Full text of "The rise and fall of anarchy in America. From its incipient stage to the first bomb thrown in Chicago. A comprehensive account of the great conspiracy culminating in the Haymarket massacre, May 4th, 1886 ... the apprehension, trail, conviction and execution of the leading conspirators"

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. rS?J S\i

•

Liberty Enlightening the World.

THE RISE AND FALL

•OF-

Anarchy in America.

FROM ITS INCIPIENT STAGE TO THE

FIRST BOMB THROWN IN CHICAGO.

A COMPREHENSIVE ACCOUNT OF THE GREAT CONSPIRACY
CULMINATING IN THE

Haymarket Massacre,

MAY 4th, 1886.

A MINUTE ACCOUNT OF THE APPREHENSION, TRIAL, CON-
VICTION AND EXECUTION OF THE LEADING
CONSPIRATORS.

GEO. 3ST- ^cHiE^lSr.

DRDER IS HEAVEN'S FIRST LAW,"

PROFUSELY IXjXjTTST'K^^I'EID.

SOLD BY SUBSCRIPTION ONLY.

R G. Badoux & Co.

Chicago & Philadelphia.

iSSS.

Copyrighted, 1888.

R. G. BADOUX * CO.

Chapter I.

INTRODUCTION.

"Order is Heaven's First Law" — Liberty Enlightening the World — The Red
Flag — The Price of Liberty — Our National Institutions — When Judgment
and Justice is Abroad in the Land the People will Learn Righteousness ... 9

Chapter II.

ANARCHISTS.

Their Nationality — First Agitation — Leader of Anarchy — Revenge Circular —
The Haymarket Meeting — The Lehr und Wehr Verein — The Massacre —
Dispersing the Mob 12

Chapter III.

THE GREAT CONSPIRACY.

Bravery of the Police —The Occupation of the Conspirators — The Trial — Secur-
ing a Jury — Bombs in Court — Evidence of Detective Johnson — Parsons
Swears He " Wont Eat Snow-Balls Next Winter" — Drilling Anarchists —
Pinkerton Detectives--Cross-Examination — Bombs and Dynamite — Parsons'
View of the Board of Trade — Guns, Dynamite and Prussic Acid Advocated
by Spies — Prosecution Rests Its Case 20

Chapter IV.

THE DEFENSE.

Under a Cloud — A Struggle For Life— Contesting Every Point by Shrewd
Counsel — Braving it Out — Throttling the Law — Fielden on the Stand —

CONTENTS.

Laughable Testimony by Henry Schultz, Who Said He was a Tourist —
Schwab's Evidence — Spies Testifies — Postal Card From Herr Most — Close
of the Defense 64

Chapter V.

ARGUMENTS FOR THE PROSECUTION AND DEFENSE.

Opening Speech by Frank Walker— "We Stand in the Temple of Justice" —
Zeisler for the Defense, Ingham for the Prosecution— Messrs. Foster and
Black for the Defense — Julius S. Grinnell Makes Closing Speech for the
State 100

Chapter VI.
INSTRUCTIONS OF THE COURT.

The Verdict — Blanched Faces — The Court to the Jury — Biography, Age and

Residence of the Jurors 119

Chapter VII.

THE CONSPIRACY AND MASSACRE.

Names and Number of Killed and Wounded— Unearthing the Plot — Officers at
Work — Crowned With Success — Report of Grand Jury— The Number of
Widows and Orphans Resulting From One Explosion 119

Chapter VIII.

COST OF TRIAL.

Extracts from Zeitung — Motion for New Trial — Motion Overruled 139

Chapter IX.

SPIES ADDRESSES THE COURT.

Three Days' Speeches by the Doomed Men — Their Reason Why the Law-
Should Not be Executed 150

Chapter X.
MISCELLANEOUS MATTER.
Afbriter Zeitung — Mrs. Parsons — Her Arrest in Ohio — Her Arrest in Chicago —

CONTENTS.

Heir Most Endorsing the Bomb-Throwing — The Panic He Could Create in
a Big City in Thirty Minutes With 3,000 Bombs in the Hands of 500 Revo-
lutionists 181

Chapter XI.
SUPERSEDEAS GRANTED.

United States Supreme Court Sustain Original Verdict— Parsons' Letter to Gov-
ernor Oglesbv — Lingg Defiant— Refusing to Sign a Petition for Executive
Clemency— Their Impertinent Letters to the Governor i3a

Chapter XII.
FIELDEN PENITENT.

His Letter to the Governor — Spies' Last Letter to His Excellency — Willing to

Die for His Comrades 219

Chapter XIII.
LINGG SUICIDES.

Dr. Bolton With the Prisoners— They Decline Spiritual Comfort— The Last
Night of the Doomed Men — Parsons Sings in His Cell — Telegrams for
Parsons — His Last Letter 223

Chapter XIV.
DESCRIPTION OF THE EXECUTION.

Threatening Letters — Pitying Justice — Outraged Law Vindicated — Mercy to
the Guilty is Cruelty to the Innocent — The Unchanged, Everlasting Will to
Give Each Man His Right— Abuse of Free Speech— "The Mills of God
Grind Slow, But Exceedingly Fine " — Captain Black at the Anarchists'
Funeral 231

Chapter XV.
A DESCRIPTION OF HERR MOST'S SANCTUM.

A Den Where Anarchy Was Begotten — The Anarchist Chief's Museum of
Weapons and Infernal Machines — Easy Lessons in the Art of Assassi-
nation 240

Chapter XVI.
BIOGRAPHY OF HERR MOST.
His Past Career and Early Training — His Imprisonment in the Bastile and Red

CONTENTS.

Tower for Preaching His Gospel of Blood— Extracts From His Inflamma-
tory Utterances— "Whet Your Daggers"— "Let Every Prince Find a Brutus
by His Throne." 246

Chapter XVII.

BIOGRAPHY OF SPIES,

And the Other Seven Condemned Men— Their Birthplace, Education, and Pri-
vate Life— Parsons' Letter to the Daily News, After the Explosion, While a
Fugitive From Justice 25*

Chapter XVIII.
BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD OF JOHN BONFIELD,
Inspector and Secretary of Police Department — Biographies of Sheriff Matson,

Judge Gary, Judge Grinnell — Tribute to Captain Schaack 259

Chapter XIX.

EULOGY TO THE POLICE.

Boldly They Fought and Well — Contrast Between Capital and Labor — The

Anarchists' Fatal Delusion — The United States National Anthem 264

PREFACE.

In view of the many phases and complications involved in
the labor question, along with the cosmopolitan element engaged
in forcing, as it were, measures intended to revolutionize labor,
trade and commerce, this subject becomes of extreme delicacy
to treat, the intricacy of which affect all classes and conditions
of men, and threatens to convulse society from the outer crust
of uppertendom to the inner sub-strata of human interest, affect-
ing largely the social, civil, and political interests of the ever-
enlarging generations of mankind.

The dark cloud standing out in bold relief outlined against
the political horizon of this great republic seems to be gather-
ing in intensity. Just now the lull in matters pertaining to
this great question of CAPITAL and LABOR, seem like the
"calm that precedes the hurricane.11 Animosities and antagonisms
are widening the gulf between these conflicting interests of
society, and anarchy and socialism, assuming a belligerent at-
titude, threaten a disruption of good and wholesome government.

We bid a hearty God-speed to any innovation upon the ster-
eotyped and superannuated system, or dogmatic usage in the
interests of absolute and overwhelming monopolies, which has
for its object the general well-being of our common humanity,
the elevation of the universal brotherhood of mankind, and the
perpetuity of American institutions.

We do not believe in monopoly and oppression ; but the
final triumph of right over wrong by honest, earnest and perse-
vering endeavor.

ft ' »>J>

SOCIALISM.

A theory of society which advocates a more precise,
orderly and harmonious arrangement of the social relations
of mankind than that which has hitherto prevailed, — Webster.

COMMUNISM.

The reorganizing of society, or the doctrine that it should
be reorganized, by regulating property, industry and the means
of livelihood, and also the domestic relations and social morals
of mankind; socialism; especially the doctrine of a community
of property, or the negative of individual right in property. —
J. H. Burton.

ANARCHY.

Want of government , the state of society where there is no
law or supreme power, or where the laws are not efficient,
and individuals do what they please with impunity. — Webster.

m>« ^^>

INTEODTJCTIOK

Never before, perhaps, in the history of any great nation, was
there a time when wise, honest and unswerving men were
necessary at the helm of the great social and political ship of
American freedom than at the present time, in order that she
may weather the blasts, pass in safety the dangerous reefs and
shoals of any party politics, maintain the majesty of her laws,
grow strong in truth, making aggressive warfare upon error
and superstition, " and having done all to stand entire at last,"
" with her lamps trimmed and burning," her liberty enlighten-
ing the world.

One of our great minds has said : " Our country, though
rich in men of faithfulness and power, and having escaped from
the difficulties of earlier times, perceives new questions which
demand whatever of counsel the wise and thoughtful can give,"
for an era so active in thought and impulse is always perilous
to the nation and need strong men, wise and calm in the midst
of her greatest storms. Many of our nation's noblest sons
within a short space of time have bowed in obedience to the
behest of that monarch whose summons all must obey. In our
minds we go back to that period when our country was young,
and behold manly forms, marked by intellectual dignity, and
bearing in their countenance the unmistakable insignia of true
and noble manhood. They, too, have passed away, and home
and sanctuary know them no more ; but the light found in such

10 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

characters assist in solving the difficult problems of today. Our
nation's God can make of a poor and humble craftsman a
mighty statesman. Many such lives are poured full of honors,
and their graves are fresh and green in our memories. Nothing
can equal in grandeur the interminable extent of our vast
prairies, covered with blossoming buds. Every lover of nature,
and home and country can daily hear a grand anthem of praise
ascend to God for the munificence of his unspeakable gifts.
" From that cathedral boundless as our wonder
Whose quenchless lamps the sun and moon supply."
These pastoral symphonies are dear to all our hearts. We
love our country, and gazing upon our glorious flag, we feel it

means to

" Friends a starry sky"
But to foes

" A storm in every fold"

Untarnished its honor, and the undimmed radiance stream-
ing down from every star upon our glorious banner for over one
hundred years, what usurper dare insult her national prowess
and trail her honors in the dust, or flaunt the red flag of
anarchy and socialism in the face of our national greatness?

Anarchy cannot prevail, as " order is heaven's first law," and
"eternal vigilance the price of liberty.1'

Our measureless prosperity as a nation have caused to seek
employment, protection and a home beneath the ample folds of
our grand old flag, many representatives from almost every
nation under the sun, to whom have been extended all the
rights, social, civil, religious and political, of free-born Ameri-
can citizenship, while obedient to its laws. We who seek this
country as our home, because of its advantages and the superior

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. n

facilities for obtaining a livelihood or of amassing wealth, can
be guilty of no baser act than to endeavor to sow the seeds of
discord and confusion among the peaceful and well-organized
brotherhood in this land of freedom and prosperity ; and all
violations of good and wholesome law, endangering the peace
and prosperity of citizens, or the overthrow of our national
institutions, are deserving of the nation's frown.

What greater insult can be offered to the children of free-
dom than for people of foreign birth to usurp the birthrights
and trample upon the institutions for which their fathers bled
and died ?

Never before were citizens of any country placed on trial for
so grave and flagrant a transgression, who received such consid-
eration and fairness at the hands of the administrators of law
and justice as did the participants in the Haymarket tragedy.

In view of the deep turpitude of their crime great credit is
due to all the standard papers of the city of Chicago, and the
Press of the United States, for the fair and impartial manner
in which they represented the Anarchists' case during the trial
and pending the execution. The articles appearing from time
to time in their columns seemed ever tempered with mercy.
Yet firmness characterized all their expressed opinions. The
institutions of our country are dear to every true and loyal
American.

The outrage perpetrated upon our high order of civilization
called for life in exchange for the lives sacrificed by the tragic
events of the night of May the 4th, 1886. Every right-think-
ing journalist acknowledged the justice of the sentence and
said, so let it be; believing that when "judgment and justice
are abroad in the land the people will learn righteousness."

12 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

CHAPTER II.

Anarchists— Their Nationality — The First Agitation —
Leaders — Anarchy — The "Revenge" Circular — The
Haymarkkt Meeting — The Massacre.

Scarcely lias the chronicler of time recorded fifty years in the
eventful history of Chicago since it was known only as a little
trading post for the Indians of the west and northwest, but be-
ing the central and distributing point for the interminable
fertile territories stretching away toward the land of the setting
sun, its progress in wealth and population has been unprece-
dented. The superior facilities for obtaining supplies, and the
demand for implements for agricultural purposes, have conspired
to render Chicago one of the most important commercial cities
on the globe. And to-day it stands the grainery of the Anieri.
can Continent, the great repository and commercial reservoir of
continental America, with a cosmopolitan population of over
seven hundred thousand. Capitalists engaged in mammoth
manufacturing enterprises like McCormick and others, in order
to secure cheap labor to the exclusion of native skilled work-
men, have imported to this country thousands of foreigners who,
after gaining a foothold in the land, have turned upon their em-
ployers in organized bands with measures intended to be revo-
lutionary.

The troublesome element consisted largely of the ignorant
lower classes of Bavarians, Bohemians, Hungarians, Germans,
Austrians, and others who held secret meetings in organized
groups armed and equipped like the nihilists of Russia, and the
communists of France.

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. Li

They called themselves socialists. Their emblem was red.
They paraded the streets of Chicago without let or hindrance
in 1878, carrying a red flag and making insulting and incendiary
speeches at Lake front park, and at several of the public halls
of the city.

This free country accorded to them without regard to birth
or nationality the rights of freedom of speech, and we shall
see how that indulgence beyond the bounds of propriety has
been abused. In 1877 they held secret meetings to organize
their forces, and during the same year there were several labor
riots.

In 1879 anarchists and socialists united to endeavor to secure
by their votes and influence as mayor Dr. Ernst Schmidt, and
as city treasurer F. Stauber. Polling nearly 10,000 votes they
secured several representatives in the city council.

On the evening of the 2d of July, 1879, Captain Bielfeld,
with ten of the gang known as the Lehr and Werh Verein, left
Turner Hall, marching from Twelfth to Union, then returning,
Lieut. Callahan secured their arrest. As a test case for a viola-
tion of the law relative to the militia, Bielfeld alone was booked
to appear before the police court on the 3d of July, 18.9.
Rubens, his attorney, gave bonds for his appearance. The de-
fendant then took a change of venue to Morrison, becoming his
own bail to appear at that place in the afternoon. Bielfeld,
with his attorney, and prosecuting attorney Cameron, were present.
The case was continued for one week. The following day
being the Fourth of July, was looked forward to with solici-
tude as a day when Chicago might expect riot and carnage. Biel-
feld had been bound in $300 bonds but was released on habeas
corpus the same day on an application to Judge Barnum, who

14 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

pronounced the majority of the clauses in the militia law as
unconstitutional.

In November, 187V>, a similar case was argued before the
supreme court which in its rulings sustained the constitution-
ality of the militia law in direct opposition to Judge Barnum's
rulings and opinions. This opinion was a leversing of Judge
Barnum's decision restricting armed bodies of socialists, anarch-
ists, or communists from parading the streets, deciding that in
matters pertaining to the peace and safety of citizens the police
powers are plenary.

In the autumn of 1879 the Bohemian anarchistic agitators
held a picnic at Silver Leaf Grove, in the vicinity of Douglas
Park, and being annoyed by uninvited guests, at the command
of their captain, Prokop Iludek, they fired a round of ball car-
tridge into the promiscuous crowd, seriously wounding quite a
large number of citizens. Their captain, and the entire com-
pany of would-be assassins, were arrested and brought to the
corner of Madison and Union streets, where the police were
compelled to use their utmost efforts to prevent the enraged and
outraged citizens from lynching the leaders of the gang of out-
laws. The peace-loving and law-abiding citizens were so exasper-
ated at the audacity and cupidity of the uncivilized horde that
it was with dimculty the police induced them to disperse with-
out wreaking a summary vengeance upon these organized bad-
dits, who were beginning to operate with impunity in the very
midst of the highest order of civilization and refinement.

The United States Supreme Court acknowledge and defend
the right of citizens to assemble, without arms, when the object
is to make known, in proper language, any grievance. But they
must in all cases be under the control, direction and protection

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY

of the police force. But all meetings to organize, or any organ
ized gatherings for the purpose of subverting law and order, all
armed mobs making incendiary speeches or advocating violence
are subject to military law, and under the control of the police,
as the guardians of the public peace.

From the time of the arrest of Herman jPresser, on the affirm-
ation of the militia law, by the Federal Court, in 188K, all armed
demonstrations of the socialistic element from this time ceased,
but in secret they matured their fiendish plottings against the
law-abiding citizens and safety of American institutions, becom-
ing skilled in the manufacture and use of dynamite bombs as a
weapon for the purpose of destroying life and property, and the
intimidation of the officers of law and justice.

The leaders of anarchy and socialism with whom we have
to do, more particularly in this volume, are viz.: August Spies,
Samuel Fielden and A. R. Parsons, Spies being the editor of
the Arbeiter Zeitung, and A. R. Parsons editor of the paper
known as the Alarm.

The eight hour system of labor had been agitated for some
time, and the first of May, 1886, was the time set for it to go
into effect by all the trade and labor unions. It was suspected
by many that the insubordinate element of socialists and anarch-
ists would take advantage of the already fermented state of the
working classes, to make a bold stand to revolutionize and de-
moralize, by their treasonable and inflammatory speeches, the
otherwise peaceful and respectable citizens of Chicago. The
McCormick reaper works, with over one thousand employes,
mostly foreigners, had been out on a strike for several weeks,
and being at fever heat the anarchists sought to produce a riot
among these turbulent men, who only needed a leader and some

16 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

encouragement, which they were soon to receive from Spies.
On May 2d a large force collected at or near the junction of
Eighteenth street and Centre avenue. Here they reversed the
American flag, carrying it top side down, symbolic of the revo-
lution they intended to work in American institutions. They
marched down the Black Road to the prairie in front of McCor-
mickV works, where August Spies addressed them in extrava-
gant language, exciting the mob by a seditious and inflammatory
speech, at the close of which the effect was plainly visible, as
the mob at once attacked the works of McCormick, demolishing
a portion of it, and seriously injuring several non-union men who
were employed there. The six police there on duty bravely
tried to hold the fort, but were forced to give way before nearly
three thousand infuriated men, when they turned in a call for
assistance, and were reinforced by the arrival of thirty more
officers, who bravely beat back their assaiiants, killing one of
the mob by a shot from a revolver, and wounding several others,
The repulsed mob then retreated, and their leaders repaired to
office <>!' the Zeitunq t<» prepare a circular, and printed it in Ger-
man and English, which was headed Revenge, and the English
copy read as follows, which they circulated throughout the city:

REVENGE.

" Revenge, working men ! to arms ! Your masters sent out
then- bloodhounds— the police. They killed six of your brothers
at McCormick's this afternoon. They killed the poor wretches,
because they, like you, had the courage to disobey the supreme
will of your bosses. They killed them because they dared ask
for the shortening of the hours of toil. They killed them to
show you, 'free American citizens,' that you must be satisfied
and contented with whatever your bosses condescend to allow

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 17

you, or you'll get killed. You have for years endured the most
abject humiliation; you have for years suffered immeasurable
iniquities ; you have worked yourselves to death ; you have en-
dured the pangs of want and hunger ; your children you have
sacrificed to the factory lords — in short, you have been miser-
able, obedient slaves all these years. Why ? To satisfy the
insatiable greed to fill the coifers of your lazy, thieving master.
When you ask them now to lessen your burden he sends his
blood-hounds out to shoot you, kill you. If you are men, if you
are the sons of your grandsires who have shed their blood to
free you, then you will rise in your might, Hercules, and destroy
the hideous monster that seeks to destroy you. To arms we call
you ! To arms ! Your Brothers."

The German portion difiered from the above mainly in the
following passage : " Why ? Because you dared ask for the
shortening of the hours of labor." In the German copy it ran :
M Because you dared ask for all that you believed to be your
rights." Instead of being addressed, as in the English, to Amer-
ican citizens, it was directed to the followers of anarchy and
socialism.

Another circular was distributed calling a meeting at the
Haymarket for the night of May 4, and urging workingmen to
arm and go in full force. In the Arbeiter Zeitung appeared the
letter "Y," meaning Ypsilon, which was the signal for the
armed anarchists to turn out, and in the department of the
paper known as the " Letter-Box " the word '• Ruhe," signifying
that the time for revolution was at hand.

There were about three hundred and fifty anarchists carry-
ing concealed weapons at the Haymarkst massacre on the 4th of
May, 1886, and probably about fifteen hundred present in all
at the time of the explosion. A. R. Parsons had delivered his

18 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

speech and Samuel Fielden was portraying to the sympathizing
crowd, with all the eloquence he could command, the wide and
yawning uubridged gulf between capital and labor, when seven
companies of police, numbering nearly two hundred men, under
command of their superior officers, swooped down upon the law-
less mob. Captain Ward, in clear and ringing tones, commanded
these land pirates to quietly disperse, when from an alley con-
tiguous was seen in the darkness a little line of fire passing
directly over the heads of the motly crowd. The hissing fiend,
hurled by some practiced hand to perform its hellish mission,
fell directly between two of the ranks of our brave and noble
officers, and exploded with a detonation which seemed to shake
the city from center to circumference, dealing death to several
brave and noble officers, while the wounded and dying num-
bered over sixty, who a moment before were in the best of spir-
its and in the discharge of their duty as protectors of public
peace, were stricken down without a moment's warning. But
was there a man dismayed, although the groans of the wounded
and mangled victims could be heard in every direction, not
knowing but the next instant another explosion would strew the
ground with fresh victims from their ranks ? Scarcely had the
sound of the explosion died away in the echoing distance, or the
smoke from the fatal bomb rose up to be lost in the dark and
murky clouds, ere the spirit of patriotism rose up in their hearts,
inspiring them to deeds of noble daring, when they boldly
charged in a solid column this band of treacherous outlaws.
Captain Bonfield seized a revolver from the hand of a fallen
officer, at the same time drawing his own revolver, and from
both hands he rained a shower of lead into the ranks of the

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 19

enemy. Under this aggressive movement the anarchists began
beating a hasty retreat.

The wounded officers were removed to the County Hospital,
while a large detachment were kept busy during the night car-
ing for the dead and dying. The exact number of killed and
wounded among the anarchists could not be ascertained, as
they were removed from the ensanguined field immediately by
their friends to places of safety, and medical assistance secured
for them from among the socialistic fraternity.

On the 5th of May, Rudolph Schnaubelt was arrested on
suspicion that he was an important factor in the conspiracy. On
an investigation which followed, he very adroitly managed to
impress the authorities of his innocence, when he was dis-
charged, and he at once disappeared from the city ; but during
the progress of the trial, evidence was obtained which proves
almost conclusively that Rudolph Schnaubelt was the arch fiend
who hurled the deadly bomb causing so many brave officers to
bite the dust without a moment's warning.

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

CHAPTER III.

This great and unprecedented anarchistic conspiracy of May
4th will doubtless result in a blessing to America. First, it
will teach the administrators of law and justice the necessity of
being watchful of this treacherous element in society which
would thus ruthlessly violate every sacred principle of right and
honor,

The bravery of the police on that eventful night of May
■4th is worthy of note in the history of Chicago, and those who
fell in the defence of our birthrights as American citizens have
builded a monument in the hearts of a grateful people that shall
endure while the star-spangled banner shall continue to wave
"O'er the land of the free and the home of the brave." Were
we to disturb, disquiet, and bring up from their tombs the most
hideous monsters from the dead of the dark and superstitious
ages of the gloomy past, their hands deep purple with the blood
of their murdered fellow men, we should fail to find a parallel
that would compare with this unscrupulous cold-blooded mas-
sacre, along with the bold attempt at the subversion of law.

On the fifth of the month eight of the leaders of anarchy
were arrested and indicted for murder and conspiracy. The
police raided the office of the Arbeiter Ztitungy the organ of the
socialistic and anarchistic labor agitators, obtaining quantities
of dynamite bombs, flags, and inflamatory literature which was
« 'Dried in the trial as corroborative evidence. August Spies,
a German, was the editor of the Zeitmmg and a ringleader of the
anarchists. A. R Parsons, an American, was editor of the
Alarm. Samuel Fielden, of English nationality, laborer.
Oscar Neebe, German. Adolph Fischer, a German. Louis

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 21

Ling, a German, carpenter. George Engle, German, and
Michal Schwab. These are the ones who were indicted for
murder and anarchy. A. R. Parsons iled the night of the riot
and consequently was not arrested, but he subsequently came
in and gave himself up to the officials in the criminal court,
doubtless thinking by this semblance of honor to impress the
court of his innocence and thereby secure acquittal.

The attorneys for the State in the prosecution were as fol-
lows : Julius S. Grinnell ; and assistants State, George Ingham
and Frank Walker.

Col. W. P. Black, Solomon Zeisler, and Mr. Foster, of Iowa,
were for the defence, who availed themselves of every techni-
cality in the interests of their clients. Four long and tedious
weeks were consumed in obtaining a jury, exhausting fourteen
panels of jurors in securing twelve competent men to try this
case. His Honor, Judge J. E. Gary, presiding.

The names of the jury accepted by the State and the defence
were Major J. H. Cole, F. E. Osborne, S. G. Randall, A. II.
Reed, J. H. Bruyton, A. Hamilton, G. W. Adams, J. B. Greiner,
C. B. Todd, C. A. Ludwig, T. E. Denker, and H. T. Sanford.

An application was filed with State's Attorney Grinnell for
a separate trial in the case of Neebe, Spies, Schwab, and Fielden,
but was overruled by his Honor, Judge Gary, as they had been
jointly indicted for conspiracy and murder.

On Friday, July 10th, 1886, the case of the anarchists was
opened by the prosecution in the taking of evidence.

Officers Steel, Barber, Reed and McMahon, who were
wounded in the riot of May the 4th, were so far recovered as to
be able to be present.

Felix Puschek was sworn and submitted plans of the Hay-

22 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

market and several halls in the city known to be headquarters
for the meetings of the anarchists

Police Inspector Bonfield next took the stand and related
how the police attempted to disperse the unlawful assemblage
of armed Anarchists, and detailed the circumstance of the
bomb-throwing, already related. He also identified the follow-
ing circular, by which the meeting was called :

"Attention, working men? Great mass-meeting to-night, at
7 o'clock, Haymarket square, between Desplaines and Halsted.
Good speakers will be present to denounce the late atrocious
act of the police, the shooting of our fellow working men yes*
terday afternoon. Working men, arm and appear in full force.

"The Committee."

Some of the anarchist's indicted for conspiracy turned State's
evidence. Gottfried Waller, a Swiss by nationality, a cabinet-
maker by trade, formerly a socialist, and a member of the Lehr
and Wehr Verein, testified that the latter organization com-
prised various armed groups of anarchists ; that the letter "Y"
in tin- Arbt if' r Zi itung meant for the armed section to meet at
Griefs hall ; that he acted as chairman of the meeting of seveuty
or eighty persons, Engel, Fischer and Breitenfeld, the comman-
der of the Lehr and Wehr, being present. The witness testi-
fied that Engel unfolded a plan whereby if a collision between
the strikers and the police should occur, the word " Ruhe "
would appear in the Arbeiter as a signal for the Lehr and Wehr
and the Northwest group of anarchists to assemble in Wicker
Park with arms. They should then storm the Noith avenue
police station, and proceed thence to other stations, using dyna-
mite and shooting down all who opposed them, and should cut
the telegraph wires to prevent communication with the outside

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 23

world. Engel said the best way to begin would be to throw a
dynamite bomb into the police station, and that when the pop-
ulace saw that the police were overpowered, tumult would
spread through the city, and the anarchists would be joined by
the working men. This plan, Engel said, had been adopted by
the Northwest group. It was decided to appoint a committee
to keep watch of affairs in the city and to call a meeting for the
next night in the Haymarket. Fischer was directed to get the
handbills calling the meeting printed. Those present at the pre-
liminary meeting represented various groups throughout the
city Fischer announced that the word " Kuhe " would mean
that a revolution had been started. Engel put the motion, and
the plan was adopted. The committee on action was composed
of members from each group; the witness knew only one —
Kraemer. The members of the armed groups were known by
numbers, and witness number was 1 9. '

Spies was questioned in January, 1885, at Grand Rapids,
Mich., relative to these secret organizations, when he said that
force must bring about the necessary reform which the ballot-
box had failed to inaugurate and was incompetent to perforin.
Shook, of Grand Rapids, also testified that Spies had said that
the secret drilled organizations of Chicago for the revolution of
society numbered over 3,000, and that none except members of
those organizations knew of the modus operandi by which they
intended to wage their warfare.

Lieutenant Bowler testified to seeing men in the crowd fire
upon the police with revolvers ; officers S. C. Bohner and E. J.
Hawley saw Fielden fire. In the line of proving up the conspir-
acy to incite the workingmen to violence, it was shown by the
evidence of James L- Frazer, E. T. Baker, A. S. Leckie Frank

04 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

Haraster, Sergeant John Enright and officer L. H. McShane,
that Spies and Fielden incited the mob to attack McCorniick's
Reaper Works and the non-union employes on May 3. Detec-
tive Reuben Slayton testified to having arrested Fischer at the
Arbi lt< r Zeitung office. He had a loaded revolver hid under his
coat ; a file-grooved dagger and a fulminating cap, used to
explode dynamite bombs. Theodore Fricke, former business
manager of the Arbeiter, identified the copy of the " Revenge "
circular as being in Spies' handwriting. Lieutenant William
Ward testified to having commanded the Haymarket meeting to
disperse in the name of the people of Illinois, and that Fielden
cried, " We are peaceable," laying a slight emphasis on the last
word.

William Seliger, of 442 Sedgwick street, testified that Louis
Lingg boarded with him, and that himself, Lingg, Huebner,
Maiizenberg and Hewmann worked at making dynamite bombs
of a spherical shape. He attended the various meetings. He
identified the calls for the armed sections to meet in the Arbeiter
Zeitwng. Baltkasar Rau brought the "Revenge" circular to
Zephf s hall. Lingg worked at first on "gas pipe" bombs ; they
made forty or fifty bombs the Tuesday before the riot. Lingg
said they were to be used that evening ; he and Lingg carried
a small trunk full of the bombs to NefFs hall, 58 Clybourne
avenue, that evening, where they were divided up among the
anarchists ; besides the Northwest group the Sachsen Bund met
at NefFs hall ; witness, Lingg, Thieben and Gustave Lehmen and
two others from the Lehr and Wehr Verein, left NefFs hall for
the Larrabee street police station ; Lingg said a disturbance must
be made on the North side to prevent the police from going to
the West side ; Lingg wanted to throw a bomb into the station";

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 25

the police were outside, and they could not get near ; the patrol
wagon came along completely manned, and Lingg wanted to
throw a bomb under the wagon ; he asked witness for fire from
his cigar ; witness went into a hallway and lit a match, and be-
fore he returned the wagon had passed : they returned to NefFs
hall where he heard a bomb had fallen on the West side, and
killed a great many ; Hewmann blamed Lingg and said in an
angry voice, "You are the cause of it all ;" they then went and
hid their bombs under sidewalks and in various places, and went
home ; Lingg first brought dynamite to the house about six weeks
beforeMay 1, in a long wooden box ; he made a wooden spoon to
handle it with in filling the bombs; witness belonged to the
Northwest group, and his number was 72 , Engel was also a mem-
ber. [The bombs were here produced and Judge Gary ordered
them removed immediately from the court room and from the
building.] Seliger's testimony was unshaken on cross-examination.
Mrs. Bertha Seliger corroborated her husband's testimony, testi-
fying that at one time six or seven men were at work making
bombs, and that after the Haymarket Lingg tore up the floor of a
closet to secrete those he had on hand.

Lieutenant John D. Shea, Chief of the Detective force, testi-
fied to having assisted in the raid on the Arbeiter Zeitung office,
May 5. The galley of type from which the "Revenge" circular
was printed, copies of Herr Most's book, and other anarchistic
literature, red flags and banners with treasonable devices, and a
quantity of dynamite were found. The witness asked Spies if
he wrote the "Revenge" circular, and he refused to answer.
When he arrested Fischer he asked him where he was on the
night of the Haymarket meeting. Fisher said in the Arbeiter-
Zieiung office with Schwab, and that Rau brought word that

26 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

Spies was at the Haymarket, that a big crowd was there, and
they all went over. He had a belt, a dagger, and a fulminating
cap on him when arrested, but he said he carried them for pro-
tection. I said : 'You didn't need them in the office.' He said :
1 1 intended to go away, but was arrested.' I also said : ' There
has been found other weapons like this sharpened dagger ; how
is it you come to carry this ? ' He said he put it in his pocket
for his own protection."

Detective William Jones testified that he had a locksmith
open a closet in Spies office, and in a desk were found two bars
of dynamite, a long fuse, a box of fulminating caps, some letters,
and copies of both the celebrated circulars. At Fischer's home
he found a lot of cartridges and a blouse of the Lehr und Wehr
Verein. Officer Duffy found two thousand copies of the circular
calling upon the working men to arm, and the manuscript of
the "Revenge" circular in the Arbeiter Zeitung office. Heir
Moat's book, "The Science of Revolutionary Warfare," found in
the Arbeib r office, was offered in evidence ; also the manual for
the manufacture of explosives and poisons.

Bernhard Schrader, a native of Prussia, five years in this
country, a carpenter by trade, testified that he was a member of
the Lehr und Wehr Verein ; was at the meeting at Greifs hall
the night of May 3, and he corroborated Waller's testimony
throughout. Besides those mentioned by Waller, Schrader
named Hadermanu, Thiel and Danafeldt, as attendants at the
meeting. He saw Balthauser Rau distributing the " Revenge "
circulars at a meeting of the Carpenter's Union on Desplaines
street. Witness was present also at the Sunday meeting on
Emma street. It was here agreed to cripple the fire department,
in case they were called out, by cutting their hose. Witness

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 27

went to the meeting at 54 West Lake street in response to the
signal " Y" in the Arbeiter Zeitung. He was at the Haymarket,
but did not know who threw the bomb. The Northwest group
of the Lehr und Wekr were armed with Springfield rifles.
Witness' number iu the organization was 3,312.

Lieutenant Edward Steele testified that when the police
entered the Haymarket somebody cried out : " Here come the
blood-hounds. You do your duty, and we'll do ours."

Lieutenant Michael Quinn testified that he heard this ex-
clamation and that the man who made it was Fielden, just as he
ceased speaking on the wagon. About the instant the bomb
exploded, Fielden exclaimed : " We are peaceable ! "

Lieutenant Stanton testified that the bomb exploded four
seconds after his company of eighteen men entered the Hay-
market. Every member of his company except two were
wounded, and two — Degan and Redden — killed. The witness
was wounded in eleven places. Officers Krueger and Wessler
testified to having seen Fielden shoot at the police with a re-
volver.

Gustave Lehman, one of the conspirators, gave a detailed
account of various meetings ; the afternoon of May 4 he was at
Lingg's house where men with cloths over their faces were
making dynamite bombs ; Huebner was cutting fuse ; Lingg
gave witness a small hand-satchel with two bombs, fuse, caps,
and a can of dynamite ; at 3 o'clock in the morning, after the
Haymarket explosion, he got out of bed and carried this material
back to Ogden's grove and hid it, where it was found by Officer
Hoffman ; money to buy dynamite was raised at a dance of the
Carpenters' Union, at Floras' Hall, 71 W^est Lake street. Lingg
took this money and bought dynamite ; Lingg taught them how

28 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

to make bombs. M. H. Williamson and Clarence P. Dresser,
reporters, had heard Fielden, Parsons and Spies counsel violence;
the latter at the A r be iter Zeitung office had advised that the
new Board of Trade be blown up on the night of its opening.
George Munn and Herman Pudewa, printers, worked on the
"Revenge" circular in the Arbeiter Zeitung office; Richard
Reichel, office-boy, got the "copy" for it from Spies.

The most sensational evidence of the trial, as showing the
inside workings of the armed sections of the socialists, and at
the same time the most damaging as indicative of their motives
and designs, was that of Detective Andrew C. Johnson, of the
Pinkerton agency, an entirely disinterested person who was
detailed in December, 1884, by his agency, which had been
employed by the First National Bank to furnish details of the
secret meetings which it was known were being held by revolu-
tionary plotters at various places throughout the city. Johnson
is a Scandinavian, thin-faced and sandy-haired, born in Copen-
hagen, and thirty-five years of age. He told his story in a calm,
collected, business-like manner. Mr. Grinnell asked :

" Do you know any of the defendants ?" Witness — " I do."

" Name them."" — " Parsons, Fielden, Spies, Schwab and
Lingg."

" Were you at any time connected with any group of the
International Workingmen's Association ?" — " I was."

" What group ?" — "The American group.'1

" Were you a member of any armed section of the socialists
of this city ?"— "Yes, sir."

" When did you begin attendance at their meetings ?" — "The
first meeting I attended was the 22d of February 1885, at

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 29

Baum's pavilion. The last meeting I attended was the 24th of
January of this year."

"At whose instance did you go to their meetings ?" — "At the
instance of my agency."

" Did you from time to time make reports of what you heard
and saw at their meetings ?" — "I did."

"Mr. Grinnell passed over to witness a bundle of papers and
asked : "Have you in your hand a report of the meeting of the
22d of February, 1885 ?"— "Yes, sir."

" Were any of the defendants present at that meeting ?" —
"Yes, sir ; Parsons was present."

" Refer to your memoranda and tell me what was said by
Parsons at that meeting." — Objected to ; overruled. — "Parsons
stated that the reason the meeting had been called in that locality
was so as to give the many merchant princes who resided there
an opportunity to attend and see what the Communists had to
say about the distribution of wealth. He said : 'I want you all
to unite together and throw off the yoke. We need no presi-
dent, no congressmen, no police, no militia, and no judges.
They are all leeches, sucking the blood of the poor, who have
to support them all by their labor. I say to you, rise one and
all, and let us exterminate them all. Woe to the police or to
the military whom they send against us.' "

" That was where ?" — "At Baum's pavilion, corner of Cottage
Grove avenue and Twenty-second street."

" Have you a report of any other of the defendants speaking
at that meeting ?"— "No, sir."

" What is the next memorandum that you have ?" — " The
next meeting was March 1. That night I became a member. I
went to Thielen, who was at the time acting as treasurer and

.Til

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

secretary for the association, and gave him my name and signi-
fied mv willingness to join the association. He entered my name
in a book and handed me a red card with my name on and a
number."

" When and where was that?— "That was March 1, 1885, at
Griefs hall, No. 54 West Lake street, in this city."

"Have you what was said and done at that meeting?" — " I
have a report of it here. "

" Who spoke ? " — " Parsons, Fielden, Spies, and others."

" Any other of the defendants ? " — " No sir."

" State what Fielden said, and then what Parsons said." —
"A lecture was given by a man named Bailey on the subject of
socialism and Christianity, and the question arose as to whether
Christianity ought to be introduced in their meetings."

" What did Fielden, Spies and Parsons say there ? " — " Fiel-
den said that he thought this matter ought not to be introduced
into their meetings. Parsons said, ' I am of the same opinion/
and Spies also said that it ought not to be introduced."

" Now state the next meeting." — " The next meeting was
March 4, at the same place."

Who were present? — " Parsons, Fielden and Spies were pres-
ent, and spoke."

" When was the memorandum made that you have of that
meeting ? " — " The same day, immediately after the termination
of the meeting. Parsons said: ' We are sorely in need of funds
to publish the Alarm. As many of you as are able ought to
give as much as you can, because our paper is our most power-
ful weapon, and it is only through the paper that we can hope
to reach the masses.' During his lecture he introduced Christi-
anity. Spies stood up and said: ' We don't want any christian-

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 31

ity here in our meetings at all. We have told you so before.'
Fielden made no speech."

" When was the next meeting?" — "March 22."

" Were any speeches made by any of the defendants there ? "
-" Yes, sir, Spies spoke, Previously a man named Bishop in-
troduced a resolution of sympathy for a girl named Sorell.
Bishop stated that the girl had been assaulted by her master.
She had applied for a warrant, which had been refused her on
account of the high social standing of her master. Spies said:
1 What is the use of passing resolutions ? We must act, and re-
venge the girl. Here is a fine opportunity for some of our
young men to go and shoot Wight.' That was the man who
had assaulted the girl."

" Do your reports contain references to speeches made by
others ? "— " They do,"

" You are only picking out speeches made by the defend-
ants?" "That is all."

"When was the next meeting?" — "March 29, 1885, at
Griefs hall, The defendant, Fielden, spoke at that meeting.
He said: 'A few explosions in the city of Chicago would help
the cause considerably. There is the new Board of Trade, a
roost of thieves and robbers. We ought to commence by blow-
ing that up.' "

"Were other speeches made at that meeting?" — "There
were, but no others made by the defendants."

"When was the next meeting?"— "April 1, at Griefs hall.
Spies, Fielden and Parsons were present at the meeting. Spies
made a lengthy speech on this occasion. His speech was in re-
gard to acts of cruelty committed. by the police in Chicago; he
spoke of the number of arrests made, and the number of convic-

32 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

tions in proportion. He also referred to the case of the girl who
preferred a charge of assault against police-sergeant Patton, of
the West Chicago avenue station.1'

" Who else spoke there?'1 — "Fielden. Spies had said before
that he had advised the girl to get a pistol and go and shoot
the policeman. Fielden stood up and said; ■ That is what she
ought to do.1 "

"What was the next meeting ?"— " April 8, 1885, at Greif's
hall. Parsons made a lengthy speech. He referred frequently
in his address to the strike at the McCormick harvester works.
He said : ' There is but one of two things for the men to do.
They must either go to work for the wages offered them or else
starve.' In concluding his remarks he referred to the strike at
La Salle, Illinois. He said : ' To-morrow morning or the next
day the authorities here in the city will probably send a train-
load of policemen or militia to La Salle to shoot down the work-
ing people there. Now, there is a way to prevent this. All
you have to do is to get some soap and place it on the rails and
the train will be unable to move.' Parsons spoke at great length
of the .crimes, as he termed them, of the capitalists, and he said
to those present that it was an absolute necessity for them to
unite against them, as that was the only way they could fight
the caj)italists."

"Who else spoke there?" — "Fielden. He said it was a
blessing something had been discovered wherewith the working
men could fight the police and militia with their Gatling guns."
What was the next meeting you had ? " — " April 19. That
meeting was held at No. 106 Randolph street, because the hall
at No. 54 Lake street was engaged. At this meeting Parsons
offered a resolution of sympathy for Louis Riel and the half-

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 33

breeds in the Northwest who were in rebellion against the Can-
adian government. Neither Parsons nor Fielden spoke at the
meeting."

"What was the next meeting?" — "April 22, at Grreifs hall.
Referring to the opening of the new Board of Trade building,
Parsons said: 'What a splendid opportunity there will be next
Tuesday night for some bold fellow to make the capitalists trem-
ble by blowing up the building and all the thieves and robbers
that are there.' At the conclusion of his speech he said that the
working men of Chicago should form in processions on Market
square Tuesday evening next, and he invited all those present
to get as many of their friends as they could to join in the pro-
cession."

" Did any other of the defendants speak there ? " — " Fielden
said : ' I also wish to invite as many of you as can come and as
many as you can get. Go around to the lodging-houses and get
all you can to join in the procession — the more the merrier.' "

"When was the next meeting ?"—" April 26, at Greif's hall."
"Did any of the defendants speak there?" — "There were
present Parsons, Fielden, Spies. Parsons said: 'I wish you all
to consider the misery of the working classes, and the cause of
all the misery is these institutions termed government. I lived
on snow-balls all last winter, but, by G — d ! I won't do it this
winter.' "

"What was the next meeting at which any of the defendants
attended?" — " April 30, at Market square ; Parsons and Fielden.
Parsons said : ' We have assembled here to determine in
which way best to celebrate the dedication of the new Board of
Trade building, and to give the working men of Chicago a
chance to state their views in the matter ' Fielden then said :

34 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

' I want all the working men of Chicago, the country, and the
world in general to arm themselves and sweep the capitalists off
the face of the earth.' Parsons then said : ' Every working
man in Chicago must save a little of his wages every week until
he has enough to buy a Colt's revolver and a Winchester rifle,
for the only way that the working people will get their rights
is by the point of the bayonet. We want you to form in pro-
cession now, and we will march to the Board of Trade. We
will halt there, and while the band is playing we will sing the
Marseillaise.' "

" Did you march in the procession, too ? — " I did."

" Where were you in that line of march ? " — " I was in the
center of the procession."

" Did any of the defendants march with you ? " — " Not with
me, but in the procession Fielden, Spies, Parsons and Neebe
marched."

" What was the next meeting ? " — " There was something
occured the night of May 30. I was standing at the corner of
Washington street and Fifth avenue close behind Spies. That
was Decoration day, and as the procession passed by, Spies said :
' A half-dozen dynamite bombs would scatter them all.' A
little later a gentleman who was standing near remarked upon
the fine appearance of the Illinois National Guard, who were
then passing. Spies said: 'They are only boys, and would be
no use in case of a riot. Fifty determined men would soon dis-
arm them all.' "

" When was the next meeting \ " — " The next meeting was
on the Lake front, May 31, and Fielden and Parsons was there.
Fielden said : 'It is only by strength and force that you can

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 35

overthrow the government.' Parsons also spoke, but I don't rec-
ollect what he said."

" Go on to the next meeting." — " The next meeting was June
7, at Ogden's grove. There were present Fielden, Parsons and
Spies. Fielden said : ' Every working man in Chicago ought
to belong to organizations. It is of no use to go to our masters
to give us more wages or better times. I mean for you to use
force. It is of no use for the working people to hope to gain
anything by means of an ordinary weapon. Every one of you
must learn the use of dynamite, for that is the power with which
we hope to gain our rights.' Schwab also spoke at that meet-
ing in German, which I do not understand."

" When was the next meeting ? " — " The next meeting was
August 19, at Greifs hall. Parsons and Fielden spoke. Par-
sons referred to the late strike of the street-car employes, and
said that if but one shot had been fired, and Bonfield had hap-
pened to be shot, the whole city would have been deluged in
blood, and social revolution would have been inaugurated. The
next meeting was August 24, at Greifs hall."

" Do you know of a fellow named Bodendecke speaking at
those meetings ? " — " Occasionally, but not frequently ; I don't
know where he is now. There were some twenty or twenty-
three men present at that meeting, and twenty women."

" Name who were present." — " Besides the two defendants,
Parsons, and Fielden, there was Baltus, Bodendecke, Boyd,
Lawson, Parker, Franklin and Schneider."

" State what occured there." — " After being there a short
time a man armed with a long cavalry sword and dressed in a
blue blouse and wearing a slouch hat came into the room. He
ordered all those present to fall in. He then called off certain

36 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

names, and all those present answered to their names. He in-
quired whether there were any new members who wished to join
the military company, and some one replied that there was. He
then said : ' Whoever wants to join step to the front.' Myself
and two others stepped to the front. We were asked separately
to give our names. I gave my name, which was put down in a
book, and I was then told that my number was 16. Previous
to my name being put down in the book, a man to whom I was
speaking asked whether there was any one present who knew
me, or whether any one could vouch for my being a true man.
The defendant, Parsons and Bodendecke spoke up and said they
Avould vouch for me. The other two were asked their names in
turn, and as they were properly vouched for, their names were
entered in a similar manner in a book, and they were given
numbers. The man who came into the room armed then in-
quired of two other men in the room whether they were mem-
bers of the American group. Both said they were and he asked
to see their cards. As they were unable to show cards they
were expelled, as were two others. The doors were closed and
the remainder were asked to fall in line, and we were drilled
about three-quarters of an hour — put through a regular manual
of drill, marching, countermarching, wheeling, forming fours,
etc:'

"Who drilled you?" — "The man that came in with the
sword ; I didn't ascertain his name. At the expiration of that
time the drill-instructor stated that he would now introduce
some of the members of the first company of the German organ-
ization. He went outside and in a few minutes returned accom-
panied by ten other men, dressed as he himself was, each one
armed with a Springfield rifle. When they all got into the

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY

room he placed them in line facing us and introduced them as
members of the first company of tho Lehr mid Wehr Verein.
He said that he was going to drill them a little while to let us
see how far they had got with their drill. He drilled them
about ten miuutes in a regular musket drill. At the end of
that time a man in the employ of the proprietor of the saloon at
No. 54 West Lake street came into the room with two tin boxes,
which he placed on the table at the south end of the room. The
drill-instructor then asked all those present to step up and ex-
amine the two tin boxes, as they were the latest improved dyna-
mite bomb. I stepped to the front with the others, and exam-
ined the two tins."

" Describe them as near as you can.' — " They were about the
size and had the appearance of ordinary preserved fruit cans.
The top part unscrewed, and on the inside the cans were filled
with a light-brown mixture. There was also a small glass tube
inserted in the center of the can. The tube was in connection
with a screw, and it was explained that when the can was thrown
against any hard sabstance it would explode."

" Was that mixture a liquid \ " — " Inside of the glass tube
was a liquid."

" Was there anything around that glass tube ( " — " Yes, sir ;
it was a brownish mixture."

" Was that a liquid ? " — " No, sir ; it looked more like fine
sawdust."

" Did you feel of it ? "— " I did not. The drill-instructor told
us we should be very careful about selecting new members of
company, because if we were not, there was no telling whom we
might get into our midst. The next proceeding of the evening
was to select officers. A man named Walters was chosen Cap-

38 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

tain, and Parsons was chosen Lieutenant. Some discussion
arose as to what the company should be called. It was decided
eventually that we should be called the International Rifles.
The drill-instructor then suggested that we ought to choose some
other hall, as we were not quite safe there. He added : ' We
have a fine place at No. 636 Milwaukee avenue. We have a
shooting range in the basement, where we practice shooting reg-
ularly.' Parsons inquired whether it was not possible for us to
rent the same place. The driil-instructor informed him he did
not know. The question of renting another hall was postponed,
and our next meeting was fixed for the next Monday."

Mr. Salomon — " A meeting of what ? "

Witness — " A meeting of the armed section of the American
group."

Mr. Grinnell — " Who drilled that company that night ? " —
Witness — " That German, and Parsons and Fielden."

"When was the next meeting?" — "The following Monday,
the 31st of August, at the same place. Parsons and Fielden
were present, and others. That was a meeting of the armed sec-
tion, and it was held at Greifs hall. Capt. Walters drilled us
about an hour and a half. Afterward a consultation was held
by the members of the company as to the best way of procuring
arms. Some one suggested that each member should pay so
much a week until a sufficient amount had been raised where-
with to purchase a rifle for each member of the company. Par-
sons said : ' Look here, boys, why can't we make a raid some
night on the militia armory ? There are only two or three men
on guard there, and it is easily done.'' This suggestion seemed
to be favored by the members, and it was finally decided to put
the matter off until the nights got a little longer."

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 39

Capt. Black — u Which matter was put off ? "

Witness — " The raid on the armory."

Mr. Grinnell — " When was the next meeting ? " — Witness —
" September 3, 1885, at No. 54 West Lake street. Fielden made
a speech there and said : ' It is useless for you to suppose that
you can ever obtain anything in any other way than by force.
You must arm yourselves and prepare for the coming revolu-
tion.' That was one of the ordinary meetings of the association.
The next meeting was October 11, at Twelfth street Turner hall.
Spies and Fielden were present. Fielden said: 'The Eight-
Hour law will be of no benefit to the working men. You must
organize and use force. You must crush out the present Gov-
ernment by force. It is the only way in which you can better
your present condition.' I left with Fielden before the meeting
terminated."

" When was the next meeting you attended ? " — " The next
meeting was December '20, at Twelfth street Turner hall. Fiel-
den was present. He said : ' All the crowned heads of Europe
are trembling at the very name of Socialism, and I hope soon to
see a few Liskes in the United States to put away a few of the
tools of the capitalists. The execution of Kiel in the Northwest
was downright murder.' " — " Was that an open meeting \ " — " It
was as far as I know. I saw no one refused admission."

" How about those other meetings you have mentioned, aside
from the armed sections \ " — " Aside from the meetings of the
armed section I should say that they were public. I never saw
any one refused admission." — "Was there any precaution
taken ? " — " A precaution was taken in this way : A member
of the group was generally stationed at the door, and as each

40 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

member entered the hall he was closely scrutinized. The next
meeting was December 30."

" What place ? "— " At No. 106 Randolph."

" Who spoke there ?" — " Fielden. At this meeting a stranger
asked a question, and Fielden replied to the question."

" Do you know what the question was ? " — " The question
was : ' Would the destruction of private property assist univer-
sal co-operation ? ' Fielden replied : ' Neither I or any body
else can tell what is going to be in a hundred years from now,
but this everybody knows : If private property is done away
with, it would insure a better state of things generally. And
Ave are trying all we can to teach the people the best way in
which to bring about this change.' "

" Wrho was present at that meeting ? " — " Fielden, only.
The next meeting was January of this year, at Twelfth street
Turner hall. Fielden and Schwab were present. Fielden, re-
ferring to the troubles in Ireland, said : ' If every Irishman
would become a Socialist, he would have a better opportunity
to secure home-rule for Ireland. I want all Irishmen to destroy
all the private property they can lay their hands on.' He also
referred to other matters. What he said had reference to Pink-
erton's detective agency."

" What was it he said?" — "He said Pinkerton's detectives
were a lot of cold-blooded murderers, and the worst enemies the
working men had, and they were all in the pay of the cap-
italists."

" Is that all that was said there ? Was that one of these or-
dinary opening meetings ( " — " It was."

"What else happened?" — "Schwab also addressed this meet-
ing in German. During his speech he was frequently applaud-

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 41

ed. The next meeting I attended was January 14, at No. 106
Randolph Street."

" January of this year ? " — " Yes, sir."

" What was said at this meeting ? " — " Before the meeting
commenced the defendants, Fielden and Spies, had a conversa-
tion which I overheard."

"Where was that?"—" That was held in the hall near the
door."

" State what you heard." — " Spies said to Fielden : ' Don't
say very much about that article on Anarchists in an afternoon
paper. You simply need to state that a reporter of the paper
had an interview with me a few days ago, but that most of the
statements of the paper are lies."

"How was that conversation carried on?" — "It was carried
on quietly and was not meant for anybody else to hear."

" Capt. Black objected to the last part of the answer, and
succeeded in having it stricken out.

" What was the tone of voice \ " — '- In whispers."

" When did they leave ? " — " Spies further said : ' You must
be careful in your remarks. You don't know who might be
amongst us to-night.' Spies then went away and the meeting
was called to order "

" By whom ?"—" Fielden."

" What did he say ? " — " He made a long talk, commenting
on the articles that appeared. He said almost all of the state-
ments were lies. He said in regard to dynamite bombs : ' It is
quite true we have lots of explosives and dynamite in our pos-
session, and we will not hesitate to use them when the proper
time comes. We care nothing at all either for the military or
the police. All of these are in the pay of the capitalists.' He

42 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

further said that 'even in the regular army most of the soldiers
are in sympathy with us, and most of them have been driven to
enlist. I have had a letter from a friend out West. He told
me that he had seen a soldier on the frontier reading a copy of
the Alarm.'' Others then made speeches. Afterward Fielden
again spoke at the same meeting in regard to the question asked
him, what was the Socialist idea of the eight-hour movement.
Fielden said : ' We don't object to but we don't believe in it.
Whether a man works eight hours a day or ten hours a day he
is still a slave. We propose to abolish slavery altogether.' That
is all of that meeting. Fielden said, the 24th of January, at a
meeting held at No. 106 Randolph street — "

" What is the name of that, Jung's hall ? " — " Yes, I believe
it is Jung's hall. Fielden said good results were sure to follow
the abolishment of private property."

" When did you quit this branch of your business ? " — " The
latter part of January last-"

" Did you know then of Pinkerton's agency having any other
men employed in the same line that you were employed in ? " —
" I knew there had been another man, but whether he was em-
ployed then I do not know."

"Have you lately, within the last few days, ascertained, and
do you know the fact, that you have seen any Pinkerton men in
these meetings ( " — " That is so."

" But you did not know it at that time ? " — " I did not know
it at that time."

"How often did you drill with the armed section?" — " Only
twice."

" How often did they drill ?"— " Once a week."

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 43

" Have you got any information from any other members of
the organization ? If they drilled after that ? "

Objected to and withdrawn.

" Did you ascertain from any of the defendants if they drilled
after that i "— " I did not."

" Have you had any other talk with Parsons outside of these
utterances ? " — " I have."

"Have you had any talk with Spies, Fielden, Parsons, and
other defendants as to the purposes of their organization \ " — " I
have talked frequently with Parsons and Fielden at various
times aud at various places. I cannot recollect as to what was
said at each place and when it was said."

" Can you give me the substance or purport of what was
said at any time ? "

Captain Black objected, unless time and place were given.

" What was the object of the armed section as was expressed
by the members I " — " At the first meeting of the armed section
the discussion arose as to what the company should be called.
Some one suggested that the company should be amalgamated
with the German organization, and the company was to be called
the Fourth Company of the Lehr und Wehr Verein. This idea
was opposed, and finally it was decided that it should be called
the International Rifles. It was further said and understood by
all the members that in case of a conflict with the authorities the
International Rifles were to act in concert with the Lehr und
Wehr Verein, and obey the orders of the officers of that organ-
ization."

" What was said at any time as to when this revolution was
to take place — when was to be the culmination of the conflict?'1 —
"The 1 st of May was frequently mentioned as a good opportunity."

44 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

" What 1st of May ? " — " This present. As far as I remem-
ber it was at a meeting at Twelfth street Turner hall on one
occasion in December, and it was the defendant Fielden that
said the 1st of May would be the time to strike the blow. There
would be so many strikes and there would be 50,000 men out of
work — that is to say if the eight-hour movement was a failure."

" Have you ever met any of them at the Arbeiter Zeitung
office?"— "I have."

" What conversation did you have ? " — "I had a conversation
with Parsons some time in March. The conversation took place
in the Alarm office in the Arbeiter Zeitung building. This office
is situated in the back of the building."

" Well, state what you remember of the conversation." — " I
asked Parsons if he did not think it advisable to get some papers
printed in the Scandinavian language, as I thought I could make
use of them. I intended to distribute them among the Scandi-
navian people along Milwaukee avenue and that neighborhood.
Parsons replied : ' Yes, it is a good idea, and the best thing you
can do is to bring the matter up in our next meeting. Bring it
up before the meeting, and I will see that it is attended to. It
is no use, we must have the Scandinavians with us.' "

"Did you have any talk with any of these defendants about
the purposes and objects of the social revolution, so called ?" —
"I have had numerous conversations with Fielden and Parsons
but I cannot remember distinctly what was said."

" What was Parsons' relation to the Alarm f " — " He was .
the editor."

"Did you ever see a book by Most called ' The Modern
Science of Revolutionary Warfare ? ' Look at that book and
state whether you have seen it before." — " I have."

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 45

" Where ? " — " I have seeu it at meetings at Twelfth street
Turner hall ; at No. 54 West Lake street, and also at No. 106
Randolph."

•' Who had charge of the distribution of it ? " — "The Chair-
man."

" Of the respective meetings ? " — " Yes, sir."

" Were they sold or given away ? " — " They were sold."

" Do you know whether or not any steps were taken to dis-
tribute the Alarm? "

" There were a number of those- present at that particular
meeting who bought a number of copies of the Alarm,. and said
that they would try their best to sell them and obtain new sub-
scribers."

" Do you know a man named Schneider and one Thomas
Brown?"— "Yes, sir."

" Did they belong to the American group ? " — " Both of
them."

" Did they belong to the armed section ? " — " Both of them."

" Where usually did the American group meet before the
time you ceased your connection with it ? "

"During the last few meetings it met at No. 1C6 Randolph
street."

"Prior to that where did it meet?" — "It had met at No. 54
West Lake street, also at No. 45 North Clark street, and on the
Lake front."

"Did you ever meet with the American group at No. 107
Fifth avenue 2 " — " No, sir."

"No. 636 Milwaukee avenue was the place mentioned as tne
proper place for drilling. Were you ever there?" — "I was
there.',

46 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

" Did they meet more than once there ? " — " I don't know."

" Do you know what the hall is called ? " — " I do."

" What is it ? "— " Thalia hall."

" When you joined this organization did it cost you any-
thing ? "— " Ten cents."

" How often did you pay the contributions ? " — " Once a
month."

" How much ? "— " Ten cents."

" W'hen you joined the armed section did that require any
special contribution ? " — " No, sir."

"What was Fielden's office in the group of the armed
section ? "

'•He was Treasurer and Secretary of the organization — of
the group."

" Did he hold any office, or was he simply a private in the
armed section ? "

" He held no office while I attended there."

CROSS-EXAMINED.

Cross-examined by Mr. Foster : — " Where were you before
you came here ? "

" I was a police officer in England eight years."

" In uniform ? "— " Part of the time."

" How long did you do detective service there?" — "Three
years,"

"At what place?" — "In Lancashire."

"How long have you been with Pinkerton?" — "Three
years."

" What did you do before you became a detective here ?
Were you ever in any legitimate business ? "

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 47

Mr. Grinnell — " In any oilier legitimate business ? "

Witness — " I was storekeeper at the Windsor hotel."

"Was that meeting at Baum's hall a public one?" — "It
was."

" March 1 you became a member? " — " Yes, sir."

" Were your antecedents inquired into ? " — " No, sir."

" You just paid your ten cents and were received ? " — " Yes,
sir.

" Is not that your experience, that anybody who could pay
10 cents could be received ? "—"Yes, sir."

"Del you ever see anybody excluded ? " — "No, sir, except
reporters. I have seen reporters excluded sometimes."

" Were not reporters generally freely admitted ? " — " Not
very often."

"They had seats for them and a table ?" — "I don't know.
I never saw more than one at a time there."

" Did you ever see anybody excluded by the doorkeeper ? "
"No, sir."

"Did you ever have any ushers — anybody who got seats for
strangers.

" No, sir ; but I saw some of the old members get up and
give their seats when strangers came in."

" You stated that Mr. Spies introduced resolutions in sym
pathy with a girl ( "

" Somebody else introduced them but Spies opposed it. He
said there was no use making resolutions."

" That is, the girl had had her day in court and it was no use
passing resolutions ? "

"He said it would be a good opportunity for some one to
take a pistol and go and shoot Wight."

48 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

"You are sure Spies said that?" — "Yes, sir."

" You wrote out your report ininiediately with all the facts
fresh in your mind." — "Yes, I wrote it that night."

"Didn't you write in your report [reading from it] that
Keegan said that after Spies got through with his remarks ? "
"Yes, but Mr. Spies said it also."

"You are sure of that?" — "Yes, sir."

41 Will you show me the place in your report where this is
said?" — "I don't find it."

" Then your memory is better now than it was immediately
after the meeting? "

"It is considerably better now that I have refreshed it."

"A detective's memory gets better as the time goes on, does
it?"

Mr. Grinnell objected to this kind of cross-examination.

Referring to the charges against Sergt. Patton, Mr Foster
asked : " Were the circumstances stated that the girl had been
grossly abused, but his brother officers stood round and swore
him out ? "

"It may have been."

"And was it not stated as a general expression that such a
man ought to be shot?"

" It may have been."

In regard to the strike at La Salle, Mr. Foster made it ap-
pear as if Parsons had simply stated in general terms that if soap
w as put on the rails the train would not be able to move, but
that he did not advise anybody to go and put the soap on.
Fielden's remark that something had been discovered by which
the working men could resist the police and militia, and Parsons
remark that he would not live on snowballs another winter, were

OSCAR NEEBE.

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 40

represented by Mr. Foster in an equally innocent and harmless
light. The cross-examination fo" the day concluded with the
following questions and answers :

" You heard Fielden say : ' While we march toward the
Board of Trade we will sing the Marseillaise hymn ? " — " Yes,
sir.1'

" That you understood to be the French national hymn ? " —
"Yes, sir."

W. H. Freeman, a reporter, testified as follows :

"I was at the corner of Randolph and Desplaines streets.
Saw Parsons speaking, and listened to what he had to say.
Some one said Mayor Harrison was there and I tried to find
him. There was a big crowd. Parsons said that Jay Gould
was a robber, and asked what was to be done. Somebody
shouted, ' Throw him in the lake.' Parsons said : ' No, that
won't do. We must overthrow the system by which he was
enabled to secure so much money.' He shouted frequently : 'To
arms ! to arms ! ' and the crowd applauded. There were six or
eight persons on the wagon. Fielden, the next speaker, dis-
cussed legislation, saying that Martin Foran had admitted that
it was impossible for the working men to get their rights through
legislation, and that the people were fools to send such a man to
Congress when he owned that the legislation could not better
them. He justified the forthcoming revolution, saying it was
just as proper as the colonial revolution. The police came up
quietly and my first knowledge of it was the command to dis-
perse. Then the bomb exploded. It made a terrible noise, and
a moment after the firing commenced. Parsons, Spies and
Fielden were on the wagon, and I think I saw Schwab there.
I crouched down behind the wagon until after the firing was

50 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

over ; then I went to the Desplaines street station. On getting
out on the street I saw two officers lying wounded. I spoke to
them but they didn't answer, so I told the sergeant of a patrol-
wagon about it."

Officer McKeogh testified. :

" I was at the Hay market on the night of May 4. Parsons
followed Spies, saying : ' I am a Socialist from the top of my
head to the soles of my feet, and I'll express my sentiments if I
die before morning.' Again he said . ' I pay rent for the house
I live in.' Some one asked : ' What does the landlord do with
the money?' Parsons replied: 'I am glad you asked that
question. The landlord pays taxes, they go to pay the sheriff,
the militia, and the Pinkertonites.' The crowd cheered, then
Parsons cried : ' To arms ! to arms ! ' and Fielden took the stand
He said : ' The law does not protect you, working men. Did
the law protect you when the police shot down your brothers at
McCormick's ? Did the law protect you when McCormick closed
the doors of his factory and left you and your wives and chil-
dren to starve? I say throttle the law; strangle it, kill it!"1

H. E O. Heineman, formerly a reporter on the Arbeiter
Zeitung, was asked :

" Mr. Heineman, you were formerly an Internationalist ? " —
"Yes, sir."

" When did you cease your connection with them ? " —
" About two years ago.

" Whom of the defendants do you know that were in that
association or society before you left it ? " — " Of my own knowl
edge I know none but one, that is Neebe. He used to belong
to the same group that I did."

" Did you ever meet with any of the others at any of the

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 51

meetings ? " — " Yes ; Spiels, Schwab, and I think, Parsons.'1

"That was about the time Hen* Most came here and deliv-
ered some speeches ? " — " Yes, sir."

" And it was on account of those speeches you severed your
connection with the Anarchists ?" — "Yes."

" Whom did you see on the speaker's wagon at the Hay-
market ? " — " I saw the speakers, Spies, Schwab and Fielden, and
Rudolph Schnaubelt, whom I had formerly kno.wn from my
connection with the Internationalists."

" You say Schnaubelt was on the wagon. How long after
the cloud came up and the crowd thinned out did you see him 2 "
— " I cannot say."

" Well, how long before the police came did you miss Sch-
naubelt ? " — " I cannot say ; perhaps ten minutes."

"You say Mr. Neebe was a member of the Internationalist
organization. Now, you didn't have any passwords, did you ?
It wasn't an organization where you drilled, was it ?" — "It was
an avowed Socialistic order."

Another sensational witness was Harry L. Gilmer, a work-
man, who testified that he saw Spies and Rudolph Schnaubelt
standing inside the mouth of the alley at the Haymarket ; that
Spies lit a match for Schnaubelt, who in turn lit the fuse of the
bomb and threw it among the police. An effort was made to
shake the testimony of this witness, which was not successful,
and witnesses were then brought forward to impeach his ver-
acity, but the state produced many prominent men who knew
him, and who stated that they would believe him under oath.

Captain Frank Schaack, in charge of the East Chicago
avenue police station, who unearthed the Anarchists' conspiracv
after the Haymarket, was called to the stand on Thursday, July

52 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

29. Linggs trunk was placed before him. He was asked:
" Do you know any of the defendants in this case ? "
"I have seen Spies, Schwab and Parsons, and Engel and
Lingg were arrested and confined in rny station."

" When did you first converse with Lingg about this case ? "
"About 3 o'clock on the afternoon of May 14. First I
asked him his name. He told me. I asked him if he was at the
meeting at 54 Lake street on Tuesday night. He said : ' Yes.'
Then he said he made dynamite. I asked him what for. He
said: 'To use then.' He looked excited. I asked why he
disliked the police. He said he had a reason ; the police clubbed
the men at McCormick's. He said he was down on the police
because they took the part of the capitalists. I said : ' Why
don't you use guns instead of dynamite ? ' He said guns
wouldn't do ; that the militia would outnumber the Socialists.
I asked him how he learned to make dynamite. He said out of
books, and that he made bombs out of gas-pipe and out of lead
and metal mixed. He said he got the lead on the streets and
the gas-pipe along the river or anywhere he could.'1
" What other conversation did you have ? "
''Lingg said he made those bombs and meant to use them.
Then Mrs. Seliger accused him of making bombs a few weeks
after he came to her house. I knew then that he had made a
good many. John Thielen was arrested at the same time, and
from him we got two bombs. I said to Lingg : ' This man
says you gave him the bombs. What have you to say ? ' He
looked at Thielen and shook bis head, and Thielen said : ' Oh,
it's no use, everything is known ; you might just as well talk.'
But Lingg refused to say anything."
"Anything else?"

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 53

"Well, this trunk here was brought to my office. Under the
lining I found a lot of dynamite and some fuse and asked him
if that was the kind of dynamite he used. He said it was ; that
he got it at a store on Lake street. There were three kinds of
dynamite. He said he experimented once with a long bomb ;
that he put it in a tree, touched it off, and that it riddled the
tree to atoms. I asked him if he knew Spies. He said 'Yes,
for some time ;' that he was often at the Arbeiter Zeitung office.
I asked him how long he had been a Socialist. He said he'd
been a Socialist as long as he could think."

" Did you have any conversation with Engel I "

" Yes, on the 18th, in the evening, I asked him where he was
May 3. He said he worked for a man named Koch. I asked
him if he made a speech at the meeting at 54 Lake street. He
said no, but that he was at the meeting. The second time I
talked with him his wife came. She brought him a bunch of
flowers. He got excited, and cried : ' What good are those
flowers to me ? Here I am locked up in a dark cell.' Then his
wife said : ' Papa, see what trouble you've got yourself into J
why haven't you stopped this nonsense ? He said : ' Mamma,
I can't. I am cursed with eloquence. What is in a man must
come out. Louis Michel suffered for the cause. She is a
woman ; why should I not suffer? I am a man, and I will stand
it like a man."

"How many bombs in all did you find ? " — " Objected to.

"Tell the jury what experiments you made with those
bombs.'''

"One bomb found in Lingg's room, which Schuettler said
was loaded with a funnel, I put in a box two feet square and
buried in the ground three feet deep at Lake View. Officers

54 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

Stift, Rehni and Loewenstein were there. We touched the
bomb off. It blew the box to pieces, fragments earned off the
branches of trees, aud the ground was torn up for a great dis-
tance. This black dynamite, also found in Lingg's room, was
put in a beer keg. Part of this dynamite Lingg gave to Thielen,
and this is a fragment of a round bomb I experimented with.
On top of this bomb I had a round piece of iron thirty-four
inches wide, some heavy planks, a piece of steel forty-two inches
wide and weighing 180 pounds; then an iron boiler twenty -two
inches wide and fourteen inches high; then on top of that a
stone weighing 132 pounds. The stone was burst to pieces, nine
holes were shot through the iron boiler, the steel cover was
cracked, and the planks were split into kindling wood. Por-
tions of the other bombs I cut off, and gave them to Profs.
Haines and Paton."

"There were bushels of bombs before the jury. Coils of
fuse "was unwound. Dynamite in paj^er packages and in tin
boxes was displayed. The court-room looked like the interior of
an arsenal so far as the tremendous character of the explosives
were concerned. Pieces of metal, gas-pipe, tin cans, and iron
boxes rattled together. Capt. Schaack, pointing to the bombs,
said he got two from Hoffman, one from fireman Miller, and one
from Officer Loewenstein. He was not allowed to tell how
many bombs in all he received until the officers first told where
the bombs were found.

"Now about those conversations. Did Lingg say anything
about the use of those bombs ( "

11 He said he intended to use them against the Gatling-guns
of the militia ; that a revolution was impending. I asked him
about that satchel he brought to Neff's place. He said he saw

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 55

one there. Then I asked liim where he got the moulds to mould
the round bombs. He said he made them out of clay ; that they
could be used about two times, then they were no good. He
said he saw the ' Revenge ' circular on the West side.1'

"Who did he say was at his place May 4 V — "He said about
six in all, but he only knew the two Lehmans."

Capt. Schaack was asked by Mr. Ingham whether he experi-
mented with fuse.

" I did. I also experimented with dynamite cartridges. I
had one inserted into a stone weighing perhaps thirty pounds.
The explosion broke this stone into atoms.1'

Cross-examined by Mr. Foster. — " What Lingg said to you,
Captain, was substantially this : That there was to be a conflict
between the police and the Gatling-guns on one side and the
laboring men on the other, and that he was making these bombs
to use wThen that time came ? "

" That's about it, only he said the time had actually come."

" Those experiments you made were made for your own sat-
isfaction ? "

" They were made to enable me to testify to the character of
the stuff that was found."

" As a matter of fact you woke up Engel in his cell after
midnight to interrogate him, didn't you ? "

" Well, I don't remember. If I did, I did, and I suppose I
did. I had a right to do it."

" Do you know of two detectives at your station who went
to Lingg's cell late at night and exhibited a rope saying they
were going to hang him ? "

" I do not, and I do not believe anything of the kind was
done."

56 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

Officer Hoffman, of the Larrabee street station., testified that
he found nine round bombs and four long ones under a sidewalk
near Clyde street and Clybourn avenue.

" Who was with you at the time ? " — " Gustav Lehman."

Under John Thielen's house the witness found two long
bombs, two boxes of cartridges, two cigar boxes full of dyna-
mite, one rifle, and one revolver.

" What else ? " — " Lehman pointed out to me a can holding
about a gallon, and this was filled with dynamite."

" Look at this box of caps. Where did you find them ? " —
" They were with the dynamite. They were all under the side-
walk on Clybourn avenue, back of Ogden's grove."

Assistant State's-Attorney Frank Walker opened the pro-
ceedings Friday, July 30, by reading extracts from Parsons7
Alarm, dated May 2d of this year. It was a speech delivered
by Parsons April 29, the night the new Board of Trade was ded-
icated, and that occasion afforded the speaker his subject. The
speech was full of rabid utterances, of which the following are
samples :

" To-night the property owners are dedicating a temple for
the plunder of the people. We assemble as Anarchists and
Communists to protest against the system of society founded on
spoliation of the people." In conclusion Parsons advised his;
hearers to save their money and buy revolvers and rifles, and
recommended the use of dynamite.

Under date of December 26, 1885, the Alarm contained a
long description of what qualities should center in a revolution-
ist. " The revolutionist," it was said, " must dedicate his life ex-
clusively to his idea, living in this world only for the purpose of
more surely destroying it. He hates every law and science, and

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 57

knows of but one science — that of destruction. He despises
public sentiment and social morality. All his sentiments of
friendship, love and sympathy must be suppressed. Equally
must he hate everything that stands in the way to the attain-
ment of his ends. He must have but one thought — merciless
revolution ; he must be bound by no ties, and must not hesitate
to destroy all institutions and systems.11

On February 6, 1886, the Alarm paid its respects to Cap
tain Bonfield, and the attention of the revolutionists was called
to the clubbing done by the police at the time of the car-men's
strike, by saying : " American sovereigns, if you don't like this,
get guns or dynamite."

The names of those appointed to act as a bureau of informa-
tion for the Anarchists were printed in the Alarm under date
January 9, 1886. Joseph Bock, B. Ran, August Spies, A. R.
Parsons and Anton Hirschberger were the names given. On
March 20, 1886, the Alarm said: "All argument is no good
unless based on force."

On another occasion, speaking of the eight hour movement*
it was said : " All roads lead to Rome ; so must all labor move-
ments lead to Socialism." Later the Alarm said: " One pound
of dynamite is better than a bushel of ballots. Working men,
to arms! Death to luxurious idleness!" All articles from
which these extracts were taken had Parsons' name appended as
the writer. April 24, the date of the last issue of the Alarmy
the Knights of Labor were assailed " for attempting to prevent
the people from exterminating the predatory beasts — the capi-
talists." Mr. Ingham reads from Herr Host's book a descrip-
tion of an infernal machine to burn down buildings. This appa-
ratus is described as of wonderful efficiency and dirt cheap. It

58 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

is read to secure the admission as evidence of the four tin boxes
spoken of by Detective Jansen, who saw them exhibited at 54
West Lake street.

The Court is not sure the contents in both cases are the same,
and Officer Coughlin, of the Chicago avenue station, is put on
the stand to prove the character of the compound. He experi-
mented with one can by means of a fulminating cap. He tried
to explode the can but failed, then he attached a fuse and an ex-
plosion followed. A quantity of burning liquid, much resemb
linor vitriol, was distributed in all directions, a stream was thrown
five or six feet high, and for a space of ten feet in all directions
the grass was set on fire, and it burned for fully five minutes.

Charles B. Prouty is called. He was formerly manager of a
gun store on State street.

"Have you ever seen any of the defendants before?" — "I
have seen Engel and Parsons."

"When did you converse with Engel last, before May 4?"
— " Some time last fall. Mr. Engel and his wife called at the
store and inquired for some big revolvers. They found one that
suited them, to present to some society. They said they wanted
100 or 200 for this society. A week later they said this revol-
ver would do and they wanted some 200 revolvers. I told them
I thought I could get them, but when they came back the second
time I found I couldn't. They were much disappointed and
said they would go some place else."

"What was the price ?" — "I think $5.50. They were either
44 or 45 calibre revolvers."

" What did you say about the price ? " — " I told them that
was very cheap and said they could make a handsome profit on

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. r,0

theni. Tliey said they didn't want to make any profit; that the
weapons were for a society."

Captain Black, on the cross-examination, brings it out that
the witness sold the gun to Engel, thinking he wanted to go into
some speculation.

W. J. Reynolds, also in the gun business at 73 State street,
has seen Parsons, and he thinks^ Engel.

" When did you see Parsons relative to your buisness, and
tell what it was?"

" I think it was in February or March. He came into the
store and "wanted to purchase about forty remodeled Remington
guns. Parsons spoke to me several times about this purchase,
but it was never made. Parsons seemed undecided."

" State whether your concern ever sold any rifle or revolver
cartridges, which were to be delivered, and were delivered, at
636 Milwaukee avenue — Thalia hall?1'

This question is overruled by the court unless the cartridges
were delivered by the witness in person. Capt. Black takes the
witness in hand and he said he never knew Parsons by name un-
til yesterday, then that person was pointed out to him in court.

"That's all," says Capt. Black. — "Mr. Reynolds," says Mr.
Grinnell, " was Parsons pointed out to you, or did you not point
out the man you had seen before \ "

" I pointed out the man I had seen before."

A manuscript in Spies1 handwriting is offered in evidence.
It is a manuscript of an editorial which was printed in the Ar-
belter Zeitung of May 4 and captioned : " Blood and Powder as
a Cure for Dissatisfied Working Men." In another part of the
paper was the following : " This evening there is a great meet-
ing at the Haymarket. No working men ought to stay away."

60 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

Manuscript in Schwab's handwriting is submitted. This
matter appeared in the Arbeiter Zeitung May 4, and one passage
is as follows : " The heroes of the club dispensed with their
cudgels yesterday." This has reference to the riot at McCor-
rnick's.

Another extract ; " Reports of the capitalist papers have all
been dictated by the police." Still another : " The armory on
the Lake front is guarded by military tramps." And another :
" Milwaukee, usually so quiet, yesterday became the scene of
quite a number of labor riots." Under date of May 3, Spies'
paper said : "A hot conflict. The termination of the radical
elements bring the extortioners in numerous instances to terms."
January 5, 1885, Spies wrote concerning a report of a meeting
at 54 West Lake street : " Comrade Spies, in the course of his
speech said : ' And if we commence to murder we obey the law
of necessity for self-preservation.' '' January 19, 1885, the Ar-
Ix iter Zeitung contained a two column report of a meeting held
at Mueller's hall. Dynamite, blood and bombs were the nice
points dealt with, and the comments thereon was what the state
wanted read. But first a translation should have been made,
and to do this an adjournment is taken until 2 o'clock.

As the trial progressed public interest in the development of
the Anarchist plot to overthrow law and order increased. The
courtroom would not hold half of the people that applied for ad-
mission, and hundreds were turned away. Scattered throughout
the courtroom were numerous red flags and banners of the Lehr
und Welir Verein and the various Anarchist groups. Detective
James Bonfield was recalled to identify the flags and banners
found at the Arbeiter Zeitung office. They were as follows :
" In the Absence of Law all Men are Free ; " " Every Govern-

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 61

ment is a Conspiracy against the People ; " " Down with all
Laws ; " " Fifteenth Section Boys Stick together ; " " Proletarians
of all Countries, unite ;" "International Working People's Asso-
ciation of Chicago. Presented by the Socialistic Women's Soci-
ety July 16, 1875."

Saturday, July 81, the state introduced more translations
from the Arbeiter Zeitung. The paper of January 6, under the
caption of " A New Military Law," contained the following edi-
torials : " After the adoption of the law and its working we
have learned a lesson. The vote of 1881 has shown that we are
stronger than ever. There exists to-day an invisible network of
Socialistic forces. We are stronger than ever."

On January 22, 1886, an editorial asked: " How can the
eight-hour day be brought about ? Why, every clear-headed
man can see that the result can be obtained by no other means
than armed force."

The next day it was said : " The rottenness of our social in-
stitutions cannot be covered up with whitewash. Capital sucks
its force out of the labor of the working men. The misery has
become unbearable. Let us not treat with our enemies on May
1. Therefore, comrades, arm to the teeth. We wTant to demand
our rights on May 1."

Regarding the riot in London, a meeting was held at the
Twelfth street Turner hall, Neebe presiding ; Fielden the orator,
and his speech and the proceedings were reported under date of
February 15. Fielden said: "The time is not so far distant
when the down-trodden in Chicago will rise like their brothers
in London, and march up Michigan avenue, the red flag at their
head.1' Schwab spoke, calling on the people to rally around the
red flag of revolution. An editorial on February 17 said:

62 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

" Hundreds and thousands of reasons indicate that force will
bring about a successful termination in the struggle for liberty."
April 10 it was said : "What happened yesterday in East St.
Louis may happen in Chicago. It is high time to be prepared
to complete the ammunition and be ready."

On April 22 Spies wrote : " Working men, arm yourselves.
May 1 is close at hand." Six days later he said : "What An-
archists predicted six months ago has been realized now. The
power of the manufacturers must be met with armed working
men. The logic of facts requires this. Arms are more neces-
sary now than ever. It is time to arm yourselves. Whoever
has not money sell your watch and buy firearms. Patience has
been preached — the working men have had too much of pa-
tience."

On April 29 Spies wrote: "The wage slave who is not ut-
terly demoralized should have a breech-loader in his house."
And the next day he said : " As we have been informed the
police have received secret orders to keep themselves in readiness
for fear of a riot on Saturday next, to the working men we again
say : Arm yourselves ! Keep your arms hidden so that they
will not be stolen by the minions of the law, as has happened
before." In the Letter Box was the following : " A dynamite
cartridge explodes not through concussion. A percussion primer
is necessary.'"

January 5, in the Arbeiter Zeitung, a report said: "The
meeting which the American group held at 54 West Lake street
was one of the best meetings ever held in Chicago. Comrade
Spies said : ' When we murder we put an end to general mur-
der. We only follow the law of self-preservation.' "

On January 18 all working men were called to attend a

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. G3

meeting at Steinmetz hall. 'To Arms," was the caption.
"Those who desire instruction in drilling will not have to pay."
At Mueller's hall, a few days later, Schwab made an address,
saying : " We have made all preparations for a revolution by
force." Spies -said: "I have been accused by a paper that I
tried to stir up a revolution. I concede this. What is crime,
anyhow ? When the working men try to secure the fruits of
their labor it is called crime."

Guns, dynamite and prussic acid, Spies preached, should be
given the working men, and " for every clubbed head in the
ranks of the workingmen there should be exacted twelve dead
policemen." In a long discourse on the means of action, Spies
said : " In the action itself one .must be personally at the place,
to select personally that point of the place of action which is the
most important, and is coupled with the greatest danger, upon
which depends chiefly the success or failure of the whole affair.
Otherwise the thing would reach the long ears of the police,
which, as is known to every one, hear the grass grow and the
fleas cough ; but if this theory is acted on, the danger of discov-
ery is extremely small." " The Love of Self-Sacrifice," as mani-
fested by those who were killed during the uprising of the Paris
Commune, while fighting under the red flag, was the subject of
a long address on March 22, aid March 23 it was said the ques-
tion of arming was the one uppermost in labor circles. Work-
ing men, it was held, ought to be armed long ago. Daggers and
revolvers were easily purchased; hand-grenades were plenti-
ful, and so was dynamite. The approaching contest should not
be gone into with empty hands.

The State here rested its case.

64 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

CHAPTER IV.

UNDER A CLOUD. A STRUGGLE FOR LIFE. CONTESTING EVERY

POINT BY SHREWD COUNSEL. BRAVING IT OUT.

THE DEFENSE.

Attorney Zeisler moved to have the jury sent from the ro 3m
pending a motion, and this the Court refused to do, saying it
was a vicious practice, and that the jury should hear all there
was in a case.

Capt. Black — " The motion we desire to make is that your
Honor now instruct the jury, the State having rested, that they
find a verdict of not guilty as to Oscar Neebe ; and we desire to
argue that motion."

Counsel for the defense proceeded to argue the motion, and
held that Neebe was not amenable ; not having been present at
the Haymarket, and having nothing to do with the Arbeiter
Ze it ling until after the arrest of Spies.

The Court — " If he had had prior knowledge of the partici-
pation in the Haymarket meeting the question would be quite
different, but if there is a general advice to commit murder, and
the time and occasion not being forseen, the adviser is guilty if
the murder is committed. Whether he did participate, con-
curred, assented, or encouraged the publication of the Arbeiter
Zeitung is a question for this jury upon the testimony that he
was frequently there, and that so soon as Schwab and Spies were
away he took charge. Everything in which his name has been
mentioned must be taken together, and then what the proper in-
ference is, is for the jury to say."

Capt. Black — " Does your Honor overrule the motion ? " —
The Court — " I overrule the motion."

Capt. Black — " We except, if your Honor pleases. We de-

COUNSEL FOR DEFENDANTS.

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 65

sire also to make a like motion, without arguing it, in behalf of
all tha defendants except Spies and Fischer." — Motion over-
ruled.

Mr. Salomon then began the opening argument for the de-
fense. There were two leading points in his argument :

1. There connot be accessories without a principal. The
state must prove that somebody was a principal in committing
murder before it can convict others as accessories.

2. The defendants did not throw the bomb ; therefore they
are not guilty.

" True, the defendants made bombs ; true, they intended to
use dynamite. What if they did ? " asks Mr. Salomon. " They
were preparing for a revolution by force of arms and by means
of dynamite — but what has that to do with the case ? Did they
kill Matthias J. Degan, for which act they were specifically in-
dicted ? That is the question."

Mr. Salomon then argued that the State would have to prove
that the object of the Haymarket meeting was to "aggressively
kill the police." He pointed out that the defendants had conse-
crated their lives to the benefit of their fellow men. They did
not seek McCormick's property for themselves — they did not
want the goods in Marshall Field's store for themselves. Their
methods were dangerous, but why were they not stopped at in
ception ? They advocated force, because they believed in force
No twelve men — no 12,000 men — could root out Anarchy. An
archy is of the head — it is implanted in the soul ! As well at
tempt to root out Republicanism or Democracy ! They in
tended revolution — a revolution similar to that of the Northern
states against slavery, or of America against British oppression.
They wanted to free the white slaves — the working classes.

66 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

They intended to use dynamite in furtherance of that revolution.
But they did not expect, nor did they conspire to take, the life
of officer Degan Lmgg had the right to manufacture bombs
and fill his house with dynamite, if he so pleased. There was
no law against it. Mr. Salomon intimated that an attempt
would be made to show who threw the bomb, or that it was
thrown by somebody other than Schnaubelt ; also that the police
began the riot by shooting into the crowd ; that Schwab was not
at the meeting at all, and that when the bomb exploded Parsons
and Fischer were in Zephfs hall drinking beer.

"We expect further to show you," said Mr. Salomon, "that
this meeting had assembled peaceably, that its objects were
peaceable, that they delivered the same harangues, that the
crowd listened quietly, that not a single act transpired there pre-
vious to the coming of the police, for which any man in it could
be held amenable to law. They assembled there under the pro-
visions of our Constitution in the exercise of their right of free
speech, to discuss the situation of the working men, to discuss
the eight-hour question. They assembled there and incidentally
discussed what they called the outrages perpetrated at McCor-
mick's. No man expected that bomb would be thrown, no man
expected that any one would be injured at that meeting."

The witness who gave, perhaps, the strongest evidence for
the defense was Dr. James D. Taylor, an aged physician of the
Eclectic school. On the direct examination, Captain Black
asked :

" How old are you ? " Answer — "I am seventy-six years of
age."

" Where were you on May 4, in the evening ? " — " At the
Haymarket."

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 67

"Tell us when you reached the Haymarket." — "About
twenty minutes before the speaking commenced."

"During that twenty minutes where were you?" — "I was
standing in the alley — Crane's alley — near Desplaines street."

"How near to the west edge of the sidewalk?" — "Very
close to it."

" How long did you occupy that position ? " — " As long as
the bullets would let me."

" How long was that ? " asks Mr. Grinnell. — " I was the last
man that left the alley after the bomb exploded."

" Did you hear the speeches at the Haymarket ? " — " Oh, yes ;
distinctly."

" What did Spies say ? " — " He spoke about Jay Gould, and
some one said : ' Hang him,' and Spies said : ' No, it is not
time for that.' "

' What did Parsons say ? " — " He spoke of the necessity for
union. The substance of his remarks was that if the working
men expected to win they must unite."

" Did you notice the approach of the police ? " — " I did ; the
first column came up close to where I was standing. They were
so close I could touch them."

"Did you hear Fielden?"— "Yes."

" What did he say?" — "Well, he spoke about the law, and
said : ' It is your enemy. Kill it, stab it, throttle it ; if you
don't, it will throttle you.' "

" Did you hear the command given to disperse ? ' — " Yes,
sir."

"What did Fielden say ?" — " He said . 'We are peaceable,'
or 'This is a peaceable meeting.' "

"Did you see Fielden again ? " — "I did. He got down out

68 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

of the wagon and came around where I was standing."

"Did you see him with a revolver? " — " I did not."

"Did you see him shoot at all ? " — "Never. I did not."

" Did you see the bomb ? "— " I did."

" Where did it come from ? " — " About twenty feet, or per-
haps forty, south of the alley, behind some boxes on the side-
walk."

"Now, tell what you saw." — "Well, the bomb looked to me
like a boy's firecracker. It was then about five feet in the air.
It circled in a southeast direction, and fell, I think, between the
first and second columns of the police."

"When did the shooting commence?" — "Almost simultane-
ously."

" Did the firing proceed frrom the crowd, or the police ? " —
" It came from the street, near where the police were."

" Did you see or hear of any pistol shots from the crowd ? "
— " Not one."

"You say you went to the Haymarket the next morning.
Did you make any examination of the neighborhood ? " — " I
did."

" D.d you find any marks of bullets in the walls around
there ? "--" Yes, a great many. They were in the north end of
the wall of Crane Bros.' building. Then I examined a telegraph
pole north of the alley, on the west side of the street. There
were a great many perforations on the south side of this pole."

" Were there any perforations on the north side of the pole ? "
— " Not one."

" Did you visit the place a second time ? " — " I did."

" For the purpose of examining this telegraph pole ? " —
Yes, sir."

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 69

" Tell the jury whether you found the pole there or not." —
" It was not there."

"How long ago was that ?" — "A week."

" And the pole was gone ? " — " It was gone."

" What course did you take, doctor, in going out of the al-
ley ? " — " I took a zig-zag course."

" Doctor, are you a Socialist ? " — " Yes, sir."

"Are you an Anarchist? " — "Not in the sense in which the
term is usually employed."

" How long have you been a Socialist ? " — " About fifty
years. I was taught Socialism by Robert Owen, father of Rob-
ert Dale Owen."

" Do you know any of the defendants ? " — " Yes. I know
Parsons and Fielden well; Spies and Neebe slightly."

" Have you ever taken part in Socialistic meetings ? " — Yes.
I have spoken at meetings controversially. '

"Are you, or were you, a member of the International
Working Men's Society ? "— " I was."

" For how long ? " — " Well, I continued a member until the
organization was abandoned."

" WHiat group were you a' member of ? " — " Of the American
group."

" Wrhere did you attend meetings ? " — " At Greif ' s hall."

" What were the conditions of membership \ Tell the jury
whether those meetings were secret or public." — "They were
public. The conditions of membership were — " This answer
was objected to by the State, and the Court sustains the objec
tion.

" How long have you been a member of the American
group ? " — "I think a year, or a little more."

70 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

" How often have you met Parsons and Fielden?" — "They
have not been regular in their attendance."

"Now, taking them in their order, will you state what you
heard them say, either on the Lake front or at any hall, regard-
ing the use of force ? " Captain Black withdraws this question
at once upon consultation with his associates-
Mr. Ingham then took up the cross-examination: "How
did you come to go to the Haymarket, doctor ? " — " I happened
to be in the neighborhood, taking my usual evening walk."
"Did you see any circular ? " — "I did not."
" How did you come to attend the meeting, then ? " — " I
saw a great many people, who told me there was to be a
meeting."

" Did you go at once to the alley ? "— " I did."
" Are you sure you did not stop on the Haymarket? " — " I am
sure I did not."

" Why, then, did you go in the alley \ " — " To hear what was
to be said."

" What time did you get there ? "— " A little after 7 o'clock."
" And you stopped there all the time ? " — " Yes."
" How long did you wait ? " — "About twenty minutes."
" Then the meeting was opened ? " — " It was."
"And you listened to Spies?"— "Yes."
"What did he say?" — "The substance of what he said was
that the men had better go home, and not do any violence."

(The witness confounds Spies and Parsons. The former,
according to other witnesses, made no reference to Jay Gould,
but Parsons did. The doctor said also that Parsons told the
men that the history of strikes showed all strikes to have proved
a failure ; that what was wanted was a change in the system.)

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 71

" Did you see Fielden all the time lie was speaking ? " — " I
did."

" And lie had no revolver ? " — " He had not."

'■ Did you keep your eye on him all the time ? " — " Every
minute."

"You did not take your eye off him for a single minute?" —
"Not half a minute."

"And you saw him just as he closed his speech?" — "I did.
He got down out of the wagon and was standing close to me."

" Where did he go after the bomb exploded ? " — "The Lord
only knows what became of him. The demoralization was so
great that I don't know. I think he was one of the first men to
go down after the shell exploded."

" Well, how long did you remain there ? '' — " I was the last
man to go up the alley. There was a great crowd ahead of me."

" Were the bullets thick ? "— " W^ell, I should say they were."

" Yet you didn't run ? " — " Well, I am an old man, and I
don't care much."

" What did you do next, after leaving the alley ? " — " I went
farther down in the alley. I was the last man to go down the
alley. There was a projection in the alley and I took refuge be-
hind that."

"You were young enough then to want to live?" — "It
wasn't that; I heard the police shooting. They were going back
toward the Haymarket. I could tell that by the report of the
shooting. Then I ran out on Desplaines street and dodged
about till I got home. '

"Where did you dodge?" — "A good many places. The
police were shooting all over. They were all excited. I saw
them shooting as far up as Madison street. One policeman on

72 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

Madison street I saw point his revolver at a crowd of people on
the street and say : ' D — you ! you've got to die any way.'
Then he fired his revolver at them."

" You say you saw the bomb when it was about five feet in
the air ? "— " Yes."

" Did yon see the fuse ? " — " Yes."

" What kind of a bomb was it ? "— " Round."

" What happened after it exploded ? " — " The demoralization
was great."

" Did you hear any groans?" — "No."

"How long have you been a physician?" — "Forty years."

" What school ? "— " Eclectic."

" Are you a graduate of any college ? " — " Yes ; Eclectic."

" You say you are a Socialist, but not an Anarchist as it is
commonly defined. Are you an Anarchist as you understand
that term ? " — " I am."
" Do you believe in an oath ? " — " I do."

" Do you believe that an oath adds anything to the obliga
tion to tell the truth ? " — " No. All honest men should tell the
truth."

" That's all."

L. M. Moses, a grocer, and Austin Mitchell, who lived with
Moses, testified that they would not believe the witness Gilmer
under oath. The defense then introduced August Krumm, of
103G West Twentieth street, a woodworker, by whom they ex-
pected to entirely offset Gilmer's evidence. From his evidence
it was made to appear that Gilmer mistook Krumm for Spies,
and that instead of lighting a bomb Krumm was engaged in
nothing more harmful than lighting a pipe of tobacco. Mr. Fos-
ter conducts the examination, and the witness says he was at the

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 78

Haymarket meeting May 4, and saw Spies and Parsons there for
the first time.

" How did you come to go there ? " — " I had business down
town ; heard of the meeting and went there with a friend, A. M.
Albright."

" Now, how close to the alley near Crane Brothers did you
stand ? " — " Very close. We stood there all the time from about
9.30 o'clock until the police arrived."

" Did you stand there all the time ? " — " No ; we were gone
for a minute or two."

" Where did you go ? " — " We went into the alley. I
wanted to light my pipe. Albright came with me. He gave
me a pipeful of tobacco and I went into the alley to light my
pipe."

" What did you go into the alley for ? " — " There was a wind
on the street, and we went into the alley so the match would
not go out."

" And Albright followed you ? " — " Yes. He came to light
his pipe."

" Whose pipe was lighted first ? " — " Mine."

"Then his pipe was lighted? " — "Yes. He came over to me
and lit his pipe from the match that lit my pipe, holding his
head up close to mine."

" After you came out of the alley what did you see ? " —
" The police were there ; then the explosion followed."

" Did you see Spies go into the alley ? " — " I did not."

"Did you see anybody in the alley?" — "Yes. There were
two or three men there, but I could not tell who they were. It
was dark."

J4 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

" Did anybody come into the alley while you were there ? "
—"No."

" Could anybody pass into the alley without your knowing
it?" — "No, sir; I stood up close to the building while I was
lighting my pipe."

"Now, tell whether you saw a light in the air about that
time or a little after." — "Yes ; I saw a light like a match about
twenty feet south of the alley on Desplaines street."

Mr. Grinnell takes the witness in hand. " You say you
came down town on business. Who did you want to see ? " —
" A friend of mine."

" Who is he ? "— " Adolph Winness."

" Where does he live ? " — " I do not know."

" Where does he work ? " — " I don't know now."

" What does he work at ? " — " He is a woodworker."

" How did you expect to meet him then, if you did not know
where he lived or where he worked ? " — " He told me I could
find him there."

" Find him where ? "— " On Randolph street."

" When did you see him last ? " — " That afternoon. He came
out to see me."

" And he did not tell you where he worked ? " — " No."

" Nor where he stopped ? "— " No."

" Yet he said you could find him on Randolph street ? " —
"Yes."

" So he gave you the idea that he could be found out of
doors, did he?" — "Well, he's around Randolph street a good
deal."

"Where did you meet Albright ?"—" In the alley."

" Near Crane Brothers ?"—" Yes."

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 75

" What did you say? "— " I said : < Hello, Albright/ and he
said : ' Hello, Krimiin.1 "

" What else ? " — " Did you say you came down town to see a
friend?"— "Yes."

" Did you tell him the name of your friend ? " — " No."

" Who was speaking then ? " — " Parsons, I think."

"Tell what he said." — "He said something about Jay
Gould."

"What did Spies say?" — "He said: 'A few words more,
boys, and we'll go home.' "

"Spies said that, did he ?"— " Yes."

"Which man is Spies ?"- -The witness confounds the men
Asked to indicate Spies he points to Fielden.

" How did you stand in the alley when the speaking was
going on?" — "I had my back to the north wall."

"Did you stand that way all the time?" — "Yes, except
when we lit our pipes."

"Then did you stand the same way after you lighted your
pipes?"— "Yes."

" Then how could you see these men if you had your backs
to the wall?" — " I looked over my head."

"You looked over your head all the time?" — "Yes, when
we looked at the speakers."

"And you never saw these men before?" — "No."

"Yet from that point in the alley, the speakers eight feet or
more distant, a crowd between you, you looking over your
shoulders in the dark, you recognize these men the first time you
saw them ? "— " Yes."

" Where were the police when Fielden said. ' Now, a word

76 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

more boys, and we will go home ' ? " — They were coming up

Desplaines street."

" Where was Spies then ?" — " I don't know. I don't remem-
ber.11

"Well, didn't you see Spies on the wagon?" — "Yes."
"When?" — "I don't think now. Early in the evening, I

think."

'• Now, when you were talking to Albright, did you talk

about what the speakers were saying?" — " No."

"Did you talk about the eight-hour question?" — "No."
"What were you talking about?" — " About the shop."
" Now, where did you see the bomb ?" — "It was about ten

feet in the air, about twenty feet south of the alley. I didn't

see it explode."

" No, of course not. It was too far south."

" There then was some boxes on the sidewalk, and you

couldn't see?" — k'I did not say there were any boxes on the

sidewalk."

" Yes, but if there were any boxes there you would have

seen them ?" — " Yes. I would have seen them if they had been

on the sidewalk."

"And you did not see them there?" — "I did not."

(All the other witnesses for the defense testified that a big

pile of boxes stood on the sidewalk between the alley and a

point where the bomb exploded.)

" And you say you did not see those boxes ?" — " I did not."
" When were you at the Haymarket?" — "May 4."
"Were you ever there in your life?" — "Yes."
" How about a lamp post. Did you see one ?" — " I don't

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 77

remember now, but I know there is one at the southeast corner
of the alley."

" How do you know this ? " — " I worked at the corner of
Randolph and Jefferson streets for ten years, and remember it.'4

"How long ago was that?" — "Seven years ago."

"And you can remember that a lamp post stood at the
southeast corner of the alley after the lapse of seven years ? " — " I
can."

" Where is your wife now ? " — " Living on Sedgwick street.'1

" Whereabouts ? " — " I don't know- I have not seen her for
a year."

" How did you come to go to Salomon & Zeisler's office ? " —
" I saw a notice in the Arbeiter Zeitung asking for all that knew
anything about the bomb throwing to call on them. I went
there on Sunday."

" When did you see this notice ? " — " Some time ago. I don't
remember when."

" Did you talk with any one about this bomb throwing ? " —
"Yes, with Albright."

"Any one else?"— "No."

" Yet you saw the bomb in the air and heard the explosion
but you did not talk to any one about what you saw? — "That's
it."

M. T. Malkoff, the correspondent of a paper at Moscow,
Russia, and formerly a writer on the Arbeiter Zeitung, testified
that Parsons was in Zephf's hall, talking to his wife, Mrs.
Holmes and the witness, when the bomb exploded. State's At-
torney Grinnell elicits from the witness that he has been five
years in this country, that he lived in New York and maintained
himself by teaching the Russian Language. From New York,

78 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

he went to Little Rock, then to St. Louis, and finally to Chicago,
arriving here in 1884. "You came here with a letter of intro-
duction to Spies ? " — " No, sir. I obtained my position in the
South through a letter of introduction from Spies."

" How did you come to get that letter ? " — " I and a man
named Clossie translated a romance from the Russian and sold
it to Spies."

" That was a revolutionary novel ? " — " It was not. It was a
description "

"Oh, I don't want to go into that. You know Herr Most?"
— " I have seen him, but I don't know him."

" You know Justus Schwab ? You had letters sent to his
address V— "That may be."

" You lived with Schwab in New York ? "— " I did not."

" You lived with Balthazar Rau here, though, on May 4 ? " —
" I did."

" Where ? "— " At 418 Larrabee street."

"When did you leave Russia?"— "In 1882."

"Your bedroom was searched, wasn't it ? " — " Yes, sir."

" Were the arms found there guns and bayonets, or any of
them, belonging to you ?" — "No, sir."

"Where did you live before you went to Rau's house?" —
"With Mr. Schwab."

"One of the def endants ? "— " Yes, sir."

"You are a stockholder in the Alarm company?" — "No,
sir."

" You contributed money to that organization ? " — " That
may be."

" But did you not contribute money ? " — " I did."

"How much?"— "Two dollars."

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. f9

"You were a Nihilist in Russia ?" — "No, sir.1'

"Are you not the agent here for the Nihilists in Russia ? " —
"No, sir. I am not an agent for any society in Russia."

" Did you not tell Mr. Hardy you were the agent for a Ni-
hilistic society " — "No, sir. The reporters used to call me a
Nihilist because I was Russian."

"What paper are yon now working for?" — "The Moscow
Gazette.1''

" Look at that letter ; is that your signature at the bottom \ "
—"It is."

The letter is written in German and it is given to the trans-
lator, who is instructed to render it into English. " This letter
is directed to a ' Mr. Editor.' What editor ? " — "I think it was
directed to Mr. Spies."

"That was before you came to Chicago?" — "It was."

" Then we offer it in evidence." The letter is, in substance,
an inquiry as to whether or not Spies could use certain articles
written by Malkoff. It goes on to say : " I have just completed
another article treating of the secret revolutionary societies of
Russia. I am a proletariat in the fullest sense of the word.
Address your letter to J. H. Schwab, 50 First street, New York."

"Is that J. H. Schwab, Justus Schwab?"— "It is."

"Did you live with him in New York? " — "No, sir. I just
got my mail there."

" Now," said Foster, "you say you were a proletariat. What
do you mean by that term?" — "I understand it to be a man
without any means of support."

" And you, having no money, had your mail sent to Justus
Schwab because you had no home, eh?" — "Yes, sir."

" Now," asked Mr. Ingham, " I'll ask you if you did not use

80 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

the term proletariat in the sense in which Socialists always em-
ploy that term ? " — " No, sir, I did not."

SAMUEL FIELDEN.

Samuel Fielden, one of the defendants who was speaking at
the time of the bomb explosion, testified that he did not know
who threw the bomb, and denied that he fired at the police with
a revolver. He was cross-examined by Mr. Ingham for the
State, who asked : " At what age did you come to the United
States? " — "Twenty -one."

" Did you have any business before you came to the United
States ? " — " I went to work in a cotton mill at eight years of
age, and worked in that mill until I left the country to come to
the United States."

"How long have you been a Socialist?" — "I joined the So-
cialistic organization in July, 1884."

11 How long have you been a revolutionist ? " — " In the sense
of an evolutionary revolutionist, I have been so for a number of
years."

"How long have you been of the belief that the existing
order of things should be overthrown by force?" — "I don't
know that I have ever been convinced. I am of the opinion
that the existing order of things must be overturned, but
whether by force I don't know."

" How long have you believed in Anarchy ? " — " Well, I be-
lieved in it shortly after I joined the organization — as soon as
I came to think on the subject."

11 You have been progressing from Socialism to Anarchism ;
and if you cannot convince the majority of the United States to

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 81

your opinions, you propose to compel them by force?11 — Ob.
jected to.

" How long have you preached Anarchy ? " — Objected to.

" Was there any English-speaking group in the city that you
know of? " — Objected to.

" Did you ever attend any meeting of any English-speaking
group other than the American group in this city of that kind V
— " We tried to found one a year ago last winter on West Indi-
ana street. I think we only held two meetings, and then we
abandoned it."

"Any other group of them that you attended?11 — "I don?t
remember any now.11

"You have for the last two or three years been making
speeches of Socialistic and Anarchistic character?11 — "I have
been making labor speeches ; they were not always Socialistic or
Anarchistic speeches.11

"But you have made Socialistic and Anarchistic speeches?11
— " Well, I have touched on Anarchy and Socialism, and some-
times my speeches might have been considered from the ordinary
trades union standpoint, for all the anarchy there was in them.11

" Have you ever made speeches on the Lake front and other
Socialistic meetings?11 — "Yes, on the Lake front, some on Mar-
ket square, Twelfth street Turner hall, and at No. 106 Ran-
dolph street.11

"Look at the copy of the Alarm of June 27, 1885, 'Dyna-
mite ; Instructions Regarding Its Use and Operation,1 and signed
'A. S.1 Say whether you ever saw it.11 — "I don^ know that I
have.11

" Was there any reason why you did not walk when you

82 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

started home that night ? " — " Yes. I did not wish to be ar-
rested that night."

"You expected that you would be arrested?" — "Well, after
that trouble I expected to be arrested."

" Wou were speaking when the police came up, and were
making no inflammatory speech ? " — " I did not incite anybody
to do anything, to do any overt act. I told the people in gen-
eral to resist the present socialistic system that oppressed them,
and gave them no chance to earn a living."

" And yet you expected to be arrested ? " — " I had read some-
thing of criminal proceedings, and I knew that the police would
arrest everybody connected with that meeting in order to find
the one who was responsible. I made an explanation before the
Coroner's jury because I had a different idea of the police at
that time. I thought if I made that statement and they in-
quired into the truth and were convinced of my innocence they
would let me go. But I now see that I was mistaken."

"Did the police indict you?" — "I don't know who indicted
me."

Redirect — " You have heard what has been said about your
expression of throttling the law, of killing it, of stabbing it.
Just state the explanation which you said you desired to make
in regard to that." — " Well, it was just the explanation that a
public orator would make when he was denouncing a political
party. When he said he wanted to get rid of the Democratic
party, for instance, he would kill it, stab it, or make way with it.
The words would rush away with a public speaker, and in the
hurry he could not add a lengthy explanation."

" You also read the reporter's notes in regard to snails and
worms, and said there was no connection there. What were

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 8J

your words in reference to snails and worms, and the idea that
you now remember? " — "Well, the idea that I intended to con-
vey at that time was that when men were thrown out of work
through no fault of their own, and it being a fact that has been
proven and asserted on the floor of the House of Representatives
that over a million of men are out of employment through no
fault of their own — these men being driven about, become de-
graded and loathsome, and people look upon them with con-
tempt, and yet it is no fault of their own ; they have no part in
producing the condition of things that throws them out of em-
ployment, and leads them to their abject condition.1''

" You did not know of the presence of a dynamite bomb or
anything of that kiud in the crowd ? " — " No, sir ; I did not even
know of the presence of an unusual number of police at the sta-
tion. . I did not know that till after the meeting."

Henry Schultz, an elderly German, testified that "from 9
o'clock until the fight was over I was on the Haymarket ; I stood
in the middle of the steet, a little north of the wagon.'"

" How long had you been in Chicago at that time ? " — " Two
weeks. I am a tourist.1' [Laughter.]

" Have you been in the habit of attending meetings in the
street ? " — " No ; but since I have been here seeing the sights I
would stop at anything."

"Before the police came, did you see anything disorderly? "
— "It was, as I know, peaceable, like a Fourth of July."

"Do you remember the speech of the first speaker?" — ''I
know the run of his talk; I kept it in my mind. He said, 'I
didn't want to come here. Then they called me a coward, and
I didn't like to be called a coward, and that is the reason I
came.' A few words after that he said: 'They are only 500

84 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

yards from here. Maybe by to-morrow morning I will have to
die.' I kept that on my mind. I left the meeting when the
black cloud came up, and when the bomb exploded I looked
around the corner, and I saw everything dark, and I thought
the bomb must have blown out the lights." [Laughter.]

tk What else did you seee? " — " I saw the policemen and they
were all around. They had the ground. I saw some of the
workmen run — they were about two blocks ahead of the police."

" Did you see the police come upon the working men ? " —
"They came pretty strong in Lake street, and they had the men
in the gutter, and when they raised up they got another club."

Mr. Grinnell — " AVhat is your business T1 — " Doing nothing,1'
replied Mr. Schultz, with a grin at the crowd, and the crowd
laughed in a guarded way, because they did not wish to be fired
out of the entertainment.

"How long have you been conducting that business?" —
" About ten years. Before that I was mining in Montana."

kt Where is your house in Portage City? " — "The next house
to the courthouse," responded the witness with a cunning look
at the Court, and there was another wild outburst of mirth from
the audience. Mr. Schultz narrated a part of his early history,
from which it appeared that before he became a millionaire he
played the fiddle at dances; and in answer to a question as to
when he began to be a musician, he said: " From nine years
old. My father was a musician — it runs in the family."

" Do you play the violin since you have been in Chicago? '
— " No; my money reaches so that I don't have to do anything."
[Laughter.]

"The first speaker was Spies, wasn't it?" — "Oh, I can't
promise anything," said Mr. Schultz, with a contortion of coun-

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY 85

tenance whicli brought down the house. Judge Gary looked
indignantly around and said: " Oh! be quiet! " and the crowd
immediately became as demure as a Quaker meeting.

" What did Spies say about the police being so many feet
away? " — u He said they was only five hundred yards from here
and he was likely to die before morning. That was about all
he said in that run of speech.11

"Did you hear the first speaker say anything about 'To arms!
to arms! '? " — tk That was the man — I heard him."

" Where did you go when you left the meeting? " — " I went
to wash my feet! "

The expression on Mr. Schultz's face, and the simplicity of
the answer, upset the decorum of the spectators and they laughed
right out in meetin,' regardless of the threatened penality for
such a glaring contempt of court. Judge Gary himself, how-
ever, assisted in the hilarity, and was very lenient with the of-
fenders, a fellow-feeling evidently making him wondrous kind.
Mr. Schultz a moment afterward had an opportunity to correct
the impression that he was in the habit of touring around the
streets of Chicago in his bare feet.

" Did you have your boots off when you were washing your
feet ? 11 — " Oh, no ; I didn't wash my feet ; I only washed the mud
off my boots in one of them horse-troughs.11 Then Mr. Schultz
treated the company to a choice selection of facial contortions,
and got down out of the chair with the air of a man who has
done his duty, his whole duty, and nothing but his duty.

MICHAEL SCHWAB.

The defendant, Michael Schwab, was put on the stand Mon-
day, August 9. He testified that he went to the Arbeiter Zei-

86 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

tung office on the evening of May 4. A telephone message was
received requesting Spies to speak at a meeting near Deering's
Harvester works, on Clybourn avenue. The witness said he
went to the Hay market to find Spies, but failed. He did see
Rudolph Sclinaubelt, his brother-in-law, there. Witness then
took a street car and went up Clybourn avenue ; spoke twenty
minutes at the meeting; stepped into a saloon and got a few
glasses of beer, and then went to his home, on Florimond street,
arriving about 11 o'clock P. M.

Mr. Foster asked: "Were you ever in the alley at Crane
Bros.' that night with Mr. Spies? " — " No, sir."

" Did you walk west on Randolph street with Mr. Spies two
blocks, then return with him? " — " No, sir."

" Did you see Mr. Spies that night? "— " No, sir."

" Did you see Mr. Spies hand your brother-in-law a package
that night in the alley at Crane Bros.', and did you say anything
like this: l If that won't be enough, shall we get another one ? ' "
— " No, sir."

" Did you see Mr. Spies at all that night? " — " No, sir."

" When did you see him at all for the last time that day? "
— " In the afternoon. I did not see him again until the next
morning."

Schwab said he had been a member of the Internationalist
society since its organization. On the night of May 4 he went
to the Haymarket on foot and walked through the Washington
street tunnel. Balthazar Rau accompanied him as far west as
Desplaines street.

" Are you an Anarchist? " asked Mr. Grinnell. — " It depends
on what you mean. There are several definitions of that."

MICHAEL SCHWAB.

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 87

11 Answer my question. Are you an Anarchist? " — " I can't
answer that."

AUGUST SPIES.

Schwab stepped down and Spies took the stand. ' Give your
full name to the jury," said Captain Black.

" August Vincent Theodore Spies," replies the prisoner.

He is thirty -one years old, and came to this county from
Germany in 1872. Spies speaks with a marked accent, but very
distinctly. He is cool and collected apparently, and sits back
in the witness chair very much at ease.

He has been a member of the Socialistic Publishing Society,
and that concern exercised control over the policy of the Arbei-
ter Zeitung, of which paper the witness was editor for six years.
Spies said he was at a meeting on the " black road " on May 3.
Spies reached the meeting on the " black road " about 3 o'clock
in the afternoon. There was a crowd of perhaps three thousand
present. Some men were speaking, but they were very poor
speakers, and the crowd was not interested. Balthazar Rau was
with him, and introduced him to the chairman of the meeting.
It was called for the purpose of discussing the eight-hour ques-
tion. While Spies was there a committee was appointed to wait
on the bosses; then he was introduced, and spoke for possibly
twenty minutes. Spies went on :

" I was almost prostrated. I had been speaking two or three
times daily for the past two or three weeks, and was very much
worn. I did not jump around and wave my hands as one wit-
ness testified here on the stand, and I made a very common-
place, ordinary speech. I told the men to hold together, to
stand by their union, or they would not succeed. That was the

88 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

substance of what I said. While I was speaking some one cried
out in an unknown tongue, and about two hundred men de-
tached themselves from the crowd and went on to McCormick's.
Pretty soon I heard firing, aDd on inquiring what was the mat-
ter was told the men had attacked McCormick's men, and that
the police were filing on them. I stopped for about five min-
utes, was elected a member of the committee; then 1 went to
McCormick's. A lot of cars were standing on the tracks. The
men were hiding behind these cars, others were running, while
the police were firing on the flying people. The sight of this
made my blood boil. At that time I could have done almost
anything, I was so excited. A young Irishman came out from
behind one of the cars. I think he knew me and said: ' What

kind of business is this \ There are two men over there

dead ; the police have killed them.' I asked him how many
were killed. He said five or six, and that twenty-five or thirty
were injured. I came down town then and wrote the report
which appeared in the Arbeiter Zeitung the next day."

" Did you write the ' Revenge Circular ' \ — " Yes; only I did
not write the word ' Revenge.' "

" Can you tell how that word happened to put in the circu-
lar ? " — " I cannot."

" How many of those circulars were distributed ? " — " About
twenty-five hundred."

" How soon was it written after your return to the office ? "
— " Immediately."

" At that time were you still laboring under the excitement
incident to the riot ( " — " I was."

" What was your state of mind ? " — " I was very indignant.
I knew from experience of the past that this butchering of peo-

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 8i>

pie was done for the express purpose of defeating the eight-hour
movement." Spies is growing excited. Mr. Grinnell objects.
The Court says his last answer is not proper and orders it
stricken from the record.

" On the evening of May 4 you attended the HaymarKet
meeting ? " — " I did."

" You were asked to speak there ? " — " I was."

"When did learn there was to be a meeting? " — "About 8
o'clock that morning. I was advised there was to be a meeting
and was asked to address it."

"What time did you reach there?" — "About 8:20 o'clock."

" Did you see the notice of that meeting in the Arbeiter Zei-
tungf" — "Yes; I put it in myself."

" Did you see a circular that day, calling for a meeting at
the Haymarket ? " — "Yes. It was the circular containing the
line: k Working men, arm yourselves and appear in full force.'
When I read that line I said: "If this is the meeting I am to
address I will not speak.1 He asked why. I said on account
of that line. He said the circulars had not been distributed, and
I said: k If the line is taken out I will go.' Fischer was sent
for and he told the men to have that line taken out."

41 Who was this man that brought the circulars ? " — " He was
on the stand ; Gruenberg is his name, I think."

" Was there any torch on the wagon? " — " No; I think the
sky was clear and that the lamp was burning near the corner of
the alley."

" Was that selection made by yourself, or upon consulta-
tion? " — " Well, I consulted with my brother Henry. He was
with me all evening."

" After you got them together, what did you do ? " — "Some

00 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

one suggested we nad better move the wagon around on Ran-
dolph street, but I said that might impede the street cars. Then

1 asked where was Parsons. I was not on the committee of ar-
rangements and had nothing to do with the meeting except to
speak. One Schroder said Parsons was speaking then at the
corner of Halsted and Randolph streets, and I went up to find
him with my brother Henry and Schnaubelt."

" Did you see Schwab ? " — " No, I did not. Schnaubelt told
me Schwab had gone to Deerings."

" Did you go to Crane's alley with Schwab?"- -" I could not
very well do that, as I had not seen him that night."

" Just answer the question," cried Mr. Ingham. — " Well, I
did not go to the alley. I did not even know there was an alley
there.'1 The witness denies the conversation Mr. Thompson
alleges he overheard Spies engage in with Schwab. He said
Schnaubelt cannot speak any English — that he has only been
about two years in the country.

" Did Schwab say to you that evening: ' Now, if they come,
we are prepared for them' ? " — " No, sir ; I did not see him that
evening."

11 Did you talk with Schwab on the east side of Desplaines
street, about twelve feet south of the alley that evening?"— "I
did not. I was not anywhere near that alley with any man."

" You remember what the witness Thompson said, that he
saw you walk with Schnaubelt east on Randolph street; that he
saw you hand liini something; that you then returned to the
meeting together. Is that true ?" — " It is not. That man told
a different story before the coroner's jury."

This last answer is ordered stricken out, and Spies was told
to say nothing but in answer to questions. Spies was asked to

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 91

tell what lie said at the meeting. It was a short synopsis of the
existing state of the labor world. First, he said that the meet-
ing was to be a peaceable one ; that it was not called for the
purpose of creating trouble. Attention was directed to the
strike at East St. Louis, where those who were active in the riots
there were not Socialists nor Anarchists, but church-going peo-
ple, and honest, sincere Christians. It was admitted by students
that society was retrograding ; the masses were being degraded
under the excessive work they had to carry on. For twenty
years the working men asked in vain for two hours less work a
day, and that finally they resolved to take the matter in their
own hands and help themselves. " About this time I saw Par-
sons, then I broke off. I was not in a state to make a speech. I
was tired. I introduced Parsons, and he proceeded to address
the meeting."

"What was the size of the crowd then?'1 — "About two
thousand persons."

"Where did you go after finishing your speech ? " — " I re-
mained on the wagon.1'

" You spoke in English ? " — " Yes. I made no speech in
German that night. I was asked to do so, but was too tired. I
introduced Fielden and he made a brief speech, then we in-
tended to go home.'1

" What did Parsons say in his speech \ '" — " Parsons made a
pretty good speech. He said of the dollar earned by the work-
ing men they got only fifteen cents, while the pharisaical class
got eighty-five cents, and that the eight-hour movement was a
still -hunt for that eighty -five cents."

" What do you remember of Fielden's speech ? " — " Well,

92 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

Fielden did not say much. I don't remember now what he did
say.r

" Were you on the wagon when the police came ? " — " Yes.
I saw the police on Randolph street/'

" At that time what was the size of the meeting?" — "It was
as good as adjourned. About two-thirds of those present went,
some going to Zephf's hall when the black cloud came up."

" What did you hear when the command to disperse was
given ? " — " I was standing in the middle of the wagon, back of
Fielden. I heard Captain Ward say; ' I command you, in the
name of the people of Illinois, to disperse.' Captain Ward had
a cane or club in his hand. Fidlden said to him: ' Captain, this
is a peaceable meeting.' I started to get clown out of the
wagon. My brother Henry and one Legner helped me down.
I was indignant at the thought that the police had come to dis-
perse the meeting, as it was a quiet one. Just as soon as I
reached the ground I heard a loud detonation. I thought the
police had a cannon to frighten the people. I did not dream for
a moment of a bomb, and I did not even then think the police
were firing at the crowd. I thought the police were firing over
their heads."

"Where did you go to?" — "I was pushed along by the
crowd. I went to Zephf's hall."

" Did you at any time that night get down from the wagon
and go into an alley and light a bomb in the hands of Rudolph
Schnaubelt ? "— " 1 never did."

" Did you see Schnaubelt in the alley that night while
Fischer was there?"— "I did not."

"You remember the witness Gilmer?" — "Yes."

"Is his story true?"— "Not a word of it."

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 93

"You remember Wilkinson, the reporter for the Daily
News?11 — "Yes. I had a conversation with him in January."

"Well, go on and tell us about it." — " He was introduced to
me by Joe Gruenhut. He said he wanted to get some data
wherewith to prepare an article on Anarchism, Socialism and
dynamite, and all that. I happened to have four shells in my
office. I had them for about three years. A man on his way
to New Zealand gave me two bombs; another man some time
after called at my office with two bombs, and wanted to know
if their construction was proper. That's how I came to pos-
sess them. He wanted one to show to Mr. Stone. I let him
take it. We went to dinner at a restaurent, and we conversed
about society, its present state, and the trouble that was likely
to ensue. We spoke about street warfare, as all this was con-
tained in the papers every day. There was constant talk that
so many wild-eyed Socialists were arriving every day, and I told
him it was an open secret that there were 3,000 armed Socialists
in Chicago, and we spoke about revolutions, and I said that in
past ages gun-powder had come to the assistance of the down-
trodden masses, and that dynamite was a child of the same par-
ent, and was a great leveler."

" Do you remember the toothpick illustration ? " — "Yes. I
remember that, and also re-call speaking of the Washington
street tunnel, saying how easy comparatively few men could
hold that tunnel against a body of soldiers, but nothing was
said about Chicago, nor was any time fixed for the revolution/'

"You wrote the word 'Ruhe' for insertion in the Arheiter
Zeitung May 4 ? "— " I did."

"How did you come to do that?"- — "The night before at 11
o'clock I received a letter as follows: Mr. Editor: Please in-

94 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

sert in to-day's letter box the word 'Ruhe ' in prominent letters."

" At that time did you know there was any import attached
to the word?"— "I did not."

"When did you next hear of it ?" — "The next afternoon
Balthazar Rau asked me if the word was in the paper. I said:
'Yes/ He asked me if I knew the meaning. I said: '.No.'
Then he said: 'The armed section had a meeting last night
and adopted the word 'Ruhe' as a signal to keep their powder
dry and be in readiness in case the police precipitated a riot.'
I asked if that had anything to do with the meeting I was to
address at the Haymarket, and he said: 'Oh, no; that's some-
thing the boys got up themselves.' I said it was very foolish,
that it was not rational, and asked if there was no way in which
it could be undone. Rau then went to see the people of the
armed section and told them the word was put in by mistake."

" Were you a member of the armed section ? " — " No, not for
six year."

"Did you ever have dynamite and a fuse in your desk?" —
" Yes, I had two packages of giant powder and some fuse in my
desk for two years. I had them chiefly to show to reporters,
they bothered me a good deal. They always wanted some sen-
sation. Then, too, 1 wanted the dynamite to study it; I had
read a great deal about explosives."

" Do you know anything about a package of dynamite found
on the shelf in the closet of the Arbeiter Zeitung? v — " Ab- so-
lute-ly nothing."

"Do you know anything about a revolver that was found in
the Arbeiter Zeitung office? ' — "No. I do not. I carried a re-
volver myself, but it was a good one.''

"Did you carry a revolver? " — " Yes. I always thought it

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 95

was a good thing to be prepared. I was out late at night a
good deal."

''Did you have a revolver that night?" — "No, it was too
heavy. I left it'with ex-Aid. Frank Stauber."

" You were arrested May 5 ?" — "Yes."

"Tell us how." — "Well, an officer — James Bonfield, I think
— came to my office and asked for Schwab. He said Chief Eb-
ersold would like to see him. Schwab asked me if he should go.
I said yes, he might. Then the officer turned to me and asked
me if my name was Spies. I said yes. Then he said Superin-
tendent Ebersold would like to see me about that affair of last
night. I went over there, unsuspectingly. I was never so
treated before in all my life."

" Tell what happened ? " — " Well, as soon as I got into the
station Superintendent Ebersold started at me. He said : ' You
dirty Dutch dog; you hound; you whelp — you, we will strangle
you! We will kill you!'" Then they jumped on us, tore us
apart from each other. I never said anything. Then they
searched us, took our money, even our handkerchiefs, and would
not return them to us. I was put in a cell, and have not had
my liberty since."

Mr. Ingham cross-examined the witness. Spies said he came
to this country when seventeen years old, and that he has lived
in Chicago some thirteen years. The Arbeiter Zeitung was con-
trolled by what Spies termed an " autonomous editorial arrange-
ment;" that is, the powers of the several editors were co-ordi-
nate, but the general policy of the paper was under the super-
vision of the board of trustees.

"Did you ever receive any money for the Alarm? " — "Yes.'

"Did you ever pay out any money for the Alarm? " — "Yes."

96 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

" Did you ever write any articles for the Alarm? " — " I may
have."

"How many bombs did you have in the Arbeiter Zeitung
officer'' — '-Four, I think. Two I got from a man named
Schwab. I forget now. He was a shoemaker. He went to
New Zealand."

"How did this man come to give you those bombs ? " — "He
came to me and asked me if my name was Spies. I said yes.
Then he asked me if I had seen any of the bombs they were
making. I said no. Then he left them with me."

" Who did he mean by ' they ' ? "— " I don't know."

" Didn't he say who they were ? " — " No."

"And you never saw him before or since?" — "No, sir."

" And when did you get these czar bombs ? " — " I never got
them. That is an invention of that reporter. A man came
there while 1 was at dinner and left them there. He left the
bombs with the bookkeeper. I never saw him before or after."

Mr. Ingham introduced a letter and a postal card found in
Spies' desk, the reading of which, as translated by Mr. Gauss,
created a great sensation. Spies acknowledged the writing as
addressed to him by Johann Most, the noted Anarchist:

"Dear Spies: — Are you sure that the letter from the Hock-
ing Valley was not written by a detective ? In the week I will
go to Pittsburgh, I have an inclination also to go to the Hock-
ing Valley. For the present I send you some printed matter.
There Sch. and II. also existed but on paper. I told you this
some months ago. On the other hand, I am able to furnish
"medicine" and the "genuine" article at that. Directions for
use are perhaps not needed with these people. Moreover, they
were recently published in the "Fr." The appliances I can

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 97

also send. Now, if you consider the address of Buchtell thor-
oughly reliable, I will ship twenty or twenty-five pounds. But
how? Is there an express line to the place? Or is there an-
other way possible? Pol us the great seems to delight in hop-
ing about in the swamps of the N. Y. V. Z., like a blown- up
(bloated) frog. His tirades excite general detestation. He has
made himself immensely ridiculous. The main thing is only
that the fellow cannot smuggle any more rotton elements into
the newspaper company than are already in it. In this regard
the caution is important. The organization here is no better
nor worse than formerly. Our group has about the strength of
the North side group in Chicago, and then, besides this, we have
also the soc. rev. (3, the Austrian and Bohemian leagues — three
more groups. Finally, it is easily seen that our influence with
the trade organizations is steadily growing. We insert our
meetings only in the Fr., and cannot notice that they are worse
attended than at the time when we yet threw the weekly $1.50
aud $2 into the mouth of the N. Y. V. Z. Don't forget putting
yourself into communication with Drury in reference to the En-
glish organ. He will surely work with you much and well.
Such a paper is more necessary than the Tooth. This, indeed,
is getting more miserable and confused from issue to issue, and
in general is whistling from the last hole. Inclosed is a fly-leaf
which recently appeared at Emden, and is, perhaps, adopted for
reprint. Greetings to Schwab, Rau, and to you. Your

"Johann Most.

" P. S. — To Buchtell I will, of course, write for the present
only in general terms.

"A. Spies, 107 Fifth avenue, Chicago, 111."

98 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

Mr. Gauss then read the following as -his translation of the
postal card :

" Dear Spies : — I had scarcely mailed my letter yesterday
when the telegraph brought news froni H. M. One does not
know whether to rejoice over that or not. The advance in itself
is elevating. Sad is the circumstance that it will remain local
and therefore may not have the result. At any rate, these peo-
ple made a better impression than the foolish voters on this and
the other side of the ocean. Greeting and a hail. Your

"J.M."

W. A. S. Graham, a reporter for The Times, testified that
he talked with the witness for the prosecution, Harry Gilmer,
on the afternoon of May 5, and that Gilmer said the man who
threw the bomb lit the fuse himself. " He said he saw the man
light the fuse and throw the bomb, and that he could identify
him again if he saw him. He said the man was of medium size
and had a soft hat and whiskers. He said the man's back was
turned to him."

At this stage the defense rested, and evidence in rebuttal
was introduced. Justice Daniel Scully testified that in the pre-
liminary examination of one Frank Steuner, charged with shoot-
ing from the wagon at the Haymarket, Ofiicers Foley and
"Wessler did not testify that it was Steuner who fired on the
police.

" Did the ofiicers not say the man who jumped up from be-
hind the wagon was a heavy man, with long whiskers (Fielden) ?"
—"They did."

" Did not Officer Foley say he would be able to identify this
man if he ever saw him again? " — " He did.'

John B. Ryan, an attorney who defended Steuner before

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 09

Justice Scully, testified that Steuner said at the time that the
man who did the shooting was a short, heavy-set man with full
whiskers.

United States District Attorney R. S. Tuthill, Charles B.
Dibble, an attorney, Judge Chester C. Cole, of Des Moines,
Iowa, E. R. Mason, Clerk of the United States District Court
at Des Moines, George Crist, Ex -City Marshal of Des Moines,
and Ex -Governor Samuel Merrill of Iowa, all testified to the
good character of the witness Gilmer. They would believe him
under oath. Governor Merrill had known Gilmer since 1S72,
and had given him employment.

As the great trial drew toward its close popular interest in
the proceedings increased. The Criminal Court building was
crowded with people daily long before the hour for opening
court arrived, and many times the number who gained admiss-
ion were turned away. On the day of the closing argument by
the prosecution, and while the jury were deliberating over their
verdict, extra precautions were taken to protect the administra-
tors of the law. A cordon of police and deputy sheriffs sur-
rounded the building, and no one was allowed to enter who
could not be properly identified.

100 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

CHAPTEK V.

ARGUMENTS FOR THE PROSECUTION AND DEFENSE.

Assistant State's- Attorney Frank Walker began the open-
ing argument for the prosecution Wednesday, August 11. The
speaker said:

"We stand in the temple of justice to exercise the law,
where all men stand equal. No matter what may have been
the deep turpitude of the crime, no matter what may have been
the design, t hough it aim even at the overthrow of the law itself,
no man ought to be convicted of the crime charged until proven
guilty beyond all reasonable doubt. These men were presumed
innocent at the outset until the proof presented by the State es-
tablished their guilt. The defendants were charged with mur-
der. Murder was denned to be the unlawful killing of a person
in the peace of the people. An accessory was he who stands
by and aids or abets or advises the deed, or who, not standing
by, aids or abets or advises the deed, and such persons are to be
considered as principals and punished. Whether the principals
are punished or not, they are equally as guilty as the principals.
When a number of persons conspire together to do a certain
act, and when, in furtherance of this design, some one is killed,
all those in the conspiracy are guilty of murder before the fact.
The defendant's counsel have told you these men conspired to
precipitate the social revolution, and though that conspiracy
cost Matthias J. Degan his life, yet you are told these defend-
ants are guilty only of murder. Was Luther Payne or Mrs.
Surratt held guilty when in the execution of a conspiracy Pres-
ident Lincoln was killed? Neither Payne nor Surratt com-
mitted the deed, yet they were held guilty. There was a

$*'<r{fc\&\

^%/vM^

COUNSEL FOR THE STATE.

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 101

conspiracy; it was designed to bring about another revolution.
Booth killed President Lincoln, but all who participated in the
conspiracy had to forfeit their lives.

"If a body of men, inflamed with resentment, proceed to
pull down a building, or to remove an objectionable obstruc-
tion and death to some one ensues, each one of these men is individ-
ually responsible for the killing. Nobody knew this better than
August Spies, the author of the ' Revenge ' circular. Suppose
that a body of men undertake to pull down a building; there
is a common design to demolish that building, and a stone is
thrown, not at any individual but at the building, and some
one is struck by this stone and killed, all of those engaged in
the execution of that common design are responsable for the
killing of this one person. When there is an intent grievously
to hurt and death is occasioned, then the offense is murder.
Was this man [pointing to Fischer] in this conspiracy for mur-
der? This man with his revolver a foot long and his file dag-
ger with a groove? What is this groove for? It is for prussic
acid. Was this man in the conspiracy?

Mr. Walker then read a passage from Most's " Revolution-
ary Warfare" telling how prussic-acid can be applied to
groov d daggers, making them the more deadly. " This is the
test: Was the bomb thrown in furtherance of the common
design ? If it was it makes no difference whether it was thrown
by one of these conspirators here or not. Nobody had been
advocating the use of dynamite but Socialists. Was there any-
body who would throw a bomb except a Socialist? We have
proved that Lingg made the bomb in furtherance of the com-
mon design. ' You have done this, Louis Lingg,' said Huebner,

102 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

and Lingg went away and complained that he was blamed for
doing the good work."

Mr. Walker reiterated that every one of the 3,000 men said
by Spies to have participated in the conspiracy were equally
guilty of the murder of Officer Degan. All the members of
the Lehr und Wehr Verein were included in this charge. He
pointed out the fact that nearly all of the witnesses for the de-
fense are members of Anarchist bodies; that their sympathies
are with the prisoners, and that it has been abundantly shown
by their cross-examination that they would not hesitate to
pervert the truth in order to shield their confederates from
the consequences of their acts.

MR. ZEISLER FOR THE DEFENSE.

Mr. Zeisler, of the counsel for the defense, set to work at
once to tear Mr. Walker's address to pieces. He accused the
assistant State's Attorney of distorting the facts in the case,
and attempting to bring about a conviction by working on the
prejudices and suspicions of the jury. Mr. Walker impugned
the motives and the characters of the defenses' witnesses.
Mr. Zeisler continued:

" Who are their principal witnesses ? The policemen who
were at the Haymarket. And before we get through we will
show that these men were not heroes, but knaves, led on by
the most cowardly knave who ever held a public position. It
has been proved that most of these policemen who went on
the stand had been at one time or another members of the
detective force, and the Supreme Court tells us that a detec-
tive is a liar ! "

The speaker went on to attack the other State witnesses.

RISE AND FALLOF ANARCHY. 103

Detectives are taken from the criminal classes. Harry L. Gil-
mer, he said, is constitutional liar, and the only witness who has
been impeached. Some of the reporters, he acknowledges, tell
the truth, and on their statements the defense will partially rely
to show the innocence of the prisoners.

" Nobody understands why the police came down to break
up the meeting. Detectives have sworn here that after Mr.
Parsons suggested that the meeting adjourn to Zephf's hall, and
the sky clouded up, the crowd dwindled down to two hundred
or three hundred men, and then came this army of 180 police-
men, armed with clubs and revolvers, headed by this hero, Bon-
field, the savior of his country, to break up this meeting of
peaceable and unarmed citizens. Was this courageous, or was
it cowardly? It was an assault in the eyes of the law. The
counsel for the State have attempted to make you believe that
these disciples of Herr Most took a match and lighted a bomb
which Most says should have a fuse not longer than two inches.
Doesn't it seem very probable that they would have lighted with
a match this fuse, which would burn out in a few seconds, when
they could have carried a lighted cigar to do it with? We
have the testimony of a number of witnesses that Spies was not
out of the wagon till the trouble began ; and if Mr. Grinnell had
had more sense in the prosecution of this case; if he had not
been blinded by malice and prejudice; if he had not been in-
fluenced by the police conspiracy to send these men to the gal-
lows, he would have seen the uselessness of attempting to secure
a conviction by such testimony as that of Gilmer."

MR. INGHAM FOR THE PROSECUTION.

Mr. George Ingham addressed the jury for the prosecution.

104 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

He told them that there are verdicts which make history, and
that theirs will be a history-making verdict. On the night of
May 4, at 10 o'clock, Matthias J. Degan marched out of the
Desplaines street station, full of life, and was soon afterward
struck down by the hands of these defendants, not one of whom
he had ever injured. The speaker told the jury again what
" reasonable doubt " means. He said that the grand jury might
have indicted 300 men instead of eight, but they saw fit to pick
out the eight whom they deemed the leaders of the conspiracy
against law and human life. There had been a good deal of
talk, he said, about the constitutional right of free speech. The
Constitution gave the people the right to meet and petition, but
not to advise other people to commit murder. This right was
based upon the old English common law, and in England was
also found a definition of what constitutes incitement to murder.
The case he was going to quote had also had another connection
with the present one. It was brought in London in 1881 against
Johann Most, who was then publishing his sheet, the Freiheit,
in that city. It was shortly after the assassination of the Czar
of Russia. He there advocated the assassination of all the heads
of States, from Constantinople to Washington, and was convic-
ted of inciting to murder. Mr. Ingham read the proceedings in
the English court, the article upon which he was tried, and
Lord Coleridge's decision. Then he said: " It is shown that
these defendants — Spies, Parsons, Schwab and Fischer — were
engaged in the publication of articles in which they advised the
destruction of the police by force, in which they advised work-
ing men to arm themselves with dynamite and be ready when-
ever the conflict should come to destroy the police force. For
the publication of any one of these articles the defendants could

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. lu5

have been convicted of a misdemeanor. And when Fielden
that night told the people that war had been declared and that
they must arm themselves to resist what had never taken place,
he was guilty of a misdemeanor, and for that reason, if for no
other, the police had a right to disperse the meeting. The treat-
ment that Herr Most received in London shows you that the
only salvation of a community is to enforce the letter of the law
without sentiment, that bloodshed may be avoided. Herr Most
was convicted for the publication of that article, and no English
policemen have been blown up with dynamite. He came to
this country, and the policemen who have been blown up are
the American officers right here in this city. If we have not
enforced the law it is hi^h time that we enforce it now."

Mr. Ingham then showed that the Hayrnarket meeting was
a trap for the police designed for the purpose of leading them
into a dark, dangerous place, the speeches being the bait, art-
fully increased until the police came to the alley and the bomb
could be thrown. " Now who made the bomb? It is in evi-
dence that Louis Lingg had been making bombs of a certain
construction which Spies had said were superior, being of com-
posite metal. It is in evidence that Lingg all the morning of
May 4 was away from his house ; that he upbraided Seliger for
having made but one bomb. During the afternoon he was busy
making bombs, and men came and went and worked at the
bombs in his house. There is a story of a man who that day
received bombs and dynamite from Lingg, showing that he dis-
tributed them." Mr. Ingham read to the jury the chemical
analysis of the bombs furnished by Drs. Haines and Delafon-
taine. What is the answer to all this? That the bomb was
not thrown from the alley, but from thirty-eight feet south of

106 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

the alley. And if they had satisfied you of that, was it not
still thrown by one of the Anarchists — one of the conspirators?
The bomb came from the conspiracy. And the moment it re-
sulted in the death of Degan the crime of conspiracy was
merged into the crime of murder.

"When Sumter was fired on, wheD the flag was insulted,
when the attempt was made to destroy the Government, it was
an attempt merely to change the form of government. When
the bomb in this war was thrown it was the opening shot of a
war which should destroy all government, destroy all law,
leave men free to live as they see fit, and leave nothing to
guide but the strong arm. I believe for myself that humanity
— not merely our people, not merely we of America, but that
humanity the wide world over — has no hope or no safety save
the law. Law is the very shield that guards the progression
of the race ; it is the palladium of the liberty and lives of all
people. Law which does not punish murder breeds death.
Jurors who from the merciful instincts of their hearts hesitate
to convict the guilty, are, in reality, mercilesss as the grave,
for by their verdict they people graves with the innocent vic-
tims of midnight assassination and fill the mind with deeds of
blood. Innocent blood from the days of Abel till now cries
to Heaven for vengeance ; innocent blood that contaminates
the ground upon which it falls, and from it spring up dragon's
teeth. And now if you believe these men guilty, if you are
satisfied beyond a reasonable doubt, as you cannot help but be,
that these men were a party to a conspiracy unlawful in its
nature, and that from that conspiracy a human life was taken,
that they are murderers under that law, see to it that the maj-
esty of the law of the state of Illinois is vindicated, and its

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 107

penalties enforced. That is the demand upon you this day and
this hour, not only of the people of the state of Illinois, but of
humanity itself ; for humanity, with all its fears, with all its
hopes for future years, is hanging breathless on your fate."

MR. FOSTER FOR THE DEFENSE.

Mr. Foster, who followed for the defense, had not lived
long in Chicago. He came in March from Davenport., Iowa,
near which city he was born about forty years ago. He is of
medium height and square build. His features are refined
and intellectual. An abundant growth of rich auburn hair
adorns his shapely head. Mr. Foster obtained considerable
fame as a lawyer in his native state, took an active part in pol-
itics, and was one of the Blaine Electors in 188i, and was very
active in the campaign of that year. After having made an
energetic and finely-eloquent plea to the jury to cast aside all
prejudice arising from hatred of the principles of the Anar-
chists, love of and loyalty to the land, inherent patriotism, and
the teachings of the popular press, Mr. Foster proceeded,
in order to set himself right, to tear down without apology the
theory of the defense set up by Messrs. Salomon <fc Zeisler. He
had no defense to make for Socialism — it is dangerous; Com-
munism is pernicious, and Anarchism is damnable. Lingg had
manufactured bombs, and he ought to be punished therefor; but
he was on trial for throwing, not manufacturing bombs. Spies,
Schwab and Fischer had no business to preach social revolution
in America. If they were not satisfied with the state of things
here they ought to have gone back to Germany and tried to re-
form things there. Mr. Fielden might have found occupation
in teaching his brother Englishmen to be just to Ireland. Par-

108 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

sons he rebuked in an eloquent passage for his lack of patriot-
ism. Having thus skillfully set himself right with the jurors,
Mr. Foster proceeded to define the issue of the trial as he under-
stood it, and as he wished the jury to understand it. He
admitted the moral responsibility of some of the prisoners for
the crime. He denied their legal responsibility.

" Our law knows no citizenship when a defendant is brought
to the bar of justice. Our law is grand enough, our law is
broad enough, the principles upon which our Government is
founded are such that it matters not whether he be French, Ger-
man, Irish, Italian, or wherever his birthplace may be. All
men are equal before the law. They are all citizens of the
United States except Louis Lingg. I believe the testimony
shows that he has been in the country two years. I think that
Spies said he came here in infancy. I know as a matter of fact
that Neebe, born in the state of Pennsylvania, never was a for-
eigner. Schwab has been in this country long enough to be a
citizen. Whether he is or not is entirely immaterial for the
purposes of this case. I know that Fielden has been here more
than twenty years. I know that Fischer has been in Chicago
for the last ten to twelve years, and Engel for fifteen or twenty
years. What is the importance of the suggestion that they are
foreigners, and Germans, except that it is important to wring
from you a verdict grounded on prejudice. * * * It was
an open secret that the defendants were indicted for murder,
conspiracy and riot, but I will only argue the question of con-
spiracy so far as it relates to the crime of murder. The question
of Socialism was of no importance unless it was connected with
the murder of Degan, and the defendants were not being tried
for any offense but that of conspiracy which resulted in the

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 109

muraer of Degan. The prosecution had oeen trying to toie the
defendants out into the underbrush and assassinate them on im-
material issues; but the defendants' counsel were too smart to
be seduced by the song of the siren. Suppose Spies et. al. did
conspire to overthrow society and their conspiracy stopped
there, then there was nothing to argue. A verdict rendered
upon anything else than a conspiracy directly connected with
the outrage perpetrated at the Haymarket, would fall to the
ground and amount to nothing/'

Referring to the popular clamor against the Socialists, Mr.
Foster said: " Outside of you twelve gentlemen, the judge upon
the bench, and counsel on either side, there is not a man in Chi-
cago who has a right to say he has an opinion founded upon the
facts in this case. If these men are to be tried on general prin-
ciples for advocating doctrines opposed to our ideas of propriety,
there is no use for me to argue the case. Let the Sheriff go and
erect the scaffold; let him bring eight ropes with dangling nooses
at the ends ; let him pass them around the necks of these eight
men ; and let us stop this farce now, if the verdict and convic-
tion is to be upon prejudice and general principles. We boast
of our courts of justice, of our equitable law, but if the time has
come, when men are to be prejudged before the trial and convic-
ted upon general principles, all that is grand, sacred, noble and
praiseworthy in our temples of justice will be destroyed. Con-
sidering the experience of us all in relation to this Haymarket
tragedy, considering the facts that we know to be true, do you
blame me for saying I am afraid of your passions ? I am afraid
of your prejudices." Holding up the Czar bomb, Mr. Foster
exclaimed in a loud voice : "Hang Spies, and Neebe, and
Schwab, and Parsons, and Fielden, and Fischer, and Lingg, and

110 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

Engel ! " Taking up a tin dynamite can lie continued: "Among
other things, three tin cans were found under a sidewalk in the
city. Strangle them to death, in part because these three cans
were found ! When were they in possession of any of the de-
fendants? Never, so far as the testimony is concerned. When
were they prepared and filled at the house of any of the defend-
ants, or any of their associates? Never, so far as the testimony
is concerned. And yet they are not only introduced in evidence,
their contents examined and sworn to, but you are expected to
smell them; you are asked to examine them at the risk of a
headache, and they want your noses near to their tops. Why?
Because they were found in the city of Chicago. And that is
part of the testimony upon which the lives of these eight men
are to be destroyed. But it is all in a lifetime ; it is all part of
the grand combination ; it is all in the great conspiracy, because
counsel tell us it is. Such evidence was never introduced in any
court of justice in the civilized world without objection. It
was said Herr Most described such things in his book on ' Rev-
olutionary Warfare.' There is not a word of testimony that
any of the defendants ever read that book. But that does not
make any difference. They are Socialists — hang them. That
does not make any difference. They are Communists — hang
them; they are Anarchists — hang them. I always supposed
that the lowest creature that possessed life was entitled to some
consideration. I supposed there was not a thing in existence
so low, so poor or loathsome, but had some rights, and I do not
believe it now, except it be a Socialist, Communist or Anar
chist. That puts them beyond the pale of civilization ; it puts
them beyond the protection of the law; it convicts them of
itself."

W. F. BLACK AND WIFE.

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. m

CAPTAIN W. P. BLACK FOR THE DEFENSE.

On Tuesday, August 17, the fiftieth aay of the trial, Cap-
tain W. P. Black, fhe leading counsel for the defense, made his
plea. He said:

" May it please the Court, and Gentlemen of the jury : On
the morning of May 5, 1886, the good people of Chicago were
startled at the event which happened at the Haymarket.
Fear is the mother of cruelty, and perhaps that will account in
some measure for the bitterness with which the State has pros-
ecuted this case. The serious question which confronts us,
however, is to what extent, you, gentlemen, in your delibera-
tions, may be influenced by passion or by prejudice. On the
night of May 4 a dynamite bomb was thrown at the Haymarket
in this city and exploded. It caused widespread havoc and loss
of human life. But the moral responsibility for dynamite does
not rest upon the Socialists. This explosive was given to the
world by science. We might well stand appalled at the dread
results this terrible agent is capable of producing. When a
man is charged, or sought to be charged, with a crime, as in this
case, the people must show who threw the bomb — who did the
deed — and must show that these defendants were connected
directly with the guilty man.1'

The speaker said that counsel for the State were wrong
when one of them advised the jury that upon them it depended
to maintain the law and government, because these defendants
plotted against the state. They were revolutionists, it was said,
but that was not true. There can be no revolution, though, ex-
cept when the heart of the people rise to redress some great
wrong.

112 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

11 As to the witnesses for the State, the testimony of two of
them, Gilmer and Thompson, who swore to having seen Schnau-
belt throw the bomb, was impeached. Gilmer's story was ut-
terly improbable in itself; the rational mind rejected it. Is it
credible? Mr. Iughain has said Spies was the brainiest man
among the Anarchists, and the greatest coward. The witness
Gilmer testified that he saw Spies get down from the wagon and
go into the alley with Schnaubelt; saw him strike the light, fire
the bomb, and give it to Schnaubelt, who hurled it among the
police. Is that credible? Remember, Spies, a man of brains,
of more than average brains ; would he light the match that fired
that bomb, and the police almost upon him ? Is that credible ?
It was also said Spies was a great coward. Then, if that were
true, would he ran the risk of lighting the bomb ? The counter-
proof was abundant. A half a dozen reputable citizens stand-
ing in the mouth of the alley had testified that they did not see
Spies leave the wagon, and that he did not enter the alley before
the bomb exploded. This was negative testimony, it was true,
but considering the narrow space and how unlikely it was that
Spies, whom they all knew, could enter the alley without being
seen by the witnesses, it was conclusive. Again, two or three
witnesses testified that Schnaubelt went home early in the even-
ing, disappointed because there was no German speaking, and
was not at the Haymarket when the explosion took place."

The circumstantial evidence presented by the State, and by
which it was sought to enmesh the defendants, was next consid-
ered. The case of the state was substantially this . The meet
ing at the Haymarket May 4 was an incident in the carrying out
of an organized scheme. August Spies was there to precipitate
a conflict with the police. He put Parsons on the stand, who

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 113

made a long harangue, but the police did not appear. Then
Fielden was put up to speak. The police came, and the act was
accomplished. But who called this meeting? Not Spies, not
Neebe, not Parsons, not Schwab, nor Engel, nor Lingg, nor
Fischer, as an individual act. It was the result of another meet-
ing, held the night before at 54 West Lake street, and about
which Spies knew nothing.

" Again, the State wished it to be understood that Spies, in
order to get the men ripe for revolt, went out to McCormick's
Ma}' 3, and forced himself on a meeting there. Then, having
worked up his auditors to a pitch of excitement and inflamed
them to attack the non-union men, he came down town and
wrote the 'Revenge1 circular, calling for the Haymarket meet-
ing. But did he encourage the men at McCormick's to violence?
The testimony, and it was not controverted, proved that he
counseled peace ; that he told the men to stand firm and to trust
to concerted action for the attainment of their ends. The fur-
ther circumstance proving that no violence was contemplated
that night consisted in this, that when the black cloud came up
and rain was threatened, an adjournment was proposed. Fiel-
den had the stand at that time, but he, simple soul, begged a
few minutes' delay, saying he had but little more to say, and
then in all simplicity went on to say it. All this was in the
line going to prove that Spies had no connection with the al-
leged conspiracy. The circular calling for the Tuesday night
meeting referred to a specific object. Do not the circumstan-
ces," continued Captain Black, "prove that August Spies was
not aware of the meeting held May 3 ? Do they not prove that
he could have no share in the design of that meeting, of which
the one at Haymarket, with its result, was an incident in the

114 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

general conspiracy ? As to the Haymarket meeting, was it not
a lawful assemblage ? Who first broke the laws ? That meet-
ing was called by a circular. It was called to denounce a griev-
ance. Perhaps there was no real grievance, but if the projec-
tors of the meeting thought there was they had the right to
assemble. The Constitution given us by our forefathers who
made the name of revolutionists glorious, gave us that right.
That right was incorporated in the fundamental laws of the
nation. One clause in the Constitution allows the people to as-
semble together in a peaceable manner to discuss their griev-
ances, another provides that the people have the right to
assemble together in a peaceable manner to discuss measures for
their common good, and to instruct their representatives. I am
not here to defend Socialism, nor do I contend that Anarchy
has in it the elements of true reform, but I am here to defend
these men. They are Socialists. That system centuries ago
had the sanction of St. Augustine. John Stuart Mill is one of
a great host of philosophers who have subscribed in fealty to
Socialism.

" These defendants have the right to discuss the great
wrongs of the working people. They have the right to try
their remedy. They say that private property is robbery. That
may be false. There is not a Catholic organization that is not
founded on the idea of common co-operation. It was Plato's
dream that the means of existence should be the common prop-
erty of all. The Anarchist or Socialist was said to believe
that every law of man was a bone of contention, intended for
the benefit of one class only. The fact that these defendants
are Anarchists is not a fact which would justify the jury in

JULIUS S. GRINNELL.

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY 115

taking their lives. These men are not the lazy fellows pic-
tured by the state."

STATE'S ATTORNEY JULIUS S. GRINNELL FOR THE PROSECUTION.

State's Attorney Grinnell closed for the State, and he be-
gan his remarks by criticising counsel for the defense for mak-
ing heroes of the prisoners. The Anarchists were compared
to the fathers of our country ; they were pictured as martyrs,
as men who sacrificed themselves for the welfare of human
kind. If that be so, songs of praise should be sung, and the
Anarchists ought to be garlanded with flowers. Captain Black
had said that society was discriminating against the poor ; that
the struggle for existence was daily becoming harder. That
was not true, for civil liberty was never before as widespread
as it is at present. Mr. Grinnell said the case had received his
entire attention since May 5. Government was on trial. Mur-
der had been committed. It was sought to know who was
responsible. For a few days after the Haymarket riot it was
not thought it was more far-reaching than the results of the
inflammatory speech-making. It was not until after the mag-
nificent efforts of Captain Schaack that a conspiracy was devel-
oped. Then Schnaubelt was discovered. It was not until after
Spies was arrested that it became apparent that a man was
capable of the hellish act in which he was concerned. A mis-
take had been made. It was said the State would .show who
the bomb thrower was. This had not been done, owing to the
inability of certain witnesses to make good on the stand the
statements they had before made to the officers. These men
were not Socialists, but Anarchists, and their creed is no gov-
ernment, no law. Until placed on the stand these men never

116 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

hedged on that definition. It was sought to be shown that the
defendants were barking dogs that would not bite. These men
were on trial, law was on trial, Anarchy was on trial for trea-
son. The penalty of treason is death. A man can commit an
overt act of treason, and not kill anybody. Is it any the less
treason because seven men are killed and sixty wounded?
There is no statute of limitation for threats, when repeated
threats resulted in the commission of the deed. For years past,
on the Lake front and at the different so-called Socialistic halls
in the city, these men had preached the use of dynamite, poison
and daggers as a means of effecting the social revolution. The
thing should have been stopped long ago. But that was foreign
to the case. The men were here now on trial for murder.
Their threats had been carried out. It did not matter whether
any police officers had overstepped their duty; the jury had
nothing at all to do with that. The accused were on trial for
murder.

On the Lake front the Anarchists were wont to assemble
under the red flag, which they described as the emblem of un-
iversal liberty. But there was but one flag of liberty — that
was the Stars and Stripes ; and it would always remain such if
the gentlemen of the jury had the courage to nphold the law.
Threats had been mouthed, dire vaporings were spread from one
group to another to fill the people with terror, so that the social
revolution might the more easily be accomplished. Mr. Grinnell
holds that Spies wrote the " Revenge'1 circular premeditatedly.
He reads it to the jury commenting on various passages con-
tained therein, and makes it plain to the jury that Spies had an
ulterior and sinister purpose in view when he penned the fam-
ous dodger. There were only two officers at McCormicks when

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 117

the mob Spies was addressing broke loose and attacked the
non-union men. The police were called, but why? To protect
the McCormick property and the two officers from the fury of
the mob as well as to save the non-union men from being killed.
It was this sight — the coming of additional police — that made
the blood of the valorous Spies boil. Knowing that no fatali-
ties had taken place, or not knowing that any had occured,
Spies posted down town, and the "Revenge" circular was
written by him and in the hands of the printer before 5 o'clock
that same afternoon. Balthazar Rau's name was mentioned every
day, time and time again by the defense, but he was not called
as a witness. They were afraid to put him on the stand. It
was Rau who invited Sj)ies to address the Haymarket meeting,
and he was present when Spies made his speech. That was a
kind of Marc Antony address, and to be understood one must
read it between the lines. It was artfully calculated to inflame.
It was a significant opening. The working men were told to
come armed. Waller did come armed. The police should have
broken up the meeting in its incipiency. If Bonfield had not
gone down there at the time he did the riot would have been
general. The reason more bombs were not thrown was that
the other fellows in the conspiracy had not time to reach the
scene. The man who threw the bomb obtained it from Lingg
or Spies, and hurled it according to directions received from one
or other of these men. Did Fielden shoot that night? For
years past he has called the police bloodhounds; he said he
would march down Michigan avenue with the red flag or the
black flag, and preached " death to the capitalists and the pol-
ice, our despoilers.1' This must be understood above all things;
that the bomb was thrown in furtherance of the common design,

118 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

no matter who threw it. Gilmer said Spies handed the bomb
to Schnaubelt. Is that improbable? For years he preached
the throwing of bombs. An article over his own signature is
in evidence, and in this he gives directions as to the manner in
which bombs should be ignited and hurled at the enemy. Who
was Schnaubelt? Schwab's brother-in-law. He is the man
who was arrested before the conspiracy was known and let go,
then shaved off his whiskers, and has not been seen since. A
peculiar circumstance, and the most significant of the case, was
that when Spies was arrested he left the traces of his crime in
his office. Bonfield arrested him. Spies said he went over to
the Central station unsuspectingly. Had he known what was
going to have happened he would have destroyed the " Euhe "
manuscript. It was the little mistakes that brought the crim-
inal to justice, and there never was a criminal, big or little, that
did not leave traces of his crime behind him.

Mr. Grinnell concluded by saying his labor was over; the
jury's was just begun. They had the power to exact the lives
of some of the prisoners, to others they might give a term of
years in the penitentiary, and some again they might acquit.
He would not ask the jury to take the life of Oscar Neebe. He
would not ask the jury to do what he would not do himself.
The proof was not sufficient to convict Neebe, but some of them,
Spies, Fischer, Lingg, Engel, Fielden, Parsons and Schwab,
ought to have the extreme penalty administered to them.

" Personally,1' said Mr. Grinnell, " I have not a word to say
against these men. But the law demands that they be punished.
They have violated the law, and you, gentlemen of the jury,
stand between the living and the dead. Do your duty. Do
not disagree. If you think that some of them do not deserve

JOS. E. GARY.

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 119

the death penalty give them a life sentence, out do not disagree.
Gentlemen, this is no pleasant task for me, but it is my duty;
do yours."

CHAPTER VI.

THE INSTRUCTIONS OF THE COURT.

In his instructions to the jury Judge Gary said: " The Court
instructs the jury that whoever is guilty of murder shall suffer
the punishment of death, or imprisonment in the penitentiary
for his natural life, or for a term of not less than fourteen years.
If the accused are found guilty by a jury they shall fix the pun
ishment by their verdict.

" The Court instructs the j ury as a matter of law that, in
considering the case, the jury are not to go beyond the evidence
to hunt up doubts, nor must they entertain such doubts as are
merely chimerical or conjectural. A doubt to justify an ac-
quittal must be reasonable, and must arise from a candid and
impartial investigation of all the evidence in the case, and unless
it is such that, were the same kind of doubt interposed in the
graver transactions of life, it would cause a reasonable and pru-
dent man to hesitate and pause, it is sufficient to authorize a
verdict of not guilty. If, after considering all the evidence, you
can say you have an abiding conviction of the truth of the
charge, you are satisfied beyond a reasonable doubt.

" If it does so prove, then your duty to the State requires
you to convict whosoever is found guilty. The case of each of
the defendants should be considered with the same care and
scrutiny as if he alone were on trial. If a conspiracy having
violence and murder as its object is fully proved, then the acts
and declarations of each one of the conspirators, before or after

12o RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

May 4, which are merely narrative as to what had been or would
be done, and not made to aid in carrying into effect the object
of the conspiracy, are only evidence against the person who
made them. AVhat are the facts and what is the truth the jury
must determine from the evidence, and from that alone. If
there are any unguarded expressions in any of the instructions
which seem to assume the existence of any facts, or to be any
intimation as to what is proved, all such expressions must be
discouraged and the evidence only looked to, to determine the
facts.

" The Court instructs the jury as a matter of law that an
accessory is he who stands by and aids, abets, or assists, or who,
not being present, aiding, abetting, or assisting, has advised, en-
couraged, aided or abetted the perpetration of that caime. He
who thus aids, abets, assists, advises or encourages shall be con-
sidered as a principal and punished accordingly. Every such
accessory when a crime is committed within or without this
state by his aid or procurement in this state, may be indicted
and convicted at the same time as the principal, or before or
after his conviction, and whether the principal is convicted or
amenable to justice or not, and punished as principal.

" If the defendants attempted to overthrow the law by force
and threw the bomb, then the defendants who were in the con-
spiracy were guilty of murder. If there was an Anarchistic
conspiracy, and the defendants were parties to it, they are guilty
of murder, though the date of the culmination of the conspiracy
was not fixed. If any of the defendants conspired to excite by
advice people to riot and murder, such defendants are guilty if
such murder was done in pursuance of said conspiracy ; the im-
practicalness of the aim of the defendants is immaterial.

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 121

" Circumstantial evidence is competent to prove guilt, and
if defendants conspired to overthrow the law and Degan was
killed in consequence, the parties are guilty, and it is not neces-
sary that any of the defendants were present at the killing.

" All parties to the conspiracy are equally guilty. Circum-
stantial evidence must satisfy the jury beyond reasonable doubt.
In such case the jury may find defendants guilty. When defen-
dants testified in the case they stood on the same ground as
other witnesses."

THE VERDICT.

The jury retired at 2 :50 o'clock Thursday, August 19. The
first intimation that an agreement had been reached was when
word was sent to the Revere house to prepare supper for the
jury, it having been understood that unless a decision as to the
fate of the prisoners was reached before 10 o'clock, supper
would not be served at that time. Friday morning the excite-
ment of the crowd in front of the Criminal Court building was
something intense while the verdict was being awaited. There
was none of the joking and laughing that is heard on the only
other occasion that brings a mob to stand without those dreary
walls — the execution of a convicted criminal. Such conversa-
tions as were held were in a low tone, and related solely to the
one topic — the probable conviction of the eight prisoners who
were waiting for the hour which was to mean life or death to
them. Both sides of the street were lined with people who
awaited anxiously for some tidings from the court within. An
army of bailiffs and policemen guarded the big doors, and the
surging masses were only kept back by sheer force. The lim-
ited number who obtained admission to courtroom were the

122 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

reporters and the immediate friends and relatives of the defen-
dants. The gaily-dressed women who had attended the trial
since the start were not there. The court officials decided that
the relatives of the prisoners should be allowed in the court-
room, and at 9:15 o'clock the sister of Spies, with another young
woman, made her appearance. Shortly afterward the mother
of Spies, accompanied by a younger son, also entered the court-
room and took a seat on the back benches. At 9:20 Mrs. Par-
sons entered the court room, accompanied by a woman who
attended her throughout the trial. She was given a seat be-
tween two policemen. The row of seats farthest removed from
the judge were occupied by a force of police officers. Next be-
low, seated in the order named, were Hemy Spies; Mrs. Spies,
the prisoner's mother; Miss Spies; Chris Spies, and a young
lady friend. Next below was Mrs. Martin. The ladies looked
anxious. Mrs. and Miss Spies and Mrs. Parsons looked worn
out, though the latter tried to appear unconcerned, and occu-
pied her time in reading newspapers. It was 9:50 o'clock when
the Judge came in. He looked nervous and excited. He was
barely seated when Captain Black entered. The Captain took
a seat near his wife. He had just paid a visit to his clients.

"Are they prepared for the worst?" asked Mrs. Black,
anxiously.

" Prepared! " repeated the Captain. " Yes ; fully prepared
to laugh at death. They talk about the matter much more
coolly than I can.1'

A moment or two later the prisoners were brought in.
They were not given their usual seats, but placed in a row on
a bench against the wall at the Judge's left, in the narrow aisle
leading to the passage way to the jail. They sat in the same

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 123

old order. Spies was at the head, next to the judge. All
looked haggared and excited. Even the usually stocial face of
Lingg wore an expression of anxiety. Fischer was deathly pale
and trembled visibly. These pale and trembling wretches
were the braggarts who a few short weeks before were boldly
proclaiming the doctrines of Socialism and Anarchy on the Lake
front, in Zephfs hall and the beer saloons of the North and
West sides. They were the men who were advocating force
and the use of dynamite, and the total annihilation of law and
order, the theft of property, and murder of citizens. Their
vapid mouthings were thrust upon assemblages of decent work-
ingmen, their policy was Communism, their banner was the
banner of blood, and their teachings were death and destruction.
Bold and fearless as lions they appeared when indulging in
nights of incendiary oratory. Like dumb, obedient beasts they
bowed in submission before the most powerful scourge the law
can wield — the death verdict.

The jurymen filed in and took their seats in the jury box.
They looked determined and resolute. There was a death-like
silence in the court. In a low voice the Judge asked: " Gen-
tlemen, have you agreed?" F. E. Osborne, the foreman, rose
and replied: " We have, your honor." Taking out two sheets
of foolscap from his side coat-pocket, he handed them to Clerk
Doyle, who glanced at them and handed them to the Judge,
who slipped them apart, trembling so that the leaves shook
violently. A whispered consultation between the Judge and
the Clerk followed, and the document was returned to Mr.
Doyle, who read:

" We, the jury, find the defendants, August Spies, Michael
Schwab, Samuel Fielden, Albert II. Parsons, Adolph Fischer,

124 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

George Engel and Louis Lingg, guilty of murder, as charged
in the indictment, and fix the penalty at death.

" We find the defendant, Oscar Neebe, guilty of murder in
manner and form as charged in the indictment, and fix the pen-
alty at imprisonment in the penitentiary for a term of fifteen
years."

Not a sound came from, the spectators, For a moment the
courtroom was silent as the tomb. The prisoners were struck
with horror. Spies' face blanched white as the paper on which
his death sentence was written. His lips quivered, and he me-
chanically tapped the floor with his foot and nervously stroked
his moustache. Neebe was completely stunned. The blood
rushed to his face, and the perspiration stood out on his fore-
head in great drops. Schwab's yellow face seemed to look into
vacancy, and he had a wandering, stupid stare. Parsons was
visibly affected, but he kept himself up better than the rest, and
maintained a certain air of nonchalance. He made an effort to
flaunt a red handkerchief out of the window at the crowd on
the outside, but was promptly checked by a bailiff. Fielden
fairly quaked. He shook like an aspen leaf, and in every way
showed his great fear. Fischer was ghastly. When the verdict
was first being read he held a half-consumed cigar in his mouth,
but when the death penalty was reached the weed fell from his
lij)s to the floor. Lingg appeared sullen and stoical, but when
the sentence was read his face flushed, and he was seen to trem-
ble. Engel betrayed no emotion. When the verdict became
known to the thousands assembled outside a great cheer rent
the air.

Captain Black asked that the jury be polled. The jury-
men answered with firm voices. Captain Black said he would

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 125

desire to make a motion for a new trial. State's Attorney
Grinnell said it would be impossible to dispose of the motion
during the present term, but by agreement, the motion could be
argued at the September term. This was agreed to by the
defense.

The Court. — " Let the motion be entered and continued
until the next term, and let the defendants be taken back to
jail." Judge Gary then arose and addressed the jury as fol-
lows:

" Gentlemen of the Jury : — You have finished this long
and very arduous trial, which has required a very considerable
sacrifice of time, and some hardship. I hope that everything
has been done that could possibly be done to make those sac-
rifices and hardships as mild as might be permitted. It does
not become me to say anything in regard to the case that you
have tried, or the verdict you have rendered; but men compul-
sorily serving as jurors, as you have done, deserve some recog-
nition of the service you have performed besides the meager
compensation you have received."

The Foreman of the jury said: " The jury have deputed to
me the only agreeable duty, that it is in our province to perform,
and that is to thank the Court and the counsel for the defense
and for the prosecution, for your kindly care to make us as com-
fortable as possible during our confinement. We thank you."

The jury then filed out, and scarcely had they left the room
when a shrill voice was heard, and Mrs. Schwab fell heavily to
the floor. She was taken out into the fresh air by policemen,
and soon revived. Mrs. Spies followed up this scene by going
into hysterics, and also had to be assisted from the room. The
other women kept their nerves, and after the first shock main-

126 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

tained composure. In the meantime the crowd had closed in
on the prisoners, and were examining them from head to foot.
The bailiffs, however, promptly put a stop to this, and led the
condemned men away to their cells.

THE JURORS.

The twelve good men and true, who sat in judgment for so
many long and weary days, are all Americans by birth. Frank
S. Osborne, foreman of the jury, is a widower of thirty-nine,
and the father of three sons. He is head salesman of the car-
pet department of Marshall Field's retail store, and came here
from Columbus, Ohio. He is an Episcopalian.

Major James H. Cole, of Lawndale, the first juror accepted
by both sides, was born at Utica, N. Y., forty-three years ago,
and served throughout the Kebellion in the Forty-first Ohio In-
fantry. He came to Chicago from Chattanooga, Tennessee, six
years ago, and though a bookkeeper by profession, is at present
out of employment.

J. H. Brayton, j^rincipal of Webster Schoool, lives at Engel-
wood with his family, although a native of Lyons, N. Y. He
had arranged a hunting and fishing excursion for the summer,
which was ruined.

A. H. Reed is of the firm of Reed & Sons, of Reed's Tem-
ple of Music, 136 State street. He was born in Boston forty-
nine years ago, but has been in the music business here for
twenty-three years, living with his wife at 3242 Groveland
Park. Mr. Reed is a Freethinker, but not an Atheist.

Andrew Hamilton, dealer in hardware, has lived in Chicago
twenty years of the forty -one he has been on earth, and now
lives with his wife at 1521 P^orty-first street.

fg®&*

&«H

THE JURY.

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 127

C. B. Todd, forty-seven years old, was born in Elmira, N.
Y., lived in Minnesota for sixteen years after the war, but is
now a salesman in the Putnam Clothing House. He served in
the Sixth New York Heavy Artillery. Mr. Todd lives at 1013
West Polk street.

H. T. Sanford is but twenty-four years old, and is a son of
the late Lawyer Sanford, compiler of the Superior Court reports
of New York. For fifteen months past he has been voucher
clerk for the Chicago <fe Northwestern, but before coming to
Chicago he was a petroleum broker at New York. He and his
wife live at Oak Park.

S. C. Randall, the youngest man on the jury, was born m
Erie county, Pennsylvania, in 1864, and in the three years he
has been in Chicago he has been a hotel waiter, a milk peddler,
and is now a salesman for J. C. Vaughan & Co., seedsmen, 45
La Salle street.

Theodore Denker, shipping clerk for H. H. King <fe Co., is
twenty-seven years old, and lives at Woodlawn Park. He has
lived in Chicago twenty-five years, and is not married.

Charles A. Ludwig is also twenty-seven years old, single,
and is a clerk in the wood mantel shop of Charles L. Page &> Co.

John B. Greiner is a clerk in the freight department of the
Chicago & Northwestern Road, and lives at Humboldt Park.
He is twenty-five years old, and single.

G. W. Adams, twenty-seven years old, travels in Michigan,
selling paint for a Clinton street firm. He is a painter by trade,
and lives with his brother at Evanston.

The following is the official Police Department report oi
casualties at the Haymarket:

128

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

CHAPTER VII.

THE CONSPIRACY AND MASSACRE. NAMES AND NUMBER OF KILLED

AND WOUNDED. UNEARTHING THE PLOT. OFFICERS AT

WORK AND CROWNED WITH SUCCESS. REPORT

OF GRAND JURY.

NAME OF OFFICER.

August C. Killer

Thomas McHenry..

John E. Doyle

John A. King

Nicholas Shannon..

Michael Sheahan.

James Conway

Patrick Hartford. . .

Patrick Nash

Arthur Conolly

Lou* s Johnson

M. M. Cardin

Adam Barber

Henry F. Smith

Frank Tyrell

James A. Brady

John Ried

George Muller...
Patrick McLaughlin

Frank Murphy

Lawrence Murphy..

STATION.

Third Precinct.

NATURE OF WOUNDS AND CIRCUMSTANCES.

Shell wound in right side, and ball wound in
left side. Wife and five children.

Shell wound in left kneee and three shell wounds
in left hip. Single ; has sister and blind
mother to support.

Bullet wound in back and calves of both legs;
serious. Wife and one child.

Jaw bone fractured by shell, and two bullet
wounds in right leg below the knee; serious.
Single.

Thirteen shell wounds on right side and five
shell wounds on left side, also right foot and
back; serious. Wife and three children.

Died May 9. Single.

Bullet wound in right leg. Single.

Shell wound right ankle, two toes on left foot
amputated, bullet wound in left side. Wife
and four children.

Bruise on left shoulder by club. Single.

Two shell wounds in left leg, bones slightly frac-
tured. Wife.

Shell wound in left leg. Wife and four chil-
dren.

Bullet wound in calf of both legs. Wife and
two children.

Shell wound left leg, bullet wound in right heel,
bullet not extracted. Wife and one child.

Bullet wound on right shoulder; quite serious .
Wife and two children in California.

Bullet in right hip near the spine; bullet not re-
moved. Single.

Shell wound in left leg, slight; injury to toes
left foot and shell wounds in left thigh.
Wife and two children; wife very sick at
County Hospital.

Shell wound in left leg; bullet wound in right
knee, not removed. Single.

Died May 6, at County Hospital. Single.

Bruise on right side, leg and hip ; slight. Wife
and three children.

Trampled on, three ribi broken. Wife and two
children.

Shell wouuds left side of neck and left knee;
part of left foot amputated. Wife and
three children.

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

129

NAME OF OFFICER.

John J. Barrett...

Michael Madden

Lieutenant Stanton. .

Matthias J. Degan

Thomas Brophy

Bernard Murphy

Charles H. Fink....

Joseph Norman

Peter Butterly

Alexander Jameson.

Michael Horan

Thomas Hennessey. .

William Burns

Thomas Redden

James Plunkett

Charles W. Whitney.
Jacob Hansen

Timothy Sullivan

Martin Cullen

Simon Klidzio

Julius L. Simonson..
John K. McMahon...

Simon McMahon

Edward W. Ruel....

Third Precinct

NATURE OF WOUNDS AND CIRCUMSTANCES.

Died May 6, at County Hospital; shot in liver.

Wife.
Shot ia left lung, will recover; killed his assail-
ant after he was shot. Single.
Shell wound in right side, bullet wound in right

hip, wounds inside both hips, bullet wound

in calf of leg. Wife, seven children.
Instantly Killed. Widower; father, mother

and three sons.
Slight injury in left leg; reported for duty.

Wife.
Bullet wound in left thigh shell wound in ri^ht

side of head and on chin; not dangerous.

Wife.
Three shell wounds in left leg and two wounds

on right leg, and slightly in thigh; not dan-
gerous. Wife.
Bullet passed through right foot, slight injury

to fingers on left hand. Wife and two

children.
Bullet wound in right arm, shell wound in both

legs, near knees. Wife and one child.
Bullet wound in left leg; serious. Wife and

seven children.
Bullet wound in left thigh, not removed, slight

shell wound on left arm. Single.
Shell wound on left thigh; slight. Has crippled

brother and two sisters to support.
Slight shell wound on left ankle. Single.
Died May 16, at County Hospital. Fracture

of left leg below knee, bullet wound in left

cheek, bullet wound in right arm. Wife

and two children.
Struck with club and trampled upon: on duty

Wife.
Shell wound in left breast, shell not removed.

Single.
Right leg amputated above the knee. Three
shell wounds on left leg. Wife and one

child.
Bullet wound just above left knee. Has four

children (Widower).
Right collar bone fractured, and slight injury

to left kne«; not serious. Wife and five

children.
Shot in calf of left leg ; serious. Wife and three

children.
Shot in arm, near shoulder; very serious. Wife

and two ohildren.
Shell wound on calf of left leg; shell not found;

ball wound left leg, near knee; very serious.

Wife and two children.
Shot in right arm and two wounds on right leg.

Wife, five children.
Shot in ritrht ankle, bullet not removcJ; serious.

Sinsle.

130

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

NAME OF OFFICEK.

Alexander Halverson .

Carl E. Johnson

Peter McCormick

Christopher Gaynor..
Timothy Flavin

Nils Hansen.

8.J. Weineke.

Patrick McNulty.

Samuel Hilgo

Herman Krueger.
Joseph A. Gilso.

Edward Barrett.

Fruman Steele

James T. Johnson

Benjamin F. SnelL-.
James H. Willson

Daniel Hogan.
M. O'Brien....

Frederick A. Andrew
Jacob Ebinger

John J. Kelly.
Patrick Flavin .

Third Precinct.

Fourth

Central Detail.

NATURE OE -WOUNDS AND CIRCUMSTANCES.

ghot in both legs, ball not extracted. Single.
Shot in left elbow. Wife and two children.
Slight shot wound in left arm. Wife.
Slight bruise on left knee. Wife.
Died from wounds, Mat 8. Wife and three

children.
Died June 14, at Couuty Hospital. Shot in

body, arms and legs, fingers paralyzed.

Wife and six children.
Shot in left side of head, ball not found; serious.

Wife and two children.
Shot in right leg and both hips; dangerous.

Wife and three children.
Shot in right leg; not serious. Single.
Shot in right knee. Wife and two children.
Slightly injured in leg and back. Wife and

six children.
Shot in right leg; quite serious. Wife and six

six children.
Slightly woundud in back; not serious. Single.
Right knee sprained; not serious. Wife and

three children.
Shot in right l^g; at hospital. Single.
Seriously injured in abdomen by shell, and in

left hand; very serious. Wife and five chil-
dren.
Shot in calf of right leg and in left hand. Wife

and daughter.
Shell wound in left thigh. Wife and two chil-
dren.
Wounded in leg; not serious. Married.
Shell wound on back of left hand. Wife and

three children.
Slight wound by shell, left hand. Wife and

three children.
Finger hurt by shell. Married.

Total number of wounded officers, 67. Deaths, 7.

" Behold how great a matter a little fire kindleth I "
The explosion at the Haymarket made 3 widows, 14 orphans,
and left 119 children dependent upon public charity, pending
the recovery of their wounded, or perhaps permanently maimed
and crippled fathers.

The business men of the city and railroad corporations
promptly gave over $50,000 for the relief of the families of the
officers who were killed and wounded.

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 131

THE CONSPIRACY.

The search for, and the capture of the primef- actors in the
Haymarket tragedy was at once commenced in earnest. The
well organized and efficient force of brave men, under command
of cool headed and well skilled officers, was sure to succeed.
Captain F. Schaack, with six detectives, kept the entire North-
west group under the survilance of their argus eyes. Thielen
turned informer and communicated important information
which fitted exactly to supply a perfect chain of evidence. The
Yipsilcn and Ralie signals were significant evidence toward
proving conspiracy along with the other daily developments in
in the case. Several officers and detectives were detailed to
make a search of several houses on Sedgwick street, among which,
one Seliger's, at No. 442. As the officers were nearing the
house, Louis Lingg and one, Oppenheimer, were watching them
with much interest and discussing the practicability of making
a rush for their arms and kill the officers rather than have the
arsenal of the Anarchist, with its appliances for the manufac-
ture of infernal machines for the consumation of conspiracy and
treason, fall into the hands of the officers of the law. But the
ever vigilant officers secured possession of the house and re-
moved all suspicious articles to the station. Lingg went imme-
diately into hiding, but was on the 14 of May arrested in a little
cottage on Ambrose street. Seliger was arrested in Meyer's
carpenter shop, and Thielen coming to see what Seliger was
arrested for was also taken into custody. Lingg became reck-
less and defiant. Many of the conspirators were run to earth
by those six men and arrested. Assistant State's Attorney
Furthman interviewed the prisoners in their native tongue and
made a record of their statements.

132 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

RUDOLPH SCHNAUBELT.

who it is now believed was the man who threw the dynamite
bomb with such deadly effect, was once arrested, but on tem-
porary release decamped at once, which suspicious action led to
a further investigation. But two weeks having elapsed since
his release, he made good his escape from the country no doubt.
About forty Socialists were arrested and discharged again.
Neebe was once discharged and re-arrested as the case devel-
oped. Gilmer's evidence some days after the riot tended very
much to strengthen the belief that Schnaubelt was the party
who threw the bomb, and that it was thrown under the imme-
diate supervision and by the direction of August Spies, which
is in keeping with his public speech and the secret teachings
by which he was endeavoring to establish, that system of rev-
olutionary warfare supplemented by the organization known as
the Lehr and Wehr Verin, which is synonymous with armed
protection, or teaching secretly the use of weapons for the pur-
pose of defense.

THE GRAND JURY.

The following is an abstract of their report:
To the Hon. Judge John G. Rogers: In presenting the
bills of indictments which we have the honor herewith to sub-
mit, in what are known as the " Anarchist cases,"' we deem it
proper to accompany the same with a few words of explanation.
We have endeavored in our deliberations and in our findings to
be guided strictly by the instructions delivered to us by the Court
in regard to the liability of a citizen under the law for the
abuse of the privilege of free speech. We have in this connec-
tion, upon the evidence adduced, found true bills only against

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 133

such persons as had, in their abuse of this right, been more or
less instrumental in causing the riot and bloodshed at Hay mar-
ket square, the particulars of which we were called upon to
investigate. We have in some cases refused to find bills for
the reason that persons against whom evidence was presented
seemed to be the weak and ignorant tools of designing men, and
that it was our belief should they continue their evil associations
and ]3ractices after this calamity shall have shown them to what
it leads, that some future grand jury would give their cases
proper attention. So far as we are informed this is the first
appearance of dynamite as a factor in the criminal annals of this
state, and this is also the first organized conspiracy for the de-
struction of human life, and the overthrow of law in any part
of this country that has employed this new and dangerous
agency. It is not surprising that the fatal and appalling success
which has attended this, its first introduction, should have in-
spired terror in this community.

We find that the attack on the police on May 4 was the re-
sult of a deliberate conspiracy, the full details of which are now
in the possession of the officers of the law, and will be brought
out when the cases shall be reached in court. We find that
this force of disorganizes had a very perfect force of organizers
of its own, and that it was chiefly under the control of the coterie
of men who were connected with the publication of their En-
glish and German newspaper organs, the Alarm aud Arbeiter
Ze it U7i g. The evidence has shown conclusively to us that these
men were manipulating this agitation from base and selfish
motives, for the power and influence which it gave them, and
for the money which they could make out of it ; that the large
majority of their followers were simply their dupes, and they

134 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

have collected in this way large sums of money from those fol-
lowers, and from the working men of this city. That their plan
was to involve, so far as they could, not only the Socialist and
Communist organizations, with whom they claim some kindred,
but also the labor societies and trades unions, to the end that
in the midst of the excitement they were creating they could not
only rely upon them as a source of revenue, but also have them
to fall back upon in the event of their finally being made amen-
able to the law. "Witnesses have come before us under protest
and with fear and trembling lest their appearance before this
jury should draw down upon them or upon their families the
secret vengeance of this unknown enemy. Branches of industry
in the city have remained paralyzed after all causes of disagree-
ment between the employer and the employed had been ad-
justed, by the same fear inspired among the workmen, coupled
with the feeling that the law is administered was impotent to
afford protection to a man ready and willing to work for the
support of his family. So exaggerated has been the popular
notion as to the magnitude of this force that politicians have
cringed before it, and political parties have catered to its vote.
Processions have been tolerated upon our public streets carry-
ing banners and inscriptions which were a shame and a disgrace
to our city, and an affront to every law-abiding citizen. Public
harangues have been permitted that were an open menace to
law and order, and which in logical sequence have reached their
culmination in the bloody outrage known as the Haymarket
massacre. We believe that a proper enforcement of the law.
as expounded by your Honor in the charge made to this Grand
Jury at the beginning of its session, would restore confidence,

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 135

correct existing evils, preserve the peace, and protect this com-
munity from the recurrence of a like disorder.

In conclusion, we desire, as citizens and as members of this
Grand Jury, in this public way to express our most grateful ac-
knowledgments of the debt owing to the officers and men of the
police force of Chicago. By their heroic bravery and their con -
scientiousness and devotion to duty we believe that they have
saved this city from a scene of bloodshed and devastation equal
to, or perhaps greater than that witnessed during the Commune
in Paris. We wish further, from the evidence that has been
placed before us, to express our fullest confidence that the same
force that has protected us by its bravery in the face of the en-
emy, aided by the skill and legal ability of our Prosecuting
Attorney and his assistants, is quite competent to hunt these
public enemies down, and to bring them before our courts of
law with sufficient evidence of guilt to insure what they so
richly deserve.

Wednesday, May 19, there appeared before the grand jury
as a witness one-Krendl, who is in the service of the City Water
Department. This witness, it was said, testified that he saw a
machinest, whose name was withheld, talking with Spies and
Schwab at the Haymarket the evening of the tragedy. The
witness watched the trio closely and saw them go toward Hal-
sted street and then return to the wagon so frequently referred
to in connection with the massacre. Upon their return the
witness noticed that the machinist had something in his right
coat-pocket which filled it up as an apple or base-ball might.
His attention was directed to this fact because of the persistent
manner in which the machinist kept guard over the mouth of
the pocket with his hand.

1:36 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

M. M. Thompson followed the above witness, and described
a certain person who was with Schwab and Spies during the
early part of the evening, and this, in connection with KrendFs
testimony, was considered important by the jury. It was stated
at the time that Krendl was able to give the machinist's name,
from having once been a Socialist.

It was afterward discovered that Schnaubelt was the ma-
chinist referred to. Fred. P. Rosbeck, a manufacturer of light
machinery at No. 224 East Washington street, stated that
Schnaubelt had been in his employ about five weeks previous
to the Haymarket riot. He was a good workman, but a pro-
nounced Socialist and Anarchist, and his rabid utterences had
many others in the shop to incline to his views. Schnaubelt
had a companion, August Lambrecht by name, who came to
work for Rosbeck about the same time he did. They were very
intimate, going and coming together, and carrying on a close
relationship. Tuesday, May 4, Schnaubelt asked his employer
for the day, saying he had some important business to attend
to. He was granted a leave of absence, but returned to work
promptly Wednesday morning. Seeking to enlist him in con-
versation, Mr. Rosbeck said:

"Rudolph, they had a big time at the Haymarket last night."

" Yes," said Schnaubelt, " a devil of a time."

Intending to further draw him out, the employer continued:

" You Anarchists didn't half do your job, though. Why
didn't you use more bombs? "

" Because," he answered, " they didn't get up with them in
time."

That evening Rosbeck told this story to a friend, who in-
formed the detective, and the arrest was made Thursday morn-

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 137

ing. Wednesday Schnaubelt bad a heavy beard and moustache.
At the time of his arrest Thursday he had no beard and his
moustache had been trimmed close to his lip. After his release
by the police Schnaubelt returned to the shop and resumed
work, but that Thursday night he informed Rosbeck that he
might not return the next day. He said that he feared the
detectives might search his house and then arrest him. He said
Mrs. Schwab was his sister, and he was often at her house. If
they searched Schwab's house it might lead to his (Schnaubelt's)
arrest. lie has not been seen since that Thursday night. His
tools and clothes remained in the shop, as also did his unpaid
wages. Rosbeck thought Lambrecht had knowledge of his
friend's whereabouts. About the middle of May Lambrecht
informed Rosbeck that Schuaubelt had instructed him to draw
his salary and take possession of his clothes.

In his evidence before the jury M M. Thompson declared
that he saw either Spies or Schwab — and he felt almost certain
it was the latter — hand Schnaubelt the bomb while the trio
were about fifteen feet from the wagon. Schnaubelt, he said,
was in waiting for them when they came from Halsted street.
Krendl testified that in his opinion Schnaubelt could not have
been handed the bomb at the place designated, because he saw
him go to Halsted street with the speakers, and return. He ad-
mitted, however, that Schnaubelt had something in his outside
pocket when near the wagon.

Schnaubelt, when arrested by Detective Palmer, admitted
to Lieutenant Shea that he was with Schwab that Tuesday
night, but insisted that he left the wagon on which they were
standing when it commenced to rain.

Various rumors as to Schnaubelt's whereabouts were re-

138 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

ceived. A letter, said to be in the fugitive's handwriting, was
received by the police some weeks after the riot, from Portland,
Oregon. The writer poked fun at the chief and said that the
fact that he was so far away was due to the stupidity of the
detective force and Lieut. Shea's gullibility.

Subsequently the body of a man was found in the canal at
Erie, Pa., which in features and in the clothes upon it corres-
ponded to the description of Schnaubelt, and it was thought he
had left Chicago as a stowaway in a vessel and had been
drowned in trying to get ashore at Erie at night. The author-
ities, however, became convinced that this was not Schnaubelt.
Some of the police have always believed that Schnaubelt left
the city with Parsons the night after the bomb throwing, and
after remaining in hiding with the latter near Omaha until Par-
sons decided to appear and stand trial, continued his flight
South or West, September 15, 1886, H. F. Schaffer, a con-
ductor on the Mexican Central Railroad, on his way to his home
in Ohio, called on Chief of Police Ebersold and informed him
that from a picture of Schnaubelt in the Police News, he
thought he had identified the fugitive in the person of a jeweler
in the City of Mexico, who spoke English with a German ac-
cent. Mr. Schaffer and a companion visited the jeweler fre-
quently and endeavored to draw him out upon the subject of
the Haymarket massacre, but the suspected person would not
talk about the Anarchists. It is understood the police took
measures to investigate this supposed clue.

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 139

CHAPTER VIII.

COST OF ANARCHIST TRIAL. EXTRACTS FROM ZEITUNG. MOTION
FOR NEW TRIAL. MOTION OVERRULED

COST OF THE ANARCHIST TRIALS.

It is estimated that the trials of the Anarchist conspirators
for connection with the Hay market massacre has cost Cook
county and Chicago about $100,000. A calculation made by
county officials at the close of the murder trial in August,
placed the average cost since the night of the bomb throwing
at $21,800 per month. Another estimate itemizes the daily
expenses as follows :

State's-Attorney's office, stenographers, messengers, tele-
grams, interpreters, extra legal help (Mr. Ingham) . $200
Sheriffs office, bailiff's, jury fees, hotel bills for jury, etc. 150
Court Costs, Judge's salary, miscellaneous items . . 100

Detectives, policemen, witness fees 150

Criminal Court Clerk's office and other expenses . 100

This makes a total of $700 a day, or $70,000 for the 100
days which the trial covered. The trials of the twenty-six
persons indicted for conspiracy in connection with the murders
bring the total cost up to $100,000.

In an interview Chief of Police Ebersold praised the brave
and steady action of the police at the Haymarket, but for quick
and active fighting gave the palm to the six officers who held a
mob of two or three thousand men at bay at the McCormick
works the day before the Haymarket affair. A mob tried to
hang Officer Casey to a lamp-post, and he fought hand to hand

140 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

against gread odds until rescued. Vaclav Dejnek, Frank Broda
and a young man named Hess were indicted for this affair, and
Dejnek was sentenced to serve one year in state's prison.

THE ARBEITER ZEITUNG.

The Arbeiter Zeitung, which was suppressed the morning
after the riot, was re-issued almost immediately, and in one issue
had the following comments on the trial:

" Has it come to this, in the land of Washington, Franklin
and Jefferson? It is the Iron Must of historic development.
Only those men who are economically independent can be truly
free. Where there are poor and rich political freedom is a
wretched lie. Mammon, the powerful idol, lowers freedom to
a kitchen wench. As in Rome at the time of its decay Praetor-
ian bands of foreigners upheld the rule of the Caesars, so now
the chief support of the money kings is the police force of the
large American cities, which consists mainly of foreigners. The
down -fall of the Republic is nigh. It will fall like all coun-
tries whose foundations crumble away in the course of time.
All the weeping and wailing cannot delay catastrophe. The
present is without hope, so we must strengthen ourselves by
looking at the future. A new life will bloom from the ruins
of the present social order. The society of the future will
bridge ovTer the abysses which open to-day before our eyes. All
men will be equal. They will remember with a shudder the
time when Praetorian bands could plot the massacre of thous-
ands. Mammon will be cast down from his usurped throne,
and Freedom will take the place with conquering power, to
dwell with happy humanity forever and ever."

After the verdict was rendered Mr. Grinnell, in behalf of

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 141

the State, sent word to the new publishers of the Arbeiter Zei-
tang, that care must be taken by them that no attacks either on
the jury or Judge Gary should appear in their paper, notifying
them that if any such article should appear, the managers of
the paper would be prosecuted for contempt of court.
The following was the result of the warning*

" OUTRAGEOUS !

" SFVEN OF THE DEFENDANTS SENTENCED TO DEATH, ANT) NEEBE
GETS FIFTEEN YEARS.

" A Motion for a New Trial Made !

" The jury, through Osborne, its foreman, presented their
verdict to Judge Gary this morning. When the result became
known the detectives, who mingled freely with the crowd on
the street, set up a loud cheering, and the judge became very
pale — he did not expect such a demonstration. Grinnell, on
the other hand, evidently expected such a verdict, and presum-
ably with cause. Marshall Field and men of his stripe have
entirely too much money. What do the people say to this ver-
dict? They will look upon it as being impossible — incredible.
We were not inclined to believe it at first, but we soon became
convinced. Captain Black instantly made a motion for a new
trial, which Grinnell did not oppose, and Judge Gary will hear
this motion next term. If he overrules the motion, an appeal
will be taken. We are not in a proper frame of mind to say
more to-day."

THE VERDICT

fell like a bolt of lightning into the midst of Socialistic and

142 KISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

Anarchistic circles, believing as they did, that punishment could
only be inflicted upon the perpetrator of the act of hurling the
bomb. No wonder that consternation sat darkly upon each
sullen brow like the pall of impending doom, as slowly from the
jury came those words of fearful import which set them face to
face with death, the verdict was applauded by the foreign and
American press. Twenty-five representatives of reputable labor
unions met condemning the action of the Socialists and thereby
endorsing the verdict of the jury.

The Socialists of New York held indignation meetings de-
nouncing the verdict and expressing sympathy with their unfor-
tunate brethren of Chicago. Mrs. Black, in a letter dated Sept.
22, prophesied that in case the sentence was executed wide-
spread revolution and destruction of property and life would
immediately be inaugurated. On the 27th Capt. Black served
a notice upon State's Attorney Grinnell for a new trial, on the
ground that the verdict was not in keeping with the law ; also
that the court had allowed improper testimony, and had erred
in his instructions. 1,191 men were called to serve as jurors in
the case before the twelve elligable men were secured, and even
then it was claimed by the defense that only ten of the twelve
were competent.

On Friday, Oct. 1st, the Attorneys for the defense began
their arguments for a new trial, drawing largely upon their im-
aginations to supply evidence in the case. They endeavored to
introduce false affidavits from one Orrin Blossom, of No. 2,961
Wentworth Avenue, and A. Love, of La Grange, to impeach the
testimony of Gilmer. But the wary State's Attorney Grinnell
had one move to make which blocked their game. He had
counter affidavits from Orrin Blossom and Love proving that

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 143

Love was not in the city on the night of the Haymarket riot
after six o'clock, and that he never saw Harry Gilmer.

Three days were spent by the defense in argueing their
claims for a new trial, and on October 7th Judge Gary rendered
his decision in the case in the following language :

THE MOTION FOR A NEW TRIAL OVERRULED.

Judge Gary said :

In passing upon this motion for a new trial the case is so
voluminous, there is such a mass of evidence, that it is impossi-
ble, within anything like reasonable limits, to give a synopsis
or epitome. I do not understand that either upon the trial be-
fore the jury or upon the arguments of this motion before me
there have been any arguments tending or intended to deny
that all of the defendants, except Neebe, were parties to what-
ever purpose or object there was in view — that the other seven
were combined for some purpose. I, of course, do not wish to
attribute to the defendants' counsel any admissions which they
have not made, but my impression is that there has been no ar-
gument tending or intending to deny that all the other seven,
except Neebe, were engaged in the pursuit of some object.
What it is, the counsel have debated before the jury and before
me. Now, it is important to know what that object was,
whether it was as counsel for defense have stated — merely to
encourage working men to resist, if unlawful attacks were
made upon them — or whether it was something else. There
is no better way to ascertain what the object was, than to read
what they have spoken and written as the object, while the
events were transpiring. Now, from the files of their newspa-
pers, which go back a good way, a good deal can be taken,

144 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

which must of necessity be taken as the truth of what their ob-
ject was. I have not had time and opportunity to arrange
either the translations of the Arbeiter Zeitung or the files of the
Alarm, and pick out those which in the fullest shape show
what they were proposing to do. These translations from the
Arbeiter Zeitung now come to my hands for the first time. I
have here a translation of the Arbeiter Zeitung, January 11,
1885, headed "To Arms."

The Court proceeded to read numerous and lengthy extracts
from translations offered in evidence of articles in the Arbeiter
Zeitung, in which revolution by force was advised, and the ap-
proaching revolution, it was declared, would be greater than
that of the last century. Among the extracts read were the
following:

" Dynamite ! Of all stuff, this is the stuff."

" The day draws near when the working people of America,
in an outburst of passion and ungovernable rage, will revolt
and demand the total abolition of the existing state of things
which brings to the working classes so much misery and death.
Have you all prepared yourselves with knives, pistols, guns and
dynamite for the unavoidable conflict between labor and cap-
ital?"

"It was decided at the last mass-meeting at No. 54 West
Lake street that the next meeting wall be devoted to the con-
sideration of the military laws and necessity of using force in
the warfare between capital and labor."

" Each working man ought to have been armed long ago.
Daggers, revolvers and explosives are cheap, and can be easily
obtained."

" Those who want to talk to capitalists in earnest must be

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 145

prepared to attain their object by killing them. This can only
be accomplished by systematic organization. The time for all
this is short — look out — "

"In addition to all this,11 continued Judge Gary, " there is
the testimony of witnesses that there was a combination which
was formed as early as 1884, and that combination had for its
purpose the changing of the existing order of things, the over-
throw of government, and the abolition of all law. There can
be no question in the mind of any one who has read these arti-
cles or heard these speeches, which were written and spoken
long before the eight-hour movement was talked of, that this
movement which they advocated was but a means in their esti-
mation toward the ends which they sought, and that the move-
ment itself was not primarily any consideration with them at
all. The different papers and speeches furnish direct contra-
diction to the arguments of counsel that they proposed to resort
to arms merely to resist any unlawful attacks which the police
might make upon them, because these all show that their ob-
ject was this: If, during the eight-hour movement, strikes oc-
cured, and if the employers chose to employ other men in the
place of those who had struck, then these men so employed
must be prevented by force from going to work, and if the
police then undertook to resist the force so employed on behalf
of the strikers ; if the police undertook to prevent this force
from being so employed, then that was the ground on which the
police force was to be destroyed. There can be no doubt that
that was an unlawful combination. It is impossible to argue
that any set of men have the right to dictate to others whether
they should work or not, and if they chose to work in defiance
of their dictation, drive them away by force, and if the police

146 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

undertook to prevent that force, then kill the police. It is im-
possible for an instant to support any such principle as that.
The members of this combination publicly announce that they
had no hope of winning the majority over to their side by ar-
gument, and no hope of attaining their object by getting rid of
this majority by violence. There is no doubt that seven of the
defendants were in the combination formed for that purpose.
As to Neebe's part, there is the evidence of witnesses that he
presided at meetings called by the class of people from whom
this combination was drawn, and that he called meetings of the
people who were engaged in the movement. There is evidence
that he marched in the Board of Trade procession, the object of
which was said to be the demolition of that building."

The Court proceeded to discuss all the evidence against
Xeebe, which tended to show that he was associated with the
rest of the defendants in the encouragement of the movement
which had for its object the destruction of the government.
The Court resumed:

" On the question of the instructions whether these defend-
ants, or any of them, did anticipate or expect the throwing of
the bomb on the night of the 4th of May, is not a question
which I need to consider, because the instructions did not go
upon that ground. The jury were not instructed to find them
guilty if they believed that they participated in the throwing of
the bomb, or encouraged or advised the throwing of that bomb,
or had knowledge that it was to be thrown, or anything of that
sort. The conviction has not gone upon the ground that they
did have any actual participation in the act which caused the
death of Deegan, but upon the ground, under the instructions,
that they had generally by speech and print advised a large

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 147

class to commit murder, and had left the occasion, time and
place to the individual will, whim and caprice of the individu-
als so advised, and that in consequence of that advice, and in
pursuance of it, and influenced by it, somebody not known did
throw the bomb that caused Deegau's death.

" There is no example in the law books of a case of this sort.
No such occurance has ever happened before in the history of
the world. I suppose that in the Lord George Gordon riots we
might find something like this. Lord George Gordon was in-
dicted for treason, and the government failed in its proof upon
the trial as to what he had done. Very likely they did not
want to prove it very strongly against him ; I do not know ; it
is none of my business. If the bomb was thrown in pursuance
of the prisoners' advice, the instruction as to the law of access-
ories before the fact applied to the case, and the instruction to
the jury was proper. If the radical Prohibitionists should
make up their minds that the only way to stop the liquor traffic
was by destroying the saloons and killing the saloon-keepers,
and if some crank should blow up a saloon with a bomb for
whose manufacture the radicals had furnished specific directions,
and in the explosion a saloon-keeper was killed, there could be
no question but that the radical temperance men were guilty of
murder. But there was no question that when some one said
' Hang McCorniick,' or ' Hang Gould,' the reply was given to
make no idle threats, but when they got ready to do anything,
to do it."

The shorthand report of the speeches of Spies, Parsons and
Fielden at the Haymarket meeting was then read, after which
the Court said:

" Now, the general advice throughout was to each individual-

148 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

man — I mean the general teachings on this subject of associated
revolution — was to each individual -man to do it himself, with-
out combination; that men working together in deeds of violence
were to be avoided; that they were to go alone where one man
only was required to accomplish the work, and where more than
one man was required, as few as was necessary should be taken.
Now, under these circumstances, in the inflamed state of the
public mind at the time, each of these orators was still more in-
flaming the public mind when he advised the people to use
force, and some man — I do not say identified, but unidentified —
some man in that crowd, when the police approached, with a
bomb of Lingg's manufacture, killed Deegan ; all who have ad-
vised such action are guilty of his murder. If anything can be
proved by circumstantial evidence, that is proved ; that he threw
that bomb in consequence of the influence of these teachings,
this advise by speech and printing over a course of two years ;
that the man who threw that bomb had been educated up to it
by the teachings of these defendants. The case, as I said be-
fore, is unprecedented. There is no example of any such crime
having been committed ; there is no precedent of any case like
this having become the subject of judicial investigation ; but the
principle of law is well fixed. It is the boast of people who
profess to admire the common law, that it adapts itself to human
events, and that no situation or no new form of industry can
arise but the common law has principles which may be applied."
The prisoners spoke in their own behalf before sentence
was passed. The courtroom was crowded as usual. The police
department was represented by Chief Ebersold, Capt. Schaack,
and twenty officers. The prisoners wore a look of even greater
anxiety than at the morning session. Parsons appeared partic-

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 149

ularly thoughtful and gloomy. The greater part of the session
he sat with his cheek resting in his hand and taking less note
of the proceedings than usual. Spies was laboring under great
excitement. Before he began his speech Judge Gaiy repeated
the caution he had before given the auditors to refrain from any
demonstration of approbation or disapprobation during the ses-
sion. He insisted that every one in the court should be seated,
and seeing two men at the rear of the room seated on a table he
compelled them to take chairs or sit on the floor. Everything
was quiet as the grave when Spies began his address. During
the impassioned passages he raised his voice and indulged in
violent gesticulation. Neebe's utterance was quite rapid, and
he spoke like one at home before an audience. His speech
would have produced an impression on any jury. His voice is
clear and resonant, and he has a better presence than any of the
other defendants. Fischer spoke hesitatingly, and would prob-
ably not have spoken at all but for an uncontrollable desire to
express his opinion of the State's Attorney and all representa-
tives of the law. Lingg's rather handsome face was flushed,
and his eyes flashed as he poured out his denunciation of Messrs.
Grinnell and Boniield. When he took his seat his face was
covered with perspiration. He made the walls ring, and as
each sentence had to be translated by Prof. Ficke, he had am-
ple opportunity to deliver each sentence with renewed emphasis.
Schwab read his speech in a clear, resonant voice, and it had
been evidently prepared with much care.

15o RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

CHAPTER IX.

REASONS WHY THE SENTENCE OF THE LAW SHOULD NOT BE EX-
ECUTED UPON THEM. SPEECHES BY THE ANARCHISTS.

A.UGUST SPIES.

" In addressing this Court I speak as the representative of
one class to the representative of another. I will begin with
the words uttered five hundred years ago on a similar occasion
by the Venetian Doge Faliero, who, addressing the court, said :
' My defense is your accusation ; the causes of my alleged crime,
your history.' I have been indicted under the charge of mur-
der as an accomplice of accessory. Upon this indictment I have
been convicted. There was no evidence produced by the State
to show or even indicate that I had any knowledge of the man
who threw the bomb, or that I myself had anything to do with
the throwing of the missile unless, of course, you weigh the tes-
timony of the accomplices of the State's Attorney and Bonfield,
the testimony of Thompson and Gilmer, by the price they were
paid for it, If there was no evidence to show that I was legally
responsible for the deed, then my conviction and the execution
of the sentence are nothing less than a willful, malicious and
deliberate murder — as foul a murder as may be found in the
annals of religious, political, or any other sort of persecution.
Judicial murders have in many cases been committed where the
representatives of the state were acting in good faith, believing
their victims to be guilty of the charge or accusation. In this
case the representatives of the state cannot justify themselves

AUG. SPIES.

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 151

by a similar excuse, for they themselves have fabricated most of
the testimony which was used as a pretense to convict us — con-
vict us by a jury picked to convict before this Court and before
the public, which is supposed to be the State. I charge the
State's Attorney and Bonfield with a heinous conspiracy to com-
mit murder.

" I will now state a little incident which will throw light
upon this charge. On the evening on which the praetorian co-
horts of the Citizens' Association, the Bankers' Association, the
Bar Association, and railroad princes attacked the meeting of
working-men at the Haymarket with murderous intent — on that
evening about 8 o'clock, I met a young man, Legner by name.
My brother was with me at the same time, and never left me
on that evening until I jumped from the wagon a few seconds
before the explosion came. Legner knew that 1 had not seen
Schwab that evening. He knew that 1 had no such conversa-
tion with anybody, as Marshall Field's protege, Thompson has
testified to. He knew that I did not jump from the wagon and
strike a match and hand it to the man who threw the bomb.
He is not a Socialist. Why didn't we bring him on the stand ?
Because the honorable representatives of the State, Grinnell and
Bonfield, spirited him away. These honorable gentlemen knew
everything about Legner. They knew that his testimony would
prove the perjury of Thompson and Gilmer beyond any reason-
able doubt. Legner's name was on the list of witnesses for the
State. He was not called, however, for obvious reasons. First,
as he stated to a number of friends, he had been offered $500
if he would leave the city, and threatened with direful things
if he should remain here and appear as a witness for the de-
fense. He replied that he could neither be bought nor bull-

152 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

dozed to serve such a foul, damnable, dastardly plot. But when
we wanted Legner he could not be found. Mr. Grinnell said —
and Mr. Grinnell is an honorable man — that he himself had
been searching for the young man, but had not been able to find
him. About three weeks later I learned that the very same
youug man had been kidnapped and taken to Buffalo, N. Y., by
two of the illustrious guardians of the law, two Chicago detec-
tives. Let Mr. Grinnell, let the Citizens' Association, his em-
ployer, let them answer for themselves, and let the people — let
the public — sit in judgment upon these would-be assassins. No,
I reply, the Prosecution has not established our legal guilt, not-
withstanding the purchased and perjured testimony of some,
and notwithstanding the originality of the proceedings of the
trial. And as long as this has not been done, and you pro-
nounce the sentence of the appointed viligante committee acting
as a jury, I say that you, the alleged servant and high priests of
the law, are the real and only law-breakers, and in this case you
go to the extent of murder. It is well that the people know
this. And when I speak of the people I do not mean the few
conspirators of Grinnell, the noble patricians who are murderers
of those whom they please to oppress. Those citizens may con-
stitute the state. They may control the state ; they may have
their Grinnells, Bonfields, and their hirelings. No, when I
speak of the people, I speak of the great mass of working beasts,
who unfortunately are not yet conscious of the rascalities that
are perpetrated in the name of the people — in their name. They
condemn the murder of eight men whose only crime is that they
have dared to speak the truth. This murder may open the eyes
of these suffering millions, may wake them up indeed. I have
noticed that our conviction has worked miracles in this direction

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 153

already. The class that clamors for our lives, the good and devout
Chris tians, have attempted in every way, through their newspa-
pers and otherwise, to conceal the true and only issue in this case,
by designating the defendants Anarchists and picturing them
as a newly-discovered tribe or species of cannibles, by inventing
shocking and horrifying stories of their conspiracies.

"I believe with Buckle, with Paine, with Jefferson, with
Emerson, with Spencer, and with many other great thinkers of
this century, that the state of caste and classes, the state where
one class dominates and lives upon the labor of another class
and calls it order, should be abolished. Yes, I believe that this
barbaric form of social organization, with its legalized thunder
and murder, is doomed to die and make room for free society —
volunteer associations if you like — universal brotherhood. You
may pronounce your sentence upon me, honorable judge, but
let the world know that in the year A. D. 1886, in the state of
Illinois, eight men were sentenced to death because they had
not lost their faith in the ultimate victory of liberty and justice.
Read the history of Greece and Rome; read that of Venice.
Look over the dark pages of the church and follow the thorny
path of science. No change! No change!

11 You would destroy society and civilization, as ever, upon
the cry of the ruling classes. They are so comfortably situated
under the prevailing system that they naturally abhor and fear
even the slightest changes. Their privileges are as dear to them
as life itself, and every change threatens these privileges. But
civilization is a record whose steps are monuments of such
changes. Without these social changes, always brought about
against the will and against the force of the ruling classes, there
would be no civilization. As to the destruction of society,

154 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

which we have been accused of seeking, it sounds like one of
^Esop's fables — like the cunning of the fox. We, who have
jeopardized our lives to save society from the fiend that has
grasped her by the throat, that seeks her life-blood and devours
her substance; we, who would heal her bleeding wounds, who
would free her from the fetters you have wrought around her,
from the misery you have brought upon her — we are enemies.
We have preached dynamite, it is said, and Ave have predicted
from the lessons history has taught us, that the ruling class of
to day would no more listen to the voice of reason than did
their predecessors. They would attempt by brute force to stay
the march of progress. Was it a lie, or was it the truth that we
stated ? * * * I have been a citizen of this city fully as
long as Mr. Grinnell, and am probably as good a citizen as
Grinnell. At least I should not wish to be compared to him.
Grinnell has appealed time and again, as has been stated by
our attorneys, to the patriotism of the jury. To that I reply,
and I will simply use the words of an English literateur, 'Pa-
triotism is the last resort of the scoundrel.1 My friends' agita-
tion in behalf of the disinherited and disfranchised millions,
and my agitation in this direction, the popularization of the
economic teachings in favor of the education of wage-workers,
is declared to be a conspiracy against society. The word * so-
ciety ' is here wisely substituted for state, as represented by the
patricians of to-day. It has always been the opinion of the rul-
ing classes that the people must be kept in ignorance. They
lose their sevility, modesty, and obedience to the arbitrary pow-
ers that be, as their intelligence grows. The education of a
blackman, a quarter of a century ago was a criminal offense.
Why ? Because the intelligent slave would throw off his shack-

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 155

les at whatever cost, my Christian gentlemen. Why is the ed-
ucation of the working classes to-day looked upon by a certain
class as treason against the State ? For the same reason ! The
State, however, wisely avoided this point in the prosecution of the
case. From their testimony one would really conclude that we
had in our speeches and publications preached nothing else but
destruction and dynamite. * * * You, gentlemen, are the
revolutionists. You rebel against the effects of social condi-
tions which have tossed you by fortune's hand into a magnifi-
cent paradise. Without inquiring, you imagine that no one
else has a right in that place. You insist that you are the
chosen ones, the sole proprietors of forces that tossed you into
the paradise. The industrial forces are still at work. They are
growing more active and intense from day to day. There tend-
ency is to elevate all mankind to the same level ; to have all hu-
manity share in the paradise you now monopolize. Can you
roll back the incoming tide or angry waves of old ocean by for-
bidding it to dash upon the shore ? So you can no more frighten
back the rising waves of intelligence and progress into their un-
fathomable depths by erecting a few gallows in the perspective.
You, who oppose the natural forces of things, you are the real
revolutionists. You, and you alone, are the conspirators and
destructionists."

ADOLPH FISCHER.

" Your Honor, you asked me why the sentence of death
should not be passed upon me. I will not talk much. I will
only say a few words, and that is that I protest against my be-
ing sentenced to death, because I committed no crime. I was
tried here in this room for murder and I was convicted of An-

156 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

archy. I protest against being sentenced to death, because I
have not been found guilty of murder. I have been tried for
murder, but I have been convicted because I am an Anarchist.
Although being one of the parties who were at the Haymarket
meeting, I had no more to do with the throwing of that bomb,
I had no more connection with it than State's Attorney Grin-
nell had perhaps.

" As I said, it is a fact, and I do not deny that I was one of
the parties who called at the Haymarket meeting, but that
meeting — (At this point Mr. Salomon stepped up and spoke to
Fischer in a low tone, but Fischer waived him off and said :
Mr. Salomon, be so kind. I know what I am talking about.)
Now, that Haymarket meeting was not called for the purpose
of committing violence and crime. No ; but the meeting was
called for the purpose of protesting against the outrages and
against the crimes of the police committed on the day previous
out at McCorniick's. The next day I went to Wehrer <fc Klein
and had twenty -five thousand copies of the hand bills printed,
and I invited Spies to speak at Haymarket meeting. It is the
fact, and I don't deny it, in the original of the ' copy ' I had the
line ' Working men, arm ! ' and I had my reasons, too, for put-
ting those lines in, because I didn't want the working men to
be shot down in that meeting as on other occasions. But as
those circulars were printed and brought over to the Arbeiter
Zeitung office, my comrade, Spies, saw one of those circulars. I
had invited him to speak before that. He showed the circular
and said : ' Well. Fischer, if those circulars are distributed I
won't speak/ And I admitted it would be better to take those
lines out ; and Mr. Spies spoke. And that is all I had to do with
that meeting. I feel that I am sentenced, or will be sentenced

ADOLPH FISCHER.

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 157

to death because I am an Anarchist, and not because 1 am a
murderer. I have never been a murderer. I have never com-
mitted any crime in my life yet ; but I know a certain man who
is on the way to becoming a murderer, an assassin, and that
man is Grinnell — the State's Attorney Grinnell — because he
brought men on the witness stand whom he knew would swear
falsely ; and I publicly denounce Mr. Grinnell as being a mur-
derer and an assassin if I should be executed. But, if the rul-
ing classes think that by hanging us, hanging a few Anarchists >
they can crush out Anarchy, they will be badly mistaken, be-
cause the Anarchist loves his principles more than his life An
Anarchist is always ready to die for his principles."

MICHAEL SCHWAB.

"It is not much I have to say, and I would say nothing at
all if keeping silence did not look like a cowardly approval of
what has been done here. To those, the proceedings of a trial
of justice would be a sneer. Justice has not been done. More
than that, could not be done. If one class is arraigned against
the other class it is idle and hypocritical to talk about justice
and fairness. Anarchy was on trial, as the State's Attorney
put it in his closing speech. A doctrine, an opinion hostile to
brute force, hostile to our present murderous sj'stem of produc-
tion and distribution. I am condemned to die for writing news-
paper articles and making speeches. The State's Attorney
knows as well as I do that the alleged conversation between
Mr. Spies and me never took place. He knows a good deal
more than that. He knows all the beautiful works of his or-
ganizer, Furthmann. When I was before the Coroner's jury
two or three witnesses swore very positively to having seen me

158 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

at the Haymarket when Mr. Parsons finished his speech. I
suppose they wanted at that time to fix the bomb-throwing on
me, for the first dispatches to Europe said that M. Schwab had
thrown several bombs at the police. Later on they found that
would not do, and then Schnaubelt was the man. Anarchy
was on trial. Little did it matter who the persons were to be
honored by the prosecution. * * *

" As soon as the word is applied to us and to our doctrine
it carries with it a meaning that we Anarchists see fit to give.
'Anarchy' is Greek, and means, verbatim, that we are not be-
ing ruled. According to our vocabulary Anarchy is a state of
society in which the only government is reason; a state of so-
ciety in which all human beings do right for the simple reason
that it is right, and hate wrong because it is wrong. In such
a society no compulsion will be necessary. The Attorney of
the State was wrong when he exclaimed 'Anarchy is dead V
Anarchy up to the present time existed only as a doctrine, and
Grinnell has not the power to kill any doctrine whatever. An-
archy, as defined by us, is called an idle dream, but that dream
was called by God a divine blessing. One of the three great
German poets and a celebrated German critic of the last cen-
tury has also defined it. If Anarchy was the thing the State's
Attorney makes it out to be, how could it be that such eminent
scholars as Prince Krapotkine should say what he has said
about it ? Anarchy is a dream, but only in the present. It
will be realized, for reason will grow in spite of all obstacles.
Who is the man that has the cheek to tell us that human de-
velopment has already reached its culminating point? I know
our ideal will not be accomplished this year or next year, but
I know it will be accomplished as soon as possible, some day in

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 159

tie future. It is entirely wrong to use the word Anarchy as
synonymous with violence. Violence is something, and An-
archy is another. Tn the present state of society violence is
used on all sides, and therefore we advocated the use of vio-
lence against violence, but against violence only as a necessary
means of defense. I have never read Herr Most's book simply
because I don't find time to read it; and if I had read it, what
of it ? I am an agnostic, but I like to read the Bible, neverthe-
less. I have not the slightest idea who threw the bomb at the
Haymarket, and had no knowledge of any conspiracy to use
violence that or any other night.1'

OSCAR NEEBE.

" Your Honor: I have found out during the last few days
what law is. Before I didn't know it. I did not know that I
was convicted because I knew Spies and Fielden and Parsons.
I have met these gentlemen. I have presided at a meeting, as
the evidence against me shows, in the Turner hall, to which
meeting your Honor was invited. The judges, the preachers,
the newspaper men, and everybody was invited to appear at
that meeting for the purpose of discussing Anarchism and So-
cialism. I was at that hall. I am well known among the
working men of the city, and I was the one elected chairman
of that meeting. Nobody appeared to speak, to discuss the
question of Labor and Anarchism or Socialism with laboring
men. No, they couldn't stand it. I was chairman of that meet-
ing; I don't deny it. I had the honor to be marshal of a labor
demonstration in this city, and I never saw as respectable a lot
of men as I saw that day.

" They marched like soldiers, and I was proud that I was

160 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

marshal of those men. They were the toilers and the working
men of this city. The men marched through the city of Chicago
to protest against the wrongs of society, and I was marshal of
them. If that is a crime, I have found out — as a born Ameri-
can— what I am guilty of. I always thought I had a right to
express my opinion, to be chairman of a peaceable meeting, and
to be marshal of a demonstration. My friends, the labor agi-
tators, and the marshals of a demonstration — was it a crime to
be marshal of a demonstration? I am convicted of that. I
suppose Grinnell thought after Oscar Neebe was indicted for
murder the Arheiter Zeitung would go down. But it didn't
happen that way. And Mr. Furthmann, too — he is a scoundrel,
and I can tell it to you to your face. There is only one man
that acted as a lawyer, and he is Mr. Ingham, but you three
fellows have not.

I established the paper and issued it to the working men
of the city of Chicago, and inside of two weeks I had enough
money from the toilers — from hired girls, from men who would
take the last cent out of their pocket to establish the paper — to
buy a press. I could not publish the paper because the honor-
able detectives and Mr. Grinnell followed us up, and no print-
ing house would print our paper, and we had to have our own
press. "We published our own paper after we had a press,
bought by the money of the working men of the city. That is
the crime I have committed — getting men to try and establish
a working-man's paper that will stand to-day, and I am proud
of it. They have not got one press — they have got two presses
to-day, and they belong to the working men of this city. When
the first issue came out, from that day up to the day now, your
Honor, we have gained 4,000 subscribers. There are the gen-

LOUIS LINGG.

USE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 161

tlemen sitting over there from the Frele Presse and Stoats Zei-
tiuuj — they know it. The Germans of this city are condemning
these actions. They would not read our paper. There is the
crime of the Germans. I say it is a verdict against Germans,
and I, as an American, must say that I never saw anything like
that.

" Those are the crimes I have committed after the 4th of
May. Before the 4th of May I committed some crimes. I or-
ganized trades unions. I was for the reduction of the hours of
labor and the education of laboring men aud the re-establish-
ment of the Arheiter Zeitung. There is no evidence to show
that I was connected with the bomb throwing, that I was
near it or anything of that kind. So I am only sorry,
your Honor, if you can stop it or help it, I will ask you to do
it — that is, to hang me, too ; and I think it is more honor to die
certainly than to be killed by inches. I have a family and
children, and if they know their father is dead they will bury
him. They can go to the grave and kneel down in front of it ;
but they can't go to Joliet and see their father convicted of a
crime that he hasn't anything to do with. That is all I have
got to say. Your Honor, I am sorry I do not get hung with
the rest of the men."

LOUIS LINGG.

[Translated by Prof. H. H. Fick.]

" Court of Justice : AVith the same contempt with which I
have tried to live humanely upon this American soil, I am now
granted the privilege to speak. If I do take the word I do it
because injustice and indignities have been heaped upon me
right here. I have been accused of murder. What proofs have

162 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

been brought iu support of it ? It has been proved that I as-
sisted some man by the name of Seliger in manufacturing bombs.
It has been furthermore stated that with the assistance of some-
body else I have taken those bombs to 58 Clybourn avenue, but
although one of these assistants has been produced as a State
witness it has not been shown that one of these bombs was
taken to the Haymarket. * * * * AVhat is Anarchy? *
* * The points that we are driving at have been carefully
withheld by the State. * * * But it has not been said that
by their superior force we are driven to our course. Contempt
of court has been charged against us. We have been treated
as opponents of public order. AVhat is this order? Such order
as represented by police and detectives? On the slightest oc-
casion the representatives of this public order have forced them-
selves into our midst. The same police that aim to give pro-
tection to property embraces thieves in its ranks. *- * * I
have told Capt. Schaack that I was at a meeting of carpenters
at Zephf s hall on May 3. He has stated that I admitted to
him that I learned the fabrication of bombs from Most's book,
1 Science of Warfare.' That is perjury. * * * It has been
proved that Grinnell has used Gilmer for his purpose intention-
ally. There are points which prove that. * * * I say that
these seven persons here, of which I am one, are murdered pur-
posely by Grinnell. * * * Grinnell has the courage to call
me a coward, right here in this court of justice, and Grinnell is
a person who has connived with miserable subjects to go against
me, to get testimony against me, to kill me. * * * Is life
worth living? What are their purposes in thus murdering
these men ? Low egotism, which finds its reward in a higher
position, and which yields a return of money. * * * But

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 163

it has been said that the International association of working
men was in itself a conspiracy, and that I was a member of this
association. My colleague, Spies, has already stated to you how
we were connected. * * * And that is the conspiracy that
has been proved against me, and for that I am to end my life
upon the gallows — an instrument which you consider a disgrace
to me. I declare here openly that I do not acknowledge these
laws, and less so the sentence of the Court. * * * I would
not say a word if I was really guilty according to this foolish
law, but even according to these laws that would not be re-
spected by a schoolboy, not even these laws have been carried
out to the full extent when I was found guilty. * * * You
smile. You perhaps think I will not use bombs any more, but
I tell you I die gladly upon the gallows in the sure hope that
hundreds and thousands of people to whom I have spoken will
now recognize and make use of dynamite. In this hope I de-
spise you, and I despise your laws. Hang me for it."

GEORGE ENGEL.

[Translated by Mr. Gauss.]

" When I left Germany in the year 1872 it was by reason
of my recognition of the fact that I could not support myself in
the future as it was the duty of a man to do. I recognized that
I could not make my living in Germany because the machinery
and the guilds of old no longer furnished me a guarantee to
live. I resolved to emigrate from Germany to the United
States, praised by many so highly. When I landed at Phila-
delphia, on the 8th of January, 1873, my heart and my bosom
expanded with the expectation of living hereafter in that free
country which had been so often praised to me by so many em-

164 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

igrants, and I resolved to be a good citizen of this country ; and
I congratulated myself on having broken with Germany, where
I could have no longer made my living, and I think that my
past will show that, that, which I resolved I intended to
keep faithfully. For the first time I stand before an American
court, and at that to be at once condemned to death. And
what are the causes that have preceded it, and have brought
me into this court? They are the same things that preceded
my leaving Germany, and the same causes that made me leave.
I have seen with my own eyes that in this free country, in this
richest country of the world, so to say, there are existing pro-
letarians who are pushed out of the order of society."

After explaining how his dissatisfaction with the existing
order of things led him to become a Socialist, Engel continued :

" I resolved to study Socialism with all my power. In the
year 1878 I came from Philadelphia to Chicago, and took pains
to eke out my existence here in Chicago, and believed that it
would be an easier task to live here, than in Philadelphia, where
I had previously in vain exerted my powers to live. I found
that, that also was in vain. There was no difference for a pro-
letariat, whether he lived in New York, or Philadelphia, or
Chicago. * * * To make further investigations I tried to
buy, from the money that I and my family earned, scientific
books on those questions. I bought the works of Ferdinand
LaSalle, Karl Marx and Henry George. After investigating
these works I recognized these reasons why a proletariat could
not exist, even in this country, as free as it is. I thought about
the means by which that could be corrected. They praised to
me this country where every man and every working man had
a right to go to the ballot-box and choose his own office rs. I

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 165

scarcely believed that any citizen of the United States could
have meant so honestly and well as I, when I turned my atten-
tion to politics, and took part in them. But even in this regard
of freedom of the ballot-box I found myself mistaken. I learned
to see that the working man was not free in his opinion, that
he was not free in vote. It was in vain that the Socialistic
party took pains in former times, honest pains, to elect honest
officers. After a few vain attempts I found that it was impos-
sible for a working man to free himself by means of the ballot-
box, and to secure those things which were necessary for his
existence. * * * In this city corruption even entered the
ranks of the Social Democracy. I also obtained the conviction
that through those men who put themselves over us as leaders-,
and occupied themselves with compromises, this was brought
about, and then I left the ranks of the Social Democracy and
gave myself over to the International which was then organiz-
ing; and what these men wanted, and what these men through
their exertions sought to bring about was nothing more or less
than the conviction that the freeing of the ruling classes could
only be brought about by force, as have all revolutions been
throughout history. This conviction, before I went over to
those people, was obtained through study of the history of all
lands. The history of all lands showed me that all advantages
in a political, in a religious, and in a material direction, were al-
ways obtained only by the use of force ; and if I confine myself to
the history of this country where I am convicted, I take into con-
sideration that the first emmigrants into this country and the
first colonists, only freed themselves by force from the power of
England. I afterward obtained the conviction that the slavery
existing in this country, to the shame of the Republic, could

166 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

only be put aside by force. And what does this history teach
us? The man that spoke against existing slavery in this coun-
try was hanged, as it is intended that we should be hanged, to-
day. In the course of time I became convinced that all those
who spoke in favor of the ruling classes must hang. And what
are the reasons for it \ This Republic does not exist through,
and its affairs are not conducted by, those persons who come
into office by an honest ballot. * * * Under these condi-
tions it is certainly not a wonder that there were men, noble
men, noble scientific men, who have tried to find ways and
means to bring back humanity to its original condition. And
this is the social science to which I confess myself with joy.
The State's Attorney said here ' Anarchism is on trial.1 Anar-
chism and Socialism are, according to my opinion, as like as one
egg is to another. Only the tactics are different. Anarchism
has abandoned the ways pointed out by Socialism to free man-
mankind, and has resolved no longer to bear the yoke of slavery,
and, therefore, I say to the working classes, do not believe any
longer in the ballot-box and in those ways and means that are
left open to you; but rather think about ways and means when
the time comes, when the burden of the people becomes intoler-.
able. And that is our crime. Because we have named to the
people the ways and means by which they could free themselves
in the fight against Capitalism, by reason of that, Anarchism is
hated and persecuted in every state. In spite of that and again
in spite of it Anarchism will exist, and if not in public it will
exist in secret, because the powers force it to act in secret. If
the State's Attorney declares or thinks that after he has hanged
these seven men and sent the other one to the penitentiary for
fifteen years he Las then killed Anarchism, I say, that will not

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

167

be so. Only the tactics will be changed, and that will be all.
No power in the world will tear from the working man his
knowledge and his skill or opportunity in making bonibs. I
am convinced that Anarchism cannot be routed out, — if that
was the case it would have been routed out in other countries
long ago — in the least by our murdering the Anarchists. That
evening when the first bomb in this country was thrown, I was
sitting in my room; did not know anything about the conspir-
acy; did not know anything about that deed; did not know
anything about the bomb; did not know anything about the
conspiracy which the State's Attorney had brought about here.
* * * Can you have respect for a government that only
gives rights to the privileged classes, but to the working men
not at all, although there are conspiracies in all classes and con-
nections of the capitalistic class. Although we have only re-
cently experienced that the coal barons came together, put up
the price of coal arbitrarily while they paid less wages to their
working men, and wherever those coal workers, those miners
have come together to consider the bettering their conditions,
their demands have always been very modest on the whole,
then the militia appears at once upon the scene and helps those
people, while they are feeding the miners with powder and lead.
For such a government I have no respect, and can have no re-
spect in spite of all their followers, in spite of all their police,
in spite of all their spies.

" I am not a man who hates a single capitalist. I am not
the man who at all hates the person of the capitalist. I hate
the system and all privileges, and my greatest desire is that the
working classes will at last recognize who are their friends and

168 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

who are their enemies. Against the condemnation of myself
by the capitalistic influence I have no word to say."

SAM FIELDEN.

Fielden prefaced his plea by reciteing a poem called " Rev-
olution,1 written by Freilegrath, a German poet:

" And tho' ye caught your noble prey within your hangman's sordid thrall,
And tho' your captive was led forth beneath your city's rampart wall;
And tho' the grass lies o'er her green, where at the morning's early red
The peasant girl brings funeral wreaths — I tell you still — she is not dead!

" You see me only in your cells; ye see me only in the grave;
Ye see me only wandering lone, beside the exile's sullen wave —
Ye fools ! Do I not live where you have tried to pierce in vain ?
Rests not a nook for me to dwell, in every heart, and every brain ?

*' 'Tis therefore I will be — and lead the peoples yet your hosts to meet,
And on your necks, your heads, your crowns, will plant my strong, resistless

feet!
It is no boast— it is no threat — tbus history's iron law decrees —
The day grows hot, oh, Babylon ! 'Tis cool beneath thy willow trees ! w

Fielden continued: "It makes a great deal of difference,
perhaps, what kind of a revolutionist a man is. The men who
have been on trial here for Anarchy have been asked the ques-
tion on the witness stand if they were revolutionists. It is not
generally considered to be a crime among intellectual people to
be a revolutionist, but it may be made a crime if a revolutionist
happens to be poor. * * * If I had known that I was be-
ing tried for Anarchy I could have answered that charge. I
could have justified it under the constitutional right of every
citizen of this country, and more than the right which any con-
stitution can give, the natural right of the human mind to draw
its conclusion from whatever information it can gain, but I had
no opportunities to show why I was an Anarchist. I was told

SAM'L FIELDEN.

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 169

that I was to be hung for being an Anarchist, after I had got
through defending myself on the charge of murder."

Fielden related that he was born in Lancashire; that his first
speech was made to starving operatives in the streets of his na-
tive town ; that it was here he began to hate kings and queens ;
his first speech was in support of the operatives of Lancashire
as against the sympathizers with the South in the American re-
bellion ; he came to the United States in 1808 and was a Meth-
odist exhorter in Ohio, and came to Chicago in 1869. Fielden
detailed how he had come to be a Socialist and Anarchist ; re-
viewing the various speeches he had made at meetings in Chi-
cago; attacking the veracity of witnesses who had testified
against him, and declaring himself the victim of illegal prose-
cution. He continued:

" From the time I became a Socialist I learned more and
more what it was. I knew that I had found the right thing ;
that I had found the medicine that was calculated to cure the
ills of society. Having found it, I believed it, and I had a
right to advocate it, and I did. The Constitution of the United
States, when it says : ' The right of free speech shall not be
abridged,' gives every man the right to speak. I have advo-
cated the principles of Socialism and social equality, and for
that and no other reason am I here, and sentence of death is to
be pronounced upon me. What is Socialism I Taking some-
body else's property ? That is what Socialism is in the common
acceptation of the term. No ; but if I were to answer it as
shortly and as curtly as it is answered by its enemies. I would
say it is preventing somebody else from taking your projDerty.
But Socialism is equality. Socialism recognizes the fact that no
man in society is responsible for what he is ; that all the ills

170 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

that are in society are the production of poverty ; and scientific
Socialism says that you must go to the root of the evil. There
is no criminal statistician in the world but will acknowledge
that all the crime, when traced to its origin, is the product of
poverty. * * * If I am to be convicted — hanged for tell-
ing the truth, the little child that kneels by its mother's side
on the West side to-day and tells its mother that he wants his
papa to come home, and to whom I had intended as soon as its
prattling tongue should begin to talk, to teach that beautiful
sentiment — that child had better never be taught to read ; had
better never be taught that sentiment to love truth. If
they are to be convicted of murder because they dare tell what
they think is the truth, then it would be better that every one
of your schoolhouses were reduced to the ground and one stone
not left upon another. If you teach your children to read they
will acquire curiosity from what they read. They will think,
and then will search for the meaning of this and that They
will arrive at conclusions. And then if they love the truth,
they must tell to each other what is truth or what they think
is the truth. That is the sum of my offending. * * * The
private property system then, in my opinion, being a system
that only subserves the interests of a few, and can only subserve
the interests of the few, has no mercy- It cannot stop for the
consideration of such a sentiment. Naturally it cannot. So
you ought not to have mercy upon the private property system,
because it is well known that there are many people in the com-
munity with prejudices in their minds. They have grown up
under certain social regulations, and they believe that those
social regulations are right, just as Mr. Grinnell believes that
everything in America is right, because he happened to be born

RISE AND FAI.L OF ANARCHY. 171

here. And they have such a prejudice against any one who
attacks those systems. Now, I say they ought not to have any
mercy upon systems that do nor subserve their interests. They
ought not to have any respect for them that would interfere
with their abolishing them."

Fielden maintained that the throwing of the bomb at the
Haymarket was a complete surprise to him; that he felt that he
would be held in some respect, at least responsible, yet he re-
solved not to attempt flight ; continuing : " I have said here
that I thought when the representatives of the State had in-
quired by means of their policemen as to my connection with it,
I should have been released. And I say now, in view of all the
authorities that have been read on the law and accessory, that
there is nothing in evidence that has been introduced to connect
me with that affair. * * * The great Socialist who lived in
this world nearly 1,900 years ago, Jesus Christ, has left these
words, and there are no grander words in which the principles
of justice and right are conveyed in any language. He said :
4 Better that ninety-nine guilty men should go unpunished than
that one innocent man should suffer.' Mr. Grinnell, I should
judge from his statements here, is a Christian. I would ask him
to apply that statement of the Great Teacher to the different
testimony that has been given here, and the direct contrary in
other places in the investigation of this case. Your Honor, we
claim that this is a class verdict. We claim that the foulest
criminal that could have been picked up in the slums of any
city in Christendom, or outside of it, would never have been
convicted on such testimony as has been brought in here if he
had not been a dangerous man in the opinion of the privileged
classes. * * * If my life is to be taken for advocating the

172 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

principles of Socialism and Anarchy, as I have understood them
and honestly believe them to be in the interests of humanity, I
say to you that I gladly give it up ; and the price is very small
for the result that is gained. * * * We claim that so far
as we have been able to find out in trying to find a cure for the
ills of society, we have not found out anything that has seemed
to fit the particular diseases which society in our opinion is af-
flicted with to-day, better than the principles of Socialism. And
your Honor, Socialism, when it is thoroughly understood in
this community and in the world, as it is by us, I believe that
the world, which is generally honest, prejudiced though it may
be, will not be slow to adopt its principles. And it will be a
good time, a grand day for the world; it will be a grand day
for humanity ; it will never have taken a step so far onward to-
ward perfection, if it can ever reach that goal, as it will when
it adopts the principles of Socialism. * * * To-day, as the
beautiful autumn sun kisses with balmy breeze the cheek of
every free man, I stand here never to bathe my head i:i it> rays
again. I have loved my fellow men as I have loved myself. I
have hated trickery, dishonesty and injustice. The nineteenth
century commits the crime of killing its best friend. It will
live to repent of it. But, as I have said before, if it will do any
good, I freely give myself up. I trust the time will come when
there will be a better understanding, more intelligence, and
above the mountains of iniquity, wrong and corruption, T hope
the sun of righteousness and truth and justice will come to
bathe in its balmy light an emancipated world. I thank your
Honor for your attention."

A. R. PARSONS.

Parsons made a speech addressed in the main to working

A. R. PARSONS.

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 173

men, starting out with the recital of a poem by George Heinig,
entitled "Bread is Freedom." He continued:

44 Your Honor, if there is one distinguishing characteristic
which has made itself prominent in the conduct of this trial it
has been the passion, the heat, and the anger, the violence both
to sentiment and to feeling, of everything connected with this
case. You ask me why sentence of death should not be pro-
nounced upon me, or, what is tantamount to the same thing,
you ask me why you should give me a new trial in order that I
might establish my innocence and the ends of justice be sub-
served. I answer you, your Honor, and say that this verdict is
the verdict of passion, born in passion, nurtured in passion, and
is the sum totality of the organized passion of the city of Chi-
cago. For this reason I ask your suspension of the sentence,
and a new trial. This is one among the many reasons which I
hope to present to your Honor before 1 conclude. Now, your
Honor, what is passion ? Passion is the suspension of reason ;
in a mob upon the streets, in the broils of the saloon, in the
quarrels on the sidewalk, where men throw aside their reason
and resort to feelings of exasperation, we have passion. There
is a suspension of the elements of judgment, of calmness, of dis-
crimination requisite to arrive at the truth and the establish-
ment of justice. I hold, your Honor, that you can not dispute
the proposition that I make that this trial has been submerged,
immerced in passion from its inception to its close, and even at
this hour, standing here upon the scaffold as I do with the hang-
man awaiting me with his halter, there are those who claim to
represent public sentiment in the city, and I now speak of the
capitalistic press — that vile and infamous organ and monopoly
of hired liars, the people's oppressors/1 Parsons claimed to

174 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

have been for thirty years identified with labor interests, and
said : " And in what I say upon this subject relating to the la-
bor movement or to myself as connected in this trial or before
this bar, L will speak the truth, though my tongue should be
torn from my mouth and my throat cut from ear to ear, so help
me God.v The speaker then went into statistics, claiming that
9,000,000 out of the 12,000,000 voters in the United States
were actual wage workers. He attacked the citizens' Associa-
tion as an organization of millionaires, and claimed that the
Court should stand between the accused and their persecuters.
'Where,11 he asked, uare the ends of justice observed, and
where is truth found in hurrying seven human beings at the
rate of express speed upon a fast train to the scaffold, and an
ignominious death ? Why, if your Honor please, the very method
of our extermination, the deep damnation of its taking off, ap-
peals to your Honor's sense of justice, of rectitude, and of honor.
A judge may also be an unjust man. Such things have been
known. We have in our histories heard of Lord Jeffreys. It
need not follow that because a man is a judge he is also jnst.

* * * Now, I hold that our execution, as the matter stands
just now, would be judicial murder, and judicial murder is far
worse than lynch law — far worse. But, your Honor, bear in
mind please, this trial was conducted by a mob, prosecuted by
a mob, by the shrieks and the howls of a mob, an organized
powerful mob. The trial is over. Now, your Honor, you sit
there judicially, calmly, quietly, and it is now for you to look at
this thing from the standpoint of reason and from common sense.

* * * Now, the money-makers, the business men, those
people who deal in stocks and bonds, the speculators and em-
ployers, all that class of men known as the money -making class,

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 175

they have no conception of this labor question ; they don't un-
derstand what it means. To use the street parlance, with many
of them it is a difficult matter for them to ' catcli onto ' it, and
they are perverse also ; they will have no knowledge of it.
They don't want to know anything about it, and they won't
hear anything about it, and they propose to club, lock up, and
if necessary strangle those who insist on their hearing this ques-
tion. Now, your Honor, can you deny that there is such a
thing in the world as the labor question ? I am an Anarchist.
Now strike ! But hear me before you strike. What is Social-
ism, briefly stated? It is the right of the toiler to the free and
equal use of the tools of production, and the right of the pro-
ducer to their product. That is Socialism. The history of
mankind is one of growth. It has been evolutionary and rev-
olutionary."

Parsons went into an explanation of the wage question and
the relations of capital and labor, asserting that employers in
owning capital and leaving nothing to the wage slave but the
price of his work, had produced a conflict which would inten-
sify as the power of the priviledged classes over the non-pos-
session of property classes increased. He continued: "We
were told by the Prosecution that law is on trial ; that govern-
ment is on trial. That is what the gentlemen on the other side
have stated to the jury. The law is on trial, and govern-
ment is on trial. Well, up to the conclusion of this trial we,
the defendants, supposed that we were indicted and being tried
for murder. Now, if the law is on trial, and the government is
on trial, who has placed it upon trial? And I leave it to the
people of America whether the prosecution in this case have
made out a case ; and I charge it here now, frankly, that in or-

176 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

der to bring about this conviction the Prosecution, the repre-
sentatives of the State, the sworn officers of the law — those
whose duty it is to the people to obey the law and preserve or-
der— I charge upon them a willful, a malicious, a purposed
violation of every law which guarantees every right to every
American citizen. They have violated free speech. In the
prosecution of this case they have violated a free press. They
have violated the right of public assembly. Yea, they have
even violated and denounced the right of self-defense. I charge
the crime home to them. * * * My own deliberate opinion
concerning this Haymarket affair is that the death-dealing mis-
sile was the work, the deliberate work of monopoly — the act
of those who themselves charge us with the deed. I am not
alone in this view of this matter, What are the real facts of
that Haymarket tragedy? Mayor Harrison of Chicago has
caused to be published his opinion, in which he says: " I did
not believe that there was any intention on the part of Spies
and those men to have bombs thrown at the Haymarket.' He
knows more about this thing than the jury that sat in this room,
for he knows — I suspect that the Mayor knows — of some of the
methods by which some of this evidence and testimony might
have been manufactured. I don't charge it, your Honor, but
possibly he has had some intimation of it, and if he has he
knows more about this case and the merits of this case than did
the jury who sat here. * * * Before the trial began, dur-
ing its prosecution, and since its close, a Satanic press has
shrieked and howled itself wild, like ravenous hyenas, for the
blood of these eight working men. Now, this subsidized press,
in the pay of the monopoly and of laborers and slavers, com-
manded this Court and commanded this jury and this Prosecu-

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 177

tion to convict us. As a fitting climax to this damnable con-
spiracy against our lives and liberty, what follows ? O hide
your eye now! hide it! hide it ! As a fitting climax to this dam-
nable conspiracy against our lives and liberty some of Chicago's
millionaires proposed to raise a purse of $100,000 and present
it to the jury for their verdict of guilty against us. This was
done, as everybody knows, in the last days of the trial, and since
the verdict so far as anybody knows to the contrary, this blood
mouey has been paid over to that jury. * * * Condemned
to death ! Perhaps you think I do not know what for ? Or
maybe you think the people do not understand your motives?
You are mistaken. I am here, standing in this spot awaiting
your sentence, because I hate and loathe authority in every
form. I am doomed by you to suffer an ignominious death be-
cause I am the outspoken enemy of coercion, of privilege, of
force, of authority. It is for this you make me suffer. Think
you the people are blind, are asleep, are indifferent ? You de-
ceive yourselves. I tell you, as a man of the people, and I
speak for them, that your every word and act and thoughts are
recorded. You are being weighed in the balance. The people
are conscious of your power — your stolen power. They know
you; that while you masquerade as their servants you are in
reality playing the role of master. The people — the common
working people — know full well that all your wealth, your ease
and splendor, have been stolen from them by the exercise of
your authority in the guise of law and order. I, a working
man, stand here and to your face, in your stronghold of op-
pression, and denounce to you your crimes against humanity. It is
for this I die, but my death will not have been in vain. I guess

I have finished. I don't know as I have anything more to say.
n

178 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

Your Honor knows all I know about this case. I have taken
your Honor's time up that I might be able to lay this thing, the
whole thing, before you, reserving nothing; opening my mind
and heart, telling you the truth, the truth, and the whole truth.
I am innocent of this offense. I had no connection with that
Haymarket tragedy. I know nothing of it. I am not respon-
sible for it. I leave the case in the hands of your Honor."

SENTENCE PRONOUNCED.

Parsons spoke altogether nearly nine hours, and the ad-
dresses of all the prisoners occupied three days. Thousands of
people were turned away during the closing days, and
the scene in the courtroom when sentence was pronounced
was peculiarly impressive. At the close of Parsons' remarks
Judge Gary delivered the following remarks, and pronounced
the death sentence:

"I am quite well aware that what you have said, although
addressed to me, has been said to the world ; yet nothing has
been said which weakens the force of the proof or the conclu-
sions therefrom upon which the verdict is based. You are all
men of intelligence, and know that if the verdict stands, it must
be executed. The reasons why it shall stand I have already
sufficiently stated in deciding the motion for a new trial. I am
sorry beyond any power of expression for your unhappy condi-
tion and for the terrible events that have brought it about. I
shall address to you neither reproaches nor exhortation. What
I shall say, shall be said in the faint hope that a few words from
a place where the people of the State of Illinois have delegated
the authority to declare the penalty of a violation of their laws,
and spoken upon an occasion solemn and awful as this, may

RISE AND FAT.L OF ANARCHY. 179

come to the knowledge of and be heeded by the ignorant, de-
luded and misguided men who have listened to your counsels
and followed your advice. I say in the faint hope; for if men
are persuaded that because of business differences, whether
about labor or anything else, they may destroy property and
assault and beat other men, and kill the police, if they, in the
discharge of their duty, interfere to preserve the peace, there is
little ground to hope that they will listen to any warning. It
is not the least among the hardships of the peaceable, frugal and
laborious poor to endure the tyranny of mobs, who, with law-
less force, dictate to them, under penalty of peril to limb and
life, where, when and upon what terms they may earn a liveli-
hood for themselves and their families. Any government that
is worthy of the name will strenuously endeavor to secure to all
within its jurisdiction freedom to follow the lawful avocations
and safety for their property and their persons, while obeying
the law, and the law is common sense. It holds each man re-
sponsible for the natural and probable consequences of his own
acts. It holds that whoever advises murder is himself guilty
of the murder that is committed pursuant to his advice, and if
men band together for a forcible resistance to the execution of
the law and advise murder as a means of making such resistance
effectual, whether such advice be to one man to murder another,
or to a numerous class to murder men of another class, all who
are so banded together are guilty of any murder that is com-
mitted in pursuance of such advice. The people of this coun-
try love their institutions, they love their homes, they love their
property. They will never consent, that by violence and mur-
der, those institutions shall be broken down, their homes de-
spoiled, and their property destroyed. And the people are

180 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

strong enough to protect and sustain their institutions and to
punish all offenders against their laws ; and those who threaten
danger to civil society, if the law is enforced, are leading to de-
struction whoever may attempt to execute such threats. The
existing order of society can be changed only by the will of the
majority. Each man has the full right to entertain and advo-
cate by speech and print such opinions as suits himself, and the
great body of the people will usually care little what he says.
But if he proposes murder as a means of enforcing he puts his
own life at stake. And no clamor about free speech or the evils
to be cured or the wrongs to be redressed, will shield him from
the consequences of his crime. His liberty is not a license to
destroy. The toleration that he enjoys he must extend to oth-
ers, and not arrogantly assume that the great majority are wrong
and may rightfully be coerced by terror, or removed by dyna-
mite. It only remains that for the crime you have committed,
and of which you have been convicted after a trial unexampled
in the patience with which an outraged people have extended
to you every protection and privilege of the law which you de-
rided and defied, that the sentence of that law be now given.
In form and detail that sentence will appear upon the records
of the Court. In substance and effect it is that the defendant
Neebe be imprisoned in the State Penitentiary at Joliet at hard
labor for the term of fifteen years. And that each of the other
defendants, between the hours of ten o'clock in the forenoon
and two o'clock in the afternoon of the third day of December
next, in the manner provided by the statute of this state, be
hung by the neck until he is dead. Remove the prisoners."

Stay of sentence in the case of Neebe was granted until De-
cember 3, the date set for the execution of the other principles ;

MRS. PARSONS.

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 181

and the counsel for the condemned Anarchists announced that
they should file a bill of exceptions before the Illinois Supreme
Court, and petition for a supersedeas.

CHAPTER X.

MISCELLANEOUS MATTER. ARBEITER ZEITUNG. MRS. LUCY PAKSONS.

HER ARREST IN OHIO. HER ARREST IN CHICAGO. HERR MOST

ENDORSING THE BOMB-THROWING. THE PANIC HE COULD

CREATE IN A BIG CITY IN THIRTY MINUTES WITH

3000 BOMBS IN THE HANDS OF 500

REVOLUTIONISTS.

As the trial progressed many new and sensational develop-
ments wTere made. Dr. Ernst Schmidt was constituted chairman
of the committee of an organization, taking chaige of matters
pertaining to raising money for the defense. F. Bielefeld be-
came business manager of the Arbeiter Z&itwng. In all the im-
portant cities meetings were held in the interests of the con-
demned men. Mrs. Lucy Parsons, wife of the condemned
anarchist, went on a lecturing tour to replenish the exchequer
of the defendants, but public opinion in many places was against
her, and she found it difficult in many places to obtain halls in
which to speak. At Akron, Ohio, she was arrested for holding
a meeting in defiance of the order of the mayor of that city.
She has for years been an active anarchistic agitator, and her
proclivities for public speech -making has brought her often be-
fore the public. She was arrested September 23 for a violation
of the ordinance prohibiting the distribution of circulars on the

182 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

street of Chicago. In New York, Herr Most, through his pa-
per, the Freiheit, indorsed the bomb-throwing, saying: "Its
work was thorough. Such bombs can be made by anybody
without much trouble, of an evening. Think of 500 revolution-
ists provided, say, each with six of these things, working in con-
cert, so that, for example, in the wide range of a great cosmo-
politan city within half an hour the fragments were to go flying
in various suitable places, who will gainsay that by this means
such a panic could be created that a comparatively small num-
ber of determined men might get possession of all commanding
points in the place in a giffy ? Nobody. The bomb in Chicago
was legally justified, and, in a military sense, excellent. All
honor to him who produced and made use of it."

For this, and similar incendiary utterances, Most was arrested
and sentenced to serve a year in Sing Sing prison. He was
living with Lena Fischer, alias Mary Georges, at 198 Allen
street, under the name of West, and when captured was found
in hiding under the woman's bed. The woman was thought to
be a sister of Adolf Fischer, one of the condemned Chicago an-
archists, but this was denied.

MISS NINA VAN ZANDT,

who has constituted herself the heroine of Anarchistic no-
toriety by developing a tender passion for the notorious Spies,
is a young lady of eighteen years of age, with a fine form and a
fair share of personal attractions; neither a pronounced blonde,
nor yet a brunette, but seemingly occupying the middle ground,
between. Nina is the daughter of the superintendant of the
great Kirk soap factory of Chicago, and the heiress apparent to
quite a fortune. She is of a dashing romantic disposition; fond

****»

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 183

of flowers, birds and dogs. She fell a victim to the ardent
glances of the humorous editor as the sequence of having made
his acquaintance while inserting an advertisement in the Zeitung
to recover her lost pug, to whom she was much attached.
Through the efforts of Spies she recovered her pet canine, and
while performing the duty of expressing her gratitude to the
editor she was smitten, and yielded passively to her fate. She
became so infatuated in her attachment and attentions to Spies
that in February, 1887, a marriage license was procured for the
purpose of becoming his wife in the jail, but the sheri if forbade
the ceremony as illegal and unprecedented. It was then de-
termined that the ceremony should take place by proxy. Spies'
brother became the proxy, and the ceremony took place before
Justice Englehardt in the town of Jefferson. Justice Engle-
hardt made returns of the marriage to the county clerk, who re-
fused to recognize the return, pronouncing the ceremony illegal-
This wife, in name only, was placed on exhibition in wax in one
of the dime museums, when the cheeky manager was served
with an injunction ; but this young would-be wife compromised
the matter, it is thought, on condition that part of the emmolu-
ments went into a fund for the benefit of her condemned lord.

MRS. OSCAR NEEBE

died quite suddenly in March, 1887. Neebe, under guard of
Jailor Folz, visited the bedside of his dying wife and by official
clemency remained some time with his children, and everything
was done for the condemned men that could be done in the name
of humanity under the circumstances.

184 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

CHAPTER XI.

SUPERSEDEAS GRANTED. UNITED STATES SUPREME COURT'S DECIS-
ION SUSTAINING THE ORIGINAL VERDICT. PARSONS' LETTER
TO GOVENOR OGLESBY. LINGG DEFIANT. THEY REFUSE
TO SIGN A PETITION ASKING FOR EXECUTIVE CLEM-
ENCY. THEIR IMPERTINENT LETTERS TO GOV-
ERNOR OGLESBY.

THE SUPERSEDEAS GRANTED.

There was no doubt from the beginning that the supersedeas
asked for in behalf of the condemned anarchists would be
granted. Capt. W. P. Black aud Hon. Leonard Swett, who had
been retained to present the petition and make the argument for
a new trial, met Chief Justice Scott at Bloomington by appoint-
ment, Nov. 25, 1886, and he directed the writ of error to issue.
The only thing of substance which Justice Scott said at the
entering of the order was to call attention to the following lan-
guage in Mooney vs. The People, CXI. Illinois, page 388 —
an opinion by the full court :

Recognizing to the fullest extent the rule of law that the
jury in their deliberations are judges of the facts and the weight
of the evidence in criminal cases, yet the law has imposed on
the court the solemn and responsible duty to see to it that no
injustice is done by hasty action, passion, or prejudice, or from
any other cause on the part of the jury. This duty the court
may not omit in any case.

It is almost needless to state that the anarchists were well

RICHARD OGLESBY

Governor of Illinois.

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 185

pleased with their temporary reprieve, and opportunity to have
their able counsel argue for a rehearing of their case. The
arguments were finished March 18, 1887, before the Supreme
Court at Ottawa, States Attorney Grinnell and Attorney-general
Hunt appearing for the State. The decision was rendered
Wednesday, September 14, before the full bench of Supreme
justices, being read by Judge Magruder, of Chicago. It will
thus be seen that the Supreme Court gave the questions at issue
full and ample consideration during a period of nearly six
months. The court-room was crowded by an expectant throng,
and the announcement of the decision was foreshadowed by
impressive solemnity. In a condensed review like this it would
be manifestly impossible to give a decision comprising upwards
of 60,000 words, and covering every point and detail of the
case. It is sufficient to state that the decision was unauimous
on the part of the justices. Even Justice Mulkey, who was
thought to lean toward a new trial, declared that, after having
fully examined the record and given the questions arising on it
his very best thought, with an earnest and conscientious desire
to faithfully discharge his whole duty, he was fully satisfied that
the opinion reached vindicates the law and does complete jus-
tice between the people and the defendants, fully warranted by
the law and evidence.

Chief Justice Sheldon made the following announcement :
"In this case the court orders that the sentence of the Criminal
Court of Cook county on the defendants in the indictment of
August Spies, Michael Schwab, Samuel Fielden, Albert R. Par-
sons, Adolph Fischer, George Engel, and Louis Lingg, be carried
into effect by the sheriff of Cook county on Friday, November

186 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

11 next, between the hours of 10 o'clock in the forenoon and 4
o'clock in the afternoon of that day."

The formal order for the execution of the anarchists was
received by Sheriff Matson, of Cook county, Monday, September
26. The guards inside and patrol outside the jail had been
doubled upon receipt of the news that the Supreme Court had
sustained the verdict. Monday night Oscar Neebe was quietly
removed from the jail in a carriage and taken to Joliet by train
by Deputy Sheriffs Gleason and- Spear, Xeebe being hand-
cuffed securely to the latter officer. Neebe's companions and
outside sympathizers did not know of his removal. Neebesaid
to a reporter of the News that he had abandoned all hope. He
said he would rather step upon the gallows with his companions
than to go to prison ; related what he had accomplished for
employees of Chicago breweries and the grocery clerks, in get-
ting their hours shortened ; was unrepentant of his part in the
conspiracy, and said : " What I have done I would do again,
and the time will come when the blood of the martyrs about to
be sacrificed will cry aloud for vengeance, and that cry will be
heard, aye, and that, too, before many years elapse."

EFFORTS TO SAVE THE ANARCHISTS HAD FAILED.

Upon receipt of the news of the affirmation of the sentence
by the Supreme Court, A. R. Parsons sent to the newspapers an
appeal, "To the American People," in which he maintained his
innocence ; declared that his speeches were lawful ; condemned
the evidence of detectives ; refused executive clemency, con-
cluding in the words of Patrick Henry, " I know not what course
others may take, but as for me, give me liberty or give me
death."

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 137

A. R. Parsons's open letter to the American people in which
he justifies his actions, maintains his innocence, and refuses
executive clemency, ran as follows, under date of September 22,
1887:

" To the American People — Fellow Citizens : As all the
world knows, I have been convicted and sentenced to die for the
crime of murder, the most heinous offense that can be com-
mitted. Under the form of law two courts — viz: the Criminal
and Supreme courts of the State of Illinois — have sentenced
me to death as an accessory before the fact to the murder of
Officer Degan on May 1, 1886. Nevertheless, I am innocent of
the crime charged, and to a candid and unprejudiced world I
submit the proof :

parsons maintains his innocence.

" In the decision affirming the sentence of death upon me
the Supreme Court of the State of Illinois says : ' It is undis-
puted that the bomb was thrown that caused the death of
Degan. It is conceded that no one of the defendants threw the
bomb with his own hands. Plaintiffs in error are charged with
being accessories before the fact.1 If I did not throAV the bomb
myself it becomes necessary to prove that I aided, encouraged,
and advised the person who did throw it. Is that fact proved I
The Supreme Court says it is. The record says it is not. I
appeal to the American people to judge between them.

"The Supreme Court quotes articles from the Alarm, the
paper edited by me, and from my speeches running back three
years before the Haymarket tragedy of May 4, 1886. Upon
said articles and speeches the court affirms my sentence of death
as an accessory. The court says, 'The articles in the Alarm

188 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

were most of them written by the defendant Parsons, and some
of them by the defendant Spies,' and then proceeds to quote
these articles. I refer to the record to prove that of all the
articles quoted only one was shown to have been written by me.
I wrote, of course, a great many articles for my paper, the
Alarm, but the record will show that only one of these many
quoted by the Supreme Court to prove my guilt as an accessory
was written by me. This article aj>peared in the Alarm Decem-
ber 6, 1884, one year and a half before theHaymarket meeting.
As to Mr. Spies, the record will show that during the three
years I was editor of the Alarm he did not write for the paper
half a dozen articles. For proof as to this I appeal to the
record.

" The Alarm was a labor paper, and, as is well known, a
labor paper is conducted as a medium through which working
people can make known their grievances. The Alarm was no
exception to this rule. I not only did not write ' most of the
articles,' but wrote comparatively few of them. This the record
will also show.

11 In referring to my Haymarket speech the court says :
' To the men then listening to him he had addressed the incen-
diary appeals that had been appearing in the Alarm for two
years. The court then quotes the incendiary article which I
did write, and which is as follows : ' One dynamite bomb
properly placed will destroy a regiment of soldiers, a weapon
easily made, and carried with perfect safety in the pockets of
one's clothing.1 "

SIMPLY A QUOTATION FROM GENERAL SHERIDAN.

"The record will show by referring to the Alarm that this

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 189

is a garbled extract taken from a statement made by Gen. Philip
Sheridan in his annual report to Congress. It was simply a
reiteration of General Sheridan's statement that dynamite was
easily made, perfectly safe to handle, and a very destructive
weapon of warfare. The article in full as it appeared in the
Alarm is as follows : ' Dynamite — The protection of the poor
against the armies of the rich — in submitting his annual report,
November 10, 1884, Gen. Philip Sheridan, commander of the
United States army, says : " This nation is growing so rapidly
that there are signs of other troubles, which I hope will not occur
and which will probably not come upon us if both capital and
labor will only be conservative. Still, it should be remembered,
destructive explosives are easily made, and that banks, United
States sub-treasuries, and large mercantile houses can be readily
demolished and the commerce of entire cities destroyed by an
infuriated people with means carried with perfect safety to
themselves in the pockets of their clothing.' '

"The editorial comment upon the above as it appeared in
the Alarm is as follows : ' A hint to the wise is sufficient. Of
course General Sheridan is too modest to tell us that himself
and army will be powerless in the coming revolution between
the propertied and the propertyless classes. Only in foreign
wars can the usual weapons of warfare be used to any advan-
tage. One dynamite bomb properly placed will destroy a
regiment of soldiers ; a weapon easily made and carried with
perfect safety in the pockets of one's clothing. The First reg-
iment may as wrell disband, for if it should ever level its guns
upon the workingmen of Chicago it can be totally annihilated.

" Again the court says: ' He (Parsons) had said to them
(referring to the people assembled at the Haymarket) Saturday,

190 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

April 24, 188(5, just ten days before May 4, in the Alarm that
had appeared: u Workingmen, to arms! War to the palace,
peace to the cottage, and death to luxurious idleness ! The
wage system is the only cause of the world's misery. It is
supported by the rich classes, and to destroy it they must be
either made work or die. One pound of dynamite is better
than a bushel of ballots ! Make your demand for eight hours
with weapons in your hands to meet the capitalist bloodhounds
— police and militia — in the proper manner.11 '

"The record will show that this article was not written by
me, but was published as a news item. By referring to the col-
umns of the Alarm the following comment appears, attached to
the above article, viz : ' The above hand-bill was sent to us
from Indianapolis, Inch, having been posted all over that city
last week. Our correspondent says that the police tore them
down wherever they found them.1

" The court continuing, says : ' At the close of another
article in the same issue he said : " The social war has come,
and whoever is not with us is against us.11 1 Assistant State's
Attorney Walker read this article to the jury, and at its con-
clusion stated that it bore my initials and was my article. It is
a matter within the knowledge of every one present that I inter-
rupted him and called his attention to the fact that the article
did not bear my initials, and that I was not its author. Mr.
Walker coirected his mistake to the jury.

" Now these are the three articles quoted by the Supreme
Court as proof of my guilt as an accessory in a conspiracy to
murder Officer Degan. The record will prove what I say.

HIS SPEECHES WERE ALL RIGHT.

" Now as to my speeches — all of them, with one exception

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 191

purporting to be my utterances at the Hayruarket, are given
from the excited imaginations and pre verted memories of news-
paper reporters. Mr. English, who alone took shorthand notes
and swore to their correctness, reports me as saying . ' It is time
to raise a note of warning. There is nothing in the eight- hour
movement to excite the capitalist. Don't you know that the
militia are under arms and a gatling gun is ready to mow you
down ? Was this Germany, or Russia, or Spain \ [A voice :
" It looks like it."] Whenever you make a demand for eight
hours' pay or increase of pay the militia and the deputy sheriffs
and the Pinkerton men are called out and you are shot and club-
bed and murdered in the streets. I am not here for the purpose
of exciting anybody, but to speak out, to tell the facts as they
exist even though it shall cost me my life before morning!'
Mr. English continuing, said : ' There is another part of it (the
speech) right here It behooves you, as you love your wife and
children, if you don't want to see them perish with hunger,
killed, or cut down like dogs on the street — Americans, in the
interest of your liberty and your independence, to arms ; arm
yourselves ! '

" This, be it remembered, is a garbled extract, and it is a mat-
ter of record that Reporter English testified that he was
instructed by the proprietor of his paper to report only the
inflammatory portions of the speeches made at the meeting.

THE MAYOR HEARD THE SPEECH.

" Mayor Harrison, who was present and heard this speech,
testified before the jury that it was simply 'a violent and political
harangue ' and did not call for his interference as a peace officer.
The speech delivered by me at the Haymarket, and which I

192 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

repeated before the jury is a matter of record and undisputed,
and I challenge any one to show therein that I incited any one
to acts of violence. The extract reported by Mr. English, when
taken in connection with what preceded and what followed, can*
not be construed by the wildest imagination as incitement to
violence. Extracts from three other speeches alleged to have
been delivered by me were made more than one year prior to May
4, 1886, are given. Two of these speeches were reported from
the memory of the Pinkerton detective Johnson. These are the
speeches quoted by the court as proof of my guilt as accessory
to the murder of Degan. Where, then, is the connection
between these speeches and the murder of Degan ? I am bold
to declare that such connection is imperceptible to the eye of a
fair and unprejudiced mind. But the honorable body, the
Supreme Court of Illinois, has condemned me to death for
speeches I never made, and for articles I never wrote. In the
affirmation of the death sentence the court has ' assumed,' ' sup-
posed,1 ' guessed 1 l surmised/ and ' presumed ' that I can and did
'so and so.' This the record fully proves.

" The court says : ' Spies, Schwab, Parsons and Engel were
responsible for the articles written and published by them, as
above shown; Spies, Schwab, Fielden, Parsons and Engel were
responsible for the speeches made by them respectively, and
there is evidence in the same record tending to show that the
death of Degan occurred during the prosecution of a co ispiracy
planned by the members of the international groups who lead
these articles and heard these speeches.'

OBJECTS TO THE PINKERTON MEN.

" Now, I defy any one to show from the record the proof

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 193

that I wrote more than one of the many articles alleged to have
been written by me. Yet the Supreme Court says that I wrote
and am responsible for all of them. Again — concerning the
alleged speeches — they were reported by the Pinkerton detect-
ive Johnson, who was, as the record shows, employed by Lyman
Gage, president of the First National Bank, as the agent of the
Citizens' Association, an organization composed of the million-
aire employers of Chicago.

" I submit to a candid world if this hired spy would not
make false reports to earn blood-money. Thus, it is for
speeches I did not make, and articles I did not write 1 am sen-
tenced to die, because the court 'assumes' that these articles
influenced some unknown and still unidentified person to throw
the bomb that killed Degan. Is this law? Is this justice?

"The Supreme Court, in affirming the sentence of death
upon me, proceeds to give further reasons, as follows: 'Two
circumstances are to be noted. First, it can hardly be said that
Parsons was absent from the Haymarket meeting when he went
to Zepf's Hall. It has already been stated that the latter place
was only a few steps north of the speakers' wagon and in sight
from it. We do not think that the defendant Parsons could
escape his share of the responsibility for the explosions at the
Haymarket because he stepped into a neighboring saloon and
looked at the explosion through a window. While lie was
speaking men stood around him with arms in their hands. Many
of these were members of the armed sections of the interna-
tional sirouos. Among them were men who belonged to the
International Rifles, an armed organization in which he himself
was an officer, and witli which he had been drilling in prepara-
tion for the events then transpiring.'

194 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

" The records of the trial will show that not one of the fore-
going allegations is true. The facts are these : Zepf's Hall is on
the northeast corner of Lake and Desplaines streets, just one
block north of the speakers' wagon. The court says ' it was only
a few steps north of the speakers1 wagon.1 The court says
further that ' it can hardly be said that Parsons was absent from
the Haymarket meeting when he was at Zepfs Hall.1 If this is
correct logic, then I was at two different places a block apart at
the same instant. Truly the day of miracles has not yet passed.
Again, the record will show that I did not k step into a neigh-
boring saloon and look at the explosion through a window.1 It
will show that I went to Zepf's Hall, one block distant, and
across Lake street, accompanied by my wife and another lady,
and my two children (a girl of five and a boy of seven years of
age ), they having sat upon a wagon about ten feet from the
speakers1 wagon throughout my speech ; that it looked like rain ;
that we had started home and went into Zepfs Hall to wait for
the meeting to adjourn, and walked home in company with a lot
of friends who lived in that direction. Zepf's building is on
the corner and opens on the street with a triangular door six
feet wide. Myself and ladies and children were just inside the
door. Here, while waiting for our friends and looking toward
the meeting, I had a fair view of the explosion. All this the
record will show.

ABOUT THE BOMB.

"It would seem that, according to circumstances, a block is
at one time ' a few steps ' or a ' few steps ' is more than a block,
as the case may suit. The logical as well as the imaginative
faculties of the Supreme Court are further illustrated in a

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 195

most striking manner by the credence of the court to the ' yarn '
of a 'reporter/ who testified that Spies had described to him the
Czar' bomb, and the men who were to use them as follows.
'He spoke of a body of tall, strong men in their organization
who could throw bombs weighing five pounds 151) paces. He
stated that the bombs in question were to be used in case of
conflict with the police or the militia.1

" The court gives this sort of testimony as proof of the exist-
ence of a conspiracy to murder Degan. Wonderful credulity.
To throw a five-pound bomb 150 paces or yards is to throw it
450 feet or a quarter of a mile.

" Gulliver, in his travels among the Brobdingnag race, tells
us of the giants he met, and we have also heard of the giants
of Patagonia. But we did not know until no w that they were
mere Lilliputians as compared with the ' anarchist Swedes ' of
Chicago.

"The court proceeds to say, "While he (Parsons) was
speaking, men stood around him with arms in their hands.1 The
record as quoted by the court shows that only one man flour-
ished a pistol, not a number of men Again, the court says,
' Most of the men were members of the armed sections of the
" International groups," 1 thus making it appear that many of
these men (when there was only one who was even alleged to
have exhibited a pistol) were armed.

" The court says : 'Among them were men who belonged to
the " International Rifles,11 an armed organization in which he
himself was an officer, and in which he had been drilling in
preparation for the events then transpiring.'

"Now I Challenge the Supreme Court or any other honor-
able gentleman to Drove from the record that there ever existed

196 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

such an organization as the armed section of the American
group, known as the ' International Rifles.' It cannot be done.
The record shows that some members of the American group
did organize the ' International Rifles,1 which never met but four
or Ave times; was never armed with rifles or any other weapons,
and was disbanded nearly a year before the 4th of May, 1886.

" The Pinkerton man Johnson says that dynamite bombs
were exhibited 'in the presence of the " International Rifles/' '
It will take corroborative testimony before the American people
will credit the statements of such a man engaged for such a pur
pose; and it is well known that Supreme courts have decided
that the testimony of detectives should be taken with great
caution.

HE APPEALS TO THE PEOPLE.

" I appeal to the American people, to their love of justice
and fair play. I submit that the record does not show my gilt
of the crime of murder, but on the contrary it proves my inno-
cence.

" Against me in this trial all the rules of law and evidence
have been reversed in that I have been held as guilty until I
proved my innocence. I have been tried ostensibly for murder,
but in reality for anarchy. I have been proved guilty of being
an anarchist and condemned to die for that reason. The State's
attorney said in his statement before the court and jury m the
beginning of the trial: 'These defendants were picked out
and indicted by the grand jury. They are no more guilty than
the thousands who follow them. They are picked out because
they are leaders. Convict them and our society is safe,' and in their
last appeal to the jury the prosecution said: 'Anarchy is on

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 197

trial. Hang these eight men and save our institutions. These
are the leaders. Make examples of them.' This is a matter of
record.

A WORD FOR HIS COMRADES.

" So far as I have had time to examine the records I find
the same fabrication and perversion of testimony against all my
comrades as exists against myself. I therefore again appeal to
to the American people to avert the crime of judicial murder.
And this appeal I have faith will not be in vain.

" My ancestors partook of all the hardships incident to the
establishment of this Republic. They fought, bled, and some
of them died that the Declaration of .Independence might live
and the American flag might wave in triumph over those who
claim the ' divine right of kings to rule.1 Shall the flag now,
after a century's triumph, trail in the mire of oppression and
protect the perpetration of outrages and oppressions that would
put the older despotisms of Europe to shame?

" Knowing myself innocent of crime I came forward and
gave myself up for [trial. I felt that it was my duty to
take my chances with the rest of my comrades. I sought a fair
and impartial trial before a jury of my peers, and knew that
before any fair-minded jury I could with little difficulty be
cleared. I preferred to be tried and take the chances of an
acquittal with my friends to being hunted as a felon. Have I
had a fair trial ?

PARSONS REFUSES EXECUTIVE CLEMENCY.

" The lovers of justice and fair play are assiduously engaged
in an effort to thwart the consummation of judicial murder by

198 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

a commutation of sentence to prison. I speak for myself alone
when I say that for this I thank them and appreciate their
efforts. But I am an innocent man. I have violated no law ; I
have committed no offense against any one's rights. I am sim-
ply the victim of the malice of those whose anger has been
aroused by the growth, strength and independence of the labor
organizations of America. I am a sacrifice to those who say:
* These men may be innocent. No matter. They are anarchists.
We must hang them anyway.'

" My counsel informs me that every effort will be made to
take this case before the highest tribunal in the land, and that
there is strong hope of a hearing there. But I am also reliably
informed that from three to five years will elapse before the
Supreme Court of the United States can hear and adjudge the
case.

" Since surrendering myself to the authorities, I have been
locked up in close confinement twenty- one hours out of every
twenty-four for six days, and from Saturday afternoon till Mon-
day morning (thirty -eight hours) each week in a noisome cell,
without a ray of sunlight or a breath of pure air. To be com-
pelled to bear this for five or even three years would be to
suffer a lingering death, and it is only a matter of serious con-
sideration with me whether I ought to accept the verdict as it
stands rather than die by inches under such conditions. I am
prepared to die. I am ready, if needs be, to lay down my life
for my rights and the rights of my fellow-men. But I object
to being killed on false and unproved accusations. Therefore
I cannot countenance or accept the efforts of those who would
endeavor to procure a commutation of my sentence to an impris-
onment in the penitentiary. Neither do I approve of any

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 199

further appeals to the courts of law. I believe them to be all
alike — the agency of the privileged classes to perpetuate their
power, to oppress and plunder the toiling masses. As between
capital and its legal rights, and labor and its legal rights, the
courts of law must side with the capitalistic class. To appeal
to them is in vain. It is the appeal of the wage slave to his
capitalistic master for liberty. The answer is curses, blows,
imprisonment, and death.

" If I had never been an anarchist before, my experience
with courts and the laws of the governing class would make an
anarchist of me now. What is anarchy ? It is a state of society
without any central or governing power. Upon this subject the
court, in its affirmation of the death sentence, defines the object
of the International Working Peoples1 Association as follows :

" ' It is designed to bring about a social revolution. Social
revolution means the destruction of the right of private owner-
ship of property, or of the right of the individual to own prop-
erty. It means of the bringing about of a state of society in
which all property should be held in common.'

HE REFERS TO THE SCRIPTURES.

" If this definition is right, then it is very similar to that
advocated by Jesus Christ, for proof of which I refer to the
fourth and fifth chapters of the Acts of the Apostles ; also
Matthew xxi., 10 to 14, and Mark xi., 15 to 19.

" No, I am not guilty. I have not been proved guilty. I
leave it to you to decide from the record itself as to my guilt or
innocence. I cannot, therefore, accept a commutation to impris-
onment. I appeal — not for mercy, but for justice. As for me,
the utterance of Patrick Henry is so appropos that I cannot do
better than let him speak :

200 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY

" ' Is life so dear and peace so sweet as to be purchased at
the price of chains and slavery ? Forbid it, Almighty God ! I
know not what course others may take, but, as for me, give me
liberty or give me death.7 A. R. Parsons,

"Prison Cell 29, Chicago, 111., Sept. 21, 1887."

THE CASE BEFORE THE P^EDERAL SUPREME COURT.

The anarchists were not lacking in funds to secure every
chance of reprieve or commutation, as contributions had poured
into their coffers swelling the sum total over $50,000. Every
opportunity was accorded to the condemned men to place their
case in as favorable a light as possible before the Federal Court.
But the flagrant and far-reaching character of their crime gave
little hope to the unbiased that the judges composing that hon-
orable body would interfere. Following our readers will find
Attorney Grinnell's argument before the United States Supreme
Court. Also General Butler's defense for the impenitent yet
doomed men.

GRINNELL's ARGUMENT BEFORE THE UNITED STATES SUPREME COURT.

Mr. Grinnell, addressing the court, said that it had not been
his intention to take part in the oral argument, and that he
came here primarily for the purpose of assisting Mr. Hunt by
means of his familiarity with the record in this case. He
thought that by the presentation of the law and the facts yes-
terday it was clearly shown that there was no federal question
involved, and that the court was without jurisdidtion to grant
the writ of error. The assignments of error in the lower court,
and the parts of the record relating to the jurors Denker and
Sanford had been printed and were in the court's hands. In all

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 201

the twenty- eight assignments of error there was no reference
directly or indirectly to the constitution of the United States or
any of its amendments. There were some things, he said, which
were here generally conceded, and oue of them was that the
constitution itself confers no rights which need be here consid-
ered. It is simply a limitation of the rights of the legislative
power in dealing with the rights of citizens.

THE QUESTION OF JURISDICTION.

The constitution of the State of Illinois contains almost all
the provisions which are embraced in the constitution of the
United States. This court had settled, he believed, the question
of jurisdiction as far as the first ten amendments are concerned,
and also, he thought, under the fourteenth amendment. The
only clause of the latter which could figure here was that " no
State shall deprive any person of life, liberty, or property with-
out due process of law." Whatever affects liberty and life is
made by this clause to affect also property. If the court has
jurisdiction of this case under this provision of the amendment
then every State question relating to property, such as special
assessments, the condemnation of property, etc., might be
brought to this court for review.

The Chief Justice — " Because they take property without
valuation by a jury.11

Mr. Grinnell — " Yes, your honor, in some cases they do,
especially in the matter of drainage, where the proceedings may
be before a justice of the peace.11

PEREMPTORY CHALLENGES.

Mr. Grinnell said he thought it to be conceded that a State

202 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

Legislature Lad a right to prescribe how many peremptory chal-
lenges should be allowed in the formation of a jury. The
common law of Illinois had been radically changed in this
respect, and both prosecution and defendant now stood on an
equal footing. Each defendant was entitled to twenty peremp-
tory challenges, and as the eight defendants in this case acted
in concert and were all consulted, each of them had practically
160 peremptory challenges. The State had a like number.
The defendants exhausted all of their 160 peremptory chal-
lenges before a jury was obtained and the State availed itself of
its priviledge to the extent of fifty-two challenges He main-
tained, however, that no federal question would be involved
even if the State allowed only one peremptory challenge to one
side and 160 to the other. It was the State's right. In this
case there were 931 men called into the jury box and examined
in order to obtain twelve jurors.

JURORS SANFORD AND DENKER.

No objection was raised to any one of the twelve jurors
with the single exception of Sanford. Denker was challenged
for cause after a brief examination ; the challenge was over-
ruled and the defense accepted, but they then proceeded with a
further and more elaborate examination of him, and it is shown
by the record that after this second examination they desired to
keep him, that they did keep him, and that they did make no
further exception. When Denker was taken the defense had
left 142 peremptory challenges and they could have used one of
these challenges to get rid of him if they had been very deirs-
ous of so doing. They had forty-three peremptory challenges
left after eleven jurors had been sworn. These forty-three

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 203

challenges they frittered away frivolously for the purpose of
taking some possible advantage. Their peremptory challenges
were then exhausted, and they had to either take a juror or
show cause why he should be rejected.

The examination of Sanford, the last juror, clearly demon-
strated, Mr. Grinnell said, that the defense were more ready to
take him than the State was. Not a single juror was put upon
the defense to exhaust their peremptory challenges. Whenever
a man said that he had talked with a witness or any one who
was present at the Haymarket meeting, or that he had attended
the coroner's inquest he was rejected for cause.

EULOGIZMG THE JURY.

Speaking of the jury as a whole, Mr. Grinnell said: "I
wish and am constrained to pay one tribute to that jury. It
exemplified American citizenship in this country more than any
jury that was ever looked upon. It embraced all walks of life.
Three of them earned their living by manual work. They came
from all parts of the country and one of them was born on for-
eign soil. They were not a class jury. They were honest
citizens with the solemn duty devolving upon them of determ-
ining what should be done with those men. No judge could
look in the faces of that jury without saying: ' They are intel-
ligent ; they represent American citizenship ; they are fit to be
trusted with the rights of freemen under our constitution.'
There was not a capitalist on that jury. They were all com-
mon-place small dealers and intelligent men."

Mr. Grinnell said he would challenge any one to show that
a single member of that jury was not a competent juror, not
only under the jury law of Illinois, but under the common law.

204 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

" Congress,'1 he said, " had recognized the right of States to
make their own jury laws."

Section 800 of the Revised Statutes provides that " jurors
to serve in the courts of the United States in each State respect-
ively shall have the the same qualifications and be entitled to
the same exemptions as jurors of the highest court of law in
such State may have and be entitled to at the time when such
jurors for service in the courts of the United State are sum-
moned.'1

Almost every State in the North, he said, now had its new
jury law, and these laws have been sustained by the highest

State courts.

-•

THE SEIZUEE OF SPIES1 PAPERS.

Proceeding to the question of "unreasonable search and
seizure " in Spies1 office, he said it did not strike him as being
any part of this case. He was not here to offer any apologies
for his own conduct. He then recited at some length the cir-
cumstances of the bomb-throwing in the Haymarket, the search
of the Arbeiter Zeitung office, the prying open of Spies' desk,
the finding of dynamite and letters there, the breaking open of
Lingg's domicile, and the finding in his trunk of dynamite
bombs precisely like the one thrown. Mr. Grinnell was inter-
rupted at this point by General Butler, who said he should want
to cross-examine him if it was competent for him to do so.
Mr. Grinnell — " You shall have that privilege, General."
Mr. Grinnell, resuming, said that such seizure wras not a
thing which this court could regulate. It had said in the Ker
kidnaping case that it was not for the court to determine how
he (the prisoner) got here. The court simply said : " You are

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 205

here.11 The things seized in the search of these prisoners1 prem-
ises " were there,'1 and it was for the court to determine whether
they were legally there. The only question was, "Are these
things testimony?'1 and that was not an inquiry for the court.

SIMPLY EVIDENCE.

Forgery, murder, and other crimes had to be proved, Mr.
Grinnell said, by such evidence. " The pistol found in the
hand of the assassin Guiteau was forcibly taken from him, and
his papers, if I remember rightly, were overhauled. They were
'there1 (that is, in the court), and it was nobody^ business
how they got there. That the search and seizure in this case
was an unreasonable search and seizure from the point of view
of the defendants I have no doubt."

In conclusion Mr. Grinnell said: "It strikes us from our
standpoint that the foundation of the constitution is less likely
to be impaired by refusing to grant this writ than by grant-
ing it.11

THE GENERAL^ INDIVIDUALITY.

After a great deal of rambling talk about the composition
of the jury, dissatisfaction with the record, lack of time for
preparation, the sentencing of the prisoners in their absence and
that of their counsel, the injustice done them by "unreasonable
search and seizure,11 etc., General Butler said that if all these
things could be done the question was to be debated whether
this government would not be a little better if it were over-
turned into an anarchy than if it were to be carried on in this
fashion.

" I have no fear,11 he said, " of being misunderstood upon

206 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

this question. I have the individuality of being the only man
in the Uuited States that condemned and executed men for
undertaking to overturn the law. There were thousands of
them. And for that act, please your honors, a price was set on
my head as though I were a wolf, and $25,000 was offered to
any man that could capture me, to murder me, by Jefferson
Davis and his associates, and who, if they were here at your
bar, trying to ascertain whether they should have an honest and
a fair trial for their great crimes, and they called upon me —
their lives in danger — I should hold it to be my duty to stand
here and do all that I might to defend them. That is the chiv-
alry of the law, if I understand it, and if I don't it is of not
much consequence, for I am quite easily and quickly passing
away.1'

INHERENT RIGHTS OF CITIZENS

After some further talk General Butler said he agreed fully
that the first ten amendments to the constitution were limita-
tions of federal power and not restrictions of the rights of the
States. The " privileges and immunities " however, claimed by
these prisoners were privileges inherent in each one of the citi-
zens of the several States of the United States, because in vast
majority we were British subjects and had certain privileges
and immunities inherited under the common law and magna
charta, and among them, and the most thoroughly known and
defined were the trial by jury for all high crimes, exemption
from search and seizure without warrant of law, protection from
self- accusation when a witness, and not to be deprived of life,
liberty, or property without due process of law. We claim that
all the rights, privileges, and immunities that belonged to a

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 207

British subject under magna charta belong to each citizen of the
United States; and that as new citizens of the United States
were made, not citizens of States, by naturalization, these rights,
priviliges, and immunities came to them as citizens of the
United States. The effect of the fourteenth amendment was to
guarantee these rights, privileges, and immunities to the citi-
zens of all the States.

MEANING OF " DUE PROCESS OF LAW."

The words " due process of law 11 as contained in the four-
teenth amendment, and as used to define one of these guaran-
teed rights, mean " by the law of the land,1' not the law of a
county, a province, or a State, but the law of the country — the
whole country. That is the law of the land, and was so under-
stood by our forefathers as due process of law. Any other
meaning given to "due process of law " as it is used in the four-
teenth amendment would make it simply ridiculous and frivolous,
because any State may enact a " due process of law " according
to that State, by which" a man's life may be taken and from
which not a single right or immunity of citizenship can protect
him. Any law a State may make after the passage of this
amendment for dealinc; with the rights of a citizen of the United
States becomes wholly inoperative, because the " law of the
land " must forever remain fixed as at that moment, not to be
changed in regard to its citizens without a change of organic
law, and for some purposes not to be even so changed.

THE CASES OF FIELDEN AND SPIES.

General Butler then proceeded to a consideration of the
special and peculiar questions raised by the cases of Fielden

208 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

and Spies who are foreigners. He contended that treaties were
the supreme law of the land, and that these prisoners were
entitled, by virtue of treaties with Germany and Great Britain,
to all the rights and privileges of American citizens at the time
such treaties were made. A State had no power to try these
men by one of its own laws which was not the law of the land
at the time the treaties were ratified. He did not mean, he said,
that a foreigner could come into a State and break its laws with
impunity and that the State could not touch him. But he did
mean that the State could only try him in accordance with the
law of the land — the whole land — at the time the treaty with
his government was made. This, he said, was an important
question to every American citizen, because in return for the
concession made by this government in the treaty with Great
Britain the government of that country had made similar con-
cessions to us. Suppose that a citizen of the United States
should go to Ireland and should make some remarks about the
advantages of a republican form of government, and should be
arrested and tried by the crimes act in violation of the treaty.
Would we not stand up and say that this man must be tried by
a fair and impartial jury? He must be tried as an Englishman
would have been tried at the time the treaty was made, and he
cannot be dealt with in a more summary way under a later law.

GENERAL BUTLER's ARGUMENT.

If this should happen, General Butler said, he hoped that
the English authorities would not be able to hold up to him a
decision of the United States Supreme Court sustaining the
light to try an Englishman by the local law of a State which
was nothing but a swamp and a howling wilderness at the time

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 209

the treaty was ratified.

Returning to the rights of States, General Butler said that
he was not prepared to deny that a State might change its
organic laws with the consent of all its citizens, but such change
would not bind a citizen of another State who had not assented
to them.

IMPARTIAL JURIES AND NEWSPAPER LIES.

After some desultory remarks about the record and the
necessity of laying it before the court, and another reference to
breaking open safes and desks, General Butler said : " There is
no doubt that the prisoners were entitled to a trial by an impar-
tial jury — a stupid jury, if you please — because I don't think a
man who reads newspapers is any more competent to try a case
— rather worse if he pays any attention to their lies.1' As
enunciated by chief justices of the Supreme Court an impartial
juror, he said, is one who "stands in freedom of mind, without
bias or prejudice, and is indifferent.1' The petitioners were not
tried by such a jury and are entitled to protection under the
federal constitution.

" If " he said, kt the court is to give me jurors as prejudiced
as some of those in this case I had better go to a land of Hot-
tentots, for they would not allow me to be stolen and taken back
into Illinois." General Butler's allusion is to the kidnaping of
Ker, referred to by counsel on the other side in defending their
search and seizure.

In reply to Mr. Grinnell's statement that the records would
show that the defense were more ready to take the last juror
(Sanford) than the State was, General Butler said that they were
compelled to accept the last juror. Their peremptory challenges

210 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

were exhausted and they could do nothing else. Under these
circumstances they talked to him and coaxed him, and tried to
get him into a state of mind as favorable to their side as they
could. That was what the parts of the record referred to by
Mr. Grinnell would show, and nothing more.

NO WAIVER OF RIGHTS IN CAPITAL CASES.

General Butler then referred to the assertion of counsel on
the other side that the petitioners had waved some of their
rights through not insisting upon them by exception or objec-
tion at the proper time, and that therefore, they were estopped
from asserting these rights now in this court. He contended,
however, that when a man was on trial for his life there was no
such thing as a waiver or estoppal. In capital offences a pris-
oner cannot waive wittingly or unwittingly anything that will
affect the issue. In support of this contention he cited the
opinion of Chief Justice Shaw in the case of Dr. Webster. The
prisoners, he maintained, could not now be barred out because
they had not raised sufficiently formal objections.

General Butler then returned again to the " unreasonable
searches and seizures " complained of by the petitioners, and
said his associate, Mr. Tucker, had characterized the proceeding
as a " subpoenas duces tecum,1' executed by a locksmith. " Why
your honors,'' he exclaimed, "they searched under a burglary,
headed by the State's attorney on his own admission — no miser-
able policeman or half-witted constable, but the State's prose-
cuting attorney does the burglary, steals the papers, and says
you can't help that. He puts it with a sort of triumph, and
yet we are told that our immunities and privileges are not
invaded, and our remedy is to sue for trespass. What a beau-

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 211

tif ul remedy ! Sue the State's attorney and be tried by such a
jury as the laws of Illinois would give. Better be in a place
not to be named for comfort.'1

PRISONERS ABSENT WHEN SENTENCED.

As a final reason why the writ should be granted, General
Butler urged that the prisoners had been sentenced to death in
their absence, and without being asked whether they had any
reason to give why sentence of death should not be pronounced
upoD them. The record, he said, did not show that they were
absent when sentenced, but they could prove it. The record
showed that they were present, but they could prove by half
Chicago that this was a mistake.

In conclusion, General Butler said : '• May I, in closing,
make one observation ? If men's lives can be taken in this way,
as you have seen exhibited here to-day, better anarchy, better
be without law, than with any such law." General Butler then
thanked the court for its indulgence and took his seat.

UNITED STATES SUPREME COURT'S DECISION NOVEMBER 2, 1887

Is as follows :

The court holds in brief : First, that the first ten amend -
ments to the constitution are limitations upon federal and not
upon State action : second, that the jury law of Illinois is upon
its face valid and constitutional, and that it is similar in its pro-
visions to the statute of Utah, which was sustained in this court
in the case of Hopt vs. The Territory of Utah; third, that it
does not appear in the record that upon the evidence the trial
court should have declared the juror Sanford incompetent;
fourth, that the objection to the admission of the Johann Most

212 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

letter and the cross-examination of Spies, which counsel for the
prisoners maintained virtually compelled them to testify against
themselves, were not objected to in the trial court, and that
therefore no foundation was laid for the exercise of this court's
jurisdiction, and fifth, that the questions raised by General But-
ler in the cases of Spies and Fielden upon the basis of their
foreign nationality were neither raised nor decided in the State
courts, and therefore cannot be considered.

The writ of error prayed for was consequently denied.

There was no dissenting opinion.

The above decision of the Supreme Court was received by
the condemned anarchists with coolness amounting to indiffer-
ence. A. R. Parsons then handed the copy of a letter sent to
Governor Oglesby to the Daily Neivs for publication, as follows:
" To His Excellency Richard J. Oglesby, Governor of the State
of Illinois— Dear Sir: I am aware that petitions are being
signed by hundreds of thousands of persons addressed to you,
beseeching you to interpose your perogative and commute the
sentences of myself and comrades from death to imprisonment
in the penitentiary. You are, I am told a good constitutional
lawyer and a sincere man. 1 therefore beg of you to examine
the record of the trial, and then conscientiously decide for your-
self as to my guilt or innocence. I know that as a just man
you will decide in accordance with the facts, the truth, and the
justice of this case. But I write to reiterate the declaration
made in my published appeal to the people of America Septem-
ber 21, 1887. I am guilty or I am innocent of the charge for
which I have been condemned to die. If guilty, then I prefer
death rather than to go ' like the quarry slave at night scourged
to his dungeon. If innocent then I am entitled to and will

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 213

accept nothing less than liberty. The records of the trial made
in Judge Gary's court prove my innocence of the crime of mur-
der. But there exists a conspiracy to judicially murder myself
and imprisoned companions in the name and by virtue of the
authority of the State. History records every despotic, arbi-
trary deed of the people's rulers as having been done in the
name of the people, even to the destruction of the liberties of
the people.

" I am a helpless prisoner, completely in the power of the
authorities, but I strongly protest against being taken from my
cell and carried to the penitentiary as a felon. Therefore, in
the name of the people, whose liberty is being destroyed ; in
the name of peace and justice, I protest against the consumma-
tion of this judicial murder, this proposed strangulation of
freedom on American soil. I speak for myself, I know not
what course others may pursue, but for myself I reject the peti-
tion for my imprisonment, I am innocent, and I say to you that
under no circumstances will I accept a commutation to impris-
onment. In the name of the American people I demand my
right — my lawful, constitutional, natural, inalienable right to
liberty. Respectfully yours,

"A. R. Parsons, Prison Cell 29."

On receipt of the decision of the Federal Court not to
interfere in the anarchists case, the doomed men were sullen.
Louis Linger, the bomb -maker, was blatant and defiant, and said
to his attendants, "I will never die on the scaffold,11 he contin-
ued, " I hate and defy you all." A week before the execution
Lingg said : " I approach my last moment cheerfully, but I will
not go alone."' This was significant language, and no doubt was
an allusion to the fact that he intended to use the bombs, after-

214 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

wards found in his cell for the purpose of producing an explos-
ion in the jail that might have resulted in the death of scores
of victims. Lingg, Engle, Fischer and Parsons refused abso-
lutely and persistently to sign any petition to His Excellency,
Governor Oglesby, for executive clemency in the commutation
of their sentence to imprisonment. The following is a copy of
letters from Lingg, Engle and Fischer to Governor Oglesby.
They demand liberty or death :

Cook County Jail, November 1. — An open letter to Mr. R.
J. Oglesby, Governor of the State of Illinois.

Dear Sir: I am aware that petitions are being circulated
and signed by the general public, asking you to commute the
sentence of death which was inflicted upon me by a criminal
court of this State. Anent the action of a sympathizing and
well-meaning portion of the people, I solemnly declare that it
has not my sanction. As a man of honor, as a man of con-
science, and as a man of principle, I cannot accept mercy. I

am not guilty of the charge in the indictment of murder.

I am no murderer, and cannot apologize for an action of which
I know I am innocent. And should I ask "mercy " on account
of my principles, which I honorably believe to be true and
noble ! JVo ! I am no hypocrite, and have, therefore, no excuses
to offer with regard to being an anarchist, because the experi-
ences of the past eighteen months have only strengthened my
convictions. The question is: Am I responsible for the death
of the policemen at the Hay market? and I say no, unless you
assent that every abolitionist could have been responsible for the
deeds of John Brown. Therefore I could not ask or accept
"mercy11 without lowering myself in my self-estimation. If I
cannot obtain justice from the authorities and be restored to my

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 215

family, then I prefer that the verdict should be carried out as it
stands. Every informed person must, I should think, admit
that this verdict is solely due to class hatred, prejudice, the
inflaming of public opinion by the malicious newspaper frater-
nity, and a desire on the part of the privileged classes to check
the progressive labor movement. The interested parties, of
course, deny this, but it is nevertheless true, and I am sure that
coming ages will look upon our trial, conviction, and execution
as the people of the ninteenth century regard the barbarities of
past generations — as the outcome of intolerance and prejudice
against advanced ideas. History repeats itself. As the power-
that be have at all times thought that they could stem the
progressive tide by exterminating a few " kickers,11 so do the
ruling classes of to-day imagine that they can put a stop to the
movement of labor emancipation by hanging a few of its advo-
cates Progress in its victorious march has had to overcome
many obstacles which seemed invincible, and many of its apos-
tles have died the death of martyrs. The obstacles which bar
the road to progress to-day seem to be invincible, too; but they
will be overcome, nevertheless. At all times when the condition
of society had become such, that a large portion of the people
complained of the existing injustice, the ruling classes have
denied the truth of these complaints, and have said that the dis-
content of the portion of the people in question was due only
to thtf " pernicious influence " of " malicious agitators.'1 To-day,
again, some people assert that the k" d d agitators 51 are the
cause of the immense dissatisfaction among the working peo-
ple! Oh, you people who speak thus, can you not, or will you
not, read the signs of the time \ Do you not see that the clouds
on the social firmament are thickening? Are you not, for

216 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

instance, aware that the control of industry and the means of
transportation, etc., is constantly concentrating in fewer hands;
that the monopolists, i. e., the sharks among the capitalists,
swallow the little ones among them; that " trusts," "pools," and
other combinations are being formed in order to more thor-
oughly and systematically fleece the people; that under the
present system the development of technic and machinery is
from year to year throwing more workingmen on the wayside ;
that in some parts of this great and fertile land a majority of
the farmers are obliged to mortgage their homes in order to
satisfy the greed of monstrous corporations ; that, in short, the
rich are constantly growing richer, and the poor poorer? Yes?
And do you not comprehend that all these evils find their origin
in the present institution of society which allows one portion of
the human race to build fortunes upon the misfortunes of others;
to enslave their fellow men? Instead of trying to remedy
these evils, and instead of ascertaining just what the cause of
the widening dissatisfaction is, the ruling classes, through their
mouth- pieces, press, pulpit, etc. — defame and misrepresent the
character, teachings, and motives of the advocates of social
reconstruction, and use the rifle and the club on them, and, if
opportunity is favorable, send them to the gallows and prisons.
Will this do any good? As an answer I may as well quote the
following word« with which Benjamin Franklin closed his satir-
ical essay, " Rules for Reducing a Great Empire to a Small One/
which he dedicated to the English government in 177G. " Sup-
pose all their (the 'kickers') complaints to be inverted, and
promoted by a few factious demagogues, whom if you could
catch and hang, all would be quiet. Catch and hang a few

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 217

accordingly ; and the blood of the martyrs shall work miracles
in favor of your purpose " (i. e., your own ruin).

So, I say, society may hang a number of disciples of progress
who have disinterestedly served the cause of the sons of toil
which is the cause of humanity, but their blood will work
miracles in bringing about the downfall of modem society, and
in hastening the birth of a new era of civilization. Magna est
Veritas et prevalebet ! Adolpii Fischer.

A LETTER TO GOVERNOR OGLESBY.

Dear Sir — I, George Engel, citizen of the United States and
of Chicago, and condemned to death,' learn that thousands of
citizens petition you as the highest executive officer of the State
of Illinois, to commute my sentence from death to imprisonment.
I protest emphatically against this on the following grounds :
I am not aware of having violated any laws of this country. In
my firm belief in the constitution which the founders of this
republic bequeathed to this people and which remains unaltered,
I have exercised the right of free speech, free press, free thought
and free assemblage, as guaranteed by the constitution, and have
criticised the existing condition of society, and succored my
fellow-citizens with my advice, which 1 regard as the right of
every honest citizen. The experience which 1 have had in this
country, during the fifteen years that 1 have lived here, con-
cerning the ballot and the administration of our public function-
aries who have become totally corrupt, have eradicated my
belief in the existence of equal rights of poor and rich, and the
action of the public officers, police and militia have produced
the firm belief in me that these conditions cannot last long. In
accordance with this belief I have taught and advised. This I

218 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

have done in good faith of the rights which are guaranteed by
the constitution, and, not being conscious of my guilt, the " pow-
ers that be " may murder me, but they cannot legally punish
me. I protest against a commutation of my sentence and
demand either liberty or death. I renounce any kind of mercy.
Respectfully, George Engel.

AN OPEN LETTER.

To Mr. R. J. Oglesby, Governor of Illinois: Anent the
fact that the progressive and liberty -loving portion of the Amer-
ican people are endeavoring to prevail upon you to interpose
prerogative in my case, I feel impelled to declare, with my friend
and comrade Parsons, that I demand either liberty or death. If
you are really a servant of the people according to the consti-
tution of the country, then you will, by virtue of your office
unconditionally release me.

Referring to the general and inalienable rights of men. I
have called upon the disinherited and oppressed masses to
oppose the force of their oppressors — exercised by armed
enforcement of infamous laws, enacted in the interest of capital
— with force, in order to attain a dignified and manly existence
by securing the full returns of their labor. This — and only
this — is the " crime " which was proved against me, notwith
standing the employment of perjured testimony on the part of
the State. And this crime is guaranteed not only as a right,
but as a duty, by the American constitution, the representative
of which you are supposed to be in the State of Illinois. But
if you are not the representative of the constitution, like the
great majority of officeholders, a mere tool of the monopolists
or a specific political clique, you will not encroach upon the

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 219

thrist for blood displayed by the executioner, because a mere
mitigation of the verdict would be cowardice, and a proof that
the ruling classes which you represent are themselves abashed
at the monstrosity of my condemnation, and consequently, of
their own violation of the most sacred rights of the people.

Your decision in that event will not only judge me, but also
yourself and those whom you represent. Judge then !

Cook County Jail, 30, 10, '87. Louis Linng.

P. S. — In order to be sure that this letter will come to your
official notice, I will send you the original manuscript as a reg-
istered letter. L. L.

CHAPTER XII.

FEELDEN PENITENT. HIS LETTER TO THE GOVERNOR. SPIES LAST

LETTER TO HIS EXCELLENCY. WILLING TO

DIE FOR HIS COMRADES.

FIELDEN SUES FOR MERCY.

Fielden's letter is as follows :

Chicago, 111., Nov. 5, 1887. — Ihe Hon. Richard J. Oglesby,
Governor State of Illinois — Sir : I Samuel Fielden, a prisoner
under sentence of death, and charged with complicity in the
conspiracy to bring about the Haymarket massacre, pray your
excellency for relief from the death sentence and respectfully
beg your consideration of the following statement of facts :

" I was born in England in humble circumstances, and had
little early education. For some years I devoted my life to
religious work, being an authorized lay preacher in the Metho-
dist denomination. I came to this country and settled in Chi-

220 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

cago. At all times I was obedient to the law and conducted
myself as a good citizen. I was a teamster and worked hard
for my daily bread. My personal conduct and my domestic life
were beyond reproach.

4k Some three years or more ago I was deeply stirred by the
condition of the working classes, and sought to do what I cou>d
for their betterment. I did this honestly, and with no sinister
motive. I never sought any personal advantage out of the
agitation in which I was engaged. I was gifted, as I was flat-
tered and led to believe, with the faculty of stirring an audience
with my words, and it was said that I was eloquent.- I began
delivering addresses to assemblages of the working classes, and
spoke of their wrongs as I saw them. None of my speeches
were prepared nor in any sense studied, and often they were born
in an hour of intense excitement. It is true that I have said
things in such heat that in calmer moments I should not have
said. I made violent speeches. I suggested the use of force as
a means for righting the wrongs which seemed to me to be
apparent.

" I cannot admit that I used all of the words imputed to me
by the State, nor can I pretend to remember the actual phrases
I did utter. I am conscious, however, as I have said, that I was
frequently aroused to a pitch of excitement which made me in
a sense irresponsible. I was intoxicated with the applause of
my hearers, and the more violent my language the more
ajiplause I received. My audience and myself mutually excited
each other. I think, however, it is true that, for sensational or
other purposes, words were put into my mouth and charged to
me which I never uttered ; but, whether this be true or not, I
say now that I no longer believe it proper that any class of

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 221

society should attempt to right its own wrongs by violence. I
can now see that much that I said under excitement was unwise,
and all this I regret. It is not true, however, that I ever con-
sciously attempted to incite any man to the commission of crime
Although I do admit that I belonged to an organization which
which was engaged at one time in preparing for a social revolu-
tion, I was not engaged in any conspiracy to manufacture
or throw bombs. I never owned or carried a revolver in my life
and did not fire one at the Haymarket. I had not the slighest
idea that the meeting at the Haymarket would be other than a
peaceable and orderly one, such as I had often addressed in this
city, and was utterly astounded at its bloody outcome, and have
always felt keenly the loss of life and suffering there occasioned.
" In view of these facts I respectfully submit that, while I
confess with regret the use of extravagant and unjustifiable
words, I am not a murderer. I never had any murderous intent,
and I humbly pray relief from the murderer's doom. That
these statements are true I do again solemnly affirm by every
tie that I hold sacred, and I hope that your excellency will give
a considerate hearing to the merits of my case, and also to those
of my imprisoned companions who have been sentenced with me.
" I remain, very respectfully, S. Fielden.'1

The above letter to the Governor by Samuel Fielden was
endorsed by Judge Gary and States Attorney Grinnell.

SPIES' LAST LETTER TO THE GOVERNOR.

" Chicago, 111., Nov. 6. — Gov. Oglesby, Springfield, III. — Sir:
The fact that some of us have appealed to you for justice —
under the pardoning prerogative — while others have not, should
not enter into consideration in the decision of our case. Some

222 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

of my friends have asked you for an absolute pardon. They
feel the injustice done them so intensely that they cannot con-
ciliate the idea of a commutation of sentence with the conscious-
ness of innocence. The others (among them myself), while
possessed of the same feeling of indignation, can perhaps more
calmly and dispassionately look upon the matter as it stands.
They do not disregard the fact that through a systematic course
of lying, perverting, distorting, inventing, slandering, the press
has succeeded in creating a sentiment of bitterness and hatred
among a great portion of the populace that one man, no matter
how powerful, how courageous, and just he be, cannot possibly
overcome. They hold that to overcome that sentiment or the
influence thereof would almost be a physiological impossibility.
Not wishing, therefore, to place your excellency in a still more
embarrassing position between the blind fanaticism or a misin-
formed public on one hand and justice on the other they con-
cluded to submit their case to you unconditionally.

WILLING TO DIE FOR HIS COMRADES.

I implore you not to let this difference of action have any
weight with you in determining our fate. During our trial the
desire of the prosecutor to slaughter me, and to let my co-de-
fendants off with milder punishment was quite apparent and
manifest. It seemed to me then, and a great many of others,
that the persecutors would be satisfied with one life — namely,
mine. Grinnell, in his argument, intimated this very plainly.
I care not to protest my innocence of any crime, and of the one
I am accused of in particular. I have done that and leave the
rest to the judgment of history. But to you I wish to address
myself now as the alleged arch-conspirator (leaving the fact

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 223

that I never have belonged to any kind of a conspiracy out of
the question altogether). If a sacrifice of life there must be,
will not my life suffice ? The State's attorney of Cook county
asked for no more. Take this, then ! Take my life ! I offer it
to you so that you may satisfy the fury of a semi- barbaric mob,
and save that of my comrades. I know that every one of my
comrades is as willing to die, and perhaps more so than I am.
It is not for their sake that I make this offer, but in the name of
humanity and progress, in the interest of a peaceable — if possi-
ble— development of the social forces that are destined to lift
our race upon a higher and better plane of civilization In the
name of the traditions of our country I beg you to prevent a
seven-fold murder upon men whose only crime is that they are
idealists, that they long for a better future for all If legal
murder there must be, let one, let mine, suffice.

" A. Spies/1

CHAPTER XIII.

LINGO SUICIDES. DR. BOLTON WITH THE PRISONERS. THEY DECLINE
SPIRITUAL COMFORT. THE LAST NIGHT OF THE DOOMED
MEN. PARSONS SINGS IN HIS CELL. TELE-
GRAMS FOR PARSONS. HIS
LAST LETTER.

LINGG COMMITS SUICIDE.

His Excellency, the Governor of Illinois, took action in the
anarchists' case on November 10, commuting to imprisonment
for life the sentence of Samuel Fielden and Michael Schwab,
sending the death warrant of the remaining four to Sheriff Mat-
son by his son, Robert Oglesby, who arrived early on the morn-

224 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

ing of the 11th of November. Prior to the Governor making
known his decision, Louis Lingg anticipating what his fate
would be, and in keeping with his threat, had by some process
unknown to the keepers, secured a fulminating cap such as is
used in exploding dynamite, which he coolly placed in his mouth,
and igniting the fuse which protruded from his mouth a short
distance, calmly awaited the end. A terrific report sounded in
the jail about 9 o'clock on the morning of the day previous to
the day set for the execution. The deputies hastened in the
direction of the sound of the explosion and beheld clouds of
bluish -white smoke curling out from between the bars of the
door of Lingg's cell. On entering the cell Lingg was lying
upon his face. On turning him over he presented a ghastly
sight, the entire lower jaw was blown away, and the features
mutilated beyond recognition, only the stump of his tongue was
remaining, which fell back into the larynx and made respiration
difficult. He died in great agony at 2:45 of the same day. He
had eluded the disgrace of the hangman's noose and the igno-
miny of a public execution.

During the ensuing night the gallows was erected in the
north corridor of the jail, and tested by heavy bags of sand to
make sure that everything was in working order.

THE CONDEMNED MEN'S LAST NIGHT.

SPIES AND DR. BOLTON.

THE EX-EDITOR OF THE " ARBEITER ZEITUNG " REFUSES THE MINIS-
TER'S SYMPATHY.

Not long after the death watch had been set the Rev. Dr.
Bolton, pastor of the First Methodist Episcopal church, called

5!^FHpr~^~~""' ~~~~

I !■■

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 225

upon the prisoners. The reverend gentleman visited the whole
four unfortunates, and his reception was almost the same in every
case.

Spies received him quietly and with a smile. " I have called
on you, Mr. Spies," said the clergyman, " to help you to prepare
for the awful end which is now but a few short hours away.1'

Spies smiled again, but shook his head slowly. " There is no
use praying for me,11 he said in a meloncholy tone ; " I need them
not; you should reserve your prayers for those who need them.11

The two men then discussed matters of religion and social
economy, and Spies waxed warm in his defense of the doctrines
of socialism as it looked to him. The conversation was a long
and somewhat rambling one, and finally Mr. Bolton arose, bade
Spies adieu, and left him.

When he had gone the latter turned to the two deputies
(Quirk and Josephson) who kept watch over him, and with a
short laugh exclaimed: " Now, what can you do with men like
that ? One doesn^ like to insult them, and yet one finds it hard
to endure their unlooked-for attentions.1'

Spies then waxed talkative and aired his opinion freely to
his death watch, Deputy John B. Hartke. Speaking of the
anarchists1 trial, he said that its conduct and the finding were
without precedence in the history of this country.

" Why, don't you know,11 said he, " that when the jury
brought in the verdict they were all so badly frightened that
they trembled, and the judge himself, when he pronounced the
sentence, shook like a leaf."

This, he said, looked bad.

" The anarchists had no reason to be afraid, but the judge
and the jury had good reason to be afraid.11

226 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

" I told him,11 said Deputy Hartke, "that I had heard that
Fischer had signed a petition to the Governor asking for mercy,
and added that I had heard he had done the same thing.'1

" That is not true," he responded. " I said in my letter to
the Governor that if one was to be murdered, I was the one.
That is the kind of a document I signed."

"Ill tell you," he continued, "in five or six years from now
the people will see the error of hanging us, if they do not see
it sooner."

With this Spies, wTho had been lying on his back with his
hands above his head, removed them and turned on his side with
his face to the wall.

The anarchist editor then lay down on the bed, and with his
white face uj:)turned, talked continuously with Deputy Hartke
about mutual acquaintances and things and events of days gone
by. He never referred to to-morrow, and seemed desirious of
keeping the thoughts of his approaching execution as far as
possible from his mind.

Engel grew a little more serious as the night wore on, and
when he came to be more familiar with the death watch (Depu-
ties Bombgarten and Hastige) he talked with them about the
cause for which he was about to die. He protested his inno-
cence over and over again, and told the story of the Haymarket
riot, and all he knew of it.

The Rev. Mr. Bolton called on Engel as he did on the others,
but with the same unsatisfactory result. The wretched Engel
dwelt with bitter emphasis upon the fact that it was the informer
AValler, who afterward swore his life away, that first informed
him of the massacre. "I was drinking beer and playing cards
with my neighbors when Waller called and taunted me with not

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 227

being down in the Haymarket fight,11 said Engel, as a big lump
seemed to rise in his throat," iv and he afterward swore my life
away, but I die for a just cause.11 Engel slept none until about
1 o'clock, but at that hour, just as the death watch was being
removed, he turned round in his couch and dropped into a light
slumber.

FISCHER AND PARSONS.

BOTH REFUSE SPIRITUAL COMFORT AND PARSONS SINGS " ANNIE

LAURIE."

Fischer's last night was quietly spent. He talked but little,
but was restless. His death watch. Deputies Healy and Shom-
berg, said though he did not sleep much, he appeared to take
the terrible ordeal put upon him with great composure — almost
indifference. He, too, coldly repulsed Dr. Bolton's proffered
spiritual aid. Though his sleepless eyes stared vacantly at the wall
of his cell, he talked but little. No sign of nervousness or fear
could be traced on the hard, clear-cut features. He was evi-
dently prepared to meet his fate unflinchingly and to die boldly.
"Annie Laurie,'1 sung in a fairly good tenor voice, broke the
the silence. It was approaching 12 o'clock. A dread silence
overhung all. All along the anarchists1 corridor not a sound
was to be heard. The absence of any noise might be likened to
the stillness of the grave. Criminals were asleep. The indi-
cations were that the anarchists were asleep too.

But hardly so. Parsons was awake, and the spirit of his
wakeful hours urged him to sing "Annie Laurie.'1 Soldiers in
a foreign clime have shed tears at the strains of this song. It is
a passport to the emotions the world wide. And almost within

228 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

the shadow of the gallows tree, when life was to be registered
by hours, Parsons' striking up this song seemed certainly sug-
gestive of the fate he felt to be close at hand. There was in
his tone a lonesome melancholy as he sung the first stauza, then
on the second one his voice wavered and finally broke. He was
cast down. The memory of his wife and little ones seemed to
rise before him, a sob, full of pathetic despair served as a period
to his further recitation. Once stopped singing, Parsons was in
tears. He cried within the quietness of his cell, not through
fear of his approaching death, so far as his demeanor indicated.
Rather it was due to recollection busy with scenes of the man's
early life. His boyhood came back to him as he sung that old
song. He could not do else than break down.

When Dr. Bolton called upon Parsons he was received with
the same courtesy which has always distinguished that erudite
anarchist. The condemned man, however, did not seem to take
kindly to the proffered ministrations of the clergyman.

u You are welcome, Dr. Bolton," he said; " pray, what can I
do for you?"

The reverend visitor explained his mission, and the old
cynical expression stole over Parsons1 face. " Preachers are all
Pharisees," he sneered, "and you know what Jesus Christ's
opinion of the Pharisees was. He called them a generation of
vipers, and likened them to whited sepulchers. I don't desire to
have anything to do with either."

Dr. Bolton remonstrated a little, and finally Parsons appeared
to be relenting somewhat.

" Well, well," he said, " I will say that while I do not abso-
lutely refuse your kind attentions, I will impress on you the
fact that I did not want you."

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 229

A desultory conversation ensued, and the missionary, on leav-
ing, told Parsons that he would pray earnestly for him during
the night.

The anarchist's hard gray eye grew moist, and he mannered
hoarsely: "Thank you," but added: "Don't forget, though,
I didn't send for you."

SINGING THE MARSELLAISE.

PARSONS TALKS FREELY TO THE DEATH WATCH AND SINGS FOR THEM.

Parsons slept little but kept heart marvelously well. He
chatted with the guards on the death watch and furnished them
each with his autograph in this form :
" Cook County Jail,

" Cell No. 4.

" A.R. Parsons.

"Nov. 11, 1887."

With Bailiffs Rooney and Jones he calmly discussed the out
look, touched without emotion upon his pending death, and
dwelt with satisfaction upon his assurance of his wife's ability
to maintain herself. When told by the guards that Spies was
deeply affected by the parting with his wife and complained that
of all the incidents of the unnerving time, it most deeply moved
him; that Fischer, though reckless of himself, bemoaned the
destitution of his young and feeble wife, Parsons feebly
expressed his sympathy for his companions and rejoiced that he
left behind a lion-hearted wife, and children too young to
keenly feel bereavement. Then he commented upon social con-
ditions both here and abroad.

" I will sing you a song," he said about 1 o'clock, " a song

230 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

born as a battle-cry in France, and now accepted as the hymn
of revolution the world over."

In a low voice he then sang a paraphrased translation of uLa
Marsellaise," which the guards commended as both inspiring and
well performed.

TELEGRAMS TO PARSONS.

A COUPLE OF CHEERING MISSIVES RECEIVED THIS MORNING.

Following are copies of the two dispatches received by A.
R. Parsons a short time before his execution this morning :

" Boston, Nov. 11. — Albert jR, Parsons, Cook County Jail:
Not good-by, but hail brothers. From the gallows-trap the
march will be taken up. I will listen for the beating of the
drum. Josephine Tilton/1

"St. Louis, Mo., Nov. 11. — Albert R. Parsons, Prisoner:
Glorious martyr, in the name of social progress bravely meet
your fate. C. R. Davis."

To the sender of the first telegram Parsons desired that his
red -silk handkerchief be sent.

PARSONS LAST LETTER.

A COPY OF THE DOCUMENT SENT TO A NEW YORK PAPER.

New York, Nov. 12. — The letter which Parsons wrote yes-
terday morning was addressed to a resident of this city, and
appears in the Herald to-day, as follows:

u County Jail, Nov. 11, 8 o'clock a. m. — My Pear Com-
rades : The guard has just awakened me I have washed my
face and drank a cup of coffee. The doctor asked me if I
wanted stimulants. I said no. The dear boys, Engel, Fischer,

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 231

and Spies, saluted me with firm voices. Please see Sheriff Mat-
son and take charge of my papers and letters. Please have my
book on "Anarchism: Its Philosophy and Scientific Basis," put
into good shape. There are millions of Americans who will
want to read it, AVell, my dear old comrade, the hour draws
near. Caesar kept me awake till late last night with the noise,
music of hammer and saw erecting his throne, my scaffold —
refinement, civilization. Matson, the sheriff, tells me he refused
to let C.'esar — the State — secrete my body, and he has just got
my wife's address from me to send her my remains. Magnani-
mous Cresar ! Good- by. Hail the social revolution! Saluta-
tions to all. A. R. Parsons.

CHAPTER XIV.

DISCRIPTION OF THE EXECUTION. THREATNING LETTERS. PITTY-

ING JUSTICE. OUTRAGED LAW VINDICATED. MERCY TO THE

GUILTY IS CRUELTY TO THE INNOCENT. THE UNCHANGED

EVERLASTING WILL GIVE TO EACH MAN HIS RIGHT.

ABUSE OF FREE SPEECH. THE MILLS OF GOD

GRIND SLOW BUT EXCEEDING FINE. CAPTAIN

BLACK AT THE ANARCHISTS' FUNERAL.

The following description of the execution is copied from
the Daily JSfeios:

August Spies, Adolph Fischer, George Engle, and A. R.
Parsons, the four anarchists who were tried a year ago, and found
guilty of the murder of Mathias A. Degan in the Haymarket
square on May 4, 1886, were to-day hanged in the Cook county
jail and paid the penalty of their crime with their lives. The
drop fell at 11 :53 and the four men died with words of defiance

232 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

and scorn upon their lips. Parsons' last word was actually-
strangled in his throat by the hangman's noose. Seldom, if ever,
have four men died more gamely and defiantly than the four
who were strangled to-day.

When the word passed around, about 11 o'clock, that the
final hour had indeed arrived, men's faces grew pale and the hum
of excitement passed through the crowd. They were quickly-
marshaled and marched down in a line to the gallows corridor.

At 10:55 fully two hundred and fifty newspaper men, local
politicians, and others, among them the twelve jurors to view
the bodies after execution, had passed through the dark passage
under the gallows and began seating themselves. The bailiff
said a few words to the journalists, begging them to make no
rush when the drop fell, but to wait decently and in order.

Parsons was given a cup of coffee a few minutes before the
march to the scaffold was begun.

The rattling of chairs, tables and benches continued for
several minutes, but by 10:05 there began to fall a hush, and
conversation among the crowd sank almost to a whisper. The
bare, whitewashed walls formed a painful contrast with the dark-
brown gallows, with its four noosed ropes hanging ominously
near the floor.

It was exactly 11:50 o'clock when Chief Bailiff Cahill entered
the corridor and stood beneath the gallows. He requested in
solemn tones that the gentlemen present would remove their
hats. Instantly every head was bared. Then the tramp, tramp
of many footsteps was heard resounding from the central cor-
ridor, and the crowd in front of the gallows knew that the con-
demned men had begun the march of death. The slow, steady
march sounded nearer and nearer. The anarchists were within

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 233

a few feet of the scaffold. There was a pause. The condemned
men were about to mount the stairway leading to the last plat-
form from which they would ever speak. Step by step, steadily
they mounted the stairway, and again there was another slight
pause. Every eye was bent upon the metallic angle around
which the four wretched victims were expected to make their
appearance. A moment later their curiosity was rewarded. With
steady, unfaltering step a white -robed figure stepped out from
behind the protecting metallic screen and stood upon the drop.
It was August Spies. It was evident that his hands were firmly
bound behind him underneath his snowy shroud.

He walked with a firm, almost stately tread across the plat-
form and took his stand under the left-hand noose at the corner
of the scaffold farthest from the side at which he had entered.
Very pale was the expressive face, and a solemn, far-away light
shone in his blue eyes. His tawny hair was brushed back in
the usual crisp waves from the big white forehead. Nothing
could be imagined more melancholy, and at the same time dig-
nified, than the expression which sat upon the face of August
Spies at that moment The chin was covered with a freshly bud-
ding beard and partially concealed the expression of the firmly -
cut mouth. The lines were a little hardly drawn around the
corners, however, and bespoke great internal tension. He st<H»d
directly behind the still noose, which reached down almost to
his breast, and, having first cast a momentary glance upward at
the rope, let his eyes fall upon the 200 faces that were upturned
toward him. Never a muscle did he move, however; no sign
of flinching or fear could be discerned in the white face — white
almost as the shroud which it surmounted.

Spies had scarcely taken his place when he was followed by

234 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

Fischer. He, too, was clad in a long white shroud that was
gathered in at the ankles. His tall figure towered several inches
over that of Spies, and as he stationed himself behind his par-
ticular noose his face was very pale, but a faint smile rested upon
his lips. Like Spies, the white robe set off to advantage the
rather pleasing features of Fischer, and as the man stood there
waiting for his last moment his pale face was as calm as if he
were asleep, Next came George Engel. There was a ruddy
glow uj3on the rugged countenance of the old anarchist, and
when he ranged himself alongside Fischer he raised himself to
his full height, while his burly form seemed to expand with the
feelings that were within him. Last came Parsons. His face
looked actually handsome, though it was very pale. When he
stepped upon the gallows he turned partially sideways to the
dangling noose and regarded it with a fixed, stony gaze— one of
mingled surprise and curiosity. Then he straightened himself
under the fourth noose, and, as he did so, he turned his big gray
eyes upon the crowd below with such a look of awful reproach
and sadness as could not fail to strike the innermost chord of
the hardest heart there. It was a look never to be forgotten.
There was an expression almost of inspiration on the white,
calm face, and the great, stony eyes seemed to burn into nie^s
hearts and ask: " What have I done? "

There they stood upon the scaffold, four white robed figures,
with set, stoical faces, to which it would seem no influence could
bring a tremor of fear.

And now a bailiff approaches, and, seizing Parsons' robe, pass-
ed a leathern strap around his ankles. In a moment they were
closely pinioned together. Engel's legs were next strapped
together, and when the official approached Fischer, the latter

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 235

straightened up his tall figure to its full height and placed his
ankles close together to facilitate the operation. Spies was the
last, but he was the first around whose neck the fatal cord was
placed. One of the attendant bailiffs seized the noose in front
of Spies and passed it deftly over the doomed man's head. It
caught over his right ear, but Spies, with a shake of his head,
cast it down around his neck, and then the bailiff tightened it
till it touched the warm flesh, and carefully placed the noose
beneath the left ear.

When the officer approached Fischer threw back his head
and bared his long, muscular throat by the movement.

Fischer's neck was very long and the noose nestled snugly
around it. When it was tightened around his windpipe Fischer
turned around to Spies and laughingly whispered something in
Spies1 ear. But the latter either did not hear him or else was
too much occupied with other thoughts to pay attention. Eugel
smiled down at the crowd, and then turning to Deputy Peter-,
who guarded him, he smiled gratefully toward him and whis-
pered something to the officer that seemed to affect him. It
looked at first as if Engel were about to salute his guard with a
kiss, but he evidently satisfied himself with some word of peace.
Parson's face never moved as the noose dropped over his head,
but the same terrible, fixed look was on his face.

And now people were expecting that the speeches for which
the four doomed ones craved twenty minutes each this morning
would be delivered, but to every one's surprise the officer who
had adjusted the noose proceeded to fit on the white cap without
delay. It was first placed on Spies' head, completely hiding
his head and face. Just before the cap was pulled over Fischer's
head Deputy Spears turned his eyes up to meet those of the

236 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

tall young anarchist. Fischer smiled down on his guard just
as pleasantly as Engel did on his, and he seemed to be whis-
pering some words of forgiveness, but it may have been other-
wise, as not even the faintest echo reached the men in the
corridor below. Engel and Parsons soon donned their white
caps after this, and now the four men stood upon the scaffold
clad from top to toe in pure white.

All was ready now for the signal to let the drop fall. In
the little box at the back of the stage and fastened to the wall
the invisible executioner stood with axe poised, ready to cut the
cord that held them between earth and heaven. The men had
not noticed this but they knew the end was near.

For an instant there was a dead silence, and then a mournful
solemn voice sounded from behind the first right-hand mask,
and cut the air like a wail of sorrow and warning. Spies was
speaking from behind his shroud.

The words seemed to drop into the cold, silent air like pellets
of fire. Here is what he said : " It is not meet that I should
speak here, where my silence is more terrible than my utter-
ances."

Then a deeper, stronger voice came out with a muffled, mys-
terious cadence from behind the white pall that hid the face of
Fischer. He only spoke eight words : " This is the happiest
moment of my life."

But the next voice that catches up the refrain is a different
one. It is firm, but the melancholy wail was not in it. It was
harsh, loud, exultant. Engel was cheering for anarchy. "Hur-
rah for anarchy ! Hurrah ! " were the last words and the last
cheer of George Engel.

But now the weird and ghastly scene was brought to a

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 237

climax. Parsons alone remained to speak. Out from behind
his mask his voice sounded more sad, and there was a more
dreary, reproachful tone in it than even in Spies. " May I be
allowed to speak? Oh, men of America!1' he cried, "may I
be allowed the privilege of speech even at the last moment \
Harken to the voice of the people "

There was a sudden pause. Parsons never spoke a word
more. A sharp, creaking noise, a crash, a sickening, cracking
sound, and Spies, Parsons, Fischer, and Engel were no more.

When the pulse-beats of all became imperceptible, which
was about 12:10 o'clock, the physicians sat down and the bodies
swung back and forth, while the deputies stood above them.
There was a continual shifting of seats after the physicians left
the bodies, and nearly all who could get away wanted to be
allowed to do so. The sheriff opened a door at the west side of
the building and a great many of the spectators left.

At 12:20 Spies' body was let down and placed in a coffin,
while the doctor examined him and found that the neck was not
broken. He wore a dark-gray flannel shirt and dark panta-
loons, but no coat. His arms were confined by a strap, as were
those of all the others.

Fischer was next cut down. His neck was not broken. He
wore a blue flannel shirt and gray trousers.

Engel came next. He had a blue flannel shirt and wore a col-
lar. His neck was broken, but the spinal cord was not severed.

Parsons was the last to be taken down. He was clad in a
neat black suit, but had only an undershirt on.

When all the bodies had been arranged in the coffins the
physicians made another examination, and then the lids were
placed on the coffins, and the work was done.

238 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

The condemned men directed that their bodies be turned
over to their wives, except Spies, who wanted his body given to
his mother. Their wishes were respected, and Coroner Hertz
has directed that the body of Lingg be given to Mrs. Engel and
the Carpenters* Union, in accordance with Lingg's request, so
that they may all be buried together.

Since the conviction and condemnation of the anarchists of
Haymarket notoriety in 1886, the whole world has stood with
breathless anxiety watching for the ultimate, and no other avenue
was left open but to inflict the penalty commensurate with their
crime. Officers of the law frequently received letters threat-
mug to wreak a summary vengeance upon them providing the
sentence was carried out. The condemned maintained a bold
and belligerent attitude, while every means to intimidate and
thwart justice which the machinations of the nefarious Herr
Most could devise, and his minions could hurl life flaming brands
broadcast amid a peace-loving and contented people have been
resorted to. But pitying justice wept with drooping head o'er
the stern necessity which called for the interposition of her iron
hand having discarded the scepter for the rod. When the hand
of outraged law and justice is raised the blow must fall in order
to vindicate the majesty of the law. America has set the foot
of the Goddess of Liberty upon the neck of anarchy and
crushed the serpent brood.

AFTER THE EXECUTION.

Two hours after the terrible and disagreeable duty of Sheriff
Matson had been performed, in the name, and for the peace of
the State of Illinois, in the execution of the four condemned
anarchists, their bodies had been delivered to their friends, the

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

_':;:*

gallows liad been taken down and stowed in its accustomed
place, and not one vestige of the awful punishment which had
just been inflicted remained to tell that anything out of the
ordinary had transpired.

Every good citizen and right-thinking American will join
with me in extending to their afflicted widows and orphan
children sincere and heart-felt commiseration for the calamity
which has befallen them. While the law inflicts punishment
for its violation, it does it for the public good. Mercy was not
to be considered longer in their case. " Mercy to the guilty is
cruelty to the innocent." The great book of law is prefaced
with these words. Justice is the unchanged everlasting will to
give each man his right. The right to free speech had been
accorded to these men,andit had been abused. Under the dia-
bolical teachings of Herr Most, anarchy promised soon to become
the ruling power. But they have, we trust, ascertained that
America is a poor and barren soil in which to cause anarchy to
grow and flourish. They have found that though the mills of
God grind slow, yet they grind exceeding fine.

We shall forever be surprised beyond expression at the
words made use of at the funeral of the anarchists on Sunday,
November 13, by Captain Black, in his oration over the bodies
of these outlaws. He was said to have used the following words:
"For the love of truth they died," said the orator. "They
fought for a cause, believing themselves in the right, and in the
years to come they will be loved and revered."

Captain Black was followed by other speakers who made
use of language very expressive and forcible.

T. J. Morgan followed with a speech in which he dwelt on
the last words of the men before the drop fell. The immense

240 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

throng at the grave became excited and frequently interrupted
him.

" Let the voice of the people be heard," he cried, in Parson's
last words. When he spoke of the majesty of the law a voice
cried: "Throttle the law !" When he asked: "Shall we be
revenged on Bonfield, Grinnell, Gary, and Oglesby?" voices
cried: "Yes, yes! Hang them!" Albert Currlin, formerly
of the Arheiter Zeitung, spoke in German and called the labor-
ing men cowards for permitting the " five-fold murder."

CHAPTER XV.

a description of herr most's sanctum. a den where anarchy
was begotten. the anarchist chief's museum of
weapons and infernal machines. easy les-
sons in the art of assassination.

New York, Nov. 4, 1887.

Since Johann Most's release I had often resolved to visit his
editorial sanctum and see some of his surroundings, but I never
had the opportunity until a few days ago, when I sought Will-
iam street and paused a moment before 167. This is the place
where undiluted anarchy presents itself through the medium of
the Freiheit, which has succeeded so well that it has been
enlaiged to double its former size. On the ground floor a lager-
beer saloon is doing a thriving business, and the old saying that
Teutonic journalism always manifests an inclination to take up
its abode in proximity to a place where honors are paid to King
Gambrinus is borne out in this instance, even when the journ-
alists wasje war on all other monarchs.

Entering the hallway you will notice, as soon as your eyes

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 241

are able to penetrate the darkness, a large red banner on the
wall bearing the inscription, " Vive la Commune." A cast-iron
letter-box, marked " John Most," attracts one's attention for a
moment, and then we ascend two flights of narrow, creaky stairs,
and step into a large, dilapidated room, extending over the
entire top floor of the building. Here the Freiheit is written,
put into type, and, after being printed elsewhere, mailed to sub-
scribers. There is hardly a country on the globe which has not
the honor of giving shelter to some anarchist subscriber. A
perfect deluge of revolutionary pamphlets issues from this for-
lorn-looking loft.

About a dozen men were engaged in folding and wrapping
the latest number of the Freiheit. In order to keep up their
spirits at this hard work a goodly quantity of the favorite Ger-
man beverage is consumed, cigars and short pipes emit big
clouds of smoke, and a noisy debate is carried on all the time.
Every one of these savage-looking specimens of humanity strives
to assume an air that suggests his merely waiting for a favorable
opportunity to slaughter all monarchs and capitalists on the face
of the earth. There are Germans, Frenchmen, Russians, Bohe-
mians, and a Dane in the group. Regular employment is a
notion too conservative and utterly foreign to their minds. They
are here folding papers to serve the revolutionary cause, and
receive no other recompense than the consciousness of having
performed their duty.

OVERAWING THE VISITORS.

One of the heroes, who evidently desires to overawe us,
takes a small quantity of gun cotton out of his pocket, another
produces a sample of dynamite, and each asserts that the stuff

242 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

he carries is an excellent agent to further the grand idea of uni-
versal anarchy. All join in a dispute concerning the most
effective methods for blowing up public institutions, and the
folding business is meanwhile neglected. The anarchist chief,
Herr Most, has been conversing with a good-looking young
female anarchist, who came over for the purpose of paying her
respects to the great dynamiter; but now his attention is directed
to his hot-headed disciples.

" Get through your work," he shouts; "you may babble all
you want afterward."

The admonition is heeded only for a few moments. The
folders have a theme demanding urgent action. The sentence
of the Chicago anarchists has excited the wrath and of every
anarchist and frenzied cries of threatened vengeance burst forth
from all sides. Herr Most again commands silence, and his
announcement that a mass-meeting would be held on Sunday, at
which both English and German speakers would be present, is
haihd with tumultuous applause. The presence of strangers
seems to be totally ignored for the moment. The anarchists
fully understand that they are at liberty here to run the revolu
tionary machine at their own sweet pleasure, so long as the
struggle is confined to the tongue. I conclude to invest 5 cents,
and a copy of the Freilieit is handed to me. The editor reflects
upon the propriety of a national thanksgiving. His language
is not choice, but rather painfully harsh. Here is a goodly
specimen:

" Our army of the unemployed, probably, will give thanks
that the capitalists are so very prosperous. Poor, haggard
women will give thanks over their weak tea and dry baker's
bread that they have been allowed to lay up wealth for their

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

243

employers. Factory children, who never see anything "but the
grim shop walls by daylight, will give thanks that the)- have
been brought into this beautiful world, and hard-working day
laborers lucky enough to have any kind of a job will give thanks
that the cormorants of society have not taken the last mouthful
away from them."

Another article deals with the anti-Chinese movement on the
Pacific coast, and urges the white workingmen to expel every
greedy monopolist instead of persecuting the poor celestial.

ANARCHISTIC LITERATURE AND WEAPONS.

Before I proceed to inspect the curiously decorated walls my
attention is called to an assortment of anarchistic literature
spread on a large table. The most extraordinary productions of
fever-brained revolutionists from all countries are here exposed
for sale. The works of Herr Most occupy the most conspicu-
ous place, and titles like "Gottespect und Religrionsenche,'1
" Eigenthumsbestie," and "Elements of Revolutionary War-
fare " embelish the title pages. I open the last book at hap-
hazard and read :

" The best of all preparations to be used for poisoning is
curari.

"By heating a dagger and then tempering it in oil of olean-
der, the infliction of a light wound would be sufficient to pro-
duce blood-poisoning and death.

" The cheapest and least expensive way is to apply a mixture
of red phosphorus and gum arabicum to the dagger, cartridge,
etc.

" This precious stuff (dynamite), which is able to blast a
mass of solid rock, might also do good service at an assembly of

244 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

royal or aristocratic personages, or at an entertainment patron-
ized by monopolists."

Herr Most, who had eyed me sharply, asked at last : "Would
you like to join our circle, or perhaps it is only a few of your
private enemies you contemplate doing up? All necessary
information can be had by studying my ' Kriegswissencraft.' "
The hint was a broad one, and I thought it the safest plan to
spend a dime on the " murder pamphlet," thus propitiating the
tiger in his den.

The room might be considered at first glance an armory.
There are revolvers of all constructions, daggers, rifles, infernal
machines, and a big saber with a rusty scabbard. I could
scarcely repress a laugh at this relic of the great French revo-
lution, or some equally remote historic event.

"You make a mistake by laughing," said Most, unsheathing
the sword. " You will observe the blade is as sharp as a razor,
and," he added with a certain pride, " the point is, by way of
experiment, coated with a solution of cyanide of potassium."

The majority of the rifles are breech-loaders, formerly used
in the United States army, and bought by Most in large lots at
auction for retailing among his followers. On a shelf above the
editor's desk a variety of the most dangerous poisons, liquid and
solid, are openly exposed. The anarchist chief remarked, with
a grim smile, that he seriously contemplated breeding cholera
and yellow-fever germs for the purpose of exterminating man-
kind, rather than suffer the present condition of society to per-
petuate itself.

WALL DECORATIONS.

The walls of the room are almost totally covered with pict-

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 245

ures, portraits, newspaper headings, etc. In crazy-quilt fashion
is arranged Lieske, Shakspere, Hoedel, Rousseau, Karl Marx,
Feurbach, Stuart Mill, Thomas Paine, Richard Wagner, Ma rut,
Hans Sachs, St. Simon, LaSalle, Proudhon, Anton Kammerer,
Stallmacher, the Irish patriots, Brady, Kelly, Curley, Tynan,
Wilson, Gallagher, and Normann a life-size picture of Louise
Michel, an excellent photograph of prince Krapotkine, pictures
from Puck, Punch, Fleigende Blatter, sketches from George
Eber's " Egypt " — a queer collection indeed.

Herr Most takes especial pride in a gibbet traced in red
lines on the whitewashed wall and bearing portraits of the fol-
lowing persons: The emperors of Germany, Russia, and Austria,
Queen Victoria, President Grevey, King Humbert, King Chris-
tian of Denmark and his premier, Estrup; the Shah of Persha;
the Sultan, the Emperors of China, Japan, and Brazil, and Pres-
ident Cleveland. As an illustration of the bitter feeling pre-
vailing between the anarchists and socialists was a caricature of
Alexander Jonas, the socialist politician, playing a flute to the
inspiring tune, " Wait Till the Clouds Roll By."

The German Chancellor, Prince Bismarck, is caricatured a
dozen different ways, and blood-thirsty sentiments are written
beneath the pictures. A large picture presents the famous Rus-
conspirators against Alexander II.; another recalls the trial of
Reinsdorf and comrades, charged with high treason; then fol-
low some scenes from the Paris commune in 1871, and next to
these sanguinary sketches an elegant fan is suspended, uncon-
scious of its strange surroundings. Anarchistic papers from
every quarter of the world are pasted from ceiling to floor, and
we learn the existence of obscure journals like Xi Dieu, Ni
Maitre, Fackel, Le Cri du Peuple, Alarm, Lucifer, Revolte, La

246 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

Question Sociale, the Rouinelian periodical Revista Sociale, II
Fascio Operairo, Der Arnie Teufel, and Proletareu. Italians
who stray into this nest have an opportunity of studying a
« Programma Socialista, Anarchico, Revoluzionario del Giuppo
Italiano."

Perhaps the master of this queer den will soon view the
world once more through prison bars.

Comyns Ray.

CHAPTER XVI.

BIOGRAPHY OF HERR MOST. HIS PAST CAREER AND EARLY TRAIN-
ING. HIS IMPRISONMENT IN THE BASTILE AND RED TOWER FOR
PREACHING HIS GOSPEL OF BLOOD. EXTRACTS FROM
HIS INFLAMMATORY UTTERANCES. WHET YOUR
DAGGERS. LET EVERY PRINCE FIND A
BRUTUS BY HIS THRONE.

THE PAST CAREER OF HERR MOST.

That practice has now become obsolete of predicting the
future of a child by consulting the aspect of the planet under
which it was born at the day and hour of birth. At the advent
of Herr Most upon this mundane sphere, who, looking through
the horroscope of his future, but could in the interests of human-
ity, have wished that the feeble spark of life in the frail teni-
ment might have become extinguished, or that it had never
existed.

In the city of Augsburg on -the River Lech, which is a trib-
utary of the blue rolling Danube in Bavaria in Germany, in
the year 1840, and on the 5th day of February Herr Most first
saw the light of day. A long period of sickness while yet an

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 247

infant served to render his features hideous by some malignanl
disease eating away a portion of his cheek, but his record goes
to prove conclusively that he still retained enough to render
himself obnoxious to every lover of law and order.

Endowed by[nature with procivities to resist all rule and law,
gained from an unloving stepmother much harsh treatment. lie
became apprenticed to a book-binder when a mere lad, and the
cruel treatment received at the hands of his employer failed to
change the bent of his inclinations. He had a passion for tin-
stage which he gratified by striking an attitude and reciting in
tragic style with dramatic effect any occurrence which attracted
his attention to the infinite amusement of boys, and pedestrians
on the street would stop to listen to his native eloquence and
behold his crude dramatic gestures. We find him in Switzer-
land in 1867, endeavoring to establish anarchy with a zeal
worthy of a better cause. We next find him in Vienna where
in one of his scathing speeches he characterized Liberalism as
a swindle; the priests as deceivers. For this speech he receive- 1
a jail sentence of four weeks. Shortly after his release, he was
again sentenced to five years' imprisonment for high treason.
However, after having served six months of the term, through
some ministerial change, he was released. A half an hour later
he was again on the platform firing hot shot and shell into the
ranks of the government with all the force of his burning
invective. His ability to sway the masses alarmed the new gov-
ernment, and they took measures to have him banished. He
went to Chemnitz where he became popular as an agitator, and
successful in establishing his doctrine of anarchy as the gospel
of blood, for which he was incarcerated temporarily in the red
tower, a very unpopular jail. September 3, 1872, while return-

248 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY

mg from Mayence, where he had attended a socialistic congress,
he was again arrested, and a few days later was sentenced to
eight months in prison. In 1874, for some expressions used in
favor of the commune of Paris, although a member of Parlia-
ment, he was given eighteen months in the German bastile. At
the expiration of his sentence he became identified with the Ber-
lin Free Press, and for his freedom of speech he was again sen-
tenced to six months in jail, having served his sentence he
crossed out of his native land to London where he took charge
of the new journal, the Freiheit, and while occupying this posi-
tion he received a pressing invitation to come to Chicago and
take charge of the Arbeiter Zeitung, which he declined, believ-
ing as he did that the era of the mad misrule of anarchy was on
the eve of being inaugurated He visited Paris, and during his
stay directed a speech full of burning hatred against the German
Emperor, for which he was accorded two years in jail. On his
release he hastened to put the channel between him and that
hated country. In 1880 he was again in Switzerland, scattering
the seeds of anarchy, and forging thunderbolts for his enemies,
and many of his publications found their way throughout the
length and breadth of Europe.

In one of his effusions he said.

" Science has put in our possession instruments with which
beasts of society may be removed. Princes, ministers, states-
men, bishops, prelates and other officials, civil and clerical,
journalists and lawyers, representatives of the aristocracy and
middle classes, must have their heads broken.1'

When Alexander II. of Russia was murdered, " Triumph !
triumph!" he wrote; "the monster has been executed,11 etc., and
yet this "monster " ( ?) was the man who had struck the mana-

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 249

cles from the feet of Russia's serfs; had lifted millions of a
degraded people to citizenship. His outburst on this occasion
gained him sixteen months in an English prison. In December
of 1882 he was en route for New York, where he met with a
most enthusiastic reception.

The anarchists have now eleven regular organs in circula-
tion. Five of these appear in English, five in German, and one
in the French language. A few extracts we herein embody will
serve to demonstrate the savage nature of these agitators. He
says.

"If each member of the anarchist party some tine morning
would seek out some hated tyrant and pick a quarrel ; if only
each man would carry a private supply of some destructive
agency in his pocket and wrould either stab, poison, or with
powder, lead, or dynamite do to death our enemies, wherever
found, in house, office, bureau, shop, or factory; if that could
only be done in fifty places at the same moment ; if fires could
only be started in fifty different places at the same time ; if only
special parties detailed for the purpose would cut the telephone
and telegraph wires — must not a general panic result? Would
not society be wild with fright? And would not the rabble as
if by magic be inflamed with revolutionary passion?"

Can anything be more diabolical ? But Host's paper, from
which I have quoted, is mild compared with the Rebdl. This
sheet is the organ of Peukert. At present both papers vie with
each other in disseminating anarchism among the farming pop-
ulation. In 1884 Most said: "To find a way for getting
$100,000,000 would do the cause more good than to dash the
brains out of ten kings. Gold — money — is wanted.

"Lay hold where and when you can,1' he continues. " The

250 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

less noife you make in laying and carrying out your plans the
less danger and the better success. The revolver is good in
extreme cases, dynamite in great movements, but, generally
speaking, the dagger and poison are the best means of propaga-
tion. Yes, tremble, ye canaille, ye bloodsuckers, ye ravishers
maidens, murderers, and hangmen, the day of reckoning and
revenge is near. The fight has begun along the picket line.
A girdle of dynamite encircles the world, not only the old but
the new. The bloody band of tyrants are dancing on the surface
of a volcano. There is dynamite in England, France, Germany,
Russia, Italy, Spain, New York, and Canada. It will be hot on
the day of action, and yet the brood will shudder in the sight
of death and gnash their teeth. Set fire to the houses, put
poison in all kinds of food, put poisoned nails on the chairs
occupied by our enemies, dig mines and fill them with explosives,
whet your daggers, load your revolvers, cap them, fill bombs and
have them ready. Hurl the priest from the altar ; shoot him
down ! Let each prince find a Brutus by his throne."

The foregoing language is calculated to tend toward subver-
sion of law and justice, and is revolutionary and treasonable in
its nature, teachings of this nature from Reinsdorf and Most,
are the direct cause of our Haymarket massacre. The authori-
ties are responsible largely for the commission of crime which
they may prevent even by resorting to extreme measures in
enforcing the law. While we desire peace in all our borders,
yet we believe that transgressors of the law should be made to
feel that "God reigns, and the government at Washington
still lives."

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 25:

CHAPTER XVII.

BIOGRAPHIES OF SPIES AND THE OTHER SEVEN CONDEMNED MEN.
THEIR BIRTHPLACE, EDUCATION AND PRIVATE LIFE. PAR-
SONS' LETTER TO THE " DAILY NEWS ,1 AFTER
THE EXPLOSION, WHILE A FUGITIVE
FROM JUSTICE.

AUGUST SPIES.

August Vincent Theodore Spies was born in Landeck, Hesse
in 1855. His father was a ranger. Sines caiue to America in
1872, and to Chicago in 1873, where for a number of years he
worked as an upholsterer. He first became interested in social-
istic theories in 1875, and two years later joined the socialistic
labor party, and the Lehr und Wehr verein. He became con-
nected with the Arbeiter Zeitun.g in 1880. He succeeded Paul
Grottkau as editor-in-chief in 1884. From that time onward he
was looked up to as one of the ablest and most influential
anarchist leaders. He was educated by a private tutor during
his early boyhood days. He afterward studied at a Polytechnic
institute.

ALBERT PARSONS.

Albert R. Parsons was born in Montgomery, Ala., in 1848.
His parents died when he was young, and his rearing fell to the
lot of his elder brother, W. R. Parsons, who was a general in
the Confederate army. In 1855 he removed to Johnson county.
Texas, taking Albert with him. The latter received some

252 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

schooling at Waco, and subsequently became a printer on the
Galveston News. When the war broke out he ran away from
home and became a "powder monkey "in a company of confed-
erate artillery. Subsequently he served successively under the
command of his brothers, Richard and William H. Parsons.
After the war he edited the Spectator, a weekly paper, at Waco.
Much to the disgust of his brothers, he became a Republican,
and something of a politician. As such he held one or two sub-
ordinate federal offices at Austin, and at one time was secretary
of the State Senate. Coming to Chicago he worked for a time
in various printing offices, and then became a professional labor
agitator. He was at one time Master Workman of District
Assembly 24, Knights of Labor, and president of the Trades
Assembly for three years. In 1879 he was nominated by the
Socialistic Labor party as a candidate for their President of the
United States, but declined, as he was not then thirty -five years
old. In 1883, at Pittsburg, he helped to frame the platform of
the International Working People's Association. He was put
forward by the socialists as a candidate for city clerk in 1883.
He became editor of the Alarm, the organ of the " American
group" of anarchists in Chicago in 1884, which position he held
up to the time of the Haymarket riot in May 1886, but on the
morning following the explosion, A. R. Parsons was not found in
his accustomed place as editor of the Alarm. He had decamped,
but many believed he was hiding in Chicago, as on the evening
of the 7th of May a letter posted in Chicago at 7:30 was
received by the editor of the Daily News, which ran thus :
' Mr. M. K Stone, Editor Dally News:

"Dear Sir — I want to speak a word through you to my fel-
low-workers, just to let them know that I am still in the land of

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

253

the living and looking out for their interests.

" And further, give a few hints to some of the fellows who
desire to live on anarchists, that maybe for their welfare. In
the first place, I am watching the papers and also the knowing
chaps who give the pointers as to my whereabouts, some of
whom will make good subjects for the coroner's inquest one of
these days should they persist in their present course. To the
public I desire to say that the devil is never so black as you can
paint him. I will in due time turn up and answer for myself
for anything I may have said or done. I have no regrets for
past conduct and no pledges for the future if there is to be
nothing but blood and death for the toilers of America. When-
ever the public decide to use reason and justice in dealing with
the producing class, just at that time will you see me. But,
should the decision be to continue the present course of death
and slavery just so long will I wage relentless war on all organ-
ized force, and all endeavor to find me will be fruitless. Watch-
ing my wife and her kind friends is of no use. I am dead to
them already. I count my life already sacrificed for daring to
stand between tyrants and slaves.

" To show you how well I am kept posted, I know who was
sent to LaGrange forme to-day. I was not there. I know who
put you on the track of Glasgow, and just where to find him.
Just say to that man for me that his day of reckoning will come
soon. I read all the papers to-day, and will see the Unit*, Inter-
Ocean, and Hesing later.

"Now, as to what must be done to satisfy the anarchists is
to stop all these demands for blood and show a spirit of reason
and a disposition to put down the oppressors of the people, and
enforce laws against rich thieves as readily as you do against

254 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

the poor. Grant every fair demand of labor. Give those poor
creatures enough to satisfy their hunger, and I will guarantee a
quiet period in which all the great questions of land and wages,
and rights can be put in operation without further bloodshed.
But if not, I am already sacrificed as a martyr for the cause. I
have thousands of brethren who will sell their lives just as dearly
as I will mine, and at just as great cost to our enemies.

" I shall wait as long as I think necessary for the public to
take warning, and then you decide your own fate.

" It must be liberty for the people or death for capitalists.
I am not choosing more. It is your choice and your last. I love
humanity, and therefore die for it. No one can do more. Every
drop of my blood shall count an avenger, and woe to America
when these are in arms.

" I have not slept, nor shall I sleep until I sleep the sleep of
death, or my fellow-men are on the road to liberty.

" A. K. Parsons."

SAMUEL FIELDEN,

Samuel Fielden was born in Todmorden, Lancashire, Eng-
land, in 1847, and spent thirteen years of his boyhood working
in a cotton mill. In early manhood he became a Methodist min-
ister and Sunday-school superintendent in his native place. In
1868 he came to New York, worked for a few months in a cot-
ton mill, and in the following year came to Chicago. For the
greater portion of the time since he has worked as a laborer.
He joined the liberal league in 1880, where he met Spies and
Parsons. He became a socialist in 1883, and has spent much
time as a traveling agitator of the International Working Peo-
ple's association.

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 255

We feel sure that Samuel Fielden is to-day serving out a
life seutence as the result of forming associations through which
he was led to mingle with agitators anarchistic, whose teachings
were treasonable. Though not endowed by nature with procliv-
ities whose tendencies were toward violence and bloodshed, yet
being full of vanity and of a vacillating nature was led to make
speeches of an incendiary and revolutionary character which
indentified him with those responsible for the result of the fatal
bomb, and doomed him to a life of unrequited toil and of penal
servitude.

ADOLPH FISCHER.

Adolph Fischer, who was about thirty years old, came to
this country from Germany when a boy, and learned the print-
er's trade with his brother, who was editor of a German weekly
at Nashville, Tenn. For several years Fischer was editor and
proprietor of the Little Rock (Ark.) Stoats ZeUung. This he
sold in 1881, after which he worked at his trade in St. Louis and
Chicago. After coming to Chicago he became a most rabid
anarchist, and often accused Spies and Schwab of being half-
hearted, and of not having the courage to express their convic-
tions. He, like Engel, believed they were not radical enough.
At one time he, with Engel and Fehling, started De Anarchist,
a fire-eating weekly, designed to supplant the Arlh it' r '/> itnn<j.

He entered with all his possible energy into the spirit of
socialism and anarchy, so much so, that it became his only theme
and the source of happiness to him which he fully expressed in
his last words upon the gallows, viz : "This is the happiest
moment of my life.'1 If that were the case, what an unendur-
able life were his, and the prospect of dissolution offered a rest

256 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

from the self- inflicted torment of continuing to live.

GEORGE ENGEL.

George Engel was born in Cassel, Germany, in 1836. He
received a common school education and learned the printer's
trade. He came to America in 1873, and a year later to Chicago,
where he became a convert to socialism, and later a rabid
anarchist, He founded the famous "Northwest group11 in 1883.

He spoke English very imperfectly, and with great difficulty,
he manifested no desire to make progress in anything except in
anarchy. The sinister expression of his countenance indicated
a dogged stubborn and cruel nature, full of malice and hatred
which led him to use this latest breath in a "hurrah for
anarchy " upon the gallows. Such men behold nothing beauti-
ful in nature, nor anything to admire in well organized society,
under the mad misrule of anarchy controlled by such an element,
society would soon lapse back to the days of primitive barbar-
ism and superstition.

MICHAEL SCHWAB.

Michael Schwab was born near Mannheim, Germany, in 1853,
and was educated in a convent. For several years he worked
at the book-binding trade in various cities. He came to Amer-
ica in 1879.

He was a co-adjutor with August Spies in connection with
the Arbeiter Zeitung. He was a pronounced socialist, though of
a milder type than Spies, Parsons or Fischer. He was vacil-
lating in his nature, and not calculated for a leader, but capable
of being led. Had he chosen for his companions loyal and
patriotic associates, he doubtless would have become a trusted

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 257

citizen and a champion of American institutions instead of a
propagator of anarchy which cost him the price of his liberty.

AUTOBIOGRAPHY.

Oscar W. Neebe was born in New York city on the 12th day
of July in the year 1850. His parents were German, and in
order to give their children an education in German they
removed from New YoYk to Germany when ( >scar was but a
child. His boyhood and school days were spent in Hesse Cas-
sel. But at the age of fourteen years he returned to Xew York
and as he expresses himself, was glad to set foot once more upon
the land of the free, where all men were equal regardless of
color or nationality, for the war had just closed which had
stricken the chains and festering fetters from the limbs of the
African slave, which meant the unbarring of the dungeon of
the mind, giving them the right to acquire an education which
before was denied them, and making them heir to the inalienable
rights of citizenship. He says kt I saw the sun -browned soldiers
of the federal army returning from the South where they had
fought for liberty and freedom, and learned to love them as
brothers when I heard them say : l There is now no more

slavery.11'

Catching the inspiration of these words of Horace Greely:
"Go West young man,"' he accordingly came to Chicago at the
age of sixteen years, but returned to New York again where he
learned the trade of tinsmith and cornice-maker. But New
York, with all its fascinations, failed to constitute him contented
and happy, and in February, 1877, we find him again in Chicago
where he commenced work for the Adams and Westlake Man-
ufacturing Company. He states that he was discharged July 1,

258 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

for daring to champion the working man, and at times was
reduced to poverty and almost starvation because of his avowed
proclivities as an agitator.

He had become identified with the socialistic agitators in
1877, and the active part and interest manifested by him in the
socialists was largely responsible for his lack of success in
obtaining and holding a situation. In 1878 he obtained a situ-
ation as salesman for the Riversdale Distillery Company, selling
their compressed yeast.

His financial embarrassment threw him largely among the
agitators of the Labor party, and in 1886, after the Haymarket
riot, he was arrested and tried for murder or for complicity in
the conspiracy which led to the massacre for which he received
a sentence of fifteen years in the penitentiary.

LOUIS LINGG

was only twenty-one years old, and was the youngest of the
doomed anarchists. He was born in Baden, Germany, in 1864
He secured a common school education in Germany. He left
his native country when very young and went to Switzerland
where he remained several years. He came to America in 1885,
working at the carpenter trade, at the same time availing him-
self of every opportunity for the development of his anarchistic
proclivities, which seemed to be the heighth of his ambition.
He wrote his autobiography after having received the death
sentence, which we decline to publish in consequence of its rabid
and treasonable type of anarchy, sufficient in itself to prove his
complicity in the foul conspiracy. He was one of the most arch
plotters of dark and tragic histoiy.

JNO. BONFIELD.

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 259

CHAPTER XVIII.

BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD OK JOHN BONFIELD, INSPECTOR AND SEC-
RETARY OF POLICE DEPARTMENT. BIOGRAPHIES OF SHER-
IFF MATSON, JUDGE GARY, JUDGE GRINELL.
TRIBUTE TO CAPTAIN SCIIAACK.

BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD

of John Bonfield, Esq., inspector and secretary of Police Depart-
ment.

He was born in the year 1836, at Bathurst, New Brunswick.
His father was a thriving; fanner, but in order to irive his child-
ren the advantages of superior facilities for education, removed
to Buffalo, N. Y., in 1842, and in 1844 he came with his family
to Chicago.

John Bonfield, after finishing his education, and by his
natural talent and shrewdness having obtained a large stock of
general knowledge from the ordinary pursuits of life in which
he had engaged, became identified with the police force of Chi-
cago in the year 1878 as patrolman. But he was destined to
occupy a subordinate position for only a brief period, as in 1879
he was placed upon the staff of detectives.

His true nobility of character, noble bearing, and faithful
discharge of his duties won for him the confidence of all, and
in 1880 he gained one more step in the golden ladder of fame,
being raised to the rank of lieutenant. He was next appointed
captain of the Third precint, and in 1885 was made inspector
of the entire police force.

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

Owing to the brave and gallant bearing of Inspector Bon-
field in relation to the faithful discharge of his every duty dur-
ing his past career, (thereby winning the confidence of superior
officers relative to his ability,) he was entrusted with the entire
command of the detachment who so bravely on the night of
May 4, 1886, turned back the tide of anarchy which threatened
to sweep like a tidal wave over the fairest heritage upon God's
green earth, scattering death and debris all along its terrible
track. Truly if brave deeds and noble acts, and honesty of
purpose, coupled with patriotism are worthy of note, the name
of John Bonfield and the brave officers under his command on
that terrible night of the Haymarket massacre, shall live for-
ever upon the brightest page of the historian.

CANUTE R. MATSON

was born in Norway in the year 1843. He emigrated with his
parents to America in 1848, and settled in Walworth county,
Wisconsin, but removed in a short time to Dane county, Wis-
consin, where in 1858 he entered Albion Academy, and as a
natural sequence of his insatiate thirst for knowledge he made
rapid progress maintaining ever a prominent place at the head of
his class. He was a student in Milton College at the opening of
the war. The inherent patriotism of a noble nature had been
fanned into a flame by the institutions of American freedom,
and he at once offered himself as a sacrifice, if need be, in the
defense of his adopted country, by enlisting in 1861 in the
Union army as a private soldier in Company K, Thirteenth Wis-
consin Infantry. In 1862 he was made commissary sergeant,
He was raised to lieutenant of Company G., in 1864, and was
acting regimental quartermaster at the close of the war in 1865,

C. R. MATSON.

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 261

and received his honorable discharge bearing the untarnished
reputation of a brave soldier and a noble officer.

He afterward obtained a position in the postoffice where he
published the Postal Recovd,2,\\ official paper of the department

In 1868 he was elected clerk of the Police Court. In 1H71
he was accorded the power to appoint, and also the supervision
of the deputies. In 1875 he was appointed justice of the peace.
In 1878 he was admitted to the bar. He ran for sheriffin 1879
and was only defeated by a very small majority in favor of his
opponent. He served two years as coroner, being nominated
by acclammation when he satisfied all parties of his intent, and
ability to perform the duties of his office with credit to himself
and honor to those by whose effort he had been placed in s<>
responsible a position,

In 1882 he was again a candidate for the office of sheriff
through the importunities of his friends, and was barely
defeated by S. F. Hanchett, who in selecting a chief deputy
made the wise choice of C. II. Matson, which position he filled
to the close of the term, giving entire satisfaction to all parties
with whom he came in contact in connection with the discharge
of his official duties.

He has obtained all the honorable and responsible positions
which he has filled solely upon his merits, and has retained them
with the confidence of the public by the efficient and impartial
manner in which he has served the people of Cook count}-.

He was installed in the office of sheriff of Cook count) Dec.
6, 1886, enjoying still the confidence of the people. He is a
man of great heart, broad and deep sympathies, yet unswerv-
ing in the administration of the law as a sacred obligation he
owes to the public, and in the years to come history replete with

262 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

the sayings and doings of the great men of to-day will shed a
halo of glory forever upon the name of Canute R. Matson as a
brave, true and noble man, and the most prominent Scandina-
vian leader of the era in which he lived, having left an example
worthy of emulation by those who shall come after him.

JOSEPH E. GARY,

the presiding judge at the trial of the anarchists, was born at
Potsdam, New York, July 9, 1821, at which place he received a
common school education where he also spent his early boyhood
days until 1843, when he went to St. Louis, Mo., and read law,
opening his first law office at Springfield, Mo. But in 1849 he
removed to Las Vegas, N. M., where he learned to write well
and speak fluently the Spanish language. He removed to San
Francisco, CaL, where he practiced his chosen profession until
1856, when he returned to Chicago and formed a co-partnership
with Murray F. Tuley, now Judge Tuley of the bench. He
finally became a law partner with E. and A. Van Buren, which
continued until 1863, when he was elected to the bench. His
judicial mind and clear comprehensive sense of right places him
high among his compeers as a celebrity upon the technicalities
of law. He is esteemed by all who know him.

JULIUS S. GRINNELL

was born at Massena, St. Lawrence county, New York, in 1842.
He is of French- Welsh extraction, but it is not of his illustrious
ancestors we wish to speak in this sketch. Suffice it to say that
the Grinnell family are among the oldest and best families of the
Eastern and New England States. Julius S. Grinnell graduated
in the office of the Hon. William C. Brown in Ogdensburg, N.

RISE AND FALL OF VNARCHY. 263

Y., in 1868. He came to Chicago in 1870 wherehecommciic.il
to struggle manfully toward the summit of fame. His eloquence
and oratory, along with the comprehensive grasp of a mosl
extraordinary mind has made his ascent rapid and sure. His
high aims and lofty aspirations have in early life been rewarded.
He can exclaim "Eureka," as at the age of forty-six years he
has been elected to the bench.

CAPTAIN SCHAACK,

of the Fifth precinct is deserving of great credit, not merely for
the assiduity with which he applied himself to the fatiguing
duties of unraveling the mysteries of anarchy in secret organi-
zation, but also for the tact and shrewdness coupled with the
fearless manner in which he discharged the dangerous duties
incident to his office during the reign of terror which succeeded
the Haymarket tragedy. It is a well known fact that Captain
Schaack was one of the most energetic workers, as well as one
of the principal factors in ferreting out and dragging to justice
the dangerous element of socialism and anarchy in the great
conspiracy. Chicago is indebted to Captain Schaack for a large
majority of the evidence which resulted in the conviction, con-
demnation, and execution of these lawless men whose object and
aim was to sow the seeds of discord and confusion in the refined
and well -organized circles of society. The low-browed class of
ignorant men who stood around their leaders and in discordant
voices howled their praise, were, under this leadership capable
of the wildest onset, or the dark and patient vigil, of him who
treasures up in heart of hatred an imaginary wrong. Every
step taken by Captain Schaack and his faithful band of tried
men was full of dangers. Over fifty bombs had been made

264 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

and distributed throughout the city. One had fallen with deadly-
effect, and any moment another might be expected to scatter
death and debris among the ranks of faithful officers, who when
detailed for service knew not but they were being led as sheep
to the slaughter.

In the ages to come when as a record of history this anarch-
istic conspiracy of 1886 is referred to, the bold acts of noble
daring, the skill, bravery and self-sacrificing spirit of Captain
Schaack in the suppression of anarchy will be remembered by
a grateful people as a monument to immortalize his name.

CHAPTER XIX.

EULOGY TO THE POLICE. BOLDLY THEY FOUGHT AND WELL. CON-
TRAST BETWEEN CAPITAL AND LABOR. THE ANARCHISTS'
FATAL DELUSION. THE UNITED STATES
NATIONAL ANTHEM.

EULOGIZING THE POLICE.

What peace-loving citizen of Chicago desiring her commer-
cial prosperity and the perpetuity of American institutions, with
all it means of home and protection for free-born American citi-
zens to behold our starry banner still proudly floating from the
citadel of the most free country upon God's green earth, but
will with me thank God for the blessings of peace secured to us
by the prompt and steady action of our brave and noble police
on the night of May 4, 1886. When forgetful of their own personal
safety in their devotion to the cause of liberty, over the pros-
trate forms of mangled and dying comrades they charged this
treacherous band of alien outlaws, beating down the red hand
of anarchy which was reaching out its tentacles to usurp the

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

birthright of this nation bequeathed to it by our ancestors and
made sacred to every loyal heart by a baptism of the blood of

uur sires and grandsires in 1776.

Not one ray of light from one single star upon our grand old
flag shall ever tarnish its glory or dim its radiance in the shadow
of the crimson flag of anarchy.

With reference to that terrible night who will not with me
adopt the following language:

" When can their glory fade? "
It was to us a blood fought victory, and every officer who
poured out his life on that eventful night is deserving <>f a
monument in the hearts of a grateful people and a prominent
place among the wreath- crowned martyrs in the cause of liberty,
Chicago's entire force who respond so promptly to a call, dis-
charging their duty so faithfully, are worthy the name of heroes
as justly as those who have spilled rivers of blood upon the
ensanguined field of Marathon or Waterloo.

What matters it now to Officer Degan and his slaughtered
comrades that u boldly they fought and well.'1 Their widowed
wives and orphan children tell the price they paid for the bless-
ings of peace we to-day enjoy.

The maimed and suffering officers we daily behold as the
result of that direful night speak plainly of what it cost them
in the protection of our blood-bought privileges of 177b.

Verily, a monument of marble should be erected t<> their
memory upon the spot where they fell, bearing the names of that
gallant band who so bravely turned back the incoming t'de,
whose black and seething waters threatened to wreck the foun-
dations of our social, civil and national institutions.

266 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

CAPITAL AND LABOR.

Two young men from the same nourishing little town, and
bosom friends graduate from the same school, each with aspira-
tions lofty as the pinnacle of fame. Each one chooses an art
or craft, or profession. Each man has the same chance to suc-
ceed. The avenues of trade and commerce are open alike to
all. One of these young men well knowing that there is no
royal road to wealth and fame, and that his success depends
solely upon his economy and industry, wisely adopts a code of
laws by which his life is to be regulated and governed, and his
future of success or failure determined. He remembers that his
preceptor once remarked to him thus : " Raymond, remember
this : If you ever expect to become wealthy, spend each day less
than you earn,11 and he had adopted it. He husbanded each
week, and month, and year a portion of his earnings; years pass
on and his coffers are filling with that yellow god which sways
the destinies of men and empires. He engages in manufacturing
enterprises or mercantile pursuits, and his happiness is complete
in his palatial home, with a lovely wife and children as a key-
stone crowning the arch which spans the dark and turbid stream
of life.

Let us follow the other young man who started in the race
at the same time and under the same auspicious circumstances.
He has taken a different course. He has not been idle but a
spendthrift, working during the week earning money to spend
among his boon companions during Sunday, and is always in
debt and trouble as he is spending more than he earns. He has
availed himself of the privilege of rejoicing in the days of his
youth, walking in the ways of his heart and the sight of his

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 267

eyes, forgetting that for all these tilings he will be brought into
judgment, as no law of our physical nature or social standing
can be violated with impunity, there is no appeal from the self*
inflicted punishment of an accusing conscience for extreme
prodigality and reckless expenditure in riotous living. To-night
he is standing upon the corner of the street shivering under the
biting blast which is sifting the early snow of winter amid his
prematurely grizzled hair. He is not at peace with himself or
the world. He hates himself for being poor and others for
being rich. At this juncture the elegantly equipped carriage of
his former classmate rolls past. Its owner is now a millionaire
by earnest, honest and persevering endeavor. He is a homeless
pauper and the self-constituted architect of his own misfortunes,
yet he is willing to offer himself as a representative of the ter-
rible contrast between capital and labor.

THE ANARCHIST'S FATAL DELUSION.

Under the fascination of rose-tinted delusion whose fatal
mists obscure the mental and moral realm of thought, many
become criminals, goaded on by blind infatuation which perse-
vered in becomes a passion all-absorbing in its nature. In the
blindness of their infatuation they seek to immortalize their
names by a bold and base attempt at the subversion of law and
order.

Having by the mad misrule of anarchy rendered themselves
amenable to law, and by crime forfeited not only their liberty
but their lives, they stubbornly refuse to ask for executive
clemency, choosing death in the error of their ways, and in tin-
language of Patrick Henry demanding unconditional "liberty or
death.1' These anarchists under the delusion that they were

268 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY.

becoming martyrs, courted death, and from the gallows raised
a defiant shout for the perpetuity and progress of anarchy which
they fondly hoped would go ringing down the corridors of time,
increased by tributaries until anarchy as a mighty torrent should
bear away law, order and civilization by the fury of its resistless
force, until bombs, dynamite and treason should triumph. Under
the sophistry and insidious teachings of the nefarious Herr
Most, anarchy developed rapidly in Chicago, and his minions
were willing to offer up wives and children, liberty, even life if
necessary, in the interest of the cause they had espoused. They
raised their voice publicly in denouncing imaginary wrongs and
the plaudits of the admiring ignorant lower classes amounted
to an inspiration to them which urged them on to openly advo-
cate deeds of violence and blood. Herr Most has stated that
the gibbet upon which these anarchist murderers paid the pen-
alty for their crimes will in the ages to come be looked upon
with the same veneration that the cross is by the Christian.

Now, that the majesty of the law has been maintained in
their execution, their sympathizing followers seek to erect a mon-
ument to perpetuate their memory, the most fitting tablet over
their grave should be, " Here lies anarchy in her shameful
tomb." " Oh ! Torquemada, from thy fiery jail," and thou
u George Jeffries, from underneath the altar which seeks with
Christian charity to hide thy hated bones, " with the long line
of hideous cruel monsters from the dead, come and compare thy
deeds in contrast with thy lesser light and knowledge.

" Come seek thy equals here."

RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 269

UNITED STATES NATIONAL ANTHEM.

BY W. R. WALLACE.

*OD of the Free! upon Thy breath
I Our Flag is for the Right unrolled,
As broad and brave as when its stars,
First lit the hallowed time of old.

For Duty still its folds shall fly;

For Honor still its glories burn,
Where Truth, Religion, Valor, guard

The patriot's sword and martyr's urn.

No tyrant's impious step is ours;

No lust of power on nations rolled;
Our Flag — for friends, a starry sky,

For traitors, storm in every fold.

O thus we'll keep our Nation's life,

Nor fear the bolt by despots hurled;
The blood of all the world is here,

And they who strike us, strike the world-
God of the Free! our Nation bless

In its strong manhood as its birth;
And make its life a star of hope

For all the struggling of the Earth.

Then shout beside thine Oak, O North!

O South! wave answer with thy palm;
And in our Union's heritage

Together sing the Nation's Psalm !

The End.

,'££

":^:

■*#

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Full text of "The rise and fall of anarchy in America. From its incipient stage to the first bomb thrown in Chicago. A comprehensive account of the great conspiracy culminating in the Haymarket massacre, May 4th, 1886 ... the apprehension, trail, conviction and execution of the leading conspirators"

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