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Full text of "The rise and fall of anarchy in America. From its incipient stage to the first bomb thrown in Chicago. A comprehensive account of the great conspiracy culminating in the Haymarket massacre, May 4th, 1886 ... the apprehension, trail, conviction and execution of the leading conspirators"

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Liberty Enlightening the World. 



Anarchy in America. 




Haymarket Massacre, 

MAY 4th, 1886. 


GEO. 3ST- ^cHiE^lSr. 




R G. Badoux & Co. 

Chicago & Philadelphia. 


Copyrighted, 1888. 


{All rights reserved^ 

Chapter I. 


"Order is Heaven's First Law" — Liberty Enlightening the World — The Red 
Flag — The Price of Liberty — Our National Institutions — When Judgment 
and Justice is Abroad in the Land the People will Learn Righteousness ... 9 

Chapter II. 


Their Nationality — First Agitation — Leader of Anarchy — Revenge Circular — 
The Haymarket Meeting — The Lehr und Wehr Verein — The Massacre — 
Dispersing the Mob 12 

Chapter III. 


Bravery of the Police —The Occupation of the Conspirators — The Trial — Secur- 
ing a Jury — Bombs in Court — Evidence of Detective Johnson — Parsons 
Swears He " Wont Eat Snow-Balls Next Winter" — Drilling Anarchists — 
Pinkerton Detectives--Cross-Examination — Bombs and Dynamite — Parsons' 
View of the Board of Trade — Guns, Dynamite and Prussic Acid Advocated 
by Spies — Prosecution Rests Its Case 20 

Chapter IV. 


Under a Cloud — A Struggle For Life— Contesting Every Point by Shrewd 
Counsel — Braving it Out — Throttling the Law — Fielden on the Stand — 


Laughable Testimony by Henry Schultz, Who Said He was a Tourist — 
Schwab's Evidence — Spies Testifies — Postal Card From Herr Most — Close 
of the Defense 64 

Chapter V. 


Opening Speech by Frank Walker— "We Stand in the Temple of Justice" — 
Zeisler for the Defense, Ingham for the Prosecution— Messrs. Foster and 
Black for the Defense — Julius S. Grinnell Makes Closing Speech for the 
State 100 

Chapter VI. 

The Verdict — Blanched Faces — The Court to the Jury — Biography, Age and 

Residence of the Jurors 119 

Chapter VII. 


Names and Number of Killed and Wounded— Unearthing the Plot — Officers at 
Work — Crowned With Success — Report of Grand Jury— The Number of 
Widows and Orphans Resulting From One Explosion 119 

Chapter VIII. 


Extracts from Zeitung — Motion for New Trial — Motion Overruled 139 

Chapter IX. 


Three Days' Speeches by the Doomed Men — Their Reason Why the Law- 
Should Not be Executed 150 

Chapter X. 
Afbriter Zeitung — Mrs. Parsons — Her Arrest in Ohio — Her Arrest in Chicago — 


Heir Most Endorsing the Bomb-Throwing — The Panic He Could Create in 
a Big City in Thirty Minutes With 3,000 Bombs in the Hands of 500 Revo- 
lutionists 181 

Chapter XI. 

United States Supreme Court Sustain Original Verdict— Parsons' Letter to Gov- 
ernor Oglesbv — Lingg Defiant— Refusing to Sign a Petition for Executive 
Clemency— Their Impertinent Letters to the Governor i3a 

Chapter XII. 

His Letter to the Governor — Spies' Last Letter to His Excellency — Willing to 

Die for His Comrades 219 

Chapter XIII. 

Dr. Bolton With the Prisoners— They Decline Spiritual Comfort— The Last 
Night of the Doomed Men — Parsons Sings in His Cell — Telegrams for 
Parsons — His Last Letter 223 

Chapter XIV. 

Threatening Letters — Pitying Justice — Outraged Law Vindicated — Mercy to 
the Guilty is Cruelty to the Innocent — The Unchanged, Everlasting Will to 
Give Each Man His Right— Abuse of Free Speech— "The Mills of God 
Grind Slow, But Exceedingly Fine " — Captain Black at the Anarchists' 
Funeral 231 

Chapter XV. 

A Den Where Anarchy Was Begotten — The Anarchist Chief's Museum of 
Weapons and Infernal Machines — Easy Lessons in the Art of Assassi- 
nation 240 

Chapter XVI. 
His Past Career and Early Training — His Imprisonment in the Bastile and Red 


Tower for Preaching His Gospel of Blood— Extracts From His Inflamma- 
tory Utterances— "Whet Your Daggers"— "Let Every Prince Find a Brutus 
by His Throne." 2 4 6 

Chapter XVII. 


And the Other Seven Condemned Men— Their Birthplace, Education, and Pri- 
vate Life— Parsons' Letter to the Daily News, After the Explosion, While a 
Fugitive From Justice 2 5* 

Chapter XVIII. 
Inspector and Secretary of Police Department — Biographies of Sheriff Matson, 

Judge Gary, Judge Grinnell — Tribute to Captain Schaack 259 

Chapter XIX. 


Boldly They Fought and Well — Contrast Between Capital and Labor — The 

Anarchists' Fatal Delusion — The United States National Anthem 264 


In view of the many phases and complications involved in 
the labor question, along with the cosmopolitan element engaged 
in forcing, as it were, measures intended to revolutionize labor, 
trade and commerce, this subject becomes of extreme delicacy 
to treat, the intricacy of which affect all classes and conditions 
of men, and threatens to convulse society from the outer crust 
of uppertendom to the inner sub-strata of human interest, affect- 
ing largely the social, civil, and political interests of the ever- 
enlarging generations of mankind. 

The dark cloud standing out in bold relief outlined against 
the political horizon of this great republic seems to be gather- 
ing in intensity. Just now the lull in matters pertaining to 
this great question of CAPITAL and LABOR, seem like the 
"calm that precedes the hurricane. 11 Animosities and antagonisms 
are widening the gulf between these conflicting interests of 
society, and anarchy and socialism, assuming a belligerent at- 
titude, threaten a disruption of good and wholesome government. 

We bid a hearty God-speed to any innovation upon the ster- 
eotyped and superannuated system, or dogmatic usage in the 
interests of absolute and overwhelming monopolies, which has 
for its object the general well-being of our common humanity, 
the elevation of the universal brotherhood of mankind, and the 
perpetuity of American institutions. 

We do not believe in monopoly and oppression ; but the 
final triumph of right over wrong by honest, earnest and perse- 
vering endeavor. 

ft ' » >J> 


A theory of society which advocates a more precise, 
orderly and harmonious arrangement of the social relations 
of mankind than that which has hitherto prevailed, — Webster. 


The reorganizing of society, or the doctrine that it should 
be reorganized, by regulating property, industry and the means 
of livelihood, and also the domestic relations and social morals 
of mankind; socialism; especially the doctrine of a community 
of property, or the negative of individual right in property. — 
J. H. Burton. 


Want of government , the state of society where there is no 
law or supreme power, or where the laws are not efficient, 
and individuals do what they please with impunity. — Webster. 

m> « ^ ^> 


Never before, perhaps, in the history of any great nation, was 
there a time when wise, honest and unswerving men were 
necessary at the helm of the great social and political ship of 
American freedom than at the present time, in order that she 
may weather the blasts, pass in safety the dangerous reefs and 
shoals of any party politics, maintain the majesty of her laws, 
grow strong in truth, making aggressive warfare upon error 
and superstition, " and having done all to stand entire at last," 
" with her lamps trimmed and burning," her liberty enlighten- 
ing the world. 

One of our great minds has said : " Our country, though 
rich in men of faithfulness and power, and having escaped from 
the difficulties of earlier times, perceives new questions which 
demand whatever of counsel the wise and thoughtful can give," 
for an era so active in thought and impulse is always perilous 
to the nation and need strong men, wise and calm in the midst 
of her greatest storms. Many of our nation's noblest sons 
within a short space of time have bowed in obedience to the 
behest of that monarch whose summons all must obey. In our 
minds we go back to that period when our country was young, 
and behold manly forms, marked by intellectual dignity, and 
bearing in their countenance the unmistakable insignia of true 
and noble manhood. They, too, have passed away, and home 
and sanctuary know them no more ; but the light found in such 


characters assist in solving the difficult problems of today. Our 
nation's God can make of a poor and humble craftsman a 
mighty statesman. Many such lives are poured full of honors, 
and their graves are fresh and green in our memories. Nothing 
can equal in grandeur the interminable extent of our vast 
prairies, covered with blossoming buds. Every lover of nature, 
and home and country can daily hear a grand anthem of praise 
ascend to God for the munificence of his unspeakable gifts. 
" From that cathedral boundless as our wonder 
Whose quenchless lamps the sun and moon supply." 
These pastoral symphonies are dear to all our hearts. We 
love our country, and gazing upon our glorious flag, we feel it 

means to 

" Friends a starry sky" 
But to foes 

" A storm in every fold" 

Untarnished its honor, and the undimmed radiance stream- 
ing down from every star upon our glorious banner for over one 
hundred years, what usurper dare insult her national prowess 
and trail her honors in the dust, or flaunt the red flag of 
anarchy and socialism in the face of our national greatness? 

Anarchy cannot prevail, as " order is heaven's first law," and 
"eternal vigilance the price of liberty. 1 ' 

Our measureless prosperity as a nation have caused to seek 
employment, protection and a home beneath the ample folds of 
our grand old flag, many representatives from almost every 
nation under the sun, to whom have been extended all the 
rights, social, civil, religious and political, of free-born Ameri- 
can citizenship, while obedient to its laws. We who seek this 
country as our home, because of its advantages and the superior 


facilities for obtaining a livelihood or of amassing wealth, can 
be guilty of no baser act than to endeavor to sow the seeds of 
discord and confusion among the peaceful and well-organized 
brotherhood in this land of freedom and prosperity ; and all 
violations of good and wholesome law, endangering the peace 
and prosperity of citizens, or the overthrow of our national 
institutions, are deserving of the nation's frown. 

What greater insult can be offered to the children of free- 
dom than for people of foreign birth to usurp the birthrights 
and trample upon the institutions for which their fathers bled 
and died ? 

Never before were citizens of any country placed on trial for 
so grave and flagrant a transgression, who received such consid- 
eration and fairness at the hands of the administrators of law 
and justice as did the participants in the Haymarket tragedy. 

In view of the deep turpitude of their crime great credit is 
due to all the standard papers of the city of Chicago, and the 
Press of the United States, for the fair and impartial manner 
in which they represented the Anarchists' case during the trial 
and pending the execution. The articles appearing from time 
to time in their columns seemed ever tempered with mercy. 
Yet firmness characterized all their expressed opinions. The 
institutions of our country are dear to every true and loyal 

The outrage perpetrated upon our high order of civilization 
called for life in exchange for the lives sacrificed by the tragic 
events of the night of May the 4th, 1886. Every right-think- 
ing journalist acknowledged the justice of the sentence and 
said, so let it be; believing that when "judgment and justice 
are abroad in the land the people will learn righteousness." 



Anarchists— Their Nationality — The First Agitation — 
Leaders — Anarchy — The "Revenge" Circular — The 
Haymarkkt Meeting — The Massacre. 

Scarcely lias the chronicler of time recorded fifty years in the 
eventful history of Chicago since it was known only as a little 
trading post for the Indians of the west and northwest, but be- 
ing the central and distributing point for the interminable 
fertile territories stretching away toward the land of the setting 
sun, its progress in wealth and population has been unprece- 
dented. The superior facilities for obtaining supplies, and the 
demand for implements for agricultural purposes, have conspired 
to render Chicago one of the most important commercial cities 
on the globe. And to-day it stands the grainery of the Anieri. 
can Continent, the great repository and commercial reservoir of 
continental America, with a cosmopolitan population of over 
seven hundred thousand. Capitalists engaged in mammoth 
manufacturing enterprises like McCormick and others, in order 
to secure cheap labor to the exclusion of native skilled work- 
men, have imported to this country thousands of foreigners who, 
after gaining a foothold in the land, have turned upon their em- 
ployers in organized bands with measures intended to be revo- 

The troublesome element consisted largely of the ignorant 
lower classes of Bavarians, Bohemians, Hungarians, Germans, 
Austrians, and others who held secret meetings in organized 
groups armed and equipped like the nihilists of Russia, and the 
communists of France. 


They called themselves socialists. Their emblem was red. 
They paraded the streets of Chicago without let or hindrance 
in 1878, carrying a red flag and making insulting and incendiary 
speeches at Lake front park, and at several of the public halls 
of the city. 

This free country accorded to them without regard to birth 
or nationality the rights of freedom of speech, and we shall 
see how that indulgence beyond the bounds of propriety has 
been abused. In 1877 they held secret meetings to organize 
their forces, and during the same year there were several labor 

In 1879 anarchists and socialists united to endeavor to secure 
by their votes and influence as mayor Dr. Ernst Schmidt, and 
as city treasurer F. Stauber. Polling nearly 10,000 votes they 
secured several representatives in the city council. 

On the evening of the 2d of July, 1879, Captain Bielfeld, 
with ten of the gang known as the Lehr and Werh Verein, left 
Turner Hall, marching from Twelfth to Union, then returning, 
Lieut. Callahan secured their arrest. As a test case for a viola- 
tion of the law relative to the militia, Bielfeld alone was booked 
to appear before the police court on the 3d of July, 18.9. 
Rubens, his attorney, gave bonds for his appearance. The de- 
fendant then took a change of venue to Morrison, becoming his 
own bail to appear at that place in the afternoon. Bielfeld, 
with his attorney, and prosecuting attorney Cameron, were present. 
The case was continued for one week. The following day 
being the Fourth of July, was looked forward to with solici- 
tude as a day when Chicago might expect riot and carnage. Biel- 
feld had been bound in $300 bonds but was released on habeas 
corpus the same day on an application to Judge Barnum, who 


pronounced the majority of the clauses in the militia law as 

In November, 187V>, a similar case was argued before the 
supreme court which in its rulings sustained the constitution- 
ality of the militia law in direct opposition to Judge Barnum's 
rulings and opinions. This opinion was a leversing of Judge 
Barnum's decision restricting armed bodies of socialists, anarch- 
ists, or communists from parading the streets, deciding that in 
matters pertaining to the peace and safety of citizens the police 
powers are plenary. 

In the autumn of 1879 the Bohemian anarchistic agitators 
held a picnic at Silver Leaf Grove, in the vicinity of Douglas 
Park, and being annoyed by uninvited guests, at the command 
of their captain, Prokop Iludek, they fired a round of ball car- 
tridge into the promiscuous crowd, seriously wounding quite a 
large number of citizens. Their captain, and the entire com- 
pany of would-be assassins, were arrested and brought to the 
corner of Madison and Union streets, where the police were 
compelled to use their utmost efforts to prevent the enraged and 
outraged citizens from lynching the leaders of the gang of out- 
laws. The peace-loving and law-abiding citizens were so exasper- 
ated at the audacity and cupidity of the uncivilized horde that 
it was with dimculty the police induced them to disperse with- 
out wreaking a summary vengeance upon these organized bad- 
dits, who were beginning to operate with impunity in the very 
midst of the highest order of civilization and refinement. 

The United States Supreme Court acknowledge and defend 
the right of citizens to assemble, without arms, when the object 
is to make known, in proper language, any grievance. But they 
must in all cases be under the control, direction and protection 



of the police force. But all meetings to organize, or any organ 
ized gatherings for the purpose of subverting law and order, all 
armed mobs making incendiary speeches or advocating violence 
are subject to military law, and under the control of the police, 
as the guardians of the public peace. 

From the time of the arrest of Herman jPresser, on the affirm- 
ation of the militia law, by the Federal Court, in 188K, all armed 
demonstrations of the socialistic element from this time ceased, 
but in secret they matured their fiendish plottings against the 
law-abiding citizens and safety of American institutions, becom- 
ing skilled in the manufacture and use of dynamite bombs as a 
weapon for the purpose of destroying life and property, and the 
intimidation of the officers of law and justice. 

The leaders of anarchy and socialism with whom we have 
to do, more particularly in this volume, are viz.: August Spies, 
Samuel Fielden and A. R. Parsons, Spies being the editor of 
the Arbeiter Zeitung, and A. R. Parsons editor of the paper 
known as the Alarm. 

The eight hour system of labor had been agitated for some 
time, and the first of May, 1886, was the time set for it to go 
into effect by all the trade and labor unions. It was suspected 
by many that the insubordinate element of socialists and anarch- 
ists would take advantage of the already fermented state of the 
working classes, to make a bold stand to revolutionize and de- 
moralize, by their treasonable and inflammatory speeches, the 
otherwise peaceful and respectable citizens of Chicago. The 
McCormick reaper works, with over one thousand employes, 
mostly foreigners, had been out on a strike for several weeks, 
and being at fever heat the anarchists sought to produce a riot 
among these turbulent men, who only needed a leader and some 


encouragement, which they were soon to receive from Spies. 
On May 2d a large force collected at or near the junction of 
Eighteenth street and Centre avenue. Here they reversed the 
American flag, carrying it top side down, symbolic of the revo- 
lution they intended to work in American institutions. They 
marched down the Black Road to the prairie in front of McCor- 
mickV works, where August Spies addressed them in extrava- 
gant language, exciting the mob by a seditious and inflammatory 
speech, at the close of which the effect was plainly visible, as 
the mob at once attacked the works of McCormick, demolishing 
a portion of it, and seriously injuring several non-union men who 
were employed there. The six police there on duty bravely 
tried to hold the fort, but were forced to give way before nearly 
three thousand infuriated men, when they turned in a call for 
assistance, and were reinforced by the arrival of thirty more 
officers, who bravely beat back their assaiiants, killing one of 
the mob by a shot from a revolver, and wounding several others, 
The repulsed mob then retreated, and their leaders repaired to 
office <>!' the Zeitunq t<» prepare a circular, and printed it in Ger- 
man and English, which was headed Revenge, and the English 
copy read as follows, which they circulated throughout the city: 


" Revenge, working men ! to arms ! Your masters sent out 
then- bloodhounds— the police. They killed six of your brothers 
at McCormick's this afternoon. They killed the poor wretches, 
because they, like you, had the courage to disobey the supreme 
will of your bosses. They killed them because they dared ask 
for the shortening of the hours of toil. They killed them to 
show you, 'free American citizens,' that you must be satisfied 
and contented with whatever your bosses condescend to allow 


you, or you'll get killed. You have for years endured the most 
abject humiliation; you have for years suffered immeasurable 
iniquities ; you have worked yourselves to death ; you have en- 
dured the pangs of want and hunger ; your children you have 
sacrificed to the factory lords — in short, you have been miser- 
able, obedient slaves all these years. Why ? To satisfy the 
insatiable greed to fill the coifers of your lazy, thieving master. 
When you ask them now to lessen your burden he sends his 
blood-hounds out to shoot you, kill you. If you are men, if you 
are the sons of your grandsires who have shed their blood to 
free you, then you will rise in your might, Hercules, and destroy 
the hideous monster that seeks to destroy you. To arms we call 
you ! To arms ! Your Brothers." 

The German portion difiered from the above mainly in the 
following passage : " Why ? Because you dared ask for the 
shortening of the hours of labor." In the German copy it ran : 
M Because you dared ask for all that you believed to be your 
rights." Instead of being addressed, as in the English, to Amer- 
ican citizens, it was directed to the followers of anarchy and 

Another circular was distributed calling a meeting at the 
Haymarket for the night of May 4, and urging workingmen to 
arm and go in full force. In the Arbeiter Zeitung appeared the 
letter "Y," meaning Ypsilon, which was the signal for the 
armed anarchists to turn out, and in the department of the 
paper known as the " Letter-Box " the word '• Ruhe," signifying 
that the time for revolution was at hand. 

There were about three hundred and fifty anarchists carry- 
ing concealed weapons at the Haymarkst massacre on the 4th of 
May, 1886, and probably about fifteen hundred present in all 
at the time of the explosion. A. R. Parsons had delivered his 


speech and Samuel Fielden was portraying to the sympathizing 
crowd, with all the eloquence he could command, the wide and 
yawning uubridged gulf between capital and labor, when seven 
companies of police, numbering nearly two hundred men, under 
command of their superior officers, swooped down upon the law- 
less mob. Captain Ward, in clear and ringing tones, commanded 
these land pirates to quietly disperse, when from an alley con- 
tiguous was seen in the darkness a little line of fire passing 
directly over the heads of the motly crowd. The hissing fiend, 
hurled by some practiced hand to perform its hellish mission, 
fell directly between two of the ranks of our brave and noble 
officers, and exploded with a detonation which seemed to shake 
the city from center to circumference, dealing death to several 
brave and noble officers, while the wounded and dying num- 
bered over sixty, who a moment before were in the best of spir- 
its and in the discharge of their duty as protectors of public 
peace, were stricken down without a moment's warning. But 
was there a man dismayed, although the groans of the wounded 
and mangled victims could be heard in every direction, not 
knowing but the next instant another explosion would strew the 
ground with fresh victims from their ranks ? Scarcely had the 
sound of the explosion died away in the echoing distance, or the 
smoke from the fatal bomb rose up to be lost in the dark and 
murky clouds, ere the spirit of patriotism rose up in their hearts, 
inspiring them to deeds of noble daring, when they boldly 
charged in a solid column this band of treacherous outlaws. 
Captain Bonfield seized a revolver from the hand of a fallen 
officer, at the same time drawing his own revolver, and from 
both hands he rained a shower of lead into the ranks of the 


enemy. Under this aggressive movement the anarchists began 
beating a hasty retreat. 

The wounded officers were removed to the County Hospital, 
while a large detachment were kept busy during the night car- 
ing for the dead and dying. The exact number of killed and 
wounded among the anarchists could not be ascertained, as 
they were removed from the ensanguined field immediately by 
their friends to places of safety, and medical assistance secured 
for them from among the socialistic fraternity. 

On the 5th of May, Rudolph Schnaubelt was arrested on 
suspicion that he was an important factor in the conspiracy. On 
an investigation which followed, he very adroitly managed to 
impress the authorities of his innocence, when he was dis- 
charged, and he at once disappeared from the city ; but during 
the progress of the trial, evidence was obtained which proves 
almost conclusively that Rudolph Schnaubelt was the arch fiend 
who hurled the deadly bomb causing so many brave officers to 
bite the dust without a moment's warning. 




This great and unprecedented anarchistic conspiracy of May 
4th will doubtless result in a blessing to America. First, it 
will teach the administrators of law and justice the necessity of 
being watchful of this treacherous element in society which 
would thus ruthlessly violate every sacred principle of right and 

The bravery of the police on that eventful night of May 
■4th is worthy of note in the history of Chicago, and those who 
fell in the defence of our birthrights as American citizens have 
builded a monument in the hearts of a grateful people that shall 
endure while the star-spangled banner shall continue to wave 
"O'er the land of the free and the home of the brave." Were 
we to disturb, disquiet, and bring up from their tombs the most 
hideous monsters from the dead of the dark and superstitious 
ages of the gloomy past, their hands deep purple with the blood 
of their murdered fellow men, we should fail to find a parallel 
that would compare with this unscrupulous cold-blooded mas- 
sacre, along with the bold attempt at the subversion of law. 

On the fifth of the month eight of the leaders of anarchy 
were arrested and indicted for murder and conspiracy. The 
police raided the office of the Arbeiter Ztitung y the organ of the 
socialistic and anarchistic labor agitators, obtaining quantities 
of dynamite bombs, flags, and inflamatory literature which was 
« 'Dried in the trial as corroborative evidence. August Spies, 
a German, was the editor of the Zeitmmg and a ringleader of the 
anarchists. A. R Parsons, an American, was editor of the 
Alarm. Samuel Fielden, of English nationality, laborer. 
Oscar Neebe, German. Adolph Fischer, a German. Louis 


Ling, a German, carpenter. George Engle, German, and 
Michal Schwab. These are the ones who were indicted for 
murder and anarchy. A. R. Parsons iled the night of the riot 
and consequently was not arrested, but he subsequently came 
in and gave himself up to the officials in the criminal court, 
doubtless thinking by this semblance of honor to impress the 
court of his innocence and thereby secure acquittal. 

The attorneys for the State in the prosecution were as fol- 
lows : Julius S. Grinnell ; and assistants State, George Ingham 
and Frank Walker. 

Col. W. P. Black, Solomon Zeisler, and Mr. Foster, of Iowa, 
were for the defence, who availed themselves of every techni- 
cality in the interests of their clients. Four long and tedious 
weeks were consumed in obtaining a jury, exhausting fourteen 
panels of jurors in securing twelve competent men to try this 
case. His Honor, Judge J. E. Gary, presiding. 

The names of the jury accepted by the State and the defence 
were Major J. H. Cole, F. E. Osborne, S. G. Randall, A. II. 
Reed, J. H. Bruyton, A. Hamilton, G. W. Adams, J. B. Greiner, 
C. B. Todd, C. A. Ludwig, T. E. Denker, and H. T. Sanford. 

An application was filed with State's Attorney Grinnell for 
a separate trial in the case of Neebe, Spies, Schwab, and Fielden, 
but was overruled by his Honor, Judge Gary, as they had been 
jointly indicted for conspiracy and murder. 

On Friday, July 10th, 1886, the case of the anarchists was 
opened by the prosecution in the taking of evidence. 

Officers Steel, Barber, Reed and McMahon, who were 
wounded in the riot of May the 4th, were so far recovered as to 
be able to be present. 

Felix Puschek was sworn and submitted plans of the Hay- 


market and several halls in the city known to be headquarters 
for the meetings of the anarchists 

Police Inspector Bonfield next took the stand and related 
how the police attempted to disperse the unlawful assemblage 
of armed Anarchists, and detailed the circumstance of the 
bomb-throwing, already related. He also identified the follow- 
ing circular, by which the meeting was called : 

"Attention, working men? Great mass-meeting to-night, at 
7 o'clock, Haymarket square, between Desplaines and Halsted. 
Good speakers will be present to denounce the late atrocious 
act of the police, the shooting of our fellow working men yes* 
terday afternoon. Working men, arm and appear in full force. 

"The Committee." 

Some of the anarchist's indicted for conspiracy turned State's 
evidence. Gottfried Waller, a Swiss by nationality, a cabinet- 
maker by trade, formerly a socialist, and a member of the Lehr 
and Wehr Verein, testified that the latter organization com- 
prised various armed groups of anarchists ; that the letter "Y" 
in tin- Arbt if' r Zi itung meant for the armed section to meet at 
Griefs hall ; that he acted as chairman of the meeting of seveuty 
or eighty persons, Engel, Fischer and Breitenfeld, the comman- 
der of the Lehr and Wehr, being present. The witness testi- 
fied that Engel unfolded a plan whereby if a collision between 
the strikers and the police should occur, the word " Ruhe " 
would appear in the Arbeiter as a signal for the Lehr and Wehr 
and the Northwest group of anarchists to assemble in Wicker 
Park with arms. They should then storm the Noith avenue 
police station, and proceed thence to other stations, using dyna- 
mite and shooting down all who opposed them, and should cut 
the telegraph wires to prevent communication with the outside 


world. Engel said the best way to begin would be to throw a 
dynamite bomb into the police station, and that when the pop- 
ulace saw that the police were overpowered, tumult would 
spread through the city, and the anarchists would be joined by 
the working men. This plan, Engel said, had been adopted by 
the Northwest group. It was decided to appoint a committee 
to keep watch of affairs in the city and to call a meeting for the 
next night in the Haymarket. Fischer was directed to get the 
handbills calling the meeting printed. Those present at the pre- 
liminary meeting represented various groups throughout the 
city Fischer announced that the word " Kuhe " would mean 
that a revolution had been started. Engel put the motion, and 
the plan was adopted. The committee on action was composed 
of members from each group; the witness knew only one — 
Kraemer. The members of the armed groups were known by 
numbers, and witness number was 1 9. ' 

Spies was questioned in January, 1885, at Grand Rapids, 
Mich., relative to these secret organizations, when he said that 
force must bring about the necessary reform which the ballot- 
box had failed to inaugurate and was incompetent to perforin. 
Shook, of Grand Rapids, also testified that Spies had said that 
the secret drilled organizations of Chicago for the revolution of 
society numbered over 3,000, and that none except members of 
those organizations knew of the modus operandi by which they 
intended to wage their warfare. 

Lieutenant Bowler testified to seeing men in the crowd fire 
upon the police with revolvers ; officers S. C. Bohner and E. J. 
Hawley saw Fielden fire. In the line of proving up the conspir- 
acy to incite the workingmen to violence, it was shown by the 
evidence of James L- Frazer, E. T. Baker, A. S. Leckie Frank 


Haraster, Sergeant John Enright and officer L. H. McShane, 
that Spies and Fielden incited the mob to attack McCorniick's 
Reaper Works and the non-union employes on May 3. Detec- 
tive Reuben Slayton testified to having arrested Fischer at the 
Arbi lt< r Zeitung office. He had a loaded revolver hid under his 
coat ; a file-grooved dagger and a fulminating cap, used to 
explode dynamite bombs. Theodore Fricke, former business 
manager of the Arbeiter, identified the copy of the " Revenge " 
circular as being in Spies' handwriting. Lieutenant William 
Ward testified to having commanded the Haymarket meeting to 
disperse in the name of the people of Illinois, and that Fielden 
cried, " We are peaceable," laying a slight emphasis on the last 

William Seliger, of 442 Sedgwick street, testified that Louis 
Lingg boarded with him, and that himself, Lingg, Huebner, 
Maiizenberg and Hewmann worked at making dynamite bombs 
of a spherical shape. He attended the various meetings. He 
identified the calls for the armed sections to meet in the Arbeiter 
Zeitwng. Baltkasar Rau brought the "Revenge" circular to 
Zephf s hall. Lingg worked at first on "gas pipe" bombs ; they 
made forty or fifty bombs the Tuesday before the riot. Lingg 
said they were to be used that evening ; he and Lingg carried 
a small trunk full of the bombs to NefFs hall, 58 Clybourne 
avenue, that evening, where they were divided up among the 
anarchists ; besides the Northwest group the Sachsen Bund met 
at NefFs hall ; witness, Lingg, Thieben and Gustave Lehmen and 
two others from the Lehr and Wehr Verein, left NefFs hall for 
the Larrabee street police station ; Lingg said a disturbance must 
be made on the North side to prevent the police from going to 
the West side ; Lingg wanted to throw a bomb into the station"; 


the police were outside, and they could not get near ; the patrol 
wagon came along completely manned, and Lingg wanted to 
throw a bomb under the wagon ; he asked witness for fire from 
his cigar ; witness went into a hallway and lit a match, and be- 
fore he returned the wagon had passed : they returned to NefFs 
hall where he heard a bomb had fallen on the West side, and 
killed a great many ; Hewmann blamed Lingg and said in an 
angry voice, "You are the cause of it all ;" they then went and 
hid their bombs under sidewalks and in various places, and went 
home ; Lingg first brought dynamite to the house about six weeks 
beforeMay 1, in a long wooden box ; he made a wooden spoon to 
handle it with in filling the bombs; witness belonged to the 
Northwest group, and his number was 72 , Engel was also a mem- 
ber. [The bombs were here produced and Judge Gary ordered 
them removed immediately from the court room and from the 
building.] Seliger's testimony was unshaken on cross-examination. 
Mrs. Bertha Seliger corroborated her husband's testimony, testi- 
fying that at one time six or seven men were at work making 
bombs, and that after the Haymarket Lingg tore up the floor of a 
closet to secrete those he had on hand. 

Lieutenant John D. Shea, Chief of the Detective force, testi- 
fied to having assisted in the raid on the Arbeiter Zeitung office, 
May 5. The galley of type from which the "Revenge" circular 
was printed, copies of Herr Most's book, and other anarchistic 
literature, red flags and banners with treasonable devices, and a 
quantity of dynamite were found. The witness asked Spies if 
he wrote the "Revenge" circular, and he refused to answer. 
When he arrested Fischer he asked him where he was on the 
night of the Haymarket meeting. Fisher said in the Arbeiter- 
Zieiung office with Schwab, and that Rau brought word that 


Spies was at the Haymarket, that a big crowd was there, and 
they all went over. He had a belt, a dagger, and a fulminating 
cap on him when arrested, but he said he carried them for pro- 
tection. I said : 'You didn't need them in the office.' He said : 
1 1 intended to go away, but was arrested.' I also said : ' There 
has been found other weapons like this sharpened dagger ; how 
is it you come to carry this ? ' He said he put it in his pocket 
for his own protection." 

Detective William Jones testified that he had a locksmith 
open a closet in Spies office, and in a desk were found two bars 
of dynamite, a long fuse, a box of fulminating caps, some letters, 
and copies of both the celebrated circulars. At Fischer's home 
he found a lot of cartridges and a blouse of the Lehr und Wehr 
Verein. Officer Duffy found two thousand copies of the circular 
calling upon the working men to arm, and the manuscript of 
the "Revenge" circular in the Arbeiter Zeitung office. Heir 
Moat's book, "The Science of Revolutionary Warfare," found in 
the Arbeib r office, was offered in evidence ; also the manual for 
the manufacture of explosives and poisons. 

Bernhard Schrader, a native of Prussia, five years in this 
country, a carpenter by trade, testified that he was a member of 
the Lehr und Wehr Verein ; was at the meeting at Greifs hall 
the night of May 3, and he corroborated Waller's testimony 
throughout. Besides those mentioned by Waller, Schrader 
named Hadermanu, Thiel and Danafeldt, as attendants at the 
meeting. He saw Balthauser Rau distributing the " Revenge " 
circulars at a meeting of the Carpenter's Union on Desplaines 
street. Witness was present also at the Sunday meeting on 
Emma street. It was here agreed to cripple the fire department, 
in case they were called out, by cutting their hose. Witness 


went to the meeting at 54 West Lake street in response to the 
signal " Y" in the Arbeiter Zeitung. He was at the Haymarket, 
but did not know who threw the bomb. The Northwest group 
of the Lehr und Wekr were armed with Springfield rifles. 
Witness' number iu the organization was 3,312. 

Lieutenant Edward Steele testified that when the police 
entered the Haymarket somebody cried out : " Here come the 
blood-hounds. You do your duty, and we'll do ours." 

Lieutenant Michael Quinn testified that he heard this ex- 
clamation and that the man who made it was Fielden, just as he 
ceased speaking on the wagon. About the instant the bomb 
exploded, Fielden exclaimed : " We are peaceable ! " 

Lieutenant Stanton testified that the bomb exploded four 
seconds after his company of eighteen men entered the Hay- 
market. Every member of his company except two were 
wounded, and two — Degan and Redden — killed. The witness 
was wounded in eleven places. Officers Krueger and Wessler 
testified to having seen Fielden shoot at the police with a re- 

Gustave Lehman, one of the conspirators, gave a detailed 
account of various meetings ; the afternoon of May 4 he was at 
Lingg's house where men with cloths over their faces were 
making dynamite bombs ; Huebner was cutting fuse ; Lingg 
gave witness a small hand-satchel with two bombs, fuse, caps, 
and a can of dynamite ; at 3 o'clock in the morning, after the 
Haymarket explosion, he got out of bed and carried this material 
back to Ogden's grove and hid it, where it was found by Officer 
Hoffman ; money to buy dynamite was raised at a dance of the 
Carpenters' Union, at Floras' Hall, 71 W^est Lake street. Lingg 
took this money and bought dynamite ; Lingg taught them how 


to make bombs. M. H. Williamson and Clarence P. Dresser, 
reporters, had heard Fielden, Parsons and Spies counsel violence; 
the latter at the A r be iter Zeitung office had advised that the 
new Board of Trade be blown up on the night of its opening. 
George Munn and Herman Pudewa, printers, worked on the 
"Revenge" circular in the Arbeiter Zeitung office; Richard 
Reichel, office-boy, got the "copy" for it from Spies. 

The most sensational evidence of the trial, as showing the 
inside workings of the armed sections of the socialists, and at 
the same time the most damaging as indicative of their motives 
and designs, was that of Detective Andrew C. Johnson, of the 
Pinkerton agency, an entirely disinterested person who was 
detailed in December, 1884, by his agency, which had been 
employed by the First National Bank to furnish details of the 
secret meetings which it was known were being held by revolu- 
tionary plotters at various places throughout the city. Johnson 
is a Scandinavian, thin-faced and sandy-haired, born in Copen- 
hagen, and thirty-five years of age. He told his story in a calm, 
collected, business-like manner. Mr. Grinnell asked : 

" Do you know any of the defendants ?" Witness — " I do." 

" Name them."" — " Parsons, Fielden, Spies, Schwab and 

" Were you at any time connected with any group of the 
International Workingmen's Association ?" — " I was." 

" What group ?" — "The American group.' 1 

" Were you a member of any armed section of the socialists 
of this city ?"— "Yes, sir." 

" When did you begin attendance at their meetings ?" — "The 
first meeting I attended was the 22d of February 1885, at 


Baum's pavilion. The last meeting I attended was the 24th of 
January of this year." 

"At whose instance did you go to their meetings ?" — "At the 
instance of my agency." 

" Did you from time to time make reports of what you heard 
and saw at their meetings ?" — "I did." 

"Mr. Grinnell passed over to witness a bundle of papers and 
asked : "Have you in your hand a report of the meeting of the 
22d of February, 1885 ?"— "Yes, sir." 

" Were any of the defendants present at that meeting ?" — 
"Yes, sir ; Parsons was present." 

" Refer to your memoranda and tell me what was said by 
Parsons at that meeting." — Objected to ; overruled. — "Parsons 
stated that the reason the meeting had been called in that locality 
was so as to give the many merchant princes who resided there 
an opportunity to attend and see what the Communists had to 
say about the distribution of wealth. He said : 'I want you all 
to unite together and throw off the yoke. We need no presi- 
dent, no congressmen, no police, no militia, and no judges. 
They are all leeches, sucking the blood of the poor, who have 
to support them all by their labor. I say to you, rise one and 
all, and let us exterminate them all. Woe to the police or to 
the military whom they send against us.' " 

" That was where ?" — "At Baum's pavilion, corner of Cottage 
Grove avenue and Twenty-second street." 

" Have you a report of any other of the defendants speaking 
at that meeting ?"— "No, sir." 

" What is the next memorandum that you have ?" — " The 
next meeting was March 1. That night I became a member. I 
went to Thielen, who was at the time acting as treasurer and 



secretary for the association, and gave him my name and signi- 
fied mv willingness to join the association. He entered my name 
in a book and handed me a red card with my name on and a 

" When and where was that?— "That was March 1, 1885, at 
Griefs hall, No. 54 West Lake street, in this city." 

"Have you what was said and done at that meeting?" — " I 
have a report of it here. " 

" Who spoke ? " — " Parsons, Fielden, Spies, and others." 

" Any other of the defendants ? " — " No sir." 

" State what Fielden said, and then what Parsons said." — 
"A lecture was given by a man named Bailey on the subject of 
socialism and Christianity, and the question arose as to whether 
Christianity ought to be introduced in their meetings." 

" What did Fielden, Spies and Parsons say there ? " — " Fiel- 
den said that he thought this matter ought not to be introduced 
into their meetings. Parsons said, ' I am of the same opinion/ 
and Spies also said that it ought not to be introduced." 

" Now state the next meeting." — " The next meeting was 
March 4, at the same place." 

Who were present? — " Parsons, Fielden and Spies were pres- 
ent, and spoke." 

" When was the memorandum made that you have of that 
meeting ? " — " The same day, immediately after the termination 
of the meeting. Parsons said: ' We are sorely in need of funds 
to publish the Alarm. As many of you as are able ought to 
give as much as you can, because our paper is our most power- 
ful weapon, and it is only through the paper that we can hope 
to reach the masses.' During his lecture he introduced Christi- 
anity. Spies stood up and said: ' We don't want any christian- 


ity here in our meetings at all. We have told you so before.' 
Fielden made no speech." 

" When was the next meeting?" — "March 22." 

" Were any speeches made by any of the defendants there ? " 
-" Yes, sir, Spies spoke, Previously a man named Bishop in- 
troduced a resolution of sympathy for a girl named Sorell. 
Bishop stated that the girl had been assaulted by her master. 
She had applied for a warrant, which had been refused her on 
account of the high social standing of her master. Spies said: 
1 What is the use of passing resolutions ? We must act, and re- 
venge the girl. Here is a fine opportunity for some of our 
young men to go and shoot Wight.' That was the man who 
had assaulted the girl." 

" Do your reports contain references to speeches made by 
others ? "— " They do," 

" You are only picking out speeches made by the defend- 
ants?" "That is all." 

"When was the next meeting?" — "March 29, 1885, at 
Griefs hall, The defendant, Fielden, spoke at that meeting. 
He said: 'A few explosions in the city of Chicago would help 
the cause considerably. There is the new Board of Trade, a 
roost of thieves and robbers. We ought to commence by blow- 
ing that up.' " 

"Were other speeches made at that meeting?" — "There 
were, but no others made by the defendants." 

"When was the next meeting?"— "April 1, at Griefs hall. 
Spies, Fielden and Parsons were present at the meeting. Spies 
made a lengthy speech on this occasion. His speech was in re- 
gard to acts of cruelty committed. by the police in Chicago; he 
spoke of the number of arrests made, and the number of convic- 


tions in proportion. He also referred to the case of the girl who 
preferred a charge of assault against police-sergeant Patton, of 
the West Chicago avenue station. 1 ' 

" Who else spoke there?' 1 — "Fielden. Spies had said before 
that he had advised the girl to get a pistol and go and shoot 
the policeman. Fielden stood up and said; ■ That is what she 
ought to do. 1 " 

"What was the next meeting ?"— " April 8, 1885, at Greif's 
hall. Parsons made a lengthy speech. He referred frequently 
in his address to the strike at the McCormick harvester works. 
He said : ' There is but one of two things for the men to do. 
They must either go to work for the wages offered them or else 
starve.' In concluding his remarks he referred to the strike at 
La Salle, Illinois. He said : ' To-morrow morning or the next 
day the authorities here in the city will probably send a train- 
load of policemen or militia to La Salle to shoot down the work- 
ing people there. Now, there is a way to prevent this. All 
you have to do is to get some soap and place it on the rails and 
the train will be unable to move.' Parsons spoke at great length 
of the .crimes, as he termed them, of the capitalists, and he said 
to those present that it was an absolute necessity for them to 
unite against them, as that was the only way they could fight 
the caj)italists." 

"Who else spoke there?" — "Fielden. He said it was a 
blessing something had been discovered wherewith the working 
men could fight the police and militia with their Gatling guns." 
What was the next meeting you had ? " — " April 19. That 
meeting was held at No. 106 Randolph street, because the hall 
at No. 54 Lake street was engaged. At this meeting Parsons 
offered a resolution of sympathy for Louis Riel and the half- 


breeds in the Northwest who were in rebellion against the Can- 
adian government. Neither Parsons nor Fielden spoke at the 

"What was the next meeting?" — "April 22, at Grreifs hall. 
Referring to the opening of the new Board of Trade building, 
Parsons said: 'What a splendid opportunity there will be next 
Tuesday night for some bold fellow to make the capitalists trem- 
ble by blowing up the building and all the thieves and robbers 
that are there.' At the conclusion of his speech he said that the 
working men of Chicago should form in processions on Market 
square Tuesday evening next, and he invited all those present 
to get as many of their friends as they could to join in the pro- 

" Did any other of the defendants speak there ? " — " Fielden 
said : ' I also wish to invite as many of you as can come and as 
many as you can get. Go around to the lodging-houses and get 
all you can to join in the procession — the more the merrier.' " 

"When was the next meeting ?"—" April 26, at Greif's hall." 
"Did any of the defendants speak there?" — "There were 
present Parsons, Fielden, Spies. Parsons said: 'I wish you all 
to consider the misery of the working classes, and the cause of 
all the misery is these institutions termed government. I lived 
on snow-balls all last winter, but, by G — d ! I won't do it this 
winter.' " 

"What was the next meeting at which any of the defendants 
attended?" — " April 30, at Market square ; Parsons and Fielden. 
Parsons said : ' We have assembled here to determine in 
which way best to celebrate the dedication of the new Board of 
Trade building, and to give the working men of Chicago a 
chance to state their views in the matter ' Fielden then said : 


' I want all the working men of Chicago, the country, and the 
world in general to arm themselves and sweep the capitalists off 
the face of the earth.' Parsons then said : ' Every working 
man in Chicago must save a little of his wages every week until 
he has enough to buy a Colt's revolver and a Winchester rifle, 
for the only way that the working people will get their rights 
is by the point of the bayonet. We want you to form in pro- 
cession now, and we will march to the Board of Trade. We 
will halt there, and while the band is playing we will sing the 
Marseillaise.' " 

" Did you march in the procession, too ? — " I did." 

" Where were you in that line of march ? " — " I was in the 
center of the procession." 

" Did any of the defendants march with you ? " — " Not with 
me, but in the procession Fielden, Spies, Parsons and Neebe 

" What was the next meeting ? " — " There was something 
occured the night of May 30. I was standing at the corner of 
Washington street and Fifth avenue close behind Spies. That 
was Decoration day, and as the procession passed by, Spies said : 
' A half-dozen dynamite bombs would scatter them all.' A 
little later a gentleman who was standing near remarked upon 
the fine appearance of the Illinois National Guard, who were 
then passing. Spies said: 'They are only boys, and would be 
no use in case of a riot. Fifty determined men would soon dis- 
arm them all.' " 

" When was the next meeting \ " — " The next meeting was 
on the Lake front, May 31, and Fielden and Parsons was there. 
Fielden said : 'It is only by strength and force that you can 


overthrow the government.' Parsons also spoke, but I don't rec- 
ollect what he said." 

" Go on to the next meeting." — " The next meeting was June 
7, at Ogden's grove. There were present Fielden, Parsons and 
Spies. Fielden said : ' Every working man in Chicago ought 
to belong to organizations. It is of no use to go to our masters 
to give us more wages or better times. I mean for you to use 
force. It is of no use for the working people to hope to gain 
anything by means of an ordinary weapon. Every one of you 
must learn the use of dynamite, for that is the power with which 
we hope to gain our rights.' Schwab also spoke at that meet- 
ing in German, which I do not understand." 

" When was the next meeting ? " — " The next meeting was 
August 19, at Greifs hall. Parsons and Fielden spoke. Par- 
sons referred to the late strike of the street-car employes, and 
said that if but one shot had been fired, and Bonfield had hap- 
pened to be shot, the whole city would have been deluged in 
blood, and social revolution would have been inaugurated. The 
next meeting was August 24, at Greifs hall." 

" Do you know of a fellow named Bodendecke speaking at 
those meetings ? " — " Occasionally, but not frequently ; I don't 
know where he is now. There were some twenty or twenty- 
three men present at that meeting, and twenty women." 

" Name who were present." — " Besides the two defendants, 
Parsons, and Fielden, there was Baltus, Bodendecke, Boyd, 
Lawson, Parker, Franklin and Schneider." 

" State what occured there." — " After being there a short 
time a man armed with a long cavalry sword and dressed in a 
blue blouse and wearing a slouch hat came into the room. He 
ordered all those present to fall in. He then called off certain 


names, and all those present answered to their names. He in- 
quired whether there were any new members who wished to join 
the military company, and some one replied that there was. He 
then said : ' Whoever wants to join step to the front.' Myself 
and two others stepped to the front. We were asked separately 
to give our names. I gave my name, which was put down in a 
book, and I was then told that my number was 16. Previous 
to my name being put down in the book, a man to whom I was 
speaking asked whether there was any one present who knew 
me, or whether any one could vouch for my being a true man. 
The defendant, Parsons and Bodendecke spoke up and said they 
Avould vouch for me. The other two were asked their names in 
turn, and as they were properly vouched for, their names were 
entered in a similar manner in a book, and they were given 
numbers. The man who came into the room armed then in- 
quired of two other men in the room whether they were mem- 
bers of the American group. Both said they were and he asked 
to see their cards. As they were unable to show cards they 
were expelled, as were two others. The doors were closed and 
the remainder were asked to fall in line, and we were drilled 
about three-quarters of an hour — put through a regular manual 
of drill, marching, countermarching, wheeling, forming fours, 

"Who drilled you?" — "The man that came in with the 
sword ; I didn't ascertain his name. At the expiration of that 
time the drill-instructor stated that he would now introduce 
some of the members of the first company of the German organ- 
ization. He went outside and in a few minutes returned accom- 
panied by ten other men, dressed as he himself was, each one 
armed with a Springfield rifle. When they all got into the 



room he placed them in line facing us and introduced them as 
members of the first company of tho Lehr mid Wehr Verein. 
He said that he was going to drill them a little while to let us 
see how far they had got with their drill. He drilled them 
about ten miuutes in a regular musket drill. At the end of 
that time a man in the employ of the proprietor of the saloon at 
No. 54 West Lake street came into the room with two tin boxes, 
which he placed on the table at the south end of the room. The 
drill-instructor then asked all those present to step up and ex- 
amine the two tin boxes, as they were the latest improved dyna- 
mite bomb. I stepped to the front with the others, and exam- 
ined the two tins." 

" Describe them as near as you can.' — " They were about the 
size and had the appearance of ordinary preserved fruit cans. 
The top part unscrewed, and on the inside the cans were filled 
with a light-brown mixture. There was also a small glass tube 
inserted in the center of the can. The tube was in connection 
with a screw, and it was explained that when the can was thrown 
against any hard sabstance it would explode." 

" Was that mixture a liquid \ " — " Inside of the glass tube 
was a liquid." 

" Was there anything around that glass tube ( " — " Yes, sir ; 
it was a brownish mixture." 

" Was that a liquid ? " — " No, sir ; it looked more like fine 

" Did you feel of it ? "— " I did not. The drill-instructor told 
us we should be very careful about selecting new members of 
company, because if we were not, there was no telling whom we 
might get into our midst. The next proceeding of the evening 
was to select officers. A man named Walters was chosen Cap- 


tain, and Parsons was chosen Lieutenant. Some discussion 
arose as to what the company should be called. It was decided 
eventually that we should be called the International Rifles. 
The drill-instructor then suggested that we ought to choose some 
other hall, as we were not quite safe there. He added : ' We 
have a fine place at No. 636 Milwaukee avenue. We have a 
shooting range in the basement, where we practice shooting reg- 
ularly.' Parsons inquired whether it was not possible for us to 
rent the same place. The driil-instructor informed him he did 
not know. The question of renting another hall was postponed, 
and our next meeting was fixed for the next Monday." 

Mr. Salomon — " A meeting of what ? " 

Witness — " A meeting of the armed section of the American 

Mr. Grinnell — " Who drilled that company that night ? " — 
Witness — " That German, and Parsons and Fielden." 

"When was the next meeting?" — "The following Monday, 
the 31st of August, at the same place. Parsons and Fielden 
were present, and others. That was a meeting of the armed sec- 
tion, and it was held at Greifs hall. Capt. Walters drilled us 
about an hour and a half. Afterward a consultation was held 
by the members of the company as to the best way of procuring 
arms. Some one suggested that each member should pay so 
much a week until a sufficient amount had been raised where- 
with to purchase a rifle for each member of the company. Par- 
sons said : ' Look here, boys, why can't we make a raid some 
night on the militia armory ? There are only two or three men 
on guard there, and it is easily done.'' This suggestion seemed 
to be favored by the members, and it was finally decided to put 
the matter off until the nights got a little longer." 


Capt. Black — u Which matter was put off ? " 

Witness — " The raid on the armory." 

Mr. Grinnell — " When was the next meeting ? " — Witness — 
" September 3, 1885, at No. 54 West Lake street. Fielden made 
a speech there and said : ' It is useless for you to suppose that 
you can ever obtain anything in any other way than by force. 
You must arm yourselves and prepare for the coming revolu- 
tion.' That was one of the ordinary meetings of the association. 
The next meeting was October 11, at Twelfth street Turner hall. 
Spies and Fielden were present. Fielden said: 'The Eight- 
Hour law will be of no benefit to the working men. You must 
organize and use force. You must crush out the present Gov- 
ernment by force. It is the only way in which you can better 
your present condition.' I left with Fielden before the meeting 

" When was the next meeting you attended ? " — " The next 
meeting was December '20, at Twelfth street Turner hall. Fiel- 
den was present. He said : ' All the crowned heads of Europe 
are trembling at the very name of Socialism, and I hope soon to 
see a few Liskes in the United States to put away a few of the 
tools of the capitalists. The execution of Kiel in the Northwest 
was downright murder.' " — " Was that an open meeting \ " — " It 
was as far as I know. I saw no one refused admission." 

" How about those other meetings you have mentioned, aside 
from the armed sections \ " — " Aside from the meetings of the 
armed section I should say that they were public. I never saw 
any one refused admission." — "Was there any precaution 
taken ? " — " A precaution was taken in this way : A member 
of the group was generally stationed at the door, and as each 


member entered the hall he was closely scrutinized. The next 
meeting was December 30." 

" What place ? "— " At No. 106 Randolph." 

" Who spoke there ?" — " Fielden. At this meeting a stranger 
asked a question, and Fielden replied to the question." 

" Do you know what the question was ? " — " The question 
was : ' Would the destruction of private property assist univer- 
sal co-operation ? ' Fielden replied : ' Neither I or any body 
else can tell what is going to be in a hundred years from now, 
but this everybody knows : If private property is done away 
with, it would insure a better state of things generally. And 
Ave are trying all we can to teach the people the best way in 
which to bring about this change.' " 

" W r ho was present at that meeting ? " — " Fielden, only. 
The next meeting was January of this year, at Twelfth street 
Turner hall. Fielden and Schwab were present. Fielden, re- 
ferring to the troubles in Ireland, said : ' If every Irishman 
would become a Socialist, he would have a better opportunity 
to secure home-rule for Ireland. I want all Irishmen to destroy 
all the private property they can lay their hands on.' He also 
referred to other matters. What he said had reference to Pink- 
erton's detective agency." 

" What was it he said?" — "He said Pinkerton's detectives 
were a lot of cold-blooded murderers, and the worst enemies the 
working men had, and they were all in the pay of the cap- 

" Is that all that was said there ? Was that one of these or- 
dinary opening meetings ( " — " It was." 

"What else happened?" — "Schwab also addressed this meet- 
ing in German. During his speech he was frequently applaud- 


ed. The next meeting I attended was January 14, at No. 106 
Randolph Street." 

" January of this year ? " — " Yes, sir." 

" What was said at this meeting ? " — " Before the meeting 
commenced the defendants, Fielden and Spies, had a conversa- 
tion which I overheard." 

"Where was that?"—" That was held in the hall near the 

" State what you heard." — " Spies said to Fielden : ' Don't 
say very much about that article on Anarchists in an afternoon 
paper. You simply need to state that a reporter of the paper 
had an interview with me a few days ago, but that most of the 
statements of the paper are lies." 

"How was that conversation carried on?" — "It was carried 
on quietly and was not meant for anybody else to hear." 

" Capt. Black objected to the last part of the answer, and 
succeeded in having it stricken out. 

" What was the tone of voice \ " — '- In whispers." 

" When did they leave ? " — " Spies further said : ' You must 
be careful in your remarks. You don't know who might be 
amongst us to-night.' Spies then went away and the meeting 
was called to order " 

" By whom ?"—" Fielden." 

" What did he say ? " — " He made a long talk, commenting 
on the articles that appeared. He said almost all of the state- 
ments were lies. He said in regard to dynamite bombs : ' It is 
quite true we have lots of explosives and dynamite in our pos- 
session, and we will not hesitate to use them when the proper 
time comes. We care nothing at all either for the military or 
the police. All of these are in the pay of the capitalists.' He 


further said that 'even in the regular army most of the soldiers 
are in sympathy with us, and most of them have been driven to 
enlist. I have had a letter from a friend out West. He told 
me that he had seen a soldier on the frontier reading a copy of 
the Alarm.'' Others then made speeches. Afterward Fielden 
again spoke at the same meeting in regard to the question asked 
him, what was the Socialist idea of the eight-hour movement. 
Fielden said : ' We don't object to but we don't believe in it. 
Whether a man works eight hours a day or ten hours a day he 
is still a slave. We propose to abolish slavery altogether.' That 
is all of that meeting. Fielden said, the 24th of January, at a 
meeting held at No. 106 Randolph street — " 

" What is the name of that, Jung's hall ? " — " Yes, I believe 
it is Jung's hall. Fielden said good results were sure to follow 
the abolishment of private property." 

" When did you quit this branch of your business ? " — " The 
latter part of January last-" 

" Did you know then of Pinkerton's agency having any other 
men employed in the same line that you were employed in ? " — 
" I knew there had been another man, but whether he was em- 
ployed then I do not know." 

"Have you lately, within the last few days, ascertained, and 
do you know the fact, that you have seen any Pinkerton men in 
these meetings ( " — " That is so." 

" But you did not know it at that time ? " — " I did not know 
it at that time." 

"How often did you drill with the armed section?" — " Only 

" How often did they drill ?"— " Once a week." 


" Have you got any information from any other members of 
the organization ? If they drilled after that ? " 

Objected to and withdrawn. 

" Did you ascertain from any of the defendants if they drilled 
after that i "— " I did not." 

" Have you had any other talk with Parsons outside of these 
utterances ? " — " I have." 

"Have you had any talk with Spies, Fielden, Parsons, and 
other defendants as to the purposes of their organization \ " — " I 
have talked frequently with Parsons and Fielden at various 
times aud at various places. I cannot recollect as to what was 
said at each place and when it was said." 

" Can you give me the substance or purport of what was 
said at any time ? " 

Captain Black objected, unless time and place were given. 

" What was the object of the armed section as was expressed 
by the members I " — " At the first meeting of the armed section 
the discussion arose as to what the company should be called. 
Some one suggested that the company should be amalgamated 
with the German organization, and the company was to be called 
the Fourth Company of the Lehr und Wehr Verein. This idea 
was opposed, and finally it was decided that it should be called 
the International Rifles. It was further said and understood by 
all the members that in case of a conflict with the authorities the 
International Rifles were to act in concert with the Lehr und 
Wehr Verein, and obey the orders of the officers of that organ- 

" What was said at any time as to when this revolution was 
to take place — when was to be the culmination of the conflict?' 1 — 
"The 1 st of May was frequently mentioned as a good opportunity." 


" What 1st of May ? " — " This present. As far as I remem- 
ber it was at a meeting at Twelfth street Turner hall on one 
occasion in December, and it was the defendant Fielden that 
said the 1st of May would be the time to strike the blow. There 
would be so many strikes and there would be 50,000 men out of 
work — that is to say if the eight-hour movement was a failure." 

" Have you ever met any of them at the Arbeiter Zeitung 
office?"— "I have." 

" What conversation did you have ? " — "I had a conversation 
with Parsons some time in March. The conversation took place 
in the Alarm office in the Arbeiter Zeitung building. This office 
is situated in the back of the building." 

" Well, state what you remember of the conversation." — " I 
asked Parsons if he did not think it advisable to get some papers 
printed in the Scandinavian language, as I thought I could make 
use of them. I intended to distribute them among the Scandi- 
navian people along Milwaukee avenue and that neighborhood. 
Parsons replied : ' Yes, it is a good idea, and the best thing you 
can do is to bring the matter up in our next meeting. Bring it 
up before the meeting, and I will see that it is attended to. It 
is no use, we must have the Scandinavians with us.' " 

"Did you have any talk with any of these defendants about 
the purposes and objects of the social revolution, so called ?" — 
"I have had numerous conversations with Fielden and Parsons 
but I cannot remember distinctly what was said." 

" What was Parsons' relation to the Alarm f " — " He was . 
the editor." 

"Did you ever see a book by Most called ' The Modern 
Science of Revolutionary Warfare ? ' Look at that book and 
state whether you have seen it before." — " I have." 


" Where ? " — " I have seeu it at meetings at Twelfth street 
Turner hall ; at No. 54 West Lake street, and also at No. 106 

•' Who had charge of the distribution of it ? " — "The Chair- 

" Of the respective meetings ? " — " Yes, sir." 

" Were they sold or given away ? " — " They were sold." 

" Do you know whether or not any steps were taken to dis- 
tribute the Alarm? " 

" There were a number of those- present at that particular 
meeting who bought a number of copies of the Alarm,. and said 
that they would try their best to sell them and obtain new sub- 

" Do you know a man named Schneider and one Thomas 
Brown?"— "Yes, sir." 

" Did they belong to the American group ? " — " Both of 

" Did they belong to the armed section ? " — " Both of them." 

" Where usually did the American group meet before the 
time you ceased your connection with it ? " 

"During the last few meetings it met at No. 1C6 Randolph 

"Prior to that where did it meet?" — "It had met at No. 54 
West Lake street, also at No. 45 North Clark street, and on the 
Lake front." 

"Did you ever meet with the American group at No. 107 
Fifth avenue 2 " — " No, sir." 

"No. 636 Milwaukee avenue was the place mentioned as tne 
proper place for drilling. Were you ever there?" — "I was 


" Did they meet more than once there ? " — " I don't know." 

" Do you know what the hall is called ? " — " I do." 

" What is it ? "— " Thalia hall." 

" When you joined this organization did it cost you any- 
thing ? "— " Ten cents." 

" How often did you pay the contributions ? " — " Once a 

" How much ? "— " Ten cents." 

" W'hen you joined the armed section did that require any 
special contribution ? " — " No, sir." 

"What was Fielden's office in the group of the armed 
section ? " 

'•He was Treasurer and Secretary of the organization — of 
the group." 

" Did he hold any office, or was he simply a private in the 
armed section ? " 

" He held no office while I attended there." 


Cross-examined by Mr. Foster : — " Where were you before 
you came here ? " 

" I was a police officer in England eight years." 

" In uniform ? "— " Part of the time." 

" How long did you do detective service there?" — "Three 

"At what place?" — "In Lancashire." 

"How long have you been with Pinkerton?" — "Three 

" What did you do before you became a detective here ? 
Were you ever in any legitimate business ? " 


Mr. Grinnell — " In any oilier legitimate business ? " 

Witness — " I was storekeeper at the Windsor hotel." 

"Was that meeting at Baum's hall a public one?" — "It 

" March 1 you became a member? " — " Yes, sir." 

" Were your antecedents inquired into ? " — " No, sir." 

" You just paid your ten cents and were received ? " — " Yes, 

" Is not that your experience, that anybody who could pay 
10 cents could be received ? "—"Yes, sir." 

"Del you ever see anybody excluded ? " — "No, sir, except 
reporters. I have seen reporters excluded sometimes." 

" Were not reporters generally freely admitted ? " — " Not 
very often." 

"They had seats for them and a table ?" — "I don't know. 
I never saw more than one at a time there." 

" Did you ever see anybody excluded by the doorkeeper ? " 
"No, sir." 

"Did you ever have any ushers — anybody who got seats for 

" No, sir ; but I saw some of the old members get up and 
give their seats when strangers came in." 

" You stated that Mr. Spies introduced resolutions in sym 
pathy with a girl ( " 

" Somebody else introduced them but Spies opposed it. He 
said there was no use making resolutions." 

" That is, the girl had had her day in court and it was no use 
passing resolutions ? " 

"He said it would be a good opportunity for some one to 
take a pistol and go and shoot Wight." 


"You are sure Spies said that?" — "Yes, sir." 

" You wrote out your report ininiediately with all the facts 
fresh in your mind." — "Yes, I wrote it that night." 

"Didn't you write in your report [reading from it] that 
Keegan said that after Spies got through with his remarks ? " 
"Yes, but Mr. Spies said it also." 

"You are sure of that?" — "Yes, sir." 

41 Will you show me the place in your report where this is 
said?" — "I don't find it." 

" Then your memory is better now than it was immediately 
after the meeting? " 

"It is considerably better now that I have refreshed it." 

"A detective's memory gets better as the time goes on, does 

Mr. Grinnell objected to this kind of cross-examination. 

Referring to the charges against Sergt. Patton, Mr Foster 
asked : " Were the circumstances stated that the girl had been 
grossly abused, but his brother officers stood round and swore 
him out ? " 

"It may have been." 

"And was it not stated as a general expression that such a 
man ought to be shot?" 

" It may have been." 

In regard to the strike at La Salle, Mr. Foster made it ap- 
pear as if Parsons had simply stated in general terms that if soap 
w as put on the rails the train would not be able to move, but 
that he did not advise anybody to go and put the soap on. 
Fielden's remark that something had been discovered by which 
the working men could resist the police and militia, and Parsons 
remark that he would not live on snowballs another winter, were 



represented by Mr. Foster in an equally innocent and harmless 
light. The cross-examination fo" the day concluded with the 
following questions and answers : 

" You heard Fielden say : ' While we march toward the 
Board of Trade we will sing the Marseillaise hymn ? " — " Yes, 
sir. 1 ' 

" That you understood to be the French national hymn ? " — 
"Yes, sir." 

W. H. Freeman, a reporter, testified as follows : 

"I was at the corner of Randolph and Desplaines streets. 
Saw Parsons speaking, and listened to what he had to say. 
Some one said Mayor Harrison was there and I tried to find 
him. There was a big crowd. Parsons said that Jay Gould 
was a robber, and asked what was to be done. Somebody 
shouted, ' Throw him in the lake.' Parsons said : ' No, that 
won't do. We must overthrow the system by which he was 
enabled to secure so much money.' He shouted frequently : 'To 
arms ! to arms ! ' and the crowd applauded. There were six or 
eight persons on the wagon. Fielden, the next speaker, dis- 
cussed legislation, saying that Martin Foran had admitted that 
it was impossible for the working men to get their rights through 
legislation, and that the people were fools to send such a man to 
Congress when he owned that the legislation could not better 
them. He justified the forthcoming revolution, saying it was 
just as proper as the colonial revolution. The police came up 
quietly and my first knowledge of it was the command to dis- 
perse. Then the bomb exploded. It made a terrible noise, and 
a moment after the firing commenced. Parsons, Spies and 
Fielden were on the wagon, and I think I saw Schwab there. 
I crouched down behind the wagon until after the firing was 


over ; then I went to the Desplaines street station. On getting 
out on the street I saw two officers lying wounded. I spoke to 
them but they didn't answer, so I told the sergeant of a patrol- 
wagon about it." 

Officer McKeogh testified. : 

" I was at the Hay market on the night of May 4. Parsons 
followed Spies, saying : ' I am a Socialist from the top of my 
head to the soles of my feet, and I'll express my sentiments if I 
die before morning.' Again he said . ' I pay rent for the house 
I live in.' Some one asked : ' What does the landlord do with 
the money?' Parsons replied: 'I am glad you asked that 
question. The landlord pays taxes, they go to pay the sheriff, 
the militia, and the Pinkertonites.' The crowd cheered, then 
Parsons cried : ' To arms ! to arms ! ' and Fielden took the stand 
He said : ' The law does not protect you, working men. Did 
the law protect you when the police shot down your brothers at 
McCormick's ? Did the law protect you when McCormick closed 
the doors of his factory and left you and your wives and chil- 
dren to starve? I say throttle the law; strangle it, kill it!" 1 

H. E O. Heineman, formerly a reporter on the Arbeiter 
Zeitung, was asked : 

" Mr. Heineman, you were formerly an Internationalist ? " — 
"Yes, sir." 

" When did you cease your connection with them ? " — 
" About two years ago. 

" Whom of the defendants do you know that were in that 
association or society before you left it ? " — " Of my own knowl 
edge I know none but one, that is Neebe. He used to belong 
to the same group that I did." 

" Did you ever meet with any of the others at any of the 


meetings ? " — " Yes ; Spiels, Schwab, and I think, Parsons.' 1 

"That was about the time Hen* Most came here and deliv- 
ered some speeches ? " — " Yes, sir." 

" And it was on account of those speeches you severed your 
connection with the Anarchists ?" — "Yes." 

" Whom did you see on the speaker's wagon at the Hay- 
market ? " — " I saw the speakers, Spies, Schwab and Fielden, and 
Rudolph Schnaubelt, whom I had formerly kno.wn from my 
connection with the Internationalists." 

" You say Schnaubelt was on the wagon. How long after 
the cloud came up and the crowd thinned out did you see him 2 " 
— " I cannot say." 

" Well, how long before the police came did you miss Sch- 
naubelt ? " — " I cannot say ; perhaps ten minutes." 

"You say Mr. Neebe was a member of the Internationalist 
organization. Now, you didn't have any passwords, did you ? 
It wasn't an organization where you drilled, was it ?" — "It was 
an avowed Socialistic order." 

Another sensational witness was Harry L. Gilmer, a work- 
man, who testified that he saw Spies and Rudolph Schnaubelt 
standing inside the mouth of the alley at the Haymarket ; that 
Spies lit a match for Schnaubelt, who in turn lit the fuse of the 
bomb and threw it among the police. An effort was made to 
shake the testimony of this witness, which was not successful, 
and witnesses were then brought forward to impeach his ver- 
acity, but the state produced many prominent men who knew 
him, and who stated that they would believe him under oath. 

Captain Frank Schaack, in charge of the East Chicago 
avenue police station, who unearthed the Anarchists' conspiracv 
after the Haymarket, was called to the stand on Thursday, July 


29. Linggs trunk was placed before him. He was asked: 
" Do you know any of the defendants in this case ? " 
"I have seen Spies, Schwab and Parsons, and Engel and 
Lingg were arrested and confined in rny station." 

" When did you first converse with Lingg about this case ? " 
"About 3 o'clock on the afternoon of May 14. First I 
asked him his name. He told me. I asked him if he was at the 
meeting at 54 Lake street on Tuesday night. He said : ' Yes.' 
Then he said he made dynamite. I asked him what for. He 
said: 'To use then.' He looked excited. I asked why he 
disliked the police. He said he had a reason ; the police clubbed 
the men at McCormick's. He said he was down on the police 
because they took the part of the capitalists. I said : ' Why 
don't you use guns instead of dynamite ? ' He said guns 
wouldn't do ; that the militia would outnumber the Socialists. 
I asked him how he learned to make dynamite. He said out of 
books, and that he made bombs out of gas-pipe and out of lead 
and metal mixed. He said he got the lead on the streets and 
the gas-pipe along the river or anywhere he could.' 1 
" What other conversation did you have ? " 
''Lingg said he made those bombs and meant to use them. 
Then Mrs. Seliger accused him of making bombs a few weeks 
after he came to her house. I knew then that he had made a 
good many. John Thielen was arrested at the same time, and 
from him we got two bombs. I said to Lingg : ' This man 
says you gave him the bombs. What have you to say ? ' He 
looked at Thielen and shook bis head, and Thielen said : ' Oh, 
it's no use, everything is known ; you might just as well talk.' 
But Lingg refused to say anything." 
"Anything else?" 


"Well, this trunk here was brought to my office. Under the 
lining I found a lot of dynamite and some fuse and asked him 
if that was the kind of dynamite he used. He said it was ; that 
he got it at a store on Lake street. There were three kinds of 
dynamite. He said he experimented once with a long bomb ; 
that he put it in a tree, touched it off, and that it riddled the 
tree to atoms. I asked him if he knew Spies. He said 'Yes, 
for some time ;' that he was often at the Arbeiter Zeitung office. 
I asked him how long he had been a Socialist. He said he'd 
been a Socialist as long as he could think." 

" Did you have any conversation with Engel I " 

" Yes, on the 18th, in the evening, I asked him where he was 
May 3. He said he worked for a man named Koch. I asked 
him if he made a speech at the meeting at 54 Lake street. He 
said no, but that he was at the meeting. The second time I 
talked with him his wife came. She brought him a bunch of 
flowers. He got excited, and cried : ' What good are those 
flowers to me ? Here I am locked up in a dark cell.' Then his 
wife said : ' Papa, see what trouble you've got yourself into J 
why haven't you stopped this nonsense ? He said : ' Mamma, 
I can't. I am cursed with eloquence. What is in a man must 
come out. Louis Michel suffered for the cause. She is a 
woman ; why should I not suffer? I am a man, and I will stand 
it like a man." 

"How many bombs in all did you find ? " — " Objected to. 

"Tell the jury what experiments you made with those 

"One bomb found in Lingg's room, which Schuettler said 
was loaded with a funnel, I put in a box two feet square and 
buried in the ground three feet deep at Lake View. Officers 


Stift, Rehni and Loewenstein were there. We touched the 
bomb off. It blew the box to pieces, fragments earned off the 
branches of trees, aud the ground was torn up for a great dis- 
tance. This black dynamite, also found in Lingg's room, was 
put in a beer keg. Part of this dynamite Lingg gave to Thielen, 
and this is a fragment of a round bomb I experimented with. 
On top of this bomb I had a round piece of iron thirty-four 
inches wide, some heavy planks, a piece of steel forty-two inches 
wide and weighing 180 pounds; then an iron boiler twenty -two 
inches wide and fourteen inches high; then on top of that a 
stone weighing 132 pounds. The stone was burst to pieces, nine 
holes were shot through the iron boiler, the steel cover was 
cracked, and the planks were split into kindling wood. Por- 
tions of the other bombs I cut off, and gave them to Profs. 
Haines and Paton." 

"There were bushels of bombs before the jury. Coils of 
fuse "was unwound. Dynamite in paj^er packages and in tin 
boxes was displayed. The court-room looked like the interior of 
an arsenal so far as the tremendous character of the explosives 
were concerned. Pieces of metal, gas-pipe, tin cans, and iron 
boxes rattled together. Capt. Schaack, pointing to the bombs, 
said he got two from Hoffman, one from fireman Miller, and one 
from Officer Loewenstein. He was not allowed to tell how 
many bombs in all he received until the officers first told where 
the bombs were found. 

"Now about those conversations. Did Lingg say anything 
about the use of those bombs ( " 

11 He said he intended to use them against the Gatling-guns 
of the militia ; that a revolution was impending. I asked him 
about that satchel he brought to Neff's place. He said he saw 


one there. Then I asked liim where he got the moulds to mould 
the round bombs. He said he made them out of clay ; that they 
could be used about two times, then they were no good. He 
said he saw the ' Revenge ' circular on the West side. 1 ' 

"Who did he say was at his place May 4 V — "He said about 
six in all, but he only knew the two Lehmans." 

Capt. Schaack was asked by Mr. Ingham whether he experi- 
mented with fuse. 

" I did. I also experimented with dynamite cartridges. I 
had one inserted into a stone weighing perhaps thirty pounds. 
The explosion broke this stone into atoms. 1 ' 

Cross-examined by Mr. Foster. — " What Lingg said to you, 
Captain, was substantially this : That there was to be a conflict 
between the police and the Gatling-guns on one side and the 
laboring men on the other, and that he was making these bombs 
to use w T hen that time came ? " 

" That's about it, only he said the time had actually come." 

" Those experiments you made were made for your own sat- 
isfaction ? " 

" They were made to enable me to testify to the character of 
the stuff that was found." 

" As a matter of fact you woke up Engel in his cell after 
midnight to interrogate him, didn't you ? " 

" Well, I don't remember. If I did, I did, and I suppose I 
did. I had a right to do it." 

" Do you know of two detectives at your station who went 
to Lingg's cell late at night and exhibited a rope saying they 
were going to hang him ? " 

" I do not, and I do not believe anything of the kind was 


Officer Hoffman, of the Larrabee street station., testified that 
he found nine round bombs and four long ones under a sidewalk 
near Clyde street and Clybourn avenue. 

" Who was with you at the time ? " — " Gustav Lehman." 

Under John Thielen's house the witness found two long 
bombs, two boxes of cartridges, two cigar boxes full of dyna- 
mite, one rifle, and one revolver. 

" What else ? " — " Lehman pointed out to me a can holding 
about a gallon, and this was filled with dynamite." 

" Look at this box of caps. Where did you find them ? " — 
" They were with the dynamite. They were all under the side- 
walk on Clybourn avenue, back of Ogden's grove." 

Assistant State's-Attorney Frank Walker opened the pro- 
ceedings Friday, July 30, by reading extracts from Parsons 7 
Alarm, dated May 2d of this year. It was a speech delivered 
by Parsons April 29, the night the new Board of Trade was ded- 
icated, and that occasion afforded the speaker his subject. The 
speech was full of rabid utterances, of which the following are 
samples : 

" To-night the property owners are dedicating a temple for 
the plunder of the people. We assemble as Anarchists and 
Communists to protest against the system of society founded on 
spoliation of the people." In conclusion Parsons advised his; 
hearers to save their money and buy revolvers and rifles, and 
recommended the use of dynamite. 

Under date of December 26, 1885, the Alarm contained a 
long description of what qualities should center in a revolution- 
ist. " The revolutionist," it was said, " must dedicate his life ex- 
clusively to his idea, living in this world only for the purpose of 
more surely destroying it. He hates every law and science, and 


knows of but one science — that of destruction. He despises 
public sentiment and social morality. All his sentiments of 
friendship, love and sympathy must be suppressed. Equally 
must he hate everything that stands in the way to the attain- 
ment of his ends. He must have but one thought — merciless 
revolution ; he must be bound by no ties, and must not hesitate 
to destroy all institutions and systems. 11 

On February 6, 1886, the Alarm paid its respects to Cap 
tain Bonfield, and the attention of the revolutionists was called 
to the clubbing done by the police at the time of the car-men's 
strike, by saying : " American sovereigns, if you don't like this, 
get guns or dynamite." 

The names of those appointed to act as a bureau of informa- 
tion for the Anarchists were printed in the Alarm under date 
January 9, 1886. Joseph Bock, B. Ran, August Spies, A. R. 
Parsons and Anton Hirschberger were the names given. On 
March 20, 1886, the Alarm said: "All argument is no good 
unless based on force." 

On another occasion, speaking of the eight hour movement* 
it was said : " All roads lead to Rome ; so must all labor move- 
ments lead to Socialism." Later the Alarm said: " One pound 
of dynamite is better than a bushel of ballots. Working men, 
to arms! Death to luxurious idleness!" All articles from 
which these extracts were taken had Parsons' name appended as 
the writer. April 24, the date of the last issue of the Alarm y 
the Knights of Labor were assailed " for attempting to prevent 
the people from exterminating the predatory beasts — the capi- 
talists." Mr. Ingham reads from Herr Host's book a descrip- 
tion of an infernal machine to burn down buildings. This appa- 
ratus is described as of wonderful efficiency and dirt cheap. It 


is read to secure the admission as evidence of the four tin boxes 
spoken of by Detective Jansen, who saw them exhibited at 54 
West Lake street. 

The Court is not sure the contents in both cases are the same, 
and Officer Coughlin, of the Chicago avenue station, is put on 
the stand to prove the character of the compound. He experi- 
mented with one can by means of a fulminating cap. He tried 
to explode the can but failed, then he attached a fuse and an ex- 
plosion followed. A quantity of burning liquid, much resemb 
linor vitriol, was distributed in all directions, a stream was thrown 
five or six feet high, and for a space of ten feet in all directions 
the grass was set on fire, and it burned for fully five minutes. 

Charles B. Prouty is called. He was formerly manager of a 
gun store on State street. 

"Have you ever seen any of the defendants before?" — "I 
have seen Engel and Parsons." 

"When did you converse with Engel last, before May 4?" 
— " Some time last fall. Mr. Engel and his wife called at the 
store and inquired for some big revolvers. They found one that 
suited them, to present to some society. They said they wanted 
100 or 200 for this society. A week later they said this revol- 
ver would do and they wanted some 200 revolvers. I told them 
I thought I could get them, but when they came back the second 
time I found I couldn't. They were much disappointed and 
said they would go some place else." 

"What was the price ?" — "I think $5.50. They were either 
44 or 45 calibre revolvers." 

" What did you say about the price ? " — " I told them that 
was very cheap and said they could make a handsome profit on 


theni. Tliey said they didn't want to make any profit; that the 
weapons were for a society." 

Captain Black, on the cross-examination, brings it out that 
the witness sold the gun to Engel, thinking he wanted to go into 
some speculation. 

W. J. Reynolds, also in the gun business at 73 State street, 
has seen Parsons, and he thinks^ Engel. 

" When did you see Parsons relative to your buisness, and 
tell what it was?" 

" I think it was in February or March. He came into the 
store and "wanted to purchase about forty remodeled Remington 
guns. Parsons spoke to me several times about this purchase, 
but it was never made. Parsons seemed undecided." 

" State whether your concern ever sold any rifle or revolver 
cartridges, which were to be delivered, and were delivered, at 
636 Milwaukee avenue — Thalia hall? 1 ' 

This question is overruled by the court unless the cartridges 
were delivered by the witness in person. Capt. Black takes the 
witness in hand and he said he never knew Parsons by name un- 
til yesterday, then that person was pointed out to him in court. 

"That's all," says Capt. Black. — "Mr. Reynolds," says Mr. 
Grinnell, " was Parsons pointed out to you, or did you not point 
out the man you had seen before \ " 

" I pointed out the man I had seen before." 

A manuscript in Spies 1 handwriting is offered in evidence. 
It is a manuscript of an editorial which was printed in the Ar- 
belter Zeitung of May 4 and captioned : " Blood and Powder as 
a Cure for Dissatisfied Working Men." In another part of the 
paper was the following : " This evening there is a great meet- 
ing at the Haymarket. No working men ought to stay away." 


Manuscript in Schwab's handwriting is submitted. This 
matter appeared in the Arbeiter Zeitung May 4, and one passage 
is as follows : " The heroes of the club dispensed with their 
cudgels yesterday." This has reference to the riot at McCor- 

Another extract ; " Reports of the capitalist papers have all 
been dictated by the police." Still another : " The armory on 
the Lake front is guarded by military tramps." And another : 
" Milwaukee, usually so quiet, yesterday became the scene of 
quite a number of labor riots." Under date of May 3, Spies' 
paper said : "A hot conflict. The termination of the radical 
elements bring the extortioners in numerous instances to terms." 
January 5, 1885, Spies wrote concerning a report of a meeting 
at 54 West Lake street : " Comrade Spies, in the course of his 
speech said : ' And if we commence to murder we obey the law 
of necessity for self-preservation.' '' January 19, 1885, the Ar- 
Ix iter Zeitung contained a two column report of a meeting held 
at Mueller's hall. Dynamite, blood and bombs were the nice 
points dealt with, and the comments thereon was what the state 
wanted read. But first a translation should have been made, 
and to do this an adjournment is taken until 2 o'clock. 

As the trial progressed public interest in the development of 
the Anarchist plot to overthrow law and order increased. The 
courtroom would not hold half of the people that applied for ad- 
mission, and hundreds were turned away. Scattered throughout 
the courtroom were numerous red flags and banners of the Lehr 
und Welir Verein and the various Anarchist groups. Detective 
James Bonfield was recalled to identify the flags and banners 
found at the Arbeiter Zeitung office. They were as follows : 
" In the Absence of Law all Men are Free ; " " Every Govern- 


ment is a Conspiracy against the People ; " " Down with all 
Laws ; " " Fifteenth Section Boys Stick together ; " " Proletarians 
of all Countries, unite ;" "International Working People's Asso- 
ciation of Chicago. Presented by the Socialistic Women's Soci- 
ety July 16, 1875." 

Saturday, July 81, the state introduced more translations 
from the Arbeiter Zeitung. The paper of January 6, under the 
caption of " A New Military Law," contained the following edi- 
torials : " After the adoption of the law and its working we 
have learned a lesson. The vote of 1881 has shown that we are 
stronger than ever. There exists to-day an invisible network of 
Socialistic forces. We are stronger than ever." 

On January 22, 1886, an editorial asked: " How can the 
eight-hour day be brought about ? Why, every clear-headed 
man can see that the result can be obtained by no other means 
than armed force." 

The next day it was said : " The rottenness of our social in- 
stitutions cannot be covered up with whitewash. Capital sucks 
its force out of the labor of the working men. The misery has 
become unbearable. Let us not treat with our enemies on May 
1. Therefore, comrades, arm to the teeth. We w T ant to demand 
our rights on May 1." 

Regarding the riot in London, a meeting was held at the 
Twelfth street Turner hall, Neebe presiding ; Fielden the orator, 
and his speech and the proceedings were reported under date of 
February 15. Fielden said: "The time is not so far distant 
when the down-trodden in Chicago will rise like their brothers 
in London, and march up Michigan avenue, the red flag at their 
head. 1 ' Schwab spoke, calling on the people to rally around the 
red flag of revolution. An editorial on February 17 said: 


" Hundreds and thousands of reasons indicate that force will 
bring about a successful termination in the struggle for liberty." 
April 10 it was said : "What happened yesterday in East St. 
Louis may happen in Chicago. It is high time to be prepared 
to complete the ammunition and be ready." 

On April 22 Spies wrote : " Working men, arm yourselves. 
May 1 is close at hand." Six days later he said : "What An- 
archists predicted six months ago has been realized now. The 
power of the manufacturers must be met with armed working 
men. The logic of facts requires this. Arms are more neces- 
sary now than ever. It is time to arm yourselves. Whoever 
has not money sell your watch and buy firearms. Patience has 
been preached — the working men have had too much of pa- 

On April 29 Spies wrote: "The wage slave who is not ut- 
terly demoralized should have a breech-loader in his house." 
And the next day he said : " As we have been informed the 
police have received secret orders to keep themselves in readiness 
for fear of a riot on Saturday next, to the working men we again 
say : Arm yourselves ! Keep your arms hidden so that they 
will not be stolen by the minions of the law, as has happened 
before." In the Letter Box was the following : " A dynamite 
cartridge explodes not through concussion. A percussion primer 
is necessary.'" 

January 5, in the Arbeiter Zeitung, a report said: "The 
meeting which the American group held at 54 West Lake street 
was one of the best meetings ever held in Chicago. Comrade 
Spies said : ' When we murder we put an end to general mur- 
der. We only follow the law of self-preservation.' " 

On January 18 all working men were called to attend a 


meeting at Steinmetz hall. 'To Arms," was the caption. 
"Those who desire instruction in drilling will not have to pay." 
At Mueller's hall, a few days later, Schwab made an address, 
saying : " We have made all preparations for a revolution by 
force." Spies -said: "I have been accused by a paper that I 
tried to stir up a revolution. I concede this. What is crime, 
anyhow ? When the working men try to secure the fruits of 
their labor it is called crime." 

Guns, dynamite and prussic acid, Spies preached, should be 
given the working men, and " for every clubbed head in the 
ranks of the workingmen there should be exacted twelve dead 
policemen." In a long discourse on the means of action, Spies 
said : " In the action itself one .must be personally at the place, 
to select personally that point of the place of action which is the 
most important, and is coupled with the greatest danger, upon 
which depends chiefly the success or failure of the whole affair. 
Otherwise the thing would reach the long ears of the police, 
which, as is known to every one, hear the grass grow and the 
fleas cough ; but if this theory is acted on, the danger of discov- 
ery is extremely small." " The Love of Self-Sacrifice," as mani- 
fested by those who were killed during the uprising of the Paris 
Commune, while fighting under the red flag, was the subject of 
a long address on March 22, aid March 23 it was said the ques- 
tion of arming was the one uppermost in labor circles. Work- 
ing men, it was held, ought to be armed long ago. Daggers and 
revolvers were easily purchased; hand-grenades were plenti- 
ful, and so was dynamite. The approaching contest should not 
be gone into with empty hands. 

The State here rested its case. 






Attorney Zeisler moved to have the jury sent from the ro 3m 
pending a motion, and this the Court refused to do, saying it 
was a vicious practice, and that the jury should hear all there 
was in a case. 

Capt. Black — " The motion we desire to make is that your 
Honor now instruct the jury, the State having rested, that they 
find a verdict of not guilty as to Oscar Neebe ; and we desire to 
argue that motion." 

Counsel for the defense proceeded to argue the motion, and 
held that Neebe was not amenable ; not having been present at 
the Haymarket, and having nothing to do with the Arbeiter 
Ze it ling until after the arrest of Spies. 

The Court — " If he had had prior knowledge of the partici- 
pation in the Haymarket meeting the question would be quite 
different, but if there is a general advice to commit murder, and 
the time and occasion not being forseen, the adviser is guilty if 
the murder is committed. Whether he did participate, con- 
curred, assented, or encouraged the publication of the Arbeiter 
Zeitung is a question for this jury upon the testimony that he 
was frequently there, and that so soon as Schwab and Spies were 
away he took charge. Everything in which his name has been 
mentioned must be taken together, and then what the proper in- 
ference is, is for the jury to say." 

Capt. Black — " Does your Honor overrule the motion ? " — 
The Court — " I overrule the motion." 

Capt. Black — " We except, if your Honor pleases. We de- 



sire also to make a like motion, without arguing it, in behalf of 
all tha defendants except Spies and Fischer." — Motion over- 

Mr. Salomon then began the opening argument for the de- 
fense. There were two leading points in his argument : 

1. There connot be accessories without a principal. The 
state must prove that somebody was a principal in committing 
murder before it can convict others as accessories. 

2. The defendants did not throw the bomb ; therefore they 
are not guilty. 

" True, the defendants made bombs ; true, they intended to 
use dynamite. What if they did ? " asks Mr. Salomon. " They 
were preparing for a revolution by force of arms and by means 
of dynamite — but what has that to do with the case ? Did they 
kill Matthias J. Degan, for which act they were specifically in- 
dicted ? That is the question." 

Mr. Salomon then argued that the State would have to prove 
that the object of the Haymarket meeting was to "aggressively 
kill the police." He pointed out that the defendants had conse- 
crated their lives to the benefit of their fellow men. They did 
not seek McCormick's property for themselves — they did not 
want the goods in Marshall Field's store for themselves. Their 
methods were dangerous, but why were they not stopped at in 
ception ? They advocated force, because they believed in force 
No twelve men — no 12,000 men — could root out Anarchy. An 
archy is of the head — it is implanted in the soul ! As well at 
tempt to root out Republicanism or Democracy ! They in 
tended revolution — a revolution similar to that of the Northern 
states against slavery, or of America against British oppression. 
They wanted to free the white slaves — the working classes. 


They intended to use dynamite in furtherance of that revolution. 
But they did not expect, nor did they conspire to take, the life 
of officer Degan Lmgg had the right to manufacture bombs 
and fill his house with dynamite, if he so pleased. There was 
no law against it. Mr. Salomon intimated that an attempt 
would be made to show who threw the bomb, or that it was 
thrown by somebody other than Schnaubelt ; also that the police 
began the riot by shooting into the crowd ; that Schwab was not 
at the meeting at all, and that when the bomb exploded Parsons 
and Fischer were in Zephfs hall drinking beer. 

"We expect further to show you," said Mr. Salomon, "that 
this meeting had assembled peaceably, that its objects were 
peaceable, that they delivered the same harangues, that the 
crowd listened quietly, that not a single act transpired there pre- 
vious to the coming of the police, for which any man in it could 
be held amenable to law. They assembled there under the pro- 
visions of our Constitution in the exercise of their right of free 
speech, to discuss the situation of the working men, to discuss 
the eight-hour question. They assembled there and incidentally 
discussed what they called the outrages perpetrated at McCor- 
mick's. No man expected that bomb would be thrown, no man 
expected that any one would be injured at that meeting." 

The witness who gave, perhaps, the strongest evidence for 
the defense was Dr. James D. Taylor, an aged physician of the 
Eclectic school. On the direct examination, Captain Black 
asked : 

" How old are you ? " Answer — "I am seventy-six years of 

" Where were you on May 4, in the evening ? " — " At the 


"Tell us when you reached the Haymarket." — "About 
twenty minutes before the speaking commenced." 

"During that twenty minutes where were you?" — "I was 
standing in the alley — Crane's alley — near Desplaines street." 

"How near to the west edge of the sidewalk?" — "Very 
close to it." 

" How long did you occupy that position ? " — " As long as 
the bullets would let me." 

" How long was that ? " asks Mr. Grinnell. — " I was the last 
man that left the alley after the bomb exploded." 

" Did you hear the speeches at the Haymarket ? " — " Oh, yes ; 

" What did Spies say ? " — " He spoke about Jay Gould, and 
some one said : ' Hang him,' and Spies said : ' No, it is not 
time for that.' " 

' What did Parsons say ? " — " He spoke of the necessity for 
union. The substance of his remarks was that if the working 
men expected to win they must unite." 

" Did you notice the approach of the police ? " — " I did ; the 
first column came up close to where I was standing. They were 
so close I could touch them." 

"Did you hear Fielden?"— "Yes." 

" What did he say?" — "Well, he spoke about the law, and 
said : ' It is your enemy. Kill it, stab it, throttle it ; if you 
don't, it will throttle you.' " 

" Did you hear the command given to disperse ? ' — " Yes, 

"What did Fielden say ?" — " He said . 'We are peaceable,' 
or 'This is a peaceable meeting.' " 

"Did you see Fielden again ? " — "I did. He got down out 


of the wagon and came around where I was standing." 

"Did you see him with a revolver? " — " I did not." 

"Did you see him shoot at all ? " — "Never. I did not." 

" Did you see the bomb ? "— " I did." 

" Where did it come from ? " — " About twenty feet, or per- 
haps forty, south of the alley, behind some boxes on the side- 

"Now, tell what you saw." — "Well, the bomb looked to me 
like a boy's firecracker. It was then about five feet in the air. 
It circled in a southeast direction, and fell, I think, between the 
first and second columns of the police." 

"When did the shooting commence?" — "Almost simultane- 

" Did the firing proceed frrom the crowd, or the police ? " — 
" It came from the street, near where the police were." 

" Did you see or hear of any pistol shots from the crowd ? " 
— " Not one." 

"You say you went to the Haymarket the next morning. 
Did you make any examination of the neighborhood ? " — " I 

" D.d you find any marks of bullets in the walls around 
there ? "--" Yes, a great many. They were in the north end of 
the wall of Crane Bros.' building. Then I examined a telegraph 
pole north of the alley, on the west side of the street. There 
were a great many perforations on the south side of this pole." 

" Were there any perforations on the north side of the pole ? " 
— " Not one." 

" Did you visit the place a second time ? " — " I did." 

" For the purpose of examining this telegraph pole ? " — 
Yes, sir." 


" Tell the jury whether you found the pole there or not." — 
" It was not there." 

"How long ago was that ?" — "A week." 

" And the pole was gone ? " — " It was gone." 

" What course did you take, doctor, in going out of the al- 
ley ? " — " I took a zig-zag course." 

" Doctor, are you a Socialist ? " — " Yes, sir." 

"Are you an Anarchist? " — "Not in the sense in which the 
term is usually employed." 

" How long have you been a Socialist ? " — " About fifty 
years. I was taught Socialism by Robert Owen, father of Rob- 
ert Dale Owen." 

" Do you know any of the defendants ? " — " Yes. I know 
Parsons and Fielden well; Spies and Neebe slightly." 

" Have you ever taken part in Socialistic meetings ? " — Yes. 
I have spoken at meetings controversially. ' 

"Are you, or were you, a member of the International 
Working Men's Society ? "— " I was." 

" For how long ? " — " Well, I continued a member until the 
organization was abandoned." 

" WHiat group were you a' member of ? " — " Of the American 

" W r here did you attend meetings ? " — " At Greif ' s hall." 

" What were the conditions of membership \ Tell the jury 
whether those meetings were secret or public." — "They were 
public. The conditions of membership were — " This answer 
was objected to by the State, and the Court sustains the objec 

" How long have you been a member of the American 
group ? " — "I think a year, or a little more." 


" How often have you met Parsons and Fielden?" — "They 
have not been regular in their attendance." 

"Now, taking them in their order, will you state what you 
heard them say, either on the Lake front or at any hall, regard- 
ing the use of force ? " Captain Black withdraws this question 
at once upon consultation with his associates- 
Mr. Ingham then took up the cross-examination: "How 
did you come to go to the Haymarket, doctor ? " — " I happened 
to be in the neighborhood, taking my usual evening walk." 
"Did you see any circular ? " — "I did not." 
" How did you come to attend the meeting, then ? " — " I 
saw a great many people, who told me there was to be a 

" Did you go at once to the alley ? "— " I did." 
" Are you sure you did not stop on the Haymarket? " — " I am 
sure I did not." 

" Why, then, did you go in the alley \ " — " To hear what was 
to be said." 

" What time did you get there ? "— " A little after 7 o'clock." 
" And you stopped there all the time ? " — " Yes." 
" How long did you wait ? " — "About twenty minutes." 
" Then the meeting was opened ? " — " It was." 
"And you listened to Spies?"— "Yes." 
"What did he say?" — "The substance of what he said was 
that the men had better go home, and not do any violence." 

(The witness confounds Spies and Parsons. The former, 
according to other witnesses, made no reference to Jay Gould, 
but Parsons did. The doctor said also that Parsons told the 
men that the history of strikes showed all strikes to have proved 
a failure ; that what was wanted was a change in the system.) 


" Did you see Fielden all the time lie was speaking ? " — " I 

" And lie had no revolver ? " — " He had not." 

'■ Did you keep your eye on him all the time ? " — " Every 

"You did not take your eye off him for a single minute?" — 
"Not half a minute." 

"And you saw him just as he closed his speech?" — "I did. 
He got down out of the wagon and was standing close to me." 

" Where did he go after the bomb exploded ? " — "The Lord 
only knows what became of him. The demoralization was so 
great that I don't know. I think he was one of the first men to 
go down after the shell exploded." 

" Well, how long did you remain there ? '' — " I was the last 
man to go up the alley. There was a great crowd ahead of me." 

" Were the bullets thick ? "— " W^ell, I should say they were." 

" Yet you didn't run ? " — " Well, I am an old man, and I 
don't care much." 

" What did you do next, after leaving the alley ? " — " I went 
farther down in the alley. I was the last man to go down the 
alley. There was a projection in the alley and I took refuge be- 
hind that." 

"You were young enough then to want to live?" — "It 
wasn't that; I heard the police shooting. They were going back 
toward the Haymarket. I could tell that by the report of the 
shooting. Then I ran out on Desplaines street and dodged 
about till I got home. ' 

"Where did you dodge?" — "A good many places. The 
police were shooting all over. They were all excited. I saw 
them shooting as far up as Madison street. One policeman on 


Madison street I saw point his revolver at a crowd of people on 
the street and say : ' D — you ! you've got to die any way.' 
Then he fired his revolver at them." 

" You say you saw the bomb when it was about five feet in 
the air ? "— " Yes." 

" Did yon see the fuse ? " — " Yes." 

" What kind of a bomb was it ? "— " Round." 

" What happened after it exploded ? " — " The demoralization 
was great." 

" Did you hear any groans?" — "No." 

"How long have you been a physician?" — "Forty years." 

" What school ? "— " Eclectic." 

" Are you a graduate of any college ? " — " Yes ; Eclectic." 

" You say you are a Socialist, but not an Anarchist as it is 
commonly defined. Are you an Anarchist as you understand 
that term ? " — " I am." 
" Do you believe in an oath ? " — " I do." 

" Do you believe that an oath adds anything to the obliga 
tion to tell the truth ? " — " No. All honest men should tell the 

" That's all." 

L. M. Moses, a grocer, and Austin Mitchell, who lived with 
Moses, testified that they would not believe the witness Gilmer 
under oath. The defense then introduced August Krumm, of 
103G West Twentieth street, a woodworker, by whom they ex- 
pected to entirely offset Gilmer's evidence. From his evidence 
it was made to appear that Gilmer mistook Krumm for Spies, 
and that instead of lighting a bomb Krumm was engaged in 
nothing more harmful than lighting a pipe of tobacco. Mr. Fos- 
ter conducts the examination, and the witness says he was at the 


Haymarket meeting May 4, and saw Spies and Parsons there for 
the first time. 

" How did you come to go there ? " — " I had business down 
town ; heard of the meeting and went there with a friend, A. M. 

" Now, how close to the alley near Crane Brothers did you 
stand ? " — " Very close. We stood there all the time from about 
9.30 o'clock until the police arrived." 

" Did you stand there all the time ? " — " No ; we were gone 
for a minute or two." 

" Where did you go ? " — " We went into the alley. I 
wanted to light my pipe. Albright came with me. He gave 
me a pipeful of tobacco and I went into the alley to light my 

" What did you go into the alley for ? " — " There was a wind 
on the street, and we went into the alley so the match would 
not go out." 

" And Albright followed you ? " — " Yes. He came to light 
his pipe." 

" Whose pipe was lighted first ? " — " Mine." 

"Then his pipe was lighted? " — "Yes. He came over to me 
and lit his pipe from the match that lit my pipe, holding his 
head up close to mine." 

" After you came out of the alley what did you see ? " — 
" The police were there ; then the explosion followed." 

" Did you see Spies go into the alley ? " — " I did not." 

"Did you see anybody in the alley?" — "Yes. There were 
two or three men there, but I could not tell who they were. It 
was dark." 


" Did anybody come into the alley while you were there ? " 

" Could anybody pass into the alley without your knowing 
it?" — "No, sir; I stood up close to the building while I was 
lighting my pipe." 

"Now, tell whether you saw a light in the air about that 
time or a little after." — "Yes ; I saw a light like a match about 
twenty feet south of the alley on Desplaines street." 

Mr. Grinnell takes the witness in hand. " You say you 
came down town on business. Who did you want to see ? " — 
" A friend of mine." 

" Who is he ? "— " Adolph Winness." 

" Where does he live ? " — " I do not know." 

" Where does he work ? " — " I don't know now." 

" What does he work at ? " — " He is a woodworker." 

" How did you expect to meet him then, if you did not know 
where he lived or where he worked ? " — " He told me I could 
find him there." 

" Find him where ? "— " On Randolph street." 

" When did you see him last ? " — " That afternoon. He came 
out to see me." 

" And he did not tell you where he worked ? " — " No." 

" Nor where he stopped ? "— " No." 

" Yet he said you could find him on Randolph street ? " — 

" So he gave you the idea that he could be found out of 
doors, did he?" — "Well, he's around Randolph street a good 

"Where did you meet Albright ?"—" In the alley." 

" Near Crane Brothers ?"—" Yes." 


" What did you say? "— " I said : < Hello, Albright/ and he 
said : ' Hello, Krimiin. 1 " 

" What else ? " — " Did you say you came down town to see a 
friend?"— "Yes." 

" Did you tell him the name of your friend ? " — " No." 

" Who was speaking then ? " — " Parsons, I think." 

"Tell what he said." — "He said something about Jay 

"What did Spies say?" — "He said: 'A few words more, 
boys, and we'll go home.' " 

"Spies said that, did he ?"— " Yes." 

"Which man is Spies ?"- -The witness confounds the men 
Asked to indicate Spies he points to Fielden. 

" How did you stand in the alley when the speaking was 
going on?" — "I had my back to the north wall." 

"Did you stand that way all the time?" — "Yes, except 
when we lit our pipes." 

"Then did you stand the same way after you lighted your 
pipes?"— "Yes." 

" Then how could you see these men if you had your backs 
to the wall?" — " I looked over my head." 

"You looked over your head all the time?" — "Yes, when 
we looked at the speakers." 

"And you never saw these men before?" — "No." 

"Yet from that point in the alley, the speakers eight feet or 
more distant, a crowd between you, you looking over your 
shoulders in the dark, you recognize these men the first time you 
saw them ? "— " Yes." 

" Where were the police when Fielden said. ' Now, a word 


more boys, and we will go home ' ? " — They were coming up 

Desplaines street." 

" Where was Spies then ?" — " I don't know. I don't remem- 
ber. 11 

"Well, didn't you see Spies on the wagon?" — "Yes." 
"When?" — "I don't think now. Early in the evening, I 


'• Now, when you were talking to Albright, did you talk 

about what the speakers were saying?" — " No." 

"Did you talk about the eight-hour question?" — "No." 
"What were you talking about?" — " About the shop." 
" Now, where did you see the bomb ?" — "It was about ten 

feet in the air, about twenty feet south of the alley. I didn't 

see it explode." 

" No, of course not. It was too far south." 

" There then was some boxes on the sidewalk, and you 

couldn't see?" — k 'I did not say there were any boxes on the 


" Yes, but if there were any boxes there you would have 

seen them ?" — " Yes. I would have seen them if they had been 

on the sidewalk." 

"And you did not see them there?" — "I did not." 

(All the other witnesses for the defense testified that a big 

pile of boxes stood on the sidewalk between the alley and a 

point where the bomb exploded.) 

" And you say you did not see those boxes ?" — " I did not." 
" When were you at the Haymarket?" — "May 4." 
"Were you ever there in your life?" — "Yes." 
" How about a lamp post. Did you see one ?" — " I don't 


remember now, but I know there is one at the southeast corner 
of the alley." 

" How do you know this ? " — " I worked at the corner of 
Randolph and Jefferson streets for ten years, and remember it.' 4 

"How long ago was that?" — "Seven years ago." 

"And you can remember that a lamp post stood at the 
southeast corner of the alley after the lapse of seven years ? " — " I 

" Where is your wife now ? " — " Living on Sedgwick street.' 1 

" Whereabouts ? " — " I don't know- I have not seen her for 
a year." 

" How did you come to go to Salomon & Zeisler's office ? " — 
" I saw a notice in the Arbeiter Zeitung asking for all that knew 
anything about the bomb throwing to call on them. I went 
there on Sunday." 

" When did you see this notice ? " — " Some time ago. I don't 
remember when." 

" Did you talk with any one about this bomb throwing ? " — 
"Yes, with Albright." 

"Any one else?"— "No." 

" Yet you saw the bomb in the air and heard the explosion 
but you did not talk to any one about what you saw? — "That's 

M. T. Malkoff, the correspondent of a paper at Moscow, 
Russia, and formerly a writer on the Arbeiter Zeitung, testified 
that Parsons was in Zephf's hall, talking to his wife, Mrs. 
Holmes and the witness, when the bomb exploded. State's At- 
torney Grinnell elicits from the witness that he has been five 
years in this country, that he lived in New York and maintained 
himself by teaching the Russian Language. From New York, 


he went to Little Rock, then to St. Louis, and finally to Chicago, 
arriving here in 1884. "You came here with a letter of intro- 
duction to Spies ? " — " No, sir. I obtained my position in the 
South through a letter of introduction from Spies." 

" How did you come to get that letter ? " — " I and a man 
named Clossie translated a romance from the Russian and sold 
it to Spies." 

" That was a revolutionary novel ? " — " It was not. It was a 
description " 

"Oh, I don't want to go into that. You know Herr Most?" 
— " I have seen him, but I don't know him." 

" You know Justus Schwab ? You had letters sent to his 
address V— "That may be." 

" You lived with Schwab in New York ? "— " I did not." 

" You lived with Balthazar Rau here, though, on May 4 ? " — 
" I did." 

" Where ? "— " At 418 Larrabee street." 

"When did you leave Russia?"— "In 1882." 

"Your bedroom was searched, wasn't it ? " — " Yes, sir." 

" Were the arms found there guns and bayonets, or any of 
them, belonging to you ?" — "No, sir." 

"Where did you live before you went to Rau's house?" — 
"With Mr. Schwab." 

"One of the def endants ? "— " Yes, sir." 

"You are a stockholder in the Alarm company?" — "No, 

" You contributed money to that organization ? " — " That 
may be." 

" But did you not contribute money ? " — " I did." 

"How much?"— "Two dollars." 


"You were a Nihilist in Russia ?" — "No, sir. 1 ' 

"Are you not the agent here for the Nihilists in Russia ? " — 
"No, sir. I am not an agent for any society in Russia." 

" Did you not tell Mr. Hardy you were the agent for a Ni- 
hilistic society " — "No, sir. The reporters used to call me a 
Nihilist because I was Russian." 

"What paper are yon now working for?" — "The Moscow 
Gazette. 1 '' 

" Look at that letter ; is that your signature at the bottom \ " 
—"It is." 

The letter is written in German and it is given to the trans- 
lator, who is instructed to render it into English. " This letter 
is directed to a ' Mr. Editor.' What editor ? " — "I think it was 
directed to Mr. Spies." 

"That was before you came to Chicago?" — "It was." 

" Then we offer it in evidence." The letter is, in substance, 
an inquiry as to whether or not Spies could use certain articles 
written by Malkoff. It goes on to say : " I have just completed 
another article treating of the secret revolutionary societies of 
Russia. I am a proletariat in the fullest sense of the word. 
Address your letter to J. H. Schwab, 50 First street, New York." 

"Is that J. H. Schwab, Justus Schwab?"— "It is." 

"Did you live with him in New York? " — "No, sir. I just 
got my mail there." 

" Now," said Foster, "you say you were a proletariat. What 
do you mean by that term?" — "I understand it to be a man 
without any means of support." 

" And you, having no money, had your mail sent to Justus 
Schwab because you had no home, eh?" — "Yes, sir." 

" Now," asked Mr. Ingham, " I'll ask you if you did not use 


the term proletariat in the sense in which Socialists always em- 
ploy that term ? " — " No, sir, I did not." 


Samuel Fielden, one of the defendants who was speaking at 
the time of the bomb explosion, testified that he did not know 
who threw the bomb, and denied that he fired at the police with 
a revolver. He was cross-examined by Mr. Ingham for the 
State, who asked : " At what age did you come to the United 
States? " — "Twenty -one." 

" Did you have any business before you came to the United 
States ? " — " I went to work in a cotton mill at eight years of 
age, and worked in that mill until I left the country to come to 
the United States." 

"How long have you been a Socialist?" — "I joined the So- 
cialistic organization in July, 1884." 

11 How long have you been a revolutionist ? " — " In the sense 
of an evolutionary revolutionist, I have been so for a number of 

"How long have you been of the belief that the existing 
order of things should be overthrown by force?" — "I don't 
know that I have ever been convinced. I am of the opinion 
that the existing order of things must be overturned, but 
whether by force I don't know." 

" How long have you believed in Anarchy ? " — " Well, I be- 
lieved in it shortly after I joined the organization — as soon as 
I came to think on the subject." 

11 You have been progressing from Socialism to Anarchism ; 
and if you cannot convince the majority of the United States to 


your opinions, you propose to compel them by force? 11 — Ob. 
jected to. 

" How long have you preached Anarchy ? " — Objected to. 

" Was there any English-speaking group in the city that you 
know of? " — Objected to. 

" Did you ever attend any meeting of any English-speaking 
group other than the American group in this city of that kind V 
— " We tried to found one a year ago last winter on West Indi- 
ana street. I think we only held two meetings, and then we 
abandoned it." 

"Any other group of them that you attended? 11 — "I don ? t 
remember any now. 11 

"You have for the last two or three years been making 
speeches of Socialistic and Anarchistic character? 11 — "I have 
been making labor speeches ; they were not always Socialistic or 
Anarchistic speeches. 11 

"But you have made Socialistic and Anarchistic speeches? 11 
— " Well, I have touched on Anarchy and Socialism, and some- 
times my speeches might have been considered from the ordinary 
trades union standpoint, for all the anarchy there was in them. 11 

" Have you ever made speeches on the Lake front and other 
Socialistic meetings? 11 — "Yes, on the Lake front, some on Mar- 
ket square, Twelfth street Turner hall, and at No. 106 Ran- 
dolph street. 11 

"Look at the copy of the Alarm of June 27, 1885, 'Dyna- 
mite ; Instructions Regarding Its Use and Operation, 1 and signed 
'A. S. 1 Say whether you ever saw it. 11 — "I don^ know that I 
have. 11 

" Was there any reason why you did not walk when you 


started home that night ? " — " Yes. I did not wish to be ar- 
rested that night." 

"You expected that you would be arrested?" — "Well, after 
that trouble I expected to be arrested." 

" Wou were speaking when the police came up, and were 
making no inflammatory speech ? " — " I did not incite anybody 
to do anything, to do any overt act. I told the people in gen- 
eral to resist the present socialistic system that oppressed them, 
and gave them no chance to earn a living." 

" And yet you expected to be arrested ? " — " I had read some- 
thing of criminal proceedings, and I knew that the police would 
arrest everybody connected with that meeting in order to find 
the one who was responsible. I made an explanation before the 
Coroner's jury because I had a different idea of the police at 
that time. I thought if I made that statement and they in- 
quired into the truth and were convinced of my innocence they 
would let me go. But I now see that I was mistaken." 

"Did the police indict you?" — "I don't know who indicted 

Redirect — " You have heard what has been said about your 
expression of throttling the law, of killing it, of stabbing it. 
Just state the explanation which you said you desired to make 
in regard to that." — " Well, it was just the explanation that a 
public orator would make when he was denouncing a political 
party. When he said he wanted to get rid of the Democratic 
party, for instance, he would kill it, stab it, or make way with it. 
The words would rush away with a public speaker, and in the 
hurry he could not add a lengthy explanation." 

" You also read the reporter's notes in regard to snails and 
worms, and said there was no connection there. What were 


your words in reference to snails and worms, and the idea that 
you now remember? " — "Well, the idea that I intended to con- 
vey at that time was that when men were thrown out of work 
through no fault of their own, and it being a fact that has been 
proven and asserted on the floor of the House of Representatives 
that over a million of men are out of employment through no 
fault of their own — these men being driven about, become de- 
graded and loathsome, and people look upon them with con- 
tempt, and yet it is no fault of their own ; they have no part in 
producing the condition of things that throws them out of em- 
ployment, and leads them to their abject condition. 1 '' 

" You did not know of the presence of a dynamite bomb or 
anything of that kiud in the crowd ? " — " No, sir ; I did not even 
know of the presence of an unusual number of police at the sta- 
tion. . I did not know that till after the meeting." 

Henry Schultz, an elderly German, testified that "from 9 
o'clock until the fight was over I was on the Haymarket ; I stood 
in the middle of the steet, a little north of the wagon.'" 

" How long had you been in Chicago at that time ? " — " Two 
weeks. I am a tourist. 1 ' [Laughter.] 

" Have you been in the habit of attending meetings in the 
street ? " — " No ; but since I have been here seeing the sights I 
would stop at anything." 

"Before the police came, did you see anything disorderly? " 
— "It was, as I know, peaceable, like a Fourth of July." 

"Do you remember the speech of the first speaker?" — ''I 
know the run of his talk; I kept it in my mind. He said, 'I 
didn't want to come here. Then they called me a coward, and 
I didn't like to be called a coward, and that is the reason I 
came.' A few words after that he said: 'They are only 500 


yards from here. Maybe by to-morrow morning I will have to 
die.' I kept that on my mind. I left the meeting when the 
black cloud came up, and when the bomb exploded I looked 
around the corner, and I saw everything dark, and I thought 
the bomb must have blown out the lights." [Laughter.] 

tk What else did you seee? " — " I saw the policemen and they 
were all around. They had the ground. I saw some of the 
workmen run — they were about two blocks ahead of the police." 

" Did you see the police come upon the working men ? " — 
"They came pretty strong in Lake street, and they had the men 
in the gutter, and when they raised up they got another club." 

Mr. Grinnell — " AVhat is your business T 1 — " Doing nothing, 1 ' 
replied Mr. Schultz, with a grin at the crowd, and the crowd 
laughed in a guarded way, because they did not wish to be fired 
out of the entertainment. 

"How long have you been conducting that business?" — 
" About ten years. Before that I was mining in Montana." 

kt Where is your house in Portage City? " — "The next house 
to the courthouse," responded the witness with a cunning look 
at the Court, and there was another wild outburst of mirth from 
the audience. Mr. Schultz narrated a part of his early history, 
from which it appeared that before he became a millionaire he 
played the fiddle at dances; and in answer to a question as to 
when he began to be a musician, he said: " From nine years 
old. My father was a musician — it runs in the family." 

" Do you play the violin since you have been in Chicago? ' 
— " No; my money reaches so that I don't have to do anything." 

"The first speaker was Spies, wasn't it?" — "Oh, I can't 
promise anything," said Mr. Schultz, with a contortion of coun- 


tenance whicli brought down the house. Judge Gary looked 
indignantly around and said: " Oh! be quiet! " and the crowd 
immediately became as demure as a Quaker meeting. 

" What did Spies say about the police being so many feet 
away? " — u He said they was only five hundred yards from here 
and he was likely to die before morning. That was about all 
he said in that run of speech. 11 

"Did you hear the first speaker say anything about 'To arms! 
to arms! '? " — tk That was the man — I heard him." 

" Where did you go when you left the meeting? " — " I went 
to wash my feet! " 

The expression on Mr. Schultz's face, and the simplicity of 
the answer, upset the decorum of the spectators and they laughed 
right out in meetin,' regardless of the threatened penality for 
such a glaring contempt of court. Judge Gary himself, how- 
ever, assisted in the hilarity, and was very lenient with the of- 
fenders, a fellow-feeling evidently making him wondrous kind. 
Mr. Schultz a moment afterward had an opportunity to correct 
the impression that he was in the habit of touring around the 
streets of Chicago in his bare feet. 

" Did you have your boots off when you were washing your 
feet ? 11 — " Oh, no ; I didn't wash my feet ; I only washed the mud 
off my boots in one of them horse-troughs. 11 Then Mr. Schultz 
treated the company to a choice selection of facial contortions, 
and got down out of the chair with the air of a man who has 
done his duty, his whole duty, and nothing but his duty. 


The defendant, Michael Schwab, was put on the stand Mon- 
day, August 9. He testified that he went to the Arbeiter Zei- 


tung office on the evening of May 4. A telephone message was 
received requesting Spies to speak at a meeting near Deering's 
Harvester works, on Clybourn avenue. The witness said he 
went to the Hay market to find Spies, but failed. He did see 
Rudolph Sclinaubelt, his brother-in-law, there. Witness then 
took a street car and went up Clybourn avenue ; spoke twenty 
minutes at the meeting; stepped into a saloon and got a few 
glasses of beer, and then went to his home, on Florimond street, 
arriving about 11 o'clock P. M. 

Mr. Foster asked: "Were you ever in the alley at Crane 
Bros.' that night with Mr. Spies? " — " No, sir." 

" Did you walk west on Randolph street with Mr. Spies two 
blocks, then return with him? " — " No, sir." 

" Did you see Mr. Spies that night? "— " No, sir." 

" Did you see Mr. Spies hand your brother-in-law a package 
that night in the alley at Crane Bros.', and did you say anything 
like this: l If that won't be enough, shall we get another one ? ' " 
— " No, sir." 

" Did you see Mr. Spies at all that night? " — " No, sir." 

" When did you see him at all for the last time that day? " 
— " In the afternoon. I did not see him again until the next 

Schwab said he had been a member of the Internationalist 
society since its organization. On the night of May 4 he went 
to the Haymarket on foot and walked through the Washington 
street tunnel. Balthazar Rau accompanied him as far west as 
Desplaines street. 

" Are you an Anarchist? " asked Mr. Grinnell. — " It depends 
on what you mean. There are several definitions of that." 



11 Answer my question. Are you an Anarchist? " — " I can't 
answer that." 


Schwab stepped down and Spies took the stand. ' Give your 
full name to the jury," said Captain Black. 

" August Vincent Theodore Spies," replies the prisoner. 

He is thirty -one years old, and came to this county from 
Germany in 1872. Spies speaks with a marked accent, but very 
distinctly. He is cool and collected apparently, and sits back 
in the witness chair very much at ease. 

He has been a member of the Socialistic Publishing Society, 
and that concern exercised control over the policy of the Arbei- 
ter Zeitung, of which paper the witness was editor for six years. 
Spies said he was at a meeting on the " black road " on May 3. 
Spies reached the meeting on the " black road " about 3 o'clock 
in the afternoon. There was a crowd of perhaps three thousand 
present. Some men were speaking, but they were very poor 
speakers, and the crowd was not interested. Balthazar Rau was 
with him, and introduced him to the chairman of the meeting. 
It was called for the purpose of discussing the eight-hour ques- 
tion. While Spies was there a committee was appointed to wait 
on the bosses; then he was introduced, and spoke for possibly 
twenty minutes. Spies went on : 

" I was almost prostrated. I had been speaking two or three 
times daily for the past two or three weeks, and was very much 
worn. I did not jump around and wave my hands as one wit- 
ness testified here on the stand, and I made a very common- 
place, ordinary speech. I told the men to hold together, to 
stand by their union, or they would not succeed. That was the 


substance of what I said. While I was speaking some one cried 
out in an unknown tongue, and about two hundred men de- 
tached themselves from the crowd and went on to McCormick's. 
Pretty soon I heard firing, aDd on inquiring what was the mat- 
ter was told the men had attacked McCormick's men, and that 
the police were filing on them. I stopped for about five min- 
utes, was elected a member of the committee; then 1 went to 
McCormick's. A lot of cars were standing on the tracks. The 
men were hiding behind these cars, others were running, while 
the police were firing on the flying people. The sight of this 
made my blood boil. At that time I could have done almost 
anything, I was so excited. A young Irishman came out from 
behind one of the cars. I think he knew me and said: ' What 

kind of business is this \ There are two men over there 

dead ; the police have killed them.' I asked him how many 
were killed. He said five or six, and that twenty-five or thirty 
were injured. I came down town then and wrote the report 
which appeared in the Arbeiter Zeitung the next day." 

" Did you write the ' Revenge Circular ' \ — " Yes; only I did 
not write the word ' Revenge.' " 

" Can you tell how that word happened to put in the circu- 
lar ? " — " I cannot." 

" How many of those circulars were distributed ? " — " About 
twenty-five hundred." 

" How soon was it written after your return to the office ? " 
— " Immediately." 

" At that time were you still laboring under the excitement 
incident to the riot ( " — " I was." 

" What was your state of mind ? " — " I was very indignant. 
I knew from experience of the past that this butchering of peo- 


pie was done for the express purpose of defeating the eight-hour 
movement." Spies is growing excited. Mr. Grinnell objects. 
The Court says his last answer is not proper and orders it 
stricken from the record. 

" On the evening of May 4 you attended the HaymarKet 
meeting ? " — " I did." 

" You were asked to speak there ? " — " I was." 

"When did learn there was to be a meeting? " — "About 8 
o'clock that morning. I was advised there was to be a meeting 
and was asked to address it." 

"What time did you reach there?" — "About 8:20 o'clock." 

" Did you see the notice of that meeting in the Arbeiter Zei- 
tungf" — "Yes; I put it in myself." 

" Did you see a circular that day, calling for a meeting at 
the Haymarket ? " — "Yes. It was the circular containing the 
line: k Working men, arm yourselves and appear in full force.' 
When I read that line I said: "If this is the meeting I am to 
address I will not speak. 1 He asked why. I said on account 
of that line. He said the circulars had not been distributed, and 
I said: k If the line is taken out I will go.' Fischer was sent 
for and he told the men to have that line taken out." 

41 Who was this man that brought the circulars ? " — " He was 
on the stand ; Gruenberg is his name, I think." 

" Was there any torch on the wagon? " — " No; I think the 
sky was clear and that the lamp was burning near the corner of 
the alley." 

" Was that selection made by yourself, or upon consulta- 
tion? " — " Well, I consulted with my brother Henry. He was 
with me all evening." 

" After you got them together, what did you do ? " — "Some 


one suggested we nad better move the wagon around on Ran- 
dolph street, but I said that might impede the street cars. Then 

1 asked where was Parsons. I was not on the committee of ar- 
rangements and had nothing to do with the meeting except to 
speak. One Schroder said Parsons was speaking then at the 
corner of Halsted and Randolph streets, and I went up to find 
him with my brother Henry and Schnaubelt." 

" Did you see Schwab ? " — " No, I did not. Schnaubelt told 
me Schwab had gone to Deerings." 

" Did you go to Crane's alley with Schwab?"- -" I could not 
very well do that, as I had not seen him that night." 

" Just answer the question," cried Mr. Ingham. — " Well, I 
did not go to the alley. I did not even know there was an alley 
there.' 1 The witness denies the conversation Mr. Thompson 
alleges he overheard Spies engage in with Schwab. He said 
Schnaubelt cannot speak any English — that he has only been 
about two years in the country. 

" Did Schwab say to you that evening: ' Now, if they come, 
we are prepared for them' ? " — " No, sir ; I did not see him that 

11 Did you talk with Schwab on the east side of Desplaines 
street, about twelve feet south of the alley that evening?"— "I 
did not. I was not anywhere near that alley with any man." 

" You remember what the witness Thompson said, that he 
saw you walk with Schnaubelt east on Randolph street; that he 
saw you hand liini something; that you then returned to the 
meeting together. Is that true ?" — " It is not. That man told 
a different story before the coroner's jury." 

This last answer is ordered stricken out, and Spies was told 
to say nothing but in answer to questions. Spies was asked to 


tell what lie said at the meeting. It was a short synopsis of the 
existing state of the labor world. First, he said that the meet- 
ing was to be a peaceable one ; that it was not called for the 
purpose of creating trouble. Attention was directed to the 
strike at East St. Louis, where those who were active in the riots 
there were not Socialists nor Anarchists, but church-going peo- 
ple, and honest, sincere Christians. It was admitted by students 
that society was retrograding ; the masses were being degraded 
under the excessive work they had to carry on. For twenty 
years the working men asked in vain for two hours less work a 
day, and that finally they resolved to take the matter in their 
own hands and help themselves. " About this time I saw Par- 
sons, then I broke off. I was not in a state to make a speech. I 
was tired. I introduced Parsons, and he proceeded to address 
the meeting." 

"What was the size of the crowd then?' 1 — "About two 
thousand persons." 

"Where did you go after finishing your speech ? " — " I re- 
mained on the wagon. 1 ' 

" You spoke in English ? " — " Yes. I made no speech in 
German that night. I was asked to do so, but was too tired. I 
introduced Fielden and he made a brief speech, then we in- 
tended to go home.' 1 

" What did Parsons say in his speech \ '" — " Parsons made a 
pretty good speech. He said of the dollar earned by the work- 
ing men they got only fifteen cents, while the pharisaical class 
got eighty-five cents, and that the eight-hour movement was a 
still -hunt for that eighty -five cents." 

" What do you remember of Fielden's speech ? " — " Well, 


Fielden did not say much. I don't remember now what he did 
say. r 

" Were you on the wagon when the police came ? " — " Yes. 
I saw the police on Randolph street/' 

" At that time what was the size of the meeting?" — "It was 
as good as adjourned. About two-thirds of those present went, 
some going to Zephf's hall when the black cloud came up." 

" What did you hear when the command to disperse was 
given ? " — " I was standing in the middle of the wagon, back of 
Fielden. I heard Captain Ward say; ' I command you, in the 
name of the people of Illinois, to disperse.' Captain Ward had 
a cane or club in his hand. Fidlden said to him: ' Captain, this 
is a peaceable meeting.' I started to get clown out of the 
wagon. My brother Henry and one Legner helped me down. 
I was indignant at the thought that the police had come to dis- 
perse the meeting, as it was a quiet one. Just as soon as I 
reached the ground I heard a loud detonation. I thought the 
police had a cannon to frighten the people. I did not dream for 
a moment of a bomb, and I did not even then think the police 
were firing at the crowd. I thought the police were firing over 
their heads." 

"Where did you go to?" — "I was pushed along by the 
crowd. I went to Zephf's hall." 

" Did you at any time that night get down from the wagon 
and go into an alley and light a bomb in the hands of Rudolph 
Schnaubelt ? "— " 1 never did." 

" Did you see Schnaubelt in the alley that night while 
Fischer was there?"— "I did not." 

"You remember the witness Gilmer?" — "Yes." 

"Is his story true?"— "Not a word of it." 


"You remember Wilkinson, the reporter for the Daily 
News? 11 — "Yes. I had a conversation with him in January." 

"Well, go on and tell us about it." — " He was introduced to 
me by Joe Gruenhut. He said he wanted to get some data 
wherewith to prepare an article on Anarchism, Socialism and 
dynamite, and all that. I happened to have four shells in my 
office. I had them for about three years. A man on his way 
to New Zealand gave me two bombs; another man some time 
after called at my office with two bombs, and wanted to know 
if their construction was proper. That's how I came to pos- 
sess them. He wanted one to show to Mr. Stone. I let him 
take it. We went to dinner at a restaurent, and we conversed 
about society, its present state, and the trouble that was likely 
to ensue. We spoke about street warfare, as all this was con- 
tained in the papers every day. There was constant talk that 
so many wild-eyed Socialists were arriving every day, and I told 
him it was an open secret that there were 3,000 armed Socialists 
in Chicago, and we spoke about revolutions, and I said that in 
past ages gun-powder had come to the assistance of the down- 
trodden masses, and that dynamite was a child of the same par- 
ent, and was a great leveler." 

" Do you remember the toothpick illustration ? " — "Yes. I 
remember that, and also re-call speaking of the Washington 
street tunnel, saying how easy comparatively few men could 
hold that tunnel against a body of soldiers, but nothing was 
said about Chicago, nor was any time fixed for the revolution/' 

"You wrote the word 'Ruhe' for insertion in the Arheiter 
Zeitung May 4 ? "— " I did." 

"How did you come to do that?"- — "The night before at 11 
o'clock I received a letter as follows: Mr. Editor: Please in- 


sert in to-day's letter box the word 'Ruhe ' in prominent letters." 

" At that time did you know there was any import attached 
to the word?"— "I did not." 

"When did you next hear of it ?" — "The next afternoon 
Balthazar Rau asked me if the word was in the paper. I said: 
'Yes/ He asked me if I knew the meaning. I said: '.No.' 
Then he said: 'The armed section had a meeting last night 
and adopted the word 'Ruhe' as a signal to keep their powder 
dry and be in readiness in case the police precipitated a riot.' 
I asked if that had anything to do with the meeting I was to 
address at the Haymarket, and he said: 'Oh, no; that's some- 
thing the boys got up themselves.' I said it was very foolish, 
that it was not rational, and asked if there was no way in which 
it could be undone. Rau then went to see the people of the 
armed section and told them the word was put in by mistake." 

" Were you a member of the armed section ? " — " No, not for 
six year." 

"Did you ever have dynamite and a fuse in your desk?" — 
" Yes, I had two packages of giant powder and some fuse in my 
desk for two years. I had them chiefly to show to reporters, 
they bothered me a good deal. They always wanted some sen- 
sation. Then, too, 1 wanted the dynamite to study it; I had 
read a great deal about explosives." 

" Do you know anything about a package of dynamite found 
on the shelf in the closet of the Arbeiter Zeitung? v — " Ab- so- 
lute -ly nothing." 

"Do you know anything about a revolver that was found in 
the Arbeiter Zeitung office? ' — "No. I do not. I carried a re- 
volver myself, but it was a good one.'' 

"Did you carry a revolver? " — " Yes. I always thought it 


was a good thing to be prepared. I was out late at night a 
good deal." 

''Did you have a revolver that night?" — "No, it was too 
heavy. I left it'with ex-Aid. Frank Stauber." 

" You were arrested May 5 ?" — "Yes." 

"Tell us how." — "Well, an officer — James Bonfield, I think 
— came to my office and asked for Schwab. He said Chief Eb- 
ersold would like to see him. Schwab asked me if he should go. 
I said yes, he might. Then the officer turned to me and asked 
me if my name was Spies. I said yes. Then he said Superin- 
tendent Ebersold would like to see me about that affair of last 
night. I went over there, unsuspectingly. I was never so 
treated before in all my life." 

" Tell what happened ? " — " Well, as soon as I got into the 
station Superintendent Ebersold started at me. He said : ' You 
dirty Dutch dog; you hound; you whelp — you, we will strangle 
you! We will kill you!'" Then they jumped on us, tore us 
apart from each other. I never said anything. Then they 
searched us, took our money, even our handkerchiefs, and would 
not return them to us. I was put in a cell, and have not had 
my liberty since." 

Mr. Ingham cross-examined the witness. Spies said he came 
to this country when seventeen years old, and that he has lived 
in Chicago some thirteen years. The Arbeiter Zeitung was con- 
trolled by what Spies termed an " autonomous editorial arrange- 
ment;" that is, the powers of the several editors were co-ordi- 
nate, but the general policy of the paper was under the super- 
vision of the board of trustees. 

"Did you ever receive any money for the Alarm? " — "Yes.' 

"Did you ever pay out any money for the Alarm? " — "Yes." 


" Did you ever write any articles for the Alarm? " — " I may 

"How many bombs did you have in the Arbeiter Zeitung 
officer'' — '-Four, I think. Two I got from a man named 
Schwab. I forget now. He was a shoemaker. He went to 
New Zealand." 

"How did this man come to give you those bombs ? " — "He 
came to me and asked me if my name was Spies. I said yes. 
Then he asked me if I had seen any of the bombs they were 
making. I said no. Then he left them with me." 

" Who did he mean by ' they ' ? "— " I don't know." 

" Didn't he say who they were ? " — " No." 

"And you never saw him before or since?" — "No, sir." 

" And when did you get these czar bombs ? " — " I never got 
them. That is an invention of that reporter. A man came 
there while 1 was at dinner and left them there. He left the 
bombs with the bookkeeper. I never saw him before or after." 

Mr. Ingham introduced a letter and a postal card found in 
Spies' desk, the reading of which, as translated by Mr. Gauss, 
created a great sensation. Spies acknowledged the writing as 
addressed to him by Johann Most, the noted Anarchist: 

"Dear Spies: — Are you sure that the letter from the Hock- 
ing Valley was not written by a detective ? In the week I will 
go to Pittsburgh, I have an inclination also to go to the Hock- 
ing Valley. For the present I send you some printed matter. 
There Sch. and II. also existed but on paper. I told you this 
some months ago. On the other hand, I am able to furnish 
"medicine" and the "genuine" article at that. Directions for 
use are perhaps not needed with these people. Moreover, they 
were recently published in the "Fr." The appliances I can 


also send. Now, if you consider the address of Buchtell thor- 
oughly reliable, I will ship twenty or twenty-five pounds. But 
how? Is there an express line to the place? Or is there an- 
other way possible? Pol us the great seems to delight in hop- 
ing about in the swamps of the N. Y. V. Z., like a blown- up 
(bloated) frog. His tirades excite general detestation. He has 
made himself immensely ridiculous. The main thing is only 
that the fellow cannot smuggle any more rotton elements into 
the newspaper company than are already in it. In this regard 
the caution is important. The organization here is no better 
nor worse than formerly. Our group has about the strength of 
the North side group in Chicago, and then, besides this, we have 
also the soc. rev. (3, the Austrian and Bohemian leagues — three 
more groups. Finally, it is easily seen that our influence with 
the trade organizations is steadily growing. We insert our 
meetings only in the Fr., and cannot notice that they are worse 
attended than at the time when we yet threw the weekly $1.50 
aud $2 into the mouth of the N. Y. V. Z. Don't forget putting 
yourself into communication with Drury in reference to the En- 
glish organ. He will surely work with you much and well. 
Such a paper is more necessary than the Tooth. This, indeed, 
is getting more miserable and confused from issue to issue, and 
in general is whistling from the last hole. Inclosed is a fly-leaf 
which recently appeared at Emden, and is, perhaps, adopted for 
reprint. Greetings to Schwab, Rau, and to you. Your 

"Johann Most. 

" P. S. — To Buchtell I will, of course, write for the present 
only in general terms. 

"A. Spies, 107 Fifth avenue, Chicago, 111." 


Mr. Gauss then read the following as -his translation of the 
postal card : 

" Dear Spies : — I had scarcely mailed my letter yesterday 
when the telegraph brought news froni H. M. One does not 
know whether to rejoice over that or not. The advance in itself 
is elevating. Sad is the circumstance that it will remain local 
and therefore may not have the result. At any rate, these peo- 
ple made a better impression than the foolish voters on this and 
the other side of the ocean. Greeting and a hail. Your 


W. A. S. Graham, a reporter for The Times, testified that 
he talked with the witness for the prosecution, Harry Gilmer, 
on the afternoon of May 5, and that Gilmer said the man who 
threw the bomb lit the fuse himself. " He said he saw the man 
light the fuse and throw the bomb, and that he could identify 
him again if he saw him. He said the man was of medium size 
and had a soft hat and whiskers. He said the man's back was 
turned to him." 

At this stage the defense rested, and evidence in rebuttal 
was introduced. Justice Daniel Scully testified that in the pre- 
liminary examination of one Frank Steuner, charged with shoot- 
ing from the wagon at the Haymarket, Ofiicers Foley and 
"Wessler did not testify that it was Steuner who fired on the 

" Did the ofiicers not say the man who jumped up from be- 
hind the wagon was a heavy man, with long whiskers (Fielden) ?" 
—"They did." 

" Did not Officer Foley say he would be able to identify this 
man if he ever saw him again? " — " He did.' 

John B. Ryan, an attorney who defended Steuner before 


Justice Scully, testified that Steuner said at the time that the 
man who did the shooting was a short, heavy-set man with full 

United States District Attorney R. S. Tuthill, Charles B. 
Dibble, an attorney, Judge Chester C. Cole, of Des Moines, 
Iowa, E. R. Mason, Clerk of the United States District Court 
at Des Moines, George Crist, Ex -City Marshal of Des Moines, 
and Ex -Governor Samuel Merrill of Iowa, all testified to the 
good character of the witness Gilmer. They would believe him 
under oath. Governor Merrill had known Gilmer since 1S72, 
and had given him employment. 

As the great trial drew toward its close popular interest in 
the proceedings increased. The Criminal Court building was 
crowded with people daily long before the hour for opening 
court arrived, and many times the number who gained admiss- 
ion were turned away. On the day of the closing argument by 
the prosecution, and while the jury were deliberating over their 
verdict, extra precautions were taken to protect the administra- 
tors of the law. A cordon of police and deputy sheriffs sur- 
rounded the building, and no one was allowed to enter who 
could not be properly identified. 




Assistant State's- Attorney Frank Walker began the open- 
ing argument for the prosecution Wednesday, August 11. The 
speaker said: 

"We stand in the temple of justice to exercise the law, 
where all men stand equal. No matter what may have been 
the deep turpitude of the crime, no matter what may have been 
the design, t hough it aim even at the overthrow of the law itself, 
no man ought to be convicted of the crime charged until proven 
guilty beyond all reasonable doubt. These men were presumed 
innocent at the outset until the proof presented by the State es- 
tablished their guilt. The defendants were charged with mur- 
der. Murder was denned to be the unlawful killing of a person 
in the peace of the people. An accessory was he who stands 
by and aids or abets or advises the deed, or who, not standing 
by, aids or abets or advises the deed, and such persons are to be 
considered as principals and punished. Whether the principals 
are punished or not, they are equally as guilty as the principals. 
When a number of persons conspire together to do a certain 
act, and when, in furtherance of this design, some one is killed, 
all those in the conspiracy are guilty of murder before the fact. 
The defendant's counsel have told you these men conspired to 
precipitate the social revolution, and though that conspiracy 
cost Matthias J. Degan his life, yet you are told these defend- 
ants are guilty only of murder. Was Luther Payne or Mrs. 
Surratt held guilty when in the execution of a conspiracy Pres- 
ident Lincoln was killed? Neither Payne nor Surratt com- 
mitted the deed, yet they were held guilty. There was a 

$*'<r { fc\&\ 




conspiracy; it was designed to bring about another revolution. 
Booth killed President Lincoln, but all who participated in the 
conspiracy had to forfeit their lives. 

"If a body of men, inflamed with resentment, proceed to 
pull down a building, or to remove an objectionable obstruc- 
tion and death to some one ensues, each one of these men is individ- 
ually responsible for the killing. Nobody knew this better than 
August Spies, the author of the ' Revenge ' circular. Suppose 
that a body of men undertake to pull down a building; there 
is a common design to demolish that building, and a stone is 
thrown, not at any individual but at the building, and some 
one is struck by this stone and killed, all of those engaged in 
the execution of that common design are responsable for the 
killing of this one person. When there is an intent grievously 
to hurt and death is occasioned, then the offense is murder. 
Was this man [pointing to Fischer] in this conspiracy for mur- 
der? This man with his revolver a foot long and his file dag- 
ger with a groove? What is this groove for? It is for prussic 
acid. Was this man in the conspiracy? 

Mr. Walker then read a passage from Most's " Revolution- 
ary Warfare" telling how prussic-acid can be applied to 
groov d daggers, making them the more deadly. " This is the 
test: Was the bomb thrown in furtherance of the common 
design ? If it was it makes no difference whether it was thrown 
by one of these conspirators here or not. Nobody had been 
advocating the use of dynamite but Socialists. Was there any- 
body who would throw a bomb except a Socialist? We have 
proved that Lingg made the bomb in furtherance of the com- 
mon design. ' You have done this, Louis Lingg,' said Huebner, 


and Lingg went away and complained that he was blamed for 
doing the good work." 

Mr. Walker reiterated that every one of the 3,000 men said 
by Spies to have participated in the conspiracy were equally 
guilty of the murder of Officer Degan. All the members of 
the Lehr und Wehr Verein were included in this charge. He 
pointed out the fact that nearly all of the witnesses for the de- 
fense are members of Anarchist bodies; that their sympathies 
are with the prisoners, and that it has been abundantly shown 
by their cross-examination that they would not hesitate to 
pervert the truth in order to shield their confederates from 
the consequences of their acts. 


Mr. Zeisler, of the counsel for the defense, set to work at 
once to tear Mr. Walker's address to pieces. He accused the 
assistant State's Attorney of distorting the facts in the case, 
and attempting to bring about a conviction by working on the 
prejudices and suspicions of the jury. Mr. Walker impugned 
the motives and the characters of the defenses' witnesses. 
Mr. Zeisler continued: 

" Who are their principal witnesses ? The policemen who 
were at the Haymarket. And before we get through we will 
show that these men were not heroes, but knaves, led on by 
the most cowardly knave who ever held a public position. It 
has been proved that most of these policemen who went on 
the stand had been at one time or another members of the 
detective force, and the Supreme Court tells us that a detec- 
tive is a liar ! " 

The speaker went on to attack the other State witnesses. 


Detectives are taken from the criminal classes. Harry L. Gil- 
mer, he said, is constitutional liar, and the only witness who has 
been impeached. Some of the reporters, he acknowledges, tell 
the truth, and on their statements the defense will partially rely 
to show the innocence of the prisoners. 

" Nobody understands why the police came down to break 
up the meeting. Detectives have sworn here that after Mr. 
Parsons suggested that the meeting adjourn to Zephf's hall, and 
the sky clouded up, the crowd dwindled down to two hundred 
or three hundred men, and then came this army of 180 police- 
men, armed with clubs and revolvers, headed by this hero, Bon- 
field, the savior of his country, to break up this meeting of 
peaceable and unarmed citizens. Was this courageous, or was 
it cowardly? It was an assault in the eyes of the law. The 
counsel for the State have attempted to make you believe that 
these disciples of Herr Most took a match and lighted a bomb 
which Most says should have a fuse not longer than two inches. 
Doesn't it seem very probable that they would have lighted with 
a match this fuse, which would burn out in a few seconds, when 
they could have carried a lighted cigar to do it with? We 
have the testimony of a number of witnesses that Spies was not 
out of the wagon till the trouble began ; and if Mr. Grinnell had 
had more sense in the prosecution of this case; if he had not 
been blinded by malice and prejudice; if he had not been in- 
fluenced by the police conspiracy to send these men to the gal- 
lows, he would have seen the uselessness of attempting to secure 
a conviction by such testimony as that of Gilmer." 


Mr. George Ingham addressed the jury for the prosecution. 


He told them that there are verdicts which make history, and 
that theirs will be a history-making verdict. On the night of 
May 4, at 10 o'clock, Matthias J. Degan marched out of the 
Desplaines street station, full of life, and was soon afterward 
struck down by the hands of these defendants, not one of whom 
he had ever injured. The speaker told the jury again what 
" reasonable doubt " means. He said that the grand jury might 
have indicted 300 men instead of eight, but they saw fit to pick 
out the eight whom they deemed the leaders of the conspiracy 
against law and human life. There had been a good deal of 
talk, he said, about the constitutional right of free speech. The 
Constitution gave the people the right to meet and petition, but 
not to advise other people to commit murder. This right was 
based upon the old English common law, and in England was 
also found a definition of what constitutes incitement to murder. 
The case he was going to quote had also had another connection 
with the present one. It was brought in London in 1881 against 
Johann Most, who was then publishing his sheet, the Freiheit, 
in that city. It was shortly after the assassination of the Czar 
of Russia. He there advocated the assassination of all the heads 
of States, from Constantinople to Washington, and was convic- 
ted of inciting to murder. Mr. Ingham read the proceedings in 
the English court, the article upon which he was tried, and 
Lord Coleridge's decision. Then he said: " It is shown that 
these defendants — Spies, Parsons, Schwab and Fischer — were 
engaged in the publication of articles in which they advised the 
destruction of the police by force, in which they advised work- 
ing men to arm themselves with dynamite and be ready when- 
ever the conflict should come to destroy the police force. For 
the publication of any one of these articles the defendants could 


have been convicted of a misdemeanor. And when Fielden 
that night told the people that war had been declared and that 
they must arm themselves to resist what had never taken place, 
he was guilty of a misdemeanor, and for that reason, if for no 
other, the police had a right to disperse the meeting. The treat- 
ment that Herr Most received in London shows you that the 
only salvation of a community is to enforce the letter of the law 
without sentiment, that bloodshed may be avoided. Herr Most 
was convicted for the publication of that article, and no English 
policemen have been blown up with dynamite. He came to 
this country, and the policemen who have been blown up are 
the American officers right here in this city. If we have not 
enforced the law it is hi^h time that we enforce it now." 

Mr. Ingham then showed that the Hayrnarket meeting was 
a trap for the police designed for the purpose of leading them 
into a dark, dangerous place, the speeches being the bait, art- 
fully increased until the police came to the alley and the bomb 
could be thrown. " Now who made the bomb? It is in evi- 
dence that Louis Lingg had been making bombs of a certain 
construction which Spies had said were superior, being of com- 
posite metal. It is in evidence that Lingg all the morning of 
May 4 was away from his house ; that he upbraided Seliger for 
having made but one bomb. During the afternoon he was busy 
making bombs, and men came and went and worked at the 
bombs in his house. There is a story of a man who that day 
received bombs and dynamite from Lingg, showing that he dis- 
tributed them." Mr. Ingham read to the jury the chemical 
analysis of the bombs furnished by Drs. Haines and Delafon- 
taine. What is the answer to all this? That the bomb was 
not thrown from the alley, but from thirty-eight feet south of 


the alley. And if they had satisfied you of that, was it not 
still thrown by one of the Anarchists — one of the conspirators? 
The bomb came from the conspiracy. And the moment it re- 
sulted in the death of Degan the crime of conspiracy was 
merged into the crime of murder. 

"When Sumter was fired on, wheD the flag was insulted, 
when the attempt was made to destroy the Government, it was 
an attempt merely to change the form of government. When 
the bomb in this war was thrown it was the opening shot of a 
war which should destroy all government, destroy all law, 
leave men free to live as they see fit, and leave nothing to 
guide but the strong arm. I believe for myself that humanity 
— not merely our people, not merely we of America, but that 
humanity the wide world over — has no hope or no safety save 
the law. Law is the very shield that guards the progression 
of the race ; it is the palladium of the liberty and lives of all 
people. Law which does not punish murder breeds death. 
Jurors who from the merciful instincts of their hearts hesitate 
to convict the guilty, are, in reality, mercilesss as the grave, 
for by their verdict they people graves with the innocent vic- 
tims of midnight assassination and fill the mind with deeds of 
blood. Innocent blood from the days of Abel till now cries 
to Heaven for vengeance ; innocent blood that contaminates 
the ground upon which it falls, and from it spring up dragon's 
teeth. And now if you believe these men guilty, if you are 
satisfied beyond a reasonable doubt, as you cannot help but be, 
that these men were a party to a conspiracy unlawful in its 
nature, and that from that conspiracy a human life was taken, 
that they are murderers under that law, see to it that the maj- 
esty of the law of the state of Illinois is vindicated, and its 


penalties enforced. That is the demand upon you this day and 
this hour, not only of the people of the state of Illinois, but of 
humanity itself ; for humanity, with all its fears, with all its 
hopes for future years, is hanging breathless on your fate." 


Mr. Foster, who followed for the defense, had not lived 
long in Chicago. He came in March from Davenport., Iowa, 
near which city he was born about forty years ago. He is of 
medium height and square build. His features are refined 
and intellectual. An abundant growth of rich auburn hair 
adorns his shapely head. Mr. Foster obtained considerable 
fame as a lawyer in his native state, took an active part in pol- 
itics, and was one of the Blaine Electors in 188i, and was very 
active in the campaign of that year. After having made an 
energetic and finely-eloquent plea to the jury to cast aside all 
prejudice arising from hatred of the principles of the Anar- 
chists, love of and loyalty to the land, inherent patriotism, and 
the teachings of the popular press, Mr. Foster proceeded, 
in order to set himself right, to tear down without apology the 
theory of the defense set up by Messrs. Salomon <fc Zeisler. He 
had no defense to make for Socialism — it is dangerous; Com- 
munism is pernicious, and Anarchism is damnable. Lingg had 
manufactured bombs, and he ought to be punished therefor; but 
he was on trial for throwing, not manufacturing bombs. Spies, 
Schwab and Fischer had no business to preach social revolution 
in America. If they were not satisfied with the state of things 
here they ought to have gone back to Germany and tried to re- 
form things there. Mr. Fielden might have found occupation 
in teaching his brother Englishmen to be just to Ireland. Par- 


sons he rebuked in an eloquent passage for his lack of patriot- 
ism. Having thus skillfully set himself right with the jurors, 
Mr. Foster proceeded to define the issue of the trial as he under- 
stood it, and as he wished the jury to understand it. He 
admitted the moral responsibility of some of the prisoners for 
the crime. He denied their legal responsibility. 

" Our law knows no citizenship when a defendant is brought 
to the bar of justice. Our law is grand enough, our law is 
broad enough, the principles upon which our Government is 
founded are such that it matters not whether he be French, Ger- 
man, Irish, Italian, or wherever his birthplace may be. All 
men are equal before the law. They are all citizens of the 
United States except Louis Lingg. I believe the testimony 
shows that he has been in the country two years. I think that 
Spies said he came here in infancy. I know as a matter of fact 
that Neebe, born in the state of Pennsylvania, never was a for- 
eigner. Schwab has been in this country long enough to be a 
citizen. Whether he is or not is entirely immaterial for the 
purposes of this case. I know that Fielden has been here more 
than twenty years. I know that Fischer has been in Chicago 
for the last ten to twelve years, and Engel for fifteen or twenty 
years. What is the importance of the suggestion that they are 
foreigners, and Germans, except that it is important to wring 
from you a verdict grounded on prejudice. * * * It was 
an open secret that the defendants were indicted for murder, 
conspiracy and riot, but I will only argue the question of con- 
spiracy so far as it relates to the crime of murder. The question 
of Socialism was of no importance unless it was connected with 
the murder of Degan, and the defendants were not being tried 
for any offense but that of conspiracy which resulted in the 


muraer of Degan. The prosecution had oeen trying to toie the 
defendants out into the underbrush and assassinate them on im- 
material issues; but the defendants' counsel were too smart to 
be seduced by the song of the siren. Suppose Spies et. al. did 
conspire to overthrow society and their conspiracy stopped 
there, then there was nothing to argue. A verdict rendered 
upon anything else than a conspiracy directly connected with 
the outrage perpetrated at the Haymarket, would fall to the 
ground and amount to nothing/' 

Referring to the popular clamor against the Socialists, Mr. 
Foster said: " Outside of you twelve gentlemen, the judge upon 
the bench, and counsel on either side, there is not a man in Chi- 
cago who has a right to say he has an opinion founded upon the 
facts in this case. If these men are to be tried on general prin- 
ciples for advocating doctrines opposed to our ideas of propriety, 
there is no use for me to argue the case. Let the Sheriff go and 
erect the scaffold; let him bring eight ropes with dangling nooses 
at the ends ; let him pass them around the necks of these eight 
men ; and let us stop this farce now, if the verdict and convic- 
tion is to be upon prejudice and general principles. We boast 
of our courts of justice, of our equitable law, but if the time has 
come, when men are to be prejudged before the trial and convic- 
ted upon general principles, all that is grand, sacred, noble and 
praiseworthy in our temples of justice will be destroyed. Con- 
sidering the experience of us all in relation to this Haymarket 
tragedy, considering the facts that we know to be true, do you 
blame me for saying I am afraid of your passions ? I am afraid 
of your prejudices." Holding up the Czar bomb, Mr. Foster 
exclaimed in a loud voice : "Hang Spies, and Neebe, and 
Schwab, and Parsons, and Fielden, and Fischer, and Lingg, and 


Engel ! " Taking up a tin dynamite can lie continued: "Among 
other things, three tin cans were found under a sidewalk in the 
city. Strangle them to death, in part because these three cans 
were found ! When were they in possession of any of the de- 
fendants? Never, so far as the testimony is concerned. When 
were they prepared and filled at the house of any of the defend- 
ants, or any of their associates? Never, so far as the testimony 
is concerned. And yet they are not only introduced in evidence, 
their contents examined and sworn to, but you are expected to 
smell them; you are asked to examine them at the risk of a 
headache, and they want your noses near to their tops. Why? 
Because they were found in the city of Chicago. And that is 
part of the testimony upon which the lives of these eight men 
are to be destroyed. But it is all in a lifetime ; it is all part of 
the grand combination ; it is all in the great conspiracy, because 
counsel tell us it is. Such evidence was never introduced in any 
court of justice in the civilized world without objection. It 
was said Herr Most described such things in his book on ' Rev- 
olutionary Warfare.' There is not a word of testimony that 
any of the defendants ever read that book. But that does not 
make any difference. They are Socialists — hang them. That 
does not make any difference. They are Communists — hang 
them; they are Anarchists — hang them. I always supposed 
that the lowest creature that possessed life was entitled to some 
consideration. I supposed there was not a thing in existence 
so low, so poor or loathsome, but had some rights, and I do not 
believe it now, except it be a Socialist, Communist or Anar 
chist. That puts them beyond the pale of civilization ; it puts 
them beyond the protection of the law; it convicts them of 




On Tuesday, August 17, the fiftieth aay of the trial, Cap- 
tain W. P. Black, fhe leading counsel for the defense, made his 
plea. He said: 

" May it please the Court, and Gentlemen of the jury : On 
the morning of May 5, 1886, the good people of Chicago were 
startled at the event which happened at the Haymarket. 
Fear is the mother of cruelty, and perhaps that will account in 
some measure for the bitterness with which the State has pros- 
ecuted this case. The serious question which confronts us, 
however, is to what extent, you, gentlemen, in your delibera- 
tions, may be influenced by passion or by prejudice. On the 
night of May 4 a dynamite bomb was thrown at the Haymarket 
in this city and exploded. It caused widespread havoc and loss 
of human life. But the moral responsibility for dynamite does 
not rest upon the Socialists. This explosive was given to the 
world by science. We might well stand appalled at the dread 
results this terrible agent is capable of producing. When a 
man is charged, or sought to be charged, with a crime, as in this 
case, the people must show who threw the bomb — who did the 
deed — and must show that these defendants were connected 
directly with the guilty man. 1 ' 

The speaker said that counsel for the State were wrong 
when one of them advised the jury that upon them it depended 
to maintain the law and government, because these defendants 
plotted against the state. They were revolutionists, it was said, 
but that was not true. There can be no revolution, though, ex- 
cept when the heart of the people rise to redress some great 


11 As to the witnesses for the State, the testimony of two of 
them, Gilmer and Thompson, who swore to having seen Schnau- 
belt throw the bomb, was impeached. Gilmer's story was ut- 
terly improbable in itself; the rational mind rejected it. Is it 
credible? Mr. Iughain has said Spies was the brainiest man 
among the Anarchists, and the greatest coward. The witness 
Gilmer testified that he saw Spies get down from the wagon and 
go into the alley with Schnaubelt; saw him strike the light, fire 
the bomb, and give it to Schnaubelt, who hurled it among the 
police. Is that credible? Remember, Spies, a man of brains, 
of more than average brains ; would he light the match that fired 
that bomb, and the police almost upon him ? Is that credible ? 
It was also said Spies was a great coward. Then, if that were 
true, would he ran the risk of lighting the bomb ? The counter- 
proof was abundant. A half a dozen reputable citizens stand- 
ing in the mouth of the alley had testified that they did not see 
Spies leave the wagon, and that he did not enter the alley before 
the bomb exploded. This was negative testimony, it was true, 
but considering the narrow space and how unlikely it was that 
Spies, whom they all knew, could enter the alley without being 
seen by the witnesses, it was conclusive. Again, two or three 
witnesses testified that Schnaubelt went home early in the even- 
ing, disappointed because there was no German speaking, and 
was not at the Haymarket when the explosion took place." 

The circumstantial evidence presented by the State, and by 
which it was sought to enmesh the defendants, was next consid- 
ered. The case of the state was substantially this . The meet 
ing at the Haymarket May 4 was an incident in the carrying out 
of an organized scheme. August Spies was there to precipitate 
a conflict with the police. He put Parsons on the stand, who 


made a long harangue, but the police did not appear. Then 
Fielden was put up to speak. The police came, and the act was 
accomplished. But who called this meeting? Not Spies, not 
Neebe, not Parsons, not Schwab, nor Engel, nor Lingg, nor 
Fischer, as an individual act. It was the result of another meet- 
ing, held the night before at 54 West Lake street, and about 
which Spies knew nothing. 

" Again, the State wished it to be understood that Spies, in 
order to get the men ripe for revolt, went out to McCormick's 
Ma}' 3, and forced himself on a meeting there. Then, having 
worked up his auditors to a pitch of excitement and inflamed 
them to attack the non-union men, he came down town and 
wrote the 'Revenge 1 circular, calling for the Haymarket meet- 
ing. But did he encourage the men at McCormick's to violence? 
The testimony, and it was not controverted, proved that he 
counseled peace ; that he told the men to stand firm and to trust 
to concerted action for the attainment of their ends. The fur- 
ther circumstance proving that no violence was contemplated 
that night consisted in this, that when the black cloud came up 
and rain was threatened, an adjournment was proposed. Fiel- 
den had the stand at that time, but he, simple soul, begged a 
few minutes' delay, saying he had but little more to say, and 
then in all simplicity went on to say it. All this was in the 
line going to prove that Spies had no connection with the al- 
leged conspiracy. The circular calling for the Tuesday night 
meeting referred to a specific object. Do not the circumstan- 
ces," continued Captain Black, "prove that August Spies was 
not aware of the meeting held May 3 ? Do they not prove that 
he could have no share in the design of that meeting, of which 
the one at Haymarket, with its result, was an incident in the 


general conspiracy ? As to the Haymarket meeting, was it not 
a lawful assemblage ? Who first broke the laws ? That meet- 
ing was called by a circular. It was called to denounce a griev- 
ance. Perhaps there was no real grievance, but if the projec- 
tors of the meeting thought there was they had the right to 
assemble. The Constitution given us by our forefathers who 
made the name of revolutionists glorious, gave us that right. 
That right was incorporated in the fundamental laws of the 
nation. One clause in the Constitution allows the people to as- 
semble together in a peaceable manner to discuss their griev- 
ances, another provides that the people have the right to 
assemble together in a peaceable manner to discuss measures for 
their common good, and to instruct their representatives. I am 
not here to defend Socialism, nor do I contend that Anarchy 
has in it the elements of true reform, but I am here to defend 
these men. They are Socialists. That system centuries ago 
had the sanction of St. Augustine. John Stuart Mill is one of 
a great host of philosophers who have subscribed in fealty to 

" These defendants have the right to discuss the great 
wrongs of the working people. They have the right to try 
their remedy. They say that private property is robbery. That 
may be false. There is not a Catholic organization that is not 
founded on the idea of common co-operation. It was Plato's 
dream that the means of existence should be the common prop- 
erty of all. The Anarchist or Socialist was said to believe 
that every law of man was a bone of contention, intended for 
the benefit of one class only. The fact that these defendants 
are Anarchists is not a fact which would justify the jury in 



taking their lives. These men are not the lazy fellows pic- 
tured by the state." 


State's Attorney Grinnell closed for the State, and he be- 
gan his remarks by criticising counsel for the defense for mak- 
ing heroes of the prisoners. The Anarchists were compared 
to the fathers of our country ; they were pictured as martyrs, 
as men who sacrificed themselves for the welfare of human 
kind. If that be so, songs of praise should be sung, and the 
Anarchists ought to be garlanded with flowers. Captain Black 
had said that society was discriminating against the poor ; that 
the struggle for existence was daily becoming harder. That 
was not true, for civil liberty was never before as widespread 
as it is at present. Mr. Grinnell said the case had received his 
entire attention since May 5. Government was on trial. Mur- 
der had been committed. It was sought to know who was 
responsible. For a few days after the Haymarket riot it was 
not thought it was more far-reaching than the results of the 
inflammatory speech-making. It was not until after the mag- 
nificent efforts of Captain Schaack that a conspiracy was devel- 
oped. Then Schnaubelt was discovered. It was not until after 
Spies was arrested that it became apparent that a man was 
capable of the hellish act in which he was concerned. A mis- 
take had been made. It was said the State would .show who 
the bomb thrower was. This had not been done, owing to the 
inability of certain witnesses to make good on the stand the 
statements they had before made to the officers. These men 
were not Socialists, but Anarchists, and their creed is no gov- 
ernment, no law. Until placed on the stand these men never 


hedged on that definition. It was sought to be shown that the 
defendants were barking dogs that would not bite. These men 
were on trial, law was on trial, Anarchy was on trial for trea- 
son. The penalty of treason is death. A man can commit an 
overt act of treason, and not kill anybody. Is it any the less 
treason because seven men are killed and sixty wounded? 
There is no statute of limitation for threats, when repeated 
threats resulted in the commission of the deed. For years past, 
on the Lake front and at the different so-called Socialistic halls 
in the city, these men had preached the use of dynamite, poison 
and daggers as a means of effecting the social revolution. The 
thing should have been stopped long ago. But that was foreign 
to the case. The men were here now on trial for murder. 
Their threats had been carried out. It did not matter whether 
any police officers had overstepped their duty; the jury had 
nothing at all to do with that. The accused were on trial for 

On the Lake front the Anarchists were wont to assemble 
under the red flag, which they described as the emblem of un- 
iversal liberty. But there was but one flag of liberty — that 
was the Stars and Stripes ; and it would always remain such if 
the gentlemen of the jury had the courage to nphold the law. 
Threats had been mouthed, dire vaporings were spread from one 
group to another to fill the people with terror, so that the social 
revolution might the more easily be accomplished. Mr. Grinnell 
holds that Spies wrote the " Revenge' 1 circular premeditatedly. 
He reads it to the jury commenting on various passages con- 
tained therein, and makes it plain to the jury that Spies had an 
ulterior and sinister purpose in view when he penned the fam- 
ous dodger. There were only two officers at McCormicks when 


the mob Spies was addressing broke loose and attacked the 
non-union men. The police were called, but why? To protect 
the McCormick property and the two officers from the fury of 
the mob as well as to save the non-union men from being killed. 
It was this sight — the coming of additional police — that made 
the blood of the valorous Spies boil. Knowing that no fatali- 
ties had taken place, or not knowing that any had occured, 
Spies posted down town, and the "Revenge" circular was 
written by him and in the hands of the printer before 5 o'clock 
that same afternoon. Balthazar Rau's name was mentioned every 
day, time and time again by the defense, but he was not called 
as a witness. They were afraid to put him on the stand. It 
was Rau who invited Sj)ies to address the Haymarket meeting, 
and he was present when Spies made his speech. That was a 
kind of Marc Antony address, and to be understood one must 
read it between the lines. It was artfully calculated to inflame. 
It was a significant opening. The working men were told to 
come armed. Waller did come armed. The police should have 
broken up the meeting in its incipiency. If Bonfield had not 
gone down there at the time he did the riot would have been 
general. The reason more bombs were not thrown was that 
the other fellows in the conspiracy had not time to reach the 
scene. The man who threw the bomb obtained it from Lingg 
or Spies, and hurled it according to directions received from one 
or other of these men. Did Fielden shoot that night? For 
years past he has called the police bloodhounds; he said he 
would march down Michigan avenue with the red flag or the 
black flag, and preached " death to the capitalists and the pol- 
ice, our despoilers. 1 ' This must be understood above all things; 
that the bomb was thrown in furtherance of the common design, 


no matter who threw it. Gilmer said Spies handed the bomb 
to Schnaubelt. Is that improbable? For years he preached 
the throwing of bombs. An article over his own signature is 
in evidence, and in this he gives directions as to the manner in 
which bombs should be ignited and hurled at the enemy. Who 
was Schnaubelt? Schwab's brother-in-law. He is the man 
who was arrested before the conspiracy was known and let go, 
then shaved off his whiskers, and has not been seen since. A 
peculiar circumstance, and the most significant of the case, was 
that when Spies was arrested he left the traces of his crime in 
his office. Bonfield arrested him. Spies said he went over to 
the Central station unsuspectingly. Had he known what was 
going to have happened he would have destroyed the " Euhe " 
manuscript. It was the little mistakes that brought the crim- 
inal to justice, and there never was a criminal, big or little, that 
did not leave traces of his crime behind him. 

Mr. Grinnell concluded by saying his labor was over; the 
jury's was just begun. They had the power to exact the lives 
of some of the prisoners, to others they might give a term of 
years in the penitentiary, and some again they might acquit. 
He would not ask the jury to take the life of Oscar Neebe. He 
would not ask the jury to do what he would not do himself. 
The proof was not sufficient to convict Neebe, but some of them, 
Spies, Fischer, Lingg, Engel, Fielden, Parsons and Schwab, 
ought to have the extreme penalty administered to them. 

" Personally, 1 ' said Mr. Grinnell, " I have not a word to say 
against these men. But the law demands that they be punished. 
They have violated the law, and you, gentlemen of the jury, 
stand between the living and the dead. Do your duty. Do 
not disagree. If you think that some of them do not deserve 



the death penalty give them a life sentence, out do not disagree. 
Gentlemen, this is no pleasant task for me, but it is my duty; 
do yours." 



In his instructions to the jury Judge Gary said: " The Court 
instructs the jury that whoever is guilty of murder shall suffer 
the punishment of death, or imprisonment in the penitentiary 
for his natural life, or for a term of not less than fourteen years. 
If the accused are found guilty by a jury they shall fix the pun 
ishment by their verdict. 

" The Court instructs the j ury as a matter of law that, in 
considering the case, the jury are not to go beyond the evidence 
to hunt up doubts, nor must they entertain such doubts as are 
merely chimerical or conjectural. A doubt to justify an ac- 
quittal must be reasonable, and must arise from a candid and 
impartial investigation of all the evidence in the case, and unless 
it is such that, were the same kind of doubt interposed in the 
graver transactions of life, it would cause a reasonable and pru- 
dent man to hesitate and pause, it is sufficient to authorize a 
verdict of not guilty. If, after considering all the evidence, you 
can say you have an abiding conviction of the truth of the 
charge, you are satisfied beyond a reasonable doubt. 

" If it does so prove, then your duty to the State requires 
you to convict whosoever is found guilty. The case of each of 
the defendants should be considered with the same care and 
scrutiny as if he alone were on trial. If a conspiracy having 
violence and murder as its object is fully proved, then the acts 
and declarations of each one of the conspirators, before or after 


May 4, which are merely narrative as to what had been or would 
be done, and not made to aid in carrying into effect the object 
of the conspiracy, are only evidence against the person who 
made them. AVhat are the facts and what is the truth the jury 
must determine from the evidence, and from that alone. If 
there are any unguarded expressions in any of the instructions 
which seem to assume the existence of any facts, or to be any 
intimation as to what is proved, all such expressions must be 
discouraged and the evidence only looked to, to determine the 

" The Court instructs the jury as a matter of law that an 
accessory is he who stands by and aids, abets, or assists, or who, 
not being present, aiding, abetting, or assisting, has advised, en- 
couraged, aided or abetted the perpetration of that caime. He 
who thus aids, abets, assists, advises or encourages shall be con- 
sidered as a principal and punished accordingly. Every such 
accessory when a crime is committed within or without this 
state by his aid or procurement in this state, may be indicted 
and convicted at the same time as the principal, or before or 
after his conviction, and whether the principal is convicted or 
amenable to justice or not, and punished as principal. 

" If the defendants attempted to overthrow the law by force 
and threw the bomb, then the defendants who were in the con- 
spiracy were guilty of murder. If there was an Anarchistic 
conspiracy, and the defendants were parties to it, they are guilty 
of murder, though the date of the culmination of the conspiracy 
was not fixed. If any of the defendants conspired to excite by 
advice people to riot and murder, such defendants are guilty if 
such murder was done in pursuance of said conspiracy ; the im- 
practicalness of the aim of the defendants is immaterial. 


" Circumstantial evidence is competent to prove guilt, and 
if defendants conspired to overthrow the law and Degan was 
killed in consequence, the parties are guilty, and it is not neces- 
sary that any of the defendants were present at the killing. 

" All parties to the conspiracy are equally guilty. Circum- 
stantial evidence must satisfy the jury beyond reasonable doubt. 
In such case the jury may find defendants guilty. When defen- 
dants testified in the case they stood on the same ground as 
other witnesses." 


The jury retired at 2 :50 o'clock Thursday, August 19. The 
first intimation that an agreement had been reached was when 
word was sent to the Revere house to prepare supper for the 
jury, it having been understood that unless a decision as to the 
fate of the prisoners was reached before 10 o'clock, supper 
would not be served at that time. Friday morning the excite- 
ment of the crowd in front of the Criminal Court building was 
something intense while the verdict was being awaited. There 
was none of the joking and laughing that is heard on the only 
other occasion that brings a mob to stand without those dreary 
walls — the execution of a convicted criminal. Such conversa- 
tions as were held were in a low tone, and related solely to the 
one topic — the probable conviction of the eight prisoners who 
were waiting for the hour which was to mean life or death to 
them. Both sides of the street were lined with people who 
awaited anxiously for some tidings from the court within. An 
army of bailiffs and policemen guarded the big doors, and the 
surging masses were only kept back by sheer force. The lim- 
ited number who obtained admission to courtroom were the 


reporters and the immediate friends and relatives of the defen- 
dants. The gaily-dressed women who had attended the trial 
since the start were not there. The court officials decided that 
the relatives of the prisoners should be allowed in the court- 
room, and at 9:15 o'clock the sister of Spies, with another young 
woman, made her appearance. Shortly afterward the mother 
of Spies, accompanied by a younger son, also entered the court- 
room and took a seat on the back benches. At 9:20 Mrs. Par- 
sons entered the court room, accompanied by a woman who 
attended her throughout the trial. She was given a seat be- 
tween two policemen. The row of seats farthest removed from 
the judge were occupied by a force of police officers. Next be- 
low, seated in the order named, were Hemy Spies; Mrs. Spies, 
the prisoner's mother; Miss Spies; Chris Spies, and a young 
lady friend. Next below was Mrs. Martin. The ladies looked 
anxious. Mrs. and Miss Spies and Mrs. Parsons looked worn 
out, though the latter tried to appear unconcerned, and occu- 
pied her time in reading newspapers. It was 9:50 o'clock when 
the Judge came in. He looked nervous and excited. He was 
barely seated when Captain Black entered. The Captain took 
a seat near his wife. He had just paid a visit to his clients. 

"Are they prepared for the worst?" asked Mrs. Black, 

" Prepared! " repeated the Captain. " Yes ; fully prepared 
to laugh at death. They talk about the matter much more 
coolly than I can. 1 ' 

A moment or two later the prisoners were brought in. 
They were not given their usual seats, but placed in a row on 
a bench against the wall at the Judge's left, in the narrow aisle 
leading to the passage way to the jail. They sat in the same 


old order. Spies was at the head, next to the judge. All 
looked haggared and excited. Even the usually stocial face of 
Lingg wore an expression of anxiety. Fischer was deathly pale 
and trembled visibly. These pale and trembling wretches 
were the braggarts who a few short weeks before were boldly 
proclaiming the doctrines of Socialism and Anarchy on the Lake 
front, in Zephfs hall and the beer saloons of the North and 
West sides. They were the men who were advocating force 
and the use of dynamite, and the total annihilation of law and 
order, the theft of property, and murder of citizens. Their 
vapid mouthings were thrust upon assemblages of decent work- 
ingmen, their policy was Communism, their banner was the 
banner of blood, and their teachings were death and destruction. 
Bold and fearless as lions they appeared when indulging in 
nights of incendiary oratory. Like dumb, obedient beasts they 
bowed in submission before the most powerful scourge the law 
can wield — the death verdict. 

The jurymen filed in and took their seats in the jury box. 
They looked determined and resolute. There was a death-like 
silence in the court. In a low voice the Judge asked: " Gen- 
tlemen, have you agreed?" F. E. Osborne, the foreman, rose 
and replied: " We have, your honor." Taking out two sheets 
of foolscap from his side coat-pocket, he handed them to Clerk 
Doyle, who glanced at them and handed them to the Judge, 
who slipped them apart, trembling so that the leaves shook 
violently. A whispered consultation between the Judge and 
the Clerk followed, and the document was returned to Mr. 
Doyle, who read: 

" We, the jury, find the defendants, August Spies, Michael 
Schwab, Samuel Fielden, Albert II. Parsons, Adolph Fischer, 


George Engel and Louis Lingg, guilty of murder, as charged 
in the indictment, and fix the penalty at death. 

" We find the defendant, Oscar Neebe, guilty of murder in 
manner and form as charged in the indictment, and fix the pen- 
alty at imprisonment in the penitentiary for a term of fifteen 

Not a sound came from, the spectators, For a moment the 
courtroom was silent as the tomb. The prisoners were struck 
with horror. Spies' face blanched white as the paper on which 
his death sentence was written. His lips quivered, and he me- 
chanically tapped the floor with his foot and nervously stroked 
his moustache. Neebe was completely stunned. The blood 
rushed to his face, and the perspiration stood out on his fore- 
head in great drops. Schwab's yellow face seemed to look into 
vacancy, and he had a wandering, stupid stare. Parsons was 
visibly affected, but he kept himself up better than the rest, and 
maintained a certain air of nonchalance. He made an effort to 
flaunt a red handkerchief out of the window at the crowd on 
the outside, but was promptly checked by a bailiff. Fielden 
fairly quaked. He shook like an aspen leaf, and in every way 
showed his great fear. Fischer was ghastly. When the verdict 
was first being read he held a half-consumed cigar in his mouth, 
but when the death penalty was reached the weed fell from his 
lij)s to the floor. Lingg appeared sullen and stoical, but when 
the sentence was read his face flushed, and he was seen to trem- 
ble. Engel betrayed no emotion. When the verdict became 
known to the thousands assembled outside a great cheer rent 
the air. 

Captain Black asked that the jury be polled. The jury- 
men answered with firm voices. Captain Black said he would 


desire to make a motion for a new trial. State's Attorney 
Grinnell said it would be impossible to dispose of the motion 
during the present term, but by agreement, the motion could be 
argued at the September term. This was agreed to by the 

The Court. — " Let the motion be entered and continued 
until the next term, and let the defendants be taken back to 
jail." Judge Gary then arose and addressed the jury as fol- 

" Gentlemen of the Jury : — You have finished this long 
and very arduous trial, which has required a very considerable 
sacrifice of time, and some hardship. I hope that everything 
has been done that could possibly be done to make those sac- 
rifices and hardships as mild as might be permitted. It does 
not become me to say anything in regard to the case that you 
have tried, or the verdict you have rendered; but men compul- 
sorily serving as jurors, as you have done, deserve some recog- 
nition of the service you have performed besides the meager 
compensation you have received." 

The Foreman of the jury said: " The jury have deputed to 
me the only agreeable duty, that it is in our province to perform, 
and that is to thank the Court and the counsel for the defense 
and for the prosecution, for your kindly care to make us as com- 
fortable as possible during our confinement. We thank you." 

The jury then filed out, and scarcely had they left the room 
when a shrill voice was heard, and Mrs. Schwab fell heavily to 
the floor. She was taken out into the fresh air by policemen, 
and soon revived. Mrs. Spies followed up this scene by going 
into hysterics, and also had to be assisted from the room. The 
other women kept their nerves, and after the first shock main- 


tained composure. In the meantime the crowd had closed in 
on the prisoners, and were examining them from head to foot. 
The bailiffs, however, promptly put a stop to this, and led the 
condemned men away to their cells. 


The twelve good men and true, who sat in judgment for so 
many long and weary days, are all Americans by birth. Frank 
S. Osborne, foreman of the jury, is a widower of thirty-nine, 
and the father of three sons. He is head salesman of the car- 
pet department of Marshall Field's retail store, and came here 
from Columbus, Ohio. He is an Episcopalian. 

Major James H. Cole, of Lawndale, the first juror accepted 
by both sides, was born at Utica, N. Y., forty-three years ago, 
and served throughout the Kebellion in the Forty-first Ohio In- 
fantry. He came to Chicago from Chattanooga, Tennessee, six 
years ago, and though a bookkeeper by profession, is at present 
out of employment. 

J. H. Brayton, j^rincipal of Webster Schoool, lives at Engel- 
wood with his family, although a native of Lyons, N. Y. He 
had arranged a hunting and fishing excursion for the summer, 
which was ruined. 

A. H. Reed is of the firm of Reed & Sons, of Reed's Tem- 
ple of Music, 136 State street. He was born in Boston forty- 
nine years ago, but has been in the music business here for 
twenty-three years, living with his wife at 3242 Groveland 
Park. Mr. Reed is a Freethinker, but not an Atheist. 

Andrew Hamilton, dealer in hardware, has lived in Chicago 
twenty years of the forty -one he has been on earth, and now 
lives with his wife at 1521 P^orty-first street. 





C. B. Todd, forty-seven years old, was born in Elmira, N. 
Y., lived in Minnesota for sixteen years after the war, but is 
now a salesman in the Putnam Clothing House. He served in 
the Sixth New York Heavy Artillery. Mr. Todd lives at 1013 
West Polk street. 

H. T. Sanford is but twenty-four years old, and is a son of 
the late Lawyer Sanford, compiler of the Superior Court reports 
of New York. For fifteen months past he has been voucher 
clerk for the Chicago <fe Northwestern, but before coming to 
Chicago he was a petroleum broker at New York. He and his 
wife live at Oak Park. 

S. C. Randall, the youngest man on the jury, was born m 
Erie county, Pennsylvania, in 1864, and in the three years he 
has been in Chicago he has been a hotel waiter, a milk peddler, 
and is now a salesman for J. C. Vaughan & Co., seedsmen, 45 
La Salle street. 

Theodore Denker, shipping clerk for H. H. King <fe Co., is 
twenty-seven years old, and lives at Woodlawn Park. He has 
lived in Chicago twenty-five years, and is not married. 

Charles A. Ludwig is also twenty-seven years old, single, 
and is a clerk in the wood mantel shop of Charles L. Page &> Co. 

John B. Greiner is a clerk in the freight department of the 
Chicago & Northwestern Road, and lives at Humboldt Park. 
He is twenty-five years old, and single. 

G. W. Adams, twenty-seven years old, travels in Michigan, 
selling paint for a Clinton street firm. He is a painter by trade, 
and lives with his brother at Evanston. 

The following is the official Police Department report oi 
casualties at the Haymarket: 









August C. Killer 

Thomas McHenry.. 

John E. Doyle 

John A. King 

Nicholas Shannon.. 

Michael Sheahan. 

James Conway 

Patrick Hartford. . . 

Patrick Nash 

Arthur Conolly 

Lou* s Johnson 

M. M. Cardin 

Adam Barber 

Henry F. Smith 

Frank Tyrell 

James A. Brady 

John Ried 

George Muller... 
Patrick McLaughlin 

Frank Murphy 

Lawrence Murphy.. 


Third Precinct. 


Shell wound in right side, and ball wound in 
left side. Wife and five children. 

Shell wound in left kneee and three shell wounds 
in left hip. Single ; has sister and blind 
mother to support. 

Bullet wound in back and calves of both legs; 
serious. Wife and one child. 

Jaw bone fractured by shell, and two bullet 
wounds in right leg below the knee; serious. 

Thirteen shell wounds on right side and five 
shell wounds on left side, also right foot and 
back; serious. Wife and three children. 

Died May 9. Single. 

Bullet wound in right leg. Single. 

Shell wound right ankle, two toes on left foot 
amputated, bullet wound in left side. Wife 
and four children. 

Bruise on left shoulder by club. Single. 

Two shell wounds in left leg, bones slightly frac- 
tured. Wife. 

Shell wound in left leg. Wife and four chil- 

Bullet wound in calf of both legs. Wife and 
two children. 

Shell wound left leg, bullet wound in right heel, 
bullet not extracted. Wife and one child. 

Bullet wound on right shoulder; quite serious . 
Wife and two children in California. 

Bullet in right hip near the spine; bullet not re- 
moved. Single. 

Shell wound in left leg, slight; injury to toes 
left foot and shell wounds in left thigh. 
Wife and two children; wife very sick at 
County Hospital. 

Shell wound in left leg; bullet wound in right 
knee, not removed. Single. 

Died May 6, at County Hospital. Single. 

Bruise on right side, leg and hip ; slight. Wife 
and three children. 

Trampled on, three ribi broken. Wife and two 

Shell wouuds left side of neck and left knee; 
part of left foot amputated. Wife and 
three children. 




John J. Barrett... 

Michael Madden 

Lieutenant Stanton. . 

Matthias J. Degan 

Thomas Brophy 

Bernard Murphy 

Charles H. Fink.... 

Joseph Norman 

Peter Butterly 

Alexander Jameson. 

Michael Horan 

Thomas Hennessey. . 

William Burns 

Thomas Redden 

James Plunkett 

Charles W. Whitney. 
Jacob Hansen 

Timothy Sullivan 

Martin Cullen 

Simon Klidzio 

Julius L. Simonson.. 
John K. McMahon... 

Simon McMahon 

Edward W. Ruel.... 

Third Precinct 


Died May 6, at County Hospital; shot in liver. 

Shot ia left lung, will recover; killed his assail- 
ant after he was shot. Single. 
Shell wound in right side, bullet wound in right 

hip, wounds inside both hips, bullet wound 

in calf of leg. Wife, seven children. 
Instantly Killed. Widower; father, mother 

and three sons. 
Slight injury in left leg; reported for duty. 

Bullet wound in left thigh shell wound in ri^ht 

side of head and on chin; not dangerous. 

Three shell wounds in left leg and two wounds 

on right leg, and slightly in thigh; not dan- 
gerous. Wife. 
Bullet passed through right foot, slight injury 

to fingers on left hand. Wife and two 

Bullet wound in right arm, shell wound in both 

legs, near knees. Wife and one child. 
Bullet wound in left leg; serious. Wife and 

seven children. 
Bullet wound in left thigh, not removed, slight 

shell wound on left arm. Single. 
Shell wound on left thigh; slight. Has crippled 

brother and two sisters to support. 
Slight shell wound on left ankle. Single. 
Died May 16, at County Hospital. Fracture 

of left leg below knee, bullet wound in left 

cheek, bullet wound in right arm. Wife 

and two children. 
Struck with club and trampled upon: on duty 

Shell wound in left breast, shell not removed. 

Right leg amputated above the knee. Three 
shell wounds on left leg. Wife and one 

Bullet wound just above left knee. Has four 

children (Widower). 
Right collar bone fractured, and slight injury 

to left kne«; not serious. Wife and five 

Shot in calf of left leg ; serious. Wife and three 

Shot in arm, near shoulder; very serious. Wife 

and two ohildren. 
Shell wound on calf of left leg; shell not found; 

ball wound left leg, near knee; very serious. 

Wife and two children. 
Shot in right arm and two wounds on right leg. 

Wife, five children. 
Shot in ritrht ankle, bullet not removcJ; serious. 





Alexander Halverson . 

Carl E. Johnson 

Peter McCormick 

Christopher Gaynor.. 
Timothy Flavin 

Nils Hansen. 

8.J. Weineke. 

Patrick McNulty. 

Samuel Hilgo 

Herman Krueger. 
Joseph A. Gilso. 

Edward Barrett. 

Fruman Steele 

James T. Johnson 

Benjamin F. SnelL-. 
James H. Willson 

Daniel Hogan. 
M. O'Brien.... 

Frederick A. Andrew 
Jacob Ebinger 

John J. Kelly. 
Patrick Flavin . 

Third Precinct. 


Central Detail. 


ghot in both legs, ball not extracted. Single. 
Shot in left elbow. Wife and two children. 
Slight shot wound in left arm. Wife. 
Slight bruise on left knee. Wife. 
Died from wounds, Mat 8. Wife and three 

Died June 14, at Couuty Hospital. Shot in 

body, arms and legs, fingers paralyzed. 

Wife and six children. 
Shot in left side of head, ball not found; serious. 

Wife and two children. 
Shot in right leg and both hips; dangerous. 

Wife and three children. 
Shot in right leg; not serious. Single. 
Shot in right knee. Wife and two children. 
Slightly injured in leg and back. Wife and 

six children. 
Shot in right leg; quite serious. Wife and six 

six children. 
Slightly woundud in back; not serious. Single. 
Right knee sprained; not serious. Wife and 

three children. 
Shot in right l^g; at hospital. Single. 
Seriously injured in abdomen by shell, and in 

left hand; very serious. Wife and five chil- 
Shot in calf of right leg and in left hand. Wife 

and daughter. 
Shell wound in left thigh. Wife and two chil- 
Wounded in leg; not serious. Married. 
Shell wound on back of left hand. Wife and 

three children. 
Slight wound by shell, left hand. Wife and 

three children. 
Finger hurt by shell. Married. 

Total number of wounded officers, 67. Deaths, 7. 

" Behold how great a matter a little fire kindleth I " 
The explosion at the Haymarket made 3 widows, 14 orphans, 
and left 119 children dependent upon public charity, pending 
the recovery of their wounded, or perhaps permanently maimed 
and crippled fathers. 

The business men of the city and railroad corporations 
promptly gave over $50,000 for the relief of the families of the 
officers who were killed and wounded. 



The search for, and the capture of the primef- actors in the 
Haymarket tragedy was at once commenced in earnest. The 
well organized and efficient force of brave men, under command 
of cool headed and well skilled officers, was sure to succeed. 
Captain F. Schaack, with six detectives, kept the entire North- 
west group under the survilance of their argus eyes. Thielen 
turned informer and communicated important information 
which fitted exactly to supply a perfect chain of evidence. The 
Yipsilcn and Ralie signals were significant evidence toward 
proving conspiracy along with the other daily developments in 
in the case. Several officers and detectives were detailed to 
make a search of several houses on Sedgwick street, among which, 
one Seliger's, at No. 442. As the officers were nearing the 
house, Louis Lingg and one, Oppenheimer, were watching them 
with much interest and discussing the practicability of making 
a rush for their arms and kill the officers rather than have the 
arsenal of the Anarchist, with its appliances for the manufac- 
ture of infernal machines for the consumation of conspiracy and 
treason, fall into the hands of the officers of the law. But the 
ever vigilant officers secured possession of the house and re- 
moved all suspicious articles to the station. Lingg went imme- 
diately into hiding, but was on the 14 of May arrested in a little 
cottage on Ambrose street. Seliger was arrested in Meyer's 
carpenter shop, and Thielen coming to see what Seliger was 
arrested for was also taken into custody. Lingg became reck- 
less and defiant. Many of the conspirators were run to earth 
by those six men and arrested. Assistant State's Attorney 
Furthman interviewed the prisoners in their native tongue and 
made a record of their statements. 



who it is now believed was the man who threw the dynamite 
bomb with such deadly effect, was once arrested, but on tem- 
porary release decamped at once, which suspicious action led to 
a further investigation. But two weeks having elapsed since 
his release, he made good his escape from the country no doubt. 
About forty Socialists were arrested and discharged again. 
Neebe was once discharged and re-arrested as the case devel- 
oped. Gilmer's evidence some days after the riot tended very 
much to strengthen the belief that Schnaubelt was the party 
who threw the bomb, and that it was thrown under the imme- 
diate supervision and by the direction of August Spies, which 
is in keeping with his public speech and the secret teachings 
by which he was endeavoring to establish, that system of rev- 
olutionary warfare supplemented by the organization known as 
the Lehr and Wehr Verin, which is synonymous with armed 
protection, or teaching secretly the use of weapons for the pur- 
pose of defense. 


The following is an abstract of their report: 
To the Hon. Judge John G. Rogers: In presenting the 
bills of indictments which we have the honor herewith to sub- 
mit, in what are known as the " Anarchist cases,"' we deem it 
proper to accompany the same with a few words of explanation. 
We have endeavored in our deliberations and in our findings to 
be guided strictly by the instructions delivered to us by the Court 
in regard to the liability of a citizen under the law for the 
abuse of the privilege of free speech. We have in this connec- 
tion, upon the evidence adduced, found true bills only against 


such persons as had, in their abuse of this right, been more or 
less instrumental in causing the riot and bloodshed at Hay mar- 
ket square, the particulars of which we were called upon to 
investigate. We have in some cases refused to find bills for 
the reason that persons against whom evidence was presented 
seemed to be the weak and ignorant tools of designing men, and 
that it was our belief should they continue their evil associations 
and ]3ractices after this calamity shall have shown them to what 
it leads, that some future grand jury would give their cases 
proper attention. So far as we are informed this is the first 
appearance of dynamite as a factor in the criminal annals of this 
state, and this is also the first organized conspiracy for the de- 
struction of human life, and the overthrow of law in any part 
of this country that has employed this new and dangerous 
agency. It is not surprising that the fatal and appalling success 
which has attended this, its first introduction, should have in- 
spired terror in this community. 

We find that the attack on the police on May 4 was the re- 
sult of a deliberate conspiracy, the full details of which are now 
in the possession of the officers of the law, and will be brought 
out when the cases shall be reached in court. We find that 
this force of disorganizes had a very perfect force of organizers 
of its own, and that it was chiefly under the control of the coterie 
of men who were connected with the publication of their En- 
glish and German newspaper organs, the Alarm aud Arbeiter 
Ze it U7i g. The evidence has shown conclusively to us that these 
men were manipulating this agitation from base and selfish 
motives, for the power and influence which it gave them, and 
for the money which they could make out of it ; that the large 
majority of their followers were simply their dupes, and they 


have collected in this way large sums of money from those fol- 
lowers, and from the working men of this city. That their plan 
was to involve, so far as they could, not only the Socialist and 
Communist organizations, with whom they claim some kindred, 
but also the labor societies and trades unions, to the end that 
in the midst of the excitement they were creating they could not 
only rely upon them as a source of revenue, but also have them 
to fall back upon in the event of their finally being made amen- 
able to the law. "Witnesses have come before us under protest 
and with fear and trembling lest their appearance before this 
jury should draw down upon them or upon their families the 
secret vengeance of this unknown enemy. Branches of industry 
in the city have remained paralyzed after all causes of disagree- 
ment between the employer and the employed had been ad- 
justed, by the same fear inspired among the workmen, coupled 
with the feeling that the law is administered was impotent to 
afford protection to a man ready and willing to work for the 
support of his family. So exaggerated has been the popular 
notion as to the magnitude of this force that politicians have 
cringed before it, and political parties have catered to its vote. 
Processions have been tolerated upon our public streets carry- 
ing banners and inscriptions which were a shame and a disgrace 
to our city, and an affront to every law-abiding citizen. Public 
harangues have been permitted that were an open menace to 
law and order, and which in logical sequence have reached their 
culmination in the bloody outrage known as the Haymarket 
massacre. We believe that a proper enforcement of the law. 
as expounded by your Honor in the charge made to this Grand 
Jury at the beginning of its session, would restore confidence, 


correct existing evils, preserve the peace, and protect this com- 
munity from the recurrence of a like disorder. 

In conclusion, we desire, as citizens and as members of this 
Grand Jury, in this public way to express our most grateful ac- 
knowledgments of the debt owing to the officers and men of the 
police force of Chicago. By their heroic bravery and their con - 
scientiousness and devotion to duty we believe that they have 
saved this city from a scene of bloodshed and devastation equal 
to, or perhaps greater than that witnessed during the Commune 
in Paris. We wish further, from the evidence that has been 
placed before us, to express our fullest confidence that the same 
force that has protected us by its bravery in the face of the en- 
emy, aided by the skill and legal ability of our Prosecuting 
Attorney and his assistants, is quite competent to hunt these 
public enemies down, and to bring them before our courts of 
law with sufficient evidence of guilt to insure what they so 
richly deserve. 

Wednesday, May 19, there appeared before the grand jury 
as a witness one-Krendl, who is in the service of the City Water 
Department. This witness, it was said, testified that he saw a 
machinest, whose name was withheld, talking with Spies and 
Schwab at the Haymarket the evening of the tragedy. The 
witness watched the trio closely and saw them go toward Hal- 
sted street and then return to the wagon so frequently referred 
to in connection with the massacre. Upon their return the 
witness noticed that the machinist had something in his right 
coat-pocket which filled it up as an apple or base-ball might. 
His attention was directed to this fact because of the persistent 
manner in which the machinist kept guard over the mouth of 
the pocket with his hand. 


M. M. Thompson followed the above witness, and described 
a certain person who was with Schwab and Spies during the 
early part of the evening, and this, in connection with KrendFs 
testimony, was considered important by the jury. It was stated 
at the time that Krendl was able to give the machinist's name, 
from having once been a Socialist. 

It was afterward discovered that Schnaubelt was the ma- 
chinist referred to. Fred. P. Rosbeck, a manufacturer of light 
machinery at No. 224 East Washington street, stated that 
Schnaubelt had been in his employ about five weeks previous 
to the Haymarket riot. He was a good workman, but a pro- 
nounced Socialist and Anarchist, and his rabid utterences had 
many others in the shop to incline to his views. Schnaubelt 
had a companion, August Lambrecht by name, who came to 
work for Rosbeck about the same time he did. They were very 
intimate, going and coming together, and carrying on a close 
relationship. Tuesday, May 4, Schnaubelt asked his employer 
for the day, saying he had some important business to attend 
to. He was granted a leave of absence, but returned to work 
promptly Wednesday morning. Seeking to enlist him in con- 
versation, Mr. Rosbeck said: 

"Rudolph, they had a big time at the Haymarket last night." 

" Yes," said Schnaubelt, " a devil of a time." 

Intending to further draw him out, the employer continued: 

" You Anarchists didn't half do your job, though. Why 
didn't you use more bombs? " 

" Because," he answered, " they didn't get up with them in 

That evening Rosbeck told this story to a friend, who in- 
formed the detective, and the arrest was made Thursday morn- 


ing. Wednesday Schnaubelt bad a heavy beard and moustache. 
At the time of his arrest Thursday he had no beard and his 
moustache had been trimmed close to his lip. After his release 
by the police Schnaubelt returned to the shop and resumed 
work, but that Thursday night he informed Rosbeck that he 
might not return the next day. He said that he feared the 
detectives might search his house and then arrest him. He said 
Mrs. Schwab was his sister, and he was often at her house. If 
they searched Schwab's house it might lead to his (Schnaubelt's) 
arrest. lie has not been seen since that Thursday night. His 
tools and clothes remained in the shop, as also did his unpaid 
wages. Rosbeck thought Lambrecht had knowledge of his 
friend's whereabouts. About the middle of May Lambrecht 
informed Rosbeck that Schuaubelt had instructed him to draw 
his salary and take possession of his clothes. 

In his evidence before the jury M M. Thompson declared 
that he saw either Spies or Schwab — and he felt almost certain 
it was the latter — hand Schnaubelt the bomb while the trio 
were about fifteen feet from the wagon. Schnaubelt, he said, 
was in waiting for them when they came from Halsted street. 
Krendl testified that in his opinion Schnaubelt could not have 
been handed the bomb at the place designated, because he saw 
him go to Halsted street with the speakers, and return. He ad- 
mitted, however, that Schnaubelt had something in his outside 
pocket when near the wagon. 

Schnaubelt, when arrested by Detective Palmer, admitted 
to Lieutenant Shea that he was with Schwab that Tuesday 
night, but insisted that he left the wagon on which they were 
standing when it commenced to rain. 

Various rumors as to Schnaubelt's whereabouts were re- 


ceived. A letter, said to be in the fugitive's handwriting, was 
received by the police some weeks after the riot, from Portland, 
Oregon. The writer poked fun at the chief and said that the 
fact that he was so far away was due to the stupidity of the 
detective force and Lieut. Shea's gullibility. 

Subsequently the body of a man was found in the canal at 
Erie, Pa., which in features and in the clothes upon it corres- 
ponded to the description of Schnaubelt, and it was thought he 
had left Chicago as a stowaway in a vessel and had been 
drowned in trying to get ashore at Erie at night. The author- 
ities, however, became convinced that this was not Schnaubelt. 
Some of the police have always believed that Schnaubelt left 
the city with Parsons the night after the bomb throwing, and 
after remaining in hiding with the latter near Omaha until Par- 
sons decided to appear and stand trial, continued his flight 
South or West, September 15, 1886, H. F. Schaffer, a con- 
ductor on the Mexican Central Railroad, on his way to his home 
in Ohio, called on Chief of Police Ebersold and informed him 
that from a picture of Schnaubelt in the Police News, he 
thought he had identified the fugitive in the person of a jeweler 
in the City of Mexico, who spoke English with a German ac- 
cent. Mr. Schaffer and a companion visited the jeweler fre- 
quently and endeavored to draw him out upon the subject of 
the Haymarket massacre, but the suspected person would not 
talk about the Anarchists. It is understood the police took 
measures to investigate this supposed clue. 





It is estimated that the trials of the Anarchist conspirators 
for connection with the Hay market massacre has cost Cook 
county and Chicago about $100,000. A calculation made by 
county officials at the close of the murder trial in August, 
placed the average cost since the night of the bomb throwing 
at $21,800 per month. Another estimate itemizes the daily 
expenses as follows : 

State's-Attorney's office, stenographers, messengers, tele- 
grams, interpreters, extra legal help (Mr. Ingham) . $200 
Sheriffs office, bailiff's, jury fees, hotel bills for jury, etc. 150 
Court Costs, Judge's salary, miscellaneous items . . 100 

Detectives, policemen, witness fees 150 

Criminal Court Clerk's office and other expenses . 100 

This makes a total of $700 a day, or $70,000 for the 100 
days which the trial covered. The trials of the twenty-six 
persons indicted for conspiracy in connection with the murders 
bring the total cost up to $100,000. 

In an interview Chief of Police Ebersold praised the brave 
and steady action of the police at the Haymarket, but for quick 
and active fighting gave the palm to the six officers who held a 
mob of two or three thousand men at bay at the McCormick 
works the day before the Haymarket affair. A mob tried to 
hang Officer Casey to a lamp-post, and he fought hand to hand 


against gread odds until rescued. Vaclav Dejnek, Frank Broda 
and a young man named Hess were indicted for this affair, and 
Dejnek was sentenced to serve one year in state's prison. 


The Arbeiter Zeitung, which was suppressed the morning 
after the riot, was re-issued almost immediately, and in one issue 
had the following comments on the trial: 

" Has it come to this, in the land of Washington, Franklin 
and Jefferson? It is the Iron Must of historic development. 
Only those men who are economically independent can be truly 
free. Where there are poor and rich political freedom is a 
wretched lie. Mammon, the powerful idol, lowers freedom to 
a kitchen wench. As in Rome at the time of its decay Praetor- 
ian bands of foreigners upheld the rule of the Caesars, so now 
the chief support of the money kings is the police force of the 
large American cities, which consists mainly of foreigners. The 
down -fall of the Republic is nigh. It will fall like all coun- 
tries whose foundations crumble away in the course of time. 
All the weeping and wailing cannot delay catastrophe. The 
present is without hope, so we must strengthen ourselves by 
looking at the future. A new life will bloom from the ruins 
of the present social order. The society of the future will 
bridge ov T er the abysses which open to-day before our eyes. All 
men will be equal. They will remember with a shudder the 
time when Praetorian bands could plot the massacre of thous- 
ands. Mammon will be cast down from his usurped throne, 
and Freedom will take the place with conquering power, to 
dwell with happy humanity forever and ever." 

After the verdict was rendered Mr. Grinnell, in behalf of 


the State, sent word to the new publishers of the Arbeiter Zei- 
tang, that care must be taken by them that no attacks either on 
the jury or Judge Gary should appear in their paper, notifying 
them that if any such article should appear, the managers of 
the paper would be prosecuted for contempt of court. 
The following was the result of the warning* 



" A Motion for a New Trial Made ! 

" The jury, through Osborne, its foreman, presented their 
verdict to Judge Gary this morning. When the result became 
known the detectives, who mingled freely with the crowd on 
the street, set up a loud cheering, and the judge became very 
pale — he did not expect such a demonstration. Grinnell, on 
the other hand, evidently expected such a verdict, and presum- 
ably with cause. Marshall Field and men of his stripe have 
entirely too much money. What do the people say to this ver- 
dict? They will look upon it as being impossible — incredible. 
We were not inclined to believe it at first, but we soon became 
convinced. Captain Black instantly made a motion for a new 
trial, which Grinnell did not oppose, and Judge Gary will hear 
this motion next term. If he overrules the motion, an appeal 
will be taken. We are not in a proper frame of mind to say 
more to-day." 


fell like a bolt of lightning into the midst of Socialistic and 


Anarchistic circles, believing as they did, that punishment could 
only be inflicted upon the perpetrator of the act of hurling the 
bomb. No wonder that consternation sat darkly upon each 
sullen brow like the pall of impending doom, as slowly from the 
jury came those words of fearful import which set them face to 
face with death, the verdict was applauded by the foreign and 
American press. Twenty-five representatives of reputable labor 
unions met condemning the action of the Socialists and thereby 
endorsing the verdict of the jury. 

The Socialists of New York held indignation meetings de- 
nouncing the verdict and expressing sympathy with their unfor- 
tunate brethren of Chicago. Mrs. Black, in a letter dated Sept. 
22, prophesied that in case the sentence was executed wide- 
spread revolution and destruction of property and life would 
immediately be inaugurated. On the 27th Capt. Black served 
a notice upon State's Attorney Grinnell for a new trial, on the 
ground that the verdict was not in keeping with the law ; also 
that the court had allowed improper testimony, and had erred 
in his instructions. 1,191 men were called to serve as jurors in 
the case before the twelve elligable men were secured, and even 
then it was claimed by the defense that only ten of the twelve 
were competent. 

On Friday, Oct. 1st, the Attorneys for the defense began 
their arguments for a new trial, drawing largely upon their im- 
aginations to supply evidence in the case. They endeavored to 
introduce false affidavits from one Orrin Blossom, of No. 2,961 
Wentworth Avenue, and A. Love, of La Grange, to impeach the 
testimony of Gilmer. But the wary State's Attorney Grinnell 
had one move to make which blocked their game. He had 
counter affidavits from Orrin Blossom and Love proving that 


Love was not in the city on the night of the Haymarket riot 
after six o'clock, and that he never saw Harry Gilmer. 

Three days were spent by the defense in argueing their 
claims for a new trial, and on October 7th Judge Gary rendered 
his decision in the case in the following language : 


Judge Gary said : 

In passing upon this motion for a new trial the case is so 
voluminous, there is such a mass of evidence, that it is impossi- 
ble, within anything like reasonable limits, to give a synopsis 
or epitome. I do not understand that either upon the trial be- 
fore the jury or upon the arguments of this motion before me 
there have been any arguments tending or intended to deny 
that all of the defendants, except Neebe, were parties to what- 
ever purpose or object there was in view — that the other seven 
were combined for some purpose. I, of course, do not wish to 
attribute to the defendants' counsel any admissions which they 
have not made, but my impression is that there has been no ar- 
gument tending or intending to deny that all the other seven, 
except Neebe, were engaged in the pursuit of some object. 
What it is, the counsel have debated before the jury and before 
me. Now, it is important to know what that object was, 
whether it was as counsel for defense have stated — merely to 
encourage working men to resist, if unlawful attacks were 
made upon them — or whether it was something else. There 
is no better way to ascertain what the object was, than to read 
what they have spoken and written as the object, while the 
events were transpiring. Now, from the files of their newspa- 
pers, which go back a good way, a good deal can be taken, 


which must of necessity be taken as the truth of what their ob- 
ject was. I have not had time and opportunity to arrange 
either the translations of the Arbeiter Zeitung or the files of the 
Alarm, and pick out those which in the fullest shape show 
what they were proposing to do. These translations from the 
Arbeiter Zeitung now come to my hands for the first time. I 
have here a translation of the Arbeiter Zeitung, January 11, 
1885, headed "To Arms." 

The Court proceeded to read numerous and lengthy extracts 
from translations offered in evidence of articles in the Arbeiter 
Zeitung, in which revolution by force was advised, and the ap- 
proaching revolution, it was declared, would be greater than 
that of the last century. Among the extracts read were the 

" Dynamite ! Of all stuff, this is the stuff." 

" The day draws near when the working people of America, 
in an outburst of passion and ungovernable rage, will revolt 
and demand the total abolition of the existing state of things 
which brings to the working classes so much misery and death. 
Have you all prepared yourselves with knives, pistols, guns and 
dynamite for the unavoidable conflict between labor and cap- 

"It was decided at the last mass-meeting at No. 54 West 
Lake street that the next meeting wall be devoted to the con- 
sideration of the military laws and necessity of using force in 
the warfare between capital and labor." 

" Each working man ought to have been armed long ago. 
Daggers, revolvers and explosives are cheap, and can be easily 

" Those who want to talk to capitalists in earnest must be 


prepared to attain their object by killing them. This can only 
be accomplished by systematic organization. The time for all 
this is short — look out — " 

"In addition to all this, 11 continued Judge Gary, " there is 
the testimony of witnesses that there was a combination which 
was formed as early as 1884, and that combination had for its 
purpose the changing of the existing order of things, the over- 
throw of government, and the abolition of all law. There can 
be no question in the mind of any one who has read these arti- 
cles or heard these speeches, which were written and spoken 
long before the eight-hour movement was talked of, that this 
movement which they advocated was but a means in their esti- 
mation toward the ends which they sought, and that the move- 
ment itself was not primarily any consideration with them at 
all. The different papers and speeches furnish direct contra- 
diction to the arguments of counsel that they proposed to resort 
to arms merely to resist any unlawful attacks which the police 
might make upon them, because these all show that their ob- 
ject was this: If, during the eight-hour movement, strikes oc- 
cured, and if the employers chose to employ other men in the 
place of those who had struck, then these men so employed 
must be prevented by force from going to work, and if the 
police then undertook to resist the force so employed on behalf 
of the strikers ; if the police undertook to prevent this force 
from being so employed, then that was the ground on which the 
police force was to be destroyed. There can be no doubt that 
that was an unlawful combination. It is impossible to argue 
that any set of men have the right to dictate to others whether 
they should work or not, and if they chose to work in defiance 
of their dictation, drive them away by force, and if the police 


undertook to prevent that force, then kill the police. It is im- 
possible for an instant to support any such principle as that. 
The members of this combination publicly announce that they 
had no hope of winning the majority over to their side by ar- 
gument, and no hope of attaining their object by getting rid of 
this majority by violence. There is no doubt that seven of the 
defendants were in the combination formed for that purpose. 
As to Neebe's part, there is the evidence of witnesses that he 
presided at meetings called by the class of people from whom 
this combination was drawn, and that he called meetings of the 
people who were engaged in the movement. There is evidence 
that he marched in the Board of Trade procession, the object of 
which was said to be the demolition of that building." 

The Court proceeded to discuss all the evidence against 
Xeebe, which tended to show that he was associated with the 
rest of the defendants in the encouragement of the movement 
which had for its object the destruction of the government. 
The Court resumed: 

" On the question of the instructions whether these defend- 
ants, or any of them, did anticipate or expect the throwing of 
the bomb on the night of the 4th of May, is not a question 
which I need to consider, because the instructions did not go 
upon that ground. The jury were not instructed to find them 
guilty if they believed that they participated in the throwing of 
the bomb, or encouraged or advised the throwing of that bomb, 
or had knowledge that it was to be thrown, or anything of that 
sort. The conviction has not gone upon the ground that they 
did have any actual participation in the act which caused the 
death of Deegan, but upon the ground, under the instructions, 
that they had generally by speech and print advised a large 


class to commit murder, and had left the occasion, time and 
place to the individual will, whim and caprice of the individu- 
als so advised, and that in consequence of that advice, and in 
pursuance of it, and influenced by it, somebody not known did 
throw the bomb that caused Deegau's death. 

" There is no example in the law books of a case of this sort. 
No such occurance has ever happened before in the history of 
the world. I suppose that in the Lord George Gordon riots we 
might find something like this. Lord George Gordon was in- 
dicted for treason, and the government failed in its proof upon 
the trial as to what he had done. Very likely they did not 
want to prove it very strongly against him ; I do not know ; it 
is none of my business. If the bomb was thrown in pursuance 
of the prisoners' advice, the instruction as to the law of access- 
ories before the fact applied to the case, and the instruction to 
the jury was proper. If the radical Prohibitionists should 
make up their minds that the only way to stop the liquor traffic 
was by destroying the saloons and killing the saloon-keepers, 
and if some crank should blow up a saloon with a bomb for 
whose manufacture the radicals had furnished specific directions, 
and in the explosion a saloon-keeper was killed, there could be 
no question but that the radical temperance men were guilty of 
murder. But there was no question that when some one said 
' Hang McCorniick,' or ' Hang Gould,' the reply was given to 
make no idle threats, but when they got ready to do anything, 
to do it." 

The shorthand report of the speeches of Spies, Parsons and 
Fielden at the Haymarket meeting was then read, after which 
the Court said: 

" Now, the general advice throughout was to each individual- 


man — I mean the general teachings on this subject of associated 
revolution — was to each individual -man to do it himself, with- 
out combination; that men working together in deeds of violence 
were to be avoided; that they were to go alone where one man 
only was required to accomplish the work, and where more than 
one man was required, as few as was necessary should be taken. 
Now, under these circumstances, in the inflamed state of the 
public mind at the time, each of these orators was still more in- 
flaming the public mind when he advised the people to use 
force, and some man — I do not say identified, but unidentified — 
some man in that crowd, when the police approached, with a 
bomb of Lingg's manufacture, killed Deegan ; all who have ad- 
vised such action are guilty of his murder. If anything can be 
proved by circumstantial evidence, that is proved ; that he threw 
that bomb in consequence of the influence of these teachings, 
this advise by speech and printing over a course of two years ; 
that the man who threw that bomb had been educated up to it 
by the teachings of these defendants. The case, as I said be- 
fore, is unprecedented. There is no example of any such crime 
having been committed ; there is no precedent of any case like 
this having become the subject of judicial investigation ; but the 
principle of law is well fixed. It is the boast of people who 
profess to admire the common law, that it adapts itself to human 
events, and that no situation or no new form of industry can 
arise but the common law has principles which may be applied." 
The prisoners spoke in their own behalf before sentence 
was passed. The courtroom was crowded as usual. The police 
department was represented by Chief Ebersold, Capt. Schaack, 
and twenty officers. The prisoners wore a look of even greater 
anxiety than at the morning session. Parsons appeared partic- 


ularly thoughtful and gloomy. The greater part of the session 
he sat with his cheek resting in his hand and taking less note 
of the proceedings than usual. Spies was laboring under great 
excitement. Before he began his speech Judge Gaiy repeated 
the caution he had before given the auditors to refrain from any 
demonstration of approbation or disapprobation during the ses- 
sion. He insisted that every one in the court should be seated, 
and seeing two men at the rear of the room seated on a table he 
compelled them to take chairs or sit on the floor. Everything 
was quiet as the grave when Spies began his address. During 
the impassioned passages he raised his voice and indulged in 
violent gesticulation. Neebe's utterance was quite rapid, and 
he spoke like one at home before an audience. His speech 
would have produced an impression on any jury. His voice is 
clear and resonant, and he has a better presence than any of the 
other defendants. Fischer spoke hesitatingly, and would prob- 
ably not have spoken at all but for an uncontrollable desire to 
express his opinion of the State's Attorney and all representa- 
tives of the law. Lingg's rather handsome face was flushed, 
and his eyes flashed as he poured out his denunciation of Messrs. 
Grinnell and Boniield. When he took his seat his face was 
covered with perspiration. He made the walls ring, and as 
each sentence had to be translated by Prof. Ficke, he had am- 
ple opportunity to deliver each sentence with renewed emphasis. 
Schwab read his speech in a clear, resonant voice, and it had 
been evidently prepared with much care. 





" In addressing this Court I speak as the representative of 
one class to the representative of another. I will begin with 
the words uttered five hundred years ago on a similar occasion 
by the Venetian Doge Faliero, who, addressing the court, said : 
' My defense is your accusation ; the causes of my alleged crime, 
your history.' I have been indicted under the charge of mur- 
der as an accomplice of accessory. Upon this indictment I have 
been convicted. There was no evidence produced by the State 
to show or even indicate that I had any knowledge of the man 
who threw the bomb, or that I myself had anything to do with 
the throwing of the missile unless, of course, you weigh the tes- 
timony of the accomplices of the State's Attorney and Bonfield, 
the testimony of Thompson and Gilmer, by the price they were 
paid for it, If there was no evidence to show that I was legally 
responsible for the deed, then my conviction and the execution 
of the sentence are nothing less than a willful, malicious and 
deliberate murder — as foul a murder as may be found in the 
annals of religious, political, or any other sort of persecution. 
Judicial murders have in many cases been committed where the 
representatives of the state were acting in good faith, believing 
their victims to be guilty of the charge or accusation. In this 
case the representatives of the state cannot justify themselves 



by a similar excuse, for they themselves have fabricated most of 
the testimony which was used as a pretense to convict us — con- 
vict us by a jury picked to convict before this Court and before 
the public, which is supposed to be the State. I charge the 
State's Attorney and Bonfield with a heinous conspiracy to com- 
mit murder. 

" I will now state a little incident which will throw light 
upon this charge. On the evening on which the praetorian co- 
horts of the Citizens' Association, the Bankers' Association, the 
Bar Association, and railroad princes attacked the meeting of 
working-men at the Haymarket with murderous intent — on that 
evening about 8 o'clock, I met a young man, Legner by name. 
My brother was with me at the same time, and never left me 
on that evening until I jumped from the wagon a few seconds 
before the explosion came. Legner knew that 1 had not seen 
Schwab that evening. He knew that 1 had no such conversa- 
tion with anybody, as Marshall Field's protege, Thompson has 
testified to. He knew that I did not jump from the wagon and 
strike a match and hand it to the man who threw the bomb. 
He is not a Socialist. Why didn't we bring him on the stand ? 
Because the honorable representatives of the State, Grinnell and 
Bonfield, spirited him away. These honorable gentlemen knew 
everything about Legner. They knew that his testimony would 
prove the perjury of Thompson and Gilmer beyond any reason- 
able doubt. Legner's name was on the list of witnesses for the 
State. He was not called, however, for obvious reasons. First, 
as he stated to a number of friends, he had been offered $500 
if he would leave the city, and threatened with direful things 
if he should remain here and appear as a witness for the de- 
fense. He replied that he could neither be bought nor bull- 


dozed to serve such a foul, damnable, dastardly plot. But when 
we wanted Legner he could not be found. Mr. Grinnell said — 
and Mr. Grinnell is an honorable man — that he himself had 
been searching for the young man, but had not been able to find 
him. About three weeks later I learned that the very same 
youug man had been kidnapped and taken to Buffalo, N. Y., by 
two of the illustrious guardians of the law, two Chicago detec- 
tives. Let Mr. Grinnell, let the Citizens' Association, his em- 
ployer, let them answer for themselves, and let the people — let 
the public — sit in judgment upon these would-be assassins. No, 
I reply, the Prosecution has not established our legal guilt, not- 
withstanding the purchased and perjured testimony of some, 
and notwithstanding the originality of the proceedings of the 
trial. And as long as this has not been done, and you pro- 
nounce the sentence of the appointed viligante committee acting 
as a jury, I say that you, the alleged servant and high priests of 
the law, are the real and only law-breakers, and in this case you 
go to the extent of murder. It is well that the people know 
this. And when I speak of the people I do not mean the few 
conspirators of Grinnell, the noble patricians who are murderers 
of those whom they please to oppress. Those citizens may con- 
stitute the state. They may control the state ; they may have 
their Grinnells, Bonfields, and their hirelings. No, when I 
speak of the people, I speak of the great mass of working beasts, 
who unfortunately are not yet conscious of the rascalities that 
are perpetrated in the name of the people — in their name. They 
condemn the murder of eight men whose only crime is that they 
have dared to speak the truth. This murder may open the eyes 
of these suffering millions, may wake them up indeed. I have 
noticed that our conviction has worked miracles in this direction 


already. The class that clamors for our lives, the good and devout 
Chris tians, have attempted in every way, through their newspa- 
pers and otherwise, to conceal the true and only issue in this case, 
by designating the defendants Anarchists and picturing them 
as a newly-discovered tribe or species of cannibles, by inventing 
shocking and horrifying stories of their conspiracies. 

"I believe with Buckle, with Paine, with Jefferson, with 
Emerson, with Spencer, and with many other great thinkers of 
this century, that the state of caste and classes, the state where 
one class dominates and lives upon the labor of another class 
and calls it order, should be abolished. Yes, I believe that this 
barbaric form of social organization, with its legalized thunder 
and murder, is doomed to die and make room for free society — 
volunteer associations if you like — universal brotherhood. You 
may pronounce your sentence upon me, honorable judge, but 
let the world know that in the year A. D. 1886, in the state of 
Illinois, eight men were sentenced to death because they had 
not lost their faith in the ultimate victory of liberty and justice. 
Read the history of Greece and Rome; read that of Venice. 
Look over the dark pages of the church and follow the thorny 
path of science. No change! No change! 

11 You would destroy society and civilization, as ever, upon 
the cry of the ruling classes. They are so comfortably situated 
under the prevailing system that they naturally abhor and fear 
even the slightest changes. Their privileges are as dear to them 
as life itself, and every change threatens these privileges. But 
civilization is a record whose steps are monuments of such 
changes. Without these social changes, always brought about 
against the will and against the force of the ruling classes, there 
would be no civilization. As to the destruction of society, 


which we have been accused of seeking, it sounds like one of 
^Esop's fables — like the cunning of the fox. We, who have 
jeopardized our lives to save society from the fiend that has 
grasped her by the throat, that seeks her life-blood and devours 
her substance; we, who would heal her bleeding wounds, who 
would free her from the fetters you have wrought around her, 
from the misery you have brought upon her — we are enemies. 
We have preached dynamite, it is said, and Ave have predicted 
from the lessons history has taught us, that the ruling class of 
to day would no more listen to the voice of reason than did 
their predecessors. They would attempt by brute force to stay 
the march of progress. Was it a lie, or was it the truth that we 
stated ? * * * I have been a citizen of this city fully as 
long as Mr. Grinnell, and am probably as good a citizen as 
Grinnell. At least I should not wish to be compared to him. 
Grinnell has appealed time and again, as has been stated by 
our attorneys, to the patriotism of the jury. To that I reply, 
and I will simply use the words of an English literateur, 'Pa- 
triotism is the last resort of the scoundrel. 1 My friends' agita- 
tion in behalf of the disinherited and disfranchised millions, 
and my agitation in this direction, the popularization of the 
economic teachings in favor of the education of wage-workers, 
is declared to be a conspiracy against society. The word * so- 
ciety ' is here wisely substituted for state, as represented by the 
patricians of to-day. It has always been the opinion of the rul- 
ing classes that the people must be kept in ignorance. They 
lose their sevility, modesty, and obedience to the arbitrary pow- 
ers that be, as their intelligence grows. The education of a 
blackman, a quarter of a century ago was a criminal offense. 
Why ? Because the intelligent slave would throw off his shack- 


les at whatever cost, my Christian gentlemen. Why is the ed- 
ucation of the working classes to-day looked upon by a certain 
class as treason against the State ? For the same reason ! The 
State, however, wisely avoided this point in the prosecution of the 
case. From their testimony one would really conclude that we 
had in our speeches and publications preached nothing else but 
destruction and dynamite. * * * You, gentlemen, are the 
revolutionists. You rebel against the effects of social condi- 
tions which have tossed you by fortune's hand into a magnifi- 
cent paradise. Without inquiring, you imagine that no one 
else has a right in that place. You insist that you are the 
chosen ones, the sole proprietors of forces that tossed you into 
the paradise. The industrial forces are still at work. They are 
growing more active and intense from day to day. There tend- 
ency is to elevate all mankind to the same level ; to have all hu- 
manity share in the paradise you now monopolize. Can you 
roll back the incoming tide or angry waves of old ocean by for- 
bidding it to dash upon the shore ? So you can no more frighten 
back the rising waves of intelligence and progress into their un- 
fathomable depths by erecting a few gallows in the perspective. 
You, who oppose the natural forces of things, you are the real 
revolutionists. You, and you alone, are the conspirators and 


" Your Honor, you asked me why the sentence of death 
should not be passed upon me. I will not talk much. I will 
only say a few words, and that is that I protest against my be- 
ing sentenced to death, because I committed no crime. I was 
tried here in this room for murder and I was convicted of An- 


archy. I protest against being sentenced to death, because I 
have not been found guilty of murder. I have been tried for 
murder, but I have been convicted because I am an Anarchist. 
Although being one of the parties who were at the Haymarket 
meeting, I had no more to do with the throwing of that bomb, 
I had no more connection with it than State's Attorney Grin- 
nell had perhaps. 

" As I said, it is a fact, and I do not deny that I was one of 
the parties who called at the Haymarket meeting, but that 
meeting — (At this point Mr. Salomon stepped up and spoke to 
Fischer in a low tone, but Fischer waived him off and said : 
Mr. Salomon, be so kind. I know what I am talking about.) 
Now, that Haymarket meeting was not called for the purpose 
of committing violence and crime. No ; but the meeting was 
called for the purpose of protesting against the outrages and 
against the crimes of the police committed on the day previous 
out at McCorniick's. The next day I went to Wehrer <fc Klein 
and had twenty -five thousand copies of the hand bills printed, 
and I invited Spies to speak at Haymarket meeting. It is the 
fact, and I don't deny it, in the original of the ' copy ' I had the 
line ' Working men, arm ! ' and I had my reasons, too, for put- 
ting those lines in, because I didn't want the working men to 
be shot down in that meeting as on other occasions. But as 
those circulars were printed and brought over to the Arbeiter 
Zeitung office, my comrade, Spies, saw one of those circulars. I 
had invited him to speak before that. He showed the circular 
and said : ' Well. Fischer, if those circulars are distributed I 
won't speak/ And I admitted it would be better to take those 
lines out ; and Mr. Spies spoke. And that is all I had to do with 
that meeting. I feel that I am sentenced, or will be sentenced 



to death because I am an Anarchist, and not because 1 am a 
murderer. I have never been a murderer. I have never com- 
mitted any crime in my life yet ; but I know a certain man who 
is on the way to becoming a murderer, an assassin, and that 
man is Grinnell — the State's Attorney Grinnell — because he 
brought men on the witness stand whom he knew would swear 
falsely ; and I publicly denounce Mr. Grinnell as being a mur- 
derer and an assassin if I should be executed. But, if the rul- 
ing classes think that by hanging us, hanging a few Anarchists > 
they can crush out Anarchy, they will be badly mistaken, be- 
cause the Anarchist loves his principles more than his life An 
Anarchist is always ready to die for his principles." 


"It is not much I have to say, and I would say nothing at 
all if keeping silence did not look like a cowardly approval of 
what has been done here. To those, the proceedings of a trial 
of justice would be a sneer. Justice has not been done. More 
than that, could not be done. If one class is arraigned against 
the other class it is idle and hypocritical to talk about justice 
and fairness. Anarchy was on trial, as the State's Attorney 
put it in his closing speech. A doctrine, an opinion hostile to 
brute force, hostile to our present murderous sj'stem of produc- 
tion and distribution. I am condemned to die for writing news- 
paper articles and making speeches. The State's Attorney 
knows as well as I do that the alleged conversation between 
Mr. Spies and me never took place. He knows a good deal 
more than that. He knows all the beautiful works of his or- 
ganizer, Furthmann. When I was before the Coroner's jury 
two or three witnesses swore very positively to having seen me 


at the Haymarket when Mr. Parsons finished his speech. I 
suppose they wanted at that time to fix the bomb-throwing on 
me, for the first dispatches to Europe said that M. Schwab had 
thrown several bombs at the police. Later on they found that 
would not do, and then Schnaubelt was the man. Anarchy 
was on trial. Little did it matter who the persons were to be 
honored by the prosecution. * * * 

" As soon as the word is applied to us and to our doctrine 
it carries with it a meaning that we Anarchists see fit to give. 
'Anarchy' is Greek, and means, verbatim, that we are not be- 
ing ruled. According to our vocabulary Anarchy is a state of 
society in which the only government is reason; a state of so- 
ciety in which all human beings do right for the simple reason 
that it is right, and hate wrong because it is wrong. In such 
a society no compulsion will be necessary. The Attorney of 
the State was wrong when he exclaimed 'Anarchy is dead V 
Anarchy up to the present time existed only as a doctrine, and 
Grinnell has not the power to kill any doctrine whatever. An- 
archy, as defined by us, is called an idle dream, but that dream 
was called by God a divine blessing. One of the three great 
German poets and a celebrated German critic of the last cen- 
tury has also defined it. If Anarchy was the thing the State's 
Attorney makes it out to be, how could it be that such eminent 
scholars as Prince Krapotkine should say what he has said 
about it ? Anarchy is a dream, but only in the present. It 
will be realized, for reason will grow in spite of all obstacles. 
Who is the man that has the cheek to tell us that human de- 
velopment has already reached its culminating point? I know 
our ideal will not be accomplished this year or next year, but 
I know it will be accomplished as soon as possible, some day in 


tie future. It is entirely wrong to use the word Anarchy as 
synonymous with violence. Violence is something, and An- 
archy is another. Tn the present state of society violence is 
used on all sides, and therefore we advocated the use of vio- 
lence against violence, but against violence only as a necessary 
means of defense. I have never read Herr Most's book simply 
because I don't find time to read it; and if I had read it, what 
of it ? I am an agnostic, but I like to read the Bible, neverthe- 
less. I have not the slightest idea who threw the bomb at the 
Haymarket, and had no knowledge of any conspiracy to use 
violence that or any other night. 1 ' 


" Your Honor: I have found out during the last few days 
what law is. Before I didn't know it. I did not know that I 
was convicted because I knew Spies and Fielden and Parsons. 
I have met these gentlemen. I have presided at a meeting, as 
the evidence against me shows, in the Turner hall, to which 
meeting your Honor was invited. The judges, the preachers, 
the newspaper men, and everybody was invited to appear at 
that meeting for the purpose of discussing Anarchism and So- 
cialism. I was at that hall. I am well known among the 
working men of the city, and I was the one elected chairman 
of that meeting. Nobody appeared to speak, to discuss the 
question of Labor and Anarchism or Socialism with laboring 
men. No, they couldn't stand it. I was chairman of that meet- 
ing; I don't deny it. I had the honor to be marshal of a labor 
demonstration in this city, and I never saw as respectable a lot 
of men as I saw that day. 

" They marched like soldiers, and I was proud that I was 


marshal of those men. They were the toilers and the working 
men of this city. The men marched through the city of Chicago 
to protest against the wrongs of society, and I was marshal of 
them. If that is a crime, I have found out — as a born Ameri- 
can — what I am guilty of. I always thought I had a right to 
express my opinion, to be chairman of a peaceable meeting, and 
to be marshal of a demonstration. My friends, the labor agi- 
tators, and the marshals of a demonstration — was it a crime to 
be marshal of a demonstration? I am convicted of that. I 
suppose Grinnell thought after Oscar Neebe was indicted for 
murder the Arheiter Zeitung would go down. But it didn't 
happen that way. And Mr. Furthmann, too — he is a scoundrel, 
and I can tell it to you to your face. There is only one man 
that acted as a lawyer, and he is Mr. Ingham, but you three 
fellows have not. 

I established the paper and issued it to the working men 
of the city of Chicago, and inside of two weeks I had enough 
money from the toilers — from hired girls, from men who would 
take the last cent out of their pocket to establish the paper — to 
buy a press. I could not publish the paper because the honor- 
able detectives and Mr. Grinnell followed us up, and no print- 
ing house would print our paper, and we had to have our own 
press. "We published our own paper after we had a press, 
bought by the money of the working men of the city. That is 
the crime I have committed — getting men to try and establish 
a working-man's paper that will stand to-day, and I am proud 
of it. They have not got one press — they have got two presses 
to-day, and they belong to the working men of this city. When 
the first issue came out, from that day up to the day now, your 
Honor, we have gained 4,000 subscribers. There are the gen- 



tlemen sitting over there from the Frele Presse and Stoats Zei- 
tiuuj — they know it. The Germans of this city are condemning 
these actions. They would not read our paper. There is the 
crime of the Germans. I say it is a verdict against Germans, 
and I, as an American, must say that I never saw anything like 

" Those are the crimes I have committed after the 4th of 
May. Before the 4th of May I committed some crimes. I or- 
ganized trades unions. I was for the reduction of the hours of 
labor and the education of laboring men aud the re-establish- 
ment of the Arheiter Zeitung. There is no evidence to show 
that I was connected with the bomb throwing, that I was 
near it or anything of that kind. So I am only sorry, 
your Honor, if you can stop it or help it, I will ask you to do 
it — that is, to hang me, too ; and I think it is more honor to die 
certainly than to be killed by inches. I have a family and 
children, and if they know their father is dead they will bury 
him. They can go to the grave and kneel down in front of it ; 
but they can't go to Joliet and see their father convicted of a 
crime that he hasn't anything to do with. That is all I have 
got to say. Your Honor, I am sorry I do not get hung with 
the rest of the men." 


[Translated by Prof. H. H. Fick.] 

" Court of Justice : AVith the same contempt with which I 
have tried to live humanely upon this American soil, I am now 
granted the privilege to speak. If I do take the word I do it 
because injustice and indignities have been heaped upon me 
right here. I have been accused of murder. What proofs have 


been brought iu support of it ? It has been proved that I as- 
sisted some man by the name of Seliger in manufacturing bombs. 
It has been furthermore stated that with the assistance of some- 
body else I have taken those bombs to 58 Clybourn avenue, but 
although one of these assistants has been produced as a State 
witness it has not been shown that one of these bombs was 
taken to the Haymarket. * * * * AVhat is Anarchy? * 
* * The points that we are driving at have been carefully 
withheld by the State. * * * But it has not been said that 
by their superior force we are driven to our course. Contempt 
of court has been charged against us. We have been treated 
as opponents of public order. AVhat is this order? Such order 
as represented by police and detectives? On the slightest oc- 
casion the representatives of this public order have forced them- 
selves into our midst. The same police that aim to give pro- 
tection to property embraces thieves in its ranks. *- * * I 
have told Capt. Schaack that I was at a meeting of carpenters 
at Zephf s hall on May 3. He has stated that I admitted to 
him that I learned the fabrication of bombs from Most's book, 
1 Science of Warfare.' That is perjury. * * * It has been 
proved that Grinnell has used Gilmer for his purpose intention- 
ally. There are points which prove that. * * * I say that 
these seven persons here, of which I am one, are murdered pur- 
posely by Grinnell. * * * Grinnell has the courage to call 
me a coward, right here in this court of justice, and Grinnell is 
a person who has connived with miserable subjects to go against 
me, to get testimony against me, to kill me. * * * Is life 
worth living? What are their purposes in thus murdering 
these men ? Low egotism, which finds its reward in a higher 
position, and which yields a return of money. * * * But 


it has been said that the International association of working 
men was in itself a conspiracy, and that I was a member of this 
association. My colleague, Spies, has already stated to you how 
we were connected. * * * And that is the conspiracy that 
has been proved against me, and for that I am to end my life 
upon the gallows — an instrument which you consider a disgrace 
to me. I declare here openly that I do not acknowledge these 
laws, and less so the sentence of the Court. * * * I would 
not say a word if I was really guilty according to this foolish 
law, but even according to these laws that would not be re- 
spected by a schoolboy, not even these laws have been carried 
out to the full extent when I was found guilty. * * * You 
smile. You perhaps think I will not use bombs any more, but 
I tell you I die gladly upon the gallows in the sure hope that 
hundreds and thousands of people to whom I have spoken will 
now recognize and make use of dynamite. In this hope I de- 
spise you, and I despise your laws. Hang me for it." 


[Translated by Mr. Gauss.] 

" When I left Germany in the year 1872 it was by reason 
of my recognition of the fact that I could not support myself in 
the future as it was the duty of a man to do. I recognized that 
I could not make my living in Germany because the machinery 
and the guilds of old no longer furnished me a guarantee to 
live. I resolved to emigrate from Germany to the United 
States, praised by many so highly. When I landed at Phila- 
delphia, on the 8th of January, 1873, my heart and my bosom 
expanded with the expectation of living hereafter in that free 
country which had been so often praised to me by so many em- 


igrants, and I resolved to be a good citizen of this country ; and 
I congratulated myself on having broken with Germany, where 
I could have no longer made my living, and I think that my 
past will show that, that, which I resolved I intended to 
keep faithfully. For the first time I stand before an American 
court, and at that to be at once condemned to death. And 
what are the causes that have preceded it, and have brought 
me into this court? They are the same things that preceded 
my leaving Germany, and the same causes that made me leave. 
I have seen with my own eyes that in this free country, in this 
richest country of the world, so to say, there are existing pro- 
letarians who are pushed out of the order of society." 

After explaining how his dissatisfaction with the existing 
order of things led him to become a Socialist, Engel continued : 

" I resolved to study Socialism with all my power. In the 
year 1878 I came from Philadelphia to Chicago, and took pains 
to eke out my existence here in Chicago, and believed that it 
would be an easier task to live here, than in Philadelphia, where 
I had previously in vain exerted my powers to live. I found 
that, that also was in vain. There was no difference for a pro- 
letariat, whether he lived in New York, or Philadelphia, or 
Chicago. * * * To make further investigations I tried to 
buy, from the money that I and my family earned, scientific 
books on those questions. I bought the works of Ferdinand 
LaSalle, Karl Marx and Henry George. After investigating 
these works I recognized these reasons why a proletariat could 
not exist, even in this country, as free as it is. I thought about 
the means by which that could be corrected. They praised to 
me this country where every man and every working man had 
a right to go to the ballot-box and choose his own office rs. I 


scarcely believed that any citizen of the United States could 
have meant so honestly and well as I, when I turned my atten- 
tion to politics, and took part in them. But even in this regard 
of freedom of the ballot-box I found myself mistaken. I learned 
to see that the working man was not free in his opinion, that 
he was not free in vote. It was in vain that the Socialistic 
party took pains in former times, honest pains, to elect honest 
officers. After a few vain attempts I found that it was impos- 
sible for a working man to free himself by means of the ballot- 
box, and to secure those things which were necessary for his 
existence. * * * In this city corruption even entered the 
ranks of the Social Democracy. I also obtained the conviction 
that through those men who put themselves over us as leaders-, 
and occupied themselves with compromises, this was brought 
about, and then I left the ranks of the Social Democracy and 
gave myself over to the International which was then organiz- 
ing; and what these men wanted, and what these men through 
their exertions sought to bring about was nothing more or less 
than the conviction that the freeing of the ruling classes could 
only be brought about by force, as have all revolutions been 
throughout history. This conviction, before I went over to 
those people, was obtained through study of the history of all 
lands. The history of all lands showed me that all advantages 
in a political, in a religious, and in a material direction, were al- 
ways obtained only by the use of force ; and if I confine myself to 
the history of this country where I am convicted, I take into con- 
sideration that the first emmigrants into this country and the 
first colonists, only freed themselves by force from the power of 
England. I afterward obtained the conviction that the slavery 
existing in this country, to the shame of the Republic, could 


only be put aside by force. And what does this history teach 
us? The man that spoke against existing slavery in this coun- 
try was hanged, as it is intended that we should be hanged, to- 
day. In the course of time I became convinced that all those 
who spoke in favor of the ruling classes must hang. And what 
are the reasons for it \ This Republic does not exist through, 
and its affairs are not conducted by, those persons who come 
into office by an honest ballot. * * * Under these condi- 
tions it is certainly not a wonder that there were men, noble 
men, noble scientific men, who have tried to find ways and 
means to bring back humanity to its original condition. And 
this is the social science to which I confess myself with joy. 
The State's Attorney said here ' Anarchism is on trial. 1 Anar- 
chism and Socialism are, according to my opinion, as like as one 
egg is to another. Only the tactics are different. Anarchism 
has abandoned the ways pointed out by Socialism to free man- 
mankind, and has resolved no longer to bear the yoke of slavery, 
and, therefore, I say to the working classes, do not believe any 
longer in the ballot-box and in those ways and means that are 
left open to you; but rather think about ways and means when 
the time comes, when the burden of the people becomes intoler-. 
able. And that is our crime. Because we have named to the 
people the ways and means by which they could free themselves 
in the fight against Capitalism, by reason of that, Anarchism is 
hated and persecuted in every state. In spite of that and again 
in spite of it Anarchism will exist, and if not in public it will 
exist in secret, because the powers force it to act in secret. If 
the State's Attorney declares or thinks that after he has hanged 
these seven men and sent the other one to the penitentiary for 
fifteen years he Las then killed Anarchism, I say, that will not 



be so. Only the tactics will be changed, and that will be all. 
No power in the world will tear from the working man his 
knowledge and his skill or opportunity in making bonibs. I 
am convinced that Anarchism cannot be routed out, — if that 
was the case it would have been routed out in other countries 
long ago — in the least by our murdering the Anarchists. That 
evening when the first bomb in this country was thrown, I was 
sitting in my room; did not know anything about the conspir- 
acy; did not know anything about that deed; did not know 
anything about the bomb; did not know anything about the 
conspiracy which the State's Attorney had brought about here. 
* * * Can you have respect for a government that only 
gives rights to the privileged classes, but to the working men 
not at all, although there are conspiracies in all classes and con- 
nections of the capitalistic class. Although we have only re- 
cently experienced that the coal barons came together, put up 
the price of coal arbitrarily while they paid less wages to their 
working men, and wherever those coal workers, those miners 
have come together to consider the bettering their conditions, 
their demands have always been very modest on the whole, 
then the militia appears at once upon the scene and helps those 
people, while they are feeding the miners with powder and lead. 
For such a government I have no respect, and can have no re- 
spect in spite of all their followers, in spite of all their police, 
in spite of all their spies. 

" I am not a man who hates a single capitalist. I am not 
the man who at all hates the person of the capitalist. I hate 
the system and all privileges, and my greatest desire is that the 
working classes will at last recognize who are their friends and 


who are their enemies. Against the condemnation of myself 
by the capitalistic influence I have no word to say." 


Fielden prefaced his plea by reciteing a poem called " Rev- 
olution, 1 written by Freilegrath, a German poet: 

" And tho' ye caught your noble prey within your hangman's sordid thrall, 
And tho' your captive was led forth beneath your city's rampart wall; 
And tho' the grass lies o'er her green, where at the morning's early red 
The peasant girl brings funeral wreaths — I tell you still — she is not dead! 

" You see me only in your cells; ye see me only in the grave; 
Ye see me only wandering lone, beside the exile's sullen wave — 
Ye fools ! Do I not live where you have tried to pierce in vain ? 
Rests not a nook for me to dwell, in every heart, and every brain ? 

*' 'Tis therefore I will be — and lead the peoples yet your hosts to meet, 
And on your necks, your heads, your crowns, will plant my strong, resistless 

It is no boast— it is no threat — tbus history's iron law decrees — 
The day grows hot, oh, Babylon ! 'Tis cool beneath thy willow trees ! w 

Fielden continued: "It makes a great deal of difference, 
perhaps, what kind of a revolutionist a man is. The men who 
have been on trial here for Anarchy have been asked the ques- 
tion on the witness stand if they were revolutionists. It is not 
generally considered to be a crime among intellectual people to 
be a revolutionist, but it may be made a crime if a revolutionist 
happens to be poor. * * * If I had known that I was be- 
ing tried for Anarchy I could have answered that charge. I 
could have justified it under the constitutional right of every 
citizen of this country, and more than the right which any con- 
stitution can give, the natural right of the human mind to draw 
its conclusion from whatever information it can gain, but I had 
no opportunities to show why I was an Anarchist. I was told 



that I was to be hung for being an Anarchist, after I had got 
through defending myself on the charge of murder." 

Fielden related that he was born in Lancashire; that his first 
speech was made to starving operatives in the streets of his na- 
tive town ; that it was here he began to hate kings and queens ; 
his first speech was in support of the operatives of Lancashire 
as against the sympathizers with the South in the American re- 
bellion ; he came to the United States in 1808 and was a Meth- 
odist exhorter in Ohio, and came to Chicago in 1869. Fielden 
detailed how he had come to be a Socialist and Anarchist ; re- 
viewing the various speeches he had made at meetings in Chi- 
cago; attacking the veracity of witnesses who had testified 
against him, and declaring himself the victim of illegal prose- 
cution. He continued: 

" From the time I became a Socialist I learned more and 
more what it was. I knew that I had found the right thing ; 
that I had found the medicine that was calculated to cure the 
ills of society. Having found it, I believed it, and I had a 
right to advocate it, and I did. The Constitution of the United 
States, when it says : ' The right of free speech shall not be 
abridged,' gives every man the right to speak. I have advo- 
cated the principles of Socialism and social equality, and for 
that and no other reason am I here, and sentence of death is to 
be pronounced upon me. What is Socialism I Taking some- 
body else's property ? That is what Socialism is in the common 
acceptation of the term. No ; but if I were to answer it as 
shortly and as curtly as it is answered by its enemies. I would 
say it is preventing somebody else from taking your projDerty. 
But Socialism is equality. Socialism recognizes the fact that no 
man in society is responsible for what he is ; that all the ills 


that are in society are the production of poverty ; and scientific 
Socialism says that you must go to the root of the evil. There 
is no criminal statistician in the world but will acknowledge 
that all the crime, when traced to its origin, is the product of 
poverty. * * * If I am to be convicted — hanged for tell- 
ing the truth, the little child that kneels by its mother's side 
on the West side to-day and tells its mother that he wants his 
papa to come home, and to whom I had intended as soon as its 
prattling tongue should begin to talk, to teach that beautiful 
sentiment — that child had better never be taught to read ; had 
better never be taught that sentiment to love truth. If 
they are to be convicted of murder because they dare tell what 
they think is the truth, then it would be better that every one 
of your schoolhouses were reduced to the ground and one stone 
not left upon another. If you teach your children to read they 
will acquire curiosity from what they read. They will think, 
and then will search for the meaning of this and that They 
will arrive at conclusions. And then if they love the truth, 
they must tell to each other what is truth or what they think 
is the truth. That is the sum of my offending. * * * The 
private property system then, in my opinion, being a system 
that only subserves the interests of a few, and can only subserve 
the interests of the few, has no mercy- It cannot stop for the 
consideration of such a sentiment. Naturally it cannot. So 
you ought not to have mercy upon the private property system, 
because it is well known that there are many people in the com- 
munity with prejudices in their minds. They have grown up 
under certain social regulations, and they believe that those 
social regulations are right, just as Mr. Grinnell believes that 
everything in America is right, because he happened to be born 


here. And they have such a prejudice against any one who 
attacks those systems. Now, I say they ought not to have any 
mercy upon systems that do nor subserve their interests. They 
ought not to have any respect for them that would interfere 
with their abolishing them." 

Fielden maintained that the throwing of the bomb at the 
Haymarket was a complete surprise to him; that he felt that he 
would be held in some respect, at least responsible, yet he re- 
solved not to attempt flight ; continuing : " I have said here 
that I thought when the representatives of the State had in- 
quired by means of their policemen as to my connection with it, 
I should have been released. And I say now, in view of all the 
authorities that have been read on the law and accessory, that 
there is nothing in evidence that has been introduced to connect 
me with that affair. * * * The great Socialist who lived in 
this world nearly 1,900 years ago, Jesus Christ, has left these 
words, and there are no grander words in which the principles 
of justice and right are conveyed in any language. He said : 
4 Better that ninety-nine guilty men should go unpunished than 
that one innocent man should suffer.' Mr. Grinnell, I should 
judge from his statements here, is a Christian. I would ask him 
to apply that statement of the Great Teacher to the different 
testimony that has been given here, and the direct contrary in 
other places in the investigation of this case. Your Honor, we 
claim that this is a class verdict. We claim that the foulest 
criminal that could have been picked up in the slums of any 
city in Christendom, or outside of it, would never have been 
convicted on such testimony as has been brought in here if he 
had not been a dangerous man in the opinion of the privileged 
classes. * * * If my life is to be taken for advocating the 


principles of Socialism and Anarchy, as I have understood them 
and honestly believe them to be in the interests of humanity, I 
say to you that I gladly give it up ; and the price is very small 
for the result that is gained. * * * We claim that so far 
as we have been able to find out in trying to find a cure for the 
ills of society, we have not found out anything that has seemed 
to fit the particular diseases which society in our opinion is af- 
flicted with to-day, better than the principles of Socialism. And 
your Honor, Socialism, when it is thoroughly understood in 
this community and in the world, as it is by us, I believe that 
the world, which is generally honest, prejudiced though it may 
be, will not be slow to adopt its principles. And it will be a 
good time, a grand day for the world; it will be a grand day 
for humanity ; it will never have taken a step so far onward to- 
ward perfection, if it can ever reach that goal, as it will when 
it adopts the principles of Socialism. * * * To-day, as the 
beautiful autumn sun kisses with balmy breeze the cheek of 
every free man, I stand here never to bathe my head i:i it> rays 
again. I have loved my fellow men as I have loved myself. I 
have hated trickery, dishonesty and injustice. The nineteenth 
century commits the crime of killing its best friend. It will 
live to repent of it. But, as I have said before, if it will do any 
good, I freely give myself up. I trust the time will come when 
there will be a better understanding, more intelligence, and 
above the mountains of iniquity, wrong and corruption, T hope 
the sun of righteousness and truth and justice will come to 
bathe in its balmy light an emancipated world. I thank your 
Honor for your attention." 


Parsons made a speech addressed in the main to working 



men, starting out with the recital of a poem by George Heinig, 
entitled "Bread is Freedom." He continued: 

44 Your Honor, if there is one distinguishing characteristic 
which has made itself prominent in the conduct of this trial it 
has been the passion, the heat, and the anger, the violence both 
to sentiment and to feeling, of everything connected with this 
case. You ask me why sentence of death should not be pro- 
nounced upon me, or, what is tantamount to the same thing, 
you ask me why you should give me a new trial in order that I 
might establish my innocence and the ends of justice be sub- 
served. I answer you, your Honor, and say that this verdict is 
the verdict of passion, born in passion, nurtured in passion, and 
is the sum totality of the organized passion of the city of Chi- 
cago. For this reason I ask your suspension of the sentence, 
and a new trial. This is one among the many reasons which I 
hope to present to your Honor before 1 conclude. Now, your 
Honor, what is passion ? Passion is the suspension of reason ; 
in a mob upon the streets, in the broils of the saloon, in the 
quarrels on the sidewalk, where men throw aside their reason 
and resort to feelings of exasperation, we have passion. There 
is a suspension of the elements of judgment, of calmness, of dis- 
crimination requisite to arrive at the truth and the establish- 
ment of justice. I hold, your Honor, that you can not dispute 
the proposition that I make that this trial has been submerged, 
immerced in passion from its inception to its close, and even at 
this hour, standing here upon the scaffold as I do with the hang- 
man awaiting me with his halter, there are those who claim to 
represent public sentiment in the city, and I now speak of the 
capitalistic press — that vile and infamous organ and monopoly 
of hired liars, the people's oppressors/ 1 Parsons claimed to 


have been for thirty years identified with labor interests, and 
said : " And in what I say upon this subject relating to the la- 
bor movement or to myself as connected in this trial or before 
this bar, L will speak the truth, though my tongue should be 
torn from my mouth and my throat cut from ear to ear, so help 
me God. v The speaker then went into statistics, claiming that 
9,000,000 out of the 12,000,000 voters in the United States 
were actual wage workers. He attacked the citizens' Associa- 
tion as an organization of millionaires, and claimed that the 
Court should stand between the accused and their persecuters. 
'Where, 11 he asked, u are the ends of justice observed, and 
where is truth found in hurrying seven human beings at the 
rate of express speed upon a fast train to the scaffold, and an 
ignominious death ? Why, if your Honor please, the very method 
of our extermination, the deep damnation of its taking off, ap- 
peals to your Honor's sense of justice, of rectitude, and of honor. 
A judge may also be an unjust man. Such things have been 
known. We have in our histories heard of Lord Jeffreys. It 
need not follow that because a man is a judge he is also jnst. 

* * * Now, I hold that our execution, as the matter stands 
just now, would be judicial murder, and judicial murder is far 
worse than lynch law — far worse. But, your Honor, bear in 
mind please, this trial was conducted by a mob, prosecuted by 
a mob, by the shrieks and the howls of a mob, an organized 
powerful mob. The trial is over. Now, your Honor, you sit 
there judicially, calmly, quietly, and it is now for you to look at 
this thing from the standpoint of reason and from common sense. 

* * * Now, the money-makers, the business men, those 
people who deal in stocks and bonds, the speculators and em- 
ployers, all that class of men known as the money -making class, 


they have no conception of this labor question ; they don't un- 
derstand what it means. To use the street parlance, with many 
of them it is a difficult matter for them to ' catcli onto ' it, and 
they are perverse also ; they will have no knowledge of it. 
They don't want to know anything about it, and they won't 
hear anything about it, and they propose to club, lock up, and 
if necessary strangle those who insist on their hearing this ques- 
tion. Now, your Honor, can you deny that there is such a 
thing in the world as the labor question ? I am an Anarchist. 
Now strike ! But hear me before you strike. What is Social- 
ism, briefly stated? It is the right of the toiler to the free and 
equal use of the tools of production, and the right of the pro- 
ducer to their product. That is Socialism. The history of 
mankind is one of growth. It has been evolutionary and rev- 

Parsons went into an explanation of the wage question and 
the relations of capital and labor, asserting that employers in 
owning capital and leaving nothing to the wage slave but the 
price of his work, had produced a conflict which would inten- 
sify as the power of the priviledged classes over the non-pos- 
session of property classes increased. He continued: "We 
were told by the Prosecution that law is on trial ; that govern- 
ment is on trial. That is what the gentlemen on the other side 
have stated to the jury. The law is on trial, and govern- 
ment is on trial. Well, up to the conclusion of this trial we, 
the defendants, supposed that we were indicted and being tried 
for murder. Now, if the law is on trial, and the government is 
on trial, who has placed it upon trial? And I leave it to the 
people of America whether the prosecution in this case have 
made out a case ; and I charge it here now, frankly, that in or- 


der to bring about this conviction the Prosecution, the repre- 
sentatives of the State, the sworn officers of the law — those 
whose duty it is to the people to obey the law and preserve or- 
der — I charge upon them a willful, a malicious, a purposed 
violation of every law which guarantees every right to every 
American citizen. They have violated free speech. In the 
prosecution of this case they have violated a free press. They 
have violated the right of public assembly. Yea, they have 
even violated and denounced the right of self-defense. I charge 
the crime home to them. * * * My own deliberate opinion 
concerning this Haymarket affair is that the death-dealing mis- 
sile was the work, the deliberate work of monopoly — the act 
of those who themselves charge us with the deed. I am not 
alone in this view of this matter, What are the real facts of 
that Haymarket tragedy? Mayor Harrison of Chicago has 
caused to be published his opinion, in which he says: " I did 
not believe that there was any intention on the part of Spies 
and those men to have bombs thrown at the Haymarket.' He 
knows more about this thing than the jury that sat in this room, 
for he knows — I suspect that the Mayor knows — of some of the 
methods by which some of this evidence and testimony might 
have been manufactured. I don't charge it, your Honor, but 
possibly he has had some intimation of it, and if he has he 
knows more about this case and the merits of this case than did 
the jury who sat here. * * * Before the trial began, dur- 
ing its prosecution, and since its close, a Satanic press has 
shrieked and howled itself wild, like ravenous hyenas, for the 
blood of these eight working men. Now, this subsidized press, 
in the pay of the monopoly and of laborers and slavers, com- 
manded this Court and commanded this jury and this Prosecu- 


tion to convict us. As a fitting climax to this damnable con- 
spiracy against our lives and liberty, what follows ? O hide 
your eye now! hide it! hide it ! As a fitting climax to this dam- 
nable conspiracy against our lives and liberty some of Chicago's 
millionaires proposed to raise a purse of $100,000 and present 
it to the jury for their verdict of guilty against us. This was 
done, as everybody knows, in the last days of the trial, and since 
the verdict so far as anybody knows to the contrary, this blood 
mouey has been paid over to that jury. * * * Condemned 
to death ! Perhaps you think I do not know what for ? Or 
maybe you think the people do not understand your motives? 
You are mistaken. I am here, standing in this spot awaiting 
your sentence, because I hate and loathe authority in every 
form. I am doomed by you to suffer an ignominious death be- 
cause I am the outspoken enemy of coercion, of privilege, of 
force, of authority. It is for this you make me suffer. Think 
you the people are blind, are asleep, are indifferent ? You de- 
ceive yourselves. I tell you, as a man of the people, and I 
speak for them, that your every word and act and thoughts are 
recorded. You are being weighed in the balance. The people 
are conscious of your power — your stolen power. They know 
you; that while you masquerade as their servants you are in 
reality playing the role of master. The people — the common 
working people — know full well that all your wealth, your ease 
and splendor, have been stolen from them by the exercise of 
your authority in the guise of law and order. I, a working 
man, stand here and to your face, in your stronghold of op- 
pression, and denounce to you your crimes against humanity. It is 
for this I die, but my death will not have been in vain. I guess 

I have finished. I don't know as I have anything more to say. 


Your Honor knows all I know about this case. I have taken 
your Honor's time up that I might be able to lay this thing, the 
whole thing, before you, reserving nothing; opening my mind 
and heart, telling you the truth, the truth, and the whole truth. 
I am innocent of this offense. I had no connection with that 
Haymarket tragedy. I know nothing of it. I am not respon- 
sible for it. I leave the case in the hands of your Honor." 


Parsons spoke altogether nearly nine hours, and the ad- 
dresses of all the prisoners occupied three days. Thousands of 
people were turned away during the closing days, and 
the scene in the courtroom when sentence was pronounced 
was peculiarly impressive. At the close of Parsons' remarks 
Judge Gary delivered the following remarks, and pronounced 
the death sentence: 

"I am quite well aware that what you have said, although 
addressed to me, has been said to the world ; yet nothing has 
been said which weakens the force of the proof or the conclu- 
sions therefrom upon which the verdict is based. You are all 
men of intelligence, and know that if the verdict stands, it must 
be executed. The reasons why it shall stand I have already 
sufficiently stated in deciding the motion for a new trial. I am 
sorry beyond any power of expression for your unhappy condi- 
tion and for the terrible events that have brought it about. I 
shall address to you neither reproaches nor exhortation. What 
I shall say, shall be said in the faint hope that a few words from 
a place where the people of the State of Illinois have delegated 
the authority to declare the penalty of a violation of their laws, 
and spoken upon an occasion solemn and awful as this, may 


come to the knowledge of and be heeded by the ignorant, de- 
luded and misguided men who have listened to your counsels 
and followed your advice. I say in the faint hope; for if men 
are persuaded that because of business differences, whether 
about labor or anything else, they may destroy property and 
assault and beat other men, and kill the police, if they, in the 
discharge of their duty, interfere to preserve the peace, there is 
little ground to hope that they will listen to any warning. It 
is not the least among the hardships of the peaceable, frugal and 
laborious poor to endure the tyranny of mobs, who, with law- 
less force, dictate to them, under penalty of peril to limb and 
life, where, when and upon what terms they may earn a liveli- 
hood for themselves and their families. Any government that 
is worthy of the name will strenuously endeavor to secure to all 
within its jurisdiction freedom to follow the lawful avocations 
and safety for their property and their persons, while obeying 
the law, and the law is common sense. It holds each man re- 
sponsible for the natural and probable consequences of his own 
acts. It holds that whoever advises murder is himself guilty 
of the murder that is committed pursuant to his advice, and if 
men band together for a forcible resistance to the execution of 
the law and advise murder as a means of making such resistance 
effectual, whether such advice be to one man to murder another, 
or to a numerous class to murder men of another class, all who 
are so banded together are guilty of any murder that is com- 
mitted in pursuance of such advice. The people of this coun- 
try love their institutions, they love their homes, they love their 
property. They will never consent, that by violence and mur- 
der, those institutions shall be broken down, their homes de- 
spoiled, and their property destroyed. And the people are 


strong enough to protect and sustain their institutions and to 
punish all offenders against their laws ; and those who threaten 
danger to civil society, if the law is enforced, are leading to de- 
struction whoever may attempt to execute such threats. The 
existing order of society can be changed only by the will of the 
majority. Each man has the full right to entertain and advo- 
cate by speech and print such opinions as suits himself, and the 
great body of the people will usually care little what he says. 
But if he proposes murder as a means of enforcing he puts his 
own life at stake. And no clamor about free speech or the evils 
to be cured or the wrongs to be redressed, will shield him from 
the consequences of his crime. His liberty is not a license to 
destroy. The toleration that he enjoys he must extend to oth- 
ers, and not arrogantly assume that the great majority are wrong 
and may rightfully be coerced by terror, or removed by dyna- 
mite. It only remains that for the crime you have committed, 
and of which you have been convicted after a trial unexampled 
in the patience with which an outraged people have extended 
to you every protection and privilege of the law which you de- 
rided and defied, that the sentence of that law be now given. 
In form and detail that sentence will appear upon the records 
of the Court. In substance and effect it is that the defendant 
Neebe be imprisoned in the State Penitentiary at Joliet at hard 
labor for the term of fifteen years. And that each of the other 
defendants, between the hours of ten o'clock in the forenoon 
and two o'clock in the afternoon of the third day of December 
next, in the manner provided by the statute of this state, be 
hung by the neck until he is dead. Remove the prisoners." 

Stay of sentence in the case of Neebe was granted until De- 
cember 3, the date set for the execution of the other principles ; 



and the counsel for the condemned Anarchists announced that 
they should file a bill of exceptions before the Illinois Supreme 
Court, and petition for a supersedeas. 








As the trial progressed many new and sensational develop- 
ments w T ere made. Dr. Ernst Schmidt was constituted chairman 
of the committee of an organization, taking chaige of matters 
pertaining to raising money for the defense. F. Bielefeld be- 
came business manager of the Arbeiter Z&itwng. In all the im- 
portant cities meetings were held in the interests of the con- 
demned men. Mrs. Lucy Parsons, wife of the condemned 
anarchist, went on a lecturing tour to replenish the exchequer 
of the defendants, but public opinion in many places was against 
her, and she found it difficult in many places to obtain halls in 
which to speak. At Akron, Ohio, she was arrested for holding 
a meeting in defiance of the order of the mayor of that city. 
She has for years been an active anarchistic agitator, and her 
proclivities for public speech -making has brought her often be- 
fore the public. She was arrested September 23 for a violation 
of the ordinance prohibiting the distribution of circulars on the 


street of Chicago. In New York, Herr Most, through his pa- 
per, the Freiheit, indorsed the bomb-throwing, saying: "Its 
work was thorough. Such bombs can be made by anybody 
without much trouble, of an evening. Think of 500 revolution- 
ists provided, say, each with six of these things, working in con- 
cert, so that, for example, in the wide range of a great cosmo- 
politan city within half an hour the fragments were to go flying 
in various suitable places, who will gainsay that by this means 
such a panic could be created that a comparatively small num- 
ber of determined men might get possession of all commanding 
points in the place in a giffy ? Nobody. The bomb in Chicago 
was legally justified, and, in a military sense, excellent. All 
honor to him who produced and made use of it." 

For this, and similar incendiary utterances, Most was arrested 
and sentenced to serve a year in Sing Sing prison. He was 
living with Lena Fischer, alias Mary Georges, at 198 Allen 
street, under the name of West, and when captured was found 
in hiding under the woman's bed. The woman was thought to 
be a sister of Adolf Fischer, one of the condemned Chicago an- 
archists, but this was denied. 


who has constituted herself the heroine of Anarchistic no- 
toriety by developing a tender passion for the notorious Spies, 
is a young lady of eighteen years of age, with a fine form and a 
fair share of personal attractions; neither a pronounced blonde, 
nor yet a brunette, but seemingly occupying the middle ground, 
between. Nina is the daughter of the superintendant of the 
great Kirk soap factory of Chicago, and the heiress apparent to 
quite a fortune. She is of a dashing romantic disposition; fond 





of flowers, birds and dogs. She fell a victim to the ardent 
glances of the humorous editor as the sequence of having made 
his acquaintance while inserting an advertisement in the Zeitung 
to recover her lost pug, to whom she was much attached. 
Through the efforts of Spies she recovered her pet canine, and 
while performing the duty of expressing her gratitude to the 
editor she was smitten, and yielded passively to her fate. She 
became so infatuated in her attachment and attentions to Spies 
that in February, 1887, a marriage license was procured for the 
purpose of becoming his wife in the jail, but the sheri if forbade 
the ceremony as illegal and unprecedented. It was then de- 
termined that the ceremony should take place by proxy. Spies' 
brother became the proxy, and the ceremony took place before 
Justice Englehardt in the town of Jefferson. Justice Engle- 
hardt made returns of the marriage to the county clerk, who re- 
fused to recognize the return, pronouncing the ceremony illegal- 
This wife, in name only, was placed on exhibition in wax in one 
of the dime museums, when the cheeky manager was served 
with an injunction ; but this young would-be wife compromised 
the matter, it is thought, on condition that part of the emmolu- 
ments went into a fund for the benefit of her condemned lord. 


died quite suddenly in March, 1887. Neebe, under guard of 
Jailor Folz, visited the bedside of his dying wife and by official 
clemency remained some time with his children, and everything 
was done for the condemned men that could be done in the name 
of humanity under the circumstances. 





There was no doubt from the beginning that the supersedeas 
asked for in behalf of the condemned anarchists would be 
granted. Capt. W. P. Black aud Hon. Leonard Swett, who had 
been retained to present the petition and make the argument for 
a new trial, met Chief Justice Scott at Bloomington by appoint- 
ment, Nov. 25, 1886, and he directed the writ of error to issue. 
The only thing of substance which Justice Scott said at the 
entering of the order was to call attention to the following lan- 
guage in Mooney vs. The People, CXI. Illinois, page 388 — 
an opinion by the full court : 

Recognizing to the fullest extent the rule of law that the 
jury in their deliberations are judges of the facts and the weight 
of the evidence in criminal cases, yet the law has imposed on 
the court the solemn and responsible duty to see to it that no 
injustice is done by hasty action, passion, or prejudice, or from 
any other cause on the part of the jury. This duty the court 
may not omit in any case. 

It is almost needless to state that the anarchists were well 


Governor of Illinois. 


pleased with their temporary reprieve, and opportunity to have 
their able counsel argue for a rehearing of their case. The 
arguments were finished March 18, 1887, before the Supreme 
Court at Ottawa, States Attorney Grinnell and Attorney-general 
Hunt appearing for the State. The decision was rendered 
Wednesday, September 14, before the full bench of Supreme 
justices, being read by Judge Magruder, of Chicago. It will 
thus be seen that the Supreme Court gave the questions at issue 
full and ample consideration during a period of nearly six 
months. The court-room was crowded by an expectant throng, 
and the announcement of the decision was foreshadowed by 
impressive solemnity. In a condensed review like this it would 
be manifestly impossible to give a decision comprising upwards 
of 60,000 words, and covering every point and detail of the 
case. It is sufficient to state that the decision was unauimous 
on the part of the justices. Even Justice Mulkey, who was 
thought to lean toward a new trial, declared that, after having 
fully examined the record and given the questions arising on it 
his very best thought, with an earnest and conscientious desire 
to faithfully discharge his whole duty, he was fully satisfied that 
the opinion reached vindicates the law and does complete jus- 
tice between the people and the defendants, fully warranted by 
the law and evidence. 

Chief Justice Sheldon made the following announcement : 
"In this case the court orders that the sentence of the Criminal 
Court of Cook county on the defendants in the indictment of 
August Spies, Michael Schwab, Samuel Fielden, Albert R. Par- 
sons, Adolph Fischer, George Engel, and Louis Lingg, be carried 
into effect by the sheriff of Cook county on Friday, November 


11 next, between the hours of 10 o'clock in the forenoon and 4 
o'clock in the afternoon of that day." 

The formal order for the execution of the anarchists was 
received by Sheriff Matson, of Cook county, Monday, September 
26. The guards inside and patrol outside the jail had been 
doubled upon receipt of the news that the Supreme Court had 
sustained the verdict. Monday night Oscar Neebe was quietly 
removed from the jail in a carriage and taken to Joliet by train 
by Deputy Sheriffs Gleason and- Spear, Xeebe being hand- 
cuffed securely to the latter officer. Neebe's companions and 
outside sympathizers did not know of his removal. Neebesaid 
to a reporter of the News that he had abandoned all hope. He 
said he would rather step upon the gallows with his companions 
than to go to prison ; related what he had accomplished for 
employees of Chicago breweries and the grocery clerks, in get- 
ting their hours shortened ; was unrepentant of his part in the 
conspiracy, and said : " What I have done I would do again, 
and the time will come when the blood of the martyrs about to 
be sacrificed will cry aloud for vengeance, and that cry will be 
heard, aye, and that, too, before many years elapse." 


Upon receipt of the news of the affirmation of the sentence 
by the Supreme Court, A. R. Parsons sent to the newspapers an 
appeal, "To the American People," in which he maintained his 
innocence ; declared that his speeches were lawful ; condemned 
the evidence of detectives ; refused executive clemency, con- 
cluding in the words of Patrick Henry, " I know not what course 
others may take, but as for me, give me liberty or give me 


A. R. Parsons's open letter to the American people in which 
he justifies his actions, maintains his innocence, and refuses 
executive clemency, ran as follows, under date of September 22, 

" To the American People — Fellow Citizens : As all the 
world knows, I have been convicted and sentenced to die for the 
crime of murder, the most heinous offense that can be com- 
mitted. Under the form of law two courts — viz: the Criminal 
and Supreme courts of the State of Illinois — have sentenced 
me to death as an accessory before the fact to the murder of 
Officer Degan on May 1, 1886. Nevertheless, I am innocent of 
the crime charged, and to a candid and unprejudiced world I 
submit the proof : 

parsons maintains his innocence. 

" In the decision affirming the sentence of death upon me 
the Supreme Court of the State of Illinois says : ' It is undis- 
puted that the bomb was thrown that caused the death of 
Degan. It is conceded that no one of the defendants threw the 
bomb with his own hands. Plaintiffs in error are charged with 
being accessories before the fact. 1 If I did not throAV the bomb 
myself it becomes necessary to prove that I aided, encouraged, 
and advised the person who did throw it. Is that fact proved I 
The Supreme Court says it is. The record says it is not. I 
appeal to the American people to judge between them. 

"The Supreme Court quotes articles from the Alarm, the 
paper edited by me, and from my speeches running back three 
years before the Haymarket tragedy of May 4, 1886. Upon 
said articles and speeches the court affirms my sentence of death 
as an accessory. The court says, 'The articles in the Alarm 


were most of them written by the defendant Parsons, and some 
of them by the defendant Spies,' and then proceeds to quote 
these articles. I refer to the record to prove that of all the 
articles quoted only one was shown to have been written by me. 
I wrote, of course, a great many articles for my paper, the 
Alarm, but the record will show that only one of these many 
quoted by the Supreme Court to prove my guilt as an accessory 
was written by me. This article aj>peared in the Alarm Decem- 
ber 6, 1884, one year and a half before theHaymarket meeting. 
As to Mr. Spies, the record will show that during the three 
years I was editor of the Alarm he did not write for the paper 
half a dozen articles. For proof as to this I appeal to the 

" The Alarm was a labor paper, and, as is well known, a 
labor paper is conducted as a medium through which working 
people can make known their grievances. The Alarm was no 
exception to this rule. I not only did not write ' most of the 
articles,' but wrote comparatively few of them. This the record 
will also show. 

11 In referring to my Haymarket speech the court says : 
' To the men then listening to him he had addressed the incen- 
diary appeals that had been appearing in the Alarm for two 
years. The court then quotes the incendiary article which I 
did write, and which is as follows : ' One dynamite bomb 
properly placed will destroy a regiment of soldiers, a weapon 
easily made, and carried with perfect safety in the pockets of 
one's clothing. 1 " 


"The record will show by referring to the Alarm that this 


is a garbled extract taken from a statement made by Gen. Philip 
Sheridan in his annual report to Congress. It was simply a 
reiteration of General Sheridan's statement that dynamite was 
easily made, perfectly safe to handle, and a very destructive 
weapon of warfare. The article in full as it appeared in the 
Alarm is as follows : ' Dynamite — The protection of the poor 
against the armies of the rich — in submitting his annual report, 
November 10, 1884, Gen. Philip Sheridan, commander of the 
United States army, says : " This nation is growing so rapidly 
that there are signs of other troubles, which I hope will not occur 
and which will probably not come upon us if both capital and 
labor will only be conservative. Still, it should be remembered, 
destructive explosives are easily made, and that banks, United 
States sub-treasuries, and large mercantile houses can be readily 
demolished and the commerce of entire cities destroyed by an 
infuriated people with means carried with perfect safety to 
themselves in the pockets of their clothing.' ' 

"The editorial comment upon the above as it appeared in 
the Alarm is as follows : ' A hint to the wise is sufficient. Of 
course General Sheridan is too modest to tell us that himself 
and army will be powerless in the coming revolution between 
the propertied and the propertyless classes. Only in foreign 
wars can the usual weapons of warfare be used to any advan- 
tage. One dynamite bomb properly placed will destroy a 
regiment of soldiers ; a weapon easily made and carried with 
perfect safety in the pockets of one's clothing. The First reg- 
iment may as w r ell disband, for if it should ever level its guns 
upon the workingmen of Chicago it can be totally annihilated. 

" Again the court says: ' He (Parsons) had said to them 
(referring to the people assembled at the Haymarket) Saturday, 


April 24, 188(5, just ten days before May 4, in the Alarm that 
had appeared: u Workingmen, to arms! War to the palace, 
peace to the cottage, and death to luxurious idleness ! The 
wage system is the only cause of the world's misery. It is 
supported by the rich classes, and to destroy it they must be 
either made work or die. One pound of dynamite is better 
than a bushel of ballots ! Make your demand for eight hours 
with weapons in your hands to meet the capitalist bloodhounds 
— police and militia — in the proper manner. 11 ' 

"The record will show that this article was not written by 
me, but was published as a news item. By referring to the col- 
umns of the Alarm the following comment appears, attached to 
the above article, viz : ' The above hand-bill was sent to us 
from Indianapolis, Inch, having been posted all over that city 
last week. Our correspondent says that the police tore them 
down wherever they found them. 1 

" The court continuing, says : ' At the close of another 
article in the same issue he said : " The social war has come, 
and whoever is not with us is against us. 11 1 Assistant State's 
Attorney Walker read this article to the jury, and at its con- 
clusion stated that it bore my initials and was my article. It is 
a matter within the knowledge of every one present that I inter- 
rupted him and called his attention to the fact that the article 
did not bear my initials, and that I was not its author. Mr. 
Walker coirected his mistake to the jury. 

" Now these are the three articles quoted by the Supreme 
Court as proof of my guilt as an accessory in a conspiracy to 
murder Officer Degan. The record will prove what I say. 


" Now as to my speeches — all of them, with one exception 


purporting to be my utterances at the Hayruarket, are given 
from the excited imaginations and pre verted memories of news- 
paper reporters. Mr. English, who alone took shorthand notes 
and swore to their correctness, reports me as saying . ' It is time 
to raise a note of warning. There is nothing in the eight- hour 
movement to excite the capitalist. Don't you know that the 
militia are under arms and a gatling gun is ready to mow you 
down ? Was this Germany, or Russia, or Spain \ [A voice : 
" It looks like it."] Whenever you make a demand for eight 
hours' pay or increase of pay the militia and the deputy sheriffs 
and the Pinkerton men are called out and you are shot and club- 
bed and murdered in the streets. I am not here for the purpose 
of exciting anybody, but to speak out, to tell the facts as they 
exist even though it shall cost me my life before morning!' 
Mr. English continuing, said : ' There is another part of it (the 
speech) right here It behooves you, as you love your wife and 
children, if you don't want to see them perish with hunger, 
killed, or cut down like dogs on the street — Americans, in the 
interest of your liberty and your independence, to arms ; arm 
yourselves ! ' 

" This, be it remembered, is a garbled extract, and it is a mat- 
ter of record that Reporter English testified that he was 
instructed by the proprietor of his paper to report only the 
inflammatory portions of the speeches made at the meeting. 


" Mayor Harrison, who was present and heard this speech, 
testified before the jury that it was simply 'a violent and political 
harangue ' and did not call for his interference as a peace officer. 
The speech delivered by me at the Haymarket, and which I 


repeated before the jury is a matter of record and undisputed, 
and I challenge any one to show therein that I incited any one 
to acts of violence. The extract reported by Mr. English, when 
taken in connection with what preceded and what followed, can* 
not be construed by the wildest imagination as incitement to 
violence. Extracts from three other speeches alleged to have 
been delivered by me were made more than one year prior to May 
4, 1886, are given. Two of these speeches were reported from 
the memory of the Pinkerton detective Johnson. These are the 
speeches quoted by the court as proof of my guilt as accessory 
to the murder of Degan. Where, then, is the connection 
between these speeches and the murder of Degan ? I am bold 
to declare that such connection is imperceptible to the eye of a 
fair and unprejudiced mind. But the honorable body, the 
Supreme Court of Illinois, has condemned me to death for 
speeches I never made, and for articles I never wrote. In the 
affirmation of the death sentence the court has ' assumed,' ' sup- 
posed, 1 ' guessed 1 l surmised/ and ' presumed ' that I can and did 
'so and so.' This the record fully proves. 

" The court says : ' Spies, Schwab, Parsons and Engel were 
responsible for the articles written and published by them, as 
above shown; Spies, Schwab, Fielden, Parsons and Engel were 
responsible for the speeches made by them respectively, and 
there is evidence in the same record tending to show that the 
death of Degan occurred during the prosecution of a co ispiracy 
planned by the members of the international groups who lead 
these articles and heard these speeches.' 


" Now, I defy any one to show from the record the proof 


that I wrote more than one of the many articles alleged to have 
been written by me. Yet the Supreme Court says that I wrote 
and am responsible for all of them. Again — concerning the 
alleged speeches — they were reported by the Pinkerton detect- 
ive Johnson, who was, as the record shows, employed by Lyman 
Gage, president of the First National Bank, as the agent of the 
Citizens' Association, an organization composed of the million- 
aire employers of Chicago. 

" I submit to a candid world if this hired spy would not 
make false reports to earn blood-money. Thus, it is for 
speeches I did not make, and articles I did not write 1 am sen- 
tenced to die, because the court 'assumes' that these articles 
influenced some unknown and still unidentified person to throw 
the bomb that killed Degan. Is this law? Is this justice? 

"The Supreme Court, in affirming the sentence of death 
upon me, proceeds to give further reasons, as follows: 'Two 
circumstances are to be noted. First, it can hardly be said that 
Parsons was absent from the Haymarket meeting when he went 
to Zepf's Hall. It has already been stated that the latter place 
was only a few steps north of the speakers' wagon and in sight 
from it. We do not think that the defendant Parsons could 
escape his share of the responsibility for the explosions at the 
Haymarket because he stepped into a neighboring saloon and 
looked at the explosion through a window. While lie was 
speaking men stood around him with arms in their hands. Many 
of these were members of the armed sections of the interna- 
tional sirouos. Among them were men who belonged to the 
International Rifles, an armed organization in which he himself 
was an officer, and witli which he had been drilling in prepara- 
tion for the events then transpiring.' 


" The records of the trial will show that not one of the fore- 
going allegations is true. The facts are these : Zepf's Hall is on 
the northeast corner of Lake and Desplaines streets, just one 
block north of the speakers' wagon. The court says ' it was only 
a few steps north of the speakers 1 wagon. 1 The court says 
further that ' it can hardly be said that Parsons was absent from 
the Haymarket meeting when he was at Zepfs Hall. 1 If this is 
correct logic, then I was at two different places a block apart at 
the same instant. Truly the day of miracles has not yet passed. 
Again, the record will show that I did not k step into a neigh- 
boring saloon and look at the explosion through a window. 1 It 
will show that I went to Zepf's Hall, one block distant, and 
across Lake street, accompanied by my wife and another lady, 
and my two children (a girl of five and a boy of seven years of 
age ), they having sat upon a wagon about ten feet from the 
speakers 1 wagon throughout my speech ; that it looked like rain ; 
that we had started home and went into Zepfs Hall to wait for 
the meeting to adjourn, and walked home in company with a lot 
of friends who lived in that direction. Zepf's building is on 
the corner and opens on the street with a triangular door six 
feet wide. Myself and ladies and children were just inside the 
door. Here, while waiting for our friends and looking toward 
the meeting, I had a fair view of the explosion. All this the 
record will show. 


"It would seem that, according to circumstances, a block is 
at one time ' a few steps ' or a ' few steps ' is more than a block, 
as the case may suit. The logical as well as the imaginative 
faculties of the Supreme Court are further illustrated in a 


most striking manner by the credence of the court to the ' yarn ' 
of a 'reporter/ who testified that Spies had described to him the 
Czar' bomb, and the men who were to use them as follows. 
'He spoke of a body of tall, strong men in their organization 
who could throw bombs weighing five pounds 151) paces. He 
stated that the bombs in question were to be used in case of 
conflict with the police or the militia. 1 

" The court gives this sort of testimony as proof of the exist- 
ence of a conspiracy to murder Degan. Wonderful credulity. 
To throw a five-pound bomb 150 paces or yards is to throw it 
450 feet or a quarter of a mile. 

" Gulliver, in his travels among the Brobdingnag race, tells 
us of the giants he met, and we have also heard of the giants 
of Patagonia. But we did not know until no w that they were 
mere Lilliputians as compared with the ' anarchist Swedes ' of 

"The court proceeds to say, "While he (Parsons) was 
speaking, men stood around him with arms in their hands. 1 The 
record as quoted by the court shows that only one man flour- 
ished a pistol, not a number of men Again, the court says, 
' Most of the men were members of the armed sections of the 
" International groups," 1 thus making it appear that many of 
these men (when there was only one who was even alleged to 
have exhibited a pistol) were armed. 

" The court says : 'Among them were men who belonged to 
the " International Rifles, 11 an armed organization in which he 
himself was an officer, and in which he had been drilling in 
preparation for the events then transpiring.' 

"Now I Challenge the Supreme Court or any other honor- 
able gentleman to Drove from the record that there ever existed 


such an organization as the armed section of the American 
group, known as the ' International Rifles.' It cannot be done. 
The record shows that some members of the American group 
did organize the ' International Rifles, 1 which never met but four 
or Ave times; was never armed with rifles or any other weapons, 
and was disbanded nearly a year before the 4th of May, 1886. 

" The Pinkerton man Johnson says that dynamite bombs 
were exhibited 'in the presence of the " International Rifles/' ' 
It will take corroborative testimony before the American people 
will credit the statements of such a man engaged for such a pur 
pose; and it is well known that Supreme courts have decided 
that the testimony of detectives should be taken with great 


" I appeal to the American people, to their love of justice 
and fair play. I submit that the record does not show my gilt 
of the crime of murder, but on the contrary it proves my inno- 

" Against me in this trial all the rules of law and evidence 
have been reversed in that I have been held as guilty until I 
proved my innocence. I have been tried ostensibly for murder, 
but in reality for anarchy. I have been proved guilty of being 
an anarchist and condemned to die for that reason. The State's 
attorney said in his statement before the court and jury m the 
beginning of the trial: 'These defendants were picked out 
and indicted by the grand jury. They are no more guilty than 
the thousands who follow them. They are picked out because 
they are leaders. Convict them and our society is safe,' and in their 
last appeal to the jury the prosecution said: 'Anarchy is on 


trial. Hang these eight men and save our institutions. These 
are the leaders. Make examples of them.' This is a matter of 


" So far as I have had time to examine the records I find 
the same fabrication and perversion of testimony against all my 
comrades as exists against myself. I therefore again appeal to 
to the American people to avert the crime of judicial murder. 
And this appeal I have faith will not be in vain. 

" My ancestors partook of all the hardships incident to the 
establishment of this Republic. They fought, bled, and some 
of them died that the Declaration of .Independence might live 
and the American flag might wave in triumph over those who 
claim the ' divine right of kings to rule. 1 Shall the flag now, 
after a century's triumph, trail in the mire of oppression and 
protect the perpetration of outrages and oppressions that would 
put the older despotisms of Europe to shame? 

" Knowing myself innocent of crime I came forward and 
gave myself up for [trial. I felt that it was my duty to 
take my chances with the rest of my comrades. I sought a fair 
and impartial trial before a jury of my peers, and knew that 
before any fair-minded jury I could with little difficulty be 
cleared. I preferred to be tried and take the chances of an 
acquittal with my friends to being hunted as a felon. Have I 
had a fair trial ? 


" The lovers of justice and fair play are assiduously engaged 
in an effort to thwart the consummation of judicial murder by 


a commutation of sentence to prison. I speak for myself alone 
when I say that for this I thank them and appreciate their 
efforts. But I am an innocent man. I have violated no law ; I 
have committed no offense against any one's rights. I am sim- 
ply the victim of the malice of those whose anger has been 
aroused by the growth, strength and independence of the labor 
organizations of America. I am a sacrifice to those who say: 
* These men may be innocent. No matter. They are anarchists. 
We must hang them anyway.' 

" My counsel informs me that every effort will be made to 
take this case before the highest tribunal in the land, and that 
there is strong hope of a hearing there. But I am also reliably 
informed that from three to five years will elapse before the 
Supreme Court of the United States can hear and adjudge the 

" Since surrendering myself to the authorities, I have been 
locked up in close confinement twenty- one hours out of every 
twenty-four for six days, and from Saturday afternoon till Mon- 
day morning (thirty -eight hours) each week in a noisome cell, 
without a ray of sunlight or a breath of pure air. To be com- 
pelled to bear this for five or even three years would be to 
suffer a lingering death, and it is only a matter of serious con- 
sideration with me whether I ought to accept the verdict as it 
stands rather than die by inches under such conditions. I am 
prepared to die. I am ready, if needs be, to lay down my life 
for my rights and the rights of my fellow-men. But I object 
to being killed on false and unproved accusations. Therefore 
I cannot countenance or accept the efforts of those who would 
endeavor to procure a commutation of my sentence to an impris- 
onment in the penitentiary. Neither do I approve of any 


further appeals to the courts of law. I believe them to be all 
alike — the agency of the privileged classes to perpetuate their 
power, to oppress and plunder the toiling masses. As between 
capital and its legal rights, and labor and its legal rights, the 
courts of law must side with the capitalistic class. To appeal 
to them is in vain. It is the appeal of the wage slave to his 
capitalistic master for liberty. The answer is curses, blows, 
imprisonment, and death. 

" If I had never been an anarchist before, my experience 
with courts and the laws of the governing class would make an 
anarchist of me now. What is anarchy ? It is a state of society 
without any central or governing power. Upon this subject the 
court, in its affirmation of the death sentence, defines the object 
of the International Working Peoples 1 Association as follows : 

" ' It is designed to bring about a social revolution. Social 
revolution means the destruction of the right of private owner- 
ship of property, or of the right of the individual to own prop- 
erty. It means of the bringing about of a state of society in 
which all property should be held in common.' 


" If this definition is right, then it is very similar to that 
advocated by Jesus Christ, for proof of which I refer to the 
fourth and fifth chapters of the Acts of the Apostles ; also 
Matthew xxi., 10 to 14, and Mark xi., 15 to 19. 

" No, I am not guilty. I have not been proved guilty. I 
leave it to you to decide from the record itself as to my guilt or 
innocence. I cannot, therefore, accept a commutation to impris- 
onment. I appeal — not for mercy, but for justice. As for me, 
the utterance of Patrick Henry is so appropos that I cannot do 
better than let him speak : 


" ' Is life so dear and peace so sweet as to be purchased at 
the price of chains and slavery ? Forbid it, Almighty God ! I 
know not what course others may take, but, as for me, give me 
liberty or give me death. 7 A. R. Parsons, 

"Prison Cell 29, Chicago, 111., Sept. 21, 1887." 


The anarchists were not lacking in funds to secure every 
chance of reprieve or commutation, as contributions had poured 
into their coffers swelling the sum total over $50,000. Every 
opportunity was accorded to the condemned men to place their 
case in as favorable a light as possible before the Federal Court. 
But the flagrant and far-reaching character of their crime gave 
little hope to the unbiased that the judges composing that hon- 
orable body would interfere. Following our readers will find 
Attorney Grinnell's argument before the United States Supreme 
Court. Also General Butler's defense for the impenitent yet 
doomed men. 


Mr. Grinnell, addressing the court, said that it had not been 
his intention to take part in the oral argument, and that he 
came here primarily for the purpose of assisting Mr. Hunt by 
means of his familiarity with the record in this case. He 
thought that by the presentation of the law and the facts yes- 
terday it was clearly shown that there was no federal question 
involved, and that the court was without jurisdidtion to grant 
the writ of error. The assignments of error in the lower court, 
and the parts of the record relating to the jurors Denker and 
Sanford had been printed and were in the court's hands. In all 


the twenty- eight assignments of error there was no reference 
directly or indirectly to the constitution of the United States or 
any of its amendments. There were some things, he said, which 
were here generally conceded, and oue of them was that the 
constitution itself confers no rights which need be here consid- 
ered. It is simply a limitation of the rights of the legislative 
power in dealing with the rights of citizens. 


The constitution of the State of Illinois contains almost all 
the provisions which are embraced in the constitution of the 
United States. This court had settled, he believed, the question 
of jurisdiction as far as the first ten amendments are concerned, 
and also, he thought, under the fourteenth amendment. The 
only clause of the latter which could figure here was that " no 
State shall deprive any person of life, liberty, or property with- 
out due process of law." Whatever affects liberty and life is 
made by this clause to affect also property. If the court has 
jurisdiction of this case under this provision of the amendment 
then every State question relating to property, such as special 
assessments, the condemnation of property, etc., might be 
brought to this court for review. 

The Chief Justice — " Because they take property without 
valuation by a jury. 11 

Mr. Grinnell — " Yes, your honor, in some cases they do, 
especially in the matter of drainage, where the proceedings may 
be before a justice of the peace. 11 


Mr. Grinnell said he thought it to be conceded that a State 


Legislature Lad a right to prescribe how many peremptory chal- 
lenges should be allowed in the formation of a jury. The 
common law of Illinois had been radically changed in this 
respect, and both prosecution and defendant now stood on an 
equal footing. Each defendant was entitled to twenty peremp- 
tory challenges, and as the eight defendants in this case acted 
in concert and were all consulted, each of them had practically 
160 peremptory challenges. The State had a like number. 
The defendants exhausted all of their 160 peremptory chal- 
lenges before a jury was obtained and the State availed itself of 
its priviledge to the extent of fifty-two challenges He main- 
tained, however, that no federal question would be involved 
even if the State allowed only one peremptory challenge to one 
side and 160 to the other. It was the State's right. In this 
case there were 931 men called into the jury box and examined 
in order to obtain twelve jurors. 


No objection was raised to any one of the twelve jurors 
with the single exception of Sanford. Denker was challenged 
for cause after a brief examination ; the challenge was over- 
ruled and the defense accepted, but they then proceeded with a 
further and more elaborate examination of him, and it is shown 
by the record that after this second examination they desired to 
keep him, that they did keep him, and that they did make no 
further exception. When Denker was taken the defense had 
left 142 peremptory challenges and they could have used one of 
these challenges to get rid of him if they had been very deirs- 
ous of so doing. They had forty-three peremptory challenges 
left after eleven jurors had been sworn. These forty-three 


challenges they frittered away frivolously for the purpose of 
taking some possible advantage. Their peremptory challenges 
were then exhausted, and they had to either take a juror or 
show cause why he should be rejected. 

The examination of Sanford, the last juror, clearly demon- 
strated, Mr. Grinnell said, that the defense were more ready to 
take him than the State was. Not a single juror was put upon 
the defense to exhaust their peremptory challenges. Whenever 
a man said that he had talked with a witness or any one who 
was present at the Haymarket meeting, or that he had attended 
the coroner's inquest he was rejected for cause. 


Speaking of the jury as a whole, Mr. Grinnell said: "I 
wish and am constrained to pay one tribute to that jury. It 
exemplified American citizenship in this country more than any 
jury that was ever looked upon. It embraced all walks of life. 
Three of them earned their living by manual work. They came 
from all parts of the country and one of them was born on for- 
eign soil. They were not a class jury. They were honest 
citizens with the solemn duty devolving upon them of determ- 
ining what should be done with those men. No judge could 
look in the faces of that jury without saying: ' They are intel- 
ligent ; they represent American citizenship ; they are fit to be 
trusted with the rights of freemen under our constitution.' 
There was not a capitalist on that jury. They were all com- 
mon-place small dealers and intelligent men." 

Mr. Grinnell said he would challenge any one to show that 
a single member of that jury was not a competent juror, not 
only under the jury law of Illinois, but under the common law. 


" Congress,' 1 he said, " had recognized the right of States to 
make their own jury laws." 

Section 800 of the Revised Statutes provides that " jurors 
to serve in the courts of the United States in each State respect- 
ively shall have the the same qualifications and be entitled to 
the same exemptions as jurors of the highest court of law in 
such State may have and be entitled to at the time when such 
jurors for service in the courts of the United State are sum- 
moned.' 1 

Almost every State in the North, he said, now had its new 
jury law, and these laws have been sustained by the highest 

State courts. 



Proceeding to the question of "unreasonable search and 
seizure " in Spies 1 office, he said it did not strike him as being 
any part of this case. He was not here to offer any apologies 
for his own conduct. He then recited at some length the cir- 
cumstances of the bomb-throwing in the Haymarket, the search 
of the Arbeiter Zeitung office, the prying open of Spies' desk, 
the finding of dynamite and letters there, the breaking open of 
Lingg's domicile, and the finding in his trunk of dynamite 
bombs precisely like the one thrown. Mr. Grinnell was inter- 
rupted at this point by General Butler, who said he should want 
to cross-examine him if it was competent for him to do so. 
Mr. Grinnell — " You shall have that privilege, General." 
Mr. Grinnell, resuming, said that such seizure w r as not a 
thing which this court could regulate. It had said in the Ker 
kidnaping case that it was not for the court to determine how 
he (the prisoner) got here. The court simply said : " You are 


here. 11 The things seized in the search of these prisoners 1 prem- 
ises " were there,' 1 and it was for the court to determine whether 
they were legally there. The only question was, "Are these 
things testimony?' 1 and that was not an inquiry for the court. 


Forgery, murder, and other crimes had to be proved, Mr. 
Grinnell said, by such evidence. " The pistol found in the 
hand of the assassin Guiteau was forcibly taken from him, and 
his papers, if I remember rightly, were overhauled. They were 
'there 1 (that is, in the court), and it was nobody^ business 
how they got there. That the search and seizure in this case 
was an unreasonable search and seizure from the point of view 
of the defendants I have no doubt." 

In conclusion Mr. Grinnell said: "It strikes us from our 
standpoint that the foundation of the constitution is less likely 
to be impaired by refusing to grant this writ than by grant- 
ing it. 11 


After a great deal of rambling talk about the composition 
of the jury, dissatisfaction with the record, lack of time for 
preparation, the sentencing of the prisoners in their absence and 
that of their counsel, the injustice done them by "unreasonable 
search and seizure, 11 etc., General Butler said that if all these 
things could be done the question was to be debated whether 
this government would not be a little better if it were over- 
turned into an anarchy than if it were to be carried on in this 

" I have no fear, 11 he said, " of being misunderstood upon 


this question. I have the individuality of being the only man 
in the Uuited States that condemned and executed men for 
undertaking to overturn the law. There were thousands of 
them. And for that act, please your honors, a price was set on 
my head as though I were a wolf, and $25,000 was offered to 
any man that could capture me, to murder me, by Jefferson 
Davis and his associates, and who, if they were here at your 
bar, trying to ascertain whether they should have an honest and 
a fair trial for their great crimes, and they called upon me — 
their lives in danger — I should hold it to be my duty to stand 
here and do all that I might to defend them. That is the chiv- 
alry of the law, if I understand it, and if I don't it is of not 
much consequence, for I am quite easily and quickly passing 
away. 1 ' 


After some further talk General Butler said he agreed fully 
that the first ten amendments to the constitution were limita- 
tions of federal power and not restrictions of the rights of the 
States. The " privileges and immunities " however, claimed by 
these prisoners were privileges inherent in each one of the citi- 
zens of the several States of the United States, because in vast 
majority we were British subjects and had certain privileges 
and immunities inherited under the common law and magna 
charta, and among them, and the most thoroughly known and 
defined were the trial by jury for all high crimes, exemption 
from search and seizure without warrant of law, protection from 
self- accusation when a witness, and not to be deprived of life, 
liberty, or property without due process of law. We claim that 
all the rights, privileges, and immunities that belonged to a 


British subject under magna charta belong to each citizen of the 
United States; and that as new citizens of the United States 
were made, not citizens of States, by naturalization, these rights, 
priviliges, and immunities came to them as citizens of the 
United States. The effect of the fourteenth amendment was to 
guarantee these rights, privileges, and immunities to the citi- 
zens of all the States. 


The words " due process of law 11 as contained in the four- 
teenth amendment, and as used to define one of these guaran- 
teed rights, mean " by the law of the land, 1 ' not the law of a 
county, a province, or a State, but the law of the country — the 
whole country. That is the law of the land, and was so under- 
stood by our forefathers as due process of law. Any other 
meaning given to "due process of law " as it is used in the four- 
teenth amendment would make it simply ridiculous and frivolous, 
because any State may enact a " due process of law " according 
to that State, by which" a man's life may be taken and from 
which not a single right or immunity of citizenship can protect 
him. Any law a State may make after the passage of this 
amendment for dealinc; with the rights of a citizen of the United 
States becomes wholly inoperative, because the " law of the 
land " must forever remain fixed as at that moment, not to be 
changed in regard to its citizens without a change of organic 
law, and for some purposes not to be even so changed. 


General Butler then proceeded to a consideration of the 
special and peculiar questions raised by the cases of Fielden 


and Spies who are foreigners. He contended that treaties were 
the supreme law of the land, and that these prisoners were 
entitled, by virtue of treaties with Germany and Great Britain, 
to all the rights and privileges of American citizens at the time 
such treaties were made. A State had no power to try these 
men by one of its own laws which was not the law of the land 
at the time the treaties were ratified. He did not mean, he said, 
that a foreigner could come into a State and break its laws with 
impunity and that the State could not touch him. But he did 
mean that the State could only try him in accordance with the 
law of the land — the whole land — at the time the treaty with 
his government was made. This, he said, was an important 
question to every American citizen, because in return for the 
concession made by this government in the treaty with Great 
Britain the government of that country had made similar con- 
cessions to us. Suppose that a citizen of the United States 
should go to Ireland and should make some remarks about the 
advantages of a republican form of government, and should be 
arrested and tried by the crimes act in violation of the treaty. 
Would we not stand up and say that this man must be tried by 
a fair and impartial jury? He must be tried as an Englishman 
would have been tried at the time the treaty was made, and he 
cannot be dealt with in a more summary way under a later law. 


If this should happen, General Butler said, he hoped that 
the English authorities would not be able to hold up to him a 
decision of the United States Supreme Court sustaining the 
light to try an Englishman by the local law of a State which 
was nothing but a swamp and a howling wilderness at the time 


the treaty was ratified. 

Returning to the rights of States, General Butler said that 
he was not prepared to deny that a State might change its 
organic laws with the consent of all its citizens, but such change 
would not bind a citizen of another State who had not assented 
to them. 


After some desultory remarks about the record and the 
necessity of laying it before the court, and another reference to 
breaking open safes and desks, General Butler said : " There is 
no doubt that the prisoners were entitled to a trial by an impar- 
tial jury — a stupid jury, if you please — because I don't think a 
man who reads newspapers is any more competent to try a case 
— rather worse if he pays any attention to their lies. 1 ' As 
enunciated by chief justices of the Supreme Court an impartial 
juror, he said, is one who "stands in freedom of mind, without 
bias or prejudice, and is indifferent. 1 ' The petitioners were not 
tried by such a jury and are entitled to protection under the 
federal constitution. 

" If " he said, kt the court is to give me jurors as prejudiced 
as some of those in this case I had better go to a land of Hot- 
tentots, for they would not allow me to be stolen and taken back 
into Illinois." General Butler's allusion is to the kidnaping of 
Ker, referred to by counsel on the other side in defending their 
search and seizure. 

In reply to Mr. Grinnell's statement that the records would 
show that the defense were more ready to take the last juror 
(Sanford) than the State was, General Butler said that they were 
compelled to accept the last juror. Their peremptory challenges 


were exhausted and they could do nothing else. Under these 
circumstances they talked to him and coaxed him, and tried to 
get him into a state of mind as favorable to their side as they 
could. That was what the parts of the record referred to by 
Mr. Grinnell would show, and nothing more. 


General Butler then referred to the assertion of counsel on 
the other side that the petitioners had waved some of their 
rights through not insisting upon them by exception or objec- 
tion at the proper time, and that therefore, they were estopped 
from asserting these rights now in this court. He contended, 
however, that when a man was on trial for his life there was no 
such thing as a waiver or estoppal. In capital offences a pris- 
oner cannot waive wittingly or unwittingly anything that will 
affect the issue. In support of this contention he cited the 
opinion of Chief Justice Shaw in the case of Dr. Webster. The 
prisoners, he maintained, could not now be barred out because 
they had not raised sufficiently formal objections. 

General Butler then returned again to the " unreasonable 
searches and seizures " complained of by the petitioners, and 
said his associate, Mr. Tucker, had characterized the proceeding 
as a " subpoenas duces tecum, 1 ' executed by a locksmith. " Why 
your honors,'' he exclaimed, "they searched under a burglary, 
headed by the State's attorney on his own admission — no miser- 
able policeman or half-witted constable, but the State's prose- 
cuting attorney does the burglary, steals the papers, and says 
you can't help that. He puts it with a sort of triumph, and 
yet we are told that our immunities and privileges are not 
invaded, and our remedy is to sue for trespass. What a beau- 


tif ul remedy ! Sue the State's attorney and be tried by such a 
jury as the laws of Illinois would give. Better be in a place 
not to be named for comfort.' 1 


As a final reason why the writ should be granted, General 
Butler urged that the prisoners had been sentenced to death in 
their absence, and without being asked whether they had any 
reason to give why sentence of death should not be pronounced 
upoD them. The record, he said, did not show that they were 
absent when sentenced, but they could prove it. The record 
showed that they were present, but they could prove by half 
Chicago that this was a mistake. 

In conclusion, General Butler said : '• May I, in closing, 
make one observation ? If men's lives can be taken in this way, 
as you have seen exhibited here to-day, better anarchy, better 
be without law, than with any such law." General Butler then 
thanked the court for its indulgence and took his seat. 


Is as follows : 

The court holds in brief : First, that the first ten amend - 
ments to the constitution are limitations upon federal and not 
upon State action : second, that the jury law of Illinois is upon 
its face valid and constitutional, and that it is similar in its pro- 
visions to the statute of Utah, which was sustained in this court 
in the case of Hopt vs. The Territory of Utah; third, that it 
does not appear in the record that upon the evidence the trial 
court should have declared the juror Sanford incompetent; 
fourth, that the objection to the admission of the Johann Most 


letter and the cross-examination of Spies, which counsel for the 
prisoners maintained virtually compelled them to testify against 
themselves, were not objected to in the trial court, and that 
therefore no foundation was laid for the exercise of this court's 
jurisdiction, and fifth, that the questions raised by General But- 
ler in the cases of Spies and Fielden upon the basis of their 
foreign nationality were neither raised nor decided in the State 
courts, and therefore cannot be considered. 

The writ of error prayed for was consequently denied. 

There was no dissenting opinion. 

The above decision of the Supreme Court was received by 
the condemned anarchists with coolness amounting to indiffer- 
ence. A. R. Parsons then handed the copy of a letter sent to 
Governor Oglesby to the Daily Neivs for publication, as follows: 
" To His Excellency Richard J. Oglesby, Governor of the State 
of Illinois— Dear Sir: I am aware that petitions are being 
signed by hundreds of thousands of persons addressed to you, 
beseeching you to interpose your perogative and commute the 
sentences of myself and comrades from death to imprisonment 
in the penitentiary. You are, I am told a good constitutional 
lawyer and a sincere man. 1 therefore beg of you to examine 
the record of the trial, and then conscientiously decide for your- 
self as to my guilt or innocence. I know that as a just man 
you will decide in accordance with the facts, the truth, and the 
justice of this case. But I write to reiterate the declaration 
made in my published appeal to the people of America Septem- 
ber 21, 1887. I am guilty or I am innocent of the charge for 
which I have been condemned to die. If guilty, then I prefer 
death rather than to go ' like the quarry slave at night scourged 
to his dungeon. If innocent then I am entitled to and will 


accept nothing less than liberty. The records of the trial made 
in Judge Gary's court prove my innocence of the crime of mur- 
der. But there exists a conspiracy to judicially murder myself 
and imprisoned companions in the name and by virtue of the 
authority of the State. History records every despotic, arbi- 
trary deed of the people's rulers as having been done in the 
name of the people, even to the destruction of the liberties of 
the people. 

" I am a helpless prisoner, completely in the power of the 
authorities, but I strongly protest against being taken from my 
cell and carried to the penitentiary as a felon. Therefore, in 
the name of the people, whose liberty is being destroyed ; in 
the name of peace and justice, I protest against the consumma- 
tion of this judicial murder, this proposed strangulation of 
freedom on American soil. I speak for myself, I know not 
what course others may pursue, but for myself I reject the peti- 
tion for my imprisonment, I am innocent, and I say to you that 
under no circumstances will I accept a commutation to impris- 
onment. In the name of the American people I demand my 
right — my lawful, constitutional, natural, inalienable right to 
liberty. Respectfully yours, 

"A. R. Parsons, Prison Cell 29." 

On receipt of the decision of the Federal Court not to 
interfere in the anarchists case, the doomed men were sullen. 
Louis Linger, the bomb -maker, was blatant and defiant, and said 
to his attendants, "I will never die on the scaffold, 11 he contin- 
ued, " I hate and defy you all." A week before the execution 
Lingg said : " I approach my last moment cheerfully, but I will 
not go alone."' This was significant language, and no doubt was 
an allusion to the fact that he intended to use the bombs, after- 


wards found in his cell for the purpose of producing an explos- 
ion in the jail that might have resulted in the death of scores 
of victims. Lingg, Engle, Fischer and Parsons refused abso- 
lutely and persistently to sign any petition to His Excellency, 
Governor Oglesby, for executive clemency in the commutation 
of their sentence to imprisonment. The following is a copy of 
letters from Lingg, Engle and Fischer to Governor Oglesby. 
They demand liberty or death : 

Cook County Jail, November 1. — An open letter to Mr. R. 
J. Oglesby, Governor of the State of Illinois. 

Dear Sir: I am aware that petitions are being circulated 
and signed by the general public, asking you to commute the 
sentence of death which was inflicted upon me by a criminal 
court of this State. Anent the action of a sympathizing and 
well-meaning portion of the people, I solemnly declare that it 
has not my sanction. As a man of honor, as a man of con- 
science, and as a man of principle, I cannot accept mercy. I 

am not guilty of the charge in the indictment of murder. 

I am no murderer, and cannot apologize for an action of which 
I know I am innocent. And should I ask "mercy " on account 
of my principles, which I honorably believe to be true and 
noble ! JVo ! I am no hypocrite, and have, therefore, no excuses 
to offer with regard to being an anarchist, because the experi- 
ences of the past eighteen months have only strengthened my 
convictions. The question is: Am I responsible for the death 
of the policemen at the Hay market? and I say no, unless you 
assent that every abolitionist could have been responsible for the 
deeds of John Brown. Therefore I could not ask or accept 
"mercy 11 without lowering myself in my self-estimation. If I 
cannot obtain justice from the authorities and be restored to my 


family, then I prefer that the verdict should be carried out as it 
stands. Every informed person must, I should think, admit 
that this verdict is solely due to class hatred, prejudice, the 
inflaming of public opinion by the malicious newspaper frater- 
nity, and a desire on the part of the privileged classes to check 
the progressive labor movement. The interested parties, of 
course, deny this, but it is nevertheless true, and I am sure that 
coming ages will look upon our trial, conviction, and execution 
as the people of the ninteenth century regard the barbarities of 
past generations — as the outcome of intolerance and prejudice 
against advanced ideas. History repeats itself. As the power- 
that be have at all times thought that they could stem the 
progressive tide by exterminating a few " kickers, 11 so do the 
ruling classes of to-day imagine that they can put a stop to the 
movement of labor emancipation by hanging a few of its advo- 
cates Progress in its victorious march has had to overcome 
many obstacles which seemed invincible, and many of its apos- 
tles have died the death of martyrs. The obstacles which bar 
the road to progress to-day seem to be invincible, too; but they 
will be overcome, nevertheless. At all times when the condition 
of society had become such, that a large portion of the people 
complained of the existing injustice, the ruling classes have 
denied the truth of these complaints, and have said that the dis- 
content of the portion of the people in question was due only 
to thtf " pernicious influence " of " malicious agitators.' 1 To-day, 
again, some people assert that the k " d d agitators 51 are the 
cause of the immense dissatisfaction among the working peo- 
ple! Oh, you people who speak thus, can you not, or will you 
not, read the signs of the time \ Do you not see that the clouds 
on the social firmament are thickening? Are you not, for 


instance, aware that the control of industry and the means of 
transportation, etc., is constantly concentrating in fewer hands; 
that the monopolists, i. e., the sharks among the capitalists, 
swallow the little ones among them; that " trusts," "pools," and 
other combinations are being formed in order to more thor- 
oughly and systematically fleece the people; that under the 
present system the development of technic and machinery is 
from year to year throwing more workingmen on the wayside ; 
that in some parts of this great and fertile land a majority of 
the farmers are obliged to mortgage their homes in order to 
satisfy the greed of monstrous corporations ; that, in short, the 
rich are constantly growing richer, and the poor poorer? Yes? 
And do you not comprehend that all these evils find their origin 
in the present institution of society which allows one portion of 
the human race to build fortunes upon the misfortunes of others; 
to enslave their fellow men? Instead of trying to remedy 
these evils, and instead of ascertaining just what the cause of 
the widening dissatisfaction is, the ruling classes, through their 
mouth- pieces, press, pulpit, etc. — defame and misrepresent the 
character, teachings, and motives of the advocates of social 
reconstruction, and use the rifle and the club on them, and, if 
opportunity is favorable, send them to the gallows and prisons. 
Will this do any good? As an answer I may as well quote the 
following word« with which Benjamin Franklin closed his satir- 
ical essay, " Rules for Reducing a Great Empire to a Small One/ 
which he dedicated to the English government in 177G. " Sup- 
pose all their (the 'kickers') complaints to be inverted, and 
promoted by a few factious demagogues, whom if you could 
catch and hang, all would be quiet. Catch and hang a few 


accordingly ; and the blood of the martyrs shall work miracles 
in favor of your purpose " (i. e., your own ruin). 

So, I say, society may hang a number of disciples of progress 
who have disinterestedly served the cause of the sons of toil 
which is the cause of humanity, but their blood will work 
miracles in bringing about the downfall of modem society, and 
in hastening the birth of a new era of civilization. Magna est 
Veritas et prevalebet ! Adolpii Fischer. 


Dear Sir — I, George Engel, citizen of the United States and 
of Chicago, and condemned to death,' learn that thousands of 
citizens petition you as the highest executive officer of the State 
of Illinois, to commute my sentence from death to imprisonment. 
I protest emphatically against this on the following grounds : 
I am not aware of having violated any laws of this country. In 
my firm belief in the constitution which the founders of this 
republic bequeathed to this people and which remains unaltered, 
I have exercised the right of free speech, free press, free thought 
and free assemblage, as guaranteed by the constitution, and have 
criticised the existing condition of society, and succored my 
fellow-citizens with my advice, which 1 regard as the right of 
every honest citizen. The experience which 1 have had in this 
country, during the fifteen years that 1 have lived here, con- 
cerning the ballot and the administration of our public function- 
aries who have become totally corrupt, have eradicated my 
belief in the existence of equal rights of poor and rich, and the 
action of the public officers, police and militia have produced 
the firm belief in me that these conditions cannot last long. In 
accordance with this belief I have taught and advised. This I 


have done in good faith of the rights which are guaranteed by 
the constitution, and, not being conscious of my guilt, the " pow- 
ers that be " may murder me, but they cannot legally punish 
me. I protest against a commutation of my sentence and 
demand either liberty or death. I renounce any kind of mercy. 
Respectfully, George Engel. 


To Mr. R. J. Oglesby, Governor of Illinois: Anent the 
fact that the progressive and liberty -loving portion of the Amer- 
ican people are endeavoring to prevail upon you to interpose 
prerogative in my case, I feel impelled to declare, with my friend 
and comrade Parsons, that I demand either liberty or death. If 
you are really a servant of the people according to the consti- 
tution of the country, then you will, by virtue of your office 
unconditionally release me. 

Referring to the general and inalienable rights of men. I 
have called upon the disinherited and oppressed masses to 
oppose the force of their oppressors — exercised by armed 
enforcement of infamous laws, enacted in the interest of capital 
— with force, in order to attain a dignified and manly existence 
by securing the full returns of their labor. This — and only 
this — is the " crime " which was proved against me, notwith 
standing the employment of perjured testimony on the part of 
the State. And this crime is guaranteed not only as a right, 
but as a duty, by the American constitution, the representative 
of which you are supposed to be in the State of Illinois. But 
if you are not the representative of the constitution, like the 
great majority of officeholders, a mere tool of the monopolists 
or a specific political clique, you will not encroach upon the 


thrist for blood displayed by the executioner, because a mere 
mitigation of the verdict would be cowardice, and a proof that 
the ruling classes which you represent are themselves abashed 
at the monstrosity of my condemnation, and consequently, of 
their own violation of the most sacred rights of the people. 

Your decision in that event will not only judge me, but also 
yourself and those whom you represent. Judge then ! 

Cook County Jail, 30, 10, '87. Louis Linng. 

P. S. — In order to be sure that this letter will come to your 
official notice, I will send you the original manuscript as a reg- 
istered letter. L. L. 






Fielden's letter is as follows : 

Chicago, 111., Nov. 5, 1887. — Ihe Hon. Richard J. Oglesby, 
Governor State of Illinois — Sir : I Samuel Fielden, a prisoner 
under sentence of death, and charged with complicity in the 
conspiracy to bring about the Haymarket massacre, pray your 
excellency for relief from the death sentence and respectfully 
beg your consideration of the following statement of facts : 

" I was born in England in humble circumstances, and had 
little early education. For some years I devoted my life to 
religious work, being an authorized lay preacher in the Metho- 
dist denomination. I came to this country and settled in Chi- 


cago. At all times I was obedient to the law and conducted 
myself as a good citizen. I was a teamster and worked hard 
for my daily bread. My personal conduct and my domestic life 
were beyond reproach. 

4k Some three years or more ago I was deeply stirred by the 
condition of the working classes, and sought to do what I cou>d 
for their betterment. I did this honestly, and with no sinister 
motive. I never sought any personal advantage out of the 
agitation in which I was engaged. I was gifted, as I was flat- 
tered and led to believe, with the faculty of stirring an audience 
with my words, and it was said that I was eloquent.- I began 
delivering addresses to assemblages of the working classes, and 
spoke of their wrongs as I saw them. None of my speeches 
were prepared nor in any sense studied, and often they were born 
in an hour of intense excitement. It is true that I have said 
things in such heat that in calmer moments I should not have 
said. I made violent speeches. I suggested the use of force as 
a means for righting the wrongs which seemed to me to be 

" I cannot admit that I used all of the words imputed to me 
by the State, nor can I pretend to remember the actual phrases 
I did utter. I am conscious, however, as I have said, that I was 
frequently aroused to a pitch of excitement which made me in 
a sense irresponsible. I was intoxicated with the applause of 
my hearers, and the more violent my language the more 
ajiplause I received. My audience and myself mutually excited 
each other. I think, however, it is true that, for sensational or 
other purposes, words were put into my mouth and charged to 
me which I never uttered ; but, whether this be true or not, I 
say now that I no longer believe it proper that any class of 


society should attempt to right its own wrongs by violence. I 
can now see that much that I said under excitement was unwise, 
and all this I regret. It is not true, however, that I ever con- 
sciously attempted to incite any man to the commission of crime 
Although I do admit that I belonged to an organization which 
which was engaged at one time in preparing for a social revolu- 
tion, I was not engaged in any conspiracy to manufacture 
or throw bombs. I never owned or carried a revolver in my life 
and did not fire one at the Haymarket. I had not the slighest 
idea that the meeting at the Haymarket would be other than a 
peaceable and orderly one, such as I had often addressed in this 
city, and was utterly astounded at its bloody outcome, and have 
always felt keenly the loss of life and suffering there occasioned. 
" In view of these facts I respectfully submit that, while I 
confess with regret the use of extravagant and unjustifiable 
words, I am not a murderer. I never had any murderous intent, 
and I humbly pray relief from the murderer's doom. That 
these statements are true I do again solemnly affirm by every 
tie that I hold sacred, and I hope that your excellency will give 
a considerate hearing to the merits of my case, and also to those 
of my imprisoned companions who have been sentenced with me. 
" I remain, very respectfully, S. Fielden.' 1 

The above letter to the Governor by Samuel Fielden was 
endorsed by Judge Gary and States Attorney Grinnell. 


" Chicago, 111., Nov. 6. — Gov. Oglesby, Springfield, III. — Sir: 
The fact that some of us have appealed to you for justice — 
under the pardoning prerogative — while others have not, should 
not enter into consideration in the decision of our case. Some 


of my friends have asked you for an absolute pardon. They 
feel the injustice done them so intensely that they cannot con- 
ciliate the idea of a commutation of sentence with the conscious- 
ness of innocence. The others (among them myself), while 
possessed of the same feeling of indignation, can perhaps more 
calmly and dispassionately look upon the matter as it stands. 
They do not disregard the fact that through a systematic course 
of lying, perverting, distorting, inventing, slandering, the press 
has succeeded in creating a sentiment of bitterness and hatred 
among a great portion of the populace that one man, no matter 
how powerful, how courageous, and just he be, cannot possibly 
overcome. They hold that to overcome that sentiment or the 
influence thereof would almost be a physiological impossibility. 
Not wishing, therefore, to place your excellency in a still more 
embarrassing position between the blind fanaticism or a misin- 
formed public on one hand and justice on the other they con- 
cluded to submit their case to you unconditionally. 


I implore you not to let this difference of action have any 
weight with you in determining our fate. During our trial the 
desire of the prosecutor to slaughter me, and to let my co-de- 
fendants off with milder punishment was quite apparent and 
manifest. It seemed to me then, and a great many of others, 
that the persecutors would be satisfied with one life — namely, 
mine. Grinnell, in his argument, intimated this very plainly. 
I care not to protest my innocence of any crime, and of the one 
I am accused of in particular. I have done that and leave the 
rest to the judgment of history. But to you I wish to address 
myself now as the alleged arch-conspirator (leaving the fact 


that I never have belonged to any kind of a conspiracy out of 
the question altogether). If a sacrifice of life there must be, 
will not my life suffice ? The State's attorney of Cook county 
asked for no more. Take this, then ! Take my life ! I offer it 
to you so that you may satisfy the fury of a semi- barbaric mob, 
and save that of my comrades. I know that every one of my 
comrades is as willing to die, and perhaps more so than I am. 
It is not for their sake that I make this offer, but in the name of 
humanity and progress, in the interest of a peaceable — if possi- 
ble — development of the social forces that are destined to lift 
our race upon a higher and better plane of civilization In the 
name of the traditions of our country I beg you to prevent a 
seven-fold murder upon men whose only crime is that they are 
idealists, that they long for a better future for all If legal 
murder there must be, let one, let mine, suffice. 

" A. Spies/ 1 




His Excellency, the Governor of Illinois, took action in the 
anarchists' case on November 10, commuting to imprisonment 
for life the sentence of Samuel Fielden and Michael Schwab, 
sending the death warrant of the remaining four to Sheriff Mat- 
son by his son, Robert Oglesby, who arrived early on the morn- 


ing of the 11th of November. Prior to the Governor making 
known his decision, Louis Lingg anticipating what his fate 
would be, and in keeping with his threat, had by some process 
unknown to the keepers, secured a fulminating cap such as is 
used in exploding dynamite, which he coolly placed in his mouth, 
and igniting the fuse which protruded from his mouth a short 
distance, calmly awaited the end. A terrific report sounded in 
the jail about 9 o'clock on the morning of the day previous to 
the day set for the execution. The deputies hastened in the 
direction of the sound of the explosion and beheld clouds of 
bluish -white smoke curling out from between the bars of the 
door of Lingg's cell. On entering the cell Lingg was lying 
upon his face. On turning him over he presented a ghastly 
sight, the entire lower jaw was blown away, and the features 
mutilated beyond recognition, only the stump of his tongue was 
remaining, which fell back into the larynx and made respiration 
difficult. He died in great agony at 2:45 of the same day. He 
had eluded the disgrace of the hangman's noose and the igno- 
miny of a public execution. 

During the ensuing night the gallows was erected in the 
north corridor of the jail, and tested by heavy bags of sand to 
make sure that everything was in working order. 




Not long after the death watch had been set the Rev. Dr. 
Bolton, pastor of the First Methodist Episcopal church, called 

5!^FHpr~^~~""' ~~~~ 

I !■■ 


upon the prisoners. The reverend gentleman visited the whole 
four unfortunates, and his reception was almost the same in every 

Spies received him quietly and with a smile. " I have called 
on you, Mr. Spies," said the clergyman, " to help you to prepare 
for the awful end which is now but a few short hours away. 1 ' 

Spies smiled again, but shook his head slowly. " There is no 
use praying for me, 11 he said in a meloncholy tone ; " I need them 
not; you should reserve your prayers for those who need them. 11 

The two men then discussed matters of religion and social 
economy, and Spies waxed warm in his defense of the doctrines 
of socialism as it looked to him. The conversation was a long 
and somewhat rambling one, and finally Mr. Bolton arose, bade 
Spies adieu, and left him. 

When he had gone the latter turned to the two deputies 
(Quirk and Josephson) who kept watch over him, and with a 
short laugh exclaimed: " Now, what can you do with men like 
that ? One doesn^ like to insult them, and yet one finds it hard 
to endure their unlooked-for attentions. 1 ' 

Spies then waxed talkative and aired his opinion freely to 
his death watch, Deputy John B. Hartke. Speaking of the 
anarchists 1 trial, he said that its conduct and the finding were 
without precedence in the history of this country. 

" Why, don't you know, 11 said he, " that when the jury 
brought in the verdict they were all so badly frightened that 
they trembled, and the judge himself, when he pronounced the 
sentence, shook like a leaf." 

This, he said, looked bad. 

" The anarchists had no reason to be afraid, but the judge 
and the jury had good reason to be afraid. 11 


" I told him, 11 said Deputy Hartke, "that I had heard that 
Fischer had signed a petition to the Governor asking for mercy, 
and added that I had heard he had done the same thing.' 1 

" That is not true," he responded. " I said in my letter to 
the Governor that if one was to be murdered, I was the one. 
That is the kind of a document I signed." 

"Ill tell you," he continued, "in five or six years from now 
the people will see the error of hanging us, if they do not see 
it sooner." 

With this Spies, w T ho had been lying on his back with his 
hands above his head, removed them and turned on his side with 
his face to the wall. 

The anarchist editor then lay down on the bed, and with his 
white face uj:)turned, talked continuously with Deputy Hartke 
about mutual acquaintances and things and events of days gone 
by. He never referred to to-morrow, and seemed desirious of 
keeping the thoughts of his approaching execution as far as 
possible from his mind. 

Engel grew a little more serious as the night wore on, and 
when he came to be more familiar with the death watch (Depu- 
ties Bombgarten and Hastige) he talked with them about the 
cause for which he was about to die. He protested his inno- 
cence over and over again, and told the story of the Haymarket 
riot, and all he knew of it. 

The Rev. Mr. Bolton called on Engel as he did on the others, 
but with the same unsatisfactory result. The wretched Engel 
dwelt with bitter emphasis upon the fact that it was the informer 
AValler, who afterward swore his life away, that first informed 
him of the massacre. "I was drinking beer and playing cards 
with my neighbors when Waller called and taunted me with not 


being down in the Haymarket fight, 11 said Engel, as a big lump 
seemed to rise in his throat," iv and he afterward swore my life 
away, but I die for a just cause. 11 Engel slept none until about 
1 o'clock, but at that hour, just as the death watch was being 
removed, he turned round in his couch and dropped into a light 




Fischer's last night was quietly spent. He talked but little, 
but was restless. His death watch. Deputies Healy and Shom- 
berg, said though he did not sleep much, he appeared to take 
the terrible ordeal put upon him with great composure — almost 
indifference. He, too, coldly repulsed Dr. Bolton's proffered 
spiritual aid. Though his sleepless eyes stared vacantly at the wall 
of his cell, he talked but little. No sign of nervousness or fear 
could be traced on the hard, clear-cut features. He was evi- 
dently prepared to meet his fate unflinchingly and to die boldly. 
"Annie Laurie,' 1 sung in a fairly good tenor voice, broke the 
the silence. It was approaching 12 o'clock. A dread silence 
overhung all. All along the anarchists 1 corridor not a sound 
was to be heard. The absence of any noise might be likened to 
the stillness of the grave. Criminals were asleep. The indi- 
cations were that the anarchists were asleep too. 

But hardly so. Parsons was awake, and the spirit of his 
wakeful hours urged him to sing "Annie Laurie.' 1 Soldiers in 
a foreign clime have shed tears at the strains of this song. It is 
a passport to the emotions the world wide. And almost within 


the shadow of the gallows tree, when life was to be registered 
by hours, Parsons' striking up this song seemed certainly sug- 
gestive of the fate he felt to be close at hand. There was in 
his tone a lonesome melancholy as he sung the first stauza, then 
on the second one his voice wavered and finally broke. He was 
cast down. The memory of his wife and little ones seemed to 
rise before him, a sob, full of pathetic despair served as a period 
to his further recitation. Once stopped singing, Parsons was in 
tears. He cried within the quietness of his cell, not through 
fear of his approaching death, so far as his demeanor indicated. 
Rather it was due to recollection busy with scenes of the man's 
early life. His boyhood came back to him as he sung that old 
song. He could not do else than break down. 

When Dr. Bolton called upon Parsons he was received with 
the same courtesy which has always distinguished that erudite 
anarchist. The condemned man, however, did not seem to take 
kindly to the proffered ministrations of the clergyman. 

u You are welcome, Dr. Bolton," he said; " pray, what can I 
do for you?" 

The reverend visitor explained his mission, and the old 
cynical expression stole over Parsons 1 face. " Preachers are all 
Pharisees," he sneered, "and you know what Jesus Christ's 
opinion of the Pharisees was. He called them a generation of 
vipers, and likened them to whited sepulchers. I don't desire to 
have anything to do with either." 

Dr. Bolton remonstrated a little, and finally Parsons appeared 
to be relenting somewhat. 

" Well, well," he said, " I will say that while I do not abso- 
lutely refuse your kind attentions, I will impress on you the 
fact that I did not want you." 


A desultory conversation ensued, and the missionary, on leav- 
ing, told Parsons that he would pray earnestly for him during 
the night. 

The anarchist's hard gray eye grew moist, and he mannered 
hoarsely: "Thank you," but added: "Don't forget, though, 
I didn't send for you." 



Parsons slept little but kept heart marvelously well. He 
chatted with the guards on the death watch and furnished them 
each with his autograph in this form : 
" Cook County Jail, 

" Cell No. 4. 

" A.R. Parsons. 

"Nov. 11, 1887." 

With Bailiffs Rooney and Jones he calmly discussed the out 
look, touched without emotion upon his pending death, and 
dwelt with satisfaction upon his assurance of his wife's ability 
to maintain herself. When told by the guards that Spies was 
deeply affected by the parting with his wife and complained that 
of all the incidents of the unnerving time, it most deeply moved 
him; that Fischer, though reckless of himself, bemoaned the 
destitution of his young and feeble wife, Parsons feebly 
expressed his sympathy for his companions and rejoiced that he 
left behind a lion-hearted wife, and children too young to 
keenly feel bereavement. Then he commented upon social con- 
ditions both here and abroad. 

" I will sing you a song," he said about 1 o'clock, " a song 


born as a battle-cry in France, and now accepted as the hymn 
of revolution the world over." 

In a low voice he then sang a paraphrased translation of u La 
Marsellaise," which the guards commended as both inspiring and 
well performed. 



Following are copies of the two dispatches received by A. 
R. Parsons a short time before his execution this morning : 

" Boston, Nov. 11. — Albert jR, Parsons, Cook County Jail: 
Not good-by, but hail brothers. From the gallows-trap the 
march will be taken up. I will listen for the beating of the 
drum. Josephine Tilton/ 1 

"St. Louis, Mo., Nov. 11. — Albert R. Parsons, Prisoner: 
Glorious martyr, in the name of social progress bravely meet 
your fate. C. R. Davis." 

To the sender of the first telegram Parsons desired that his 
red -silk handkerchief be sent. 



New York, Nov. 12. — The letter which Parsons wrote yes- 
terday morning was addressed to a resident of this city, and 
appears in the Herald to-day, as follows: 

u County Jail, Nov. 11, 8 o'clock a. m. — My Pear Com- 
rades : The guard has just awakened me I have washed my 
face and drank a cup of coffee. The doctor asked me if I 
wanted stimulants. I said no. The dear boys, Engel, Fischer, 


and Spies, saluted me with firm voices. Please see Sheriff Mat- 
son and take charge of my papers and letters. Please have my 
book on "Anarchism: Its Philosophy and Scientific Basis," put 
into good shape. There are millions of Americans who will 
want to read it, AVell, my dear old comrade, the hour draws 
near. Caesar kept me awake till late last night with the noise, 
music of hammer and saw erecting his throne, my scaffold — 
refinement, civilization. Matson, the sheriff, tells me he refused 
to let C.'esar — the State — secrete my body, and he has just got 
my wife's address from me to send her my remains. Magnani- 
mous Cresar ! Good- by. Hail the social revolution! Saluta- 
tions to all. A. R. Parsons. 









The following description of the execution is copied from 
the Daily JSfeios: 

August Spies, Adolph Fischer, George Engle, and A. R. 
Parsons, the four anarchists who were tried a year ago, and found 
guilty of the murder of Mathias A. Degan in the Haymarket 
square on May 4, 1886, were to-day hanged in the Cook county 
jail and paid the penalty of their crime with their lives. The 
drop fell at 11 :53 and the four men died with words of defiance 


and scorn upon their lips. Parsons' last word was actually- 
strangled in his throat by the hangman's noose. Seldom, if ever, 
have four men died more gamely and defiantly than the four 
who were strangled to-day. 

When the word passed around, about 11 o'clock, that the 
final hour had indeed arrived, men's faces grew pale and the hum 
of excitement passed through the crowd. They were quickly- 
marshaled and marched down in a line to the gallows corridor. 

At 10:55 fully two hundred and fifty newspaper men, local 
politicians, and others, among them the twelve jurors to view 
the bodies after execution, had passed through the dark passage 
under the gallows and began seating themselves. The bailiff 
said a few words to the journalists, begging them to make no 
rush when the drop fell, but to wait decently and in order. 

Parsons was given a cup of coffee a few minutes before the 
march to the scaffold was begun. 

The rattling of chairs, tables and benches continued for 
several minutes, but by 10:05 there began to fall a hush, and 
conversation among the crowd sank almost to a whisper. The 
bare, whitewashed walls formed a painful contrast with the dark- 
brown gallows, with its four noosed ropes hanging ominously 
near the floor. 

It was exactly 11:50 o'clock when Chief Bailiff Cahill entered 
the corridor and stood beneath the gallows. He requested in 
solemn tones that the gentlemen present would remove their 
hats. Instantly every head was bared. Then the tramp, tramp 
of many footsteps was heard resounding from the central cor- 
ridor, and the crowd in front of the gallows knew that the con- 
demned men had begun the march of death. The slow, steady 
march sounded nearer and nearer. The anarchists were within 


a few feet of the scaffold. There was a pause. The condemned 
men were about to mount the stairway leading to the last plat- 
form from which they would ever speak. Step by step, steadily 
they mounted the stairway, and again there was another slight 
pause. Every eye was bent upon the metallic angle around 
which the four wretched victims were expected to make their 
appearance. A moment later their curiosity was rewarded. With 
steady, unfaltering step a white -robed figure stepped out from 
behind the protecting metallic screen and stood upon the drop. 
It was August Spies. It was evident that his hands were firmly 
bound behind him underneath his snowy shroud. 

He walked with a firm, almost stately tread across the plat- 
form and took his stand under the left-hand noose at the corner 
of the scaffold farthest from the side at which he had entered. 
Very pale was the expressive face, and a solemn, far-away light 
shone in his blue eyes. His tawny hair was brushed back in 
the usual crisp waves from the big white forehead. Nothing 
could be imagined more melancholy, and at the same time dig- 
nified, than the expression which sat upon the face of August 
Spies at that moment The chin was covered with a freshly bud- 
ding beard and partially concealed the expression of the firmly - 
cut mouth. The lines were a little hardly drawn around the 
corners, however, and bespoke great internal tension. He st<H»d 
directly behind the still noose, which reached down almost to 
his breast, and, having first cast a momentary glance upward at 
the rope, let his eyes fall upon the 200 faces that were upturned 
toward him. Never a muscle did he move, however; no sign 
of flinching or fear could be discerned in the white face — white 
almost as the shroud which it surmounted. 

Spies had scarcely taken his place when he was followed by 


Fischer. He, too, was clad in a long white shroud that was 
gathered in at the ankles. His tall figure towered several inches 
over that of Spies, and as he stationed himself behind his par- 
ticular noose his face was very pale, but a faint smile rested upon 
his lips. Like Spies, the white robe set off to advantage the 
rather pleasing features of Fischer, and as the man stood there 
waiting for his last moment his pale face was as calm as if he 
were asleep, Next came George Engel. There was a ruddy 
glow uj3on the rugged countenance of the old anarchist, and 
when he ranged himself alongside Fischer he raised himself to 
his full height, while his burly form seemed to expand with the 
feelings that were within him. Last came Parsons. His face 
looked actually handsome, though it was very pale. When he 
stepped upon the gallows he turned partially sideways to the 
dangling noose and regarded it with a fixed, stony gaze— one of 
mingled surprise and curiosity. Then he straightened himself 
under the fourth noose, and, as he did so, he turned his big gray 
eyes upon the crowd below with such a look of awful reproach 
and sadness as could not fail to strike the innermost chord of 
the hardest heart there. It was a look never to be forgotten. 
There was an expression almost of inspiration on the white, 
calm face, and the great, stony eyes seemed to burn into nie^s 
hearts and ask: " What have I done? " 

There they stood upon the scaffold, four white robed figures, 
with set, stoical faces, to which it would seem no influence could 
bring a tremor of fear. 

And now a bailiff approaches, and, seizing Parsons' robe, pass- 
ed a leathern strap around his ankles. In a moment they were 
closely pinioned together. Engel's legs were next strapped 
together, and when the official approached Fischer, the latter 


straightened up his tall figure to its full height and placed his 
ankles close together to facilitate the operation. Spies was the 
last, but he was the first around whose neck the fatal cord was 
placed. One of the attendant bailiffs seized the noose in front 
of Spies and passed it deftly over the doomed man's head. It 
caught over his right ear, but Spies, with a shake of his head, 
cast it down around his neck, and then the bailiff tightened it 
till it touched the warm flesh, and carefully placed the noose 
beneath the left ear. 

When the officer approached Fischer threw back his head 
and bared his long, muscular throat by the movement. 

Fischer's neck was very long and the noose nestled snugly 
around it. When it was tightened around his windpipe Fischer 
turned around to Spies and laughingly whispered something in 
Spies 1 ear. But the latter either did not hear him or else was 
too much occupied with other thoughts to pay attention. Eugel 
smiled down at the crowd, and then turning to Deputy Peter-, 
who guarded him, he smiled gratefully toward him and whis- 
pered something to the officer that seemed to affect him. It 
looked at first as if Engel were about to salute his guard with a 
kiss, but he evidently satisfied himself with some word of peace. 
Parson's face never moved as the noose dropped over his head, 
but the same terrible, fixed look was on his face. 

And now people were expecting that the speeches for which 
the four doomed ones craved twenty minutes each this morning 
would be delivered, but to every one's surprise the officer who 
had adjusted the noose proceeded to fit on the white cap without 
delay. It was first placed on Spies' head, completely hiding 
his head and face. Just before the cap was pulled over Fischer's 
head Deputy Spears turned his eyes up to meet those of the 


tall young anarchist. Fischer smiled down on his guard just 
as pleasantly as Engel did on his, and he seemed to be whis- 
pering some words of forgiveness, but it may have been other- 
wise, as not even the faintest echo reached the men in the 
corridor below. Engel and Parsons soon donned their white 
caps after this, and now the four men stood upon the scaffold 
clad from top to toe in pure white. 

All was ready now for the signal to let the drop fall. In 
the little box at the back of the stage and fastened to the wall 
the invisible executioner stood with axe poised, ready to cut the 
cord that held them between earth and heaven. The men had 
not noticed this but they knew the end was near. 

For an instant there was a dead silence, and then a mournful 
solemn voice sounded from behind the first right-hand mask, 
and cut the air like a wail of sorrow and warning. Spies was 
speaking from behind his shroud. 

The words seemed to drop into the cold, silent air like pellets 
of fire. Here is what he said : " It is not meet that I should 
speak here, where my silence is more terrible than my utter- 

Then a deeper, stronger voice came out with a muffled, mys- 
terious cadence from behind the white pall that hid the face of 
Fischer. He only spoke eight words : " This is the happiest 
moment of my life." 

But the next voice that catches up the refrain is a different 
one. It is firm, but the melancholy wail was not in it. It was 
harsh, loud, exultant. Engel was cheering for anarchy. "Hur- 
rah for anarchy ! Hurrah ! " were the last words and the last 
cheer of George Engel. 

But now the weird and ghastly scene was brought to a 


climax. Parsons alone remained to speak. Out from behind 
his mask his voice sounded more sad, and there was a more 
dreary, reproachful tone in it than even in Spies. " May I be 
allowed to speak? Oh, men of America! 1 ' he cried, "may I 
be allowed the privilege of speech even at the last moment \ 
Harken to the voice of the people " 

There was a sudden pause. Parsons never spoke a word 
more. A sharp, creaking noise, a crash, a sickening, cracking 
sound, and Spies, Parsons, Fischer, and Engel were no more. 

When the pulse-beats of all became imperceptible, which 
was about 12:10 o'clock, the physicians sat down and the bodies 
swung back and forth, while the deputies stood above them. 
There was a continual shifting of seats after the physicians left 
the bodies, and nearly all who could get away wanted to be 
allowed to do so. The sheriff opened a door at the west side of 
the building and a great many of the spectators left. 

At 12:20 Spies' body was let down and placed in a coffin, 
while the doctor examined him and found that the neck was not 
broken. He wore a dark-gray flannel shirt and dark panta- 
loons, but no coat. His arms were confined by a strap, as were 
those of all the others. 

Fischer was next cut down. His neck was not broken. He 
wore a blue flannel shirt and gray trousers. 

Engel came next. He had a blue flannel shirt and wore a col- 
lar. His neck was broken, but the spinal cord was not severed. 

Parsons was the last to be taken down. He was clad in a 
neat black suit, but had only an undershirt on. 

When all the bodies had been arranged in the coffins the 
physicians made another examination, and then the lids were 
placed on the coffins, and the work was done. 


The condemned men directed that their bodies be turned 
over to their wives, except Spies, who wanted his body given to 
his mother. Their wishes were respected, and Coroner Hertz 
has directed that the body of Lingg be given to Mrs. Engel and 
the Carpenters* Union, in accordance with Lingg's request, so 
that they may all be buried together. 

Since the conviction and condemnation of the anarchists of 
Haymarket notoriety in 1886, the whole world has stood with 
breathless anxiety watching for the ultimate, and no other avenue 
was left open but to inflict the penalty commensurate with their 
crime. Officers of the law frequently received letters threat- 
mug to wreak a summary vengeance upon them providing the 
sentence was carried out. The condemned maintained a bold 
and belligerent attitude, while every means to intimidate and 
thwart justice which the machinations of the nefarious Herr 
Most could devise, and his minions could hurl life flaming brands 
broadcast amid a peace-loving and contented people have been 
resorted to. But pitying justice wept with drooping head o'er 
the stern necessity which called for the interposition of her iron 
hand having discarded the scepter for the rod. When the hand 
of outraged law and justice is raised the blow must fall in order 
to vindicate the majesty of the law. America has set the foot 
of the Goddess of Liberty upon the neck of anarchy and 
crushed the serpent brood. 


Two hours after the terrible and disagreeable duty of Sheriff 
Matson had been performed, in the name, and for the peace of 
the State of Illinois, in the execution of the four condemned 
anarchists, their bodies had been delivered to their friends, the 



gallows liad been taken down and stowed in its accustomed 
place, and not one vestige of the awful punishment which had 
just been inflicted remained to tell that anything out of the 
ordinary had transpired. 

Every good citizen and right-thinking American will join 
with me in extending to their afflicted widows and orphan 
children sincere and heart-felt commiseration for the calamity 
which has befallen them. While the law inflicts punishment 
for its violation, it does it for the public good. Mercy was not 
to be considered longer in their case. " Mercy to the guilty is 
cruelty to the innocent." The great book of law is prefaced 
with these words. Justice is the unchanged everlasting will to 
give each man his right. The right to free speech had been 
accorded to these men,andit had been abused. Under the dia- 
bolical teachings of Herr Most, anarchy promised soon to become 
the ruling power. But they have, we trust, ascertained that 
America is a poor and barren soil in which to cause anarchy to 
grow and flourish. They have found that though the mills of 
God grind slow, yet they grind exceeding fine. 

We shall forever be surprised beyond expression at the 
words made use of at the funeral of the anarchists on Sunday, 
November 13, by Captain Black, in his oration over the bodies 
of these outlaws. He was said to have used the following words: 
"For the love of truth they died," said the orator. "They 
fought for a cause, believing themselves in the right, and in the 
years to come they will be loved and revered." 

Captain Black was followed by other speakers who made 
use of language very expressive and forcible. 

T. J. Morgan followed with a speech in which he dwelt on 
the last words of the men before the drop fell. The immense 


throng at the grave became excited and frequently interrupted 

" Let the voice of the people be heard," he cried, in Parson's 
last words. When he spoke of the majesty of the law a voice 
cried: "Throttle the law !" When he asked: "Shall we be 
revenged on Bonfield, Grinnell, Gary, and Oglesby?" voices 
cried: "Yes, yes! Hang them!" Albert Currlin, formerly 
of the Arheiter Zeitung, spoke in German and called the labor- 
ing men cowards for permitting the " five-fold murder." 


a description of herr most's sanctum. a den where anarchy 
was begotten. the anarchist chief's museum of 
weapons and infernal machines. easy les- 
sons in the art of assassination. 

New York, Nov. 4, 1887. 

Since Johann Most's release I had often resolved to visit his 
editorial sanctum and see some of his surroundings, but I never 
had the opportunity until a few days ago, when I sought Will- 
iam street and paused a moment before 167. This is the place 
where undiluted anarchy presents itself through the medium of 
the Freiheit, which has succeeded so well that it has been 
enlaiged to double its former size. On the ground floor a lager- 
beer saloon is doing a thriving business, and the old saying that 
Teutonic journalism always manifests an inclination to take up 
its abode in proximity to a place where honors are paid to King 
Gambrinus is borne out in this instance, even when the journ- 
alists wasje war on all other monarchs. 

Entering the hallway you will notice, as soon as your eyes 


are able to penetrate the darkness, a large red banner on the 
wall bearing the inscription, " Vive la Commune." A cast-iron 
letter-box, marked " John Most," attracts one's attention for a 
moment, and then we ascend two flights of narrow, creaky stairs, 
and step into a large, dilapidated room, extending over the 
entire top floor of the building. Here the Freiheit is written, 
put into type, and, after being printed elsewhere, mailed to sub- 
scribers. There is hardly a country on the globe which has not 
the honor of giving shelter to some anarchist subscriber. A 
perfect deluge of revolutionary pamphlets issues from this for- 
lorn-looking loft. 

About a dozen men were engaged in folding and wrapping 
the latest number of the Freiheit. In order to keep up their 
spirits at this hard work a goodly quantity of the favorite Ger- 
man beverage is consumed, cigars and short pipes emit big 
clouds of smoke, and a noisy debate is carried on all the time. 
Every one of these savage-looking specimens of humanity strives 
to assume an air that suggests his merely waiting for a favorable 
opportunity to slaughter all monarchs and capitalists on the face 
of the earth. There are Germans, Frenchmen, Russians, Bohe- 
mians, and a Dane in the group. Regular employment is a 
notion too conservative and utterly foreign to their minds. They 
are here folding papers to serve the revolutionary cause, and 
receive no other recompense than the consciousness of having 
performed their duty. 


One of the heroes, who evidently desires to overawe us, 
takes a small quantity of gun cotton out of his pocket, another 
produces a sample of dynamite, and each asserts that the stuff 


he carries is an excellent agent to further the grand idea of uni- 
versal anarchy. All join in a dispute concerning the most 
effective methods for blowing up public institutions, and the 
folding business is meanwhile neglected. The anarchist chief, 
Herr Most, has been conversing with a good-looking young 
female anarchist, who came over for the purpose of paying her 
respects to the great dynamiter; but now his attention is directed 
to his hot-headed disciples. 

" Get through your work," he shouts; "you may babble all 
you want afterward." 

The admonition is heeded only for a few moments. The 
folders have a theme demanding urgent action. The sentence 
of the Chicago anarchists has excited the wrath and of every 
anarchist and frenzied cries of threatened vengeance burst forth 
from all sides. Herr Most again commands silence, and his 
announcement that a mass-meeting would be held on Sunday, at 
which both English and German speakers would be present, is 
haihd with tumultuous applause. The presence of strangers 
seems to be totally ignored for the moment. The anarchists 
fully understand that they are at liberty here to run the revolu 
tionary machine at their own sweet pleasure, so long as the 
struggle is confined to the tongue. I conclude to invest 5 cents, 
and a copy of the Freilieit is handed to me. The editor reflects 
upon the propriety of a national thanksgiving. His language 
is not choice, but rather painfully harsh. Here is a goodly 

" Our army of the unemployed, probably, will give thanks 
that the capitalists are so very prosperous. Poor, haggard 
women will give thanks over their weak tea and dry baker's 
bread that they have been allowed to lay up wealth for their 



employers. Factory children, who never see anything "but the 
grim shop walls by daylight, will give thanks that the)- have 
been brought into this beautiful world, and hard-working day 
laborers lucky enough to have any kind of a job will give thanks 
that the cormorants of society have not taken the last mouthful 
away from them." 

Another article deals with the anti-Chinese movement on the 
Pacific coast, and urges the white workingmen to expel every 
greedy monopolist instead of persecuting the poor celestial. 


Before I proceed to inspect the curiously decorated walls my 
attention is called to an assortment of anarchistic literature 
spread on a large table. The most extraordinary productions of 
fever-brained revolutionists from all countries are here exposed 
for sale. The works of Herr Most occupy the most conspicu- 
ous place, and titles like "Gottespect und Religrionsenche,' 1 
" Eigenthumsbestie," and "Elements of Revolutionary War- 
fare " embelish the title pages. I open the last book at hap- 
hazard and read : 

" The best of all preparations to be used for poisoning is 

"By heating a dagger and then tempering it in oil of olean- 
der, the infliction of a light wound would be sufficient to pro- 
duce blood-poisoning and death. 

" The cheapest and least expensive way is to apply a mixture 
of red phosphorus and gum arabicum to the dagger, cartridge, 

" This precious stuff (dynamite), which is able to blast a 
mass of solid rock, might also do good service at an assembly of 


royal or aristocratic personages, or at an entertainment patron- 
ized by monopolists." 

Herr Most, who had eyed me sharply, asked at last : "Would 
you like to join our circle, or perhaps it is only a few of your 
private enemies you contemplate doing up? All necessary 
information can be had by studying my ' Kriegswissencraft.' " 
The hint was a broad one, and I thought it the safest plan to 
spend a dime on the " murder pamphlet," thus propitiating the 
tiger in his den. 

The room might be considered at first glance an armory. 
There are revolvers of all constructions, daggers, rifles, infernal 
machines, and a big saber with a rusty scabbard. I could 
scarcely repress a laugh at this relic of the great French revo- 
lution, or some equally remote historic event. 

"You make a mistake by laughing," said Most, unsheathing 
the sword. " You will observe the blade is as sharp as a razor, 
and," he added with a certain pride, " the point is, by way of 
experiment, coated with a solution of cyanide of potassium." 

The majority of the rifles are breech-loaders, formerly used 
in the United States army, and bought by Most in large lots at 
auction for retailing among his followers. On a shelf above the 
editor's desk a variety of the most dangerous poisons, liquid and 
solid, are openly exposed. The anarchist chief remarked, with 
a grim smile, that he seriously contemplated breeding cholera 
and yellow-fever germs for the purpose of exterminating man- 
kind, rather than suffer the present condition of society to per- 
petuate itself. 


The walls of the room are almost totally covered with pict- 


ures, portraits, newspaper headings, etc. In crazy-quilt fashion 
is arranged Lieske, Shakspere, Hoedel, Rousseau, Karl Marx, 
Feurbach, Stuart Mill, Thomas Paine, Richard Wagner, Ma rut, 
Hans Sachs, St. Simon, LaSalle, Proudhon, Anton Kammerer, 
Stallmacher, the Irish patriots, Brady, Kelly, Curley, Tynan, 
Wilson, Gallagher, and Normann a life-size picture of Louise 
Michel, an excellent photograph of prince Krapotkine, pictures 
from Puck, Punch, Fleigende Blatter, sketches from George 
Eber's " Egypt " — a queer collection indeed. 

Herr Most takes especial pride in a gibbet traced in red 
lines on the whitewashed wall and bearing portraits of the fol- 
lowing persons: The emperors of Germany, Russia, and Austria, 
Queen Victoria, President Grevey, King Humbert, King Chris- 
tian of Denmark and his premier, Estrup; the Shah of Persha; 
the Sultan, the Emperors of China, Japan, and Brazil, and Pres- 
ident Cleveland. As an illustration of the bitter feeling pre- 
vailing between the anarchists and socialists was a caricature of 
Alexander Jonas, the socialist politician, playing a flute to the 
inspiring tune, " Wait Till the Clouds Roll By." 

The German Chancellor, Prince Bismarck, is caricatured a 
dozen different ways, and blood-thirsty sentiments are written 
beneath the pictures. A large picture presents the famous Rus- 
conspirators against Alexander II.; another recalls the trial of 
Reinsdorf and comrades, charged with high treason; then fol- 
low some scenes from the Paris commune in 1871, and next to 
these sanguinary sketches an elegant fan is suspended, uncon- 
scious of its strange surroundings. Anarchistic papers from 
every quarter of the world are pasted from ceiling to floor, and 
we learn the existence of obscure journals like Xi Dieu, Ni 
Maitre, Fackel, Le Cri du Peuple, Alarm, Lucifer, Revolte, La 


Question Sociale, the Rouinelian periodical Revista Sociale, II 
Fascio Operairo, Der Arnie Teufel, and Proletareu. Italians 
who stray into this nest have an opportunity of studying a 
« Programma Socialista, Anarchico, Revoluzionario del Giuppo 

Perhaps the master of this queer den will soon view the 
world once more through prison bars. 

Comyns Ray. 




That practice has now become obsolete of predicting the 
future of a child by consulting the aspect of the planet under 
which it was born at the day and hour of birth. At the advent 
of Herr Most upon this mundane sphere, who, looking through 
the horroscope of his future, but could in the interests of human- 
ity, have wished that the feeble spark of life in the frail teni- 
ment might have become extinguished, or that it had never 

In the city of Augsburg on -the River Lech, which is a trib- 
utary of the blue rolling Danube in Bavaria in Germany, in 
the year 1840, and on the 5th day of February Herr Most first 
saw the light of day. A long period of sickness while yet an 


infant served to render his features hideous by some malignanl 
disease eating away a portion of his cheek, but his record goes 
to prove conclusively that he still retained enough to render 
himself obnoxious to every lover of law and order. 

Endowed by[nature with procivities to resist all rule and law, 
gained from an unloving stepmother much harsh treatment. lie 
became apprenticed to a book-binder when a mere lad, and the 
cruel treatment received at the hands of his employer failed to 
change the bent of his inclinations. He had a passion for tin- 
stage which he gratified by striking an attitude and reciting in 
tragic style with dramatic effect any occurrence which attracted 
his attention to the infinite amusement of boys, and pedestrians 
on the street would stop to listen to his native eloquence and 
behold his crude dramatic gestures. We find him in Switzer- 
land in 1867, endeavoring to establish anarchy with a zeal 
worthy of a better cause. We next find him in Vienna where 
in one of his scathing speeches he characterized Liberalism as 
a swindle; the priests as deceivers. For this speech he receive- 1 
a jail sentence of four weeks. Shortly after his release, he was 
again sentenced to five years' imprisonment for high treason. 
However, after having served six months of the term, through 
some ministerial change, he was released. A half an hour later 
he was again on the platform firing hot shot and shell into the 
ranks of the government with all the force of his burning 
invective. His ability to sway the masses alarmed the new gov- 
ernment, and they took measures to have him banished. He 
went to Chemnitz where he became popular as an agitator, and 
successful in establishing his doctrine of anarchy as the gospel 
of blood, for which he was incarcerated temporarily in the red 
tower, a very unpopular jail. September 3, 1872, while return- 


mg from Mayence, where he had attended a socialistic congress, 
he was again arrested, and a few days later was sentenced to 
eight months in prison. In 1874, for some expressions used in 
favor of the commune of Paris, although a member of Parlia- 
ment, he was given eighteen months in the German bastile. At 
the expiration of his sentence he became identified with the Ber- 
lin Free Press, and for his freedom of speech he was again sen- 
tenced to six months in jail, having served his sentence he 
crossed out of his native land to London where he took charge 
of the new journal, the Freiheit, and while occupying this posi- 
tion he received a pressing invitation to come to Chicago and 
take charge of the Arbeiter Zeitung, which he declined, believ- 
ing as he did that the era of the mad misrule of anarchy was on 
the eve of being inaugurated He visited Paris, and during his 
stay directed a speech full of burning hatred against the German 
Emperor, for which he was accorded two years in jail. On his 
release he hastened to put the channel between him and that 
hated country. In 1880 he was again in Switzerland, scattering 
the seeds of anarchy, and forging thunderbolts for his enemies, 
and many of his publications found their way throughout the 
length and breadth of Europe. 

In one of his effusions he said. 

" Science has put in our possession instruments with which 
beasts of society may be removed. Princes, ministers, states- 
men, bishops, prelates and other officials, civil and clerical, 
journalists and lawyers, representatives of the aristocracy and 
middle classes, must have their heads broken. 1 ' 

When Alexander II. of Russia was murdered, " Triumph ! 
triumph!" he wrote; "the monster has been executed, 11 etc., and 
yet this "monster " ( ?) was the man who had struck the mana- 


cles from the feet of Russia's serfs; had lifted millions of a 
degraded people to citizenship. His outburst on this occasion 
gained him sixteen months in an English prison. In December 
of 1882 he was en route for New York, where he met with a 
most enthusiastic reception. 

The anarchists have now eleven regular organs in circula- 
tion. Five of these appear in English, five in German, and one 
in the French language. A few extracts we herein embody will 
serve to demonstrate the savage nature of these agitators. He 

"If each member of the anarchist party some tine morning 
would seek out some hated tyrant and pick a quarrel ; if only 
each man would carry a private supply of some destructive 
agency in his pocket and w r ould either stab, poison, or with 
powder, lead, or dynamite do to death our enemies, wherever 
found, in house, office, bureau, shop, or factory; if that could 
only be done in fifty places at the same moment ; if fires could 
only be started in fifty different places at the same time ; if only 
special parties detailed for the purpose would cut the telephone 
and telegraph wires — must not a general panic result? Would 
not society be wild with fright? And would not the rabble as 
if by magic be inflamed with revolutionary passion?" 

Can anything be more diabolical ? But Host's paper, from 
which I have quoted, is mild compared with the Rebdl. This 
sheet is the organ of Peukert. At present both papers vie with 
each other in disseminating anarchism among the farming pop- 
ulation. In 1884 Most said: "To find a way for getting 
$100,000,000 would do the cause more good than to dash the 
brains out of ten kings. Gold — money — is wanted. 

"Lay hold where and when you can, 1 ' he continues. " The 


less noife you make in laying and carrying out your plans the 
less danger and the better success. The revolver is good in 
extreme cases, dynamite in great movements, but, generally 
speaking, the dagger and poison are the best means of propaga- 
tion. Yes, tremble, ye canaille, ye bloodsuckers, ye ravishers 
maidens, murderers, and hangmen, the day of reckoning and 
revenge is near. The fight has begun along the picket line. 
A girdle of dynamite encircles the world, not only the old but 
the new. The bloody band of tyrants are dancing on the surface 
of a volcano. There is dynamite in England, France, Germany, 
Russia, Italy, Spain, New York, and Canada. It will be hot on 
the day of action, and yet the brood will shudder in the sight 
of death and gnash their teeth. Set fire to the houses, put 
poison in all kinds of food, put poisoned nails on the chairs 
occupied by our enemies, dig mines and fill them with explosives, 
whet your daggers, load your revolvers, cap them, fill bombs and 
have them ready. Hurl the priest from the altar ; shoot him 
down ! Let each prince find a Brutus by his throne." 

The foregoing language is calculated to tend toward subver- 
sion of law and justice, and is revolutionary and treasonable in 
its nature, teachings of this nature from Reinsdorf and Most, 
are the direct cause of our Haymarket massacre. The authori- 
ties are responsible largely for the commission of crime which 
they may prevent even by resorting to extreme measures in 
enforcing the law. While we desire peace in all our borders, 
yet we believe that transgressors of the law should be made to 
feel that "God reigns, and the government at Washington 
still lives." 





August Vincent Theodore Spies was born in Landeck, Hesse 
in 1855. His father was a ranger. Sines caiue to America in 
1872, and to Chicago in 1873, where for a number of years he 
worked as an upholsterer. He first became interested in social- 
istic theories in 1875, and two years later joined the socialistic 
labor party, and the Lehr und Wehr verein. He became con- 
nected with the Arbeiter Zeitun.g in 1880. He succeeded Paul 
Grottkau as editor-in-chief in 1884. From that time onward he 
was looked up to as one of the ablest and most influential 
anarchist leaders. He was educated by a private tutor during 
his early boyhood days. He afterward studied at a Polytechnic 


Albert R. Parsons was born in Montgomery, Ala., in 1848. 
His parents died when he was young, and his rearing fell to the 
lot of his elder brother, W. R. Parsons, who was a general in 
the Confederate army. In 1855 he removed to Johnson county. 
Texas, taking Albert with him. The latter received some 


schooling at Waco, and subsequently became a printer on the 
Galveston News. When the war broke out he ran away from 
home and became a "powder monkey "in a company of confed- 
erate artillery. Subsequently he served successively under the 
command of his brothers, Richard and William H. Parsons. 
After the war he edited the Spectator, a weekly paper, at Waco. 
Much to the disgust of his brothers, he became a Republican, 
and something of a politician. As such he held one or two sub- 
ordinate federal offices at Austin, and at one time was secretary 
of the State Senate. Coming to Chicago he worked for a time 
in various printing offices, and then became a professional labor 
agitator. He was at one time Master Workman of District 
Assembly 24, Knights of Labor, and president of the Trades 
Assembly for three years. In 1879 he was nominated by the 
Socialistic Labor party as a candidate for their President of the 
United States, but declined, as he was not then thirty -five years 
old. In 1883, at Pittsburg, he helped to frame the platform of 
the International Working People's Association. He was put 
forward by the socialists as a candidate for city clerk in 1883. 
He became editor of the Alarm, the organ of the " American 
group" of anarchists in Chicago in 1884, which position he held 
up to the time of the Haymarket riot in May 1886, but on the 
morning following the explosion, A. R. Parsons was not found in 
his accustomed place as editor of the Alarm. He had decamped, 
but many believed he was hiding in Chicago, as on the evening 
of the 7th of May a letter posted in Chicago at 7:30 was 
received by the editor of the Daily News, which ran thus : 
' Mr. M. K Stone, Editor Dally News: 

"Dear Sir — I want to speak a word through you to my fel- 
low-workers, just to let them know that I am still in the land of 



the living and looking out for their interests. 

" And further, give a few hints to some of the fellows who 
desire to live on anarchists, that maybe for their welfare. In 
the first place, I am watching the papers and also the knowing 
chaps who give the pointers as to my whereabouts, some of 
whom will make good subjects for the coroner's inquest one of 
these days should they persist in their present course. To the 
public I desire to say that the devil is never so black as you can 
paint him. I will in due time turn up and answer for myself 
for anything I may have said or done. I have no regrets for 
past conduct and no pledges for the future if there is to be 
nothing but blood and death for the toilers of America. When- 
ever the public decide to use reason and justice in dealing with 
the producing class, just at that time will you see me. But, 
should the decision be to continue the present course of death 
and slavery just so long will I wage relentless war on all organ- 
ized force, and all endeavor to find me will be fruitless. Watch- 
ing my wife and her kind friends is of no use. I am dead to 
them already. I count my life already sacrificed for daring to 
stand between tyrants and slaves. 

" To show you how well I am kept posted, I know who was 
sent to LaGrange forme to-day. I was not there. I know who 
put you on the track of Glasgow, and just where to find him. 
Just say to that man for me that his day of reckoning will come 
soon. I read all the papers to-day, and will see the Unit*, Inter- 
Ocean, and Hesing later. 

"Now, as to what must be done to satisfy the anarchists is 
to stop all these demands for blood and show a spirit of reason 
and a disposition to put down the oppressors of the people, and 
enforce laws against rich thieves as readily as you do against 


the poor. Grant every fair demand of labor. Give those poor 
creatures enough to satisfy their hunger, and I will guarantee a 
quiet period in which all the great questions of land and wages, 
and rights can be put in operation without further bloodshed. 
But if not, I am already sacrificed as a martyr for the cause. I 
have thousands of brethren who will sell their lives just as dearly 
as I will mine, and at just as great cost to our enemies. 

" I shall wait as long as I think necessary for the public to 
take warning, and then you decide your own fate. 

" It must be liberty for the people or death for capitalists. 
I am not choosing more. It is your choice and your last. I love 
humanity, and therefore die for it. No one can do more. Every 
drop of my blood shall count an avenger, and woe to America 
when these are in arms. 

" I have not slept, nor shall I sleep until I sleep the sleep of 
death, or my fellow-men are on the road to liberty. 

" A. K. Parsons." 


Samuel Fielden was born in Todmorden, Lancashire, Eng- 
land, in 1847, and spent thirteen years of his boyhood working 
in a cotton mill. In early manhood he became a Methodist min- 
ister and Sunday-school superintendent in his native place. In 
1868 he came to New York, worked for a few months in a cot- 
ton mill, and in the following year came to Chicago. For the 
greater portion of the time since he has worked as a laborer. 
He joined the liberal league in 1880, where he met Spies and 
Parsons. He became a socialist in 1883, and has spent much 
time as a traveling agitator of the International Working Peo- 
ple's association. 


We feel sure that Samuel Fielden is to-day serving out a 
life seutence as the result of forming associations through which 
he was led to mingle with agitators anarchistic, whose teachings 
were treasonable. Though not endowed by nature with procliv- 
ities whose tendencies were toward violence and bloodshed, yet 
being full of vanity and of a vacillating nature was led to make 
speeches of an incendiary and revolutionary character which 
indentified him with those responsible for the result of the fatal 
bomb, and doomed him to a life of unrequited toil and of penal 


Adolph Fischer, who was about thirty years old, came to 
this country from Germany when a boy, and learned the print- 
er's trade with his brother, who was editor of a German weekly 
at Nashville, Tenn. For several years Fischer was editor and 
proprietor of the Little Rock (Ark.) Stoats ZeUung. This he 
sold in 1881, after which he worked at his trade in St. Louis and 
Chicago. After coming to Chicago he became a most rabid 
anarchist, and often accused Spies and Schwab of being half- 
hearted, and of not having the courage to express their convic- 
tions. He, like Engel, believed they were not radical enough. 
At one time he, with Engel and Fehling, started De Anarchist, 
a fire-eating weekly, designed to supplant the Arlh it' r '/> itnn<j. 

He entered with all his possible energy into the spirit of 
socialism and anarchy, so much so, that it became his only theme 
and the source of happiness to him which he fully expressed in 
his last words upon the gallows, viz : "This is the happiest 
moment of my life.' 1 If that were the case, what an unendur- 
able life were his, and the prospect of dissolution offered a rest 


from the self- inflicted torment of continuing to live. 


George Engel was born in Cassel, Germany, in 1836. He 
received a common school education and learned the printer's 
trade. He came to America in 1873, and a year later to Chicago, 
where he became a convert to socialism, and later a rabid 
anarchist, He founded the famous "Northwest group 11 in 1883. 

He spoke English very imperfectly, and with great difficulty, 
he manifested no desire to make progress in anything except in 
anarchy. The sinister expression of his countenance indicated 
a dogged stubborn and cruel nature, full of malice and hatred 
which led him to use this latest breath in a "hurrah for 
anarchy " upon the gallows. Such men behold nothing beauti- 
ful in nature, nor anything to admire in well organized society, 
under the mad misrule of anarchy controlled by such an element, 
society would soon lapse back to the days of primitive barbar- 
ism and superstition. 


Michael Schwab was born near Mannheim, Germany, in 1853, 
and was educated in a convent. For several years he worked 
at the book-binding trade in various cities. He came to Amer- 
ica in 1879. 

He was a co-adjutor with August Spies in connection with 
the Arbeiter Zeitung. He was a pronounced socialist, though of 
a milder type than Spies, Parsons or Fischer. He was vacil- 
lating in his nature, and not calculated for a leader, but capable 
of being led. Had he chosen for his companions loyal and 
patriotic associates, he doubtless would have become a trusted 


citizen and a champion of American institutions instead of a 
propagator of anarchy which cost him the price of his liberty. 


Oscar W. Neebe was born in New York city on the 12th day 
of July in the year 1850. His parents were German, and in 
order to give their children an education in German they 
removed from New YoYk to Germany when ( >scar was but a 
child. His boyhood and school days were spent in Hesse Cas- 
sel. But at the age of fourteen years he returned to Xew York 
and as he expresses himself, was glad to set foot once more upon 
the land of the free, where all men were equal regardless of 
color or nationality, for the war had just closed which had 
stricken the chains and festering fetters from the limbs of the 
African slave, which meant the unbarring of the dungeon of 
the mind, giving them the right to acquire an education which 
before was denied them, and making them heir to the inalienable 
rights of citizenship. He says kt I saw the sun -browned soldiers 
of the federal army returning from the South where they had 
fought for liberty and freedom, and learned to love them as 
brothers when I heard them say : l There is now no more 

slavery. 11 ' 

Catching the inspiration of these words of Horace Greely: 
"Go West young man,"' he accordingly came to Chicago at the 
age of sixteen years, but returned to New York again where he 
learned the trade of tinsmith and cornice-maker. But New 
York, with all its fascinations, failed to constitute him contented 
and happy, and in February, 1877, we find him again in Chicago 
where he commenced work for the Adams and Westlake Man- 
ufacturing Company. He states that he was discharged July 1, 


for daring to champion the working man, and at times was 
reduced to poverty and almost starvation because of his avowed 
proclivities as an agitator. 

He had become identified with the socialistic agitators in 
1877, and the active part and interest manifested by him in the 
socialists was largely responsible for his lack of success in 
obtaining and holding a situation. In 1878 he obtained a situ- 
ation as salesman for the Riversdale Distillery Company, selling 
their compressed yeast. 

His financial embarrassment threw him largely among the 
agitators of the Labor party, and in 1886, after the Haymarket 
riot, he was arrested and tried for murder or for complicity in 
the conspiracy which led to the massacre for which he received 
a sentence of fifteen years in the penitentiary. 


was only twenty-one years old, and was the youngest of the 
doomed anarchists. He was born in Baden, Germany, in 1864 
He secured a common school education in Germany. He left 
his native country when very young and went to Switzerland 
where he remained several years. He came to America in 1885, 
working at the carpenter trade, at the same time availing him- 
self of every opportunity for the development of his anarchistic 
proclivities, which seemed to be the heighth of his ambition. 
He wrote his autobiography after having received the death 
sentence, which we decline to publish in consequence of its rabid 
and treasonable type of anarchy, sufficient in itself to prove his 
complicity in the foul conspiracy. He was one of the most arch 
plotters of dark and tragic histoiy. 






of John Bonfield, Esq., inspector and secretary of Police Depart- 

He was born in the year 1836, at Bathurst, New Brunswick. 
His father was a thriving; fanner, but in order to irive his child- 
ren the advantages of superior facilities for education, removed 
to Buffalo, N. Y., in 1842, and in 1844 he came with his family 
to Chicago. 

John Bonfield, after finishing his education, and by his 
natural talent and shrewdness having obtained a large stock of 
general knowledge from the ordinary pursuits of life in which 
he had engaged, became identified with the police force of Chi- 
cago in the year 1878 as patrolman. But he was destined to 
occupy a subordinate position for only a brief period, as in 1879 
he was placed upon the staff of detectives. 

His true nobility of character, noble bearing, and faithful 
discharge of his duties won for him the confidence of all, and 
in 1880 he gained one more step in the golden ladder of fame, 
being raised to the rank of lieutenant. He was next appointed 
captain of the Third precint, and in 1885 was made inspector 
of the entire police force. 


Owing to the brave and gallant bearing of Inspector Bon- 
field in relation to the faithful discharge of his every duty dur- 
ing his past career, (thereby winning the confidence of superior 
officers relative to his ability,) he was entrusted with the entire 
command of the detachment who so bravely on the night of 
May 4, 1886, turned back the tide of anarchy which threatened 
to sweep like a tidal wave over the fairest heritage upon God's 
green earth, scattering death and debris all along its terrible 
track. Truly if brave deeds and noble acts, and honesty of 
purpose, coupled with patriotism are worthy of note, the name 
of John Bonfield and the brave officers under his command on 
that terrible night of the Haymarket massacre, shall live for- 
ever upon the brightest page of the historian. 


was born in Norway in the year 1843. He emigrated with his 
parents to America in 1848, and settled in Walworth county, 
Wisconsin, but removed in a short time to Dane county, Wis- 
consin, where in 1858 he entered Albion Academy, and as a 
natural sequence of his insatiate thirst for knowledge he made 
rapid progress maintaining ever a prominent place at the head of 
his class. He was a student in Milton College at the opening of 
the war. The inherent patriotism of a noble nature had been 
fanned into a flame by the institutions of American freedom, 
and he at once offered himself as a sacrifice, if need be, in the 
defense of his adopted country, by enlisting in 1861 in the 
Union army as a private soldier in Company K, Thirteenth Wis- 
consin Infantry. In 1862 he was made commissary sergeant, 
He was raised to lieutenant of Company G., in 1864, and was 
acting regimental quartermaster at the close of the war in 1865, 



and received his honorable discharge bearing the untarnished 
reputation of a brave soldier and a noble officer. 

He afterward obtained a position in the postoffice where he 
published the Postal Recovd,2,\\ official paper of the department 

In 1868 he was elected clerk of the Police Court. In 1H71 
he was accorded the power to appoint, and also the supervision 
of the deputies. In 1875 he was appointed justice of the peace. 
In 1878 he was admitted to the bar. He ran for sheriffin 1879 
and was only defeated by a very small majority in favor of his 
opponent. He served two years as coroner, being nominated 
by acclammation when he satisfied all parties of his intent, and 
ability to perform the duties of his office with credit to himself 
and honor to those by whose effort he had been placed in s<> 
responsible a position, 

In 1882 he was again a candidate for the office of sheriff 
through the importunities of his friends, and was barely 
defeated by S. F. Hanchett, who in selecting a chief deputy 
made the wise choice of C. II. Matson, which position he filled 
to the close of the term, giving entire satisfaction to all parties 
with whom he came in contact in connection with the discharge 
of his official duties. 

He has obtained all the honorable and responsible positions 
which he has filled solely upon his merits, and has retained them 
with the confidence of the public by the efficient and impartial 
manner in which he has served the people of Cook count}-. 

He was installed in the office of sheriff of Cook count) Dec. 
6, 1886, enjoying still the confidence of the people. He is a 
man of great heart, broad and deep sympathies, yet unswerv- 
ing in the administration of the law as a sacred obligation he 
owes to the public, and in the years to come history replete with 


the sayings and doings of the great men of to-day will shed a 
halo of glory forever upon the name of Canute R. Matson as a 
brave, true and noble man, and the most prominent Scandina- 
vian leader of the era in which he lived, having left an example 
worthy of emulation by those who shall come after him. 


the presiding judge at the trial of the anarchists, was born at 
Potsdam, New York, July 9, 1821, at which place he received a 
common school education where he also spent his early boyhood 
days until 1843, when he went to St. Louis, Mo., and read law, 
opening his first law office at Springfield, Mo. But in 1849 he 
removed to Las Vegas, N. M., where he learned to write well 
and speak fluently the Spanish language. He removed to San 
Francisco, CaL, where he practiced his chosen profession until 
1856, when he returned to Chicago and formed a co-partnership 
with Murray F. Tuley, now Judge Tuley of the bench. He 
finally became a law partner with E. and A. Van Buren, which 
continued until 1863, when he was elected to the bench. His 
judicial mind and clear comprehensive sense of right places him 
high among his compeers as a celebrity upon the technicalities 
of law. He is esteemed by all who know him. 


was born at Massena, St. Lawrence county, New York, in 1842. 
He is of French- Welsh extraction, but it is not of his illustrious 
ancestors we wish to speak in this sketch. Suffice it to say that 
the Grinnell family are among the oldest and best families of the 
Eastern and New England States. Julius S. Grinnell graduated 
in the office of the Hon. William C. Brown in Ogdensburg, N. 


Y., in 1868. He came to Chicago in 1870 
to struggle manfully toward the summit of fame. His eloquence 
and oratory, along with the comprehensive grasp of a mosl 
extraordinary mind has made his ascent rapid and sure. His 
high aims and lofty aspirations have in early life been rewarded. 
He can exclaim "Eureka," as at the age of forty-six years he 
has been elected to the bench. 


of the Fifth precinct is deserving of great credit, not merely for 
the assiduity with which he applied himself to the fatiguing 
duties of unraveling the mysteries of anarchy in secret organi- 
zation, but also for the tact and shrewdness coupled with the 
fearless manner in which he discharged the dangerous duties 
incident to his office during the reign of terror which succeeded 
the Haymarket tragedy. It is a well known fact that Captain 
Schaack was one of the most energetic workers, as well as one 
of the principal factors in ferreting out and dragging to justice 
the dangerous element of socialism and anarchy in the great 
conspiracy. Chicago is indebted to Captain Schaack for a large 
majority of the evidence which resulted in the conviction, con- 
demnation, and execution of these lawless men whose object and 
aim was to sow the seeds of discord and confusion in the refined 
and well -organized circles of society. The low-browed class of 
ignorant men who stood around their leaders and in discordant 
voices howled their praise, were, under this leadership capable 
of the wildest onset, or the dark and patient vigil, of him who 
treasures up in heart of hatred an imaginary wrong. Every 
step taken by Captain Schaack and his faithful band of tried 
men was full of dangers. Over fifty bombs had been made 


and distributed throughout the city. One had fallen with deadly- 
effect, and any moment another might be expected to scatter 
death and debris among the ranks of faithful officers, who when 
detailed for service knew not but they were being led as sheep 
to the slaughter. 

In the ages to come when as a record of history this anarch- 
istic conspiracy of 1886 is referred to, the bold acts of noble 
daring, the skill, bravery and self-sacrificing spirit of Captain 
Schaack in the suppression of anarchy will be remembered by 
a grateful people as a monument to immortalize his name. 




What peace-loving citizen of Chicago desiring her commer- 
cial prosperity and the perpetuity of American institutions, with 
all it means of home and protection for free-born American citi- 
zens to behold our starry banner still proudly floating from the 
citadel of the most free country upon God's green earth, but 
will with me thank God for the blessings of peace secured to us 
by the prompt and steady action of our brave and noble police 
on the night of May 4, 1886. When forgetful of their own personal 
safety in their devotion to the cause of liberty, over the pros- 
trate forms of mangled and dying comrades they charged this 
treacherous band of alien outlaws, beating down the red hand 
of anarchy which was reaching out its tentacles to usurp the 


birthright of this nation bequeathed to it by our ancestors and 
made sacred to every loyal heart by a baptism of the blood of 

uur sires and grandsires in 1776. 

Not one ray of light from one single star upon our grand old 
flag shall ever tarnish its glory or dim its radiance in the shadow 
of the crimson flag of anarchy. 

With reference to that terrible night who will not with me 
adopt the following language: 

" When can their glory fade? " 
It was to us a blood fought victory, and every officer who 
poured out his life on that eventful night is deserving <>f a 
monument in the hearts of a grateful people and a prominent 
place among the wreath- crowned martyrs in the cause of liberty, 
Chicago's entire force who respond so promptly to a call, dis- 
charging their duty so faithfully, are worthy the name of heroes 
as justly as those who have spilled rivers of blood upon the 
ensanguined field of Marathon or Waterloo. 

What matters it now to Officer Degan and his slaughtered 
comrades that u boldly they fought and well.' 1 Their widowed 
wives and orphan children tell the price they paid for the bless- 
ings of peace we to-day enjoy. 

The maimed and suffering officers we daily behold as the 
result of that direful night speak plainly of what it cost them 
in the protection of our blood-bought privileges of 177b. 

Verily, a monument of marble should be erected t<> their 
memory upon the spot where they fell, bearing the names of that 
gallant band who so bravely turned back the incoming t'de, 
whose black and seething waters threatened to wreck the foun- 
dations of our social, civil and national institutions. 



Two young men from the same nourishing little town, and 
bosom friends graduate from the same school, each with aspira- 
tions lofty as the pinnacle of fame. Each one chooses an art 
or craft, or profession. Each man has the same chance to suc- 
ceed. The avenues of trade and commerce are open alike to 
all. One of these young men well knowing that there is no 
royal road to wealth and fame, and that his success depends 
solely upon his economy and industry, wisely adopts a code of 
laws by which his life is to be regulated and governed, and his 
future of success or failure determined. He remembers that his 
preceptor once remarked to him thus : " Raymond, remember 
this : If you ever expect to become wealthy, spend each day less 
than you earn, 11 and he had adopted it. He husbanded each 
week, and month, and year a portion of his earnings; years pass 
on and his coffers are filling with that yellow god which sways 
the destinies of men and empires. He engages in manufacturing 
enterprises or mercantile pursuits, and his happiness is complete 
in his palatial home, with a lovely wife and children as a key- 
stone crowning the arch which spans the dark and turbid stream 
of life. 

Let us follow the other young man who started in the race 
at the same time and under the same auspicious circumstances. 
He has taken a different course. He has not been idle but a 
spendthrift, working during the week earning money to spend 
among his boon companions during Sunday, and is always in 
debt and trouble as he is spending more than he earns. He has 
availed himself of the privilege of rejoicing in the days of his 
youth, walking in the ways of his heart and the sight of his 


eyes, forgetting that for all these tilings he will be brought into 
judgment, as no law of our physical nature or social standing 
can be violated with impunity, there is no appeal from the self* 
inflicted punishment of an accusing conscience for extreme 
prodigality and reckless expenditure in riotous living. To-night 
he is standing upon the corner of the street shivering under the 
biting blast which is sifting the early snow of winter amid his 
prematurely grizzled hair. He is not at peace with himself or 
the world. He hates himself for being poor and others for 
being rich. At this juncture the elegantly equipped carriage of 
his former classmate rolls past. Its owner is now a millionaire 
by earnest, honest and persevering endeavor. He is a homeless 
pauper and the self-constituted architect of his own misfortunes, 
yet he is willing to offer himself as a representative of the ter- 
rible contrast between capital and labor. 


Under the fascination of rose-tinted delusion whose fatal 
mists obscure the mental and moral realm of thought, many 
become criminals, goaded on by blind infatuation which perse- 
vered in becomes a passion all-absorbing in its nature. In the 
blindness of their infatuation they seek to immortalize their 
names by a bold and base attempt at the subversion of law and 

Having by the mad misrule of anarchy rendered themselves 
amenable to law, and by crime forfeited not only their liberty 
but their lives, they stubbornly refuse to ask for executive 
clemency, choosing death in the error of their ways, and in tin- 
language of Patrick Henry demanding unconditional "liberty or 
death. 1 ' These anarchists under the delusion that they were 


becoming martyrs, courted death, and from the gallows raised 
a defiant shout for the perpetuity and progress of anarchy which 
they fondly hoped would go ringing down the corridors of time, 
increased by tributaries until anarchy as a mighty torrent should 
bear away law, order and civilization by the fury of its resistless 
force, until bombs, dynamite and treason should triumph. Under 
the sophistry and insidious teachings of the nefarious Herr 
Most, anarchy developed rapidly in Chicago, and his minions 
were willing to offer up wives and children, liberty, even life if 
necessary, in the interest of the cause they had espoused. They 
raised their voice publicly in denouncing imaginary wrongs and 
the plaudits of the admiring ignorant lower classes amounted 
to an inspiration to them which urged them on to openly advo- 
cate deeds of violence and blood. Herr Most has stated that 
the gibbet upon which these anarchist murderers paid the pen- 
alty for their crimes will in the ages to come be looked upon 
with the same veneration that the cross is by the Christian. 

Now, that the majesty of the law has been maintained in 
their execution, their sympathizing followers seek to erect a mon- 
ument to perpetuate their memory, the most fitting tablet over 
their grave should be, " Here lies anarchy in her shameful 
tomb." " Oh ! Torquemada, from thy fiery jail," and thou 
u George Jeffries, from underneath the altar which seeks with 
Christian charity to hide thy hated bones, " with the long line 
of hideous cruel monsters from the dead, come and compare thy 
deeds in contrast with thy lesser light and knowledge. 

" Come seek thy equals here." 




*OD of the Free! upon Thy breath 
I Our Flag is for the Right unrolled, 
As broad and brave as when its stars, 
First lit the hallowed time of old. 

For Duty still its folds shall fly; 

For Honor still its glories burn, 
Where Truth, Religion, Valor, guard 

The patriot's sword and martyr's urn. 

No tyrant's impious step is ours; 

No lust of power on nations rolled; 
Our Flag — for friends, a starry sky, 

For traitors, storm in every fold. 

O thus we'll keep our Nation's life, 

Nor fear the bolt by despots hurled; 
The blood of all the world is here, 

And they who strike us, strike the world- 
God of the Free! our Nation bless 

In its strong manhood as its birth; 
And make its life a star of hope 

For all the struggling of the Earth. 

Then shout beside thine Oak, O North! 

O South! wave answer with thy palm; 
And in our Union's heritage 

Together sing the Nation's Psalm ! 

The End. 


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