary 
for tiLi one threatetied him with hann. ^nrther, he had no 
claim lo it, foi- each ptTsoa needing saaetiiaiy nmst ask 
it for himself, which this "lialiK" had not tlone. Indeed, 
of those who were ntrhlfiilly sanctuarj' nirn. he would 
Irejit ilehtors "so me what murv homely" than had hneii 
doni'. Their bodies niiglit he allowed liherty, hul their 
(.nindfi^ even within the .sanctuary, sliould he taken to pay 
their dehta. Tiu lhi.s "diucn's of the elertry that wer present"' 
agreed that hy the law of God and of the clmi'ch the goods 
of a Rjinetuary man should l>c delivered to pay his dehts. 
and Btok'n goods to llitm' owner, ami h» have liljorly i>nly 
to get his living with his hands. The duke agreeii, nad 
continued, that to his nrn'nd a man might n^eover his wife 
Ironi sanetuary, if she had no cause save that slui desired 
to run from hei' husband. If nohody might he tiikeii from 
sanctuary n child might run thither hecaiise he feared to go 



— 87 — 



l-o scliniit and liis master must \ct him alonn. In this rasp 
llipro was fven less reason, for this cliild hail no fi,'Jir at- all. 
"And viTi'Ivi^". said he, "I haup nften heard nfRaintuaryo 
nienn<\ Hut I ncwr heard rrstf of saintuaryp rhyldrei". 

ThiTLnijmri the trmporal men. and most of tile siJiritiialj 

ed that if the boy wore not delivered ho should he 
fctched. The Pniii-ctiir and ronnril went to llii; star 
rhamher, and Un' Cardinal with others went. i:nt.o the 
sanctuary to the Quiscri. Thcrt' the Cardinjil asked for 
ihi- child, (ifTi'Tirfr Ihr sanir reasons that Rirhnrd liatl ^'iveii. 
;iiid ijitfi^tin^ es[»ri'iii||y im thv necessitj {if bulh Kiiij; and 
Duke t'O' h&vc youthful recreation* and together. 

The Queen agreed that tlio.v ou^ht to hn totri'lhoi*. hut 
under h«;r own ciUT, hein^ s« yoiin^', and the ^'oungcr not 
yet wholly wcovoitiI fron] .1 sickn^'ss: "he might rolapse, 
and there wa.-^ "ilouhlc the purill in the recidiuaeiou that 
was in till- flryt siekin'ss" (ji. 34). The Cardinal replied 
tJiat nf> one doubted that thf mother should he witli her 
ehildren, hut it should ho in sonic plaei' consiBtenl with 
tlieir honor, not in n plaeo whirh nieaiit dislnmo!' and 
oli|(i(]ny. Oerji.iionK. too, sonietfnie.s ajjpeiinMl \\'|ieii it was 
best for the ehihl tn be away fruui bis. nioilier: she herself 

been well rontent to let her son Edward he away 
Uor in Wales, Xnt very well toatent. answered the 
Queen. But then Edward was in health, while the Duke 
wa* now sick. She uumleretl that tlio Protertor desired 
U]« child to strongly when if he tnisciirriecl from his 
HckncsB it would bring the Protector into suspicion. As for 

fluid's honor, it was to the honor of nil tluit he should 
y wIkto he was best kept. That was with her. alid she 
rfid not intend tfl come out and rmi into danger, aw her 
frinrtts had done. •'Whye niudame (ijimd iinollier Ltinie) 
know you any thint; why Uiei shoulii \h: in Jubardye? Nay 
veirly sur, iiuod ;<hee, nor why they aliould b^ in pri.'?oii 
nHibiT, tui Uiey now be"' (p. 35). She fearr-d that those 
who had put ibeiii in prison witliuut color woulil not fail 
l4i procure their doKtruction without cause. 




y 




— SB — 



"Tlie C'aiiliiiall iiuuh' a fouuilimneo to llic tothor Loni, 
lliat- lie should liar'p iiu uion- v]jyii lliat »ti-iii{c'". TIumi hn 
*iai(1 to till' Qui'on tliiU Iht kiinln'<l wiuld nn i>Muiihmli(iti 
iliiLil)tli.'KS (In well ctHni^Hi. For Iwi-si'll' llicrf euulcl ha iiu 
dangler. Tliis llii! l^ut'tMi i-niild not hulicvi'. Any I'luise 
tor ImlitifT lii'i" iiiiHir'f'il wuw diniMv vjiliil of htTKi-lf. Thr 
nun'f^ ragiT men wen* witlioiit riiusu In linvi- iIiip Duki*. 
llie U'ss ix'ailj' was slif to deliver liiiti. "And lIu- fanler 
that yon hv tw ilolyinT liiiii tlic fiinU'r hnw (itliiT iiinri to 
suffi'i' you l(j kepo hyjii". was thi^ I'iiidijial's irijly. llr 
was cprtain that if the Diiki' were not dL'livt>n'il he wnuld 
he TL-moTod by force. "'So luucb «lrwle linth tiiy LoitIc his 
vnrlo. for the teiidiM' luiif lip'lji'reth Liiii. lest joui' ^I'Aff 
sliuld Jiaj) 1^1 send him awiiyiV' Qi. :!()). "A syr, i|innl llii' 
Quono. hntli tlui prntcctour so ti-iidi^r zcle to him. that h« 
friTtli riiitliiii^' Init Ict^t \w. slnnild I'scniic hyTii?" Tu what 
safer [}]!iri' rmdti slie srtul tin- iiaiiici'-' ]i, was a "ffifodly 
fjloRc" that :t j)Ucc which could defend a thii'l' lulght not 
save iiii iiinoi'ciil. She [ii'iiyc*! that llie Duke, iis ilicy said, 
had iif) iteed i-f tiain'iiiary. As Jor the Kin^'ri tiiccd oC i\ 
playfellow, there were pl<'iUy of uiliers. who were not sick. 
and playfellows nr^'d not in.' kiiidiTd. who indi'Pd randy 
agreed as wtdl as straii^^LTy. The I'rutector asserted tlial 
the Duke conld not ask Uii" piivilpijio of snnrtiiaiy: ho 
shouhi hear litin ask lor it. lint even it he enuld not in^k 
for it, s\\t^ ViMi liis le^Ml guaidiaii, and entitled I(j have her 
ward witli liwr, as well an \wv gumls. If exaiupte weri; 
wanted, it waR pn^sent in her son the Kint?. who was hnni 
in ihiw same saiietuaiy, to wliirh -slie Imd lied whea her 
liusliand was driven out, and where she met lilni on his 
return. 

The t'ardinal, percriving that thi' tiueen '"waxed eiier 
the lender llie fiinler of", and that siie wiLs lif^quaiag to 
ftttaek the Frotodor, liosired lo Imng tlu' niatttT to a con- 
clusion. He said that if tilte would deliver tic Uuke he 
would lay his nwii hmly and Html as pledge of the eiiild's 
surety: if she would iiut, he would go and leave othere to 



n 



— 89 — 

aXfe'iul In I he niallpr. Tln-ivat tin- (jiici-t] stnml « guod wlulo 
in a great stml.y. Some of tin- olliers did not soeni as roady 
as tlK' f 'ai'tUiiiil Ui (lc|iart. and sbr kiirw IliiU the PnidH-tor 
wn.s I'ldsc hv. Shf ftinrotl tlint llic diilil wimUl Up lakrn 
ficin Iht. ami sliu iliil nut iluiilH tlie i'aith iff tlio Cniilintil, 
ili(»n):li slu' lliiiii^hl, Ii(>- niijfht. Ini ilrf.r.ivftt1. She (lociiifd it 
wisest. tln'ri-fi.n-t.r Iaj (.'ivo ujv tJir rliilil of iwv own ac-cnrd. 
So liirning hi tin; loi-ils slu^ tli'clamd that she npither 
iiiistruskul tlinir wils, nor tbt'ir Irutli; wliidi alio puriiused 
Ut put to thi^ protif ill a way siin> to lirin^ great lianii if 
jijii* wore doceivcd. Sho liiicw that 111" child had l'n»-'lI^il^.^. 
"Tiie desire of a kingdi»me knowoth no kindred. Tlie 
I'l-nHn^r hiitii In'nr the hrytiiers Uam;. And may thf n<^j)hcws 
he sure of their vtirlc?" Ah lon^j; as tLi« two c:liildrpri wcrt^ 
apart each was Lbt! otlicr's iirott'tticm. "AU this nut witti- 
sianiling, liere J di-liucr liini, iiad hya brothfr in liini, (o 
lic|u', into jnur hand^^';, of wlmmip i shall ask thoni lioCh 
afore God and thL- world". ''And tliero Willi all sIip said 
vrilo till' chilli: K:ii'i'wi'l, iiij' uwti swoto soniip. (Ind si'nil 
.you fjLiod ki'ipinj;, [ei mo kia yr>\i uiii?s _vi>i eri' vuii ^oe, lor 
(iiMJ kniiw^'llt when wii slml Via ti>^'ithpf affnymv Anil 
tlicn- witit sin.' kissr'd liiin, and hicascd hini, turned licr 
hark and wept ami went hrr way. loiiniiig lliP fliitd wfpjng 
a^ fast" (jjp, 41.P— 1). \ 

The .vnung Dukr wiui hinnirht In Rii-|iiini. who "luki*,^ 
liiin in his ariiirs and kissed him with tlir-sr wurdvs: Now 
wilioiin'. iiij lord. i-iiiT with al my very liiirl. And lie 
oayil in that of liki'liliood us he thuughf'. The diild was .■■ 
Ilii-il taken to his hi'othei'iii the Bishup 4>l' [joiidoii's jiiiliirf, 
and then Indli Wfiit to tijv: Ti.iwei\ whL'iicc Ihvy acv<.T agaiftv 
came alroad. ^ 

Now Uiolianl o]ieiiird Iiiiiiself iimni biddly U) hi:H friends, 
espfclally l.> iJui-kin^'liani. Many thought, inilred, thai 
Iliu'kiiigliam knew all liichnrds idatiri from the first, and 
stiiiK* said i!iat ISuckins'ham wu^ the tij'::it niovfr of the 
I'rotector in ilie iiiattiT, sending hiiik a ^JHcrct ii]H,s,mvg6 
at once alW Kinn Kdward's death, But utiiers knew that 




— 90 — 



Ul\ 



the Dukr was iiul uiadf piivj lo Hicluird'-s plans till tin- 
two chiirirrrn were in the Tower. '"The inattpr wiis broken 
viito thi.' (hikf.' by snl.t4?ll folks" who told him thai the 
Kino: wur iHHind to rfvcnf2:e on him the Tiiisfnrtuni' of bis 
kinsfolk. Ff lliry psrajKitl they wrnihJ urge the King on; 
if put to ilratli thf Kiiijr wniilfl siirclj avenge them. There 
was 110 oiipiirttitiity to re]ient, for Itirhanl had s<M spies 
ft>r the Diike. ami wouhl eatch him if hr tniiieil hark, 
These things brought the Duke to the point "that where 
ho had rcp'Onted the way that hv tin<i cntrrd. yH wiold he 
ffo forth in tlie same .... aiul dottrmined, that sincr' the 
comon misehicl' could not be amonde<l, he wold tourne it 
as much as he rnit^ht to liy^j owne coiiirnodite" (p. 42). 

8o Fuc'kin^Hjaiii ngccfit to help Rirliiuii become kiny, 
for which Rieliaitrs son was l-o marry the duke's daughter, 
and he was lo he j.Tanles tlie earhloiu of Hertford, wliich 
he chiinu^'d as liis inUenlaiiuc and euuld Jiot. obtain from 
King Edvvai-d. Beside tins, there was promised him "a 
great tjaantile of the kinges tret^nre and of hi.-; howsehold 
stuflfe" ip. 43). Tlieu the two pretended to prepare for 
-tlickiag;^ TOroualiiVa. They set York. ETy, Stanley. Ha-stiags 
and others "'to fonnnunc and ileuisii about the coronacion 
in one place'", while they and Llieir friends were busy else- 
where planuirig to uiake Rii-liard kine. Thero hejfan then, 
"here and there about, smne inaner of muttering anionge 
the fieoidi-. as though al should not long be wel, though 
lliey neitliiM" wist what tliei feared nor wheifore: were it 
that before such great thingtw meius hartes of a secret 
instinct of nature niisgiuf>lli them, aw tht? sen without wind 
f^wellnth of himself tsomliiue in-fon; a tflmpest; or wyre it 
that some ants man, happely souiwhat perceiulng. tilled 
nmni men wttli suspicion, though he fhi'Wed few men what 
he knew" (p. 43J. The court of tht; Protector began now 
lo be thronged, while the King was left, with few. 

Stanley mistrusted the holding nf two separate couneils, 
and told Hastings so. 'I^'or while we (quod liel talkc of 
one matter in the tone place, litte wote we whcrof tbey 



91 



Inik ill till- (ullicr iilacc" (p. 441. Hastinjrs r^'pliPtl tliat 
UiPFP was uo causti for dnulit: his fripiul Catc8li;v. wliu 
was tiuu'li ln'luildfn ti) Uini ami hy liis favor had large 
authority iti Lcicostprsbire. whore Ilaslin^s' powpr chiet'l.v 
lay. was iilways pii'Sieiit at tlir- iithcr caiini'il. atui or hfiii 



•s ili'ticnii 



ami that iin 



won hi 



hi" mmn always iH'|icnii lor ni'ws. ami that iin iiiirm 
hi! iiilpniii'ii liim in a <Mii|[iril wlirrr C."Inff.'sliy was. IJiii-kiii].'- 
hiiin ami Hii'liani always In^alfil Hasliii^^s I'avtiraljly. ami 
tbcrc is little doubt that Hidmrd luv^iid him ami wa;^ IfiaMi 
Ifl losn him. So through (^ntrmhy \if Poii|3;ht to niovf him 
to tMilor thf ooafspimcy. "But fatf-f-hy, whither ho iifis^ayed 
hull or assaiod him not, roport^^d . . . that lip founilo him 
sn fiU'it, ami liard luiii w|k'I\o so IciTililo woonk's, that he 
ihirsl rio liirtliec hri-lif". In (■;in llastipijfa ylinworl falestjy 
ihal fithors ivrn' iH-ginniiii; to mistrust tho matter, and 
I'lileshy •■fpi-ing hint llioir mofiniis might with llic lord 
Hnslin^op rnirnslii- his crodi^nor, wIktouiiIo ouely eiI the 
mattw lomd. procunid the protpctoui' hastely to ridde him. 
And aiiirli llii' ralhiT, for tlint he triiBti.^(l l\v hi.= tl'lh t.o 
uhiaiti"-' iiuich uf the ruhi that thu lordo Hiistiiifii's hiiri' 
ill hi.** i^oiintri'y; the niily ilosirc whei-eof, was tlio alloctiim 
r.lial iiiiiucofl liiru lo h*? parti'iu-r and one specyall curitriutT 
of at this lionihif irt'soii. 

WSirn-ujioii sorio aj'tor, ttiat is to wit. on the Friday 
the — day of — many Lonins iissomljled in thr Townr. 
and lh<rri"satiii nmnsailo. dmiisinn tlio liunorahlo stilomiinito 
lit' the kingos roronjifiiiiL of wliinli tlie tinio apiminiod ihen 
m nvra appi-iichud. tlmi. thii pagi'auntcs and suttoLips wore 
in riiakiiiic day and iiitrht nl WfstndnstiT, and miirli vitaile 
killed lii(;rfoiM.', that Jillrrwurd was rfisl away. Tliosi; 
lordcfl so sylting tofo't-hcr mmoning of tltys matter, thtv 
pMhH'toiii- <-nniL' in iiiiiong tlicrii. fyi'st ahoutn .i\. of the 
clock, saiuliug tht'ni nirtc^sly. aiul cxcusyng hjntself that 
he had hrn from tln'iii so loiifr. saiong merely [morrilyl 
tliat ho Iifvii hone a nk\}v that day. And after a littlo 
talking with thoni, In- sayil viito tlio Bisiiop of Elyo; My 
Ifird ynii haiii' vory i?f)od strawbi'rips at your jjardayne in 




93 — 



Hcilborne, T fpquiit' .you Ifi vs liaiii' a messp of them. 
GliwUj^ my lord, qiiotl ht', woaldo Vtw\ I liad soriip IietitT 
tliitiR as rpdy to your pleasnrr as tli.nt. And IIht wiih 
ill al llir liiwf- liL' stmt liys spnumt iuT a inosse of straiiberic!*. 
TIh"- protRCtour settc the loides fast in fomoning, and ' 
tliiTiiimri prnyciiff tliciii to spare lijni for a littlr wliilfl 
di-piirU^il l.|ii*Tic<'. Ami iscitn', at'tur one huwer, betwcno 
-X. and .XI. lie relumed into tiio chanilier among tbpnv| 
ill I'lianfTi'ii, witli ii winiilorfdl Honrii angrye cininlf'nauncc, ■ 
kiiitliiig tbn IjruWL'H, IVtiWiiinj; jinil froling and kniiwing i 
nil Lj's lippyft, and so sat him di>wne in hj-» phici!; jil the 
lordi's inut'li disnmird iind soro merueiling ut' tliis nianiT 
III s(>(5ain ciiauiim'. and what, tbinn siuuild him aile. Tlicn 
wIkmi had sitteii still a while, tliuH he hegan; What were 
tlicy wort-hy to Lauc. that comtiasse and ynm^iit the i 
di^truccion of me, heing &o npn- of lihtod vnto t!i« king 
and pi'otecLour of Ida rial] portion and his n-aluiu? At 
this <iiicstion. al tlie lurdcs sat eoro astuaicd, uiusyng much 
liy whoHR' thjs qut'stion should ho iiipnt^ of vhiL'h fuory , 
nuin wyst hiinstill't' vh*rf. Tlii-n tin- lord chaiiibi'rlt'n. asi 
hi^ that for the lone hutwi'ije iheni 1hL>ugh(.« lit- might bej 
liiildi'sl with hini, ;inri!*wi'n'il :ind snyd. thar llii-i wi-r- 
worlhyc to lifc pniiishcd as li(.'iji:luii>us traitors, wbul. MKHicr^ 
ihey wore. And al tliti other aflinupd the same. That is 
(ipioit l\v\ yoiuliT sorciTi's my fmitlifi's wife iiiid othiT 
with lifr. HifJining tho qucne. At thohc wurdcs many of 
the othor Lonles \¥i're grctly abashed that fauoiirctl hor. 
Hilt tlic lord Hivstinges was in bis niindo hcttiT content-, 
that it waa luoiu-il by her, then by iuiy other whom he 
loiioii hett-cr. Alhrit hys harte somewhat grudged, tlmti 
lie was not ivfori' made of couiisiil in tins mater^ as ho 
was of the taking of her kynred. and of thi'ir putting to 
death, which wi-re liy Hit* asaont before deuiaod to bco 
hyhediied ni Pouiitfri'it. tlu's selfe same day. in which he 
waa not warp that it was by other duuised, that hiniself-j 
ahould this same day be liehedded nt London. Then said 
the prott'ctour; ye shal al se in what wise that soreeres 



— 93 — 



I 



I 



and that otlier witch of her couTis.el, Shnris wife, with 
iliair jiffyiu'tp, haul- hy their sorcery ari<l witcln'raft. wasted 
my boily. And thcr with ho pluckf^il vi> hys dmihlft slwue 
to his elhow vpoii his h't't anne, ■nhpn* lii' sU-wcd u wt'risli 
wittierEHl amic and small, m it wa^ neuer nthi-ir. And 
tJiRreupon mery iii!\nnps niind soro niiHg:aue tbfiiii, wpH 
perceiiiin^ tliat this irialtcr was hut a quarfl. For wel 
thei wjjtt, that the (lucne was to wise to go aboute any 
ftucli fnlyp. And also iT shp woohl, yH wold shp »[ M\ 
folke lewte make Shoris wift^ of coiiiisailf, whimi ul al 
wftiiiftn fih(; most hated, as that mncubiriP whom Ih'P kin^ 
bcr liushiUKl luul iiK>sI l<m<'d. Aiul al^^o no uiiin waK tli('i'>- 
pwsfiit, lut wel liiu'iW that Ids Lariiu! |ariii! was cuer such 
since his t>irlh. Nrttliclosj tlip lordio ChniiiVrhni aunswertMi 
Eud aayd: cerliiitdy my lordr- if they hiiu*^ ho luHnousIy 
dono, tUpi bo worthy heiimuse puiiisluMiicHt. What. i[iiod 
the prolHCiour, thuu serui'^itt me, 1 wfne, with iftes aitd 
with nridt'K, I tol thi* thei hauf ho doiip, and thjvt I wiH 
luake ^otid oil th^' hody. traitaur. And tht'j'witli ai^ in a. 
great anifpr. he t'lapiifd his fist vjioii tho hnnle a gi*<'at 
ra|>{u<. Al wbicli inkPii giiien, odc cried trflasoii without 
the c[b|amhre. Therrwitli a doi-e clapped, aiid in eimtc 
llier*' ni&Uing im-.u in limneys ns many as the i-bainhn- 
mi^t hold. And atinii the proteet^ur sayd to the lordv^ 
HaKtitig^s: 1 ar<.'st thi\ traiUmi-. ^VIlflt, nic. my Ijopd*^-* 
quod he. Vuu ihf, traitoiii-. qirnd Ilic proti^'ctonr Ami 
anoihL-r let Ilee at thp Lordu Staiidloy wliii-h shroiiki^ at 
the strofep ami M vrnlr-r tlic tahh\ or els his hfd Imd hni 
clefUt to Uif tn'tlic: for as shortL-ly as hfi ehrsKnk'i', yt-t 
rauae the blood altoute hys eares. Then were they al 
i(uk'kty liijstowpii in liiner'st- chund»i't>s, pxv*'pt tlie !ord« 
Chaiulwrlen, whom the protoctour luide spede and sliryue 
hym a^oe, for hy sayut Poule (tjuod he) I wil not to 
dinner til I se thy hed of. It hoted him not to uskc why. 
but tu>U(dy kc tuk^ » piivst at aduiMiture. and made a 
ikort sJiritt. for a longer would not he nuffpi-ed, the pro- 
tactour made su much hast (o dyuer: which he might not 




— 94 — 



go to til tliis wpr done fnr sauirig of bis otlie. So was 
he tirnuglit forth into tiio gronc liesitlc tlie cliapiiel within 
the Tower, and liis head laid down vyoii a. lon{; log of 
timbre, and tbore strilieii of^ and afterward his body with 
the hed entrecl at Windsore hesidr the liodj f\f kiagu 
Edward"' dip. 45—48). 

Then follows an account of certain niarveloas warnings 
whieb Hastinjis liad hut ilid iml liei'd. The niifbt hol'ore 
bis di-'ath, ut midnight, Stanley acnt him :v iiiosseiiger, 
"requiring hyni to rise juid ryde away with byni, for he 
was dis()oa'd vttorl.v do leiiger tfl bide; he had m t'ereful 
a drniie. in wbieb hitii ilioiigbie tliat a hore with his 
tuskfiB so raepd thorn both hi the hoddos, that the blood 
ramie alioute l»oth their sboiUders" (p. 48). Now the boar 
was Richard V cognisance; jiiid Stanley begged Hastings 
lo ride with hiin that same night bo far lliiit lliey should 
be out of danger before day. "Ey, good lord, rjuod tlie 
lord Hastiiiges to this laesHenger. leneth mi lord Uii master 
so much to each trilleg, and hath sncb failh in dremea, 
which either his own fere fantasieth or do rise in the 
nightes rpst by n-son of bis daye thoiightes? Tel hhn it 
is j)laine wilcberal't to heleiie i[i siiehe drenies" (p|(. 48^4'J). 
If they lied they were likely to be pursued and hrought 
back, whereby they sbuuhl seem lo have heen guilty of 
some fault Stanley shuukl bavi- no fear, said Uastitigs, 
"for I ensure hym 1 am as sure of the man that he wotcth 
of. as 1 am of my hand" tp. 49). As Hastintcs was riding; 
toward the Tower where death awaited liini, hit! horse 
stumbled two or three times, which "hath . . ben» of an 
olde rite and custonie, obserued as a token often times 
Notnldy foregoing some great misfortune" Ij'- ■l'^)- Another 
thing tiial happened "was no warning, luit an eueniiouno 
scorne". On that nKirning. before Hastings was up, eanie 
a kJiight to him. as if of eonrtesy In cMeort him to tie 
Council, but really sent by Kiebard to hurry Iiini thither. 
On theii- way they met a priest, with whom Hastings 
stopped to "eomen a while". The knight interrupted, "and 



saiiJ moi'oly fitiurrilyl to hiiu: WliaU my lord. I pray you 
coiiiw oil, whert'to tuIKi' y<m no kn\^ with tliiil lU'k'sU you 
haue no iiedw ut" u jn'i|«]st ynt; ami t,bi?n*witli Le lanylif'd 
vpon biiii, as Uiough he would say, yE^ shal liaue sono. But 
so littli' wist Ihat totl!i?r wliat liu iiiuiit, aud so littli' 
mistrust Pti, that he was neuer incripr nor nouor so lull of 
good hope in bis life; which self thing is oftron senp a 
si^ie of chaimgi'" [p. 50). 

On the Tower wharf Hastings met "one Hastiiiges, 
a piirscuiuit nf liis own name". Oncie hefon? he had met 
him ill the same pj)u-.e. at a tiuiL- when Rivers had accused 
him to the king, and "hp was for the while (hut it lasted 
lint long) faiTC fallen into the kinges inilignacion. and 
stodc in grot fere nf hiniselfe". "And therfnre he said: 
Ah Iiasting;ps ail thou reiiienihred when 1 met thee here 
ou^s with an heuy hart? Yea, my lord ((juml he), that 
rumenibre I wel; and thanked he (Jod they gate no ^ood 
nor ye none harnie thtirehy. Thou wuuldest say m, iiiiod 
he, if thou bnewesl as much ati I know, which few know 
els as yet and mop shall shortly. That ment ho hy the 
lordes of thf iiuene-s kindred that were taken Itwforc, anil 
should that day be helied{lcd at Pcjuufroit. . . In faith, 
man. quod he, I was ueucr so sory, nor aeuer stode iu 
so great dread in niy life, as I did when thou and I met 
here. And lo, now tho world Ih turned, now stand mine 
enciiiies in the dauiiger . , and I ncuer in my life so niery 
imr iipuer in no great surety". 

The news of Hastings' death was at once spread in tho 
city. "Enlending lo set some colour vpon the matter", 
lUehaitl sent in haste for "many senihstauiieial men out 
of the. city into the Townr. And at their conmiing, hini- 
(tclf with the Duke of liukinghani, «tode harnesed in old 
il-fnring brigirulers, such as no man ahold wene that thei 
wold vouehsafe to haue put vpon their liaekes, except, that 
stjnie smtatue neeesailie had cnni^trained thear' ([). 51). 
Then Richard declared that Hastings and others had in- 
tended to destroy hiiu and liuckiagham at tho council, a 



— !W — 



fact ml' wliiVh ho haJ not known till ten oVloc-k. "Wliicbe 
smliuii fi'iv ilraiip tlieiu k> put on fur tli^r drfpiicf fliieh 
banieis iis camn rle^t lo imitdp. Atiil so liati iiod iiolixm 
them, tlmt tin- iiiieolnVf tiirrmii vpon tliom that wold hftin' 
done it. And Ikis lie required thoiu lo reporl. Eiim nuin 
answered liim fair, as though tto man iiiif trusted the inster 
whioh of trouth no man belued" (p. 511, 

Beside this, Ricliurd sent a beratd through the pfty. 
with n proclaniation dt'clariiig Mmt Ha.stinfrs and others 
had cons|iirL'(l ag"aiast iii*; lift' and Biirk-inghjiiiis. "and 
after to liauc taki-ii vpon thniii lo nil4> the king and the 
Tipfilin at thpir |ilpasure, and tlierbi in jiil and spoil whom 
Mm list vni-onii'oidd" (ji. 53,1. Othi-i' charfiPS wito iiu'lu- 
ded, that Hastings hail given King Edwanl IV evil Poiinsr^l. 
and fnrthered Ijim in vidnus !lvlii|r: tliut In- had himself 
lived vit'ioiislj, i-specially with Shon-'s wilV. who had urired 
him tin tn the treason. It was declared that Hustings had 
born ln?hf*adr'd in ha.st'- nnl.v to pn'vi'nt his dplivprantfi 
and lurlhiT punsjjinicy. "Now was this proclamacioii niadf 
within .tr. honres after that he was hehpded. and it wae 
Hfi curiouslj inilitcil, and sn liiir wiiti-n in part-hmcnt in 
So wpI a sot liaiuh', and therwitli of it self so lon^ a pn>- 
cessp, that eueri child inifrht wel porceiaf- that it was 
pr^-paroii hitfore. Fov al the time hetweiit^ liis drath ami 
the proclaininff could scant hauo nuflisod vnto the haro 
wr^'thig aloii*', all hftd it Ihmic hut in patxT Rntl ucrilth'd 
forth in hast at aduentnrf. So that vpon the pr'K'-lJvniing 
thiTof. one that was sr-oli^ masttr of PoiiIps of rtiauncu 
slaiidiny by and coniiiaring tlif yhorlnnH of the time with 
the length of the matter, said vnto thcni that stodi! about 
him. hci'f i« a iray gnodly oast fonic cast awai for liaM. 
Anil a nien-haiit Hiiswcn'd Iiyni, that it was wrilen hy 
profepy" (pp. 52, 53). 

Aftci- this, "■as it wt-r fur angiT, nut for rouettso, the 
protcctoi' stTit into thy house of SIhu'i's wife .... and 
spoiletl her of al that ener ghe had, ahoui" th<^ value of 
U. or m. M. marke, and sent her body to prison''*. Hw 



— 97 — 



caarsfM tP-r mtt bewit^liinc liiin ant] with aiding HiiPttn^'s 
in biti U't^iisoUi ^nd "wIrmi that iiu coluur c^uld I'utiteu 
vpon those matters", lie chai'ged her witli being "iioiigbt 
i»f lior hiwiy". "And for thys cause (as a gixxtly Pdnliutnil 
(irititr. ctene and faulUei^ of liiiiiscit', KOiiti' duIi^ hI' Iumliii'ii 
iiito this vicious worlil fur thv aHit'inleiiu'ut ol' iiions nuiiun's) 
be causi'il llio birihop uf Londnn tn imt b«r to open pf>ii- 
anw, goiug biifure tlir crosse iji pi'^ocrssiori vipon a Souday 
will) a tnp<'r in IjtT band. In which nho went in count* 
eimiice and pacr demure so womanly, and albeit ^be wrre 
oul fif ill array sane bei- kyrtlr only: yet went slu' so 
Cuir and loiirlj. iiana-lye while tlic WdMdfi-inK uf lln- people 
cast*' a comely nid iu ber chekes (of wbirbe she ht'i'ure 
liml niofit niiHsc) (hat bfr great shajni- wan b*;r nuiiii 
piai*!-. And many gocid folki^ aUj, tliat hate,d ber liuiiig. 
uiU iflad wcr to m sia. mrrectod, yut pitii?d ihei more ber 
p('iiiun'<'. t\u-u r-'joynvl therein, wlicji tlifi loiisidrftd that 
ijif prytv<;ti.>r ]>i'o'.'urvd it. more ol a corrupt intent then 
iuii vi'rtuous affcciyii''. 

"TUis woiuaii was horn in Ijondon, w«nfiiji|irully 
fryHdi'd, bouifitly bnmdht vp, anU very wel niaryed. Mauin^ 
sonu'whal to wnjc. Iier JuiHhaiidf an hotiesi ciu^xen, yoiigo 
ajul jijoiMlly anil of gnoU sulstanw . . . but foniwsiniu'bft 
Vtn tht'y wi-rn CDnph'd nr ei-H wbe wph* weJl rype. slse uoL 
VHiy i'fr-u<Milly biui'd i'nr whoai who riinior louffod". m^ Hint 
alii' na«ily yii'bied tn tbf* king. "Wbf'n tiiv kyng bad abu- 
w-d lip.r. aaonp ht'r liufband hiiyug an lioni'st inaiine anJ 
one that I'onld his goml, iitil presniiiynf^ lif toni'hc a Jtyngiw 
coiifubyuw left lici- v]> to byiu alt'igether. Wti*Ti the kyng 
dyfd, the hirde HiwiyijgoH t^jke h^r. I*ro]ifr ulic was 
and fairtr , . . yi-l di-liU'd not nioii ho Jiiucb in her hewty, 
as in brr plananl ixdiauiour. For a prt^oi' wit bad she, 
aud LViLild both redi' wel acid write, niery in i-onipjiny, 
ivxiy and quick ol auniswi r, uoilJii-r mnl* nor fill of liabh;, 
suuietitiu? ttuiiiUng willnjiut dispk»sui'L- aud not without 
dis|mrt. In wlnnu the king Iheifi.ir tuke spfriidl p]tiiisiu-e", 
Bui his fa-v'or 'Vho uouor abused lo any mans bmt, but Ut 

Palicitri. X. 7 



— 98 — 



many a iiiatis minfort and relirf: where tho king tofcc 
difeiiiU'a.sui'11 slit-" wotild liiitigaie uTid appotisc Li'h niinJ; 
where iiu^ii wore out of fauour, slie M'old bring tLuiii iii 
his ^acf. Kor iimnj' thsit had iii^hl_y ofl'eiidi'd, ahea obtuined 
pnrdnii. Of o^i-otit forft'tiirtis shi' gate men remission- And 
finally in many weighty sutcs, b1h> stoile many mt'ii in 
grt>t stede''. But now [iii Mure's tiinc| sho is in a "beggerly 
condicion, vnfrpndcd and wornf* i>ut of a(.rr|uaintancc .... 
at this dayc she heirgctli of many at ihis dayp liuirig. that 
at this tlay had begged if she had not bone" (pp. r>4, 5B.) 

[Ill this ilrscri]itioi] of Shore's wife Lumby has again 
"ex|iiir^'atinl" without indicating Ihe fact. I add most of 
the omitted lines from Hall.] 

Now it had bpor arratificd that on the same day thai 
UastiagM was huheadrd tlif lords taken at "N'ortliampton 
and Stony Stratford should be beheaded at Pomfret; which 
was iloiif. iindrr the tiirectiiin of Sir Richiird Rat^-jif, whom 
Richard niiiiii.- tiin^t-isil usin of "as a man that had bp:n long 
Sficret with him, hauing exporienne of the world and a 
shrcwdr* wil. short, and niih- in spcfhe, rough and honatiimse 
of boliauiotir. bold in mischipf, as far from pitLn as from 
al fcrc of Ciod. This knight hrinjS"inj;; them out of the prisoii 
to the soafold. and shewing to thf people about that tbei 
wore traitors, not aulfrtng tht;ni to spoke and declare their 
iiinoeenee, lest their wordes niig^ht haue inclined men to 
pity them, and to hate the protectour and his part, caused 
Iboni hastly without jugement, processe, or maner of order 
to be behfdded". 

Now that Hastiags and the others were out of the 
way, Riehiird thought "il were Im^sI hastly to pursue bis 
purpose and put himsetf in possession of the crow ue, ere 
mim o^uld haue time to deuisp am wais to resist". /The 
liwt neeessity was to break the matter skilfully /to the 
pt^ople, and among those ehusen to counsel about this was 
"Edmond Shaa knigbU then maier of London, wlilcb. vpon 
trust of his ownr iiduauncement. whereof be wns of a 
proud hart highly desiruuse, sbi>ld frame tbc cite tu thi^ir 



— 99 — 



I 
I 



Rppotitc. Of Kpiniiial mm t!iri tokc such as had wit, and 
wur« ill jtucthoriiiu iimoiig tlif peplu tor ojipinion of 
Iher lerniug, and had no scrapilouse conaeienco. Among 
ihnse had iJioi John Shasi clerke, Iji'other to tho maiori 
and IVeer PeuktT, prouincial uf Ih^e Augustine frurrs, lioth 
doctoi' of iliuuitia, hull) gi'et prcchars ... Of these two 
the tone had a seniion in praisp of the protectour before 
the coifmaciim, the luthL^r after, huth su lul nf tediouae 
fiatery, that no mans varvis couUl uhido them. Peuker in 
his Bermon so lost hi.-* voice that he was faine to leaue of and 
c-oiiiP downe in the ntiddes. Doctor Shaa by hia sermon 
lust his hnntstie, and sorie after his life, for very eliame 
of the worlde, into which he durst neuer after come abrode" 
(ji. i>l). 

Shaw's sermon was delivered at Paul's Cross, for the 
purpose of offering the people a pretext for deposing the 
pnuce and nialiiri^' RitJiard kirit;. He wa.s in^itrurtiid to 
allcgo bastardy "fithcr in Idii^ Edward hinisi'lJ'. or in his 
children, or both. To lay hastaidy in kynge Edwai-d sowiipd 
openly to tho relmike of the protix'tours owne mother, 
wliichu was nioUu'r to thi'iu both; for iti that point could 
he none other colour, hut to pretend that his own mother 
waa ouo adiiulit+THSsn M'liieli notwithstanding, to farther 
this pur|if>se, he letted not; but nathelns be would that 
point sliuuld he lesse, and niori.' fiLUorahly, bandied, not 
poen fully plain aud directly, but that the matter shoukl 
be touched a.slopi.' craftely. as though men spared in that 
point to speke al (he tronth for fere of bis displensnre. 
But the other point conccniin^ the bastardy that they 
(jeuisfid Ifi siiniiise in king Edwiu-dw children, that wnld 
lie should he upeidy declared and inJorsed tm the utterniust. 
The wdoure and pretext wherof caTiuot be wel porcoiued, 
Itut if we hrst repele you some tliintres \ongf itefore done 
alwut kijig Edwai'drs mariage". Edward, wishing to nian^, 
stjut Warwick "vnto Spaine, to intrcata and conclude a 
laariagt! hetwme king Edward and the kinges doughter 
of Spaine". He succeeded easily, but meanwliLlc there 




— 100 — 



camii Ui EdwRrd the Lady Elisabetli Graj, suing for 
restoration ol the lands of her Imshand, who Ml at Barm^t, 
fighting for King Henry. "Whom when the kyiig beheld, 
and hard lier speke, as sine wiis both faiii'. of ii good 
fauor, moderate of stature, wel made iinil \ciy wisp: he 
not alonely pitied her. hut also waxed enamoifid on hi?r, 
[and Liikyng her secretly a sydd liegan tfl pnter int*) talkyng 
more famlllcrlj, whose appetite when she perceyued, slie 
verteously denied byna, hut that she dyd so wysely and 
that with so good maner and woorde so we! sot, tliat ehe 
rather tiyndi'led his dcsyre then quenched it. And liiially, 
after many a metynj; and much wowyng and many great 
promises she well espied the kynp his aS'e:ceioD tr>warde 
her 80 ^-entely encreasipd that she diirstf snnir-wliat the 
more btrldely a&ya her niynde as to him whose hort s!i<^ 
pereoyued more feruently set then te fall of for a worde. 
And iu coiielusion she elicw^'d hiiii plain, thtit as she wist 
lier self to simple to iie his wife, so Uioufcht she her self 
to pood to be his concubine. The kyng muche niarueilyng 
of her ennslancy, as be tluit had nrit huen wonli' pIb where 
80 Ktiefly sayed uay, so muche estL-mwd her contiiiciicy and 
diasUtec, that he sette her Tertue in steade of poKsession 
and rielipsse: And this takyng eoiinsaill of his owiie desyi'c 
dt'tei'tnined in hiiste to mary her". Hall, p. 3(16; "expnrgnlt^l*' 
by Lam by.) 

His mother tried to dissuade him, urging that EliKaheth 
was not sufticiently noble, that tlie kinjf for policy's sake 
should not marry his own suhjett, that as she was a 
widow Edward wouhi b^> comniitting liigamy [as regarded 
by the eaiioTi law of that time], and that Warwick would 
be angry. Edwanl answered that love was the fiiBt 
requisite in marriage, that marrying his subject would 
hnntr him favor in bis own lamf. which was more important 
to liiui ibaii that uf a tbroljfn luiid, tbiit he could obtain 
the latter by the marriages of liis kin, that Warwick loved 
liini loo well to he angry, and that as for bigamy lie under- 
stood it to be forbidden to a prie&t, but not to a pilncu. 




— 101 — 



Thfn the diicliHss detprmined to disturb the marriage 
hy allefdng a iire-coutract on Edward's part will] "one 
daiiif Filizabijlh Lucy, whom tlie kin^' had also not lung 
lieforo gotten with child". But this woman, though ur^ed 
leri-tu, wuuld not dcclaro that (liey had lieen ''insurerl", 
lough slio had huped from the king^'s loving words tiiat 
he Would marry her. Thus Edward was married to the 
lady (jt'ey, to tho intctisc displeasure and siihsei|upnt 
cnmiljr of Warwick, "ii wise man and a counitnousc warrior, 
and of such strength . . . , that hv made kiiiges and put 
down kingois almo-st at his ijleasure, and not inipossiMo 
lu hauo aiuiined il hiiiisplte, if he had uot rebened it a 
Krcfitcr thing to make a king then to be a kinja-"'. 

ThuR Shaw, besido sisserting \ko hnstardy of Kdward 
liimsdf and of CI)i.renct>, was tfl show tliiit Pidwani's clitliln^n 
wcri' bastarda bpcimfie lie had been coiiLraeted to Elizabeth 
Lucy hfifore hi« nuirriage. 

Sliaw took for his text '^spuria vituluninia iion 
agent radices altas. That is to say. hiu^tard slijjpt's 
shall ueuer take dejie rooto". Aftur showing tlie great 
grarf attending gpneriition in lawful [natriuioiiy, be doelared 
thai hastards, thougli tiiey may for a sea-son inherit other 
men's lands, are sure to be found out, and "the bastard 
slip iiullfd up. ere it can lie roted di>pe". Of tins bo rited 
eiamploa frf)ni the Old Testjiinent "and other auncient 
liistoricH". Then he liegnn to praise the dead Richard 
duke of York and showed the title of his heirs in the 
trowii, Then he tried to prove that Richard was thf duke's 
only lawful heir, on account of Kdwurd'j^ tnairiage with 
Elizabeth Lucy, and because Edward and Clarence ihem- 
»elves were not reckoned surety as the duke's whih, ""as 
those that by their fauors aiL>re n-BeniblcMl other knowen 
men then him". ''But the lord prolectour he satd, Lhyi 
vury noble prince. th(! special pateru'' of knightly prowes, 
ax well in all princely hehaupor as in the liniamenicH and 
Jaoor of his visage, represented the verye face of thi- noble 
doke his father. This in. quod he, the fathers owne ligure, 




— 102 — 



tliis is his own cnuntpnancp. the vpvy prnit of his visag"'. 
the sure vnclouhtod iiiiiigc, the plajiiL' cxpivssc likenes of 
that noble Duke'' (pp. 64, 65). 

Now it had hpcii arninged that, just at this point 
Richard should appear, that thesf woi-ds "'iiiiglit kaue been 
taken aiiinrig tht- hi^art-i-s, as thoughe the Hnlye Clhnst 
had put thniu in the preachers mouth, and sliouM tiane 
nioiied the pemple euen ther to c-rie, kjnfi Riehani, king 
Bjchard, that it mi^Iit haue bene after said, tliat hf^ was 
6pecial[y chosen liy (Joel and in nianer by miracle"' (ji. fift). 
But !l?liaw, fearing Ui reacii the passage too ]at.e. hurried, 
and fiichard Tearing to come too early delayed; so that' 
when he did arrive the preacher was far on in hia; 
sermon. When lin saw Richard roniing, lie "out ot\ 
al order, and outc of al frame bt'gan to repute thosi^ wordea 
again" (p. 65), '"But the peoplo wtjr so farre fro crying-] 
Wng Rielifird. that tliei stode as tlief had bene turnedf 
into stones, for wonder of tliis sliaTiiefull sernioii". 

After this tho preacher kept jiimsclf at home "^out of 
ifiiglit lyke an nwle. And when lie once askf'd one that! 
Iiatj bene bis old frend, what the people talked of liini, ■ 
al wer it that his own conscience wel shewed him timt 
tbei talked no good, yet when the totlier answt^red Idin 
that there was in ouery mans nioutb .s|n>ken of him much 
shame, it so strakc him to the lieart, that within fewe 
daies after hi- withcretl and consunictl away" (p. fin). On' 
the Tuesday I'oliuwinj:. in the Guildhall, the duke of Bucking- 
liam, ■'as lie was neither vnlearncd, and of nature 
niarueilouslye wel spuktm" addressed '"all tho cominonB'j 
of the citiC* (p. RSI. 

Buikint^liaiii declared that ho had como to bring them j 
what they had sore longed for — tlic surety of their own] 
bodies, the ijiiipt of their wives and daiii»'htpi'H. iind the 
saf'.^jr(iard of their f^omls. Tliis thty liad long lacked, Kri- 
ward had taken from them great sums, whatever he wished, 
under the easy name ot benevolence. Every offence had 
been regarded by him as greater thai) it was. as forj 



— 109 — 



\ 



pxanipl(^ llip offonr-f of Bunl(?t, wlio "for a vord spokon 
ill Jjjist"' was -'cnitiUy Ijolit'ddciL, by tlu: ntisconstruiiig of 
Uw Inwcs 'jf tliys n'atnio fur tin- princi's plesui't'"\ tlKuigli 
ilarkum, Itie cliii'l' jusUci.'. loft liis vitiw sooner thiiii jfivo 
consent There whs the destruction of Cooke, foniiei-ly 
tlit'ii- uwu mayen-. Nvvpr liyd lliere been sucli long liia- 
seiiHon or so many battles iis urnler Edwrnil's rcipi; at 
the rosT of more Eiifrlisli lilnml (.liiui wnuld liavi' wnn 
Franct- twice. \o Li]ne ntis Tree IVuni lenr iil' lln' king, 
for wlioni spared ho tlial. kiU<?(l bis own l)r(itlii>i\'' Those 
whom lie favored wfre seart-e lit to speak nC, for "whoKo 
was heste, l>an' away leat rulti, and more suU- W!i8 in liis 
dayes vnto Shores wife, Uieu to al the lordes in Englnnd, 
I'xcept vnto tliiisc that made her Uieii' proftoure". Shure';* 
wife had been Ixmest lill the king corrupted hoi-. But she 
was not his only vlctiui. There was, as they well knew, 
ntt Witnian. yoiinja; or nhl, rich or p^ior, whom lie had chrsireil. 
that he had not eurrupte.d. Tht; citiKcns of Ijondmn had 
lieeii sjiecially annoyed, thoiigli tiie kini^ t^hoiihl have 
shown tlieni special favor. 

Hilt, there lived ji meiiibfr of the house of York wlio 
would requite tliem fur this. They hrtd -m Sunday lieard 
from a preaeiier of the word of (iod the title of Itidmi-d 
of GloueeKter to the throne. lie liad shown thai the 
prinets wei'i- liastanly, an tbi' king, wince Ids true wife, 
danie Elizabeth Lucy, Uved, was never lawfully married 
1.0 tlieir iTiotlier. "'Fur l:i.ck nf wliiich liiwrull ai".i'(mpli|i;i, 
and also "if other thiiij^ew, wliieli ihi' Kaid worsliipful doelop 
rall»*r signified than fully explained, and wliieh thjngeg 
glial iiiit 1)13 spoken for inc, as the ihiiijj; wiieriii eiiery man 
furherelh to say that he knuwtitl, in auoidinge djsplea.suie 
of mj' iioldo lord protector, hearing as nature rerjuireth 
a lilial reiierenee to the iluehes lii^i niotlier" {p. 70) — for 
thesi- traiises the title to the throne hnlonfred to liicliard. 
Oil consideration ul' these things, nnd of "tlie greate kni^'htly 
prowes ami inanyfolde verlm-s wliieh in liis nohlr parson 
9ii4mlarly" uhonnded. the nohiet* ;uid comntoiis. esjiedally 




— in-t — 



nf the north, had detprininpd to pptitinn Richard 1o tHke 
t)ie kiniely oftirc. Willmut doubt lie wnuld bf !otU !o takf 
up sucli a burden, It was no cLild's offlc-e. "And tliat 
the ^Tcatf wisL': niuiini-' well percfiiued^ when hee sayde: 
veh rrgno i^liiils j-ex piior est. Wop Ij? Ibat RealiiiR. 
thftt hathe a cli^ldc lu tboyrp kynge". They should be 
^lad that, a nisn of such vrisd'Hii and csperienco pxipted 
lor the oflice, ftiid tlioagh lotL, he would tukL' it if the 
citizens of London joined in the request. WliicL lie doiiltted 
not tbcj would do, "Wtierin", concluded Le. "dore frendesi, 
wluit minii jou liatin, wm.'I'^ retjuirR you plaiiiely In sbew yb". 
Hiire Btiokiiigliaiii liad I'xpeetiMl that tbp peopU'. "whonif 
he hoped that thw mayiT bad fi'amcil bororc", would cry 
"King Ulchard": but nil was still. "Wherewith the duke 
was meruaikiusly sibashwl". ami taking tie mayor twide 
he aeked him whal was ihfl matter. "Sir, rjuod the raiiyer. 
l>arcase tbey perreyrip you tinl wr-ll". Whori'ori \\v. rcjieatud 
his speech iii nthrr wnrtis, most oloi|UPntly. '"Hut al wan 
as styl as tlu> midnight, tki so uiuch as rowniiig [wliii^pcnn^rl 
araon^ thrui, by whycb tbe iiiyght siMiie In coiiieu what 
waa best t^t doe". Then thu mayor 8niil that the people 
were not wont \n he apokcn to but by the recordir, to 
whom they might anewt-r. So the rerorder, FitzWilliam. 
rehearsed Ihr matter, but "he shewed euciy thing as tbe 
dukos wordes and no part his ownii'\ Yet tho pouplf etill 
"fitnde as Ihcy had ben tjien amnsptr", Th»^ft Biieking:liani 
addrestjL'il thuni a^aJn. Ho said that they hnd couio to 
tlie eitizeiiis not out of need, hut of love. "Wherot'orc we 
retiutTo you giu*' vs aunswcr one or otbcr. wliither you 
Ih! myndiid as alt the nobles of the reabne be, to liauo 
this noble piyncc now prot^ectour to l»ti your kyng or not". 
Then tbe people began to whisper, "tyl at tlie laat in the 
aether f^TX^W nf the hal, a hushnMiiout of the dukes seruartUis, 
and Nashefeldes iind oUier longing |beloiiging| to Uie pro- 
tectflur, with Bomo prentises aiwl ladder that thrust into 
the lial aniongo the pre^e, hiignii sodaiuKlye at nienncg 
hacikes til iiye owte as lowde as their throt4;s would gyue, 



— in;i — 



I 



I 
I 



ihye 



I(ch8r<lf>. feifiKf Hychnn!?. and tlircwc vp their oappe* 
k«n nf jojft. Aiiil when tiie diikr^ anil Ihe nmier sftw 

Kis*'. Ami 



they 



^ly lurnivl it t(j theyr 



manor. 

said it WHS a goodly try and a joyrull to ht'rt\ <'Uer>' man 
wiUi onp voice, no miinne eayen^r nay. Whcrforic frendcs, 
<luod Uie duke, sine that v-e pafcciue it is all your liol« 
miadBB to hftue thia noble man for your lung .... we 
I'Ptiuirp yp ttiai ye to morow i;o with vh imd woi^ with yon 
viitd his notile (^raci', to mnkp. our Imniliic r-ftiui^st vntn 
liini in nianer boforii roineiriberpd" (j>. 74). 

Thfn ilif! assembly dissolved, "the morf iinrt al sad . . . 
Bud soniw of thosn tlmt came thyther with tlic diikf, not 
able to dissemble theyr sorow. were faine at hi« b;u-ke to 
turiie thfir facn rn ihc wall, wliil^ the dolmire of Llieir 
heart brmnti- outn at iheyr ayen" {\i. 74). 

"Thee on the morowe at'tpi", the luayrc with all the 
nidcrnifiii Find rhkfv vvmouvvH of thi' dtin in thfir hpste 
maner Hjjpnraili^d, nssemblinK (liemsflj' tDgrtluir reHortnd 
vnti> BayiimdeH castrll wlipre Hip pr'otJ^.^ctt)^ lay. To wliii^li 
place repiiimil also iifuordtng to thtar ii])pi.»iiitnioiile tlin 
duko of liiickinghani. with dyunrA anhh: iiif-tine with him, 
bcBide manyp kiiijrhti-.s and other (lontloincn. And there- 
upon tlip dukp sent wordp vnto the lord protectour. of the 
bving' tliere of ji grrat nnd lionotirnblc cotimprmyi*. to 
nifiiif a gTHat inciter viitu lui-s ^riia;, Whert'iipon llip pro- 
tpctoiir madi) difflcultie to come outo vnto thorn, but if he 
lirsl knew*' soiim part nf ihcyr iirraiiil<\ hw tbcmgh ho 
donhtr-d and [lartiiilyis dyslruHtcd the r(»niniyng of sucliu 
noiunber vuto him su sudajnlyn, witluiute any warnyng or 
kiinwl*Ml^('. whythcr tlii'V eiimn for good or tinniie. TliPii 
thu Diiku when he had slurwed tJiis vntu the uiaicr and otbtir, 
that tliey mighto thereby see bowe lytle tlm protectour 
lokcd for this matter, Ihei sent vnto him liy the nieswMiger 
auche loiiyn^ inessagi.^ agaiiie. ami tlieri^witli ^t> huinlilyi^ 
bftsoughl hyiii lo vuucbesid'n that thci might resort tw hya 
prfisence. tn |jurpnsi» their intent, of whirb they would 
vnt<> mine nthor parsun any part disclose, that at the laate 




- 106 — 



IifM' iMnii^ fiiorMi of his rlianiber. anil gnt not dnwn vnW' 
tliiiiri, bill slmlii alxjue in a galarye oner Hieiii, wlicre tliey 
inigbte see iiyiu and speake to him, as though he wouhln 
rmt vrt (■(.mii- lo iit'iv tiifm tyll he mst what thi-y mr.iilii, 
Ami tbr'rrii|>|.ion l3ie Dukn ol' BuclviiigLam iyratt* iriaiio 
huiiihlii fK'ticioti VTito hiui, on thfi bohalfe of thcmi all. tliat 
\m gnirn Wfmhlf! [lat-duri ihr^m ivnd lycence them tu imrposo 
vnto hys iiracc the intoiit ul' thtir conimyng witlioulft his 
clisiili^iiiiurf. wUithoiitfi wliirlie pardon obtayiiert, they durst 
not he hold to moiif liiin ff thnt natter. In whichp viU'cit 
thri mpni iiB luuche boimr in hys fn-acp as w<'ulHi u* al 
the realm ht-Kidc, yi't were they not sure howc hys gruco 
woulde take it. whtiiii they wouhl in no wysfl otforido. 
Thpn the proCector us hiM' whs very gi^ntle of hymselfic, 
jiiiU alsu lonp-cd son' tu wit what thi^y meiiti', (^auc hym 
leaue to purpose wlitit hyin lykod, voroly trusting lor the | 
iiiwcl riiifiiie Unit lie haco Iheni ul, nonn of thpiu aid thing' 
would iiitt.'iide vnto Jiyiii ^\'ard(', whi-re with \ui ought to 
ho greued. "Wh^u the duke had Ihis leaue and pardon toj 
speakr. then waxed lie boJdc to sbewe liyrn Ihejr intent 
and pui'pose, with all the rauses niouing them thercuutu 
as ye before liauc hnrcle, iuid linally to bftseeht) hys grace, ' 
that it wold lyke him of his aecustonivd goodness and zeale 
vnk» the rcaliii, now with his eye of pitie, to heholile the, 
long contiuiied distres and ducay of the sanie aud to settej 
his ^acinus hanihis to the redresse and aruendement tJn'rof, 
hy taking: v|i]jon liini the cmwni^ and gouernaunce of Ibis 
fr^alinr. iii^etirding to his right luid tytle lawfully descended 
vnto hym, imd to tlie laude of Cind. profyte of the laiidt. 
and vnto his gra^e so niueho tho more honour and lesse 
paine. in that [irui'r prim* ri^igL^Mi vpim any people, that 
were so glad Ut Hue vndrtr liya oheysauiice as the people^ 
of thiy realiiie vjider liis. 

\Vhi[i (lie pfiit-'cior had hard tlie proposicion. be lokod 
very strangely therat. and answered: That all were it that 
he partli knew the thingi'S by tliPiu alledgt'd lo he true;' 
yet such entier louc he bare vnto king Edward and liig 



— 107 — 



chiUirPii. tluit so niiichc more re^ardpcl hys lumour in otlipr 
ri-alineii^ jilnml, ibpii tliie crowne nf any one. nf which lie 
was iii'iuT di'syi'ous, that iie could nut Ijude in liis ht^arte 
ill this poynte to nnclyne to theyr desyre. For in all other 
narvuds wlieiv (lie trtii?t!i wpi' not wpI knowen. it ulinld 
(laradupntiirp hn tliought. that it wero bis ownc aiiibicious 
tnimip and deuis*. to depose Uie prince and take himself 
tlic riYiwn. With which infaini lie wold nn( hauc Ids lionoure 
stiijii(!il l'«r anye crnwiie. In wliii-li he had euer parcejued 
imiche more labour and payn, then pleasure to hjni that 
sn woulde so vso it. as that he that ■wouUle not were not 
worthy t^i haue it. Not-wilhstandinp lie not only iianloned 
thdii the mociun that they ina.de hitii, hut also thaiikLMJ 
them for the loue and hearty fauoure they bare him. 
pravinpe thctii for his sake to geue and henre the same 
to tlie firytice, viider whom he watt and would he content 
to lyiiu. and with Ins labour and counsel as farre as slii>uld 
like (lie kynp to wfia him. he woold doc liisj vtterrnost deiior 
to set the rpalm in good wtnir, AVIiielie wus ulreadye in 
this litlp while of his protjpetnnnliip (the praysR {^uert ta 
God) wid liegon, in that Ihe ninli'"'* tif 8ueb as wer before 
occasion of the contrarj'. and oj' new inleiiiled to liet^ were 
nowe partelyo by good [lolieye. partly more by Goddes 
speeial [M-ooiilimce then mans proiitsion reiireseed. Vpon 
(hiK iinswer geuen, thu Dtike hy the proteetourh lyeenep. 
a lytle rouned, as well with other iiolile men about him 
as with the niayre and recorder of London. Ami after 
thai \\uyn lyke pardnrir desyred and ubLaync^d, hti shewed 
alniide viitfl the iirnieetour that for a fynal conclusion, 
that the realm was appointed king Edwariles lyne shouhle 
not nny longer roigne vpon tliem, lioth for that Chei had 
Ml farre pone, that it was now no surety tu retreuto, aB 
for that they tliought it for thr weale vninerHal to take 
that wai aIt.hou);h they had mil yet hegontie it. Wherforo 
yf it -would lyke hyis grace lo take the erowne vpnn him, 
thoy wnuhi hiimhiyo beseelie liyiii thereunto. If he woulde 
eeiip them a roKoliite aunswere to the contrarye. whjche they 



— 108 — 



wniilili- ln'f loihe (o licnrr', tlian iiiiiste thfy npfdes sfkr jinH 
sliiild ]i(jt t'aile t<i I'.viiil smiie nllit-r iiolile iiittriiip tlmi wodlde. 
These wordesiimclimoupdtliP protectourc, whiche els.as euery 
niaanp iiuiy witlc. would neucr of likel.vlioodip Laue inclined 
therunto. But wjirn he saw tlier was none other way. but 
that eytlicr he must take it or els he and his liothe goe 
frn it. he -saich^ vntu the lunlfs and ctmnnons: .Sith we 
IJiu'ceiue wol Ihat al tho roEilm is go set, whoroof we be 
VKry soc** that tJLi>.y wil nnt suffer in any wise king 
Kdwimlos liiiL' to gout.THO Ihtim, whum no irinnnc earthly 
call gouenie ag'aiii their willes. and we wel also perceue. 
Ihiit riu uiftiiiR' in tln-rt-, tt> whom thi- crowiio t-an by so 
.just tjtlt^ sippertayn as to our self, us vepyu ry^htu ht^yre 
]a\\ti]Ilyo hoijotton of lln' bodyc of oufe moeti^ di.-ere father 
Ityehat'do latJ? Dukf of Vorko, to whiohe tytli; is uowe 
joyned yovu- rllocwoii, the nobles and conious of tliis realm. 
whichf wi'f? of all titles ijoasibln tjiku top moat cfl'octual; 
wo he coiitmii and apx' fa uotu'ahly to imeliiit' to your 
pelicion and rofjuiist, and aecordyng to the saiue, here we 
tnkt' vpjion vs tin- i-oyall t'stati'. ]jri'(=mirif'nfi'. and kyng- 
dome of tlii> twoo nolili; realiiies, Eiaghinil and Krauiict', llie 
t«ne ft-o this day forward by vs and our heirps lo rule, 
froucrnc and li^-fi-nd, llm tother by Guddes gincr and 
yourc f^ood h('l|ie Iji [rnnt again and subdowe. and cstjihtish 
for nuer in dun uhodyt'ncn vnto this rL-alint; of EuKlaiid*!, 
thaihuinf^Biuent wherof we neuor asko of (iod longer to 
Jyuc thpu V[- eiitendo to procure. With this then- was a 
great shout, trying, kyni^ Kichard, king Hychard, And 
then the lurdps wrnt vp to the kyng (for so was he from 
that time ralh'dli and the pi'oplp de]mrted, talkyn^ diuprely 
of tlie inaUiT rwty iniin as his fantasye gaui" hyni. Eut 
luuche they talked and mai-ueiled of the maner of this 
df^ahng, tliat the uiattor waa on hoth'i jiartcs made so 
strauugiv, as though ut-ithrr had euer coiuniutiod ^^^th other 
tliei'of befnrfi, when that thoniself wel wist there was no 
man so ilul ihfll limrd th*'!U. but he v^rceiued well inough, 
that all iho matic-r was luaUo Imtweae thtiu. Howbait 



— 109 — 



Bommr pxcused that ngayne, ami saydc all imist be doin* 
in good (jrder tliougli. And ijn'iiii'.' imiet somnictuiif for 
thp maimer sake nut he.*!, a-knowen what iln'.v kiiowe. For 
at tLp consccTacion of a bishoit. eueiy man woteth well 
by the paying for liiB biiUoe, that be piirijosfth to 1k' onr, 
and thouglip lie (lay* loi' iintliiiig i.'lU's, Anil yot. niuet lu^ 
ba twise aBkod wliythfr hp wil br biehnp or no, ajid he 
muete twysti eay Uiiyc, and at tlio Miird tyme take ii iis 
compellfd lIut vnt<i by his nwiic wylL And in a v;tnjri> 
pUy all the people know right w«'l, tliat he that plnyfith 
tlio siiwdayne is pei-case a snwtfi-, Ynt If orif slundil (-na 
so lyUk' good, to sh^we out uf seas(>ini[i> wb;il acLiuaintaiice 
he bath with bini, and calle him by his owiie name whyle 
he stajidptli in Ms nagestie, rjiif of hiw iKnuentflrs nu^ht 
hap to hreako Ids head, mid wmtby I'nr maiTing id" the 
play. And mt thi?y said tliiii tlii^se iniiitcrs hfv Kyiiges 
ganiits, as it wptp stago play^'s. and for the nmre part 
plaii^ vpoii Hcafuldcs. In which pure nu'ii bf hut the 
lofeprfi on. And ihei that wisi' Ijp. wIl medle no faither. 
E-'or thi'y Ihiit sontetyine utep vp and playe with tlient, 
when tlipy ■cannot ptay their paifes. tliey iliKordcr tlie play 
and do tbeniseir no gijod'" (pp. 74—7!'). 

Tlio next day Kichard Uiiit to Westjninst^r Hall "aiid 
there when he had plar-od Inniself \n Ihr coiir'l of the 
kiiigea bpiicli dechired , , . that he w-tuUle take vpoii 
him the trowne in that plnce there, wher the king hiinfsolf 
sitteth and nnriistrt'Ih tlit- law". Hi' then made uii '^ration, 
ai'fsking t^i win lo liiinself the nnhli's, inerejiaids. arlilieerw 
and cBit^cially tlio lawyei-e. Tlieii that by rlenipiiey liy 
inigiit win good will, be ih'elared hiiriself ready tn forgive 
all offpiieee against him, ajid nuninit.iii<:d I'rnni saiictunry 
one Fngge, "whom he liafl long deadly bated", took bini 
by the hand ami par'doiied liini. At:! Riehard n-iunu'd 
hnni'e liP sainted all he met, Fur a ininde that kncwf^tli 
it self giltye. ib in a nianer dejeicM to a spniih- flattery" 
(p. 80). Having thiiR begun his reign. Richard was miwneil 
Boiia after. |ThL' date is lacking in More.J 



no — 



"Now fell thcr inisrliicucH thick". As Riclianl enili»(3 
Iu9 reigii willi tlin btist and most nglitoous dtalli. Ids uwh, 
so be began it witli tLe moat iiitenus and wicked, tliat of 
liis noiiliews. There wen.' [Ln More 'a tiniej smiie who duuhted 
tliatthcj' were in Richard's days dostiojed, not only becauHe 
of tlic pretence of Perkiii Warbeck, but because notliing 
Could be. plainly and openly proved. Wherefore, says 
Mure, "1 shall rehearse you tlte dolorous end of those 
babes, not"afFer euery way that T hauft licard^ hut after 
that way that I haae so hard l»j aucln* men and by such 
meanes, as uie thliiket it wer hard hut it slioulU he true". 
King Uicbard uft<.T his <:oronatioii visited Gloucester, 
and as he rode thither dotenninod foi- Us security to kill 
his nephews. He thorcfort? sent one John Oreen to Braken- 
bury, eoiistiibli! of the TowtT, bidding him in any wisp put 
the two children to death. "This .John Grene did his 
on-Riide viito Brakenbery kiinliiijf bi-fon* <n}v Lady in the 
Tnwiir, wJlo plaiiielj answerwl tluit be would iicuor jnittc* 
theni to death to dys therfore" (p. 811 This answer liroeii 
reported to Kicbard at Warwick. "^Whfrwilh he t.oke sue-li 
displeasure and thought, that the same night., h(i said viito 
a secrete page of his. Ah ■whurae shall a man trust? those 
that 1 haue hroughte vp nij selfe, those Ihal I bad went 
would most suiely S'crue me, euen those faylc me, and at 
my connnaundeniente wyll do nothyng for mo. Syr, (|uod 
his page, there lyeth one on your paylet without, that I 
dare well say, to do your grace pleasure, the thynf^ werft 
right hanle that he wold refuse meaning this hy air .lamfts 
Tyrell, which was a man of riglit goodlyi- pwaouage, and 
for natures gj'ftes, worthy to haue seini^d a mnehe better 
prince, if he had well serued (Jud. aud Ijy giaoe ubtaynod 
as mucho troutho and good wil as he had strength and 
witte. The man had an high heart, and wore longed 
vpwurdv, not rising yet so fust as ho hud hoped, being 
liindored and kept vnder by the meanes of sii' Richard* 
Ratelifo and sir Wilbam ('ateshy'" (p. 82), who wanted no 
partners in Kicharda tavor. 
\ 



— Ill — 



I 



(icbard thereupon cnuH* oui into ili*- jKillct t-lianilier 
wli«re were slopiiiK Tyrt'll ixrul bis bruLb*;!' Sii' Tboiuus. 
"Thi'ii said lUe king inorely [inerrilyl tu tlioiii: What sirs, 
he ye in br^d an soone? And calbng v]i ^jyr Jatucs, brake 
In tiiin secrolcly liis mind in this Tniscbicunus TiiJitter. In 
u'hicbe be founde biin tiotliiiiH slnin.trt'"- He was sent. In 
Brnltenbuiy with a Icltor bidding linikfnbiuy di^liverto liini 
all the keys of theTuwer foiMnie night, Which heing fill tilled, 
Tyrelt appointed the nrxt night for the di'ed. '•Tbi- prince, 
as Booiie as the pniteetor lefts that nainp and toke luin- 
sell as king, hud it shewed vntji liim, that lif should nut 
rcigne, but lii.s vnclc shdiikl hauf^ the erowjte. At whieb 
worde the prince sore abashed, began to sigh and said: 
Alas T wuulde my vnde wuulde lelte nie liaue my l.vfo 
vet, Ihongli I lege my kingdonie. Then he that tolde liiiu 
the talc, vsed him with guod wordes, and put him in the 
best rnnifni't he (^nuld. Jiiit fm-thwitli was the iiriiice arid 
his brother bothe shot vp, and ail othtT reniuued frtiui 
lliem, onely one railed blae-k Wil or William Slaughter 
escopl, set to serue tlieni and bcv them sure. After whic.ho 
time the prince neuor tyed bis* poirit'CS, imr ought roiiglit 
of hyniselfe, but with that young babL' h.ys brolhcr, lingered 
in thought and heauiru;? til ihiH iratorons death dpliuered 
tlioui of that wretrhediiips. For sir Jame? Tind deuwed that 
tliti shubi b(:i nmrthered in tlieir brtUlL's. To Ihw osecuciuii 
wherof, be appointed Miles Forest, une of the foure that kept 
llieni, a fmlowe ileshcd in ninrt-lier Tiefiire time. To him be 
joyned rtne John Dighton, hi« own horsekeper. a big hmde 
square strong knaue. Then al the other beeiiig rernoued from 
them, tliys Miles Kon^st and John Digliton. :ibnnt midnight 
(Ibp scly diildrL*ri lying in their lieddi^H) eiime into the 
chamber, and nwlninly lapped thern vp among the clothes, 
•in bewrapped them and entang'lpd them, keping down by 
force thfl felher bed and pillowcs hard vnto (heir ninutlies, 
that witJiin a while smored and stifled, theyr bn-ath failing, 
tliei gaue V[i U^ (lod their innocent uniiles into the joyes 
iif heuuen, luauing to the tormentors their budyes dead in 




112 — 



tJie bed. WhicJiP alW tliat tlio wrplches itarwiued. first 
by tlio striigliiig with tin- iiiiimrs ol' tlfatb, auil atVi- luing 
lyinfT styll^ ia bo tlirouglily dead; thej laidf their bodies 
naked out vii|toti t\\<: ln'd, and fi'tclH-d sir Janien Ui seft 
tteiii, Wbiclj vjujii llie ijiglitoltiifHi.caiweU liu'tioiiiurllierei'* 
to l)uryp tliem at the atayre foote, iiwteiy dope in Uie 
^oundn vnU".T a |^r<;al ln^apt' ol' stiHR's. Tlian rviW sir 
Jamoe iu great liast lo kiii^' Kiclianlc, itiid shewed him 
al iJie iiiaaer of the iimrtlifli", who gaue byui gret thank* 
and, ae smii say, thprp niaiii' hint knitrht. But lie allnwr^d 
not, as I bauG heard, the burying in sn vile a conuT, 
saying tliat ho woulde haue tlimn buri(_'d in a ht'tlcr placo,- 
liecause the! wer a kiugL'S Buijiies. Lue thp honouraJile 
forage of a Iryngf! Wlu'ru|ioii thoi say that a prieste of 
syr Robert BrakeuJmry toke vji the hodyes again, ajid 
secr(5ti"lye i5ntr>red them in siich i)Ia<'*'. as i)y the "Krasion: 
of his duathe, whielie oiiely km-w it, ^■•i>iild lieuer syiic« 
cAtma to light. 

Ill tbtt time of Henry Vll, Tyrell was toiniiiittfld 
Iin'Kiin fiji treason, nmi whili' there \»: and Dightnn "wm- 
fessed th*; iiiiirliiiT in luanttr ubuiio written"'- "W'lial wii.it I'lied 
oud euHueth BUch di**|iitf!c)us enielUp"' may be sften from 
tJio fate of IhoHc who iryiiiinitti'd tliis ilo^ed. Fonist "■iie(*iu4'le 
rotted away"i Digktan was in Mures day sliil alivt- but 
likely to bo hanged. Tyr«U wan beheaded for treason.' aad- 
Kieliard wae "slain . . hacked and hfWfd of liisj eneoiica 
handeii, haryed on hortj^f^buekc dead, h'ni here in despite, 
torn and togged lyke a cur dogge". Until Uiat hapiteiKul 
he was torn by angiiisli. "For I lianc lu-ard liy LTcdihla 
rejwrt of such as wer secrete witii hi» ebajnbi'n^i'B. tUaU 
afti^r tliiK abhoiniiiabic- ilt>edi> done, lie iieuer liadde iiul< 
in hi« ijiiado, hee neiirr thought hininelJ" sun*. Where he 
went ahrride, bis eyen wiiirled aiwut, hh body yriiiily 
]'uiiw>d, liig hund eiior on his dager, liie cimntunarico arjd 
nianer like one alway ready to sirike agaiue, be toke iU 
si*st a nigbtes, lay loii^ wakyng aijd iiiusiog, Kore woried 
with caj^e and watch, JitUier sJuiiihrcd th-en jJejit, troubied 



n 




— 113 — 



u-iili forvrcful dreaines. soclaiiily ponniiotynn^ stprto up. 
Ipape out of bis bed aud runiie about, tlic clLanilxT. av 
was hts restles herte cortinuatly tossed and tuinltlfid witli 
ihp t^-dious impression and stormy reuiflmhrdiice of his 
ttliominable dede" (p. Hn}. 

Outwardly, too.be liail do longtimoof ru§t, forsooiJiifter 
lifgaii Buckingham's pnuspii'aey ajrairisl him, tlip oct-'iisioii 
■jf which "is iif diuprs folke diuerei.i wyse protendi^d". Thr 
duke had, as Morfs was iiifoniied, immediately on Edward's 
deatli soQt to Kiehard aS York a. uu'ssr^nger named Perwal, 
wLo was admitted by Richard ""in the dead of tht* uiglit 
aftfrr al other folk auoyded". The mossa^e Ixmie by Persal 
was that '"in this new w&ildi.'" Buckiiig'ham would take 
llip same pait as Richard and wait o» liim at need with 
]Oi;h> uie.n. Persal, "scut hack wttli thanks!, and some secret 
instiuccion of the protector's mind", met Ritliard again 
with a further message from Buckingham at Nottingham, 
whilJior the protector from York with UttO men wus ctiiiic 
oa his way to Ijondon. Buckiughain met liim at Nortlianiptoii 
with 300 liolT^e, and from then on continued to be a partner 
nf his devices till alter the coronation, wheu (hey snpujaLird, 
"as it ficmed very great fi-eodee" at Gloucestflr. Once 
honu', Buckingham began his coiispirary. Rome said the 
cause was that Buckiugha-m had required of the protector 
the duke of Hereford's lands, and since the titlu to these 
lands "was snmi'what enterlacert with the title to the crown*; 
Uy the liae uf king Henry before deprived; the protector 
ponwiueil sucli imli^iaejon, that he rejected thu dukes 
re(inpst with many Bi)itefull and minatory wordes". WhiMV- 
at Huekinffhiim was so wounded with hatred and naislrust 
that he could never afterward bear to look on kin^f Richard, 
and ft'ifrneri himself sick that he might not have to ride 
vitb Rirliard to Ids coronation. 

"And Lhi^ totber taking it in enU part, sent hyni worde 
lo rjBe, and come ride or he woUI niiUte him he uaried. 
Wberupon he rode un witli euil wd, aud that iiolwith- 
Htaudin^ cjji the uau^ow rose from, the feodt fainitig himsielt' 



PalMslnL X. 



8 



— 114 — 



sickc, and kyng Rtehard said it was dooe in liatrcd nnd 
tiispitc of him. And they say that euer after continually 
cch of Iht'ni liued in sm-lif lintnHl and distrust nf nthpr. 
that thu duke T4?nly(' limki'd im limn' Iipur inuitheryil at 
Gloucester. From whicli natldi's iio in lair nianer de- 
parted'" (p. 87). 

But many ''rtglil sircrct a(, llio dn.ies di.'ny tliis"' and 
tldiik it unlikely, considi'rinjr the '■di?p(.' diseimuling' naturu" 
of liotlu anil the need ku:\i had of (lie otiiier. ■''that either 
Ihr: protector wold gciie tin' chiki; occasion of displeasure. 
or thr duke tho ]»rotcctnr orr.asion of mistrust. And vtlcrly 
men think, that yf kynj^ Ric-hjird hjul any such uppinioii 
connciuiid: he would in-ui'i' liaue suifrod luiii to i-scapc 
his hmidcs''. It is true, suys More, tliat Birrkiiigliani was 
a '"Iiigh niindpd man, iiiid eiiylj rould hearii (lie gltiry of 
an other, ho that I hum* heanl nf som that said 1tn;i saw 
it, that the duke at sui'li time iw tiu- i^rown was lirf^t set 
ypon the protectors hcd, his cyu rould not ahide tbi- sij^ht 
thereof, hnl wried liys hed an ntlier way'' <p. 88). Koine 
said tliat Buckingham ■waa really "not wel at ease'' 
(i. e. was sick), and was therefore allowed hy Kiehard 
to depart, with great gifts, "in most louinir and ti'usly 
nianer". 

But when Buckingliani came home to Brecknock he 
began to talk fsiniiUai'ly with Dot-tor Jlorton, hishop of 
Ely, who had iieen in Buekin^diam'K riistody since the meeting 
of the council where H-nwUngs riinie to liis end. Morton 
Lad lieeii fast upon the side of Henry VI, luul lied with 
Margaret and her Bon^ and rclurned with ihem to the fatal 
field at Jiarnet. Aft^r that Edward '"woed him to come 
and had him from thenc* forth in secret trust and very 
speciall fauor". For his trutli to the youn^j kin}r Eilward 
he was taken prisoner and given into Buckingham's charge, 
from wliich he escaped, as we learn later. He it was that 
dfvised the marriage hetwceu Henry and Eliznhetli. He 
vm sunnnoned home from ilnrmv whither hi- hail gone 
aflor Henry entered Eng'liiud, and was made archbishop 



— 115 — 



of Civntf-rlmrj' anil (■:hanf(ni4ir of Kn^'laiid, rewiviiif^^ id,- 
title uf CaixliTiai from thf Popf. 

Now the bishop "had gotten by Kreat ospcrience, the 
!^ inotlH^r and niaiwtrtjs of wisiioin. a drpe insight*^ in 
alitikp wi,frldli dnfii.^s;". S^'wag Mmt Buckingham was 
Rlad to talk with him,, mid wouUl ''now and tb^n baike 
oiile a lytle brujcli' of muy toward Ihi' jjlorv nf tlm king , . . 
be craftelye Kouglit Uio waies to prickc liiiu forwardc". 
"For when the duke Hret began to praise and host t-ha 
king, aTid sbewo bow iiiueb i>rolit Ibu reabn shmild take 
by bis reign", Morton replied that BLickinghaiu wull knew 
tbnl if he could have hiid his way, Henry's son would 
have had the crown, and not Etlward. But as tiod ordered 
otherwise, he w:i.s not w mad as to strive with a Liea.d 
man ajjainst a living, ^o be liad been Edward's faitbl'LJ 
cliaitlaiii, and wnuld have; been glad to see his son succeed 
Iiitn. But a^aiii he did not intcnrl to labor to set up what 
Und pulled liown. "And as U>v the Jate protector and now 
kyug. And eueri there he left-, saying that he had alredy 
niedled tn innche with tlie world, and would fro that day 
iiiedle with his bokci and liis heedes and no farther". 

"Then longed the duke sore to here what he would 
haup BJiyd. beeause he ended with the king and (here so 
sodcinly stopped", and urged him to speak openly. He 
bail procured of the king the custody of the bishop precisely 
for the puiT'i^^' of making use of his advice and counsrl. 

"The bishop riglit humbly thanked liini and said; In 
[,'ood faith, my lord, I loae not nmnh to talke luuche of 
jirinees, as lliirig nor uti out of peril, thnughe the word be 
witbtjut fault, foraymucli as it shal not be taken am the 
paily Tiient it, hut as it pleasetb the prince to conster it. 
And euer 1 think on Esop's Ude, that when the lion hail 
jiroelained that on pain of deth therp should none homed 
beast abide in that wood, one that had in bis forehed a 
hnnrh of flesli, fletl awaye a great pace. The fox that saw 
Iiiiii run so fnste, aski'd htm whithiT he made al that hast. 
And hu answered, iu faith 1 neither wote nor reck, so I 



— 116 — 



wer once hence boeauso of this pmcIaiiKidoTi made oi 
Lorncd boastes. What, folc, quod thi^ fox, thou iiiaistl 
abide w^l inough, the Ijon moat not by tkee, for it is none 
iioriH' tliat is in tliiiie iioad. No mary, qund ho, thiit wnto 
I wyl _Yiioii^''h. But what, and lie cal it nn Horn, wlu-r am 
I Uien? The duke laughpil merely at the tale, ami said; 
My lord I wnraat ynu, mdthpr Hie lyan nnr thv Imrc shaj^ 
(tyke anye matter at any tliyiig hPre spoken, for it shi 
neuer come nere their eare. In good fayth, sir, Baid th( 
bishop, if it dill, thf tliiiiij that T was ahnut to say, taken'] 
as wel as al'oro Ood I nient it, could dcserue but the 
And yet taken as I wone it wold, niifrht happen to tur 
me to litle i^^ood and you t^i lesse. Thi^ii lunged the dukftj 
yet niorh aiore to wit what it was" Ipp. flO, 91). 

Tlieii the bishop di'eliii-ed that as Richard was kinj 
in possession he did ant pui-pnse tn dispute his M'tte. H( 
only wisiied that in addition to Ridiard's many abilities' 
God had given bim some of wurh other exeelleiit virtues 
meet for the rule of a realm as the Lord hud planted it 
the person of Buckingham himself. 

And here More's work breaks abruptly oil'. 

B. Thti Latin Version nf More's Richard IIL 
I note here the oniy important difl'ereiiccs of the 
Latin from the English version. The citations are taken] 
from the Frankfort edition of More's works, HJ8y. 

Of (.')arence'ii death it is stated that ParlianK'nt bad! 
Condemned him "acorbissimo supplicio; sed Rex atr'odtaleit 
ponaae sustulit, morti'm Itdit, (]ua ut levissima defuiigeretiir^ 
ill vini CVeteiisih^ doliuni immerso capite, renpirare pre 
hibitUB^ expira.\nt. 

Ill the description of Richard's person, for the "prow-i 
esse"* of the English is found "probitate"; "ill fetured ot 
tiniines" is the e<iuivalent of "inaeijualibus atque informibus 
ntenibn's", and for the "'his loft, slionldi-r much hijifher thanj 
his right" we have the milder and less definite '"alteroyu* 
humero erectior". 



— 117 — 



For the "close and secret" of tlic Enfjllsh version 
wo havo the more (irfiuttc and interesting staleuieiit that 
iie wuulil intrust liia plans to nijibody save those tbat had 
to cari-y them out, and not even to these before the muracnt 
for action, or furtlier than was absolutely necessary. 

Kor "'He slew King Henry''" stands the more detinito 
"Henricuni .... ah isto crudeiiter adacto sub costiis pugione 
cojifossuni ae trucifiatmu''. 

In the Btory of Rivere's capture no statement is found 
to the effect that Richard and Buckinghani had taken 
possession of the keys of the inn; instead stands only 
"omnibus itineribus oppidi obsessis". 

In Richard's charge that Dorset had tciken money 
from the tower in found "■stipeudiuiti in niilitt's elargilum, 
quos in classeiti ad conlirniandae illius factionis opes 
coegisset". 

Gray, on hiy capture, is said to have put his hand to 
Ills, sword, intending to defend himself, 3)ut gave it up, 
l)*ing admonished that it w:is too late. 

The queen is said t« have had "ftlias quatuor"' with 
Iier in sanctuary. 

In Ilichard's speech urging that the duke uf York be 
brought out of sanctuary foi- "'thry that Ijy tho assent of 
the nohli'S of the land wi;r appnynted . . to the tuicyon 
of Lis owne I'oyall parsime', we have "'cujus ijusuni corpus 
Hiihi vo.s alL-ndiiiu tuendunique credidiatis'" (p. 9). 

The ciirdiiifil sent to the queen is not named as eitfier 
York or (.lantrrburj-- 

The descriptiou uf the council where Hastings mot his 
death lia.s a few further detail-i ami alitrbt difft'rences. The 
beginning reads: "'Igitiir f-onsultantihuti piLUlu post in arce 
procerilius, (juos eos protector coiiculoavorat, ipsjc soriusj 
veniens in con^lium excusat tiirdilatein: Tuui hihui?, ac 
prope jocanti siiniliK accubuil protirmsquc in Klien.«em 
vei-sui* E|>isiiopuui: PatiT. imiuil. fraga lilii in iKiriis iimhu 
insignia nasci, noii gravalini scio ferculum unum tot nolnlibus 
in prandiuni, velut symboluni luuiii cimri'n'w", Ely wends 



for the strawberries. Then "protector vpUU nescio quid 
nccossario? roi in [n'oximo factnriis cul>ieulo, statimque in 
t'oristliuni rotliHturus (^nvditurt procerilnis iriiorim taiitji 
ejus feativitAte oblectatis, quantam baud tempre ante in] 
illd viilf'rjnit, siiiiiiltiur liiiniaiiitiitr'ni luinignitiitciiniiio Jiiitiiii 
hiuilaiitiliiis, ill(? non din nioraluM rovrrtitur". Hont'C tlio 
narralrvt^ prucoL'tls as in llin Eiij^'lisli. Rit-baixi's answer toj 
Hastinys rcails: '"Quid hi niilii iiuiuif. si ngo t.thi locissf ajo:' 
i(h]Lio si ilel'endas, duello Icciiiu iiruditor apprahavcro". 

Of Stanley's wound we liivve additional infoiniation. ' 
"Midelljjniis qtildeui in Daibiae Comitfni secunm libravitJ 
sic. ut nisi piiiperc suli iiicnsajii dilnpsus ^Titassot ictuni, 
ad denies usque caput fueril dtvisiiru.s, quippe queni sic 
quottue celeri lapsu iclniii declinantem, cxtrema tamenj 
acies conseenia vciiici irnpacto vutnere totiim eruore per- 
ludeiit. later {Vnniteiu I'i pprciissureni hune lis dc [iraediis 
oliiii, atque hinc ininiicifia veins intercesserat. Nam Coiiie9| 
eum de posseasione, ^ine an jure inoertuni, invitum corlfi 
dejecerat, unde ilie plus ausus, quani imperatuni est in 
aliona causa, suo riobri serviobat". Of Easting's tleathl 
we iiavc, ''urgente nukynganiiae Duce (quein ille |Has.'tingsJ] 
iiuppliciter intueiis ul sui iiiiserereiui'obsecrabat) vix tcmprej 
facta confeaaione, produeitur . . . tinem recepit" |p. 17). 

Stanley's dream is tbns relaled. "ViButii enim apriim] 
prostratos ambos appetere dentihus: Haslyngum repeiitej 
TOnfectum. ipsi vei-o sic lancinatmii eaput, ut sangiiif 
ubpflim sic sinus eflUieret" ip. 17). 

Hastings' I'uniier imprisonment is said to liave been' 
the result of n charge by Rivers, lliat Hastings, wlio was 
captain uf Calais, intended lo betray tLe plaee to th( 
1'Vencli (p. L7). 

The Latin version ends witli the statement of Uichard'al 
coronation. 



In More"s history tlie Riehard saga made its greatef 
advance. The work not only gives in miuuto detail ai 
account of all the important events from the death ol 



— 119 — 



I 
I 



Eilwaiti to the outlxcak of But-kinjiliams rdiplHon, but it 
Iiroscnls tilt' iiipst tiiiishcd portrait, of EioUard's porstm 
and characler, Addetl to this is a etylt M-liieh liaa cauKcil 
it to bo considered tbe lirst pieco of historical writing tliat 
hji^ just claim to be caded literalure. It is not strange, 
Ilicn'forf, lliat it fixeil in practically detinitive fonn tlie 
cbjiract.(?r and pfsrson of Richard, aa Ilipy were to appear 
in later liistui'j and iJU'raluri', and witli these thi? bistory 
of the ftvents in Hicbard's life, su far as Mure s|iokf of 
Lliem. The work was adniiled with but sligLt cbanges uf 
plirasculogy and uieagi'i! additions of fact into all the 
surrffding rbi-finirlo* — ihti Hardyng continuation, Hall, 
GniiUiu. llulinslH'd and Stow. Thus it formed also the 
basil* of Sliakospeare's pictoro, 

Tbal More's acconnt contains not only many inarciiraries, 
hut also si'er]iiny:]y wilful niisstatfnients of fact, bas bei'n 
iibundaiitly proved by Buck, Walpole, Gairdner and otliera. 
What is still more apparent is the fpeiing of actual hatred 
of Richard that informs the whole work. It f,'oes iteyond 
the ripbteoas detestation of a tyrant and miirden'r. goes 
hcyund even llie exaggerated feu'ling of a rrmrt eliriJiiii.-ltM" 
like Aiidri^. ThiK. too. it is most pmbablf, «.« WfU as his 
facts, was due to his contact with Bishop Jlortou, who 
had Im-ti Rithard's iien-sonal fop, 

Nowhere is this fenlin^' more clearly shown than in 
the desoripUoii of Richard's person, an<i nowhere docy the 
saga make* a more distinct advance. Vp to this point we 
have h'^ard only thEit Richard wiun short of stature and 
liad Mie riglit slmuUlei' liiglier than the left. ' In ITorf . for 
llip tini time does he become "croke backed Riehard'V 
ill I' ruinio by which hi* w;i.s kmiwii to tlie. sueceeding 
general iiias. His left tilimilder iii>w becomes not only higher 
but mncb higher than Ins ri^dii. His very facB is hard- 
favored", luH limhs "ill-feiilui'ed", his ann *'w<Ti.s]i, withered 
and .'iinall". ttf his birtli Rous hail repoheit the legenils 
that ho wa£ born haired and toothed. More adds that he 
waK Itnmgbt Into the world by the physician's knife, and 



thai he appeami with the fpet forward, as moii "bpe borne 
ijutwani" ti> Inirial, Thitt nutiirL- ohiiriged her course in 
Richard's vory ht'^iiiiing is Morn's plain bt-li*'!'. 

Th0 analysis of Ricliard's character is far more ex- 
tpndftd tbiin Einy ln'furc written. Knuf had sugtf'psted ihat 
Richard's iiioristrmis nature wil-j foiTtohl hy his birth. Andn^ 
had cliargud him with loving deeds of blood from the very 
criirib'. Jlore likewise tiales his (iisjiositidn from even 
bt'foiL* his birth a* ever frowanK The dissiinulation ami 
lij'pocrisy which other wnlers had iiieot-iuued is- emphasized 
by More in detail. New nualities aro insistpd upun. rnaJicc, 
wrath, envy. Oit tlie nthtT sid*-. More, as oUilts had done 
before him, praises Richard's courage Jind policy' ii» war- 
In More's treatment of Richard's crimes the saga again 
takes an important step forward. Prince Edwrinrs death, 
it is notieeahle. is nut niontiontid by More, but the murder 
of Henry VT in ascribed to Richard. It is, moreover, for 
the first time ascribed to his own impulse, -m done without 
the commandment nr knowledge of Edward, who. More 
thinks, if he had wished the deed done, would have had 
it executed by .'somo other than his own brother. This 
roaaoning, with ita entire lack of con&ideration of thu 
political situation, reveals clearly enough More's inclination 
to picture Richard io the worst possible light. A fui'tJier 
step is the veiled suggesliun that Richard was glad of 
Clarence's death and by secret expressions helped it on. 
But More is careful Io indicate that this is based on 
rumor only, and that conjecture may as well shoot too far 
a^ too short. Tliat Richard played any aclivn part in 
inducing the enndeninatiun ofClareacu or in procuring the 
carrying out of the sentence is not suggested, 

in the reason assigned for the statement that Richard 
was glad of Clarence's death, tlie saga again advances 
and Richard's cliaracter grows blacker. Till now tlicro 
had bci'Q but wlight discussion conceiniiig the time when 
Hichard first cflnceived his puqwao to reign. In More we 
lind the report thai 'Jie long time in king Edwai-des life 



— I2t — 



forfi til ought to be king"', It is true that More declares 
that ihere ig nu ccitaintj on this point, and tlial Hicliarri 
may fii'si have been, put in hope by tiie tender age of hie 
iicplu-ws; ^fllt, as in otiiei' plat-cs, it is the worse report 
that is fiuphasizod. supiinirtod. and a|>paronl.l.v bf^lioved. 
It is of eourwe iniposjiiblo liere to indicate all tliat is now 
in More's account; so iiuicli of it is new. 1 content myself 
witb calling attention to some of the salient points in 
the story. 

Mope's account is not a chronicle, bui_ a biugrapliy oP 
RicLartl, ^ In- all the history of Ijie events that followed 
Effward's death, Gloucet^ter is tberefon* not only made the 
chief and central flgiirc, hnt the m«vin« impulse. All 
that happens proceeds originally from him. And since the 
hiogrujhhy h written by a foe, Richard's niotiTes for the 
impulses he gives to events are invariably represented as 
infamous and springing from his desire to hecome king. 
Thiw. on the other side, tbe mnttves of Richard's opponents 
are placed in the most favora.ble light: a fact wliicb at 
oucc appeal's, by a coniparis.on with the account of the 
Crojlaiid continuation. Tbe position of the cjueen's kindred 
about the young prince, their desires and airiis.are represented 
I>y More as wise and just. The renewal of the old malice 
against them after tlie reconciliation at Edward's bedsidn, 
was. according to More, wholly the work of Richard, though 
he set on fire thoHi- who were theniselves easy to kindle. 
Buckingham and Hustings both follow Richard's urging. 
in More it is Itiehanl wlio, perceiving that a largo train 
fttteiiding upon the y'-'ung prince will prevent the attaining 
of his purpose, persuades the queon to send word to her 
son to come with only a small attendance. But the C'roy- 
land eoiitLuuatioa makes it plain enough Uiat Huwtings and 
a majority of the council wore of themselves opposed to 
the nueeii's kin. and in th<' trsiin with wluch they propo.sed 
to bring the king up to Limdnn. Nothing is elearor than 
that the ipieen's kin were perfectly aware of the strong 
oppijsition I') tEiem, ami that llicy intended to bring up a 



122 



/ 



large army for tlie sake of maintaining themselves in power. 
Ricliard was at tlir liiiu' of Kilward^ doatli in Yorksliir'?, 
a laci which aiorc dyes not nifniiun or siiggt'st in this 
place, tliouiih Up does later, jind itie unUkcly that Richard 
knew iiuK-li 111' tin- prcpiH'dinKS of the couiieils in I-ondoii 
nr of wliJil waw to !n' feanMl from the qufcn's kin, till ht) 
iiu't BuL'kiii^'ham in Nurlliariipton (d". Gairdner. p. 61). The 
cliargo lii'oiiwhl liy Bufkingliani and Klehard against Boraet 
tluit he had takcri trfiisuif' frnni the Towpr and sent men 
(o si^a, is asserted hy More to have been a mere pretest 
Uecause Uiey had to say something, and the act itself 1* 
drclared to have iieen dnnd for gond and necessary purposes 
at the IjEddiiig of iht; whtdti einiiidl. It is nut williout 
great interest that th« EngUsh version softens very inneh 
the trLaiffe as il. apiM-ars iii tlii' Latin version, where tljo 
chikcH assert (hrtt Dorset's iiurpoK.^ in his act waa to streng- 
tlien his own faction. Here agaiji the partisanship uf More 
is pUain. for it is perfcclly cU'ar tliat Rirhard's eharp- was 
true. Dorsrt, as conslahic of the Tower, hail no authority 
to exifend this money and no aiitliority Ic ht out ships, 
a function whitdi iK-longetl to RiehanI in iiis oflice of Ail- 
uiiral of Enjrland. The sitiiatiijiri wat* clearly this. Botli 
parties, the i|uecn's kin and their foes, were bent on a 
stnijrple for tlie snpreiuacy. The latter party naturally 
inti^iidod to make all llie use poyi^iide ot'llie powerful Duke 
of Uloiieester, and soon'-r oi' later hi* made np his mind 
to use Ibeni. 

A further analysis of the relation of MoreV stateineiits 
to histiirv liiu'K nut beluug t<» my piii'pose, Thi' al^ovr^ is 
i^uftieieiit lu make clear that it was More'u partisanship 
that bronyht ubont three important characteristies tif the 
saga a.s slia|ieil by him and accepted by those who followed 
him; viz., Riehard the guiding spirit of all the event* that 
followed Edw;inrs death; bis purpose therein the attainnimt 
of the crown: llivers and his companions animated merely 
by the spirit uf innocent and faithful dofendei-s of the young 
king's rights. 



— 123 — 



In this connection it is important to note that More 
lias not tlip slightest sugKPStioii that Richard had any 
claim to a position of authority noar the king. Mention 
of his iirotoctursliiii occurs tirst at Lis apjiuintnient l),y the 
niiuicil. His actions as he ''tooke upon himself the order 
and yDUiM-naneii of tlic yoiiiijx kin^" bear at least thti tacit 
cluij-^c "if nsiirpation. It it- an interesting- "luostion M'iiether 
it was tw heighten this appearance that More simply 
tnonfiiins that Lord Rivors "roinainod hohynd'' at Xorth- 
anilitiin. The Croyland coiitinuator lolls u& that his purposo 
in so doing was to suhmit his proceedings to the approval 
of tho king's uncle. 

Richard's appointment to the prottietorship l.i.v the 
eoundl 19 represeijti^d hy More as hrought about by Wa 
humhlfi and reVLT^nt hviirini: towivi'd Un' king. So that 
from ihp great oliloiiuy which his arrest of the queen's 
kin hnd brought upon him he was suddenly fallen into 
great trust. Here again it is Rk'hard's hypocrisy, according 
to More, that hiings liim success. In fact, however, his 
appointnii-nt- was hut the consistent outcome of the purpose 
(if thoso opposed to the queen: and this appoinlinenl was 
in reality hut the ratification hy the *'ooncil nC an appoint- 
ment made ly Edward IV in his uill. 

l-'roni this point on, among tho nnmerous detaiJs hero 
"for the first timfi given, Richard's hypocrisy and crafty 
policy are most .strongly eniiiliasizi'tl. The winning of the 
young duke of York away from his uiothor's protection. 
tlic snhtle messages hy which Unikiiigliarn is induced to 
follow I{ifliard in all his plans, (he double ctiuneils. the 
dramatic plot which brings HcislingS' lo his death, the 
statonient to the citizens of Hustings' treiisuii, willi the 
device of (lie rusty armor, the previously prepared pro- 
clamation of a suhscfiuontly dJKcovered crime, tho sermon 
of Shaw and the intended coup nf Richard's opportune 
appearance, Buckingham's speech at Guihlball, the seene 
at Baynard's eaatle where the crown is pressed upon the 
reluctant Richard, the recunciliatiou with Fogge - in all 



— 124 — 



lliese, next to iJieir cruel pui7>ose» it is Riclianl's devilish 
craft that is made most proniiiumt, Tliat he was '*a cl4'cpe 
liissiFiiuler" others Lad sttited J)efi>re; but More's account 
seems on(! continued attempt to proYe that thesis. 

The next mosl iniportani contribution of More to the 
saga, aside fntm tlie OTents, is liis picture of the power 
of Richard's conscience. The Croyland continuator had 
mentioned Richard's dream at BoSworth, and the gloomy 
spii'il that oppressed hiai before the battk ; but thcs-c rather 
as prophecies of disaster than as aticgg of coascienoe. 
Nearly all preceding: writers had in one way (>r another 
called attention to the fact that Uod's jaatic<^ overtoofe the 
tyraat before he had long ciyoyed Ms ill-gotten spoil. But 
it is in Jlore that we tind for the tirst time a Richard 
punished by his own heart. Even Shakespeare's picture 
of the torment in RiehiU'd'H soul is not greatly superior 
in vivid power to that description of More which forms 
its basis. That precisely in this torment of soul and nut 
in his dealh lay Richard's I't-al punishment 'wajs^een by 
two of l-ho dramatists that treated tlje story, the author 
of The True Tragedy, and Shakespeare. Among thu events 
tirst reported liy More tliw most important is the delajled 
account of the manner of the young princes' deathy/The 
account was, according to tlie autlior, ohiained fpom the 
confession of Tyrell^ when confine J in the Tower for treason 
in 1502. It contains certain inaccuracies, as in the account 
of Tyrcll him.self and his introduction tn Richard by a 
page(c.f, Gairdncr, ji. 155. I5&): and doubts have been CAston 
the truth, and on the genuineness of the whole confession. 
Such however was the account given out by Henry VTT. 
and as related by More it supplanted in all subsequent 
Listnries the uncertain rumors that had before been current. 

More's statement of the cause' of Buckingham's rebellion 
is much confused. Several rumors of the reason that led 
Buckingham to fall away from the king, including Kichard'e 
refusal to ^ve him the t^aj-tdou) of Hereford, are meutlDned 
only to be rejected. The giound which seems to have 



4 



— 125 



lifien fiecfptfd I\t More is Buckijigham's jtriilp and cnvj* 
of Riehard'g glory. Tliiw pride, says Moro, tbo liiahop of 
Ely abused to Biickiniarham's destruction and liis owii 
deliverance. Unfortunately, More's account l)reaJts off in 
tlie midpt oi the conversation between Buckingham and 
Ely. before Buckingliam states liis own feelings toward 
Richard. The lack of defiTiitenesH was afterwanis .'some- 
what supplied by tho^i' who ■L-ontiiiued More's stoiy. 

To More, perhaps originally to Archbishop Morton, is 
due the famous account of the council meeting wiiere 
Hastings was arrestrd and b&lieadt^d. The slight differences 
betwoon the English and thi? Latin aecflunts are of much 
interest. Tji the Latin far mors is made of Richard's 
cheerful and ahnost jocular manEcr at his first appearance. 
During his absence the nierabers of the council comment 
upon and prai&e it, as they do in Shakespeare's play, hut 
not in the English vt^rslon of More. 

Ely's strawberries, it appears from the Latin version, 
were intended for the breakfast of the council — a further 
indication of Richard's pacific feeling and intention at the 
time of bis first entrance. 

In the Latin Richard returns shortly, while in the English 
version the lime uf liLs fiist appearance is exactly fixed at 
ahout nine, and liis return an hour later, between ten and 
eleven. This is evidently made t«i fit the later statement 
by Richard lo the mayor, that he had not known of 
IlastingB' treason till ten o' clock. The statement in the 
Latin is "panlo ante prandiunr'. In both accounts the 
evident intention is to represent Richard as giving out 
that he first heaid nf Hastings' treason during hi.s absence 
from the council chamber. In tho Latin account Hastings' 
arrest for Uie treason is made a littlft more ])lausihle, for 
here Hicliard asserts that HastingB' reply is an attempt to 
defend the ijueen and Shore, and that this defence shows 
him to be a ff-llow conspirator. 

Certain points in MoreV liuitdling of lii>* story remain 
to be uoticed. Like Andrt bel'oro Uiiu, he is very fond ui' 



^ ] 26 




limy spcL'cLos. Tlieri; is a (Iciilliiii-il spei-cii of Rdwnni. 
which is in its way effective, the long; tnterchangf. of 
spreches between tho Onriliiial and the Qupen, most un- 
iieressarilj ]>rolix, the interrhaiigc of speeches lietween Kiiig 
Edwfu'il IV mill Ills iiiofliei-, Sliaw's sermon, Buckingham's 
speech in Uuildhall. Ihe crmvorsation between Buckinphara 
and Ely, and many othors. In all, considfirahly tnore than 
a third of More's work is taken uji \ty speeches. Their 
importance in the dranuv, and eepocially in Sliakeapcare 
has already lnjeii spoken of (cf. p. 6ti}. 

The pTOpliftcies jiiiil warnings of which other bi&toriajis 
weru so fond apjioar in Muro also. But one, however, has 
eferejici! to Richurd hiiiisL'lf: iimiii'ly, his monstrous hirth, 
The others iiavo ret'ei'enee to the fatL- of H;wtiHgs — Stanley's 
dream, the repeated stumbling of Hastings' lioi-se, his 
meeting with the priest and wilh the imrsuiviuit. All have 
much dramatic value and arc found in Shake lipoare's play. 

Of divine justice More has little to say. It is insisted 
'upon m a single passage only, that when* Ilip fate of lliose 
who murdered the princes, including Uichard hunself. is 
pointed to as a most notable example given by God of 
the unccrt-ainty of worUlly woaUli and Uie wretched end of 
dispiteous cruelty. 

Of classical influence there is almost no trace, except 
in the Latinising style of the translation. There is ab- 
solutely no L'hwsical allusion in the English, a few wliich 
nceurred in the Latin veisinn. having been omitted. A 
passage in ShakespeaJ'e's Richard III, 2 : 3 : 41 et seq^, 
refeireil to by (.'unliffe, Infl. of Seneca on Eliz. Tragedy. 
as gf-'ing lo prove SSiakspeare's acquaintance with Seneca, is 
taken almost verbally from More. The lines iu Richard III 
read: 

"!)>' a divine iiistJDi-1 mua'H luindt^ mtsl.riuit 
Enduing dangora; as, b^ proof, we see 
The walcre swell befure a buislBrouri slurni"'. 

aiore's word.« are, "iiefore such great thinges mens hartes 
of a secret instinct of nature inisgiueth them, as the sea 



— 127 — 

willioiit wind swplU'lli uf liiiusoUsumLimc' hcioif u Ij-iuiiest". 
CuinliB'e comparfis Tli^yitstes 9fil — 4 

mittit luclus aigrna futnri 
miM-is mitB »iii preKiiffa mali, 
insUil n.iiilis fera leiiijii:tii;is, 
cam sixiQ iieato IranqulUa liinient. 

If thfire is Scnecart iiifUicnce, it is, as slii>wn. ii|ion Mijru, 
imt Sliakespean': Iml tin- I'art. hsvW is npicii lo Nome iluiibt.. 
Till- jiassRiige in tlic Latin viTsion bours little lest'Jiiblance 
to Spopc.i. It reads "milinis iiignitiii iiiiila secretiorc 
naturae tj praesagieiililui;^, pelaj^i in iiRin-ni, spont*- sua 
exaestuantis advcrsus instanteni prorrllam"' (p. 151. At all 
events tins is the only icassas*^ wliei'e the iiitliieiii'e of Latin 
literature can witii pUiusiliilily In*, afesriteil ut Mui-e's sturj, 
Tlie lialiit of piiUing lung siiceclics in the mwutlis (if tlie 
liersouB in the Iiiptury i>^ withuut doubt iiltiinalel.v derived 
from the clfis^ic historians: l>ut it wi>ul(l be dif'tieult to 
maintain that tlieso had a direet inllucnce un Ihe present 
work. 



XII. Poljdorp Vecsirs HiNtoriiL AiiKlirt*". 

Polydore V'tTgil, a native of Urbino, was seal by Popo 
Alexander VI about ].5'>1 to Eiij:tiiiul ns suh-enlleetflr of 
Peter's pene-i.'. He had written two wnirky of great repute 
in Kurnpe, was re.e()niniriuled tu the king, received from 
liiin vjiriiiUN eeelcyiuHli'i'ul a])|niiiilnn-iits ;iinl was reipiesled 
by liini to undertake ii liiistnry of Engiunil. In a letter 
to his brother dated 1517. pulilished in the 1521 Basel 
edition of liis "De Inveatonhus", lie declares that he lias 
b^-en busy un Ihis history aU'eady twelve years, aud that 
it is not yet tinisheiJ. Of some assistance toward deter- 
mining the date at which the account of the rcig'ns uf 
Edward IV and of Hichanl III was written is the fact to 
whidi Paul! (a : 701) ctiUs atLentiun, that in isonie places 
Vergil indicates the year in wliicli he writes. Speaking of 
llie war waged by ('liarles VIll in Italy. 1493 (p. 58L l"' ed.) 
Vergil says, "'coeplt haec lualorum lues . . . duratt^ue 



— 12R 



etiam nunc, qui est annus saliiUs liiiiiianar M D Xll". 
and later, in writing of events in 1497, he says that 
Charles VllI when in lUalj "in varios Italici belli laqucos 
sese & siiiiin gpiit*^ni indu^rat, ex (|Uoruni nuUo ilia ad 
hunc dictn, ijui est anmis salutis MDXXIIII, se cxpcilire 
jjotuit" (p. 593). This proves simply that Vergil was busy 
working on the rei^ of Henry Vll as early a^ 1512 and 
aa late as 1524, We cannot conclude that what prece,des 
Henry's rei^i was written before 1512. In the reigti of 
Bdward IV he mentions that Henry I "began a few yf^ars 
paet" to seek tbo canonization of Henry VI but Wiis 
"prevente*! by hiisty death'\ Henry died in 1509. 

Till' first editinii of Vergil's history apiieared in Basel 
iu 1534, a fjocond in I54G» with the work brought down 
to 1509, Vergil diod in 1655. A tiiird edition appeared in 
that year, brin^nir the history down in Ib'M. Four othiT 
editions followed, Base! 1555, Ghf^nt 155(>— 7, BaseJ 1570, 
Lfyden iU51. 

Tlie quotations following iire made from the translation 
publislied by Sir Henry KJlis in 1844 fur tbo Camden 
Society. This translation is one of the Mss. of the old 
Royal Library in the British Museum. It was written, 
arcordinf? to Ellis, in tlir- latter part of the reign of 
Henry VIII, but this is incorrect. Tiie translation used 
by Hall and the continuation of thp Hardyng chronicle 
was made from the lirKt edition. 15:^. but Elli.«'s trans- 
lation was made fruTii tlie secf)nfl editinn of lo4(i, which 
differs in several passages froni tlic earlier edition. Henry] 
died in January l-i4". The transUition is literal ami, with 
slight and uniniporljint exceptions, accui'ate. Quotationa 
are made from it for convenience' sake, but in any casej 
of necessity, owing to lack of clearness, mistranslation or; 
omission, reference is made to tlie original in the first 
edition. 1533. 

Aftflr the death of the Duke of York at the battle of] 
St. AlbaTis. 14G1. Edward, his son, 1hf;n earl of March, 
hastened, to Wales and prt-purcd a new army, joined with 



— 193 



the pari of AVnrwick, and liaRtcincd to Loinion. where he 
wii*! proclaimed king. H<'nry JlccI to York. At Tuwtoti, 
npar York, lie waa uitit l).v Kdward, was il«;fcated, and 
lU'tl to Scotland. Qiiftm Mftr^riiret and her son Hastened 
lo FrainTL- to raiso lip it ii>>w aniky. Edward, now resigning 
in triuinpli. created hiw iirotlier Georgo duke of Clarence 
and Hiehard duke fif Glonce^tr^r. Jleanwhilti! Henry gatliwi-yd 
an army in Sputland, n'-t-niered Knglanii, was defi-aEed 
at the batlU' tir Hexam, aniil lied again to Scotland. Later, 
"wlu^tlier he wer past all foarn, or drjvon depoly to soome 
kyiid of madnes". lii^ "wn.« not Inng in scerot, who eiiter- 
prysing In enter England disgnysfd iu ajiparell liaJ scarce 
set footp therein when hp was taken by the watche, and 
liriiwglit to king Edward al Londnu, was roiiniiytt^vd tfj 
warde" (]). 115). Edward now .sent Warwick into t'rance 
"t<» demand in marriage a young lady rawlyd Bone, systi^r 
to Uarlot tjueene of France, and dnwghtcr of Lewj"S duke 
of Savoy. But whyle the carle tnivalycd intii France and 
dflt with king Lewys touching this new affynytie. with 
whom this yowiig Indy Bone was attending nppnn the 
<|ueenir, king Edwnnles niyndc allfryd niipmi thn soddayn. 
and hi! tookc to wyfc Elyzalfcth. dowghUT to Uicliard 
earle Ryvers, wyfc soonityine to John Gray knight, by 
whom .sliti had two soones, Thomas and Riohefd; which 
manage b(;eause the woman was of nieano caulyng he 
kept secret" (p. lis). The noliility "found muehe fault 
with bini in lliat nniriage, and impntyit the same to his 
dislkonor, n^ \hf thing wherunto he wa^ led by blynde 
afffiction. and not by reule of reatton" (p. 117), And tliin 
was the n-awoii nl' tlie strife tb-.it Mpnuig up ln'tweii'n War- 
wick and the king: or elwe it was made an occasion, as 
wime tliiiught, tft iittiT a malice hofnre conceivi^d, fur 
Kilwanl bad bcLaiii to he ji^alociB of Warwick's [jowit. 
Warwick did not reveal bis fetiltiig. however, i-esprving it 
for a linu' when the king shonki bo in distrcKs. There 
wax Upsides a report, which '"caryelli soonift colour of 
trutbf" (p. U7) ("nw ablmrret a ueiitate". p. .^i»6), that 

l'«lniuir». S. I) 



— IRIl 



Ethvard liiul niaile ati nltciii|)t u«aiiiKt. tlie Imiior of suiiie 
woman in Warwick's liouse. Annther nuiior. that War- 
wick was iiriKry Itecausf, (■outrarv ti» liis advice. Edward 
had mairied his sLster tn tbR Duke of Burgumlj", wliniti 
tlic earl hafeJ, Vei'g'il jiutn aside as "'a tuerc fabell. of tlie 
coinmoii people". WhatPv^r the cause, nn receiviog the 
news, War^vick "oxcusyd king Edward unto king Lewys 
as well as wold ]ie'', and returni^d to EdwariL To lilm 
hp madt' liis report "witliout any shew of groife conceavjd" 
(p. 11 H). A few days \rUi hn left the e^urt and united 
his hrotJiPrs with him in his iinteniied i^iiterpriso tigainst 
the kin^. MontaKutc was not easily persuaded, "for he 
cowld tiever be iiiovyd from the hegyiiing t« alow iipjion 
any praetyce agayn-st king Edward: hut in thundo, whan 
thcrlc of Warweke wan promyfed the ayd ... of many 
noble men". h« was induced to join tlic othuirs (p. 120). 
Wai'wick then approached CJareace. who "was for 
sooiue secrete, I cannot tell what causr. alyynated in 
mynde from his l>mother". and won lum ttnitllj by jiro- 
misiiig him his daughter in marriage. They lia.«*t4.Miii(l 
together to Calais, and there "after the duke. [Clarenr,o] 
had sworno never to hreakH tbe promyse wbicb he had 
made'*, lie was married to the earl's eldest daughter Isabel. 
Meanwhile a rebelliua waa stirred up tiy Warwiek's brothers 
in YorksWre, in pursuance of the earl's wisliea. On hearing 
of this, Warwick and Clarence returned to England,, and 
fonglit a battle at Banbury with Edwai'd"s leader, the earl 
of Pembroke, who was defeated and beheaded, while Karl 
Kivi^rs, fatlier of the iiueeo, and his son. .lohti Wipodville, 
were slain. Edward waa captured in camp by Warwick, 
who "approcbyd the tinges ramp as secretly an he could 
ill the iiiij^lit, and baring kyllyd tlie watche anil ward tooke 
the king uitawarcK'' |p, 12-i). Edward was sent lo Middle- 
ham, under the cai-c of the Archbishop of Vurk, Warwick's 
broth»?r, whence he escaped by hnhing hi? jailers and 
through tlie aid of luy friend Hastings made hiH way to 
Loudou. Here Warwick and Clai'euce Lad a confei'enctj 



— tsi — 



Willi liitii, but without result, both parties were so "'ro- 
I)len\'sliy(l willi irn" (]j. I2fi). 

Tlie liallle ()(' Ed^ecote followed, and "Warmct and 
Clarencp were forced to (ly to rraiicp, and sought aid at 
tfip cuiirt of Lotiis. Hero Mar^^aret :ind Iie.r boh jrtiiifd 
tdrm. A leagut? was t-ondudod, undrr the impulse of 
King Louis. Anne, dau^LLer of Warwick, was affianced 
("Eduardo ilespwnflftur": the wonl should be noted] to 
prince Edward: the earl and duk^ promised by oath not 
to ceasp warring till the kiiiirdoiti shouhl be restored to 
Hoiiry or his son: and Marfraret and Edward on their 
liart swore to make I'larenre ami Warwick protectors of 
the state till the prince shoubl he old enouie'li to take that 
charge upon himself, Warwick now deseended upon Eng- 
land, where fio many joined him that he was irresistible. 
Edward ami Richard hiu l>ro[her tU'd to Flanders, while 
Quueii Elizabeth went into sanctuary, where she brought 
fonh a son. prtiice Edward. Keiiry wan reston-'d to the 
thniiie and Warwick was riijidi' j>rotiM',tor of Itie rcaliii. 
"with whom waw joyned in comnuBsi<m the duke of 
Clarence" ip. i:M|, 

■"Joliu iiiarquyse Munliicute tame lu Ihat parlyauieut, 
who parrying his fault by long diseotii'R that his latrt iu- 
clyniiig tfi kJiitr Edwardes sydi' was ftn' fear-e of lyfe oint'ly- 
iilitayuf^d jiardon that as he dyd the same unwillingly, .so 
he should newer afterwHrd do his friudK uroud, for yf he 
had stand fast with king Edward lesse liarine uiidoulydly 
xbuwld ho have duoae being an "ipeii i-iiciiiy than a faynyd 
frynd" (p. i;i4). 

■'Durin(< the same season Jaspur earln of PeinlirnwgliB 
retnmyd into Wales to lii.^ earledome. wher hr fowiid 
Henry, siiotn- Uf hi.s br<jthrr Edmund carle of Ricbemond, 
lint fnlly x, yeres owbi. kept as (irysoiier. but honorably 
browghl up with tin- wyfc nf WillJaiis Herbert" fereatod 
Eai-| of Pembroke by Edward and lii-lieaded after the 
battle of Baiihuryl. "This cliylde dyd his niollior Mar- 
garet . . . briuK Iborth whan she was scarse Xlllj^" yeres 

0- 



— 132 — 



iwlil, will! Miow^lie afteiwiird she [luiiyod to Henry soone, 
til Humfn\v duke, nf BHrkin^liain. niitt tliirdly to Tlionma' 
earle iif Darby, jcat m^ver had any nio cliyldrfii. -dfi one' 
lliinking yt suificiciit for liic In Iiavo hrnwglil into tliis 
■vfoM oiii; Ditely. and siiflii^ a snnni-. And so .laspnr took 
tliL" lioy Henry . . • anil l)ri>wfrlit Iiiin witli liiniselC a lytUe 
nfter wliaji Ih^ cam In Ivoiulon unto Kinjc Henry. Whan 
the king saw ihc. oliyldi-. iH'hoIdiiifr within liiniscif wiMu>iit 
spoaclic a proty spat-L- tiln- haultio dispobition HiltuI', hu 
ys reportyU to have sayd to the noble men thei' i)reseiit,| 
•This Irowly. tbis :s hi- iiiito whyiii lioth we and ntir ad- 
vcfsaryt-'w naisi yoalil anil gcavi.'. ovit tlie doyniyniuu'- Tluia 
tlic lioly man ehowyd yt woolil coomo m paHHp tliat Henry 
Hhowld ill tiini' wnjoy the kiii^ion)'". 

In tills account tiic tniiislatinn omits a pas^a^t^ cf the 
first edition: "Is est Henriciis;, tiiii doiiirtn Hicardo ti'itio 
Edouardi fratrp, n-gnnni. iit. dfiinde dicetiir, asseculus est,J 
dp iiao illud cnHlendnni l'sI, ul diiiim'tus ad ri'^iiuni pcr- 
uciii'rit. ad oxtiupnondas tarn lli'iifici ipiiHii Edcniiirdi 
factiunoK Aiiglicae in iiritnis nohililati oxitiosas, quandu 
niliil t'uit, iiiind pnliiis j'orprit" (p. 515). 

Edvvaiil now laiiduil in England with a fmcw of seaire 
21XH1 rann. It in not likely, says Vfrgil. that be would 
have daiTd entf-r England with so small a fim-p «iilf«is 
he liad pxpacted to rpci^ivc ^Tt-at Iiidp; '%y whiL-h reason, 
yt ys not to he dowtyd l)ut the duke of Clarouue was oven 
llian sprrptly rernnrylyd iinln him and that the iiiar(|iiyse 
also Montaciiti' was liccoojne his pailakor, wlienif aftiT- 
ward tliP show was evydent" (p, 136). Yet as the cnuntry- 
iiUMi faik'd to rome ovor to him "he causyd yt ^) W hluwon 
abrodii that hn sowght onely for his diikedoiii «d Vorko", 
whereby tlio poople were niovod to favor him. Aa ho 
apjiroachi'd York the gates wcro shut against him, and 
two cliirf [ueii of the city informed liini that he could not 
be adinittwl: but \w SMiit tlieiii Itiu-k bidding' IIumd ti-II ttii' 
cilizen» tliat lio eamo not to claim tho crown, but only 
bis dukfHlom. "The cytecynes wer soomwhat go/tenyd with 



— 133 — 



king Kflwardps aunswer. for that he sHtnytl. as lie sayd, 
to iiuriinsc no practise agnyst kiiijEr Henry" fp. 138). 'They 
aimiminiiyii witii him fmiii tiiR waulu" tt^Uirin him thai hu 
TiiiK;ht depart in safety, but if he remained Iiis lil'c wnuhl 
hi- ill danprr. Edward in return "gave curti^ssiL' spradius 
to iivvry ttf tiiolder men and n.'wlers liy name, oawlJiig 
lliriii worshippfuU aiid j^mve luaj^strates"' (p, l?i8) and 
niiikint; many fair !jro[nisi,'«. After iiftilrly A whole day's 
Iiiirli-y the citizens agreed to admit him, it Eduaid would 
give his oath to treat the citizens couH-euusty and from 
llienct'fortli to ho obedient and faiUifui U) King lliinry. 
Next morniug, whilt; ii. priest said mass, "he ein-ong the 
holy mysterycK promysyd by ythe, devoutly and revciriintly, 
to observe both two", and was admitted, 

"Thus oftcntiiues as vt'll men of Lighi? at* of low 
c«wUng blyiidyd with (■,uv(it<mynes, and forgetting all 
it'ligyon and hoiiiusty. ar woont tn make promy&o in 
swfiirhig liy tliiminnrtnl Uod. which promyse nfvpnhnlcsse 
they are already (l?terniyiiyil to liri'ake ln^fore tin'y make 
yL. Of iliis matter yt shall nut yrk me to make mentyon 
ill (be lyfi' t»f kiiifT Rieher'd llie lluril . . . wher ]ieri'biuiiice 
yt may be well coaeeavyd lliat tldssow of king Edward 
did pftrryey|»atB also the fanlt of this perjury" ip. 130). 

OiH'e within tbe walls ufYnrk, Edward put aside all 
inenmry of bis njith — a heiiKtus fnet. Tbeuce he sot out 
for Ivomloii. passing the army of Montacut*, who had been 
ordiTcd by Warwick ti> npintse Edwai'd. hut who niade no 
resist^iuce. Warwiek [luw sunt in liaste f(u- Clarcna!, 
"eovon th.in suspectyng tliat ha was eorriiptyil by his 
hnH)lhera'^ (p. 141), and shut iiimsell' up in t'oventry. 
WhiMi (.'larenwi ranie within vinw of liia hrnlli+^rs army, 
"Hichui-d duke of Olooestrc. ae thowghe he had bene 
apoynlyil aibyter i»f all rontroversy, firnt confenyd neert^tly 
with llic duke: thnti he reUirtiyd to king Kdward. and 
dyd the very saoK- with him"' ip. 141), Hi^re t.lie trans- 
lation apain oniilFi to render a pas&ago in tbo first edition; 
•'vcruntanicii Deus uisUR est noa reniisinse iluei meritas oh 



— 1 34 — 



uiolatum iusiuraniluiii popiiEis. iiiia^ tmstoa niisrr ciiiHrli 
moi't<i pcpen<iil^". Firiiilly tin; ]>rothpr.s gladly emlinifeii 
one anothw. Clarf^iicp sent messtiOj^ci-s to WarwiL^k, urging 
hiin to make sniiic (-(imposition wttli tho king, but wheti 
tJiP duke's inrsfiagc was lirouglit liim. "first Iip acciirsyil 
and (tv^mI owt iippnii liiiii. that contrary to his failh iin<l 
pi'finiltsc gcflvt'n, ln' luid in suche sliaiiiofull luaner tied 
uiil<) King Eii\v;inl. ... He ynve none other awns^wer 
hilt t]i;i.t Le liH'l nitber bo lykt* himself tlian a false diike, 
and tbat tht-rfor bo wolit not surceast* the warre tylle etlier 
lie lia<i lost his lyi'p or wcrrevong;>-tI uppon liis ennemyes" 

IP- 141^)- 

Bdwanl nt)w hastened lo Ijunitnu, where ho again 
took Henry prisnner. Warwlek lulbiweil as far as Batii'Cl. 
With Iiiin weru tbi' duke of Exelrr. llie carl of Oxford, 
the (iuke of Somerset and the man|uis Montaeuie, ''brother, 
to Itn^rle [Warwick], whom Iberle liiniself purn^iivyd well 
now lo serve in this waiTe agaynst liis uwne myniie, and 
Mierl'or knew ntit tiow niuche ho itiighl trn?:l iinto him, but! 
the hniiitherlic loovc tnoke away almost all suspyrion"! 
(p. 1-14). After short spreehes by Warwick and Edward. 
to tlieir i'c.sp<ielive iiriiiics, batth.' was joined, in whicUj 
Edwani, tnistinj; lo uumhers, pressed on earnestly, while] 
Warwiek. "reiiieniliryfit; liis renowmyd vertow hjhI |n>iwessi-, 
retiystyd valyantly'* Iji. I45>. "He, Willi iiiviiii'iblc c^^rage, 
made way enionge«t Iho mydderst of his eneniyes, whw*,] 
whyb' he eiitryd iiimdrvsydly, boating down and killing' 
tbennemy, farrc from hiri ownc forees. Iiini also was thrunt: 
throughe and Blano, nianfidly fyghtiiig, t.ogcthf*r with the 
niari|iiisi' his brnntJH'r, who l'oh»wyd lilm, having almost 
the vieinry in liis hand . . This- end lmp|n.'nyd nuto hinii 
thrf'Wgii linnltineH of eorage longbefon' his tyme by coureej 
of yeres" (p. 14<>). Tliiy is a very different picture ot\ 
Warwiek and his death from tbat we have had before. In V.'b 
aceonnt ni' the battle, GloueestGr is nut onee mentioned. 

When Prinee Kdward and Mnr^'uret arrived in Enji-j 
land and beard the news ol Warwiek's defuat, "theJ 



— 135 — 



mysprahlf woman swnwnyil for foare; filn" was diBtraught., 
(lisma.Vfl. and torntfiitjd with sorow; sln^ lamciityd llie 
calainyt>' f»f the lirao, tlie aiiversity of fortune (|i, 147), 
hir ovne toyle and niysory: sho bewaylyd the unluippy 
pnd of Kinp Hfnry, wliich now she accowntyd assiiry(Jly 
lo l}f at hand: and to bo short, slio so afflictyd liir golf 
as onp mort^ desyrus to dy than \yvf. . . , Than might 
fHipne M}ii"gar*>t havr* cuulyd to rayndc that these luancr 
niysi'hii'ft's had cUancyil piiin'y pally lor tliiv doath of 
Hunifrpy dukL> of Olocestrr. of which practise, Ihowgh pcr- 
c^ise she wer nn partaker, yeat not giltlee, becaaef Bbe 
niyght havtf prcservytl that good noblfman" (p. 148). In 
fli-spfiir site Look sanctuary, in thv. abbey of BwauliRU. 
Hern she was found by Somnf^rset and others, who soug^Ut 
a hniiT wUib' ill vai[i to comfort her and j^vv In-r coiirago. 
The (|UCL'ri refused to lie persuaded and xpished to send 
U«r son hank tn France; she was brought tcj consent to go 
cm <iiily li_v llie Hrni deteniiinatioii of all (lie Ipndi-rs to t.'ive 
biiUle. Tlic battlL^ waa fontrht at Tuwkesbury. The accouat 
of tlu! hatt-lc is short, and there ia no mention of the part 
tlloui'L'Stnr jihiyod in it. "Tber wer taken, Margaret the 
(|uriie. Edward the |n-inef:, Edmund duke of Sooniersfif' 
and otJiers. "Edward Mie prince and excellent yowlh, 
Mna hrnwi^ht a lyttle after tn Hie speaehe of kiiij? Edward. 
and rtcniaundyd how he durst he j^o bowbl as to enter 
and make warre in hie realnie, made awn^wer. with hold 
m3'nde, that he came to recover his awncyont inherytanco; 
hereunto kini^ Edward irave no awnswi-r, onely Ibrusting 
the yotinu man frnni biia witli lii^; hand, wii'>iii furlbwil.b, 
those that Wit present wer George duke of t'larencft, 
Hirhept duk'- of ( ItocnstiT, and William loitl Hasliugs, 
rrowi'lly mrinlei'jil" Qi. 152). 

Jlargaret was taken to London, and not long after, 
bi-fng ratisnnii'd. was sent back to France, where she lived 
in per|)etual mourning. 

Speaking of Edward's eucxess, Polyilore says: "Thus 
may we se that .... the good fortune of a man ys all" 




— 136 



icf. Knit^nn rnrtiini'V Kmiling iipnn EiKvai'fl]. "Teat yt' 
may ln' lu'radvi'iitiirp ilial iliis (.'unit^ lu ijsirso \ty ii^iisou of 
iliinfnriiiiiivtiy of tlip liowse of Lancastw. which wyge men 
iliow^'lit I'siivi'ii tliiiii tt'iis tn bp ailscrybyii lo thi> ri^bt- 
I'wiiiiKiiPSS 111' Ct<i(I: lipcnuse tlio sovera.i^nty rxtnrtyd I'or- 
ceutily liy Hfiiry llie FtiLirtb, ^-ainllailnT i'» king Iloiiry 
thp sixt, aiwlii iiiil Ibcrliy lie long luijitycil ril' that I'aiiiyly, 
and so the KrniHiralli(.'rs oITciicl^ ri-iinwndyil iin(u IIip 
neijliows"' i|i. 154; not in the iirsi eilitiuri oi' Vi-rgil's work). 

Than "to thiiiteiit cvrry man iiij^lit cimcoavc a iiorfyto 
peace Ui \m attainyd. anil that all foarc of cnctiiycfi iiii^lil. 1"^ 
alioliwBli'Oii, Hpmy tlip Hist . . w£i« put tu iliiatli in tlio 
tour of Londuii. The oontynuall rt^port is, that Uirhnni 
iltiki! of Glofiifitf]- killyil iiiiii with a swoni [Kiailid], wlierc:- 
by liih liMitliiTniiglit Im- ib-lyvcryd fmnt all t't-ar vi ImKlylytif. , 
But who 8u over wer the killer of tliat holy man» yl isl 
aiipariinl yrmiiylin. 1h.il iis well tlir miirllu'fi'f iis tlin pro- 
curers tlioruof duff'.'iytl puiiysshi.-THLiiit lor thor offencos, 
who, wliaii !is aftL'rward they Lad none eiiemyos uppon 
whom tp HatiKJ'y ami fiatyalc th(.*r iTUoItie. cxeiTysyd tlio 
siiiiic! u|)in*n t|KMiiselvi;8, as ln'roalU'r in place cotiveiiyt'iit 
Kballn^ (k'claryd, itntl niibrewyd llu*r hnades in thrr own 
blotidiv AftL'i'wnnl tlip cflrsii nf kiii^ H4'nry wiis wilhomt 
any lionor lirowght fr*iiii ilif towrc to Saint Paiiks I'.bniThn. 
wiicr yt lay ii]»pi)ii llir liiifir all oiil' ilay, and lln^ day 
folowing was raryrd iinto an abbay . . in t'liertsey . . 
ami tliBi- was luiryeci: but not long after yl w)T.f trans- 
ferryd . . to . . Wynilsorc" (p. irifi). 

Tliprfi follows a ilescriptioii of Hunry VI, not iliffi'HnfC 
ill diaraftn- from tlial. nf oUit T^anraKtrian and Tmlor 
wrilcrs, lint niori' exti'tab-d- "Ht.' dyd of hi.s owiu' luaurall 
inclynatinn abliorro all vices botJi of body and iiijndc, by 
reasim wlirmf lur was of Loaest coriviT.'iatidn cavL'n from 
a rliytde, piii-e and cleiir, partaken of noiio evrll. n^aiiy 
to cmiCL-avo all that was good, a wnUrmnor of all tliose 
trhingps wliit:!to ixmiaioidy corrupt tbn niyndes nf nion, so 
patient also in sufl'criug of injmyi-'s, rcceavyd now and 



then. .n.« that lie povetyd in his hart no revenge, but for 
tho V'TV Siaiin' ^;avl^ (.J»i<l Alinigiity nioKt huniltic lUankes, 
becuuse tlierby liy Lliuuglil liia siiines lo be wasshyil 
away: yoa, what shallo wp say. that this good, gratious, 
lioiy, moIkt, anil wyse niiin, wultl nnirmo ,i!l lliesc niyseryn'S 
trt have liiiii|ifnytl unto him btilh i'ur his owne ami liis 
ann'st^H's iiiniiyftihi tiffL-iiccs" (p. 157). 

Edwarii now siartcil to make war witli the tluk« of 
Burgiuiity af^ainsl Lowi;* of Fiance, luit conclmlcd a jn^'ace. 
Hij Uk'ii iruluced (h(^ duke of Brittany to delivnr up 
Eiidiniond to his ambassadors, iiri'lyiiditig ttiat he inoaiit 
to rnan'y liini to his daiipliter Elixahoth. Thus the dukn 
ha<l iinwittirigly "cnnimyltyil tlie sLeepo to lliei woolffi;" 
thinking he had only given the son to the father. But 
bfiiig inrornicd of his mistake, that he had delivered Henry 
"to lie lora in peccs by bluudy Imtuliers', he sent PhI^t 
Landoise, his treasurer, who overtook tlic amli assail ors at 
St Miilo.HiHl by a elever Irick frt>t liitdnnoiid into sanctuary, 
wiiouee he aftorwatd returned intfi Brittany. 

Edward was busying himself with (illing his coffers, 
and id'terwards was showing; liira^elf a lionntiful iirince (o 
the fitate. wlien "km sudayidy Us fell into a tact innst 
liorrybh;, (-(Jtnuiandyn^ nif^bly and npjion the snddane hia 
hroUiHr Ueor^jo dnko ot Choenco to he ayiprebetidyd and 
piit U> deatJi, who wtm drowned (.as they say) in a Itutto 
of mahuL'Koy" [\t. 1H7}. Th« cause of this act V>r^il do- 
clares Ids inability to give, although he had inquired of 
many who wi^re of antliority in thi> king's cluiiikcI at the 
time. Tlie report iinioii^' the eomnion iieoplii was tluit tho 
kiBfi was afraid lioeause of a sootliMayei-'s propUeey that 
aflei' Milward s^liould n-ifrn soTin'one the liryt lettf^r of 
whose tianie should be (i, '"And beeauKe the dcvL-ls 
ar woar in that sort to eTiveglu thu inyrtds of them who 
conci'ave ph'usnri's in surlu' illiii^ioDij''' (p. 1(57). men siiiil 
afterwards that tin- pr'ojjtu'i'y wjin fulfillcfl when Oloncestnr 
usurped tlie kinfrdoni. Otliers deelared the cause of hatred 
to be that Clarence desired to marry the daughter of the 



— 1 38 - ■ 



diiko of Burgundy, and Rdward Siindcrod St ciiii uf jealousy. 
At tilt' sarin" tiini' a si?rviinl of l,'lin>'iice was rxpnitPtt fur 
sorcery, "■iigaiust wliicli dwlo whan ihc diikti cj.iuld not hold 
liim conteut, hut VBhemently s|>p«kt' and cry owt, the king 
muchc tiicvyd with this eKdainalimi romniytlyd tin; duke 
(.(I warde, nn<l not k)iig after, beiiifr corKh^iiiiiyd, liy right 
or wrung, put him to dt-ath. But yt ys very lykly that 
kin^ Edward right finofic roixjiityd that dnth'; for (as mon 
say) whan so cwr asy snwyd [suedj lor saving ii nwins 
lyfe. he wae woont to cry owt in a rag«. *0 infortuiiiit^ 
hroothrr, for whose lyfc no man in tliis world woUl once 
tiuike request'; affirtiiiiiig in thiU tiiaiiyfisstly. that he was 
Past away by envy of the nobylytie" (p. IQS). 

Giouci'sttr and othora were now sent ngainst the 
Scots, and fought n wuccpssrul caiiipaiyn, which is very 
hripfly di'spriiu'd. Uloiieester's share in it is confined to 
wasting liiR country anrl striking a h'ucf> with King-Ianics, 
Kdward ttii'a inli-nded lo wn^i- war on Franci.', ■"htii liciiold, 
wliilp kinjf Eitwarrl laketli ciiro and thowght for tlicso 
matters, lie fell sit'kp ol' an unknowen disease'', whi>re- 
ajtriii tu' iT-mncilfd hitiiself l« God and made liiw will, 
'"tthiuiii lif (^onstiintyd liis soones Lis heyres, whom ho 
cnaiinyltyd to the tnytion of Ridicrd hi* brotlier, duke of 
fllucester''. And so he departed this lifn '■heing ahowt 
lifty yeres old"' {p. I7ij). TIil-m follows a cifscription of 
Edwanl. corresponding in all essentials t*i Moi-e's. 

When Edward ih'ed, Uichanl was i[i Ynrkslnrn. where 
ho TRCiiivod li'tlei's from Ha.stin)i!;s itifonning him of tlio 
event, and that tlm kin^ had curnniittcd to him wife, 
children, goods, aiirl all that he. hail; and urging' Oloiieester 
to repair to Wales and hring llie yotnig prinec up to 
London. ''Wliaii Itlehard had intc?lligniie.e hereof ho hegan 
t^i lie kindled willi an ardf^nl desyre of soveraigntie" 
(p. 173). Hi!! wrote nioet loving lottors to thi: (pmpn, and 
at York "coinandyd ail men to swoare ot>edietiCf unto 
prince Edward: hjTnjsolf was the fyrst that tookc the othe, 
which aonnc after Iiee was the fyrst to vyolatf" fp. 174), 



- 139 — 



Richard mtit Buckir^liani at NiK'l.liamition anil "as is 
j«onimrnil.y holfpvi'il In- ciivi-n llit'ii tlis(.'i)vi'r.vil to Ht'iiry 
■|IJuckii)gtiaiii| luB iittenl uf iisiirpyrig tlif kingdrun" (p. 174). 
He (lid ro( realize that puqiose meant oxtreme detriment 
U) till? state. Ji!i<t tlic \iHiT sultvcrtiun of his Iioiisi.'. '"Surely 
80 jl liap|ieneth to gnicclcs penjil*!. that who spkrtli to 
overthrow an other, his owne fniwil, wicked and niischvvnus 
intnit, his ownt; dpspcrate Imldcncs. tiialkrth ]iim frantykp 
and mad" (p. 17J). Nnthing is said ^r Ricliard's iifrniicy, 
or Biirkinj;liani"s, in Ifssmlng Mio train of the young pniicp. 
Aiithtijiy Wijodvillp and Thiinias Vaugban arp the only 
two rociitioiied hy name ns ariTsted. Tlie (lueen is said 
to have taken Dui-scl with licr into sanctuaiy at WesL- 
niinslcr; nothing is ffaid of the Archbislioi) of York coming 
to lior. Hastings, who hiul out of hatred to the luaniiiis 
and othorw wf llic iiuiM'ti's sidn iiri^ed Kicbard to taku iijion 
hitii tlie govcrmiiciijt of the prince, r<'pe[iled of liis action 
wlicn he saw liow niattors liiriicd out, and <-iiltrd a council 
nf I'ririce Kdward'H Iriends in FaiM's cluirch. Hen- some 
urged that the priucp- shouM bo rescued fnmi Uichard's 
hands. Imt it wns detcrniinoii to wail till Ridianl shdidd 
arrive and give ^omc reason lor liia act. llieliard's speech 
to the iiolilcs urging that the duke of York Bhniilri he 
brought oat of siinetiiary diU'ers win illy I'ntni Moro as 
rt'giLrds Ihe words, and largely in mall^'i-. U^vc "Rtrhard 
declares that be knows any liurin to his iicpiiews would 
redound to ibe liiinn of the slate and td' liiinst-ir. ''Tlierfur, 
Heing thai [iiy \\i\s\ InMither Kdward oui' |lhoir{ king dyil 
Ujijion his dealb-hed ej^tiislytuli' and aiigmiat me, |himj 
Protector of the Ilonlnie" (p. 17(5), he bad hniugUt his 
nephew where all iniglit he associated in dfciding 
what shuidd he dune. I{.i\'erK had altecnpliul Ut tiinder 
him in iliiB, anti had tll^ref(lre been connnitted to piison. 
Hut worse had hern lione by thiL-^r wiio bad et^uiriselled 
the fjueen In (ly wiMi lier ebibli-i-n to Punetnary, ii refuge 
meant for the poor, for debtors and tlnisc of lewd behavior, 
as if the protector interidRd them violence. Thin "womanish 



— 140 — 



riisrnse" rrropiiij; into tlio state n*'f(i(Hl rfni-'-dy. What a 
yiglil if. wluMi (In- king wim'c cruwiu'd, his motlu'r. liroUmr's 
and sisters sliouM ho in ssvuctuary! Such a fad wpre 
ri'ally ;i violation of Die mtiji'sty of tin' law, So Ricliiird 
proposed ilirti soinf slioiilii go ti> s'v^^ hor assuranff, aii't 
induct! iit'C Ifi yield iip Mk' iliike nC Yitrk llial be might Iih 
]irpa<'iit lit his brother's coronation. So it was agro^iil 
Ihal. "TlHuiias flri'liL'bissliop nf CantiM'tiury. Henry duko iil' 
HuL'Iijngann-', doliii Itinl Tluwiinl (p. ITS/" shduliS gi>. Tlii-y 
sutjcwftliid ill ublainiiig the dukf. 

Richard now convi-yiMl hiw neplipws In llip Tnwf*r. 
whicti "uauevd rrn suspytiort, I'mr liiat Unissigy ys at ihf? 
kings coronation for tho whole assembly to cooni out from 
tlience solondy and so procedc to Wesliityiistrr. This 
doone, Richrrd, whose niyndc partly was erillaniyd with 
dt'sirc of usurjiiug tin; kyugdom. partly waa trnlddyd hy 
guyltynps nf intent to cnniniyt ho liaynoiis wifkednes (for 
a gnillic- uoiiadcnco rniiusi^llj tlnnR'nulor to have di-w imnish- 
niput ahvay In imagination Imfore his eycsV (pp. 178—9) 
liogim to give large gifts lo tliosi' lie wished Ut win. 
Hastings, thnrngh tear of his power or through dpspair 
vi' wtiuiirjg liiai. lie tIcti'riiiiiiiMl to rid out oi' Die way. 

* Vergil's account of the council meeting varies sonie- 
whal IViiiii "Morc's. Thi^ri- is tm iiietitioii of Richard's H|-st 
plca.'iiiiU iippciiranL-f, Wlii-n tlio council was gaUiri'i-il and 
Richard's men posted outsidi', he said, "My lords, 1 have 
pntt'iiryd ymi nil to lie ^-aulyd hytlicr tins day for that 
onely cauifc that 1 might shew unto you in what great 
danger of dcatti 1 stand; for hy ilio space of a few days 
by past ni'tliei- iiyglil nor day can I refit, (irynk, nor eat, 
wherfor uiy ''lood hy lyltk- aud lyltlo dect'eaj-etli, my fuire 
fayletlt, my breath sliorteneth, and all the pailns of my 
body do above nieasni'e, as you se iant] with that he 
sliewjd Ijieni his armn), faule away; whieli nnseliier vcryly 
proeedeth in aie from that sorceres Eljzabctli the ijUMiie, 
who With hir wJlehcntft hath so enchantyd niL- that hy 
thanoyaiiee Ihorouf 1 am diasolvyd" (p. 180). Thereupon 



I+l — 



Hastings ''vvliu liatyi! iiut tluki' RiclianI mul was woont to 
spekfi all thfnyi^s witli liiiti \fiy frcl.v'' aiiswrmil iliat tlip 
nucyri ou^'iit tu ljt_' |)uri] still 111. "yf ,yt riiifrlfl. jipin-arr. Mint by 
URft of witchcraft she liati rloniie liini any linnm'"', liirhard 
made the sniiu; nsst-rtiim iix liefffrr and Hastings the sanid 
answer. '"Tlian Uyclifni. U> jrove a pygiio for them wlio 
w*p wiihowl layd pi^vyly for the nonce, spak with jiiore 
sliirlc vnyce: 'Wlmt Uiaii. Williiun. yf liy thine owiic prurfiscs 
1 Ije bruught lo (t.'.^ti'uctioii':'' " (Quid i^tur Guliehnr', sir 
luisratioiiibus dut-arail irit<>ntuiu? p.536 1'* ed. Traualat'T 
oTidently read ^i, i \Vlion;u])'>ii tlir^ mt-Ti witlicml cntci-od. 
and Huntings. ilK- Ijjshopa i*t ^urk ami Ely, ami Stanley 
were approbi^nded. and Hastings was at citipl' bolieadwil. 

"So the I<ird HiiPtitij^cs li'iirnyd. by hiti uwnr Iokhp at 
the last, that Iho law of naliiri' whnrnf thf gospell spcaketh 
i^what soi'vrr you will tliiii iihmi do unto yow, do you so 
also unto them) ran not lie lirnken wllhinit [luulKliriient. 
Hh wa.s cin« nl' ilic &.niyti'i-s uf princr Kilward, kln^ 
Henry tin- vj"'*- stmu, wlim wiis fynally ipiyt willi like 
manflr of detli. Would fiud suclic kind <if I'xamplc,!* iiiigbl 
once he a tfarnint; for tliwtii who tliink yt lawfull U< do 
whatsoever lykrth ilicin" ip. ISIl Vergil nicntions rifrliily 
that Rivers and the ifst were lit'hended •'■.sinnii afli'r"'". not 
nil the sarin; djiy. So (no thon- is no uipiition of tlii" woiuU'rful 
warninj^s Hastings had. 

According to Vrrtpr-* account of Shaw's eenuon, thii 
preaclier mentioniMl only tin- liawtnniy of Kiiiir Edward 
hiiustUf; hf' I'XpriL'tisly dciiips the conininti n>purt that Pliaw 
palled Edward's children liitstards. Richard was iircscnt 
at tho spinicm. hut thcM' is no nicntioii (jf a trick vvhcrrhy 
hr was to appear nl an opportune tiionn»nt. .\« in Mort". 
Shaw died "shortly for very sorow''. No mention is made 
nf Pciiker. In Bm':kint'hain's speech in the (Ttiildliall. lie 
"riclyverj-d . . . <iuko Rychivni'smynd", drchircd that Itichard 
with ri^ht and justice ""dfrniaundyd t\w kiti<ri|i)iii fi'uin tlu^ 
which he had li^no defraudyd liefon^ Ity liis hroolhf^r Kd- 
ward", and "tlierfor prayed that by ther uuUiorylie Ihey 



142 — 



wold dpalp anil rln'ii-i'in^vii of sii wi'^vgbiii' a uuittpr, wlierhio 
he migbt, wilh gi^wl will vi the coauinonaltie . . . enjoy 
once at the last his ro.vall right" (p. 186). No man durst 
gainsay piclianrs iltMiiaiiil ami dct lamination, and cm the 
uex-t day be aippeareri as king. For his protection lie seat 
for 5000 soldiers out of Yoi'kshire, coniinanded hy Ratt-Iift'. 
who turned aside nl Pomfret to execute Rivers and his 
companions. 

After Richard's eoionation be went tti Gloncestar 
"where the whyle ho taryed the hajnous guylt of wicked 
conacyoiice dyd so Treat him every moment as that he 
lyvyd in contynuall IVare^ for thexpecting wherof by any 
kind of meane he detnriiiynyd hy death to dispatche his 
nephewys" (p. 1R7). When flrakeabnry refused to fulfil 
liis wishes ho sent Jaiiu'K Tyreli, who, lieing forced to do 
the king's comiuHiKhnont, rode sorrowfully tn London, and 
"to thf? woortft example that lialli lieiiii nlninst ever hard 
ofj niui'deryd tluiso hnbps of thysyew myall. TUys end 
had Prinee Edward anil Rlcharde \m lirother; hut with 
what kindi' uf death thi-so nely ehyldrt'ii wer exeeutyd.yt 
is not certanely known" |p. Ijsyi. Ver^l has a moving 
description (copieil afterwards liy Hall and GrafUin and 
so passing into Sliakespeai'e) of the ijueen's lainenlatii>u 
OD hearing the news. Slie swooned and lay lon^ lifeless; 
on recovering she mado the house ring with her shrieks, 
striking her Iireast and cutting and tearing her hair, e/m- 
denining liiirself for a inad woman in having given up her 
son. '"But alter lung liiineiitatiiui, whan ntln'rwise sln' 
c*)wld not be mvengyd, she besowght help of God (the 
revenger of falsln-d and trrason) as iissnryit thai lie wohl 
oni^c revenf,'n tlir siuiit^" (p. IStI). Who ""wyll not ti-cnihle 
and (|nake, seing that suehe matters often happen for 
thoffenL'ief^ of onr anenst'ors, wiii^sc fanlUs doo n-downd to 
the postt^ryliii? That fortuiiyd periidvfiilun' to these two 
inrueent itnpcs hccause Edward tlier fathyr coimnytted 
thoffenee of perjuiy. hy tea.sini of that must solenme 
othe . . . which he touke at the gates of tlie cytie of 



— U3 — 



York . . . ;lih! fiir lli;it afli*T'w;iT-i]t's. Iij reason oj' his brollier 
the duke of ClaiLMiCL' dLMtli, he had cliargjd himself iind 
his posterytio before God with dew dottcrt of grevous 
puiiyssheiiieiit" i|j. I^IOI. 

After his second coroiiatiou, iii Yoi-k, Richard called 
n piu'lianient there. His only son Edward ""altowt ix"* yeres 
owld'', was niadp prince nf Wales, and "because tlier way 
no niyschyef, none adversjtie, which the kinges head, guiltie 
of so many crynies. dyd not niyslrnf^l'", Thomas Hutton 
was sent to induce the duko of Brittany to detaiii iiich- 
iiiond ir prifioii. "Thus had kingc Richerd by a strange 
kindc of owtrageous crowiltic attayned tiie. type of glory 
add promotion, aud in the eye oflhe peoplo was ac^ouniyd 
a happy man, whan ha soor after he percea\7d hiriiyelf 
to doclyiii^ from his state hy lyttle aiad lyttiK, Hint he eouhl 
not kepe fast tlioreiii by any pollycy" (p. Itll). For after 
the death of Hie princes, the people accused lunl ITetesteil' 
liiju,^iid_ hesougtit (iud tu tati; exti'eme veugeiuice upoiL 
Tiim.~So Ricliard detornsined to turn over « new leaf and 
'^y fff^od government make the people ibrfjet hiis past winw. 
ItuL |ii$ purpose waxed eoUi again; for tirsi lie Uisi. Ed- 
ward liis only won three months alter be was made Priiicc 
of Wales, and then there arose the conspiracy of Bucking- 
ham. The cau.fc assigned hy Vergil fof" the dissension 
between Buckinghani anil Richard is the matter of tlie 
Hereford lands. Vergil docs nitt mentioa that REchani 
promised the crown's half of these lands to Buekin^'luini: 
so when Buckinghani makes ropiest loi' it. "kiiif^ Hiehinl. 
who iJupposyd that matter to have bene now forgotten 
|i. e. tliat llie ernwii half really beliaiged In Mu(kiiii,r|iani, 
aftei' the deatli of Henry VI| ys r'i-iioi*lyil to havi- awnseiril 
furthwitli in great rage: 'What now, iliiki- Henry, will 
ynw cbalengc unto ymi tliat i'i^;lit oi' Ileaiy the Knurtli 
wherby be wickedly iisurpid the erownc, and so Jiiake open 
fov youi-aelf tho way (herunto?" (p. 193|. Whereat, in indig- 
nation, BurkiiigbiiiH n-|iainul to Bi'ccknoe.k and dirteovered 
lo the bishop of Ely hia purpose tu overtlu'ow BicLard. 



144 — 



HrrB wr learli Hir ]Kiint wliere Murc's sti>ry ends. 

Sucli WHS llif. n.^:iE (^ims(' ui cHssoiision Ijotwft'ii tin; king 
ami thft duke, hut among thn pnnple the rumor was current 
lliat Biickiiij^'liaiii Iiai! not (.rind tu iliMsuadc Ricliai-d from 
his wicktnl dmids, to Mir iMiti tJiftt he might irvt'utuall.v be 
driven out and Buckiiigliaui hiitistilf called to the thronfl. 

Ely, pontinufis Vergil. appi'n\i>d of Buckingham's plan 
and procured Itenohl Briiy, a sorviint to Margaret. Hich- 
mnnd's niothor, as a tro-betwodn, bftwopn the duke and 
Margiiret. Now hcfore tkc^ duke hiid hcgan to he alioiialod 
from RichiU'd, Miu*giir<!t and l^ueeu Elizuhrtb. coimiiuniesitiiig 
hy a wrtftiu Lewis, physician to both ladies, bad already 
entered ujujn a plan to hring Kichnioud to the ttirone, 
provided Im? married the princess Elizahoth, or in cv^nX 
of li«r death, CRcile, her sister. Maigaret had evolved 
the plaa, had bad Lewi^ conuiiunicate it to Eliitaheth »k 
coming from himself, and Ibe queen in joy bad sent hlni 
hack to Margaret to proposi- Ids plaii to her. Now that 
Uuckingbam bad derived the same plan^ the way seemed 
elear. Bray rapidly hio tight otln'r;^ into tlie C4»nspirapy. 
Margiiret had iiili'iided to send tu H'Muy with thL- news 
Cliristnplicr L'rswteke., a priest introduced to her by Lewis.. 
Now that BnckingJiain bad joined the c-onstiiracy, she sent 
a more impnrtiiiiiL [iian. Hugh Uonway. By another con- 
spirator, (JuilfLtrd. Thomas Tfamiiey was sent, aod tlie two 
messengers came to Henry at ahiiost the same moment. 
Whereat. Henry was wiMiderfully rejoiced, and comniuuicatcd 
his hopes to Ibe diiki- of Britlauy. wlio pi'omtsed aid, thuugb 
Riebard had tried hard to brihe htm to give up Richmond, 
and messages were sent in return, urging ou the con- 
tjpiiiit^irs, 

Richard now becanio aware of Uie conspiracy, but 
wisely ('('necaled bi^< kiiowh'dgc. tliiit hi* niigbt the more 
eimly entrap his fot'.s. IJLiekiiigbaai, whom hi- ku*'w to 
bo tho cliief conspirator, tic tletermined to cut otf at onco, 
and sumnif'juMl bini Ut ilif i.-cui-l by "exceding eurteous 
lettera " aud "tuany iayrc proniyues". Buckinghaiu replied 



145 — 



excusing liimself on account of ''iiiryrni^tie of stoniake"". 
Rirlia-rtl would licit ailinit tbr cscuso, but sent asJvin with 
thrruts. iinii now Buckingliam was forced to deelai-e liiin- 
sejf, Ttiercupun atlier conspirators, including Dcirset, liegan 
to stir, Richarii with a large army niarrlmd toward Salis- 
bury, and waa witliin tw<i dfiys of tlic town, nt^ar wliii-.li 
hfl ("xpectpd to fliirt IJuckin^hani, wlien ttir latter's siddiors, 
a body of Wclslinicii. wlmm Bin.-ki[)j;linin liitd conipcjlt'd tu 
follow iiiin 'TMtlu'r hy ngurus r.(iiiim!i.iidTiii'iitlliiiii for iiinnoy", 
deaertpd thfir leader. Ituekiiighain was WJiitpwIlod lo fly, 
and tn«ik ivi'iiirc in lluOiniiso "■nf a cfrtHin' ^L^rvatit [fjuiiili- 
arisj of bis rianiyd Humfrey Ilanyster, wliuiii ln'i'ausi.' he 
had found an lioiiest man caven from liia ehyldplitiode 
[a pucco fmiiuni viriim liabucrat]. tlierfor lip trusti'ri to 
fjude biui most faytlifull" (p. 199). Beprived of llit'ir 
leader the conspiratoi's fled in difl'cri'iit dirpclions, most 
(if tlioni. including Dorset, to Hciiry iii Brittany, othei's. 
including' Ely. to Flandt^rs. 

Richard, to prrvcnl tlic conspirators from gcttiu^ away, 
and to iiitcid'pl Kcui^, wlio, lip now knew, was fitting 
ont an expedilion witli tin' help of the rinke of Brittany, 
sciil sobiitTS iv i\\\ tbc jiorts and iittud nut sliips to cruise 
in tho channel. Banister, "whether for feare or money 
fRicliJird Iiiid iiffored a lartre reward — freedom to a boiid- 
nuin, Ui a frcemaa iniiiuiiiity and t' UUXjJ yt U sooin dowf, 
l»elrnyvd his KUf^lt* I" Iticharde searchers, wlun brou^-lit 
him to Ui"' kiii^: at Sniiwhury; and there havitiL' coiif^'ssed. 
iind vainly asked tor the privilege of si)caki)i;r with I?ichard, 
he wflB beheaded. "Hereof surely may we inarke that he 
lusetli Lis lahor. and cliar^etb his owne lyfr witli bayiimis 
ofri'.liee, who lielpeth an evell and wieked man, seliiy tliiil 
ho both rec-ftaveth of him for the most |iart.e an evell dede 
for a good, and of God alway in the ende condigne 
pnnighmeni" (p. "ifH). 

Mijanwhile Iticbnion<l uuide an attempt t<i hmd in 
Kngland. A suddpn tempest arose and all hiH fihips were 
driven back, except his own and one uther. which came 

Pal.Mwtri. \. Ill 



— 146 — 



to Pole, on tbo south euawt of England. There snldlors 
were seen on sLore, and Richmond sent out si boal to 
inquire who they were. Thfty asseited that thfiy werp 
Buckingham's men, who Wiis near Ijj with a large jiriiiy. 
waiting for Rifhniond; and thi^y iirgid him to land. But 
Riehiiiond, suspecting fraud — the .stildior^ wi^^re in fact 
Richard's — saili-d away to Normanily, whence hp ri-tiirnpil 
to Brittany. Kfi-e he Eeariied thjit IJiirkiiigliani had Ixieii 
])pihea(ted iiiiil Uiat Dorset and oIlifirH witi^ fdnip tn him. 
On Cliristnias Day in the church all took a Urtlomu oath, 
Henry to many Elizaheth, and the others to servr him 
aa king. Tlion proparations begun for a now attenipl. 

In Englanil Richard had caught and put to dt-atb 
some of thf ooiispii-ators, and liad the others onllawod. 
Tliomas Staidey, on uccount of his wife Maigarct's acts 
caiue near being accounted one of the king's enemies, but 
the council absolved him. "iis (he woorking: of n wtvriuins 
wit was thowgiit of smaulo aceouuti-". and ordered him 
to keep hia wife at home under strict puard, removing 
all her servants from Ikt, 

Tbuii the anispiracy was crushed, tiut Richard was 
still in foar. 'whnrfor he had a niysorable lyfe", and de- 
termined to end iiis trouble if posisilih'. Mf-ssengers wnre 
despatched to tla- Duke of Britt.;Hiy, promising him all the 
revenue from the lands of Ricliniond and lho»*- with Ijiin. 
if he would kt'pp Rirhniond henceforth in prisfni. At this 
time the duke lay sick, and every tiling was in llip hands 
of Peter Landuse, his treasurer. He. being in high dis- 
favor with tlie uobility and thinking to win more power. 
not from any ennnty to Richmond, wliose liff he had 
formerly saved, was ready to fultil Richard's wishes. But 
Ely in Flandere got newB of Richard's purpose, and 
warned liicliniond, who contrived to escape iido Frunce. 
to the court of Khig Charles. — And now the earl of 
Oxford who had been iniprisufied by King Edward in the 
castle of Hanunes, came to Richmond, with his keeper, 
Sir Jame^ Blouat. 



— 147 — 



Eirhard, disappointfid in his attempt on Rirhniond's 
pci-soii, (lek-niiiiied 1«i attiiiu Lis imrposii tii aiRitlirr way- 
Hit) tliiiikin^ wliali'vi?!' hr miirht do \m\ Sniiill mattier in 
conipairison willi tlif liorriiile tilings lie Und doiif iiofore, "thtr 
enni llio-rfor iiitu liie luyntic matter tiie intet wifkyd to Ijp 
spoken, and tlie fowlcst to be comuiyttjd tliat cvor was 
herd of. To prevent Henry's inurriage witli Elizabeth, 
h« reaolvod lo rccoucilc to liiiiiiJi.41' tbt- (Iuchmi, tliat slic 
iliigbl yield hereell iind lier daugbt^rs into liis liaiidw, "atnl 
yf jt v/fv not possible tn .ssilve tht? snrps irnmynent otber- 
wype. and tbat by hap it mygbl foi-tunR !ns wyfe too dye, 
than be woUi nitlitT niarv liis iipco liimKi'lf tbaii iiy thaffy- 
rytie aforesaid tu dangei' t.be state,". 8ih Up sent messengers 
to llie c|iie('n |ii'oniisin}i "•luouiitains"' to lier and her boh 
Dorsfi. "The messengers being grave tnt'ii, tlioiigh at tlie 
liret by rfdiirjiig [i.e. recalling] to meniery the slawgliter 
of liir soonues Uiej sonnnvbat wowudyd the queues inynde. 
and Ilifit liir gryefi' seiiiyil searsie linlde to lie conirin'tid, 
jeat tliey assayed liir liy ao many iiieaiies, and by .so 
many fayre promisees, tbat withnwt mnche adne ttey began 
tu inollyty liir (tVir su niutablt; is that sex), in so iiiuehe 
tliat the woman lienl tbii^m wdliiigly, and lyjially sayd she 
wold yeaJd hir solfe niilo the king: and so not very long 
after, forgetting injui-yef;, forgetting bir fuilb and proniyse 
geaveii lu Margaret. HenryeH nn>ther. kIic lirst delyvered 
liiti dowgliN'iM into tb** Imiides of king Kielicrd; than aftir 
by seeret. messengers ndvysyd the iimr<|nyse lier soon, whe 
was ai Parys, to I'orwak"' erlr Henry, and Willi all spi'dp 
con veny flit tti reiu[*in' into England, wIht lie showlil bi- 
»«re to Ihi ciiulyd of the king unio highe promotion. Whan 
the i|uene vias tlins fin.alyfyed, king Ricln-rd reeeavytl all 
his bnither'n dawgbt«rs out uf ftaintiiary into tiiii wmrt" 
ip. 210). 

.\1I iliat remained was to "aetjuyfe biiiiseir»tr marriage", 
but he was afraid, because lie bad of late eounlerfeited to 
be & good man. Hut bis wicked intent won the mastery; 

he forbore lo lie with bis wife, and complained of her 

III' 



baiTfJUiieas, ospecinUv to Rotlierham, ArL^hbishop of York, 
wlio, bciug wisp iu Ids generation, [iro|]|iesii'tl l.liprpfrnni 
tiic quci'ii's ilfiilli. Richard tuiw Mprosul abinaii u rumor 
that ills wife was dead. uitliiT that Anne might oii hearing'' 
it fall into a sicliiiess. or to m-i' hnw \Ik pi'oplt' would 
take it if slir slmuld rcuWy die. When tlif <iufrii hvanl 
of it, "suppusiu}? that bir da^'s wtr at nil eml". sb)' de- 
mandi'd nl' hi'f liiiwhuiid with tviws why Iir liad (h'trriniiicd 
on Li.T di-iiili. '"Hf re 1111 to tin- king, kiasl that hi* niigbl 
seme hard hortyd (feiTeus) yf hi' sbowld shew unto his 
w,>'fe uo sigtir iif loiivi', kissing hir, laadc ntiswcr li)ovinK!.V- 
and coiiifiHlyng bir. bad liir Ih; of s-ood clicrfi. Hut tlii' 
quenc, wlirLliiT sbo wtM' iii.s|iat^'h.vd witii snrowfiilm-ss. (ir 
pojson, djird within few days aftftr''. "Thya ys Anne 
tbat . . -ft-as soomtyim- fovonanlyil ("df.'ipnnsata". 1584 cd.. 
"pacta", loitb ed.) Iu priinrc Kdward. s.xni to Kinjf Henry 
tliG sist" (\>\i. 211—12). 

Thus (Vef'd. Rii-bai'd "bc^an tu uu^t an eye apfiim 
Eiyzaheth bis ticcc, and to dcsyr*' Jiir in initryagr: ntid 
becausy Itotb thn yown^ lady hii"«i'lf. and all ollii»rs, did 
abborro the WLcktMlinis so rletosUibb'". br. doti'miinrd tn 
wait, (isjifdjiUy iiH ]iH w;us. iiow trouhli''d un cvi'ty liiind 
by the fotispirBtors. AinonfT tbi^ni was William Stanley. 
wliuni IJic'hard: urrai-ly ilistnjHti.'el: antl wbcn bf :i|iplii-d foi' 
IK^nnission lo go lo his home, ■■['or liis |jliasure as li*- »ay(j, 
but indodc that be might he. rwady to rercavf rrli; Henry .t 
Uw U.i\]g fnrlmd liini. luid wold nol siiIYit liiui lit di'pai't 
itcfurp lir bad Jt;l't IJeorgf lord SLningL^ Ids soone iis a 
pledge ill the Cnourt" (ii, 212). 

Ni'Wis Wfi.s niiw rec«;ivrd that Oxford and Ubnit hail 
fliid to Henry, and Riibard m-.ut Uj i-rrover Htunes i-astln 
whicll tlioy liud given ovci" to tbi; enetiiy. TliiMi Richard 
heard that Hfiiry was not succeeding in bis attempt tu 
gain aid at the Frericli court; "vhicli whan be belpvyd 
to bf tso, aw ihowgb In- luul vmupiit^tibiMl the whole warres, 
and bad i)eiiie delyveryU from all fparo, t-iippouyti tliat tlier 
was no cauMC why Uc sliowld t^ko sucb cai-i' in t\ njallei' 



— 14il — 



sliijis. Iiiit lt?n. iiii-ii to giiiiril till- cuaKtH. t'sjicrijilij in Wales. 
On Mi*i foast, to giv*' nnttrR of Hii nnoiny's apprriafh, tliRy 
lifirht laMi|iM fasLriiivl ii|iini gi'n'iil IViiitKis iif l.inilii'r, "atiil 
with sli(iwt<'s tliioiifili IdWJie ami tii^iiic gpjivc notice tlnTiif; 
fixjm tliyncr- (itJit^rn aftirward iwwbvp and utter unto tlier 
iifif.'lilmrs ntitifo jift.i'ii- Ihi^ sarnr- sort. Tims >-s thi^ fanm 
tlitiri>l' ciiryt^d spiMlyly U^ all villagi"*)^ and (owiii-ti, nml Uotli 
(■fnintry and towtie armc thpmsflvoa agaynat. tlic-neiiiy'". 
By such i>rf)vision HicliarH n'as hillfit intn cai-fk-asTifiBs, 
"for shpLi' is tlio I'orcp (.if tlu^ (iiviiip jygticf, tliat as man 
iDSSt' spath. Ifisse jircivydoUi, and losse hcdp tak('lli when 
lie ys lU^lie tlio yralilinpr of punish m<?nt" (jiji. -213, 214]. 

iJorsi'l. rpcalli'd Ity his inothor, partly 11.11 this awrmnt 
dipf|mirin^' of Riflitiumd's siincoss and parlly sulioraml hy 
Uiehard'fi iimmisos, tlinl rrom Kiciirntird, bat was rtvnrtakpn 
hy {'ln'[ii'v atml laiUircd tn rrtiii'ii. liirliiiuiiiil now siipcpeilod 
in oln;iiiiiiij! aid rnini King (.'liar'lrs, fni' wliiclt lio left Dorset 
and another as pledges, and at the mouth of the Seine 
prppaird Ills lleet, Here he hpiii-d nlRirliard's intpiition to 
marry Rlizalielli, whiili "iiinrliiit Hoiiry liy t.jie veray 
Btomalt". He now determinp'il tu niaiTy if possible the 
winter uf Walter Ilerhort. a inati nf i^reat autlinrity among 
Ihi; Wflsli, and so secure liis aid, Irul tlie messengers 
failiMl to reach liim. 

Iteciijvirijr iirws timt nichnni Thdnias and Jtjlin Savage, 
men of power in Wales. wiM-e ready to sti-vn liim. ajid 
that Bray Imd money to pay soldiers, Henry set sail for 
Wales Willi 2"im.) inoii on III*? 1*^ of Aiijrui^t and eanie to 
Milfonl Haven in Wales ilu' sevcutti day arii'f, |No speech]. 
Advanein^f tliroiigh Darl>\y he eaine to Htiverford, wliere 
hP was well ri'<'eived, hut Ipariiwd thsit Thniiias and Savage 
were im Kinjr Hiebard's side, Bat tlie inlinhitants of Ppm- 
hroke stuil U> Kjiy "iiy Arnold Buller, a. valyant man, do- 
mnnrtine forpravenes of ther fonniir ofTencPS. that thpy 
wcr ready to serve Jaipur Ibur erle". Walter Herbert 
vr»>t now said to lit' at hand witL ati ariuy, and fear arose, 



— 150 — 



bill lliH I'l'imft wa.i iinlniP. Now vuyw. nvcr lit Rirli[iinnd 
a P<'rtaiii <lril'tiii, JUiri llidi John Mnrgan, ami siiIiBfiiiiciitly 
Ricliiini Tborntis, whom Henry hud prurinst^d tlii* perijt-tiiiil 
liniitPtiaticy of Walt-H. Hcnr.v i»'w sent mrsHnjCits to Mar- 
jfarel bis cikiIIkt. Uj llio Slaiili'_vs. to Tiilliot juul ^ttlicn*. 
and advam'-i'il to Shrcwslmry. 

Ricliiii-il. wliii was ill Nulliiig'liaiii. was inrornicri that 
Heiirv liinl lUT'iM'il. Imt tlinl In.' "was uUitIv iinruniysli.vd 
artl feblc- iii ;tll tJiiiitrs", wbili- h\» uvrn nn'ii were reatly 
ill all ri!Siii'cls. Sit he tlioutjlit tlic. iiiattiT not ihiii'!i to lie 
rcgaril(.'i!. sii|i|»"*iiig Unit Henry winilil bi^ rsiplun'fi by 
Herbert and Thomas. "But atlorward, waynge with him 
self that a stiiaule matter in rlir warrcs inailc boomh' timi- 
^I'oat stim-. am! that yt was a piiyivl of wysdoin not to 
contciimf tbi' forces of liye enoniyt!, thuuxb tbey wcro but 
smaulc', bi' tlioM'trht In'st tn iirovydf in tinio for tlit- I'venl 
tfi cooni" i|i. 219). So lie sfiit at onco fur Northutiibrr- 
lainl, Brakfiiliiiry, Huiigvrfui'ii and others. Tbeu it was 
n'imrtfd to liini thjii Hi'iiry liiid arrived ai Sbrrwsbiiry: 
,'witb which niL'Ssa^i! llio king, iiiucb inovytl, bo^'au witli 
grief to hp in a fcTvcrnt ragv. and [';ry vrbemciitly out 
uppoH thi' falshoud of tbcni who hail broken prniiiyse", 
ami determined to go at once against bis enemy. Heary 
advanced t-o Liilifiehl and theriee to Tainworlb. being mot 
on his way by Hungerfeni and Bnrsrher, who had lied 
from tbrir leader lirakenbtiry by nigbt. Wtiib^ on lus 
way to Taniwnilb, Rirbniinid, in j^real iiTisiet.y because 
he could get ao word from Thomas Stanley, wlm did not 
appear openly <"n IfielniiondV side for fear of what Uicliard 
might iio in hifi son, lingered on tlie road, lunt all ti'ace 
of his anuy, and wandered about till he came to a town 
three miles from bis tamp, where he sp^ni the night in 
great lear uf diyeovery. ^■ext niornrng be I'eturned to his 
army, who had been much alarmed for their leader, and 
said that h>' bad been away "f purpose to meet Honn> 
seeret fiir-ndfi- AfterwardK lie went. S4!erel,ly lo Adorsloiie, 
and "bLTc Henry dyd tiiHte with Thomas and William 



[Stjuili\v]. whfr taking nne. an otlicr liy thanii. itntl .vi-aldfng 
riiuMiall nalulatii'ii, r^hr? man was kI^*' f'^ ^1'*^ g""'' sl-atn 
of tlintbcrs. and all tlicr rii.vmitrs wer movyd tn ^t'at. joy. 
After lliHt tlu'y cnfcrjd in rownsaylle in what sort, txj dar- 
raiprif hattavl witli kiii^ IJycln'ril" {p. 211). 

In Lho iiipantime Ilicliard liad come wft.li a huge 
1111111114^ (if [Men in aniiR to Boswortli, nrar rj<;irest<'r. Here 
he ri'froslifii liis soldiers and ■•■with many woonls pxliortyd 
them t^ the fyglit to coonic'. the next day. "Yt ys reportyd 
that king l?ic^h(Td bad that ni^hl a torrybk dreann'; for 
he thowjfhi. ill bis i^lepe that lie saw horryble ymajies hs 
yt wer (if ■''voll spyrytes liiumUnti; fivydonlly nl)'>vrt him, as 
yt wer hofiire his eyes, and that tbfy wold not let him 
ri'st: whirh visyon trowly dyd not. se much sirykc into liis 
bi"pst a siidthLne IV'jirp, as ri'i^enyshe the same with heavy 
carffs: for furthwith after, bPing troublyd in inynde, his 
hiirl fiive liini [Iii'rup|t(in that theveni of tlie hiittale folow- 
ing wiild ln^ ^fiTvoiis. and lie dyd not Itiickle liimself to the 
conllict with such lyvelyness of corage and countenance as 
bcfdii', niiifh tip\"7rn's tlinl yt sliowkl not be sayd he 
shewyd as aiipallyd with feare of his eneniyes. he rcportyd 
his dirame to many in the morning. But (I helevo) yt 
wa.s nu drranie, but a t-onscyence ^ittie of haynons offences, 
a eiinseyenee 1 1 say) so iimche the more grevouH as thoffencoB 
wer more great, which thowg:ht [read: thowghj at none 
oilier lime, yeat in the last day of owr lyfe ys woont to 
represent to us the memory of our einrey ot>mmyttyd. and 
withal! to .shew unto us tho paynes iniraynent for ihe 
8«me. that, licin^r iippon good cause jienytent at that instant 
Utr our ftvell led lyfe, wp may be conipelljd to go lience 
in hcavynes of hart'' (p. 221—2), 

The next day Richard arranged his forces for the 
haitle, He drew out his vanward to a wonderful length, 
so full of fdotitifii and horsemen that those who saw it 
Wftre afraid: in I lie front were placed his archers under 
.lolin diikf of Norfolk. ''Aflfr thi,-; long vanward folowyd 
the king liiinself, with a choyce force of soldiers'" (p. 2li2J. 



— 152 - 



Hpnr,v. whn. "■licinE 'tfpnrlvil hak from tlie conFprei 
witli liis friinis lirgun In takp l>ii.tfr lirtrl", likpwTBB 
arraigiid his forces and sent won! to Tlioiims Stanley t« 
cuiiH-' ■wilti his [iii'n, Htii-nli-y aiiswrivil '■(liiit Ihf ■purle 
sliowlti si'l !iis i\v,'tu' I'olkrs in (irilij\ wliyin lli:il lit: slinuld 
oooum Ui liiitt with Lis army well apoyiityd. With wlik-h 
au&wor . . tliow^lic Hortry wrr no lyiHc vrxyrl, and luftgan 
to l)c sooiiiwhat apprtljytl" tit' liastcnt^d to p!<ii:c hits men in 
order. His vonwarrt Wiis sniiUI. Jn front of it lie placed 
arcli'TB iiiulor tlio carl of tislord: th^ riglit wing of tho 
vaiiward was iiridpr Talljot, tin; Ifft uikIim- Savage: )m 
liimself followpil witli oni' ti-nnp of Imrsi'tiioii and a. fiew fool- 
mun. Hi-'iii;y'K men iiuniljfrK{l sparw 5000. In^sides tin? forces 
of llie Sliiidcys. sumi-' 3cmo. whilo ■'tho kintjH (VircL'S wcro 
twysu so iiiaiij |atid murL\ a(ids Lhi' translation. Tlic L»i'ijj;iiial 
has "regianiin ucrfi copiarum bis allcruni tanlum fuif'.] 
"Tlii'i- was a mnrislio liciwixi Imth Jiostcs. wlilcli H<^nry of 
liUi'poD-o [cl't on tliii liglit hiinil, that yt nii^'lit serve his 
men instedc of a i'nriiTSsc, hy tho doing thurof also lip left 
(ho son]] Mii'Uj liis hak; but whan thr king saw thonoiiiyes 
passyd ilie niarishe, he coaiinarmlyd Jiis soldiers to g«'ave 
chargr uppoa Llienv'. The battle was heinp hotly contested 
when Rirhard caiig'ht sijrlit of Richniniid: "wherfor, all in- 
thiwyri with ire, be strick Lis horse with the eijiurres. and 
runneth owt of thono syde withowl the vanwardes afraynet 
him". "Kirif; Richard at the first brunt killyd iTrlaiie, 
ovortlirew Hi-nrvi's standeni. toygtLer |tot.'ytLtrJ with 
William Bfandon tho s-tanderd hearer", and threw the stout 
Cheney to the jj'round, "miiliing way with w.-apun on every 
syde". Henry reeeived Richard eo lira geoii sly and was 
holding Lim at hay better than his own soldiers would 
have expected, when William Stanley with his 3tM)0 men 
came to the rescue. "Than trcwiy in a vpry monifnt the 
resydew all tied, and kinjf Rieherd alonf was killyd fyghtine 
manfully in the ililcltkesi pres.se of his enemjes" (p. '224). 
Among (he men killed on Richard's side were John 
duke nlNorl'idk. WaUei- Lorxl Fi'irert*. Robhrl Brakenliury, 



^ 153 - 



and Rifhiird Rntdifl'. f'ati'why wixk I'Xf'iitntl at Lpirpsler 
two tia.v^" Uilci', i>ii Hi'tiry's nidv tlie rliit-l loss was (hat 
of William Hranrioii. Anioiij,' tli*' faplivos was Henrj. earl 
fi\' NdrthiirnlMM'land, vlin '"as a fntul in liari |uolantariiiK 
»miriiii| was retnavjcl into favor" (p. '*2^). 

"TIlr report in that king Ri{^lien3 nii^lit liavft sou'^Lt 
to save liimself by llJpht.: ior tiicy wlin wwr atuiwl. liim, 
Sfing tlie soliliers even frijiii tin- (irst stroke N> lyft uy 
ther weapons feltly ajid fayntly^', and snoinc of tlicm to 
ili'Iiart tin? ffiltl pryvyly, susppctyd treason, and exliurtyd 
him li» tlyo. yea anil wlian tLc matter ln':sran niaiiylVstly 
t-o qwaile. tUcy l»n.nvglit Iniii swyit liortics [rpad : "a swift 
home*'; orig, lias ■»qinmi iiolocein"!; hut hfl, who was not 
it'noraril that the pi^npli; lialyd Iiiin. owl of hope to Ivavc 
any bott^T liaii aftonvju-d, ys. sayd to have awnsweryd, 
that that vpi-y day he wolti make end eiher of warro or 
lyfe, !Jiiclie trr^'at r^'arceut'ssi' and suelie liu^r fort'*'^ of iiiyiid 
hi' had: wherlnr, knowing' I'LTLaniply thai tliat day wold 
el-her yeald him a peaceable and i|uyet realine from thercc- 
fvirth or l'Ik perpetually h('ri.-ve Uiiii Ihr satiip. he L'ainr to 
llie lieldi.^ wiUi the crowni' uppon his head, that tUerby 
he inight ether make a beginning or code of his raigne. 
And so the myserable man Imd sitddayuly suchp end as 
wont ys to happen to thnni that have right and law both 
of God and man in lyke I'stiiiialion. as will iuipyt'lic, and 
wickednoft" (p. 225. 22t)). 

Henry furthwith gave Miaiiks to Almighty Ond, then 
fl^m a hill near by roniniriidi-d his snldii-rs. commanded 
to cure the woimdrd and bury the slaJii, and thanki'd 
his anbli'p for tht^ir assistaYiw, Thi^reupon Stanley set 
Billiards crowa. found aniorfg the spoil, upon hfs head, 
"as tbouglio he had bene already by commandment of the 
people IpopHli jnssii] proidaniyd king after the matier uf 
his auncestors" (p. 226|. 

The body of Richard, riakyd of all clothing, and layd 
uppon an horsp bake with thf amies and te^gos hanginpe 
downe ou bolUe bydes was bruwjflit to Ihabbay of monks 



— 154 — 

Kmiin^icnnps at. Leycester. a iiiyseralilp spr^-larlf in grind 
suulh, liut iu)l unwciortliy ftir llie mans Ijfc. ami ilicr was 
bur.ynd two <laj8 tifter without any pompe or soloninr 
fuiirrall'" 111. t.''>l5). 

Tlii-[J iiiliiiws a (Ipsniption uf Ricliard. ■'He was lyttlr 
of slallll■^.^ drfonnyd nf body, tlione ahnwldfir being higher 
t.han lliiithcr ((•(jrEHfrc dftbrnii; iiitffo biiiiipro eiiiincMitiorp). 
a fslH'l't and suwrr wiwntcnmicc. which semjd (i> s-avor of 
misdijcl'. and ultor evydpntly (i-laiintai-el craft and diiceyt. 
Tlir- wliyle tie wat? thinking of any malti^r. he dyd trun- 
tyiiuiilly liyte Ids nothor iypt"-'. a& thowjrh that cpewell 
iiatur<< f>f Ids (lid so rage agaynet yt solf in (hat ]yttl« 
rat'kase. Also he was woont to be ever witli his riffht 
liaiid {iiillirig out of the shTaili to tbp niydde-st, nnd putting 
ill aganL', iIk- dagger widch tii' did alwny wen-, Tmwly 
he had a sharp witt. prorydi'nt ami snhlyle, apt both ta 
(.■ounleiTa^vt anil disspnihh*: his corayc als^o liiiiilt and fcart-p, 
which faylyii hini iii>i in the very dcatli, which wlian his 
men forsooke hini, he rather yeahied to take with the 
swiinJ. than by fuwk- liyfjlit to prnloiitr his lyfe, uncortanp 
what dt?;ith pf.'rdiancL- f^ooii after by sicknes or other 
vyolencc to suffer (ituain per turpeia fugam, incertae ac 
fortassc pu&t pauli^ morbo uel supplicio interituraL' uitae 
parcorf!'). 



Speaking nf Henry's restoration Vergil has a passage 
(p. 514 r' ed.) which does not appear in the tranelation 
herauHi'. not in the looli edition. The last sentence of it 
(I55tt cd, p. h'M) appenrs in the translation, however, where 
Vergil fihowR aveidanre of error would have brougbt 
gooil tortuiie to Henry and not Edward. I traascribe the 
passage as it is translatyd in Hall (p. :!85), omitting a 
slight addition of Hall's own. 

TbiH Henry "after so many ouerthrowes beginnynge 
to reygn'', lykely within short space to fall agayn, & to 
taste iimrt' of his acetistorned fiiptiiitie & vsiiall misery. 
This yil chance ^ niisfortua'?, hy laany nm opinios happened 



— 155 — 

to liirn, because lie wai? a man of "u pffai wit llon^u 
innoeenli9simus|. wlioso slu<Iy always was mow tu cxeell, 
other in Godly Huynge A vertuous example, then in worhliy 
rca^iiienl, or ti^nijiorall d<iiiiini(in, in so iniioh. that in 
coparison t«j Uii.' study &. (Ii'lci'iiilion that hi? liaii to vertue 
ami jfodlines, he littri rfigariliiti, but in Tiianntr ilcsptsed al 
worldly power &. teiiifKiral aLilhorilie, wliirli syldiiiiie I'ulow 
or seke after such per'^tms, as t'ro Iheni tlye or disdaync 
to lake them. But his enemir's a5cril)ei(l all tbis to hys 
Toward stommaek, ikfTeniiiri^' liiat be wiu* a man apt to 
lilt puiiiose, nor uiete tor any eutorprise. were it iieucr so 
small; But who so etier dis|)i3etli or dispraiseth, that which 
the comon people allow and niarueyll at. is often taken of 
tliem for a mad & uuriiserete pei-wui, but iiotwitlislaiidyng 
tlie viilg;ire epiniO. lie that fukiwyth. luueth and ernbrasclh 
llie eiintniry. doth pnme hmthe sad and wyse tlie wisedom 
of tliii^ W(»ri<l. is folisbeiios before Gud. Other there be 
thai ascribe his infortunitie. on^ly to thp stroke and 
punishment of God. affernintr that the kyngdoiiie, whiehe 
Henry tUe .1111. hyaprandfallier wron^.'luUy gat, and vniui^lly 
possessed agayn^t kyng Ryehard the .|[. arid his lieyres 
could not by very diuyne iuetice, longe contynew in that 
iniurioiis stoeke: And that therfore God liy hia diuine 
prouidenee. punished the offence of tlie grandfather, in the 
Bunnes sunne". 



Kexl iti Mtire's bioKTaiiliy, the history of Polydorc 
Vergil is ijf frreatest importaaeR in the development oj' the 
Rirbard saga. More's work eovered ordy lln' period frmn 
the death of Edward IV to the rehelliiuii of Buekiiiffhaui: 
Vergil's included the history nf Hiehard from the reign of 
lli-nrv yj III Uiehard's end at Bosworth. As More's work 
was included bodily in the succeeding elimnieles, so was 
Vergil's history, bodily or as a basis, adojited for that part of 
Edward'^ And Hiehard's reignB not touched upon by Unra. 
As will lie sfteii later. Graftotis eontiniiAtion of HarilyuK 
is Verb's where it is not Slurr's; Hall used \'c:r^il in tUo 



- 156 — 



HaiiiiC Wiiy, tliouyli vvitli considerable atklitidiis: (JrafloirSi 
cLronicIft mpied Verj^il's work iis it. appeiarcd in Kail; 
Hnlinslifil nipicil Hiill iiliil (Jnil'lcMi: Sluw rojiirtl liiill. 
Ttiut> Uif BiiKft "I liii'Liinl ii.s it caiiie to SfiakfS]»ian'. scj 
far as it is not M«iit-'m is alinust. wliolly VergilV- 

To Vprgil is mostly ciup the iirtinit.ivft ftirni of tho 
uMPiiti-d iiMoiiiit of llicl^nnrs early Hfe. By Vorgi] tirst ia 
asHi^'ticd (ci iticliani a share in Pt'incc l^^dwflrdV Aenth. 
Faliyaii had ri'portt;d that King Kdward had (jiieetioiicd 
the captured (jriiUM' arid stnu'k him with his pauntlet for 
an answer contrary to liis pleasure: in Verja;!! (juestion 
and answer are for tlie first time given. In Fal)yan the 
pi'inct- iw murdered hy "the king's sci'Tants": in Verpil Ihc 
murderers am I'ljircnce, Richard and HuKlinps. Aeeerding 
to Vergil, Richard, eis coiiinionly reported, slew King Hi-nry 
Unit Kdwurd iiiiglit luive no [imre (Mii>niips U\ IVar, l\'o 
nhare in t'Uirenee's death is ascrib^'d tu Richard by Vergil; 
attd tliHre is no su|;^e}«tioii in his arcuurit uf Edward's ' 
ri'ign tlijit RirJinrd at ihiit time rlierislu-d any destigns 
upon the crown. Tbrou^liout the accoutit llichiird ajipears, 
as he calls liinisclf in Shakespeare's play, a pank-horse in 
Edward's tri'eat affairs, his devoted and I'ailliful partisan. 
Thus it is Ihat tho later rhronir.les, follnwinf; Ver^'l'H 
acetmnt of Edward's reign, and then copying More's hook, 
pri!sent two views id' Ifiidiard, whit^h if really less io-( 
lunsi.'itent with eaoli other than has sometimes been 
assiTled, have rie\ert.hfieSH a very different coloring. 
ShakH'tipearc avindod all inconsistency, as Oochelhauaer 
pointed ont. Ii\ iulop1in)j Mttre'i^ view of ItichardV eharaeler 
Croni tin- tieginning. while he used Vorgil'y account iif tho 
events in Richard'hi early lit'e, as found in Hall and' 
Holinslicd. 

Among the sjiecial contrihulionB of Vergil's own loj 
Ihe history of this Barlj period there is little that callaj 
for Kitpcial mention. To him however is due the annedota- 
dramatized hy Shakespeare (R. 111. -2. 1.1 acu.ording to which 
Kdwiird always called to mind, when Bver any sued for a] 



— 1S7 — 



iitiiti'g life, Uiat nntip li»d sued fur tlie life of ^u's un- 
fortunatp hrotliiT Clareiicf'. But if Vergil's own coiitrilMitinns 
are of iin pivat itinmrtance. it is ul' grt'at Iniimrtaticy. 
roiisitieriiig the later acceptance of liis account, to note 
wliHt ]»• invhiiU'd rroui the varyiufi: arcoiiiits or 'jtUcrs. 
'I'o liini. for c-\iiiiii)li\ aiiii not tu Koiis, was iliu- thn traua' 
mission of the fiuiittus prn|ihec,v aboul U. To him was 
(im^ Ihir ai'fiirati' account nf Warwiiik's niission Iti tlir ijudy 
iJuiiu of KraiH'c. \vliit;li Uun^ iiicorrocMy ri'imrltMi an u 
mission to tin- kin^r's riautrlitpr of Spain. To him and not 
lo Aniiri'' is due the- a.(;cepli'«l accoiint of liio prophecy of 
Henry \\ concprniiiitr Uit (•■oy Jiichiuoiul. To him it is 
duo tliftt the aicc(>|)tod iiieluro of Warwick was that of n 
fTBVt* niHii. and not of n coward, iw hi' vcm ri'pri'Cfiitcd 
by the autlior of "Tiip Arrival", liy W?irkwoith nrid by 
(ic Uomiries. In tliL- lirst two uC thcsn' acfotinltJ Wiitwick 
dice an ignoiniiiouH dcatli, eauirht in lus flight: in Verpil 
Ih' is Llie Ijravpst of llie hrave. slain as hi' lights aloni* in 
the very midst nf the enoniy — llu* Shakespearian Warwie'k. 

Vergil's atx'ount of the events from Edwanfs death 
to liurVingham's r'-bflllnn pri'^ents some inl('ri"'liiig jiniiils 
of 1'oinp.irison with lliul of Iklore. It mus't iioi lie forgotten, 
howrvpr. that it was unnsod hy the later clironiclRrs. who 
nil fidliiwcd Mull', 

In \'er;,HI. ii^^ in Andrr. Rirliard is ri'pt'eHpntr'-d as 
niiuli- protertnr iiy Edward ~ a provision in Kilward'H 
will, ai'i'ordiiig lo Vc["f(tl, anil nlsii nf ICdward's dratli-hi-d 
tipeudi. The datr .set fot the iiici'pti(Mi nf Ulrliard'tJ purpo-ic 
to rei(^ is the dcjilh of Kdwaid. He lakes an tjsith of 
allegiance t'j Kdwiiid in York, iis uilu of his hypm^rilieal 
dctvir.(;s toward the attainment of his pnrposi!. jn tlin 
account of the (Junneil ini-fting in iLi.' Tower it is iiote- 
woitly that no uicnlion is niadc^ of Shore's wife, and there 
its therefore no hint that Hastings in beim; eonnectwl with 
her was Ihns. wmntTtt'd with her soreejy, Huckingli sun's 
ip«ech at Guildhall presents a Richard nnlirely chfferent 
flTum Moiv's picture of tlie llii-iuird whtiKi- niovenif-ntw wuro 




— 158 — 



tlin^ctir'fl toward iniluoiiiti t!ie citizens to ask liiiii in tier-omc 
king, wliik- In; liiiiiself ]>fotcstrd against i(. Afcordiiifjly 
there is no mention of anj visit of tlii' mayor uiitl akier- 
iiien til Ra.viinrd cnstln. Vergil ilcclan/s lliat tlieri; is no 
certain kiuiwloilgtt of llic way iii which the young princes 
were luurjerfid — a noteworthy atatement, considering 
t.hat Vi^r^'ii wrofi^ Ion;,' aftfr the so-callf^d confeasifn of 
Tyrf-'ll, on winch Moro doprnded, had been given to the 
world. 

From thiti point r>ii, Voi-gil'a nccouiit — subsequently 
sligljlly incr«asLHi ly Hall, I'anus tim dctinitivc and acoepted 
version of the closing events of IJit-liiird's reign. Thus; he 
is rPsjionKiblf for the ar'o.oiint of Iticliard's intritjuns willi 
Qui'iMi EliKalieth, his plot {igaiiiKi his wiff's lifr. Im altf-nipt 
to marry liis niwe. iIk-i poiispiracy of Rirhmond, thf sliorl 
canipaign that led to tlii' liaitle of Bfisworth, Richard's 
dream, and his hravi' ileath iin tin- ticlil of hattli-. ri.?fusiiig 
to lly oil tiu- swifi horst* providi-rl Uw him. It i« dislitii-tive 
of the general sanity and iinpailiality of Vergil's aeconnt 
timt he doL'.s not attonipt lo deridr whrtlier Anne's d»'!ith 
was due to [loisun uv to sickoiiss. Itidianl's famous dream 
lirat mentioned hy the IJroylaiid aintiunator. is first desrrihed 
by Vorgil. 

VergiLs iJeM-ripliim nf Kicliartrs person is veiy siniilar 
to tlmt of Mori". But there is no direct statement that 
he wa.4 liump-hai^kt'd. the wnnls "roriioii' dr-furmi. altfro 
Iiuuicro fJiilueiLtiorc" K'avinjf us somewhat in doubt as 
to that in which the deforniiiy of Imdy wiusist^'d. It is 
not iniposjsilile that Uie sopoml phrase was meant as ao 
explaijsiiion nf thi* first, and that aeeordiiifT lo Verpl. 
Richard's di'formity coiiisi^ted only in having one f^houlder 
higher than the other. 

Richard's character as it appears in Vergil is practic- 
ally the same as in More. His hypocrisy and craft are 
hy no means so stningly emphasized, however; wliilc on 
the other hand a real eontrihution is made in Vergil's 
pictuj'e of Rieluii'd's state of mind as his end approached. 



159 — 



The Rir.liani wliusi? conscience iiiakps fparful fnrcbniliiigs 
ol tlic battle's outf^ome. and who is yet (let.eriii!iiH(J to set 
his lift- iipiJii tlie cast and stand the hazard of the die; 
who ill the conflict enacts more wouders than a nijin, 
seeking for Richmond in the throat of death: whit, aband- 
oned ev*ii by thriso (Ui whom hi* has mo3t dei"iciKli>d, Hjirlits 
on alone, with ^gaiitic will crusliiiip; ronscifinf^f, for<il)u<!ing 
nnul rt?ai'. i>:{|)pndintr all his jmwei' in Ihi' iiiinvlin(|Uij;lu'd 
jinrsiiil i>f bin pnriiusc: thi': liicliAi-rt, whn, liaviriy vi.-ntured 
all for n kiii^'dom. will die- a king if he caiiiiot live a 
king — this is ViMfjirs TIi<'bnrd. 

In Wrgil's haiidliii^f of Iiis stuiy two tliiiiLrs ai'c cspe- 
t'iiillj noticeable. More had niOfet vividly pretunul the 
tuniieiit of roiisciiMii'i* th;it follow^'d uiion liichanlV n)iirdi>r 
iif his nephews. This toruiciit Ver/^l Jiisistw upon and 
L'tiiphasizos sfill Turlher. It hc^ns even liL-fore HaKtin^rs 
i» put t-o death, iimduced hy the consciousnfss of puiltj 
intent; after this "tbe haynous jiuilt of wicked conscyence" 
80 frets Richard at every moment that he lives in continual 
fear, and that he determines to rid himself of it by any 
means, fivon by the fresh crime of the luinces' death — 
he is ill "fio far in bloods tlial sin will piiiek on sin"*; 
fniilty of so many Crimea that there ia "no niyschief, none 
adversvth.''' hp does not fear: and last of all. eotiscience 
vilalizcrt its most terrible torments in the devils r,{ that 
fearful dream wMcb foretells Richard's end. With this 
insislenet' ufiori the [luwei' of eoiisfjetife may b<' ntitleed 
the pilHsaj:!.' ill wliieli Kiehard, a( the very nioim-nl ^^^h^•\\ 
hp has attained the end of hia ambition, "the type of tjlory 
mid promotion'", and is acc'nnnted by all a linp|iy man, 
|j«rc«ives that be in beginning to slip frnni lii.s hi'igbt atid 
that nought will avail to keep him there. This moment 
is the dramatic erJsis of his career, and Vergil's Richard 
whose eyes are at this moment of success opened to .see 
the end. is the llicbard of Shakespeare whose tiret thonght 
upon mounting his throne is 



^ 160 ~ 



Thus high .... 

is KiJig' Hicliard f-ijineii; — 

Bui shall WB wear Ihesi' liotitmo Tiir a daj? 

Or Hhall llu\v Ift'^l, anil we rpjoici" in lh<?m? [-i'--,] 

A juoro important, cuiitriliutioii ijt Vi-rgil's liaiidliiig 
of the story is his favorit-e motive nf the diviue vengeance. 
This had bern as we Iiave seen tn snuie cstpnt fMiiiiIojcd 
by nearlj' rvcry writer, most of all hy AiidriS wliu had 
showu in the cases both of Richard ami nf Edwiinl tbi' 
divine justiL-e pn.vinjj: death for di^atli. Vergil goes much 
farther than this. In liis sUwy Henry the sixth iii all his 
(calamities liut pays the peimlly Urv his granchatlipr's nffi-ucc 
of usiiriiation ; Margai'ot's tiisaslere are the juinisli- 
nieiit for her complicity in the iimrder of Hiiniiiiirpy, the 
good duke of LHoiicreter': Henry'a (loath is avf ntrfd hy the 
destiny which leads the vict-orious members of the housp 
of York to turn tlieir hnnds uiion each other: in tlii.' death 
of ills (.'liiklreii Eilward pays tlio penalty for Ids jterjmy 
at York and for his niurder of Cl?irence ; Hastings perishes 
because he was of those that slow Priiico Edward: 
Buckingham falls because he aided tho wickud tlijuigiis nf 
Rit'hard. 

Tn stieh a view we are not far from that idi-a of 
destiny wliich. a,-* Mdultnii and others hnvv. shown, 
rules S3iaki;spi-ari''s phiy of Itithard III and fornis its pliil. 
There every IdnMily deed, every art of ]jri-jury anil Liii- 
faitlifuhii'ss in l,]ie whole long tniit;*'dy id' the York' 
Laiirasti'iau stru^^te in revenged ofUnd; ami each nf tbfi 
long row of murders becomes at tbi^ same Ump crime ami 
piiniflliMient for tt'imo-. This coiieeptiim, there can he little 
clouhtt is due to the account of Polidore Vergil. 

Shakespeare's application of tlie idea of Destiny to the 
character of Kiehard linils its jrerm also in Vergil. IIo 
too indicates thai the band of Destiny has been over 
Richard from the moment he conceives his wicked purpose. 
Ho cannot see tiiat his intent means not his elevation, but 
tlic utter subvcrtiua of his own house. Like every ono 



— 161 — 



who seeks to overthrow aiiollier. "bis owne frawde, wickod 
and niisflievuUB intent., Lis ciwne despwrato lioldenes"" is 
really making liim "frantyko and mad"'. 



i/ 



XI 11, Kiist«iri!i "TlioPftstimo of People or the ObroiiicleR 
of JJivcrs Realms". 

John Rastoll was born towards the end of the 15*" 
ccatary, and died in 1536. He married Elizabeth, the 
sister of Sir TiinnaH More. He was a printer hy trade 
uiid pulditilnjd Mevcral lej^iil wtirks. iiirhiditiji tlif first ab- 
breviation fif thp Entriisli statutes, to^tbf^r witli a Dialogue 
ijf Syr ThoninK M(>r? and a number ol nthf-r books. His 
best known book is "Tlie Pastyme of People: the chronicles 
of dyuprs ReaJniys and most specyally of the Reaime of 
Eii^londe" published 15!i9. 

This was. US the siutlior declaros upon thy title page, 
"Ijiriefiy coinpilpd, and iinpi'int^d in CLoapaide, by John 
Rasl**!!". In the pari covuniig the roisn-s of Edward IV, 
Etlward V, and Ricbai'd III it is littlo more than an 
ahndgeiiifnt of Fabyan, He Las, however, an wxtonded 
ace^unt of current opinions concerning the death of the 
priiirps and tlie disposal of their bodies, part of wUicli 
seems to reappear in Hall and Grafton. 

I (juote from the 1811 edition of Dibdia. 

"Of the nianer of the detlie of tlus yoiit;e kynge, and 
of \m brother, there were dyuers opinyons; hut the most 
comyn opinyou was. that they were sniolderyd ItetwcDc 
two fetbcrtieddes. and that, in the doynge, the ynnger 
brutliiT escaped from vnder the fetherbeddes, and crept 
undflr the hedstede. and there lay naked a whyle, tyll that 
Uii*y had snmtdiiryd the yongc byn^ bo Unat be was surely 
dede; and alter y, one of them toke his brother from 
vnder the bedstcde, and hylde Lis face downe to the 
gi-ounde with his one haiide, and witli the other Iiande 
c«t his throte holle a sender with a dagger. It is a 
nieruaylc that any man voade liaue; so harde a Larte to 
do fio cruell a dede, saue unely that necossyt^ compelled 

ralaeslra. X. It 



them, for tliey were so cLarged by the duke, the protectour, 
that if they shewed nat to hyni the bodyes of hotlie those 
chylderno dede, on tlic morowc ufter they were so 
comaunded, that than they them s(>Lfe shulde be put to 
detlie. Wherfore they that were ao comaunded to do it, 
were cotnpelled to fullfyll the protect-ours wjll. 

And after that, the bodyes of these .11. chylderoe, 
as the opiiiyon ratine, were bothe closed in a great heuy 
clie&te, and, by the meanes of one that was secrete witJi 
the proteetour, they were put in a shyppe goynge to 
Flauiide!"3; and whan the shyppe was in the blacke depes, 
this man threwu bothi? those dcde bodyes, so closed in the 
cheste, ouer thf hattilu-t; into the see; and yet none of the 
iiiarynera, nor none in the shyppe, saue oaely the sayd 
iiiiin, wyst wliat thynges it was that was there so inclosed. 
Wbiche sayenge dyuei-e men coniectured to be trewe, 
because that the bones of the. sayd chylderne coulde neuer 
he ftHinde buryed, nother in tln> Tnwrc nnr in no notlier plaee. 

Anotlier opiuyoii there is, that they whiclie had thi- 
charge to put them to detho. caused one to rryc sodajnly. 
'Treason, treason". Wherwith the eliylderno bcynge a. 
ferde, desyred to knowe what was best for them to do. 
And than they bad them hyde tlieiti aelfL' in a great cJieste, 
that no man shulde fynde them, and if any body came 
into the cbambie the wolde say they were nat there. And 
accoidynge as thoy counselyd Ihem, they crepto bothe into 
tlve eUcstc, wbicho, anonc after, they locked. And than 
anone tbey huryed that clietite in a great pytte vnder a 
steyi'o, which they bofnre had made therfory, and anone 
caat erthe theron, and so burycd them iiuycko. Wliicbc 
chcBte was after easte luto the blacke depes, as is boforo 



XIV. The Contlnnation of Hardjtie'e Chronicle. 

In 1543 Richard Grafton published from manuscripts 
in his possession two editions of the verse chronicle of 
John Rardyng. This ended witli the beginning of Ed- 



— 163 — 



ward IV's reign, and Grafton added a prose continuatloo 
liringing tbc work down to the year of publication. In 
Uiii preface "To the Reader" he stated; 

""1 hau<! berB, to the vttermost of mj poore wit, 
gatlii^rtd ajid set foorth vnto you tbesaid liistories^ not iu 
uiflti'}. liko as lohn Hardjng bath dooen before, partoly 
Uecuuse would therby declare a dyfference bctwfiie tbe 
former wrytyng of lohu Hardyng and this my addicion, 
liut spedallj thai tboae excellent storyes sliould netber in 
sencp nor wordes bee defaced of tlio LdoquL-nee and great 
grace iLat the autoures of tbesarae liaue all readie gcuen 
theim, aad tbcrfore haue I wrytteii thelni vnto you in prose 
and at limfrth". 

This coiitiruatiou copied tbe work of More. What 
follows after is a translation of Polydorc Ver^rd. siiiiiewLat 
mangled in placrs, oftt^n abridged, making omissions, many 
erroi-8 of translation and some slight additions; but in all 
i-aseiitials, nevectbeless, a tnere traiiMlatioij of Vergil. Tliis 
fact, in spite of the clear statement in Urafton's preface 
lliat be setw forth what others have written, appeal's 
wliolly to have escaped tlie attention of those who have 
previously noticed the continuation. Sidney Leo, in Ibe 
Die. Nat. Bi(>g. mh Hardyng, i^ays that Orafttjii '■added 
a, prose ctiiitinuiition by liiniaelf'. Ochelbiiuser, whoKo sole 
reference to Vergil is to say that he dues not iloservo 
mention as & writer of any iuiportaneo on thia period of 
history (p. 53), speaks always of the "Orafton'schen Fort- 
fllbrung von More's Arbeit" (p. I'i'J) or of "rtem epateren, 
niebt niebr vlhi More herrUbrenden Tbcil dor Cbrouik", 
without knowing tliat the continuation of the story in Hall, 
(inifton and Holinshed is based on Vergil's story, llorley 
(Kiig. Writers, 7;27u), mentions tbe eonttnuation without 
assigning any authorship, and (8:359) calls it Grafton's 
first work as an original cbronielor. Ellis, in the preface 
to his edition of the Hardjng Chronicle (1812), after 
speaking of More's work, says, "The remainder of the 
{Continuation of Hardyng is indis|>uiahly Grafton's" (Intrnd. 



— 184 — 



XXI). Tb« editor ineiiUons two editions of Graftoo'e 
Hardytig both printed in Jonuary lo4:j and (liffcHnK in 
almost i'v<Ty piit,'0. Oin^ In- prints, wliik- thu variani 
rendiinga of tho other aro given in footnoteB. Hail he 
known tliat Grafton's continuation wsu; a translation of 
Vergil he woukl doubtless havn elocted to pntil in the 
body of the work the other edition whoso readings in more 
than LlirtT ciises <put of four are correct and faithful trans- 
lation of llie original while tiie others are not. 

Most strangely of all. Dr. Lumby, who edited, in coD' 
iii.-ctioii witli his edition of More's Life, that portion of the 
Hardyng e-ontinuntion which carries on the st^ry from 
where Mure ceaises tu tlie end of Richiirtrs life, seems 
never to have bad a suspicion that ho was dealing with 
a. translation, a fact wliieh led bin] to make some odd 
not^s about incorrect and auspicious passages, about pceu- 
liar uses of language — really eaused by literal translation 
of the ontrinal Latin — and on the wrong dating of the 
Battle of JioBwui-tli, I486 — wliieli is Vergil's errui" — as 
evidence that the Hardyng contiimatiou like More'B work 
is rough and unrevi-sed. 

The account of the reign of Edward IV in tlie 
Hardyng continuation is in general a faithfid trans- 
lation of ihi" work of Polydore Vergil. There are a very 
few slight additions and some sliglit omissions: in a few 
places the account of Vergil is abridged without doing any 
violence to the facts. 

I note below the only important changes, quoting from 
Ellis's edition. 

In the account of Edwai'd's attempt in Warwick's 
house tlie edition used by Ellis follows Vergil Irf. p. 1301: 
the other Las "whether he wolde have violated the erles 
niece or another damosci in the erles house, all men 
knewe not" (p. 439). 

The rumor that Warwick was angry because Edward 
proposed to marry his sister to the duke of IJurgundy 
lef. p. 130) is oniittod. 



166 ~ 



In tin; edition nsod by Ellis. Vergil's account of Ed- 
ward's t'st'apc from iliiUlk^t'jn by bribery is fcillowccl: the 
otltcr edition has: "But the Ityng hym self spake fayre 
to Uie archebialiop, a-nd as tUe fame went, corrupted ether 
thi.' liyhop or liis iit'riirtiitL'9. So that one daie lie had 
licence to t^ a huntyng, and by tho waio Hior mot witlj 
hym sir William A Parre, sir Tliomae Abowro^li, tin; lord 
Haward, and diuprsi? other of his seruantes, with suche 
a multitude, that the archelishop nor all his frcndes durst 
not folowe the escape" (p. 443). 

On the union of Prince Edward and Anno, the Hardyng 
continuation translates Vergil ^'Annc . . was inaried and 
despLinsed to prynce Edwarde" (p. 447), 

In the mention of Edward's perjury at York as punished 
by the death of liis ehildren. the Hardyng continuation 
hn.S IranHlaling Vertpl, "Of tliia thing I will spt^akl" mora 
in Kycliard llie third". Tho account of Richftrd III, however 
the continuation took not from Ver^'il but from More, and 
thus tho passapfi referred to is wanting. 

Til"' deiicription of lli'riry VI in tmiitted. 

Tho account of Edward's proceedings in France is 
somewhat abridgeil. 

Vergil's rnontinn of Edward's recnneiliation to God. and 
ofhis will, is ouiilted. Tlms'thfro is no statnnienl in the Hjir- 
dynp continuation that Edward appointed Richnrd protector. ^ 

More'ii work is adopted bodily by thu Hiii'tiyiig con- 
tinualor: again without mention of the author. 

The opening paragraphs ol'More are placed after the 
death-bed speeeh of Edward, and others a little later 
disatraiined. so that the story here begins with More's 
account of Richard duke of York, preceded by a short 
introductory paragraph. 

Of York's claim the continuation says in addition that 
tbo parliament whci-o it was adjudgpd was "lioldon y 
.XXX. yere of kyng Henry tho .Vf." (p. 468). The des- 
taiption of York as "a noble ruanne and a niightie" is 
omitted. 



Ififi 



In llifl doscription of Richard's law, as "in slates called 
warlye, in other uicnap otlierwise" we liavp for tliP latter 
plin^t; "and amonge coiiimcn persons a. craMieri face". 

To the statement that Richard slew King Henry is 
added; "saiyng, 'Nowe is there no hi>jra male of kyng 
Edward the thyrdc, but we of the house of Yorke' " (p. 469). 

In speaking of Edward's last sickjiess there is added 
in pai'enthesis: "whiche continued longer then false & 
fantasticall tales haue vntruly & falsely sm-uiised, as 1 
my self that wrote this pamphlet truly knew". 

Tu More'a account of Richard's birth the Haniyng 
continuation adds that his mother "'could not be deliuered 
of hym uncut". It states that Richard was in tlie noith 
at the time of Edward's death, "for the good gouernancc 
of the countrye" (p. 474). 

The statement of Buckingham's iiicssftgo through Persall 
(the other edition has Persivall) appears in the Hardyng 
continuation at tiie very beginning of the story fp. 47&) 
not, as in llore, when tlit^ conspiracy of Buckingham agajnat 
Richard is discussed. To the nami'S of those arresled by 
Richard at Stony Stratfnrd is added that of Sir Richard 
HfLWte (p. 479). 

To Morc's account of Richard's reverent hearing towani 
Edward, as his train entered the city, the Hardyng con- 
tinuation adds: "saying to aJl men as he rode, 'Beholde 
youre prynce and souereygne lorde*"' (p. 481). 

The cardinal sent to induce the queen t« give up her 
younger son is "my lorde cai-dinall archbishop of Cauntour- 
hury" {p. 482) not of York, as in More. 

In the account of the dedication of Westminster by 
St. Peter there is no mention of the ange! or of St. Peter's 
cope. 

The name of "the other lord'' who accompanied the 
cardinal to tlie queen and took part in the discussion is 
given as "th^i Lord Haward" (p. 488). 

The queen's mention of her taking refuge in thu 
sanctuary' when Edward was driven from the kingdom, 



IB7 - 



and of the birth of (iPr son there, is not in tlie Haniyrij^ 
continuation. The passiigp, as Raslell indicates in a martdnal 
note of his eriitioii 0/ More, "was not written by M. Jlore 
in his history written by him in Engliishe, hut is tnmslntt'd 
ouie of this historj' which he wrote ia Laten". Several 
such passages from the Latin vet-sioii occur, and none are 
in the Harriyiig continuation, iIk- author of whiiili had 
eviilontly -seen only tlie English version. 

A second such passage oniiltoti in the continuation is 
that in which Morft represents Ricluird as opening his 
purpose to Buckinghmii as soon ns he had tlw i-^hildi-en 
in bis poss&fision, and winning him to his side liy means 
of "sutteU folks" who showt'd him that he toiihl not now 
go hack, and by Richards [jroieiisc of the earhloni of Hert- 
ford, with a quantity of trea.Hure. 

To tho mention of Leiceater as the seat of Hastings' 
power is added Northampton (p. 4931. tn th<! at'couat of 
the Council Richard says "had bene a slepor", not "a 
slepe" as in More (ef. p, 91). 

In the account of the meetiiij,' of the council where 
Hastings lost his head, tho Hardyng continuation adds; 
"Then was the Archebyshop uf Ytirke and doctoure Morton 
byshoppe of Ely and the lordo St.anleye taken and dyuers 
other, whyche wt?re bestowed in dyuers cbamhers" (p. 495). 
In the account of Hastings' warnings, the unnamed knight 
who c^irne to escort Hastings lo tlie Tower is named by 
the Hardyng coutinnatioo, which reads, "The same morning 
ere he were vp from his bed where Shores wife laye 
w' hym all iiighl, there eanie to hym sir Thomas Hnwarrt, 
soone to tlu! lorde Hawarde (the whiche sturryng that 
raornyng very earlye) as it were of courtesye to accom- 
paignie hym Co the counsaill, but fortifimuche as the lorde 
Hastynjfcs v-'m not readye he tarried awhile for hym and 
hasted hym awaye". 

To the account of tho beheading of Rivers and the 
others at Pomfret the Hardyng continuation adds: "Syr 
Thomas Vaughan, goyng to his deathe, saied, 'A wo 




— 168 — 



woorth tlieiin that tuko tlie propliecis that .G. t^Uotilil 
dcstTOV kyn^' Etlwariit's cliildroii, iiiejvrii"f: Uiiit hy i!ir duke 
of Clarence lord, George, wliit'li lor that suspic^ion is iuiwl^ 
dead, but nnwc retnn-ynrtli Richard G. duke of Gloucetre, 
wtiiche nowB I see is luie (liat. Bhall & wyli accomptishc 
the propliecyp &, ilustrnve kyng Edwardcn cliyldri'ii & all 
thejr alyes & fromles, as it apporelh by vs ihis dayj, 
whom I appoh> tu the hygh tribunal iif Goil for \ih unuig- 
ful murthor and fnir true innncrncyc". And tlien Ratelyffc 
saird. 'ynu liaue will ;ipidri!, liiyc iluwiie your licii". 'Yc'. 
quoth syr Thomas, '1 dye in ryglit, beware you dye not in 
wrong''; and so that good knight was liehedei! and y other 
.111. and Imried naked in the niunastery iit Poml'rct" (p. fiol). 

ForMore's "JohnShiia" and ■TreerPenker" the Hardyng 
continuation has '"RafTe Shua'" and "fieer Pynkii^" (p. oOl). 

In tilt review of (he circunistaiices ol' Edwai'd's marriage, 
■where More mentions the sending of Warwick to claim 
the hand of "the kinges doughter of Spain", tlie Hardyng 
continuation, in accoiiianre witli its fornitr accminl., huIi- 
stitutes "Bona syster I" the Frenchf kynj:" (p. Soai. 

The angiT nf Warwick find his subseijUcnt pniceedings 
are oniiMnd as having? hcen mentioned before. 

In the account of tho appeal of the nobles and citizens 
to Rit'hard at Baynard's castle, the H.irdyng enntinuatidn 
makes Richard fjt^nd in the gallery, "w' |wtthj a bishop 
on euerj' hand of him' (p. 513). 

More's account of Bichard's visit to AVi^stmi aster, 
wlieTR he proclainiod himself king and pardoned Foggn is, 
together with tin? brief mention of tin* cnroiiatioii, trans- 
lated from the Latin liistorj', and is therefore wanting in 
the Hardyng continuation. His aceount of llic proeeBsJon 
to WeHtminster is as follows. 

I "Rychard the third e of that name, vj^uiped the croune 
of England, and opennly tooko vpo" liym to be kjng 
the .XJX. dajf) of lune, in tho yere of our Lord a thous- 
and foure hundrcth and LSXXlil. and in the JtxV. yare 
of Lftwes tLe .xi. then beyng Frenclie kynge. and the 



— 169 — 



morow iil'ier, liu was proclayined kyng and with greate 
sulciiipnit«o rode to Wpstiniitstor, iind there sate in the 
soati- ruyale, and calk'd befoi'f hyni ilie iudges uf the 
ivaliiip, strey^htl.v coinmaimdyiigo theini to I'xecut^o the 
lawe without fauijureor dtlayu. with many good pxhortacjons 
(of th*' \vliirtiL> lie foluwcd not one) and thon be departed 
towardo the aJ)])iiyf, and at the churcho doure Le viia 
cHil with procession, and by the abbot to hyin was dclyucrpil 
tlic sfTptre of saint Edward. JiJid so went and offnid to 
saint Edwardcs shrUii-, wbylR y nionkos sango Te dciiin 
with a faynt courage, and tVnni the churclic he retoiiriiRti 
to the palayce, where ho lodged tyll the coronacion. And 
to her sure of all eneniycs (as he thought), he sent for five 
Ihousaiule rienne of y N'orth ag^aiast his coronaeioii whiuhe 
camp vp I'ueil apparelled and worsse hainpyssod, in rustie 
harneys. nt-yther defensahle nor seourod to the sale, whichn 
niuslored in Fyui;.«luiry I't'idf, to the yreat disdaync of all 
die lokers on'' tp. 6i6). 

l)n the fourth Kichard visilcd thi* Tuwrr with his 
wifi;: on the hllh he vlm'ated certain iff the nuljles in 
rank, delivered Lord Stanley "out of wardn for feare of 
his Sonne the lorih; Striiungi', whirlip wa*^ thru in lianra-s- 
!*liyrf, galheryn^' iiienrn; {nn im-nnc ^^airll), and Ihe saied 
lonle was made stiiiU'd of tlio kyn^^^cs honshohii^ likewyse 
(he arcliljysho]jpe ol' Yorke was deliucred, but Morton 
bishop ol Ely was d^'lim'rpil to the duke of Buckiujrliani 
to kepe iu ward*', wiiiclit- sent liyni to his inunouru of 
Ri'i'cknuke in Wales" (|*- ^^^)< 

III I tie account of I he murder of ilie priaecis, for More's 
statement lliut all atteudajUf;, "ouely one eallod black 
Wil or William 81aiij,'hter except", were removed from the 
princeK, the Hardynj^ contiruiution lias: ""one called blaeke 
VV'yll. and Wyllyani Shiughtrr om-ly esceple, wliieiie were 
Sfltto to serue theim, and .im. other to see Iheim sure" 

(p. hm. 

To More's statement that Tyrell devised that the 
prinees slioiihl be murdered in their beds is added; "and 



170 



no bloudo shed" (p. 520). To the account of Ihe disposal 
of tlie princes" bodies is added, "Some sale that kyngr 
Rycliard caused f preest to take theim vp & close tbcim 
in lead put theim in a coftinfi fuU of holes hoked at j enrfes 
with .IL bokea of yron, & so to caste them into a place 
called y Blacke depes at the Thamis mouth, so y thei 
shold neuer rise vp nor bee sene ag-ayn" [p. 521). Here 
Bastttll's atcoiifit may have been the basis (cf. p. 162), 

In the analysis of the Hardyng continaation's extension 
of More's story I concern myself with such clianfres and 
ntistriinslations only as are of importance from the form 
^ven to the facts of the story, or from later use by Hall 
and Legge. 

Grrafton welded Vergil's story to More'a by passing 
directly from the last speech of Ely, as given by More (see 
p. 116), to Vergil's account of the duke's proposal to mate 
Kichmund king (sec p. 144J, by the short transitional state- 
ment that Ely's words induced Buckingham "'to entre more 
plaine comunieaeion with liym, so farre", that the bishop 
declared himselt' ready to help depose Richard (j). 525). 

Almost at the very beginning of the continuation 
Grafton begins to mangle his original, by omitting Ver^Ts 
mr?ntion of the populsir rumor that Buckingham helped 
Richard in order that th« latter's crimes might eventually 
bring himself to the throne, and by stating that before 
the conversation between' Buckingham and Ely, Bucldngham 
— not Eiizabftb, as Vergil has it — and Margaret had 
been in communication on the same matter before, and 
that uiovsd by Buckingham she first approached Elizabeth 
tlirough Lewis; and the whole passage is altered to suit 
this version. Carelessly enough, Grafton immediately after 
(p. 527) follows his original and represents Margaret as 
not learning "that the duke of Buckyngham had of him 
selfe afore entended the same matter" till after she had, 
in consequence of her understanding with Elizabeth, de- 
tenuined to send Urswick as a messenger to Richmond. 
The Hardyng continuation also gives us in effect a speech 



— 171 — 



by Lewis to the qut'en which Hall aftprwards elaborated 
and professeB to quote vcrb^atim as uttered by Lewis. 

Richard's letters to Buckinghiim Eire not merely "nioat 
courteous (humanissiiiiis)" but "cnJarced and replpnyshed 
with all huuianytce, frendahiiipe, fainylyariiee and swetnesse 
of woordes". The second letters are not merely "threatCMiEng 
(riiinacjter)" but "of a more roughe sorte. not wythoutc 
manaoynge and thrcatenynso". For Buckinghanrs cause of 
trust in Banister, "quern quia a puero boiiutii virum 
habuerat". Grafton writes: "because the same had bene 
and thf was his sfruant". "Rdwardus Ponyngus" becoTiies 
Edward Poyntz (atid Luinhy not finding anybody bearing 
both names confuses him with a curtain Robert Pointz 
[see L.'s note, p. 1821 instead of finding in him the Sir 
Edward Poynings who was a member of Henry's council and 
served him nobly as a general and administrator in Ireland 
and on tlie continent. Cf. Diet. Nat. Biog. sub Henry VII. 
and Hall, p, 4^4, -U5, 45l>, 470, 478.) 

The wind whereby Richmond sailed away from the 
trap set for him at Poule was, according to Grafton "euen 
appoyoted hym of God to delyuer hym from that greate 
ieopeidy" ip. 631). Landose was hated by the lonis of 
Brittany afterwards becauee he "tooke this matter in 
hande" — nor because, as Vergil says, the management 
of every thing was in his hands, 

Grafton's account of Richard's attempt to win OTor 
Elizabeth is much abridged from his original: but as Hall 
ha.'i the full translaliun, we need not consider Grafton's 
account farther than to note a singular error of translation, 
of importance later. 

Richard, he says, hoped to have "botho her doughters 
cute of her liandes into his owne". The orig. has "et bb 
et filias". This might seem a slip in writing, for "both her 
daughters and herself", as Hall has "bothe of her and her 
daughters"; but later, for '"primo lilias in Ricardi potes- 
latem tradit" we have again "deliuercd both her doughters"'. 



— 172 — 

Later still, I'l-ir "tilias uinncs fratris"' wo liavo a correct 
translatifiii ""al his brothers doughtcrs". 

In recfluntiiig Kiuhard's dream, Ibr tliR "vistis est . . . 
TJdere circa se obuersari imagines quasi nialorum dcmonuni 
horrilicas, & illaa nan sinere se qiiieacere", we liavc; 
"scniiiig tliat Iip saw borrilde deuillcs appore vnlo liym, & 
pulling ami haling of hyni that lie could tak^ no n^fil" : 
"wliicli visyon fyllotl Uyiii full of i'caiv and also of h»;uy 
care", says Grafton, while Vergil says: "non tani subito 
pauoro eius pectuy perculit, quam anxiis impleuit curis"'. 
Kiflianl fpliearscs liis di'L-am "vntu tbciin all" instead uf 
the "many" of Vergil (p. 544). 

In Richard's attack on Riehniond, Graftim adds: "and 
like a lyon ranm; at liyin'. The Hanlyng continuation 
follows Vorgil in giving the date of the battle of Bosworth as 
US(i. (SuHall). Oraftiin uiiiits the fact that Richsml came 
lu the lii-ld with the crown on his head. The desfriptioii of 
Richnnl "nimium olatuiu ac feroc^m" is translated ''a. 
prondr and cruell niynde", wliicli gives a far different 
sense from the '"coragc bault anil fcarcc", the correct 
rendering of the Polydore Vrrgi] translation. 



In tilt version of the Hardyng continuation there is 
little that calls for cunnnent. Of Iho additions the only 
ones of iitiporliincc are the story uf tlio escape of Edward iV 
CiYiniMiddlelianit'astle. which passiMl into Hall and Holinshcd 
and so into Sbakospearr; tho statement that Richard 
appeared at Baynard's CaHtIo hotwpcn two bishops, which 
passed mUi Hall and so into Shakespeare: and the stato- 
fneut that tho canliiuil wlm went to the qucfTi in sanctuary 
was tho Arelihishop of C'antorUuiy. This too was adnpteil 
hy Kail, and is supposed by the editors U) have bern 
arlopted by Shakespeare, Ihuugb ibal is, in spite of its 
unanimous ae-ceptaneo by tlio editors, still a matter of 
doubt. 

A Pflrtain tendpncy of the continuator to emhelHsh liis 
originals is 8«en in various places. Thus in the account 



— 173 — 

of Richard's dream the devils are made to "pull and hale" 
him, and Richard's jfttiTs to Buckiiigljaiii nrv. described 
with ndditiniial adjective?; destined to ining out more 
clearly Richnrd's liypomsy. To hostility to Richard juid 
Uis house are douiitless due the deRcnplioii of Kichard's 
face as "cralihed". the sKfich put in Richfit-d's iiioutli as 
lie sinys King Henry and Ihp oiiiifisioii of More'a praise of 
Richanrs father. 



XV. Hairs Clirmiirle. 

Edwnrd Halt was probiihly born in 149fi or 1499 and 
iHfliJ in 1547, He was eduealeil at Eton and King's 
CoUfge, Cambridge, and studiisd law at (Jra,v"s Inn. He 
entered politics and lipcaiiie a member of Parlianieiit, 
where tic showed himself a staunch sujiparter of Henry VIH, 
maintaining exlrenie theories nf the royal supremacy. 

His book appeared under the title of "The Union of 
the Nohlp and Ulustre Fjimc-liet* of Lancastre and York". 
It is said liy bishop Tanner (.iiihiiotlicca 13ritarinica 
p. 372) to have been first printed by Berthelot in 1542, 
but there is nn satisfactory evidence that this edition (still 
believed in l)y the author of the artich' on Hall in Die. 
Nat, Biog. <!. v,) ever existed. No copy exista with that 
dat« or with a dedication to Henry VHI^ and the sole 
evidence in its favor is the ftxistence of a copy in the 
Granville Library of the Britieh Museum, and of another 
in the Public Library at Cambridge., containing leaves with 
initial blooming letters wliieh differ in their fonn and 
rougher workmanship from those in the known perfect 
editions of 1548 and 1550. When we connider the many 
changea made in a single edition of many other iniiport;int 
works of Ibis period, this evidence affords no reason for 
diKbelieving that the edition issued by Graflon in 1548 
wa.<i the first. Additional evidence that the first edition of 
Hall followed the Hardjng continuation in§tead of preceding 
It is afforded hy the way in whicli Hall expanded his 
translation of Pidytloro Vergil boyoud that of the Hardyng 



— 174 — 



contiiiuatioa. Had Hall's fuller work, on the other hand, 
existed before the Hardyng continuation, the way in which 
the chroniclers of the time acloplctl whole the work of 
those who went before thera makes it evident Ibat the 
Hardyng; continuator would have juiopt^J Hall's work, 
We slioukl hjive bad, ff>r example, Hall's exteiulfd Speech 
of Lewis to the <iuee.ii (not in Polydore Veri^l, and only 
slightly sketched hy the Hardyii:^: continuation); wo should 
have had tlie detailed conversation of DuckinghHUi and 
Ely which Hall added to Moro's nurrativp, and the story 
of the flood that proved Biickingh£iiii''H utidoirig. 

That the one work was known to the author of Ihe 
other is proven by various cofiljfcidences of language and 
statement for which the common original, Vergil, aiTords 
no hasis. 

Hall had hefore his dwith completed his chronicle to 
the tweiity-fimrtli year of He^nry's rei^i, la'i'l. By iiieanB 
of "diuei-s and uiaiiy paniiihleti\s sind papers" wliich had 
belonged to Hall himself, (ii'aftou ln-oiiyht down the 
account to the end of Hiuny Vlirsreigu. Another edition 
was issued in 1550 with a new preface (ef. Die. Nat. 
Iliog. sub Hall and (ji'aftuu), 

Hall profeseed tu have "compiled aud gathored (and 
not Miadiil out of diuorsc writers, as well forayn as Englislio", 
his "sinndo treatise". HIk trcaltueiit of the reifrii of Ed- 
ward IV is a translation of the work of Polidoro Vergil, 
with largR additioiif! from de Couiines on English affairs 
ill France, u few delails from Fabyan, and othi^ra the 
source of which it is impassible to deturmiuo. Many ad- 
ditioiH of his own also appear,, ay will he noted. 

The following citatious arc made frotii Ellis's reprint, 
1809. 

The earliest ineutioa of Richard in Hall !.« the Htat^*- 
ment (p. '253) that bis mother after the death nf her husband 
sent him with his brother George (Clai'cncoj to Utrecht, 
'"where they were of Philippe duke of Bour*;oyiie, well 
receyiied and fested, and so there tliei reinayned, till their 



— 175 — 



brother Edwarde bad obtejaed the Eealnie, and gotte« 
the regiment". 

Hall adds to Vergirs account of the capture of Benry, 
the name of his captor, "one CEintlowe", from Fabyan. 

In treating of Edward's nmrriago. Hall coiisidors the 
statement of some that Warwick was sent to Spain to ask 
for his master the hand of EHzaheth sister nf tlie king of 
Castile. Re finds from the inscription on her tomb tliat 
the lady was at this time only six years of age, while 
Edward was over twenty-four; so that such a project was 
very unlikely. Certain it is, mi>reover, that application was 
made for tlic hand nf Lady Bona. And therewith Hall 
comes back to Vergil's story, enlarging it in detail. His 
account of Edward's niarnago is iis fnllows; "The King 
being on liuntyng in tlic forest of Wycliwnnd hesyde 
Htonnystratfordt^, came for his recrcacinii tn the mannor of 
Grafton, wiirre the duclies of Bedford soionieil, then wyfe 
to syr Rictiard Wnduile, Tjord Kyiiers, on wtinni tlii'ii wfis 
altendyng a doughtor of hei-s, called dame Elizah-'tli Oreyc, 
VTfdow of syr Ihon Orcy knight, slayn at the last battf^ll 
of saincte Alhons, by thf imwer of kyng Edward. This 
wydow hauyng a suit to y kyng. cither to be rcitored by 
hyni to some Uiyng taken from her, or rp<iuyring liyin of 
pitie, to Laue some augmentacion to her liuyng, founde 
such grace in the kyngef pycs, that he not ouely fauored 
her suyte, lint imiche more phaiitasied her person, for she 
was a woma" more of formal countonauncc?. then of excellent 
beautio, hut yet of such Ijcautie dt fauor, that with her 
sober donicanure, louoly lokyng, and fpmynyrie sniylyng 
(neither to wanton nor to humble) hcsyde her tounge so 
elo<iuorit. and her wit so pregnant, sh« wae able to rauislie 
the uiynde of a nieane person, whe/i she allured and 
mside subject to her. y hart of bo great a king. After 
that kyng Edward Lad well eonsidorcd all the linyamt'/jtus 
of her body, and (he wise and womanly demeaoure that 
be saw in her, he (leteniiined flrst to attewipt. if he might 
prouoko her Ut be his souereigne lady, promisyng her 



176 



many gyltes and fayre rewardoe, affirniiiig farlhor, y if she 
would tlmruiitn L■lMl.lli^?c.^!nIl, slie niigbt so fortune uf Mb 
peramour ami coiiculijiip, tn he diaunffeil t^ his wyfe & 
lawful bo{lf*;low: which detnaiind^ she so wisely, and witlj 
BO couert speache aunswered anil reputed, affirmynge 
that as shfi was for his hrtnor fane viiable to he liys 
spouse antl bedfplow: So fur her awno poore hojiestie, she 
was to good to l»L' eiUiiir hys coneuhyne, or souercigne 
lady: that wlicre h<i was a littfU liofnn' heated with the 
darte uf Cupido, Lf was iiowo set all un a hole buruyng 
tyvG, what for the cflnfidencfi that ho had in her perfyte 
constancy, and tin? trust ihat ho bad in hev cnnstani 
chastitic, & without any fartlicr dcliheracioti. hp dclcrmined 
with bim solfe cleruly t-o marye with her. after that askyiig 
couuHiiiU of thcin, wliielie he knewe neither wouldc nor 
nnw durst impugne liis concluded purpose" {p, 2G4), 

The causes of Edward's and Warwick's dissension 
are repeated as in Vergil. Speaking of the attempt of 
Edward on a lady in Warwick's hnuse. Hull translates 
Vi^rgil's "nee a[)Lorret a uerilati.''" by "it errelh not far 
fi-ora truth", and adds that the laily was Warwick's daughter 
or niece. Treating of the conspiracy of Warwick with 
his brothers, Hall swells the speech put in Warwick's 
mouth by Vergil, and extends Verge's account of Monta- 
cute's unwillingness. 

"The lurde Marifjues JMuiitaeutc] eould by no nseanes 
bee reduced, to take any parte agiunsl kyng Edward till 
the eric had bothc promised Ujni great rewardea and liigh 
proniocions, and also assured Iiym of the aide and power, 
uf the greatest princes of thf realnie. Eue as the Miu-yues 
unwillingly, and in manner coacted gaue his consent, to 
this vnhappy coniuracion . . so with a faiut^e harte and 
lease courage, he alwaies shewed LynisoU" enemie to Kyng 
Edwarde, eseepte in bis lasto dale: whiclie lukewamie 
liarte, and double dissiuiuhicinn, wer bothe tlie destruccioii 
of hint and lii^ brethren " {p. 271). 



— 177 — 



Hall Jiascrts tliat Clarieiicc's oiiposition to his brother 
was causpf] by tli€ grand raarriaEes formed liy Edward 
for his Tvifc's n-tiitivr-s, "'niariiigrn'V siiys Claroiici"" at (lie 
coiichisiou rif ii Hpfctrh to Wiirwiek jjut into bis inoutli hy 
Hall (who very often writes a speech where Vt-rgii luorely 
indicates oticl, "more meter tor liis twoo bretlircii iinil 
kyiiiic, then far HMcho. iu'wi' l'yundl.vng<'S as ho hath Ix-stowod 
theim oh: But bj sweto saiuctc Goorgr I swearc, if my 
broth<!r of Gloiicnstpr wouUI i'lyric with iiic, we woulde 
make hyiii knowc, that wi' were all three 0!u> iiiaiiiies 
sonip, 4>f (inn inntlier ami niii' Ugiiat?p tiiHcrnded, wliichi! 
shoulJc ho inort' prrli-rri'd and iinmiolcd. then straurigers 
of bis wifi'S hJoiiil" (p. 271). 

Hall's atrcouat of Kiiifj; Edward's pscai^' fnim Miildlt'- 
liani varips froui Vcrgfl's and is very sindlar to that of 
the socnnd C'royliiiiil coiititiiiatioii. ''"Kyii^^ Eilwnrd Iteyitg 
thus III captiiiilr. s]iakr cwv fayrt' tii tlii' Andi*'hi.^lniii iiiid 
to tlip olIiiT kepois (but wLetlier lir corruiitfd thi'in with 
iiioiH'y or t'iiyr'f |ironiisrs) hv bad lilHTlin' diiirrs dayi-s to 
tro OH liuiilyii),'r, and i>iir day i>ii a playiii' iLt-n- iiiel. wiib 
hyiii syr William Siaiilpy, ayr Thomas of BorngL, and 
dyupfs oIIht of liys fn-Mdcs, wiHi such a gJTal lie-iul of 
men, Ihat rifitlier his kt'iii-rs wiridde, nor once durst uioue 
biia to retorne to prison agayn" (p. 275). 

Ill dfscribing Warwick's and t'lareaci^'s doinfrs at 
Calais and la France, Hall copies the story of De CoiiiiiK's, 
incUidiiig tlip iHf'ssagc Jioriic by the strango damsel to 
Clarence. Hall stati-s that Edward was lanrrii'd to Antie, 
ail evident mistransbLtion of VergiTs ' "ih- spoil detur". 

At homo Edward had succeeded in winning over 
Warwick's bi-other th*' Marquis Rluntaeule, who "humbly 
yiddi'd liymsell', and vowed to bee I'uer triie to the king 
(as he had doen hefoi-e tyme) whom lie with iiiucln- liuinanilie 
and faire woordcs, did recpiuc and intertaiu". 

Of the wretebedaess and iniKery laslrd hy Rdward in 
his IHght, Hall says, "TUesr souif smai's he tasted as a 
penaunce for his wanton liuyiig. & negligent ouerseyiig uf 



ITS 



tliingcR thnt Hi-' mightr well feaur fnrsoiK^ & proufiitod, Imt 
his niytid was so gpucn U> pjistymp. dalyaunce, & sensuall 
pli'iipiu'i', that lit' format thi' oldc adage, Haj7igc, in t.viTic 
of pf'soi- pi'ouycli' Tor wiirri'" {]\. '2S4). 

Of Mil' pT'ncPc (lings aliout Edwiint in Biii'^midy Hail 
f'nllows Df (.'Dniiit's' aceoiiTit. 

Al Nntlliigliani (iinl York, as in ShakcBiifarf) Mhtc 
canii" t-o E<tw!ird "sjr Willinni Parro, syr TUonms a Borogh. 
«}'r Thomas MoTitgnnii-iii-. and diuiTS (ithoi's of liys asKiirr-iI 
I'n-iids \\-itli tlii\vr ayilvs, wLicU causwl liyiii at tbt; fyrst 
coHiniing to iiiakr Proclaniiicion in Iiys owne name, iyng 
Edward tlir .iiij. Iioliii'ly siiyiig to liym. Jhat tlioy w(iul<i 
sfTiir no iiiiiii liut a liyiigi'^" (p. 292). 

It was no iimrvc], says Hall, rel'irring ngain to Dp 
Onniines''s story, tliat ClanMicc came ovrr to Bdwarri. "for 
Hs ynu liaiin liard licfoip, ihys marcbandyac wiis lahorcd, 
condu^-trd and rimchidrcl hy a daniscll, wlicii tlii' diikr 
•was in tin' Fi'onch court, to tho eilr-s vttPr confusion" 
(I). 293). 

Aft'T following V'orgil's doscrnption of the battle of 
Barnot, to wbich li*.' adds the slatniiienl that Gloucester 
led till' Villi, tin* King nnd Cliir'']H'(' Un' cfntn-, nnd Hastings 
till' I'liir, Hall iiiidw rni-tln'r; "Sonn- mvtliors write, Iljtit 
tliis liattiiil was fouglit sn ntrt' Uandc, that kyng Edward 
was ponslnjincd In fitrlit liis ownc pcrsom', & ffujglil as 
sore ns Jiiiy num of liis partio, and thiit tlic Piln of Wnr- 
wicko, wliicbp was wont euer to ridp on iKM-Riiltackc, from 
place to plaft'. fioin rankp to rankf, ci>nifortyug his mon, 
was iKiw aduiwil l»y llin Martynrs his brotlifr to i-HyutpiiHliP 
bis horsr, and trie thr pxtrcniitic by liandr sti"ok«(, wliirlic 
if he bad bcnn on his horschncke, miglit fortune to haue 
escapi'il". 

"This pndc had Richard Ncucll erlr of Warwickc, 
whose stoutf stoinackc, and inuini^ihjc coragc, after so many 
atraimgc fortunes, and perilous eliiiunci-s Ijy bitn escaped. 
caused ilf'iitli before be ciiiite to any old age priiiilir to 
stele on hyin. and witli his dartc to take ft-om bym all 



— 179 — 



worilly and muiniain affpccinns: hut <ii'iitli did uni' tliyng. 
itial lii'u could nut do, fw Uy diMtl, hr bud ri'sl. iiran-, 
iHiirtnps, and trainiciillitif. whiclH' hi.s lifi' pirt alihorred, 
iiud ciiiild not sutfrc nur aliidi-'' Iji. :^9(j). 

„^' Wrgil's acnniiit nf iJii- liattie ol' TrwkeslJtir.v Hall 
adils scTfral important di'tnils. As at Barnot Gtouci^stor 
li'd tlir van. witli tlir king in tlif rriitfc and Dnrsct ami 
Jla.stiugii ia chargv of tlit.' ii'iir. "Tin- duko oi'<jI(jUt;i.'HtLT, 
whicU lacked no jxjUcye. valyarilly with bis batlayle 
assoutcd thi' tn'"clio of lh»' Qu^'Ufs f/iniiiirs wiiorn llir Duko 
of Somi'-rsct with im li'ssc coui'sig'i' dvfi'ndcd, tin- ilukt? of 
Glouccsti^r for a vi>ry poliiiquf piirijost-. witli ail hys men 
rt'culfd liiicki'". HiTcuimii SoiiiiTsct iiuwlsoly li-t't. Iiis ratn|i 
tn pursut'. "Tbr iluki- ol OlimL-csirr lakyiigc the auantage 
llmt he aiionturi'd for, tunird agayii fare to facp to the 
duke oi SomcrseLs liiLttayl. wluch (iiutb.vngi' Ipssc tliinkvng 
OH, llifii (»nh(' rftiu'iiii') wiTi- witliiti ii siiial si'.ason, slianie- 
I'ully disKomliUid'". 'Thr duke of Gloccsti^r cnti'iTd lliti 
trciielii*, & iifter liyui tkc kyiig. wIkti- aftt-r no lojig con- 
llirt. tlif Qin^nrs part went alinnst all tn wi-frk<\ I'm- the 
luosi \tavir wci'i- ^ln>iic"'. "Till' liucni^ wjis I'ou/idc In lu^' 
chariot aluiost dead fur aorowe, y uriucp was aiijireliflndeJ 
and kp()1i' close Uy \vr Rycbanl ("loftL-s, . , . Afti-r thp 
fetdo ended, kyiig Kdwsud made a Prodauiatiow, tliat wlio 
so cuer could briii^ pnnne Edward to biiii aiyuo or 
dpiiJ. sliouldr Imiii" an aniuiiHe nf aii.c, 1, diiiyiig Lis lyfe, 
utkd the l-'riiK'es Ufr lu Ijl' saufd. Syr IJ.ir]i(tnl Ci'ofti-s, 
a wyse and a valyant knyght. iiofliing mistrusting tlie 
kyiigi'S forinuM- promysc. brouglit luitli bis iM-isoiier ijriiice 
Edward, beyiige a g<«idly Iciiienine & a well t'l-autircd 
yoiigc goiit''liiian, wliunn- wlk-n kyngi- Kdwurd had well 
aduisod, 111? dcMniTiinlvd ui lunj. Imw Uv dur'st so piosuiiiiit- 
uou^ly onti'r in tn Iiis Hi-alini' wifli haiiiicr diKiiiaycd, Tlio 
l)niii;(!, bi'^yiig liold iit stiuiiai^kf & uf a gnod eouragp, 
answered sayingc, to rccouer aiy fatln^rM kyiigdomfl & 
iMihcntiigp. tVoni his fatlicr' & grniull'atix'r to liiin. and tVoiii 
bill). altiM' liini. tu nic lynralty iliiiuliitad. At wliii'.li wtmli's 



Td 



— ISO — 



kyng BIward sayJ nnthjTig'. but A^-itli liis hand thrust liyin 
from h_vni (or us some say. stroki' him willi liis gimiitlel) 
whom incoiitiiicat. xhey that stode about wliii'he wen' 
Genrgc ihikc nf Clart'iicf. R.viliard iluke of Gloucester. 
Thomas Mniiiiies Doi-si't. ami William lonJ Hastjnges, 
BodayiJj miiilhenHi, & pitinus.ly niani|ud!ecl. Thv hitternessp 
nf which iiiiinliT. sortir of the actors, after in llieir latter 
(Inyes lasteJ aiiJ assayed hy the Ti;ry roii of Justice and 
putiishmeut of God" ini. 300, 301). 

Hall trnnshttps Vergil's account of the murder of 
king Henry and tho dt'SciiptioD of liis cbariieter. For 
Vergil's statement that Houry's body was brought without 
honor from tlio Tower, Hail has (tnidi'iilly froui Fahyan) 
'■with iiilles and gleues pontpeously (if yon call that a 
fuDfnill pnnipi')". and says tUiit the ecHiveyanee to C'bcrtsi^y 
was ■■without Priestt' or Clarke. Tonlie or Taper, syngy^ff 
or saiyng" (p. 303). 

Tlieio is no mention of the hleedinp of Heme's wounds. 

De Coniines furnishes Hall with a full accnunt of 
Edward's proreoilings in France. Hall mentimi.'iGlnneester's 
dissatisfariiftu wlJL llie treaty of Pie(|uigny. "■Hiil llie 
duke of Glouci'ster and other to whom the French nation, 
was luore odioits than n tnde. whose swordes tbnisted for 
Fiench hlnrKl, detesled. abhurred, and cried nut on this 
pea<:e" (p. 314). 

The aeemint of Clarence's death is translated from 
Vergil without udditiou. Later Hall slates that Edward 
was "'set on by stiche as tnuied the cstat<' of the duke 
of Clarence*^ (]). 337). 

The war in Scothmtl is described at length, and Glou- 
cester's activity and success emphasized. "Kyng Ed- 

waj'd nmchi' commended hotbe his vnliaunt man- 

hode. and alw bis piiident pollieie, in coiiuoying bys 
husines, botbe to his owne purpose, and also lo the pi-ofit 
of the Reahne" (p. 33«). 

In treating of tlie death of King Eilward. Hall departs 
from Vt'igil's account. He a.tt<'aiiJts to assign a causae for 



— 161 — 



ti. ■'■Wln'ilifi' it w;is with tlio luclfncoly, and EUijirr tlat 
lir tiiki' witli (111- Frcnrlii' kyng I'm' his viilriilln' iinil vi- 
kyniiin's [in iiiiiiTjing thn- Daujiliin in the hiilj Margnri't. 
of Austria, and not to Uls (iaugliUT Elizabclli. This waa 
the cause assi^nrd by lie C'oniinfs.), or wtit it liy any 
snperthious surl'i-t (to the wliiolie lie wnf? much (rt-upn) ho 
sodainly fell sickc". As the end drew near he sumiiiuDod 
his ncitlfs '"iUHl tlius m ffTcct, tu llicim sjui-'d"'. Tln'nt 
follows a loii^' siH^L'L'L, cntiivly diffi'rt-iit fnnii Morc's, which 
is (riven later. Thus Hall puts in EdwanPa mouth twn whotly 
ditTori'nt siK'i'i'hcR. 

Edward first Hpraks ol' "iLi' liaile ami ladyiij^ iiii- 
hi'cilitip, of our Iiiiniairi iiaturn, and thp cadnkc tni;/ilitip 
of llu' saiiic". Bill so hjiig ns health llourishclh iiiari iliinks 
not of his fnd. This Eilward sjjoaks of liirnsrlt', laein'ntin(i; 
that hi- hail iioL rariTi'd out '■'such puUitiiiao diuisns. and 
good and Godly nrdinauncpg" as hn had di'^tfriniurd to 
piTl'onn. Hl- had iiif.'ant "'"so to hauc dccoratrd thiis n-alnir. 
witli whidesonic Ijawfs. statutes, and (»rdiiiaiini'i's. sii tn 
hauc educated" liis children, that no foreign power would 
venture to attat-k them or Ihe n-alin. All Ihis he wjis 
now olhligt'd to givo over to tiiose ti* whom hi* sjiuki.-, 
knowing 'Hhat nruer Prino^ hearyng sceriter ami eroniie, 
oner realnii-s and rf'gions, hath found or jiroiieil. iiion:' 
faithliillcr coiiiiHailei-s, nor Irt^Ter siibieftt^s". Such he 
coafident-ly expected that they would he after his death to 
hifi e,Iiihlrc-n. "as x\ip verie Imaj^ns, and carnall portratiires, 
of his stirpi'. line and Ktcrnnu'". 

Litth? peaee had he had in life, Imt now ho wan 
KUiunionwl to eternal penciv "Therr'tVu-e.". eotititiued he, 
"uow lor the |M'rlfCtr, and vnnioui'silde eonlidenei^ that 1 
hailO fluer had in ynn, and lor the vnfained hnie, thai you 
haiip euer shewed vntn me, I edtimnende and deliurr into 
your Honr'rnaiiwf'e. hoihe lhii« nrihle reahiie. and my naliindl 
ehihireii. and youi' kynisinen. My childri'n by your dih'LTi'nl 
ouersighl, and pollitii|ni' prniUsion to bee tanght, enfririned, 
and iiisliiR'ted". Yuanff as lliey were they i-nahl \ni 



— 182 - 



traini'd lo virttip or to \\cv. whrrrfnrf hv implorffl thpm 
rather to "■nifikG thpiiii ric-lie itj Liuil]_v kiKJwIfdfjc, and 
verfupoiis qualities, thpn to takti iiaini" t.r> g^lontlc (lu^ini. with 
nlumdiincT ut' wtu'ldcly Irrasure. ami nmridain; supiertluitie". 

■"My kviigdoiii nl>ii). I Ifiir in yniir ginicrriininfc. iliirj,-mg 
the miiinritif; iif my rliilili-cii. rlmrfcyiiir yuu on yoiir liuiuirs, 
oihrs. ami Ihti'lttic. niiulf niitl swnnii' to me, so iriilift'rrpnily 
to onlre anil froiicrnc. tlio siiliif.'rtL^s uf tlip siimr', Ixttlir with 
iiisticc iKiil nii'ic-tL% that tlic willrs ol' (lui kin dors , liaiio 
not to largi' a scoiiy. nor the hartos of t-ho good pt-oplo* 
Uy to iiiiirhi'' i-'Xtr'C'iiiitie, Iter niHthor sotvit'tilly djinntf^d. tmr 
vnkyndly bt'iil vndt-r: Oil 1 am m plcinr, tliut 1 imiste 
make an rndp, and now hefore yoii all I eoniinendp my 
souIp to alniipliti^' God. iny Riiuir.r ami nMJciiii'f: my hoily 
lo tlie woriiK's ol' the yt-nMh, itiy kytigdom io tin.' Prince 
my sonnn, ami tJj you my lonyii^ frpndes uij harti?, my 
tnist. find tny wholi' en n tide hoc. And ciu'ti with ttisit. hf 
fpll on slepc'" (PI). m9 341). 

'Having rearln>d tlir end of Kdward's reipn, Hall now 
adopts; the unrk of Mnr'c Imdily info his lest, as tlif Hiirilyng 
eoiitiniiiitioii had lionr lii'lnrc liiinr/ In doing so lie cniiicd 
word for word thf version of the Hardyng conliniiation. 
Thesn two reprints of More are, acoording to Rastoll, 
"■very inntdir cnmiptr in many plnres, soniL-tync hniiynp 
lessi'. ;iiid simictiiiin liiniing more, nnd altirrt-d in wonli's 
and whole .sentences: nmchr varying fm tho ropTR of his 
uwii liaid.^ In Hidl tiirrn am a very tow slit,dit vcrlial 
idifinp's, Irorti I lie Htinlyng \ersion inul two iiiipurtant 
iuhlitionis. Tlii'Sf I noli; lii-low. A tVw [nitiuto cliiiiigcs 
whicdi ar*^ f^i iniiiorlancc only ns sliuwinf^ tlu> source iisod 
Uy Inler works an' left till lliese art- Irirulril. 

The opening paragraphs of Morc'p work, dealing with 
tliP dentil of Edwnnl i\' mid Ids rliiiriu-tr-r, Hall places 
after Kdwiird'.s dcath-lied speech |Iiy More|. 

Hall hflR Ppmval and notPprsall as the name of the 
liifl-ssengi'r si'til liy Biirkingliam to Richard. 

Hall's account of thu knight who accompanied Hastings 



— 163 — 



to thP council vatics a litllf tVniii ihat of the HiU-dyng 
cortiiiiiation. addiiifi: (as iu More's orij^inal) tliiit lie was 
seiil Ity thv protector. 

Ill the jjioclaoiatkm nmdo by Ricliai'd against HiiNtiny's, 
iipi>iikiiig of !?hon''.s witti us l>L'iii)^ one of HiiHtiii^"(:i ctmnsel 
in tli« trt-asun, Hall adds "'witli wlioiii lio hiyn iiijilitly aiul 
iianirly ilie iiiglit passeii iK'xl bolVire his ilcalli" (p. 3(i:i). 

Hall has llic same accout iis tlic Hiirdyn^ contimiation 
of thy ne^otialions fin- the lady Buaa's liaiid. save that sho 
is railed sister to llii* I'Vcncli qucni (iint king). 

In Buckingliani's speech the CAsa of Biirdet. iiicruly 
nnNitinnctl hy More and the Hardyng coatiniiator, is cx- 
plaiiifd liy Hal! as lullows: 

"This Burdet was a iiinrchau»t dwcllynsin Clippcsyd 
at y si^'-ae of y' croiiin- . . . This man nu-ri'ly |iiiii'rily] 
in f rufflyn}; tynif of king Eilwimlc y .litj. hi-; vnff: 
sait'd til his awac sciinc [iijuniicj that he wmild iniiki* hyai 
inheritor of | croiiur'. aicapynjr his awnc house: Imt 
tlicse wurdi's king Eilwaril itiadi^ (o he niyscoriRlriied, & 
intrrprrteil Ihnt liiirdet meant the rroiine of the reitliiie: 
wherfoiT within h'ss .sjiacc then .111] Jumres lie was ap- 
[irehendcd. judged, ilnnvem luid (|uarti-rrd in. l'liP[Jesydr"' 
(II. 369). 

Tn the Hardyng (■niitinniilt(»ii''s account of Ihe liltli of 
July Mull adds thnt Hlciiard 'Vreiiti-d Edaiinl hit* onely 
hegiittiTl sniuie, a eUlhle ul.X.yeiv olile, ]jrillf:e of Wales'" 
(]>. 375). 

Then fiitldws an extendod account of tlio king's coro- 
ofttion, with the procession. 

"Aftvr More's paragraph 011 llie inward trnnble that 
ensued tit IlieliJird after tlio murder of the iirinccs. Hall 
lirunches off, r'etuniiiitj for tin; inoniiiit to Vergil aw hia 
Hourtc. He ropies Vergil's account of the pi'o)ilo'g 
siHTow and adds to it- ''To [nurtlirr a inan", cried tht' 
pefiple, "is aiueli odious, to kyll a. woman, is in iiianrn'j*', 
vnnatural, hut to slaie and dcstroyi' iiinoceaL liahes. Sl\ 
young enfantes, the whole world ahhoiTPth. and the liloudi 



— 18-i — ■ 



from the earth crieth, fnr vrtigaunee to all iiiifrlitii- God". 
Vor^l's "Quid liic facift aliis. rum suns rriidi'-Utrr nullo 
coram in sc inorifn jiiKuliirit? pro t-i.'rtu lialnMit-rK t>ranaiiIoni 
saeuissimam iaiii Reiiiimhlrcum'" (p. 640) is extended by 
Ha)l into: '"a las what will iif do to otlirr tliaf tluis slianie- 
I'ully ijiunlM'^th liis tiwnc ldt>ud witliout raiisc <>r JesiTl? 
Whom, wyll lit' sauo whon be slaith the poorc lambos 
rtmimitteil to liiiij Ui trust? Now T*r Sf find hotiwld y tho 
most priud tyranny hatli inuadyd the i-oiHiiionM'i'aUli, now 
we sp that in him is m-itho-r hope of iiisticp nor trust of 
moreie l>ut alnindaiicc of crucltic and thrust of innoc<*ntc 
liloudc" (1). 379). 

Thi'ii follows Vergil's lamrnt of llie queen, with liis 
n'tleclion that the liralh of tlio prinrps was the pi-nally 
lor Edward's broken oath at York and thp dratU of his 
brotlirr Clarence: the visit of Richard to York and the 
account of Ins jirncpssion there lestendcd from Vergil); 
Richard's return to Ijondou: tin- |j«'opK'>'s belief iliat "any 
blusteriiige wynilr jieri'luus lliunder or terrible teinpfst" 
was sent of God in priially for Rirliaid's ciiine; and 
Richard's delrrmination to "loiirn over the icffp" and show 
liimself by Ids acl:^ a good man, 

Then Hall returns to Morc's story, as given in tht- 
Hiirdynp cnntittualittn. taliiiiK up the story of Biickinghaiirs 
cnns]jiracy, und fullows lo tlic end Morc's story, omitting, 
with tht': Hardyng continuation, PcrsivarH message, as 
tiaving heen relatef] lielon-. 

For the eontinuatioii of More's nairalive, Hall, like 
the Haj'dyng contimiator. niaki'!? Ufi<' of Vergil's story; but 
unlilto the Hiirdyng continuator. only iis ii Itasis, making 
hiniHcIf large additions. H.i; had besides tlie Hanlyng 
continuation before liini and makes use thf its translation 
and changes in soiiii^ places. 

Vergil's story is not welded to More's by a hasty 
transitional par'agra|ib but the speeplies of Buekiiighaiii 
and Ely are continued al ^eat length. Directly upon 
Ely's words "'in the ]>!irsone oj" your graci'". Hall goes on: 



— m 



"The duke sonipwhat ]naninl.vn;fri' at liis sodainf pauses 
as tboiigli thi>y witp but pan'Titlu'srs, willi a high coiui- 
tcnancc saicd" that Ely's niatinrr uiadi^ it plain to him 
that, hr had "somi' prfinic Imagination" which hi- IVaretl 
to disclose. Thf tliikr" assurt-d him on his honor that ho 
would "hi" as seirrcte in this case as thr drffp and diininie 
person is to the siiigev. or tlic tree to the hiinler". Thero- 
iipoii the hishop, perceiving thp duke's desire ''to bo ex- 
alted and mat,'nifird'' and his hatred and ranoor toward 
EicKacd, spoke out hDldly, "entt'ndyng thereliy lu ooiiiitasKo 
hov to destroyc and vltorly coiilounde kya^e Kicharde, . . 
or els to sftl thf Duke so a fyor with tho dt'syer of 
atnhicion that lie hymstilfc nu^ht . . oscape". In reailing 
aijcient hooks thf bishop had found it "WTitten that one 
owed a duty to one's pan^ntB. ami one's kinsmen and trifnds, 
but one's native country "(Iciitaundcth as a debt by a natural 
Iwinle neither to hn forgotten nor yet to ho put in oldiuioTi". 
This had caused him to reflect upon the preKcnt condition 
of the realm, which seeiiied likely lo be cxtcraiinatcd. 
One hope he had for it. and that was in Buckingham him- 
self, as possessed of all i|ualities meet for a (fovernoi'. 
"But on the other syde when I call to memorie the good 
(pialites of the late protectour and nowe called kynge, so 
Tiolnted and suhueiied liy tyiannyf. 8o clbaunged & altered 
by vsurpeil aucthoritee. so clouded and shadowed by 
biynde and insaeiable ambieion, yc ani3 m sitdaiiilye . . 
transfonned from piditikc ciuilitie, to detestable tyrannie: 
I must nede.s . . affirme. that he is neither mcU: to bo a 
kyjige of 80 noble a realme. nor so famous a reiilnie mete, 
to ho gouorned by surhe a tyraunt*^". Richard had slain 
many nobles, had accused his own mother of adultery, had 
declared his nephews bastards, had finally killed them. 
"Tlie liloud of wliicbe sely und lyttel babes dayly orye tOy 
God. from fjie eaiihc for veniraunee. Alas my bail* 
gobhelh. to remendier fhls bloiuiy bouelier and cnU*! 
miinsfcr". Wherefore lii' eunjiii-ed IJuekinfibaMi to take 
upon himself the crown anil free his countrymen, h'or 



— 186 — 



"jf any fore n prynce . , ye tbe Turcke Ityui sflfe wouhlf 
lake v]»iK)ti li.vtii llii- ri^triiiUMit Imn' uiul tlir crowiir, Ibf 
fuiHimins wDuldi- ratliiT ailiiiil iinti oliL-y liyni, llifii to Ijue 
vndpT suclie a bloud siippor antl child kyller". If Biick- 
irifrlirtin rfl'iiscil ihv {.roww fur himsfU". Ely iinploivd liiiu 
to "sett vji rtjjiitii tbe linat.'!' *>l'LaiK-rtster ur auiiunoc Iht' 
pidest douKhtcr of kynge Edward to some higbe and puys- 
sauntp princo". 

Whon Ely li«.d finislied "y tliikc sitjbcd iind spabf 
not of a great wliilc", wlicrrat tlir bisbop was ahnsiif-d ; 
but Buokini-'liiiHi batU- biui not to be afraid, and promist'd 
to speak furiliLT on tho morrow. 

Thf n<'st day Buokiiiehain sent for tho hishop. Taking 
off Ills bonnet be thanked (Jod for His goodness that 
whrn'fls ilir rralm had birn oppn'ssfd by IT'"''**' stoni)s» 
a rub' ^^■a^ ahtnit to lif proviib'd to His jilonsiirc and 
tbe security of tin' rralni, Tbnn ttirninfr t^i Ely be said 
tbal for liis fraiikrii'SR uf yt'slcnbvy \\o wmilil lunki' ri'tiim 
by rcvnalint.' sill Jiis iboiigbls. Wbrn Kilward ilii-d, I« 
whnni \if tlioujrbl liinisi'lf littb' or riolliinn licbotden, lie 
was naturally not inrlfin'tl to i'avur Kdward's (.-Inldrt'n. 
CV^nsidcrinji!; how the realm should bi* govtTiR'd. an old 
adagp sank into liis ln-ad; "oft. ruitlie Uip iiiatme, wbere 
rbyldrrn rub-, and wmiirn gomrnr". He turned IhercfiH-f* 
atrainst. thr yuiuifr king, tiie qiipe^n ami bcr kindred, who 
"tokf more vpnii tbeni. arid more exaltf-'d them selufs by 
reason rif tbe (iiirne. tlirn dyd the kynjres bri'tbrcne, or 
any duke in bis rrijilnie'^ and for bis own "comniuditie 
and emoluin^-nte" took part with Giouc^stpr. '•Wlionir 1 
ttHsure you 1 thougbto to hi- as cleanc witlioul e dis- 
sim lilac ion. as tractable witlumt iniiirie. as iiHTeilnll willi- 
otlte erueltie. as nowe I knowe hyin perfcetcly to bo a 
dissembler without veritii', a tyrantc withoutHp pitie, ywa 
and worse tben tlie lyrannte phaleres . . . And ro hy 
my ineanes, at tbe lyrsli^ ronn^aill liobbMi at. London, 
when he was most Kuspcetsd of that thynpe that aftGr 
happenfd . . . bn was inadi' Protoptourp and drfender, 



— 187 - 



liotlip of tin' k>nj.'f' fiTiri nt' thv rnalnic. whiche aurlhoritiP 
oni-r jrottfii. and Ihi- Iwn cliyl^in-n partrlir hy in'lidc 
l)riiiiii.'litc vnilcr liis goin-rnniincf, he iK-yng-e nioucd witb 
thrtl jfiiiiwvng*' and coiK-tous S'Ci'pi'"t. tlfsjcrcd to rritrn*'". 
Rrcliant pniiKisfnl that ln' slioiild fn' niatlf imilf^'K'r till 
the kinir was iwnit.v-fcmr. ami nhi-n lie saw Hirkiiijfha]!! 
■•potiicwliat st.Vfkt' al" Ihis, lu'L-aiisi' it wiiw wiilumt |)i'i'ci-il»'iii, 
nnd siK'li a (initcctor vnmiA not lightly pivp up liis iiowrr, 
"in" I lien lirnuirlil in iriKtriiiiio^lcB. aiilcnliki' diKtmircs. 
jinirtiJiiri's;, unil nutiiri'"* nf tlic Ijiwc, willi di'jrjsiritnis <>f 
diiU'i's ft. ft II ''SSL'S, tPHtifieriK k^vng EdwarWs ('liilrinm lo b* 
liiislHnics". Thrse TJiickinjrliRni believed, "so spiyn hy 
nij ii}t\c and f;umnr. hr uf a prutcctuiir was made a k.vnji: 
...at wliiclir tyme he promysctl nuc on liis fid('lii.i(',laijne 
Ins tinnil in iit^Yrii- «l Bayiiardf caslrl. tlml llip .ll. .Vinma 
|>rinrrs sliiiuld Ijiic, and lliiif lu' WMiild so pinuitti" tor 
tliom. and tio niii^ritHLno Itu'Tit in lionnrntilc t'»<tiU(', y I and 
all tht' rraliiu' oiifflil and slmnld bf ccntrnt. Riil when 
he was uncc frmiiu'd kiri)f , . . In' cast a \va,v Id* tdd 
coMdirinns any adder dueth tier skynnp. Vot when 1 iny- 
nelf surd to liim tor niiy part or llic Kitrlr r.f Hart- 
fordiN Intidif's wHiirbc .... Rdwardi' Mrriii(.'(-fidly .... 
vtithli*ddi' O'lini nir, and iilsi* n'linircd lo haiit' tbf; 
office of till- iiijfti conwtHtilc sliyppi' of Kniilande .... 
in lliys t!iy fyi'ste >;nyt(' slii-wyiigr bis giioil iiiyridi- loWiU'do 
nir, lie ilyd not oncly tyrste deliiye ini'. and ai'tfrwiirdp 
deriajr inr, but gnLi"^ mo siifli vnkjnde woordcs, with «iicli 
lnili]l<'N and rclaiinli-H yr in nianiT clipckr' ami ilnrke 
limit' to Ilif vllcrniosi jjnjli- of my piicinnct'"'. Tlii» fceliny 
Buckintfhani conreabMl. "But wU<^n J was crrdibly enfonnrd 
of Ihr lii-alli id' till' .n, yoiiii);c innoccntps . . corilrrtrio to 
hJH faiiJi and promysf, to tbu wliiclic (Jod be my iiidgp I 
mnii-T rtgrccd nor coiidispenriod. O Lord, liow my v<\vm.'8 
panted, how my body trt'iiiljbHl. and niy hartc luwarddie 
griidprd, in «o niiu-tio llmt I km nbliorrt-d (be sifflitp and 
much uidtv thn cixropai^nir nl' hyiii, tti;il I could no k'liger 
abyde in hia courtu, except I shouldn be openly rRueTi(»od". 



— 188 — 



In this itiond. having 'laviu'd a f aiific lo dcpat'li^". Bin'kiiig- 
liufii reUirni^il to Breoknuek. iiM'ditEttiii^ h<>w u> \n\]\ Kiclmrd 
fniMi UiK tlironp. "I siidLie-nly rtMHiMnltred ihal Inrd Ed- 
nuHid duk<^ of SonuTwPtt my gjnii*ll'ailser was with kyngc 
Hftnrj'f the sixti' in Ilie .11. jiiid Ml. de^Tces fn»in Ihnn 
diiko ijf Lutii'.EistLT lawel'iilly bcgnttLMi: So lliat I llioiight 
sum my niotiifr heirig cldPHt dmightor to diiki^ Edjiitinde, 
tlint I w;is ue\tc. licyre in kyng'^ Henry tin.' sixlf". Rut 
DTI liis way liniin' lif met >[ar|r:u'('t. rmiiitpss of Jtirhniond, 
•iu' very daughter and side lieir to the duke ofSomersetw 
Burkingharn's gniiidliithfr's r-tdi'r lirother. Slic» and lier 
suQ Henry stciod htiCtt'L-t^n liini and the crown, a fart which 
he had clean f'orgottiMi. Yet Biickirighaui still thniight of 
(ditaining Rlertioi] as king. Iiiit. meditating on llie cares 
mid triaddcs of that office, he decided agaiast it. Miirgiirot 
besimght Biiekiilghani that he wuiihl petitium the kiag to 
iillow her son _t() return tfi Knglaiid, "and yf it were his 
pjoasiiri.'' so to do, she promised that the erio her eonne 
should tiiary one of kyng EdwaniDs datighlers", This 
rofjuest Biickinghaiii litchlly iiassod over, hut thinking u|ion 
it he eauie to a Mill hfildi-r eidirliision, namely U> unite 
Riehmond to Elizali'eth, "hy the whichc mariage hiiilie iho 
houses of Yorbe and Lancaster niaye he obti-jiTied and 
vntte in ono, to the eU-n' staldysbcnient of ttie title to tho 
erowne of this indde reahiie". 

At this devise Lho bishoi) was greatly rejoiced^ and 
replied that it was necessary to consider whom to make 
privy of tliiti "highe deuitu aad pollilicke conclusion". He 
suggested tljerelore to mako use of Reignold Bray, aii 
old triend of the countess, who came lo the rtuko, and 
returned with the news to his miRlrcKs. 

Ely now nu'ditatcd olitaiiiing his owu liberty, and 
suggested that if he were in his own isle of Kly he could 
make many friends for the ealrrprtse. HiickJnghiini was 
unwilling to let liini gn, as he relied str'ongly on Ely's 
wise advice; Imt the hishoji, "heiynge wyttye as the tluke 



— 189 — 



wtifi wj'lii'*", llnl by iiiL'Iit and cjimi' to Elj, wbonrc be 
ilc|m.rte«I tu Flan(l<!l-s I pp. 3B4— 390). 

Now Itogins again fli? usfv of Vorgil. I indirak' only 
the iniportnnl addilions and cliant:<'.s of IIiUI. 

Hsill, ahi-r liJs usual inimiier, lias an oxtoiidod speech 
hy Lewis, ihc pliysiciaii, to queHn EliKEilJetlj. 

Tn till' iiri'.cHiiif. tif tliiip iiliatidtKiiiiciit nf t]ii>ir l^adfr 
by KLicliiiif^liaiii's iriiops. Hall aibly: '"Tlu' duki' witli all 
lis power merslii'd llimugb tlie Forest of deane pnU'udyii^' 
tn haue jiassi^d lln' finer "f Sciicriin at Gloiirestei\ iind 
llici- 1(j huui.' ii',\'nt.Ml ill ■drtny willi llie Ctnirtiicj.s and other 
"Westeninieii of bis conliiienicy and afftjiitt", wbicti if lie 
liad done no doiilil bill tvri^ Hiebard bad lieut! m ifi'eate 
icopardie tdtber of piiuacion of Ins rciilnic or losse of liis 
life or Imtb. ]3ut se the cbauBCc. befoiv bo could attayne 
io Senernc side, by force fif rntitiiiuall raynn and nioysture, 
tlip ryuer ruse so liigji thai yt ouiirllownd all the counlrey 
ailioyiiing, in soTimeli that awn were drowned in tbeir 
lieJdes, bowtios with tbe estri'iiie violence wni'e oiierhiined, 
child rew werfi cai'ied alicmte the bdih-s. switnniint^ in 
cradelles. hoftsles wei'e drowned on liilb's. wbielie rajre of 
water lasted e^^.ntinniUly ,x. dayes, insomueh thai in tbe 
couiitrey adioyning tln'y eall yt to tins dale, the (,'roat4' 
water, or Hie duke uf BuekjngliarnK greate water. By 
this inundacion the passages were so closed tlmt. nojthof.i 
tbe duke coiibl eitnie oimt HcniTue to Ids eonpliei^s, nor 
they to hyni. dnryng the wbielio tynic, tlie WflKbemen 
lyjigeryuge ydely and willinut money, vitayle, or wagi's 
sodaynt'ly wealed and dcparteil: and for nil tbe dukes 
fayre iironiyses. niaiiaces and ciiforet'iiu'iites, they woiildo 
in no wise aeitlier noo farther nor abide" (p. 894), 

Of Banister' Hall adds, '^w'b<.ii!!i be [Buekinfjliani] hail 
teiidrely hroiiKbtc vp. & wlionir he alione all men loiied. 
fauored and trusted". 

To tlie aerount ot Bnekin^rlianrs captiin- Hall adds 
tbat llaiiiHter lietiayed biin "Ui Ihoii Milton llieii sliiiuf 
of sUropsliire, whycbe sudayuely with a stjonj:*' power of 



— ISO — 



ui»ii iu banieis apiWfJji-iulwl tUo duke in a Utlc ^lo"*' 
aiiJoynmgie to the mau«wii uf HijiiilVn'j' BauasU'r. aad in 
g|iftat*i kast anil cuyll ^iirdr Gouui-iirlird litni iiiipairln! in 
a pilled lilackr rlokr Ut tin- o>1if ul iauJijiuu"ir wljiiiT kyugi" 

"WlR'tlirr tUis BaiiaHk-r Ih^wr^^yt'd tln' dukr- morft fta* 
fftar Klii'U coiu'toutt liuui.v mon do d<'iubt: hut &utv it is, 
tiiiit <sUoitLi'(' afUx , . . iiJM soaiio ajid hcyrc wax«d inad 
and so d.vrd in a \ntift, sty**, his eldest dauirlitrr of cs- 
(wUpnt tn'auti*' was fioduyiu'lie strykcn Miib u louli* U'lM'i-y*", 
Uis wcoudv souiK' wry iiirruelously df^'oi-mi'd (.J' liii? lininn's 
jmd iita4f dwr-eiaU'. Lis youujfor synmf in » sumll puddfl 
was Htra"jfliMJ & lU'ciuDi^U, & Li- Itnyujj of rstrmn' nn'c 
aiTai^riifid ifc loiwd ^'yltio of si 4uui'tbiT and lay liis I'lyrjfyt' 
sauud" (p. 395). 

Ill sjirakiiitr of Bufkin;;li;u)iV suii to he atlniHt*i<! to 
BkilHi-d's jircsfiirf Hall s;iyw: ■■w-!irt|n>f ii wit to sm^ fnr 
fMrdiiM and ijiaci', or wbi'llirr lir Ix-in^ hroujjlil t^i his 
pn>jiiM)cj' *onld Iuuk' sticJiotl biiu ftiUi a dagpiT ixs humi 
llai-n jud;frd" iji, ai*5). 

■Of tlip x'>lf '■>y wbicb Hi'iiry wfts cotivi-yrd batk in 
«Bfety (mill lib tii'Kt atti-iH|)l tn lund in Eri/likiKL IIilII 
MjM), l'oJlowiai(r tlic Hardyii^'' mntiniuiUon, tliitt it was 
"sontt* tlitdii by God to di'lyuiT bom from tbat iicitU mid 
inojuyilip" (p. 3^6). 

y^rial's &tat<'iiiont Uiftt Bichard put lo dcatli some of 
im own bouscliitld ii^ biiirlbciM>d l^y Hall into: '"Divorso 
oi luti lioushuld siyuiiiits wboni <-H\n'r bi? suspccU-d or 
d<nibti'd ^^■l'!■*' ley yi'itiit I'j'iK'ltir put lo .sbaiiii'full dratli" 
(j). 397). 

Vergil's Niiiifjlo yiatnmi'jit (bat Ilie wdcr to kct'p 
Mar^art't Staiiloy <'lnsc was iiilfilUid, Iicpoiih's in 3-Iiill; 
"wUicln' crtniiiKiuiiUuiiii'iili' was a wliili' |mt in cxcem-iun 
and accompli slic'd according to his dreadfuU couwiiaujidi'- 
weiiti'" (p. 39fi|. 

•'Yet [be wildp woniii' ol vciijrHUiicR wau«rynpH in 
lus ited cuuld not be conteiiLiid witli tlif duutji of ditiiM&e 



— 191 — 



his lilnudy fiirj'c agaynst*' a pourt.' ^fiitleuian cjdlod Col- 

lyriplini-nf Ibr imikiiif; a siiiiill ryTiii* nf tlij>' of liis vn- 

funuiiati' couiiciU'rs. wliich \v(t Uk' lord loiu'll. tik Itkhardf 

Ra*!f]yfl'r hif* iiiyschi'uuuR iii,vnioii, and sir Wylliaui <'a,tf'sl>y 

his secrete seducer, whiclic metre was. 

The Kat, the Catle and Louell uur dujrgrp 
Kulri all Knglandtt rnder Uie hogge. 

lyn^e i»,y tlio lios^rpo. the dreadl'ull wddc bore wkJdio 

tho kyntrfs fcUfriiisauncp. but bpcauso the fyrstr lyiie 
omWA ill dogg-c, thi-> TUftHfian couldp not olwornyiitfe t\n- 
re^'impiitt's of metre t:nde tlie second*' vorse iii Bore, hut 
culled tin' bore an liopt't'. Tills poinicivll HclioolcmayKtiT 
(inrrcctmr of lircueH and loiijj;('s. ctuisi^d Cullynt;ltorn'' to 
Im' Eiljlinuiiati' shorter by th*- hod, and too bee deuydcd 
iuto tVuirf (|iiJirt^r«" l}j. 3ft8). 

The truce wiih tb>^ Scots, merf^ly niPiitioiio-d l»y ViTtTJl 
js pvpii in full detail \\y Hall, tupeLln'r with an acmniiiL 
of the ncgotiatiniis. Tlir- tnicc wat; to last thiee years 
(p. 399). Hall add.s that Hichanl, "to haue a double 
titryuffp 1*1 hn bowe", "riitrpati'd a new aliauncc aiid 
niari!ii.'c to !»' coiicludi'd luctwene the jiinucf of Rotlit*ayc 
oldest suiiiic to tliL' kyii^r of ScotteK. and lady Anne de la 
poolc dau^liter to Ihim duke ol' Suffolke iinil lady Anne 
stwter t« kyiig ItiKliarde. whitiie sittiter be so niuchi' 
faunurcd that he wtiidyen^fi^ all the wcies hy the which 
he tiii^ht Hiiauace her olfs|jriiiyi' and liiniai^e, did luit 
onely procure and seki' nteanns bowe to nutke her dauirhtwr 
a pryne-esse. ami cnnfiequently a Qiieni'. but alno aftt-r 
IJK- dratli of hiw sonrif. In- iinicluyinr-d dbon eiJo of Lyii- 
Roliic ids nepliew and her8onnf',heyi'eapparauattoy cntwne 
of Kii^rliiail. dislienerityiijr kyiit'e Edwardi'fi dau;rhh-rs. 
wluiwe linMlireii befure you haue imafd iit* nhauiefuUy -killed 
& jiiurthm-d" tp. 401). 

To VenriPs statement that Laniloisp was ready to 
beti-ay Richmond not bi^cause of any hatred toward him. 
Hall adds the rellection: "'Tliat cursfd hunyre of f^uld 



— 192 — 



and tsecrahle tbirst of lacn\ aiul inwanl fearo of lossc 
of auctboritie. driueth the blynde uiyndos of coutitoua meu 
anil ambicioiis personcs to puilli-s ami iiLiycliif''j« tniiiimiM'«bIi'. 
not rt'mombrintr losse of mmu', oblotju.v ol \\n- \>fv]fW. imr 
ill conclusion the puiiisbaiput of God for tliojr meritos 
auii d{>sertr's" (p. 403). 

In tbc account of Riclinrd's attcnipt to wiu over 
Quueii Elizabctb, Hall makes govpral imporlaiit obangps. 
That tbc DiPssentrrTS first wounded Ibe nuecii's miad by 
rcferrinf; t« th^e slaufjbter of Ler sons is omilteil. For 
Verdi's "baud ita multo post obliia bibiiianim. iiumemor 
datao fidei Marjraritac Heiirici iiiatri, pn-iiim (ilias ni Ricattli 
potcstatein liadit" (p. 5501. wr bave: "And so sbo putting 
ia oliuiou tbr iimrlbL-r of her iiinocciite childrni. Ibe in- 
famy and disbonouiT spnkru by (i. f. coiiceiiiiug| the 
ky»Ki' licr luisbiiiuie. Uif lyujni^t' iu auoutrir leyed (o her 
c]iar;rr, tlie liastanlyiiK f*f l"'r dailtrbtcrs, (orjiettynn also 
y fpitbfull proTucs & open otlie made to tlie couiitfssi^ of 
Riciimniid, . .. blyiided by auaricious affeccion mid sedueeJ 
by llattiTya^e wordL^s, lirst dcliucred iiit^i kyiij; liicbards 
bandes her .v. daughters as Lauibes once agayne coiiiniittPtl 
to the, custody of the raueiious woIfe". Ou Elizalietb's 
mutability Hall says; "Surely tlie iucoiistanciF of this woman 
were muche to he meruelled at, ^i" all wonieu had bene fouiide 
ronst ante. but let men speake.yet wemen of tbe verii^tioiuK* nf 
nature will iotowe their awaf kynde". Foi'Vertrirs"'Ricardus 
ita placata Elisabeth reirina, tilias omiies tVatns ex asylo in 
refriaiii lec^'pit" (p- &5-0> we bare; "Aft^r that kynge 
Rychaj-de bad thus witb glonous pnjniyscs and llatterynp? 
woordes pleased and a|ipeii!*ed the uiutable myiide of 
qufno Elyzabeth wbieb knewe nothing lesse then that he 
moost eiitended, he cniised all bis brolbers daughters to 
bo conuei^bed into bis paleys wilii solenipiio reeeauyag, 
as though with bis newe familier and louyng eatiTteine- 
luent they sbonld forget, and in tbeir myiides nbliterato 
llie olde conunitted initirie and late perpetnite !yraunj<*" 
(p. 407). 



— 193 



Of Richard's coiit|>laint to Hothrram of the bnrronnpss 
of Ills wifi.'. Hull anlils ilial Ri(-hiinl tlLoiii^'lif "lir woitlfl 
ptiuclpato anil oppii to hrr all thcsi' thiiijri's. Inistjnirii the 
stxim-ll luTdf t(] tiiki- Ills ffi'rcti'. Mint hIh/ licryii^'i' this 
iL'niilt;r (>\ Ikt Imslijiiul. ami takyii}; tlim'ihiv an iiiwani 
thought, would not long iyuc in tbis woPlde" (p. 407). 
Of tlio tiiippcsitioii that Aniii" died lij imiHcm. Halls says 
it "is afiirmcd t-o be most likyly" (|). 407)i. In the iiieiitioa 
of Aune's relation to Prince EflwanI Hall translates Vorgil's 
"dosponsata" (15:^4: fld.) hy "inarned", wbpre the Harding 
eonlinuation has "contracted". 

On Riclmrd's desire to marry hiB nioce Hal! traus- 
hites "iit'd ijiiia taiituiii aefas inu'Ua roohuiiaiitf, oniiics 
iiiilinrrebaiit" (|). r350): — "But hocauso- all nu'n. nnd thu 
maydi'ii lici' si'lft? inoost of all detL'Sted and aldiori'cd this 
viilawfiill and in luannr vnnaturall ropulanon" (]». 4071. 

WIn^ii H^'iiry sails from liiitLany, for \'ri>ril's "pust- 
(luam Deuiii jirecatus est, ut fidix faiistiun(|iic' I'ssi'i" (p. 5;V2) 
wo liavp: "After that the eric had iiiade his hunilde poticion, 
aad devoiite praier to iiiliinf^litie (lod, hrsechyiige liiia not 
only to sonde hiui iiioost prosiieniLis wyjidc and sui'l' 
paasa^e in bis jonrney, hut also effeck'ously desyryafre 
hib guodnes of aide & e-onifortc in his necc'ssitie and victorie 
&. supreniilie ouer his eiieitiitis — " (p. 4Ui) 

On Arnold Butler's meesage to Riclunond we have: 
"For Arriold Buttler a vallaunt rapitain, whicli first ask- 
yiige perdon for bi;j offences before tyniL' eoiiiiiiittod 
against tlie erle of Richmond, and that obteyiied. declared 
to hyni that the pcnbrochian? were rpady to .'jcrue * ^'cue 
thtdr attendauuce on Hmv natural and ininiediate tord 
Jasper erle of Penlirookp" (p. 4IU). Tliis involves a mis- 
conception of Vt^r^l's slateiiienl, "Fenbruelieusey . . . per 
Arnohluni Bottelreium . . petita practenrorum cjDnimi?soruni 
venia, m suo Gaspari coiiiiti operatn darb paratos esse 
sign! flea runt" (p. 55.S'. The offences were not Butler's 
only, hut those of all the Pi^udirukians. in tliat they had 

accepted and siTVed the kuiI of Peniliroko created hj 
PdkMtrft. X. \\i 



IW 



Edward TV siiiro Jaspor Imd b^en compcllrd to flep with 
Ricliiiiojui tij Brittany. Ellis's translation has rightly ""ther 
former offenoes" and tbe Hardyng continuation -'al former 
offences", givini;: tin) coireict sense by a propor translation 
of the whole pjissago. 

To Vergil's statement fbat Sir Georgi; Talbot came to 
Richmond's aid. Hall adds: ''with t!ie wliole piiwrc of the 
young'e Earle of Shrcwsburye tbun beynge in warde" 
(p. 41 IV 

OC Ricbiird's niarcii tAi Boswortli. Hall says lie sat '"with 
a frownyng« caiiiit^'nanfle and truculent aspect mounted 
on a ffTftit wliito courser" fp. 412). 

Of the uieetinjf uf fiichnioiid and Stanley, Hall says: 
"Then:' the Earle cami? tir^it to Lis ffttheriulawp in a lytlo 
ckisf" (p. 4i:i}. 

Til the account of Richard's drnani Hall follows Vergil 
clnsi'l| hut adopts from tin- Hiir-dyng pontinuation the state- 
ment Ihiit thi(' ilcvils "piilli'd !Uid liakul hynf, At the close 
of the pai'agraph Hall has a curiovw iiii.straiislation of 
Vergil's '"hnic tristes niigrare eoganitir". whirli he renders 
'"iocunU to departc out of this miserable life". 

To Richard's order of batth- Hall adds that NoTfolIc's 
son, Thoinas Earl of Surrey, was with him. and that RiehanI 
had "horsnicn for wyn^'es on lutlh y sides of his hattaiP*. 
Hall has long speeches of Ricliard and Rithinonil to th^'ir 
followers. 

Richard's begins with praise of his "riiost faithful! & 
assured felowes, niost^' trusty & wetbeloued cheuetaios and 
etocU'd captains, liy whose wisdom ifc polecie" he had 
obtained the crown, "by whose imissaunce and valiauntness" 
be had enjoyed it in spiti- (if the attempts of his enemies, 
and "by whose prudent & politikc couffsaill" he had so 
governed as to omit '"nothing iippertpiiiing to y ofHce of a 
juste pri/icc". "So y I may saie &. truely affirme, that joiir 
approui'd lidelitie &. tried constancye ujaketh uie to beleae 
firniely K thinki', y I ani an viuloul>ted kyng & an indu- 
bitate priuc<;. And although in y iidepcion & obteinyng 




— li 



of y Garland'', T being seducpd & ppoiiokpd by siiiistor 
cou«siiiI ami iliabiilieiAl t-eniptacioH did enniiiiiyt. a facyiieroua 
and drtt^statile actc, yet T liavf with strayte pi'iiauiiee 
and salte teryrs (ns I trust) cxpiali-d and clorfly purged 
tin- same oft'encc. whirb ablioiiimablr crime I require jou 
of fruudsLip as rlcrely to forgot, as I dayly do rcmooiber 
to deplore iuid lami^nt the Hame". He calls their attention 
to the "case and pcrplpxitir" hcfoi-o tlieni, wliich demands 
pi-nnf of their n lie gi; nice, love, sind duty. "1 dought not hut 
yuu knowt Iiowe the di'uel . . Iiatb entered intu the liarto 
of an unknown welsbiuan . , excitynge him to aspire- and 
tiauct oure realmo . . ye sc farther bow a. coinpaij^ne of 
traytors, tbefes. outiawes and ronnogatos of oiu- awno 
nacioQ bfl ayders & partakers of his feate and eater- 
prise. . . : You se also, what a nowfber of begjrorly Britons & 
faynle halted Krenehinon hi; witli liyin arriued ta distroy 
vs ouj- wyfes and ehildren". Like hnvm before tlie grey- 
hound "astoncd &. aniiiacd with y ordy sijrlif of the manly 
visogos of Hirhard's soldiers tliey '"will tice. mnne & skyr 
out of the felde''. Thi^n? un: many signs of victory. "And 
U) begyiL mth tbe earle of Kichmoiide Captaiut' of this 
n-'l)olli«.iji. be is a Welab mylke soppe, a ma" of small 
couriige and of lessm ^'xpcrieiiL'e in iiiarcyall actes and 
foates of waire, brought vp hy my brothers meanps and 
niyne like n ca])tiue in )i elose eiiire in the court of 
Fraunces^duko of iintairif, and neuor saw arniio, nor was 
eiercised in [iiarcial afl'aire.s", .. ko for the- FrenshniP" & 
Brytonn, thero valla'itiies ys siucbe. y niir noble progenitoi-s 
A your valiaurit parentey. hnw Ibi-ni ofteniT vajjiiuished & 
oucrrome in one nioneth, then they in y beginnyng iinagencd 
poBsiblt) to cof'pasi»e & fynishe in a hole yere. Whfti^fore, 
... like valiwnnt ehawpions auau"ee fuilb your sUnidsirds 
. . . fotwiinl my eaptidiis. in whom liK-ketli neiiluT p^jlliL-ii* 
wiBdomff nor pnissaiince. . . . And as for mr, I assuro 
yon. tbi,>» day I wil lriuH*plie hy ^'lorions vietoi'ie. or sufTor 
death ffir iiniuuftal fame. For thei ho niaibmeed & out 

13- 



— 196 — 



of y palice of fame disgraded, die^g w'out renoune, 
M'hifh da not aa luiicli pi'pferre & exalte y perpctuall honor 
of tbf-'ir natiue couFitroj, as tbtr awne mortal & trausitorie 
life. Now Bent George to borowe, let ys set forward, & 
remember wel y I am he which siiall w^ high auaimce- 
mentcs rewarde & preferre y valiauiit & hardy chawpiones, 
& puiiislio and tunnent the shameful cowardes & dreadful 
dastardes" (pp. 414^116). 

Bichiiiond doliverod his speech from a 'Ujtell hyll so 
that all his pfjople myght se and b^Iiolde hym perfltly to 
there great roioysyng: For he was a man of no great 
stature, but so formed and decorated with all gyftes and 
lyniameiiti's of nature that be semed more an angelical 
creature then a tPrrestriall pei-sonage, his countenauncc 
and aspect was dierofuU and eouragious, kis hcare yolow 
Ijfce tlie l)urnish('d golde, his eyr;s gray shynynge and 
tjuickp, proiupte and ready in nunaworyiigp. but of suche 
sobrietir that it couldc neuer he iudged whytlier he were 
more dull then quickc in sppakynge (sucli was hys tern- 
perauncpy (p. 416). 

Richmond hegan with an appeal to tlie justice of his 
cause. *'II' cuer God gave victorie to men fi^htynge ia a 
iust quarell? or yf he Cuer aydcd such as made warre for 
the wolthe and tuicion of ther awne naturall and untritiue 
couutrey? or if he euer succoured them whyche aduentiired 
there lyues for the relefe of innocentca, suppressyngo of 
malofactorea and apparaunt offenders? No doubt my 
fi'lowpH and freiidee, but he of hys bountefull goodnes wyll 
this dayt- sende vs triumpbaiit victorye and a luckey 
iourney oucr our prowde cnemyes , , .^ for j'f you remember 
... the very cause of our iust qujirell, you shall appa-- 
antlye porceyue the same to be trewe, Godly, and vertuous. 
. . . Our cause is so iuste that no euterprice can be of 
more vertue, bothe by the lawes diuinu and oiuile, for 
what can be a more honest, goodly or Oodly quarell then 
to light agaynste a Capitajne, beynge an homicide and 
murderer of hjs awne bloude and progenye? An extreme 



— 197 — 



destroyer of hys nobylytip, and tn hys and ourc countrpy . . 
a deadly nialle.a fyiyc bnaiide and a burden vntolk'rable". He 
and his folluwers ''liaue disheryted tiie and you and wronge- 
fuUy deteyne and vsurp*} ouer lawofidl patrymonye and 
lyneaU inliorj'taunce .... which ptTs^ones for ther penaunco 
and punishment 1 douhte not but God of his guodnes mil 
eyther deliuer into our handos as a groat gayne and booty, 
or cause them Ijeinge groued and cominincted with tjie 
pricke of ther corrupt conscienrea eowardely to (lyo . . . : 
benyde this 1 assure you that there he yonder in that great 
batlail, inpn brought thither I'nr feare and not for loue, 
80uldioui-s by force compelled and not w' good will as- 
sembled; persons which desyer rather the destruccion then 
saluacion of ther master ami captayn: And I'ynally a 
multitude: wherof the most part will be our fi'endca and 

the lest part our enemica God appoynteth the 

good to confoundo the yll . . . . If Uiis lie true . . . who 
will spare youndcr Lyrnunt Richard . ■ . vutrewely callyng 
hyitiself kyng ... the confusion of hys brother and 
raurtherer uf his nephewes . . . hothe Taniuiiie and Nero: 
Yea a tyrauft mor then Nero, for he hath not only 
murdered his neptcwc beyiig his kyng and soiieretgne 
lord, bnstarded liis noble brethern and defamed the wumbe 
of Lis vcrteous.. mother, but also compased all the meani;s 
and waies . - how to stuprato and carnsilly know his awne 
nece .... Long we hauo sought the furious bore . . . 
let vs not feare to enter in to the toyle when' wc may 
Buorly Bley him , . . Yf we wyn this battailU y hole 
riche realnio of England . . shall be ours . . . now is the 
time come to get abundaunce of riches and copie of pro- 
fit .. . Uenicmbcr y viotnrie is ruf gotten with the nudti- 
tudo of men, but with the courages of harles and valianntnes 
of mynrtes. The smaller that our nombrc in, tlio more 
glorie is to vs yf we vanguishe, if we he ouercome, yet 
no laude is to Ite attributed, U) tlie victors, eoiiwyderyng 
that .X. men fouglit agaynst one: and yf we dye bo 
glorious a dpjitli in so good a quarell, nether fretyng 



198- — 



tyiine ftynn'l imr cixni'iiriliiifi; ithliuioFi glial be abler fa 
oM'usfatu or rii,c«! out i.>r tlie Ijotc uf I';iiik' etliw our 
names or our Godiy aUempt. And this ouo thjiig I 
as3<;iiro yuu, Ihiit Jii sv iusto :\ii(l guild a cau&c, and so 
notable s ([Uiirell, yoii shall iyudt- tiie tliis ilayp, rather a 
dead carioii vpiJiui Lhc cuoEi! frrauiule, tlieu a fre prisoner 
on a carpet in a Inytlcs rhainbLT. . . . And iiow nuauweo 
fonvard tipw lupii against traytors, ptiifull persoiics against 
muriherers, tri'w iiilu'ritors agiiiiiftt vsurpi?rs, y skorges 
of God against tirau^ii'S, display my banner with a guod 
i'niiiagf\ niarchr furtJi likt' sIjoti^ & rubuslioiis cliaciipiuns. 
& bcg-yn y battail like liiirdy conquL-rws, ihn Ijutiaiil is 
nt liando, & y vietorifi apprnehi-th, & yf wo shnnifully 
recule or cttwiinlly flyc, wi; and all our si>-r|uell he d'pstroyd 
& di3lionorcd ior cuer. Tliis is y dain of g'ivywf', i& this 
is y time of losec. get tUis day \ic.torio & ho c()/ii|iierer3, 
& lose this daies hattail & he viUaius & therforn in y Qiime 
of (lod A saiwct {rcoi-gr let curry ma/i coragiously auaimce 
forth his sta/idard" (pp. 416—418). 

Hall fitlliAvs VorgiTs arcnnnt of the battk', making 
eevei'al adiHlimif;, only a frw of which arts itnpoHant, 

Vortfil's stal^'ml■n^ tliat H4>nry liaii the sun at hi* hocli 
is enforci'd tiy Hi'" mi<liti<iii "and in tbi- laoi' of hia mic^niics". 
The stati'inuiJt ul (ln' llardyii},' cimliMnaUoii that Kicliard 
ran at Kichinond "h'ko n hungery lion" is adopted, and 
"with spi'r» in rv.nl" added. Con re rid til; ilm shUn duke 
of Norfolk Hall adds: "'ttbiohe was vanu'd l.y dynoi's u> 
i-efrayiiB from the fphle. in su much that the nygljte before 
he s^h'uilde si't forwardc towanlo the kyrigo, one wrote on 
his gatL'. 

Jnt'L: 4ir Mm-rrullict< be not to bolda 

Fur i>>kuii liiy mn.;il«r is bought iiml soliln. 

Vet all tills iintwithstandynyi; he regardei! ninre his othe 
his honow and proinysi,- niado to king Richard, lyku n 
giiiitlpman and a fajlhet'ull suhii'cte to liis prince absented 
not him selfp from bys maystpr, htit as he faythefidly 



- 19H — 



I>'ueil viider hyni, so lie majifully ilyotl wltfi liyiii to liys 
KiTiitii fnini' ftiid Iivwdt'" Qi. 419). 

Of till: taptiireil Enii of NortLuiiilKTlami Hull adds 
tliat lie, "wliitlier it was by the ccimninundoiiumt nf kyiig 
Ricbarde piitt.vii^'c diftidi-'iicr in liiiii, or lif dyd it ku- Ihe 
itnie & iaaur tlmt liti Imir vnVi tlin Piurlo, stode slill with 

ate conipaigtiiii & intoiiuitti^d iiol- in Uia battaiU" ([>. 419). 

Hall follow's Vergil's niifilake in dating the l>attle a 
year too Jatf, August 22, I48<>. 

To the statemotit that Henry g&va thniikB to God, 
Hall adds: "'«"■ deuoute A Gwlly orison-s bcsochyng bis 
goodnes to send lijiti (p'aco U.> iiuauiicu & defuudu tlie 
catholike fayth & to niayiitaino iustice & concordc amowgest 
hig subiGctcs &. iM'opIo, by God now to bis ^oucrnaLnce 
committod & assif(iit*d" (p. 42(3). 

The story of Lord SEraiigf's r«8i;UQ is likowise due 
to Hall. '"1 must (lut you here in rcuioinbraunco how that 
l^nge Rioharde putiyngc Boiiie diftidi-nco in Ihe lord Stanley, 
which had w' byni as an boslagt;, the lorde stnmngc liis 
clJeat soiinc, which lord Stanley as you hauc hpard« lierore 
ioyni'd ni>t at tbi^ tirwt witli his sonw- in la*fles JinnyB, foi' 
ifiiU\: that kyn^'t; Kiduirdf wouldc haue ylayuc Lbu Lonle 
Strauiige his heyn^. Wlinn kyngr^ Rycbarde was come to 
PoBWoorth, he sent n pnrtiouaiinl li.i t\w lord Staiibiy, 
coiiiiimiiiidyng liyni to iiiiaunci^ fiirwitnl witli liys i:i)nipai{,'nie 
niid to wrnie to his pn^soncD, whiclio thyngo yf ho refused 
Lo do, ho swan- ljy ('lu'istM pitssioit (hiit lio woiiUlc stryko 
of his soiintis bc-ddi- bi.-foro bu dinod. The lonU' Stnnlcy 
aunswered Ihe pursiuaunt that yf the kyiitfc <lyd so. be 
bad more aonin^s a lyu*'. uud as to conio to byni be was 
rml llH'n ho detfrinincd: when kyiige Kicbarde. Iiardf this 
ftunewere ho comniaiindcd thu lordu Straiingi; iiieuntimMit 
to bt' btjhL'ddud- wbiehe was at that very same seusoii 
when biitb thi.' annyes had sight cclie of other. The 
(viuusaiUern of kyng itychard pomleriug tho tinio and tho 
cause, knowjTige also tho Liorde Strauiige to be innocent 
()r his t'utlii'i'H olTenpc. jierswaded tlie kynL'ii that it was 




— son 



now time Ui fiiilit fiiui ni>t. titiie to psenicion, adiiisyngo 
hira tu knpo llie Lorik- Straimge as a prisoner till th« 
battayl] wcni fiidwl, rtrnl then at Lej;5?i- his pleasure might 
be accompheliod. So as God woulde kyngo Rycharde 
enfryngyd liy.s holy otiic, iind the Lonlc was rieliiirTcd to 
th(j kupcrs of the kyn^rej? loiit^j-s to ho kejit as a in-isoncr, 
whyclip wbtm tlie feltte was done and their master elayno 
and iiroflamacfo" infldi* (o krowe wen' tlift tibilib- was (hey 
subiiiitti'd thi'iii wclfys a.s pfysoiiers to tlii' Locd Straiuigi', 
aii(i lit! gyiiLlj rrtcoyuivl iln'in mid ln'ought them to the 
newe iiniclanicd kiiifr. wliiTi- of hiiti and of his Father 
h« was ri'CL-yut'd with gi'eate luje and gladnes" (pi>. 
420—21). 

Of tlio hi'iriffiiijr ol' Kichacd's hndy to Leicester, Halli 
adds thill it "was ti-tissi-d hiMiynilc a persiuaiirit of armes 
called hlauiiclii' seiiglitir nr whyle bore, lyke a boggo or 
a ralfi-', "and all hy sprynclrd with niyir aad IdiHidti". 
Verjril's alateun^nt tliat IMclianl was hurind "sinv ulloi 
i'uni'i-is Jioiionv' is satirirally jinraiihrafrd tiitn "wm with 
no h'ssi' i'uiurral p(iiii|ii-. and woli.'iiipnitif eiiti'iTcd, then ha; 
woiddf tn lie iU>\M- at llie Ucr'yii^ of Ids illisiioent lirpbiwea ' 
whoLjLi- bo caiisfd ciindlif to ho iinirllkend and vnaalurallji 
to bo qin'Ilod'. 

In the (Ipscription of RichHrd. for A'ergirs '"of hndj 
detbniied (corporc? drturrni)'" Hall haw 'N.if body f^reaily 
rti'formed", for "littto body (eorpusculo)" he has "cniell 
body", and Vergil's ''nniniaiii {iiilfni i-latuni ac fcroeca!" ha, 
translates not "■coiiiiigi' liigli &. lii'rei'" iiut similjir-ly r,o tboJ 
Hardjng continuation "'a proud mynde and an arrogafftj 
stomacke" (p. 421). 

The iu-cuunt is coauluiled Ijy Hall with the words: 
"Thus ended tide prince bis mortall life with infnmie Rn< 
dishonor. wbiL'iu.' nriirr nn'fiTivd fame or Ii<ini.'sti'' hrforo 
ambirion tyranny and Miys*cliiefe. And yf he bad ennfinued, 
still Protccloare ami siifftTod his iieiibewes to baiin lyueill 
and reigned, no ilotdit hiil the realnie liad prospiTPd and! 
he muehe prajeed and boloued as lie is nowe alihorreM 



— 201 — 

anil vilipcmled, Init to Ooti wliiche knuwe his interior 
rogitadons at thti howrr of iiis (jpathc 1 ro]!!!!!!- tlit^ piinish- 
lueiit uf Ms ufi'eiicc'S n-oiiiiriiltod in liis lylc" (p. 421 1, 



Tln! Wfirk (if Mi»n.' is a Iii(iji;rnpIi,T of Rirliarti. and its 
feeling is fhr'nuj^bnut iiniUsiMl liy anil ilinTtrd (."ward tlw 
central ti^uni of tlie storj". Vei-fjil's iiurpoHc was a far 
gTPflter oin\ nanifly to wrilo -.x liistury of England from 
t.be bc'^nriinfi^ iluu'ii tti his own I'mw.. I'oiirL historian as 
he was, in liis account of tht; striipglft of the Koses hia 
a.vtnitnlhif's ■wrre prrdoniiiiantly Lnnraslriiin. Yei hit? account 
of this period is not wntlen for itself iilorio. nor |iriiiuirily 
lievoted to proving justiep of tiie Latifastrian conteation. 
it alwaj;j rcniain^ coiiditioued l)y tiie fiiot that is hut a 
part (if 11 far grc^iltM' whole. Thv |juri>osf- of Hall was 
iUn'('!'*'al fnita that i:"ithi>r (if itort? or of Vermeil. II was, 
as the tilJi' of liis hook deolaivs. to wnlc thi^ history of 
the contentiuii hctwppn York and tjaiicaster, and tin- spirit 
in wlitrh lie uppi'ujH'hf'd his task is soi'ii in his intniduction. 

"What niist-rie, what ninrdpr, aail what expcrahle 
plagnrs this fatamiK ri'ninn hatii snfTprfd liy tin* di'iiisinn 
and disLTiiciuii of liif icinuirni'd hmist's of LaiiL'itHtni and 
Yorkp, niy witte cannot mniprphende nor my tonnj; due lare 
iirtlH-r jL-t nij pLMiiii- fully sot furtlic. . . . Bnt thi- olde 
di'iiided L'unlruin^rsiii bflwcrn." the 1'orcnnnn'd faniilii-K of 
Lawcastrc and Yorltc, by the vnion of malriniouy celebrato 
anil ronsutnaiati' hftwenr Ih*^ liifrh anil Tnifrhty Princii Kyri}? 
Henry the scuentli and thu lady JClizahL^lh his nuiste worthy 
Qnene, the ono bwyng induhitfitc heire of the hous of 
(.ancnstr'v, and th>> otlifj- uf Y^'rke was sufipmidfd and 
app!tlli:d in llw pfrson of tlicir niosli! noldc^. pnii^simt and 
niif-dily heire kyng Hf^nry the <'i^hl, and hy hym florcly 
buried and p»'r]»f'tually <?xtinrt. . . . What pr'ntiii'. wliat 
comfort, what, ioy snerxii'di'd in th(i n'alnii' of EnjrlandiOjy 
the vnion of thu fornaiiuiil tun [lohle fainilii'S. you shall 
iipparantly perceiut^ liy the srijuolp of this nido and vn- 
learned Instnrv. Anrl hccanHf Ilitire cnn In- no vnion or 



— 202 — 



ftgrement but in respect of a diuision, it is consetiurnt to 
roson Ihiit I inaivifest to you not oiicly the origiiisiU cause 
and fountain of tUe same, but also dwlare the calamities, 
troblos & iniHtTieK wliiclit.' happened ami cliaunccri 
duryng the tyine of the maid cotitencioiis tJiscension"" 
Ipp. 1, i). 

To till? picture of Gloucester's eai'ly career as Irana- 
luilteil f)j' Vergil, llttll iimkps most importanl additions. 
' It seems as if \\c nuist liavo been aniiaateil with a desire 
to ahow the real HtreagtU of Richard and the possibilities 
that, lny in him, had not the denirt- uf the thrnne warped 
his iiatiuT and brought uii his downfiUl; and sui-h a belief 
is made stronger by the words with which Hall closes 
his account of Richard's reign. Had Richard been content 
lo remain Protector, "no doubt but the realme had pros- 
pered and he much praysed and b&loned as he is nown 
abhorred and vilipondwi". Thus to Hall more than tfl 
Vorgil is due- the apparent inconsistency between the two 
parts of the chronicles" accounts of Richard's caret-r, 

Jn Hali for the tirst time is Richard assigiK'd an im- 
portant part in the battles of Barnot and Tewkesbury. 
Here hf appiiars as Edward's bravest and inost skillful 
clianipioii. We ai-o not only told that in both battles he 
led the van; but his consuiniuate strategy and unequalled 
courage at Tewkesbury aro dpscribed in detail. In Hall's 
account it is Richard who leads and Edward IoIIowb; and 
to Richard does Edward owe his crown. Gloucester's 
warlike nature appeiirs ajtain in the account of the abortive 
campaign in France. Edward is glad to consent to a 
trucf: Richard's sword thirsts for French blood, he detf-sts, 
abhors, and cries out ujjun this peace. Again. Hall is tlie 
first to give Richard due credit for his campaign in Soot- 
land. There is none of tho condemnation of the Croyland 
coiitinuator — who^ it is worth remendjering, is an eager 
excuser and supporter of the peace with Franco — and 
none of the lukewarm treatment of Vergil. In Hall's 
account appear Richard's "valiant manhood'' and "'prudent 



— 'iW 



policy", and lu^ wins the cointueiidittioii not only of the 
king hut (if the wlmlo n^alni. 

But witii tiiu ciitrauci.' upon Mure's work a new stjirit 
appears. Nor is this MortVs spirit alone, Hall shows hia 
own ferling by sa.ring of Ricliard, "'Lothc I am to renicmbre, 
hilt raore 1 abliore to write t\\\) miserable tragedy of this 
infortunatiJ prince, which by fraudo I'ntcred, by tyranny 
prtjciMird. and by aodayn doatb I'lidcil liis iiit'ortimate Mfv. 
Hilt yf 1 should aot ilcclare the llagieiuas fautes of the 
cuyll princes, as well as I bane done the notahle acts of 
verti'mus kingos, I shoulde ncilhiT uniniati'!, nor iEnioiirage 
rulers of royabnes, countreyoii and seigiuorit^s to fuluwy 
tlie steppes of thfir profitatjlo progenitors, for to attayao 
to iht- Ij'pt) of honour and worldly fame: rioither yet ad- 
ueilisi! princes being proanc to vice and wickednes, to 
aduuydo and eipoU all s-ynne and miscluefe, for droad of 
oblor[iiy, and worhily shamt*: , . . Wherfori' I will precede 
in his actos afler my accustomed vsag-c" (p. 374). 

This animus Hall revcaJK very clearly in his t-on- 
timiation, by the additions be makes to Vergil's accounL 
Hin original is omatantly enilielliBbed to bring out nnore 
strikingly the cruel iialiirr and vviekrdni'ss irf lliehard. 



Thus we liave the account of (JollJngbonrue'a case, where 
Hall siippn'ssi's (-ollinpbourne's restl treason, and makes 
Iliclutnl put him to dc-ath for his ptoffing rime alone. Wliere 
Vor^il itieutiifna the possibility tbalRielinrd poisoned bis wife, 
Hall aflinns tiiat it i.< niotst liki-ly. When Kiehnrd marelies 
lowanl Boswiirtli it is ■wiili a IVi>vviiiiit; eount'Tianei.' aad 
iruculenl aspect". In Richard's speech to bis soldjei-s. Hall, 
by a elevei' trick, niaki's liini eoidVss the erimea with wbicli 
he is ebarged. Tbe aeeount ut tlie taking o( Kiebard to 
Leicester is eiuhellisbed «ith further evidences of boetility. 
Itieliard is hruughl mikcil ucniBS Lbe horse's back '■like a 
bo^ iir a calf" carried to market. His burial is nitended, in 
Hall's mocking words, ■•with no les.s funeral piiiiip and 
aoleinnily than lie would be done at the burying of bi» inno- 
cent nephews". In thij deaeiiptinii of Ricliard's iitTi-oii is i;een 




— 204 — 



the same desire to exapgcrate. VorgiTs statement that 
Kicha.nI was "of body del'onnpd" becomes "of body greatij^ 
deforiuod"'; and "little hody"' becumes "cruel body". 

This is esaggeriition of material supplied by Vprgit; th( 
i9 no new view of Richard's character in Hall save in a| 
sitife'le jmint. Richard la rii])r6ti<?t\Ud as ready to perish,* 
if need be, upon the field of battle, not as in Vergil, bfr^j 
cause rrcoj^izing tlu^ people's hate he is out of hope to 
have any bctii^r hap afterward; but in order that if he 
may not wear thy crown ia quiet he may by suffering a| 
warrior's death win iiimiortal fame, This devotion to fampi, 
which does not apiiear in the Sliakespcanan KLuhai'd, wa^i 
as we shall see, in The True Tragedy made Richard's] 
ruling passion. 

Tn Ibis eiag^a^aled picture of Richard was of course 
to be expected an exa^gerateii contrast in Hall's pictui-e 
of Riebiiioml. Vergil li:ul niiturally declared him to hax'e 
been sent of (lod, and in all reapects treated liini favorably; 
liut there was no coarse flattery. Hall, moreover, out- 
does Rous and embellishes Audio's picture of the "angelio" 
Richiiiund, His. soldiers refoiee in the very sight of him, 
as be ^^^iuld3 before theiti more like a creature of heaven 
than of earth, his hair yellow as burnished gold, his eyes ' 
and face shining, "formed and decorated with all gjites 
and lynianientcH of nature". 

In the general handling of Hall's story appears the , 
same tendency to embellish and heighten the effect of the 
narratives that were his sources which has been noted in 
the descriptions of Richard and Richmond. This is especially 
seen in references t<> the murdered princes. No opportunity 
J8 lost U} heighten the patlioM of their end. They are 
constantly referred to Jis "innocent babes", "soly and little 
babes", '^poor lamlis" and the lite; their blood cries to 
God for vengeance; Ely'a lieart sobs to think of tliem, 
Buekiitgliam's veins pant and tiis body trembles. The whole 
impresKion of pathos and of horror approaches the des- 
cription of the murder in Shakespoarc'.i play, of which 



— 205 — 



iescription it doubtless forms the perm. The same striving 
for effect is seen in tbe treatniRnt of tlie Buckingliain- 
Banister episode. In Hall, Buckingliam i& betrayed not 
luercly hy a retainer whom 1il^ had found lionest from liis 
youth; liere Banister becomes one whom Buckiiighain had 
tenderly brought up and abovn all niea loved, favored and 
trustpd. In the same desire is doubtless to be found tbe 
reason why Hall adopts in llie niiiist of More's story Vorgil's 
lament of the (jueen for her murdered children. 

Tbe device of spocchest which bad ab-eady heen carried 
80 far by Aridr*^ aod More was a favorite rhetorical 
embellishment with Hall also. To those which he fmiud 
in More and Verjdl he added a second death-hed speech of 
Edwai'd, a loaf; continuation to More''s speecbea of Buckin-f- 
hani and Ely, a prayer of Richniond on sailing for Eng- 
land, speeches of Richard and Richmond to their soldiers, 
a prayer juid speech of Richmond in thankK>riviii^ for Ms 
succe.ss, and others. These speeches, troubled n-s they arc 
by great prolixity, and hy an abomiuahle habit of doubliu^; 
adjectives and nouns without adding' anything.' to the sense 
— a fault in a slighter de^ee of.More'fj work also — 
arn neverthcIesB often very effective, and surpass all others 
in revealing the ebaracters of lliinse wliu ntter them. It 
in this virtue which led tn their frequent use in essence 
in Shakespeare's play. 

'Of materia! additions made to the saga hy TIall the 
following are the most important.: the account of the 
manner of Edwiird's escape from Middleliam; the refn.sal 
of Montgomery and others at Nottingham to serve Edward 
unless he will claim the throne: the account of Prince 
Edward's capture and death at Tewkesbury, with the addition 
of Dorset's name as one of his murderers: the explanation 
of Burdet's case, mentioned in Buckinsrhanrs speech; 
.Buckingham's statement of the taunts and re-t-aunts with 
wMch Richard met Ms request for the earldom of Hert- 
ford and his abhorrence t^iward the murder of the princes; 
tbe Hood which leads to Buckingham's overthrow; the 




— 206 — 



inscripHon found on Norfolk's gate; the account of 
Stranffp's rescue. 

All these passed into Sliakospoarc. 

Hall's additions wfro Iarg(*l,v adnplcil liy tlni *ucce<>fl-' 
ing clironiclcrs, including: Hi.ilinsliPtl. But Hi>linfJlii:-tl, follow- 
ing' Raslfirs edition of More, and not Hall's version of it, 
and making use of otlior chronicles to increase and correct 
ilall's iiccnnnt of other events, iloos. not have quite all of 
the niatiTial preseiili'd hv Hal!. .Some of the oniitted 
matter is found in Shakespeare's play, and thus we have 
the pronf that Shakespeare used in its prepanitiori not 
only Holinshed's eliroiiicli;. Iiut Hall's as wt-lt. OecUi'J- 
hHuser (Essay Uiier Kiiniy Kichai-d lU^ p. 97 fn.) calls 
attention to one nf tin-si' passages hnrrowod by .Shakespeare 
from Hall, that, namely, where Richard appears in tlio 
gallery tit Baynard'.s L'aatle "with a bishop on every hand 
of liint". But Oechelhliuser iiildw that otherwise th<fre is 
in tJ)fi wliolc piece no indication that Shakespeare used 
any other source thaa Holinshed. That tlus is incorrect 
is shown by Wright in the prefaw of his Clarendon Press 
edition of Richard HI, p. i.xviL Wright says. "Hall alone 
mentions Burdcfs case, to whicb reference is made in 
ni. 5. 76; . . . and in Hall tho eceno of Buekinghaiu's 
execution is the niarket-plaee at Sali8l>ur}', while in Holinshed 
it waii at f>lirowsbury"\ The fornuT instance is connect: 
but in the latter Mr. Wright in turn has fallen into error. 
It is true that Holinsheil says (3:418) that the captured 
Biickinghani was bT-ought to Hieliard at Sbrewshiny, not 
Salisbury, as in Hall: but in Holinshed as in Hall, Buck- 
ingham is expcuted "at Salisburie, in the ojn^n market 
place". To tliv iustanecs cited by Occbelhiuiser and Wrif.'ht 
may be added another. The reversal of Richard's fortunes 
in Richard 111. Act IV, sr. in and tv (bediming) is 
evidently based on the passage from Polydore ^Vergil 
inserted by Hall in More's slory: "And from thence 'forth 
(the murder of tho princcsl not onely all his counsailles, 
doynges and procedyiijccs, sodaiidye decayed and sorted 



— 207 — 

none effi'cte: But. also fortune lipganne to frounp and 
turns her wlioLo dounewartl froni him" (p. 381). 

A more striking instance, if all tho editors be correct 
— whicb in spite of tboir unanimity is still open to some 
doubt — is the case of the messenger sent in Act III sc. i 
to the ijuecn to ask for tJie young duke of York. Hen^ 
the Qq. and folio have "Caidinal", In Act II sr. iv the 
Qj^. have "Cardinal" and thi', folio "Archbishop" siniply. 
In making the "Cardinal" of IIT 1 - C'anliual Bonchit-r of 
Canterlniry, the rdttnrs must assume that Shakesp'Oaro 
folbiwcil Hall Ip. 352) — prectxled by Polyilorf V*-r^l and 
tho Croyland contiiiuator — .irid not Hiilinshed. The latter 
follows More, who has by a historical Diistake not found 
in Ilio Latin version, the Archbishop of York. 

XVI. Grafton's Chronicle. ^ 

The dat<! of Richard Crafton's l>irth is not known: he 
18 suppost'd to liavo died in 1572. Though u mtirnber of 
the Orocer's t^ompany, bt> is known abnost wholly as printer 
and compiler of books. Covprdale's liible (2'"' edj was 
printed for hira and EdwanI Whitchurcli in Antwerp in 
1637, Coverdale's corrected Euf^lish translation of tlu^ New 
Testament at Paris in 153W for lUe same persons. In 1539 
Coverdale's Bible was printed for them in Ijondon. In 
1539 "The Great Bible" wa* printed by Grafton and 
Whitcburah in Ijondnii. Grafton was the printer of the 
first Book of Common Prayer, in 1540. 

During Henry \Tir8 reign Grafton became printer 
to Prince Edwai-d, was printer to the king during Edwaiil's 
reign, and was printer to Lady Jane Grey, during her 
short as.suniplton of power. He whs imprisoned by (jueen 
Mai>. but slwrtly released, and became a member of 
Parliament like Hall befme bini. 

lu the line of History Grafton first published Hardyng'a 
Chronicle with the continuation already treatod. In 1563 
he issued "An Abriiigmient of the (.liroiiiclos of England", 
and thii) was reiesiied lu 1563, 16C4, 1670 and lo7'i. 




208 



In 1565 was issued "A ManuPll of the Chronicles of 
England". 

"A Clironicio at Largo ami Mwrp Hisiorr of tlie 
affayres of England'o". known gcncrallj' as ^'Grafton's 
Cliroiiicle". sipi)(?ju'<^il in 1'>()H, in iwo voluinrs. Tn 1569 
apppared a scrond I'ditifui, witli a fiulo^ of (Irafton by 
Thomas Norton (cl'. Dkt. Nat. Birtg. sn!i Grsiftuii). 

Tlie tollowiTig ritatiuns are from the- seconi) volume 
of the two volume reprint by Ellis, 1809. 

Hall had followiMl Vngi! is his accouiil of thf rpigii 
of Edward tin' I'^uHh, iiiakiiij; largi' additions, I'fipcrially 
from Dp Coiiiines. 

Grafton iidoptcd HiilTs work bodily into Lis Irxl, alt^t'- 
in^' it uiily by a rare onjisrfiou. He liail at Uu- same time 
Polydoro ViTfril and Fabian before him as an occasional 
biiof addition slittws. 

All thv iublitiiJiis noted in tbo Kninniar,\ ol' Hall arc 
to he founil in Gral'ton, save thi* spcerli of Wiirwiek lo 
Ills brollnTS, for whii-b (Jraftou snbstilut-i's "tim Ej'U' of 
Wiii'wifk vlterrtl a nuinln-r of llalti-nug and glnsirif^ wnnk-s" 
and llnlTf^ iloath-lK'il wpeec^li of Edwanl. Grafton eviiicatly 
saw Ihi' ali.siic(lily of luivinj( two sucli Bi)(?<.'chos. 

As Hall liad doiii-, (iraftoii ado|jlcHl Mon-'s wurlc, pro- 
fessing in tlif margin that tlic story was ""now of lato coii- 
fprred & corroc.tpd l»y liis [Monk's] awne copie". Hi* 
dors not meiilioa Uiat hf likfuiac had Hair.s chronicle or 
t]n' Hanlyng cont.iniiulion bi-foiv' him and adoplt'd many 
of his changes and additions without inditallng that tliey 
arp not in More. 

Grafton has Hall's adoption from tho Hardyng con- 
tinuation tliat- Richai'd entcrpd the dty ''sayng to all ninn 
as lif rodo, lj<*hoIdc your PHnco and souenJgn^ Lordo" 
(p. 89) cf. p. 1G6. 

i Tho Cardinal wlio wont to the Queen Is called, as in 
More, the ArvLhiinbop of York (p. 89). 

As ia tilt' Hardytig contiijuatioii and Hall the "oilier 
lord" ia named "Lurde Haward" (p. tfiSj. 



All passages translated from Eore's Latia, and not 
in Hall, are in Grafton. 

(Irafton agrees witb Hall and the Hardyng coiitinuatioii 
ill adding N'orthamptoii to Li^icestcr as the scat of Hastinj^' 
power (p. 97: cf. sup. p. 167, Hall p. 359). 

Richard, as in Hall (p. 359) and t\ni Harding con- 
tinuation (sup. \K lft7) says "that he had bene a slepiM-'" 
(p. 97). So, too, th« ailditioii on the fate of Stanley and 
others repurs: snd the kidf;ht sent to acconipanj Hu-stitigs 
Is nunn-'d, Sir Tlionias Howard (cf. sup. p. 107, Hall ji. 3131). 

Hall's addition to the proclaoiatiou agaiast Hastiiigs, 
concerning Sliore'i? wilo "with whom he lay nigjitly etc." 
(cf. sup. p. 16S) is adopted. 

As in Hall tlie queen's kindred executed at Pomfret 
are named, including Hawte, and the speech of Vaughan 
(cf. sup. pp. nn— 81 is given (p. 102, Hull p, 3H41. 

Here loo (p. 103) as in the Hai'd.vii^ continual ii>u (sup. 
p. IfiHj and in Hall {p. 365) Richard's preachers are named 
■■Raufe Sliaa" and "Fi-yer Pynkie". 

As in Hall, for More's account o-C Warwick's embassy 
to Spain i^ adopted thi^ statement of an ombas.=iy tu jisk 
for Laily Bona (p. 103), cf. p. 175. 

Ilall's addition Id Ilie aceount nf the wooing of Eliza- 
beth is admitted, cf. p. 175 — ti. 

Hall's account of Burdet's case is copied, cf. p. 183. 

The slatyment tliat Richard appeared in (he gallery 
at Baynard's castle "'with n Bishop on eueiy hand of 
liini", which was (irst added to More's story hy firafton 
in the Hard,\n;r continuation, and adopted by Hall, appeal's 
again in Grafton's Chronicle. 

Morc's account of the procession to Westminster — 
translated from the Latin version ^ is roUowed exactly. 
Hall's paragraph on the proceedings of the fourth day of 
July is copif'd exactly, save that a slip in dating is corrected. 

A list ia given of Ihe knights of the Bath created by 
Richard, and of tlir imhles m-1io accompanied Richaid in 

Fft'Mstra. X. U 



— 210 — 



lus procession to Westminster on the fifth of July. The 
coronation proce-ssion is descrilipd in detiiil. 

Fc'oin this point in tlie di'scription of the coronation 
ceremonies till More is (alcen up again with the aceouul 
of tlic murder of the princes. Hall is followeil, with on*- 
or two slight changns and the omission of any mention 
of Richard's northern soldiei-s. 

In the account of the niurdel' of the princes Oi'ilftnn 
has, as the Hajdyng continuatioti [d. sup. pp. Ifi9, 170) and 
HaU (p. 378), tbo ""iin other" set to see the princes sure, 
TyrcU's device that there should he "'no blood shed", and 
Hair& additional paragrujili on the throwing of the princes' 
bodies into 'Hho hlacke depes" {p, 118). 

Halls i>araj,n*aph froni Vorgil fc!\t«Tnh'd) added after 
More'e description of Riehard's inward trould^* (cf. |i. 184) 
is adopted by Grafton, 

Continuing to follow Mall, Grafton nnnts with hiin the 
statpinent of Buckinphain's message to Rirliard thnnijrli 
Persival (here caJled Persall. which is Mon-'s I'oi'm of the 
name). He copies Hall's '"Thys Duke as you haue hcani 
hefore assoone as the Dnk(^ ofOlnuccster after the ileatli 
of King Edwarde was come to Yorke, and there had 
solempiie fune-rall seruice done for King Edward, sent to 
hJMi a sucret seruaut of bjs called Pei>iall, with* such 
mesHatiea as jou haiii' heard helbre"'. \ow Hall had 
tranefen-ed Mures statenieut of this message to thi- very 
be^iining^ of his accoujit, hut Grat'lon had failed to do 
so, having foUowed More oxae.tly. Thurf. i>niittod in this 
place also, the message nowhere npi)ears in (Jraft-on. 

From the pi>iiit whoro More's story ends. Grafton once 
mure adopts Hall bodily into hia test. There are some verbal 
ch!Lnge.&, and a few omissions. I note the most important. 

Buckingbam is said to have been hronght to Richard 
at Shrewsbury, not Salisbury, at in Hall- Bill the execution 
takes place at Salisbury tp. 135). 

The ti'oaty with the Scots is omitted, as well as the 
time of truce. 



211 

Henry's prnjer to God before sailing on liis second 
espedition (cf. p. 193) Js oniitted. 

Hall's passage from Vergil, "wluche prycke of con- 
acience aUtliou;ifli it strike not all way&, yot at the last 
daie, etc.'" is omitted. 

Hall's speeches i>f RicLard and Ricliniond l)eforc tlio 
hatlle are somewhat abridfri'd. and Ricbniond's prayer to 
Uod after the battle is omitted. 

The description of Ricliard, taken by Hall from Veigil, 
is omitted, doubtlOBB as unnpcmssary after Mote's rtescriptioii. 



Xrn. Holltished's Cbrotiicld. 
The date of Rajjtiael Holinshed's birtli is not known: 
he is supposed to hiive died in 15rtO. In the enrly part - 
of Elizabeth's reign lie obtained piiijdoynient in Loiitloii 
as a translator in tjje printing oftice of Reginald Wolfe. 
Wolfe had been enpaged since 1548 on a universal history, 
workiaji: himself upon the English, Scotch, and Irish portions, 
with the aid of John Leland's collections, and in ihis task 
Holiiished Jissisted him, In 1373 Wolfe died, iiiid liis 
work passed into the posaessioii of George Bisliup. -lulin 
Harrison, and Luko or Lucas Harrison, well-ktmwn 
»ublishere. They deeiilod to limit the work tu l-ltitchmd, 
cotlttnd. and Ireland, and eontinued tfl employ llolinHheci. 
William Harrison assisted in the work on the d('!icnpti<»n9 
of Eugliuid and Scotland, and Kiehard Stiiiiihuryi continued 
Holinslied's history of Ireland from l-'iiJ^ to 1547, 

The woi'k was licensed for puldieation July !, 1578. 
as "The Chronicles of England, Sefltland, and Ireland", 
in two folio volumes. Att-er Holinshed's death in 1580 (?) 
tlie puhlisliers, with new associates, employed John Hooker 
an editor of a new edition. By him the work was continued, 
with the assist-Hince of Fnvncis Tliynne, Abraham Fleming, 
and John Stow, to the year 1586. The new edition appeared 
In three folio volumeB January 1, l&fl? (158(5 old Style), 
(cf. Diet. NaL Biog. suh Ho!in»hed}. The following citations, 

If 



— 212 — 

are fi*oin the third volume of thB Loridou 1807 — 08 six 
volume reprint of the second edition of Uoliished. 



Holinshed's account of the reign of Edward IV is 
ha-sed upon that of Hall. Sniiiftiiiies Hall's account is 
adopted vfirhalij' ; snmotimes rrwrittcii witbout pssential 
change of fact; often aliriilgpd. Holiiislied apitvare to IiaTi?- 
had a seven* coiitiTiipt for Hall's iirolixity. Brside this 
the accoual of "'The History' of thu ArriviU of King Rd- 
ward", is used, as cominuriicated by Florlwood, and adapted 
Ity Fleming (cf. p. 7). Further, there are exctrpts Iroiii 
Stow (in turn souietinien from Warkworth and Fiihian). 
from Kahian, an addition by Hooker, an item of Stows 
from Eu^ufrrunt de Moiistr*,'|«il, and oui' from John Rous. 
Most of tlinsf however rofer to njalterni of inti-rewt in thi> 
city of London, and do not coiicorii lliiu yuiiiiiiar.y. Tlu-st; 
additions belong to the second edition c^f ISHti-- 7 Hulinslu'd' 
gives two aceounla of the ciipturi- of Henry VI. HalT-s and 
Stow'ti, whieh latter Uis we bsive seen) was taken frnm 
VVarkworih (cf. pp. 15, 224) and increased (by the stateineul , 
that Warwick met the kinfi and :uTest"'d him at Esildim. 
and thai with Henry were ■■doctoi' Maning' dearie of Wind-sni-, 
doctor Bedle. and youn^^ Ellerton") (p. 282). 

Concerniiifi Warwiek's embassy to win a wife I'nr Kd- 
ward, Holinsbed omits Hall's discussion as to whetliw 
Warwick went to Spain, and mentions only tiie i;mbaasy 
to France to ask for Lady Uona. i 

Hall's account of Edward'a wooiiif^ of Elizabetb (eit 
pp, 175, nil), is copied till towards the end. Hohiishcd's con- 
clusion is: "with hir sober denieauourCt swcetc looks, and 
comelie smiling (oeothcr loo wanton, nor too basiil'uUl 
liesides hir pleasant toong and trim wit, she so alured 
aud made subiect unto hir the heart of tlmt great iHince, 
that after slie had denied him to he hie paramour, with 
so good mancr, and words go well set as hetler could oot 
be deuised; he Qnallie resolued with bimselfe to marrie 
hir, not a.sking couusell of anie man, till they nd^'ht peri 



— 213 



rmiip it was no bootic to atliiise him to t!ic rontrant^ of 
that bis (;oij('ludi'cl purposo; sitb ho was bo farre gonne 
that bf VMS no! riiuocable, and therefore had flxpd his 
heart vpoii (he last n^sohiiioii: nanielii', to applic an 
hoU'sonic., honest, aiul honourable remedie to liis affeLtitms 
tiered will the flames of b)UR, and not to permit hia heart 
lo I he thriildoMie of Tnlawl'ull luSt: which purpose was 
both pj-incelii! and pruliuable" (p. 284}. 

A companson of Hall's and Holinshed's accounts with 
Shakespeare's scene [3 Hen. VT. Ill 2), shows that Shakes- 
peare probably fuUowed Hall. But t'f. Hall's later account, 
p. :iti(5, which Hulinshcd has. 

Holiiished has Hall's speech of Warwick to his brothers, 
and the paragraph an the disBiniulation ofMarciuis Mnnta- 
vuto (cf. sup. p. 17t>): Imt L'larpiice'e speech, together with hie 
ruaKous for ill will toward bis brother, is omitted. Here 
ft^nin, in i Hen. VI, IV I, Shakespeare used Hall. 

llalTs account of Kdward'a escape from Mi<l(Heham 
is ado|>t'(| bj Holliislied, and the account from De Couiines 
of Warwick's and Clarence's doings in Prance, the latter 
in somewhat abridged lonn. No essential fact is omitted, 
however. The f^tory of the damsel sent by Edward to 
Clarence appears, and the statement that Prince Edward 
was "wedded" to Anne. 

Tfio rcconriliation of Montacute to Edward (cf sup. 
p. 177) is meiitiimed. 

The. sioiy of Edward's flight is taken from Hall, hut 
his adiliiion on llie "sour jiauces" tasted by Eilwnrd in 
his lliubt (cf. sup. p. 177) is omitted. Edward's proceedings 
in Burgundy are related from Hall's account taken from 
De t'owines. 

Hall's passage from Vergil, on tho misfortunes of 
Henry being caused by his grandfather's usiirpatiun is 
omitted by Holinshed, 

The stnry of Edward's landing in England and bis 
further proceedings ia takeu from the "History of the 



— -214 — 



Arrival", which is Folluwei) Jn (lotiiil, with an occasional 
mention from Hall and! sonic al)ri(1g<iiiiflnt. 

The |hii8s:ijrn nii Hwiiry of Derby, i|UOtcil on p. 7 18 
wnakpni'd into ■'wLtTi' Uenrio pHp nf DdrNe. afttr called 
king Hi'nrii' Uil' I'uurtli landfil, wLi>n lii> raire to depriiie 
king Ricliarri the sewmd of the i^rownc, and to usurpe it 
lo hiiiiBell'o" (p. mw). 

Edward's procecdiTigs are carefully detailed iiccnnling 
to Ihfi "Hiatury cif tUe ArriTaF", till hi' arrives at York. 
Hen- Holinslicd includes. Hall's account froiu Verg:il of 
Edward's taking the oath to support Henry icf. p. 133). 
"For this wilful ix-rjuHr (sis Lath beene thoii|6fht| |a re- 
ference to Hall?] the iasuu of this king puffered for the 
fatln'r's uffonco the depriiuvtion not onciiu of lands and 
worl<lli(' possessions Imt aim of tlioir nmuralil lines, by 
their cruel vncle Richard the third". To which Holicehed 
adds, "And it may well be. For it is not likelie that God, 
in wliDSf bands is the bestowing of all soiiereignlie, will 
sutler such an indignatie to be doone to his sacred niaiestie, 
and will suffer the same to pasgr with inipumtie". With 
more to the effect that princ*.s even mure than private 
men are bound to keep theij- oaths (p. 306). 

To the story of the men who met Edw-ard at Notting- 
ham and tlirir demand that Edward flmiild iiroclaini liini- 
8elf kin^. Holiiished adds from the rarlii:r chronicler 
name of Sir James Harrington. 

As Hnlinslied proceeds with hie aeeouni b» is careful 
to letnpcr the Ynrkist tone of the fhroiiieler's narrative. 
The offers made hy Edward to Warwick which to the eaj-lier 
writer seemed very fair considering the earfs "great and 
haynows nffense,s". Holim-bed says "lonianieseeraed verie 
reasi^nahh', considering tkeir heiaou* offences". Warwick's 
demand, which the earlier writer says did not "in eny wyse 
stande with the Kyngs lumowr and swretye". Holinshed 
says "was thought" in no wise so t^ stand. Yi't in many 
lilaceB the orifdnal Yorkist wording is allowed to stand, and 



— 215 — 



we find such pxpressions ae "the pretensed authoriUe 
i>r Kiiiti Henrie" Ip. 311). 

I 'larence's rpasons for going over to his brother and 
flu' im-diatora IjotwciMi blu'iii. an* statod as in "Tlin AiTivar' 
{«.'f. sup. p. HI wiUwut nu-iitioii ol Eall's (De Coniines'] story 
of the damsel (p. 307). 

Warwick's reception ofClarence's endeavors to reconcile 
hhii tft Edward is given as in Hall (Vergil). 

The story of the hattle of Barnet is doseribed from 
Hiill, with addititiiis froiu "'The Arrival", and from Stow 
(Warkwortli). From Hall, Holinshed adopts Vurjril's 
statement that Warwick resolved to trust bis brother 
Montacute, though suspicious of him; the arrangement 
of the troops: llie speeches of Warwick and Edward 
lo their men (abridged): the statement that Edward fought 
in person iind that Wiirwiek was forced to tight on foot: 
that Warwick fell in the midst uf his enemies: that Mont- 
iiciitii tiiiought to succor liis brother, but was overtlirown 
and slain. From Warkworth through Stow come other 
and i-nntradietory items: the story of Oxford's flight caused 
by IIk' unfortunate mistake of badges; the statement that 
Montacute wore Edward's badge and was elain by one of 
Warwick's men for treaprm: and the story that Warwick 
was slain in llight. Edward's procecdLugB aftor the battle 
are related from Hal), but with the landing of Margaret 
HolinsLed returns to "The History of the Arrivar'. admitting 
iujwevor from Hall (Vergil) an abridged account of Mar- 
garet's fear for her son, and her purpose to defer battle 
or send her son to sanctuary. 

The story of the battle of Tewkesbury is again a 
eomptle<l account, made up from "The Arrival" and Hall 
together. All that Hall has of Gloucester's conduct 
reappears, and where this conOicts with the account given 
by "Tlw Arrival", in its praise of Edward, we find, "The 
king, or (as others haue) the duke of Gloceater" etc. 

The account of Prince Edward's death Is given, how- 
ever, not from '"The Arrival", but from Hall, with only 



— JIH — 



slight, verbal changes. Quccii Miirgarpt's capture, on tlip 
otlier hand, is givoii nnt as in Hall, but as in "The 
Anival". acfjjrdiiig to wUicL Margaret was raptured ''in 
u poorfi housfi ftf religion'', to which she had withdrawn 
on the morning of ilie Imttlc. Heroin Shakiispcare in 
8 He-nry VI, V. iv & v. followrd Hall- 

Tho deatli of kin^ Henry is dcscrihod from Hall, to 
which aei-^unt Holiiished aclde that of "'the Arrival", re- 
worded. "Howbeit, some writera of that time, fauoringr 
alto^ilher the house ofYork, haui> record^'d, that iiftpr he 
vndtTStood what losses li^d chanced viilo his fryunda, and 
how not oneiio his aonne, but also all othor his cheefe 
partakers were dead and disjiatcliad, he tooke it so to 
hurt, that of puro displuaaiirG, indignation and melancholie, 
hfl died the three and twentith of JIni". 

Hairs (Vergil^sl account of Henry's character is copied 
by Holitishcd, who, apropos of Henry's making account 
only of Ids sins, not of his losses, adds, "So then verie 
uiiliki? it is, that he died of anie wrath, indigiiation, and 
displeasure bicause his business about the keeping of the 
crowne on his iiead taokc no belter successe; except 
peraduenturc ye will saie [rt'turnin^' in effect to HallJ that 
it greeued him, for that such slanghtn-rs and mischeeues 
as had rhanced witliii tliis land, came to passe unelie 
throiigli hiy follie and del'anlt in i^ouernnient; or (that 
more is) for his fathers, hts grandfathers, and his own© 
vnitist vsurping and deteintng of th« crowre" Ipp. 324—5). 

Hnll's in'count of Henry's liuria! ii^ copied by Holiiished, 
but with rhe additions, tluit the corpse was conveyed to 
St. Paul's "on the Ascpncion eu^n", a fact evidently 
ohiaincd from Fabyan (ef. sup. p. 69|; that at Paul's it was 
laid on the bier "or coffen bare faced, the sjanie in pre- 
sence of the beholders did bleed"; "From thense he was 
caricd tn the Black friers, anrl hied there likewise". The 
latter two items are from Stow, who got them froin Wark- 
worth. 



— 217 — 



From Stow (cf. inf. p. 225) is taken an accoant of the 
fat") uf Tbijinas Burdet uf Wiinvicksliire. 

The story of Clarence's Jeath ig givpii as in Hall with 
all the clifferent reasons assi^ripd for it, but the orrfi^r is 
fJian^eii, Clarfnce's complaint about his sciTant's death 
boing given first, and the prnphcRy after-wards. Likewise 
is inoludcd lat«r (ii, 3541 Hall's statement that Edward was 
set on by such as '^nvied Clarence's estate. C-f. sup. p. 180. 

From Hall is taken in abridged from the account of 
louccater's. cainpaiprn in Scollatnl; but the paragraph in 
which the king praisHs him is omitted. 

Hall is followed in the causes sugg;psted for Kdward's 
death: and Hall's death-bed speech of Edward is copied. 
ll is preceded, however, by a statement meant to rpconcile 
it with the effect of More's speech, quoted later. 

"He began to make readie for his paaaage into 
anollu^r world, not forg'i'tfin^ las after .■'hall appean-) ta 
exhort, the nobles of his realnie (aboue all things) to an 
vnitie amonfr themselues. And hauing (as he tooke it) 
made an attoaement betwixt the partien that were knowne 
to be scant frepnds, he coniniejuled vnio their graue wise- 
doms the gouerninent of his sonne the prince, and of his 
brother the duke of Yorke. during; tlie fiinc of their tender 
yeares, But it shall not be ainisse to adde in Ibis place 
the words which he is said to haue spoken on his death- 
heii, which were in efftict as t'ollowi'tli" ^. 

Like the Hardynij continuator, Hall, and Grafton brfore 
him. Holinshcd introduwd Mnre's work mU* his own. and 
like (Jrafton hL* profi'R.sed to print it ""aceording to a copie 
of his ownc hand, printed among his other works" (p. afiO). 
Unlike Grafton, however, he very nearly does what he 
B*ys. In general Holinshed followed More faithfully, with 
only the slightest of verba! chatiges., but he did have Hall and 
Grafton before him and admits the following allciiiliona. 

Concerning the "other lord" who accompanied the 
cardinal to the queen, Holins;hed has in the margin: '"The 
loni Howard, saith Edw. Hall" (p. 375). 



218 — 



To the account ofHastings' death Hulinslieri adds: "Tbus 
bp-gan ho to eatahlish bis kingdome in bloud, gixiwing 
th'erpby in hatred of tbo nobles, and also lUn-idjiing both 
Ibfl lino ol' bis life, and the time of his rogiiiieiit: for (lod 
will not haue bloud thirstie tyrants daics p^^^]tfngt^d, but 
will cut Ibem off in their ruffe; according to Dauids 
words : 

Impio, fsUsci, STudoqne rkedis 

Fils iiiurs rumpet viridi in iuueDte" (p. 681). 

Hall's addition to Richard's prod amotion against 
Hastings tliat with Shore's wife "lie lain' iii;u:hllyr and 
namelie the night last past next before his death" is ad- 
mitted. 

Hiill's explanation of Burdefs case (cf. p, 1^3} in not 
admitted; and it niaj be supposed with Wright (Pref- to 
bis Richard Til, ijcvn) that Holinshed believed this to 
refer to the case of the Warwickshire Burdet l,cf. p. 217). 
Cf. Stow and what he says (inf. p. 228). 

All the passages translated by Rastrll from More's 
Latin are to bo found in Holinslifd. Concerning Richai-d's 
coronation he says. "But here to shew the manner of his 
coronation, aa the same is inserled in this paniphet of Sir 
Thomas More, by Maister Bduai'dHall and Richard Grafton 
(altiioiigh not found in the same panipblot) thus we find 
it by thofii reported". Th<i report thai follows combines 
Halls nm\ Grafton'R acMuats, but omits some of Grafton's 
details of the coronation. 

To Moro'8 Btatement that after the ijiurdor of the 
princes Richard ocvlt had a qniei mind, Holinshed adds. 
■'Than the which there can be no greater torment. For 
ft giltie conscience inwardlie accusing and hearing wilnesse 
against an offender, is such a plague and punishment, as 
hell itselfe iwith all the I'eends therein) can not affoord 
one of greater horror & altUclion" (p. 402) 

Holinshed gives the name of Buckingham's messenger 
as Fersall, following More, but in the margin stands 
"Persiuall, saith Ed, Hall" (p. 403). 



— 219 — 



HaTmg finished Mori;*§ story, Holineh^ has a mar^nal 
note: "Here endeth sir Thomas Moore, & this tbat 
followeth is taken out of mastwr HalT' |p. 4t)3). But 
Holinsbed had Grafton before him as well as Hall^ as is 
abundantly sliown by certain verbal deviations from Hall 
common to Grafton and Holinsliod. 

Holinehpd agrees witb Grafton in saying thAt Buck- 
ingham was brought to Richard at Shrewsbury: but like 
the latter agrees with Hall in saying that Buckingham was 
beheaded at Salisbury. 

From Hooker is given the following anecdote, "King 
Richard camcs this yeare to the citie |of Elxeterl. but in 
verj'e secret maner, wbome the maior & his brethreo in 
the bent mauer they could did receiue, and then presented 
to him in a purse two hundred nobles; which he tbinke- 
fullic accepted. And during his abode here he went about 
the citie, & viewed the seat of the same, & at lengtb ho 
came to the eastell; and when he vnderelood that it was 
called Rugemont, Ruddenlie he fell into a dumpe, and (as 
one a^tonied) said; Well. I see my dales be not long. He 
spake this of a prophesie told him, that when he came 
once liO Richmond ho should not long line after; which 
fell out in the end to be true, not in respect of this castle, 
hut in respect of Henrie earle of Richmond, who the next 
yeare following met him at BoBWorth field where he was 
Blaine" (p. 421). 

From Hooker is given also a list of persons indicted 
for treason against Richard. 

To Hairs and Orafton's f<tat<*iiient that Cidlinghotirne 

wae beheaded for his rime solely, Holiushed adde the full 

indictment showing that the first charge was conspiracy 

rlc aid Richmond, and the second the writing and pubUcMion 

[xti oertain rimes, 

For the account of the Scotch treaty the reader ia 
referri'd to the history of Scotland. But the statement 
thai a truce was concluded for three years (which Grafton 
omitied) is included: as well as Uall's paragraph on the 



— 2sn — 



iiijirriat.'f' n! Aiirm lio la Pontft anfl tho priiicp {duke, says 
HoliiisliPil) nf Rotlisay. '■■'•' 

Fniiii Slow is added liy ii'lerniiju; l\u< liistniy of the 
Karl 111" llxtord's rarwr atVr the battle nf Bamet [pp. 

Tn Hall's (Vergil's) account of Richard's winning over 
Elizabeth, Hollnslied adds: "But it was no sniall allurement 
that king Richard tiscd to ouorwme liir (for wc know l>y 
pxiierierce that woiueh are of a proud dispoBition, and 
that lhf> wain to win thPiu is by promisos of prefoniifnl) 
and therefore it is tlie less*^ marucll thrtt he by his wilie 
wit had made Cronqiiest of liir wauerinj? will. Besides that, 
it is to hn prosimn-d that she stood in fearu to iiiipugTie 
his ili'uiantis by denials, Ifiist hi' in his malicious nwod 
might take occasion to deale roughlic with hir, being a 
Weftke woman and of a timorous epirit" {\). 430), 

Halls praypr of Richmond on setting out from France 
is omitted by HoUnshed (as by Grafton). 

In Kichard's speoch to his army as rcpnrtpd hy 
Hoiinslipd (2'' od,l occurs the well-known misprint by which 
Richard is made to say Richmond was brought up '"liy my 
moolhcrs nieanes" instead of "by my brothers means", as 
in Hull. 

Mall's (Vergil's) mistake of 1486 as the date of the 
battle of Rosworth is corrected tn 1485. 

At the close of HnlTs acciiunt., ending '4o Goil . . . 
1 ?-emit the punishment of his oit'enees'' HoHnsbcd makes 
iiii addition; "whiche if the one be aa manifold as tlie other, 
(iods iustice were not to he charged Mith orueltic For 
by nature lip is mcrcifiill, slow io anger, and loth U> smite: 
but yet eurie Hinne (in respect of his right eoursn^jase) being 
dendlio (much more heinous and horrible) how ean he but 
by iiistiei^ . . punish it soutTlit.'? And if he did it with 
ten thousand turaients, who shall be so hardi« as to ex- 
postnlate and reason why he so dooth?" 

Holinshi^d states that Henry VII had a tomb set up 
over Richard's ^avK, doing him the samo honor that 



— 221 — 



Richai-nl dii^I tu Hwary VI, whose body bo rL^moved from 
Cliertsfy to Windsor. 

,;''And now to coiicludfi wil-li Ihis cruel I tyrant king 
[Richard, we nisy consider in wliat sort tln^ ambitious 
(■dcBire U> rulo and goiieriip in the Loust' . ot". Yorke, wiiw 
iuni^hrd l?y Uods iust prouidence. 

fi ^. Tor although that the right might seenie to reiiiaine 

[jn the ptTJion tif fiicbard duke of Yorkc. slniiie at Wake- 

[fleldi j'lit mail' tliere he a fault worthiliii rcpuli'^d in Lini 

Efto to secke to pn-m^it the time appointed liini by autboi'itie 

of p.irlemont to atCrint; to ,lbe crowiu' piitaib'd to liitii 

ftixd [lis ist-Uf; in wbonie alsu. aad nqt onelii' in biinsidt'o, 

l.Hiat offfnst (as iiitiie i>ec tboiigbUj.was didio punishod. 

For allhuugb his t-Xdc^i sonne Edward llii^ I'ourtb, bmritig 

a priiice right prouideiit and circuiiLspi-t't for th<' suortie 

of his ownc (.'Stall' and his c':bi!dni|i, iusiomufh that not 

eoriteiit (o cut off nil bis arnu'd aiy.! jLpparant enimii'S, he 

also iif a gi^alous feari;, iiiaiiw awaiy Ids bniUn'i- tho dnkc 

of ClariMicp, and so thought to mak-* all wuru; yet Gods 

veiigeaace might not be disappointed, for (an yo liauo 

I partlif lifard) In.' did but furtluT tlnTJ'by tlifi ciL'stniction 

of hi!< issue, in taking uwaie him that unlie might bauo 

stau'd tho crui'ltiL- of his brother of Glocester, who fnrag'pd 

tor di'sii:i' of tho ktngdonie, bereft Li.s iimoct'nt HL■phuu^* of 

thtiir liues & es-tates. 

And as it thus well appeared, that the bouno of Vorkc 
sh(}WP.d it aelfe moie bloudie in Bcckiag t« nbtcinu tbe 
kingdonie, than that uf Lancaster in v.surpiag it: so it cann! 
to passe, that the Lords vengeance appeared nioro beauie 
towards the eanie than toward tbe oilier, not ceaasiiig till 
the wbol^ issue male of the said Richard duke of Yorke was 
extinguished. For such is Gods iustiee, to luaue no viirepen- 
tant wickediiesse vnpun,isbed, aa espedallyc in this caitife 
Richar<l the tlurd, not deseruin^ so nmeh as the name of 
a man, much lesse of a king-, most manil'estlii' appeareth". 
Here Fleming insei'ts from Uuie, ft coiiiparisou of 
Kichivrirs act to that of Ludovico Sfopza, duke of MiJao, 



— 223 



T. Wnt. in Am. 
Quer. 7. 



"But to end with king Riciiartt sonietiines duko of 
Glocestcr. a title of dignitie Joined with misfortune and 
rnluckinessc (afl is noted before) , , . As for King Richard, 
better had it beene for hiiu to haue contented lils heart 
with the protectorship, than to hauo cast vp his snout, or 
lifted vp bis homes of amhition eo high (and that wiUi a 
«etlcd intent) as tc hacke nnd how downe by violent blowes 
all likt'lie impRriinn.mttt betwixt him and home. Bi'ttflr {] 
Bay) bad it beene for him to haue dwolt vfum Ins fir8t 
honor, than to haue wandered in pi-incelinesse: and better 
had it beene for liim neuor to bane inioied the flattering 
proeperitie of a king, than afterwards to fall, and neuer 
to recouer losse or mine, as Is noted by the poet, saieng 

Km melius nunqiiam felli-ln tem.]?orn nosse, 
Quain post bliaditiu farliinae, Ttitn msJigtm 
Nee fepafAnda pftll iofortunU aortia iniquad. 

Thus farre Richard tbe vnurper, vanaturall viiclfl to 
Edward the Hft and RItbard duke of Yorke, brethren". 

Tbe account of Holinshed makes very little change 
in the fonu or content of Hall's. Richard's eharactrr 
remains as beforp, with its dark side made eyer so slightly 
blacker bj the omission of Hall's praise for bis conduct 
in the Scottish war, and by tin occasional adititional phrase 
calculated to entpliasize bis cruelty and wJcknedneRR, With 
this is eniphaiiized by uddiUonfi, especially in the \ong 
passage with which tho account closes, Die idea of the 
divine justice. The genera! attitude of Hall toward the 
House of York is preserved, in spite of the adjiiission of 
portions from the Yorkist "History of the Arrivar, for 
these do not stnnd alone, hut side by side with the Lan- 
castrian accouiita, and are either so changed as to become 
Lancastrian in tone, or Uieir accuraey is denied. 

There is only one important addition of material. This 
la the anecdote of Richard's visit to Exeter, and the gloomy 
prophecy by which he coanecEs Rougeniont with Richmond. 

Thus though Shakespeare may in writing Richard HI 
have based hi:^ play almost wholly on the form of the 



— 928 — 



which he found in Holinshed, yet in the formation 

'of that saga Holinshed is of very alight importance. The 

proof that SUakespoare did use Holjnslied in this [>laj, 

"Wright states as foUows (Pref. to his R. m, vn): "To 

.this source we owe the name of Friar Penker (iii, 6.104), 

'■which ia Hall is Pjotio; the story of Richard's visit to 

Exeter (IV, 2, 107— 11 1), and hw alarm at the ominous res«in- 

iblance of Rougeinont to Richmond; and the statement in 

Richard's address to liis army that Richmond had heen 

maintained in Brittany 'at our mother's cost', an error 

■which occiu'S in the second edition of Holinshed only". 

To lliis, however, more may be added. The reference in 

I : '2, 55, 6 to the reopening and bleeding of Henry's woufidB 

rests upon Hohnshed's account of Henry's bum! (derived 

from Warkworth'i there is no mention of the fau.t in Hall. 

Act in, yc. 1.194—97, 

"Anri, louk, wlien I nm king, (^laim thou uf m* 
Tli'ea ildum of Herefoiit, and the luovahleM 
Wli^rpof Ihy king m,y bniilier Hlood posHess'il", 

"fpRts upon a passage translated from Miire's Latin, iind 
tJierelbre jiol in Hall, but obtained by Shakespeare from 
Holinshed (lloro, Lumby's ed. p. 43). 



XTtn. Stow'B Annals. 

John Stow was born 15*iH and died 1605. Brought 
up to the trade of a tailor, he abandoned it to pursue 
historical iiiYpstifj^ations. In lo^Jl he published "A Sunnnary 
of English Clironiclcs". This was often reprinted, ten times 
between 1561 and 1604. In loSO he published his ''Annales, 
or a Generale Chronicle of Euffland from Brute until the 
present yeare of Christ 1580. (The titles of lat*r edd. vary 
■from this.) Other editions followed in 1592, 1601. 16U5, 
with editions by Howea in 1615, ItiSl. 

ill 1698 was printed Stow's Survey of London (cf. 
Knc. Brit, sub Stowl. 

Stow'8 account of tlie reign of Edwtird IV is made 
'up from many sources, ajoong which were "The History 



224 



of the Arrival", Warfcwnrth, Faliyan, Hall, de Comities 
and others. In the following summary are noted only 
such jjoiiita of his story as illustrate, corrett or deviate_ 
strikingly from tbat of Hall, as before summarized. 

In tlie first year of Edward's reign, '"The 12. of Marc5 
Walter Walker a Grocer that dwplt in Clieape of London, 
for words spoken touching king Eilward, was suddenly 
appreliended. coiideniried. and li(*hi>a(l»il in Smithfiold, 
This grocer is he, whom ma.ster Hall iiiistuketh to he 
Burdet" (p. 680). 

Warwick's enibaHsy is given simply as to Lady Bona, 
and Edward's marriage to Elizabfth Oray is merely 
menlionpd without detail. 

The account of Henry's capture is given as in Wark- 
worth, save that "bysydfi a linwse of religione in Lan- 
cascliyre, by the mriie of a blacko raonke of Abyngtono" 
ia omitted I and t\w addition that at Esyldon Henry was 
met and arrested by Warwick, "and forthwith his gilt 
Bpurs were taken from his ffete, doctor Manning Deane 
of Wiudaore, doctor Bedlo and young Ellorloii being in 
bis companie". 

Clarnico's separation from his brother is mentioned 
without the assignment of any reasons. Prince Edward 
ifi stated to have been marrit'd to |Anne] Warwick's daughter. 

The story of Edward's return to England, of the 
reconciliation of Edward and Clarence, and of the battle of 
Barnet, are given as in Warkwurth. Prince Edward's 
death is given as in Fahyan. "Edwanl . . . toke Quoeue 
Margaret prisoner with Prince Edward hir sonne, whom 
cruelly he smote on the face with his gantlet, and after 
his seruants sLue him" (p. 695) Jfrom the Liber Tews- 
huryiensisj. 

As in Warkworth King Henry is said to have been 
murdered, hut no mention is made of Gloucester's presence 
at the Tower. Warkworth's account of Henry's burial, 
and the bleeding of hii wounds is given, very slightly 



r^ 225 — 



abrklgud in ihp wortiiiiff "uly, 8tuw mlils a Iniijj; iIl's- 
cription of Honiy's charaetor, and iiicitkMits illustrating it. 

Of Riclunond no projihecy is metitioned. Tiiero is 
only tlu' simple statonsrnt of liis tlifirlit with the earl of 
Penilirok*' into ISrittiiiiy (p. G9SI). 

Edwai'ira pnii'ti.'diiif^'s in France are rHliiled from de 
Coiiiinos (aliiidfcd). (ilrtiireslrr's dislike for tlif truce is 
lint nn'ritioned. 

The rnursK* of Edward's attempt to nbtalii Hichniond 
is rdatcd in iil)i'idgcd form frmii Hall. 

From Euvnii'rrant {iW Mf>nst?'elct) Stow re-lalL'^s the case 
of IJm-di't: — 

"Thomas Bnniet an ewtjuire of Arrow in Warwick- 
shire , . . WEis lirlH'iidtul fur a word spokfii i[i this sort 
(fts Was «iiitl|. Kilward in liis progn^w liUiiti'd in TIjo. 
Biirdt'ts park at Arrow, and slow many of liis deore, 
anioTif^rit till' wliirli orn' was ii, wliiti' hiick. wlu'i-t'of Tlio. 
JJurdrt mad'' j.T<,'ai accmiiit, <t tlioroforit wboii hv vtider- 
stood tliprool'. he wishod the bnckpy head in his lu'llii' that 
iiioui'd th'' kin^i tn kil it. "W'liich t;;lp heing; toM tu the 
kiiiy, Burdi't van npprehf ndtid and at'cuswd of ircasoij, 
for wiHtiing tlio liiickcs head horn.'i and al in ihi' king's 
linlly. Mnrt' \\o was aceusptl of poisujiiiif?, (joccimw & iii- 
f-l I an tun- tit, wiiiTi'ii|)i>u hr wasconilpni(i''fI. .. and ln-li''adrd" 
(Stow p. 707). 

Tn accounting for the death of Clarence Stow used 
only till' indirtniciit: — 

"Tlif li> i\ny of. January lif^an a parliament at West- 
iiunslcr. wliert'in lii^orgo D. of Clarciico . . was aitiiintrd 
of tn-risoii: III y which atiaindor (wliieli 1 Imm? rrad) in 
dci^lared, that tlie s;iid (Jeorge . . apainsl ttie king his 
souoraigne Lnrd. hat! caused dinars his seruauts to iiiforme 
ihi- |ii'oplr, that Tlinnias liui'dt-t hi.s scruanl (which was 
lawfully and ti-iily altiiintrd of trfiusou) was wrnngrulljr 
put to death. To his si-i'uants of surh disposition he gaue 
mrgp snninies of money, vf^nison, &c. tlierpwitli to Hssenible 
till- kiiitfs snbii'i-ts, tn IVast Hirni. nnd tlicn to iiidiici' tliHui 



I'AlBMlrB. \ 



ir. 



226 — 



to beleeup, Ibat the said Biiniet was wrniigfiilly oxccutfil. 
He also Iij sucli iiis st^rLaiits, laltuurfMl trj mukf tin- pfuijlc 
beleeue that the king wrought by Negroni a ndp, ami vsftl 
the craft to poison bis siibipcts, such as bini [ilejisi-d, to 
the gi-cat disclaiidiii- of tbi^ Idiig. and incourafflti^^ bis 
subiects against hitn. AntI ouer that, the said U. Ifcinf? 
in ful puTimso til exalt hinisclffi and his Iicirps lo tbf^ 
regaltie and crowiio of England, aint clet'^relj' in r>pinion 
to put aside t'r&m the same for eiier, thp kitifc' and bis bf>irps, 
vpon one of the falsest and most viiiiaturall rnloiirfd 
preteiice thnt niun might inia^iiip, falsely am] vnlmviy 
published, that the king was a bastard, and not Icgilbuate 
to raigrae. And to continue this his nio«t malicious and 
traitprous; purposR afi<'r Uiis siHlitious binguage aniiuig tha 
people, h« induciid diuers uf the kings natiindl suEiiiu'ts lo 
ho swornp upon the blftssed saeranient, to he iriie to bini 
and liis hetres, noni' uxn^ption rcserueil of Ibeir Jillt-gianer: 
amd after tiip sanio nth so made, be sln'weil In inan^v, 
that tbi; king bad taken his liuelode fnnn bini, and hh' 
men wiTf disherited, but he would iiideuoiir to gi-t Lheni 
thcif iriherilituce, as he would do bis own<': be slicweii 
also, thai the king intejtded to consume him. in like soit' 
as a candle eonpunivth in burning, wliercol' Iil- would iu 
brici'c iiuiti^ him. Ami ouer this, the .said I), tfot an 
esemplificfition vnder the great sedo of Honry the fiixt 
late king, wherein was contahied, that it the said H. 
and E. bis son died without i.ssuf male, that y said 
D. & his brires should lie kings ifer.. Tims much for bis 
attaindor. 

And on the 11. of March, after be liad offered his 
owne masse peny in the tower of jAtiidiui, be luade his 
end in a vessel of uialmesey'". 

The supposed causes of Edward'.'^ death ario ^ivcn as 
in Hall, but Hall's death-bed speeeb is omitted. 

Stow copies do Comines' accouut of Edward's death 
and bis comment on Ihe dpatlis ineurrrd in Ihi- struggle for 
the crowu an caused by the wrath of God. L'f. p. 55, 66—7. 



I 




— 2^7 " 



I 



Like Huliiisliod. Grafton and Hall, Stow adopted 
liodtly tlie work of Sir Tliomas Mortv He is, however, the 
most faithful copyist of nil, departing very seldom from 
More's text, and generally indicating; the addition by a 
diiference in print. After the entrance of Prince Edward 
Into London, Stow adds, "The king was lodged in the 
liishops pjilace, where wasi kfi»t a great rounsell, and there 
wii.s swonie to the kin^, the duke of Gloucester, the duke 
of Buckiiighitm, and all the lords" (p. 726). 

The piissJiges fron] More's Latin are ail inchided. 

Like Grafton and Hall, Stow makes Richard say "that 
he hail benu a sleper {More and Holinshed have "a alepft") 
that day". 

Buckiiif?ham's reference to Burdet has against it in 
the margin: "T. Burdet esquire of Arrow in Warwick- 
shire, looke Anno 1477" (p. 7641. 

Wor4?'s aL'count of the proeeLulings attending Rirhnrd's 
I'luvatioii to the crown is followed, hut to it is addi'd a 
rcfri'i'ncc to the 50IHJ men from the north, and tlie pi'o- 
ceodinys of the fourth, liflh und sixth of July, from Hall: 
hut Richard is said to have been crowned on the seventh 
(p. 761). 

Another additional paragraph recounts the taking nnd 
execution nf certain rebels who had sent writitisr.-' to Rieli- 
nioad, and who had purposed stealing Edward aiul \m 
Itrother fnun the Tower, while their guards wei'C ex- 
tingnishiiit; a tirr set to draw tlieni away (p. 762}. 

From the end of More's story, what "followeth is 
ahridged out of Edward Hall'^ (p. 769). 

There is little, therefore, to comnioiit upon. Stow 
omits to say anytliing about Antie's death by poison, 
liavint' only: "howsoeuer it fortuned" (p. 778). 

Hall's long speeches of Richard and Richmond arc 
omittetl. 



16' 



I. Tlie Song of Lady llesNjr, 

Tills i-UHLius l);iliatl was published separiitelj Ijy 
TliDtnns Hi^ywiiod in 1809, in Halliwell's Palatine An- 
thiiliitry IHijO, and in the Percy Sooiety's series. Two 
ViTsions are known, one in a Up-, of the time of Charles H, 
find nnnthor, iv-itli ponio unimportant variations, is in tlie 
ISritisli Museiini. Ms. Harl. 3Gi. This, according to Halli- 
w{.'ll. "iipin'iirs to UftVi' beon transcribed about the y<*ar 
KiiHi''. Boll] VL'isimis are printed by Halliwell. 

Till' author spems from internal evidence to have been 
Hiiniplupy HiTretoii. as servant of Lord Thomas Stanley, 
alt'TWiiid^; Earl of Derliy: and the date at which it was 
composed "must have been some time in the course of 
Hriir\v Vrt's rei^rn. or jii^rhaps in the beginning of 
Ili'iiry Vlirs" (Gainliii'i^ Life of Rir-lianl lU, p. 401), 

Tilt' following synopsis contains all that is valuable 
(o our |inrp4>sr.\ For fuller litiowlriff^e thr reader is rfitcrred 
to <!;i.irdj*T's Lit'i' of Ricbani. and to the jificin itself. 

The ^"Lady Bessy" is the Princess Elizabeth, eldest 
flantihter of Edward IV. who as here represented as the 
ililef ortiHuizer of Ibe conspiracy which brought Riehmond 
to Enjriaiid. and ended in his defeat of Richard and marriage 
to Blisaheth, 

IJessy enmes to Lord Stanley and implores him, in 
rotuni for the offiees and possessions conferred upon him 
by hiT father, to brinji' Hichnmnd home from Briiaimy and 
iiiake him kift^. Slanb-y repulwr-s her, but Bessy persists, 
reniiiHlinfi; him u\' Riehard's murderinj; the two princes, 
who shouUi in right have reigned. Stanley again, refuses, 
warning her that if Richard bears of her attempt she will 



be iriiprisonod or put to dcatli. Bi'ssy still continues, 
brinf^ng forwiirtt :i stronger argument. Once she saw her 
father weeping iis ]w i-cad a liook, and as she came to 
him he revealed to lier tlie cause of his sorrow. 

"For I heir s)iall never -son of my butl^v be gotten 

That shall bo crowned after me; 
But you shall be queen and wear Iho crown: 
So doth expre.sse the propheeye!" 

He gave the book to Elizabeth, and bade her sliow 
it to none save Stanley, and to rely upon him for aid. 
Him, therefore, she now petitions for soldiers and captains. 
Still denied by Stanley, she begs him for love of God to 
have pity on her. Only three days before Richard had 
sent to her 

"A batchelor and a bold baron, 
A Doctor of Divinilye", 

to beg her to become his love, and he would poison his 
wife, and his son and heir as well. Slie would ratlier 
bo- burned than consent. Stanley still asseits his loyalty, 
and Bessy now brings forward her strongest argument. 
His loyalty will avail him nothing, for Richard has him- 
self made known to her his purpose to hang or behead 
all the lineage of the Stanleys and the Talbots. Let liim 
avert the danger by uniting with his brother. Sir John 
Savage, his sister's son, and Sir Ciilbert Talbot, all of whom 
can bring great forces into tlie field. Stanley continues 
obdurate, sure that Richard cannot intend to betray him. 
Unsuccessful in all her appeals, Bes.sy falls in a swoon. 

And now Stanley confesses to her. when she recovers, 
that he has but been trying her to sec if she feigned. He 
has himself harbored thoughts of the same kind. They 
now take counsel together. Letters are written, with 
Bessy acting as scribe, to Lord Strange. Sir William Stanley, 
Sir John Savage, and Sir Gilbert Talbot, and these are 
despatched by Humpliry BrereKm. Stanley's esquire. All 
agree to meet Stanley in L(pn<loii. Brereton returns to 
Stanley, whom be finds walking in a gimlen with Richard. 



- 933 



On Stanley's coiiiplainl that lie lias not seen Brereton for 
a Um^^ whilr, the \i\U*'V irplirs lliiil iin' Ims lici-ii in the 
Wrst diiintiy where lie wiis hiirn: ami Slsinley so coniiiirnils 
tlic courage unil Ii.).VixIty uf the Wcst-i-nniilry men that 
Kirliard is (ifceivpti ami ilerliirew that hnlf i.if EnplanH 
shall lie Stanli\v> 'iwii. 

On the third of Mu,v tin- consjtiratoTS moot Stanley 
ami Bessy, and promise to mate hrr qufen. JJlf.OOO of 
trold. with a lov<>-k'ttrr and a riiiK from Bessy :vn' drs- 
palchcil hy BnTeton to UifUmoml. He timls liitn sit an 
al)bey in Brittany, recogriiKing liirn froni a (lescription givrn 
by thi portcf. 

'■ 'A wnrt lit halh', tho poriior snid. 
'A lillle ul.-iuc< atii-ivo llio chiim, 
Ilis face i.s wliiln, !iis warl is redil. 

Nil ni'H'p than llio IipsiI hT a small pinn'"- 

Ridimond Iake^ the letters ami jj:o1(1. aui] kisses llic 
Ting tliiTip limes. After an nnj;in'i;essfiil iiflitinri to \\ic 
King of Fraiiee i'ar men. niom-y an^l ships. Kiclimuml semis 
tile niessengrr hark with Ifttrrs and tin- prnniisi; to Bessy 
tJiat he will crass the sra for tier. 

On rpceipt of Riehiiiond's riipswag^f^s, Bessy is si'nt 
int« biilin^^ al Lpici-stcr llial slu^ imiy mit lie hiiriil in n 
(ire hy Rirha.nL and Stutiley goes to the West, Lord 
Stran^'i' is sr-nt tu Jjfiri<lfin to keep Kinj; Rieliai'd fompariy. 
The ronspirators rail tii}:<>tlii*r tlirir I'orrrs, aii<L UJrIiuH'iid 
enters Knglanfl. Hearliig tliif; nrws, the king calls together 
his lords, and snmjnori.s Stanley to serni hiiii *jo,()imi inm, 
<ir his son, Loi'l Strange, slitill die. He likewise smiini'tns 
Sir William Stanley, who replies ihal yn Bosworlh iield hy 
will riffer him sin'h a lireakfast "n^ never did kniglit to 
any king". Thu'ri-njuiii Uieliard deleriiunes tluil Siraiigt* 
shall dip. and send!« him to the Tower. 

At Bosworih ilie 1'.iro<*s of the eons])iratorH meet. 
Richmond hegs lo lead the van, as he has eonie to liaim 
liiB own right, and this is accorded him hy Stanley. When 
Rirhiird appears. Jind perceivex thai Stanley has [Tinged 



— 2r!4 - 



hiiiiHi'If im RiriiiiioinTs sidf hv onlcrs tlint Stningc be 
oxpciitril at tmrr. The intfrct^ssuni of Sii' Williriiii Hnr- 
rinfiluit, who bcj^s that Straiigp- br in'psi-rvcil till nl'tr-r the 
fjatllf, wIiph all the Stafilf.vs will lie in Eic^lianl'.s puwcr, 
is of DO fivail. Strantrc's Ih-'EhI is aln-a^ly upon tho liUirk, 
wln'ii Uji'lifircrH ranks lif^gin to luTak <in (>ver>- side, and 
tlip cxigt'opy of the situation enables Hurrin^itn to rescue 
Btrari^'c. 

Till' liattli- rages anil Rithtirtl's nicii bcfpii to Ui-h. 

"When King RichArd ttiftt »iphi: did see, 
In lits heart hee waa iipver sue woe: — 
•I [ira.y you, iii,v muTry mpn, bu not away, 
VvT upon tliis fti^Ui will 1 like a man Jye; 
Kdi' ] liud nilh^r <lye MiIb tlaj 
TiiiiTi with llip SUndley priwmer la be"". 

Hariitigiiin Ural's the king to mount and save \m life. 
Imt Ricliaril aiiswei's, 

'■"Givp me my battle aip in my hniu!; 

I mnlce n vow lo mvld Mory Hint, in so briphl. 
I will ib'e Llie king' iif merry Knglanii' ". 

Ant! thus bw fails among his enemies, the crown Iu'wwl 

frotu Ills lii'uil and bis brains boatfn nnt, Tn Iji'iix'sfrr 
bis (■iirjisi.' is virwcti li^' ilu' aniiabU' Bfssy wlio wi'lcoiiu's 
it with the iTinark. 

'■•How like ynit Hip fcillinp r>F my Srpthren dear 
Welfliinio, gontle iinde, hoine"'. 

Bb(-' is then married tu llicbniond, ami 8ir Williajii Stanley 
(•rrm-|is lliem botli. 

Tlio rhief interest of this- jiiisce lies iu the ijroot it 
affords that Riehard's story ajipeuled very eaily to the 
IKijuilar imagination and br-canir subject to its shaping 
induence. Outside of the chronicles it appears first in the 
most iHipular forni of literature, tlie batlad. Whether the 
song WPS originally com|>os('d by Brcteton or uot, that it 
was subjected to repealed chunges by thoso who recited 
and eopicd it is elear aw well fi-oni its eoiitents, an from 
Ihfl variations in the two extant versions. A comparison 
with Ilif rhroniclpfi is hardly neceRsary. the ground idea 



— 235 - 

that the canspiiftey owed its Origin tn Elizalielii being' so 
j»alpably impossible as to makr any ntliL^r ^ppartiire from 
history putirely nalural. Ft is sufficient to note tliat the 
pujiular hate of Riolianl is sliuwii in the iiiii-plcniing nature 
here ascribed to him, and in the taunt of the liwiy Bessy; 
while UiP iidjiular favnr for Richmond is slinwn hy his 
iippeat — pontrao' tfJ the chrouitle — tu he allowcil U) 
l*^ad the van. Both these traits recur in tho most popular 
of the dramas, Tliu TruL^ Tragedy of Eichardi III. 



n. A Mirrttr for Ma^Htrates. 
The purpose of this epoch-marking" work, the tirst 
edition iif whifh appeared in ISGS, and t^e reason for its 
title, are thu.s plainly set fort in the Introdnction addressed 
■^To all the Nohilitie, ami All other in OtKce". Upon the 
majrirstnites of a resilii] (h^pend it» weal or wor. If tho 
magistrates be good thi' people cannot he ill. Thoy stand 
in Goirs place before their people, and should show Hip 
aUribllti-s of God. a.nd notably justice. "What a foulo 
shame were it for any nowe to take vpoii them the name 
and office of God. and in their doinfrs to shew theinselues 
d^'viliji' God cannot of justic*'. I)ut pla^juc auehe shameless 
prfsumiition and bipomsie^ and that with .sihamful death, 
diseases, or inCaniye. How he haih plagued I'uil riileiB 
from time to lime, in oiher options, you may bpp galhred 
in Bochafi' [Boceaceio'sJ boke intituled: The fall of 
Priiiens, translated into English by Lydgate (a monke 
of lie abbey of Bury in Suff.l How he h;ah ilelt with 
gonoe of our cotintreyuien. your auncesloiire, for sundry 
viC'PS not yet left, this boke named A Mirmur for 
Magistrates, shall in jiart plainlye set forth before your 
eyes. . . . For here, as in u mirror or loking glasso, you 
shal HO if any vice be found,' how the like hath bf'h 
punished in other heretofore,, wherhy admonished. I trust 
it will bee a ^ood neciisjone tn none men to the soti'-r 
amendment. Thin in the chief end why tliis booke in set 



— 236 



forth, wbicli God graunt it may talke according to the 
mancr of tbe makers". 

It was. then, a book ol' waniiiig exaiiiiiK'R, si-t fortb 
in tho manner of Boccaccio's hook, which I'liritiiihcil the 
suggestion for its piililication. Tlic Ifpcnds are set in a 
framework of running comment, in which Baldwin, the 
editor, is ropresenti'tl as luking tUo place of Boceaccio, 
and the princs Dake their complaints to him. The diffcre^nt 
contrilHitr>rs gather ahout liim, and opening "sucL bookes 
of chrouicli''s'" as they liavi' "there present", proceed to 
select the various Etories suitable to their purpose. What 
these chronicles were is indicated In the comment on the 
legend of Norfolk, where Hall, ''whose chronicle in this 
worke", says the editor, "wee chiefly followed", and Fa- 
byan are mentioned. 

For llie purpose of the work no period could offer 
better exainples than that of the wars of the Roses, which 
lm<[ swi'pt away so many of the nobles of England; and 
withifi that period no examples could he more striking 
than those furnished by the victims who met deatli at 
the hands of Richard III. and by the arch -tyrant Richard 
hirasetf. All tlie.se had occupied stations of the highest 
rank, and bad met death under circumstances of peculiar 
horror. Their falls liad. moreover, in no ease been the 
fall of the wholly innocent. In the lives of all had betn 
great crimes, and to these their eu<ls wi'n* trnceable, 
either in the course of history itself, or in the belief in 
a just and avenginK God. Tins belief appears with 
especial emphasis in tbe chief autboriiy for ibis period, 
Hall's ebroniele, whose main source, Polidore Vergil, had 
lost no opportunity to point out the crimes of his characters, 
and to declare with the j^eatest stress that in their down- 
fall was to be seen the hand of a righteous aud offended 
Deity. And Hall himself had contributed to make the 
same thought prominent, by his conceplion of the purpose 
of historical writing as a means of encouragement for the 
good and of warning for the bad. declaring that had not 



237 



tlie lives of tjraiits been put in renieiiilirance, "youni? 
Princes aod fraile gouernors mi^ht likewise haue fallen 
in a like pit, bu( 1)5' redyn^ th^ir Vices ami spyng their 
misclieueous eudo. thei bee coiiiiielled lo leaue their euitl 
waies, and emhmco tho good qtialitios of uotaMe princes 
and prudent (rouornours: Thus, wtitynf; is tlir keyp to 
(induce vertup and ropresse vice" ilntrod. to Hall's Chroii.. 
PI). V & VI). 

It is not stranfre, then, that a very largr i)i''>porlioii 
of thp whole number of Ipgends^ should belony; to the period 
of Richard. In all, there were in the various editions, 
% popiiw, of which 50 belong to the period i-xtiwiding 
from the mythical conijn]^ of Brute to William the Con- 
qucror. Of the 40 remaining, covering the [lerind from 
William til 1540. 13 years before the first edition of the 
Mirror^ 11, mui-c than nuc-quartpr, are eujiuectad with 
the story of Richard. 

The Legends. 

lu the fii'st edition. 1559, appeared: 
Henry VI, by Baldwin (?) 

George Plniitagenet, Duke of Clarence, by 
Baldwin, accurdiug to HaaU-wood (uf, liitrtid, to 
his ed, p. XIX) 
Edwartl IV. by Skelloii. 
(The second edition, 15li:^. added: 

Sir Anthony Wodvili', Lord Rivers, by Baldwin 

The Lord Hastings, by Dotaiati 

The Cnni|(laiiit of Henrie, Duke of liueking- 

ham, by Thomju*; Saekville 
Collingborne, l)y Baldwin 
Richard Plantagenet, Duko of Olocester, 

by Segar ^ 

Shore's Wife, by Thomas Cliurehyard. > 
This edition war; reprinted in 1571. and again in 1574, 
Uus time entitled "The Last parte of the Mirour for 
B&gistrates". Here 24 stanzas were added to tlu^ poem 



— ^3H - 

on Hastings. Na npw jmouis oti tliis iH-riud wriv adiifd 
in the various editions till 1610, wlini in Rfihort Nichols's 
editian ftiiiJuMlicd TIip Two" Princes and Richard III 
(fepiaciiig Si^gar's iiop-iiii. TL^se. as post-Sliakrsperean. 
do not cono-oru US. 

Thl^sc logoridft, with tlie Siiitfl^ cxcf^ption of Bucking- 
liam's Coiii]hlaiQt, linvc no eliuin to he calU-d poetry. 
Noi* are ilK'y studies of cLamctL-r. Tlioy art' nearly all 
Hiero Ijiographies iiv vcfrse-,' keeping gri.'iUM-fttly close to their 
chronicle soiij-cfis. but deviatrng suflicieDtly to iiidieate in 
places a. decided advanei' in the Rieliard-sajfa, and in 
someoJthe opisod^-R cojiriccMMi witli Hiclianrs story. 

The citations in tlic Inllowiiig aceniinl are ntndc fmrn 
the edition ot' Ha>lew"nad, iai5. 



1. How King Henry the sixte. a vertuous Prince, 
was after many other miseries, rrnelly mnrdered 
iti the Tower of London, the 22 of May. Anno 1471. 

Ill this legend the only siatenient of impoilancc to 
our purpose is contained in strophe 38. 

For {here niiriB onely si>nne imi lhii'liC"'ne jvares of ngc., 
Was lanr. anil miirclnrecl Blraiglil h,y Edwnrd in his rafr*?: 
Ainl'Klmrlly ! my selfe. In HtLnL All riirdnr HlriCo, 
Suibdn with tii^ brulhnr's lilniidy bluilo in piismi l.isl m.v lite". 

Here the expression "to stint all furder strife" points 
to Halt as the foiu'w. who has (p, 3oy) "Poore kyn^ 
Henry . . . was now in the Tower of London, spoyled of 
Uift life . . . Iiy Uieliai'it duke of Ci-Inueester Uiw tlie eon- 
staut fame rannei wliieh, to thintent that King Etlward 
liis brotbeft should he clera out of all secret susjiicion of | 
sodain inuasiou, niurthered the said kyii? with a dagger". 
Fabyau Ip. <->t>2) iias; siuiply "was stykked 1^111) a dagger, 
by the handes of thf. duke of Gloue*>ster". "Murdered 
straight by Edward in his rage" does not, perhaps, 
necessarily mean by Edward personally, a statement made 
by none of the ehroiiifles. 



— 239 — 



2. How CJpnrgf PlEiiitagon'f'tr tliiril ^innnn of tin' 
Dukt.' (»f Yurkc, was liy kis Ijcnt.lier Kinj; Edward 
wrongfully imprisoned, and I)y his brotherRichard 

tniserabl.v murderpd the 11 uf Jan. An. 147S. 

Clart'iiee Ijpgiiis liis lieavy plaint l.i_v di'clariiiif tliat 
ln^ needs not to tell his name, for his wine Ijewcays liiui 
liy tlic siiu'll. He will set forth hriefly his wrnlth, his 
woe. anil causers of decay. Aflwr tj'acing his desciMit 
triJiii Liuiicl, son of Edward 111. and rtlMtiii^r tlie th'ath 
of Uis father, hi' pa-ssps to his hnother Edward's successful 
(ittrmpt to fifiiin the- thridne. Once k\i\p. Edward forfrot 
his friends iind di'spispd his kin. Prf[iarfil liy IJii.s uii- 
kindncss, CUirt'licp listened reiidily wlicri WnrwErk trieii 
Ut sediii:i' liiiii from his hrolhi'r. "Witless, wautiiii. forHl 
and yoiuifc'". liP was coniiurnwl l>y htvp of Warwii-k's 
ilaiijL'hter. and fell. But at len^h hi- saw his error and 
n'tiirned to lii.^ hnitln-r. his di-scrti^m |irovirifr tlm ih-ath 
of Warwick. But Edward had two priuctfliki..' sons, bora 
to be puiiisliod for their parcnfs sin, aud Edward'n fear 
for these proved Clarence's downfall. For 



A 



2fl 
A pri)iiliftsie "WRH fininil, wJiifli ^a.yl^, o (< 
Of Edward's t'hi]ilren uhuulii iJy-iti'iU'I-iiin Lji^o. 

•27 
Mpc tn ben f;. bci-ausB my name was (reorge, 
My hMiihor ihnuphL, anil Iherpfore diil mee halfl". 

But all such pi'oiiliecies are falsest of the false, as Clarence 
shows at U'li-rtli, distiueuisHiafr theui from tho true pro- 
phecies, siieh as those of Mim-Hti. This lore jiiul lieeii 
iiiiparti^d to him hy a I'aithful si-rvaiit wliu .set jiil hi-^ 
delip-Ut in study. 

40 
"JIo kiiBw my bri>lliier Iticlianl wa« Llip tmrc, 
"Whose tit.>*b(is should^ lean? ray brorbcr's bnyes and mo. 
And graue me warning' iheruf long bpfiire". 

He too [irnphcsicd the death of (.'larrnce's wife, which 
camp to puss. Then followf-d the projoct to marry tiie 



- 240 — 

stt^p-daugUter of tin- Duke of Burgundy, to which the king 
woukl not agi'ec. So 

"facft to laoe we fell at Aat deflaunce 
Bill were appeased by freacls of our aliaunce". 

But the marriage was dashed, whereat when Clarence's 
servant s]K)ke his mind his enemies charged him falsely 
with an attempt to compass Edward's death by sorcery. 
The ser\'ant was coiidenined and put to death. 

47 
"This fierd my hart, as foulder doth the healli: 
So thai I Ciiuld not but exclame anc! cry, 
.\gaynsl so great and open iniury. 

For this I was eonimaunded lo the towor, 
The king my brother was so cruel harted. 
And when my brother Richard saw Ibe hower 
Was conip. for which his hart so sore had smarted. 
He Ihouglit it best take lime before it parted; 
For he eodeuoiired to atlayuo the crowne. 
From which my life must nudes haue hehl him downn. 

Fur though ibe king within a while had died, 
As nedes lie must, he surfayted so oft, 
I musi haue liad his cliildren in my guydc, 
So Richard should hesy<le the crowne haiie cofi: 
This made him ply llie wbihi Ibe wax was soft. 
To Undo a nieane to hrinfji' me lo an ende. 
For realm-rape s|iarelh ne.vther kin nor fren*!. 

50 
And whan hee sawe how reasim can asswape 
Through length of lime niy brother P'dwaril's ire, 
Willi forged lales hee sel him newe in roge. 

Till at Ihc last Ihey did mydealh conspire: 
And though my Irulh sore li'oubled their desire. 
For all I he world did kuowc mine innocence. 
Vet Uiey agreedo 1u charge mee with offence". 

A secret quest within the Tower followed the wishes of 
t'lareuce's lunthei's and condemned him to deatli. 



— -241 



"This (eate atchmed. yet cOuld Ibej" aot for QbAme 

Cause mep boe kild by ati.v couiinioii \va.v, 

Bui likfl A -woire (de (^yrnnl Hieiiard cftiue, 

(My brndier, nay my hulclier I luay nay) 

Uiilii lli(' towpi' wbfn all men wflW awny. 
Sane miL-h us were jiruuidetl for ihe fcaie: 
Whci in this wise diil slrnunjj'ulj oiee eulreuln. 

sa 

HiH. piir]>o.ie was with a firepju'erf Htritip 
Ti) Hiraiijile lupe: Iml 1 fn'siinl mep sn, 
Thai by no fni'i'e they coultl niee Ibertn being, 
■Wliii'h i-iiiised hitii ihal pnriinse Ui fijrj,'iK 
Howbeit the^ bound moe, wbelhor I would nr tia. 
And in a hut of nialniesj staniling by^ 
NewB (■hriHlned nieo, bei'ause I sbuiilri nnl (t^v. 

54 

T1)U> drD\\-nile 1 was, yet for no due desrrt, 
ICxceiit diQ 2eaLe< r>f justice bop it oritup: 
F.■ll^^! pri>j>hec'ia'4 bewiU'hl king Kdward's harl. 
My brulher Hitharri tu Ihe ciuwub would i-liiuc; 
Note tlioMc ihr*f CAiwes in iliy nirul] rime. 
And hidiily s.iy lliey did procure my fall. 
And death i>f doflihs mosl »lr&unge and liard "f a)l". 

f^Tliis lojroml olfBrs a most uii|ioi'taiit aiiilitioii to the 
safT-i. Till now (lirrc hud Itcfn offfn-d mily a sLi*firi!.sti(iii 
of Riclmnrs (^oiiiicc'tuni with his Itrotlirr's ilL'iitli, . Tiiis 
was thp r.iiiitimi.s sttiteitu-iit (d' Miin-, (-{ipii'il into t!ir Har- 
dyiiji cu[itiinin.ti<iii and iiilL> Hall. "Sniniiii- w'l^ic im-iiiii.' 
alsri wriciic. thai Ills iln'tle fniit'rtl.v c.iumavdc, hirkcil iiol 
in hflijiiiK furtli Lis biuthcr Clarenct' to liis death: which 
lii-f ri'Sisti'il diii'nl.v, liiiwhiMt. sniiiwlijit. las iiicnu'" iK'iiird) 
move faiully IIii'U hf tlial \vri-r liarti-ly iJiimlctl tu Urn wl-IIIi. 
And they tliat thus deine think that he loag time in king 
Eilwardrs life rar^dlKiuf^lit to tie kin^ in mav thai tbo 
binjr his Ijrothcr iwlit'Sf life hec looked that iMiil dycto 
sliouldc slinrtfn} s|tr>uld<' liappi'ii tu decease (as in dede 
he did) whih' liis r hi hirers wit yoiiKt'- And tiici deiiie, 
Mint for tliys iiitmit^ he was jjladdi' (if his hrulln'i-s dnalli 
Hie Dukt- <irC]areiicr, wliusi- lil'e must iiwdcs liaue Itiiidt-'ivd 

PalnwIrB X. Hi 



242 — 



hyni so pntpniiyiipe, whithrr tljc Baiiic Dukr of Cljin^ucH 
haddu kepte him true to his iiupliow tbc yons'f' kiii^, or 
ent^irprised to bp kyng hiiiisclfc. But of al tLis puintf is 
there no certanitie, and whoso diuirit^tL viijwn coiyVcLurrs 
maye as wel shote farrc as t» sliort"' (c.f. p. 79). 

This passage as found in Hall was evidently (cf. 
strophes 48 and 49) the pniiiary sniirci' uC ilic rrpirsc illation 
in the legend, hut tliis gui*s far bt>yoiul Mure. KirJiiird is 
here not merely the "helper fiirth" of Clarence's death. 
he is the actual eaiiscr nf Olareiiw's eoiidi-innalioii. for 
Edward's waiiiug wrath is fanned liy lijju witli "fL>rge(l 
tales", (a still farther advance makes Richard the actual 
nmrdorer, attempting with his own hands to stran^rli' Ids 
brother with a string, and failing, drowning him, with tlic 
asaislancp of liis followers, in tlie hutt of uialiiH'fUjy. 
Another ciime has thus become timdy attaohtsd to Hicliard's 
namt^ 

That this was, ftven befort! tin' Mirror for Majiis- 
trates, already the nceepted view ainnng the penple, we 
have at least one siifii. Hall ei»i»L'it llure's stntemeiit 
from the Hardy ng contiiinatiun witbout any other tlinn 
merely VBrbnl cLaiifre, and the addition, "but this couiticturi"- 
afterwarde toke place (as fewe done) as ytni sliall ]»ercnii]p 
lie.reafter" (p. 342). by wliieli additliHi lie aii[i;ir4'nlly means 
to say that suhsequenl events made it apparent that 
Richard liad even while his hrntlier was alive desufred the 
CTdwii: and to indicatr liis hclii^l' that IMcljurd ili(j have 
something to do in helping his brother to his dciUh. But 
in the Index of HalPj; chronicle we liiid the ft»llowini,' 
under "Kichard". — "Jle put to dcalii Ijys imitber duke 
of fUarence, 3H0". Now tlift passage on p. 9H0 has nothing 
to say of Richard. It is the passai^r copied by Hall U-\m 
Polidore Vergil (cf. p. 14if| in which Vergil points out 
that the death of Edward's children was due to their 
father's erinie.9. tirst hy hi.s perjury sit York, "And altor- 
ward by the death of the dnke of Clarenc*^ his limthpr. 
hp iucniTed (of likelyehod) the great dispk'asui'e toward 



4 
« 




— 243 — 



Qo(l'\ Undfi' Eiiwni<i's nanic, hdwi^vfir, in thii- Index 
uotliin^ is said of Lis Gonii^ctinu willi Clarciicn's di-iith. 
Altiiougli the [laesage inimediatelj preceding; tliis uixin 
p. 3H0 does tiiiov t<T Ktchard. and tlirri^ is a iinssiliility 
lliul this tact, led lo a iiiietakt^ on tbf pnrt of n liasty 
iodt's-iuakcr; yet it seems very iinjirobabk' that tlio inistako 
would have weurred luad iic not liecn jiossesMod oi tlio 
ideu that Kiciiurd was Uarencet; murderer. 

Bat bowovLT tbe niatter stood iu the tradition of the 
pnnplp up til IIk' iHililicatioii of the letfi-nd in tlie Mii-ror 
fur Maj^istratPs in 1559, I'rum this liiiio «m tliat Riflumi 
was Ills brother's uuirdHiMir was tbp accepted view. Of 
Lliis there is aliuridiiril ovideiici'. IjPfrgL^'ii; Richardus 
Tei'tiuH (Sliak. Lilj, II. 1, p. 13S) contains tliu stateitifnt 
"fratri fiuo morCeiii iiitulit Glocestrius", and Thi' True 
Tragedy of Richard the Third (Shak. Lib. It, I. p. 63J 
says of (.'bccLCi' tbat he was ''By (rlosters Dukf drnwiiril 
in a but of wirn'". In Fk'tcher's Kisiufr to thr Ciowne 
of Richard III, piohahlj wiiltcii before 8haki>spe arc's 
Kichard is likewise reprcst'iitx-d as bis Iii'iIIkt's 
iutchcr", Shak^'^pcitn'S reprt'suiitatiuii of Ititlmrd'.s sliare 
in bis brotlier"s death had therefore a lirmly I'stablislirii 
tradition lirbinil it. 

Strangely emnigli, this fact and its pronta bavi* tilnmst 
entirely rscaped Uk- notice of studcntK of Sliaki-spi- are's 
play. With but a single <*xn'ption. tbr'v rtijfard Sliaki-- 
speare'* repi-esei nation aw bis own ^-xt-'tiBioii of tiie aujr^i-titioii 
ia More. Tluiy, to <|ii<tte hut a few instaiici's of inajiy, 
Gairdiipr (Life of Hieli, ill. p. 41) yajB. "It is also made 
to appear |tjy Sbakes))«5M'e] that it was Itichard who ;;oi 
tlie order for iiis [( 'iar»'iici!"s] d«atli carri«'(l out, and that 
it was Itidiard who from the hiiginuiii^ liad p1r)tt(>d bis 
deBtructioti by spttinff biiii and the king at einiiity with 
pacii otli^r. Of this vittw I must say that i tiTid no 
warrant for it ia any of llie original sources of the history 
(if I'^dwji'd Mil' I'Vniitli's reiifn: and it stM'nis tit In- derived 
I'uiurit bum H passage in More'ti Lifn of Ricliard IIT'. 

1«* 



— 344 — 



After qamittf the jMauge, bft coftttaoea. "^n* 
of ooDne. had nnt tbr meatt of npap. like tte faao^npber, 
*B«t nf all tAm point ttwr» m ■> cvftaatjr^. So vtut in 
tkt lint writer was a mere eonaiM wa« repcv^Dted 
a fact Qpnn the stagt to rf>fl4>ct the rhsnictar tnlrtKlnl* 

Tait (Die. NaL BioR. sab ClareDccl sa^s. "lU* 
tniM (r>r MonJ <)mml>rd by Morv himself as itnU 
ortainty, lit the nnlj fioeiiivp fooodation for Shalcespei 
o« ri|>iiftii of (1in»Ma)"8 death to (ilaucesi«»r". 

Courtenay tComm. on ib»- tiii^L plays of Sh. p. 64> say 
*"! (Irt not fin^. even in Holinshed. ihr inslauaiioa iK 
Edwiinrs jralnu«y of Clart'acc. and Iiis consMiueoiI 
ccciHiie^, w*TP brmiirhl aI>oi]t nr frniifnl<'(i by (.iloarestPl 
It irt mil* nf thr iristaiicc!> wliicti iilxniud in lli<* play. 
that wjiirli may. indppd, lie altnn.'it ilepmi^ its drsisn. 
Iitacki-tiiitf.' or lUt' <-]inriU't4T nf tlir kiti>; wboiii tlip ta'and 
fntiitr (if (^in-fn ElizHlx-tli liad ilpthmibi-d" tp. 71 j. •"TliM 
ia one of the eases in wliirli .StiakrsjM'afe has ;roue Wjoc 
Iiis iiiilltorilirK in nnlrr lo lt(iuki-n Hirlimd, Not a w^nl 
h Kaid liy lI'diuHliod or .M<>n- t>r HK'iiiirtlV piirti<-i|jalii>Uj 
in tlio mtirdfr'*. 

I/Iriyrl K-rit. E(*sny on Ji. lilt ha*: "Th'- iiinnaavuifiit' 
nt fhc (li'iiili nt ('hin-iUM? hy UI'isiiT ft; impiiticiiifd |liy Murej 
»H R misiiiriiMi whiph Sliakf'siicsro strcn^rtlK'twd into a facf'j 

Sk"trmW(> iLUf- of Shak. p. 193) fX|.rt'.sscw liimsetf l( 
likn cfTnct, OtliiT cnriinn'iitators iiu-illy n'frr tlii' ]>assias 
til Miin>. Iiy fiiiotiiig hi£ stuti'ititMiL only in f/iviri^' i\it 
snurci'H. nf ilip phiy. or I'Ise havi* nothiiijr lo say about 
the (tiiurci' iif tlic passapo at all. 

Till- Kiri^li^ fXL'i'ptiiiu Ik Occlii-lliliiii^er. mIid in hii 
Kj<sny Uhur K'ltng Ilirhai-J III (SIiaki'spvn*aria, p. tiTj 
iit'li'f iiii'ntirmintr llii' passage in Blnre. ifor«s on to saj'; 
'"SliitkrN|K'iiri' WEir als(j iiithl lilifss nncli si-iiicr 'Qui'lk 
Riindfirn, wie nirh bcstimnit hehaiiplcn iJlsst, aurh cliirch' 
ili'ii i|j!.iiiiilijrt-[i H.|]tr<-iii('iiii-ii V()lks^''hiuljfni lnTfdiiitit.Hirlini'iJ 
I'ilr (ii'N AiiHtirUT ilif'Si'S Monli-s zii halli'ii. t'uinl ilin'rdiia? 
iitirli hri Huh'nKlii-'d ilic AiMl('uiua<r ikl)i.^i' d'u- vun Itii-huril 



— 245 — 

hfoljacIitPte Tactile fini-r Uiissprlirln'n rarli'irisihnie TUr 
Cliin'in-i.*. watirriid it lieinilicli frog-pn ibji wirktr, Indiroct 
iM'weist srJioii lU'r Titcl dpr iTBtcti Quai-tiuiS'ialii': The 
Tr;ij;t*i!_v ul' KiriK Itirlmril Itir l]i[r'd. t'lMil iiiiihi;,' his 
trcacliproiisPluls ^ifrainsl luslirutlierClaiotice ii.s.w., 
ilnss (li-T ilnniali^c Vnlks^diiiUio Richard I'tSr ili-ii Milrder 
Iiirll: [li'iiii I's isl. iiinii-nkliiir, ilitss Sliakt^spcnri'. mii-r die 
HiTiiuNtri'ljcr. ail so licrvdrragt'ndi-r Stcllc eiiicr gL'scliifht- 
lii"lifn TIiat>iEirhc i'rwl5lirit Iiiittni. wpnn dirsi* nidit «1I- 
gi'inriii jrfkaiiiit war luhI gi'trlauht wurde". Ht- llini pninle 
,lo thp paasapo in The True Tra^ody. 

But pven pch ell iS. user missed tlip stmnt-'t'st proof of 
LJiis positiim, the letrirtid in tlio Mirror fur Mjiyistratos, 
\ne well as tlir Vuw in Lcgge's yilny and the itidiroct proof 

l'\ Hull's l[Kt.-X. 

Tlinl Sliaki'S|»'i;M'e liml nut only tUi- cuniiiioii tradition 
lull tlu' iMIrroi' for Magistrates as well in !iis nijnd, 
lis iinl im|irn1ial)tc. llmLiyhtf it cannot he prov(*(l. Tlin 
itii|i(irljint cin-rl assigmnl to the prnpliecy about (1., wtjich 
Itiw ln.'rn ccnKiired by OeplicUiJliiscr ami othrrs. i'nrn*s|ionda 
It) the iiiipoitaiUT pven it in tlio Mirror, and so iIol's 
\[\p intMlind wliicli RirLiird takes to accoiiipHsli !iis ptid. 
"Thr liii.-s (R. Ill I. 1, U5"?») 

"H"" i-nnnol livt', I hopie; «ml mual n<il <lie 
Till tiLHtrift' hu jHii'k'd wiili |jiiwi-liiirsi> ii|) lu heaver. 
I'll ill, lo iirt'i' liis lialnvl niorp tn I'lio-encp, 
Wifh litw well wlpelVl w-illi ■weiplal.v ai'giimenW, 

Jconvspoiul vi-ry clnsclj Ut 

"Anil w}»in Itt'o sav.'c Ihjw I'oaMoli can iiMswa^ 
'rhniiigli tfiiij^lli rif tinip ni.v lirullmr Kdwanl's \rr. 
Willi fiirgnil tftloH he yet )iim newe in rnpp". 

iln hoth rases tlir drriwnintr in i\w iimlnH'sy butt is trpatcd 
Lrr n Hniil rxpcdicut wlicii utbor iiicaus (j1 inunirr pi'ovu 
,ina(lf(|Tmte. 



. Till! chronicle source of this Icgand was iimnifostly 
Hall, as shown ihrouj?hout the poem. 



- 246 - 

3, Howe Kinjr Edwivrti thr Tnurth through his sur- 

I'ctinir iiiitl vnh'm|M'ralii lil'i'. sndaynly dynl in the 

inidilcst ol' his piosjicrity. this njnili of Ajirill, 

Anno 1483, 

This legfTKl (liffci's in chflractcr from tlio othors. in that 
it is n<it ii l>iiiiri'ii|di.v. liut n lyric porm in seven atropUi's,j 
dpvotod lo the thKHic; 

"Whal ui it to trust (u uutabilily? 
Sitli that in Uiis wai'ld noLiiingf mny eincltiiij". 

Edward [loints tn his great prosporitv, mid marks its cnn-^ 
Ifiist to liitj Hiidden drath. witli the vprse- that t'nrnis rhir 
ri'trfiiit of oat'Ii sirnphc. 

"Kt PL-cf riimi.' in jniJvi-rc ilifPtnio". 

Tlio few c%'cnts of Edward's lifo that ar** mcntionod aroj 
confined to his fortifying and strengthening of varioufij 

towns Eiad cjisiU's. and av*- of no iniiMirtaricr to tliis Btudy.-| 
Thi'y dii iinl iipiiear to be drawn fi'niii the ehronJclfs. 



4. Howe Hyr Anthony Wndiiilr Lnrd BiilfrB nnt|1 

ScalOK. Goucrnour nf Priiico Edward, was with hial 

Ncpbuc Lord Richard Gray and other causelesse 

imprisoned and cruelly murdered. Anno 1483. 

At'trr somo introductory slroplirs. Rivers mmounrrsj 
the nsiial tLiumt', "How false and cuiiihrous worldly houorsj 
an-", Willi the specific addition, 

"Hdw typftiantcrt Hiiffereri ami nol. (jueld in time, 
Dill' ml thejr Ihroales ihat suffer them In clime". 

The I'iuise c»f his full was ■'thr almsp and seorm'ng (if 
God's (jrdinauficc" in that he ajid his kinsniifn. raised lo 
power hy King Edward, had not married as God hado, 
but "■Wfdde<l wiucs fur difmity jind landes". He relati's' 
the aJig<T of (..'lai'enee and Warwick, and the resulting 
drath of his fnther and brother. When the realm becamt 
4tiiet and the queen Wfl« blent with ehildren. 



— 247 — 



40 

f,Miin>rad Ihpm, il was l!ie king's desier: 
TLis set Iheyr \ii(i«s fiirinnsly (in fler. 

That Wee, the qnei'Bo's blomf were aas.ip)ir|p li> g-i^iierne 
The prince, nul ihe.v, l!io kind's uwiie bloud and bt'citherne. 

41 

TliiH i-aii.idc Ihp diikp hiT rinrenre ho In i-hnfe. 
Tliiii. wiih llio ki]\g hot* brninlBsao TbU al bate; 
The c<iiiii»Bilu wui'L'ly fur In ke'po bim safe 
rrum rai.-^ing Luuitill.s, ils Ilq riid nf late, 
liupri,Hi.>neil him: where* through his brother'N hsifl 
He wa-s <'<)aili?mn(ie, a.iid niurder*d in such sorl 
As ht him i^olfe haih Iriilj maile report", 

Clarcncp had hated Rivprs and his kinsmen, though they 
■ftislird him well; but as Clarence maligned them, so 
Riehard 

47 
"Mulifrriod him. hthI hsasMy did him smother: 
A dt'iiL^iidU doede, a. must vtikiiidly part, 
Vel iiint rDuen^ for his vnnaliiTall hart". 

Thiiiifjrh Richard envied their stat<? more than Clarence, 
yet he masked his feelings sn successfully that lie fljipeareil 
their ehieri^st stay. Edwaid dii'tl, jiiid Rivi-rs marled with 
his ward from Ludlow, dismissing at the requPBt of council 
and iiueen — who had heen urged thereto by Richard — 
Ilw gifat train ul men be had gathered for the prince's 
di?fpnce. Then 

m 

"Tbi.* duku •>{ lilui-e,-^ter, Ihikt incsrnstQ deuUi, 
('i)nfodrerd willi !hH duke of BuckiDgham, 
Willi eke loi'd Hustings, hisly both lo oulll, 
To iui>»r» Ihe king io mniirning habit came, 
(A (Tuell vroHa Ihowgh cJtithcd like a lamhe) 

And ai. Nihrtljaniplon, whom as then I huyted, 
They loiike theire inns, as they on mee had wayied". 

Here InnJ Hastintrs is appjiT4>ntly represented as pr^csent 
at Norlhmii|il(>n, bui that this is not meant is shown in 
the further course ol poem in which oaiy th« two dukes 
appear. 



— 24R 

Errnts follow :i.^ nnrriLtril in (In- flironirle. the liypo- 
criticjil fricTidlini'Ss, tin- scciirint^ iif tlic inti-koys. th(^ 
sUrtlwl iiwakcniiifc of Rivors. An addition appears in 
River's droam: 

(18 
"1 saw 11 rtuer hUipt wilh HtormtiK uf wiiKln, 
Wln'iire IhrwfijrJi a swaii, ii litill, stiil Iiui'id djil iia<'e, 
FriUinn-hing tlio fysh and fey, willi Icall] of hiJWPic, 
Tlie riiipi' drj'ile vp wane it lille sM'efiuie, 
lA'hifh al the last iliil water nil the loaino. 

m 

Me thiHtfrlit llii^ strfanir- iliil drowni the t-niel! bore 
In liilu rtpucp, il prcw kd dci'i.p ami bvidp: 
But Iieo hail kilile the bi.ili nml swan befiorp; 
Bcsalps all l.hjs I snwc jiii mijrl.v UuHl' 
(Villi towarde mce, im whith mep thiiiijrhl 1 (roile; 
Rill wliat became uf her, dt ■what of nice. 
My sodaynft waking would* not ]ei rape R*e". 

Rivers is arrestod, the ennspfratnrs liaston to Stony Strat- 
f'tiiti to tlio kin^. and thrn- Gni.v, Vauglian iiiiil Hank 
meet tln^ sanii' fate as tlif? I'arl. Rctiiriii'd tu Xortliainpton, 



"T'hnrp. lof^! diilio Richiii-d madi' himnelfp tirotectar 
or Isiii^' anil i'quIjui;, h,v ojM'tL |ii'i>claiuadan, 
TliiJLiuli nn'^vllipr kiiiif nor ii^iieene wej^e his elector. 
Thus h^e jifeHiimdic by Iziwles vsm-palinti", 

Tlirii J'liliows the pjiisoiU" if\' Ilii' (IikIi. Si'iit iii)tlli (ci 
iliffercnt tastlos the victims are finally unilrd at I'nnifrpt. 
wlirn' Ralcliffe imts. tht'm to dpHtli, witli Vaufrliaii irviiijr 
out "Tiiis tyrant Lilocestcr in llio gracelii'ssi' G.". 

83 
"In imrt. I grnunl, I well deserued lliin, 
H''<';iiisp 1 4.'aD$d^ not s|iod.y tse-tuliun 
])■'« di>np nn Hich.trd. for tlia.1 murder uT hi.-., 
\\ h<?n ilrst hee wrrniglii kiug lle-nrie's h'Iuhc cunCusiou; 
Nui fcir his hroiher'.'* halefnll jmrsei'iition: 

These iiruell nmrdprs psinfiill rtnaih d^serttefl, 
Wliii'li hail hE-B siiffred, many had hen [jfeserued", 

Tlip Infrend in general follows olosrly tliR clirnnirip 
account. It is iiot<.'wort]i hcrfi cliieny for its comiboration 



— 24{t - 



of thp apcount of Clsircnco's doath, in thp forp^oinpr Icppnd, 
for tli(« unluiiiiilcf] stalciiioiit that Irlou^-i'slfr took upon 
liiius^'Il Ht TM()r11i;uiii)lon tlii^ us;iiriio(l lillr nf prolprtor. ;inil 
for llic dri-aiii of Hivr-rs, proliali'lj sufrgfsli'il Iiy Hastin^^s." 
dream in Morn's story. It is not jiiiijossilili- Ibat it in turn 
fiirniRhod tlif Biipgrstion of Ohircncp's firriiiii in Rlcliard III. 

Thf clironick- source is Hall, as is sln>wn liy tlic wliolo 
course of the nai'rativc, as well a.s liy the discussion wliirli 
t'asufs amon^ tlie r^aiiiTs ovrr tlin ilisagrceing accounts. 
of Fal}ian on tLc oju- si<li- and Moiv and Hall on tbf ottiri", 
as to Dorset's relatiotisliip to tlif qwepn, and his whero- 
abouts at tlir tinic of the* [Miner's journ*')' to London. TliP 
latter is \\vcc followed. "If by Itii- way wt-f toucU any 
thing conccrnin};: titles, wcp follow thfrcin Hal!f'.s clironicle. 
And wIrto WW sepnio to swanic from his r'-apons and 
caust's of diuors iloin^s, there wci' jratlicr vpon conieeturo 
such thingos as seenie inoBi probable, or at the lost most 
(onuenient for the hirdernunfe of our purpose" (TJasle- 
wood's ed. II. 273). The latUT reason may serve as 
general explanation for the Mirror's deviation from the 
chronicles. 

Tliat Hall was used, rather than More's biography 
as [lublislied by Jtastvll in 1557. is likewise conclusively 
shown by the mention of Hawtr's name and by Vaiighan's 
remark abmit tbf prophiTy of <!.. rii'itiii'c of which occur 
ill Mere. 

In the introduction a|i[)ears the statement, ''You must 
imajrine Ibat bi- was nmiinpanied with the lord Richard 
Gray. Hawt, and tMaypani. whose iul'urtuiU-'s Ueu hc- 
waiieth after this maner". No Clajipam appears in tlic 
legend, and it is evident that his aame i.s a Tnistakr for 
V'aughan. None in mentioned ic-ither by the cbroriolfs in 
thiB connection. A Clapham who was eseciited in 9"" 
Edward IV for attempting to tlee to Clarence and Warwick 
is mentioned hy Kabyan, and it Ib perhaps this name 
retained in the readi'r's mind ttiat has hy a slip crept in 
h'Te. If BO, it .'^hows that Fabyan was also consulted in 



th* pipj»ariiiion of iIipmp Ipgorwia, ihoUKh his work appears 
to be ffisponsihlc Sot wotbing in tbeia. 

C. How Ilie riOr<t Hastings was betrayed, by 
triiBting too niiicli lr« liis t-utll coiin&avloiir Catesby, 
aod vilatiously niurdfrcti in the Tower of London 
by Richard Duki* of Glocester, the lA of Junej 
Anno 1463. 
HaBtings. (lok-rniint-d to warn others from Uiat which 
wi'o};li( Uis U\l, is ready to yield up his fame as martyred 

saint, and repeal how 

i 

"Mens vniii.stke wreakei) bill God's inst be. 
Ami hy wrong tml, turned wroake W iustice hire: 
O i ml cements iust, hy uniuslice iusiii-e dealt, 
Who ^htubts (»f niec may learnc, the triilh who (ell". 

He was Edwani's staff and joy, winning his favor by 
serving his last with loveJy women. Thus "God's sLarpe 
wrath 1 purchast. my lUst woe". Clinging to Edward 
always, he with him fought against Warwick, aud whi-n 
flight became necessary, fled with him to Holland, tlirniigh 
all Ilir dangrrs canscd by the ships of the Ea.slrrlings. 
Retnmed to England, hr Fought for EdwanI in thri'i- idoody 

fields. At Tcwkeshurv 

37 
"My fLtriotiK force, there farc'd perforce, l» yeaUls 
The iraytour foe". 

And ili'ore when Prinre Kdward. pmditerd hy Crofts, haj 
made hold anawei- to ibe king and been sniitteti by the 
gauntlet, him 

2ff 
"Clsrence. Olocesler, Dorcet and I flastings slue: 
TTie ^ylt wlieraof w«B shortly all <tid ru*. 

m 

Clarvnce. a^ Cyrils', rfrow-iipd m bloud-HkiB wyne, 

iJorcel I nirlhered lo his afjeedy pjTie, 

or aifle, aty selfe ara apeeking president, 

N*(ir cn-ilpr I"8fo llic bnsiled boarc is lent; 

Our bi'itidi> bavo jmyrt ILb vengpaun^e of oar gaUty 

Hi» fryed bunos flhall hrnyle for bloud he spilt". 



— 251 — 



With yet another miirdfr did HastinfTs Ktain liis hands, 
for after Edward'^ di-ath lie hrlpiMl 

m 

"the huKre., and biR-ke, lu captiiiate 
Kurd HiiiRrR, firaj'. sir Thomas Yaii(rliar> and Hawte". 

m 

"My selfff I sliin, when Ih^m I dnmncd to death. 
At uncpi m,v l.tiroaie I riiied, and reH tliem hroath: 
For that welfc clay, aforn or noare the howre. 

My heul and body, in lower Ivynde like knyrfl". 

For Ihpre followed tlic dnulilc counrils. tlio (rrachery of 
C'a*r»by„ In whom Hastings put all Iiis trust, the scorned 
warnings of Stanley, thi' lU'gtpctpd omons as Kastiiigs rode 
Iti tlir Tower, and finally the fateful mpeting. Rirliard 
cnlerB witli courteouB excuse, and comnimUs Ely's straw- 
berries; then 

TO 
"Out (toplli tvom \K the rvHtlesKt^ dpiii] ajjiaiiie: 
B-elike (I thinkel sfarso ynt per^wadpii Tiil. 
To worke Ihe inisphiefe ihal did mad hj^ scul; 
At last delermind uf Iiia bluml.y tliuiiphl 
And forL'e ordaynde to vurlt« lh>> wj'le ht< suughl. 

71 
Kt-awniu^ he entera, with so thaiiiig«d c^heare, 
As (or mylde May had chopped foiile Januere: 
And lowrinff on me with the gogg[e Pje, 
Thp whortod Uiwke, and fiirrowrd foreliead hye, 
HtN crnuked .^huuldejr bristelliko net rp. 
With froth.y iawnw. whose foamp he cha-wdc and snpd. 

With anprj lookcs that llamod as the fyer; 

Thuri gan at last tw grimt the grjmeot syrc". 

And so follows in detail the rest of that frrim scene^ end- 
ing in Hastings' death, and followed hy the hypocritical 
attempt rvf Uiriiard and Buckingliani t* deceive llie citizens 
aA to the real cause of the murder. Hastings finishes as 
he began, with the warning 

"Marke God's iusi iiidpemenla, ptinishiag sinnn hy sinn". 

But tUe author ends the legend with words of praise for 
the man whom for Ids faithfuliieaa 



K2 

"tyme and iMith agie-f 
TVncraiiP by fame in sfronR eifirnitj". 

The legend fuUuws dusoly the arcnunt. ol' Uull^ nft^.n, 
as in the council scfne, boing little mom lliaii a v^'-rse 
paraphrase! omhcllishnd with reflections in fxtenso. In a 
few paints the iiuthfir vurios li'oiii his authontj. Thus, 
naturally perhaps, a more prouiinotit part is assigned to 
Hastings in tho battlr of TiAvkt'sbury than was liis. and 
Hantings" part jis at^sLstant to Edward in his lust is 
empiia-siziMl, wherp the original merely suggests his eoni- 
panionship with Edward in his evil pursuits ^ "'lord 
Hustynges, against vhonie the qiiene especially grudged 
for the fauoTire ihut the king hare hyut. and alsu she 
thouyhU' hyin faniilier with the kjnge in wanton coin- 
paignie'" (^HalJ, p. 344). The author misses tin' reHsoii for 
HieJiiird'a departure frniii the council, which was not, .as 
here stated, thai he was not yet fully persuaded to put 
Hastings to death, hut that he might convey the inipressioii 
that only during the interval had he learned of IJastiiigs' 
"treason". 



tl. Tin* CninpKiynt of Henry Duke of Buckingham. 
Buckinglimn aitpears to warn those who trust loo 
much to high honours, or seek to rule at court, and wisely 
weijrh not how to wield the care. Born of noblp aneefltors, 
whose fate he relates, he was M'hea Edward died a prince 
without a peer. 

Ft 
"Ay me, Ihim I hupan Ihal. hatofiill yeere, 
Tu ciiniiiits^D 'liiLl 'wliii'li I liuiir Iiiii]{.''1il su rlFiprv: 
1 bare ilie swiiiffe, I iiud lliai wrt^Lebed wi^hl 
The dulie nl Glocpster, that Rictmrd hiylit", 

For he joined with Richard to accomplish their secret 
plans. 

8 

"WhH( tiee llnHnrlil henl, tit raep so seeniilo (he SAnie, 
Mj spirf nul l>eiit so fnut-h Urf In iiaj\\'re, 
A« lo fiilflll lliiii ereedy duke's dewyre". 



— 253 — 

EatJLT to rule, Ric.Iiard saw in tin' {ihl'oii'm kin his tirst 
hiiiilrnjifp, aiiti BuckinsbaTU 

"Unliii|)iiy wi'Blcli (■nnsenttnl Id tliPir Tilotid; 
Yoa kinRa niid [ippres Itia.l swim iu 'vv'iirlill.v giiinl, 
1(1 s(ii>ki[ig "bliiiiil thi» eniJ ailiiprl vim iiljivtic, 
Anil see if 1>1'Mi(I e.v nr*kc nut Iiiimd iigayuti". 

Su(;li waM tliti fi\\c ol' Cyrus, of Camliyst»H, Brutus uiid 
Bi'Ksus, or Mii^'iitieat Al«x,aiidei% wliPti ho liiid Mluin Clitus, 
his frifiiil. Yel 



*'. , . wtii^ doliplilpd in l!ie siiile wee wtiiiiilc, 
THirnlfil sii far in all mir liliiiJml Iraynn. 
Thiil hliufle wee nhwb not our tleimructinii plujfno". 

The ipirrii's kin fxi^ciUed ninl Ilasliiiii's iiiiirdrriMl. all 
M'l-Hii'd sninotti sailitjt;. Hiclutrti was i-i'owiied iiiul Hui'.Iiing- 
haiii hwnmc- his fliiefpst peer. Tlie princes w*to dosfly 
iiiipi-isiiiii'il. in liiipc llial tlins ill! stride iii^ht i'm\. But 
I'lvst lied Cnini thr coiispiriUtirs. 

"So wtff, (ippiRi wminilcd with tin' bIoLid,v liioiivlil. 
Aud giiiiwiiij: wormti llial grmi'd uiir I'lHisi.'iBnep sn, 
Nenei; Looke ensfl, . . . 

of our deaenied rsll, the ruares. 

In ouvry pIjk-* rang' death williin i>nr t-iiivs". 

For thf v\iop] of fortuiie though it whirls up yrl Htniitjlit 
il wliiHftli (hiW]i. Tho terrtu" w]iii;h Ridiacd itispifi'd roidd 
not ju'evi'iil his sulj^t'cts' hiilc. Such fear he I'ldl Ihi'ivof 
BS Diottysiiis 01' Ti'll Phereus did. And now Buekhi^haiu 
liiiiisi'lf Iii'irari tf> lonthr Richard's fMiclty. ['or he rapjiiMl 
liis LM'iincis witli llie murder of \m nephews. 

50 
"Ne i-oLiliI I lii'iioke him oricp witliiu ni.v liresl. 
Hiil wiUi llio Ibottglil my Itelli -b-ohIiI jrnaah wilball: 
For Ihouci] I ecst were bjr his swurno belienU 
Yet wbCD J saw Biischiefe on mis^-hiefe fall, 
So ileppe in blond, to inutder jirinee and all. 
Ay tliMn, tlimifflil I. alas, and wi>laway, 
And U> oj.v Mdfc Lima ni<iiirnii)kr wimld I s*a,y: 



254 ~ 



M 

If ne.vl.liijr lone, fcinred, me ItDwl nf bltnid. 
His uiwne allegnimt'e to hm prince of liue. 
Nor jpt the state oC truMi, wlie^rein hee sioode, 
TliP world's d^rame, nor nought coald forme him true. 
Thuse g.vUlcs babes-, could Ihoy not make him rue? 
Nor I'oiild the,vr j'oiilh, nnr inniicont-e withall 
JiiOiio liim from leaning' tlieni, t}ipj.T life, iiiiil Ml?" 

J3ut iiouyltL could movp Riclmrdi his Iii-art wiis sUiiie. 
Having accoHipHshed all tliat lie willed, and bejrim i*^ 
realizp thi' (reason Ue liad wrought, 

u^ 

"Then sopinde heo first tii duiibt nn-d drpde vk bU. 

And mee lu chit^Cc, \v1iorc< doitili all uiL-un?^ Ii« tni^lit, 
He siniglil to workp by malicn and by mig-hL 
51 

Such heapos of harme vpliArbard in hi* brdSL, 

With eHiiioiit! hnrl my lumuiii' lo clefac**. 

And kiiowioj; lioe, that I, whifb wnlled best. 

His wrett'hpd tlr.vfl,'!, and all hia wrclchiwd ei.'*^, 

If euLir a]]i'anp within mee a|iarke uf ^Tat'i'. 

MuKt nedfs abliorre liim and hiH hH.le{ii]l rjice: 
Now mure au^l mor^ can chI men out at grtcv. 

Wliicli »oila.yno cliaunge, wli«n I, by secret chauore 

Hikd wt-ll iieivieiide, by pnmte of emiifius fniwrie, 

And saw th« l«l thul tlid ibm I" wJuamn-'e 

Hira ttt a king, thai sought lu cost mee downH, 

To lata it vftts to linger an,v stowne, 

Silh present L-botae lay ca>rt before ni_vne <ty§: 
T<i wurke his denlli, or, 1 uiy spll'e to dy*. 
57 

^'faich h«suy irhoyse ro liAstened mee tn cbnse. 

That I in pari agrieiide at liis dii^dayne. 

In part Lo wrt-akci the dolefiill dealli of tbnso 

Two lender biibos, hi? sely nephewes twayiie, 

By hink., ala«. eonimaundMl lo b« slft.vn«, 

With psVntecl «]iere hiiinbl\' befiire lijls foce, 

Stray ^b t looko my l^aue, xod ruadelolireclcnockfl place" 

But Ibi'tunt^ turned against Buckingliaiii. Tlie soldiers 
he had raist^d Ufcsfirted him. Like Caniillua, Scipio, Mil- 
cind^^ I Air!] and Hatifiilml. iir wtig itliajidontxl by his 



— 255 — 



ituiiiiti'v. Waini frill y ami aloiii', In? took rcfugi- with 
Humplir+w Banister, wlioiii ho liad brought up, luved, anil 
ailvancL'd. He too turtunl traitor and drlivpred his master 
to Jolm Milton, shei'itf of Sliropsliirp. mid at Salisbury 
hiickiiigliam lost his life. 

Having told Uis tale thus far. the spirit of Buctiii^itiani 

falls ill ii swoon. From this lie ri"iives to utter In rajje 

a cui-se Ljion Banister, csiliirig npon Phoebe and Jovr t* 

I bear witness to his words, and upon Ali^cto and Sibilla 

to aid him in hi.s curse. 

"Thtm Tlan;islai re, ffftinst Ihee I clppp and rail 
Vrlii ilii> giulfj, iliAi Iht^y iii^l vfrnpcaiiiu'r' i-iikc 
On itit'e. lliy hlmu!, Ihy sluyiieii slofkr ami all". 

m 

"And ihuii LMylyft', lliUil like a munsliT sw.iriictl 
Fiou kiniln und kincloe.-^, Uixsi tli.v aioi.-iler Inini', 
Wbnm ne.Mlier li'iiBth, nor Irusl whoi'piii l.lmu serued, 
Nw liiw desert-s coidil ininip. in>r tti.v fdylh swc>*<(-\ 
Hiiw hIi.tII T I'lnse. biit wisli llial tiioii vnlioine 

llnil ho^ne, or ilisi tlic enrtli Imd ronl in fway. 

And Hwnltowed tbes in cr&dle n.s ilioii iuye. 
05 
To this did I, oiion frum iliy lender youtJi. 
Wil.saii* lo brinif ilii'o vp> dhl I hprefure 
Ijelaiit' llif iilli of tliy vutjimliliul Ir^lli? 
Adiiftnri> ilipp ^|i. and triisl tlipi? i<iiiirniiire;-' 
B^' truallnff tlien Ibnt T .shiutld dye Itierornvf !* 

O vrokh, miiJ w.irso then wretch, what shall I snv? 

Hill clcjif and oiirse ^nynst lliep atid Lliiiif The' uyu. 

llutcl ^1.* Ili'xi, ilisdQJ'nde uf i!ii<tcy wij^lit, 
And fju^-ntetl nl where Qiier thiit Uti>Lt gua". 
88 
"n«'9«i'iie Ihoti dsaih, yea bee IhftH dcemde In dye 

A sJiniueftill duivlh, to Lmd ihj shaniefwll lite". 

And thus like curso runs on, invoking the death of Banister's 
eldest son in a boar's .sty, the drowning of his sof-oml son 
in a puddle, and th<' strikiiiir of hia dautihlfr with U-prony. 
fat^'M wliich rtwordiiiy t^i Iljill liffi'l Buckin^'lianrs cliiUln'U. 



-Ym 



— 25t> — 



"And aflor that, let sliame and sitiTwwe': griefe 
P*«<le fortli thy .vt^ariis cimlinuullj' in wive. 
Thai ihoii maist Ubho in dealh, and dye in life. 
And in llii» soil rt»rwik,yl()e iind weried sto, 
Al lii'il Hit [fliosl lo |)iirt Lli.v b>Jity fro; 

Tliiy jirsi^i' 1. Joue, and villi Ihis luler hrrath. 

Vemrii'iiii;© I Afikv \[>'m m.v riui^Ji dtiatli". 

Then will] a filial outcry agiviiist fortune. Buckiiigliam 
cuases, with tlie words that suuiiiiarize his life, 

"Wlio reeltless rtties, right aogne, may hop lo rue", 

Tlip vit'w of Biiekiiiijrliaiii Ihtc niven is< in fji-neral 
thill uf Mon.' and Hall. An at.tciii|)t is itiadc, Iwwevcr. to 
make more defiuite than More had SBcceMled in doing Ibc 
motive for But'kint,diaiirs revolt atraiii^t Richard. An 
pntirely new thoiighi ;i|ii)cars, namely, that the first inipulse 
to ili.sseiisio[i faim- fnmi Richard's own guilly appj-eheiision 
of the hanii that migiit befall him if Buckiiig'liam wilh 
his full knowledge uf his criiuea should ever (uni against 
hitn. The thotight is wwtliy of Sackville. revealing his 
knowledge of human nature. The guilty soul, conscious 
of its own treachery, feara the like treachery in others. 
even its own aecoiiiplices. This iipprelienFion leads to a 
determination to ovorthrnw Hiiekin^liani ho (hift hiiriii may 
be out of his i)n\\'rr. aiid llie doteniiiiiatirm shuws itself 
in words of di^^dain. NMihinji is said yf Bneki[i},Hiani*s 
request for the Earl of lierefnr^rs lands, wIMcli. in More, 
is represe.nted a^ Ihc eansc of the "spilefull and ininjilury 
words" that hll BiiekinghjLni with htitred ami rnistrnst. 

To this the author adds a second motive, Buekinghnnra 
abhorrence of tie murder of the princes. 

"In part ajfrieiide ai Iiis dimtaync, 
lu pari U) wruake llic iliilt.'riill ilen.th of Lhoao 
Twii tender babe.s" 

Buckin^hiiin di-terriiines on rehellion. Tins seeond mofJT** 
is ad<i|ited from the sijeech added by Hall to More's 
story — which gives no hint of such a motive — in which 



— 257 



Buckingham declares to Ely tlie reasons for his rebeUion. 
Here after decEariiip that the taunts which followed his 
n-iiuest for the Hereford lands tried Ills patieuce to its 
vjttermust proof, Buckin^liam ^oes on to assprt: ""When I 
was credibly enfomied of the death of the.n. jounge in- 
iioccntes, his awiip natural nephcwcs contrarie to his faith 
and proniyse. to the whiciie Clod be my iudgti I neiier 
5ed ni>r condiscend&d. lord how my vcynes pantf^d, 
how my body treinhli^d. and my harto iiwardely prudgod, 
in 80 luuche that I so abhoiri'd the sighto and much more 
Ihi' compiiignie of hym, tliat 1 coulde do lengcr abydc in 
his Cfliiite. i-xci-pte T shoulde hp openly reueii<.'ed"' (Hall, 
[). 387). This Intter view of Biiokiiijii^lianrs motives was, 
as will be seiMi later, adojited — probably indo|icndriil^of 
Ihf Mirror ft»r Magistrates — by Legge in his 
Rirliardus Terti us, where it leads to a further dovclop- 
mfiit. Buckiiifihanrs adhesion t^ Richanl's plans for 
making himself king bein^ tliere the result of iiis desire 
to save the lives of Uie prijK'cs. And the saint* passage 
from Hall is without doubt the source of tht> re- 
niarkiihle scene in Shakosp care's play, where Buckingham 
'■grows circumspect" at Richard's propusal to murder the 
princes. With this is uiiitHil tlie requej^t fur the Earl of 
Hf?reford's lauds, and its ronti'niiituous rcci'^ption: hut so 
united that fis in the Mirror for Magistrates the con- 
tiuuptuous trc.ititient springf! from Richard's perceptiou of 
the danger that may come to him from one who looka 
iiilo him with coiiyideratc eyoR, and from the initm^dlati^ly 
roiiCA.'ived rewolve Ut put BuckinjjUiUu yut of the way, a 
resolve bittted at in Buckintriiam's parting words, 

^'O let me tliink on Ila.slin|i:.s, and be gone 
To Urefknuc.k, while aiy fearful head is on". 

SackviUn, Legge and Shakespearti probably arrived at 
their representations intif!pL'ndi:'ntly, but their work shows 
a development of Hall's view which leads far away from 
tliB uncertain one of More. The development fiegias witli 
the Mirror for Magistrates, and from tliis moment the 

P>4«e*(r«. X. 17 



— 25fi — 

real cause of Buckingliaiii's rebellion is fouiiil not in th^ 
recppliuii of Uis n'(]Ut'st by Richard, nor in liiy pridp aiU 
I'liv}' ol" Ricljaril, urjj;t'd uii by tlip btshnin of Ely, l)Ut In' 
Liji liuiToi' at tiio tyraimii'Jil imirdt'r of the piiia-es and liis^ 
dcterniiiiatiiin to avcngo them. Tlir rf'tl4*]c of tlif blackenii 
of Richard tliat was slinwii in reprpsenLing Fieliniond as ji 
a.ngi'1 of light uiidergoi's bert' a fuitluT cstension in tlij 
person of Buckingham. 



7. How t'nlMngljnurne was crurlly executed foi 
iiinkiiig fi foolisli I'liyiiie. 

The If^geiid iias for its complaint tliat poetry has los 
the freedom that it owned of yure. \u tyrant .suffers 
unavenged that his faults shouhl he touched upon, and 
tyrant was Richard, as L'ollingbouine found to bin coa( 
Hisi imi-i)i)se was a good one, he had meant only tcp rcforn 
the wicked subjects of his rhyme. 

35 

"1 iK^iK^r uieaiLl the king or cuuu^bj-I barme, 
UnleiH lo wish Itii'm Riin.v were^ r>rrwifii: 
Agoynsl. Iheyr powi'i* [ lienor liftcil arme, 
Niji' pen, nor tun^iie, for any ill |jreteni.'p: 
Till' I'viup I niftdo, IhoMpii rmU», was noinid in scni'i'. 

Foi' tlipy Ihorein. wljom T so fiiniliy nftnii-iJ. 

Nil riildul all tliat Ihc^y weri> fotiln iloriinii^il". 

The legend needs to be noted here only liecauso 
adopts i-'iilirely the account of Hall, acconiing to wlji 
(.'oIliilgh'Hiriie was executed tyran»nuKly for the rhyme aloiif^. 
Fyliyau hjid correctly slatted that (,'ollinjfltuuriif "waa castQ: 
for sundry treasons: &. for a rymc". Later Hotlttshed an 
Stow showed this in fuller detail (cf. p. 219). Th; 
l^'aliyan was used as weU as Hall is sliowii hy the arnoun 
of ihe execution, which is not in Hall. The legend thus 
reveals the determination of the time to blacken Richard 
as. much as possible, and admit nothing thai could tell i 
his favor. 



le. ' 
;tQ^ 

i 




8. How Richarde PlaQtagfDftt Duke of (JlotRster 
murtlerpel his lirotber's ebildrL*u, vsurpiiig the 
iTowiie. iiiid in tlie third yoare of his raigiie was 
most woptliely dpprlued of life and kingdonie, in 
Boswortli plaini', b_y Hfnry Earle of Richtiiond after 
called kinjr Henry llie vij. the 22 of Aagiist 1485. 

The kernel of the legend is the murdt'i* of the two 
princes, and witli a nwM mention of this Richard he^ii& 
bit: tale, Tiit.'ii, rrturniiif.' Ui thi- proper boi^iimintr of Iiis 

story, he relates, 

3 
"Tho lords nnri comnmn.s all wiLli c.ni' B.ssonl, 
Protpptoiir itiado me both 'if liitid (lud kinp, 
Bjit 1 therewilb, alas, was mil rontenl: 

For I, daairous tn rule and raipiie alonp, 

Roiipbt ^rnwne and kingiloin. yet liilr boil I iiiiiid". 

Again ln^ turns tn the gniesonie deed and relatos tfae 

|jatiga it cost him. 

u 

"Siifh UTi'ours met' tornicnlcil, ami my siiciios flreil 
A» vnio such a luiiriipi' iinil inhjLiiipriLlll ilpi-d ■'Oi|iiiri>(l. 
Such brpylc liayly Ml I lireudinji in luy bre.sl, 
WhPi'i'by. m"l"l^ anil niurii. irn'roasiMl niiiio vnrfsl". 

Turniiif! back agjiin he nienlinus the death of Clarifnce. , 

a 

"Ti> t-iipswrt f.'ayii compare Miy cftr«rit)l pa.st>, 
Wliirh dJiil vniiirttly wl-iy Jii« hrnlluT iiisi. Ahc'l: 
Anil (lid not I in rago mitkr run IhnI nihJI ract' 
My bndlier tliike of Clareticpi? wlinsa detli I fthanio lo lol, 
Fur LliLl il was sn straurijfc as it wius luirriblo; 

Fi>r sun; be drfncJied van. and ypt iiw water Dfiarfl, 
Whii'li slraiiTig-e is lo hpn tnldo. tn all Hint -sliall it lioare". 

Kow al last Richard turns detiiiitely to th<' |iriii<.'es. 
From this point the narrative folbiwy Hall in detail. Tbo 
murder is described not without some attempt at pathos. 

la 
"Tlie woliips lit hand h-bto rpdy li> deiioiire 
Tbu Mocly lainhe;i iti htirl, wlicrun Uiey laye, 
Ahiiling di'a.tli. uml lonking fur Uic Iii)wr9, 
For wftU Idey wist, thpy crtuid not acajte away". 



Tb<' deed brought liatrutl from iioWea and [H^ople, atid 
BUfkiiigliam caiHcd Lis iusiirn'ptioii. And so tim stiiry 
adv!i[R'i;s Ii> Richard's death at Boswortlj, and ends likr 
till* other legends with an insisteiiee upon tlie moral. 

"Lob. liear& ,vou niay heliolil ihe diiH aiiti iiisl rewanlp 
Of L,vraiiii.v nn*l treasim, niiich (Sod iIuLli most ilel«»l". 

TIic legend Is Uttlp more than a pnraplirasp of HaU'i* 
story, ami tins even less of tlic pm'tiral firihitus Ihan any 
of the QtbiTK; a fact nf M'hich llii- fditur tiikcs iioticf 
by saying, '"It was thought not vebeiiient eiiough for so 
vidli'itt a man as kintr Rlt'liard had lipnc. The matter 
was wtdi enough likml ut' Biniie. iiUt the niectre wom mis- 
liked alinotst of all". Tho letreud is tiotewortby only in the 
repetiliim of the imurder of (!lai-cric<' by Richard, and in 
the con-i'ct staleincnt that Itichard was J?k-ctod protector. 
as opposed to the stateinent of thp T?ivpr« legend that 
Richard UHiii-pt'd tlii,' i)rot<^clors!iip. (Jf Rt^dl!l^(^^^ deforiidty 
nothing w yaid either here or els^-wlifrc in the Mirror 
for MagiKtiate^. Nor in aiiylldiig Kaid of tb(^ famous 
dream hi^foi-p Uie battle of Hoswoilh. 

9. How HUore's Wife. iLihg Edward the Kourih's 
Concubine was by King: Hicbard doepoyUid of all 
her froods, and fnrcfd tf> doo opr^n peiiaunee. 
The legend of Hboi-e's Wift* begins wilb thr wonted 
theme: 

"111 fiifLiine's frBlces, wliu liiisii-s her wlicn sliec siiiilifs, 
Sliall tInilH' her raise, and full uf H^'kle Uty&a, 
Up]- trliimpbe all, hut III! our eares wbh roysft. 

II0L- llallnni^ ^'iFlfii, ari:< pteaHiirEiH uiixt vrilh pa.yne, 
Veit, all linr wniiluK atv tliiiiidoi'^ UirciHiiiiu)f ra.VDe''> 

This tliouglit is extended tliroiigli live stroiiliL'^f. iind then 
SUon-'s wil> iivouches that of all this she is a protsf, and 
proposps to rchearso Unr life Bs witnoss tfi its ti-uth. Of 
iiolile liirlb &be cannot boast-, noi* did fortune iri\i' hor the 



2(U — 



jzifts of iTftld; hut hfauty in the hi'sflipst was hoi's. For 

tliat a king dt'sirtd iivi; aud wJiu can wiLlistamL a king's 

dusiro? 

at 

"llul rleHre fi'uiii lilauie my frend^ can not be ruiitide, 
Itefiird my lime my vmilli thov diil abu-sei 
In iDiii'ia^^ n iirr'nli'S'i^ w.is 1 liniiiiili;, 
When that nieorf> luue 1 liiu'w nut how Lo vno". 

Williiij^dv sill' yirldi'il hrrself lo Etlward and niU'd liiin liy 
Juvc, Lli(JU)(li be tlid iTign a lord. 

■■I ioyiKip my laike, my iostur'os, nnt! ni_v grac?. 

Id willy franiti, ilnU lung niiglit In.tt and dlaiitL, 

So that I bryuffhl tlic king in suth a. caae. 

That ]o kii» dealli \ was lib cbiernHt hiitid: 

1 (ruiicrnil him ihul rul^d all t1ii>i laad: 

I baro l.hi! nwori!, llmtii'li hec did wearc llio iTdwne, 
I slrakfl Ui* stroke iluil Uirow tlie nitglil.v iluwiio". 

Yet tlio power tliiu wuu gho nov«r uucd lo u<U-aiice 
|j«rsel/, but oiilj 111 aid otlnTS. 

"I luitkt! ileUg^UL ill dui.vng oach man irxud, 
Not wfatliiip nil niyfwlfe aw all vara diIha, 
Hill luitkl whdMe life in nccde nnd itaiiii^cr alu'xle". 

ftft 
"I buer dill vjiholflo (Iib (■ommon wvale. 
I liiwi dflifrhf lo finun ihn (fiiilllns hlnod: 
Kach sntor's eausn, whi>n thai I VTiderstude, 
I did prtift^r as it had h«»e miiie tiwii«, 
Atitl 1ip1|i lliem V]i, tli;il niiirUI haiio bcnfl un^lhrinvrie". 

Ypt all lior bliss way turiicMl to balr;, forEdwiird died; 
luid Willi his di'iUb all men why haU 8Uo<l to her and 
tiatterod hfr now tiu-ned ihoir liacbs. 

"As loni; aa lyta mnA.ri]de in ISdward'^ brnsl, 
Who wufi hut I'f who hiid siirli rrundrf at call? 
FMh biidy wa.s nii ttinnfr pLit In idiost, 
Uul WL'li U'lm 1h4'< iIihI t'luld jir'H'iiro my tall: 
Hifi brother was in.ync eninyo imist >if all, 

Pruli>i.'Iou]' iheti. wb-iiKi) vi^'U diil :'itiU nbniind, 
From >H lo wiiri>e lyll d«)lb did hiui uuaruuaii". 



— 2fi2 — 



Ridiard feifjneil that slii; liad Irifd to poison him, anil lo? 
this feigned cfimv slit' paid u|kti pnnanw "witli taper in 
her hand. Shamefast she went, and pitied by thp people.. 

"BuL what pre«n,ylde Hit' inv3|ile's [liLie there? 
Tliis ruRinK irniro wi.iiiUl sjiaro tiu pMllcHU Miind: 
Oil wii-'ked wuitibe linH stieh lEI tvixh ilid bcaro, 
Oh ciijseil carrli, Uiat jnt'Idetii forlli such inml: 
Thi> hell c<)n!iiiin& all tliin^^ that did lh«e goinl. 

The licaiit'ii.s -iliiil. l.heJr pn'-i^ agayiisS the apreele, 

Tlio WMi'ld tread downe thy glory vnder feete". 
(17 
Won worth the oian llml falhGieil siicb n ubilde. 
■W'ou worth Ih© ho-wre wliei-eiu thuu wast be^nte, 
"Woo wortli 1-he hrests timt haiie llio worlil lie^ylde, 
Til nunsb Ihw, thai itll the Wiirldu ilid hale; 
"W'lC wiirlh the codx Ihut j^aiLt.! Ihi'u .iiiii'Il u. fale^ 

To iy\tei so lohg, Ihnl dosiM'ttdi^ so ofl.; 

Wiie "wortli tht* i-h»imi"i' llial mpI. thee vp alnfl". 

Hati Hieli!ird punished her lor justice' sake she could iiotj 

have rpjiini'd, 

71 

''BmI. by yll will nrid |>owro I wa^ iipiii'iinl; 

liee -spuylcle njy |jMuds, nticl loit. mve hare uid |)ure, 
Attd caused mee tu ho^ frum dora to dure. 

7a 
"What full *«fi this, ti» come frum prince'9 fare. 
Til walcL fiT cninis amurig the bljiulQ and lume? 
Wh<jn almort w*re dell I had an liungfy share, 
necatiKi) ] knew nul how lu asko fur ■*hftmr, 
Tjll force and iieadQ had broiiplit jueo in mieh tramo, 
Thnl slani(> I must, ur k'tttnti to bug an nlmcit, 
WiUi booko in hand, lii say S, Iiaiiid's psalmeK". 

TLus slio wandered through the stre«ls, clotliod in beggar's, 
;;aniionl8. 

75 
'"I had no house wherein to hyde ray heade, 
The up«[i Ktreote my lodjring was. perforee; 
I-'iih lift I woiil Jill hungry tii my bed. 
My fl("ih ''(inNiimde, I looked lyke a rorRp; 
Vet in I hat pliphl who had on mep r<'innr9B: 

n Ciul, th'iii knowfito my fronilH fnrsookf me*' thnii, 
Nol unc hfilpe meo, that fluci^red many r. iiittii. 



— 263 — 



I 



7S 
The.v frfhwnii tin mee that Tawtiri irn mee befure, 
And (li'il rnmi meo, that folliiwdp inoe full fasl: 
Thrv lialL'il nu'ii, liv wlmmci I wl niiirli Hl.ort', 
Tht'.v kriL'w fiill well, my ini'iiinu diil mil tasl, 
111 eiiery place. 1 wu-s L-uuilemntlB and cast. 
T» ple&ile my cause at bar it was no bontp. 
Far ouary man did troade meo vndor fuute* 

77 

Tims lonp I lia'd, sll woary uf my lyfe, 

Ty[l flpftlli fl|i|tr'oolit, and rid nii.'o frnni Ihul wo; 
Rx-iniplo take by mee, hulli inaydo and wyff, 
Iti-ware, taka heedr, fall nut tn folly so: 
A Mirour make by my ifroate oiierthro. 

liefy tha witrid nnd all hif* wanton wayoH. 

Be-ware by mee, that spenL su yll her daycs". 

T\w. legend whilft otlirrwiKo haKod wholly on More's 
iicpoufit of Jaw Sliore, as prinlmi in Hall, makes an 
impoilant clianiip and extension in tlip matUr of ber 
Up)?gary. All tliiit tin' oi'i|i,nnjtl has to say of tins is, 'i 
daul)t not- soiiifl man w}'\ tliyriko tliis wniiiuii to be to 
slight to Iki writt<'ii rd' i-itmng ^raiiw ant) wi'^jjliti"^ matters, 
wliiclm thoy sliaSl spi-Kdally tbyiike that bajipely sawe her 
in hfr agr & acJuprsitif, hut iiic srmetli the rliatincp so 
much more Wdithj U* ht; retncmljred. in liow much after 
wcalili she fell to poiiertie, and from riches to heggpry 
viifr(?in It'll, imt iif iLL-iiuaintant'e, after great siibstauncL' 
aftor so gix^at faiioiir with Ikt pi'inti', after iis gn'uti^ siiitR 
&, si'k^ng to wilh all thosi' which in these dayes had 
liiisynrs to sijcilc us nmny ntlicr men were in their tyint-s 
whifliL' he now famous on^ly by t.ht; infamy ui thf.'ir luiill 
dftpdes, hfr doyngoa were not iiiuche lease, albeit tlipy bf; 
mu^he li:!^5e nmiemhrpd, hocaufn^ t-hoy w(*rf5 Tiot eiiyll. for 
mm vso to write an euyll turn* in inarhic stone, but a 
good turuft Uiey wryte in the dust, whicbo is not worst 
prouod by hfr. f'lr after her wealth she went iieggyng of 
many that had lirffired them selfes if she hail not holpi^n 
tlj«ni, such was ht.'r chaunce" (Ha.U, p. 3(>4), 




— 2G4 — 



Here More is speaking; of the laLer years of Jane 
Shore's life, wlicn she fell into iiiiversity and imvrrty and 
was fori'cd to beg for hrl|i. An<l this is still more clearly 
evident hi'eause when Mure wrote. Shore's wife was still 
alive — she died iq 1527 — and the passage ir Hall 
was changed to fit the change in time. More's original 
reads: "in -how milrh she is now in the more hi-ggcrly 
condicion, viifrendfd and wurni: out. of ac(|Liainlanei', after 
pood substance" etc., and *'for at this day nbce boggelli 
of many at this dayo Hmiig that at this day had heg-txed 
if Phc had not bene" ILumby's ed. p. 65). After the death 
of Edward, Shore'9 wife was taken by Lord HaiStin^. and 
aftor Lis d<'fiti] nnd hrr eondeniiialion by Ricbard she 
became tbi^ niistn'ss of Dors^'t. Neither in Alure'y passage 
nor in HalPs is there the slightest siiggrstion to conneci 
her beggary with her condr'niiialion by Riehanl, and the 
begging there mentioned is clearlj not that of llie pro- 
fes.sional be^f^gar in the streets. 

But the author of the lefrend in the Mirror for 
Magistrates makes her begging follow at once upon her 
condemnadon by Richard, connecting it with Rictiard's 
spoiling Imr of lier goods^ and turning her into the connnon 
street beggar, with cliki([)in^-dish and staff and wallet; and 
her misery is pictured in auch detail and extent that it 
becomes far more prominent rn the legend than her penance ^M 
in procession with taper in. her hand. To this mu?st bft ^ 
added that hei- connection with Li^rd Hfl.stings and the 
interval of ease and good fortune which this afforded are 
not louelied upon in lUo legend, and her wretchedness is 
made to follow at once upon Edward's death. 

This picture of Shore's wife, and not that of tiie 
chronicle, became, as will he yeeu later, the basis of hor 
represent a tiuu In The True Tragedy ot Richard th 
Third. 



— 265 



III. Len^f'K IticIiHriJiiK Ti^ptiusi. 

The first allusion to tliis work iippt-ars to lie tliat of 
Hir Joliri Hiirin^'lon. in his "AiiulnL'ii' nf Pnrtry", 1591: 
"For ImgedioH, tij omit, utbfr t'aniijiiis tragi'ilies. Miat wliicli 
was played at St. Jolin's in Canil)ridgi-, of Riclianl III, 
would movi-. I tliiiik, Plmlai-is the tjrant, anil trrrofle all 
tyrannous niinUcii mm\ 

Thomas Nasli, in liis "Have witU you to SuffrKii 
Waliion"', l5SMi, spi'inks of "bis ti'Mnw fodslK'nd. itial in 
ttiij Latinp tragt'dio of Kiii^ Rirliard enes Ad uibs, ad 
tirbs, nd urbs. when his wholo pan was no more than 
Urbs, urhK, ;ul aniui, ad arma". 

In Meres' Pa II ad is Taiiiia, I.W8. auioiig "our best 
for Tragedy" is included '"Doctoi- Le|^, uf Uandirids^c", ia 
a list containing, the uanw's of Shakespeare, Marlowe, 
Peclc, Kyd, and Johnson |sif|. 

Another paragraph declares, ""As Marcus Amiens 
LncaiiiiN writ two excollont tragedies; one called HnIck, 
thr other De jiicrtidio Trojae cum Priumi CHlamitate: 
BO Doctur Leg Iiath penned two I'anious (ragedieH; tlni one 
of Riehard UL tin' other ol The Destruction of Jeru- 
Balcm'. 

Thomas Heywood, in his "Apology for Acturs", 1612, 
quoted Harint^on's allusion. 

Thouuis Le^r^o wa?; Ixjrn in Norwich iu inSo. In 
155;^ he entered Corjuis Christi Colk'ge, Cand)ridgc. whence 
he subsequently passed to Trinity Colleire. There, alter 
graduating B. A. in 155B— 7, lie lici^anie fellow. In l.iliO 
ho proceeded M. A,, and iu I'tliS ht'caniij fylbiw of .jesns 
C-olIege. Iu 1573 he was uiadf? master of Caius College. 
Some time between 1563 and 1574 he way I'ej^'iuw professor 
of ('ivil Law, and in l."i7.'> was jrivi-n the degree of LL. I), 
In 157ft Legge was appninled eoiiiinissiuy lo the University, 
and iu 1587 V'iee-t^hnncellor. Again in 15s:i Legge suc- 
ceeded Dr. .'^till tthe possible .Tutlmr of CJ atuiui'r d urton's 
Needle) in tlie Vie.e-Clhane^llii'rslitp, an nffine wliirli he 



— -206 — 



thus Iwice hfld. H«' hriranir luastiT in Cliancery and 
doctor in the court irf Airties. Hp liii^d in 1607. Beside 
RichardufiTprtius Ltyge wrote anolln^r traei^ily. <ntitle(i 
The Upstructinn of .Jeriisalem. Of this Fuller sjiys. 
"Having at last refined it to the purity of the Puhlif|UO 
Standard, some Plapeary filched it from liim. just as It 
was to he act*?*!", This play is gcnrrally con^iilercil 
Leegc's last, lull Fleay (Biog. C'hron. Eti(;. Dram. y:3G^ 
Sla.tes that it wan oetotl at t^oventry in 1577. Knr this 
no authnrity is adiliieed. A play of this name ajipears 
apcordiiif; to HalliwelS's Dictionary of Plays, p. 72. Ut have 
been acted at Coventry about the year 1577, but wt! have 
nothinfT to indicate that it was Ix-gtrf's. and that a Uni- 
veinity play sliould have liep-n arled in Coventry is on 
the face of it unlikely. (t;f. Morley, E.W. 10::i69: Inlrod. 
lo Shakespeare's Lih. Part 2. vol. 1: Fleay. Biog. Chron. 
siih nom.: Did. Nat. Biog. sub nom.) 

Information of the place, time, and circunistaiices of 
the prfKiuetion of Richardus Terlius is derived from 
the liile of the Ms. in the Camhridpe University Library. 
Tliis reads: 

Thomai: Leg'ge legum doctoris 

Colle^i t'aio-goneviliensis in 

Academia Cantahrijdensi 

miipstri ac RcTturis, 

Rirliardus tertius Tragedia irivrspa 

babita Collcgii Divi Jolinis 

Ev angel iste 

Coniitii Bacclielaureonuu 

Anno Domini 157!) 

Tragedia in irt'S accioncs de\'isa. 

The Caius ('oliege, Oamhiidgp Ms. CSo. 125. 8*, 16/17 
cent.) contains, logctber with the tilit plays Hynfienaeus 
and Pedantius. "Thomae Legf^e Ifemn Diteloris (.'ollpjrij/ 
Goonevilli et Caij in Arailemia/ ('ii!ilabnj;en«i, laagistri 
Bc/riJCtoris, Rieliiudusy tertius tragoi'dia/trium vespcrum/ 



— 2117 — 



Hwliila fn ("'ollc^no Divi Juli;iniiis / Riinngclistae O'oTiiitijs 
Baciclialameoriirii / Aiifio loTii". Tliis iisrrilied date of 
1573. wliieh no one "wlio has written of tlio play ajipeai's 
to havp notiiTil, I believe to he a isiislalcr! of tin- mjiyist. 
Ijogge was not nutde master ot'(_'aiiis until lliTIii, nnr^ifirior 
ol' laws until 1575: and wiiilr of courst' he may have 
writtPH the jilny hnfnre tlii'sr: titles rantc^ to liiiTi, it is far 
more likely that ho wroti; it affiT arqniriiifi' thi" prnininent 
position of Master of Talus, Ahstthitr fvtth-nce, jiownvc-r. 
is wanting and tbe [lossiliiliLy of so early a dato is intcr- 
fistin^. 

Folios 42 — 62 of Ms. Tanner in the Bodleian Lihrary 
at Oxford contain th<' first actio of Ledge's play. Tlic 
eataloyue. however, did not recopiizc it as Legge's and 
non*' of till! writers on thf |jlay seem to have Itoen aware 
of its existonee, Kolio 42, heuoiUh the list of chanioters, 
which is the same a« thai "f llii' Cjiinliriil^e L'niverKity 
Lihrary Ms., has: "Aeted in Si. .Julias HiiU hi-tbro ihe Earli' 
of Essex 17 March. 1582". Considering that the list ot 
actors is the same ;vs that for l.">7;i, this date also, in sjiite 
of the circuinstiintial siiiteinent of tlie jiresciice of the Earl 
of Essex may he ronfiidered open to some dttuht. 

Fleay, followed hy otiiers, conjectures, tliat tlie play 
was also prepared ■with epilogne and prayer for perfomianre 
hefore the Quern in 1S92. He relies on the following 
evidence. Dee. 2, 1592. the Vice-L'handierlain, Ijtird Ihu'^li- 
ley. wrote to Camhriiijje and to Oxford, asking that the 
students should prepare English romedies to he aeted at 
Christmas before the Queen, who could not at this time 
he entertained by the London actors, on accoimt of the 
plague. Dr. Still, Vice-Chancellor of ('anihridge, replied 
Dee. 4. alleging want of practice in English plays, and 
the unwillingness of the principal actors to play in English. 
Thiti appears to liave given 'iffi-iiet^ to the Queen. Legge, 
who had snceeeded Siill as Viee-Chaneellor. wrote to 
Biirgldey fa .]annary. iri!t:i, referring to ibis offenee. and 
StAtiiig thai nii'Ti had been m-nl to tJxIord to witness the 



— 26H — 



Quei-'iis iiilfilaiuiin'iil Uien-, tlial tliry iiiijK'bl Ijr bi'IU'r 
pi-epaiiiil t(i uhcy hei- tlirertions. Now on Sfp. ^4 ami 2fi, 
lo9'J, till- Qiici-ii luiil irrftriinisl_v ri'tM^ivcd at O\r'onl the 
Latin plays, Belluiu UraiiiinaticaU- aritl W, liagor's 
RivaloB. The latter Imd iieon nivvioLsly porformod in 
.June 1583 in (.'lirist ChuivL Hall. "If Gr^'pt's Latin re- 
vjiiii|K'fl was gnifimisly rro^'ivod, wliy not Lc^f^'o's?"' k 
Mr. FIrays tim'stioii (^-l*. I'"li'ay, t'iiroii. Hisl. Eiig, Stage, 
p. 79 and Collier, HJHt. Draai, Poetry 1 : 2!16l. 

In all tliis. I cannot tin4i any connhiKivp i'vi<U'nci.' tbal 
Lpt-'tTP's piay liad licen rcaiTan^^t'il for n iii'T-liiT'iniincp at 
tljis tiiUf be/ore tlii? Queen, altliuugh it may Iiavi? been so. 
Floay lifids it unlilcly iliat .Still, wliu liad already written 
a siicri'ssltil Erif:lis,h i>lay [Still's aullausliip ul' ('Tuninit-r 
Gurtun's Needle is, howpvcr, by no nipans witahi), 
wiiidil Iia\'i^ obji'ctj'd til till' usf of Enj^Ii^h. if a Latin 
play had iint bci-n iilrfacly pifpaiTd; anil the pnirit may 
be Tk'cll taker. But tlieni is nothing to show that this 
piay was Letrgr'-s. whose iettrr was written, just as Still's 
liail been, in hiH ofticial capacity a.s Viei'-ClianL-fjitor. and 
gives no indication of any further personal interest in Hie 
matter. Tlie epilo^jue does not |iiacr it beyoniC doidfl liiat 
llic play was over acted or intended to he acted belore 
the Queen: and if such was. the case, it may have born 
on UiP occasion I'f its first jjerl'orniant'e. a Mip|K>sition of 
ruller. aetepled by lA'tint-'n editor, Field, for wLich. however. 
there likewiKe aeenis to ho no evidence |ef. ( 'ooper, Alhen. 
Cant., p. 457). 

The most sntisfaetory ar;riiitieiil tor a presentation 
before the C^ui'en is tlic charaxiter of the |)if'cx' itself. Few 
plays could iiaturalily havo hepn so attractivo to Elizabpih. 
Its ebanijiion and victor w.ts her own ^randfaiher'. and 
its ri'snli tlie loiimhilioa of her own myal lii^nw. Ilpr 
father liad been the flireet offspriny of that union of tlin 
houses r»f Lanraster jiiid York in which Ibe (neat stnijrjflp 
ended, ami .-^be Imd bei ii taii«ht to IVej herself thi' most 
glorious fruit whie-li that union had produced^ the pci-fecl 



— 5fiS — 

fiillilriiriit i(f jlK iironiisi'. N'o play rnuld iinir<' fully liavR 
satislicii lii'f i,iniii'. IN charartrr and tlic irreat r'i'[mtiitioii 

'wliii.il ilf iijiiycil iiink^'it almoiil iiiriniccivalili- that EliKabi'lb, 
if slip liad nnt seen thf jilay on llur occasinii tif its first 

[prefi-entalidii, sIkuiUI Imvp Ijpoii offt-inliHl wlipii it was 
proposed to proihicc it bffcire lier: ami it is still less con- 
ct'ivabli' tliat if Ruch liad Iteeii t\\v intention. Still and Legge 
sliouhl linvc failed to notify Biiryliloy and tin* Qiici^n of 
t.lie facl- It is, tlir-rrlbrr, iiKist unlilidy lliat a. production 
lieforp tin' QiifiMi was intended for ('jiristinas 1592. Elizn- 
lii'tli may wi'll liavi" st-en HicLiirdLS Teititts at Its tii-st 
lirpwciitatioii. liut cTitlfMirp of that t'art is nipntrrp and far 
fn.ini tunrlusivc. 

Some acTen nianuscriiits of Ricliardus Tertius are 
known to lir in I'xinti'iiri'. Thrcp arc at Ciiniliridfjo. in 
Enintiuinrl O'llPi^f. Uaius CoHi'jk'c. and llic Univi-rsity 
LiUrary, two an* in tli»> Jintish Muficmii, one (of tin' first 
actio) IK in tin- JJodlciaii. luid iicjiu'diny to Mr. Kii'li 
tlicn' is '*al Iciist on*' i" in'ivali.' luiiids". The i^day was 
edited hy Bivrt^)U Field for tlii' Old Sliuki-spparf Sochiy 
in 1R44 fcniii tin' Ktnniaiiui'l Ms., with IjliinliH suiiidii-il Uy 
Ilif Mk, ill thi-' Lliiivmsity Lilwury. It was apiiii pnutcd 
by HiiKlitt. in his ftditinn of ShnkcspflarR's Uibrary, 
Part -2. vol. J. .\s il sinndj* lii'n-. a.s Mr. Flcay rcinurks, 
"it sailly wants ciiiliii^", for jt roatain?* "nearly a tlioii!^- 
attd i'nor.s". All rcfcretiCieR in the following act-ount are 
to this L'dilion- !n the ([iiiitatinns I have iVillowrd tlie 
tfxl. only (icrasiunally snpplyinj? the cornet n-adintr in 
brarkets. The m'nar is nlninKi always cluar, if oru- will 
bear in niiml that tin- ihuicttjalifin is utli-rly untrustwnrtliy, 
Vriods, fspriciiilly. nrv ci instantly wnm^rly insi^rti'd or 
BiniUcd, 



The ijiisitiun of Ifioliariiuii Tr-rMus in the di'Vf-Jop- 
inenl of th^ driiina in Enjirlaiul is of iln- liitjlipst inti-rfst 
and imjirtilarico. With our pn-si^nt iiipagi^ lists of the 
University iilays and our almost utter iKiiornticP of their 



— 270 — 



contents it is impussiljlc tu say iiilcIi uf thtin wiMi Ci*rt- 
fLinlj; Imt acriirdiiitr to mar priisciit knoviiedge Hiuliardus 
Tertius a])prars to Iiave I)R(M1 the firat ri_'iil liistoi'j-plaj, 
nr "(llironidL^ History" wrlttfii in England. Bale's Kyng 
-]i'»Iian had liten acted iu I5G1, and was tlie first play to 
introduce an Eiigli^li monarch upon tlu' stage; but it has 
110 title tfl be called a history, following as it does the 
lines of thp old moralities, fiorbodHC, or Fpttps fttiiJ 
Porri'x, tlii^ first tra^jfidy, 15(12, taki-s itn story from the 
chroiiieles, but this bylongs to mythical and not actual 
English history. Tho University plays, as well in Eiiglish 
as in Latin, appoiu- to have been down to lo9ti and laUT 
confined almost wholly to Bildical or classical Tiiaterial. 
Nowhere in the list ai)pears a play that deals "ftith English 
history, save Legge's. and a transcript of his play by 
Heniy Lacey in lo86. 

To Legge, then^fore. was due the tnniinff of the drama 
in England in an entirely new direction. It was he who 
first perceived that Etiglish history as related by the 
chroniclers possessed us great a store of dcEiiuatic material 
aa the classical .saga, fir Biblical atory. thr chief ohject^i 
of thfi acailemie study uf thti time. It waw he who while 
the nalionftl consciousness iind pride were swelling under 
the {.'reat events of Elizabeth's reitjn. first gjivr ihem a 
new olijcct and iucitiMueiit in the history of England's past. 
presented in living form upon the stage. 

Tlial the phiy Inid a lai'ge induence llicr'^ can be no 
doubt. It is trne that we sock in vain in the lists of 
University plays for another play beside Lacej's Iranscripl 
that deals with Eiif^Wish history. E*urely aeadeniie taste 
conlinued to find its favorite motives elsewhere. But iti* 
intluenco is not to he sought here. That the play won a 
great reputation as preeminent aiiiong the University tra- 
gedies is shown liy the allusions, of Harington and Meres. 
Fidler (WorLhicH. Norwich, p. 277|i says Ihat the piece 
was prescnled with great applausis. aitd indicates its effect 
upon the stndeni actur-i by the ant'cduk' that Palmer. 



— 271 — 



* aftfTwarrls Doan of Pott'rlKiruuj;h, who aclfiJ Kintr Ricliard, 
"Jiiiit (lis lieiid HO {lossfist witli a Pritictiliki^ humor, tliat 
pvtr Jiftfi-, lie (li(J what Uioii lit' acted, in liis Piodigal 
ex|)enctis, f^o that (the Oost of a sovi'reign ill iK'iitiiig 
the Purse of a Subject), be died Poor in Prison". 
Tlic nutiibor of extant Mss. luid thn fact that it was copied 
bj Lacoy are other proofs of its popularity. This repu- 
tation cannot have been without irrcsU offnct ufion Uie 
hiind of Uiiivorsity men co"ipOB(Hl of irtirlowi', Lodyi', 
Peele and Green, wLo wero well acquainted with Llio body 
of UiiiviTsily pEays, and sometimes assisted in ihi-ir pre- 
seiilatiiiji, who reveal their influence in tiieir own woi'its. 
and who were the tii-st to hring out the national histJDrical 
drama, licgun by Legge, upou a popular sta^e and in a 
popular form. 

Miirluwe was a student in Cambridge, at Penpt, uow 
Corpus Cliristi, College as early as Mar. 17. 1581, and 
must have heard much of tlu' play as well as read it. 
If, as the Bodleian Ms. declares, it was acted in 1582 
also at St. Joliii's, Marlowe undoubtedly saw the play. 
Grern. wlio took liis B. A. degi-ee at St. John's Collngp 
in liilH, just before Legge's play was produced tlu-re, 
took his M. A. degree in 1583 at Clare Hall in the same 
Uiiivei-.sity. He was therefore probably present when the 
play waB •riveii: was at any rate residing in Cambridge 
at the timp. Kash. who belongs to the same gi-oup, tUougli 
hf wrote no English history -play, resided at St„ Jnbirs 
for ahuost soveu years, from 1581, took part in a Latin 
play tbiTc, and shows his acquaintance with Legge's play 
by the ppevioHHiy iiuoled jUlusinn tjn the nnuising niistuke 
of a Hurried actor. Lodge wjis a student at Oxford, where 
he took Ilia B. A. in 1697. Pcele, the most important in 
the list next to Marlowe, was also a student at (.)xrord 
for nine years before 1581, and in June 1583 asBisted 
Dr. Gager in producing bis Latin plays of Dido and 
Rivales. 

Considering; tbese facts, and the evidences of Univer- 



— 272 — 



^V 



sity traiiiiiip in the anniiyuious liistoi;y -plays ofKinp John 
ami Hciirv V. wliifli witi' ainoiijr tlio earliest, it is not 
uiiiTJisuiialilt' to sii|>iiiiRi' tliut Li'f^'f^o's play was not only 
the first r»l' its line, but that it largely t'urnisLed the direct 
iiicitenii'iit to tluit dramalizinj,' iVoni the rlu-nnicles of the 
earners of English [iiuiiiirclis wliitii L^stablisiied a national 
bistorical drama in popular form uiioii the i)o|iular slag-e. 
Tlif inspiration wliit'h led Lrg-^e silmip among tlic writiTS 
of University Lra^rrdies ta treat English material is not far 
to seek. (Jould w<i bft certain that the play was. as is 
siipjioscd liy Knlli"-r. ori;j;'iniilly pn'iiared for pr<iduclinn 
berurc Eliaidiotli. we shonld ftM'l surf tbrtt tli<' niati^rial 
prewntt'd itsHf tf> Lejr^c ns most apt for a tonipliincnt t4> 
llie Quotvri: and such a hflipf is by no mnans tn ho i-ft- 
joctrrt. pvph if Iho jilny wtis not ^'ivrn hoforc lier. V<n\\- 
plinnTit-s to tlir Qut'cn, on a lurtie as well as on a small 
scale, were not confinnd to pcrfoniiftiiflc*? boforc her. 
FlU'MiPr, the pray itself Ipavi-s no dimbl. thnl L<-'ggo r*'- 
oognixcil in the lUohard of the clironiclrs, not only in tlir 
' ptirpose and result of his whole career, but in a inullitude 
of its details as well, a wondt'i-ful rescnihlancp to -sonif of 
tlir cliaract4^rs of that SciH'ran drama whirli wns tlie idral 
and model upon which tin' University trajjedieg werj' 
formed. Tliiit JuspiTji of H!rli;in3 which had in some mi'asure 
attrartLfd the notice of Rous and I'spccialEy of Andre xtsis 
for IjPKKP 'h'' chief thing; Rit-hnrd as a Scueciin tyrant 
was the object of liis prc'ientalion, 

Tims \A happens that, the Itidiard tif Legge's play is 
in no sensn. as is tho ease with Slmkespeai'eV Richard, 
tbc rreiition of the plnywHght. There is indeed in the 
whole play osceedingly little for wliich Leg^e himself ig 
responsihh-. and which is not to ho found in the cLrotdcl-ft8 
or in Senoca. The author found a most slavish fallowing 
of the chronicles consistent with his purpose, for the Sciiecaii 
trails of Leg'^e's Ri(^hartl are liU'j^eiy in the Richard of 
the obronicles. The wort of the Latin draniatist was 
almost wholly employijd not to ndd. but to emphasize ideas 



— 273 — 

and skuations n^cogiiiz^d as ptxuliarlj Ills own. Wbat 
thf resultant was nf this comhination nf Chmniclf and 
Senira is iwcalrd Ijy Hip ariiilyais ot Ibo pla.V- Bt-for'C 
liirning U* this. howRVi^r. it is ne&essary to indiciitc more 
I'Xactly itip sources from wIiipIi Lr^fsre drew Ills liistorical 
inalPriaJH. 



The Histonral Source's ol' Richanlus Tertius. 

Ricliardus Tertius ilt-rivos its iiistoricsil material 
from Morc's Eiiography of RicIiarJ. with its continuation 
by Hall, whose iiiati-ri:il in turn was oMaint-d from Ihi- 
liistoiy of Pnlidnrc Voriiil. itiPrcaHf'd by wuiidry bus froui 
the continnniioii of the Hainlyng phronirlo. and additions 
of his own. Tiiis ilops not iii'ci'«(<aril_v inpaii tliat IjftgKe 
madp Ufip of Movp and Hall dirr>rtly. Mnre's wnrk. as 
shown in Piirt I, lir«t appeared in thp continuation of 
HariiyHLT, 1543, in inutilatpd and inaccurate form, with a 
ft'W additions. In this wIiu|il' it was ropied l)j Hall's" 
chroniclf in llic editions nf I54tt and 15M. It tlicn appesircd 
in Rasleir§ folio editions of More's works. 1557, printed 
"fro the cnpic of liis own hand". In this form it was 
copli^d into GrafU)n's rhnmiclc, I j(58, wlnn*!;;. liowovi-r. sonn! 
hits wftre riHninpd from the Kardyn^ continnation, and at 
least om- iinpoftaiit iulililinn. ttii' d)'sr.ri|itii)n of Ricliard's 
coroiiatiicii. wns iiiiidi-. En turni sl.ill nion- clos'dy lil<f tfii- 
lUKtr^ll edilion it appnan'il in IJolinslipd. 157H. More's 
st^ry. wliifh hrnlii^ ofl' alinii)t!y in tin* midwt o{ a conver- 
sation bctwi^i^n Buckin^dmm nnd Ely. was contiiiui?d in 
the Hardyng rontinuation by a translation, somewhat 
abriflgcd nnd clinn^'cd, of Poliilore Vi.Tf?il. The continuation 
in Hall's clironiclo wa.« likewise liastd on Folidorc Vorjpl. 
hut had many iui>re additions. This was adopted almost 
unchanged into Orallon'ii chronicle, and im« Holinshcd, 
where sonn* Iiits of (iraftunV wiHtliig am aLs'.i found. 
Further additions were made in the second edition of 
Hnlinshed, lnH7, wliicli appearing eight years later than 
Li'jige's play does not here ri>nii' into roriKidonitirm. It 

i'nlnnslra. K. 1$) 



— 27i 



remains to lip di'tprinm<'(I, tliriT'cfurp. in wlr.il htntV. fir ImolES" 
Legge made us^e of Mode's story mid its coiitiimatloii. 

1. TTiat lie did not makf use of More in tli* lUstpIl 
edition is shown l,iy tin- a]ipi'ara.iict' in (lit.' play of viiriuiis 
additions fnnii ilitr Haidyii^r coiiliniiacion nnd fmiii Hail. 
as iippL-nrs in drtjiil in tlir analysis of Mic pliiy. 

Tlial. Polidnri* Vergil was iicil. usu'i! in Ihf original is 
liktiwisi" siniwri by the pn^secirn in Lin* [day uf iidditimiB 
niiide. liy HnJI. as well as by evident truiisJatiou of Hall's 
version of Vpr^il. 

TlitiH wr are reduced to a considonition nf t|ie Haniyn^' 
tOQtiiiualion, Hall. (Jrafton and HidinslR'd. 

2, Thai Logge made use of tho Hardyug continuation 
appears to ho proved by llio rollowinir. 

P. 2U7. col. ± t\w <l\u-xn, sollicilt^d liy Ijovcll in 
Richard's liehalf. sends Uor dauglik-rti t*) l\i(^ court, where 
Kichanl rec<'lves them with Ihi- wordy 

lleiuinas vides s(jrni'G<;: I'l I'aiiMiini ilii-nt. 

Ill the passage in wLich Hall Mrats of thlsiiisilii'r ipp. 'ini;. "i 
we tiiid. "Hf ck'roly dctiTniined to ri'coneilL' . . Vi^ linithers 
wife, qucne Klizaheth . . Iiidcuyngi^ . . that slif would not slir ki- 
te comniile . . to liiin the rule and ^oiieniauna- liotli of 
her and liur daughters" (a transhilioiMif Vcr^fil's ut sc et 
filiasi: "lii'si deliucr^'ij into kyng IliiJiard's hands lier.v. 
d augli I ers" (lor Vergil's prinio filiaa in Hirurdi jm- 
tcstati-ni trad it): anil ajjnin. "In"- raiisi'il all Ijis hrolliers 
da.uglilr.rs to In- Mnueighrd into liis pahys" ta lijiiisUition 
of Vei-gil'.s t'ilias oinnes fratris), UralUm and Holiii^hed 
follow llall. But for thvse three statements w« have in 
the Uardyng eotatinualion. "Iin dotihted not hut uliortely 
to Undo tiio ineani'y to haue both her daughters out of 
her haadi-^s into Ills owrip"; "and liriit sho delinored loth 
hei- daughters into Hip. Uaiidf-s of kyag Ricliiii-ir"; and 
(this time in correct translation) "al'ler he had reiiynL-d al 
his brotht-rs daughters from the sanctuary into liis palnyee". 
The conflusion appt-ars iiiovitalde that in writing this t^i'eiie 
Legge used the Hardyng coutiiiuation; and this in spite 



— 2T5 — 



of the fact tbat in tbo dramatiB pfirsojjap of this Actio 
a[i|)nar five daiiebtcrs (if E(hvEi.r<I (rrmr muU^). Tlicy tijust 
all have ai)[n^ariM] in Ilic scene bofwyrn Lovell and llie 
iliieen. where they rlo not, speak, but are addressed, without 
ilit'ii- miniber hejiifr iiidieaCpd. Rut onl.v two — gpniinas 
siJiures — art' received by Ricliaid, and for tliis tlie Hardjng 
Continuation must have Ijepri rpspoiislble, 

Tlier-f does not eleywhiTe apin'iir lit tbt' plaj' :i [lassagp 
found only in the Hanlyiifr ctintiimulioii. On the trthiT 
band iiKirh that is found in Leggp's piny, in Hall's c^in- 
tiniiatiiiii of More, iind lieiin: copied lnio.st.ly) into (imftoii 
and Hnlinslied, the Hardyng; t'oiitinuation fails to give. 
Thus lln'fe do nut apiirar in it; 

|). 194 "Buek," (n thr end of the confei'cace with 
Ely; 

198 Bray's speecli; 

200 Ciuilfonrs large army ifrequons caterva): 

200 The basis of iticlmid's lauieut over the death 
nf his son; 

•201 Biickingljauis .siekiiess (wtomachi dolore); 

201 Buckirit-fhEmrs disiisln' hy flood; 

202 Thu delivery of Bufkiiipliaiii Co Mitloii. sberiB" 
of Shropshire; 

208 Richmond's first iitloinpt to land (shi>wii by 

■'Doreestriuin", which is not in the II. i',.); 
204 The marriage of Richard's niecf?, and the truce 

with till- Seots: 
20G The i^mien's relation nf her injuries: 
216 The iiiscription on Norfolk's gate; 
21(i. 17 The Orations of Ridiard and Henry; 
216 AiiKWcr of Stanley and i<oslpunenu'nt of the 

execution of Strangi-: 
219 Speedi and prayer of Hfiury after tlie hattlni' 
210 The return of Strange. ' 

This sliowrt lli[it thoujilt used on occasion the Hardyng 
continuation gavL' hut slight Indp in the composition of 
the play. 

18' 



— 276 — 

3.. Grafton's Chronicle was also used. This is seen 
in "The Shewe of the Coronation" (p. 184} the order of 
which is detailed as follows: 

Trumpetts 

Choristers 

8in|fiiig-men 

Praebendaries 

Bisbopps 

Cardioall 

Heralds 

Aldermen of London 

Esquires, Knights, Noblemen 

Gilt spurs boroe by the Eaile of Himting^don 

S' Edward's stafe. Earle of Bedford 

The point o( f- sword naked. K. of North umber I and 

The great mace. Lord Stanly 

Two naked swordes, K. of Kent, L. Lovell 

The grete scepter. Duke of Siiffolke 

The ball wtli the cro.sse. E. of Lincolne 

The sword of estate. E. of Surrey 

Three togather. The Kinge of heralds 

The Maior of London with a mace on the right hand the 

gentleman usher on the left hand. 
Tlie King's crowne. Duke of Norfolke 
The Kinge under a canopy betwixt two Bishopps 
The Duke of Duckingham wth a while stafTe caringe ui> 

the King's traine 
Noblemen 

The Queen'.s scepter 
The white dove w"* a white rod 
Tlie Queene's crowne 

The Queene wth a circlet on her head under a Canopie 
The Lady Margaret bearinge up the Queene's traine 
A Troupe of Ladies 
KnighUs and Esquire.** 
Northren Souldiers well armed. 

While tlie procession is advancing it is commented upon 
and explained by a "Civis" to a stranger ''Hospes", who 
is visiting the city. 

A description of the coronation procession first appeared 
in the Hardyng continuation, and was copied by Hall 



277 



fp. 3751. Gnift^in f^avp a more oxteniipd ilnsrription. wliidt 
froiji a tieai'lj coiiU'iiiptirai'y iirfcuril, [uililisliiodi in E.\- 
(xrpta Historica [p. 379—384) appears to be nearly 
correct. Hulinsln-d's ilrscriph'iMi is no(. as a wbuli^ su ex- 
teiiilftti as iiridtou'a, ami diflVrs fi-oiii it in saiiir oilier 
respoota. Where it liapprnH to \io fuller it appcara from 
Uic Exf. Hist, acrnuiit to he corrci^t. A com|>arison of 
Lt-jjgicra procesftiiiii reveals the following: 

1) "TliP Quecnp w''^' a cirrlct on her head unrfftr a 
canopies" is suroly fi'om Grafton, who has ''Anne . . . 
ami liiiuiii^ H fjiniipy mn-i' hor hesid, ami <in euerj 
corni-r of (In.- saim; was u Bell ofOoUk! and ini her 
head, was a rircl*^t nf Oolde, set with many precious 
stones". Hull lias "Anne . . . In^t-wpm^ two bishoppcs, 
and a canahie oner her hod, borm* by th*' Bai'im^'s 
of Uie portes. On hiT bed a ricbe coronall settf 
with stones and pt^arlr''. Htilin;^bfd a^eea with "Hall, 
save that he Inis "corunet". The word "cirrb-t" in 
lvog(i;i} shows thfi use of (iraftoii. as well as the 
oiJiisj-ioii of the biwhops and barons. Le^ge would 
liai-dly have nnn'ttpid the bishojis liad they bp(?n in 
hi^i text, fur he has tlieni with Riehai'd, aw drwH 
Gniftiijn. 

2) "Knigbis and Ksiipiircs" iiiiist. lik^'wiBf he from Grafton, 
wliu haw "liuiii'S . . and alter lliein a ^^reat nlllli^le^ 
of knights and Esfjuirw". Theso are not mentioned 
in UaLI or ]!<iHn^ht>!d. 

.1) A ni'gativc prtiof of the use of Grafton is found in 
the CdUitnents u( tlif spHCtalors oti the Hignilicance 
of the dore {p. Iftn). 

Ilosp. 
Quill nihn Ite^'rinfi uolumba denotat?* 

JIijsp. (Road: CiVLS] 
Niitnl nvis iiniuL-entiani nihil nuoens. 

Grafton has ■"r<jd with the doffc wliicU eipiifieth 
innocende". Holinalifd here omits the sig-niKcance, 
and Hall has no such explanations whatever. Thfl- 



— 'J7S — 



significance iiiij^lil. n( rourse. liavi- casil^v Ix-oiii ndded 
liy Li'g^c. iiii]isi*ll', liul as it appK-ars oUifrwise in 
Uraflon aloup, its proiiicuct' may !)<■ rcganli'tl as cumula- 
tive proijf of till- usi^ of (iraftuii. 
41 "■('linristers", "siiit^iiif^-ini'ii' ami "Praelif-iiJaries"' jiro- 
liatily cnmi! from CJraftnn. Jn nuin' of tbo clironicles 
lio |.lii\v apiif^ar in tin' deHfriijlinn of tlic mrniiation. 
But Gi'affon"s "ami fortliwitli ttiero came up beforf 
tlip Kinj; & tin; tiuct'iie bothe [iriegts and ckirke-s, 
iliat song nio.st delectabii? and cxcellt'nt niusick" seems 
!i more likijjy gi'ouiul for iLo in&LTtioii than Hall's 
atateuiiTit tliJit after the king and (|upen had tivken. 
ihpir seats in tlir abhey "diuerse sondes'' were 
"soleMiply Sfingc". 

That (ir'Hlton was. however, not the only authority 

need for the Sh<?we vi thn Pnicesaifm is pixivetl b.v 

tho incliisiuii (jf the ''Xortlircn Smilrlii'is well armed". 

who ntv iiii'iitionrd in Hull and HdliuHlit'd. hut not 

in UraftoTi ur Mure. 

■4. This casi', with mlliefs nn'ntiiniieil tjelow, provps 

tliat in addition to tin.' liardyiig (.'ontiiuiation ami C-Jrafton, 

Lcgge used Hall nr HoHnshed or both of thpm. Which. 

of thr twii hi- used, or wliethpr he did usi" lintb it seems 

impotisiblp to determint', for aside from the cases mentioned 

in 2 and it there aiipeai-s to be iiotLlng in the play for 

which them nre not at least, two autliorities. In Hall and 

Holinslird, and not in Grafton, aru 

p, 184 "'Xortliren Souldicrs well armed"; 

216 Ilitliard's oraliun, many lines of wliicli aro 
direct trHnslati«m.s of lines in Hall and Holin- 
sbcd, but. not in Grafton, who abritigcd the 
speech as be found it in Hall; 

217 Henry's Rpepclt. of wliicb the same tiling, in' 
less defrcep, is true; 

2IR Hfnry's prayer. 
Thus ibc-re is Huffificnt proof that T.,egge drew frornj 
on« of these two or liuth. 



— 279 — 



Till- Si»l» aiyuniipiit gtjinff to shtiw fliat on a givoii 
ficoiisioii Hnll ii\u\ iinl. HuIiiisIhmI or Lrriiff-nn wiis used ia 
lliiit ill lIiL- aiTfsts ituiiic I},v Uluiiffstrr at Htuti.v Stnitfurd 
i\}. 143) lliiwl*! in iiiciitioiiml — "uroditnrPni patriap per^ 
lidr voi'o Ilantr tfiduil". In lUv. cum'Sijondin^' passages 
of the Coiir clir^'iii^-lfs Hawtr is iinMitimir'd l>,v Hall alimo. 
Morn and Ilolinplicd do not FT>(>ak of Hawt^ at all: Imt 
iinfortuiiiitcly lor our iMiriins*' linilUtn iiicnrions liis iiaun' 
later wlit'il s[ii'!|kiii^ of t\[v o\i^r\)t\nn of thom- ii.ri'i'Kt''d OTi 

this ocpasioii. Hi'iiro tla' jjroof is not afisolntn for the 
use (if Hall, fnr Li'^ftfi- miiy hiivo trans f<'t'red ih'" nanin 
from that passa^rc When Ihowi-vlt Li.'u;jjo's ciistoiiiary 
falthfiiln«!is to tlif imnu'diatplj rclat^-d passage \s considerpd, 
il ri'niains vi'rv |tnd»al)I(' ttial tbf iiioution here of Hawte 
is ail inriirat.io[i uf tin- use of Hall. 

For otluT iiassaffos which havo no basis in Hoh'nshed 
Orafton always stands hrsidi' Hall. Tims oithi-r Hall or 
Ciraftoii may liavc hvm authoi'ity for 

p. 140 BiirkitiErliiiirrs message to Rirhard (mentionwi 
in a \alLT piissagc i)y Morr and Holinsiird); 
149 Olmirrstcr's wonis "Btluardiis n\ rrx etc"; 
IL'it Till' tjin'i-ii's(s|a'i'fliins shown hy tht' parf-ntliesis 
in iU which rorresponds to the arrangeinpiit of 
Hull and Onifton. utit Ihat of More and Hol- 
ing lied I: 
160 The niiMition uf Northampton: 
lb2 Gloucester's sp*!ccli — an-cst of Stanley, York 

and Ely; 
16i* PostponcnuTit of coronation' to Nov. 2. 
174 ■■ntirdi'tii - cni qnod jncaius fsf" itli*" word 
jocatu^ points to tht' explanation in Hall and 
Grafton nrdy); 
177 TIm' prcsciicL) of the bishops with Richard (from 

the Hardyng Con.): 
liKt Tin' speech of UraktMilau'y froni "jugularc 

piTPin" (from Poi. Vergil); 
200 Ricliard's lamnnt for his son. 



— 2H0 — 



For tlie osoltirtivp use nf Hulinshcil in any ^vcn pasRajjr 
there is no proof. WIkjt Hiil! fails, (iraftun ahvays lia£ 
the same passiisf'- Tlius to fitlier liwlinislied or Grafton 
may lif duo 

p. 143 BuckiiijjLiun'B order "pnioite etc." {which here 
apKi^rs befon> tlic ^iiroetiiig^ to tJie kirg. as in 
Holijislif'tl, GnifUjK luid Mu^t^ not itftrr ii, as 
in Hall); 
145 "Packs and coffers"" in sta^t* directioin; 
151 et Ke(|. The scene with l.Iic Qiieeii (prohnlily: 
as the word "reciilivti"' in tho speech of the 
queen 151,2, appears to correspond rather with 
the "re cidi nation" of More, Holinshed and 
Gmfton than tJie "resiluarion" of Hall and the 
Hnrdyng Con.); 
153 The liirth of tlie prince in priRontfrnni More's 
Ijatin, fii-st appi'aring in Ilastell's cd. I.")57 ;Lnil 
so not in Hallli; 
156 — 158 The tpniptation of Buckinjrham and his 
agreenienl with Rirlinnl U'roni Jlorf's Lnfin): 
180 Richanl'is sp<-f^cli in ci^Ui't of Kings Bench 
(from More'a Latin). 
If either Hall or Holinylipd was not used that one is' 
prohaljiy iiolinshed, which appeared in the latter half of , 
the year before Lpg'ge's play was prodnced, if 1579 be the ' 
earlicfjt dsUe. The composition of this may widl liavo 
begun at an earliiT period. 

The foregoing section will hiivf made ckar that in 
the analysis of (hn play llie n-ferencc of pa-ssatjes Ui Moro 
or Polidore Vergil is a reference to thr Diiginal aiid not 
the immediate source, and the same may he the case with 
references to Hall. 

Analysis of the Play. 

Citations from Hei)*ca an; madij Injm the edition i^f Leg, 

Berlin, 1^79. 

The arffimient of tin- (ir^t actio covers the period frorni 
the d<*ath «if Kdwani IV tn tlu" condiMiinatinn of Shorc'SJ 



2S1 



\rife. It coiTPsponrts in all roi^pocts to an outlinr" of the 
story ill Hall, save thai Ucn^ us in the Dramatis Per- 
sonao. tho youiif^ king is said to iif' tiflpcn yuars old. 
More calls him "a tliirlenu yearo nf age". a.ntl lliis was 
followpd liy Hill! and iiU who copitd Moro. Koiis and 
ulht'is variL'il lioin this, but 1 have bi^en iinahlE! to liiid 
anywhere an authority for littceii. In fact, the prinee 
was twelve and a Iialf years. oUI. It is possible that 
Logge's statement was conditiocipd by the apparent aj^o 
of the student actor, hui a greater difticulty must have 
existed In the case of the young cluk^■ of York, whose age 
is correctly given as eleven. The argmiiciit stales that 
Riehard, Lomo nimia arubltione elatiis, perceived in the 
tender age of the prince an easy path for himself lu the 
throne. 

The opening scene of tho play disL-loaee the queen 
lanii-ntinff to the Cardinal ArcUhishtip of ( 'anterhury Hir 
ileath of her husband, and esprefising her fnars fur the 
Hafety of lier son, wlio is coming up from Wales to be 
crowned. The lone of her word.s is entirely Seiiecan, a 
lament over the earea that attend a throne. The note is 
struck in the opening word.^ of t\\o scene, which sound at 
the same Lhne the ground-noin of Kicbard's wliolo tragedy; 

Quiciinmiie luelw crwdiilu.'s rebus nirnis 
reguai-e, bUnctiiin i|UiieriC is maliun. 

The words are an imitation of Trl^ad[^s 1—3: 

LJuliMiEKiui? ipgnu liiUI el mnpna polriis 
(lominiititr &iila tiui.- levou nieliill deus 

aniniuiiiiiue robus i-rmihilnm loeli-i ili'dit 
tiiQ vi<k>at i>t tc Truia. 

witJj a rcniiniswnce of Oodipus t>, 7: 

Qii5QiiinL maloi'un] fronte ijuani bluEida li^gU! 
cS. also Aganiomaon 57 et seq. 

Tho f|iteen hastily reviews her marriage Ut Kdward, 
and the joy 8he won thereby. duHlied too soon by the 




— -JH-d 



nohlcrt" scocn tif lier ln'rtli, and tlifi dfiatli of lu>t' f;it.hfr 
ami ItrnUirr. Iimufrlil uliout hy I'lui'i-iirc. The (.■stiLliIiylurirfit 
of her kindred ahrmt the ijrinre causi;il yet. more dissprision, 
iind ii!iiii[i llii.' fates brought disaster in tJio death of hoi- 

liusliuiid. 

Nei- irialiw Lafr i-onlenla pesle soi's riiit 
priii.s niiiliini iiifijnris tsi pradim male 
E:(liiila.l at'gTiHiiin maritiiw s|iiriliim. 
ttl Tiilii niiii[iiiiit rfKiti impia miiiiu 
aaevai;' J-uri.irps, iiividenl virimi mihi 
murtH.le falU ludil.ur gciuis. sibi 
spiiiKlere (iin*(]iiaiu niiii fiiilesl lam slahile 
[cii'lmia qiiinl niin vcrsil nnceps. idr^lid-ii 
mimol ilumiis tjinlitm bcitla, ilum time! 
virlLi.4 riiinas nugna. 

tf. HtT. Fur. 208— S): 

llriis Allcrnis nia1i 
friadiis ost fuluri. 

Her. Fur, 1«L; 

Oct. 025— fi: 

Reghiir Cati.s morlale gentiH 

nee sihi quiaqLiam spondora potest 

flrmiim nt st-abile, 

Her, Fur. l!»9--2[)0: 

hiimilique loco aed oBrU Jted&l 

Mui'ilida parvac fortiina damuM: 
,'Ut« virCii.s iininLDMa cudil. 

Nnw the yoiitii; prince is on his waj to Lomlon to ho 
crowned, a new 4;tiutjc for (cur, for cvvj\ if no daugrr 
tlirHSteiis from willioutt from tlic house of LsincasU'r, there 
may jot his danger witUia. 

Ttie enrdinal seets to comfort hsr, Ijut sIum'l'jVcIs his 
ronsoUition, She has good cause to fear, for, following 
tJie advice of ninny — an addce given at Gluui'(''Stin"'s 
instigation, aecording to the arj^iiment — sho has dei»nved 
the prince of a large train, in order not to renew tlie 
ancient eamitj tiealed at Edwanl's lit-dsiUe, Thus sIjp may 



283 — 



iiini iia,k<'<i lu \m pntnnics, "A niijihiy liatn'U 
presses Ljini uiii' bousi*, amliUinii raises, UIuuchsIit lu'ouglvt 
Ills own lirothi?r deatli; will liis ambition spare bis 
nc]]lif\v!'" 

Whik" Uiii rjinliniil is still I'luleavoi-iiig iv ilijiiiiiisli 
lier fears, a tiipsseiigfr t'litprs. Tlii.^ prinri.-, Iip announces, 
has reached Norlluiinptfm in safety. In accordance with 
the (lucf-n's k'ttcr>i, Rivet's Las riisinissed all soldiery from 
aliout tlio prince, and is acconipaiiyiug liini alone, with 
Uray. So far the news is cucouiaging, but to tliL* (|uecn's 
anxious quei^tion whether GlouceshT lias met the king, tlie 
messenger replies tiiat hoth he and Bnekinghani liave sent 
most fnVndly letters and promised to join the king shortly, 
Tile iiueon is thrown hack into her formflr fear 

Pujitfjiiiim faviir flalii sefitnclo ■vpxerit 

Dil'Tii ;iri.iL'iil: i'i'1ii|!iil. idem latipuidnti 

aJlo mm i, miillisij^iie jaL'tal llu-i-'litiiis, 

Ki's iH'ii>i".'iaG si ijiiMndu lai^taii jubenl, 

ruraiis revah'tH' in metus, net dosinit 

animus jiavere lacta qiiamviis cerneret. 

The lirst three lines are an imitation of Octavia 877 
et soil-: 

O fuMer^liiH niiiltJs popiili 
dinisquc favor, qui turn llnlii 
vi^lft MPfirndu ratia implevit 
VKilinio [inteiiL, langiiiduH idoni 
(leMeril alto sa«vo<|UEi mai*!. 

The cardinal agiun interposes, urging thiit her fear is 
ffivinj; easy credence to siiiisltT pmphefips: while the 
(|uern insists that I'xperitjnee has taitghi her that fear is 
wimloiii, Eiri iTiterchango of epigrams in Senecan stich- 
omylliia ensues, with an occasional liiici actually imitated 
from Seneca. E. g.: 

lluv facilit ciedum qui niniis miNeri limuul, 

an imitation of Hercules l-'ureas, 314, 15: 

Qirud nimift tiiinpri vohini 
hoc tofAlo (.Tivlunl. 



- '284 — 



Tlu; scPiiiT l'ikIs willi another insistence upon, ihe tliornc 
Willi which it opened. 

Tiniere fUHicU quisqiiis excel.sus stetit, 
ri.'biJSL|iiE4 Dingnis xlia L-laudihir (juiex. 
Auro vo«»ijuiij bjbiiiir ipTn^liini I'lu-'se 
Jiiiniili inalijiii, vdiiliMqiif t-inicl.in ctitfniU 
>j|i[>i!'rhji siLrutnu leclu Udluui i^nlniine. 

Tliifl is from Th^'estes 447 ttt seq.: 

iliim cxml-siiM L>4loli 
iiuiiqLiuni iittvurt) ilei^tiLi alijU'e i|iMim uiai 

fBrrum tiniaFP lalnris 

....... »c«lora HOD inlrsnt Ciisa», 

veu&nuni in auro bibitur — 

and Oclavia 890 et sei).: 

bene paiiperti?* 
lutmili lecin oonU'rlo (a.tcl 
i|iiaUiiiit alt4Ls Fiaepe prouellaH 
nut evenit Fartuaa domoa. 

As for tlie facts of the scene, tbey cotTBsptmd almosT 
exactly to tho chronicle. There is, however, no statrtuenl 
there that Rivers fiismisspd all Edward'.^ soldiers. More 
and his copyisUs .stato that the piince wns liein^ brought 
up "with a soher company'", and there was in fact a train 
of two thousantl soldiei-s, The eeene itself Is not In the 
chronicle, wlieni the archbishop of Canterbwy first conies 
to the tiueoH to ohtain lUc duke of York. 

The view of Uicliard is not iiuitc clear. He \& am- 
bitious and bo bates the queen. It is directly stated, l*o, 
aa in the Mirror for Mii^i-stratcs that he was the cause 
ofQareneo's iloath. Bat it does not appear whether llus 
was in pursuance of a purpose to obtain the throne. The 
statement of the Eirgiinient, wbil*' not neecssarily inmnsis- 
tent with this view, would supiii to indicate that Riebai'd'a 
purpose was first deflnitolj conceived after the death of 
Edward. But at all events, Richard appears as a man 
whose hatred for the queen's kin and whose ambition she 
has lonjr known and feared. He has not hefiitated to 



285 



bring his own brother to ilcatli, and the iiueen. before, 
tliore lias been tlip sligLtest overt act of liaist.ib"ty on 
Rioliard's part, is liill of a lively dread that lin will not 
spare lits nephew. Of other events in Kictinrd's prpvitniM 
career, g'ood nr bad, Uirre is no mention: Lcr^ffci conltnts 
himself with the nnc nuird'Pr a? an indication of Rirliard'.s 
ruthless character. Yst he has pontriTod, largely hy tlie 
fiii[t|oyjni'iit of Seneca, to give to tbe opening scene ini 
iiileijse feeling of anxious 8ii«pense. A tyrant siiid hiw 
(yranny are at hand. At their approach the royal vi(;tiiii 
Uu'la the vanity of earthly glory, the certainty' thai what 
is liifrh must fiUl. In expressing that feeling of herself 
fthe uneonsciausly prophesies and asserts the iMinislnncnt 
of till' aulhiT of her (luwnfall. Rieliard is elindii[]jf hif,'h, 
hut after all only to roach a pninL from which fait is sure. 
It is the sanne ihouglit which in Shakespeare's jilay 
liidmrd urges u|)nn Uoi-set, and arcepts with unconscious 
fatiilisni wlieij turned upon himself. 

Marj", Tlier llifti MtaniJ high W*v6 many bliutts lo shake lliem; 

And if llicy Tall. lli>i^,y i!:i-sli ( UwuHj-Ivcs Id pii>res. 
CII9LI, Cloocl cbtiDiiel, Tn&Tfy. loarn it, I(i3.rn it, iiiai'r|iiA4s. 
Dor. U toucheth you, Diylunl. ns much as me. 
filoit. Tea, and much more. H. IH. l::^:'Jull rl geq, 

The scene now changes tn Northampton, where Olnii- 
W-'ster has arrived and greet.s Kivere wtlli words expressing 
the "frcndly chere" of the'chroniele. Rivers replies eour- 
temisly. and subsfquently ejiciisetf liiniself let pi to sleep. 
T3n-ia eiisui's a J'onneil lietwi-en (Jloiieesler. Btiekinghant, 
suid Ha.wtintfs, wlio, contrary 1^ tht* ehroiiiele, Ik also 
reprewenl'-i! a.'i present. Riehajil addresses Buekinglmni in 
the words which the chronicler represents liim as having 
sont to those whom ho knew to he at variance with the 
tjuecn, "some by mont.be, some liy UTityngi' anil secretc 
iiiegsr-ngiTs". Legge makes Ricluird's rrmiphiinl more per- 
sonal than in tJie original,"!" hoing often substituted for"wi'", 
and makes more direct liichard's charge that the <|ueen was 
responsible for I 'lai-ence's death, and that lie binwelf escaped 



— 1>KI3 — 



tlie like h\U' (viily l\v liis nwii sugncitj. Bufkiiighani afrr<'p? 
in Richard's view of tlic daiigor, anil mentions — following 
the t'hroiiiclp's anecdote of the message through Persivnt 
— that tiP has a.lrfad,v sent Ricliard word to the same 
effect. Rii'liard proposes tlie arrpst and removal oC Rivers, 
at whicli Ruckiugliaiii and Hastingji — whose presencp in 
this sccn^" is tiouhtlcss due In tlii'* staleiin-nt ni the rhninicli' 
that Rie-hard with the wurd^i ahove mentioned set oii fire 
especially Burkinghikui and Hastings — espreSM fear o( a 
popular uprising. Their fears are set at rest, and they 
swear — in Seiieran tenns — fidelity to Rirhard. who 
ha.K llii'oughout the seene declared his own (idelity to the 
youtig prince. Rivors, the keys of wboee inn have mean- 
while heen taken into the eou.spirators' possoaaion. and the 
ways lieset hy tlieir guards, now uppffirs, expressing his 
auxiety as to what this ?uddtn elianifp may luean. and 
approaelies the dukes to learn the eanse. He is met with 
the charges mentioned iJi More, and is rmt allowed U) 
defend himself, hut ia hastily arrested and dragged off the 
stage. Tying ont u]nin the tn-aciiery of Kurliino. Thus 
the scene extends through a whole night, following very 
elosely. with constant translation of the original, the 
account of More. 

TliereupiMi follows the meeting of Gloucester and 
Bue.kingha[ii with the king, and the arrest of Gray and 
Hawte exactly as narrated iwHall. Gloucester greets 
the king with "Rex vivat acternuni Eritanus inelytus", 
Buckingham with. "Tihi hi-atuni linnet imperium deua". 
Beside tliia, Gloucester makes strong profisssion — again 
in Senccan tiTms — of his fidelity. There is hut one 
change li'oni Ihe account of the chronicle. Thi'n- the king 
weeps hecauae his servants are changed: Legge improves 
liy innking hisn weep at the arrest uf his hrotlier. Gray. 

The story of Richard's; sending a dish from his own 
lahle to Rivers, and bidding Uim be of good cheer is 
related by a scene hetwoen a servant of the king and 
out of Richard's, in which the king's servLint laments the 



— 2S1 — 



(I'lwnfiill rtf liiii iiiiistr-]'. wliidi, In' clfarly sees, Crlouccster's 
iLiuliiliuii is desliiicil tu liriiig almut. 

Tlic action agiiill shifts tn Loriiion, wlirrr llir iiiif^cTi 
rcri'ivrs tln^ news iit' tht' liisasti'i' lir Iiit kiusnicti. ;niil Imliis 
ctmt'erencp wUh the Ardibislio|( of York, Tin? scltu? is a 
KiHid I'xainple uf Loggu's tliMinatic tiiftlioil. So far as t\w 
farts art' roncpnird the sccnp follows rlnsely tltf iiiirau-nipli 
uf MiHv wliiuli is its biisis. iitid as usual \iHW h omiltrd, 
f'VL'ii fif Ilir iiiiriiir details. Wlii-n- Mi>it puts words inlo 
till* nioulbs tif the rharacturs, Legge translates tiieiii into 
liis l,nl.isi. But tin* form iinrl inimiiiT uf ihc wrfnc firp 
wIujUv Sciicf-aiL In t!u' aiifniisli and uiiivst uf tin- quei-u 
lliH auMior saw a rlos<^ rcse[]d)laiicr t<i tin' I'KudillfJii of 
iinliii|i[j.v Plun^diii. aftrr tlio riijpi'tliiii of lii>r suit Cu HiiJ|i<i- 
Ijtus. Ac>.'(inliiifi;ly. tlir- sciMift is nmilidlrd iiiimi Uiu( id' 
beiifca, BO far as tlic difTeriii^ ctrcunistnucos allow. Tin* 
nioiiicni cJiosi'ti lor pn'Pcriljitii'n is tliiiit of ilm arrival tA 
till.' Archlii.sliu|> at lln" iiuiictnury, lli^ in met hy i\n anoilla, 
corr^spomlinj; to the imtrix of Pliaedni, who hrwailf* tht: 
evils tliiit have falldi upon llu- liouac of Ytirk, 

(JiiiH f'il in.tloniru llni'M? Iifii! Eioii! i|iritii iliii 
I(<-)£ina vicl.i hi-lihiis diri-i pvavat? 
Qiiai' iiiis.'-Jtlfl fi'dix Krinni.s Ite^nnui. 
Tdrlo.i vpI iirgiit"* Mcjr.ii'ii ci'iiiliolif; ribmnB 
Litrlitmi|iif uiujiir'i'nt |>i'iiii liiH'iiin viiciit 
El vix iiirtits Hojjinn tanlu>i surfli-n. 

Tln' iiiirjlla llu'li iTlates to the Archliisjin]), as Uic iiiilrix 
docs tn thr flioriis of Pliardra. the state uf the uiifortiiuate 

ijueen. 

^plnmlfrs h^tifii'A sntiNh^R Eboi'tLccndiim 
Dims lilii renuvnre iijb casus jiihfp 
i*uwti|uum hiioft ^^sif* siia'^ei-al, 
et cBvi'it aox hnri't<ri>L, ainiiiMti din 
Iiici-Blmil iiiila, \i[iiMiliM Itivi-i'hini 
diiri^ priMiii li. rirnium nejinlrm; limi locus 
qiiU priiu'ipetii cjipinl. loriiri' iii'mirnwrii. 
Pd.stiinam [interent limia ti'^'ina«' ni^lii. 
animiiM truniot'c rnncilii.t Hiibilo kIii|ii>1. 
Holvuulur (liou) laHaiilt' uioiidiiB sphiLu 



— 2fl8 — 



Posliiii^ni Iri'iiietilcs miiteru vjreh I'olligtl, 
nn. Ifllihii.s mmx asilra ]nil.sat viiL-iliiis 
ihii'ii fatu purcile ....... 

Nf.in siisliiiol tabnnte mux I'nlln piipiil 
[jai-gci tmnlpsdiiil iuibre pi'dFiiMue getiKB 
cor li'Ule mntrnis acstiial liolorilius-, 
ciUliim dt-'curuni I'tgiae veif^Ci!; pri^ciil 
removel, et. eximii ivibui-pis murk'is 
(Juietii mmqitam leoiiHUI. hiic, illui', fiigit, 
Inlli jiibei ilt-niiiKiiie jmiii forpnra. 
El sempor inipaliinir; .i^iii wtntiiK, cila 
miitatui', «t c^ocluni 'juserelis vt'ilre^riil. 

Compai'L' with iLis th& uutrix's description of Pliai'dra. 

Pliau'd. iJ(iO fit scq.: 

Spwi uulla t.nnliiTn jios.ic leniri mnliim. 
Jitii.stjU^ flanituis hilIIiIs ipsUni.-j <>rlt. 

erunifiit ociiliM i^nis et la.'wae fi^nac 
lurem reciiHanI, nil iAcm diiliiap i>iar«t 
ai'luscjiie mrie ini'tat intnriLis liolor. 
niiTiL' 111 .HoliiHi liibitnr monPiiK ]^?-a(3ii 
i>i vix Ifibante siisliiif^l cdILii L'U|ii[t. 
Tiiinc fie L]iii)>li i'«4lr!il. el soiiini ininK-intii'. 
Tiat^tem querolis diiiul; Attnlti iiihcL 
JliTiiDiijiiL' pnrii rnrjjiiB el solvi ponins 
j'fii'i'uisqiie flnpi: seaii[if>r imputiena Riii 
iiiiiluLui' habitiiiit 

InpriniBC <<A<liinl per ora ot assidiio ge-niU' 
i(u<- irri(.'iinliii', fidiililcr Timri liriris 
lepido niiiiloBfimi ijiilirc imrciisHno nlvri, 

Si'd ea< pnlrtiriint r«-^lM) f'i»li);lit. 
rri'linis ijiwii nmMn aiiratac loro 
t4if)litoH aiuk-lu.i nienti' non .lana ithniiit. 
riiiipdra. KbiuuvoLi.', famiUae. pui'iiurn Jilijin* nurrt inlitus 
vt.>3lf!H, jinn-'iiL sii oiuricis Tjiii Lubur, 

As the aliodr of Phaedra oprns to ruveal her and IiPr 
servants Imrrvinjr t<) rciiuivc tlieir niistri'.ss''a imrplo and 
{joUi-cnibioideii'd ganufiits. so in Legge's scfnf. a curtain 
is drawn, revealing tlie queen in sanctuary witli hcr 
(Iaiig:litprs. wliilii lii;r sci'vants are bniinJii^' line possessinns 
in bastti and lieapiii^' thrm up aljoiit hor. 



— 2ft9 — 



From Ii&rf tu the close of the conversation lii>twi?c.ii 
the aTcljhishop and the queen the scene follows closely 
the nanatioii of the source, Senecan influence niaiiii'esting 
itself only in invocations to Uie "rector potens Oi.vmpi". 
and in tliti mirsi! which the queen utters ai^aiiist Hastings: 

nic, ille nijstri clnriiB hostls wanpiiiiiis 
Hnetin^iis, ille principi exititim iminl: 

l']n. viuilicfts niJUnr Liens .iijiijilux |iraBOr 
l>ii'uui i'ujiiit flauimii^ iiffamlLH nbjiLiinli 

Compare Oct. 227, S8: 

iitinuQ nefandi |irmci|>i(i (Ui-tnn <-aput 
abmere flsmuils cnelilum rei'lor iiaroL 

Thi- besetting of the Thames and all ways to the 
sanctuary Siy Gloucester's servants, the tntnultuons meetings 
of nohlf? tmii ritiKcns. Ihe meeting of the lords, with the 
advice of Hii^iiiiirt^ to doll-r any action until Gloucester 
aiid Bufkiiiyhsun arrive, which folluw in More's story, are 
drawn tojfcther hy Lefrye into oiw- seeno. Here occurs 
'ffce line Inferred lo Ijy Naslie. (lie liuinininis to Ilie citizens, 
"Urbs, urbs, CiveB, ad arnia, ad anna". The diverse 
diviniiifr niion tliis ilealinj^ a,]ippji.rH in expn-ysiorjs of 
hostility Ui the queen, "'Dii feniinae Uim iriste vijidicent 
nefas", and prayer for the prince, "Ai te dens, pusille 
p-rinci'ps, tnmjiiat". Tim Airhbishuii of Ynrk declai-es tlie 
common fi'm* that {JlouerHter's actions are dut- Its tils desire 
for thw crowu — "'fun'OH repetit Atnhit-io tLrnnuiii'' nt 
poseitin jiraedani sihl!'"— and Uastintrs eiilnis the nfritatEori 
with the Words asei'ibed In hitu liy the chronicle. 

Escorted hy the mayor and (lloucester. the ynuutr 
king aow enters Lundon. He jg:rceta the city in tie style 
of the Seiioean Asarnemnon and Thyestes rctnrniniff' to 
tlicir homes, and deelare.s his joy to be p-roati^r than tluU 
of the (Ireeks heholdinir their native, land after the Trojan 
wai'. j^reater even than Ihe joy of sliipwrcekcd Ulysses. 

1.1:11 barbnra!^ soiled miilavLmuH Terau 
^ntis, rovertor snsintn ml patrios Lvroa. 
TJrbii* auparhiiiLi clarus iiii; pnUal niinr, 

PnlnMtrn. V ]H 



— 290 — 

Kegnique splendet majiis inclyti deeus. 
Urb.s chara, salve tanta: nunquam gaudia 
jio.st tot ruioas Asiae Argiris nuDquam 
optata patriae regna et ArgolicaH opes 
cum bella poRt tarn longa primi viserent. 
Vix hospiti lot lustra lam laetum tibi 
redditum licet tanlLi miser naufroRiU 
creptus esaes dux C'ophalenius paraat 
Quam crescil amissae voluptaa patriae 
liDspes diu pustqiiam carebax, et suos 
negant aspectus longuiu iter mihi. 

Cf. Agam. 782—5: 

Tandem revertor Rospe:? ad palrio.s lares 
o cara salve terra tibi tot barbarae 
dcdere gentes spolia, tibi felix diu 
polentia Asiae Troia summisit manus. 

and Thj. 404—409: 

Optata patriae tecta et Argolicas opes 

miseriHque .siimmum ac maximum oxulibus boiium, 

tractum soli natalis et patrios doos 

(si sunt tanien di) I'erno, Cyclopum saevas 

turres, labore maius hunianu decus, 

celebratra iuveni stadia. 

Gloucester shows his devotion to tho prince, with words 
corresporuIiiiK to those put in his mouth l)y Hall, ^ "saying 
to all uifii as lie rode behold your i)riiice and souereigiiP 
Lord". 

K<Iuardus tm rex vester, o nivcs mei. 
liouore fulgenn regio en pnti^n-s jiucr 
cbare Britauuis principen) vides tiitini 
virlute praeslaniem fldeli.-; alidite. 

A soliloquy by Hastings follows, to impart the result of 
the first meeting of thf council, the election of (Gloucester 
to tlie protectorship and the taking of the girat seal from 
the Archbishop of York, as recorded by ilore. Hastings 
exults that his enemies lie in prison at Pontel'ract. and 
prays that their death be near at hand. 

The rest of the fourth Actus is devoted to a repro- 
duction of Jlore's account of the meeting of the council 



— 291 



in whjf^h Ricbard proposes tliat tlie duke of York be 
brought from sanctuary, and of tlie efforts of the ctirdiual 
Arcbbisliojj of York to induce the 4iueen to deliviT biiu. 
U|). All the speftcheg of the original are given in extended 
detail. As noted elsewlicre, it is here the archbishop of 
York, as in Moro and Holiiished, and not. afi in Hall's 
historically ccrrecter acconnl, Cant-orburj, wLo froen to the 
(|upen. H*' is aceoiii[>anjed by Buckingham and Howard, 
wlio reproscut the '""divi.TJi olhrr lords" of Wore. Howard's 
presence is irdicated by Hall and Holinshipd, who ascribe 
to him a rertain speech assijjnpd in More's orifJinal siinjily 
to "another lord ". TbU again is another instance of Lcggtt*s 
minute faithfubefts to hin source: — an interesting con- 
trast to tlip uiariner of Siiakesppare, who makes Ha-'^tini^ [ 
accompany the rardiaal, ami at the latter's invitation, no 
regard beinir paid to More's suggpstion that Richard sonl 
othcrH to make the niattrr more sum. 

The farewell of the (|uecn to her son affords the 
dramatist a line opportunity for rliotoric. Kotliing could 
hr more tiiufliins than Mnn's sinipiL' words: ""And there 
wilhall she said unto the child: Farowel, my own swetft 
sonnc, God send you good kcping, lot me kis ynu ones 
yet ere you goe, for tlod knowfth when wp sbal kis In- 
githcr agaynf. And thoi'cwith she kissed liim. a[i<l blossod 
him. turned \^^■^ hark und w+'pt and wcjit liei- way, leuuing 
the chjide weping as fayf (p. 40). But with this Ltvgge 
vijiutd not III' POHtunt. Tlie (pii'en\ woT'ds an' I'XtJ'iidcd 
by him over forty lim^K. His draaiatic model furnisbrd 
him with the scene of Andromache yiolding up her young 
Astyanax to Up sacriliced by her victorious foes, and 
Andromache's words -of sorrowful parting arn tliorfiforc 
made the example of Elizabeth's: 

dulce pignitft, alterum regai dacus, 
spfls T&na ni&ti'i.s, ciii pjitKs laiido.'^ agn 
(lem«n..'> prefabur rnislra, avi lonpaa dies 
libL palroniiM itd^il t4)l jini uelUs Arbiter 
itiundi dens, liiliiijue piirlii i;ulltjt!«t 



Inllxa libris iwcuU infocUi lui.i. 

cf. Troades 766—70: 

O dulcp pi^u». o decus lapsne damns 
mimiauiuqup Tn>i&e fuiiiiM. 41 Oncmiim liuiiT. 
Urt^npiricis o spes van.'i. I'ui dean'ri* cipi 

mpdiits precntiar. vols desliliiil dens, 

The "avi lon^as ilies". which hi Aiitlmiimrlie's mouth 
liave mcfuiiiit;^ n.'ferriiig Uf the ji^ed Pnaiii, in KliKulM'tliii 
liecome absurd. Slie can hardly he supposed to refer w 
Richard tlukf of York, whv was uiil.v fi*rtj*-intfhi .voai-a old, 
when b".' perished at W a-kflieliL four yearw hefoiT Elizahott 
becaiiic' arqiiaiiiled with Itis -^mi: and KiizaMli's <jwi 
father was dead. 

N(H' iw the sj)eP(;h iw a wh'tlc writ :i]ipli<*<l to Th( 
yuni.' ]H'iiiL'i', of wlniHc siil't'ty thi' qiit'i-n luis M ii'sisi souk 
lio|if. ll \s a rarf shji fur Lct;g(', whn in gi-iHTal rtls hit 
hunowiiig^ well to his own uoctissities. 

The ([iu'en's long wail cniiiiimPK. with an a|i|n*al U 
her SHU to suffer her tears, eVfii il' his tmlile soul jiriivwiit 
any of his own. She has been trained to weep by Iht 
death nf Ed w ani her Inrd , hiu t. wh c a hf dit-d am )Ui«u" 
Kdwiird ifiiiained tu uiki- liis plati'. and hrr kin.snu'ii weruj 
by litT sidf in iitiwi-r. Xnw tlicy arc nvrrthrowii. hi'j 
brnthiT lies in prisnii. and the kiu^ hiiuMi'll' is in tht 
ciiatiidy 'if the dreaded Kifhurd. In the lnws tif her se'Coul 
smi tin* (luecn's last hope is trimr. 

tt) Uni' riiil mna sik&.i liiiwno dnmii*. 



Thf wUnlt' passage eontains many siiiiilanties tn tl 
Iinsnajfe in Iho Trnades, Thus 

an ipiiciiiiLd poicsi 

is a ri'iuiniaeencf of. Tru. 784—5 

tlf1:>iliim Aliquid nfri.-tori» wA^ui n>^<-" 
muri viiiebunt; 



— 293 — 

Turn turma suffulsit meoruni nobilift 
has caught up a phrase from Tro. 779; 
puer i-it«tas nobiliH ttirma^ ^oa. 

I'etam maler simul 
vivenlis onilofs ad [utj mea claudam manu 
is from Tro. 788—9: 

concede paucaM, iit meft condam manu 
vivenlirt uculos. 

at suos {ilanctus tamoii 
cuilcedn nialri 

is probably an imitation of Tro. 801 — 2; 
pauca matemao tamen 

iwrfer guerelae verba 
and the immediatply following lines 

Kn, Hume tletus matria, e niisero patris 

■[uicquid relictum funere 
are from Tro. 807—8: 

et sume lacrimas, (|ui(lquid e niiseru viri 
funere relicttim e.si. 

The lament eoncludes with a simile from the Treaties 
doubtless entirely in accord with the taste of the academic 
audience for which l^egge wrote, but to a modern mind 
destructive of that sympathy with the mother's feeling 
which the I'est of Ledge's rhetoric has not yet rendered 
entirely impossible. 

Qualis remoia niatre (ludelis leu 
praedam minureni morsibus vai^tiK preincns 
raplavit ore: lali.s sinu meo 
crndelis aviilsil iiepotem patniuis. 

cf, Tro. 7W— 99: 

fremitu leonis ijualis audito letier 
limiditm iuvenciis applicat matri latira 
at illo fSjit'MiH malro siimmota Ifo 
praedam minoreni morsibus va.sti8 tenen.s 
frantril vehilqiip: talis p noslro Hinn 
to rapiet hoslis. 

It is doubtless likcwi.se his dependence on Seneca that 
leads Legge most strangely to put into Howard's mouth 



— 294 — 



a t^escription of the quepn's nianrer as she takes leave 
her son. 

variis I.enellos fllli .irlun implic^I, 
araplcsibiis f"iip](<>nin sparpoiiK oaeiilni, 
niic plura singidliiN sinil aiiLHans loqni. 
Haeititqiie m^tlio ra^ila jiiilliit'e Pgredi 
vox juHsa^ nee reperil. viam infnelix amor. 
Q.iiid ninlTiB aclen I'harn vexus noflurn? 
popt lorg-a flificedpiiH rolinqiiit (Ilium. 

All tliiP. of eoursie. took plaec before the aiidicnco, ant 
wsis U) bi> sd'H and hvat'd hy thmi, Why it should hp 
related by HowanI is a ni.Ysti'ry. But liis words are the 
ostpndrd reproduction nf the last seiitJ^ncp tjiiot^'d abov< 
Jroni M(H'0- 

Iji tlic opening srnie nf tbf flt'Mi Act is <lraiiuilizP{i| 
tliL" pausagf! Ironi Murc'p Lsiliii wliicli in Rastell's edilioi 
of Morc's English history of Ricli:inl. mul thus in Graftoaj 
ant! Htjiinslied. !»iil not in the Iljiidiri*; cuiriliniialion or loj 
Hall, follows directly upon thf olit;iiiiin}f of the duke of 
York: that, namely, which reeotmt* Richard's craft 
spciinng the support of niielvinirhain. whn, acconling tol 
Mori-, "iifid ropi-nti'd Uh* way that he had entered" (cf.j 
p. W). The '-Biittell folks" that broke the matter 
Buokinnliiirii are in tin- drama W'presniled by Cateshy. ' 
In a soliloitiij pi-ccciMnjc the enlrant-j' of Buckingham he 
indicates the present situation. The protector is drawin( 
rapidly toward the accomplishment of his purpose. Hif 
prey is within his grasp, the crowa is almost ready loj 
his hand. All who oppose him ho is ready tc make wayj 
with, sav.^ Biieking-htini. whom he expects to win to 
side, The situation of Richard reminds the dj'amatist 
that of Atreus in Seneca's play, as he sees the hatcdl 
Thyesti'e and his two young sons fallen into his power.] 
Hence the soliloquy of Cateshy characterizing Richard's 
position is based upon that of Atreus characterizing hial 
own (cf. Tliyoslcs 491— 5rt3). The likeness in the characters] 
o( Atreus nnd Riehsird, Mnd iii the fact that each miirdeml 



— 295 — 



I 



IIS twn jimn^' nfiphrws. is striking, and as will hr Kcen 
Li'tijri' rcruriiK lo ii ajrain und airain, 

Biic'kiiigliinn is chariVftcHzi^d in tbij? intJTvii-A^' lioth 
l);y CalfSby's words, "aninio tumet superhiig", iind liiti nwn, 

At -ii 'jiiU pxr(«lsa |ii>tens aula, levin 
Itiiniiiiii.s inipi^rii) ift^a^ suae ].KJ«Kt 
JaiflJire fm^licnni slatiim liiiud frnpili Iticii. 
Kxfi'l.-JtisJ ill B\((Tkinghani«i8 hems polofil. 

Tliis view appears to rest on a latPr passage in More's 
story, when" in recountiuff the reasons for Buckingliain's 
ronspirnrj' hr says, •"Vprv troiith it is, ttir diikr was ;iii 
lii^rli iiiiinli'd mail, and ouyll i-oukl Uc-iirv tlic jrlory dI' an 
other" (cf. p. 114). ]ii till- eniversation Catoshy repeats 
till' diTJariitiuns givpii in Murc's parafiraiili. tiiiit tin- yuiiii}; 
kinjr will revpnge on Burkinghain tlic impriHoniiu-nt iiiid 
drath uf Mk ndHlivi-ei; LUnt rK'ticntance and an atlfiiipt Ui 
n'iin.ir his ufTfiire will only msure his destnu-Iion at the 
protecUtrs liands: and tliat tlic mU- way out uf tlir ililnnina 
ia to put vrngcancp. out of the young kintr's power by 
raisinf? tlin protector to tlie throne. 

The tfwue is skilll'ully managed. CaU-sliy rcveuls iii 
solemn ami impressivr words tiii' iirigrr of tin' young king 
and liis jmrpose (« liavc vengeiuicf. Biu'ltiiiKliiini ai first 
trfalK the nialtt-r liglitly; a lioj'is liriof nogov. \v reiplies, 
U soon fxtinguislicd, 

A hoy's wrath it is. replies the temptor, but thn raslier 
lierauw it is :i Ijny's. 

Time will iliniinish it. Nay, for his mother wilt urge 

it (Ml. 

But Cilourcsfer shnrnd t]w rrime. Truo» yet vi'n^cancp 
will ill- satisfied with ibii iJiinishtiii-nt of ono. 

Uloucester's authority will restrain the lioy's wrutli. 
Yes. so Ions; iis lie is ii lioy. 

But lie will always fear his Uncle, Nay, a kin>j fears 
no one. 

Hue:ki[igliani iiegins to waver. What plan will save; 
liimi' Catefibys reply opens up new horrors. That plan 



— 39R — 



nTuyTTiP nnswprs, wliifli will furliirl tlip jirir'i'p 3'our d(?ittMI 
WTiat. ci'ivs Buekingljaiii. wil! I.lif iiui'en's WTath urge or 
hfr S.0T1 so far? To nurkingliam's fearful question r'ateslij 
rppSips with the iT,i\'\y siigjfi'fiUrui, Hit (load sun can 
work [Hi injurj. The tlukc siamls aghast. Is tlipn tbuj 
sole remedy the death cif tin jiiitic**':' At once Cat<'sl»j 
brings his stroiigps?t hattenVs to tii-ar. 

Vinci tiiai scr-Jeri"' novii si^eliis neiiuil 
Quoddnm ^rslus lionewtiini npcessitiii^ fncii 
Plagis lenelur cajila iJis|iositJs fer* 
Quasi viiiciilis ulcrijue aervatiir nepos 
levi perihtint Clamlii iniMi ilueis 
pcriere jiini jam. si tibi nunc consBliis. 

With the lirist line cf. A^am. 1X6: 

per sceilera iscmper .sceleribiis eol iter. 
anil Phai>d. 721: 

Nuelere velancluni est sculiis. 

Linps 8 and 4 have thiMi' sourr'- in ihi' paasagr nicntioiiH 
above from the Thyestes. 

For Biieking-hani too therp ir danger. 

(Tlweslrinm niunit snteUes Ham (iiiterc 
triii''i'>; TiiiljiT wBt'relus px.cnMloi' tiiom , 

i|iiuli.iiii liiiinim minima fiitsnui pnCi-.'^. 
iiclvcirsiis ilium foriii <,\ tjiiii-quHJu pHrpH * 
Nihil liiJieiKhiin .^i^i vide.s limo tanien 
incerta jmJtccrmii fldes; i^onstans nihil: - 
Inimica trrede cuncta; tuibstii^ »<At\, 
siiDuIaie miilta tiiUus, f\ flnget dolu:* 
Fi'sKi'i Thvi-ites libiTiif- t'l-cdeny sums 
nuxtiim ^tuonim s&n^iii'neni genilnr hlhit. 

The stHtoiiioni fonccming thf spies is frftm More. th( 
ninnnei' nt tht* \ViirnJn{.' Sont'C^an. Tln' last line ii* Thy. 917. 
Biirkinehaiii is on lb*' point of yielding:. To reppnl 
of his >harr in hrinirlng ahnul the fate of the queer's 
kinsnii'ii would \\v r<jwai"iily. On ilie imp fjjile \ii the certain 
duii^ci' It'orn the 4|urM'ii niothiT and the kiiijj^; oil the Ottif 
tlu' [irriti'clion orfiTed i^y the HUpreme pow».'r nf GIfiucfKh' 
i'Hlewliy chtH'hef; hi^ ease witli mi argnnipiit Biiekinght 



— 2t>7 — 



cannot ga^ay. If ii Imstmrd fate dnpi-ivRs tlir king; nf 
lifft — llie lIiiTjil is apparent - Uloui'cKlcr will siirflj 
he king. With Bm-kinglmiii's aid lir r.iin win Mm- cruwn 
witrhmit such a sacrifice B.v siippftrlint" Kli'liiiid lit- will 
nnt rrally hr lifin^'ng on tlif^ futastriii)!!'-. tVir tluii is un- 
avuidrtblf; iiml liv will stt\c- llu- Iim-s n| li»tli tlir prini-<^s. 
The eonquosi is complvt*'. Tlii- iliiki^ pruinisrs hie aid. 
satifif^'inn hiiutti!!!' witli the HkhikIi' 'lii'l ii'tor nil ilic priiin-'s 
loss is sli^'Ll, ir In- tliiiK pri'8f-rM's his litV. Fi>r il'lic witi' 
king yot his iiioIImt would rule, not he. 

ll is I'vidpiil IV«ii!i tlii>; scfiif that L('t(}i(^ ndojitcd that 
view ol' Buckiutrham wliitdi thi' latter frives of liiuisidl' in 
his conversation with thf Bishop of Ely. as far as the 
duke's di^pusjtion toward tbp prinee is lyinct'rned. The 
passagi" in point is: "So jtgayii by my aycli^ and fauoui-, 
he of a protcctour was mado a kyag . . . . al whirli tymt- 
he prcimyspd mt-. on his tidi'lilic. lajiiij,^ his hand iji niync 
at Baynartii' Castii. thai (hi- II yimriir priiicris shmiiUl lynr" 
(Hall, p. 387). TLr vii-w is tin; samii as Shaki'spL-arcX 
whose "hi^jh-irachiny: Biickirigliani j^'rows ciriiuiiiapL'cr' at 
thp thought of the prinrrs' dfiitli. (In the- iithcr luiiid, of 
tlic alli'niativfi virwe suf,'girKti-d liy ^Ioit. "tliiil lliis diikr 
was priuy to al the pitjloctniira counsrl, iuh'ii from tin- 
|j(:giniiiti}2'". and that only after Mii- pciMiaf^ions of t-iTtaiti 
siihtif f'jlk "to thys wicked L-iUcrpriK*'. whicli In' liehMn'd 
eotildc nut hoc voided, hce Itont liinisi-lft- and wi'iit through'', 
Sluikt'spi'arv t;i^lectK the lifst ami l-otryo the laliet. 

Tlie uiolfvf.- sa>^'g<>sf.fii hy Cati^j^hy, iliat Bui'kiughiiui 
hy asspfiting to Richanl's plaiii* will sftvw th<' king, is rot 
due to Legg**- It stands; alrcmly in thi' panaaH:'^ from 
More. "There was im way li'lt to nMletnc his uffi'iim' hy 
hpnofitps: htit hr should sonnr dtstroy himself than saut' 
the king, who with liis hrrithi-r and liis kiiisflnlkt'S he saw 
in suph plaw-s iniprisoiu'd. as the prnlfclour niiglit witli a 
beck disLnty thf[ii al". Wliat is peculiar lo Le^rge is the 
empha-sis he jjives to llii' niotivp. It is led np in in iht 
roiistraetion of the scfiii-; it is tin- litsl n-nllv effrrtivc 



— 29S — 



novf nf" Ciitiish>' in tiis pla.v ui«imi Hiickiiijrliani. ami thn 
last, wiili wliich ln' roriJiili'li's liis riiniiiiiist.; il furnis the 
rnal ground of Bur-kinf^hani's tlRcision. TIhik the- tiiikc's 
ctuifrtclrr stiindf^ in Lto;gn"s \i\i\y uti a lii^lior \\]at\r th&n 
in liny vl tlic Liiytorir? or in Sliakcsjieatr. 

In the con viTBH lion lirtwe(?H Buckhigbam and Caicsby 
is. prrliaps. best sern the real value ol' the Sericrjiii 
stichutiiytiiiin. so often adoptoil by Leggc. It forniia ati 
I'xrcllfiii mi-dium for tlii' (.expression of a ront^.st iif minds 
in which one character urges and the other i-esists. Sucli 
is its constant and rrirular usr in Seneca. Ft is usfd in 
thf saml^ way by .SIiiLk('H])can.' in his play of Richard III. 
Here it lacks much of the philusoi) Ideal and apotb«'Kiaatic 
chat-acter common to it in Seneca, but it f^ains tUorcby in 
point and real iift'ertivein'ss. 

In the next scene, which continups the dramatization 
of tlir passage from Mnro's Lntin, the two duk^s foine to 
nn ayi'in-irn'iit. Biirkinjrluim compUiiiis ol' the danger from' 
the yonrif; king, and dL'mands that he hv. iniprisoretl. 
Ridiai'd professes horror, and agi'ces that the king's ter- 
rible plans must be averted. Though his life lie spared, 
lit) must !)(.■ restrained in [irison. 

Tremulns ]>»r urtus lion-ftr oxcnml vn^if* 
.Juvenile nt.'vi repis ingeniiim ferux 
indoi^ilEi, llodi nun pul«s1^ fraD^a pDle<Ht, 
si pKtUniur, exiliiim paral Dobiis grA\-&. 
rBttimGi-G viLam viin'iilis repis licel. 

In the first line will l>e recognized a formula thai appears 
with many variations in Seneca. It is jus constantly nsftl 
by Le^ge. Line 3 is Thy. 200. 

Richard proceeds hypocritically to declare bi^i sorrow 
at takiniE' away his hrother's realm. KvArywhere th<' 
partisiins of Lnncasler will liuigh al the fallen house of 
its rival. Yet their lives must be guarded from danger 
and ihr wtate from woes; and he thereforrj detnamls his 
ImilherV .sceptre, hlK Ity rij^ht of hlood. To Buckingham 



y 



— 29ft — 



he promises the earldom of Herrford, and lliat liis son 
shall marry TJiickinf^hiuirs (hiiifijliter. 

The two now consult with Ciacsiiy its tu their fuithor 
steps. It is decided to remove the princes in thi' tower 
and lo inslit.uto ilividod meetings of thi* rdunt'll. Tin' 
noliles are to he simiinonL-d to tlic coronation and :i1l is 
to proceed as if in order. Uoder cover of the prepanitioiis 
Richard may attain his fiurpose. The peo]ih- are to he 
won lij money or hy t'cw. To aseertaiii thi- I'eelin^'.s of 
the nobles is more difficult, hut Kit-hard believes himself 
equal to the task. 

QiiAsi publipJB lie refeus annus iiiiuiH 
qitos suspiior sniii-ilTL'i us(|uani ruiisulani 
(luni miiltft pi'iiponani dnbiiifl wl vc>lvimiiN 
secrplji regni, inen;^ pntebit ahdilik, 

This hit of eraft, as well as the suggest^ed means for 
winning the people are Trfgge's own. The use of money 
ifi doiihtless iidoptiNl from tic Inttier |»n^sn(^i' nf Mnre. in 
which Piehard i? said hy lyry jrifts to liavi- hirnei'lf iin- 
RU'^dfast friendship; wjjile constraint of the peopJe thruiiph 
frar in Ihe woiilcd proei'^HJiiii,' of tin- gfiu^ean tyrant. Thi' 
other facts are from the passatrc frutii More's Latin, 

On Hastings alone Richard does riO't need to exercise 
his arts. Hastings is rijjcn in liis faithfuhii'SS to the yountr 
king. Yet he may possihly tie won, and to t'ateshy is 
assigned the task of trying him. Now in Move's story il 
is left in doubt whfther Catoshy over did try hini or not, 
"C'atesby, whither he assayed him or jisaaied him not, 
reported vnto th^ni, that he IViunde hiai so fast- luid hiirrl 
him speke so terrible woordes that he durst no further 
breke". 'As in the casr of Buckintrham'K afrrcenifnl to 
Kiehanl's plans, Shakespeare adopted the one alternative, 
and Lcgge the other.' In Shakespeare's play Hastings is 
really approached and (leelares his lldelity. Tn Leppe's 
Catetihy seizes the chance to ensure im masti'r's downfall. 
Left aJone Ity ihe dukes, he begins to solTloquize. 



— :i(K) - 



QuJd 111)111.' atri!< L'Alfisbeie:' qiiiu tibi I'tJiisula^: 
nun*' avoi's tti'luji iinimi, huik' frauHe,'*, <lolij^. 
Tdtnm ('alHsheiiini 

prfti^eiSKC s«.iUis 111 fmltw Lci'ii-striiw 
silffossiir Hasliiitri; liiiL-fiH rrcilenl nii^iH: 
heiif' i"'sh ]ii'r«,il. 111 iiDfilrji (■['*?noaJ Rlwrirt 
Infaiistn 'iiriis riimpat rntii>i vincrrn. 
Sliiilciv hrijrnni Hopuliw ilnriim nimiw, 
llpi'i.i Dec iilla {lerUnax poHriet prece, 

Hi-tv t'aU'sby bccumes in a certain ilcgriM^ tin- re- 
presrntativR of the Senecan Ulysses, cf. St. 613 — 14: 

ntint.' nilvutia Kctun, ammo, nunc fr&ucle,'), tloLus, 
num- liiliim \^ixl•n. 

Why I^pgc prei'eirptl to rcinn-sml ('atrsby at; ilul 
jjuin^ to Hastinjrs is fcvidinit fraiiii Catcpliy'R sjuroh; he 
foiifwi if iiiuro ronsisti^nl willi Moi-cV biiiieiii«-iit. thaf ( 'alPHliy. 
■■rrrinti' lost their luutiuns mi^lit with tin.- Icn'*! Hastingc*; 
niinisho \\u credfiiice, wbfrunio oncly al tlir malti-r leuid. 
pnK'iired the jji-otectour hsistely to ridUe him. And niiicli 
llie rath<'r, lor llitit ht trustfd i)y his dclli lo olHiitiir niiicb 
of the I'uli' llifit Iho lurdi,' Ha.s.t.ijigi'y Ijiire in his ci'uiitrf'y : 
the only di'sirp wherenl', was IUp alleotiim that indutn'il 
Isini t(i lie partetK'r anil nut' ripocyall coiii-riiiiT of al ihis 
iuirrihle livsufi". .Noin- ul' this fotiies En cxiiM'ssinti iit 
f?liakespi>arc, wlierr th«; character oH-ateshy ajijwars only 
in tintlini'. 'tin h tlie devoted fullower and iiysistant nf 
Richard, hilt of the purposes and inolivps thai gnvern Ijim 
nutJting is said. 

In the I'nUowing scpne Slanh'y inalces kimwn lo 
Hastings his I'ears as to (hn- nipaniiit-' of ilic separalr- nxincils. 
Hastings endeavors to cwlni his anxiety by telling him 
thai his i'aitlU'ul friend Cateshy is alwayH at the. ullier 
erinneil. Stanley fears he may prove untrue, Imt HaBtiags 
dedares his funiplete ronfidenee in liim. Again Stanley 
urges thai they lly before it is ton lute. ■'Serum est cavendi 
tf-mpus in niediis nialis'' (Thy. 487). But Hastings in 
(-oiilident Unit lie stands in the lughest favor with Richard 



y 



- 301 — 

and Biickiiiffliiini, Besidi's, to Hy wen' tn iirjriic thcm^elvi** 
guilty of sfinip mtiiP, iind if lirouKiit' ''acl\ tln-y wrnilil 
surely he di'stroycd, llustiugs would rutluT liUl through 
tlie guiK of annthfr thaa by his oi\ii mwardicP. 

Trims islft ( i-rPiJe) nulla quam ilonicn'' lime.a. 
Hmli- Jiriiis in caelum t'hiio.s miiluhihir, 
priiiB A.-!lra iwrriJ) liiw'roani, llaniiiiti wiiluni. 
(|Liatii fallifcl fl;*lririi'liini fltlcni fHiMbniiis. 

.cf. OctaviB 222—25: 

tiiTigEitilur ante xaevn siderLbiis froln 
el ignis iindae, T&rtni'ii (ridi ].>oEus. 
Uix aliDA lenebris, rosciHat' niu-ti itiwjt, 
qmini — 

Thn s*'^'ni' is si faitlifiil transcript of tin* iJiisaajri' in wliicli 
Morr I'cconril*; Itn" (■onvt'i'satinii (if Stanley jind Hastings 
aiieiil till' si'paiate ctmnciU (cf. |X 90— 91 ). Bui liastiii>;s' 
scornful CLifiisal to lly Is from the Itiirr passage wlicif lie 
aiiswei'H thf iiH'sserigcr wlioiu Stiiiilry hcikIs In rrliitr liis 
warning' dream. SliakespourL' Hkfwisi' mndjiiii's the two 
(lassagifsiii llie answer Hastinte's {livi^s (o Stanley's messL-iigu-r 
in Ills jjliiy. 

Tlierr follows uuw a scene of a nature like that of 
several others in the play, a scene iu wliich Ricliani and 
his lu'lpfts roiiMuit iiud a^ffee upon cvfnt.s that are hruu^lil 
to |»ass ill iatt-r t^ceiifts. In one point only in tliis hei-in^ 
not superlluoiis to llie action, in timi hero L'atesby makes 
re|>ort of his lietitious triji! 'if Hastings. Hut for Hi'diard's 
cluiractiT it m very important. 'In Shakeyijearc's play 
Richard pui'sues Iris coursB towfu^ tHe" goal without a 
sinjfle faiti^ring .steji. Ho kiMws at what he aim?!. au<J 
how U) hit it- ' Of hiK sii(;ipe.ss he is not oir' nioiiiciit tu 
lioabt, and until he is snecp.ssfiil there nevsr comes iqioii 
Iviin a nionietil wlit'ii he. is oppressed liy the fparhd [iiag- 
nitude of lii.s undertaking. Satellites and helijers lie must 
have, but of the services they render he is always ttio 
ilispirer. If for a moment they seem to suggest and guide, 
thuy offni' iiTiiy what he Iims lipfoi« instillHd into lliorn, and 



— 302 — 



1 



lie is still the leader wlicru W svvms. to I'olluw. They may 
hesitate, but he never does. So long as Buckiagham leads 
in the right jiath. Richard like a child will gn by bis 
direetioii. But when at liisl Buckiiighain checks at Hasting* 
fate. iiiL]uiniiK. "What shall we doT it is Richard wlioae 
answer comes like a flash. "'Clioj) olT his head, man; — 
soiiiowliat we will dd". 

Tn i\[\ this the Ri<!hard of Lcggp's scbop prrsents a 
strikinif contrast. To his helpers Catesby and Howard 
lie roveals a deeji nnxi^ety over the sucoesti of his plots; 
fear and hope are shakiuy his very soul: his aniljiilou is 
master of him, not lie of it, 

apits cuhfulit mentem mfltuflque hirbidniL. 
Irepiduniijuf! g'^mino pc(:UiM evenlii labjii, 
Iniftgo regni sempi't' erral ilnt'? ■Of'Ulofl milil, 
ot. nsqiiti dubiiim iniiieltil. ambiUo gravis 
Inchnlqiie pBelUH: flRmma rogrii conHtA 
iie»<.'tL i}iiLQai-eru: sceplra nunc Unliim plat'ent. 
Noil desiiiHm (i«im summam Fotoruiii mtifji, 
Multujii Diii(j:it^t tiiuerU nubilium HdoK 
ciii nostra rtiriiis i.'onflUia credam lisiid scio: 
Neu sunt laci> tnto sitne frauilas luoae. 

Hfiward essays to eiicoiirajire his anxious mastir. 
Ijiiid pei'lus anxJiiiLi himulUi veibet-as? 
nes<'it .limijro quis<|uis amlct ntajrnn; Jam 
rpgniini pplis; rtjrliina foi'les ;iiljiivnt. 
ars pnnia repni puste ic cive« mclii 
rBtiueia: qid civos ijuuil lelitlleM «xcilal. 
Aiidebil oninja qiiisijuw rniijcrio regil 
Pi dura l.raetal si:c|iliii rijg'ali msiiii. 

The thuuehts are thuse with whidi au Atrcus, a N'crn, an 

Elrncles, a Lyciis feeds himsell'. cf. Thyestes 205—7. 

Oet. 443, PLoen. 654—59, and Her. Fur. .%3. In 

RiLliard's ht_arl the words of Howard fall on fjood soil. 

He answers, 

PeutiiA nihil peilut'bai innavit'? metus 
Excede piftta'^ mente si Doslra tatca. 
ToeLur 0n9u qui(^t|aid invitum teii«B. 
Aperire nunc feiro dotet Traurfi viam, 
tuaLaelur hustk, qui^i-ijuis obMtabAl mibi. 



— 303 — 

ifl spepch is an echo of that o( Lycus, Her. Fur. 344— T 

(jHiiii civibiiH I.enere te invilis scias 
sti'k-ti.-s luulur i^usU 

nn^ 1(1" timt of Nero, Oct. 469 

tfillinktiir tiOBtes ense ftuapecrLi mihi. 

Hnward now urprs tluU tlii> pnsoitera at Fonrrlt-iiet In" 
iiiimi'diately iiiit to deatb. but Criouccster is ri-tn'i-viii;> tLi-m 
thiit all liis foi's nifty Call togethci'. Turning to Claii-sby 
he asks his ntws from Hastings, and Catcf*l)y ictilies that 
Hastinsjs' thouglita are wholly diiYctt'd apainsi Kichard's 
btatl. He Law rclused to furthpr Uio protcc tor's plans. 

Prius proFund&l xrclus Ilhjt-um 
fretiini et rftpox coDfislel aiitia. Sicitli inariB. 
Noxqiiei alrji lerris aale siilenttorBru liuhil. 

Till' words arc borrowed from Thy. 47(i— 482. Klcbai'd 
bursts (Hit in ansrpr. Hastiiiifs' blood alonf can atone for 
bis words. But Uow? 

aI qua. viji muct'ibu va.saniiiTi captiti' 

It is tUf." iiuestlon that Atreus addresses to bis satctlite, 
when meditatinji; reyenge upon Tbyestes. CI'. Tby. 244 

profore, dirum. qua csput mnet.>ni via? 

It is CateKl)y who is ready with the phui lo acciisi' 
Hastings' iiiistrcss, .laui' .Sliurr, of plotting Ritliards deatii. 
Hastings is sure to defend tii>r and this will lay liini open 
to a charge of trt-asiMi. (Jloucfsti'i' a{lijpt.s thr plan. A 
Cduiu'il niP4-ting in tin' Tower is ordrred, atid Howard is 
instructpd to see that Haslinjrs ia prosent. Iinprisuinnent 
is delprtniiifd on for Ely. York, and Stanley. 

On thi'' fallowing morning, accom|iauied ljy Howard, 
Hastings approaches the Tower. He wonders tliat his 
horse stniuMes so often, and prays that tlio omen 
may be averted. Tlien his thoughts turn to Stanley's 
dream of the hoar, and lie derides liis friend's fears. He 
merts the |^^(^s^ and the pursuivant, and lmiiivitscs with 
thoiii as in Moit-'s story, rejoicing that this day tlirj arc 



— ^04 — 



liiili«'julf*l wild nil iti'i nccasiiiii Lif (lis I'liriiH'i' iiHN'tintj Willi 
tliL' [lursiiivjiiil w^'i'ii triunipliiii^ in his fall. Then Im ridps 
oil, urjfwl iWj'wai'il li>' Howard, who [litifis in liis bean \hv 
niiin who is hsist^'iiliig so unconsciously tn his fau-. More's 
iiccouiil fy t'olUiwed Iliroufirlmut^ except that thi' iiaunj nf 
Haslinfjs' coiiijj anion was obtained from Hall, who first 
added it. or from Graftidi. who copied Hall. 

The next scene is ihai (j\ tlit- famous council, Buck- 
ingham greets the sisseinblcd nobles in behalf of the still 
aliscrit Richfird and iissnrcs tlii-ni nf tin' ]n-otfctor's anxiety 
for tiie Mpccd^' cnnviiiiitc ol' the young kiufr, tuward whom 
he chfirisbcs all faithful loyalJy. Then Richard enters 
with ail ajwln^'y Ru" liis late apiirarancc Frmn this jioiiit 
on More's iiarr^iti^e is followed in nniiutc and I'lnuideiir 
detail. Ilastiiigs. aii'ested^ hursts r»ut into inniriitatious. 
t^iiir* miaiTfi iliirrie cntiiiiieri j>ii/ej<1. hlhIji!' 
hoii, qiius niisar vimos dabiij" ijuan lai^liriDiin 
niifllris A*?dfiin exliibel luetiia gt'avea? 
o marliinaliir fraiidis el rtiri arlifex 
»H.'*leris; niearum [trudiilil fjiilax umor 
hlundaqiie lerlHin frmii*' fiocieiuni malum, 
I'lir mvidenl sevei'jt futa vil.utu; iii dkh 
qiiid morlc Um potens nril vcrsutiar' olCL 

It is the same Sonecan cry against t'orlunc that Rivers 
urtei-s ujioii his arrest. The siieecli is niadf up ol' a 
considerable iiiiriiiiHr of Seiiecaii reiniiiiwepiisces. cf. Oct. 
914-16. Tro. 750. Oct. :i76— 7Si. Oed. 6.7. Oel, 904—5 
iiLTiilfl itliaiu 
(iir in imti'ia niitii hscvji mori? 

Ill resiiiiiiwe to Hastiiitrs' words trloiirestcr urges nii 
his licsititliu^ suldici's, and Hi^'aiii Hasliiijis hursts out with 
ii despainuff cry against Fate. 

And lie goes on to reciill Stanley's dream and the 
otIuT warnings he had received, ef, Oed. 1180— d. 

Then he is hiin-ied away to Ids doatli, bidding cai'th 
farewell. 

At oiK'P Gloue?i.ster calls the citizt'ns together to 
account to them for Hastings' dwatli. His atury to tlieiu. 



306 -r- 



suppoi'ted by bis and ButkiDgham's rusty armor, the pro- 
mise of the citizens to spread his report, wliilo among 
tlipmselvea tUey declare their entire lack of faith in it, 
tbe proolamatioii of Richard's herald, with llip jokes of 
tlip bystanders when it becomes evident that the pro- 
clamation was composed loog before the time named by 
Richard as that when he bad his tiret iotinialion of the 
conspiracy, are all dutailed in close conformity to the story 
of More. Only to increasp the pathos of Hastings' fall a 
nuutius ii? introduced to relate to llie catizens the manner 
of bi« death. 

Postqusm ad lucum duroii KftfelleH troxerit, 

ad Bstra tullU herns lumlna: 
ex ore ranti.i poricipil Den pi'^teB 
Qiiwecimique nostra fonluiiiax aiiperbia, 
supplitia mdriiil (iDqiiit) fl iiumen aat-nitii, 
iilinom nieo jam jAm luatur sangTiine 
\'ix iillimas niorMur carnifai preces 
qiiin rhIvH illieo Gnwe oorpuris obieem. 

Tlierp 18 no authority for the passage, further than that 
tlif last two lines may have been suggested by More's 
statement, "heuely be tokc a priest at aduenture, antl 
made a &hort sbrift, for a longer would not be yufffred. 
the pmtectour made 30 much bast to dyner". This, how- 
ever, ufcurrtid Ijcl'ori.' Histstinics was lakeii to the place of 
execution, and liis prayer is not a shrift. Thi^ re.4 may 
liave lii^flu yiii^gi'Ktpd by the death of Horeules, Here. 
Oct. lOyi et sc'ij. 

To the character of Hastings aa ht- appears in Morp's 
story Lpgge's play adds nothing, a greatcir sliarn in the 
action is assigned him by making bini, contrary to history, 
take part with Richard and Buckingham at Northampton 
in bringing Rivers and bin companions to their fate {a 
situation inconsistent with the lator scene in which the 
lords receive advice from Ua.'^tings in London, before 
Gloucester and tht^ king have arrived); but even here his 
part is chiefly confined to an expression of anxiety lest 
Rirliard's measures pmve dangerous. A pait is also 



— 30fi 



afisijrnei] liim io tbo dplihoratinns tliiit lead to the removal 
of the dukp of York from his motlier, where hp agrees 
that, the boy must be obtained by force if uecessarv. But 
these slight additions merely make more toiiBpicuous his 
liistorical hostility to tlip qupeii and her pirole. For the 
rest, he is as in Mor** and Sliakespeare, "very faithful, 
and trusty ynough, trusting to mufh". In tho treatment 
of no character do Leg^^e and Shakespeare" ftiTproach so 
nearly as in that of Hastings, chiefly because in the plays 
of both the chronicle is most closely adhered tOi and 
beoaune both found of dramatic value nearly all that the 
history related of Haittiiigs. From this point of rii^w a 
comparison of the final scene in Hastings' lifp as it appears 
in Shakespeare's play and as it appears in Lojjrjre s is of 
great interest. In both Hastings makes a farewell sppecli, 
which in both, to avoid monotony, is broken by (lie words, 
in Legye of trioucester, in Sliakespeare of Lovell. hastening 
him 10 his death. In holh speecbes the tone is the satiif. 
The earl lami»nls his folly that \vnuld not take the wanung-s 
plainly offered, repents the pride that has led him 10 
triumph over his enemies, and bewails the momentary 
fleeting jrrace of mortal men. But in Shakespeare appears 
aiiotlier tlujufjht: Hn^tiuffs recognizes in his dowisfall the 
fuitilinent of Margari'fs curse. His fall is iudeeil Richard'y 
OTime, but it is none the leas punisiiment for the ptrjury^ 
be coniniitteii wlien he swore faithful friendship t^) hi;^ foes 
at Edwind's bedside, arid for his share in Pi-ince Edward's 
death. I^eggf gives no look into Hastings' past and his 
view is tlii> ptirtial one o! More; Shakespeare, influenced 
by Polidore Vergil, takes the wholoTnau as his soul stands 
naked before its Creator, and shows in his fat^ the hand 
of a divine Nemesis. 

liiduni ^enuB 
morula cn&cn fa.ia: pra«inniislraDt maJtin 
vilare quod vetant lanien, 

cries Hastings in Legge. But in Legge Hastings' fate is 
blind and audese,rved; in Shakespeare it is the fate be has 



— 307 — 



woTert for liimself. It is not the iieglpcted warning of 
Stanley's dream or of his stumbliDg Lorae that lias pre- 
Tenteil escape; it is hia blintlne&s to the fact that the 
deeds which won him the momentary grace of men have 
forfeited the firace of God. Legge's view is Senecan; 
Shake spear<!'s Christian. 

Tlie actio ends witli a solemn processioti, in which 
Shore's wife doos open penance as a harlot. The train 
consists, as indicated by a marginal note in English, of 
"A Tipstafi'p, ShorCR Wife in hot petticoto. haveinge a 
taper huminge in hor hand, The Verger, Sinffinge men, 
praohendaries, The Bishope of London, Citizens", As 
thP procession advances there is sung; a prayer against 

adultery. 

1. Kidem tuere conju^m 
I.roliim proho libera 
Defends priv&tu:^ ihurus 
Fiirliva ne laedat VeniiB. 

2. Qiiemcuntjue farli pnnilel 
Furga Hohitiiai ci'iniim^ 
RKemplii -Hanet p-oxtertis 
Fiu'liva n* foefl«l VeDus. 

"Furtiva Venus" is tlje Senecan phrase for adultery (cf. 
A gam. 276). Thn song may he said to correepuTid in a 
genrral way to the Senecan eliorus, and its theme is the 
sanip as that of several in the Octavia and the Aj^a- 
iiiemnnn. 

As tliP procession winds along, the watchiii^^ ritizetm 
are captivated by the beauty of ihe culprit. 

En ShoTt, tremulum cereuin gercns nifinu 
IsdaUi pnenas linteo infnmes Ittit. 
Begum inclyta mcretrii Ijrauno dat duci 
pfMHift!", pat^i' dfcscende Jui*iter, *t Lho^'u 
tarn gratA pig'itoi'a nunc tuo' ra-pe: nam liiam 
LacdAtn vet Kuropam. puta dcyer^re poluni, 
Oh minorn. mo mi-spret tiii piget, pmlot: 
(I.icnt impiidicn- mulier, et minufl proba) 
Priv&rfl lila dii.m noqnlt Dux CIkuHIii.i 
Hpoliarpi [ova qiiaerit 1111111.1 Libi. 



— 308 — 



The cnitinipnis of the citizens are based on Morr's state- 
ment that SLore's wife "went so t'Eiir aud louely, oamolj^^ 
while the wondering of the people caste a comly rud ^H 
lier clirkes . , . that liei' ^pat sliaiiie wan lior mucli praise. 
Arid iium.v sood folkn also, that liated her liuiiig. and g^lail 
wer to se sin corrected, .yet pitied thei more her penauce, 
then rpijoyeed therein, when thei considred that the pro- 
tector procured it, more of a corrupt intent tln-ii ani 
vertuotis affecion". The la^ two lines arc based on llie 
&tatemi>nt, ''Now then by and hi, as it wer for an^er. not 
for couetise, the protcctoi' sent into the house of sibores 
wife . . and spoiled her of al that euor bIip had, ahoue 
the value of ii. or iH- M. marks'". Legpe puts tUu ad- 
iiiiralinu of the people into Seitpcau form, niakin^r the goo<l 
LMtizeiis of London play the same pait, and utter the Kauiu 
clas»icat comparisons, as the Chorus which in the Octav^H 
praises tlip beauty of Poppaea. ef. Oct. 762—72. Tlli^^ 
is one nf the iiiost striking of a hmidreJ examples of the 
riindaniental absurdity of Legge's nietliod. But in respect 
of such speeches, it may be remarked, the popular drama 
long coniinued to be n^early as faulty as Legge's play, in 
the former, it is true, London citizens do not make direct 
appeals to the classical gods: hut down to the mast-er work 
of Shakespeare classical allusions are common enough iii 
the uioutlis of even the lowest charaeters. The ahsnniity 
is more prominent in Ijfgge lar'gely heeanse the two iii- 
tlueiices in hi» play, tlie classical and the Christiun aii^ 
more than once in striking contiast to each other. ^| 

A short Epilogue, summing up the criminal steps that 
Richard has thus far taken in his bloody progress to the 
tihroiie, forms the final word of the actio. 



Actio Secunda. 



I 



The second actio, like the firsts is preceded by an 
Argument containing an outline of the events in this part 
of the play. 




— snfl 



The first scene is another nf those pri^paratory scenes 
with wiiich tlic [ilav is "padded" (cf. p. 301). (iloHCfister, 
Biitkingliam, and Lovcll dt'lil)(^rato as to tlif nifrtsures to 
he tahftii to obtain the crown. Hastings is drad, Kly and 
Stanley in piison; wliat is the nest slep? This tinif tlir- 
sceno itself, as wnll as its facts, is based on tlic stoi'y of 
Morp. who iiidieatt's that Richard held such a roancil. 
"Then thought tlie pmloctour, that while men rfnisiMl what 
the mater meat, while the Ionics of the rpalim' wer about 
him out of their owne etrenghtis [that is. gathered in 
London for the coronation, and !?o far from their homes., 
where their power lay], while no man wist what to thinke 
nor whoiiie to trust, rre euer they shouhl Ljiiie space to 
dispute* and disgest the mater and make parties, it wer 
hest hastly to pursue his pui-poso. and put himself In 
possession of the crowne, ere [aen could hauo time to 
deuisH ani wais to resist. But now was al the study, by 
wiiat niPiine Ihys matter being of it self so heiaolisft, miglit 
he ftrst broken to tlie people, in such wise that it might 
be wel taken. To this counsel they toke diverse etc." In 
accordance with More, it is in this scene that Richard 
proposes to have declared the bastardy of Edward's ehiklron 
as well as the bastardy of Edward himself, In Gloucester's 
manner as lie makes the infamous suggestion of his mother's 
crime there is none of the skilful treatment by wliich 
Shakespeare indicates an apparent reluctance on Richard's 
part. More says "he would that point should be lesse. 
and more fauorably handled, not puen fully plain and 
directly, but that the matter should be touched aslope 
ciraft'Cly, as though men spared in that point to speke al 
the trouth for fere of his displeasure". Here all Richard's 
hypocrisy is reserved for the people: he shows no pretence 
of shame to Buckingham, but reveals to his confederate 
by the crafty suggestion the uttermost depths of his 
character. Shakespeare, however, makes Richard an abler 
and wiser man"thaQ this. He knows better than to reveal 
■himself farther than is necessary, even to his helper: The 



— 310 — 

suggestion is apparently forced from him by the exigencj 
of tlie casp; and the crime is to lie Imt slightly touched 
on, not for thi! sake of effect upon the people, but out ofj 
regard for his inot.her. 

N»j", for a need, thus far come near mj person. 

Yet tauoh thia sparing^ly, as't were fir ftff; 
Becaufio, my lord, you knnw my niathHr liven. 

H, III, 3:1 

In Legge's Richard, hownver, therr is nonfl of this. He 
makes this proposal as bluntly and witb as little si^n oC^B 
shame as tJie other; and it is not til! he gives instmctions^^ 
to Dr. 8baw for Lis sermon that Irn suggcsu that tUe i 
matter be '■'touched aslope^'. 

The part played by Buekingham in the scene is almost' 
entirely paBsive. It is he who expresses the necessary^— 
fears and anxieties, and utters the conventional: "what^^f 
pray, is to be done?" and "How shall this he accomplished?" ' 
Ilis sole helpful suggestion is Lliat of the name of Dr. Shaw^^ 
after Lovell ha? shown the necessity of calling on fljl 
preacher. Richani. who seems wholly free from Ibe foare 
be has formerly shown, beside the suggestion of Edward 'i 
a.nd his mother's adultery — which could naturally come 
from no one but him — suggests the name of the Mayor 
as the proper tool to use upon llie citizens, and tha^ 
Buckingham sliall address them in Guildhall. But it 
Lovell who is the really fertile manager and detormuM 
of the wurse to he taken. To him Legge assigii.>? tl 
propoKiil of measures described by More as coming froi 
Richard himself — the taking advantage of the fact thi 
the nohkR are in London far from their strength and in' 
utter darkness as to what is going on or the best course^— 
to pursue. It is Lovell who suggests the proclanintioi^H 
postponing the enronalion to the second of Nov^'inlier (a^^ 
fact added by the Hardyag continuator to Morn's st«ry, 
and copied by Hall and Orafion, not by Holinshad; ef, p. 379]f 
It is Lovell. too, who shows the niecessity of bringing 



— 311 



their HKaistancB some man of great influemR ftnionp the 
citizens; who devises tlie sclicino of niakifty religion a 
cloak for Richard's plans ami ihrou^^h tlip serinon of an 
able and reispected miiiister giving his claims (lie a(3ilitiunal 
weiglit of apparently tlirino authority; and it. is ]u\ finally, 
wlio (Invises the niastpr-Ktroko liy which liicbjircl ts to 
appear at the propRr point in Sbaw's scniion, tliat liis 
appearance, coinciding with Shaw's words, may make them 
bp-licvfi liirn "specially clioBcn by God and in manor by 
miracle". 

The effect of assigning Lovell so important a place is 
inevitahly a weakening'- of Richard's role. Here again it is 
eviilent that Lcg|/e had no sucli conception of Richard's 
character as tliiU which in ShJike spear c's play makes hini\ 
not only dominant in every scene where he appears, iiut ) 
the one driving force throughout tht^ whole play till after 
he has obtained the throne. Further, Laggc was not gi'eat 
enongh as a dramatist oven to perceive the full value of 
the material furnished him by More. In this scene is a 
Bccond notable proof of the inferiority of Legge's Richard 
l« Mon-'s. 

That more active roles as counsellors arc astiigncd 
by Leggc to Lovell, Catesbv, and Ratcliffe than are theirs 
in the chronicle appears again to he largely due lo the 
influence of Heneca. TL&ir iclation to Richard naturally 
recalleii tbe position of the contidants in the Senecan 
plays, though it is not wholly like. Tlie e^jnfidants who 
njninse ilieir niafiters' passions arc naturally mit of llie 
ijueKtiiin; though li'aees of opposition arc not wanting 
in Kicliard's confidants. But tiiere are other con- 
fidant* in Seneca whose opposition is not strong enough 
to withstand the urging of their masterK, whose counsellorB 
and assistants they become. They advise the means of 
bringing their masters' passions to satisfaction, and act as 
their ageuts in carr^nng out the plans determined upon. 
To these Lovell, C'atesby, and Ratcliffe bear a distinct 
resemblance, and their words^ while mostly determined by 



tbe chronicle story are not witbout Senecan imitation. Kor 
llie council sccnei^ themst'Ivds. wbicli arp rarely even 
sugg^'sted by tLi' cbronii-tc, iLt; frequent similar scenes in 
Seneca arc without doubt largely responsible. 

The mayor of London and T)r. Sliaw are summoned 
before Richard and be explains to them his vishes and 
plans, to which Uiey give ready assent. 

The sermon of Dr. Shaw is not delivered upon (he 
stage, bul related by one citizen to another. The first 
citizen enters soliloquizing upon the dangerous condition 
of affairs. 

Qnousque Hoiivditur BritAnilia tilibus 
Luctusque ciimiLlat liictihua (atiiin grave? 
dii'utn premit re^'^aii malum? pena modum 
sevcra faU iieHciunl. Numqiiam domuB 
Irala plena r^aedibus pacabitur? 
Kaorasve nullus sceptra inipune ^orot? 

A terrible danger iB threatening the state. 

Gluce^trmm ducem 
ambire re^iim mitrmiirat secrela plebs 
Palriii Defas criidelo, tdrjim, parvuJi 
lateiit in iiboouro nepylcs tarcere, 
in Cornoiiliis de cerlo ast-riptus dies, 
(jlocestrii tantum duoi^ frequem* Clienft 
atirita pultiat liituna: tlllt.' emical 
illikHlris anlae spUndur, iatac c^onfliinnt 
miiiora quifltiuis siipplici impliirat precc. 
(^iiiL-u]i(|ni> Re^s Duda oaleal limina 
fl jirini'ijhifl Horvias fidelis vesoret 
ilium. miniK «di>cla vulueral cutiars. 

These lines make it clear that the scene is founded upon 
the passage in which More relates the misjpvings of the 
people while the divided council meetings were taking 
place, before the fateful meeting at which Hastings lost 
his life. There "'began there, here and there about, some 
maner of muttering amonge the people, as though al 
should not long be wel, though they neither v/ist what 
thfi feared nor wherfore; vero it that before such great 
tbinfffis mens hartes of a secret Instinct f»f nature misgiuetli 



— 313 



them, as the sea without wind swellrtli of himself sonitime 
before a tempesl. or wi-rr it tlia1 sornc^ one man, happely 
somwbat pftTciuing, flllfrf marii men with siis()idiin, tliuiigh 
he shewed Tpw mm what he knew. Hitheil sotiiwhiit llie 
dealing srif made men to muse on th*' mater. t.huiif,'h the 
counsell Were (.-lose. For litlc and littli? all fulko witii- 
drew from tht; Tower, and dr^'^w U> Crofihics place in 
Bifthops ^ates strelc wher the protectDiir kopt Itis houso- 
hoUl, The proteetoiir had the rosort, the king in mannr 
dessolate". Upon this sam'' pa?say:e is hkewigr foundci 
a scene in both the True Tragedy and .Shakespeare's 
play, Curiously enough, in both tlieso Ihc peeni> is pushod 
baekwartl in time and is made to follow iiiuiiediately upon 
king Edward's deatli; while Legjfe pushes it forward to a 
time just before Richards accession. 

To the first citizen enters now a second, who relatos 
to him the sennon of Dr. Shaw with IJ-loueester's latfl 
appearance, the faihire to move llie peojde. and tlie willi- 
drawal of the wretched 4Shaw to Ins home. In all More's 
story is faithfully and rnnipletely followed, save tliat the 
text "Spuria vitulainina non agent railires alias" [Book of 
Wisdom rv] becomes for the metre's sake 

Semen beatitm tborii>i adnller denegral 
Proles tiec sKas spuria ranlicpH d»bit. 

The text reads in Hall "spuria \itulaniina non daliiint 
radieea altos'", and Lcgfre's use of dabit niny possibly he 
ritthlly regarded as an aditioria! proof of his use of Hall. 

The scene closes with a summons into the Guildhall, 
before which, apparently, the citizens are conversing, to 
listen to an address from Biiekintfhani. Here afrain Moro's 
account of the assembly together willi the speeches is 
reproduced complete. 

The scene at Baynard Caste follows, again a complete 
transeriptron of More"y Hcronrit down to the fonnnentK of 
the citizens on their way home "'that thesn matti-rs bee 
Kynges games, as it were stage playes". Richard apjheai^ 
in the gallery between two tiishops, according to the 



MbUsaon mack to Mure's sUity fagr tfae Hanfyme ^xiaunaator 
ud cofiied bj Hall and GrafLoo bni ooc bj HoliiBbed 

(ef. p. 279). 

Ai ilie rtom of fair's s^nuoiL, sajs M(ire>, "the preaclKr 

gmi'i- him home and Deaer aA^r dar^ ](«■&? oal forsiiaine, 

bat kppe liim oat of sjgfai lyke an ovle. And mhen be 

once aiked one thai bad bene his ddo frrod, what the 

people talked of bim. al wc-r it that his own confMrieooe 

wel Kbewed him thai Uiei talked no good, vet vbirn the 

toChrr answered him that tbt^re was in eaerr man s noath 

^wkeD of him much shame, it so strake him tu Ibe heart. 

tbaJt withiD fewe daies after be vishered and consumed 

aw3j~\ This ooitTersation is now made br Legge tbe 

occasion of a special scene. Shaw entere with toUering 

step and wrflcbed countenance, to he grMted by his frietkd, 

who reproaches bim for his continued absence from the 

public view, and begs to know tbe gloomy tbou^ts over 

which he is brooding. Then Shaw reveals ihe terrible 

wo« wbicb the consciou^aetis of eriine bas brou^t bim.. 

Hen mihi soiraus 9em«l svrlere plmo^ fogit. 
Tetat qiue &eir« pectus onieriluiD malis, 

uumujf QOD potest TMienum expeUvre. 

N<wtn dJMn voco. r»peto noctam die, 
temper iD«mei fugio, n«n ponsiitn scelus. 

In vain does bis frieitd .seek tu coDvince him that he can 
heat the evil and atone for bi>i crime. Shaw insists that 
death aloDP can expiate so gross a fault. All the argu^ 
ments of bis friend (advanced and answered in Senecan 
gticbnniythia) are of no avail: after as before, his feeling is 

necat qaiBqius jubet 
h'ii.'ei*^: qoLsquid moH jubel viUm d«djt. 
UDtam paksi placere quidquid displiceL 

Then comes the fat^-ful question mentioned by More. 

De iii« Tjri (\mA loquuatur tutiles? 
TTie aaswer is 

Te twvleris «r^uii1 a«f>iidi ceofrinm. 



— 315 — 



In the coriipositinn or this noenc was prespnt a 
remenibranrc of tUe fjiniouR sceiip in the Plioenissae, in 
wbicli Optiipiis. tiowod down by lii« wons and resolved on 
death is. diBsuadcd liy Antigone. Of verhal likpnessns 
th*re are, not many huf tley arf" sufficient to prove the 
connection. LT. with the first lines aliovc, Pliocn. 217 — 17: 
me fugio, Tiigiif coiisirium. scelerum uniniiim 
pectus, Bianumqiie hftnv fugiv, et hoc caelum et dwfs. 

quiaquia mori jubct "iiUoi dedU 

^pppars to he modelled on Phoen. 212: 

quidquid potest 
aufeiTfl cuiquam mora, tlbi lioc vita &bj«(ulll 

and Fhoeii. 304: 

ideuque leli quaeru maluraiu viam 
moriqiia p roper o — 

Sfvleris novt matsr priuH natujm] scelue. 

which occurs in the conversation, is evidently modelled on 
Phoen. 269: 

Bcelerisqud protum maius accopi scehis. 

The eloae correspondence of thought in the two scenes ia 
equally good proof of tho connection. 

Aft^T the answrr of his friend, Shaw perceives a 
throng of ppuple approaching; it is the new king, Richard, 
on his. way to Westniinstjer Hall, where in the court of 
King's Bench he intends to take upon himself this crown, 
and adress the lawyers. Shaw Hgps from tlie sight of the 
dtizeos, while his friend enters to bear the words of 
Richard llmt he may report them to Shaw. 

Richard's speech hegins with a Senecan turn of Morc's 
words ''declared to the audience, that he wouhie take 
vpon him the crowne in that place there, wher the king 
himself si tteth and miiiistreth the law; hecatise he considred 
that it was the chiefest duety of a kyng to minister the 
lawes". 

Juvabat Astreae locatum »Bdibiui 
At boe t^bun&lj tr^mtadg Miaois 



— 3Ifi 

stiru caput nepire primum fulgido, 
Jii^qu« ciTes leges regere pfttrise 
Rj-x proividere ilebei H poti)«simum. 

Tlif ■''a.s plfasant an oration as lie conld". wliicli acrording 
ti> Mrirp llir- king prori'cdecl to delivrR resolves itself into 
a speei'li of i«raise and promise of honor to tlie lawyers, 
and a declaration that now at last Uie state ha^i readied 
a conililion of peace wlncli it shall be his care Ui foster. 
He promisrH lo put aside all enmities and sends for his 
nlil enemy Fogge from sanctuary and takes him hy tli* 
band. As usual More is closely foUow^^d throughout, the 
few additional words, as indicated above, being used to 
till out the oration. 

An epic scene follows. A eitizen and his guf^st, a 
stranger, are awaiting the coronaHon procession of Richard. 
They liave heen talking of the evil condition of (he state, 
and occupy the time with discussing, in Senecan fashion, 
the position of the king. The citizen, while at heart 
opposed to Richard's proceedings defends them from Iha 
point of view that all things are to be pardoned in a king; 
while the stranger represents the Senecan morality. 



Hosp. Tibi reguli duo? oet»H regere patruam 

hi dnm frupRreint 
CivJK. Hoc farit re^mi siUe: 

in arce legni c&rcerls caeci luem 

paliuQtur, 
Hoi;p. scelas 

CivJB. sed prindpi.s lamcn 

Hoi^. Magis hoc D^randum 

Ciris. Prwpler imperlam simMl. 

Hottp. Pietas decet regom, hoc impio Ucel 

parare rOifiimn prelio. 
L'ivih. Semper tamen 

itnperia caiisiant prstiu bene quoUbeU 

Jam p&rce dictis:. tempori dec«t obficqiu 
nuper nimig blxnde »aluUt obvius: 
nbjicere .sq cugLt meDfi mail cons^cla, 
rpifeiDqiie vultun pene serTilis doeet. 



— 317 — 



Tlip theme iinl its ti'oatniPTit. arc wholly In annnrd witli 
those of the discussion betwpeu Seneca and Nvro in the 
Octavia 440 pX seq., aud nf the discussion between Jo- 
casta and Eteocles in the PhooTiissae 651 ct seq. The 
complete passages should lie eoinpareii. Thero ai'e especial 
verbal resemblances, to Phoca. B64, Tr.258, Med. 55, Oct. 
455,6, and Oed. 70:^—4. What is true of this is tnic nf the 
scene in general, that the thought is wholly Sfncoaii^ while 
close verbal resemblances, with few eiceptions, are slight. 
The last three lines of the citation are based on Mnrp's 
description of Richard's return from the scene at West- 
minster Hall- '"In his retumc homcwarde. whom so euer 
lie met he saluted. For a ininde that knoweth it self 
^Itje, is in a. maner dejected to a seruile IbiLtery"'. 

The citizen now relates to hi-s friend tlioso acta of 
the day pri^ri'diiig Uie cornnatioii for the account of which 
■we are indi^litod to the Harding coiitinuator. cnpiod b,v 
Hall, Qraftoii. and Holiiislied. York has been ilelivcred 
froTii iirisoii and likewise Stanley, for fear of liis syn in 
Larvcashirc, while Ely Las been itriven into Buckingham's 
charge. The procession now appi'oaches, ami the t-est of 
the scene is occupied with the explanations by the citizen 
of the meaning of the royal insignia. This, as well as the 
order of lUe |iroef'ssiun, which is ^^iven at length in Kriglisli 
uniler the head of "The Shewe oftlie ("oronation" is taken 
from Grafton. Cf. p. 27fi). 

The actio concludes with the direction, "During Che 
solemnity of the (Joronatiou lett this songe fotlowinge be 
songe Vf^^ instruments. 

F^^tium diem colantiui ii.s.ieanii p&ri 
quo prtacipis cnput pornna cingitiir. 

Deoorn Regni possidot 

Rt^gh* propago nuhilia 

niuatra principia eapnt 

fiilvn corona cinpitur. 

Nunc voeo lacti oniisoiia 

cjiiitum cnaamu^ pi-iivdpeni. 

tteguum prmnttbat d«dicii3 

Libidci Kegiu pojliijt. 



— 318 — 

The wonlsj "During thi* solemnttj of the ooronatJon" in 
the direction, aa w^ll as the statement of Hall thnt after 
tliey Lad entered the Ahbej and were seated in their seats 
of estate divers songs were aolcmnl^v sung, seen to indicate 
that not only the proeession but the coronation ceremonies 
aa well were given in dumb shew on the stage. But I do 
not regard this as by anj mean* certain. 
An epilogue to this actio is wanting. 



Actio Tertia. 

The argument of the third actio bears a new clinractef." 
Instead of beinj! u mere ^.Tnoii-sis of the events to follow, 
it takes the form of bq impassioned speech to thp parti- 
cipants in the action, addressed to tUem by Furor, an 
evident imitation of the Furin in the Tbyestea. There 
the fury sets the action in motion by foreing the shade of 
Tantalufi to .'fpread madness in his own home, detailing to 
him the long series of fearful ciinies he is to cause. Here 
the fury urges Richard on to the deeds that are to prove 
his deslructiou. 

Quorsiim furor secrpl-a volvis iieclfjra 
minnNciiio NpiraM incimas, n»e pxppdlH 
faceH l-uas? «<.-elu9 oxpleohi IJkH.'eMtrium: 

Olocestrios inviw^"! '■** '^*^ii" •""'^ 
et scoijt.ra jaftos, praftiimi sane necis, 

dubio:«qiie rp^nj vnlvn fmienii nivtd.s. 
Dacnm .ipolant nra Rlmrflcnin ?(lni>('tw 
niiiBtiir excelsutii tleciiB vulpiM leve. 
(JimrsuBi luora-i ivnhis lenes ihIuh uiiHer 
Has, niiigis'quo sne^iai nefaj^ farcvp. 
AikIh scelu^ nion.'i (juiciiuid alrox t^ogiu^ 
KB^iiin<iiie vecsel iiUiomm Regio ftcslus. 
Nondum madehaiil (.'uede co^nikU muiu: 

el fruKtra puacus neptis inceatoM Lhoros: 
implc sc-Eilcre domum p&trii; tiii. 

Then comes an incitement to Buckingham, and flnallj to 
the avenging Richmond. 



— 319 — 



didcal furor snQvire BurkiDf^hitiuius: 

macta t.vrnimiim, deme sceptra hi polss: 
ssd noTL polea: pjidiasqiip dign&s jK^rfira'^ 
tanti tiininll.ifi. En venit Richmoiifiius, 
extii x-piiit. froroissiL r^j^na vt'.nilical, 
reenicjii'P juraloM prtiia tbnros: ajre, 
string-anlwr bhsph. odia iniHPB. funflra 
dirumqiie strng-pm: impone UneDi litihim. 
Er rfignet fxiil, rex nee amiliiim itiipetret, 
ttiaque vAdat (Hparii-eJ Rk'hardn.t lunuu, 
Acliiin est satis: jiiiroani fiinur Britannlae 
post hac, rtovasq)ii> juli) inihi qii;le<('aln sed^-). 

As in the speecL of tlip fury in Thy e ate s events are 
ordered whlcii pi-ecpdo those tbsit are presented in tlse 
play itself, so here are mentioned tlie visit of Ricliard to 
Gloucest-er and his second coronation in Yorli {related by 
Hall from Verg:il), which do not appear in the play. 

Of verbal imilatioii of the passiijje in the, Thyestes 
there is not much. Line 6 is perhaps a reminiscence of 
Thy. 32—34: 

i4uperbia fratribus re^na exetdant 
repetantqiii^ profugofl; dubijt rioleiitae domu^ 
forluna refrea inter incerloa labet 

Line 16 is from Thy. 53: 

iai|j|(i TiLnliLlo I'ltiiiii dnmitiii, 

and the concluding lines, in wliich the fury, having accom- 
plished her work, promises a tinal farewell to Britain, are 
a reminiscence of those in which Tantalus, liavitip accom- 
plished his work, is bidden to depart, Thy. 105—7; 

amnemqiie Domni. 

The opening scene discloses Brakenlmry. Constaljlc of, 
the Tower, revolving with himself in horror the fearful,' 
command he has received from Richard, through John 
Green, to put tn death the younfc' priaces in his charjfe. 
Richard'ii terrible ambJlion is never free from fear so long 
is the priaces live; in tho iiiidst of his triumph he ia ever 



V 



— 1120 ~ 

conspi'ms vi tlio liririghteousDess of liis position, beI] 
fearful tber&forc of its loss. 

Horrere [iiLnqiiRiii cesnut imp^iii ailis 
iniris nee unttuaai fio]vjtiir aegra ambitio 

incerta aortis cogilans ludibriz 
iliiaiiiqtiG Tflcili injiisiA ruit ImpMu {tatonUa, 
reffmqiii? liidihriuiij nimifi stalitm tremens. 
(Iiuii s]iirhi.i vp-sualiir aethoriu nepos. 

The "sitis imperii", "aogra ambitio", "incerta sortis luJilma"" 
are Senecan couimonplaces oftea repeated id varying 
phrase. And el'. Fim'-n. 600 and Tliy. 215—17. 

BelVire tUi! quesLiini nt* uhrilience to Ricliard's command] 
Brake nbiiry wavers. Tlif dnbnir with his own fears iaj 
terrilile. Ricliard's eliai'iU'tiT lir- knows only too well;! 
pmiifihtnent for disobedience is cprtain: lie nmet obrj. And; 
yH in spite of liis fear lie cannot. Shame (lees from the] 
Iialls of kings: from his poor home it will not out. 

solumno ro^niim m^r limel 
mncidftiD? c)iii<l »iil» peiUiiiix Tugis pudur 
huniilpuiqup casam qiiaeriR? aiilani desernt 
quit-mus pie vivet. 

It is anotlier variation of tlir favorite Senecan comparison ■ 
hi'ilween tin- palare and thr Imt. 

At last Jiui'kintrliam lius rea^-ljed his resolve: he will 
not obey. If liis fate awaifft iiim lie will meet it gladly. 

To him enter-s now Tyrelt. rluirfred l)y the king to 
receive the keys and execute the murder. As he comra] 
he too is debatjii}^ with his hesitaliritr heart, convincing it 
that the dci'd must i)P done, the king obeyed. Uy the 
time he accosts Brakenhurj he has succeeded in putting j 
himsi'lf in the kinj^'s phiee: his conversation ttith Braken- 
hury is thjit ul a tyniiit nrgiiig and supporting his crimes 
against the reasoning of a philosopher. The argument is,] 
in fact, lliat uf Neru and Seneca in the Octavia. Here 
the tyrant ui'ges that the commands ol a king must be 
ohiryed; his opponent,, that it is the part of a king to] 



— 321 — 

comiiiand only what is riirlit. Thus such lines of the 
Octavia as o. g. 

Oct. 469 N'ern. Jusriviqiie nojitna pnrFsant 

Seneca. Jiista impera: 

451 Nero. Fortuna nailra eiinpta [lermittil milii 
4M Benet^n. I<1 fncore lau.tcst qiiofi det-Dt, non l|IiikI licet 

are reflected in Legge's 

Tirtvll. An non iJocoi mandala Rpgis cxpqiii? 
Brakeo. Xunqiiiiai decoL jiibere recent p-en^ima. 

Verbal ro semblances to Soneca are, howevnr, mostly to 
the speocti of Eteocles in tbe PJioenissap. Leggi^'s line 

rog'nare non viill shu^ qui inivxiin timel, 

is Phorn. 654; and 

ai's jirimn icpplri pr>.tse le invirUam paLi 

is anotlmr pxpri'ssion of the same tliought, chanp:('(i iu a 
single word, from tlie speech of Lycus, Her. Fur. 353: 

ftra prima rpgiii rwI poHsc invidiam pnti. 
Invi!' a iiuntjitani imporia relmeatni' diu 
is Plioeil. 660. 

Moro''s answer uf Bmkenlnu'y "that Up would neuor 
jiutU' t.hi^Mi til ilt.'ath t4i (iyp thorefore" ia Scuecaiiized into 

Spqiiar Jiilicns. qui>cunq«p niP fala vocant 

in imitation of Oed. 296: 

Soil qiLn vnrnt me jiiLlria, qiiii IMiui-hii.si, 94>qLiar, 

The conclusiou of the argunient is Tjrell's demand for 
tho keys. 

As i-ogards tlie facts of the scene, More's &tory is 
followed, as nlwayu. But tlie entrance of Tyroll is not 
precfdod by any statement explanatory of his presence. 
The story of bis soloction by Ricliard to execute tlie 
murder, wliicb both in Shakespeare's play and tlic True 
Tragedy forms the occasion of a special scone, is 
characteristically pn^served by Lejjgo to be afterwards, in 
Senecan fashion, related. 

21 



— 322 



The murder of the princes follows. Wliilc Tjrell is 
within, arranging the murder with Forrest and Dightoii, 
Brakenbury stands without, waiting for tlri newe ot" the 
terrible deed whkh he has no power t-o avert. The moment 
forms the climax of the play and affords the most tempting 
occasion for the display of Senecan rhetoric. The be- 
ginning of Brakenbury'a soliloquy espresaea the horror of 
the moment. 

CMCO regnandi libido, B scelus 
Regis ficrpiiliM Iri-sle nimis, fl patnii 
Nefffln«la sceptra, qiiae> snnrum Rangruitie 
madant. Profiiiiq^uae vos maims hen dBSlruuiil, 
A nabiles pueri, pupillas appermunt. 

Hoii qiiis ('auoaMiiR 
l&cliTjiiii» potp^t. aiit decii-s ImlitR parct^rej' 

It is the Seiiecan cry of horror at the deeds of an 
Atreus, 



Thy. 7S4— 5 



a H&ovum scfllus 



an ultra mania aut atrcti-ius 



Dnhira rwipil? 



Thy, 11H7— BO 



lal*- mth I'idit nefas? 



qiUH inhoH pi talis L'aii(>aii:i nipeni atsperam 
UeniochuH hsbitatiH <jiiia \i< CeuropiJa meliis 

lerris PmL-raslfti ? 

a cry repeat*d in many forms in the bloody dramas wbJcli 
Legge imitated. The soliloquy is not all a Senecan wail, 
however. A touch of something like pathos \s givon it 
when Bralienbury calls to mind — the incident is from 
More's narrative — thu prince's reception of the news that 
hi.s uncle had usurpt the crown. 

Amissn postqoam rcpna cognovit puer, 
et passidere raptn sceptrA palnium: 
Hlr rktiir infticlix Ijicliryiiiis g^ensa ri^iui 
Bt imo pectoro trabsns susplria, 
He^um nihU moron precnr viUm mihi 
liauc patruii8 qs demat 



— 323 — 



Imspo semper errat ante ui-imiIus mihi 
trislli gBmenti') prinoipis, nee ilftsinit 
piilsare moestum animum qiiaereln rtegiiii, 

"Now Tyrell I'^tums, Ho has left Forrest aiid Diirhtou 
witliin, ready to bofiin tlicir dpaJly tH^jk: in a niomeiit tho 
announcftiiicnt will lie matle that it bas been, perlonnod. 
And here LPgge sbows linw fatal to all driiniatio common 
sense a too great devotion to Senecan art cotiid be. WUilo 
tbey are waiting for the terrible news, while every tLouglit 
of Lodge's audience, and still: more every tliougbt of tlio 
participants, should be fixed upon the tragedy, Brakenhiiry 
takes occasion to ask how the king received his refusal 
to execute thi' princes, and Tyrell relates the whole long 
story of Richai-d's anger, the |iat<e's suggestion of TjrtUI 
and his suhsecjuent selection. The whole passage hi More 
is faithfully copied. Fut'tber than thi.s, Moh-'h simple state- 
ment that at Braki'iibury"s refusal Rit:hard look great 
"disphiasuTP and thought" is expanded into a twtnty-oni' 
line picture of an anger that amounts almost t« niadneas, 
with a classical comparison of Richard to Orest.e8. 

I'L i^ta |)]'iimiiii not'it. ing-i'iiU ^lalim 
stupure torpi'l, wang'iib ora ili'serii, 
totUHqiio cineri Kimilis B.xpnllnL ^ituiil 
nii>!l>iria iaiis eFJUt !■ iwrtm-iliis, 
sunvaqiie cui'dJ prnximiim Terjon-S Ulii«, 
r^KHlo fiuMt'i i.ld.Horil fsoliiiiii, rurpuM 
gi*a<liini' rilHlii im-^siltiis. ipDiKi.in^ caput, 
tiiifil'iqiie sfii-uni 'linis iiiinniinrit siim, 
iibi siineiiis n ftirim-fe vcliiii lirniio 
jir'tniit ailiislii.^, riTvirlis Lrn-r.it ^4>na>; 
rubntiiup tolas, pimciu velul. man 
immei'^iis, aiil Qiiiiio fiiiaKM parliLus. 
Oriili acintillaDt flamraei oTjliiitu trucl 
veliUir|iiB fletu; bori'Bl ertietlK comn. 
Uin tiitiiLiiam Or«Hte» auconsuH facibmt Tiiil 
Nam lit.' auoi'iLDi (.'aQcifl tnnvelUint pares 
ulMimi^iit- fun.ii;: iliHcrepapl uno tmuen. 
Agitalur umbra matriii ille morluae: 
gtivi uepdtutn Asi ille vivurum nie^u. 
El pi'a\Lliir in tf exarsit ira tiifbicia, 
r«eponsa rex qua noct* p^rcepjl tnw>. 



— 324 — 

Tlk' source uf this dpsri-jiilioii I liave been iinalili* t<» find. 
It apprars not to be frnni Sciipca: but lu^arly iis sun-ly 
it is nut hpggp'a nwii. It is Itari'ly ]iLissibIe that it was 
BUKgesled liy tUe description of Oedipus, Oed. 915 et seq. 

Ill lilt' aci-ount uf tti<' piifrc's su^'Ke^'ifi I^f^^"^ appears 
to Lave liud a slight pcrccptiuii of tlie sLiisurdity ni'iiiakijig 
Tyrpil liiiiisetf rylatc tu Brake nbury liuw the pa^f diiclared 
hiin a man ready to do anytliin^i U\ win ilio king's fnvor; 
but a inodei'ii reader will liardly agico tliat all la luadfi 
rigbt l»y tlie parpntlictical ''auihtctcr istud audio jaudcoj 
nunc diceru" wliich the autbor puts in Tyrell's moutli. 

The lont; nnrratioii is at last linislied, and Diylitj)!! 
appears witli IIil- win'ds, "Uteniue snfi'oratnr rxanj^uis 
puer". True to liis role Bralci'nlmry gro(>tt) tlie news with 
"Hfi niibi, por aHus liurrur exi-urril vayius". wliilc Tyrcll 
luerely inquires llic manner of tlieir death. Thiw is a 
simple account iif tlieir suffocation, keepinj: dose to More, 
and wiUi no att(.'iupt at any suc-h patlir-tif enibdlisliim-iit 
us that wliicU ill .ShaLL-spcaru'^s play L-hanii^terizrs Tyrol's 
account of tlic murder. As in tlie chronicle account the 
bodies of flie dead priiici's arc now re^-paled. Brakfiihury 
bursts out into Senccim taim-nlalion. 

Vidcfjne <'i>r|ii)ra Hegiikiriini Jivida!-' 
fiinestiiM In-Ill j»ni i:a<^ii injirLli Uioriis 
lijiiiij 1n.('lii',vnijid (liii'U.s umlis viillii.s ne^&t. 
IImi uiilii, jiL>it<iitt'U fruuilit imtrui jui'uiil. 

gens aiidet? etc. 

The passage is an imitation of Tro, 1104—09, the wail 
of Andromache over her son's Kliati4?red body. 

Tyrcll — who has ijo woi-d oC Imnuui regi'ct — orders 
the Ijurial of the bodies, and iftnrns the keys to Brake a- 
huiy, who is left, alone to utter another long lament. 

O aaffva nnstri lBmpi>rif creduliLis 
rt Ti'gis Miitmis diruN! Ci nitwits barbara, 
aei'iira lurb&DR jnra natnrofl fernxl 
Tun? iiuiOL:HDti>R pi-ini-i|>Hs, iiufntt^ jiioa 




'— 33& — 



mon^truin I'ronisles, Innf marliisti liio.^? 

1^ terra, <'neliiiB, niDesiiLnniue risgiiiim T.trlxri. 

ijceluE? virlelis IrUle? ett-, 

Th(i loiijiiiassa^f is rDniin'iuiiicfl in imitiilion of variiiiiK liits 
froTii Sont'ca: of which Tliycsti'^fl" lament ovi'^r Ihr hodirs 
of his Iwo worn? sJLiiii ity their undo, liiul Hippulytiis's cry 
of liori'or wlieri Pliuetlra's crimitial ilcsigii is matkt pJain 
to him. avv the most imiiorliuit: cl'. Thy. loot* - 16 and 
PhiiiMl.671 — HI. Tlie t'loso (»f lirakrnhury's speech is tsilien 
from tlie passage wliich Kail inecrted into Morc's narrativG 
from Polidori' Verffil, and corresiioncis to the words , "To 
iiiurtliiT A man is much odious, to kyll a woman, is in 
iTiaiiiitT unnatural, but to slaie and destruye innoecnC lifthes, 
& youny I'lifanles, tin? whole wurld ahhorrcth. and Clip 
hloiid from the earth crietli, for venjrauiice to jill itii^htic 
God ... a las wLat will lit! do to other that thus shamt'- 
fiilly iniirdi-reth liis awiif^ hloiid wilhinit caiisi* or dcsertV 
Whoiu wyll hi! sau^'. wLon he slaith the potin; lariibcs 
foniniittud to him En tnis^t? now we se and htdinhl y the 
most cruel tyraimy hath inuadyd the coinnionweaUh, now 
wt^ sc that ill him is;. iteithiT hup(> of iustico nur trust of 
merci<' l)ut aljiuulancc of cnieltiii and tlirufit uf iiuiofpnle 
Uhmh'' (Hall. p. ft79). 

With this r-xccptiiin of lirakedhufy's ]iarl the scene 
is a ftiilhlid Ininscript of Morf\ Rrakenbury^s presence 
in the scoim has no foundation in the chronicle. In 
ShakPsprure's, phiy hi-' does not. appear at all in this 
connfrctioii, a.nd in tlie True Tragody lie takfs himself 
out of the way after delivering up tht> keye. Bnt this 
HCPiiP is the cliniftx uf Ijegge'fi piny, and its proper hamlling 
requirwi — in Lt'gge's mind ~ an almndanco ut Senccan 
rhetoric. This could not well be assignod to the murderers, 
and iJrakeiibiiry was introditciul to tsupply the need. L"gge"s 
tn'atniont of the scene is highly eignilicont of the ontirc 
artilieiiUily i>{' l\\f Senecsui iiu'lLod, Ska^speare. who 
likewise allows the murder to be related, fell hk woll tifi 
Legge the desira^bility of heightening the effnctivflness of 



- n-m — 

the scene. Hr diti so hv following the natural course" 
wLicli, m has hci^n sbown. tlie clironicles liad successively 
pursued: lie hf^ghtcned the pathos of the naiTalion by 
adding a rhetorical embfllishmpnt that was calculatpd to 
bring out the- innocent youth and lieauty of the tender 
victiin§: and adriud a human toucli of his own in putting 
ihis intti the mouths of the remorseful murderers thciU' 
selves. The Heneean nirlhod acted differently. Here th« 
sole endiellisliTiKMit is declamation, The murder is drily 
and huistily nlated, and its natural jiatLoa is lost in the 
claaaif- wail which ruus the gamut from Procrustes (o 
Nero. Aild to tliJs llie abstirdily of Tyrell's long narration, 
deetroying all susimnse on tho part of the waiting listeners, 
and Le^tio's climactic scene beMiiucs his most conspituons 
failur<\ 

To the same strain of declamatory "woe the passage 
in which Hall, copying Vergil (cf. p. 14^), relates the 
sorrow of the (|ueeu on rcciiiving the news of her sons' 
murder. lent itself readily. In Legge'a scene Elizabeth 
appears trnubhid witli forebodings that have been increased 
by frightful dreftins. 

Ehpii repHinti rovcla jialpitant mvlii 
^elidiiH |]er arliis vadit exan^ioa tremor, 
N'oftiirnfl wic nie vis.i mi.wram H^rritant. 
EL clira turbaiii inquii'Uiii noumia 



■lam cuDcta paa.'iiin blaiuU .4l.rMvi^ral qulea. 
BomtiiiisquQ rei)<Kis fnt'ili^ ubrep.-tit gcaU 
villi minanipni rimcito citrsu heu a|)nim 
nalosi|UP fr^Jiilena detite laniavil Iiucb 
ulrii«iiU(J saevus rasi-lal. A^iheriae poten* 
(lomlnatiiT niilae, fata si i^uld Hliis 
(liriini minaiitiir, in hoc caiiiil criiatiit (urtvr, 
malromqiie prius jam fulmeii irali pelat. 

This preparatory situation is imitated from that of Andro- 
macbe in tb<? Troades, to wliora appears in sleep the 
form of Heclxir warning Ikt to save their son. Cf. Tro. 
436—443. 463, S. 



— 327 — 

The secoiKl sftene of the Octavia also bad an in- 
ilufincp upon this. The ancilla of Legge's scene porresponds 
to thi.' niitrix to whom Poppea relates hor vision, Oct. 712 
etseq., and tlie frighlfu! cliarader of hf^r dream corresponds 
more elosely than Andromache's to that of the iiuecn's. 
In ihe latter, howi>vfr, the hoar, tearing the chihJron 
with savage tusks, is undoubtedly drawn from the dream 
of Stanley, rclattid by More. The following lints of the 
Octavia are especially to lie compared, 712—18: 

Confuaa Iristi projrimae noctis motH 
Tisuque. niilrix, moul.e lnrbala feror, 
defccta sensii. laeta nnm postquam dies 
sideribuB atri^ cessit et nocli polut« 

fiomno reaulvor; nee diu plaeids friu 
quiets licuit. • 

Cf. ftls(t -with the complete passage Phaed. 969—63, 633—4, 
Oct. o5— e, 738, Phoen. 443—4, 

Thi* rest of the scene follows the chronicle exactly in 
facts, including the queen's swoon. This, however, offers 
opportunity for imitating the passage in the Troarles in 
whicii the swoon of Hecuba is described. Thus Legge's 

Lsbetacls menn Bucciimliit: aHSor^: hei miht, 
nii'i:tii) cad^ntem mis^ra spiritum leva 
spiral, revixii, Urda moro miaerot tugit, 

corresponds to Tr. 949 — 954 

at iniKerK luclu mater audito titufiDl; 
labefnclA menr^ Nucnibuil, asnurge, altevs 
animum ul cadeat&m, mLsora, flrni& spLrilum. 



epinil, revirit, prittlA mora miftew /Ogit. 

There is also the inevitable change of the avenj^ng 
ChriBtian God Into Jupiter with the avenging thunder- 
bolts. Legge's. 

TCi te, precor sopplejc mater geoibus minor, 
qni vindicaQB flammas vibras lonsns pater. 



— 328 — 



et hune vibreinWr tela perjunim Iur, 
Bpoliee Olimijum irslu fulmiiiibuH Huh, 
Bt impium roeli niiaa vindicel 

contains reminisuyimps of Ag. 628, Thy. 1085 et soq^ 
Oct. 229, and otbnr passages. 

Ttic aiicilla consoles tbe ijuwii as ilie nutrix does 
Medoa. Cf.: 

Quid plncidx rnples. »[iiniiimi|iLe miiigs, 
Mt>n1i?nii]iie aaoa lurbid&ni vvtris leva. 

With Medea 425,6: 

Reifipe tnrbfituni malxs 
tta, pBctuA, animiiin mitiga. 

The queen's lament follows the chronicle closely, with Uie 
additiun of a reference to Procrustes and the savage 
Colrltian. 

Th(iri* is nn iitirtouncrmfnt niadft in Hio play to RichanT 
liimscll" that the cliildrcii have been put to death, and no 
indication tliat the fact has any cITect upon his nature. 
Thus the nmriier foniis the climax of tlie play only in the 
senee that it nia.rks the liei^ht of Richiird's duecess and 
that there upon he^n to appear the adverse inlluencos 
which will bring about lis fEiII, Morc's hint that '"after 
(his abhomijiahlc decde done, ht neuor liiid<lL' quiet in his 
minde, Iwi-. nnuer ihouj^ht himself sure" remained without 
effect upon the playwright that otherwise follows him so 
faithfully. On his next appmrance TJicharcI is. to be sure, 
in deep trouhle. but the trouble is caused Ity bis external 
losses and dangers, not by "itorniy reniemhrances of his 
abhominable dede". In Lfgge's refusal In make use of 
this part of Ihe material furnished hiiu by More is witliout 
doubt again to be seen the influence of SenecA. 

The Senecan hero is. as Rudolf Fischer says (Znr 
Kunstentwicklung d. engl. Trai^:., p. \H), "in nature and 
will always one, possessed by one paa&ion, and looking 
toward one goaP'. Ko completely is this true that an 
Atreus. an EteocleB. a Lycus. a Nero, appear in Keneca 



— 9M9 — 



as pei^oniflcations of ci^rtain passfoos than as 
iflffiriduals posi^esspd of and goviTned by them. These 
passions are poiirtMi out in rept-atud monolo^'ue and dialoguo. 
To their expression \h Addn] tlie esprossion of jo.v at tUe 
prospect or iittaiiunent of llieir satisfaeiion. of fear ;Liid 
ans<'r at the [iniwin'ct. or urriviil of fuiliirt'. For as these 
passions strive toward sntisfiiction tlit\v "ifi't with oppositiim. 
A faitlifol -SLTvaTit n.'nionsti'!it.«'s against the purpose of 
Atreus, Jocasta endL^avors to rfslniin Eteoelps. tlM' plans 
of Ljcus arc checked tjy Me{i;ixi'a. Seneca strives to restore 
Nero to reason and vjrtu^^ Thus tlie drumas are throughout 
dramas of emotion lalher iban action, dramas of which, 
to quote Fischer again, pmhlenis of feeling and processes 
of tliu soul form the real kernel. Yet, though the soul 
of the tjenccan tyrant is affected by joy. and l)y fear and 
anffcr, its rulinj; passion is never in the slightest alterrd 
hy tliern; and though opposed it is never swerved from 
its ilirretion. Jn other words, while tho soul is always in 
conflict it is never in conttic-t with itself. Couseience is 
unknown in Seneca, Hence, there is no "poetic juslicc" 
in Seneca. The wicked passion is usually satisHed:* and 
if not satisfied its punishment is wholly external. The 
outraged Universal is nftver shown to he unbrokon, -v 

Now the historical picture; of Ricliard. hoth as colored / 
by Polidore Vergil and as colored hy Moi'e. presLUleci' 
I/egpfi a Ktclianl with a conscience and punished by his 



:\ 



Tru» Ti-agi'dy, a h'aust, whose eonseietiee ibivi-y him 
t^iward a repentance to which he cannot attain; and it 
heennie the liieUanI of Shakespeare, on whom tbn nniviiraal 
Nemesis wreaks coinpieic revenge thmugh the coward 
eonscionee that so afllicts him. But it is not the Richard 
of Legge. PniTiiinent as is ilie pari of conscience in bis 
historicaE model, it is put wholly aside. Richard's one 
passion is his from first to last, accompanied hy joy. fear 
and anger, oppmsed liy tie passions ami aims of others, 
hut nuebanginif and unswerved. It knows no pity and 



— 330 — 



no renKirsf. Aiul punislnMl as it is. it is punished nnly 
externally, tliat is, in tnitli nut punisliecl al all. Legge's 
Richard is not only Snnfcan in conduol, but Seneran in 
essence. 

From tliB announcement to tlio queen tlie play passps 
at once to the conversation at Brecknock between Buck- 
iny'haiti iinii Ely, Tlicrt' lias !)OC-n no indication of a lircak 
l)clwt'cn Ricliard and Buckingham, and tUe latters last 
appearance was in the procession at Ricimrd's coronation. 
The whole lonjr conversation hetween thp iHshnp and the 
duke is given, ns found in More and in Hall's continuation, 
and Ihrro follow the summoning of Bray, the eniployrupnt 
of LewiH, the physician, tlie llight of Ely, and the conference 
of Lewi.'; with Queen Elizabeth, all in close dependaice 
on the chronicle. 

Only the beginning of Buekinghaui's conversation with 
Ely requires comment. Here Legge's skill has airidn failed 
a little. Moi-p's story relates that "parcetuing by the 
proccBse of their communicacions the dukes pride now and 
then balke ontf' a lytte hreide [esclaniationj ol'cnuy toward 
the glory of thi; king, and therby I'eling him ethe to fal out yf 
the matter were well bandied: ho [Ely] craftelye Bought the 
waie.^ hi pricke him Jorwarde taking alwaies thoccasion of 

his coniming For when the duke first began to praise 

and host Ihn king^ and sbowe how much profit the realm 
shohl take by his reign: my lord Morton aunswered" etc. 
Leggc, however, instead of skilfully confining Buckingham's 
expressionH lo a littlo exclamation of envy here and there, 
commits the taisiake of making him utter al the very 
beginning the atroagest condemnation of Richard. 

Quftt caedibiis cnieolal inssnas mamis? 
Qiiot Jealinavit »d netem nmntif furor? 
riicore neqiieo. nee vierba sisfflciunl niihi: 
dul'ir tsrere jussit, O nullo rc*Jus 
uretlibile in aevo. giiodque posteritaa negal. 
PatniUJ) nep-tties ii.ilri.'i hmi re^a pxpulit. 
Taudjm exiiii regno? nefom miseris iledil 
Fraenos dulor vix patitur, uJciaoi cupit. 



— 3a I — 



iusx\'her suhsequently Buckingham does praisp the king. 

Cujus [amen r^pnci sfiu inrnders I'Sftul 
con.suliire, pas (lure'bil acqiia fivibus 
l^urlMiilus er^i. i-iira i]uem regni leneU 
ei cui siiorujn ctviiim chara est naluR, 

the words seem wholly out of plaw*, and Ely's comment, 

»uperbii:i rrni'liit iinLmiis. nee I'untini^L 
K«KP, secretam uil.sciii iruni lauilibim. 

it not only does not fit the speech of Buckinghfiin that 
imnipdiately jfrecedes it, but it is rendered absurd by whut 
has gone before, B»ckingliani'« wnvtk is certainly not 
seerf't. Ttiis treatniont is cauRwJ by Legge's individiml 
view of the dute's chai'iicter. As already staled (cf, |i. ^1>7) 
Lpgge adopts, that view of Buckingliaiii M^hicb he gives of 
him&elf In the speech in which Hall niaki-s liiin reveal 
himsnlf to Ely, AcTordJng to tlus. Buckingham falls away 
from Richard because he murders his nephews. This vipw 
Ltgge tries to unite witL the account of More, making 
such changes as appear necessary. Hence it is not signs 
of envy, but ol" wrath, secrelam iram, which Ely re- 
cognizes in Buckingham's words. But the changes are 
insufficient to prevent a misfit. 

The scene between Lewis and the qaeen atTords 
opportunity forimit-ating the scene in the HerculesFurens 
in which Amphitryon comforts Megara with the hope of 
an approaching end to her woes. Lewis's address, 

Hegina aervncih cu njiiinpi caela Hilo 
lectiim jiijrnlBm, sLtic mison'a Inuhrimas. 
nda-4.su nporti jam malls Hnom tiiiti, 

corresponds to that of Amphitryon, Her. Fur. 309—13: 

o socia noatri sjuigumiis, cksU fide 

fi«Tvgns torym imlostiuH m^gTianimi Hcrculis, 
meliora inimlB fonciiie (iUjiib uiniinum pxcila, 
A<leri1 prcfp<^lr>, qualir; nx omni solel 
Jnbnrf), m&inr. 



&'iti - 



( 



Thfi iqueon's reply, 

Qiioil |ie|)ii]it. mires nuntiuni Ueliim mens? 
(liijH auHi"? iiiim tnisiira metis unl crediila? 
Ii.ifc Tiicile L*iiiiliin.U iiiiml riimi-* iiiiscri vuliiiil. 
Hiiil qu.iil vuliinl, rniliiiia fLiiLliinia!! vi'lsl, 
Prnna nsi Hniorifs] senijipr In iiojiis iXAvt^. 

corrcspiiiifls tn tliftt of Mft^'tra with tlio SQC(;i'i>(!ing wor 
of Ani|fliiti;vini, 313—16; 

Meff, Qtiiwl nimis miaeii volunl 
hut' Tjicilf I'D'il iinl. A m p li, liutjiu qiiud niRluunt ufmia^ 
nLiiii|iiaui muvui'i jiu-siso u^e ti)lli ]>ulanl: 
prona est liraoris aeniiter in peius flitea. 

Buckingham next appi'ar-y, with a ypcceli Ui Uls KuMiers,! 
used by tlie author jvs a means o\' imparting the facts 
givon in Ihc rlironielu conccniinjj; Richard's utiMU'Cfstifiil 
lottors urging Buckin^'hniu lo repair to the coui"!; and, 
coneetTiin^ tlie iJtlicr relii^ls who inteml tu ji)iii tli*- iluko' 
iu liis euterpr'isc. The hejriiiniiig of the spiTcIt, with its; 
exprpssliins of indignant anger at the tyrant, is niodcllcj 
on Soneran i.'xamijles. Of. Hon Fur. 920—4 and 
Tr. 258—9. 

i For the first time since iiia coronation Richard niiwj 
Appears once more iipfii ll'o stage. Ho wa.? tlien at tliei 
pinnacle cif his succ'ess: lie was king of Euglanil and in 
ii j'uiiiif^' |.irincc of Wales saw the estahliKhnit'Ll of al 
dynasty. Nnw his downward course has begun. His son 
18 tlcatl: linckiiifjhaui is arra.ve{l in iirnis agaiiLst hiin;| 
there is a gr^'ater danger prrpariiig by Rir.liinond over] 
seas. The Ijasis of the scene is that Senpcan ^new o( 
Polidorc Vergil wiiicli Hall imported into Mon-'s slorv' 
icf. p. 206i. '"And frcnn iht-nceforlli not oiicly all hisj 
counsallh's. doynges and procedynges, soiiaiiiely docayod 
and ^l^^tl■d to nonr effectc: But also fortiint'^ beganne to^l 
froiinc and turn her whelc douneward I'roin tiint. in so 
niurh that ho lost his only hygottcn sonne called Edwai'del 
in the .iij nioneth after ho had created hjm prince of| 
Wales' (EJall, p. 3811. 



333 — 

Tt. raniiot. In* too strongl,v iiisistjr-d tliafCto Polidori^ 
Vpr^il Mirrjiigli Hitll. ratlipr Mian to More, is tliip the intro- 
duction of tliis dramatic rpvpi-sal of fortiitm. rint only ia 
Le'fUif hut in all tliR literary treatments of Richard's story, 
JiieludinK Sliak'\sijear(''s./' Tt is trin' tlial iiTimrdialcl.v 
rollowiii): Ricliai'd's rnroiiation Jinn- inilicntes a turn in 
thp tidn. "Now fell iher mischiefps thick. And iiw tlic 
iliiiiy puill {rotten is nmcr woU ki'pt, tliroiii:!! all \\u- time 
of Ills rojgiK', nouiT-Ci'asod tlieiv cruel deiUli aud sliiuylitL-r, 
tiJI his own destniction endod it". Here, however, tlie 
miiidiii'fw are tlie dotitli? and bloodslio-tl following' Itirtmrd's 
curoiiatioii, not tln^ uiislortunos iliat befail Rieliard liinisolf. 
First among the mise-liiefs mentioned in tlio mnrdrr of tho 
[ii'inoos. Tlid'c iR Ik'i-n no icleu nf ail vv'\l I'atr that tUi^s 
IMfdiard's footsteps till he for an instant ta.'^tes tlie cup of 
success, then snatches it from his lips. Auutjiei' rcver-siil. 
follnwin;,^ upoTi the murder nf the princes, is emplmsizod 
\jy Moi-c, l»ut it is a reversal in Ridiard's inniT nature. 
Now for the lirwt time doe.s conscience hej^n to sprak; he 
never lias (|uiet in his miad, never thinks himself sure. 
This is tlir revrtsal on Mliich. as will be seen. Ilir True 
Tragedy lay?* the chief stress. To his iuovi[iy picture of 
Ricliaj-d's inward anguish More adds, '"Now liadde he out- 
ward ito long tinn' in rc-^t. For lii'retj[inn soiie after liegEiii 
|.lie r')tis])irjLey,ur rather goi«! I'lnifedi-r'atiun" of Bnekiiif,''liani. 
But here- again, though the quick heginniug of troulile \s 
indicated, it is treated merely as a fact following in the 
uatural course of the uariii.tioii, uol as the swift penalty 
of Fate. 

But the conception of PoUdore Vergil, as has been 
Bhown lef. p. lltiJ), ititroducew a Nemesis^ lliroughoul tlie 
whole story of the Vork-iianeasti'r struggle. EjLeh of the 
chief participants pays the penally of his eriines, acd yet, 
as in Seneca, "dum punitur sceluw, crescit". Foi' many 
Richard is tlie instrument of Fati^. In the murder of 
Clarence (in Shakespeare, not Vergil), of tlie queen's 
kinsmen, of Hastings, even of the ianoeent princes, he 



— 334 — 



punishes a fnrniei' iTinii'. Until tliis iiioiin'iit Ricliara s 
course is upwurd, and lie lias no suspicion tiiut the hand 
ofFato is lilspwisp acrainst himself. Now without warniog 
fortunr rfvorses her wticn-l. Here Ml's llii- dramatic kernfiti 
of Sliakespeare's wliole play. Tlic first i>art of U, dowi 
to Hastings" deatii (spoken of in anticipation), lie found ii 
tlie Vergileaa version, juloptetl into all the chronicles, ofj 
the cour.se of the strugffk- iluwii to tlio deatli of Edwiird IILj 
Then in the niiilst of More's story. Vertdl's application 
the same priniiple of Nemesis to Richard himself wMJ 
preserreid in the passage inserted by Hall, hut not eopiec 
by Holinshed. It is to this conception, and di>ul)tlr,ss lar^i-lyj 
to this passage, tliat we owo the words of Ricliard, whei 
in Sliaki'spi-are'a play at the montcnt of his coronation h< 
I'orehudcs a change. 

Tims liiffli, by tli.V aiivito 
Aiidjli.v nsststaiice, is Kinji; liich.irii wonted: 
Biit'^liall wo wear tbujse honors tor a da.T? 
Or shnll thpy last, iind we rpjuico in them? 

To this conception, and slill morf- clenrly to tin's passaj 
is due tbP arrangonieiit of scenes S & 4 of Act IV. U 
scene' 3 the murder of the princes is announced to RichariJ," 
His last grcfit deptj is accomplisled. That the scene may, 
be more truly climactic, the death of Anne is put forward! 
in time and nn'nliniii'd hvrp. Rvhiti- ])rojpct that Richard 
cherishes, has lieoii, or bids fair lo be, successfully carried out. ^ 
The son nf Claronco hiivpHv^BHt up cIohp; 
Hi.-* (Iant"lili'f mt^anlv luive I ihatt'liM in itiniriagn, 
Tli4? Nijii-. Lif K(lw(ir<l «}f>i*|i ill Abi'.'iLarii'^ lidHiini, 
And Anno Buy wiTi- liwHi Mil ihi" wtrld (fooil DigbL 
Nuw. for I konw Ibe Di'uIdei Kichniond taoxs 
At yoiin^ EHaabcJi, my bi'iiUwrfl (tnugliler. 
And by that knot lofilw proudly o'er iIip criimi. 
To lier I ga, a. joUy tliriTing' wooer, 

Tliriving;! It is the last time that he can say the ■wo'rd.^ 

ThC're enters Catesby, with 

Bad newH, m.v lord; Kly is flod tn Richmond, 

And BiickinplnanL. hack'd with th*> hardy Welshman, 

la in the Held, dud i^liU liis pow«r ini'ieiksetb. 



— 335 



At the moment of suecess, wbeii all sppths surr. tmiibloi 
comes. Richard must take tlie field to defend what ht? 
has won. Therf follows the comment of Fflte, from the 
lips of the figure in whom Shakesppiire perso'iitied liis 
Noniesia; ^>. ; ^"'' *^ 

So, now prowpprity bfi^ins to mello-w __ '^ " 
Ami ilmii into the roUen luoiilh of ci»s[li. 

It is the Vergilean conception and not More"a. Not till 
later in t!ie play appears the mental ant^niRli on whirli 
More lays till his str^css. And even then, wh<.'it _^SIii-iki- 
speare reveals that the completion and perfection of the 
work of NL'n]esis lies not in Ricliard's oxtoraal loKst's. hut 
ill Richard's own t^rturt'd soul, lie adopts a vii^w which 
is Vcrgira as well as MoreX and «iie 'which Vergil iiisiRts 
upon most strongly in cnnnootioii vyifh that very droimi 
wherein, in 81iakeap«^are, Richard recognizes the al'tlietion 
of liis coward conscience^ 

Thus 'while on More, as every one has noticed. di'p'Muls 
almost the whole material fabric of Shakespeai'e's phiy; 
as iiubody seems to have noticed, the ideal fabrie depemls 
on Polidore Vergil. 

It is this Ver^lean conception that impaits to 
Richard III much of the Scnecan character thai has 
often been ipmarkcd in it. To the student of Shakespeare 
muL:h of the interi'St of Legge's play consists in its reve- 
lation of the Senecau side of Richard's story. Nowhere 
is this more apparent than in this scene, where "fortuiia, 
faliaic" has her greatest triumph. Here the same Vergilean 
conception is the hasis; and Legge\s Sem-can imitations 
show how Senecaii that hasis is. 

Richard appears, bewailing liis troubles. 

f.) .-saeva fain ni>Ei|ifr, "p mii'tem asperani 
I'lim »<nnvil et ciim jiaroit. «x amjini nijiliioi 
Forlima fallax r^lma liumnnia ninitw 
insuHat. agiU tuni-U perverlens n*ta, 
QuoB mi'dii lut'&Tit parti3 vuprema, mod& 
ad imii euHilem Irudlt et calcat pede. 



-n 



— S3fi — 

Hiibitin Ifibantis ecce fortiinae ini|j«hi 
qiii.s lion potoQleni cernit ev(*i-tiaai il-cinium? 
Hph ^-iiaiiin, lien pvimA iiiiicuH ppriil mens 
(Ij dura fiita. et Iiigiibrpni snrlem ntniis) 
qni clarn pnlrin rpjrnn Hperat mtrHii. 
L'l il]e niftjriil pfirvuN ariuenti conot'a, 
priiiiinr|inj vixciuin comihuK tronlein perens 
I'ervii-e jiubllo i-clsiis, et cnpile arduiis 
grepreni patorniini riiieil. et pocorL inijierfll. 
O sunvc iiipntlt^, "'i -decus driniiir. 
Hegiilis, Ci Hriluiiriiae runias |fimiis| I.ii.ib, 
patris lipii spt's Tnmi, cui dement* ego 
IfUideis At'hillis bLillk'ns. el Nestoris 
antifiK preenhar, hiee prtvnvit dftiia, 
Niinqijuni pnierili steplni gpMtnhiK nianu 
Tolix, BritaniK* Jiir'a net' piijmlo dnltjjt, 
Viel.ihtiiii' KPnte^ .iiilt luiiui inilli's JTigtilU. 
Xmi Prano;! siibigps ifvga. noii IScolo'- LrahftS 
in luji rebelles iiupori.'i sItip ^loriji 
jai'i'his nltii I'laiisiis in liimnln nii'sor. 

Tiie firat two lines arp from Med. 431—2; 

O dura fnta »i(tiiipnr »t sorEem aa|i«rani, 
cum *aovit et cum pnrcit ax it«qiiO malnui! 

cf. also Tr. 1056: 

O iliira taia, aaeva. misetandn hniTidjiI 

M'itli Mil- lines tin b'nrtiin*^ cf. Ag. 56— (34, 11— 2: 

« n^KiKH'iim magnis fallnx 
Fni'tiinji lirjiilH, in pracfipili 
ilubiuijiii' Unas iiiinis eXL-elaos; 
tiiitiipiiini iilacidam sfeptru riiiintcni 
certumvo wili leilKere diiplu; 
alia ex ntiis ciirn fatit<'at 
vexul^iio aiiiumg otiva iptnpeslas. 
nrin 9i(' Libycis nyrLibus aiv|iior 
tTii-il rtllPMios vftlvere fluctui* 



ut pra^dpitPR r<>gitin t'UHiis 
Fiirtima nitat, 

cf. also Her. Fun 524, Tn 25'J el seq., Or^d. 11. H al., 
Tbj. 597 H sfxi. Tile idea is tJk« most prdiuinent one la 



— 337 — 

all Seneca. The reversal of Fortune's wheel is in the 
passage from Vergil. 

Richard's lament for liis son is, like the lament of 
Queen ElizabftL, a close iinitation of Androniaclni's lanu'nt 
fur Iier sou, to^^etlirr wit-li a siimlc taken fnuii Ulyssea' 
description of the boy. For tlie latter, cf. Tr. 537—540: 

ate ille^ luti^iii parvtiN armiiciti I'Oines 
l>riiiuaquG nunrliini i-ornibii.'^ liiideQ^ L'Utcm 
cervice siilihn cfl^iii^ b1 (ronie nrdiiiiiii 

For Tr. 766—770 see Uic passage on p. 291—292: and 
ef.in add. Tr. 771-774: 

• r 

I]iacs non tu nceplra regali potent 
^st&bis aula, iurii nac popiili^ iJabi'^ 
viclasque prnles suh limiii niilles iuirmm. 
non Grain caedesi ti'i'^;ii. non Pyrrhiim U-ahoa, 

From his dead son Riclinnl passes t^ the corispinicy 
of Buckingliam and that of liiehinoiid. and relates his 
unsuccessful attempt to induce Buckingham t^j return to 
court. Hesitating m\i\ doubting wliat to do, be resolves 
by new and useful laws, bj libcialily to tbf citiKens, Uy 
tb« erection of a college for jiriests. and by general 
uprigbtnefifi. to regain the favor uf tlie people, which lie 
has lost by the murder of the iirinces, All this, exempt 
tii« account of hia dealing!^ with Buckingham, which is 
from More, is from tin^ pa-saag<- copied by Hall from 
Polidorc Vergil, wliieL tims pas&es practically entire into 
fXegge's play. 

From th(^ middle of the conversation of Bunkingbani 
and Ely (cf. p. llti) Mores story ceases to be ihe biisit; 
of tie play, and Hall's continuationi copied also by 
Grafton and Holinsbed — lakes its place. 

The abandnniuent and lligbt of Buckingham follows, 
related U) Richard by a messenger. The eireumstanUal 
account follows Hall in detail, Richard gives orders for 
the ports to be guarded, and for a tleet to ward off Rich- 
mond, and makes proclamation of a reward fur the 

Pftlamlri. X. 99 



— 838 — 



capture of Buckitigliaui. All Ibe Jetails are from Hull's 
account. 

A messenger now appears witli the news of Buck- 
ingliani's capture through tlii> trcacheiy of Banister. Richard 
greets tiio news ■with savage joy. 

Si uon fldeB me aacra regno eoDtiaeiil. 
tSDlnbo raea stabilire scpptra Ranjniinp, 
fit regBft dura lill&Vi)g itU|]Bi-io regain. 
Nunc ergo dux poetiag e^riivlssiums hint, 
ObrumpAt ensis noxium triBha capnt, 
niillamque [itrnt* i-arnifex reHldat aioram. 
Regnare noaeil, odia qui Uniet nimiH. 

With the last line cf. Phoen. 654: 

Kegnare non nill esse qui ioTiaua (imel, 

and other pasBajres cited on p. 302. The other lines are 
ppah{il>lj based on the follawijif:, from the |>!i.sti!aj,a' inserted 
by Hall from Vergil. "But alterwardc euidfntlin to all 
peraoues it appeared, that onely fpare (whiebo is not a 
niaistxer long in ofttec and in continual aucthoritie) and not 
justice, caused kynge llydiarda at that verie Ijnie to waxe 
better and aitieiidi' bis synneful life, for sliortelie the 
goodiies of the man whiche was hut paynrted and fraudulent, 
sodainlie wexed collide and vanashed awaits ^Hall p. 3811". 
Richard now turns his attention to tlie case oi' Mar- 
g^aret, fomierly Countess of Richmond and now Lord 
Stanley's wife, who has been spndinjr letters to her son. 
Stanley is to guard his wife closely at home, keeping all 
servantB away from her, that she may have no opportunity 
to send fui'ther letters. As a pied^o of bis own Hdclity 
he shall leave with Richard bifi mn. Lord Strange as 
hoatage. Ah Stanley's name does not appear in the seene- 
heading- and as he makes no reply, it cannot be dfitei-mined 
whether he is supposed to be present and addrest^ed by 
Richard, or whether Richard is revealing in eoliloiiuy the 
directions he itit<'iidB to give StHuley, Tho former may be 
the case, as mutejj do not appear in ihr scouc-lioadings 
{at. e. g. the priest met by Hastings); but if so it is still 



339 — 



sn'aiige that Stanley dops not reply. The piv,ssage follows 
a itaragrayh in Hall, p. 398, Suit the Jt^tention of Lord 
Strange is frora a later passage. Hall p. 408, in which 
Stanley, intending- fco prcipare Cor Rithinond'a arrival, 
appliies for leavo to go borne. 

Buckingham, apparently on his way to execution, now 
appears with a soliloquy i^mbodying the usual declamatory 
Scnocan lament agaanst deceitful fortune, on which Legge 
has ah-cady rung so many changes. It offers an interesting 
comparison to the similar scene in Shakespeare. 

O blandipnlis lubricum sortiB deirual 
3 trif^tiii hoi-i'endi nii)]L>i b^lli <'a,5iis! 
hen, hflu fatii4 nwrtule iiidiliir ^eniis. 
Quii^qunm ne <!ibi HpondBrp torn flnanun polfiBt 
quod non staitm aieluenda cunvellat lUes! 
Ciijiia rpfiilsil, nomen AngrliR mdj-lum 
modA. pnlLidos nunc ad lacua Inidor miser. 
Quid (hell) jiivat jactare magtioH spiritiis? 
FaUacirt H.ulao fulgor (hou) quoy jieididilP 
Heu blatida lunumu dunn fortunae! mare 
non sk aquis rclhieoUbui^ Lurget, nut imdis 
lurbatUH ab iiuis ponlus tCcixiniis tuint>t, 
ut caeca HRHVfi lieu [ortuDfi mag-rtfilitm rotat. 
Fimestus lieu dirusque liJchardi favor 
quid Ula deplurem miaer lompoi-a, quibus 
frcLus meo L-Linsilid aper frendcnf*, wibi 
I'pgwim cruonto rienle raptiiiu comparal? 
En, hujii» kvtu nunc atraci cori'ua. 
NatalG solum, iUiistre decus & Angliae, 
horreadu qitnc l« faU nunc maneotP ieiox 
pustquam Ju^o tyr&nuun uppre^um ten^t 
hou, beu, aiUer .Stygens ad imdns deprimor, 
Crudelis et collo seeuris iraiiunol. 

With thin cf. Oct. 92+— *28 34, 35, Agam. 64, 72, 

It will be noticed thati hero, iia in Shakospeare, Buck- 
ingham rRcognizes that Ins death is a just retura lor the aid 
he has rendered Richard. In Shakespeare this recognitioii 
is rendered more impregsive by Bnckiagham's broken oath 
of serrice to Edward's children and his wife's aUies, and 
by hie rememhrance of Mai'jt[ai'et';a curses, through which 

28* 



— MO — 

he 18 included in the eff<^cl. oF tlic univf.rsal Nemesis. Both 
scenes rest on the passage cupii^d by Hall IVoni Polidore 
Vergil (p. 395). "This death (as a rf^ward} the duke of 
Buckynghani recpaued at the hatides of kyng Richardi 
whom lie Itefore in his affaires, piirpoRPs and enlorpiisesj 
had iiolden susteyned and set ff>rwardo abouc all GodnaJ 
fnrhode. By thys all mpu may<^ easplyp perccauc that he 
not nnley \osfi\i botlie bis labour, traueylo. and industries 
a3ul fpftber gtoyiic-tbo and spototh Ids ligiio with a per-J 
petuall ignomony and reprocbe, wLiche in euyll and mifi 
[c]ldefe assisteth and aydeth an owyll disposed pprsou. con-' 
sidorynge for the niooste parte that be for Ids fi-endely, 
fauoui'c should rereaue some greate disploasiirc or in- 
fortunate cbaunce. Bt'side that God of his iustice in con- 
clusion appoyncteth to him a condifntpi peyue and afllicUot 
for his merites and desertes". 

The following scene is another of the several proparator 
BoeDea in which are determined by Richard and Ins coiin- 
sellors thp nn^asuros to be yubse<inent]y pursuiMl. As it 
the other scenes, Richard appears wi?ak, vacillating, an* 
learfid, His counKellnrs must su|ipcni. and eiiroura^ 
him, and it is they who propo.se the fuj'ther steps lie is 
to take. 

Richard's opening wni-ds reveal him in tlie lowest 
depths of despair, not only fearful, but certain that hisi 
fate is at hand. 



Quid me pni^nR rnrtttna Tiillnci nimis 
hlondiU vitllu gTAvids ul riierpiii. eililii 
<li' rupe lullis! Uniti nlteriUH niali 
jrradua eyt futuri; dirn coQspii'nt msnit^ 
in Die rL'biillis. Uirqiieor meiu miser, 
disniinpor fl«s(nfliilr ^'uranini salo. 
Riclinii»ndien!ii*i itle porfldiis i'oihbs 
in IrauMmariniK iLRibit (It^iii rE^irtiiim liicin: 
In ciynH ariuA jural liirba oivhini 
inioiit^Ai taux Litjiis muli Innti mt>tii 
faniuliKi omenta Dkaile iiiiilclavi uneuti. 
at Ikma vesut Hirg-idum peclua mogts: 



— 341 — 



llialflnuw JugalM filiao Richmondio 
(■■iiuili Hludel. I'BpLn.'* matev jiingerp. 

repnahit aula, nieiciiie TftlLs destinit. 
With tliis compare Oct. 377—280: 

Quid mo, potcTiH Forhma, fallici rg lhi 

blanidta viUlii, surlo conlenliim men 
alto Cishilisti., pi'aviiis ut riicrem sdJlu 
TCfeptii.s arcc totijue prii.spiMrem metua? 

Agaoi. LOl— 2: 

iluUlqiiid in album Fortimii tiilit 
niilura levat. 

and Her. Fur. 208—9: 

gTAJus (wt futiiri, 
A niesspngpr eiit*^rji witL the news that Richmond is 
on the seas. Hi? is reprospnted as one of the soldiers 
who have been guarding the coast, anil relates the un- 
succpseful attenips of Richiiiontl to land on the coast of 
Dorset, and Lis escape from tlie snare set for him by the 
sohliers (Elall 396), Again Richard breaks out into a wail 
against Fortune. 

*'w ludis iiipunst&ns nimis niU«ra dea? 

niipnr loi-atum me levan sumnis. ri>ta, 

aurfl[|iin nioLU prosperiw apfers diss: 

illici' F^ii|iii)ujn lubrico flflligis solo, 

Quam varia, qiiam DialigT^a. quam levia daa? 

cf. Oct. 452: 

levli eat dea [PurtuDi] 

and Med. 31&— 230: 

rapiila titi'tiiua nc laris 
praecpjiwjue regno eripuit. 

To TiOvell falls thii duty of encouraging' the df^spairing king. 

Ciir vexnt aniraunj ciira vesanum jfraivitta i* 
uhi prijica virtiisi* pellal ignatoK metus 
L-xcelsiin nnimii.'^; fdrlis haint nuvit metum. 

cf. Pho«n. 77-7tt: 

sed llscle iDiPTttem, pectus antiqaiun advora 
viftasqii" mairno robnrp aeriiinnnB iIoths. 



— 342 — 

cf. also the passag-e in the Oedipus wliere Jocasta strives 
to tRacli Oedipus the duty of a king. 

Oeil. ft2 — ft8 Quid iiiviil, cuniiinx, mala 

irrJivare quPHtu? repinm hoc ipHiim reor: 

mlvprsa. I'ttperp, qiioquc tiiL iliibiii^ mjigtft 

Hiatus I't I'ailBnIis inipcri im.iles laboL, 

lio-c, fitare certo prefitfitifi Fortpm gradu: 

haud ewt virile terge Kuftiinup ilare. 

Ocd. Abef't pavuris t-rimi'ii ac probrum procul, 

virlusqup nonlra nescit ignavos metus. 

TlierP is uothing to fear, continups Lovell, from tin- dead 
BuckiDgham, the othpr rebels are buried in the ground. 
while the Scots are held in loyalty by the promised 
marriage and the trucu recently concluded. (Hall p. 393, 
and 401, cf. p. 191. The "reboUes" are Browne, Clyfforde, 
Sentleger, Rame and otliors executed liy Richard. Hali 
p. r!97). Richard's anibassadui's are in Brita.nny and thctr 
promises will doubtJess ii.\'ail to induce the Breton duke 
to restrain Richmond (Hall p. 403). 

C'atesby is ready with another iiropnsa!. If the niis.sion 
to Britanny falls, then let Richard break up the ninrria^^o 
between Richmond and the princess Elizabeth- Richard 
eagerly seizes the suggestion. Elizabeth shall be put ti> 
the STS'ord. 

Rapielor illico, flnietque nuptiatt 
di^ti'ietiis ensis, T&rtaru niibeil [irius. 

But this Richard's couiisel]or» believe to he goin^ too far. 
It will give the lie to the new course of humane and 
liberal action by which he has been winning the people 
io himself. 

At est asjii granda violatt nehs: 

ineliora vogUn 

et nuper allecUis 1ihi iiupiilus fiiil 

quern pliirimis dudiim niudi.s <-ulei'« sliidex 

statim sfelere perculstiB innni, oderit 

The opposition reminds one of that of the satelles to hifll 
master Atreus, 



343 — 



Tli.y. 3H,5 Pamft le populi nihil 

as wpI! as of Seneca to Nero, Oct. 440 et se*!. 
But Richani is Ijound that it sliall be so. 

ThoiIh.siib (iempiis iialifir invisns m.il]i 
TiiemiUi' Ni'pplnt cimtnilii ? niirn[iiMm Accidtt. 
iift'li'sla niiwlT'iiiii fliTiat iTnpiiilJLs IJiromim 
Atidbbo >|ii»ilviii: si-elere vincenilum NCi^tus: 
Yiularo Jura facilu reguanli licet. 
Ill rehii.'i a]ii:i u^qo^i ]Hetat(>m roU^. 
Stringnttir eiisis: Regrn Miifllnr cnior. 

It is the speech of a Nero, deter iiiini^'d to riil himself of 
lii.s enemies. Cf. Oct. 4fi2,3, 4H0: 

An palirtr uUrs san^uinem ituslrum peti, 
iDiiUns el conte'iiiptua ut Kubiln opprimai"? 
tiiLlantui' tioKteH ense sui<]iei:-U niihi 
Ocl, 4fil Fi.irtinin nostra cunota pormiltit mihi 
iriil Keirum tuetu.1* pnncij>eai. 

AIko Pliacd. 721: 

srelorp VBlaililiim e»t scbUi*. 

Lovell. however, BUiSgeste llmt the tiucen timy possibly 
he irnlncfMl to alloM' hvr (laughteri? to eonie to court, and 
t'atesb.v is vcndy witli a more iiiranious proposal, If it 
shouhl happen that Richard's wife should die, he might 
marry his riiec,i>. Attain the nutrt^estion is eagerly seized 
hy Richard, who is ready to go t-o iiny length. 

Plucnl. i|iinil iiKiuiii! poliiir* ipinm rog'iiiiin runt, 
[enUinilii t--iiiit.'En: trit<lQ fi^nt^iliuni Umen 
diim vivil uxor: hftnc tiecel laelho dari. 

From Lovell ugain comes the Buggestion of the hest means 
of tuinglng aliout the queen's death; the spreadi ng abroad 
(if the rumor tluit she is ah-eatiy dend, the abstinence from 
her bed, and the conveying to her of the information that 
her husband cannot endure her sterility. All is welMnie 
toi Richard. 

.\da(.'liibii polii]^, iin»e InKttialJ, prius 
lullan] v-ctieau. ([iiain meu (lef^Us tlii-oDi 
eladeaqUB fii«rit. 



— ;i44 — 



LoTpll mid Catpsby ari> dcsimtrhrd to persuade the queeii' 
motln^r. and Ricliard is h-ft filoiir. k> niedifate upoD the 
aitiiiition, Tliroii^'lwiit the sci.Tif he tias appeared intensely 
fearful of the daTigers pressing ii|ion him, unready in 
devices to ward th'Om off. hut ciilirrly ready to undertake 
any crime that will onaure Uis throne. Such he rcveala 
himself in his soliloquy, 

Animiini (iiraultiis votvit stlonilus, rupil 

^^anare nunc maliim queo .^uhun, fapo 
ne|>t«m jitgali si Diarltt» jtingerem 
I'xor 36(1 ohstat; scelera novinms prius 
ipiicl n'lirijug-eiii fewsas veiieno tollere? 
ULule animPv num i)pri'ata rfirmidas Uiam? 
apro pudel; peracla parH ?!Oeli»riH mui 
nlim riiti maxima: jnum pssc quiet jiival? 
piiBi. Unta m.isonim fao.inin'n, niliil fni'iH. 
Vnrui animiuf nefuiMla, parvs nee plscenl. 
R^gniim tueninr: oinnis in feiru sains. 

This is the tyrant pure and simple, ■without any great 
(lualiiies. another Lycus, whuae words Legge puts into 
Bichoi-J's mouth, cf. H^r. Fur. 341: 

omnia io Terro saltis. 

That Richard sliouhl speak the words of Lycus is especially 
tfttini-'. ffir Ihf f\vn lyrants sUiiid iti thi* same positioa. 
Each hokis a sceptre gained by criiuf, each is hated hy 
his people, each hopos by a criniinal marriage to make 
his place sure. 

The facts of the stenr are all taken from Hall's 
account. 

In the fuUowittg scnno Lovell approacliips the queen. 
In accordance with Hall's account ho tirst "exeuscs and 
purKres" Richard "ot all things before a;iain9t her attomptod 
or procured". The oscuse i» SenRcan. taken from tho 
scene between Lycus and Mejiani in Hercules Furens. 




— 345 — 



cf. Here. Fur. 403—405, 408—10: 

nrniii, mm .-^errnril morium: 
nee teniperaj'i faciU nee rflprimi [iiiUwl 
strictl eatna ira, beIJa delectat rninr. 

itfid nujiR pereat oihtiIh memorin: 
cum vicUrr BTma |iosui<^ oL vJetum deuet 
depimura orlia. 

Richard, so Lovell asserts, is sincerely repentant and 
would hUow this liy plficing her daughters Ijiilliantlj in 
marriage — a promise, not in Hall nor in the other 
chronicles, bat n historical fact, cf. Gairdncr, Life of 
Richard HI — and ly all kinds of honors to her son 
Dorset, if he will roturn from Richmond. Having done 
liis beat, Lovell awaits the queen's answer, which is not 
at once giveD. 

Quid moestA terFBm canticescia intuens? 
errors quid poctuH r&ffo vcrfltts tuum? 

At last tlie cuippn spealvs. She indifniantly ennmf^rates 

the injuri'Ts mentiuni'iJ hy Hall, "the rniLrllier of hflr innorente 

children, ihv infamy and tlishonuurp spoken hy [i. e. of] 

f^tR kynge her hushande. the lyimge in auoutrie layed to 

charge, the lastardjinj; of ber daughters". 

Ergo ftliorum sa.niniine madentes manusP 

non Ub&roa iTiideliM oL'tidit fratris? 
itffnti'o8(|ue cimeipersil Ihoros lalsa label'' 
an non [lulfisl miitri si'ale>itii» pAreere, 
iutamt generi vulnus inllijiit sm.i 
Haerlre lennim ccshuI, iibj regnat furor? 

Though liased on Hall there is a distinct reminiscence ot 
the scene in Uic Hercules Furens, where Lycus, 
endeavoring to win over Megara, is met by her with the 
reproach of his crimeg. Cf. Her. Pur. 370—3: 

LycuB. Quid true! vultu ailefif 

Megara. Kpono ut parpnliH sftn^iiine anperaiu nianum 
fratrunique irBinian cacd'O' conUn^nm i' 

But after a long discusaion, part of it, naturally, in 
Sfinecan stichomvthia. the queen, though still ffiirfiil, is 



946 — 




oTercome hy desire for the welfare aod booor of her 
children. 

O fiJiie I liiiiHiiiiiKi hen, htm. Blue, 

<toUrv Tos ibaJjHnU beUis rex pcni. 

abiie, tob fonniis qtifi auserKt jubeL 

A messenger is at oner despatched \ij the queoa to be 
Bon Dorset, urging him to return. The facts of 
intervieic are in all thf chronicleA, frtim Hall on. V* 
and the Hardjnp conlinuator have not the enumeratli; 
which the queen's speech seems to follow. 

Richard welcomes his two nieces with coneealed 
eafieraess. expresses his pity for their iU-fortune, and 
promises them noble marriages. Of his own dosi^s uiK>a 
Elizabeth no bint is given as yet. His wife still live< 
The scene seems to be based on Vergil's account as 
appears in the Hardyng continuation, not as in Hal 
(See p. 274—275), 

While Richard is speaking:. Anne approaches, ""with' 
lamentable eoiintenanco and sijirrowful cheer". The Arch' 
hishop of York has eonveywl to her the news thai Richar 
scorns hnr as barren, and the rumor sprnid abroad amonj 
the people that she is already ib-ad has likewise come 
her ears. Her woeful coaiplaint to her husband gives tbfi 
content of the corresponding passage in Hall, and Richard's' 
answer, denying any purpose to procure her di-ath. and^ 
encouraging her with a promise to manifest his love as^J 
soon as he shall have composed the rebellion, coiTi*sponds ^ 
lo the ''fair words", "^dissinmlirg blandiments" and 'ilalter'^J 
ing lesyngs" (/. t. lies) mentioned by Hall. ^^ 

There enters a luesserger to announce thai. Itichinnnd 
has escaped from the plots laid for Uim by Richard. At 
the king's request he rehitcs the story of Richmond'a 
escape fmtn Landoise as recounted by Hall. To this ia 
added the news that Oxtor<l has escaped from the casile 
of HaniDies where he has been so long confined, and has 
joined Richmond. The tidings are met with th«> usual 
Senecan lament, 




I 




347 — 



O nuDli'nm infesituin ! d nitid& pnllalia, 

piMHiira (rravlHrem exil.iim Oe(ii|iotlae rinmo* 

O litce <i[<lBn(len!> |ii'Ln(?i[iii^ r.ilsii dE^L'tisI 

O si>rs iii-i']b™! 1*1 fula B«KTii.s jiivirlo! 

Heci inri'i" (llis tlenii>ns scelere quos irt'itas. 

Opiii'a rotrna iJitis, H. fuenim diaow, 

Bxnniriip viilgiis, niimon abslriixi Jovia. 

et fjiiicfiuid (trrot, line iiovos t^pnr^ite dolos. 

Voaims macii.s Itii-limundium vocat nef&R, 

111 sjiiriUis iUiciJ st-elpRids expual., 

nbi pruvioreH espetat poenas dnlor. 

This is anotlifr varisUion of Uic woU-kiiown refrain: and 
the coiiipaneon willi the house of Oedipus is anotlier 
nianllestation of the fasl tliat Richard is regarded as a 
Seneean hero. For the Spncean coiiiniorplaces "opaca 
regria Dilis" anil "eaocum Chaos" ef. Her. Fur. 06, 
Mod. 637, Again. 7fia, Oct. 656, Phoen. 234, et al. For 
■Vxsiingin' viilpis" ef. OpiI. 597. Of special intlence on 
till' passage wiis Med. 740—1: 

comprecor Tulpus ailentum vcinfjiie Terales deos 

•t riia-oa eAeciim atquo apapam Uitis umbrotii domum. 

The lampnt is scarcely fiiiisheil when anothpr messenger 
enters with the news that Anne is dead — a message 
likewise greeted with a lament, though it is this time 
hypocritical. 

O dirn falsi fifteva iiinu."^ (\ niimina! 
ras iHJssidcnt niDi-liiliiim curti luhil; 
eoiiHors iinica vitne, et chara ponjuK, X'ale. 

For the second line see Again. 61. 

rThat Anne dii-d hy poison is clearly indieated'hy the 
manner of her death as described by the nuntius. 

PosLt|imm higrwhrirt fleiliHi^et moeHls din, 
siispiriu gTuvibuM ini.-^ta cum sittfrultibus 
liou siiejic fundii; >"i<-\>e tnUi'^ ladirjiuis 
dirw <iii-erelifi fonjugem ingratiim i>reiiiit. 
Tnuriem inqui^Um (.'npit atlanilufl furor, 
nmittiuo !jiic oi UIiil- cmril erranli pradu. 
lanquam UimiLltuiu pulio-ii^ in tte Uirbidum: 
Ktntimi{iiPi qiiaerit {toc6» inft'acL&B »oiio> 




QiittS for Tflvellit dpxtera crudelw meiua? 
All lion bhL nijiritus, inquit)' hen fliiele cLir 
valde OHl ineptum miiDus ingrntu- virQ, 
PostPi pupillue prorsus offulU* latanL, 
et flolum npertn pnUittu nlbuj^r) niicst: 
VHmiiiones inde (.-rehras pxtii]jt, 
aiiimfiC4]iie in aUum .^nepe <lctiL|uiiim c^adil: 
Artus per omnea frigidus audor meat 
oriMijue aubitu nilidiii^ pvnnuil cukir: 
frona flava m&rct^U Uvidn ardfinl. Lemponi 
el pa.l[iebr&riiin omus-'i defluuDl. plli 
(.'aeruUa turpi labia liqueaciml situ, 
el IJnirua (visu horribile) specie liindu 
prOBiir&l liiantc p;( ire sojjto |r<'aii<lii»r, 
titi^iiesqiip nunc h.iud &mpUu.s clari nitent 
gftd (]unf<i venend pprliti pereunt: eadit 
lamlpm nuHera luclAta fatin foemiitn. 

The Source of this reiiiarkivhie (losn-i]>ti<in I liavo not b^pn 
able to find. Tliero is nv correspond tnir pass.i(r"' in Scacca. 
Yet it is entirely comparable to fiiicli passages a« those in 
which the Senecan nuntius describos the murder nad 
sacrifice of the fions of Tliyestes. or the esocutiou of 
Astyanaa and Polyxenit, and i:^ iritCDdod to produce the 
same effect of horror. It proves that L*gge did not rofrain 
froni the opportunity offered tiy the death of tho prinffs 
because of any artistic dislike for Senocas sensationalism. 
Whatever its immediate source, the motive of the passage 
is wholly Senecan. 

Richard is immoved by the terriljle description. His 
thoughts turn at once to his niece, who at this very 
moment opportunely appears. 

8ed nepiip liu<- diibio vonil triodti mflA 

U'nlare jmiciis liiyiis inMlilnnni Lhnms. 

The words reaiimi one of Shakespeare's RicJiard 111, 
4, 3, 39—44: 

Anne my wifa hath bid thp wnrld ?ood nighl. 
Now lor r know the Brelun UiPhnaond aims 
At youag Rlizabeth my brother's daughter, 



To h*r "1 (Tfl, a jolly Ibrivin? wnntr. 



349 



But in Rhakfispparr's play there is no woning-scene between 
Ricliard ami Elizahctli; anil fur sucli a scene tbeiii is no 
warrant in the chronicles, where the oiilj reference is: 
"The king tlius {accDi'djng to liis loajs desire) losed out 
f>f the bondes ol' matiiinony. beganue t^> cast a foolyshe 
phfliitasie to Lady Elisabeth his neco. making much suite 
to haue her ioyned with him iii lawful! inatrimany. But 
because all ai«n. !ind the uiaydcn herselfo moogt of all, 
detested and abhorred this vnlawfuU and in innner vii- 
naturall eoptilacinn, he determined to prolnnge and deferre 
the matter till he were in a moi-e ijaietucs" (Hall p. 407, 
from P. Vergil). Here there is nothing said of a personal 
meeting between Riehai'd and the princrss. Row Legge 
came to introduce such a meeting is easily discovered from 
the scene itJielJ'. A Senecan tyrant, in a sitnation similar 
to Rieliard's, likewise endeavors to strengthen his position 
upon the throne by a marriage which he fails to aecompUsh. 
This is Lyctis, who in the scene from the Hercules 
Furens already referred to. woos Megara and ts rejected 
with sconi. Still another imsuccessful wooing is inatle 
llie theme of a whole play of Seaeca, viz. Phaedra's suit 
to Hippfilytiib. It was these that induced Legge to iutro- 
diiee Richard's personal wooing, and upon them his own 
scene is formed. It is interesting to note in this connection 
that for Shakespeare's likpwrse historically unfounded scene 
of the wooing of Lady Anne by Richard, Theodor Vatke 
in the Jahrbuch der doutgch. Shak.-Crescllschaft, 4 ; 67 
(referred to by Cunliffe, Inll. of Seneca on Blia. Tragedy, 
p. 78) suggested a c'liuparison to the wooing of Megara 
by Ljcus, Here we liave a wooing by Richard that 
is certainly founded on that of Lycus. Ln all these 
cases the wooed is repelled by the wooer's crimes, and 
against their iutlueuce he has to contend. In both Shake- 
speare aiid Legge the criminal declares Ids repentance and 
offers to expiate Ids crimes with death. In Shakespeare alone 
is the suitor siiLxessful. A ci)n.i|>arisofi oJ the two scenes 
in of the bigliest iuterent, aud I i^uote that of Lt;gge entire. 



— 350 — 



O regifl (|e sUrpe demaus g-enufi, 

et dipna !*cepiris virpo: i.iostquflm (proh dolor) 

ra|nipr6 fnia cotijiipem lam IriHtia: 

qaae sil ntngis miiii jttncta Ke^uli tm-ti, 

quim ^enere quae regis uu|i*rl}0 naaciliir!' 

SficieniuH noimoM, vi lliuri Si]imnl»i flJom, 

iu.-cipe mBriluoL Ijoid truci vullii Hilesi' 

Filin. 

Epnno, S nerandum Hfeliis, oxpiajiiium rogis 

miUisl eg-oiio niiinus inisierji eonjtix nifns 

rybenle inortiiorimi sanguino imbiiiiBty 

Olimpus uxori deerit aule suae, 

Luntiqiie (I^Einaque] f;ub«rna.bit <lic<iu, tiotl^mqiio sal: 

Pritis Aetna grlidas emitlet ardent ntjiias. 

Nilimque v&giiN tg^tiiliu^ laniinofi viimet. 

Egune siluho iiarvuloss misera iiividos . 

lihi (lepotB^, at EOilil I'liJti'un ft'al.i'Q>< 

crudelitSr tua peremptos dcslera? 

Si'eleste patruy? priiis ab (tKti'Piuo ^inti 

Hfsppro Telb.vs UioidiLm nHullet dlcni: 

Lepus fupabit iuviihuu prills canem. 

Pimit nef»bdUlu qiilttnvL^ abjiluui acetus 

Jupitflr, Gt a.stiitL's sinit nimqiiani dolus. 

Huineras preniebanl sasn Sisjjilii lijbriea 

sflevus Procusles (i'*potaiii pDpnn[ni] luit, 

quomsra ^iios vim necaniiit bospiten. 

Non tioapiteB tu, ned nuiiotes (tieii) ttioa 

Dupor relictia Easciis mieer necas. 

Eicb. 

Ageduni oFfreaatafi virga voces aaiove. 
nei cb unum ^i-eliis I'lirponi pereanl duo. 
Cruore solium faleol- acquiri tueum 
Bt innoL-eiitium iuurt«: sic fnUs placet. 
Ceeidei'B fratresj" dolpo; Ttieli poenitel 
sunt mortiii? fuL-tuni priua aeqiiil intlL'i 
Dum fl^bo moTtiios? lacbrjnuae nil vftlont. 
Qiiid vis faceremJ' an fralniiu gcminatu necem 
hni.' dexteru etfTuao I'&peiidam san(riiiii&? 
faciam? paratis easibua pectus dubo: 
et ai plae^t luagi^, moriar ulnis tiiie 
ig'nc^, aquas, terrani. aiil miuairem Oaucatium 
petam, peuuQ Tu-Uia, vol umbrosum iismiu 



— 351 — 



atrae Stygis; fliillum laborom ilesero 
si ^ratux essem tihi, virago reg-ia. 

Filift. 
8it amor, sit oilium, sit Ira, vel sit fidas; 
non euro: placet odisse, iitticquid ungitas. 
Tuufl prills peneti'abil ensiit pedura. 
libido qiiam eognata corjnis ]]olliiat. 
O Jupiter naevo peritus fulmine. 
Ciir nnii triuuka muadu.s ig:De»;cit face? 
Cur non hiulca tBrm lievorat illico? 
Immaoe porteotum terucis prinuipis, 
terrors aaperflns GorgoDeum geaae. 

"Hicii. 

pMuima, tAce: »oIum sil&t in Brmis Hdas, 
njliil ne valet amorP nihil Uioiu.'t movet 
regius? srerbae n^que lacbrymae vtilaat? 
est imperandl prindpi duplex via, 
nmor et metiis: utrunique regibua uIiIb. 
CicgerB. 

Kilia. 
si coga.1 moi'i sequor lub^us. 

Kifh. 
Moriere. 

Pilia. 
Grata mtirs ecil iimgis milii 
et praostat aerunmid morl upprosaam slatim 
quam luce curlH ofcsitam frui diti. 

Ri<^h. 
Moriere demena. 

Filia. 
Nil miniiris amplius? 
mallem miiri \irgo, tyrunuu quam vti'o 
incesLa vivere, diia, Lomioibusque invlda. 

Rioh. 
Hem quid b^h inioelLxP thoros spernet tuoH. 
Regiaa vivas, si.s mea, miseros sile 
tratr^H, 

FiU*. 
Mi^er iiun est quisiioia mori sciet. 

KiclL 
Antie lubena? en nullus est terto nietuct, 
filriufu^qae iieHcit flnsie imquam parcere. 



— 352 — 



Nflronis umbr&e, atque furl&a CLBOpatne 

trucas re.surgil^, similem flnem date 

his DUfjliiis, qualeni tulil Oedipodae domus. 

Nee eufflc-it TratrPM iiet'aaseH tsios prinpipes? 

Et nobiJi foed&re caedn deKtorani? 

quln 6t integram stiipi-are i^iiaeras virgineni 

maritus!'' morns, uefaads Pi tempera! 

at saeva prills evadat ales vIscgta: 

in me tm'as priiis iuan att'ox nemus 

emitte, vel quod irista moni^truni iiiitriAS, 

qaftm >CA«ta Uislaoio^ virgo s«quor adolteros. 

Rich. 
DUcessil, Qt noi^lras fii^t demens tboros 
n^U^ Affloies atulta virgo rogios, 
Htmo fsU. dilferaiu: niin&e torsxa cadent 
rabidae puellse, patriae duni fonsulo. 



Cf. this witSi the scene Her Fuf. 332—523. 
most inipoi'taiil linos. 



1 select the 



Ljc. alietia in loco 

haul stabile t'e^um esl; una sed nnstron polent 
fundare vires iitii(;ta regali face 
thalamii^que Megan. 

ntiE oiniideni reor 
fore ul reciiset ac mtma MpemEil toros: 
temptenius i^tur, fors dedit nobis locum. 
nnmque ipsa 

iuxta praesidea asUl deoa 
o c la nun tr aliens 
a alirpe nvmeD vegia, facility mea 
parumper aur* Tcrba patienti exi'ipe, 
paceoi i^duci velle Wetcrri ^xpedit, 
victo neceBse eat — particeps reg-no veni; 
aoci«inUT ^niTuis, pi^us hoc fldi^i cape: 
cunltg'e dextj-am. quid tnid vultu siles? 

Meg. Egone tit parenti-i ^^ang-uine n.^porsam manum 
fratrumque g^jminn caeda conUngamf priiw 
extiii^iet urtiis, rafereC >U4?L-asu» (liem, 
piuf ante 0da iilvibus et flamitua eril 
et ScylJa SiciUiim inn^l Au.-souio latus, 
priusqut) muilLu vioibuti alteroia fagax 
£uriyiu uud* stabit Kuboica iUfar, 



patrem abstu listi,. repno, germanoK, laretn 
patrium — a^iud ullra o^l? 
seqiiiLiir f^uperbus ulmr a isrgo deus. 
Tliebanti injvj regim; quid malres loqiiar 
[)n,-4>ia'' el aliens sceleru? i^uid tfc^niinani nsfna 
misliimque uomen conjupLs natj pfltnal* 
quid bina rr.itrnm castra? quid totidem rogos? 
rigri»[ siiperha Tantalis lucUi parens 
mat^tiL'^que Fliryi^u maii&t in Lipylo lapis. 
Haoc le manenl flxompla. 

Lye. Aftediiiu offeratas rabida voces amore 

i-i'uentu fpiiilit in belln pater? 
ce<?idere fratrc>>t? avnia noli servant modiim: 
D«« temperari facile noe reprimi potest 
xlri^ti Basis ira. 

Meg;. non vincet fldem 

Tis ulla nostrain^ nioriar, Alcide tua. 

Lye, Cogere. Meg. oop qui potewt nescit morl 

Lye. Miiriere demens. 

Moat of the breaks not supplied liy the historical foundation 
will be fomul in the following. Hew. Fur, 494 — 500: 

Megara. VlJibrae Ctoonlu) c^i pptrnteH Labdaci 
et DiipUuleH inipii UidiliiJixUe facps. 
nUDi.' sulita noatro fala cuniu^iu dale, 
nunc, nime, cnienlae regis Aegypli nurus, 
ad^»l miillo nan^iine infet^tao- nianiiB. 
d<^sl. una niimero DanaiK: cxplebo ncifita. 

Phaed. 613—616: 

Phaedra, non me \wr alias irn ni in'bea.s nli'P«, 
piK^at gelalitt iugredi Pindi ingif 
non. ai p^r igupa ire et infeHla agmina, 
runcter paralii» «nsibtu) ^e'Clus dare. 

Pbaed. 567—574: 

Hipp. Sit ratio, sit na[iir&, ait dims fnrnr: 
odisae pla^^uil, i^ibuii iuiig»>!i aquas 
et arnica ratJbiLS ante pramitCet vada 
inceria Syrtiu, ante ab extremo ainu 
Heaperia Tetlij-s lucidun a.tloUet diem 
el ora damnis blanda praebebuni lupi 
qium vigtua uumum feminae mllem gersm, 
ralawtn. X. 2S 



364 



Phaed, 680—1; 

CUT clexUii, divura rector alque homiauDi, vicat 
tua nee trisulua muiulus arriesirit fai'p!' 

ci. also Tr, 576—7: 

Andr. Si via, Uliie, cogere Andromacham metiL 
TiUm miiiarci; nam mori votum est mihi. 

Richard's nha^-in' at his defeat in hiw purpose To^ 
marry Elizabetli is now tswallowL-d up in ihi.' joyful aevfij 
received by messenger from Brittany, who declares thai 
Hichmond has lound it impossible to obtain aid and has 
giveu up bis oxpcilitioQ. This gives tlie author an oppoi- 
tunity to varj- Richard's SenctaQ laments with an ex- 
pression of joy. 

Festiim (li*i(i cclebrare jjim hietos dc^c^et, 

6 milii (lie^ alho Inpillo nobili.'il 

Jam flory bi^alin niiluir rebus lliiil.. 

Quol incidci procellas concilai fruaLra Uumes 

Ht qiiiLm ^i<iivt<i) niiper minauir exitusi' 

Qiiiii in siium redibit nutliorem scelun. pU\ 

InEichard's words is toljo traced l!ie influence of lied. 985, 
Agaiu. 402—3, Tr. 870 and Tiiy. 4!15. The scene la 
based upon the chronicle account (Hall p. 408). in wlucli 
Richard receives the news reported above. Wbii'i'upou 
he "'eyther bejuge to light ol' credence, or stiiluct-d and 
deluded by h>'8 craftie taletellers, greatly reioyscd as 
thoutfh he had obteyned the oueihand of his i^nemyes with 
triumph Mid victorie, and thought liymsell'e dpupf so sui-eiy 
deiyuered of all feare and dreadful! yniagiiiacioiis. so that 
he needed nowr no more once for that cause eyther to 
wake or hrcake liis yoldeu slope". Ueiice, as iti Leg^e'8 
speech, he Bummous home his ships, bui. that he may not 
he entrapped gives orders for a strict watch on the coastj 
and un the frontiers of M'ales, 

From Kichard's fancied security the play passeB, with 
dramatic contrast, to the actual invasion of Richmond, to 
which the last act is given up. In the tii'st scene the 



— 355 — 

arrival of Riclimomt on the coast of Wales is aunouiicei 
hy a nurtius, wlio alarms tlie inhabitants. 

Qtiis m^ per sura^ tvirbo rsi>tat concitiUi? 
Tngs, fug*, cifis, haerpt i. lergo Comes: 
minaitm- hon-^ndum riiror Riolim^ndins: 
portiim ppciiH' Milfiii'diiiui iniiiiiini premil, 
Lolamqiii* caloHi prodiiani siM Walliam: 
furenfi uomf-fr tutt minaiur Anjfline. 

At the news men rush away in fsar, while wives cling 
to theiu imploring n(>i to b<^ al>andoiiod, and an aged mother 
beseyclies her wn ml to leave her. 

Miilriii tuat- solannjn -"^ fili mnn?. 
Sin Hio.sLihiw [loiuiim tvlinqut^s perftiga, 
seriilf'tiir I'lis'is nota qiianrlam Win 
nhfira; tuo mater peribo vulnere. 

The speeeli of thi^ nutitius contains a reiiiiniscence of 
thnt with which the nuntius announce the crime of Thyesles. 
Tliy. 623—5: 

Quia me per auras turbo i>raedpitoin reliet 
strftqui' miV iiivulvpl., ul lanlum nefas 
eriput ociilis!-' 

while that of the old wmiian may perhaps liaTP hfieii in- 
fluenced hy the speecli of ihf nutris to Deianlra in 
Hercules Oetaeiis 925. ti: 

Per lias anilos occe le Biipplex coouis 
stqiie ufcera iats. paene^ m&tE>i'na ab^^cro. 

The scene is inconsistent uith the chronicle, which states 
that Richmond "was iipptaiided and receauved of the 
jjeopli' with greate ioye" (Hall p. 410); and it lacks dramatic 
[iiirpoKe. unless Leggc had some notion of showing thereby 
the reputation of his hero, for in the following scene Rich- 
mond is welcomed hy Rhesus Thoiuae (- Thomas ap Rioe), 
the leader of tliesc very people, as 

heroti JJriUDiuae geutis auxLllum UDictini 

optatua Atiirlis civibus . . . tuta. 

Legge'8 whole purpose demands the representation that 
Richmond conies, not as an enemy or an object of few, 

28- 



— Soli — 



tiut as a welcomp deliverer. Of course Scnecals rMponsiWe 
for the "furor RichnKJiidius" and thi^ "tiirens comes". The 
scene is based upon tUt' passage in wliidi Hall (frotn 
Vergil), apropos of Richard's order strietly to guard tUo 
coast, explains the way iu which ihi* an-ival of an enemy 
is reported. "For the eiistome of the counlroys adioynyni; 
nere to y see is (especially in the tyme of war) on euery 
hill or high place to erect a liekon w a gr-eate latitenn" 
in the toppe, which maic be sene and discerned a great 
space of. And when the iioyse is once bruted that the 
enemies approche nere y land, tbey snrieinly put fyer in 
the lanlhoriies and nmlcR sbowtes & outrages from toune 
to toune and from village to village. Some ronne in post 
from place to place admoTiishyiig tbc people to be ready 
to resist tbe ieupardy, and defendo Ihe perell, And by 
this pollecy y fame is sone blowen to enery citce & touue, 
la somuche that aswell the cytezens as tbe rural people 
be in short space assembled and armed to refell and put 
back the uewe airyued enemies (Hall p. 409)". 

Eichmond signalises Lis arrival in Britain by a speech 
ill which the justice ol liis causfi and lii.s posiliint as Oud's 
avenger are asserted. None of the ehronieleji. from the 
Hardyng continuation on, mention a speech of Henry upwu 
bis arrival in England, although Bernard Andri^ puts such 
a speech into his mouth, an "Ad Angliam salutatio ad 
suosque secunda juwta(im' oratio {qW p. (;2)", and Fabian 
mentions that he "knolyd downi' vpen the erlh and v^ith 
meke eouatenaunce and pure deuocion bpgan this psalmw 
'Judica niG Deus et decerne causaui rn+'ain' (cf, p, 731". 
All the plays however, have such a speech — in the 
True Tragedy and Shakespeare after Rirhnmnil biis 
marched some ways from iLo roast, but as it is Lis first 
appearance the situation is the same; and it is probably 
based not only upon dramatic requirement but u|ion general 
liistciric tradition. 

''■ Di Legge the speech is naturally colored by reminis- 
cences of Seneca. 



— BftT — 



optatA tanilnm tni'la tni'iio pntriae, 
mi.semi^ iLB nuflcu maximum exulibiuj honiuu. 
a chare salve terra, aeit salve diu, 
rrpnilenl.i.'i apri dsnle ISL-Bratx intpio. 
iJa i^palrin) vL-niarn. hflln yn gcva.ni pios 
da quapsij veninm; eiiiisa cummavit tiia; 
dirumqm' principis ncTas iiellum vocat, 
Rex est percmpliis; iieeiipat rppniim Nero: 
<mm repe Tralre puir^-Tilus periit puer. 
Sulum tuentur templa raginam sacra. 
Jfejrum cftioriij uUor advent piiigr 
pooiias dabit Kichardiis Henrico: deflit, 
si nnsh'a clemGiis vuta ooncedat Deus, 

EicLiiionirs ifreeting to his native land is based on tlie 
ssa^'S fmiii tlie A^'ann^muan and tho Tliyestcs al- 
ready imitated in tlif spoccli ol tlio joiins: kinj: on his 
n-lurn to London (cf. p. 239—290), Tlu' rrst is iindoubtrdly 
made up from Ricliniomrs sperch to his soldiers (Hall, 
p. 417). iti which a like compamun of Richard to Nero 
uccurK. Willi Lhc whole Bjicpeh c;!'. also the spoech of 
Oclavia, Oct. 222—251, pspeciallj 2-18—251. 

udnun sDorum facinoniRi poonaH luat 
Nern inBilivus, bomitiw ^vnitiw patre, 
Orbis tyrajiriii.s i^ui prcmiL turpi iuj^o 
morunKiiie vitiis nomen Anj^ustum inqiilnnl.. 

Ricliriiurid is welrorued by Thomas ap Rice, who assures 
the iloiibting carl (ay usual, in SpniiL-an terms) nf his 
fidrlity, and is prnitdsed the governinent of Wales in rptiirn, 
TliP facts are all from the chronicles [HaEI p. 411). 

Iti l.Ur. next scene are comprised the various, events 
which, according to the chroaicje account., occurred during 
Rirlimoiid's march from Lichfield to Tauiworth. Here, it 
is related, Sir Walter Hungerford. Sir Tliotiias Burchier 
and riiverRC others, having ahandoned their leader Braken- 
hury, "by nocturnal! waiidryn^, ami in marerhy vnknowen 
palliPS and vncertain waies isearcliynf.', at the last camo 
to til*' eaile Henry" (Hall. p. 413K In this same uiareh 
ncuttrn'd the mischance hy which Ritdinioml lost hig army 
in til'' darlinp^B. while he linijered liohind it "disconBOlatP, 



— :^t8 — 



ruusyng, and .vmafiicnynfro wliat was best to be (innc" 
because he coulrt gH no tidin;r« ivom his step-father. Lord 
ThomaB Stanley. Leg^e in liia seen? introduces tlip two 
parties wanderinjr in the nigld. On nne stdo of tlte stage 
Hungfjrford ajwl Burubier eonvcrse, praying in Sonecan 
terms that day may linjjor till tbcy have reajcbcd their 
destination. 

At d tiiiietii nortis ainiac tenijiora. 

tiiqiie niis^-L'i.s |iraL'beiis upetii Plioehi Hoc'or, 

ndJjiic (uere: difTerfus Titan liioni, 

donpc tyranni Iiil.i nU nnnJs, iiiclyU 

t«iiloria Henrict cumitia alliiig'iiniis. 

A soldier appears, crying 

Foelix taas Sug'io per umbras c-aDH-'a iiox 
i])A.cti:^liir M\s^ i\M\!it{\»is obtilcibjl. mihi. 

while, according to the marginal direction, "heari? alteoi 
divers mutes, armed souldieis. run over tlie stajje ona 
after another tu y Earle of Itieliniond". 

On the other side of the stage Richmond is "wandering" 

Qub his lonis, qiiap vagia mine rejfiii ptftga? 
ubi SLiin? mil iiox: hau iibl KalelliLes 
Inlmica cunctB: frande quL'i vacKt faou« 
qiteni qiiud rngabu? Uilu hiI flcfeH, \idt>, 
iialivus artiis liqiiit inlprnds caltir, 
rigorp frijipnl uiembra: vix loqiior nietii: 
ti'^nneato solus, <rni-ft nientem cuiu'wquil. etc, 

The speech is noteworthy because it shows in Ricbraonri's 
qaso, as we have before seen in Eicbai-d's, of what in- 
fluence Loggc'B yemicaiL model wtis in altering tlio conception 
of the dironiele. Of Kiehmund'f? feeling-s in the prest-nt 
situation the ehronicle says that he was disconsolate, 
musing, inelandioly and peiiBivLv He is '"not alytle afeard" 
t^ecause he cannot be assured of Stanley, but this fear 
^Q.s nothing in it of cowardice. Il is tho fear not of danger 
but of failure. Havin^r tost Ids army- he is re|iri'senleJ. ; 
as "takynge gi-eate thought and luiicho fearyng least ho 
stjpuld, be espied, and so trappod by fcynge Richardes 



— 359 — 

skoute watche". Even this is tlm natural anxietj of a 
man playiag a great game, which a false more threatens 
to maki' him lose. But Legge's model utenianih-d that the 
oxpri'ssiun of iVcIing slioukl l>o docliuuatory. that anxiety 
should be made terror, fear horror. Thus tlie anxious 
Richmond is reduced to the position of a coward: tis 
limbs ift'ow stitT with terror, he can jscarce speak for fear. 
Al Uiv sauus tinit? it must b« said, as something of an 
offset to this, that such oxpressionis were doubtless takcu 
liy neither author nor audicnco at their full value. They 
iHiist have possesat^cl to a certain degree a stamp of con- 
ventionality that prevented the aiseription to Richmond of 
iiuitj' BO deep a ft'ar as thii words iheiufplveij denote, 

lii'gge'B Inimi-diutL- riKulel in indieatpd by the opening 
lines of the sprttieh. whieh are an imitation of Here. 
Furens 1138—9 

Qui)^ 1ii<' Jnoie, quuu rQ.(fUi. quae inundi plagn? 
ubi fiiim? 

Imnu'diulrly following llie speech of Ttidimond is a 
speech liy Oxturd, who welcouips tim returning leader; 
and makes known the anxiety his soldiers have felt con- 
cerning their absent leader. According to the chronicle 
Richmond s|ient. the night at "a very liytlc village beynge 
aboute .III. mylea from his armye", and ''the next morenynge 
early in thi' dawnynge of the daye he retourned". Thus 
between the twc speeches a whole night has elapsed 
and the scene lias licen eiititKly changed, a fact sufhciently 
indicated by Iho speeches themselves, This treatment ia 
distinctive of Leggv's tlioronghgoing disregard of the 
iinilios of time and place, a disregard which, of course, 
was almost wholly forced upon him by the extent of Uift 
material. It. is of esp^'cifll interest to observe the Eliza- 
b'-'than movement away from tlicsH, at least supposedly, 
Scnecan canons not merely beginning, but carried to an 
exlreuie., witliin l.Iif University circle itself, and in a play 
whose whole method, so tar as it is not detennined by 
the rialprial. ts SBneean. 



— HGO — 



In rpply tc Oxfnrd RichTrmnd jfives as excusf, "Solum 
juvat secreta saepo volvrre". Hctp is a variance fruni 
the chronicle, wbero Richmond excusrs himself "not to 
haue gone oute of hys wayr liy ignoiaunce, but for a 
pollecic tlcuysed tor the nones ho went from liis canipe to 
receaue some glad message from certcyne of his preuy 
frendes and. secret alios" (Hall p. 4i:i). In thft chronicle 
no mention is made of Oxford, wiioso speech reprpsents 
tho statement, "Ap he [RichinondJ was not merye beynge 
absent from hys compaignic. lykewysc his armie much 
raarueled and no lease moiirncd for hys sodeyne and in- 
tempeetious absence" (Hall, p. 41IJ). The scene ends with 
the recpption of Burehier and Hungerford, wlio assure the 
earl thatEicliard's troops are following him on lythi'ijULrli fear. 

In the next scene Henry meets his steij-falhcr, Stanley. 
For purposes of comparison with Shakespeare and the 
True Tragedy I quote the scene entire. 

Henri. 
Niei YOla fallunt, vitrlcus yenit meufi, 

domun Kuae StanloHis eximiuin d«cii8. 
verumne viileo tui'fiug? an Tailor La» 
(lecejilu.i umbra ? sjiiritus virtus ca[iit: 
exultB-t ftnimue, ^i va'-al pccluu meCu. 

Sta.nl, 
Kt noHtra dnlco membra rocreat gaiiilium: 
generiim juval vidore: cunipiojius mihi 
rodde ezpsliLos, Sospilem qui 1« dediti 
del tux viciflsim coflpta peirflciat deus; 

Henri. 
DaMt,. tuo si lic>est Kuxitia frul. 

Sunl. 
utiaam lieeret quae velim, 

Heori. 

Qui do j pot«s? 
quid Boa licebiL. 

Stanl. 

lUG'pe quod cupiir t«inen 
nnn ati^qiie map-n" perflci ptnte-'^l damoo. 



— 361 — 



Renr. 

Qiiidnun tines, clunt palnam juvis luam? 

SUnl. 
Qiiud Vila rlmra fllil Tuil mei. 

Ilonr. 
Hernt Kicliardus ub.sidoni (liloi [iiav. 

SteDl. 
No lo jiivarem. |iignori (Uliim lenet. 

Henr 
.-iuiuiuliini .sr^elus, A l.vraiiTicim harlinrum! 
nmore qiiu!4 Mnn jiarum L-ri?(lil sihi, 
hiirum fldem cnidi^ljn exprimil meLun. 

StilDl. 

Iram coerc«, pectus et nobile domii 
jialani jiivare hi nefjiien. furtiin tamen 
Hiilisi<lM iiiihqu.iiiii miaLra ili^emnt [jbi, 

Henr. 
Ojsc^gacit: lieu, nic IcntA vitrici tides 
perliifbjil: fnijiis qunnla m])pm fulsil. milii? 
Fruslra al ijuaoreSis pi'clus- iirilur nDKiuni. 
vanisquo jiivai implern t'uvliim quaefttihiis: 
qiiin IrislB praecijiiliirc- fonsilium Uecol. 

TIiP chronicle account of this meeting ia as follows. Rich- 
mond "previ'ly ilepartcti agayn from his host to the toune 
of Aderstone, where the lord Stanley and sir William his 
brother with (heir handcs werp aljidjnge. Tliere the Earle 
came first t« his fatlier inlaws in a l)'tl« close, where ho 
saluted lijm and Sir William his brother, and aft^r diiierse 
congratulai-Jon:^ and many frondcly eHibracynfe^fts, ea.che 
reiojsed of the state of other, aiul sodeinly were surprised 
with great ioye, comfort and lope of fortunate successo 
in all their uflaires and doyng^'s. Afterward they eon- 
suited ttigether bowe to geup hattaile to kyage RicLardo 
if he woulde ahide, whomc they knewe not to l»e farre of 
with an houge aniiy" (Halt, p. 413, from Vergil>, The first 
words of Henry in thiM Kcenp sire not to be taken as in- 
dicating that Lfigt^c intends Vt vary from tlie chronicle, 
and make Stanley come to Richmond — as in Shakespeare's 
play — instead of the reverse. "Vilncus venit mens" is 
entirely consistent wjtli a meetinjf to which, as in the 



— 352 



clironicle, hotli parties come from some (lifitaiiep and 
approach each other. "Came first to his father-in-law", 
ia the ehronioh"' account, means "met liis fftther-in-law for 
t-he tirsl tiiin^ sinco tho Irttidinir'". RichniMdV words of 
apparent surprise are no imlieation of an ufipspected visit 
from Hturile.v, for they are only anothor ea*c of S^iiecan 
itiiitatiori. L'f. thc.> passage in tho Hercules Furens where 
Amphitryon welcoDies Hercules, 

Here. Fur. fll8 — (I2Q Vlriimne visus roU decipiuot rneoa, 

a» LUe domilur orhifl et GraiurQ det-us 
irisli silentein mibilu ]ii]uit liomujii? 
o.'ilne ille untua? membra JaeCilia sliipent elc. 

and cf. Ocd. 203—4: 

an iwgrer animus Talsa pru voris videlP 

hcggfi does, however, vary from (lie chroricic in the 
Cotit-ent of the cnnversniioii. In tin- dirnnicle accotijit tliore 
is nothing said of Lord Strange or of the irnpossiliility of 
Stanley's reiidprfng open nid. The conversation is entirely 
joyful, and ail have "great ioye, comfort and hope of 
fortunate suecesse". That the conference was at all on- 
satisfactory to Richmond is also contradicted hy tho 
surprise with which Kielimond on the morning of Uio 
battle receives a refusal from Stanley, for whose troops 
he has sent. The entirely altered eonipiexion uf Lejrge's 
scene appears to be caused by the inclusion here of other 
passages in the chronicle. Thus the reference to Lord 
Strange corues from the pass;ige desrribing the state of 
Richmond's mind as he loitered behind his troops: "he 
was not a lytle afeard because he in no wise could be 
assured of his father inlawe Thomas Lorde Stanley, whiche 
for feare of the distruciion of the Loi'de straunge his soano 
(as you haue hoard) as yet enclyned to nejther partie". 
Stanley's answer, with Bichniotid'a depression, hut determi- 
nation iievfrtlieless to push on his plans, appears to he 
adopted from the passage relating to tliu morning of tho 
battle, when Richmond ''sent t<i y lord Stanley (which 



— 863 — 



wa« now ponie w liis bande in a placi- iiuiifTpiviitly lj«.ilwt'iio 
both y arniiiesl reijuiryng liLiu w his men tu apprntliG Dcrf 
to his anuy & to help to set y suuldioiirs id array, he 
answorpii y tlicric should set liis awnc men in a [rood 
order of hattaile wlislo lie wouki mray liis coni|}aigny, & 
fummt! tt) him in, time coimcnionl, WMl-Ii answure niad'e 
other wise then tlierle thought or would liaue iudged. 
considering j oportunite of the time & tlui waile of y 
liusines, & although he was thei'e wall, a litle Vfxetlj 
began somewliat to hang y hed<le, jet he wout any time 
dclaiynfj eQuipelUnl hy necestjite, nflcr ttis mancr instructed 
& ordred, his men" (Hail p. 414J, 

That the scent depends on these passages is made 
more ccrlain by the faet that io Ridbriiumrs speiTb as ho 
wanders in the night no nicntion is niaik- of Stanley's I'piir 
for his son. and lliis would have to he mentioned some- 
where; while thp iressajre lo Stanley before the battle 
does not appear in the |ilay. It is very unlikely Ihat 
Legye with bis scrupulous incliiaion of nearly cvcrytlnnp 
in the chronicle would have omitted this had it not been 
already inHtided in effect. 

From this seene we pass to the morninjf of tin; battlp, 
Riebard's troops are already under arms, and Norfolk 
stands awaiting' bis leader. Rirltard approaches, pale and 
disturbed. In responso to a iiuestion from Norfolk he 
relates Iiis dream. 

cujiiH fuit mihi ttemper illiLitrin flde.t; 
Inlna celabii nihil fronts perfldiis. 
HniTenda uuclif- visa tanout pruxJaioe. 
PoRtqiitini aojiLilla aux qiiiutcm F^ua-'^Briii, 
alttitiqiLu Urneris aumuiiK "bii^psit penis: 
!«iibilii iiremebunL ilirn furiaruni I'dtior!). 
Hnevaqiic lauonivil ]tii|ielii cur|7U.<t IrcmeoM, 
ot riieda rabidiH prat^da Mum daonumibus: 
»oni]iot«|ue tAncleiii ningr]>i« «xciissit Irptnor. 
at fiii-lsut ariUK hurriiliiN ntiNtrus niutiiM. 
Hell! (jLiJd irtK^eN niinantur iimfai'tte Taiijui;-' 



— 364 — 

The farts nf Ihf drfMin an:; in llic rhronicles (from Vfrpil, 
'■improve([" bj the Hanlyiig cuuliimator. cf. p. 172). Kor 
the intmdiiction are iistd t-ho sanip Senecan passages as 
Inr llie i|iiepi]'s (Jrciim. Tlii' "'iPiTililc (IpviIs" of tho 
fhiLiiiicle are Scnfcaiiizeil ijitu "iliva Furiarum cohors", 
froiu Tlij. 350. TliG coiu-iusion is from Oct. 734—738: 

tandem quieli>m mag^us excii^sit liraot*; 
qualil. iissa el artus IiuitWus nostros tremor 
piilsnliimo jiocliis; 

l]«ti riutd miniLatui' infuium man>es milii. 

Norfolk scoffs at dreams and urges Ricliard U) arms. 

Jam Htrifliis unsis wpUmnm au^uriura eanit. 
Richard is at oqcc himself. 

Nil pectus iJlus voi'b«ral Iremiilum metus, 

itmsvn Qec (jiiat^.^Bt lltniuKus tdrpum 
mulere rtidiclniiw [irii"is; lolis locoa 
luiSlii'K vii.'iriiJs jnin prenmiif, hrlliini vot'afll: 
ariea in armis nusLra ex advursis sUbii. 

Tliat Ricliard shoald relate hi.s dream is in at'cordanMi 
with tlip chryniclei?, but there is no luentior of ch<;er and 
encouragement from his friends. Norfolk plavs the part 
of the Seufcan ci>ntidanl„ as f<jr example tho iiutrix who 
encourages Poppaoiri after her fesirful dream. So um in 
Shakespeare's play Richard confesses to Katcliffo that bo 
has had a fearlui dream — (hough he does tiol,^ eaiinol, 
relate it; confes&ea for Ihr lirst time thai lie fears. As 
here from Norfolk he receives the answer 

Quid soninin tromis? nwte.s of viinas minas? 
qiiid falau Lerrent meiiliw ot liidibria? 

SO in Shakespeare he hears Ratclifl'e say^ 

Nay, good m.v lord, lue nul afiaid uf i^hailuwii. 

What distinguishes the wncoption of Shakespeare's scene 
wholly frini that M' Fyegge's is the character of those 
shadows and of Richard's fear. 



— 36a 



Ry Dip o^iostle Paul, siiatiows la-niplit 
Have rilrui-k more l.i»rriir tii llie suul uf Richard 
TliJin I'an tlie Biibwlance i-T Ion llioii.snriil soldiers, 
j^rmed in proof sdJ l&il hy silmllow Rifhmnijil 

It is his own coiistience. not RicbTiiuml, tliat the Shakc- 
sperean Richard fears. But Lcgge takes no account of 
till" "punccion and pricke of Lis sjni'ull wnscicnce" which 
the chronicle saw in Richard's dream, Legge's Richard 
requircB encouragement against his fear of defeat at the 
hands of Rtchmond, 

Richard, restored to his courage, now leaves Norfolk 
to his reflections. These make it evident that he is not 
so sure of success as has appeared hefore the king. 

Quill aginiiis? hem qiiiil cneca faU coolant? 

tliiidnnni jiarat HiispecU L'iviiim fide.'ir' 

invenla nuper st-ripta me Wia monenl: 
NURT-'OLCIENSIS IN'OI.YTE 
NIL COEl'EUIS AUilAClUS: 
N'AM VENDITUS HEX PRP:T10 
BICIIABDUS HEBOS PKIirHTUR 

Al nulla no&li'am niacriilu damnabil fldeni: 

Hichardi minquani uigna de-Sftriiiii. 

This represents the passage added liy Hall to Vcrgirs 
story: "Ihon Duke of Norfolbu . , was waruod by dyucrs 
to refraynr from the felde, in so much Llial the ntghte 
heforn he shoulde set forwards towarde tlie kynge, one 
wrote on his gate. 

lavk ot Norffolke be not to b«lde 

Fnr D.vlcon thy maiNler la boughte and solde. 

Yet all this notwitlistandyntre he reg:arded more his 
othc honour and promyse ninde to kin^ Kiehard, lyke a 
gentleman and a faythefull Bubieiete to his prince nhsentod 
not him selfe from liys uiaystcr, bul as he faylhefnUy 
lyued viider hjm, so tiu manfully dyed with hym to hys 
greatc fame and lawde" (Hall p. 419). 

Rielianl's oratinii to Lis troops is little mure than an 
abridged transhitJon of the speeili iti Hall. It is, for 
rliL'ti.incaI purpose, made to end with 

Aut marisT liodie, aul parabo i^loriom. 



Ufifi — 



As Richard ends lus spt'ceU a XuuHus miters making 
bnoft7] the reply of Stanley tliat if Richard slays George 
Stanley he lias more sons to take liis place. "With diffl- 
fultj tloes Nortolk. induce Richard to postpone the death 
of the young lord till after the battle. The facts af this 
scene are all from the account first added by Hall to 
Vergil's story (cf, p. 199—200). 

Richmond's speech to liEs soldiers, like Richard's. 
follows in the main in condensed fonii the original in the 
chronicle. For the purpose of a pai'allel to Richard's 
speeob Henry's is made to end with the woi-ds: 

Am perdat, aut peribit, hoi' oertura est mihi. 

"Heare y hattoll is joyned'", says llie nmrpinal direcli^ 
The battle lakt'-s place ofi' the stage, and its coufse is 
indicated hy directions in English. Thus after Richmond's 
speech we read, ""Uppim his retourne [i. e. his departure 
from the stage t* the hattlelield without], lett iruniis goe 
of, and trumpe^lts sound, w*^ all stir of Souldiers w"* out 
J hall, until! such time as j lord Stanly be one y sta^e 
ready to speake". This corresponds to the chronicle's 
''"WTien kynge Richard saw the earles compaignic was 
passed the marres.se, lie commaunded with al hast to sett 
vpon them, then the troinpettes blew & the souldiours 
showted and the kyngs archers eouragiousiy let lly tUere 
arrowea" (Kail p. 418). 

Next Stanley appears^ hurrying on his soldiers to the 
assistance of Richmond. This is based on the chronicle's 
statement; "The terrible shot ons passed, the armies 
ioyned, & came to hande strokes ... at whiche encounter 
the lord Stanley ioyned with iherie" (^Hall p. 419). 

"Ijet heare bee the like noyse made as before, as 
soono as y Lord Stanley hath spoken, who followeth the 
rest to the feild. After a little space, let the L. North- 
umberland come with his band from y feild, att whose 
speach let the noyse cease", Northuniber land's speech is 
as follows. 



— Bfl7 



North umbriorum illuslrp nil danines g^aus, 
nostrBULVd lunaiu (miles) ignamm piile<g, 
({uoij LoUa fitgiens hosUum ter^a dedi 
Iminane regis execrnr tandem sceliis: 
horrpo suorum sanguine nia(n)<lenlPH maims. 
Suasil vetuslaa fatitlica rpgi for* 
victoria-m, luiiim.-^ priu^ ai (.'onferat 
MiitaUi qu&m sii luiia. Ltinn nos i^iiaius: 
UoK ergo luQiiro (miliiew) nmtAi'lmus. 
tyr&nnus ut di^n:t.s .«t0Le<rt> puenas luat 

For this Hip oiily liaais iti the chronicle is the atatoment 
that amoDtf thost^ who sulnnittcd themselvea to Riebmond 
after the hattle "was Ht^irj tlic iin. erie of Nortliutnbcr- 
lande, wbiche wither it was by the eoiniimundetnent nf 
kyng Rycliardp puttynge diffideriep in him, or he dyd it 
fov the loue ^ J'anor thai he bare vnto the Earlc, stode 
still with a greatc coiitpaignio & iiitcriiiitted uot in the 
hattail" iHallp, 419). Noilhiiiiibprlaiid's a'feronce to him- 
self UiJ the iriooiL is explained by the fact that the badge 
of the Percips is "a crescent argent, witliin the horns per 
pale, sanj/uine and gules ehargnd with a douiile maiiaele 
fesser ways or'". For the proplieej o! the king's victory 
if ho engaged in battle before the nmoii changed, a victory 
which the Xortliuiiibriau moom prevents by changing at 
once, I have nut been able to fiinl any source. Even the 
statpnieiit of Northumberland's redisal to take part in the 
battle did not enter the historical account till Hall, who 
ided it to Vergil's simple stateuient that the earl sub- 
lilted and was received into favor (cf. p. 199)- 

Upon this speech fullows, "Let hear be the like noyae 
as before, and after a while let a captain run after a 
souldier or two w"" a svrord drawne drivcinge them agaiue 
to the feild, and say as folioweth. 

Conturiu 
Ignnre sales, quo fopifl? nJfd retlla ineo 
jturibiB ense. 

After the like noise againe, let souldiers run from y feild, 
over the stage one after the another, flioginge of their 



— 368 — 



harnessc, and att length k't some come lialtinge and 

woundftd. Art<^r this let Kenerye, Earle of Richmond 

eome tryumplunf<, luiveinge y hody of K. Richard dead on 

a horse: Catesby and Ratcliffe and others bound". 

Now appears n Nuntius who with the inti-oductory 

words 

Setlata lis otiL, Judicium Mavovs tulit 

Jai'et Ricbarduij, at Dui't .slniilis jacet, 

i-ecountg. the maaner of Richard's death. All correspoitds 
to the chronicle account down to the closing words 

O laude bellies inolylum vere diiceni. 
Si saeva tialius mma seii^issel hiA. 
Tel p«rflrlii» fallens datam Si-otus fldflm. 
Sed scele-riis tilt&r c-f-elituni polanH pAtw 
^st sero viUm, sed !«ati.H iilliia ttiam. 

These are Legge's equivalent for the passage with which 
Hall closes his account of Richard's life. "Yf he had 
continued still Prolectoure and siiffrred his nephcwes to 
haue [yued and reigned, no douht hut the realme had 
prospered and he iiiuchu praysed and beloued as he is 
nowe abhorred and Tilipended. hut to Go^l whiche knewp 
his interior icogitacions at the hower of liis deathe I 
reraitte the pmiisliment of his offences committed in his 
Ijfe". Thus Hall opens up a view of future punishiiieDt 
for Richard in the nest world: with Le^ge Richard's death 
is penalty enough, sero sed satifi. 

Upon the announcement of the Nuntius follows the 
prayer and speech of Henry, a curious compound of the 
Ohristian feeling of ihe chronicle, and the classical feeling 
of Seneca. 

Rector potpns Oympi, at aslronim dwiia, 
tcrreslriuni qui pastor gI fldeliuni, 
et iirincipuni tujus esl poleaLoa (.'orcliiim: 
tu laeta Regibu9 lroplia«a l-o11ocbs: 
NiUda capul cingis corona ri'giiim, 
Soluij deorum fal«a Ticcis numiDa, 
hoatesque g«n«ri aQUgis invidus sua: 
IngeoB boDor debstur el praiia tibi. 




— '^m 

qui aplenttidnm triiimpliiini inrtiilapras, 
Cedit tuis urmaltt Jussibus cohora, 
Si straga qius saevirel jislyngos t»rox 
Phrj'giovt i'elops reg-e nntus Tatitalo. 
Expeclet Ulo CjTiim, et iultorem Ireniat. 
Henriciia aiiilebfit Hidi aril urn |je|]er-n. 
At til Dit«ntis fl gubernator jioli 
Queni terra colit ot vosIm muiiili fabriL-a, 
dum corpus aura ve;4<.'itiir, nee Dltimuui 
diem cUudunt fati ,soc<iri?s invidae, 
leHerDs Ipvi« (hifli tiutrit a.ftus spiriltis, 
le laui-lo pprppiiia canemiis, iWiilns 
libi afTereniUH gratias, poteti!; deiis: 
Til li'elluaiii meis doiutiinlain vitibus 
niilib dabis, lioii civLbus |iesletii siiis. 
At I'li.s yravefl pak-trti tlolores miUtos. 
(.•ttrntie mox iiillitU meiiihriw vii!tLi>ra, 
criiiielw lie quo riorpal ulcun lunpiti.s. 
Reliiiui sepiil<.'rx nioMiiiN iiiiLoa ditto. 
Kl infcris dobatur e3t<.-4li^tis bobur. 



Here not mucli corresponds to tbr original, wliicli reads, 
''He kiielcd douiie Hiid rendred to aliiiijiliUe Uml his hartj 
timiikes w deuoute & Godly orisons, besechjnjj; his goodnes 
tu si'iido hjiii g:ract' to auaun't'c & dt'fuiidc tho catlioliki' fajtli 
& to mayjitaiat! iustice &. concorde amouge,st his suhit^ctca 
& people, by Clod now to his goucraauiiCL^ coiumittcil & 
aasifined: WliicU praier tinysbed, he rcpli'iiyslipd w incom- 
perabiip ylaiines, ascotided vp to tlin top of a littell niountaiiie. 
whfiv bp not only prajspd & lawded Itis valiaunt souldioura. 
but also gaue vnto theim his harty tliatikus, w promyst of 
coiidignc reconipence for tlieir tidelite & vuliaunt factcs, 
willing li. coniraauiidjnt,' al Ibc hurt & wounded personcs 
to br cared, and the dead carcases to be deliuered to ^ 
sepultun-" (Hall, p. 420). 

The SeuctaH iiUluence is apparent throughout tlio 
speech, though uo close imitation of any j^ivou passage is to 
be distinguished. "Rector potens Oljmpi, et astrorum decuB, 
lut&ntis gubernator poll" ai'c paralleled by Her. Fur. 205, 
459, Med. 531 et al., while on the other baud the Uuea: 



— 370 — 



len'esLriusi qm pAstur 99 Qdeliimi. 

et priecipia cujus ftst i>otpsU» furdiiim. 

ara entirely Chiistian. The pumshiuent of Pelops is, of 
coursp, a favorite Senpcaa theme, hut Astjagt'ii and C'yrus 
do not occur in the plajs. 

As Henry's speech ends, there appears Lord Strange. 
who has escaped as hy a miracle from death at Richard's 
hands. AVitli him he hriugs as prisoners certain meai whom 
he delivere to Hcnrj, only to have tliom returned to him- 
self- Who these men are appears not frnni Ihe scene but 
from the chronicle. "Thv Lordc was deliuered to the 
kepfirs of the kynges tentes to be kept as. a priBoner. 
ffliychf' when the feldc was ilone and Ihi-ir master slayne 
anil prticlaaiacion made to knowe w(h)ei-e the childe was, 
they suhmitted thera selfes as prysoners t* the Lord 
Straun^'e. and ]u> gently receyued them and hroiifrht them 
to the ncwe proi^lamed king, where of him and of bis 
Father he wtis receyuod with greate ioye jind jrladnes'' 
(liall, p. 420). Thy seene hears a strongly lyrical character 
ttiroiigh a speech of congratulation put in the- mouth of 
Straiip-e, and ibe play ends with the words of Henry. 

Regno mihique gratidor: reguo. gravi 
quftd sit Iji'antio liberu-m: porrn raihi, 
quod SL'e|)tra repni IraiMu nigiiliii uie-i. 
Qtmi'P suiircmo r(>^nii ijiii dudit Jon 
Inude.'i C'unutniin ore supplltaa piv, 

A stage direction follows. "'Let a nolile man putt on y 
Crowne upon kinge Henries head att the end of his oration 
(in aecordance with the clirouiele aee»tunt in whioh Stanl^'y 
crowns Hichinund with Kic-harU's crvwn, found on the field), 
and y Song sung:i^ w'^ is in y end of thrt booke. After an 
EpilofTUe is to heo made, wherein lett hee detdared the 
happy unitoinge of both houses, of whome the Queeues 
niaj'e^Ue canm, and is undouhted heyrc, wishing her a 
prosperous raigTie". Which, aftsr brietly recouutijig the 
events of the act. the following Epilogue does, traciuie the 
descent of this union of York aud Laucastur down to 



— 371 - 

Eli^&beltiam, patre liigiiani tUiaUa 
canosqiie vent-.enteni .seniles virgfiiiprn. 
Quae r*gTi» M Plioebj pSirftctis fiirsibiis 
(-ammiASA rexit pace foelix AnfrUa, 
qiiam dtxtfa supremi trtnantis iiroicgat 
iIUi» et vitjun teg«Drlo protrnhel. 



Other Senecan Imitations. 

Uoder thit> head I include sucti imitations as arc not 
closely interwoven with the fabric of the play, and hence 
have not found a plac*" iu the fort^goiiig analysis. They 
are chiefly dramatic formulae and conventionalities, but 
not witliont iiiti^rest and niwatiiiiir vvlii'ii enitiparnd with 
those usi'ii by the makers of Elizaliellian English plays. 
Many examples of these have already l>een quoted. The 
unmhers prefixed to quotations from the play refer 
to the pages and columns of Hazlitt's edition (Shak. 
Lib. ]I,l). 

For the sake of complettMiess T have added a few 
further iaiitatioas tliat have nut biTu included elsewhere. 
But in general I have refrained from entering upon the 
almost inteniiinaljle tiusk of nnling tlunse Senecan imitations 
which consist merely of short phrases, su^h as '"caecum 
chaos, Venus furtiva. wills rfigiiaiuli etc.". a snflicienl number 
of which have, already been quoted to serve aa esaniples. 
Legge's work is sown with tliese: classical and especially 
Senecan phrasooloj^- is adopted wherever posaible. It 
would be of no value to note all possilde examples, when 
onee their character and extent has been reeognized. 
Considerations of Hpace compel mo to conflne these further 
comparisons usually to a single example of the classes in 
which they may be divided, 

1. Indication of approaehing persons. 

a) of major characters, e. g. of Richard: 

168,2 Bed ecce retrodux veuit dubiu grsdii 
quftesao!!! ca|iut torvo supercilio ttirit. 

Furtlier 215,2. Cf. Oct. 436: 



— 372 — 

Sed Bcce gresmi ferlur attanito Nero 
trucique viillu. 

and Tr. 999—1000 

8ed ea uitula Pyrrliiifli accuril grndH 

vidtuque torvo 

h) of minor cliarae-teni, nuntius, servant, etc. 

144.1 Quis hue niiiustoi' urholat releri pede 
Quo nimc adeti gencrose praecipitas ^&du? 

19fl,l Sod hi'C pradiim eonfert ad arma sorvieiiB 
Quid civibus (.-Inmate q^aerit publice? 

cf. A gam. 408 

Sed &cee, vaato coticitiis miles gradd 
manifosla profjerat signs laetitiae ferens. 

and Ptaed. 991 

3ed quid L'lt«to nimlmB properfet gradu 
ri^tqiiG mneatis lugu'brem vultiim genia. 

2. Addresses 

a) to major characters, e. ^. to Quepn: 

108.2 Reg'ina s&rvans canjug'i.>> cusla Ilde 
lectum jiifftlem 

20&,S 9<^cia thAluni regis oliin, foemina 
llltialris 

cf. Hop. Furens 309 

o aocia nnairi .sanguinis, pasin fldf 
servaus lorum. 

Such addresses are carried mucli farther in Ricardus 
Tcrtius tliaii in Seueca. Naturally, thf^rc is oftwii 
slight or no vt-rlial resfmlthuicf; but llie gnurce of 
their' manner is nuide sufticieii(ly (*vidt;nt by the 

passafies iiuoted above. 

b) To Nuutius aud other bearers of news. 

irtS,2 ut gesta ran eat, qiia<?Mi) pauris expndi. 

303.1 hoatis quibus csptus dolin dl, pxplicn. 

303.2 Ge8ta quae sunt, eiplicK, 
2U8,2 EffarB, earcerem cur evasil tetrum? 



— S73 — 



ef, Thy. 633 

QlT&j*e et istui) ))At><le, qi|i.i(l(.'iim<]Ue esl malum 

Also Here. Oet. 1607, Tr. 1065—7, Thy. 639—40, 
and Here. Oet. 748. Similar passages are Phaeii. 
996, A gam. 413, Ood. 212, 914, Thy. 626. 

3. Exprfissions of horror and presentiment of nvil. 

142,1 ti69(.'ii) quid animus iTisCe prcsapnt malum 
lii>rrenl. timore membra: coi' pnvei metu. 

cf. Her. Fur. 1147—8 

]>&vpu: tiescio qiiud inibt 
nescio quod animus grandw presngil malum. 

Of this there are very many examples. 

4. Enctninigemcnt to put away anxiety. 

14fl,2 meluH rnmltte. pone eiinw anxiaa 

Quit-tpitimne gmviii animiin leval miaevos ilulurP 

cf. A gam. 916 

Iione iaro Irejiidus metits. 
Also Thy. 921, Phaed. 404, Her. Fur. 311» and 
Phaed. 435, 438. 

5. Time indications — morning and night. 

130,'2 a( 111)! siLum mundo diem rtvpsral ccm* 
Hadiante Tytan, el lovsji umbras Tugat. 

cf. Oct. 1—4 

.Ism Tajfa paelo Hidera Ftilffen.'i 
Aumrs fufrst, Miirgril Titan 
radinnle coma mtindoque diem 
roiidit clarum. 

AIbo Phaed. ti77-8 

tuque, siJermim caput. 



fAdiiile Tiun. 



6. Sleep. 



140,1 .lam laxat srlu» langiiiJus gratiis sopor 
Le(.'loi|ue fi^ssa membra L-umjiuigi Juval 
Itlaridafn qiiiotem nnclJH npla proximal!, 



374 ~ 



cf. Phaed. 100—1 



non me qiiies nucturn&, non altuH sopor 
solvere curls. 

and Oct. 116—17 

membra cum solvit quieo 
et fessa lumina ojipressit sopor. 

cf. also Her. Fur. 1065 et seq. 

7. Oaths. 

Ii2,l PoluH trifili prius 

jungetiir orco, sydera iiatabunt aquis 

amicus ignis fliiclibus saevu.s erit 

vkicet diem nox: quam meam damnes fidem. 

of. Oct. 223—6 

iungenlur ante .saeva sideribus freta 
et ignis undae, Tartaro tristi poluN 
lux alma tenebris, roscidae nocti dies 
quam — 

8. Tyrannical arid barbarous crime. 

149,1 Nee iilliis Isther audot Alanis feris 

praebens fugam violare, nee rig«ns nive 
tellus perenni hircana, vel sparsus Scylha. 

cf. Thy. 627—32 

Quaenam ista ropio est? Argos et Sparte, p>iu.H 
sortita fratren, et maris gemini premens 
fauces Corinthi, an feri.s Hister fugam 
praebens Alanis, an sub aeterna nive 
Hyrcana Tollus an vagi passim .Scythae? 
Quis hie nefandi est cunscius monstri locus? 

9. Invocation of the Deity. 

146.1 Rector potens Olympi, et allitonans pater 

198.2 Te, te potens niundi arbiter supplex precor 

cf. Here. Fur. 205 

O magnae Olympi rector et mundi arbiter 

quiaquis gubernas . . 

Agam. 581—2 

pater 

altiKona quatiens regna 

Also Her. Oct. 530. Phaod. 1134. and Thy. 1077—8. 



— 375 — 

10. IHacellaneous Imitations. 

140,:J iiiatii voce piJsiiat.es Jdvem 

200,1 stiiite nimis vottsqne pulBondo Jovein 

cf. Here. Oct. 1671 

Biiperosqiie ol ipHiim vocibiiJi pulaans Jovem., 
1^,2 Quo mie trahilisP Qiiam jubet piTeoani potens 

forliiiia.? Ciiiae niinu me iiiaaenl niiserium HLBliim? 

Nana quae saliitis Sp&s reJiquiiiir Qiihi? 
cf. Oct 699 

Quu me trahidfi? 

Oct. 89:1—5 

tiuQt' ad pLienom 
Ifitumijue trahl Qeiitem mi.'^Qi'iaQ 
(jernere possiinl. 

Oct. 906 

Seii i«m nj.tes et*! nulla .snlutie. 

Of tliis class tb*' name is legion. 

The following illuetratps Lejige's ileairo to classicize 

wliurever possible. For tlie gi^nprafc statement of 

Hall. p. 358, "Tlie brolhur luitli been the brotber's 

bane" we have 

Kii,! Rumaim frnkirnu niailebant sanguiBS 
Diotioia. 



The Character of Richard in Kicliardua Tertius. 

Having folliiwod RiobanCs course through Ihe play, 
!et UB here sum up wbal thai study lias revealed conceining 
his nature. What lias been the inltueiice of Seneca upon 
the character of More'g Richard? And how closely does 
llic Rirhard that results I'rom that inllueuce resemble the 
Ricliard of Shakespeare? 

The external events ia dealing with which Legge's 
Richard ri'veals his character n'maiii almost exactly the 
satiie as in the ytory of More and Vergil. His personal 
wooing of Elizabeth and the extended scenes with his 
counsellors are the only important variations which (he 



376 — 



c' 



\ 



desire to fmitatP Srnrra "was strong fnoiigh to intrortacoT; 
The saniP sitimtion-s and tlip same pmblt'iiis aro vvt here 
as in Slorr and Sliakft^pcaro. Any variation in Rirhani's 
cliaractei' is (beri'foro (iiic \o tliP jintlior's (."oii caption, and 
not to variatinn, in whnt Rirhard is callod upon l-o fnv4>. 

The ruling iinssion of Morp's Ricliard is also that of 
Leggo's — ambition, the capca libido regnantii. For 
here the Tiistorical and tliP Seopcan models agi'co. Am- 
bition is till* main spring of all his action, tliP cpnire of 
his whole cliaracter. Accordingly, of all thr d&cds in 
Richard's formpr life wliicli Mtirf and Ycrgil nipntion, and 
AvhicL in Henry VI plaj so impLirhmt a part in revealing 
the fiindaninital traits in tho youthl'nl Richard from which 
the later Richard sprang, Leggc LinTitKht it occcrRnry to 
retain but ont\ Here, under tbe influence of a tradition 
later than Moro, he goes beyond bis clironicle Bources: 
(Jlducpster is not merely tiie seerct iirger rrf ('lan-nce's 
death, he is Clarence's murderer. This one f()rnier d">od 
is the mark and sign of Gloucesters ambition, the propihecy 
of all tie bloody deeds to come. As in the Seneean tyrant, 
Richard's amhiUon for the crown is not m£?rely liis chief 
passion, but his only one. It is neither teinperpd nor 
intensiflGd by any other characteristic. Thtii-e ts in hiiu 
none of tbat."daeinonic energy of will"' which inShakespeare's 
Richard nui^t have an outlet, and finds it in niling others 
of less inlrdlect and power. There is not even in Legge's 
Richard any hatred of mankind caused by. or by him 
connoftfld with, the misshapen f'otni that marks hini out 
from other men; for, curiously enough, in Legge's play 
there is not one wnrnl of Riclianrs deformity. His is the 
lust to rule, pure and .simijle, like that of Lycus and 
Eteocles, not born of hate of other man, nor born of con- 
Boious strength of mind. 

For Legge's Richard is not a strong man. More's 
Itichard is strong: strong in fortilJty of resource, sli'flng in 
(raft, strong iu eouragc. In Sbakeppvaro these qualities 
J re raised aUiiost to lh»j sublime. Rjchaj-d is not only the 



— 377 — 



ppsourcfFul. lie is the. giiiile anil Hircrlor of every actioj 
[till his flay comes, thi- iihsolute master of events, Buf 
fLegge's Richard is conspicuously lacking in resource: be 
is dependent on his counfipllor«. He consultji with them 
as tlie Scnccan tyrant witli his oonfidatils, and is giiided 
hy tlieir advice. Thoy direct his moves ami Lf follows. 
Thoy suggest again and again what in MonVs story is 
Ricbard's own device. His one resource is the one 
resource of the iSeneean tyrant — the sword; liig ery is 
always "toJIantur liost«8 ense". He knows of but 
one w;iy In prevent tlir marriage of Riehrnotid and Elizaheth, 
"J'iniet nu|)lias districtuy ensis'', "fiegiia tutaliir 
eruor". If a crafty way is proposed by which Anna may 
be induced to die of hoitow. Rieliard's way is readier, 
*'iii:u'.rah(i potiiis ense laethali". If Eiizaheth refuses 
him lie flies to his one arg:iimcnt, "Strictus ncscit ensis 
unqiiani parcen^". To Lejigo's Richard as to Seneca's 
Lycus, there is hm one way of safety — "oninis in ferro 
salus". 

The craft of More's Richard he does Ui a certain 
extent retain. The loud professions nf loyalty that cover 
purposed treachery, the open friendliness that covers secret 
enmity, and to a slight degree the devising of pitfalls for 
hiB foes arf to he found in I-egge also. Yet this dis- 
simulation is after atl somewhat coriimonplaee. Moro's 
description of Richard's deceit has a greater effect upon 
Ihe r'pader than the instanc'i'S of ili; practice. For when 
these an' narrated the prohleip for deceit \» siateil only 
when it has been solved. probIeniand solution appear to- 
g'ether. In the drama Ilie problem iippears before its solution, 
there is between the two the element of suspenBe, and 
th*ro is the feeling of surprise and pleasure when the 
right solution is propot^t'd. Further, narrated deceit lacks 
the personal eieinent. But in the drama we have not 
merely craft I'licitig a problem, we have a deceiver facing 
men. He see the iniluerice of one man upon another, see 
the problem in process of solution in the conitiet of two 



— 378 — 



minds, percrivi? M the sliades of feeling, all Uic touches 
of thoughl. and iilinisri, l),v wliich tlip end is reaclu'd. And 
when the end is rearliod wr admire not merely the 
ingenuity that solves ihf problem but tlip! power alsu whicli 
conquers a man. 

But LcfTgc wholly (ails to avail himself of the opp<irt 
unity afforded by his dramatic art. It forcefi bim to omit 
More'R tlpsjcription ol" Kiflkfird's dissimulation, hut he does 
not. supply its Inss. M:tnv of the crafty schenn's of Mo re's 
Richard ure by Logge ascribed to his helpers. Much of 
his deceit is nairali'd, and tliiit wliich appears in dialogue 
lacks ch'aiiuitic power because closely translated from 
More's narratiTo. In the only conflict of wits upon which 
Bichard enters — the wooing scene — he is defeated. 
There is otherwise nn pitting of mind against mind, no 
conflict in whicli Richard is Yiclor. Of I hat d evilish in- 
genuity with winch in Siiiikcspriirc Ricliaril molds every 
occasion to his purpo.'ii', of thai lua.'iterly certainly with 
which every stroke of Uis superb mind always htte its 
mark, of that extiuisite diplomacy Hirouph which his 
helpers are made to I'erl tliemselves; the guides anil nmstnrs 
of his fortune while he hut follows, there is no trace in 
Legge. Leggc's Richard has no sign of intellectual in- 
lluence over tho«e about him. He wins them hccause 
llipir plans and aims coincide with a part of liis, or are 
served hy Ids: he does not hold them by force or craft 
of mind. 

Nor is Legge\s Bicbard courageous, Mctre'^^lliulmi'd 
Rud Shakespeare's knows no fear hut that of conscience. 
Next to his superb inlidlect that which makes ShakV's'peare^' 
Richard admirable in spite of his crimes is his uufalt4'ili 
courage. But Legge's Richard throughout the play is 
terribly beset by fear. Beforf' he attains the throne he is 
devoured with fear lest he shall not attain it, and requires 
the commonplace encouragement of his satellites '"fortuna 
fortes adjuval". Having obtained the throne he is devoured 
hv fcRT lest br bIkiII Insc it. 



— 379 - 



-'toiqiioiir nicln niJA'cr 
ilisrumjiDr ao.sltianlo Dirnnini snlu", 

is now bis continual cry. Only on the fielil of Bosworth 
is Richard c-ouraKeous. and here the author IoIIliws the 
universally known find acccptpil story. 

Tliti tide of emotions wliidi Richard fp els, lie docs not 
lock up in Itis own breast, hut pours out for (vll to hoar, 
Bvi'ry cluinp;'^ of situation, i*vpi\v loss or rucwss brinffs a 
fervid ricohuiiatioii imm liis lips. This is tUu most striking'' 
contribution of Senaca to the aharactcr of Lcggc's Richard. 
All his torturin^f R'ars lost hr^ nniy not win the crown, 
his soiTow at the di'atb of his son, his ra^tt at thi.' rebellion 
of Buckiugliam. his dread of Richnionil, his joy if fortune 
fjivuTK him ljy thi'owing Bufkinglmni inio kin jMiwi^r or h.y 
['bri'kiii^' for a inonK'nt Hi('1iiiiiiiur>^ plains, lii:^ ahMoluto 
dps]iair when Richmond's Ktar SL't'nis lo ht; in tlm ascendant, 
nil air iTvcaU'd in ;i How of Sencran iloLlnniiition. 

The man who is givL-ri lo liir Unid and conManl i-x- 
pression nf feeling is not often the man of artion. Mo it 
is ftith Lrtri^r'R Richard. From the muiucnl of his r.oro- 
nation to his appearance on the held of battle Rirhard 
makes not one titop of his own motion to aid liini- 
B&lf. Once or twice he gives directions to itis helpers: 
Anna ho murders and Rlizjihctli he wons, Init in Log;p'! 
holh tinu-'s acting upon tlie siiggtrstioiii uf otjicrs. UUior- 
wisc till tlic final acoiie h(- appears only as tho man 
who seea his hiu.- riiovintr upon liim and eiiu linil nnUiiug 
hiittor to do Ihiui stand and pour out In'y ti-rmr and dcHpji.ir. 

{g,t]fikfl«pniiH''w Richard has no feeling to Itiy hare t'O the 

worhl. fitin"!' of joy or of sorniw, When Bui'kint,'liani 
revolts he lets fall no word ti.i show that be is di.'iturbed. 

"dome, T liBVft learn'ii llmt fottrfiil cummciiiiiig- 

is loaji'ii survilof to ilitll <[i»lsij', 

D<>la.y tiiailrt inaifottiil aiuI rtiiail jiac'tl beggury, 

Then Aery expe<litioii tiu uiy wiag". 

When Lt'trge's Richard hnirs thu^ news he tnve.s no sign 
of action: hII bis deeds are "ll'iirful conmimting'". W\mn 



— 380 — 



Richmond is rcpcIlH frnm thr foast hy a storm, thpre 
falls no word of omoLioii from Ihe lips of Sliakespeare's 
Richard; rmly 

"March ^>^^ march tm, wince we nre up in arms: 
If n»t 1.0 flpM wilh fort'ign cneiiiinH, 
Yet lu bG5t down thetiei rebels here Kt hoiBo". 

Lej^go's Ricbanl thinks only of Ricliniond's escapp from 
the han<ls uf liis soldiris. and responds with a wail at the 
fickleness of Kortunc. Kortimc rules him; he has no 
thought of the energy with which Shakespeare's RicLard 
is dfltPrminrd to rulif Fortune. 
/Ji^t tlifit Shakfspcarc's Richard tloea not feel. The 
news of Richmonil's apjiroach has power to mor'p hitn so 
that he forgets the directions lie ■would givp, (cses self- 
command, changes his niind. Bui the revelation that, his 
nerve is shaken comes through the betrayal of his mind, 
nof that of his will. He utters not a word of fear. That 
word oue thing iilonr has the power to extort from lilm 
— his conscience. Wbon this assertK dominion over him 
he cries at last. "1 fear. I fcar'\ But Lcgge's Richard, 
like the Seiiocan tyrant upon whom h* is modi'lled, knows 
no conscienee. And therewith ha is raised out of th.e 
plane of the human and (be rpal, into a sphere where he 
heeonioB mnrely the enibodfiiient of an abstract paB.sion — 
like the Lyons and the Eteocles who in beeoniinji; the heroes 
of the ScTiPcaii drama eease to be men. 

Thus in Leggc's play, as in Seneca, the ethical foun- 
dation on which eveiy work of true art innst be built doeB 
not exist. Richard receives no punishment ade.quat,fi to 
his crimes. He has he^'n king and dies like a king, lighting 
bravely, in the midst of his enemies. It is an end such 
as the real Richard might have wished for himself, had 
he been in truth the ruler of his fat.e. We know that 
there must be something more. 

Part of that "something more" one may be inclined 
to find in the "hniliiitr sea of cares" with which Legge's 
Richard is from the first beset. He has wished to rei^ 



— 381 — 

and in attaining his wiBh has found bis puiiishment. It 
is a grpat themo, and luiglit liavt- lippii fiiniishpil wit]] a 
Seaecan text, Iht' propEicty of Jocasta over Eteocleg 
(Plioen. 5,6): 

poonaH et qnidem solvot jrrJiTfts 
regoabil: eat haec poena". 

But if Legge meant to read this lesson he gives no sign 
of it. Expressly he declares that Richard's punishment 
is in his death. By the corpse of Richard tlio nuntius 
who makes known the manner of hta pnd declares 

''Sceleris ultor' fOBliliini pot.ans pater 
Kut aara viiam sed naiis ultiia tuom". 



Formal Imitation of Seneca. 

Hitheito our comparison of Richardus Tertiiis with 
the plays of Seneca has been confined ahiioat wholly to 
siiullarities of language. These, it has been shown, are 
mostly oouDecU'd with similarities in the situations and in 
the thoughts furnished by the chroniclfl material- Only 
occasionally are the thoughts at holtoni other than those 
of the chronicle, though so ofteTi clothed in iSencf^an garli. 
Tho chronicle material was accepted aj* a wholf, and the 
Senecan imitation is in general rigidly confined to the 
limits allowed l»y it. 

But this raw uiaterial was to be presented in the form 
of a drama, had to he, shaped in an artistic mold; and 
here the play wright was in a widor sense the author of 
bis product. How far did be adopt the Senecan mold? 
How much of the form, as well as the language, of the 
play is due to Seneca? 

In answering this yuestion I make use of the results 
of the study of Seneca's plays in Rudolf Fischer's "Zur 
Kunstentwickhuig der engliacUen Tragtidic". 

Material — Theme — -'Fable". 
Since the raw material of the chronicle is adopted in 
[irBCtical entdrety into the drama, remains uuworked by 



— 382 — 



the poet, a comparison under tliis head is ivaliy a coii>' 
pai'isoiL of the clironicle slury with Seneca, and the content 
of material and "fahle" in the play fall together. Legge's 
material was the history of the life and death of an English 
king — in |)lace of Greek saga English history wliieh Lad 
also — unknown to Legge — to a considerable degree 
become sagft. In place of the iiiythie characters of a 
long-past heroic a^c Legge had charuclers wlio had lived 
less thnn a century before hiy play vaix produei^d. 

His theme is the struggle of a tyrant to win a throne, 
and his uiisueeessfut ilu^fence of that throne once gained. 
The theme of the large majority of the Seneeai plays is 
in essence ""marriage, with its different coniplieatiouti and 
cnnsequences". Thus the two themes seem to stand 
entirely apait. But in the development of the Seiiecan 
theme through various plays appears the figure of the tyriuit. 
In the Oetavia. the chief ligiire is the Roman tyrant 
Nero, who drives from him his innocent wifi- that he may 
eonipletc a criminal union, and who to fullil his purpose 
is ready to underlak'- any crime againKt Ids nearest 
relatives and against his people. In the TLycstes appcai-s 
the tjTant Atreus, who, in avenging himself upon Ids 
adulterous brother, jilays his two ynuiig and innocent 
nephews. In the Hercules Furens the tyrant Lycus, 
who has by nmrdor made his way to the llinuie, to 
eetabiish himself there in security woi>3 one whose relatives 
he has murdered. In the Phoenissae the tyrant Eteoclos 
ia eager to win the throne at any cost to those houiid to 
him by the closest ties. All these situations ai-e reproduced 
in the life of Rscliard as given iu the chronicles. In 
Seneca the tyranny witli its ambition to rule, its cares 
and feare, its succegses and falls, is not indeed the maiu 
theme; but it is there, powerful aikd stroug, occupying a 
large portion of the action. Thus tho theme of Richardus 
Tertius corresponds to a subordinate theme of four 
Seneean plays — the career of a tyrant. 

For the "fable" of the di'auia itijell, Seneca adopts 



— 883 - 

oiilj the last plmsc of the "■'inateriiil-fHlile": each play 
begins shortly ht-foi-p tlti tiiuil iiioiiien( ul' llio total action, 
or is conflned to an action wiiich is short aad simple. 
Legge's play, on the coiitriiry. is a phroniclp-historj', 
and covers the whole career of tlie tyrant froju the iji- 
ceptioii of his imrpose. to its espiatiou by death. Hereiu 
he ahandoiia the classical iiiiiti*?iS, and jiresents m play 
which Kpriagiii)^ fi'oni tht- desire of classical imitation, and 
clothed in classical dress, is nevertheless in essence 
roiiiantjc. 



In thi? chartvckT of tho scenes, therefore, a wide 
different front Seneca is to be expected. As in Seneca 
the drama is limited in goneral to one short period of 
tian? and to one plae*!, procedeiit events and i-veiiti, hapjKMi- 
ing elsewhere uiust appear in opie fomi. Again, in Senoca 
the want of acliuis entails that many of th? scenes insleail 
of producing events, either external or within tlin souls of 
the charae^ters, miist he ^iveu up to the expression of 
feeliug caused liy wlinl has ]iret'eded or by what is ex- 
pected to follow; and as tliis feeling is llxed and unchanged 
these scenes must lie wholly lyriciil. In Legge's play, 
however, with its enunious citcnt, we should expect a far 
larger proportion of dramatic scenes. But there is a 
Xui'ther consideration. The very extent of Legge's material 
forced him to reproduce most of it in epic t'orm. aad hence 
tlie presence of a large proportion of ei>ic scenes is no 
proof of a special Senetan i [i(lueue,e. That can he catahlished 
only of the content and inannor of these scenes. The 
lyrical clement, on the other hand. l)ein^ unnewsaary to 
the action was almost wholly within the power of the play- 
wright. If a large proportion of anch scenes is found 
Senocan inlluence in this may he cnnclutled. 

A tijmpiirison !>etwceu Legge ami Seneca in regard 
to the proportions of those scenes ie, however, a matter of 
much difficulty. In the hrst place, the establishment of 
the scenic divisions in Legge's play is not wholly easy. 



3a4 



Tlie scriifs. are not mimljnri!il. l)ut arw gpiu^rully iiidicaled 
bj printing this iiuiiies oftlic characters eng-agcd in each ia 
capitals sX the bead. 01'U>n not aW tlio naiiiu)^ a]j[iear, but 
the divisions am usual i}' trustworthy. Some changes, 
howevLT, ai'G necessary. Thue ou p. 180 Actio 2, Actus 4, 
a new scene (.2) must be assigned to Gloucester. On p. 203, 
the same must he done for IJiii-kinghani^ speech, 3:3:4. 
On p. 205, thuugb we liave Rii^liariliiH Ilfx SoIun in capitals 
at the bead, the speech as clearly belongs to the preceding, 
with which I include it, us dops Norfolk's speecli on p. 216, 
where Dux Norf. m not capitalized. On p. 205 wi.^ have 
as Bcene-heading Loyc'II: Ueeliia Elizab. Ilex Rkhartln^. 
But Richard does not appear in tbi^ cunvcrsntiuiu between 
Lovoll and the queen, which takes place in tlie sanctuary. 
On p, 207 lie welcomes his two nieces into his palace, to 
which Uicy have been sent. It seems on the whole best 
to indicate a new aceno. 3:4:3. On p. •21S I have assigned 
separate scenes to the Centurio. :-t:5:ll, and to the 
Nimtius and Henry. The scenic divisions in general, 
while not so limited as those of Heneca, aro often more 
limited than those of a Shakospcnan play. 

Further, a difficulty arises from the fact that Legge's 
scenes are often of a more nuxed nature than those of 
Seneca. For (^sample, in Seneca the relating of news hy 
a nuntiua is regularly assigned a ficene by itself, whereas 
in Legge such a tiiessage is more than once followed hy 
an expression of sorrow or joy, in ostont equal to or 
greater than the message itself. Or the news may be' 
followed by a dramatic ha!f-?4cenc Such scenes 1 havo 
had therefore to count twice in tie following tables. Nor 
is it quite always possible to detonmne to one's own 
satisfaction whether a seeTie is chiefly epic or lyric. Ab- 
solute esactriess in separating the diflerent elements by 
scenes is therefore not practicable; but it is general pro- 
portions that we are seekiiig, and to this extent the tables 
given below are tmstwortly. 



— 385 — 



Bpic Scenes. 

In a total of 58 scenes thpre are 25 cases distrihutecl 
in 21 scones wlii>re, "with onr uxeeptton, a large part, and 
usually the predominating part of cacL scene is taken up 
by the giving of news. Of the scenes 2 are chiefly lyric, 
2 chiolly dramatic, 1 is half dramatic, and 2 half lyric. 
In II cases the news-giver appears as "'nuntiiis"; in 15, 
the news-givers have parts in the play. Of these, 4 have 
entirely minor parts — civis (2), servus {11, Ancilla (H; 
10 major parts — Riclmrtl 12), Q. Eliz.. Buck.. Arch. Ebor., 
Hastings, Catesby, Ludovic, Digbtoa. Tirell, 1 each. Of 
the 15, Ancilla, C'ivie (Ij, Catesby. and Tirell may be said 
to correspond to the cotilidants in Seneca. 

Thip Senecan proportions are: cases 19; nuntius 7 + 2 
(nuntius immed|=9; confidants 8; other major figures 2. 
The Senecan plays cover {uot considering the fragmentary 
PhoouiBsae) a UtLle over 11,000 Haes; Legge's play 
circa 4fi50. Thus the numhcr of cases is proportinaally 
to the niMiiher of lines far greater than that in Seneca, 
but for this Legge's material U responsible. Within the 
number of cases we have the following proportions. 

Nunlius H :2C M: 19 

Confliia.iits i:'ib «: 19 

Ofljer major flgurea 10:25 2:lfl 

Thus Legge makes use of the nuntius aearly aa often 
proportionately as Seneca, but on the other hand assigns 
propoi'tionateiy neai'Sy four times ag often the role of news- 
giver to his chief characters. 

In the 26 cases all but one deal with events that 
happen during the course of the play. Heiifc, :i.s in Seneca, 
it is natural that the majority should bi". found in the last 
actio. The cases are thus distriljutod: Actio 1, 7; Actio II, 2; 
Actio m. 16. 

The handling of these scenes shows a great constrast 
to Seneca. In Seneca they are generally monologues 
addressed directly to the public or tie chorus. In Legge 



TalMstDk X. 



afi 



— aae — 



thp news is rpgularly 4ieliTen?il to on<' of the charactera 
of the play, by the imiitius UKualty to Riclmril Only 
G tinifs is news diilivi^red in a soliloquy OnciiidiTi^ the 
news of Riclmrd's dca.tli, and of the proixis-ed treiitment 
of Stanley and his wife, a case wiiicU ] have hvrc cfiTi- 
sidered as epic, though it may le draiintticl. 

In nature of coutont and in maimer the scenes approach 
more closely those of Soncca. As in Seneta they t;ive 
news of events which it in impossible to present dramati'rally 
upon the stage, or they descnle events which the author's 
feeling prevents liim from wishing to put upon tlie stage. 
To the latter class belong the descnptions of the way in 
which charatters lose their lives, a class of which Seneca's 
jitays oiTer so many examples. To their iiilluence is to 
be assigned Legge's refusal to produce on llie stage the 
deaths of Uastings. of the princes, of Anna and of Richard 
himself: and eijuaUy to theii- inlliience are to be aftt^igiieti 
the descriptions of the deaths of Hastings and Anne, for 
which there is no piiggestion in the chronicles. 

In this cftnnectii)n it may be noted tliat in these epical 
scenes of Legge tln-re is, with the exception of the first 
scene, iu which the ([ueeu gives infomiatioii of ovoiits 
precedent to the play, nothing which Shakespeare chose 
to pnt upon the stHge, save the scone between Riebsiixi 
uiiil Stanley, which may, as has been Been, he dr:iTi;]atie in 
Legge also. Much of Legge's minor information is omitted 
entirely hy Sbakesjieare, as unnecessary: while the ileaths 
of the prinecs, of Anna, and of Richard, be likewise relates. 
On the otlier hand, hits of news which iu Leggc are too 
insignificant even to give an epic nature lo the scenes in 
which they appear are sometimes produced dramatically 
by Shakesjicare, notably and distinctively in the case of 
Richard's dream. Su too llie long conferences over the 
jiroiioseil pi'ocnring nl' tlie Duke of York, and the speech 
of Buckingham to the citizens, dramatic in Lcgge, appi-ar 
cpically in Shakespeare, while the cardinal's conference with 
the queen, and Buckingham's with Ely fall away entirely. 



— 3S7 — 

In iiiaQDer hedge's epic scenes are Senecan so far as 
the nature of the news tliey give will iillow, and naturally 
must completely so whtm their cimttnit was not furnished 
hy the chrojiicle, as in the description of Hastings' and 
of Anna's <lcath. Like the Senecaii messages they are 
sustained and declamatory, rarely interrupted but often 
introduced liy a short t|uestion or urgent direction f cf. p. 379). 
Aa iu Seneca, the case is a rare exception in which there 
is a dialogue of interchanging- question and answer, as in 
the fiiist scone, of the play. 

They are Sisneeaii further in that tliey seldom become 
the impulse to action. In 4 cases only of the 26 do they 
lead to a decision: in Seneca in fi out of 19, Their regular 
coDsequeuce is, as in Seneca, not action but the csprcssioju 
of feeling, usually sorrow, rarely joy. 

A chief difference from the Senpcan messages consists 
ill (ho fact that Leggcs rarely excupd 25 lines and are 
generally under this. In Seneca they are short {up to 
20 lines) in hut three casses: of medium length (up to 
100 lineal in 9; and long {up to 200 lines) in 7. Here 
again the chronicle is responsihle. In the epic as in the 
dramatic portions of his work Legge generally confines 
himself to his authority, rarely extending or emhellishiog 
what it furnished. Thu.s while in Seneca one fifth of the 
total length of the, nine plays exclusive of the Chorus is 
occupied by epic scenes, of Ledge's play only about, one 
ninth is epic. 



Lyrical Scenes. 

Under this head are to be placed, a^Jn Pischer'a 
study of Keneca, all scenes which, in spite of their oftew 
naturally epic or ilranuitic introduction or conclusion, have 
for their chief object the espre&siou of feeling, whetli^p 
for the purpose of charitcierizing the speaker, or for the 
pul"po9e of moving the listenei', " ^'* 

In the 58 scenes of the play there are 17 scenes or 
important parts of sceues iu which the expression of feoUng 



— ft8R -^ 

is the sole or most important content. As emotion follows 
■aturaUy upon news received, or is pauses! by presentiment 
of news to be reeoivcd it is natural that in 9 cases the 
soenes, ac-cfliiiing t-o the ofteti non-Seneoafi Ri?*nif division 
of the play, should Iiave also been noted as epic. In two 
pases thf preo^dinjL' part of the scene is dnwiiaAic. The 
scenw anj thus dietrilHited: — Actio 1.5; AoU« H, !: 
Actio ni. !1. 

This distribution corrcspnivds in general to that of the 
Seriecan plajs, wlii'i-e be^rinnciig iirwl end arp much more 
slrrfng\v Ijric than the middle parts, "an indicatioB of 
especially eriiolional opL-ning and close of the plays". In 
total ainoiuit the lyrical portions cover about one-fifth of 
thu play, far less than Seneca's one-flhird. Yet though the 
proportjon is smaller, -when we consider that for compara- 
tively few of these scenes is there warrant nr suggpjitiuu 
In the chronicle, and that they show constant verbal 
imitation of tlie Senccan plays, with hot one or two 
esctplioTis more txtflnded by far than lliat in the epic and 
dramatic scenes, the conclusion is iiimvuidahlt', that the 
lyric scenes of the play are generally due to Senecan 
influence. 



Dramatic Scenes. 

In the total of 68 scL'iif^s there remain 34 which can 
he characterized ae predominantly ur largely dramatic, a 
little more than half. In total amount, however, the 
dramatic passages cover a Utile more than two-thirds, 
very considerably more tlian Seneca's lees than one-half. 
This corresponds with what was to he expected from the 
nature of Lepge's material. To this amount the long con- 
ferences and specclis transferred iu their full (ength from 
chronicle to play malenally contnbutcd. 

Of the aceoe» H are monologueti, inc-liKlict^ [> adi-eG«»> In )u^i«tri>. 

8 ace dialogiieu, 

10 act" fcnireTBiice.>< ()f 3 perjujOB, 

9 n , „ more tbon S pcnons. 



— 389 



Proportions, 
Seneca 

Mo!i. S:4(I --- I'iryii 1:H 
Dial. 2«:4fl = „ 9:6 
3 I'erfl. 10:411 = „ 1:5 



L«gge 

8 : 34 = cir&a 1 1 4 

lft:34= „ 8:10 

8:S4= „ 1:4 



Thus tlie dramatic m&nolof,qie is one and one-lialf times 
as fre(|U((nt as in .Sciieca. for ■wLicli excess the addresses 
U) soldiers an? responsible; tlio dialogue is half as frequent; 
scenes with tliroe Kpc.nkers a little iiiori.' frequent. Scenes 
with uiort' than three speakris tlie Scnecaii tlraiiift like 
the Greek did not of course allow. Here Legge's arrange* 
nu'nt was lai-gtdy conditinnrd bj his material. Too many 
(lersons hy far play a part in tho story as given by the 
clironicle^ for Legge to avoid the occasional use of Buch 
scH'nes. Till'}- had wtlier to be related by a nuntius or 
jilarcd on tin.' stage. 

Th« arrangement of the dramatic scenes 'in the play 
is as folluwis, 

Actio I Act. 1 dramatic ecenes 

8~a 

3-2 
4—2 

Actio 11 Act. 1—3 

9-2 

*-l 
6-0 



ApUoIII Act. 1-0 
2-3 
8—0 

B-irt 

in. Aetius I and II tlie beginning is iindraniatiic, the close 
strongly dramatic, which rorresponds generally to the 
Seneciin arrangeniLitit, in which the beginning is almost 
wholly undramatic^ the close usually dramatic, though 
sometimes (Hiiet. This, when the charsLcter of the opmiog 
sceni'S is fonMidfred (cf. the analysis of ibc^ playl, h 
Cftrtainlv \o be ascribed tn Seneean influeftee. 



— S90 — 



Otherwise in th^ division of tho dramatie scenes no 
special Seneean influpticp can lie osiiililishiHl. 

Such inlhionct' in the liramatic scpiipb is, howcvLT, 
apparent in the ircfiui'iil (isi> of stichonylhia, of wliirli 
there arc six cases in the play. Like Seneea Lcgge does 
not conflnp himself to balancing single lines, but halances 
half-linea as well. 

The Chorus. 
The Chorus, as such, is lacking in Loggc. Yet wo 
find a chorus at the end of Actio I singing in the pro- 
eefisions before Shore's wife a song in reprobatioi of lust. 
which reminds one of the chorus in Phaedra 958—88: 
a song occurs in the "Show of the Procession" folloti-irig 
Actio 2; and at tiie close of Aetio ii "ye song" is '"sungc 
w*^"" is in y^ end of the booke". The ijusition of these songs 
corresponds' to that of tlie Senecan chorus which inter- 
vened between (lie acts, and in the Hercules Oelaeua 
and the Octavia brougkt the play to its conclusion. Thu 
didactic element of the Senecan chorus appears often in 
the body of the play. 

Construction- 

OrRanlzat ion of tho Ill»terlal. 
The play is uniijue in that it is divided not only into 
Acts and Scenes., hut into three Actios or parts. These^ 
as indicated by the title of the University Ms., were 
presented on three several evenings. They may be compared 
to tho three parts of Henry VI, but the coiiipurison is 
only esternal, In the latter case each of the parts forrii.s 
a play by itself, with the complete organization of a play; 
tJie parts of Richardus Tertius are in no sense plays 
by themselves, and are independent only in so far -as the 
conclusion of each marks im important Htep in Richard's 
career; I, the removal of Hastingt- (and even here it is 
the entirely subordinate punishment of Shore's wife that 
fills thp eye at the very Iftfif): 3. the attainment of the 



— 391 — 



Jlironr: aii<I 3. ttup clinath nf Richanl This division into 
Actiiis is lliorcfuri? wholly litoiikMilal, iuluptod to fitoxternaJ 
cirniniPtanccs. As Iho actios liavp no plaj organization 
llii'ir liivision into Ads and sppnes is also largely external 
and inorganic; and tliej afford no basis of conipanson with 
SenPca. Such a companson can oidy be a very general 
one. Lpy^n''s arrangement is, with the changes I have 
Itefore indicated. 



Attio I, Aut, 1 — 1 sc. 
. 2-3 . 

, 3-a „ 

17 acanea. 



Aptitj II, Au-t. 1 — 2 3C. 

- 3-2 „ 

. 4-2 , 

, B-1 „ 



scenes. 



Actio in, Act. 1 — 3 sc. 
, 2-5 „ 
« 3-4 . 
. 4-7 , 
. 5 -13 ^ 

Thus a rather lively beginning is followed liy a com- 
paialively ijuict niiddli^ actio, and an extremely lively 

eonclusiLin. In cacli of tlic firsl and last actios tltc movc- 
nn'iit increaHC^ in force, sn far as number of scenes is 
concerned, till tiu.i end, and tliis agrees with the character 
of (ll^' scenes, tlip drjinintic scenes, as has been shown, 
inepcasing likewise toward the end. In Seneca Acts I 
and 4 are quiet, 2 and 3 moderately lively, 5 sometimes 
(piiet ami somi'tinies lively, There is therefore little 
siuiiiarily in Act and Scene organization between Seneca 
and L*gge, a fact in large njeasuro caused by the conrso 
of the latter's material. 

In arrangenient of scenes a^*(^o^ding to the miraher of 
speakers Seneca's plays show 

Monulvpues 40 : 104 = en. 4 : 10 

ni;i]i)gue.fl M :104 = „ B : in 

Thrcp sppaker? 13:104^ , lilOi 



3»3 — 



Legge'a play has 

MonologTiss I3;f>e = a Ullle mure lb»n I ;6 

DialOiPUes 2t:rirt = 3:8 

Three spsakers U:fW = , . „ 1:4| 

More than H Bpcmkors 10:o8 = „ „ ,1:61 



n-.is 



Thus in Logge the monologue is lit.Ue more than half as 
frequcLl as in Sonera, tin; )linlij(j:iips three -fourths ns 
frequent, tbo scenes with thrx' speakers or more four 
times as frequent. This again eorresponds with what was 
to be expected Iron] the more (Iramatic nature of Legge's 
material. The cuiiipurison is an iinperl'eet one, owing to 
the fact that Leggo's scones are often more complieatetl 
than those of Seiieea, iimi would not infrequently, if 
arranged in Senecan fashion, he divideil once oi' even 
twice. A strictly Senecaii division would increase the 
numher of monologue scenes hy at least llu'ee. 

Here a formal comparison of Iticliardus Tertius with 
Seneca must end. In the construcrioi of the play the 
an-angement of the tigures, their distribution tJirough the 
play, is condilione<l by the material. Such too, on the 
side of composition, is the case in the arrangement of the 
action. How far Senecan imitation is to he seen, in 
the eliaracters has heen considered in the analysis of 
the play. 

If now we sumniarize our answer to the question. 
How inueh of the form of Legge's play is due to Senecai' 
we have the following result. 

The main character of the play upon its formal side 
is not Senecjin. It. makes (he widi'st departure from the 
unities of place and linie, adopts a fable coTering a long 
period and full of dramatic action — is essentially non- 
classLcal. Accordingly, the dramatic scpnes of the play 
occupy two-thirds of its content, where Seneca's dramatic 
scenes covpr but one-half. The epic and lyiic scenes are 
correspondingly limited. So also scones with more than 
two speakers aiT far more fi'eijuent than in Seneca, 
nmnnloKuc^ and scenes with two speakers leas frequent. 



— urn — 

Certain minor partii;iilars or \he form aro, liowi-nT, 
dun to Seneca: in tlic epic sconoa, relation of lieaths in 
place of their ilrnmatif presprttation, llic prespncp of two 
of llii'sc relfitions, in genpral t|]c niiinner of (ho cpio. scenes, 
Ilio fre<iuent appearance of tlie "niintiiis'": fjeiierallyt tli(» 
prcsencn of tlip lyrie scpnfs. and their ninnnor; tho lack 
of ilramatic scenes at tlie I)p^ining of the play and of 
Actio III: quite possibly tlie presence of tlie songs at the 
end of each act. To this may be addinl tJin fact that tlie 
nict-rc! is, naturally, tlie same as Seneca's — tlie iambic 
tetratneter. 

Other siniilaritirs, like the not.nli!c rescmhlanre of 
I,.e.^'g<-"s llieme to a sulKinlinate but prominent iJkemc of 
Si^neca, aii> not due to imttntioii. 

Leggo's imitation oi Sonoca is tboreforo prcduiiiinantly 
verl>al, not formal. 



The Relation of Legge's Rfchardus Tcrtius 
to Shakespeare's Richard III. 

It is not easy to see how Shakespearo shoabi have 
been acquainted with tho work of Lepge, and comparison 
of (he two plays affords no pviilence for the supposition. 
Oonimou variations) from the eonirnon source are very few, 
and in nearly all castas of too slight a nature to give tise 
to the suspicion tliai. Shakesjicarf linrmwcd from Leggn.*; 
An example of this kind is the fact lliat in both plays it 
is Norfolk who interferes to procnni ilic postponing of 
Strange's execution till after tbc battle. Norfolk'.-* '"Aftnr 
the battle lot (Jt'orge Stanley die'' sounds very like Norfolk's 
'Tost bcllu gnatus patris espiel scelu.s". Hnl the verbal 
reacmhlances of the scene are Riiffioientlj arrounted for 
tiy tliu paSKEi^e in thC' chronicle, iiiid the Hillistitutiun of 
Norfolk's name for "the connsaillers of kyug Richard*' of 
tho chronicle, may, in the absence of oOicr similai* iiiatancca, 
be set down to chancv. 

The case is difleroDt with tlie scene in whicli Hiebinond 
meets bis step-father, Stanley. Here wcups a onim'm 



— 394 — 



variation from Hie clirrinicl*? in Stanlej'fi stateiiK'nt tliat 
he cannot liclp Richinonil as Iip would, in the mention of 
Lord Strangr's prrdicanifnt, nml in t.lii- troiiblril tliuiiiTlit's 
of Eicliniontt caupnl by his fathers wonis. But Leggo's 
scene IB much more closely imltatpil by The True Tragedy, 
and it is likvl.v that- tlid lattor. ratlier than Lefrge im- 
mediately, is rcsponsiltlo for the passagre in Shakespoare. 
The same is true of Richmond's speech on entering England 
— if any othfi- source than a sptisc of drsirnatic fitness is 
necessary to n.'ccount for such a speech. There is a certaiu, 
resomhlanL-e betwpea Legge's 

"« oh&ra salve lerrik, sed salve dJu 
frendentis apri dtmle (n^eratn Impiu" 

and Shakespeare's 

"■Tho wretehed, bloody, ninl ii^iiij-ping boar. 

That HpoU'd your ^iinimor EleJds and [ruitful vine:)", 

for which The True Tragedy passage, where "the boar" 
is no! ineritiuaeil. will not account. On tliis. however, one 
cannot build nmch. 

Pi^rhaps the strongest resftntblance not accounted for' 
by the dimrfiit'le is Ihat botwrH'n the wooing scenes with 
Anne and with Queen Elizaheth ia Shakespeare, and the 
scene with the princess Elizabeth in L&ggo. For thei 
Shakespeare seene with Anne there is not, it is well 
known, tlie slighte.st chronicle fouiuiation. Quito aa re- 
markable as the coneejjt.ioii of this sceno is the ton& of] 
the scene between Richard and Eli!!al^et.h. Many lines 
are, a& has often born point|L'd out, strongly Senecan in 
character. Notably alike in both plays is the plea with 
whieh Richard answers the charge of nmrdering hia ■ 
nephews: in. Legge, "tsic fatis placet", in Shakespeare. 
^_-— ii^U unavoided is the doom of destiny". Notable too ia 
is the frequent use of Senecan atichomythia. 

Yet hrre again, with i-o little to corroborate, there 
ia not enough tn wiin-ant the assertion of Legge's Inlluence. 
One can only venture the sugrgestinn that. if. as many 



— 395 — 

critic* think. Sliakcsin' are's play is a rrvisinn of an ftiitecinr 
play, Pspcrially if, as Mr. Fleny JrcU sure, tliis anterior 
play was Marlciwr'i^, it. may linvc Iwvn siilijcct to Li.'ef-'i''s 
iiUlufinrp, and so account lor the presi'iicc in Sliakespoarp's 
play of some of the reaerahlaiiGes liero noted. It is difficult 
lo compare tho wooing scenes ami not cherish a suspicion 
that such waij ttir case. 



IV. Lftcey's Richiirrlii)4 Tertiiw. 

The cxislenco among tlic JIrs. in the British MusfMim 
of another play Waring the same title as Legges has 
long been known. Nohody seonu'd. however, to liave 
givi'ii lliip piece luoni than the hastiesl i^xaniiniition, and 
it was desi^nattfd Ijy Farmer "ti rhildisli iniitatimi'' nf 
Lunge's play. It wa.s mentioned in Field's introduction to 
Lcgge's Richacdns Ti-rtius (Shak. S-n-. Pub. lR44t on 
the autborily of llalliwell n.s "a puoj' imitation'", and it 
appeared under the same designntinn in Halliwell's 
Dictionary of Playe, IBfiO. It \s, in fact, nothing Less 
than a traiiHcript of Lcgfre't* play, made, an appears from 
Ma. Harl. (i'.l2(i, Ij Henry Lacey in 1856, lor jiresentiUion 
at Trinity rollejre, Cambnti^rp. A setond Ms. is Harl. 
2-412, The csstahlishnient of this fact was due to the 
authors of thu Athenae (.'aiitabngienses, 18i3i. cC. vol 9, 
p. 41. 



V. The "Traisical Report of KiiiR KichanI the Third". 

August 15. 1586 was iMilvred in the Stationer's Register 
"A tragical Report nf King Richard the Third, a Rallad. 
This is not extant, and nothing furtlier is Ivnown of it. 
St^evens seems tn have thought that it may have been a 
play, as ho says, "It may be nncfisaajy to icmark that 
the words, sorip, ballad, enterlude and play were syno- 
nymoHsly used" diuolnd in Bosweirs Alalone, vol.21, p. 19); 



— 396 ~ 

but thore is altsoiutely no ground for the assumption. 
Mr. Fk-a.v uncp lliou^lit 1.1 lal tin- halliid was called forth by 
tlip prncluction of The True Tragedy, hut this opinion 
lie abaudoned later. 



VI. The True Trugcdj of Rtrhard the Third. 

Attention appears (irst to bavr lirr-n called to this |)lay 
\(\iva HtL'i-vems iii his notvjs tw Shakespeare's Richard IH 
quoted the following' entry from the Stationers' Register 
iiudtT date of June 19. 1594^ for Thomas Ctrtulp: "An 
pntcrludo, intilkd the tragt^di*' ftf Richard the Third. 
wherein is shown the death? of Edward the Fourthe, with 
the smotherinffc; of the tw<j princes in the Tower, with the 
lanifutablc ende of Sliorf's wife, jiJid the contentioQ oft he 
two iouses of Lanfastpr and Yorke", That the pla.v here 
inejiiioaod was in esistene^ <piis unknown to tlie general 
public until BuswL'll in his editlun of Malone's Shakespeare. 
1821, printed a large portion of it from a copy wanting 
the coinniencement. Comnienling upon it, he staled that 
he thought it "unnecGSsary to point out the particular 
l>a!>sag'es En which a resemblance can lie (raced" between 
the True Tragedy and Shakespeare's play, but thoug;ht 
that the roailer "would be sntiKlit/d that Shakspeure nuist 
have seen it when he sat down to the coin]iositioii of his 
owu play". Elsewhere ]ie says "it appeal's evidently M 
have been read and iiseil by Shakspcare". The authorship 
Boawell was inclined to ascribe Lo the author of Locrinc, 
on the strength uf the resecnblance of Richard's soliloiiu^ 
on revenge to two passages in that play. 

Auffiistiiif Skoltowe, in his Lifn of Shakespeai'c, 1824, 
1, 266—7. found some resemblam^es between this play ajid 
ShakfSpfaroV, The pasysiges are n<>ted later. I^'r-oni thp«c 
be concludfd that Sliakesj>ear« "^afted on his own new 
of the subject auch hints as he conceived conUueive tt* ita 
improvpoient". 



— 3ft7 - 



sr, in his edition of S^ifakpspparc, 1844 - 1853. 5, 342 
and foil., coiuuipntt'd upuii thp play at some lengtli, trans' 
■crilking from a prrfcct cupy in the possessinri of tie Diilie 
.of Devonshire, tlie following titlc-pa^c, aiul calling attention 
,to its corn's pond encc with the entry in tlip Stationers' 
Register: "Ttw- True Trapeilie of Ridmrd the Thii-d: 
Wherein is sdowrie the death of Edward tie fourtli. with, 
the smotliering of the two yoong Princes in th* Tower;. 
Wilh a lainrntaljJf vmic of Shores wife, ar example ftir 
all wicked women. And latstly the roniunction and iojiiing 
of the t-fto nohle Houses. I^ancaster aud Yurkr. As it 
vas playd by the Quoenes ilaiesties I'layprs. London 
Printed liy Tiionias Crrode, and arc to l)e solde by WiUiam 
Barley, at his shop m Newgate Market., neare Christ 
doore. 1594. 4"". 

Collier then cousidcred the peculiarities of the play, 
calling part.icula.r notice to tliti Induction and cunelusioit, 
as well as the style in wjiic.h it is eoniposed. As ho found 
no allusion to the Spanish Arnuuhi in tho Epilogup, white 
other piililic events nf less proniiiiPiice iiri' touched upon. 
he thought that "we may perhaps infer that the drama 
■was TiTitteii lit'fore tlie year I'lHS". KUewherc be says, 
"It is perhaps the most iiiicicnt printed spiicimeu of com- 
positioQ for a piihlJc theatre, of which the siihject "was 
derived from English histoiy". 

Boswell's belief that Shakespeare had used the play 
■WHS rejected hy Collier, who declared that "we cannnt 
trace ajiy re^enihlanccs, hut such an were proliahly purely 
accidental, and are merely tHviai". He found the nearest 
approach of the two plays to each «:itlier to be "just before 
the murder of the princes, wlicre Richard wtraagely takes 
A page into his confidence respecting the fittest agent for 
thn pui-posc"'. 

In 1844 the play was edited hy Barron Field fi>r the 
old Sfcakespeare Society. In his iutroduction he agreed 
with Bosvell that Shakespeare must have seen "thie 
humble work of hiu predecessor"'. Besides pointing out 



— 398 — 

in Ills aotes "srvpral paiiilld iiipas", he considered that 
the line 

"Kiiip. A hiifai'. a liorwa, a froHh liorso", 

was suCflcieiil promf that Shakyspcarp considered Nature 
as his property and tliat he had a right to BOize it whor- 
pTer he found it. Thi.' paj^e npisndc. wliioh (."oilier had. 
found stmugL', aiid the iiparcsl apiii'mich of the two pla,ys, 
can hardly ho called strange, rciriarkt'd Field, as it is 
found in Mote's story. 

The True Trifcgedj wus rcpi-int^d with Field's intro- 
duction by Hazlitl in Part II toI, I of his edition nf 
Shakespeare's Library, 1875. All n-ferences in the 
following study are t* this cditinii. 



Historical position, nature, and style of the play. 

Scarcely less interest attaches to tho position of The 
True TriigPtly in the devidopmerat rif Ihi' Eii^dish historical 
drama than to that of Lcg^je's llichardus Terttus. We 
can uo longer hold of it vrith Collipr that we have in it 
"perhaps the most ancient printed spechnen" of an English 
liistory-play, nor with Fleay in his eailiest opinion, thai 
it was "the lirtit chronicle histoiy in its full seiicie'". It 
will be shoTvn later that it was clearly preceded by several 
others, ini^liiding the three pnrtt! of Henry VI, But. as 
Leg{je's play was of a mixed type, a proeentatiun of the 
form and material of a chi-onicle-history ia the artistic 
garb of the Senecnn play, so The True Trajredy is of 
a 'mixed type-, unique in the union which it presents of 
the English chronicle-history and the tragedy of roveuge. 

As a histoi-y-play The True Tragedy is undoubtedly 
the llrst in which the intoresil is fixed upon one central 
and dominating fifrure. It in not the lirst to aliandon the 
loose and uaorgaidxed method of writing ehronicle-histones 
winch spread out the events of a period in their historical 
succession without attempt at unity; for in the Edward 11 
of Marlowe these plays had already advanced to a poiut 



— 390 — 



where the historical events ara not detailed purely for 
their own sake, but are unified by their relation to a 
cptitral figure, and where tlie hifttory-play becomes in a 
hig'h degree a study of character. But the figure of 
Edwardt though e-*fttral, is not doTiiinatingr, and secondary 
figures Hke those of Isahel and Mortimer attract a jEfood 
share of the interest U) themselves. The Riciiard of The 
True Tragedy is nol only central but dominating^ not 
ititTPly attracts the chief intercRt- but uhsorbs practic-ally 
all of i(. The play is not the chrf>iiicb>-hi3tK>r>' of a reign, 
it is purely the history of a cJiaracter, 

This was the result of two iiilluences. The elironicle 
story, the historical source of the play, offered many 
inducemeuta to euch a treatment. Richard as he there 
appears is always the central figuro, and his personal 
career, mental as well as external, is the main theuii' of 
the work. But this couUl not alone suffice to produce a 
charat-ter-play like The True Tragedy. The efTect offl. 
faithful following of Mare's story, williout diseriniination 
and without selection, is shown in fjegge's play. There 
Richard'8 story is tieated in the first manner of the 
clironirlo-historics, and in the multitnde of events related 
at length the intluenco and dominating position of the 
central character is largely tost. But The True Tragedy 
shows such a selection of scenes and such a suhordi nation 
of details that the (igure of Richard is always beff>re the 
actual or the mental eye. Everything — excepting the 
secondary story of Shore's wife — is subservient to the 
purpose of portraying this one character. 

This treatment could only be the result of such a 
conception of Richard as led to the desire to make the 
alory, not of hia acts and fate, hul of his inner nature, the 
chief interest of the play; and for this conception More'fi 
work did not furnish the sole suggestion. Since the 
appearance of Taniburlaine and Faustua Marlowe had 
been the master of the stage and tlie teacher of play- 
wrighta. The success of these plays was due to the geniuR 



400 



vnth which he had rivetoii atteiitian Liiid iiiU'rest upon one 
tij^'Ui'L'. llie gri^antjc forci? of wliosc cbaracter, or ttie tt'mblo 
struggle ol wliosp soul, formed Uie single object of tlie play. 
Iiiiitatiun of Taiiiburlaiiio was the more natural to iho 
author uf Tlio Trur- Tragedy bi^aaiise of the many tpafts 
in which th^ historic Richard rpsemhied TaiiiSui-latue, a 
lieeaust' Ma.rlowL''s play, thougli niostJy iinajriiiary, w 
also :i bistory-phty. Imitation of Faiistns was the nio 
iiatui'al litecauso of More's and Vi^igil'.s description of th 
strug^rle HI Richard's soul. What the eCfect of tlds Iniitatloji 
of Tamhurlaine iiiid Faustus was upou the ^^ure of 
Richard 1 show f.lat^whcre: here it is suftirieiit to say that 
tlie iidluciife is ^rcat cnoiij^h to show thnt to it in largfily 
Jue the shapinjr of The True TrantMiy as a study 
chafActer. 

That the author stood in tho full current of all tii 
was ijoinilar upon the stage is shown by the fact thi 
The True Tragedy is not ituly a liiatory-play, but 
pluy of revenge. How many such ptiiys, and what, li 
preceded, it is impossible to determiiiB, but the trenu!^ h 
certainly for sonic time bivu well ustaMisbcil, The 
Misfortunes of Arthur, Thu Spanish Traj^cdy and 
K /Locrine at least hai! ^'■one before: ami The Battle of 
^ Alcazar and James IV, if thpy did not precede it, m 
have appeared at about the same time. 

The revenge Iragri'ily iti England derived its oripill, i 
plays like The Misfortunes of Arthur show, from thoi 
plays of Seneca which have for their subject the terrili 
history of the house of Pelops — the Thyestes and ihe 
Agamemnon. Here from father to son passes the spi 
of rereoge. the criuic that punislirs crime ever meeliii 
pmiiehnieiit in turn. As inspiring agents in this httrri 
course of sin appear the ghosts of the dead, Tantalus 
the Thyestes, Thyestes in the Agamemnon. When the 
SeneeaQ theme of revenge '.-ntercd the Klizabethan dram 
th« iSenecau machinery uQt«red with it: the ghost 
uiseparablo irom the reveuge-iplay. With Uiis went, 



Its 

i 

h^^ 




ini^i 
lii^i 




40i — 



the Senecar descriptions of the torments suffered hy the 
victims, the wheel of Ixioii, the stoiic of Sisyphus, the 
flames of Tartarus, all the paiips of the classical Hades. 

lint with all this adoption of tlieine and uiacliiiier.v. 
the tragedy of revra^e underwent in England a ceitain 
simplification and gained in dirennese. In the Seiiecai] 
plaj's the ghosts of the dead inspire madness in their 
descendants: Tintalus is forced hy the furj- to stir up 
crime in his grandchildren, Thyestes geeks revenge not 
upon his hrotlier but upon his brother's son. Agamemnon, 
In the English play the phost regularly calls for revenge 
upon ihe one who has comniilted the crime aj^ainst him. 
and that revenge as regularly follows. The cry for revenge 
lias lieconie adapted to the natural English thought that 
h(5 who cotnmits the crime is the one who deserves to 
snffer punishment: Lis children are innocent of their father's 
sill. Not that the punishment nl the father in his offspring 
does not appear at all in ihe English jdays. It appeal's. 
for example, in one of the Hi'st,. if not the first. The 
Misfortunes ot Arthur, which stands most directly 
under Senecan inlluence: and it appears in Shakespeare's 
York- Lane aster tetralogy, where tlie princes suffer for the 
crime of their father Edward, Yet here the thought thilt 
the father it^ punished Ihrougli his cliildren, not that the 
children are punished in his gtoad, is uppermost. In 
,^'encral, the Greek doctrine of a Nenjcsis that endures 
from gC'iK^ration to g-eneration has been supplanted by the 
English doctrine of righteous retrihution upon the really 
guilty. 

Another charactyriwtic of the English reveuge-play is 
that the ghosttj have a more important part than in the 
Seii<»can play. Oftpn they appear at the end of the phiy 
to exult over the nttaiiiment of their revenge, as ilocs the 
ghost of Gorlois in The Misfortunes of Arthur. 
Sometimes they watch the coarse of the play, as the 
ghost of C'oriiieus in Ijocrino. or of Andrea in The 
Spanish Tragt-ily, wlio couvorses with Ucveiige between 



— 402 — 



the acts and tlius serves '"for Choms in this Tragedy". 
Somctinios tlie ghost is of one murdered 3>r'fore th<» play 
begins, sonictinies nf one murdpird in the course of the 
play. Sometimes tlie ghost ajipears to tip guilty one, 
ofteiier t-o the agent of revenge. In all these variations 
the general rule linlds true that the ghost of the Eoglisli 
revenge -play has a. far more important part than in tho 
Senecan phiy, ami itfi appearance during the course of 
the action is nearly always freipient. 

Sucli are tliif most stiiktng cliaracteiistics of the revengp 
plays wliicli exr^rciseii an inlluencu upon The True 
Tragedy. How do they there appear? 

Tliat th^e motive of ri*veng« should have been iuiro- 
duced iit a uliroiiielii-hiBtory plaj need excite no surprise. 
It had already been used in two history -plays, The Mis- 
fortunes of Arthur andLocriiio, whose sjubjcets were 
taken from the mythical history of England, found together 
with the actual in the chronieles. Thence tn its application 
in a play taken from actual English history wiw but a 
short step. Yet there seems always to have been a feeling 
that the machinery of glmsts belonged naturally to a 
world remote In time or space from the immediate Englieb 
world, and was best employed therefore in jilays whose 
action was laid in a far-past romantic time, or in a foreign 
land. The True Tragedy and Shakespeare's liicbard III 
remained the only chronicle- hi story plays from actual 
ETiglisb history that employed any of the motives of Lbe 
revenge plays. And here, it will l)e seen, these motives 
were subjected to a ajjecial treatment calculated to render 
thcui better adapted to the nature of tht' play in which 
they were employed-. 

At the beginning of The True Tragedy ajipeai-s in 
regulation fashion the ghost of Clarence, murdered before 
the play begins, hy his brother Richard. Ht! appears willi 
the regulation cry of Vindicta, and prays that Revenge 
may come quickly, then leaves the ytuge not to appeai- 
again. The tone of tlie play as a play of revenge lius 



— 408 — 

been set at the start. But it has no fnforcemoirt- wliatever, 
until tlie enil oE tlie piny is ui'Arly lYHclied. Then it 
appears afrain in tlu' ghost soUloiiu.v of Richnnl. 

But lit^ro Ilk' usual course ul' tlie rfvriit;e trflt.a>J.V is 
cUanjfLHij Tiw jrliowts of the murdorod. trying reYL>ngo. 
do not iulusilly ajitirar. Tiiey im- represented as the 
creatures nf Riolmrd's iiiiaginalinn, diseasptl in consequence 
of hiR Ki''"y erniRc.ii'iiei'. Tlie f<(iiwl-s. linve eeast"'(1 tti be 
IKiere external machinery, itsfd to awiikcn llie sjincljiter's 
sense of horror; they have liecomc a inoaas of reveaiiiig 
thi- tonnents oC a jruilty soul. Ami thus ttie spirits of 
the murdered ilo in truth olitain revenge. 

That Tho True Tragedy is the first play to show 
this union of tin- revenge-play irhost iiiul the torments of 
conscience eannot hn asserted, for a like roneeptioa aypears 
in Greene and Lodge's A Looking Glass for London 
and hjiieliind. aiul in (ireene';< .James IV, hntli of ini- 
certaii] date. Tliey .are eertaiiily not far remored in time 
frnni Tlie True Tragedy. 

In the ffliost solil(ri|uy occurs a pa^^saye that repreflents 
all nature. a.« yell as the ghosts nf tJie niurdored, as 
calling out for roven^re. 

This eiiriecplion is found in the cjirlier play of Locrine. 
Hut Ihere tlio tliimght is ultereel liy tin- glinst hiiiiisclf. 
Here we h.iTi- the same advance, tor the cry id' inaniuiale 
nature is likewise heard in Tho True Tragedy only by 
the ima^aatinii dislorteil liy conscience. 



In literary form The True Tragedy rfiveals some 
strikiTifi pi'cniarities. It is writtiin partly in vnTse. partly 
in pirose, whicli interchanffe without any apparent rrasun. 
In the verse.the old heavy lijaiik-verse, bOlrinK close re- 
senitiliiace to that of the old Kin? Jolin, has the 
chief place: but with it appear halUid iiKlre (aB also 
in King John). Heptennnes, in rimed couplets and un- 
rinieil, and unrimetS linc-s of cvei-y pussildc lerigth. These 
an- ofteu combined in fautastiL* fasliimi. Thus in a single 

86' 



— 404 — 

speech (of Rivers, p. 75— ^>) vie have ■'Ji^^ii^ -'' *' 
5x-iK s^^^xjic *jtjdj»j*_a. The bTfatPst rrpodom octuw 
near the licginuiiijr, hut. there is imich license tlirou^bnut. 

As it stands, the phij is wi-ptchedly eonupt aud 
abominalily printpd. Xnt nnlv is prnse printrd as verso 
and vers(> as proa(>, hut thtr*' are many pa^jsajCL's troni 
which it Ik impossible to extract any sen8<* at all. For 
some of ttie comiptioti no. ignorance of the printpr will 
aocouiit, ami wp must ln'licvp that iln- wny wliicli lay 
hefore him was in many rfspeets far from thu ori^'iojii. 
IJorsM appears iu the early part alwji_vs as '"Ijonl Marciis" 
wiiilf later he is coiTectiy caik'il "Lord Manpii'sso Uorsi't". 
Catpsby appears first as "Oashie", hut always aft«r as 
"Clatc'shy" and '-('atshy". The Sit- Richaiil Hawtr of ih.' 
chroniete nipprars alvvayy as "Hapfo" or "llape", an in- 
I'spljcahle chaiifri". ^Spciio-hi'adiii^rs and diroctinns are nftm 
palpaldy wrong. Tlir play does iudped reqiiirr cari'ful 
editing, as Mr. Fli-a,v sngg«'st,s, hut even tho careriih'st 
eniihl not brinir tMitire consisteiicy out of the corifusinri. 

HiiiiH! uf thi! ineimsistencies, whicli havii an inijiortuiie^ 
in the interprotatinii of tho play, will hv timclied nu in 
tho analysis, and olliei's under the tjuestion of aiitlionsliiij: 
most, lioweyer, are iininiportaut and may bo left unnoticed. 



The Historical Sources of The True Trngvdy. 
As with Ledge's play and all other works which treat 
of Richard's story, llie ultimate source of The True 
Trajjpity is Mora's liin^'^rapliy, with th«i ailditinns nijide liy 
Hall. An investigation cif the pjay to deterniine in what 
works tlie author made usf ot" More's aud Hall's story 
iihuws tlie following as immediate suiu'oes. 

1. Tho True Tragedy u«e'd Hall's Chronicle or the 
Ilardiiij^ continuation. This is appareut from tho following 
passages. 

a) p. 6(). '^^nd hoi-semen aydrrs viito him [Buck- 
iugliani]. i» u]y Lord ('liamherlaine, nnd my Lord 
Hastings". 



— 405 — 

HastiniTR was liiaisclf lord Chamberlain. The author 
— hrrr as cIsi-'wlinTC excoi'ilingly carrlcss in the use of 
his atuhiirilii's — cvitU'iUly iist'il Hall iir Uic Hardvng con.. 
wliicli havL' "Henry tliike of Buckyngha.ni, and Willjani 
liiiii llastyni{<'s, and lord Cliambcilain" (Hall. j>. H48). 
More (|). 14) luis ■'Gdwardi- Dnko of Buckin^liani, and 
Ricliarde Lonlr Hastingea and chauniberlayEi'". Holiiishcd 
(|i. llliii) liiis "William lord Hastings tlicn cljiindiorlaln". 
liradon lias "Richai'd Ihe Lordo Hastings a noble man, 
then Lord CbaimUerlftyn". 

I)) [I. 77, "Biic. Gentli'inen on afore kpep your 
rooities. liiiw now Ixir<l (Iray doo yon iustle in 
till' presi^ncf of thfi King? This is more then 
needs". 

The pasHafjc occurs after grecUngs have been exchanged 
with the king. This agrees with tho order of Hall, who 
witli tlic Hardyng con. lias (p. 34511 after tlie excliatige 
of greetinf^n, "Tin- dnkn of Buckyn|,'bani said ulomle, on 
afore iit'ntlemHn, and yonitin kepe your roumes. and there- 
with in f kynge§ pr^psenre they picked a qnarpl to thfi 
lord Itieliard Uruy"- In Mure, and in (iral'tun and 
Holinshed fnllnwing him. the coninianfi of Bnckingham is 
givfii as thi^ (.'imipany approaches the king. "'To wboine 
tlir Diikr. of IJuckingbam saide, goe afore, (ientlenK'nne 
and yoiuen, kope youre rowinee. And thus in a goodly 
arrayc tln-i <-».\nr tn thr kinge, and nn MieirT kiioes in 
very buinhle wi-sl saJued liis grar.e" (p. 17). Then follows 
the i|uarrel. 

e) p. \iii. "The Kings pleasure is thi§, that he wil 
haue no bloud sbead in tlic deed doing". 

el". Hall (p. ;n«K "tliat they sboiilde bi- rnurtherd in their 
hcddrs and nn hlniid shed". The Hardyng eon. and 
Graftfln havr this latter clause, hut it is wanting in More 
and Hnlinsbed. 

Currobonilivi-. if Irss eonelnsive are tlui following. 



— 40fi — 



ll> p. 52, 

''Kifhai'il PlftTilBgoTiPl <if tin? Hmiso of Vi>rkp, 

Mini .IS llio I'hruniclcs riaki- niMiiiri>>l, 

In III" Iwii mill (wr.'Ulilh ,vi.';iiii I'f Ht-nrj' Ilio mkUi, 

H,v acl of l'£ii'li:iiiieiiit iiitailoii V.< liim 

Tlin I'niwiio and tilles I" lliiil digiiilie". 

Hn3I iitui llii* Hanljn^ coii. iiluni^ in llm conrsiioniliiit; 
passage nu'iitiuii ii ilatt- for tho ParHaiueiit — which is. 
U) lir sun-, Hut tlii^ "two and twr-niitli*' hut tin: tliirticih 
yi-ar. [This n^'aiii is an error. 11 was really t]i>^ thirty- 
ninth year, as ^\wi\ corroctly by Hall. p. 24'-)J, This 
pafisago WHS (loutiilosR ihc canst' why The Trui' TrajKauiy 
lias a dali'. hvvn, iliungli Ihu uhiiuI earclt'ss trf.aiiiiont ot 
iUttlwritios appiiai's. Twentj-two is a favoritf nunil>i>r nf 
the aatlinr, wlin si'ts it cI^cwIutl' also inaccuralcly. It wiis 
perhaps borrowed frnni tlie twenty-two years of Edward's 
i-piRn, tiientiiined on thi' nest page, 53, 

e) p, 64. "Eiitera Page and FerciiiaU", with thr 
<'nsiiin(r acenn in whii-li IVrdvall delivers ihft nifissage froiti 
Buckinghiuii to Uicliard, 

Thti message is uieniiL-ned in this plac<^ by Hall. 
and fUe Hardjny con,: in Sluro and Holiiished llic pawiij,'(i 
aecui'K at the beginainfj; of the in.'i'<iuiit I'l' liiirkinyhntii's 
conspiracy, though it refers to this time. Grafton lia.s not 
llie inessagi' at all K'l'. ji, 12H>), Ihoiigli he iiii-iitions it. and 
gives the name of tlie inessen^n^r. Tlie name of the 
mossunger ocdtiurs as Persivall in Hall and in ono edition 
of the Hardyn^ enTi. In More, one fdilion of the Hardyng 
con,. Oration and HoHiishcd the najiie i.s PfTsall, linl in 
the margin afHnliushed stands, "PfTcival saith Ed. Hall". 
Thus the pa.'isagf and the name may liavR been obtained 
froni Hdlinsliud, tliough it is U'Hh natural to suppase so. 

pp. 67—8. ''The Diikc of Bueli:int,'hunfc is vp in 
the Marches of Wales with a band of men"'. 

This follows immediately cpor tho scene with Percival. 
In Hall (JI. Ml) occurs "The duke sente hacke the mes- 



— 407 — 



Sanger with greate thankes aiiH diwrse priuey irstriiccions 
hy nRiuliie, wliiclif Pcrsiiiall diil somiiclic Ity hia trauaill 
tliat III' carni' lo the duke of Buckyngliatu his iiKvstcr into 
llio marches of Wales, and oHsoncs with ncwc instriiccions 
nK't with the duke of Gloucester at Nolyngham", So also 
tlic Hardyng pon. More (p. 86) has 'The mosscng-er sent 
hack %vifU thanks, and soni« secret instruction of the 
protectors mind, yet met him again with farther message 
from tlie duko hiy master, within lew diiyos after at 
Nottingham". Thus the ''Marebes of Wales", while not 
nil impossible addition of the author of the play, is in all 
prnhahilily fnim HalJ or the Harilynff continuation. 

g) p. 69. "Sir Hapcc'', pp. 76 and 77, "Kir Richard 
Hapo'", in the train of the young prince and arrested 
by Uloucestcrf is the Sir Richard Hawte mentioned hy 
Hal] and the Hardynj^ con. He is mentioned hy Urafton 
also, but not here, only in tho later passage, whore the 
execution is described. More and Holinshed do not mention 
Hawie at all. Thus his inclusion hero, whilo possibly 
from Grafton is prohably from Hall or the Hai'dyng con. 

2- Another chroaidc authority besida Hall or the 
Hardynp continuation was also used. 

al p. 82. The Oanlinal Archhisliop of York asks 
the Duke of York from his mother. 

Hall and the Hardyng con. have the Archbtshoii of Canter- 
hury. More, Grafton and Holinshed have the Archbishop 
of York. 

h) pp. 127—8. The Epilogue from tho death of 
Henry Vill cannot be founded on Hall or the Hardyng 
con,, which end with Henry's death. 

3, It Hall was not usfd then Holinshed was used. 
At the cloae of Edwanl's dea.th-bed speech we have: 

"For I ajn .-H) nleeplQ. thai I must naw in»1fe nn ende, 
And here bpforo yoM »li. 1 t'ommit my soul lo al miffhly Goil, 
Mj eauiour, and sweet leileemer, my budie lo ll^6 earlh, 
Mj Scepler niid Trn-wnfl lo the .voonp Prince my sonne". 



— 408 — 

This is nearly word for word from llie firsl deatb-bed 
sppech nf RdwanI, wriUen hy Hall and copied hy Holinshed 
only. (Of. pp. 182, ^17.) 

4. 'Tbo Earl of Westmorland and North umbrrland, 
are srori^Uy tied". 

I suggest clsewhert) (see p. 409) that this rpforpnce 
may bave been taken from HuHiishcd, I( offers the single 
direct argument for the use of Holinsbod, and is, of course, 
in (Conclusive. 



Tbis is all tliat can be absolutely proved with regard 
Ut tb(! clironirle authorities for the play. An attempt at 
a closer limitation must deal with tlie questiun of pry- 
baliilities. 

A decision heiwecn Hall and tlie Hardyng continuation 
is aseisteii by the following consideration. For everything 
in the play that is based on the chronicles, with the ex- 
ception of 2, a) and b), and 4, Hall will account. This is 
not the case with the Hardynj; continuation, which has 
nothing to say of the truce with the Scots and the marriage 
nf Richard'.s neice (T. T. p. 108), the proclamation of the 
Earl of Lincoln as heir apparent fp. 92), the ofTcnr* of 
Arnold Butler (p. 112), Lord Stanley's refusal to come t<i 
Richard and the postponed murder of Ucorge Stanley 
(ji. 1 lU), and the safe re,tni'n of George Stanley Ip. I^ti). 
The greater extent of Hail's authority makes it tberefore 
highly probable that Hall was used, and this prohahility 
is strengtboned by the fact that Hall'a Chronicle was 
e^Ltremcly popular and constantly used by the dramatiBts 
of the day; while tha Hurdyng conliiiualion had born 
succeeded in popular favor nut only by Hall but by 
Orafton and Holinshed, all of which contained niucli more 
material. 

As between More, Grafton, and Hobnsbed. there seems, 
in the first place, little reason to suppose that More was 
used. In all known instances liis story was used through 
the medium of one nf Hie chronicles. Further, it will not 



— 409 — 

account for anj of the passages under 1, above, and ends 
at the be^aning of Biiekingliatii's conspirac^v. As tlip 
chronicles were certainly used it is iinhkoly that the author 
should have cared to consult aa well More's less complete 
original. 

Between Gra.f1*>n and HoliflslH-'d a decision is more 
difScult, Grafton fails to account for several of the passages 
mentioned under 1, and has tio statement of the duration 
of Uie truce between the Scotch and English, given by 
Hall and Holini^hed aa three years, and changed by The 
True Tragedy to six (p. 91). Hohnshed on the other 
hand fiiilfs totally for all the passages under l. -But the 
"Westmorland" passage soems U> pcint to the iige of 
Holinsljed, and for the Epilogue from the beginning of 
Elizabeth's reign Holinshed alone will account, if it be 
assumed that here, as i.s clearly the case in the rest of 
tlic epilogue, a chronicle account is the basis. This, bow- 
ever, cannot be shown witli certainty. But the author 
reTeals on every page that his study of bis anthorities 
was exceedingly hasty and inaccurate. This renders it 
more probable that he used the well-known and popular 
Holinslied rather than the le^s well-known and older 
Grafton, the use of which has not. I believe, been proved 
for any of the productions of the Klizabethan popular stage. 
The same argument is a .still stronger reason for believing 
that the Hardyng continuation and More"s biography ill 
Rastell's edition wen' not used in preference to Hall. 
With a dramatist like Lcgge there would be no such 
presumption. 

We may eonelude. therefore, with practical certainty 
that the uiilbur of The True Tragedy used Hall, and 
regard it as most pr'obable that lie used UolinsLod rather 
than (Irafton in addition. 



5.1 The True Tragedy made use of The Mirror 
for Magistrates for the story of .'^bore's Wife. This is 
-sihowr , 



a) By t\\^ whole fonoeption of Shore's wife's punisli- 
menl, Tli:- open permncc in procossion rccpives llie Tiarept 
iiieulion, hving limited lo "Qvg from mo to ilio Bishop of 
Landon, and see that shn reciouo her open penance". This 
is sihsoluU'ly nil, anil is follfiwrd in llic same sonl-once Ity 
tlin ilirretion, "Id. Kit lie tiirni'il out of prison, hut as haro 
as a wretch tlmt worthily bath (Ipserv-pd thai platrue", and 
orth'rs thnt mi one shall rt'liovc or pity her. Hit appraranco 
from this time on is confined lu her unsuccrsst'u! be^^ang 
of those whom she lias assisted; while her previous 
appparancc lias bpen in the nature of preparatiim for lUis, 
since there she obtains the promise of help from thnse 
whom she has aided, in case of misfortune to her, which 
promise in the later scenes they fail to keep. This cor- 
responds entirely to the legend in the Mirror for 
Magistrates, iwhere as here her poverty in caused by 
Richard's spoiling her of her goods, and where as here.i 
comfortleps and hanfrry. f^ho l>egs in the streets, of thoBO 
who havi' hefore benftited hy her kindness. This is wholly 
contrary to the representation of More and Hall, in whose 
work Jane Shore's betryary has nothing to do with Richard's 
conlisealiou of her yuods, oeeurring only late in lier life; 
where there is no sugjrestion that she begged in the streets;! 
and whore her beggary reeeives only slight meniion, whilo 
her penance in procession is described at length. Cf. the 
analysis of the legend, and the comments on its relation, 
to its source (pp. 260 — 1). 

hi Shore's wife first appears in the play with an ■ 
apostrophe to Koitum.', So in the poem she inti-oducea 
her story with a tirade against Fortune, carried out| 
through tiv«> stanzas. The thought iij both places is the 
same; Fortune ilatters, suddenly to doeeive; liJt;i liigh, 
only to let fall. 

c) In the play. Shore's wife aflur receiving the news 
of Edwanls deuth is nest told that Gloucester has been 
made proU;ctor. Whereat she exclaims: 



"Ah me, Uien c-ume!* my mine nnd Het'aie. 
For h(j t'lnilit nau«>r abide mp In Ilia dealh. 
No he nlwaios haled me ■fthom hi« brother loued so well". 

TheiP is nu cliruiiide or litstorical aulhorily fur tUe stale- 
nipnl (li:it RlL-liard usijfcijilly luit<'il Shore's wifp. She 
recpivcj no notici:! from Iiim (ill slw hecamt! a coiiV'cnicDt 
ineaiis of working Hastings' dcaUi; and her concJerunation 
|[i pnnislinit'nt Wius. as re])rcsentr<! Ijy Mort'. the rosntt of 
n iirt't+'iiiicd morality onRicbai'd's jiart, and tlic confiscation 
of liiT yoods tlu! rrsult of cuvetousncsa and not of his 
anger. Botli eotidpmnaliim and confiscalion wore the 
a)nsciliifnc<'8 of tin'" situation proiliicod by tlie plot aiTiiinst 
HaBtinjre, united, doiil)tloss, witti a desire to throw odium 
im llif dead Edward. Tlir passage has its source in these 
lines ill the Mirrur for Ma)a:istrates legend. 

"Mis [EdwBi'd'fi] liod.v wb.- no (inouor put in cliesl. 
Out v«i]\ was hee that could procure in>' faLl: 
His hrwilier was myna eiiemye musi of all, 

I'l'otBi'tolir IheO, whus Vioe did s^ll ftbotlhil"'. 

Tlip last line <iops not neeessai-ily, and, as the furllier 
t'oiii-sn nf thi' pni'in yliows. passinijr at oner tti Ri<'tiarirs 
cliarg).' Iliat Shore's wlfr alteiiijjted to poison liim, |in.il)alily 
dot^s Jiot, moan to say that Richard was Protector at once 
ai'ti-r Edward's death: hut it is easy so to imderstand it, 
and that the author uf The Ti'uc Tragedy did so under- 
stand it, and fram it derived the appointment o( Richard 
hj the king, seems to h& shown by the lines preceding 
the ttireo (luoted ahuvo. 

"Shur. Bill wi,v Lodwiel{L>, who hath the KiriR mailo Proleclor, 
Itiii'inc llie innurmilir f iniiiniily] iif the vitirii^ Prince. 
L«(l. Hu liatti iiLude \\in briiUier Unite uT Uhisier i'rulacler. 
Shor. Ah ma, then cumtjif 1117 mine, oU'," 

Tin' connection of the announcement uf Richard's protector- 
ship with w'hnl follows renders it more than probable that 
this too is drawn fmni the nariie passage in the Mirror 
for Magistrates. That it is not drawn from the chronicles 
I Rhow elsewhere (cf. p. 264). 



■— 412 — 



d| Crrtaiii verbal rescniblances point to the samf 
origin. 

1. cf. "For tlio lie was king, yet Slioro's wiro swajd 
the swoonl" (p. 90) with the pof^m's 

"T gouernd Viim i]iat ruled nU this liinti: 
I baVB Ihe sw'.tnJ, llioiiph he dirf weare Iho tTOwnp", 

H^re the rsspmblance is absolutp proof of imitation. 
In More there is aothing of the tind. 

2. "But my friends should have pr^fprd discipline liefore 
affection, for they know of my fully, yea my own 
husband etc." This appears lo mean that her fncmls 
should have restrained lier, instead of, utit of love for 
her, letting her go her own way; but there can be 
no doubt that the lines are reminiscences of the 
Mirror for Magistrates, 

"But P'lejire from hlame nri.v frennlH oan mil he fimiiHe, 
Before my lime ray j'outh they did ulmso; 
In maria^ a [irefitise wjis I buiiari". 

The passiif^e in Hull (Mor^pl will nut aeeuunt for Ihe 
ri'sembiance. "This woman wns borne in Li>ndnii, 
well frended, honestly brought vp, and very well 
maryed, sauyng somewhat in sono^ her hiisbiuidf' an 
honest and a young citez(:!n, godly and of good siib- 
staunce. but fnrasniucbe as tliry were coupled or she 
were well rype, she not very fenicntlj loiied for 
wham Bhe neuer longed". 

3. "Now shall Shore's wife be a niirrour and ttKikiajr 
glassc to all her enemies" (p. fiO). Cf. in the con- 
eluding lineR of the poem "A Mirour make by my 
great ouerthro", and the whole purpose uf the Mirror 
for Magistrates. The intention of the play, as 
evidenced by its title, was the same as that of the 
Mirror, to make of Shore's wife "an example for 
all wicked women". 

e) "I will shun her company iiiul tret me to my chamber, 
and there set down in Iieroical verae, the sbatnefull end 



— 413 — 

of a Kings Concubir". This soeiiis clearlj to l)0 a rpfcrence 
t(> thf) [KH'iii iu the Mirror for Magistratps. For a 
further discussion of the passage spc pp. 439-^31, 

Analysis of The Tnu- Traprdy. 

Ill analysing Legge's Richardus Tertius it was 
IJossiMe, wbilf describinti tbt^ nature and content of the 
play, to ^ve at the same time nearly completely its relations 
to its historical and literarj' sources, for tliesc were limited 
to two, Uii^ chronicles' liistory of nichaixl and Seneca's 
plays. The case is very differpnt with The True Tragedy. 
It is not the first of its species, liut was preceded hy 
t|iaiiy, lii.storit;al plays, playe of rGveiitfi', and olhiTS, which 
exureiscd intlueiico upon it; and at the i^ame time it standi 
in (^loap relation to at least one play that follows il, 
Shakespeare's Richard III. It lias seenu-d best, there- 
fore, owing to their importance, to assign to separate 
sections such t|UPStioiis as tho rolntion of the phiv to 
Legge, to Marlowe, to Henry VI and to Ricliaiit III, 
mid lip confine the analysis to slmwiiiff the nature of the 
play, with its relation to its Idstuncal smirces, and to such 
wuT-ks othei' than these ol' Leggc and Marlowe as reveal 
resiinhlances lo it. 

The introduction to the play is fonned hy a scene 
between Truth and Poelrie, to whom t-iitei-s the ghost 
of Clarence, crying 

"Crissce, criinr: sanffiiis sntieliir sanguln*: cresce, 
Qiioil Hpero etlft. O eilii, (.'it(\ vcikHpU.". 

Tliese, the first words of the play, indicate upon one side 
tlie character It is to bear — that of a revenge tragedy, 
in which the problem of the play is the attaiuuient nf 
revenfrc by one uiurdereil previously to Uil' action. Thus, 
for example, in The Spanish Tragedy the ghost of 
Andrea, in The Misfortunes of Art luir (I0K8) tbc ghost 
of Gorlois. set Ihe play in niO'tiou and indicate that its 



— 414 — 



end is to rnvoii^o tlip \vniti!."4 limy have siifTerPil. Tn nthpr 
of the ri'vciigc pljiys, as v. g. Locriuo (probably' writteu 
before 1587) ami The Battin of Alcazar (1591 or t-ariier) 
tlie (fhosts iiiipi-ar (iiiriTi^ Ihc course of iln- |ila,v itsrif. Tn 
nearly all tlifsp rcvcugi'-plays appears the ciip-word. 
vindicta. Tims in The Spanisb Tiayprfy, Hieruiiyiim, 
niOiirninK liis son, ajipfars readiii-r 

"■Vindii.'La uiidi — 
A>, heaven will bo revenged of every ill", 

and with this Biblical iiiiotalion (Deut. 32:35, 41:43: 
Ps. 94 : 1 : Rom. la : 19; Hrb. 10 : 30), it is likely, the word 
first enters the Revengr" Tragedy. Then il became a 
favorite cry of tlio: ghosts. In The Battle of Alcazar 
"Enter three ghosts crying Vi(i(li<:ta", and in Lorrine the 
ghost of Albanact cries out to lluniher "Vindieta, Viiidieta". 
The Trufi Tragedy shows itself at the liepiniiing. then. 
fully in the current of the rrvenRf pliiys: and its cnniiectiou 
with them is shown in several otlnr passages. 

When Clarence's ghost lias disappeared. Poetry turns 
to Truth, and there ensues the following dialogue. 

'"Poeir'ia Triitli woll met. 

Tiiilli. Tlmiiki^.s Pnetriie, whal iiiilkti? thou v|POti a niagv? 

I'oel. SliailnwL'.K. 
Truth, Then will 1 adde Imdies Id -the ''liBtlowcf, 
Tliererore ileparl and g'iue Ti-inh Ipitiie 
To pihew hor pajreant, 
PoBt. WIi,v will Trulli he n Player? 
Tntth. No, bill Traj;i>tlia like for tn |irP4fliil 
A Tra^ciiii" in Bnpliinil ilmie but laU*, 
That will [-p-iiiui? (liP tipiarU of drooplnjf mindea. 
PfiPl. Wliereii^-' 
Truth. Marr.T thus," 

Thereupon Truth sets forth the eircuniHtaiiccs attendant 
upon the steps of Richard Plantagenet's att4'inpt to win 
the ci-owii, the death of Richard, of Henry and of Clarence. 

"By GlD»ler'H U»We drowned in a hut of win»". 
Poetry inquire.'; what shield it w!o; tliiit IIih ghosl of 
Olarenee let fall. 



— 415 — 



"Trulh. A sheilU conleining this, in full elTecl. 

Blood sjirinkleil, .-{pi'iDirM: liload »pilt, cranes ilue revenge: 
Whereiiinni ho writes, Crest'B iTuur etc." — 

Truth then describes RicLanl: 

"A man ill sli8pe<l, cruokoil hjipkeil, lann? srmeti. wilhali, 
VaLianlly minekici. bul tyrannous in aullioritif. 
So during the minorilie of tlio ji^oiig Prinee 
He is made Lnrd Prolcclor ouer Ihe Il*«aliin'", 

Turning now directlj k) the audience, Truth makes known 
tlie immediate situation. 

"Genlilew Hupiioso that Kdwaril iiuv liaLli rui^ned 
Full Iva and Iweutie ^(.-aiefi, and now like In die. 
Halli siimmand &U his Nohles lii the cniiri. 
To swear aUeageaove with llie l>uke liL-i ln'ollior. 
Kor Iriith vnto his soitiie the IniidcT l'riD«e". 

Tlirii Truth and Poetry leave tlie strif!:e, and the play 

The source of Truth's explanation is evidently Moi-e's 
introduction to his story of Ricliard. whieti is on the whole 
closely followed. This does not, hott-ever, aecouiiL for the 
atateuiont of Clarence's death at Richard's hands, nor for 
the appointment of Itichard as protector. For an ex- 
planation of these see pp. !>41 ff. and 411. That tlie 
mention of a date for the Parliament in which Hiehard 
Plantageiiet made known hia claims points to the use of Hall 
or of the Hardyng continuation, I have shown p. 40(>. 

The allegorical figures of Truth and Poetry in 
connection witli the frhost of Clarence convey an indietinct 
rennniecetice of the introduction to The Spanish Tragedy, 
where the likewiae allegorical figure of Revenge appears 
with the ghost of Andrea, and before the fourth act 
Kxplains the dumli show, as Truth here explains the 
action of the ghost of (Harence. 

[Scene 1.] The opening scene is the reconciliation 
scene at Edward's hedside. described by More. Those 
present are Edward. Lord HastinKS, Lord Wareiis [ Lord 
Marquip; Dorset]: and Elizabeth. "To them Bldiard'' 



— 4lfi — 



lollows in tbc seenp-ln'adi^^^ hui h? does not ap 
That lie wi;s meant to do wo. and tlnat we have h( 
corruption or alteration of thp original. I show eUewlit'r<?, 
Edward's speech to liis lords follows, in abridged fonii, at 
tin' lie^nnuing almost word for word, the speech put in 
his mouth hy More. He calls their attention to tho pliglit 
ill whirii lie lies, and bejis them at his doath to reasi 
from their quarrels and forgive each othtT. To Dorsoi 
and Hastings — followiiifr More's account — hi' addresaei 
himself especially. They are at tii*st iinwillinfr to yiold. 
ami the king^ despaii-s, but finally at the entreaty o£, 
Elizabetli and of Edward thry Join hands and unite in 
oalli of friendship. Edward then again addresses them. 
connnittinK the youiif^ priuci- U* Mit' ^ovenimeiit of Olou- 
cester as Protector, and bidding; KlizabeUi be loyaE to b 
Jiidthrr. Then, the slee.p of dealli aiipniacIiiiiK. be coui 
mfinls his soul to llie Redeemer and dies. 

Tho tinal words of Edward show the use of thft deutb-liei 
speech written by Hall, cf. p. 407—8. Tlie reluctance oi 
Dorset and Hastin^rw l<i ayrce is not from the chronicb 
[ liiive s.iigpested a prol)al}li' source for It on p. 493. 

Durin^f tlie course of the scone Elizabeth refers 
Edward as "the aged King my father". But EdwanI <lip(f' 
when only 41. The representation of Edward as aged 
eorrespnuds to that of Brutus in Locrine. Here, likp- 
wise in the fir.st scene. Brutus dying, addresses his lord 
and his children, with whom is Guendolen, his niece, 
which may possibly account for tho presence here 
Elizabeth, who is not mentioned by the ehronicle.'i. Lncrinp 
is bidden to imitate his "aged father's steps", Guendolea 
wilt not contradict her "aired father's (('orineus'] wilP' 
Albaiiact is bidden, later, like ivocnne. to imitate bi 
'*aj.'"ed father's steps"'. The expression occiu-s repeatetll 
This is the lirst indication of resemblances to Ihc old playi 
of this ^.'poup. many of which appear later. 

Cf. the kintj's ""But what saith Lord llarcus an 
Lord Hastings What, nut one word;-*" witli the old Hejiry V 



It 

I 



— 417 — 



(Shak. Lib. 11,1,343): "Purduii, {.^jod father, iiol a wm-d: 
ah he will not speak niir wnni". With Ihp final words 
and deatli of Kdwaril, tf. tlmsi- of Ui'iiry in tin- nld 
Henry V, p. 347. 

[Sccno 2.] Sliorc'a wife outers with an tipostrophe to 
Fortime. 

"0 Portnii*, ttherefor* weft lliou palled PoHune? 
But ibnl Uiou art forliinale? 
Those, whom thou fmtoure.-d bp fnmotiK, 
MeriLjop nii'TO inen-io, 

Anil /fauglil with mirt'nrB ur mK^iianiiuiiie', 
And Forlime I would l.hoa liatLst neimr fminiirpil nifi". 

Huraly. Iht maid, reiiioiisitratcs that she should iiiH fxc-laiiii 
against Kortiinc, who 1ms caused \wr advaciciMimiit, hut 
Slun-e's wife rPT<'alK the fact that sin* fpars the iloath nf 
tlu^ Kina. [f ho goow she will lii^ left iinprovidfid for. and 
her focrt will triunii)!i. TIhtp outers intw Lndwickf. a 
niotiS'eiiK'^r from Lurd Hastiiifiis. with tho roijuost that i^lit- 
will eiitiR' to hi« jiiastt'i". or him slif iimuti'<'>i ru'WK «f 
t]|i- Kiii;<'s li<-alth. and aftn" sotnc umlti<:uiiiis ri'jdii-s fr'niii 
which 8hti tak('!i ctmraf^p, h4' irifiit'inK Iut Uiiit ilii' kiti^' is 
dpad. She hursts nut into liiuii'iit. 

"Ah swefU? KilwnrtU fiu'well m,v tjiTioiuiis Li>r"il anti smie'reigiii-, 
Fur nnw aholl Sliorf<'H wife be a iiiii'rmii' nnil liinkinjr )flnMt»>. 
Tn all hor eneiniE>,«". 

Sbt' pfophoeic^ that all her fn<^nd8 will fall froTii hew Hor 
foar is iiicreasiul hjc the tinws that Richard has hccn niado 
I'rntcetor. "for hv could iio-in-r ahiilf ini' to Hw death". 
Lodowickc coiiilVirts her with tlif wohIh that iiiw lord. 
HastiiitfH, will always hclji her. and pi'omiM^'K tu-r tlic land 
she liaH hc^K''*' ''"' '''"'■ ^'I'nild she i'V(M' Iw in want. 

Now ■'Kiitfr u ntizcn and itliirtfMi a .s'Tiiiiij;; iniin". 
The eitizL'U wolcoiucs Morton, and hi-j^s (or th*' rfturn of 
money In* has lent. Morton cannot ^\\c it. hir lif is ini- 
certain of ids own: tlie KiiiK is ilead. 'Hip iili7«'n is forced 
to content himwelf, I'nr In* lou is coiiscious o^ eoniiii^ daiitriT, 
and has heard rumors that the yoiintr kiujf will never 
reifjn — "Tin? Kiiij,' loost'tli his right they say". They 



— 418 — 



nnw pprceiTf Mistress Sliore, and greet ber. Botlt arc 
niiicli lelioUliiig to her, Morton for liis place, the citizen 
fur tlie lift' of his son. and Wtli tlianit her heartily. Bhe 
warns them tliat she fares not as well as once, and niay 
sorai' day he driven tn try licr friends. She then depart-i 
witli Lotiowick*' ntiii Morton to hctuko her.'^olf to Hastings, 
and the dtizeii is left to coinnu-ut on the eituation. For 
Shore's wife, tlKuijrh thi' Kinj^ is dcatl. tlicre iy yet Lord 
Hiistirife's: fur hiiimclf, if all (.-uHtuniers Korvo liini as Morton 
UoK done, ho is Uki'l.v to keep a had tiouselioLd of it. 

As ] have shown, pp. 4\*}—'A, tli«' part "f Shore's wife is 
drawn from Ihe Icyemi in tlie Mirror for Magistrates. 
The scene is wholly a prophecy and foiv boding of what 
is to hofall her. One (jreat loss slie Uixa suffered. tliciuj;h 
slie still liJis friends, but what will happen if Hastings 
ishoukl fail her? 

Tlie passago hntwcen tJie citizen and Morton is douhtlese 
from tho passjiLfe in Mon? where lie speaks of the citizens 
foreliuding danirei', their liearlv inisgiving them liy a secret 
instinct of nature, as the sea without wind swells before a 
storm. (Jf. Ilie fiilter di.sciission (jf this jtassage. pp. 1-ifi— 7. 
The passage is, likii llial witii Shore's wifi\ one of fure- 
hoding. hut it ia the foreboding of a danger not to one 
person oiUy, but to tlii' state, ('rudely written as it is, 
if well acted it could not liave falNid of effect. 

[Hcene 8,] ''Enters lliehitrd, Hir Williain Cashie 
( Catesbyl Paf' of his chanibcr. and his trnine", 
Richard liids liis followers farewnll, dircctini? them to look 
to llieir eUarges. and tliev ilepart, Catesby uttering as he 
leaves the wish, 

"C'as, Rpiiowned aiidl rijr'it wiirlliii- I'lotenlor. 
Wlmse exL'e.leni'T far ilesor^ii'.* the name <ir kinj^' l.hen. pruleclor, 
Sir William CI(-■^hi(^ ivighedi my I.orJ, 
Thn.1 ,vour grace mny an guueriie the jootiK I'tiocb, 
TiiAt UiQ Oi-owne oi England mny Flourish in all happiiieffiie". 

riicliard is left alone. The parting words of C'atesliy have 
roLiKed him, and he pours out a soliloquy that reveals all 



— 419 — 



hia ambition, the crimes Ms ambition Uafi caiispil in the 
past, and that whicli it will causo in tlit^ future. 

"Rich. Ah yoon^ Triiifo. aail why not Ir 

Or whi> ^hall inherit PUnU^inci liiil Lis sonne*-' 

And who the King deceased, but Hip hrfiiht^r? 

HhM law bridle na-lure, or aiithorttit! hinder inlkerilancnl' 

No, [ Bay no: Prinpipalilde brooks no pqualitie, 
, Mucli Ims 6ui>erioriti«, 
'And Ihe title of a. King is nest vniKir ihe degree of s Uod, 

Fi'i' if liii hi- w. iridic U* hw eallud v^iliitnt, 

Tlial. ill liis life winncs haimiir. uuil l).v lua awoni winncs riches, 

Why nuu" I with renowiit) tit a aouldier, which in n^iier iwld hitt 

\\y wuiglil, nur chsngerl hul h.v lusse of life, 

T venjit not the caraff hitl Iho ^'lurie, and ^incn ic beeonmietli 

A sonriu tn mfiirituin ihp hi^noiir of (li.-i ilt'Wftucil fallinr, 

Wh.v should I mil luDiiivd his digntlic li> my hrulhui^ .nonin's? 

To bv liatiei' tlun n Kiag I disdninc. 

Ami lo be movu tlien I'rolecKjr, llie law dutiy. 

Wliy my father got tho Oi-owne, my brother won the Crown*. 

Atid 1 will wear the Crowne. 

Oi' ilfi niako thflm hup wilhuiU Lh&ir i-rownes that ilonioA mm; 

HjKit' T rpniiiiii'il -iiii.'h logs out of my srglit «.w my hi'ulhcr t'lacpin'i' 

Ami king lluniy tlie ^isil, to siilTrr n ohild to tihadiur me. 

Nay inniT, my iiciiliow lit di.-iiulieril me, 

Vol luiisl uf iili, ((► be released (rum tlie yoke iif my hroltier 

As 1 terme it, to bi'come subieft ti) liis »oniie, 

No deaih nor hell shall nut withlmlil me, hulas I rule T \vill t'liirn. 

And SM rnigii thul ilic proude'^fl eueniy KhidI mil id)idi' 

Tho sharjiest sUiiiii'c. Why wlisl orv the babus but a jiiiITi' "jf 

(liiri-poiiil'jr ? A nwrke for Ihp- suldierw, fin'd tor fishes, 

i)r lining Tor bnd)<, douico!! (tnoa>.di In iii.ik>' tlieiig away. 

\Vliereiii I ftDj rosdlnte, and dptcrniining, needs no ooiinKi^ll. 

Ho. whosn williiii?" 

Nol iit llu^ moment of Edwiird's iluatL did tills Rfrlinrd 
(•.nnrpivc his pnrpo.^e to ri'ijL''ii. Il has ln'i'ii vvilli liltii I'vor 
sitici.' lit- lit'giiri lo taki"- tiart in liis brolliL^'s win;?, and 
has guided liis every act. Henry and Clarence liavr ln'en 
removed as Infxs from Ills patli. jind now at lust lie has 
bpiMi freed from tlir yoke iil' \n» liiotlnT's n'ljjn, uuiler 
which h(-' has chafed. Siiall he now after all this suhinit 
to the rule t\( a hoy? Though ho never fur a moment 

27* 



— 420 — 



mils U) see that fill law is against bim, arfjuments are not 
witnliiig to feed liiiiiself with. He is his father's sou, 
inihued wntti bis father's spirit. Upon Lim descends tlie 
(iut.v of iii>liot(ling liis latber's erown. Has he rot fimght 
for it. for father and for brother, giving all the power that 
was in him for tiieni, and wiial has lie reapftd? The glory 
of a soldier, to be sure, but the gain of all his valiancy 
has gonp to another. And now, conscious of all his long 
service in the winning of tliat crown, lie must stand and 
see it fall lo a child, who knows nothing of tlie past, and 
has made no sacrifices for that which is put in his hands 
by fortune. Even now the cliild cannot rule, Richard 
must rule, but for another. The child will reigu. Shall 
he not make one lust easy iibiw at fate, at this cruel 
chance whicli is depriving hiiu of that which he feels he 
sliimid riglitly inherit* of that which he himself has won? 
Death and hell whall not withhold him from it. 

Such appeurs to he the meaning i>f Richard's soliloquy. 
That it rcvfals the same Richard as the Richard of 3 
Henry Vl 1 hIuUI trv to show elsewhere (cf. p. -187 el seq.l. 

In addition to tiio passage there (p. 4*jy) (jiioted from 
2 Henry Vi compare with Richard's *'Ile make tbeni bop 
without their crownes", from James IV tbefore 1692): 

"On paiti of (l«atfi. pfoiul bislioi*, g6l yuu gone, 
t'tiless you tieBillfSM iiiean to Imp aivay". 

While Richard lias h«en speaking ho has heard some- 
one stirring within, and in response to bis call appear the 
pagi- and Pereival. 

"Pnr. Mnj- it pl^me .vmir Mnie.itie. 
Hich. Ha villnniti. Maie.-ilip 

I'e<r. I ^|i>c:iki' hni vfinn thai which Bhall be m^ ^od Lord. 
Rich, HuL wlinlri In- wilb ttiefl:> 

Pa^e. A MeswBiiger Willi n letter Troin the rij^ht honntii'sble The 

[Duke of BtickiiucliBni". 

[For Per. in the Ri-st and third lines, read Page. Richard's 
question and the page's answer make evident the reason 
for the change.) At the greeting Richard turns aside to 
soliloquize. 



— 421 — 



"A how lYda tJll« of MALBK.tie, tt]iimate>i mo lu my )iiir|i»tie, 
Rise man, regard nii fali, ha,]tly ihis Idler briiigr* gt)inl liicke. 
Way i' be, or i>* it possible, 
TJiolh Fortune so much fauuur my happEnemiie 
Thill 1 no sooner deuUe, but ahc sels alit'oadi ? 
Or dolh .she but to trie me, that raLsiug me iiliffl, 
My Tali may by the greater, well laugli aa Hweete chang'o, 
Go AS b« may, I will nouer f«are cvlot(^^ nor re^rd nilb, 
Valuur bring!! fame, anj fame conq^iiers rleaCh". 

Tlio words are B.ignificaiit in two ways. At the inonicnt 
of entrance iipnn Ihe actions that arr to acrrmi[iliwti liis 
purpose, while all [irouiises fair. Richai'd has ii iimini'nt's 
forpbodirig nf the omi. It is thn same forchoding that 
Shakespeare's Richard feftlK, when having iimuntcd his 
llironc: he ask^ 

'"Hut shall WB wear these glorie^^ for a day? 
Or fih&ll they lot^t, and wo rejoice in thorn?" ' 

This fore-indication of what is to follow is a favorite 
(levicp of the author of The True Tragedy. 

The last line of RicliJird's speccli throws I'Mpci-ial Ijghl. 
upon tlio (^liaraeter. Looking furwanl to tin' enil, lie shows 
that his ambition reaches beyond dL'Uth. Not powrr, hut 
fame, is his ohjfrt. and "fame C(nu|uers dr.ilh". Dralli 
will l)e no aili')]uate punishnienl for tliis Richard's ciiiii«^s, 
as Legge thought, it for his Ricliard. t)n Ihn "majesty" 
passage cf. p. 493, On Riclia-ril's rcrcrence to rortiiiie 
see p. 179. 

Richard now turns to Percival. The letter he has 
brought contains the offer of Buckingham to join wiili 
Richard, and Richard gladly arcepts. though Buijkiiigham 
has long been his foe. Bu4'fcingham proposeK to reniovp 
the Prince I'roin tlip tjuepii's triends, and Rie-hard eagerly 
agrees, as "it is the only way" to hfs piirjios*'. At tlifl 
coronation both the dukes nhall be present, and tliere. 
says Richard, 

■"by iht' Itelfie cif Uiy Lrtird. I will «ri jtlaio my pari 
That Ho bo more Ihaii 1 am, ami nnl miich les«iB llian I Prioke for". 



— 424 — 

RnrI >if Wtisiniiirlantl aiitl NorllmiiiTiorliind, nro secri'tly fled; 
how this gt^nro will t'otton 1 know not. lint what do 1 medling 
in siii'li iunttc<i'.s, that .sbotilil mmlle with llii; vatying uf my 
Lunlt's iwirU. faith do uuen sk a grc^ai matij ilu beiUde, 
inedl<< with Piiiices m.-illors su long, til they proiJo tliem- 
^iies bepg^Hi,'* in thp end. Theiffoie I tor fenre 1 should 
bo taken napping with any wgrd3. He sel a locke on my 
lips, fur reare m^" lonRTie grow too wide for my moulh". 



nicliaril's wonis are indicative of a directness and 
swiflnrss nt' action no( unlike Hiat ol' Shakesjirare's Ricliaril. 
iintl n-vi'al at the sa.nii' tiiiii_'; an iinroadiness to trust an- 
otlii'r wliicli — with tin: cscrjitiun of the Percival cpisndi; — 
is (.•lianu'tcrintic ol' liiin tlimuyliout. Hf will n-ly as far 
as poiisiblo uii liiumoU, and luuka us*i of oth<.TSonly wliun 
it is unavoidable. 

Tlic witrds of ijtr pajie contain almost the only liint 
of ihr coniif in the whole play. In this rr-sjuict it corrcspoiids 
to the old Kinj; John ami is notably diffrrnit trnni the 
old Iluiiry V. In the staUiuient of the page as to the 
miliji- men who hnvo, tird we have one of the many 
ii-uiarkuld*' i^xaniidcs in llic play of a complete "nindtllin;,'" 
of the historical events. No one lied, of courae, till after 
the eapttire of the QuecnV kinsmen. Then Doryel tied 
with the (^ueeii to ssiiienuiry. Hik (IJ^Hil from the couiltrj* 
di<l not follow till after the failure of the rehellion Btartod 
by Bni'kiiiL'Hnin, Th*^ i-htI uf NurMiiunlicrfuntl reiiiHin*'d 
on Hietianl's siile ami iiliandoned liin) only al Mii' Imltlf^ 
of Boswortli. There is no earl of We«liiiurolaiid in ttin 
story. 1 vcnlure lo sngfri'*<t, as esphiiiiiiiirn ti' ■■■ 

menl. that tlie aiillinr may \rA\- ■ 
Holinshed's aecount of the rehi'lli- 
morel Hiid and XurtlniudiE-rlaiid in ii>' 
of vol. :J. p. -J^b Htamis -Tl'' ■-''' 
and VVeslriirrlaiid rrhelUil 
staiement "tlii' two 
Weslinerlanil wen- Ik 
Scotland. 



.,l,t 



— 425 — 



[Seen (1 4,] '^Entcr tlic yoony: IMiKf, his TirciUier. 
Duke of Yorke, Earle Rivers, LonI Gray, Mir Hapce, 
Sir Thomas Vaiiehiiir'. 

In this heading the Duke ut Vork appearB by inistako, 
as lie is sul>S(Hiuently shown l-o be in L<mdon. "Sir Hapco" 
is a romarkiiltlt? mutilation of Sir [RicbardJ Hawtc 

Tile Prince is on his way towarU London, and has 
nearly reached Northampton when he receives letters frniii 
his motlier, bidding him dismiss his train lest Northaniplun 
shfiuld pmve too small to receive them, ami lost Qloueester 
shoulil tJiink they came of malicf against liiiii and his 
blood. A discussion ensues, in which Rivei-s urfjes tliaL 
the train should not lie disniisseil, hecause the two factions 
may easily fall apart once more, and hecausf- 13iicknitrhain 
is lip ill the Marches of Wales and the Protector is joiiwd 
with him for some reason unknown. Buckingham is tliou^ht 
to he a friend to the king, but Richard is misdoubted an 
a foe. At Gray's suggestion Rivers is left at Nort.liamiiton 
to confer with the two dukes and discover Iheir iiurpose: 
wliilo in accordance with the Queen's letters and the ytmnj; 
King's desire the train is disniissrd. Rivers consents, and 
taketi his leave, while tho yuun^' King in distress pronii.si's, 
if he lives, lo root out this malice and envy, and make 
them weary who first l)e;.'iin llie tnisrhier. Gray and 
Vau^rlian applaud llie speech as evidence of kinglike 
reaolulion and n toward nature, The party then proceeds. 
The H-cene l.s in general drawn li'iiii Mntv'w aeemint, 
hut there an? diffnrenees. Uiver.'^ urges the greenneKs of 
the Ifat'ue of amity as a reasim fur reiaining the train. 
to M<tn>. where the siime fact is urged iipmn the 
Ufniieivt-h-r's eiiiissai'ies as a reason fiir ilis- 
in. Iiivors is left liehind lo discover the 
while in Mm-e biw pn'sieiice [n X(irtli- 
uiiterl for; ami, chief difference nf all, 
t'l-ugnixed, — "We have the Piince. 
M'hile Miire'H effitrl bnd been to 
I that Richard had any authorily. 



426 — 



The fear lest Northampton mig^ht lie too snml! for tlje 
train is ilcnv^'il fMni] Miiri>'s Mtali"n>pnt tliat Budkingliani 
and Rirliard fbuml Mii.' Kins' in't'parlng to leave f<toay 
Strarforil fvpo lor tlipm "'bprau>;w it was to streightp for 
botliL'' i.'iimpaiiii's' iLunilij's *n\. p, 17). 

[Sttpne o.] '"Enters an old Inne-keeper and Ri- 
vltaril'K Page". 

Till' scfna is Llii' Inn al Northampton where Rivers 
is lodfTfil. The pagp is giving orders for the entertainment 
of Richard and his foUn;vi?rs. and with espefial emphasis 
that Richard's lodgiiiff is to he jirepari'd as near to Rivers" 
as pnssihlc. and that after all are gone to bed he shall 
brinfi to Rif hcird tlio keys of all liie roimis. These orders 
awaken tlie strnri^est reliicl.mtce nn the part of the liost. 
To kick in his guests like: prisoners aeems to liim Utile 
better than treason. 

"I'age. Treawiti villaiin", how flarosi thmi haiie n Ihoiight 
iif IrL'.t.sim ae»iiisi my l>iril? Tln-rtiJure .vi>» wore b»<sl bo 
brii^f, ami luH mo wIioUht vi-u will (i<i it or no? 

Ortliv Ai.-LHso wliiil sliaU I ilu!' wliu were I bent In ufleiiJ? 
shall I boLrBi that fj-nnd olito KnriR Ibal hull) btino at my 
Ikium*" IMS'* rortiti .venrprt? Wh.y itiiit I iliii> Ih'c will hnnptnn: 
nay ilipn im th<> min^r siilo. if 1 should imt iId b.s my Lnrd 
F'ruk'C'liir I'liuinianils, hv will cHiiip iftT uiy licitil, but in tliere 
iiu reiriodie?" 

Ho at last consents, hul jrrpatly against his will. 

The siliiaiion is of course derived from .More, as well 
ae the taking of the keys. Otherwise the scene Is the 
author's. We liav<i in it further evidence of the close 
relations between The True Tragedy and the other plays 
of its group. Rivers was ahmit the age of King KdwaMi. 
having been horn ahuiit 1542. not at all .in nld man. Tim 
tlio expression "good old man'' is very common in the 
old jtltiyn, and in the uUl Kin^^ .John occura a passage 
especially apropus to the pre^ient yiie. 

King John. p. 2B2 

"0 B!ranglo nut lUe poud olde man. 
My liiwlflsse "ildflNl (Tiit'Hl". 



— 427 — 



cTalst) Edw. ITr, TV. 4, 149—50 

"Ati ffin>il ulJ« mat), a Ihousand Ihou.'iand nrmorB 
These wrurds of Uiine have buckled on my backe", 

Selimus. I. 1549 

'"I smile lo wee Imw Uiitl ihe gucul old man" et^, 

So too of tbe Mayor of York, 3 Hen. VI 4. 7. 

"The good old disii w«i'« t»in Chat nU were well". 
Tin? repn'sf'iiiiition nf Rivf^rs like tliat of Edward as a^e^i 
IB l.liL're.forr tln' ailnplinn uf ji il(*vke tioiTinKin in tlie popular 
plays of lilt' time lo iiicrcasfi piillios. 

FoHowinjr iliis scene romes tho Ktage-<iii'cction "Enters 
thp iiiolhcr 4{ne?np. ami licr ilaiifrlit or. nnd hen 
sorinp, lo sanctuary". 

Tlie dirertion appears wholly ouL of place. Th*.^ arrest 
of the CJueen's kiitsnien, ttliidi in reality caiisiwl tiiT lo 
fly III sanctiiaj'y, has not yd occunvil. nor lins site recBivnd 
any disturbing news. But that the direction was nipaiit 
to be here, anil lias not bi'cn niisplacfd by the printer or 
copyist is shown hy llic fai't thai when the Queen ncsl 
appears she is in garictuary and it is there that she receives 
tht; news of lier kinsmen's arrest. 

(Scrnii H.) In the nvxl scene Rivers is liuaid calling 
fnjni his chamber. Ho porcoivea that his key is gone, 
anil that he has been betrayed: yet as filimroster and 
Burkinghniii ontc-r he tiirnti to saluto tboni jfontly. This 
is iit !UTord with More's "ho diMiTniiiind vippnn the surctie 
of his own conscience, to goc boldolyn to thorn, and infiiiire 
what tliyK matter myg'lite iiieane". (lloucfster turns on 
hill) at once, 

"Tlii>ii wrutflnxl Knria, whose) :igecl Ih'.iiI tnLiyinef in'mihl but 

Itraacberiv, 
Like Iu<Ih-s iIkiii inliiiillcd wn»l Id Mtip vitli rs lo."! ni^lil 
Hiil liCHiieti.'j ]>ri>>i<MiliM! tlico iiur iln, mill b>rt Ihfi* ill lliir^ plight.. 
rirecii'sl tJuiii Llial 1 the lilusti-r Diikf. shuld aa I'lolcclin .tway? 
And wftpe yuiJ he was loft boliiinLl. ti> maku va both ftway?" 

This fiillowfi JInrc'H, "whome as soone as tliey sii-vvr. they 
beganne to r|uarell with bym, and saye that bee intended 



— 428 



tu sptfF> dJsfauiicn bftwcnr the K.vngp and ilioni, and to- 
bryogu thi>iH 1o confusiuu, but it should not ly«' in his 
power". "And when bee beganne (as hee was a very 
well spokon niannel in t!;no(llj wise to excuse Lirusfjlf. tliey 
taryed not tlie ende of his aunswere, but shortely tt»oke 
liini and jmtte him in ward'o". Tlie play diifrrs in iallowing 
Rivers to defcMicl liiniscld boldly and at length, Buckingham 
coninicnting on his words with 

"A brauly spokon poivd old i'^urle, who lliu b\s Urns bn Biim 
He hath his Ionise n.^ miu'b lit v^ bs tho his j'eareH were yvng" 

Rivers boldly defies Richard to his face, 

"The t'liri)n!clcs I recnrd [t;ikc to ■wiliie.ss], lalk v( my fldelitin. A 

[of my prrjgoiiy, 
\V)u'r, Its ill a clais y" maisL bchuhl, Ihy ainjiwtur» A thoir iTechcr.v. 
Tlie wars in Krnnt't', Irish fflnfliets, St Sci.illjiiirl kriowBS my Iriisl, 
When ihwii hast kppt thy akin iiistard, and lot thine armor mat 

WuN ihln Uiu iiiitli. \vlii<']i at our princes death. 

With vs Ihuu did.fl L-oiiil)ino? 

Hul lime paiiiiiU nut now, lu t«1l Ihee nil my niinde: 

For woEl tl* kng"\"Ti thsl but fur fpart?, yoti ncuar ■wold Imvp clind", 

What tids last lino is intended tu mean 1 do nut know. 
The Hrst linos are pure invimiion, as contrary to hi&tory 
and ti3 tlie rlinmieles as they are absurd. At the a^^e of 
nineteen Riebard disiin^uisbed liiiiiself as his brother's 
chief champion, M Barnel and Tewkesbury, 1471; accoin- 
jiauie(3 Lis bruibor on liis invasion of France, l47o, where 
the cbi'onitlf^s represent liini, "whoso swonlcs thrusterl for 
Freneli blonde" (Hall. p. ;U4), a« the only one lii^isatisfied 
with the purchased peace,: and in 148^ waged war in 
S<M>tlari(i with sncccss. and recneivedc therefor the thanks 
of KiiifT and Parliament. As fur Rivers' record, he is 
mentioned in the chronicles m successful in totirnanient 
at Smitlilirld ajrainst the Bastard of Tiurirundy. and as 
acoomptinyiiig Edward to Kraikce. wliere witli the rest he 
acquiesced in the truce. There is no mention of him ae 
pre!>ent al Btirnel or Towkesbury or as taking part in the 
Scotch wars. Of Irish conUicts there appear tc liave been 



— 429 



none in Eilward's leign. It is proliable tlmt tlie speech 
is a free Rstenskm of Mnre's statenient, "To tlii' gover- 
naunce and ordering of tbis ytmg prince . . was thciv 
appointed . . Lord Rivers . . a right lioiioraljli' iniui, as 
valiaunte of liaiide as politikp in counsaylf". 

Finally Rivers is despatched to Pomf'rpt, and leaves 
with a blessing upon thi' "yoong and tt'ndiT babies" at 
whose life he pereeivos Rieliard is aiming. Aeeording to 
MoH' the departure oi RiverK took plaec after tlw arrest 
of the others, and the retiii'n of i\n- whole party to N'nrth- 
auipt«n. It is ordered that thr ways bi' guarded — foll- 
owing More — and Riehard depart.s for Stony Stratford, 
where, says he, "happily ile say grace tu ilur Princi^s 
dinner, that I will make tliie devontest nf them forgi't 
what meat they eat". 

[Scenic 7.] The hcoiil' is now transferred to Stony 
Stratt'oril, where the Prince, CJray, Vauglian and Hnpee 
art' awaiting Rivt-rs. Gray is auxioiiw bceause of his 
charge, and because no word has bi'tMi roceived from 
Rivers, which makes him think that Rivers and the 
Protector have quarrelled. The King essays to com- 
fort him. 

'*Wiij' giy'-'d vnkle cdrnforl j-mir strife, tm doiibl tii.v viikle 
E*rle RiuerB is well, ft in ironiniing no itmiht vpilli ni.V vnklo 
lit Oloater Ut nif»el iifi. clsi? w«^ slxttiM h«uo h*>ard t>i llio 
contrariB, If ;in,v haufl csiiHt" to fparp. il is my aplfi-. ihere- 
fore gooH vTikIc romforl your setfc ami be nol »a>\". 

Gray listens gratefully, and jirmiiises to conceal his fcijiiigs 
and entertain Buckiaghani and Riidnint properly wlien 
they Cfjine. At thi-s inonient th^y enter. 

Thus far the scen^ is wholly the author's Invention. 
On the character of the young Friuct* see pp. 441—3. 
Cf. also with the piissages there quoted, this from The 
Battle of Alcazar (p. 4S4, col. 1): 

"Bravn boy. how plAin Ibis ppineelj mind in \U«e 
Ai'giaeH tliB lieijrlil nin-I tiommr of tlij' birth! 
AjkI v&ll bitv« I tibsfliv'd thv forwai'dii*ss: — 



430 — 



Whiph bpinp toinder'd by your niajpBi_v. 

No ilititbt tlie (i_iia] ■[■(.'! i>iien'i] b,v llip month 
0( this ^oiiiip [irinci> iiiijinrliall}' tu iia, 
Ma.v aiiiaiJiUi ami lii^arten ali ll.io hoft 
To flglil against the dovil for Lord Malmmel,". 

This scenp, again, has for purpose the- fore-indication of 
disasters to come. 

"Entiiti'R KichArd, Uuke of Buckingham, .ind thrir 
traine". Rictuinl greets his n^vnl lU'jilii'w with ull slmw 
(.)f Goiirtesy, an does Buckiiigham, hut as soon as the 
uuiled trains start on. Buckinj^Iiain picks ;i quarrel with 
Gray, wlio has accidentally lirushi'd against Idiii. Richanl 
at once chimes in, with the cliargu that the justling is tlie 
sign and result of Crra.v's inward hate. Tlie attempl. iif 
tlie King to cTiIin th<' oppniieiits is uiijjuec.ps.sfu]. and Gray, 
Vaugliaii iiiid Hapcc arc urreated. Iluckin^jham charges 
Unit Gray lias eorivcyi'd itinui-y oiil nf the Tower to relieve 
their enemies thL- Scuts, and Hiehai'd diartres Idni with 
gnverning the Prince wittioiit the Protector's aullmrity. 
Gray replies that tliey Imve authority from tlie nicitlier 
Queen, and llial the delivery of the money to the Scots 
was made liy a general eon.sent of them ali. and he has 
their liands to show for his discharfie. All is of no avail. 
Thi' King is in despair. Ilia authority is sol at naught, 
his eruv-n is so hcsct with sorrows that gi'ief will kill him 
pre he can enjoy his kingdom. Aa Ills aulliority is useli'ss 
he deseeiids to entreaty, and begs to l*e allowed to hail 
all the prisoaers, or nt least. LortI Gray. Ht- knows that 
Uia uncle concftals no treason or dangerous secrets. Richard 
replies that he conceals ""secrets that are too suhtil for 
habes". They are using hitn like a child, and Richaitl 
proposes to defend him. There Is nothing to fear. Hia 
authority is only under the iving. find lie intends to win 
the just recompense of a. t-rue suhjeet, hut having received 
the Protectoi'sbip from the dead Edward, he proposes to 
use it as he sees lit. The King is forced to content him- 
self, nnhajipy as he is: Gray is removed, and Uiey start 



— 431 — 

for London, Richard promising to appoiiit by tlic way 
trusty officers for the King. The scene closes with 

"Buc. Sound b'umpot in Ihis parlp.v. nmi saiiP Ihp Kinp. 
Hieh. Kicliard". 

"There is character", comments Field, "in still making 
Qlnucester try the sound of his gi'patness". 

The scene follows in frrni'ral tho account of More. 
as reported by Hall ;inil tin* l-Lardjii^' continuation, 
but as usual thpre are considerabli' cbaiijies. Richard's 
Protectorship is again rr-cotniizeil. hy Iiis o|i|iouents, wlio 
assert against him the aulhonty uC Urn Qut^cn. Gray, 
instead of Dorept, is the one hero represented as taking 
treHSure from tlin Tower, and its iiiiidieatinn is givi>ii, as 
to th(* Sc(»ts, not as in More, t<i sL-iid mm to the sra, 
i. e. tit out a tlcet and supply it with soldiers. Gray's 
statement that this was done l»y aeucral coiisent atrrccs 
with More's "by Uil- whole Lounsailc at London". Monk's 
stateiuent, however, is false. I'luler any circunist^inces. 
Gray (Dorset) could not have !iad Biickinj;hanr.s or niclianl's 
signatun: or consent thereto, as Imth wen' alincnt from 
London at the time. Hifliard liiid liimsflf just Settloil all 
conlliGls in Scotland, and waH therefore the last man to 
know that, the delivery of money to the Seots was a jjoad 
and necessary i)uri)ose. It is si^niticanL that More and 
tlie chroniclers wlio follow him do not venture to sug^'ost 
what thf purposPH were fur wliieli the men at aca were 
to Itc used: ami the- play niiikes the cunfuyion worsse. 
Thi' King's lament over liis empty aiithoniy. us well as 
Richard's answer to hiw renioTistnnice, is no! from Jloi-e. 
Cf |jp. 4fty, 50ti. The "trusty oflieieis" whom Richard 
appoints are the "ncwo scmantes" whom Morn says thoy 
8ot ahout the Kin}?. 

On Richard's suhfititution of his name in the cry "(lod 
save the king" cf. p, r>tHi— 7. With, "Yes, secrets that are 
too subtil for baix's. Alasec my Lord you are a child, 
and they use you as a child", cf. from the old King John. 



— 432 — 



"Al] hoy, th.y yeares 1 see are TaiTO too ^eoo^ 
To looke into the bollcime of these carnV. 

[Scene 8.] Tlie srane aow cliangi^s to Westminster, 
wliLTO iLf Qufeii, with thv youiis duke of Ynrk and her 
daugbter Elizabeth, appears in sorrow. Tiioj implore lior 
to reveal the cause of hi^r heaviness, and urge her to 
forgot her giief for their dead father, in beholding his 
imaj?e in his diildren. But she is mourning not for the 
dead husband but foi' tlm Duke and the King, who, she 
fears, is coming up to an untimely coronation. Her nightlj- 
dreams are dreadful. "JIo thinks as 1 lie in niy bed, I see- 
the league broken which was aworne at the dfiatbe of your 
kingly fatlier, tis this my children, and many other causes 
ot liki' importiiiire. that makrs yrnir aged mother to lament 
as sin- d»>lli". Elizalietli though i>nly forty-tlve or forty-six 
yeai-s old is representefl as aged like her liusbiind and 
Riv4irs, to iiiicrwayf the patlioh!, and tho sciMie is ngain nnc 
of foreboding. It nifiy be tsikt'n I'tir planted thsit the author 
uiiikes Eltzaii^^tU take sanctuary so early boeauso of her 
di'canis and a general fear. Tln« f-'ding corroMponds to 
that niunifestt'd by the t^ueeii in LiHgge's first seeue, but 
not to More., where the Qneen and lier friends are 
represenlf^d ns "nothyiige eartbelye iiiystnistynge (Lumby's 
ed. p. 14). 

for a possible source of th^^ dreams of. p. 478. 

Now iMiters a luesscnger with 'yba-stly looks" and 
makes known the heavy news that the (^neeii's kinsmen 
have l)een arrested and sent U.} Puml'rel. Tbi- Prince is 
already in Loudon, at the bishop's palace in the Protector's 
bands. The Queen inqnircs if the messenger bi* not servant 
to the Ai'chbishop of York, and !is she receives an affir- 
mative answer the Archbishop hiinself appears, with letters 
from the ('onnciL The Queen, who looks upon her kius- 
nien aa sure to be nmrdi'red, forebodpa still heavier news. 
The Cardfiial greets tlie Queen from (iloucesler, and makes 
known the dcteruiinatioii of the L'oundl that the Duke I 



— 433 



shall conie to the King. The Qui'icn declares slie will not 
send him to be butchered. 

"Cap, Vuui" gi-ac-ft mirtfJoHbUi the wnrst, thsy send fnr liini 
only to haiiQ him beiifcUuw lo llie King, and Uipt-p Ut slaLc 
& k&ap hira company. And if youv gunne misoary, then 
let his blooil be laict viilo my charg*. E know their iliifis 
unJ wliat they do pretend, for Ihej Hlmll both tliis iiig;lit 
sleope in the Ta^or and li> morrow lliey Khali both come 
forth In hi« haiipie coronation, Vpon my honour tiiis is the 
full filTet^t. for see the amhiiHht noblea nre at hand tn t^ke 
the Prince awjiy from you by force, if jou will not by fwe 
meanea I«t him go". 

TUp Queen declares she will Iosp hor lifi' before lie 
shall got her boy away from hfr, ami asks if ho will break 
sanctuary. Tho Cardinal, expressing' suriiriso that she 
should hiiVL' tliouj(ht it lu'ccssary tn take saiieluary at all, 
advises her to let the buy go. aiiJ she with no Imthor 
sinn of reluctance gives him uji. 

The scene from thf entrance of the messenpcr follows 
More ouly generally. The Hrst nicetinfj Ijetween the 
Queen and the Archliisliop is wliultj omitted, and the second 
uieetin^j is joined inunediately to the scene with tlir 
inesBcns'er, liy the ]tiil|ialdi^ device of uiakinj.' him the servant 
of Ihii At*clibiwh"[j. Tlie conversation is very much con- 
drused from Moie's account. Tlit^ An-hbisliop's speech is 
From More, except the statement that the Kin(j; is lo be 
crowinni oit tln^ nioreow. Hi^i vvordts re^ardhij; the Queen's 
Itiglit to sanctuary, "A hfiauie case when Princes llie for 
lide. wluTc ent-lhroates. rebels and bankerontu shoiiliJ 

'"be", uv Iroui liuckiiit'liaiirij speech in the Council as 
reported hy More, lu the condensation all the pathos of 
lore's description of the jiartiiis: «( the Duke aiid liis 

'TOuthcr tv lost, and with eiitin- hicli tif art tlie Queen is 
made to pass from a detenniiiation to give up lier life 
rather tlmn liei' son, tu a eo[is>enL t,o re^i^ni him, without 
any arjfuuient or coullict hetween. That the scene was 
not diawn from More in Hall or the Hardyng continuation 
1 have shown on p. 40V. On the greeting with which the 

pKlsMtrL X. SR 



— 434 



mossonger is received, am! his answer, see pj). 496] 
and 50H. 

iScpQf i).J Tlif play now turr^ oner mnip to Richard. 
TiiciT. I'nter "fourf Tvatchmen'" and with tliem Rifhtird's 
pagr, who itrnccpds tn inform thp audience in soliloquy of j 
tho prtscut situatiun. 

•Tape. Why thus h,v keeping company, am I fcerom«1 

lilcd vnln tliofia with wlinm I keppe corapan.v. As my Lorrte 
liojiaH to wears Ihurniwii. sti 1 hope by timl means to haue 
prorennpnl. but. inatppij tif Uie Crown, the blood of Uin 
hvadles li^liL vpoii hiN h^ad: he lialb made but a wrung 
match, Tor bluod is u tlireAtnei' and wUl bauij neuenge. He ' 
niskp.'i bauockei nf jtU to hrlnphi-H purtioRe In piLtse: all tliose 
fit Ibi' Queens ((inrefl thai were cmnmilti'd In Psimphi-r't 
Cjistlt*. bee baUi (.'Uiised theui lu bw sefrol.l.v piil tii dinalb 
willioiit iiidiir^iupnt: Hid like vi-aM netier Mepn in Kufflnnd. He 
spares ncne whom he bill mislrusH'lh lo be ii himlerer In 
hi« |irop*edingn, he is Btf^iglit L'h4jpl vp in priMoii. Tha 
vnlionl Eurle ut Oxforil being but miHlnislad, in k^pt float 
|]rFsi"iier in HamHS Castln. A^lns, how wnll Unclor Slinw 
brvlh |jlca.sed m.v Lord, Unit jirearlicd ut I'aulcw Crtirwe 
j-pslcMil.'iy, l!i!ii ]irnn<'il Hip 1w(i Princen lo bv bastrtrds, wbore- 
iipon Iti till' lifter lUKvat' tumv diivrii my Lnrd Mn.vur and 
llirt Aldermen In Hii.vii.icds [.!a«illi>. »nJ niriTi'd iiiy Litnl the 
wiiide eelE)tt> vpon bini, nhd oHurrid to tnul^e lilni Kilig, wluch 
bo refused an fniiilly, Ihs-t if it bad l)un«> afferod oncp nioro, 
1 knuw lie wonld haue taken H, the Hiikp uf )!iii'kin^l)um ia 
nunc Jibuut il and if* now in the (inild Moll niakinj; hi.t 
Or!ilii>n. lint Lore fnaiea my Lord". 

Hnrp Iht* historical statt'irients of the chroaictos are affain 
toiTibly '•muddled". The Queen's ktniired wero^ aceordin|? 
to Morp (inriinccll^v), cxeciiti'd on tin* samn day as 
Hastinfis-. Oxlui'd whs iinjirisLiiurd in Hainos Castli' liy 
Edwai'd tV not long aftrr he i-ccoveri'il tiis throne; Shaw's 
Sunday sermon was fnllnwrd lui Tuesday hy Hurkiiiylnirn's 
spepcln, and that on thf nest day hy the visit of the 
Mayor and citizens U* Eayiiiifd"s CawtJe. wlmre Riehaitl 
did tiiially ac<!fj)t the ntfer In make him King. All this. 
of cnui'S'C, followed the d^alh of llasliii^s. The confusion 
is si> gi-eat UK to render the play's description of Ilichard"R 
course to the crown abHurtl. 



— 43jj — 



While the page is speaking ehtpr Richard and Catesby. 
RicliJirii has {leterniiiiod to cut off Lortt HastiiigB^ for, he 
says, "lie hatli bene all this while paitaker to our sterols, 
and it' be- sbould by some misUke vtter it, tlifii were we 
all cast away". Catesby consents with the words, '"Nay 
my LflTti. do as you will, yet I have spokeii what I cau 
in my friend's cause", ilichard turiis to thfi page to ask 
Lini if he bas the men ,ii) rcadiaoss'i a» ho direet^d, and 
bids Catesby have his weapons ncad,v, »« he is about to 
enter the Court. Ho has '"heen a long Sleeper" but means 
to be awake anon to some '6f their (ibsts. After Richard 
and Catosby have (^one out. the page explains that tlipre 
is to hv a meeting of the fftuiic-il whibh'wiil costHtvstings 
and Stanley thi^ir best caps. He has half a dozen i-uftians 
ready — evidently the "foiii-e watolimen'' — a'lid when 
Eichard knocks on the tabl^ they iHlI' ria&h- in ci'Jiiig 
"treason" and lay hands on StfiiUeV.'" eiL-.i* •■. ■ r /' i 

The representation' 'of Catesby as ploadin^K" for His 
friend 'Hastings 'is anothi^r reniarkabl* variatimi from tin- 
cUroniele account. The reason urgM' by Riebard tor doing 
away with Hastings is aiiotber. Not the secl^elg'he might 
reveal, but the opposition he offrrt-d to Richairl's filrtlier 
plans -- 'iesr. his life should hiiYe ijuailed their pUrpoHi?" 
— tbhiied the cmisp of his'ilpstruf^loii according to More. 
The reason liere urged *» tlit' saiite as that' assi^nied by 
the MirroT for Mngistratesfor Richard's turhing agafiist 
IluekJngliam: Cf. p. 254. Otht^rwise tte fatt^of the pii8s&.ge 
are from MortVa account. On the page's "Illiinrl is a 
threatiiiT ftuil will liaue reVenge" cf. p. 414, -and afeo'froifi 
Tha Battle of Alcazar (Dyc(i,Urtie.n ftntf PediiX 
p. 437) "Blood will liaue Blood, foul murder scjvpt ii(y 
scourge". . ' I '■ 

Only the cloSe of the famous Council scene appears 
iih the stage. Richard; Vateshj and rtthew enter polling 
Lord Hastings. 

"'Kioli. Cnm» bring bim nwny, 1«t thi^ siiai<'>e, llimi .'mil 
Ihal ni'cursed fwrcereaae Ihe Mother Qnobn Iml3i buwikLtnl 



— 436 — 



mo, will) ^.s^iaUace of thM fAtuouK stMuupet t>( tay hfolheti, 
Sliflros wife; ray witbereil srine U a siifflcienl lesitimon.vi 
deny tt if thiMi csii»4l: laie ni>t Sh<irp,'4 wif» witb the@ In-m 
eight? 

Hast. ThaL she was in ray hanse my I^rd I cannot deny, 
but not for anv such matter. If. 

Kicb If villain, feedeal thuu m&e with lb A anda. go 
fetch me s Frie.'tt, make a abort thrift, and dispatch him 
qiUL-kly. For hy (he blessed Sainl Paule I sweare, I wUJ 
not dine Ip'U I set the trsytors bead, sway Sir Thomas, suffer 
hiiu not to spealc. »ee him oxecut^d Ktrai^ht A let hi.t copartner 
tli0 LoFd Standlf be carried to prisao ali^o, tls nAl his broke 
h«ad I haue giuen him, shall rxcush him. 

E!xit with Hasting". 

Here, though whfn Hastings appears he has already Iwen 
ajrested, the author introduces the charges made hy 
Richard in the Council, following strictly Mote's atxouut. 
Cateshy is ordered to have a Herald pixK-laJiii in tlie 
city the indictment of Hastings ^ whicli Cateshy informs 
him is already finished — and proini8(33 him the place of 
his friend Hasting, if Buckingbaui, who all this while has 
been laboring with the citizeDs to make Richard king, 
succeeds in his purpose. Catesliy goes on liis uiirisinn aud 
Richard turns to the page. "Now sirrha to thee, there is 
one thing more vndoue, which grieues iiH' more then aU 
the rest, and to hay the truth it is of more importance 
than alt tho r«iBt". The page urges hiui t^ I'cveal it, but 
Richard hesitates; thie nmtt^r is too w^ig-hty for so int>an 
u man. Not until the pafj^ presses tiini n'peHtedly does 
lie at last tiring it out. "I w<iukl haue luy two Nephewes 
the young Prince aud bis brother secretly nmiibered. 
Sowues vitlaine tis out^ wilt thou do iti' or wilt thou 
betray meV" The page is lorward to assist, mentions the 
name of Terrell, a poor gentleman hoping fur preferment, 
and promises to bring him to Richard. The Frolector 
bids him lie cLrcuinapect and liberal, and pmmJses reward. 
He then entrusts ttie page with a further mission. 

"Now U»it ^ore^ wUea ^rood» b« CQoflscate, ^e from me 
to ihe Bighap of London, and see that Ae r^c«iae her open 



— 43Y - 



penance, leL her be tiirnod itiiL uf piison. bul si> bare a.-, a. 
wrekh that wurlliilv liatli fleserueil IhiBl |)lapije; and !&l there 
he straiglit ])ruc)ainalion made by my Lord the MH,viir. that 
tifliie shall releeue her nor piUie her, and pritiie spicH sel in 
euerie corner of Uie Citie, iliat they may take notice uf them 
that releeues her; for a.'i h«r beg-inpin^ Vfoa most fBiiii>tiH 
aboue all, sii will t haiie her end must infamuns abi>ue alL 
Haue care now ri,y boy and win thy maisters lieaH !fir euer". 

The- proclamation by the herald ig from More's siory, 
as likewise the offer of the page to procure a murderer 
in Tyrell. Richard's hesitation to make known his wish 
is an artistic touch added by the author. According to 
More's story he went to Tyrell, who lay in a chamber 
outside his own. That Buckingham should be at the 
Guildhall, urging the citizens to iiiakp Eichanl king, while 
the latter is eniy^agod in making way with Hastings ir an 
absurdity connected with the alisurd arrangement of events 
in the page's spee-ch. The contiscation, and tlie open 
penance of Shore's wife are from More, but the turning 
of her out of pripoa to beg in the streets, is, as I haTc 
shown, from the legend in the Mirror ior Magistratfla, 
ef. p. 410. The proclamation by the mayor that none 
shall relieve her, and the setting of spies to see that 
nobody docs so, arc again an addition by the author. 
But cf p. 440—1. 

(Seen? 10.] "Enter Shore's Wife". 

She appears lamenting the dishonor and folly of her 
former life, and the cruelty of (he Prot#ct-or that constrains 
her to bflg in the streets. I/odowicke now pnters, be- 
wailing ihe deaths of many peers and the imprisonment 
of the young King "by the outrage of the Protector, who 
hath proclaimed himsetfe King, by the name of Richard 
the third". The circumstances which have led to this do 
not appear. In Ijodowicke Shore'8 wife recognizes one 
for wbtini she had procured the rflstoring of his lost lands, 
and approaches to beg- a trifle. Lodowicke — absurdly 
enough — fails to recognize her until she makcB known 
her name and begs a return lor her former kindness to 



43R — 



him. The answer slic receiver lias been pruphesied in the 
earlier scene. 

"Lud, A gifclfi what is Uus wO'iNl, and iiow uutiertati]? 
ar^ richns? . 1m Lhis she lliat wiia in imv.h cruilil will) tho 
Kiiig? Nsy more lli&l could 'I'oiumiitiil a KIqjK indt'-"!) ? I 
cbdudI deny bill lu.v lands she roslornd mo, hiil <iliAll I hv 
fpleeiiitip' uf her hurl m^'scire, bid: for dtrAi^ht |>ruclnniAlion 
is matte Ihal none sliajl succour lier, Ihcrcrori' for foare 1 
sthoUld bp set-m* 'talkw Wilh licr. 1 will shun her (Company 
and jrel nie In my ehamher, and ihere spl riowne in heruif aII 
verse, the sliaraeriiU o[nl of a Kinps Coiicubin, wliieh la nu 
doubt as wonderfuEl at, the clv.svlatiun u! a kiti^dume". 

Chore's wife laments the evident falling away of all 
tho!?e whom she iiiried wlien Edwprd was kin^ and she 
"swayd the sttord'. She sees the eiiizen approaching, the 
life of whose spn she ^aved,, and determinps to try Iiim. 
As ihe citizen ciiiers hejs eoramenting on the iiiiprovpnient 
in affairs under Ricliard's rule. The ruflians on the Thames 
have baen put dow^, the frays in the streets suppressed, 
and a irncc eonchide*! wiih Scolland for six years. The 
.petition of Shore's wife he refuses in still coarser fashion 
than Ijodowicke's. 

Anolher lament by Shore's wife fallows. Morion, the 
servinf! nmn, now enters. Him ton shn will try. though 
he is lca.-4L able to help her. Morlori lake the iitlicrs has 
a piece of infoniiation lo offer. Richard has proclaimed 
John. Earl of Lincoln, heir In the crown — bf Riehanfs 
son. hen- as in Shakespeare's play,, nothing is said ^ the 
younp princes arc reported to have been mtu'derwl, an(i| 
Htran^^ept of all Buekiiitrham has turned from Richard and 
.gone down U> Brecknock, wliere he means to raise a 
power, to pulJ down the usurper. Shore's wife applies to] 
Morton for relief and makes known Iht name, only lo bol 
greeted wilh the answer. "A took, and euer thy ownej 
enemy". Yet the servant is not so hard - hearted as ihej 
others. He is about In part, with lier his small means,! 
when Kichard'.spa^'e enlf-rs. Seeing' liiniseir walelied. MonoQJ 
too denies her, and departs. The page approaches toj 



— 439 - 



twit Shoiri's wfi' wiUi her misery. He sug-gpsts that if 
slin ne*;(l iiminti'rtiinci; slii; may fiill to lii-r old Inulr. Hut 
sho is truly rcpenlant. ami leaves llie stage for good with 
;iho words, 

■"Tberefnrii wweH '(Juil Torgiue all in.v ftnil utTeinr. 
Anil Ihiiii^'li I ha.iie donti wk'kL'dly in this wurli]. 

Into Uctl flrp, irl. nut my hoiiIc be hurUi". 

In this scene onl.v the information wnveyed hy Ludn- 
wicke. the Citizen, and Morton ji; from More. Tlie ineriticm 
of El tniC'i' witli SfoLhiiid tor sis ye;irs indicatfs ilie use 
of More through Hall. cf. p. 40H, Thu rest is a dniiiiatiziitioii 
of the Ipgenil in tlu' Mirror for Magistrates. 

On Lodowieke's proposal to set down in licrnieal verse 
[the shameful end of a K]n^''s eoneuhine. Mr. Flrny (Bing, 
'Chron. 2 .^-i'H says, "Liidtiiviek. sr. U\ who in this passage 
is certaiDlj the Lodowirk of Edward .t, is going to write 
the Shore story in 'heroical verse', as 'the shameful nul 
of a King's (.'oiicidiine. whieh is no doubt as woiidcrhil 
as the desolation uf a kingdom'. Shore's Wife was 
written in verse hy A. Cluilr. S. I^ 16'^ June 1503. and in 
Drayton's Herotcal Kt'if>ll'''^- whirli were n'rlaiiily written 
years before their [inhlication in I59!l. See Spenser's 
allusion to liini ati Aetion in Colin f'lonCs eome home 
again^ 1595, where this "tleruical" work is distinctly 
indicated. .As other of these Epistles relate to the story 
of E<Eward thf Rhu-k Prinee and the (Vmnless iff Saiishiiry, 
whieh story is also coitueet^'d with Lodowieli in lOd- 
ward 3 . . ., I have no doubt that Drayton is meant in 
both plays'. 

Mr. Fleay is surely wrung. Apart fi"om the unlikeli- 
hood that Drayton's KjUKtle wns in existenre prpvions 
to The True Tragedy — a question whieh I shall 
consider later, — the rollowinB! is amply d ft I'lmi native. 
Draytiins Heroical Kpistles eoniiiin Lwo V'lifrs, one 
written hy Edward to Shor^'fi wife, pleading lur her liivor, 
the nihrr Sliore's wife's answer, diMiying him al first, lint 
at the pnd allnwing him to gee that lif has won her love. 



— 440 



There is ctTUiinlj lii-Ti_' no "slifiiufliil und nf si Kings 
Concuhin", and the epistlps dn not thtTpfore fulfil iLe 
absolute ri:quir((iiient of the rpference. But that reiiiiireniL'nt 
is fulfilled by '1"'^ poem in the ilirror for Ma;^islrales, 
from which. I hjive slinwn. the wlioli> part of Shore's wife 
in the pliiy was drawn. That poem is ttiitten in the 
metre — the iambic pentanii-tcr rimed — known then, as 
often now, by the niune of heroicat or heroic versi\ Putton- 
ham e. g. in his The Arte of English Poesie 1589 
(Arlter's Reprint, pp. 75, 7(51, Siijs of Chaucer, "His nieptre 
Heroicall of Troilus and C'resselil is verj' graue and 
stately, Iceepinjr the staffe of seuen, and the verse of ten". 
This is a far more natural meaninjr for the ■"heroifall 
Verse" of Lodowicke's remark, than a refcrenc* to the 
"heroicall epistlos" of Drayton, so called because, following 
Ovid, he conceived his characters to he in a &ense hcroical, 
Further, if this were a reference to Drayton's work wo 
siiouM undoubtedly have some reminiscence of it in the 
play. But there is absolutely none. 

Theru is just one thin^ which in the slightest uphvldjj 
ilr. FIcays tlioory. and that JU' does not appear to }ia%*c 
noticed. In the ""NotG of the C'hnmicle Historie'' appeiiiird 
by Drayton to the epistle tpf Shore's wile (Spenser Soc. 
ed, 2: 75) occnr.'j thii following. "Richard the third causing 
her to di) upcn penance in Paules Church-yard, com- 
niaiindinn that no man shnuld relieiie her", ete. In the 
lalier clause is a eertain resemhlance to The True 
Tragedy which is not found in More or ilie chronicles, 
tV asd one much ninn' difticnlt of explanatiMn than that 
luentioued liy Mr. VU-tty. 11' it could he made a prulialilMty 
thai Drayton's epistle with its not<? was in existienee in InfiH 
or 15H0. it mi^Hit be tlmiijiht that Ific aiitluu- nf the play tuuk 
this eonmiaiid from Drayltjn's note, where it apjdics in Shnro''R 
wife's penance in procession, and applioil it to her begging, 
which he tonk from the Mirror forMagistrat.es. There 
is not the slightest proof. Iiowover, that the poem was in 
existence so early, and it is rather unlikely that the Notes 



— 441 - 



wero mado till tlip pneins wine [mljlisJu?d in 169*K T)ih 
most proliablo ex|)laaatioii is that Uie suitcmeat in lioth 
ptay and Xiite lias a eoniinoii sourLvi which we liavu lieen 
uiiiilili-' to find; or that Drayton look the staJ<>iinMit fi-om 
Th*' True Tra^'edy, which is more h'fcely than thf rc- 
vorse. Thn possihilities aro too many, in the ahaence of 
niiy athvT indktitioii of connection iK'tween Thi? True 
Tratrcdy and Draytun'-s work, to warrant one in asserting; 
that tlie author of the play was aCL|uaintpd with the 
Heroical Epistles. 

[Hcene 11,] The next sceni' is laid at the Tower. 
Tyrell has biought a letter to Brokenhury from the King, 
in which th*' latter is coinmandrd to deliver up the keys 
to Tyrell for one night. This he does, at tlic same time 
fdvint? Tyrell to umlorstand: that be knows for wliat purpofjo 
be is tliere. "For this king oftontinifS hntli sent to me 
to liano them bolU dispatcht, hut hi'causc I was a srniunt 
to tlH'ir lather being Edward llie fourth, my heart would 
neuer glue mo to do the dei^d". Tyrell bids hitn not hothcr 
about the matter, which is between tlie King and biinwlf; 
and "'good Sir Robert" loaves in tears. Tyrell then ealls 
up Miles Korest, who reports that bo lias pi'ocured two 
pitiless villains. "One of Ilieir names is Will Slater [later 
called Slawterl yet (be must part ealles blni blacke Will. 
the other is JacJi Denton IDouton]"'. Thoy are simnnoned. 
and Tyrell a-'*sures liitnself lliat lliey yre pitib'Ks, Tyi4'll 
intiirnis them that the Kinij, "will liaiir no blood sliead in 
the d<'ed doing", and aske tlieir adviee on the best wny 
to proceed. Forrsl proposes lo shoot tlic prinees with 
pistols as they sit at supper. Will to take them by their 
henls and beat their trains out. againat the walls., Deiiten 
to eu( thi'ic throats admiralile pn»[Risals t^i pri'veid 

hloodrthnd! Tyiell derides that wliile llie I'rineeK are 
asloep Forewt shall call up the iiiuulcrei-s and they whall 
smother them between two feather beds. .M llii.s point 
the two princes enttT. York is lovingly soliciton.s for Ids 
brother, who is grieving, Qol, us hv esplains. for hinwcU". 



— 442 — 



but IkPfiiusc tliL'ir uncle Ibi" PmU'cior lias fullfn so Car 
from love aniE duty iis to koep tliem prisoners. Ynrk trios 
to comfort liis hrollier with an assurance tliat Mioir undo 
will soon \i't them go, and Itfvgs Forost, who approaches, 
l^j toll his kinglj brother soiin; nii-rry story, for he is 
niplancUoly. The King will have no stories, but inquires 
wtio it was that hi.'. Iiws seen walking with Forest in 
the gank^n. 

"For. iAy Lurd, il wa.s uno lliot was apiminlPd b.v the 
Kinjr to he aa ayde lo Sir Th(jniii,s Brokenbiiry. 

King- L)i'l Ihd Kiri^f. wh.v Myli's Kuresl am mil I Kiiip? 

Pur. ! wowM h»*e wniil tny LonI voiir vncklc the I'ru- 
LecUir. 

Kinp. Nji.y my kinpl^v viii'klo I know lip is now, hiil 
lei him oniuye bulh Crowiie am] kiiipilnmi-, hd my brother 
antl 1 mny bul enjoy our UiifH nnil liliprtie". 

The Kirfc now pcrcoivcs Siawti'r nnd Denten. and 
cries out, "Wln> are they vihoHi-. jjastiy lookos doth preRcnt 
a dying feare to my' liuing bodie?'' On heanoi? their 
names he st-art-s. "Siawtpr, I pray Oori he mine not tn 
slaughtermy ItrotberandnieJor from miirl her and slaughter, 
good Lord deliver va". The two Princes then retire to 
rest, aceompanied by Foresl. who bids liie murderers wait 
till be calls Lhfni up. Meanwhile Denten is stricken with 
remorse, and requires the threats of liis companion to 
summon him back to his resolution. Forest now appears. 

"Far, Bul ha rurs, come sofllj^ fur now thBj are at rent. 

Will. ComP wa are readie, b.y the msfu**i they are a 
aleejfe indeefl. 

For. I heare lliey sleppe ami slci-pp .swtppI I'ritire.s iieuflF 
wake no more, fur you hmie f^cfttp llie In^t liffhi in this world. 

Jack. Cumn pressB them ilowne, il buuifs not tn I'ry 
affaine, .lack V|njn Idem nu lustily. Mtil inajisiei:' Forest now 
ihay arp iSesd what shall we do with Ihom? 

P'or, Why ;ri>o nnd Iniry them hI (lie h<ia|n> "f atones 
at the Hiairn futile, while I i^oe anil lell nia.inter Terrell Ihal 
the deed U done. 

Wilt. Well we will, farewell mai«ter Forest". 



— 443 — 



Tyrc'll nnlers, in(|uiiingU' Uin ilpetl has hem itospalclicd. 
Forest informs liiiii that it has, and that th« children are 
hiiried at the stair foot. '"Anon He carr.y them wln-re 
tiiry shall bo no more founile againc, nor all the clironicles 
shall norc! make mention what shall become of thcni". 
Tyiell departs to inform the King. 

The Iiasis of the scene l.s Jlnrci's accoimt, as given in 
Hall and the Hard.vng eoDtinuation. 

Variations and additions aptjcar in tin? follywing. The 
King sends "oftentimes", inelcad nf otice, to Brakenlmr.v 
Xo put the children to dratli, Brakcnbury's reason for 
not doing so is an addition, as well as liia conversation 
with Tyrcll, The converssation betweon Tyrell and the 
murderers is an addition. On its origin cf, p. 4fl4. 
The conference on Iho means of the murder was 
perhaps suggested hy More's, "Sir James . . deuysin(( be- 
fore and preparing the nieanes". The scene with the 
Princes is mostly invention. The Kinj^'s rnelaneholy is 
drawn fiom Jlore's. "Tlie prince . . with Ibat young babe 
hys hroiher, lingered in thougiit and heauiness til ibis 
tralorons death deliiiered them". The author not- unskil- 
fully distinguishes ihe two hriilhers in reeling, and makes 
an approach toward giving them real characters, a faint 
suggestion of the treatment llu'y receive in Shak«'St"^i"'e's 
play. On the slip by which the King leai-ns that liiehard 
has assumed the crown, see p. 508—9. The introductifin of 
the murderers to Ihe Pnnees is. of eourse. invention. On 
the remorse of Denten cf. p. 610. It should be noted that 
tlie murder takes place on the stage in full view of the 
audience — contrary to Legge and to Sha.keftpeare. This 
is wholly in keeping wilb the general tone of Ihe play, 
which has miicb of the eharMcter of the bloorlier and more 
hortihle revenge plays, Forest's promise to hury the 

Princes wbcre they shall never be found again ip taken 
from More's statement that a vHest of Brfikenhury's 
buried them in another place, which coul(i not be known 



444 — 



by resmm uf liis ilratli. In Muivs account il is Tjrell 
who directs the burial at the stair foot. 

Of the two munierers Mr. Fleay says {Biojif. t'hron. 
2:315), "Om' oC tbe actors in it, 8c. U, is caJlod Will 
Slauglitcr. 'jet tbe most part calls liitii Blat^k Will', i. p. 
tlic Bliitk Will of Arden of Paversliam, q, v., wliicli 
had no doubt been acted by the same man. Another 
actor is called Jack Doiitou (Duttonl or Deoten, an ac- 
comodation of tl»e Dighton of history to the actor's real 
name". Accordingly^ in Mr. Fleay's list of tbe Quet-n's 
men (Cliron. Hist, of Ktage, p. 34) may be found 
"William Slaughter. See the old play on Richard 3". Of 
Arden of Fevershani Ur. Fleay says (Biog. Chron. 
2:28), *'Thc trafjody of Ardeii of Foversham was actpd 
publicly. In it a principal murderer has for name Black 
Will. ThJH nunte is historic, being taken from the chronicle 
acc-ount of the iinirder in 1551. But an allnsion to this 
Ulack Will in the old Richard 3 shows that Arden was 
previously on Uib stage, acted by the Queen'a men, and 
that tlio pait of Black Will was taken by an atlor called 
William Slaughter or Slater: possibly tbe father of the 
Martin Slaughter, actor, who sold old plays iQuery plays 
thai ha<l belonged to the Quern's men) lo Henslow, and 
has iherefore heen elevated by Collier and his follower 
Halliwell to the dignity of autborship. The passage runs 
thus: — ^ 'Forest. "One of their names is Will Shiler. yet 
the most part calls liini Blaek Will: the uliier is .lack 
Benten". Now, Forest and Deigbton were the names of 
Ihf 'murderers', according to the chronicles. No William 
Slaughter is found in (hem. He is introduced hi'i'e as a 
bit of 'gag' addressed to the groundlings for tbe sake of 
the wTetchcd pun. For the same reawon Deighton ie 
changed to Denten, which was a variant spelling of 
Dounton, known as an actor". Acting upon the belief he 
at thai time entertained Ihar The True Tragedy waB 
acted in 1585 or 168ti, Mr, Fleay therefore dated Arden 
1585'. 



445 



By the Revels accounts (cf. C'unningliiiiii. Extracts 
from tlie Acc'ts of the Revels at Court, lutrttd. 
p. xxxii), and otherwise, we know that there was in the 
Queen's compagoy a John Duttou, aud Mr. Floay'?; coa- 
jecturo that the variations in the name of the second 
murderer were caused by accomodiUion to the actor's name 
may he correct; hut he has fallen into a sad nmtakc with 
regard to the other murderer. A little closer reading of 
More's story would have shown him the stateinont, "fmth- 
witb was the prince and his brother boUie shet vp, and 
all other remoued from them, onely one called black 
Wil or William Slaughter except, set to seme the ni'' 
(Lumby's wi. p. 83>, And this statement is in all the 
chroiiicleB, The author of th* play simply made him one 
of the murderers, assigning to Fort'st a general suijer- 
inteudciice of the affair, instead of making Forest and 
Dighton the two murderers^ according tii More. Thus both 
the name William Slaught^^r and the uirknanii- Bhu'k Will 
are in th(^ chronicle source, as is tbe ease with the Black 
Will "f Arden of Feversham. All the conclusions of 

Fleay are therefore worthleNS. 

[fscene \2.\ The play now turns t^i Buckiiij/liiiin. who 
enters with dagger drawn. Banister, who has betrayed 
hiiD, ig in his power and forced to iitead for life. He 
pleads that tbe proclamation wa.^ death to him that 
harbored Buckingham, and that he nui:^t oljey his Prince. 
Buckingham declares that the tliousaiid crowns oSered ad 
reward were the rfii\ inducement and tn :il)rtul tn slay 
Banister wbe[i u HerulJ enters and arre.sts biiu as a 
traitor. Buekiiigbatn bumli^ out into u wild tirade against 
Rich ant. 

"Ah [U<:'ttU'il, 'lid I in <liiU>l M&ll ple&dfi tlie Oi'kttir for 
tliee, mid lieltl iheie Ju nh Ihy nHe aitil wkticil praelue.i, qiihI 
f»r my rt>w'uril iIdosiI Ihnu alul. itii> deo-Ki'' Ah liiK-kin^lium, 
tliuii pluuisst iti.V tini'l 'III'' >iiailf liiii) Kiug, unit ])iJt IIr^ liivs'- 
full heire)^ 1)e»)(l4>.s; »'hr IIlqii ls Uiickin^mui giilllic nnw 
of hi.-f d«alh? Vet had uol thi.- Bishop (if t<^i3 lied 1 htui 
dficaped". 



At tliie point "enters six otlnTS to rescue thp 
Diike". Biickinf^liaiii c-iitreaLs tlieiii to laj their wcapnus Uy. 
He ti'lls LLriii tluit RuTlimonil i>i about to liiiiil at Milfurd 
HftTeu, and liids them go to his aiil. On his kncfs hf 
prays that Richmond may succewl and many EliKnlM'th. 
as lie lias [in imisoci . He liad hoped to raifse up a lawful 
king, but it was too late, the Princes were smothered in 
thp Tower. "Sweet Kdward and thy hrotlier, I nciT slept 
(juiet thinking of tlifir deaths. But vaunt Buckingham, 
thou was altogilher innocent of their death". Then turmn^ 
to Banister he curses him. 

"^But thou vilain. wlioiu <if n i-liili1 F iiurst tliee vp, anil 
hasL tio vuiiisll,v betiniil lliy Lurile? Lot the ciirKe of Buck- 
ingimm oere depart frani Lliee. Let vengeance, luiscljie'f^'S. 
liH'liiTes, ligliC otii ibee and lliiiie, Aii'l afLoi- dE<alli (li»u uiuJBl 
more lorVuco feele. tlien. *-lien fJxeoii tiirnft-^ ttie r.wllefw* 
wlteelp. And hniiiie lliy soiilc were ere llitm seetiip to rwsl. 
Hill eoTTiP my friends, Iftl itn' aw3,v. 

II er. My l.oril. we nre sorie. Rut ronie laie linndr^ wn 
Haniftor". 

Wliy Banister should he arrested does not appear. 
It may be the author's extension of the lunt contained in 
Hall's "As for his thousand pound kyn^ Ricliard j^aue 
him not one farthing;, saiyng that he whicli would he 
Tiitrew to so good a Master would he false to al other" 
(p. 395). Buckingham'.^? passage with Banister, and the 
intervention of the six would-be rescuers, are tlie author's 
indention, The Herald represents Mittni*, Sherifl" of Shi-op- 
shire. The proclfiiuatioii is given from the chroiiiclos, 
save that the reward is staled as ICMK) crowns instead of 
A* two. The contents of BuckinfjIianVft two speeches are 
from the cbrouicle&. down to his iiiciilioii of ibi' Princes. 
Here The True Tragedy, which repreeenb^ Buckiughym 
as revolting from RIctiard liefore the murder, in nearer 
the hi.storical fact than the chronicles, which, following Hall, 
represent Buekiiitjhaui as revolting partly, at least, on 
account of the murder. Apparently (cf. "it was too lat*") 
Buckingham is rejin'scnti-d as at lirst intending to restore 



tin? Princp to his throne, an inventioti of the author's. 
I have Rugffpstfid Ihp Buckingliiun Ij'gi^n^l in ttic Mirror 
for Magistrates {cf. p. 225) as thi- source of tlii? curse 
against Bamster. The liinsuage of the curse shows close 
resemblance to llit'' o(.ln^r plays of tb(^ f^^roup, ospceially 
the revenge plays. Of. The Spanish Tragudy (Haz. 
Dods. 4 : 58). 

*'0 Godl cvnfuaioD, tnischior, tormenl. ilr*ath nnil hell". 

Ardcn of Peversham 1:337. 

"lioll-fyre ami wraUjftil vengreanrc lighl on ma". 

The wheel of Ixian is a favorite allusion, introduceJ like 
much of the machinery of the revenge plays, from Seneca. 
Cf. especially Spanish Tragedy, p. 9: 

■"And poor Ixion Inrns &n entUenit wheel", 

and ill The Battle of Alcazar, Act iv, end, the curse 
uf Alidt'linehM.' oil tli«! opposing anuy and king; 

"Then let the earth tliacover lii his ghost 
Kiu'li LorliirPM as nsiirpei's feel hi'low: 
lEack'il let him \><^ in ]>v<i[i>,] Ixion'r* wliecl. 
I'iii'd let liim ho wiili Ttinialiw' 4'nfllesjs thiriit, 
I're.V 1^1 liiui be li> Tit^Vlis' gi-e^ily birtl, 
Wi'nrieil with tjbi,v|i)iiui' inintorlal toil: 
Ami laatl.v foi" revongo, for (iep|i rcvengw^. 
Wliei-fot lliou poiidOHS and dpvi.-ier url, 
liamn'-l loi liini be, ila.i«n'ri, and <'i>n!dpmn'd to b*jvr 
All lurnieiila, tortures, plag'iie.'i. attd painw of UbII", 

[Scene 13.] Richard now appears for the first time 
since hi.i coronatiun. Mtidi has happened since that time, 
the Princes have Iiecn ninnJered. :ind Bnokiiighant 1ms 
rcvulled and heen captured. All Ihis Richard lias not 
been able tfi hear tmnioved. 

"K'ng. Th<^ giialf is gol, mid pildi'ci (.'rnviriiH [;* wniuic, 
Aail well ilesei'UPMt lliiiii In weuri^ Uie .'um<<, 
Tbftt Tcnliii'ed linst tliy biKli^ nnd tlij- miuI^, 
But wli»t hutitus Itichurd. nuw Um I liudruiiK, 
Or kingdiiijie gut, hy iiiiiPtlKT uf Lin IVi«nd>J, 
My [earefiill rthndow thftt Htill follnwe!* iiin. 



— 44W — 



Until siiiumnnd iiif hcfinf llii? scnere iinlge. 

My imiLstriocL-e witiiesso nf lliy IiIiuhI I sjiilt, 

AcciiBoth me an guiltie of the fai't, 

Tiio Cict n (lamneil iiidpcmont crauos, 

Wlii'i'piiLs imEinrliitll iiiMice hnlh c<jiidtMiined. 

Mentliinkes Uip (.'ruwiiB which I bnforp diil wfnrp, 

iDchast with Pt'Uifie iind eontlj- JJiamomls, 

It turned now icHo a faUll wroalhe, 

or llfiry flamc!^, ami Liuer hiirning slarres. 

Ami riijring fiends halh liaal thor v^ly shftpes, 

In Siygiim hikp'S, adrcut to tpnd on kig, 

H it be thus, what wilt iliuu iln in ihiti exlrpmilie? 

Nay what eanut tJiuu iln tn piirj^n Ihow of l.li_v piiilt? 

Ellen I'f [K'tit, craiic mci'i-ic^ fur thy ilaiiiiiBii ffit'l, 

Ajippale Tor nierc,v to lli^- ri^,'lilr'oiis Cnil, 

Ha vepenl, not I, t^raiie niercj llioy tlial list. 

My Goit, is none nf niinE>. Then Rii'h.ird he llms ivsolnM. 

Til iilnrp tliy simh", in hnltani'i- wllli llioir Mood. 

•S<iiili> Tor .soulc. itiiil hiidiu Uw Imdip, yea niiir.v Kichavd. 

TImt'w S""''i •'!it'''shi«'. 

Oat Vmi onid my l.imli', I Ihinko? 

King. It may be ko". 

While Richard has been pounii|r mil his anguish 
CaU'shy hits cntpreti. and Richard I'iigerlj gnisps a.t Ihe 
reli^"!' of his pi'cscncc. But he is not yvi ri-storeil In st-lf- 
control. As he c on verses will) ("atesbj aliout. his Ifouhli's 
he rppt^atciliy niisniiclei-stftiHlsi the remarks of his faithful 
suliurdinatr to \io aitiii'd at him, and bursts out \uUi rajit' 
that lias to be rahiin'tl l).v Cateshy. He is ovcrwhr:lni»'il 
with troiilik'. Biickinghiiiii is in rebplliuii: hilt Cateshy is 
al)]p ti"! relieve him lierc with the news <>\' tlie ihike's 
execution. (Jf liicliriioiid (.'at-ewlj^v kimws little, Imt Ilii;liard 
has ouly i<m full information. Marffaret is wnspirinp to 
liriiiiL' home her son. and lias arrauyeii a marriage bctwoc^n 
hjui and the Prima-ss Klizabeih, This nows, indeed, 
Catesbj has heard of. 

"Kin^. Why thfo lli*iv ii pips, 

Th« ttrvat duivll i>r hnll git wild all. 

A itiiit'i-i»4r<' lii'(,''iiii ill iiu^('liifri>, Hhall khiI in bluod; 

I thiiiki* thai Hrnirscd Miii'i')H'i'<iMt' the niothtir Qu^ene, 



— 449 — 

Dftili no-tiling' but bpwilcli nic, and hatcbeUi pnnspirncies. 
And briugs out periUuus blFiIi^ lo waimd, 

Thflir Countries weale, 

The Earle is vp in Armes. 

Awl with bim mnny of Ilia NoltiUie, 

He lis.th aj'ds in France, 

He is renem?*! in Brittainp, 

Ami mpiineHi shorllj to arritie in England: 

But all Ihifi spitei^ me not ho mncli, 

A« lii.s fisoape from I-andoyse Iba IJiikea Treasui-or, 

Wbn if IiP bfiii bnuo pi-ickl fnnrlli for remeng*. 
Hit liiid tiniilod all b,v nppr'L'bpriliiip; (if run- foe. 
Hilt now lie is in ilisgrace with tlie Diiko. 
Anil wi" rurlhi'i' ulT our |iui'puHe llit'iL In fore. 
But the Karle bittli nnt fin man.v bytinf dngs abroad, 
A« wn bnue ftleepinfr purr(>>t at bi>mfl Kero. 
Ki'^iliie' (or resL-iio", 



Tlip facts mentioned in the passage with Catpsby are 
from tlie cliroiiieli^'. RiclmnPs soliloquy slinws tbc same 
L'onwptinii iif bis iiunisbriirnt as Sli!ikeBppan''s. It is not 
tiiiTi'l^y bin pxtniinl lowsi's. us in Li-ggi', lliiit ili-ivi' liitii tu 
despair, it in thi; guilty conscienco, witness of tbe blood 
bf Im-Si spilt. Tin' constixiit ^k'tcrniinntirtn, tlir s.ivaiip ;intl 
i^uel will. -Mv luit pi'ijtif iigainsl assiHiKs frtnii witliiii. N<ir 
niorely in bis hours of ftle«"p that Richn.rcl's will grows 
ftrbli' and cniiscicnce assorts her power. lit- Is iilwajs 
pursued by tbe fearful shadow. Yet further, this Richard 
bits his moments when be Uiiiiks on repuutajice, of appealing 
lo God for mercy, anii all tus stmmgth of will is rccpiired 
to turn hini hack. Huro iLe influence of Marlowe's 
Kaustiia is plainly to be seen {cf. p. 481 — 2), a.n inlluence 
revenlt'd even oiore clearly in other plays of tbe group to 
which Tlie Trao Tragedy shows close lelatinu. Cnntpar<^ 
from A Looking Cilass for Loudon and England 
(Dyce's Green p. l^^): 

"MethinkB I hnar a vojcb amiilHt minp nnrs. 
Tliat hiilfi me stay, and IoLIh mo Hint tbo Lord 
Is morcifiil to tliose that ito ro)innt. 
May t I'tpenl? O tliow, my doubtful soul, 
{■■iHittt. X. 29 



Thou miyst repent, (he jnilge is merr-ifiir 
Ht'Dce l«t>L9 ol wrath, stales of Wippt^oti! 
For I will pray ami siph unto the Lord", 

aiitl from Kriar Bacon and Friar Bungay, 176 col. 1, 
"Yel, Bacon, cheer theP, drown not in dceqikir; 
hinH have their d&lreR, repentaiu'c can do much: 
Think mercy siU where Jusliee holds h«r sf-al, 
AnrJ frum those wounils ihoae WyoJ.v Jews did piercei. 
Which hv lUy niagi<? oft did bleed afresh. 
Kruni tliente for Lhee tlie dew of inercj (lri>ps. 
To wash UiB wrath of high Juhovab's ire. 
And miike Iheo a.* a new-Wrn babe from sjn, — 
llun^.i.v. ril <<|jeiid the reuiunDt of in> life 
In I'lirr ikv.iii*ii» in-ftyinsj la m.v Qoti", 

W'lilit. Jistiiii;iiislies The True Tragejy from other 
iinitatioiirs and ki-i-ps it closer to the oii^nal, is that 
lti<"har<l, niov^Ml hy bis roiiscience to (Ijink of repentance 
forct\s liinisflf by his own will tti turn away from it. Ele 
has his nioiiRMits of weakness when feeling is uppermost, 
hut his will \s still indomitable. And here is Ibe c$soDtial 
ehai-aetcriHtie cif the Shakespearean Richard also. 

With Ihe '"raging liends" in '"Stygian lakes" cf. 
Locriae 5: 4, 

"The snarlinp purs of darken'il Tarlarus 
Kfinl rrism Avornus' pondu by Rhttdiimanlh". 

Much closer connection with this and other plays of tlie 
ifroiip is shown in Richard's nest soHlofiuy. 

As Riehard confers witt Catesby there enter I^nl 
Stanley and his son George. Richani at once asks the 
riirnicr for news of his stepson Richmond, which Stanley 
prnttSiseK to he unahle to givf. The Kiilf( expre)j.^es dis- 
triiHt in rough i'asjliion, siud declares his beliHf that Stanley's 
rciiiu'St. to lie allowed to depart to his home is made 
merely timt he iim.y hulp Richmond. Stanley protests, 
and is Hnally permitted to go, OQ promise that he will 
use his forces apahist Richmond and leaving bis son 
(iforf^e as a pledge. Tlio facts of the scene are from the 
chrouicle account, with some slight ehangcs and mis- 
understanding. 



— 451 — 



Now enters Lovell, wbom Richard has sent to tlin 
Queen concerning his suit to her daughter EHKaLcth. 

"Kinji- 1'"*' T'W l-nuell, what hawps? 

Wliiit .sitilli lilt; niLiLhcf riiioBtie to mj sule? 

Lull, My l-orcl very wlraiiiri' slits was at l.lip first, 

Hilt wliou I had told tier tlio cause, slie E'a'Do cftacent: 
liesiriTi^ your mainstio lo mstko llie nobiltiii jiriiito to it. 
Kiatf. Goil liaue moixy 1.4iuell. but wlin>l flailli I.adj lOliv.abfttli)* 

Low. Why Biy Lard, slraitngp, as womnii wrill be u.1 thu tlrsL 
Bill llirDiigli inLreutie of Iivr iii<>lhi«r, she quickly gau*f 
cimsenl. And the Queenp wilil tiu' In tel ymiT Btm.-*, that 
nlie nL*^iinef4 ti< Icaun Satu'tuiu'.v, and to c^uo to the c^urt 
wilh al \wi' daugblors". 

H^rp is ail iiiipoilaot variatiiui from th*" diroiiich' 
account. According to this, "mm bntliP of wit iind ^auitir" 
— hpfp, a« ill TjPgo;p, n'pri^si'iiti*d hy LovpII, kci' p. iJ44 — 
are sent to |>ensuade tliy Qupcii to am\e to CTHiil with her 
daugblETR. NuDiiiig is Hard ul' Rii-liard's suit for her 
dauglitpr. for Aniip is not yet dead: and Ihc rhronicl'fs 
have ex|ncsaly ''ijueetiP Ifilyzalmth wliidi kriinvi- notlnng 
lesac tlieii that he moost entendt-d" (Hall, p. 407). The 
princess's consent in still further away frnin the clHTiciicIi's. 
according to which "thti iiutydtMi her tu'lfe niotist nl" all 
detested and althorred this vidawfiiM and in muiinijr vii- 
natandl copiihicinn" (Hall, p, 407). Tin* ivality of tlin 
(iueun's coiisi^nt i» rciidiTPd doubtful by the fact that in 
the iK'Xt scone shi' stmds oie.ssagcs of wcleunie to Rich- 
mond, and wcr liave in conse<iuoii(io the samp uncprtaiiity 
lit'i'*' as attacln^K to her consent in Shukosppiin'. 

Tlial, liowcvrr, Richard should inakv suit to the Queen 
for hiir djiugbttT's band i& not contrary to Iht' chnmieles, 
as wf have "making much suite to hanc hpr inyiie{i with 
him in lawliill malriinoiiy" (Hall, p. 407). What is citn- 
trary is that this suit should be joined to the request that 
thi' Queen leave sanctuary and bring kor daughters to 
Couit. 

Richard is iiKiuiriisg about "the Scottish Nobles tliat 
met at Nottingham" when there enters a niessonffcr. 



"Kin^. Gogs wounds who is thai? search the I'ilLaine. had 
an.v dagR about him? 
Mesx. No ni.v Lorci I haue none. 
Kinif, From wln?nc*^ ennxis thou?" 

Ho ciian>s front Nottingham, and Lfovell, Cateshy and the 
paj^c pross about him witli the ea^or question^ "'Is tli( 
man'irtif,'fi concluded betweeni' the Scottish Eaile and tlw 
Lady Rosa?" Richard is angered by their ofHciousnesi 

"KiiiK, Nay wiH you grins mo ti,&iie h> leU you that? Why yoB 
villianPB will yoti koow lh« seerets of my Ictler by inler- 
ruplinp iiie,''»eTig;erH that are »eul to me? Away I say(_ 
l>ef;one, it is time to looke abuiit; avny I Ray, what het 
yet viUaiuBS?" 

Id his disturbance of spirit Ricliard is so bastv tUa 
he has no thought of the messenger, who has news U 

ih-liver. and does not therefore obey Richard's hidding.' 
He iTil'iinn-s Rirbard that the marriage of his iii<'iv has, 
het'ii concluded, and hjings the further news thatOaptaii 
llliint fias revolted and Ih-d to Richmotid witli his prisonerJ 
the Eivrl of Oxford. Richard t>ursts out again in a ihassiooj 

"O vilUiii(»*, rob»lH. fu^t'tives, tlieeuen, hnw are vre 

trnyil, when our own» »woor(I«s i^hnll bt^nle vh, bdiI our ownri 
hiihii'cl seckos tho siibuerlion of the ntn\», the fall at Iheil 
l^rinro, and saL-k of tlipji Country, of Lis, nay neither niu 
nnr shall, for I will Army willi my friends, and cut off 
(■□i-iuiv.s & Iteard Ihem In Iheir ta-ee that <Lares mt', aii^ l>u| 
otii>, 1 iiim, hcyond the seas LhaC troubles me: wel lii« power' 
in wenkc, K wn are strong, therefori' I wil mfel hini with 
>tni-h ni«lodie, lltat Uie sinieing ot a bullet alial Henit hii 
mtrily lo his logesl home". 

Tlie historical content of the scene is peculiar. Nothin| 
is advanced to show why such importance is given U) the 
miirriage of Richard's niicep, and it is not further mentioned 
ill till' play. The name of Richard's nieca was Anne de 
la Poole, and "'the faire Lady Rosa" is only to be explained 
us a eorriiplioo of her husband's name, the prince o| 
Rothsay. The agreement for this marriage was mode 
the same time as the truc» mentioned much earlier ii 
the play. 



— 453 — 



Richarrl's greeting of the messenger is a (IrnmatizFilioii 
of More's "Wliere ie went ahrode, his eyt-n wliirUMl about, 
his. ijoiiy priuily fenced, hia hand euf-r on his iliiyer, his 
countt-nancB and manor like one alway ready to strike 
itgaine". On the passage in which Richard hids all di;- 
part, see p. 51'J. 

■'"It is time to look about*' is a favorite exprrssion 
of the old plajs- Cf. Mucedorus (Delius' ed. p. II): 

"Wben heaps uf taavi do hover oiverheftd, 
'Tis Idma as Lhen (some saj'] to look sbvul". 

and the old King John, p. 179, 

"Arthur, awaj, tiis time lu louk abuiLr', 

With "send him to his longest home" cf. Locriue (Doulit- 
ful Plays of Sh., Tauchnitz, p. 193), 

"Never shall Ihese bloflil-suclun)i; mutin ciirs 
Briftg wrelchcd Sabrcn to her laleat homo", 

Arden of Feversham, IV. 1 

*'Theyle be jour ferry men lu long liomo" 

Titufi Andronicus, 1,83, 

■Those that I hriiiff unto their ImeHt homo". 

[Scene 14.] Richmond now makes Uis first appear- 
anc*", acoflmpanied Ity the Earl of Oxford, P. Laailoys 
and i'aplaiti Blunt. He welcomes them to England, whieh 

he claims jis his right and iaberilance. 

■Hiphan! hHt usurps in my authortie, 
Fur in ]i'\^ tyrfitii)i« ha sUitghlcr^d limpid 
That wuuid aut auocotir him in his aUenipts, 
Whc>!i& ^iiiltl«^6 blood cranes daily &t Goiitt hun<(s 
Rpui'iijre for outrage done In Ihpir harmleai linos. 
Thon courage countrymon, and neiipr bo di.-smn^'tl, 
Uur i|uar«>l.s good, anil Hod will hi'l|io t)i(> ri^lil, 
For wo may know by dangers we haue past. 
That God no doubt niU giae va victorie". 

Oxford and Blunt pliglit their faith to fullnw Hirh- 
mond till lie conquers. Landoys unites with lliein. ready 



— 454 — 

to follow his leader to death, but hoping, if the Queen 
keep her word, to see the union of the houses of York 
and Lancaster. Richmond thanks them, and promises if 
he be made king, 

"I will 80 deale in gouerning the st&te. 
Wliich now lies like saua^ shullred gi'oue, 
Where brambles, briars, and ttiornes,ouorgrow thofifi Kprigs, 

And neuer leaue to follow my resolue. 

Till I haue mowed those brambles, briara and Ihornes 

That hinder those that long to do us good". 

Oxford adds that they have escaped the greatest 
danger, Richard's garrison at Milford Haven, and need 
not fee] dismayed because Buckingham is taken. 

The speech of Richmond is not based on any of the 
clironicles. It may perhaps be imitated from Leggo's speech 
of Riclimond at liis landing. Of. the remarks on tliat 
passage, p. 366, and see also p. 479. For a comparison 
with Shakespeare's speech and scene see p. 513. Oxford 
and Blunt accompanied Richmond to England, but that 
Landoyse should be made one of his followers is an ab- 
surdity for which there is not the slightest foundation. 

In his first speech Richmond manifests as in Shake- 
speare, though not so clearly, his claim to be God's agent 
in punishing the tyrant. * With his words compare old 
Henry V (Sh. Lib. Ill, p. 363), 

"Uon.V My Lords and louing Countreymen 

Though we be fower, and they many, 

Fearo not, your quarrel is good, and God wil defend you. 
I'lucke vp your hearts, for this day wo shall either hauo 
A valiant victorie, or an honourable death". 

The latter passage follows the chronicle (Hall, p. 67) quite 
closely, and the speech in The True Tragedy is pro- 
bably based on Richmond's speech before the battle of 
Bosworth (Hall, p. 467). Influence of the Henry V speech 
is not impossible, however, as Richmond's arrangement of 
battle at the close of this scene appears to be influooced 



— 455 — 



hy the Henry V hattio arrangement i\'hicli is part of t]ic 
speech from which the abovu is takdu. 

When Oxford has finished there enters a wiussOH^er 
with letters from the mothicr Queen and from Lady Stanlpy, 
Rin-liinond's mother. He mentions tlm names of SL-veriil 
who are cominjj to Richmond's aid, "■the Lord Fitz Harliart 
the earle of Pemhrokea sonne and Iieire", "8ir Prise vp 
Thomas"', "fiir Thomas vp Richard", "Sir Owen Wiiliatna", 
"fiir Tbomaa Denis", and "Araoll Butler". At the hitler 
name Richmond grows angry. "Doth Arnoll Butler comt', 
I can hardly brookc liis trocherie. for hfo it was lliat 
wrought my disgrace witli the King" |i. e, Kdward], He 
is eoon appeased and turns to tlie arrangement of his batik'. 

"Because I will be ft>r«most in this flglit, 
To incoiirter with that htuodie miirtlierer, 
Myselfe. wil lead lli* vflwan! of our [rijci|je, 
Nly Tjurd of Oxford, you ns our second Nelfe, 
Shall h&uei ih« Imppie leading of \ho r^itre, 
A placo I know wliicli you will well iSostoriic, 
And Cnptaiiie BlonI, Peter Landoj'B and you, 
Shall hy in quarters as our battels aroutes, 
Pcouidefl, lhu« your bow-men I'aplainc Blunt. 
Jliist scatter li-er«j and tlii^ro lo paiill Ihi.Mr IttirHt^. 
As aJM) wbpn llial our iiromised. frieniLs do conii', 
Tlitn must you Lulii hiiri skirmish with oiirfoeci, 
Till I by uaHt of a t'ounter march, 
llaue io>iid our power TVith those tbnt cumti to v^ 
Then casliiifr close, as win^ on eitli«r side, 
Wft will giwe a naw prauttdo on iKe f>3B, 
Therefore iel vs Lownrd .^derstop uiiiHine, 
Wheru we this night Cnd-'willinf; will incanijte, 
J'Vom Iheace towards LiehHeliL wo will march iiost day. 
And noer&r London, bid King Richand plaj". 

There is no mention in the chronicles of Richmond's 
reeeiving nies'iagi'S From the Queen. He sent mcHBciigL'i's 
to his iiiotber, the f:>tanley and others,, and they "rftininicd 
to hym the sarafi daye that he enU-red into ShrL-wsluric, 
and made relacloim to hym thiit his frendes were ready 
in all poynles to doo all things for' liimi wliieli either lliey 



— 456 — 



ought or nii^'hl do" (Hfill, p. -41 1). The names of Uichmond's 
lii'l|>crs; arc diicfiy from tlio chronicles. But tiiey have 
rccoiv^d the usual cureless treatment, 'Xord Talbut, the 
Earlo of Shreueahitry'e soniie and heiro", is in the cUronicle 
"Sir Oporiro Talbott with the whole poure of the young 
Earle of Shreusbiiry then bcynge in wardo"; "Lorii Kitz 
Karbnrr' was really Sii- Walter Herbert, second son of 
(lie first Horhert Earl of Pembroke, and not his heir, who 
w;is named WUliam Uko hia fatlier. This William was 
transferred from the earldom of Pembroke to that of 
Huntingdon in 1479. ^'Prise up Thomas" = Rice ap Thomas. 
The curious and wholly unfounded reference to Butler is 
the author's inventioa, based on Hall's "Arnold Butler 
a valiaunt captain, whicli linst askyuge perdoii for liis 
oflemies before tyme committed against the eric of liicb- 
nionci and tliat obteynd'". This I have shown elsewhere 
(cf. p. 193) is a mistranslsitlon of Pnlldore Vergil. The 
offences were those of all the Pombrokiany, and consiBted 
evidently in serving the Earl of Pembroke set up for ihem 
by Kdward. alter iheir former lord, Jasper, wlio now 
relunit'd with Richniond, Lad been driven uut. ■"Oweo 
Williams" and "Sir John IJenis" are not mentionort in the 
cltromcK's, but, cuiicmsly, in the ski'tcb of the persons 
occupied in one act of a play on Richard found in the 
papers of the Actor Alleyn [cf. p. 63J) the same name 
oecnrs. "S see. Ansell. Dang^. Denys, Hon. Oxf. Courtney, 
Bducliier and Grace. To them llice ap Tlio. and liis 
SouUliers". The other names M'ould seem to indicate that 
here also Denis was one of tliose who came to Heiiry. 

Richmond's battle arrangement diffei-s notably from 
that of the Clironicle.i, which have, "In y Fronnt lie placed 
the archers, of whome he made captain John erle of 
Oxlord: to the right wing of y bataiU be appoynteri, sir 
(jylbert Talbott to bo y Ir-dor: to y left wing he assigned 
sir John Sauage, & he w"- y aide of y lord .Stanley ac- 
compaignid with thcrle of Pembroke bauyng a good 



457 



compai^nie of liorsmen ami a small iioniber of footmen' 
(Hall p. 41-4), But compiin' old Hpnrj V p. 363. 

"Now my Lords I wil ilial my viicla the Duke of Yorke, 
Unue the nuatilgard in the faattell. 
Thfl Karlfl of Dar-hy. lli^ Karle of Oxford, 
TliP Earlo of Kent, the Farle of Noltingliiain, 
ThR ICarle of Uiirliiijftiiri, I wil liaiio hesido llie ai'my, 
Thai thuy may (.';ime fieHli vjioii them. 
Anil I myselfe witli Hit" Uitke iif BcdfiiriL 
TIu> Duke of Clarence and tlie Uuko uf tiloatw, 
Wil "be in the midst of Iho "baltell. 
Fiilliermfir?, ! wil that my Lord of Willuwby. 
And iJie Karle of Northumberland, 
With iheir tronpt'S of liorsemen, bo ■fonlinwally running 

liki.' Winjfs on both sides of tho Arm^': 
My Lord of Xnrlliuniberland. "H tlie l*rt win^. 
Then I wil thai ouery arcliE-r prmilde him n. atoko of 
A Iree, nod i^hnrpe it at both endes. 
And at tho flrsl encounter of the liorsem*n, 
To |iil<.'h iliuir slafces down int'j the yrtmrid before them, 
TliJit they may ffore tliemseliiea viiun theni* 
And thou lo repoj-lo backe, and shoota wholly altogither. 
And an discoiuUt tl)ein". 

Tilt! latter may liave lifpii iniitatcil in thi? True Tragedy 
pas.saj;):-. Hicliiiioiid'y on\vi- tif iiiafcL was, according to 
the chronick'(Hall 411 — I3)8lire\vsliiiii'y,Newporte,Staffordp, 
Lk'.li(?ri.'hlc. Toiinvtiortli. Hu did not ("ncaiiip in Ad its [■one, 
but visited Lord ^jtank-y "in a liUli; close" aetvr that place. 
[Scene 16,] The page enters, 

•'Pagu. Wliere shall I And a [dace to sigh my fill. 

Ami waile Ilia Kriefa of iinr wore Iroiibtod Kln^j* 

l'\ir nuw he liatli obtnind ibe DisdHme. 

iiiil with hiicli grpat dUcoDiftii't l« his mindu, 

TliBl tiehudbi'tlerliuod A{iriunle man, his luokcMaregu'iUy, 

llidiiiiis In biihold, and from ihc {iriuie i^cntire uf hi.-; hitarl, 

Tiifn> c'lrofs siK-b tleepv Fetchl ^i)(hes ftcd fejirefiJl cries. 

Thai being with him in his chamber ofL, 

He mticJiies me wo^opfj and sigh for oompany, 

For if ho hi'ara one stiiTe he rinetb vp. 

And olaps his liaiid vpon hia dagger s^ti-aighl. 

Roadie io stab him what no ere he be.. 

But he must Ibinko thi-i is the iii«t roueng^e, 



— 458 — 



Tlio hpauenn linue pouroii ipon him for his sinneti. 

Those Peerfs w)ik'h lie vnkindl.v mwriherBd, 

Dulh crio for justice ai Uie linnds uf Godi 

And he in histico sends cunliniiall feare. 

For to sfrifht liim buih at bpd and boorci. 

But staie, what noyse is Uiis, wlio hiiiie we hete?" 

This is ovitiently based on the passagp on More from 
wliicli was drawn iIip motive for Ihp greeting of the 
nipssonger in so-enc 13. "Where lie went ahrodo, his eyen 
whfrkd aWut, his lioily priuilj fenced, bis hand euen on 
his (Jaiijfcr, his con nti? nance and manor like one always 
ready to strike againe, he toke ill rest a nightes, lay long 
wakyng and musing, soro wcried with care and watch, 
ratbtr siuiiiljivil than slept, troubled wyth feareful dreames, 
sodainely srimnietymo sterte vp, leape out of his bed and 
runne aliout tbe (■bainbf.T, so was his resttes hcrte continually 
tossed and tumbled with the ti^lioiis uiipreasion and stormy 
renieinhrance of his abominable dede". 

While the page is s[ieakiiiK lliere enter soldiers, who 
explain that they have rcvutied from Richard and are on 
tJieir way tti Richmnnd. The page, foreboding the over- 
throw of his master, goes in to tell liim. 

That many soldiers revolted to Rfclim'ond is rclatod 
in tho chTonielc. That w« have a scene hcr^ showing 
this is perhaps due to the irfluenca of Lcgge's play. 
See p. 366—7. 

[Scene 16.] Kichincnd now enters, on his way by 
night to meet his stepfather Stanley. Oxford, who begs 
to accompany him, remonstrates against his night ex- 
peditions, and rclalji's the Fear of the sohiirrs caused by 
bis last night'? absence, Uichmoud turns him away, sayiug 
that be has pmuii^ed liis father that none shall come but 
himself. Tn the meeting that ensues between Stanley and 
llichiuonil the former relates the precanous position of his 
son Qcorgc, and declares he cannot render open aid. At 
this Richmond is iu despair, a despair increased by 'the 
knowledge that Richard's forcee number 20,000 while his 




— 459 — 

own are but 5000. Yet conscious of the justice of his 
cause he determines not to lose hope. 

On this scene and its relation to those ofLegge and 
Shakespeare see pp. 360 ff., 475 f., and 515. 

According to the chronicles Richmond had 5000 beside 
3000 under the Stanleys; "the kyngea nomber was doble 
as niuche & more" (Hall, p. 414). 20,000 appears to have 
been a favorite number in similar passages of the old 
plays. Cf. p. g. True Tr., p. 116 

"Kich. What number do you thinke the king'ti power to be? 
Stan, Mary some twentie thousand". 

with Jack Straw (Haz.-Dods. 5:385) 

"Trea.s, My friend, what power have they assembled in the fleldP 
Moss. My lord, a twenty thousand men or thereabout", 

[Scene 17.] Before the next scene, as motto to its 
contents, appears "Quisquani[neJ regno gaudet [?] 6 fallax 
bonum". Cf. p. 475. 

"Enters the King and the Lord Louell, 

King. The hell of life that hangs vjion the Crowne, 
Tlie daily fares, the niglitly tlreames. 
The wretched crewe.s, the treason of the foo, 
And horror of my bloodie practise past. 
Strikes such a terror to my wounded ooiwcionce. 
That sleep I, wake I, or whatsoeuor I do, 
Meethinkes their ghoasts comes gaping for rouenge, 
Whom I haue slaine iu reaching fur a Crowno. 
Clarence complainos, and crieth for reuenge. 
My Nephues hluod-s, Heuengo, reuenge doth crie. 
The hoadles.se I'eeres come preasing for reuenge. 
And oiiery one cries, lot the tyrant die. 
Tho Sunne hy day sliiues hotely for reuenge. 
The Moono by nipht eclipseth for reuenge. 
Tho Slars are turned to Comets for reuenge. 
Tho I'lanets chaungo their courea for reuenge. 
The hirils .sing nol, liut sorrow for reuenge. 
Tho '.silly lambos .sii.s bleating for reuenge. 
Tlie scrccking Raiien sits croking for reuenge. 
Wholfi lioads of beasts comes bellowing for reuenge. 
And all, yea all the world I thinke. 



— 4G0 — 



Cries for reurn^e, and nothing but reuenge. 

Bui to c-onpluHe, t liaiie dosc?nieii Vfiiieo|fie. 
In company I dare nni iriisi m.v friend, 
Reinj; alnne. 1 dread Iho .-wi-'rel foo; 
I doubt my foode leaKl jiuvsiiii liu'ke therein. 
My bod is vnpoth, roiil refraincs my bead. 
Then such a life L count Tar wurse to be, 
Then llioiisarid deaths vnto a dsninw! ileaih: 
How wasl death 1 saiil? who dare allt'inpl my dflitii? 
Nay wlio dare so much as uneis lo [liynkc my death? 
Though ofiemie,'* lliere be iLjil would my bodj kill, 
YeL shall thej li>auo a neuer dying minde. 
Bui vow villaincs, rebeLi, trait«rs u< you sra 
How came iho fne in, preanlnjf so neare? 
Wher'B, \vh<"re,«lepi the g!irrii-iji Dial rthoiildn bent them b«clr! 
Wlicni was our frieudft lo iul.ercepl lhe fue? 
All gvne, t\\nle lied, liis loyalttn quilf laid a bt'd? 
Then rengtano', miwchiofi", hwrror, w^itli miscbanfo, 
Wild Are, with whirU'winds, light vpon your heads. 
That tbuH bctrnyd your Priiico by your vutruUi. 
King. Frnntikc mau, what nieausl Uiou by tins mood? 
Now ha is uome more need to beale him biacW. 

Tlie convprsation that follows with Lo^'ell is corrupt 
but Kiclianrs speedi is evidently dpliverrd in soliloquy^ 
for LuvcU. inquiring the caiise of Richard's trouble, is 
repul^cil witli \hf words, *'The cause Buzard, what caose 
gbouldc I participate to tiicej' My fritnds arc gon4> away, 
and fled from jiie, keep silence villaine, least I hy poste 
do send tliy suiile to hell, not one word more, if thou doest 
loue thy lif*'\ 

Richard's soliloquy, the best-known passage in the 
play, was without question suggested by the chronicle 
accuunt of his dream. In the horrors that come to hira 
Richard recoguizes the effect of his wounded conscirnw, 
and this too has its basis io the interpretation put by the 
chroniclers {following Polidore Vergil) upon his ilrcani. 
But this is thfl extent of the chronicle influence. The 
terrible devils pwUiii^ and haling him have here become 
the ghosts of those whom hti has niurdfcred, and the whole 
corcpption of the passae^ is borrowed from the revenue- 



plays, th* influence of wliicli has been nearly wanting 
since the iiitrodueliim (*f (..'lurencp's gliost. With this soli- 
loquy should be especially compared 

Locrine, Act 5, sc. 4 

"The boiatepoiis Bofeiw tliund'retli fiirth revenge; 
The slony rnclcs cry oiil tin slmr)) revpnire: 
The Ihorny biii»h pronfmnceili ilii's fov*rige>, 
Ni>w (.'iirinciis, atay ami .si'o reveiijre, 
Aiid feod thy ^"1^ wiHi l-nc rinc 'h oviflrlhrow", 

James JV (Dyte's Oreen p. 217, col. 2) 

"Mfthinkn r hear my Dorolhen'm (fhoflt 
HnwIiDff iPVcnfTB Tor my jiccursiil hate: 
Tlif ifhoatft t>[ tliosi- luy wultji-cts thai aw slain 
Piiraim me, crying out, "Woo, woe Ui lusLl" 

A Looking Glaijs for Lomlon (Dyce's Green p. 142) 

"'nruaniajit in I'uristiipirii.''^ hiirilt'ii'il with niy crimes, 
Thu IipU of soinjw haunts nic up ami dowD. 
Trflad whpri" I list, nipthinks \]\f- hWiliii|r (rliustfi 
or itione wlioni my cut rn|ilimi hntiiirlil to auiighl-* 
lln serve Fur ■'iliiiiihlm^'-hlrii'k'* hoT'ivp my sl^pjii 
Thi- fftllii' r|ps.i ami wMnw- wruntrVI hy nn'. 
TliK [iiiiir ()|j]irpM!iS(l by my uwiiry; 
Mi-tLiiikH 1 spp th«Ir Imiids rcai'd up tn hrnvcEi, 
To cry for veDpeaufp of my covnlonanpus". 

The flrat rjuoted passajEro. which Bosw<i|] tUouglit a 
proof that Tlic True TraK*'(ly and Locriiu- had the 
sanin author, is of course no proof of that fat't, hut the 
resemblancp is far too close to deny a comiecUfin l>c(weon 
the two. That eannni lie set aside tiy t\\f stateiiieiit that 
iiuch i-epetitioEs as tliis of tie word revenge "is one of 
tbe conmionest aitificea or rhMflric" (KielJ's iiiti-od. |i. iWl. 
The same canitot he so strongly asaerted of the oUier 
passage cited hy Boswell, 

Locriue 5 ;2 

"Behold the hMvt'iin da wail for GiiPfidnlrn; 

Thp nhinninp wiin iluili liluwii fni" (iiit-nilnlpn: 
Thu liqiiul air tloih wep|i for CiiiiMidiiU'ii : 
The very ^nntid doth groan for Citiemlalen". 



— 462 - 

Of these plays, Locrino, assigned by Fleay to so 
early a date as 1586, though not published till 1595, and 
Looking Glass must have preceded The True Tragedy, 
and the others may have done so. The passage here is 
clearly dependent upon the influence of the revenge-plays, 
and it is to them through The True Tragedy that we 
owe the ghost scene in Shakespeare. See pp. 515 — 8. 

With the first lines of Richard's speech compare also 
Old King John, p. 224 



"Yet John your lord 

Will (as he may) Himtaine the hcauie yoke 
Of pressing cares, that hang vpon a Ciowne". 

The thought is expressed often in the old plays, doubtless 
originally from Seneca. 

The habit of ending soliloquies with "but to conclude" 
is hkewise common in the old plays. Cf. eg. King Henry's 
speech in 3 Henry Vr,2:5; 2 Henry VI, 4: 1: Sp. Tra- 
gedy (Haz. Dodsley 4:1241. 

It is to be noted that we have here no single dream, 
and that Richard does not, as in the chronicle, make 
known to others the cause of his trouble. On the King's 
final words to Lovell cf. p. 524, c. 

As Richard repels Lovell, Cateshy enters with the 
news that Stanley refuses to come, and that when threat- 
ened with the death of his son he has replied that he 
has another son left to make Lord Stanley. Richard, with 
a wild outcry, wishes to send at once for George Stanley 
and behead him. Catesby and Lovell endeavor to dissuade 
him, but he is not to he nioveil. As they hesitate to follow 
out his bidding he turns upon them with the question, 
"Why sirs why fear you thus", and implores their help. 

"Both. We will my T^r<l. 
Kinj;. We will my Loni, a Cateshio, thou lookest like 
a dog, and tlioii Lonoll too, but you will runne away with 
them that be gone, and the diiiol go with .yoii alt, God I 
hope, God, what talke I of (>od, thnt hatie sonied the diuell 
all this while. No, fortune and courage for meo, and ioyne 



— 468 — 



Bnglnnil against niep willi RrclaniL Toynp Europe with 
Kiii-iipe, come Cliristpndooie, and with L'tirLileniloaie llie whttli^ 
world, and jel 1 will neuer jeelil hut hy dratli onely. By 
il-oalh, no die, part not fhildiNlily from tliy I'rowiie, liiil 
cuDii? Ih^ cliuoll in claiut*' it, .strik" liim duwit, & llii> llntl 
Fi>rlunei liath tlei'iesti, to sol rouen^u wil.li Irmnnjlus nu my 
wceU'liuil lic-ml. yot ilewtli, swcele d«(il.h, itiy Ih-Io-sI Trifud, 
hath Hworm* in make a baryaine Tor my lasting r;imti, iiriil 
liin, I lljif) vei'io Juy. I }iA)jh w-illi this lami- ImnJ of niiatt, 
til rake out UiaLliatE'riill liL>art of Uiclimun^l. aciii wlitm I liaii« 
it to 9ate It panting hot«> with sail, aaii dritikc lij^ blnnd 
liike wftiitie, iho i be sure Iwil puyson me. Hirs you lh»l 
hn resolute Tullow me, the i*»3t go haiig yoy r Belues", 

And Riclmnl goes out to bis final iiattlo. Thert! is no 
chacige in his heait a« lie fares tlie di^risivp Iioiiiv A 
iiiumeiit lit* tluiiks of God niiil re|K'utaiir-i'. then resolutely 
tui'it.i awaj. D**Htli il' tlcalli conip. rutinot ivl'iisc iiini (lie 
one tiling Lliat lias In-rn liis liit^lii-st. tiiir|iiiM', lasting fame. 
Crown, power, life ma,v ^o, but h*' luis been a king and 
lifcr- a king will ilie. Ail ilie cliroriiclps. iimltc tn spf-ali cif 
Ricliard's bravf deatli. and Legj^f had i'ldluwcd tlimrit. 
What pspedallj distingiii-shea The True Tragedy Rirhan! 
from Iji'gge'a is that, this cDiiragc is his i^hai'ai-teristit: 
thnnigliout. It can only hi; attarked frnni witliiii by his 
coiiacioiice. and that is not stiiing enough Ui ovei-coniu 
hi^ will. 

The fTUde and savngr- expression of the rovengc playa 
dings tf> this spt'^'clj, AVitli tin' last grut'some words of 
Richard, cf. Ardeii tif KevcrsliRin, 11: 2:105,6, 

"I'Viini hfikce nt'ii* will I wauli tliH bloinly staiiif. 
Til ArdiMia harl bt> jianiiuu' iti ui.r tiiiiiJ". 

and I, 159— «0, 

"IJe -KFMid frnni London «iich .i taiinltntr li'lli-r 
As she- shall oat lhf> bart ho sfnl wiili flalt". 

Selinius, 1302 vi soq.: 

"Hli flhould liftvfl doao as I do mean in dn; 

ThDD tDa.re< tlie ohi mnii penon mnul with my tenth 
And colour my strong IiuihIh with hir* unrp-l'limd" 



— 464 — 



1385, 6: 



"I would rip up his "hroasl arri rend his heitrt 
Into hiB huwplti Llinial in^ angry linnda". 

Locrine fp. 191): 

"Finil niB young Sabren, l.oi'Hne's nnly jny, 
Tbat T maj glut lu.v niintl willi Inkewaiiu blood, 
Swirilj <lisliliiiig riom Uif hiLsUinrs hroJi^i". 

[Scene 18.] ''Tlie liattrll eriti r.s, Kirhard wounded 
with his Pa^o". 

"King. A horflp, a hnrnp n frpsh tiftrsp. 
Page, A flie ni.* l.oril, nml saur vniir life. 
Kin^. KUe yiUiLin, looke I iw Uin I wniild Hip — "' 

Fii-st. sliall I'iirtli in-ceive his {icaii limlj. He lucks up tol 
the gloomy heavens, whert! llie suii refuses to shine, anil! 
thinks, "iliiwn is thy sun. Ricliai-f!, never to shiiin ftgaiifj 
Yet the ohi spiiit returns. Faint lie will not, for pveu] 
yet, J^'ortmie may yield liiiii n quiii <:n>wii — if not he can 
at least die a kiii^. Then "enters lUrliniuiHl to hattell 
a^uino, iiml kil.'< Ilirliard". 

For i\ clivser exiiiiiiuntiiiTi of tlie jilnovc-iinniled jiasaa^j 
and conii>ai'isoti with Sliakesiii-arc, sec pp. ulH — 20. 

[Scene lJ).j "Enters Repoi-t mid the rage". Of tha^ 
page Bcport rerjuests "the certain trno report of this 
victorious, battle". au<i the; \mg<^ rohitos to him that KieJiard 
h&& bcou slain and Kiciiniond is conqueror. SUin too arel 
the Duke vi' Norfolk, sir Huljert Bi'<'keiil)y (Brakmibiiiry),] 
and Lovt'U. L'att'shy is (his day Iji'lieaded at Leicester] 
for taking part with Richard. Then the page tiirny !< 
deseribe his master's coumge in the battle". "RichiU'd 
■ came to fiielde mounted un horeback, with as lugh resulvu, 
as Jierce Achillis mongst the sturtiie GreekRB". Tti meet 
him came Richmond and the hatlle joineil. ''Itut in tboj 
8kinni.sh ■which continurd long, uiy lord gan faint", ajic 
Richmond preceiviug this soundpd a fresh alarm. "But 
worthic Richard that ilid neuer llie. hat fullowed hnnoui 
to the gates of death, straight spurd his liorse to euwjuuterl 



— 465 — 



with the Kai'le, m wliicli i'nw)iiiitr\y Ricliiiiond did (jrtiuuHe, 
& taking Richard at aduantau-c, tlieii hii tlirow liis lim-so 
and titiii hotli to lln.' j^Tmiiid. ami tlitTf was wonrlliie 
Richard woundod. so ttiul after that he iierp recoupred 
slrctifTlh. But to he: hriffe, my ninister would tint ^'ci'UI, 
but "iritli liis lossn of lUv. he lost tin* field''. 

This account of the page is not wholly true to the 
eliroiiielt'. TIio deaths of Xorfolk and of Braki-iihury aio 
ill the cltroiiide account. Catt'shy is tlieie saitl (o liavf* 
Iji'Cu hehi'adL'd "11 dates after". Hei'C his di^ath takes 
place on the same day, ininicdialcly after the hattle. another 
of the uuinemus hislorical alisiinUties in the |day. LovelS 
was not killed, hut escaped, as the chronicles state, to 
the sanctuary of St. John's at Colchester [Hall has Glou- 
cester by niistakel. and lived to take part in a rebellion 
afjaiiist Henry, dying L4H7. The account of Hicbard's 
deiith is also much changed, and not to his advaaiafie. 
In the chronicle account (ef. p. \5'2) there is no faiatiTit; 
on Ridiard'.i part, nor does Richmond prevail in his en- 
counter with Richard and overthrow luiu, but "with stode 
his violence and kept him at the swerdes poincte without 
aduantatre longer then his conipaisnons other thought or 
iiul^^ed". wlieji William Stanley suddenly came upon the 
scene with his 90iW men, and. foi-sakcn by his followers, 
Ricliard was beaten down amid the throng of his enemies. 

The Hyure uf Itepnrt, allejrorieal like the figures of 
Truth and Paetrie in the introduction to the play, finds 
something of a parallel in the figure of Rumour in Sir 
("^lyomoii and Sir I'lainydes, and in theliuniour wlio 
speak.s tlic Induction of Shakespeare's 2 Henry IV, There, 
however. Rumour fulfils his nature and delivers news: 
here, curiously. Report ia the recipient of news. His 
])art would be somewhat justified if a hint were fiiven that 
he receives news only to spread it ; but there is no such hint. 

With "With as high resolue as Qerce AelUllis inonfcst 
the sturdie Greekos", cf. old King John, p. 245 

r>raeitra. x. ftO 



— 486 — 

"Witli whifh t sbaU siiriirise LLi lining fo«5. 
As Hai^lor's iilfttiie did the fninting Gr>(t«k9H". 

Witli '*biit followed lionoiir to the gates of deatK" 
Battle of Alcazar, Act 1,1.122 

"But follow lu the gales nf death and hell". 

Und Arden of Pevershani U, 5,166 

''1, lo the guleti «f deulli In fnllow tli9a". 

[ScL-ne 20.\ Now "Enter Earle Riclimoiiil. Earli 
Oxford, L. Standlej', and their traiiip, wit li ilip 
crowiif". RicliiiKJtitl. Iiiriiinji to bis fuUowers.. itropuse-jji^ 
since (jod has given them the fortune of the day tliat the] 
first ^ve tliaiiks uuUy his Di-il.v. He Uu-n retiinis his' 
thanks' to thosi^ who have ln^lpfd hint, pspre&ses sorntw, 
for (hose who liavf fallen and promises pa> to the 
iiiaiiiiiitf, Tli his sili'iifiithcr he jfivt^s spet^ifil thanks foi 
his uiilgoked for aid, Stiuiloy praisies his sou'i; n-stjilutiinij 
aod Oxford vows etcriiat love, douhtiii}: not Ia sue him 
aa honored iiiiioiig hiw coiiTitryniiTi ''a.s Hector was ainoiig 
the l^turds of Trny orTuIlt'^' iiuiiiffsl the Rinnan senators'*. 

Tlicre HOW appears the iiKilher Qureii with Elizaheth. 
Thfl Queen is greeted kindly liy Richmond, and inqiiirrai 
for her son Dorsbt. Hrr fears aro set at rest hy the 
inforniatiu]! thai he has l)ecn left in FraDce as pliidj^^- IVir. 
infill and munition, which Ricliniond, driven by force off 
tempest tfl that shnre, wixw forced to ask for, Rirliniond 
promises tlmt he i^hall now returti home, and be^g for 
tl** band of EliKaheth. Stanley crowns bis son byclcctiooj 
of tbe peers, and far is hailed Henry the Seventli, 

Ricliniond then turny to Elizabeth herself and asks* 
for her hand, and she, dutifully coniinittint: herself to her 
mother's disposal, "for when our aged fathei' left his life, 
lie willed vs honour still our mothers age'', is by thi; latter 
bestowed on Rkbiiiond. All would now be joy wen- itj 
not thiit George Stanley is missing. Of his safety there 
seems no hope. But just at this iiiomt>nt George appcar«,J 



— 467 — 

wth two messengers, and relates how tlifise two, gent hy 
Richard to murder hhu, bad, knowing bow iimociiiit be 
_was, sbiftfcd hini ;iway when tlip Iiattlo joined. 

'■Kich, Now seeing tfial eadi thing liirnes In our ■■nntejit, 

I will il be prncltttm^d pre-ipnUv. LliaL trnvlJ-niiK Kji'liaiil 

He by our I'omnianJ. drawiie lliri'Upli tlio ^treelt ^f Le'^ter, 

Starke nAkei] un n Oollter!! Iiurse> [e\ liiiii lin lu.iile, 

Fiff as <i( others ['.nine;^ h« Jiii^l nu regtird, 

<S<i lei Uim hsiio % iraytor.^ <liie Tewnrd, 

Xiiw fur imr ItiarliAjn' jiiid -nr iiii|i1iiill rvlps, 

tJur pleasiiri^ is thev bo f<(>leimuzed 

In niiF Abb}' af Wp»tininst«r, acpnrriiii^ tn tiie urcii?nt 

[rtl^lom ilua. 
The Iwn ami Iwenlilh d«y (if Augiiat nexl. 
Set forwjirilfl Ihpn m.v Lonis towanls I.nnitnti shaiirlii, 
Thara in Inks furlher urder for l.lie slale". 

The ini-Bseiigers now turn to ibf iiuilience. :irii] tin/ Jirst. 
with the words, 

"Tbus (rpntlflH may you lieofe bf-lmlil. 
"Php iiiyning vt Ihese lltiii.sas biilti i[i imn, 
By tlii^ hraue I'rinc^ H^iifj^' Ihe Benuentb" 

relates in hrief iIip bislciiy >*( liix iviirii, Tli(^ sfrimd 
messenger tollows Jiriil rrla,Ii's the icijriw nf HiMiiy VIII 
ant] Etlward VI. Uic priiicps.s Klizaln'tli dnos thi^ snnn' U>v 
Mai'y — tliR KUnini!iry Iutc is. imly ii Htiitfiiimt nl' hiT 
niarriiLgc, hMiytli of reign, and deaLli — and Ihi* l^iiei^n 
concludes witli KHzabeth. , 

"Woriliid tCllziihetli, u miiToiiT in lier ajre. 
B,v wliiifse wise lift' nnd fiulU jr'nair-vnnionl, 
lier ciiunlr.v wns (IntamlKil rrmii Mie I'liii^llie 
or f;iininf. fln' ;in<l wwo.ird. wjiri'Cf^ f^acful] niM»i>ligers. 
Tills is that Qnpeiie us writers Inily .so.v. 
Thai (Joil hncl itiarltcd diiwin' lo line for nge, 
TIii'ii happie i''iiE"liiiid niimi^st tliy nclglibors lies, 
For penrf iioH jilentie HCill hIIi'IhIk no lli&e: 
And all Ihe riiinniratilr- Fiiin>'l» hiiiile.t 
To see Lbyp liiH' in such [ii'ys|iei'iliB, 
Klic i^ tliM. lampf ihni- ki-e|>fH fairr Kngl/indw li^lit. 
And llii-iiugh liPT fnilli her eininlry Minis in |i«nce: 
And »ho balli put prutid AxiUcbmt (i) flight, 

30* 



4fifl 



Ami hL'ii" Itic ni>'aiK>A tliul ciiiilJ wars tlid i-ease: 

Th^n EnpiBnJ kfiee](' ni-«xi tlij liairy kBfte, 

Am) llinnki- that God Ihnt Klill [irouideK Inr ihee. 

Tli(- Tiirkc iidniirdH tm licari' Iter gnuenmifrtit. 

Ami babies in Inr.v HoumI lier princely namv. 

All riirisilian J'niii'UH in Ihat Prim-*' liatli w>iil. 

Al'Lrr her riilp was niriiiPT'il fimrlli by fnmtf, 

Thp Tiirkp Imlh MWnrne neiiPi- lo ItfT luK Imnd. 

To wrotifi tliti I'l'iiii-ortt'e at ihii* blusnuinl lami, 

Twero vaine lit [«]i llie cjire lliis tjiipene haifi bail, 

111 liel[>iiiK IhoHQ tliiil were u|ijirewl by wMire; 

Aril liuw ln«r Maiesiip hatli f«iil ht>nc k'^*'- 

Whph slie Imlli licnrd of pt'aco ]irin'lnini'il ffclii Tiir. 

IcTifiirt. l-'L*am-o nnil Flamlprs liHtli ^vi (lij-wnc. 

Tli«' lintMl Mhi< lijtlli <loiui. KJiU'O nht< canie Lo Ih^ C'ruwne. 

Fur wliich, if en- liwr life be lane away, 

<Jnd grant liw mouIp may liiip in hpftiinn for ayi*. 

For if licr (ii'ai'ow daycH lii' In-iUiglil lu i-ml, 

Viniir liopB is piiip, on wliom ilii! [ipaco dpp-enii". 

Tliorc arc as usual several variations from the chronicle^ 
accounl in lUis iiriiU set'iio. Ht'ury's thanks to God niul 
to liis soldiers t'ulkiw the clironide, as wt^ll as liiy crowiiiiij^ 
by Stanley witli Richard's crown, found among tlie s]»nii| 
on the lir-kl. Bui RirlnnoTui's clGetion by (|if iip(»i's is nf 
poiirsp ii I'bi'tmologioiiil iiiipussibility. The phroiiidcs Uavu 
'\ts tbrmgh ho had hyno plfictfd king by thfl voyce ofl 
tlic |H'o|il('" (ITali. p. 4'iO). Tlio prespnce of the Quei^n 
and the Prinrrss Elizalirth on tho field is of course un- 
warraiitoct. Dorset's absence in France as a pledge is 
from till' rlironiclrH, hut the reference to the tempest was 
evidently taki'ii from the acconnt of Richniomrs first 
attempt to invade Eii<rhuid. Hl^ was at that lime aided 
hy Charles of France and Francia of Brittany, but it was 
not till after this that Dorset came to him, lied, and was 
brinjt'hl- back, and iLon KrsL was given lo I'liarles as 
liled^e. The account of Strange's escape with tlic Iwo 
innrderei-s varies from tho chronicle, in tliat they are re- 
presented as sent to murder liim by Richard, who declines 
lo postpone the execution. According to the chronicle 
Kicliaril did consent to poHtpone it. and delivered him "(o 



— 469 — 

tlip kpjiers of Uic kynj^ps tpnlf^s to Tip kc|it as a prisniier" 
iHiill. I*. 4'iO). and llit'st' yielded llictiisi'lvps In luiri al'U'r 
rhc liatllf. Tlie nreonrtl. is rii>l i|iiiU' ciinRisteiit. eitlier, 
W'itli Ihe provldiis scfiir. in llun. Ilimiijli Rictinnl refuses 
to t*pari' Stanley, iiotliing is said nl' spndiiifi: two iimnk-ivrs, 
ami no time intervenes to allow of it. Tlic iiiarriajie of 
Henry and EMziihelli tonk place .Ian, IH. l-tSli. "Tlif two 
iind Iweiililli ilay nf Auy:uyt next" woulil Imvc lieeii rx- 
aetly otio year from ilifi battle. wlnVli look placo Auff. 2% 
1485. From Ml is date tlf- antlinr with his customary lack 
of carp evidently caught up his line. 

On the source of the Epilogue sue p. 409. The re- 
fprences in tlio passage dovoted to Ellzahelirs reign are 
not iilwavs plear. "And she! Iiath put pnuiil Anlielirist 
tfl lliglil" probably refers to (lie d^feal of tlie Armada, 
but may refer to tlie restoration nfthe Prnlestant religion. 
The help ffiven to Franec may refer to 15(W>— (i2. when 
ihpre was great strife in'tweeii Cnnde ami (Jnise, whom 
Elizaibeth trii-'d to reconcile, seiiding "aide to Monsieur 
Y idnnie, raplainc^ ofNewliaven against sncli as sniiglit 
lo subuerl liotli Religion and the estate" {Speed, p. llijy); 
but it is more probable that it refers to l58iV-Jnly 26. 
l.'iOa. when the Queen scut money, riinnilions, sliips, and 
aoldiera to the aid of Reury of Navarre. Help was sent 
to the Netherlands 1585—1587. The referetice to (leiieva 
is probably an allusion to the rettirti from that rity of 
many able Protentanls who had there taken refuge during 
the rflign of Mary. 



The t"haractcr of Richard in The True Trageity. 
Crude and inarlislie. as The True Tragedy is in 
dramatic organization and in expression, it presents in the 
charaeter of its hero a eonception that is strong, detinilf, 
and inlerceting. Jjegge's Rieliard. sulijei'led tu the intluenee 
of Seneean models, is deeitledly weaker than ttie Riehard 
of More ami the e.hroiiiclers. The Iniluenees which siuee 
Legge's play had been at work in the impnlnr flnmifi. 



— 470 — 



and tu ttliicb The True Tragedy was subjecl, were, va 
tlie other Land, calculated to strengthen the porlrait of 
Hicliai'd when he next appeared on the stage. Sinca 
Ln^^pe's play the j^eniLis of Marlowe had prothiei'd & 
Tandjuilrtinr, and till long after ShakcspeaiT liad become 
the real master of the stage, the figure of Taiulmrlaine 
exerrisrti a doterminativn influence in thp conception of 
the popiihir draniatii; hem, Frtnii the moment he appeared, 
no play huilt upon a single character could present its 
hnro as weak, hesitating, emotional or directed \)y oUierf. 
liuthless and regardless he niiglit be, cru(>l in action and 
savage in expression, but always self-centered, and always 
master. 

In Dr. Faustus MaHowo had presented yet another 
distinct type, and one which had hardly less influence 
than Tandiurlaine. Tandiurlaiiie was the unwavering of 
soul, fixed in purpose from hetriiiniiig to end, and his drama 
had been that of conflict with the external world and with 
Fate: the drama of Faustus wan the conflict within his 
own soul, tlie coullict with his own conscience. 

The l^iehard of The True Tragedy is a comhinatinn 
of these two typos. That he should he such was not 
only a natural consequence of the popularity of Tanibuf' 
laine iiiul Faustus. hut a natural result also of the 
chronicle picture of Richan! which wat* the historical basis 
of the play. Like Tamhurlain<\ the cLrouicle Richard 
was the ruthless and dcteniiiiiod follower uf an ambition 
t^) he bin^: and like Faustus, he was pictured as Buffering 
fearful confhct with his conscience. Legge. with the 
8eneean tyrant always in mind, had found tio plac« for 
conscieucp in his Richard; in the Fauslus-Richard it could 
play a mighty part. 

Bill, there was, as we have seen, still a tbirtl influence 
at work iijion The True Tragedy, that of the rovenRe 
plays: and for this, too there was opportunhy i[i llic st^iry 
of Richard. Murderer of his brother and nephews, of 
H:TsilnL5K and otlier peers, he gave abundant occasion in 



471 



thip play for the apiieaiancp — in fact or in inmginatinn 
— (if their spirits to cry revenge. And tlius a si'corul 
piiniishiiieiit was provided for him in midition to the anguish 
of a wounded ronscicnce. 

Tbu Richard olThe True Tragedy is tJit^n tht out- 
come of these Llu^ee influences graftt'd ujion llic material 
fin-iiislicd liy th<' story of More iind Vt-rgil as ropealed in 
iho chronicleiii. and conditioned without doubt tty tlie Richard 
of 3 Henry VI or itd original. Wliat is in sum thf result 
as wfi havp traced it through thi' play? 

At his first up]ipariuiw Richard shows hiuiself possessed 
of one ihimght and passion: to him, as to Taiiihurlaine. 
"the title of a King is next vnder the degree of a God". 
There is but one thing for a man possi'sseil of this idea 
to strive for, and from tb« beginning Richard lias been 
making his way toward the crown. Henry and Clarence 
have been removed as logs from his path, from (he yolte 
of his brolher Le has iK-en reh'iiscil. and from the one 
remaining step the fear of death and hell shall not with- 
hold him — as they cannot withhold Tandjurhiine. Yet 
Richai'd is not above seeking to give binisclf gniunds for 
his action. He is Plantagenet'a son, and should he heir 
of Ins crown as he is uf his spirit: he is the winner of 
the crown tliougb lie has not worn it. 

Yet from the first, unlike Taniburlaine. Uidiard re- 
cognizi'S thnt be is in the hands of Kf)rtuii(;. Hp dues not 
superLily assume success and inastei'y of I'^ate. l''oriuiie 
may raise him only that his fall may be the greater. Here 
ia for a moment the thought of Legge'y Richard, But it 
is only fir a moment. In geiu-ral this Ridiai'd's tliouglits 
ATv widely removed from those nf I>eggi' s. Legges Richard 
seeks the place and power of king; if fortune removes 
him from bis place by death he is punished. But this 
Richard cannot hi- punished by ileatli. tor it ts tmt tbo 
power of the throne at which bo aims, it is the fame and 
glory of till' naini' of king, Tlie tilli' of king (inci- atlaim:'d, 
Dr-alh itst'lf rannni deprive hint of what lir has sought. 



— 472 — 



rt the vnssals hut nnrp cry 'Gnd savp kinp: Hirhard' it is 
iMnriifili. This is till- cliixract-iTisLir wliifli sfparati-s llio 
Ridiani nt Tbf Triii- Trjigrd.v from tliat. of Lr-jigp on! 
till' uiir siili! and fnmi lli;il nf SliiikcspraiY i.m tlu* oilier.' 
Tlip charactrrislic.*! ri.*vral<Ml in parsiiil of Iiis piirpnsRJ 
are in full acconi witli llio rialuri' tlius iiihHc known at) 
rlic start. Tlie nuMltod of lliis Rirliani is ilirrrt anri' 
forreful. Hr lius little tisf fur hypocrisy. Of Itic Protfuw- 
ualiirc iif Slink I'spoiirp's Hiclianl. as of the sufH'il» intcUi- 
gencL' tliat diri-ctnS liis craft, llicrr is lirri; alniosl. no tract-.j 
TliPfi' is hut, one socnr in tho whole play wIiptp Itichard 
liimself iippciifs as (ii^rrivor tliivt witli Ihi* .vuung] 

King — , nrd here the di-ccptinn is that of tlii! downright \\ej{ 
This is almost the only rcnuiant of {he disflimulalion 
assrrticd so stroiiyly liy Jlorc and ovfn Iktc th*' diivct 
and torcL'ful nature of Kicluird iippcarR in his words tc 
tlif ijr'incc lo whom Iip profi.'ssPS I'lyalty, ''diirinfr dio] 
minoiiiif of your {jracc, I will iis» niy aiithnritic as 1 soej 
fjood". This Kichard li«s little more need of craft than] 
has. Tumlmvlainn.'. 

Liki' tlir iiatufi' so is its expression, forcfful andj 
savant'. Hirhard ran rave over tmuhio, but h^ cannot 
sonow or wliiriL' ovrr it. Wlii-ro the Spiikcspcrcan liichard 
kppps his loiij.nn' and lets nn witrd psrape him, revoaling 
his trtmlilc only by nervous mid iiiconsiderato actionJTlie 
True Tragmly Ridianl breaks out icilo wihlest angf^r, inj 
words cliartred with all thr honor of the rnidrst rfvciifre 
plays. The enulity is repnlsivi', often absurd, luit it is 
forrrfiil and strong. It is the rxjjffssion of the cruel an( 
pitih'>*s Tiimbiirlainc. freed from bombast, but laeking alM 
till- poetry of Tamburlaine. and with tUo binuliast ri'placodj 
hy the grnrsoinc. 

\\'brr in the first sperrh of Richard ho ai^'ucs with' 
himself the rt'^ason.s for Ills action. In; shuwy that he is not 
tree from tho intlucncc of conscicnco. Something within 
him n'nuiri'hi U.> be satistied, and he strives to satisfy it,J 
If lliCQ death offers no real punishinent, cgnscienco may: 



— 473 — 



Here the story of Morf and Xcr^W Rhnws its chiff intlnrnce. 
As liiolioni iiofn oil in liis fi'iyliiUil cuursc, coiiscionce 
asserts its power. It tears liis soul with anguish, m in 
til'" siory of More, and we hAvc ttir pajre's moving d<'- 
scnpiJoii of his tnastx^r's fefir. tiikeii dtreetly frum tlial. 
suuroie. But Ki<-hiii-d's conseiRiice ilrivos him fartlier^ 
drives him like Faiistua to the thought of rp]K'ntance. He 
thinks of piirgiiig liiniself of guilt, of craving mercy iVoni 
a rit'hteous (fod. Yet. as wiiti Ftiust. it is liiit for a 
moment, the old iniiierious wilt ro-asserts itself, and the 
ihonp:ht is put. asidr-. 

It is niitcworthy llial with lliis Richard conscience, 
asserts Its power not. as in Stiakespeare. only when sleep 
has placfcl the wil) in alieyanee. Sleeping or waking he 
hears il.s cry. If in this respect tlus Richard's will is 
weaker than Shakespeare's Richard's^ the fact that it (ran 
overi'iftiie tiie more violent attack reveals at the same lime 
its strength. 

Noteworthy, too. is the manner in which his wounded 
coii.scieiirr reacts upon hitn. Not unly docs^ it roveal itself 
as in Morc'8 Htory tn his cleepleRS nig'lits. his dreadful 
dreams, the fear of every new-comer that keeps liis hand 
alwayt^ ui»on his dagger: waking he sees terrihle visions 
thai strike despair to his heart. .\nd these visions arc 
not merely those of the dream l]ial VergiS relates, — for 
from this dream, doubtless, are drawn the "raging fiends" 
wliieh Kiefianl sees in Slygiaii lakes pi-ep;u'cd lo come to 
hirii: 1)111, HH in Ihe Iragcilifs nl' revenge, he sees tlie spirits 
of tlmse whom lie has murdeivd, all crying Met Iho tyrant 
die'. To his dislttrlcd iniagirialrnn all llnng*; in nnliirp 
have joined in the cry; he has nut only Jieeome the rnemy 
of men: from tlm whide wnrliL even the inanlmale and 
nidiuirnan, he is an outcast. 

It marks a great advance over the old I'evniige plays 
that the g-hosts — with the exception of Clarence's, at 
the heginning — do not appear, hut arc represented as 
the product of Richard's diseased mind. Thus they are 



— 474 — 

made to fulfil a purijose whicli is nut tlieiis in the older 
playe; tiifiy lead the iLouglit back to their cauise in the 
guilly, tiji'tured conscience of tlie criminal, and so revoal 
the puniKliiiinnt that even now is his. 

So wlifn Kiriiard dies upon the field of battle, dies 
possessed of that for which he had longed, the ylory and 
Ihc fanio of kinjisliip, and with it the tame? of ii courag<' 
uriila.iinted anil a will iniriHetiting to thi; last, wo foel thjit 
he has yet noi. csoapLMl hi? iiiinishnionr. He has paid and 
will yet pay for aU hp has won. 

Thits The True Trag«!cly makes a long step forward 
la the literary imatment of the figure of Richard as it 
had been devi'^loped iliranjrh tlip century of chroiiieles and 
in the play of Legge, Hi' lias not yot the elm ract eristics 
of diaholical eraft, of ovei-- mastering intf-llijrerce. of power 
to rule, he has nut yi-t become the suliject of tr'ue art. 
But si['eiiylli anil eju-rgy and an all-contiuonng will are 
his, and with these the ethical genn which alone justifies 
the portrail drawn by the true artist — the Richard of 
Shakespeare. 

The Influeikce of Legfre's T\ieliarduK Tortiua upon 
The True Ti'agedy. 
That the author of The True Tragedy should have 
been acquainted with Leg;^e's play is, a priori, not im- 
probahle. The authors of the early plays from the be^'nning 
of Elizubi'tJi's reign down to Shaki'>;peare were nearly all 
University men, If sueh was the case with our author, 
he ean hardly Imve escaped some knowledge ofHiehardus 
Trrtius. The True Tragedy Imlonga to the same group 
as the old King Jolin, and TheJ-'anious Victories of 
Henry V, whieh like it were written for the Queen's 
C(>m]jany: and fijriMrierir..^t.or.s have nut iieen slow to 
asKociate with these the names of University men like 
Peele, Lodge and even Mjitlowiv Tn (he play ilsi'lf, it 
must he confessed, evidences of a thorough -going Univei-sily 
education are wanting; hut thts is the case with the other 



V 



— 475 — 



plays also. Tliorf arc hfiwevcr sonii> traco^ of a cerlaln 
amount of chxssical training, as tlio Latin speech nf 
Clarence's ghost, the Latin quotation preceding Richjinre 
gliost soliloquy, niiil the relercrires tu Ixion's wlierl, 
Htygian lakes, etc.. though Ihi- lalLcr count for yaiy little, 
being common pro|iert.v among the playwrights of tho day. 
The ijiiolatifln Quisquniii regno gaudet. n fallas 
honuiii. the prinli^r's cuniiption of (iuis(|uamno regno 
gaiidet? u fallax hoiium. Ot'd. fi. lends to slictw an 
aoquaintarce with SiMiocii't^ plii^'f^, and its application tu 
Hichard revuals tlint tlio autlior was aliv(; tu llic Seiieean 
aspect of Uieliard's story, and renders it nwre probable 
tliat tlie author may tiave reatl Lcg^res play. 

All this in however hiirtilj unsatisfactory. .Anything 
ap|)r(.iachi!ig a real proof that the authoi' inaiie UB<! of 
Logge'e play muKt appear in the general construction of 
the play, and ia tlie use of situations peculiar to Legge 
and not in tlio eliromcle soui'cen. 

In this loo appears a considerable ditiit-ulty. For 
Legge, as has been sbowu. ia the coristniciion of his play 
followed the chronicle story with nearly complete faitJi- 
fulness, and such deviations as he made were mostly 
sugge.stcd hy Heneca. Aside from the story of Sliore's 
wife, anil the introduction up to the meeting uf Jiirhard 
and liucliingham with Rivers, the scenes of The True 
Tragedy are uininly only the chief srenes of the chronicle 
story, in which an ikgn.-eiriiMit witli Leggc can he .set d<)Wn 
to the coinniou source. Points of prnlitaiile roniparison 
are therefore few. Tlicie few. however, while they do not 
perhaps amount to an ahsohito proof of the me. of Lcirge, 
and whilft in general deviations in The True Tragedy 
from the chronicle story arc to be ascribed to the iutluencr 
of othf-r [ilays upon thf popular stage, leave little doubt 
that th(.' aiillior was nc(iu)i.inte<l with Kicharduw Terl ius, 
and made occaaionnl use of it. 

I. Tile nioHt striking instance is the serine ol' liich- 
niond'e uieetinjf with Stanley. This sceue in Legge deviates 



476 — 



widely from Ihf <^hioiiic]elc.f,ii,;WOel.sfiil. There th*>inf*<*Ting 
is reprr-8eiiMi(i sik utir nf joy and Imid-. TIip iiartiripanls 
"suddenly wore siirprisenl with grfat. joy, comfort, and 
liop<> of roriniiiitc yiici-o.^f^ in all tln'^ir dnintis". and Ihore 
is iiotliinj; ill i.l(<> iiH'ctiiig Id ilit^lurlt this fei'ling. In L'-^fTife's 
scenp, on tlio wiUrary. Kiehnond is overwhelmed with 
vesati(i[L di'iilit iitnl dr'i:|mir, Stanley lias rpriiwed ilie 
pxpt'ftpri aid. anil ussij^'ris m cause tLc danger to liis son, 
George Stanley, wliii in the chronida account of the' 
meetijiK is not ho much as riierilionccl. Willi Loggers 
scene, and not with the <.'hi'niiicle. The True TrageHjr 
wholly agrees. As in Ijcgftc, Stanley explains the situation 
of liis son. am! to Hichiiiiiii<rs rrtjuest for help in the 
battle replies lie canniil jrive it. Richniond declares that 
the news (ioe% lo Ids heart and is in uUer despair of, 
victory. In linth eases Stanley comforta his downcast 
step-son, Jirid ]>romise,s secret aid. Cf. 

Slaa, Why Htmiic, see lioW coiilmrio yon m-c, for 1 an-siiro , 
yaii, LJie cliiefeitt in his company ure lik«r to (lie toJ 
Ihec, then lo ttghl s^inRl thee: and tor hip. thinke rao' 
nut »a .siuiplrt but lliiil [ can H my iile^Hure llio tu 
ili<t6, or being willn Ihom, flphi mi faintly, Dial Itia 
biilleU p>)ian be wuiini> tin Lh.y [lurl wJLli MnaEl en- . 
eountrirp". 

with Lp^rgc's 

SlanJ liJiiii nn'rrp, [ipc'ltis pt. niihilp iloma 

I'uJLirii jiivjiTe si tipqiieiLk, furtini iinnt'U 
HiibxiiiiEi niinqiiJiRi noKlrn ilvtriinl tthi. 

In both cases llir scone cIdsoh with Ritliinnnd pncnnragin^ 
hiniHi'ir agiiiiicft his own do^puin and turaiii}^ forward lo, 
till" hatlle. The correspond cuw tliroiighout the scene is^j 
wlien till- wide vanancc fi iini the chronicle is considered, 
too close to leave nuicli diiulii thill Legges scene was ihn, 
basis of tho other. 

2. hi TIk' Tnn' Tragedy, p. 215, Oxfnrd renmn-. 
strates with Iticlinmnd fur Jiis alisenees by night. "Qood 
m^V Lord hiiiie :i rnro of ymir srif, 1 like not these night 



walkes and scouting abroad in the evenings so disguised, 
for you nuist not nnw that you are in tin' vsuciiers 
dominions, ami you are the oriply iiiarkt^ be airiips at, and 
your last iiightes ahseiice bred such aniazeiiiont in oiir 
snldjei's, that thpy likp men wiintiiig the power to follnw 
Amies, wore on a. sodaiiie more liker to Hie tlioil to fight'". 
For this the chronicle lias only, '"As he was not merye 
bejnge absent from liis conipaignic, lykewyse his arinir 
muche niariietcd aad no lesse inoiirne<l for liys sodeyne 
and inlempestious absfiice" (Hall, p. 4VA). Hp.re there is 
no mention of Oxford. an<l no rpnioiistranco, and tlie ex- 
pression of the soktiers' feeling is inild in coiiipiirisitn with 
that of the play. In tlio corresponding scene in Le;|tge, 
however, we have likewiae Oxford remonstrating witli 
Richmond, and tlie tone of liis words is niiicli closer than 
that nf Ihe chmnicic to tliat of Tlic Trnt^ Tragedy. 

Com. Oxiin. Ingi^iis iirpmnbat ciira HOllictlos {comp-s 

JIIiLi^lriel iiriiiiios hni't'uc exciiRsil ifi'avl^ 

■ lux militi^h (|lLiSil iil)M<l)n iIi-kitIh, 

(lum nocU' i:ii.t>(-n -;iimiiiii munliuni jiiK'i 
Timrunt. not uHii^ jiis.sa luivniii.s fui-iL. 
mux Irisli' iKH'liis iiuierui' iiivn<;il gn'nviH: 
mine voce mile.-- fnwtra eoniiitel Inl tliiff-m, 

3. Just previous to this scene between Oxford and 
Richmond is a scene in which soldiers flee across the atape 
to Richmond, and are accosted Ijy the iia^e, to wlioni they 
declare their purpose Ut abantlon liieliaril. The (light of 
soldiers is mentioned in the chronicle, and jnst previou*^ 

Lto the night absence of Riclmii'iid anil bi^ meeting with 
FliOrd Stanley. When. howe\cr, Ihe general loose and 
arbitrary arranK'-'Jnt^'il of swnos iu The True Tragedy 
is considered, it is corroborative jiroof of Lctrp'*'> inllu'*neo 
to Hnd in it the same lUTangcmf ni. as that of Rieliariluy 
Terliua — the flight of Richard's soldiers, then Richnimid's 
night ahsenco nnd Oxford's speucb, llieii tin' meeting of 
Richmond and Stanley. 

4. On p. 81 of The True Tragp.dy, the. queen, while 
awaiting the arrival of the young king from Waloe, says 



— 47ft — 



to her son and daii^'liter. "A swf-Pt childrcti, when I am 
a rest mj iiigtitly drfaiiu's ure (Ireadful. Me thinks as 
I lie in my bed, I soe llie Icntrue ItrokiMi wbieh was 
swonie at the deatli of your kingly fatluT, tis this my 
cliildri'ii . . that makes yimr agM inuttuT to lanwut as 
will' iitilb". ll soeins not unlikely that the tiuc^^ri's ilrfums. 
wUJcli are not iiientioiuul by tlip clirnniole, were su^jgi'sted 
by the scene in Le^ge where llie i[Ufi-^n lias a dream 
portending danger to lier two hoys in the Tower. TUis 
shR relates to hei' maid witli tlit' introductory wnniB. 

Nocliima sip nie vina niiHriviiti tarrilanl. 
fit dira tiirbant Lnquietiini sumnijt, 

The ilreani is Legge's invpntiuii, u doublet, so to speattT 
of Hastings' dream, vin'tli imitation nl' .Seneca (cf. p. 326 — 7). 
Pro|ilirtic. dreams, while not vi'ry niicoiuitioii in Elizabethan 
poetry, are not to l»i' fonnd in iinmy 'if tlie plays which 
are at all likuly to have had inlluence upon The True 
Trat;edy. The nearest rfsi-ndilancp is in Soliniatj and 
Persiria iHaz. TJodsley, Tj. 300). where Perslda when it 
is announced to her that her lover Rrastus lias been 
condemned and executed, exclaims 

"M.v ni^yilly ilrcams rorelrlil me lhii4. 
Wliii'li. fuiili-'li wniHiin, fciinlij I ticji'lci'leii". 

Here the verhal re«caihlaiiec is not close enough to suggest 
connection, and them is no niscmhlance in the situations. 
The same is true of Seliniiis, where .'<oIyma relaUw a 
forehoding dream to lit-r husband, and of Anlen nf 
Feversham. where Arden has a dream presaging his 
death. Legge's scene is fai* more likely to have been the 
source of that in The True Tragedy t.ha]i any of tliese. 
The scene should also be compared with Lrgge'.s 
first scene, where as here the queen is represented as 
burning with anxiety for lier son. who is on his way from 
Wales. Of such anxiety on the part uf the quci-n, as well 
as. naturally, any scone in which such anxiety is expressed, 
there is no suggestion in tin- eltmnicles. 



— 479 — 

5- 111 The True Tni^cdj Riclianl sends Lord LnvBlI 
to the queen in sanctuary. Thp chroHJcles have only, 
"thf messcnirers bpin^ men hoth of wi( nm\ graiiilic". 
But ill Legge Richard likewise sends Lord Ijiivell. Here 
is another cnrresptnnlenuc liki; tlial in tlii' i-ase oC OxCnid. 

6,. Oh p. (55 lit' The True TraReil.v Ri.-Liud iwks 
himself in sulilnquy, 

"Doth Fnrluno so niuili favour my liji|)|)inasse 
Tliat I no jjooner dPuiwB, but sIk' hpi-s ahrimt-'h!' 
f)T iln-ll] shi,' hut In Irtn me, Uiat rdi.sLn^ me iilnrt. 
My fnlt may be thi.' pieater":' 

Tlie latter linra seem iilmoHt a trarslation ot'Uie f»illowiiig, 
also siiukeu by Riubard in wililimuy, in LPirgi'M p)ay ip. 2uy). 



Quid v\f iJU'le'jiK rullaci nimict 
binniliu viiliu, gr.iviiis lit nitireni. <■ 
Hp nip* Mlli*! 



iin 



The lines oT The True Tra^rdy may perljapH quiti' jls 
well be an inittalioii otOrlavia. a77— 3H0. wliiidi Lej,'i:e 
imitated. In that case tliey WLiidd at least hear leMtimnu.v 
to tlie author's aocniiiiiitanw willi Serier.a, and tlms Ut the 
L'liivci'sily education necessary' to nn acqiiaiiitiiiu'e witli 
Bicliardus Tertius. 

7. Thf fact ihiit Gichiiimid Im-s a spi-eeh upon his 
api«earan('G in En^-'land may also he due to the inlhjencB 
of Legge's play. But cf. p. 35fi. 

Theep are all the passages for whidi it secmE plausihle 
to sujigest Legiip's inlhience. Though few, their eharacHi-r 
seems In justil'y the slaleTiient |)reviously inaile, t.lijit while 
they do not furnish an absolutely satisfactory proof that 
Lpggp's play was occasionally used in tin* conipositinn of 
Tlie True Tra}£<.^dy, tliey yet leave little douht that such 
was the fact. 



— 4S0 — 



The Influence of Murluwc upon The True Tragedy. 

That Shakespeare's Richard III was iiioilplled under 
the powerful iiiHupnce of Marlowe has long been rocognized. 
As PMcli of Marlowe's plays is buill upon one character 
who eiiibodioa a sirgle passion, the development and exercise 
of which forms the play, so Sliakfspeare'a play is buill 
iipoti tiie oni' eharat'ter of Riehiii-d. whoia likewise animated 
hy oim great passion, the story nf whose exercise is the 
story of Ilia whole career. Kiehurd has the same f^^tiantic 
intensity of purpose, thR siiiiic Tilanie energy and power 
that ciiaractcrize Markmu's TanihurUiim*. Now the same 
thing is true of the Richard of The True Tragedy. 
Thf (i^irc hicks all the art of Shakespeare's, but that 
very fact, throws into more striking prominence the elemental 
force by wliicli he is driven; and the very crudity of its 
expressinii makes clearer the resetiihlnnce to Jlarlow^^'s 
Taniburlaine. There is llic same savatrery, the same wild, 
unresti'ained L^spressioii of a dcteriaineil will, without any 
of the firtful cunning uf HhiLk<'Hpean''K Richard; and most 
of all there is the same aiiiiiiatiug purpose. Sliakesiieare's 
Riciiai'd is iiniiiiated hy ;i Lliirst for power. hecaufiO hp 
feels his ability t^ rule: it is. in reality, tlic power itself 
for which ho longs. The Uiclianl of Tlio True Tragedy, 
like Tanibu rial lie, thusta not so iiiueh for power as for tlio 
glory and the fame of power. It is the title of king that 
allures him. the report of the world that (3 luster wiu; a kinjj. 
This jfigantii,- fleiiienlal force of character, this direct and 
downright expression of will, this thinit for glory and fauie.iire 
not characturisties of Mnrc's Richard: and they are still more 
evidently wnutiug in that porlrail uf kicbard which Lugge 
drew from More and Seneca. With Marlowe they first 
became characteristics of a dramatic hero. 

For a full realization of ihc dependence of The True 
Tragedy upon the Marlowe ideal it is neees-saiy to have 
the whole play in mind, to follow Richard's part from 
hcginninir lo end. Hen* I ninsi coiitinr myself to tliw 



— 481 — 



consideration of some passages in whicli tbe depfindeuce 
u|ion Taniburlaino and also upon Faustns is clearest 
To lliis I add certain passages in wliicb furtLcr imitation 
is possible. 

1. On Ricbard's first appearance (p. 63) he delivers 
a long solUoquy in wliich Lis purpose and the spirit ■\vliitli 
animates liin are revealed. Here we read: 

"Principulitie brooks no equatitie. 
Much la^s Buporioritie, 
Anrf the title of a> Kmg, is next vnder the decree of a God". 

Later, in the scene with Porcival fp. 66) wo have, "I cliiube 
Perciuail, I regard more tlii> glorie then the gaim-, for the 
vrry name of a King redouble[s] a mans life with fame, 
when death hath done his worst". The inlluence of 
Tanihurlaiiie is ovidcnt, especially of Act '2, scene 5. 

"Tamh. Ts it not passing bravp to he a king. 

And riiL<" in triumph tfarvii^li Pvrsf^Hilis? 
Terli- O. my hinl, it is swe«t anil full of pnmpt 
t.'!iutii. To h« A kin^ it4 Imlf l» l>f- it gnA. 
Ther. A jDr<"l Is uoi so (florioiw as n king: 

I lliiiik llin jil^asurtt thpy (?-njoy in lifnvpn, 
CnniiiH cinuparfl with kinffly juya in unrlir' 

With Taniliurlaini' first the romparison of a king to a 
god enters English dramatic literature. 

2. On Richard's first appearance after the coronation 
and the iniirder of the princes, he is represtMitcd coiifoniiiibl.v 
U) tbe L-hroiiicle story as oppressed by his piilty conscience. 

"My fi^ai^riill Hhatlow Ibat Ntill FoUpVb^ mn. 
Until siimnniiKi nii* hpForo the .>*pupre jiidprf, 
My conat'itirii'i' wilrn'fwo of tlie blooil I "ipilt, 
Ai-L-iiseLli nil' w vnJlti» of Il)« luci. 
The ffli'l a damneil juJgoiupnl orauet^^ 
Wht^roiks impurtidll iiistira halh toDileniiiPd". 

Thus far agreement with More. But More'i* account stops 
with the mention of Kielmrds anguish and unrest. Tht' 
True Tragedy goen farther. U represenlw Richard aw 
conceiving the idea of repentance, of au appeal to Uod 
for mercy. Then Itiw old spiiit revives and he turns away. 

Ftlaeilrn. S. 31 



— 4fi3 — 



"Mfi'lliinkT-H Uip CrowDF vliicli I before Jiil wc>ar». 
luchu^l Willi Pearlc anil cosllj- Diuiiond-^ 
la turneil now intn a ratall wrpftUie. 
Of i\9ry flnniPK, ami eiier liiiniiii;.' starrer, 
An<l rapini: firniJf* liatli iia**! ilier \g\y sliape^. 
Ill .Stygian liiki's, ailn>4l lu letirl on in«, 
ir it be lliii.-s vliat will llioii Ju in ttii» oxlritoiLtie? 
Nay wlinl cnifl thoii (lo< In piiriri^ ihee of ihy ifiiill? 
[Ciioii i-f|>f'nt, ^-raiiei Dicriie for li>y •lamneil fact, 
Al>peii]f> for nitrej' to Uiy riglUaons God, 
Ua repent, not I, «raue nn^KS Ihey that lisl. 
M.v fioti. iH nnm- of mine" 

So too the name feeling is appaiciit iu tbe fiiml (lt>!i|tainng 
cofirereiice lt('twt*i'ri Ricliaril. LovpII, and CatPsby (j*. 120). 

"'KiaK- - ■ ■ A <'ale^«hi<% tlinii UmkiMl liki> a ih^g, A.n<l ihiiii I^uiie'll 
loft, hut you will riinno ^v»y witli llK-m llial he ^ne, 
aiitl itie iliijfl ^ with yiiij all. i\i»\ I lio|ii', (iiid, wlial 
talkp I nr(.:uil, thiLi liniic .^prmv] ilio iliii^U all iliia wliil«. 
No, fnrliinf) anil coura^ Tiir men". 

Here is plaiiil.v tn lie si'cn tlio hinueiicp of Marlowe's 
Faustus. With that pliiy lii'yt nppi'iii-H Une charat^tet" who. 
having tLrned away from God in pursuance of a gigantic 
anibititm, is. attacketi by roniorsp, niptiitiitos nnti dclmtt^s 
with himself rc|ji'iitance, liut returns to Uis furiner purpose. 
In the plays that followed Marlowe's the character aad 
the situation often recur; before Marlowe they never 
appear. 

Not impossibly the "raging fipnds" of the passage in 
The True Tragedy are Jilienist' drawn from Faustus, 
whori' Lucifer, Betzebub and Mfphtstopliilis tlirealeti the 
wavering Faustus, and where in the final scene the devils 
enter to carry him away. But cf. pp. 172, 194. 

3. Another point of contact between thpse two plays 
has heoci suggested liy Professor A. Brandl. in the intro- 
duction to his edition of the Schlcgid-Tieelt Richard III. 
This is in the tinnl scenoH in the lives of F^austns 
ant! liicliard. As Kaustus' hour draws nigh the lieavens 
become ovei'cast with laboriiii: clouds and mists, iu which 
Faustus rcrotrnizes the nienaca of an angry God. So in 



— 48a — 



The True Traged}' Ricliard rfco^nizes in the watery 
heavens and darksome clouds a prophecy of his owu 
destruction. Of thi;i frli)4un,v sky on tho day ol' tlu' liattio 
of BoswortL ilu' cliruiiiclt'S suy iioUiing, stating in (ml tlie 
fxact coutrary. Cf. p. 198, 

4. In Tlif TruL' Tragedy, p. 79, tlie young king is 
represrii1«(l us enraged at liis iiialjillty tu save bia kins- 
men Rivers hlJ Gray, whom Uhmcester and Buckingham 
have arrested. 

"King. A Guds, and in it inistice witliout ni,v cfnispnl.? Am I a 
King ami beur* nu aiiDmrilii"? My tmiiiij^' kituirnd i-om- 
mitted to priiHoii ns trujtors in m,v presence, and I »Uiid 
tu giiip ninip at llieni. A Edward, would Uioii laist h;^' 
Hiy futhcrs eidf or elu^ he had lined till lUiMi liadjjt bin 
better able lo rule. If my nai^rt? kindred be uiiiiimilled 
lo pi'iyon, wliat rpmaiiifl for me, a crowne? A hnl liuw!-' 
so bi4ME<l with .furrows, tlijit the cnrc Sc grift wil kJl niit 
ere I nhal! enioy my kingdoms. Well siiico 1 ciinnol 
n'tuninnil, I wil intreat". 

Ill till- chronicle story there is no hint of sucli retlection 
im Ihe i)art of the young king, 

With tliis paasagt.' and the whole scene cf, tlie scene 
in Marlowe's Edward the Second (Dyce'a ed. p. ^88), 
in whicli Edward's nobles arrest against Ids will IJaveston 
and Kent. Edward remonstrates in vaiii. 

"K, Edw. Nay. then, lay violent hAncl.'> upou your king: 
Heri?. Mortimer, "il Uimi in Kilwards tbi"one; 
Warwick and LancANler. wear yim my rrown. 
Wan frver Icing thiia over-ruled as I? 
Can. Lpiirn. ihen. Hi rule us bBtl<>r, and the realm". 

Edward's remonstrances liaving no effect, he perceives 
that he must entreat. 

"K. Rdw. Il boots me not in threat; 1 mnnt spenif TaEr". 

But even entreaties are wiUnuit avail: he is oldiged to 
submit. 

This passage is the likeliest source of that in The 
True Tragedy. 

81' 



— 484 — 

5. It is likely that the scene (p. 94) in which Tyrel! 
instructs the two murderers is imitated from the like scene 
in Marlowe's Edward the Second, in which Mortimer 
instructs the murderer Lightborn. Of. the following. 
True Tr. p. 94. 

"Ter. Myles Forest, haue you got those men I apoke of, they 
must be resolute and pittilesse. 
Kor. I warrant you sir, they are such pittUesse villaines, th«t 
all London cannot match them for their villainie". 

The murderers are called in and Tyrell addresses them. 

"Ter. Como hither sirs, to make a long discourse were but a 
folly, yoii seeme to be resolute in this cause that Myles 
Forest hath deliuered to 3-ou, therefore you must cast 
away pitie, & not so much as thinke upon fauour, for the 
more stearne that you are, the more shall jou please the 
King. 

Will. Zownes sir, nere lalke to vs of fauour, tis not the first that 
lack and I hatie gone about". 

. Prom Edward II (Dyce p. 217): 

"Mort. Lightborn, come forth! Art thou as resolute ms 

[thou wast? 
Light. What else, my lord? and far more resolute. 

Mori. But at his louks, Lightborn, thou wilt relent. 
Light. Kelent! Ha, ha! I use much to relent. 

Mi>rl. Well do it bravely, and be secret. 
Light. You Mliall not need to give instructions; 

'Tis not the first time 1 have killed a man'". 

Henry VI and The True Tragedy. 
The generally prevailing view of the date of The 
True Tragedy, which, depending largely on the results 
of Collier's hasty and imperfect examination assigns it to 
a time previous to 1588, has led to viewing the play as 
existing independently of others, and to a failure to connect 
it ii) any way with Henry VI or plays on which this was 
based, for it is iuiprobable that these existed before 1688. 
Mr. Fleay, however, whose latest opinion assigns the play 
to a much later date, regards it as "evidently meant as 



— 4R5 — 



B cnntlrmatiiin tif Ilu' scrii's 1 Horry fi and The foTifpntinn 
of York and LanL-astiT", all three pla^s having ln'Ion^'ed 
to the Queen's men, while The True Tragedy of 
Richard Dvikc of York, the orij^inal, or a shortcneil 
acting- copy of 3 Henry VI. accnrdini; In varyinff opinions, 
was "a rival continuation of Peinliroke's men" (Biog. 
Cliron. 2. !3151. JLr. Fleay evidently means not thiit Thfi 
Trne Tragedy is an ininieiliate eoiitinualion of The 
Contention, but that. Pcnit)roke's men iiaTin^ prcKiured 
[the T. Tr. of Ricliard Duke of Y'ork, the Qneens men 
continued the stoty with the T. Tr. of Richard III. 
hearing a Kiniihir title. Compare Hoay's CUiron. Ilist. 
of the titage p. 406, where he says ''Richard 3, True"' 
Traycdy of . . . evidently a sequel to RicLani Duko of 
York, True Tragedy ol". 

With this view I agree. Kor leaving aside the vexed 
and apparently irsoluMe prohlerii of thi' relation ol' 

1 Hen. VI, The Contention, iind Rirhiird iJnke ol 
York to each other and to tho perfocted Henry VI, it 
seems clear that the play hefore us is depfndeiil iipnn 
3 Hfnry VI, or its original, for its eonei'ptiun. In the lii-st 
place, knowing tJiat the Queen's company had I Hen. V] 
and The Contention (2 Hen. VI) iis well as The True 
Tratreity, it is niore natural t<i suppose that Tin' True 
Tragedy j;rew out of these lliiin tJiut it preceded llieni, 
though the hitter is iil' course possible. The in-ulialiiiities 
that The True Trai;cdy followed ari' increased Ny two 
other c(inn]diM'ations. The three parts of Henry VI hear 
all the marks of that early jjroup of history-plays whose 
main idea seems to have been to present all the material 
which the chronicle offered for a rertain period, withniit 
any sefJDJious attempt at giving it unity or a single ijramatic 
purpose: and this is still more evidi'ntly the ease wiili 
The Contention ami The True Tragedy of Rlebar.! 
Dukfl of York, in wliieh one may bpc earlier stages of 

2 and 3 Henry VI. Sueli loo Wiis tlie ease with Leggi-'s 
play, with the old plays of King John and Henry V, 



and to a lar^c degree with Edward 11. The True 
Tragedy of Richard III marks a distinct advance upon 
this stage. Even allowing for th^ secondary sloi^ of 
Sbofp's wife, and for the fact that in tliA chronicles thfl 
story of Rtt'hard's reign is largely unified by thp character 
of Rifliard, ihere remains in this respect a eloaj' margin 
of propTfss in the badly mangled and at best inartistic 
di-ania. (Again the fact thai Tlie True Tragedy begins 
practically where 3 Henry VI ends is, while not deter- 
minative, at least corroborative evidence that it was meant 
to follow it.^ 

But upon these external probabilities we are not 
compelled to rely. Tlie play itseli' offers internal evidence 
tliat it followed Henry VI. 

1. The introduction, based upon More's introduetiofl 
lo his story, and in general Ibllowing this closely, has Aj 
few changes, one of which appears lo Lave a bearing upon 
this question: — More's statement (as it apjiears in Hnll), 
that Richard Plantagenet, duke of York, "began not by 
warre, hut by lawe to oalenge the crowne of Englande, 
puttyng Lis claims in the parliament etc." This becomes, 
in the introduction to the play, 

"Kjtrharcl rianla^en^l of the TIduhb uf Yorke, 
C'lniniini* (he Crown^by w.ifros. imt by disHeiit [de>Kc<»il]l 
liatl as llie I'tiruiucle;* make ]nanift>sl. 



By act uf Parliameot int&iled lo hint 
The Crawme". 

Is it unreasonable to suppose that tliis change with its 
direct coiUradiction of More's statement was produced hy 
the author's knowledge that in the play of the Queen's I 
Company which liandhid the period previous to the decision, 
of Parliament, the Duke of York had indeed hern engaged 
in warring fur his claim, and that the end of that play 
was formed by the battle and York's victory at St. Alhans?i 
Too much stress it not to he laid oji this, but it appears 
to offer the tirst indication of a connection with previous i 



— 487 — 



plays whfch IIih fiirthpr course of thf play reveals mupl 
more clearljf. 

2. Thf introduction is an introduction to tlie events 
which hcffin (lie play, but [ml to the nintivcs wliicli con- 
(litiiin these evi'iits. Richant's mnrders of King Henry and 
of Clarence are inentioripd. Imt the reason for tlicm dues 
not appear. Hirliard is dcscrfhod and his cliotce as Prti- 
(■ector stated, liut ills IVclin^ and motives, whicli liave 
caused the situation witli whicrh the play opens, and whieh 
are to govern what follows, arc not made known. These 
appear lirst in the soliloi(|nv with which Richard makos 
his enti'ance. 

■'M,v fnlher got the Crowne. my bruiher won ihe Oruwttp. 
An<l I will ir^flr Ihc cruwno, 

Or ile make ilipiti Imii without Ihfir crijwnfi IJiaI ilBiiica me: 
HaiiP 1 remouDtl nuvh Uigs mil of my slghl hn ni,v br&lher 

JCIarpiifo 
And kinjf H^tiry Hip nisi, to suffcp a I'hilil lo shaiiuw me, 
Nay raoro. my nephew lu ilisinliei-it me. 
Vet most of alt to he r>olEia8(>rl from Hie yoke i>f my bruther 
Art I ttirmc il, to bhu-unift subiecl fci liis .'*i?tin*". 

Now More had su^jri-sted as a pussihility tliat Riciuud hful 
a hand in helping ('Uirenco to his death, in nrdc.r to further 
Ills own ambition, and this, it has bcL'ti shown, hecanic 
Iho accepted view, appearing in thw Mirrur for Ma- 
gistrates and in Ledge's play. But neither Mure nor 
anyhody after him. r.hconicler or poet, Riiggesti'd that 
Richard's munler of Henry was cansed by his purpose to 
put out ol' l-lie way all who stood between him and the 
crown. This murder was regarded by all the chroniclers 
as Ihc n-stilt of a purpose to prevent tltc possibility of 
further danger I'nun the House of Ijaiicastor, ami Mich is 
the view of the Mirror for Magistrates — "■to stint all 
furiler strife". First in 'i Henry VI (T. T. of IL 11. uf 
York) is the inuidcr of Henry iiiiide a part of Richard's 
attempt to win the crown. Here his purpose is indicated 
as far back ah the time when Kdward first woos Eliza- 
heth Gray. 



— 488 



"Clio. Would he wore 'waMtei!, marrow. Iioniw. anA nil. 

Tital [['ora his loin.° no huppfu! "hrntich may ftprinp, 
Tti iniiis me rrum tlie ^Iden lime I look for! 
Ami vel, belwoen mv s(nii"& (lewire nml iin> — 
The lustful Kdward'n title Imrieil — 
Ii* ClareDce, Renr^y, and his son younm KdwanJ, 
AtiiI nil th' unlook'd for isaue of their bodies, 
Ti» Iftke iheir rooms, *rfl I can place mvs^ir', 

Fruiu \his moment he makes known bis purpose to hew 
liifi way nut of these cUftiLnilties with Ei Woody axe. Prince 
Eiiward is miirderetl. Henry follows, and the play closes 
wilU Kicliard's premise to "sort a pltcliy day" for Clarence. 
Iji The TruLi Tra^itedy soliJoquy, Richard's mention uf 
liavin^' removed King Henry as a log from his path is so 
meagre as to be eonvincina that Henry'K nmnler as the 
result of Richai'd's purpose must have been wtdl known 
to the audience that heai-d this play. Had this not been 
llif! case, the author could hardly have failed to speak of 
the niiitter more at length, and naturally in the Intro- 
duction, where the causeof Henry "sTimnler is not snj^gesled. 
Such prcvioHs knowledge must have been obtained from 
3 Henry \1 {7.7. of R. D. of York). C'larcnce's death, 
which does not appear in 3 Henry ^^, it was easily 
possible for Tin- True Trapecly to omit. It was pre- 
pared for in 3 Henry VI. and the appearance of Clarence's 
ghost at the beginning of The True Tragedy witli its 
cry for venKeance. inid Truth's comment upon it. werr 
sufficient to . leave the audience in full knowkslgw of Ihe 
relalion of his dealli Ui Hichnnr.s story. 

It mnst he said that Occhethauser lakes a diflferenti 
Tiew from that here ^vcn nf Mores words, in rejrard to 
Richard's purpose in the murder of Henr>-. in these, 
according to Oechelhiiuscr, "wird Eduard's IV. Anftrag 
Oder ilitwiseenschaft an dieseni Mord aiisdrilcklich in Ab- 
rede gcsldlt und derselhe bereils niit Richard y Abwichten 
auf die Krnne in Verbindiinj,' gehrachf. He ihiiik.*! there- 
fore tliat Shakespeare did not go beyond his Houree. Tho 
pastjage rei|iures careful cs.aniinatioQ, It read^ iLumby'a; 



— 489 — 



pri. p, 6) "Frftniio and foo was miichc \rhat iiKlJITcrpnt, whore 
his aduanta^fe grev;. he spari'd no maris deatlio, whose 
life witUstooUe his purpose. He slew with his owne tandes 
king Henry the sixt, Ixin^ prisoner in the Tower, as niemic 
ponstantly save, and that without commaundeiiient tir 
knoweledge of the king, whicli woulde vodouUti'dly, yf he 
had intt'ndcd that thingo, hauo appointed that lioocherly 
ofricr, to some other then his owne liorne hrother. Some 
wise nieiinc alsn weene"' that he helped t'larencp to his 
death etc. Here is a distinct sugj?estion, it must he ad- 
nillted, that Henry's death was necessary to a purpose 
oC Richard's. Tins i[uestioii is, what purpose? That More 
does not mean the pui-posc to obtain the crown, he shows 
hy what follows. After Kivini;; tlie supposition of the "wise 
men", that Richard hi'lped Clarence to his death, he goes 
on to say, "And they that thus demc, tliink that he lon^ 
time in king Edwardes life [the Latin has "jam olim vivotite 
adlinc Edwardo"] forethought to be king in case that llio 
kinj; his brother (whose life bee looked that eitil dyete 
sheuldo shorten) shouldc happen to dece<ise las ia derte 
be did) while his chililren wer yongo. And thei denie, 
tbal lor tliys intent be was gladde of bis Itrotliers death". 
From Ibis it is dear rnmigh that in speaking of Henry's 
murder More bad no intent lo hniggest (bai Kieliai'd's pur- 
pose to seek the crown bad then been conceived. The 
Buggeslion is made in the most cautious form that some 
people suppose that Kirliard bad a liand in Clarence's; 
death, and snppoping llii.*;. they suppose iilsn ihat while 
Edward was still alive he had this intent. If More had 
meant Ihat Richard had this intent in Henry's nmrder il 
would not Ursl be bronglil forward in connection with 
Clarence's. And if More is so cautious in this matter, 
going on t^i say tbjil in all this tlifrc is no crrtainly, that 
it is pure conjecture, how nmch less likely that he meant k» 
put forward the con.ject.urc in connection M'itli Henry's death. 
What More did mean is shown by the treatment the 
Htatenient recoivod in tlio chronicles that copied it. Tlio 



— 490 — 



first co|iier. the Hanlyng conlinuator, showed wliaf he 
unili*rstood by adding a clause to the passage, making it 
read: "He slewe in the towre kynge Henry the sixte. 
saying, 'Nowe is there no heyre malP of kynj,' EdwanI thf 
Ihyrdr, but wt- of Hip house of Yorke" (p. 4691. In other 
words, Richard's piii-poer was to establish his own house 
in security by removing all other claimants to the tlirotiR. 
The same passage appears in Hal!, in vhose patios the 
process of hiackenin^ Richard reaches its hoijrhl. and in 
(Jrafton. Holiiishod, who copied Store's work from the 
Rastell edition, lias not the added elauae. Here is. there- 
fore, no oonti-adiction, as Oeciielhauser seems to think, to 
the purpose as stated in the aceount of Henry's death 
jipven under the tenth year of Edward's reign, '"that king 
Edward his biotiier, shouhie be clere out of al3 secret 
suspicion of sodain inuasion" [Hall, p. 303) or. as Hohnshed 
has it, "to the intent that his hrolhor King Edward might 
reigne in more suretie" (p. (>90). The ehronicles, ii must be 
further remembered, and not More's original, were the direct 
sources of Shakespeare's plays, as of The True Tragedy. 

Another proof that More's words do not iiave the 
meaning that OechelhfluHer ascribes to tliem is that none 
of the later wnrks down to Henry VI makes the .suggestion 
that Riehards murder of Heary was pai't of his efforts 
towani the crown, though as we have seen, Richard's 
murder of Clarence had already in the Mirror for Ma- 
gistrates become a fact. Yet in The True Tragedy 
this Tiew is treated as already well known. Kow is it 
likelier to have become known than through that play 
which adopts a view of RieUard's purpoye tliat sets it 
back even before the deuth of Prinee Kdwanl, the play 
whose treatment of the Idstorical suurees is conditioned 
by a. purpose to show Kichafd's character as wholly 
villanous from the start? 

3. Theie is antdher indication in Richard's opening 
Koliloquy of a pieeeiling play. Urging to himself his claim 
upon the crown, he says; 



"For if he be vrorlhie to called vaJiaur, 
Tbnl in his litti winnes honoiii', anri hy Uia sword winn^jt 

[riclie.s. 
Why now I wiLh T«iiowu0 of a floulriier, which in rouer 

[sold but 
H.v waiglit, nor liianged but by losse of lite, 
I renpl niil the paiiip but Ihp ^lorio, and wince il bpronitnclh 
A sounn Iv maintaine Ihe lionoiir »t liiw ciffpawed father, 
Why shoulil I not hazard hU cUgnJtie hy my hrolhers sonnes?" 

The piissagr is eviilently more or less corriipt (at least 
the Iwo huts of lines 4 aiiiJ 5 are unjuslitialilp) luil tlip 
sense is clearly lliat Richard is basing his claim partly 
upon the rcnuwn lio lias wtm as a valiant soldier in battlps 
Iho florj of which lit' reaped but not the gain. Here a 
knowledge an the part wf (he audience of Richard's renown 
as a soldier seems to lie taken for granted. The battles 
in wliieh Richard showed his valiancy must have been 
shown liclore the eyes of th^? same aiidicnco. Not only 
is the soldier Richard made prominont in 2 Henry Vl, 
wli'TC Richard so flglUs ft>r his father that he wins from 
him the comm&ndation, "Riehnrd hath Itest dpservfd of all 
my sons" {3 Hen. VI 1,1) — a semee and a prowess 
wholly unhistorical — hut hr plays the same part as 
constant valiant champion of Ids brother. But the harvest 
is not his. That 3 Henry VT fT. T. of R. D. of York) 
was in the author's mind is clesircf still frtiin tlie fact that 
this thought which marks Rithard's first jippearanee in 
The TruR Tragedy was his last in fl Henry VI. lu 
the closing scene of that play Edward reviews the war 
Ihat hai^ made htm securely king. 

"K, Kdw, Once itii>re n-e cil in Knfflnnil':^ ryyal Ihrone. 
Hu-jiiii'i'liaxt'd with llio hliniil tit pncrainK. 
What valiant foemeii, like lo ftiitumn'H corn. 
Have wo niow'rl rfiiwn in Inp it all llieir pridu! 

Young Kod, for Ihe^ thine iinnloH and my-itlf 

Hav« in our srraoijrs w.-ilfliM tlie wiiiltjr's ri^dt; 
Wl'hI ftlJ nrool in HuiniiiiT's wjiliiinjr iiejtt. 
That thiMi mi^rllt^t reimssi^na lLi"i i-nhwri in pt^nci'. 
And of our laboiiM Ihmi clinlt reap Ihp g-ain. 



— 492 — 



fiit}. fniside] I'll Masl Iiis Imrve-sl. if yoiir hend were UJil; 
For .yrl I urn nul look'il on in llie worlrt. 

Tlii'i wlioiUiler i-af< ur'Inined no thiok to heave; 

Anil heave it shall srjnip weiphi, ur brnak my ^ack: — 

Wf.rk ihoii Hie -way, — atul l!io») .ilmll exetute". 

The likenass in ihe thought is unniistakeable, aod the 
verlial resemblance in "tbou shall reap tlip gain" renders 
the connpction of the. two passages still moro probable. 

4. Furthei' in tlie soIikKiuj Richard seonis ic feel 
hinisL'Ef tho rejirosentative of his di^ad fatlipr. "Who sliall 
inherit Plantagines but liis sonne?" "Since it becommcth 
a Sonne to maintiiiTic tlif honour of his deceased father, 
whj should I not hazard his dignitie hy my lirotliers 
Bonncai'" The hint, though slijrht, is, when taken in con- 
nection with thp other and struiigtT proofs that 3 Henry VI 
was here used, sufficient to warrant one in believing tliat 
here again was in niind the portrait of Richard as ho 
appears in thtit play. There he is the true inheritor of 
his father's spirit, and feels himself such. Edward inherits 
his lather's title, Richard his father's nature. The fact 
and Richard's consciousnesa of the fact appear repeatedly 
(cf. Kuno Fisclier. S. Cluir. U. 111. p. 79 et s('<\]. The 
words of Richard in The True Trayedy solihiqiiy sound 
like a far-off echo of his words in 3 Henry VI 2, 1, 

"Rich. Hk-linril. 1 bear ihy name; I'll vi^iige Ihy death. 
Or lUs renowned by iiilpniplinft ti, 
Eriw. Hi« name llial. valiant duke lialh Lt-fl wilh lliee; 

His dukpdom and hi.s i-hnir with mf in lefi. 
Rich. Nny, if Ihou be that printel.v eagle's bird. 

Show thy ilewenl h,v pttKinp 'painwl IhP wun: 

Fur chair a[ul ihikeilom. Ihrone and kinpdom say; 

Kither lliat in Uiine, uf elK» thou werl not his". 

I turn now to certain other passages not bound u^ 
like the preceding with the foundation motives of the play, 
which likewise point to intluence from Henry VI. 

6. With "'He make Iheni hop without their erownes 
that denies me", and the wholo passag'o cf. from the 
1619 quarto of The Contention; 



— 493 — 



"I'll come s-fler you. Tor I cannot go hefore, 
As long as Oloster bears ihis base and hiiniblti mind; 
Were I a man, tmii Protector, as he is, 
I'd reach to tli' trown. or make hoidh hop headlHss: 

"Wbr Is withlo there ?" 

This in 2 Henry VI 1,2 reads 

"KoUow I rau»t: I rantioL po bsforn. 
While (ilaster 'bearii Ihls base ati>! humble mind,) 
Were I n man, a duke, &nii nect of blocid. 
I WDul'l remgvc Ihese teiliinis slumbl iiijr-blocka 
And smooth m.v way upon their hsaJlBSs naoks. 
Whci^ Art* Villi Ihefc, Sir John?" . . . 

Thereupon eiitei-e Hume. 

"Hume. Jatfus praacrve yoiir royal majesil.v! 

iJui-h. Whul ^ay'nl tliou? nmjcsty! 1 jini biU pmi'if. 
Hume. But. by Iht; i^'rutx nf Go<l. aii>L Hiimv'^ nilvii-ei, 
Your gTtu:<''-i title nhall he miiliiplicij. 
(I'our ifrac'e'a aisle tshnll be atlvanced ere long)" 

I Pari of Ouiit, 

In like loianner, as Richard is uttering the sotilociuy in 
The True Tragedy, lie hears sume one stimug and calls 
"Ho, whime within?" In response appear the Page and 
Percival, and the fDllowing ensues. 

"Per, Mav it pl^ikse ymir Mai^^tia, 
Rich. Ha vitlaine, MaieMie. 
Per. I Bpeake but vpon that which »haU be my good Lord". 

There is a pun on the word prace in The True 
Tragedy p. 81 which may be an imitation of that in the 
passage from i Henry VI: 

"Yorke. May it please your grace, 
Qiieeu. A my sun, no mure irrai-e, for I am «o sore disg^aoed. 
Ibsl witbyut Oyiis g'l'oi.'e, [ fall inlo dispuire with 
myaeir". 

6. The reeonctiliatiiiii-stuMif liy Edward's deathbed has 
a peculiar nature, in tliul Doii^et and Huslirigs when urged 
to reconciliation refuse, (]uarrel in the presence of the 
de^ipairiiig king, and only at Length through the entreaties 



— 494 — 



of the kiiip and of tlie prim-ess EIiziil»flli arc iinliir.etl to 
becDiiie frieiuls. In Uk; chronicle accmitit tliere in notliing 
of this. After the kiiif^'s ispret-h all arc moved to weeping, 
and answer "as tltcy thouylitc sliouide slandc with bis 
ploiasurf. And there, ia his preseiice {na by their woordes 
appeari'ti) echt? f(>rgaii(' other and ioyneii their liaiules 
tngt'tliiT, when as it after appeared by tlieir dodes Llieir 
haites were far asunder" (Hall, p. 345). Tliei'e is here 
no hesitaney on the part of the oppftneiits, no ijuarrelling 
and no entreaty. Now iu 1 Henry VI 3. 2 tliere is a 
reconeiliation-scent" where Henry implores Gloucester aud 
Wiiieltestpr to iiiaki? friends. Here appi'ar the i]iian'elling 
in the kin|/"s presence, eutrei^ties, the king's despair, and 
tlie final truce. How close the parallel is may he seen from 
the ri>l[4>win!r r.rmipariso]i — wliifh is meant nut as a 
.substitute till' the full seeiu-s. whieli shi.mhl in- eompared. 
but to bring out the chief puiiils nf resenildnnce. 

The Tru* Tragedf. 1. Meiirf VI, 

A|i|ii'al uT Kiti^. A|ipt'.ii uf Kiiijf. 

Tftfit refiiNftl. Taoil refusal- 

King. "Tli*^sft wordH Blrikc a Kinj?. "O, Imwllii': discord drtiS 
aeciniil Uyi[i(|- lu m.y ■^«lllt•'", afllii'l ra.v soul". 

C?f, also I'liHitir in ^i.'inifc', 
"It is CflU.v lo .''jMiako to lljfni . . 
[I] miiHt die being tinia lur- 
meiit«il in miiitie". 

Inlei'Cflhsifiu of EliznliPlh. 

"Ah j'Beld Lord UiisLinjfH, 
And .submit voiir ^elii^ps lr> 

caph other: 
And yoti Liird Marciii, sul>mit 
your splfe". 

Conllnued oi>|ioHJiJon of Inrda. 
H asl. "No, 1 am rpf^olute, pjteppl 

thou sub mil". 
Hastings subraitt llirtnigh rp^rard 

for (lying king. 
Lord Mui'^iiess is urged to falloit- 

biaexnin|)le. HeAitally yielilii. 



IntnrcpiR«inn of Warwick. 
"My lord pnilPt-lor .visld: /i«Id, 

WincliPsliT". 



Contimied opiinsltinn nf lorits. 
Min. '*He sbnll xiihmit nr 1 will 

never yield". 
filne. "CnniiMHsinn mn tlit* fcin^ 

comma II I L) mi> .ttuop". 
Wini'liettlor urged l« hU vn- 

urnplf. Ilo Anally yi«!dH. 



— 495 — 



■If' 



III the case of llie Henry VI passage therp is iu tin? 
clirtiiiiclos an actual cnutciition hetwc'PTi tlip parlii'S. tlioiigli 
on pap»'r mostly. C'biirgt's are lirouglit lorwaiil an fiUnT 
side, the case is artjiiiiicatPiJ by council, and ihrnugh Bed- 
forJ (in the play, Warwick), Clloster and WincLestor are 
directed to declare I'riendsliip to each other suid join hands, 
and this is done (cf. Hall. pp. 130—136). The play 
dianiatisL'S this, makes it an actual verbal scene, but in 
n:eneral all corre&ponds to the fact. Charges aw made 
on each side, hy word of mouth, a re-eonciliation is broug^lit 
about by "Warwick, each gives tie other his hand. In 
other words, the scene is the clironicle relation dramatised. 

In both ca.se8, of course, the chronicles were used. 
They account for most of Shidtespeare's scene, for less of 
the Trne Tragedy's- The resenihlance of the n'st seems 
too chise to be accidental. The quane! by word of mouth, 
and the neeessai^ eusuing hesitation of the principals to 
make up, together with the mediation whicli is actually in 
the chronicle, make it ino.st likely tlii^t Shakespeare's scene 
in Henry VI had the chronicle atone as its basis, it 
follows that The True Tragedy came alter Henry VI. 

7. On p. 70 of The True Tragedy we have a brave 
speecli of the younfj king apropo.s ul' the dissension betweon 
the two parties In his kingdom. 

"King. All go^lH, if I H« Ihe my tatherw yi'ares an God forbiJ 
but I ma.v, I will so roote out Ihis malitti & enuie stiwut' 
nmuiif ihi> nabiljtde, that I will mnk>' tlifm tpeary that 
were Ihf UtHl bepiiintTs of tJn-se mi-^flaipfes. 
(irny. Wuriliil.v well sjiokon uf .vour prmrely MaittNtie 
Wliitli net liimbl sliewcUi ft Uing-like rpHoliilJon. 
VtiTifjli. A luwflnl yourg Prince, antl nu tltiuhT. forward lo all 
verta«, whosfr nigne fJo<l long prosper among us". 

On p. 77 the king comforts the arrested Gray, who says, 
"The sweet Joyce of .sucli ti grape would comfort a man 
where he halfe dead, and the sweele words of such a 
Prince would make men careless of mishapH. how dangerous 
soeuer". 



— 496 — 

Of fill Ibis there is iirttliiiig in tlif clironiclps. wherft 
there is iiii iiiilicatitm nf thH king's early riiteuess. But 
compare 3 Hciirj Yl 6, 4. wli^re tbc young princ*.- 
Edward, son of Henry VI, nwkes a Irave speech whei-ft- 
upon Osford cries, 

"Women and cbililren of ao hig:h a courage 
And warriors faintl Why 't were perj>elu»l slisme. 
O brave yomiff prineeJ th,v famflus granilfftther 
Uolli live again in Ihfe: Iimg mayst tiim live 
To bear his image aad renew his g-luriea". 

and 3 Henry VI 9,2, where thp saiiie prince makes an-' 
other knightly speech and Clifford sa.ys, 

"Wh.v that is spoken like a lawaril priiicf". 

The representation of thp one Edward as toward and 

brave may well have beeu driiwti fnmi that of the other. 

Minor resemblaces are the i'ollowing. 

8. On p. 81 of Thp Triit' Tragedy a ini'ssenger 
entering is greeU^d by York uitli llic words, "What art 
tbou Hat with tby ghastly jookes preasi'th iuUi sanctuary, 
to affright our Motbtr Qiieeiie". So in 'i Henry VI, •.>,[, 
a. ntesst-ngiT is greeted by Riebard with the words, 

"But what art thou, vbose he^ry lookn Toratell 
Same dreadful story liftn^nj^ on thy longiw?" 

9. Cf. True Tragedy p. 118, 

"WiiPFP. where slppl theg-arrison Ihatahtiiilii s beat them back?"' 

with 3 Henry VI 5,1. 

"Where alcpt our scouts, i»r huw are Ujfy seduc'd, 
That we could g^l no news or hifi repair?" 

m er True Tragedy, p, 66 

"And where hy the heipe of ihy Lord, I will so plaiei niy part. , 
That Ud b^ morf than I am, nml not much U<^9Stt ifaan 

II lonke for", 

with 3 Henry VI 3, 1, 56. 

"King IK'ii More Ilian I '^eem, and less than I was horn la" 



— 497 — 



The True Tragedy and Sbakespoare's Richard m. 

Tlic uptiiions of suinc of tlio iiiorc niipnrtanl critics oil 
Ihpqupstion whi>tiierSliak(!Spi."an',in iireparuiffHipbarii III, 
made usi; of The True Tragpdy, liave ali-L-ady Ijceri dted 
in tlte introduction to this \)\ay- Tliwy show that opinion 
has tieen by nr> means iiiiauimtms, but ttiat in hiter times 
the c-uiTPnt has set mosl strongly towanl llie 3>flit'f Hrst 
expressed by CoIIut, thai Sbaki?s|)eare's play was composed 
wholly indpppiidoiilly. Tlie present state of geiipral <»pii!ioii 
appears to agree with tjeehelhauser (Essay ilber R. Ill 
iti Shakespeareana, p. 1H4), who says, "Ob Shakespeare 
dies Drama ilberliriupt trekiimit hat, ist sehr zu hczweifeln 
iliid kpinenl'alls zu erweisfiu"'. and witti Kuno Fischer 
(Sh. Charaklerentwiekliinj^ R. lU, p. :-l2), who saya, 
'•(H) null ShiikespearP die letzteran [LpggP find the T. T.] 
irekaniit hat odcr nicht, abhiingi}; von ilineii ist cr in 
keiner Wejyo"'. 

Among; the few who have ranged tlicmselves upon 
BoswbII's siile, in addition to Skottowe wilb his four 
parallels, and Hunon Kield, who, besides what he has to 
say in lus introduction, points nut some rescmbUnccB in 
his notes, the most important name is that of Lloyd, author 
of the Criticiil Essays which appeared nitli Singer's 
edition of Shakespeare in 1856, and were afterward issued 
separately in l8nH as Essays on the Life and Plays 
of Shakesppai-e, Lloyd bejievod "thai Shakeyjuearc kiipw 
Ibis play there eai] bp> liltlM doubt, partly tioin ayrcpuient 
in frencral ourxe. tlmut'li that was aided liy conunoii 
depe^ndence on auutUer source, um! still more from eur- 
respondenco of terms and of tone in pivrticular pasKages". 

Three of these he instanced, and they will ho mentioned 
later. 

Verplanck in like manner refers to the gliost scene 
and the call for the horse, 

By these commentators was especially emphasized the 
resemblance between the line of The Trut^ Trajredy, 



— 498 — 



"A horse, a horse, a fresh horse" and Shakespeare's, 
"A horse, a horse, ray kingdom for a horse"; and this' 
resemblance led' Halhwetl, Uie most conservative of critics,)] 
to put himself so far upon their side as to sayJn the 
Introduction to his edition of Richard lU, "vfith the 
possible exception of ooe line, where th*' kiuj; calls fur 
^a horse, a fresh horse' there doea not appear to bo| 
grounds for supposing that he derived a single hint from 
his predecessor". ' Against the assumption that even this 
line was adopted by Shakespeare from The True Tragedy 
appeared OechelhausfT, who (Shakespearpana, p, 134) 
called attention to the lino in The Battle of Alcazar, 
"A horse, a borsc, villain, a horse [" "Soniit". says ho, 
"zerfallt jeder Beweis, dass Shakespeare das alte Drama 
gekannt oder benutzt habe". With rc'gard to further 
resemblances ho says, "Veroinzelto Anklange in Lihalt 
oder Form ergabpu sich von selbst aus der Benutzung 
gleicher Geschichtsquellen". 

In spite, however, of the strong belief that Shakespeare 
did not use the play, it does not appear that any of those 
who held it made a careful and thorough examination of 
the passages cited by Skotiowe and Field, or cj-itieally 
compared the plays throughout, with reference to their 
sources. Does not appeal-, I say. for though such cxanii- 
nation may have been made, none of these writers has 
published any such examination of the passages of Skottowu 
and Field, or done much more than content himself with 
a sweeping denial of their thesis. 

I propose here to indicato and esamine all rosera- 
blances between the two plays for which their coinmou 
sources are not clearly reponsibie, and to draw tbers- 
from, if possible, some more definite and authorized 
conclusion than has yet been arrived at, as to the pro- 
bability of Shakespeare's use of The True Tragedy. It 
must be premised that if^ as Halliwell, James Russell LoweU^ 
Fleay and others think, Shakespeare's play was founded 
upon still another old play (cf. p. 632 — 3), and if, what is not 



— 4M — 



impossible, this play had made use of The True Tragedy, 
the straiiiitijf and sil'tiiig jirocess undergone jn tbe two 
plays would natuially leave the hints adciijteti IVoiu The 
True Tragedy fewer and harder to recognize. It is no 
satisfaetflry settlement of the riueslion in advance to call 
attention to the fact that reBeml>lances here arc few, where- 
as in Shakespeare's Heury IV and King John the parts 
ad'ipted from the old phiya are many and fxtenslve. The 
(|uestion remains whether the few rescmhhuiees are, as 
CoUier declares, ""merely trivial", and whether it is natural 
to suppoae Ihnni "purely aecidental". 

I. Ill the IntrodtR'tioii of The True Tnvgedy. p. 53. 
Trvith, rsplainiuff to Poetry thi^ nature of Richard, and 
following therein in general the description f>f Mt>re, says, 

"Bo ilurinK tin' uiini.irtlii.' nl llii> vnun^ I'rince 
He is oiarle Lord I'lulwiiLor oimr Lliu Heatni*'", 

and goes on to relate how Edward un hi.s dealh-hed 

"Hatli siimmond jill liis Mnblfs la the Cimrt, 
To tjw^di'e jiilRa(,'Piiiiiii'.» wiili the Uiike hi« hrotlier, 
F'or tniUi viito liis soiine tin? tcndpr Priiicp, 
Whose falherN. Abult> is now neare fll^lit lo Ggd, 
Li>aui[ijr behind tivc^ Htvnnes. of tender &ge, 
FiiiP daujfhttfii'a In enmrort l.li*i h&pl«.sse Quenne, 
AU vndei' llio |jrijti.'i.^tiiun of ihi; Uuke of (rluj^Ler". 

And on liis death-bed, p. 57, Edward commits the govern- 
ment ii{ thi> younff Prince ''to my brother the Protector". 
In Shakospeare s play, 1 : :t, we have: 

'^Q. Ktiz. Oil, li« (the Princv] i» yonag, and hie minoi-i^ 
Iii |tut. untn tlip ITUM of Hichard r>lmtei>!<ler, 
A man lliiat lovp/i not m*, nor tucuc i)f jou, 
Riv. In il ('uiitimlfd he simll he priitci-tor ? 
Q. Rliz. Il is dele r nun* 4. not top eluded yet: 

But 80 il muHt b«, Ir the king mifuriirry". 

Here the meaning is not wholly clear. Wright fClar. 
Press U. HI, p. IflTl explains. "It is resolved npnn, though 
nf> formal record of the fact has been inadii". Oechel- 
hauser tlnds in Elizabeth's words a reference to More, 
according^ to whom Richard's protectorship was '"erst nach 



— soo — 



seiner Ankunft iu London in Rath fTinnlieli Iil'bkIiIosspd', 
Howevpr this maj bp^ Shakespeare's conception is clt-arlj' 
cliat EJwani appoiuts Ricliard prnU'ctor — as Oecliel- 
hJluser agrees, cf. p. 88. "Edward stirbt, Richard, nu» 
Protector etc." — aiid in accorilancc with this. Rifliard 
is spoken of as protector imiiiediatcly upon liis unival 
with the Prince, 3:1: 141, before there has been time foi 
a meeting of the fomii-il. Furt.h<T. of a totiHciitidu liyl 
the council of Richard's appoiiitmerit there is no wurj laj 
Shake's peare's play. 

That it was The desire and intention of Bilward Ihftt 
Gloucester shonld bo protector thore can h(- little doubt;, 
and bis appointing nt slu such by Edward in Ms witl if 
distinctly stAtfd by Andre and by Polidore Wrgil, Edward's] 
first will, nin<li' years before, doen not luentJoL Richard, 
but the- liniil wiJl Is not on n'coi-d. Iliil thouglli this 
ajipointmcnt may bp fact, it is not stati-d by nny of tho.1 
cln'oniclLis — Mure, Fahyaii, Hall, Grafton or Holinshfd — I 
which Shakespoare can Lave usod. Leggf does not ralll 
Richard protector till after his aiipnintineni by the cauDciLl 
In thp Mirror for Ma^'istrates, in the Ii-goiid of Rivers,! 
Richard proclaims himself protector at Xorthaniptou,! 
'Thongh ueythcir king nor tiuceno were hiB elector"; while] 
in the legend of Richard we have: 

"Tbe Ini'ils mid Cdmiouii.F> all vrMi un« ^.-isiinl, 
PruttiL'tciiu' niAile tue both of lauJ and king". 

The atatenictit of More, which is not quite rnrreetly n^'form 
to by Oecheihiluser, in fact represents Riehards selectiuu 
by the council not aa a ratitication, but as an appointment. J 
"The Duke of Gloucester bare bun iu open sighte so] 
reuerentelye to the Princa, with all Bcmhlauuce of low-] 
liiiessc, that from the yr-eat ubloiiny in which hee was sou 
late before, hee was eodatnelye fallen in soo jri'eate truste, I 
that at the counsayle nest assembled, hee was made tho; 
oiiely nma:ie chose and thyujLrhtt- most uiete, to bee pro-i 
t*:c