THE RISE OF
INTERNATIONALISM
BY
JOHN CULBERT PARIES, A. M.
SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE
DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
IN THE
FACULTY OF POLITICAL SCIENCE
COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY
NEW YORK
1915
W. D. GRAY
BOOK MANUFACTURER
422 WEST 20rH STREET, NEW YORK
COPYRIGHTED 1915
BY
JOHN CULBERT PARIES, A.M.
QA'
TO
MY WIFE
WHOSE LOYAL COOPERATION
MADE THIS STUDY
POSSIBLE
31.1453
PREFACE
This study was begun in the "piping times of peace" when
an appreciation of the marvellous growth made by international-
ism during a half -century inclined one to believe that a great
war between the leading nations of the world was unlikely — if
not impossible. The probability that pacific relations between
the Christian Powers would be maintained had been strength-
ened by every effort towards international understanding and
by the multiform expressions of a growing public consciousness
that war is unnecessary, wasteful and inhuman.
The reactionary force of a narrow nationalism was under-
rated in our hopes for the immediate fruition of fifty years of
international cooperation. While the sentiment for the peace-
ful settlement of international differences was strengthening
each year, there was developing in Europe a trigger situation
which the old time secret diplomacy was impotent to cope with
and for which there was no organization of the peace forces
that could sense the danger or avert the disaster. Some one
pulled the trigger, and the future must determine who was the
international assassin.
Some shallow thinkers hastily concluded that international-
ism had broken down, and that pacifism was proven to be the
irridescent dream of "dreamers who dreamt that they had
been dreaming." It was not internationalism that broke down,
but the old Machiavellian diplomacy. Internationalism grows
faster among the citizenry than in the chancelleries of the
nations. Absolutism still has its Bastile which citizen hands
will dismantle in the coming days of the international era
which no recrudescence of selfish nationalism can turn back
for long. The haste with which the foreign offices gave to the
6 PREFACE— Continued
world their diplomatic correspondence relating to the inter-
national explosion is evidence of an appreciation of the exis-
tence of a bar of public opinion before which those guilty of
a crime against Christian civilization must stand for judg-
ment. For fifty years that public opinion has been educated
as to what international morality demands national conduct
shall be.
This study is offered as an evidence of the extent of the
growth of internationalism and the magnitude of a crime
which retards its growth. If a vision of what the good of the
whole world demands shall be given to those who sit in the
council to determine the terms of peace, there will be con-
certed such measures as were lacking at the Congress of Vienna
in 1815. Surely, fifty years' growth in internationalism must
register itself in the result of the world's Great War.
New York, May 1,1915.
CONTENTS
CHAPTER I.
THE MEANING OF INTERNATIONALISM
PAGE
Definitions — Mutual Aid — The Larger Synthesis — Not Cosmo-
politanism— Enlarged Interest of Local Group — Social Equili-
brium— A Modern Phenomenon — Questions to be Con-
sidered 11
CHAPTER II.
PREPARATORY MOVEMENTS
No Internationalism before Nineteenth Century — Concurrent
Nationalism — National Commerce — Economic Doctrine —
Congress of Vienna — Slavery and Piracy — Holy Alliance —
Conference of Troppau — Monroe Doctrine — Panama Con-
gress— Industrial Revolution — Christian Missions — Evolu-
tion and Scientific Unity — 1851 as Point of Departure . . 18
CHAPTER III.
THE WORLD'S FAIR
Early Fairs — Privileges — National Expositions — First World's
Fair — First Paris Exposition — Le Play and Congresses —
Paris Expositions of 1878 and 1889— World's Columbian Ex-
position— Parliament of Religions — Paris Exposition of 1900
— Louisana Purchase Exposition, 1904 — Effects .... 31
8 CONTENTS— Continued
CHAPTER IV.
OFFICIAL INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCES
PAGE
Value of Discussion — Classification — How Official Conferences
Arise — Permanent Unions — International Administration —
Sanitation — Standardization — Exploration and Mensuration
— Conservation — Communication — Commerce and Industry
— Police Regulation — International Legislation — Rules of
War — Peace Conferences — Private International Law —
Patents and Copyrights — Pan-Americanism — The Inter-
national Habit 43
CHAPTER V.
UNOFFICIAL CONGRESSES
Larger Content of Unofficial Congresses — Economic Interest —
Recreational Interest — Artistic Interest — Scientific Interest
— Educational Interest — Religious Interest — Social Interest
—Industrial Life— Public Health— Charity and Relief-
Public Morals— Peace 73
CHAPTER VI.
UNIVERSITIES AND INTERNATIONALISM
Early Universities — Latin — Growth of National Languages —
Exchange of Students — Student Organizations — Exchange
Professorships 99
CHAPTER VII.
INTERNATIONAL CORRESPONDENCE CLUBS, FRIEND-
SHIP SOCIETIES AND FOUNDATIONS
Correspondence Clubs — Friendship Societies — Foundations and
Prizes— Rhodes' Scholarships 106
CONTENTS— Continued 9
CHAPTER VIII.
A WORLD LANGUAGE
PAGE
Alternatives — Difficulties — Attempts at Auxiliary Language —
Volapuk — Idiom Neutral — Esperanto — International Delega-
tion—Ido 113
CHAPTER IX.
INTERNATIONAL EBB AND FLOW OF POPULATION
Facilities for Travel — The Emigrant — United States as "Melting
Pot" — The Re-migrant — Reflex Influence — "Birds of Pass-
age"— Passenger Movement of World — Isochronizing Life of
World 118
CHAPTER X.
THE NATIONS AND OPIUM
Introduction of Opium into China — Prohibition — Chinese Seclu-
sion— Indian Opium Monopoly — China's Denial of National
Equality — Bullionist Policy — Attempted Enforcement of
Prohibition by Lin — Opium War — Treaty of Nanking —
"Arrow War" — Position of United States — Treaties of Tient-
sin— Anti-Opium Agitation — Royal Opium Commission —
Opium Traffic in Philippines — Sympathy for China in United
States — Imperial Prohibition Rescript — "Ten Year Agree-
ment"— International Opium Commission — Findings — First
Opium Conference — Second Opium Conference 1 29
CHAPTER XI.
PRINCIPLES AND CONCLUSIONS
Normal Internationalism — Equality of Status — Fulness of Par-
ticipation— Universality of Interest — Tendencies — Away from
Absolutism — Towards Higher Interests — Permanence of Re-
lations— Equalization of World Conditions — Peace ... 159
CHAPTER I.
THE MEANING OF INTERNATIONALISM
Internationalism is the embodiment of a new conception of
the advantages of rational cooperation in the whole field of
1 human endeavor. It shows how men tend to act when the
human understanding is freed from the shackles of narrow
provincialism and grasps the possibility of a practical world
unity. It expresses a growing awareness of the inter-depen-
dence of the parts into which the human race has been differ-
entiated.
The adjective "international" has been established in the
English language for a little more than a century. The coinage
V of the word is credited to Jeremy Bentham1 who, in 1780,
V. offered it as a more significant expression, as applied to a cer-
tain branch of law, than the older term, "the law of nations."2
Rifhardson's Dictionary, published in 1838, mentions it as "a
modern word in established use" without defining it.3 It is
not found in any of the various editions of Dr. Johnson's Dict-
ionary until the revision of 1876. About 1840 it passed over
into France, but did not appear in the dictionary of the French
Academy until the edition of 1877.4 The general index to the
British Parliamentary Papers from 1801 to 1826 does not make
use of the adjective which occupies an increasingly large place
in all late government indices.
Th^jub^tajitoe^'internationalism," is of more recent origin.
It first appears in the dictionaries in a specific sense as the
doctrine of the International Workingmen's Association, a
socialistic organization formed in London in 1864, under the
1 Fitzedward Hall, "Modern English," 1837, p. 317.
2 Jeremy Bentham, "An Introduction to the Principles of Morals and Legisla-
tion," p. 326.
8 Charles Richardson, "A New Dictionary of the English Language," 1838.
4 Annuaire de la Vie Internationale, 1908-9, p. 31.
12 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
leadership of Karl Marx.1 Three late dictionaries,2 indeed,
offer more general definitions of internationalism, while one3
defines it in a specific sense which is certainly not in keeping
with the generally accepted idea.
Most thoughtful people have some idea of what the term
internationalism means and the concept is growing in content
every day. A man's mental horizon is circumscribed by the
radius along which he projects himself into the world. The
circle may be large or small. Similarly, a man's conception of
internationalism is proportionate to his knowledge of and in-
terest in conditions beyond the boundaries of his own nation.
That interest may be political, economic, scientific, religious
or social. The sum of all the interests of all men, expressed in
action which cuts across national and racial boundaries, may
be said to make up the body of internationalism.
Internationalism may be defined to be that cooperation be-
tween governments or their citizens which tends to coordinate
their efforts toward material or moral betterment in the in-
terests of the whole social order. Such cooperation may be
official, as when governments form an association like the
Universal Postal Union, or when they send plenipotentiaries
to draw up articles which shall have the force of international
law, as at the Hague Conferences; or it may be un-official, as
when the representatives of private organizations seek to co-
ordinate the work of those interested in any particular field of
effort. To the latter class belong by far the largest number of
international congresses and associations. We are warranted,
1 Imperial Dictionary, 1882; Encyclopaedic Dictionary, 1885; Century Diction-
ary and Encyclopedia, 1879.
1 Murray's New English Dictionary, 1901: "International character or spirit;
the principle of community of interests or action between different nations."
The Standard Dictionary, 1913: "The character of being related to more
nations than one or to nations generally." Webster's International Dict-
ionary, 1913: "International character, principles, interests or sentiments;
also, international organization, influence or common participation."
1 Century Dictionary, New Vol., 1909: "Specifically, the principle of forcing a
somewhat^ disorganized or weak country to submit to the combined control
or protection of several stronger nations." Egypt was the case in mind.
•fe-
THE MEANING OF INTERNATIONALISM 13
/therefore, in including within internationalism that cob'pera-^
tion of the citizens of various nations which may fall far shorty
.of/International law.
lx Internationalism is the latest and broadest manifestation
of that spirit of mutual aid which runs as a formative principle
through all the associations of men back to their simplest
forms. Mutual aid has even been observed in the behavior of
animals that band together for protection and advantage.1
The history of society tells how men have been led to form
larger and larger groupings through the recognition of mutual
interests. Families have been expanded into tribes and clans
and these have been compacted into nations through purposive
cooperation. This process has progressed through the critical
examination, in the light of the advantages of a larger syn-
thesis, of those customs and institutions which tend to render
the life of a social group static.
For centuries society halted at that synthesis which we call
nationalism. It is still as large a synthesis as men of parochial
minds are capable comfortably of grasping. The possession
of a national language and literature, the fires of a common
altar, the enjoyment of a geographically restricted domain,
the fancied advantages of an economic independence, a pre-
dominant racial type or complexion — these have been the in-
sulating material which has kept the men of different nations
apart. But things have happened during the past hundred
years or so which have caused men to question whether the
real welfare of a nation is advanced by the natio-centric point
of view, or by measures for purely selfish aggrandizement.
New currents have set out from the national shore to the op-
posite poles to return again and say that the ocean of truth
is one in spite of headlands and continents. There is dawn-
ing on the world a larger synthesis which embraces the whole
Peter Kropotkin, "Mutual Aid a Factor in Evolution."
F. H. Giddings, Principles of Sociology," Book III, Chap. I.
14 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
of humanity and men are coming to think that in some way
the welfare of the snuggest and most complacent nation in the
world is implicit in the welfare of the whole social order. We
are examining again the barriers between the nations — their
customs, languages, racial peculiarities — to see if these may
not well give way to the beautiful Ringstrasse of a world-city.
A Internationalism is not the same as cosmopolitanism which
has a detachedness about it that makes it seem in a degree
unnatural. The man "unwept, unhonored and unsung," who
drew the scorn of Sir Walter Scott, was the man without at-
tachment for his native land. Macauley speaks of "that cos-
mopolitan indifference to constitutions^and religions which is
often observable in persons whose life has been spent in vagrant
diplomacy." There is nothing unattached or vagrant about
internationalism. Its native soil is the life of the smallest
human group. Those things which one social group has found
it expedient and advantageous to do in advancing its economic
or moral welfare have some relationship to the progress of any
other group similarly circumstanced, for men are swayed by
the same motives, derive their subsistence from the same
natural resources and are heirs to the same fleshly ills. And
when it happens that there is some degree of intercourse be-
tween such groups it is inevitable that the life of one must
affect the life of the other. When there is conscious effort to
realize the larger life of the group by action which is in har-
monious adjustment to the efforts of the other group we have
the essence of that cooperation which, when it exists between
nations, we call inter nationalism \ The cooperative effort may
be concerned with the interests of\ single class, but of a class
distributed through different nations. The lines of cleavage
run across, rather than with, national stratification^
^f^ Internationalism seeks the coordination of effort of every
' group, no matter what its interest may be. The interest may
be that of the workingman seeking to improve the conditions
THE MEANING OF INTERNATIONALISM 15
under which the labor of the world is performed. It may be
that of the scientist who recognizes the necessity for common
standards of measurement and the collation of facts from every
portion of the globe. It may be that of the economist who
knows that conditions abroad affect the solution of the local
problem. It may be that of the meliorist who wishes to know
the success or failure of this or that plan in other lands. Or
the religionist, under the sway of a conviction that his cult has
a message for all races of men seeks that cooperation and
comity with the like-minded of other nations which will secure
economy of effort and the widest field of action.
/So internationalism is the carrying over into the world-field
/of the efforts of the local or national group under the conviction
that any effort which stops short of this is fragmentary, and
therefore lacks effectiveness and permanency. If patriotism
be that passionate love for country which moves one to seek
its highest good, it is in perfect accord with internationalism
which is a recognition of the fact that that highest good can
only be secured by an intelligent cooperation with the men of
other nations working toward similar ends. Internationalism
tends to expand patriotism into a love for humanity, to
large national consciousness into world-consciousness. It
moves from the concrete to the abstract, from the particular
/to the universal.
A Internationalism is a socializing process tending to establish
f social equilibrium in the race. To a degree which is only now
coming to be realized, the well-being of every member of the
human race depends upon raising the moral and economic
level of mankind. It has been recognized that within the small-
er group, say the national, where communication and inter-
action are possible, the status of the individual rises and falls
with the general level. Under modern conditions of inter-
course through commerce, travel, migration and news-service,
it is becoming more and more apparent that world-wide con-
16 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
ditions affect the individual. Under these conditions contribut-
ing to free intercourse, the backward and degenerate nations
tend to retard the progress of the civilized. But the hope of
the race is in the reciprocal truth that, under these conditions
of contact and intercourse, the highly civilized races tend to
raise the backward ones.
In the growth of internationalism we are able to mark that
cooperation which must profoundly affect the relations of men
hitherto conceived of as being divided by geographical locus,
language, customs and racial peculiarities into groups between
which there is presumptively little that is of mutual interest.
1 This old presumption, a relic of barbarism/is breaking down
1 under modern conditions of intercommunication and men are
\ forced to realize that no nation can either live or die unto
itself, and that the socialization of every group of men, wherever
! situated, is the vital concern of all.
Internationalism is a modern social phenomenon whose rise
comes largely within the last fifty years. It has many modes
or manifestations that may be studied. These are principally
international diplomatic conferences, unofficial congresses,
associations, bureaus and other organizations which carry over
effort into a wider field of action than the national and which
aim at cooperation and coordination in advancing their par-
ticular interests. A study of these modes should reveal the
tendencies of internationalism and suggest its meaning in the
field of human endeavor.
^.Several questions suggest themselves to be borne in mind
in the discussion of the subject which follows:
What things have happened in the material and intellectual
world to produce conditions favorable to the rise of inter-
nationalism?
What are the manifestations of internationalism which ren-
der it capable of being measured and justify the claims of pro-
gress?
THE MEANING OF INTERNATIONALISM 17
What are the qualities in a movement which merit its ac-
ceptance as a mode of internationalism?
What will be the practical effect of the growth of inter-
nationalism upon humanity in general?
/"It is not the purpose of this discussion to treat of the mani-
festations of internationalism that may be found in the private
f treaties between nations, nor to study the question from the
I view-point of international law.
\
CHAPTER II.
PREPARATORY MOVEMENTS
. Internationalism does not appear as a distinct phenomenon
/ earlier than the nineteenth century. Throughout the historic
/ period there have been various manifestations of the coopera-
tive spirit. Some have seen adumbrations of internationalism
in such gatherings as the Amphictyonic Council of Greece, the
ecumenical councils of the Chri^^nJ^uich and the Crusades.
But a little reflection upon the nature and objects of Uiese
gatherings will show that they have few of the elements of
internationalism. There could be no internationalism until
\ there were nations in the modern sense of the word.
The seed-bed of internationalism was a group of nations in
Western Europe "growing side by side, and too nearly equal
in power for any one of them to hope to maintain supremacy
over any other."1 The nations of the East, India, China and
Japan, separated by great natural barriers, developed their
', own peculiar, self-contained civilizations. Their national life
became static through isolation and no conditions favorable
to cooperation appeared after more than three thousand years
of Asiatic neighboring. It was different on the European Con-
tinent where intercourse was less restricted. Many of the rivers,
like the Rhine, the Meuse, the Scheldt and the Danube, were
international in their meanderings. No lofty Himalayas or
dreary deserts put their veto on the mingling of the men of
different races and degrees of culture. Here there grew up in
the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries what might be termed
concurrent nationalism, that is, a neighborhood of states nearly
*eaual in power.
^Imperialism occurs when one nation can lord it over others
exploit them for its own advantage. When there is some
F. H. Giddings, "Principles of Sociology," p. 301.
PREPARATORY MOVEMENTS 19
approximation to a balance of power between contiguous
states it is unlikely that the aggression of any one will be sub-
mitted to by the others, for there is always the possibility of a
coalition that will prove stronger than the individual state.
During the Middle Ages there was, under the aegis of the
Catholic Church, a kind of imperial unity, which bound the
various peoples of Europe together. The articles of religious
faith and practice were prescribed for all and enforced by means
of a complete hierarchical system. Latin, which was the
language of the church, the universities and the courts, enabled
the educated men of Italy, France, Germany and England to
communicate freely. The feudal system, by preventing the
centralization of civil authority, contributed to the imperialism
of the church.
But religion, language and political custom, which had con-
served a kind of unity in Europe were now to play a distinctly
national part. Following the Protestant Revolt some nations
became Protestant and the religious wars which followed
served _to develop the national spirit. Latin, so long the
language of the learned, decayed and there grew up national
literature in the vernacular expressing national ideals and fos-
tering a national spirit. Feudalism gave way to the centraliza-
tion of power in the hands of the sovereign. The old unities
were broken up but there was to appear in time a new scien-
tific unity that should bind together, not Christendom only,
but the whole human race.
Under the influence of the nationalistic spirit commerce came
to be regarded as an affair of the state and subject to its direct-
ing hand. In the Middle Ages commerce had been inter-muni-
cipal rather than international.1 It was Venice, Genoa, and
other Italian cities that fetched the products of the East from
the Mediterranean termini of the caravan routes to the marts
Cambridge Modern History, Vol. I, chap. 15; H. B. Gibbins, "History of Com-
merce in Europe."
20 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
of Europe. During the Crusades the wants of man had been
greatly stimulated. The courts wanted silks and jewels from
China and India. Churches burned incense made from exotic
gums. In a day when refrigeration was not practised the salted
meats and Lenten fish tasted better when seasoned with spices
from the Moluccas. The healing art of the day looked to the
East for its principal medicaments. These articles of luxury
became so firmly fixed in the standard *of living of the European
manor and town that the old self-contained life was gone
forever.1
When the fall of Constantinople, in 1453, completed the
Mohammedan blockade of the overland trade with India, an
all-sea route to the treasure house of the Orient was discovered
by Vasco da Gama around the Cape of Good Hope, while
another seeker for the same goal discovered the shores of a new
continent. Venice declined as the Portugese monopolized the
carrying trade and Lisbon's wharves were piled high with the
bales of the East. Then the Dutch ships displaced the Portu-
gese, and Antwerp became the world's emporium. Thus we
pass from the narrow horizon of medieval commerce to world
trade and national commercial interest.
It was Spain, in the enjoyment of her over-sea possessions,
that set the fashion for the national regulation and adminis-
tration of commerce. Only Spanish ships could trade with the
New World and these galleons brought such stores of silver
from the mines of Peru and Mexico as to excite the cupidity of
English sea-rovers and seriously disturbed economic conditions
in Europe. England was not slow to enter the profitable game
of discovery and colonization and her national policy was no
more altruistic than that of Spain. The ships of her colonies
might trade only with the mother country and then bring
nothing but raw materials to keep the wheels of her growing
industry turning. All manufacture in the colonies was dis-
1 J. Jacobs, "The Story of Geographical Discovery."
PREPARATORY MOVEMENTS 21
countenanced. This narrow policy cost England her most
valuable American colonies. Her navigation laws, framed to
build up her own commerce, destroyed the sea-supremacy of
the Dutch and she has ever since remained mistress of the seas.
The policy of France was no less nationalistic under the
guidance of Louis XIV. and his minister Colbert, but she fell
behind in the race for the commerce of the world when she lost
her foothold in India to the British.
The nationalistic spirit found expression in the economic
doctrine of the day which was that what one nation gained in
international trade, the other lost. National development at
the expense of one's neighbor was the principle of the mercan-
tilist school of economists. But the Physiocrats of France
took a broader view of the situation.1 They saw that govern-
ment restrictions were hindering that free outlet of products
which would result in increased national prosperity. They
wanted less paternalism and a greater freedom for capital.
Their doctrine of laissez faire exercised a great influence over
Adam Smith and the classical school of English economists who
advocated greater liberty in international trade and prepared
the way for those freer relations which the nations enjoy today.
The first great international conference was the Congress
of Vienna, in 1815.2 It was called together to restore the
equilibrium of Europe which had been disturbed by the French
Revolution and the imperialistic ambitions of Napoleon. The
congress is interesting as showing the forces of an old and a
new order in conflict. The Rights of Man, declared by the
National Assembly in 1789, were recognized by all crowned
heads to be subversive of monarchy and all monarchical in-
stitutions. The Convention, in 1792, had thrown down the
gauntlet to monarchy when it offered the friendship of France
1 Higgs, "The Physiocrats."
2 Cambridge Modern History, Vol. 9, chap. 19.
W. A. Phillips, "The Confederation of Europe."
22 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
and the support of her arms to all who should shake off ancient
tyranny.
The monarchs of Europe were moved by a common danger
to unite to restore the Most Christian King to his throne and
prevent the spread of republican ideas. When Napoleon had
made himself master of France and the most of Europe he
was still looked upon as the evil genius of revolution whose
exorcism was necessary to the peace of Europe although he
had out-Caesar ed Caesar in his imperialistic ambitions.
The Allies who gathered in Paris upon the first downfall of
Napoleon arranged to meet some months later in Vienna to
settle the territorial questions growing out of the war and to
concert measures to insure the future peace of Europe. A
congress called under such conditions has neither the proper
perspective nor the judicial temper to deal with general ques-
tions in a large way. The causes of the conflict bulk too large
and the sword still makes weight in the balances of justice.
And so the results of the congress were disappointing even
from the nationalistic view-point, for the redistribution of
territory was in many cases not in accordance with national
affinities. The congress stripped France of all the acquisitions
of Napoleon and reduced her to ante bellum limits.
The various German states were united into a confederation
which cemented the nationalism of that hitherto greatly sub-
divided realm.
The chief interest of the envoys seemed to be to make the
best land bargain possible for their particular governments,
but a few questions touching international relations in general
received some attention. The congress established the prin-
ciple that the whole navigable course of a river traversing two
or more states is free to all. Matters touching navigation,
police and customs' regulations were left to the riverain states.
The rivers affected by the act were the Rhine, Necker, Main,
Moselle, Meuse and Scheldt.
PREPARATORY MOVEMENTS 23
The questions of the abolition of the African slave trade
and the suppression of piracy were urged upon the attention
of the congress by the British envoys who reflected public
opinion in England on these matters. The congress contented
itself with the declaration that the slave trade ought to be
abolished, but provided no measures for carrying the decree
into effect. Each country was to find and apply its own remedy.
Thus the whole point of concerted, coordinated action, which
is the very essence of internationalism, was missed. The
demand for the suppression of piracy was a recognition of the
fact that the safety of the seas was essential to national pros-
perity and that it could be secured only by the joint action of
the great powers. But the conditions were not yet ripe for a
full degree of cooperation, for national jealousies and sus-
picions were sufficient to prevent the taking of any effective
steps to rid the Mediterranean of the Barbary pirates.
The traditions of secret diplomacy ruled in the congress and
its many acts were in the nature of treaties between the nations
concerned. For the sake of convenience the various provisions
were gathered together in a final act which was signed by
Austria, France, Great Britain, Portugal, Prussia, Russia and
Sweden. The rest of the European powers were invited to
join and all but the Papacy and Spain joined in the ratification.
Several points of contrast appear between the Congress of
Vienna and modern congresses. Its decisions, while gathered
for purposes of convenience into a final act, were actually
carried out by means of private treaties. Today the decisions
of a conference are gathered into a "convention" which is
signed by the plenipotentiaries and submitted to each state
for its ratification. It is quite common for a commission, or
other representative body, to be created to see that the acts
of the conference are rendered effective. The Congress of
Vienna did not even provide for further meetings nor in any
other way realize the hope that had been entertained that the
24 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
foundations were to be laid for a confederation of Europe that
would insure lasting peace. But there soon appeared an alli-
ance of powers which took upon itself the task of safe-guarding
the peace of Europe and which proceeded to set up a dictator-
ship as absolute as had been that of Napoleon.
Three months after the signing of the final act three of the
parties to the congress, Austria, Prussia and Russia, formed
the Holy Alliance and declared it to be their fixed resolution
to be guided in the administration of their respective states
solely by the precepts of the Christian religion.1 'The sole
principle of force, whether between the said governments or
between their subjects, shall be that of doing each other reci-
procal service, and of testifying by unalterable good will the
mutual affection with which they ought to be animated, to
consider themselves as members of one and the same Christ-
ian nation."2 All powers who should accept these principles
were to be "received with equal ardor and affection into this
Holy Alliance." The Pope and the Sultan were not invited
to join the Alliance and England gave an evasive answer.
The other principal European states joined.
These noble declarations, which seem to breathe the Christ-
ian spirit, must be judged in the light of the measures which
these same three powers thought appropriate and necessary to
insure the tranquility of Europe. Two months later the Second
Peace of Paris was made necessary by the events of the Hundred
Days. The Allies restored the Bourbon king a second time
while Napoleon was sent to St. Helena. On the same day that
the Second Peace was signed, November 20, 1815, Austria,
Prussia, Russia and Great Britain formed a secret alliance to
prevent a recrudescence of the "same revolutionary principles
which upheld the last criminal usurpation." They agreed "to
renew their meetings at fixed periods, either under the im-
1 W. A. Phillips, "The Confederation of Europe," Chap. 3.
2 Hertslet," The Map of Europe by Treaty," Vol. i, p. 317,
PREPARATORY MOVEMENTS 25
mediate auspices of the sovereigns themselves, or by their
respective ministers, for the purpose of consulting upon their
common interests, and for the consideration of the measures
which at each of these periods shall be considered the most
salutary for the repose and prosperity of nations, and for the
maintenance of the peace of Europe."1
It was firmly fixed in the mind of Metternich, who dominated
the situation, that the peace of Europe could be maintained
only by exorcising the spirit of revolution which sat as a spectre
at the council table of every European chancellery. A revolu-
tion in Naples was the occasion for calling an international
conference at Troppau in 1820. The three powers, Austria,
Prussia and Russia signed a protocol binding themselves to
interfere in the internal affairs of any European state in case
a change of government should take place through revolution.
Again at Verona, in 1822, a meeting of the Alliance was held
to consider intervening in the affairs of Spain. While Great
Britain was a party to the secret treaty of November 20, 1815,
she did not countenance interference with the internal affairs
of European states. Her policy was forcibly expressed by
Canning: "Our influence, if it is to be maintained abroad,
must be secure in the sources of strength at home; and the
sources of that strength are in sympathy between the people
and the government; in the union of public sentiment with
the public counsels; in the reciprocal confidence and coopera-
tion of the House of Commons with the Crown."2
In view of the attitude of the three powers that formed the
Holy Alliance towards political changes savoring of republi-
canism, it is not to be wondered at that the Alliance was looked
upon as reactionary in the last degree, in spite of its Christian
protestations. The rise of internationalism has been closely
associated with the growth of constitutionalism and democracy.
1 Ibid., YO!. I, p. 375.
2 Cambridge Modern History, Vol. 10, p. 37.
26 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
It depends upon the existence of a citizenry trained to take an
interested part in public affairs and capable of influencing the
councils of the nation in its foreign policy.
The fear that the Holy Alliance might interest itself in an
attempt to restore to Spain her former possessions in America,
which had declared their independence and formed the Latin-
American republics, had its effect both north and south of
Panama. It influenced President Monroe to send to Congress,
December, 1825, his message which defined the Monroe Doc-
trine. It led to the project of Bolivar for an international
congress of American States at Panama in 1826. Although
the congress was poorly attended and barren of results it called
attention to the mutual interests of the American republics
and was a fore-runner of the Pan-American Union.
The Congress of Vienna was too early for internationalism
and too late for such an imperialism as Napoleon had attempted
to establish. Internationalism cannot come by the grace of
powers which rely upon the legitimacy of monarchical insti-
tutions and pledge themselves to interfere in the internal
affairs of sovereign states. It must come through free co-
operation and not by coercion. The cosmopolitanism of the
Napoleonic regime was destined to react towards a more in-
tense nationalism which is only beginning to give way to the
larger conception of internationalism. Nationalism em-
phasizes the rights of a nation, internationalism recognizes the
duties and obligations of nations towards one another. If the
moral man be one who is "centered in the sphere of common
duties/' it is becoming increasingly clear that the moral nation
is likewise centered in the sphere of international duties.
The Congress of Vienna was too early for internationalism
because the great movements in the economic and scientific
world which were to revolutionize the relations between nations
and furnish powerful motives for cooperation were just afoot.
Watt had just improved the steam engine which was destined
PREPARATORY MOVEMENTS 27
to give a tremendous impetus to the industrial revolution
which had begun in the latter half of the eighteenth century
with the invention of the spinning jenny and the power loom.
In the possession of a new motive power industrial life was to
move away from the water-ways of nature's primitive power
and form great centers of population by the water-ways of
commerce and near the stored-up energy of the mines.
The^ independent life of the artizan was given up for the
interdependent and cooperative life of the factory operative.
A surplus of manufactured goods sought foreign markets and
demanded new commercial policies that would permit a freer
international exchange of goods. Nations began to specialize
in manufacture when they found it profitable to produce in
abundance those goods which they could produce to advantage
and exchange them for what others could produce better than
they. The manufacturers and merchants looked to the govern-
ment to protect and facilitate their interests on all seas and in
every land. The seas must be freed from pirates and navi-
gation must be rendered as safe as possible. The status of
neutral -ships and neutral goods in time of war had to be set-
tled by the nations.
Eight years before the powers gathered in Vienna, the
launching of Fulton's "Clermont" had signalized the success-
ful application of steam to navigation. With the tremendous
development of steam navigation which followed, the necessity
for a scientific exploration of the sea was seen, and projects
for shortening sea-routes, by such engineering tasks as the
Suez and Panama Canals, brought the nations together in
consultation.
Just the year before the Congress met, Stephenson's "Puff-
ing Billy" had ushered in the era of railway development.
In the growth of the railway systems of Europe which cross
many national boundaries there arose questions regarding
standard gauge and equipment, through car service, customs'
28 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
regulations at the boundaries, all of which called for diplo-
matic settlement between the states involved.
What steam did to improve the means of locomotion and
transportation, electricity did to facilitate communication and
to render the world one great whispering gallery. But the
telegraph, with its net-work of wires, raised international
questions touching the transmission of messages from one
country to another. When the submarine cable was made to
link the continents measures had to be adopted by the nations
to protect them from malicious injury. All of these inventions
and improvements, with others that might be mentioned,
which received large development in the half -century follow-
ing the Congress of Vienna, had the effect of drawing the
nations nearer together and of forcing upon their attention
• questions of mutual interest.
The opening up of the world to commerce, the discovery of
strange peoples and their spiritual need awakened the slum-
bering conscience of the Christian Church to its duty to "make
disciples of all nations." Missionaries went in the ships of
traders to every portion of the globe preaching the Gospel,
healing the sick and opening up schools and colleges. They
studied the languages of the peoples whither they went, pre-
pared grammars and dictionaries and sometimes reduced to
writing the oral languages of illiterate people. They did much
to open up the literature of the East to the scholars of the West
and to make Western learning accessible to the old civiliza-
tions of the East. Their contributions to discovery and to
various branches of science, through the examination and
recording of facts gathered in various parts of the world, has
been considerable. The interest of many in the homeland has
followed them in their work and not infrequently their govern-
ments have interfered with native states in their behalf. So
there have grown up strong ties between nations very differ-
ently circumstanced. In times of flood and famine and dis-
aster hands have been stretched across the sea in help. The
PREPARATORY MOVEMENTS 29
knowledge of world-wide conditions that has been dissemi-
nated by missionary literature, the interest that has been awak-
ened in backward peoples, the racial prejudices that have been
softened, have all helped to bring about conditions favorable
to the growth of a spirit of internationalism.
While improved methods of transportation and communi-
cation were working such marked changes in the relations
between the nations, and while explorers and missionaries
were engaged in opening up the frontiers of the world, the
development of scientific thought was to result in the evolu-
tionary hypothesis. This theory, that the world as we know
it is the result of the orderly working of great cosmic laws
through an immense period of time, acted as a tremendous
stimulus to scientific activity. Every organism, however
minute, was seen to fit into the whole evolutionary process and
no fact in nature was negligible. The whole world became a
laboratory for trained observers. But the value of their work
lay in correlation, and this demanded the standardization of
the units of measurement and a recognized nomenclature. It
was necessary therefore for the scientific men of different
countries to come together to agree upon standards and com-
pare the results of their observations and experiments.
There was given to the world in the evolutionary theory a
scientific basis for belief in the organic unity of the world, the
solidarity of the human race and the existence of a social order.
Upon this platform the scientists of the whole world might
stand regardless of race or creed.
It is not possible to fix any date as marking the rise of in-
ternationalism, but we can say that its manifestations increase
quite rapidly during the second half of the nineteenth century.
There are several reasons why the year 1851 is interesting as
a point of departure in our study. It was a time of peace and
so favorable to the growth of an international spirit. In that
year the first submarine cable was laid from Dover to Calais,
an event of much importance as the first step in the linking of
30 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
the continents. It was the year of the first of a series of world's
fairs that were to have a marked effect in bringing the men of
different nations together in friendly rivalry, and in stimulating
the growth of international congresses.
CHAPTER III.
THE WORLD'S FAIR
We have now to consider how the men of different nations
have been drawn together in ways that have broadened their
narrow nationalism, softened race prejudices, developed the
spirit of toleration, evoked admiration, aroused emulation and
stimulated friendly rivalry.
The world's fair of modern times has offered to the men
of all nations the opportunities of association which the ancient
fair, or market, offered to the men of a narrower circle. Although
the first world's fair was held as late as 1851, its lineage may
be traced back to those primitive periodic gatherings which
were occasions for trade and barter.
Professor Giddings has pointed out in his lectures on soci-
ology that from earliest times places that have been thought
to be rich in "mana," or religious power, have been resorted
to by men who wished to ally themselves with that mysteri-
ous potency. The mana might be manifested in medicinal
springs, in the relics of a dead hero or in some other manner.
In such places, quite naturally, religious festivals sprang up,
and wherever men came together at stated times for religious
purposes there merchants were wont to resort to traffic. Fairs
were held in connection with the religious festivals at Delos
and Etruria and also during the Olympian games.
The fair grew to be an institution which not only afforded
an opportunity for barter, in a period when cities were few
and far between and travel dangerous because of robbers, but
they came to enjoy certain privileges and immunities and a
considerable degree of autonomy.
In the Middle Ages an alien was considered to have no rights
and a foreign merchant was subjected to innumerable im-
posts and tolls. "In France, before a way was opened for
trade by the fair of St. Denis, of which the origin is found in
32 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
the reign of Dagobert (A.D. 620), rights of salutaticum, ponta-
ticum, repaticum and portulaticwn, absorbed one-half of a
foreign merchant's goods upon their first arrival and debar-
cation."1
The trader from abroad was answerable for the debts, and
even the crimes, of all other foreigners of the same nationality.
If he died abroad his property was forfeited to the king or lord
of the land where he died.2 By the laws of Alfred the Great
foreign merchants were permitted to traffic at the "four fairs"
of the kingdom, but might not remain in the country longer
than forty days. To these intolerable commercial conditions
the. "free," or chartered, fairs of Europe afforded some relief.
The two most famous fairs in England were those of St.
Bartholomew and Stourbridge, the privileges for each being
granted by royal charter to pious houses. Henry I had a jester,
Rayer, who, after the custom of those days, made a pilgrimage
to Rome during which he received a vision commanding him
to build a church. Knowing the pecuniary advantages to be
derived from a fair, the reformed jester persuaded his sove-
reign, whom he had oft amused with his quips and jokes, to
grant him permission to hold an annual fair in the priory
churchyard at Smithfield. The charter reads: "I grant also
my firm peace to all persons coming to and returning from
the Fair which is wont to be celebrated in that place at the
Feast of St. Bartholomew; and I forbid any of the Royal
servants to implead any of their persons, or without the con-
sent of the canons, on those three days, to wit, the eve of the
feast, the feast itself and the day following, to levy dues upon
those going thither." This fair had a continuous history
through seven centuries, down to 1 855 when it was discontinued
owing to the moral disorders which attended its celebration.
The Stourbridge Fair was held at Cambridge under a char-
ter granted in 1 21 1 , by King John to the Lepers of the Hospital
1 Henry Morley, "Bartholemew Fair," p. 15.
2 C. Walford, "Fairs Past and Present," p. 22.
THE WORLD'S FAIR 33
of St. Mary Magdalen. It was one of the most noted in
the world and as late as the eighteenth century was the most
important market for all kinds of manufactured goods, horses,
wool and hops.1 The great university of Cambridge shared in
its management and profits.
On the continent the fairs of Champagne and Brie held
ancient franchises which were confirmed in 1349 by letters
patent from Philip de Valois. Another celebrated fair was
that held at Frankfort-on-Main under charter from Charles
IV. Leipzig was for centuries the seat of a renowned fair which
still lingers in the annual book markets at that place. The
great fair at Nijni Novgorod, in Russia, has had a continuous
history from the fourteenth century to the present day.
The privileges granted these "free fairs" in England and on
the continent were much the same and proved a boon to the
merchants in an age when the alien was deemed proper prey.
The sovereign granted his "firm peace" during the fair and
private feuds were suspended. Merchants were granted ex-
emption from the usual imposts and were free from arrest for
debt or any civil process not arising from transactions in the
market.
The fair enjoyed a large degree of autonomy, for during its
continuance the mayor surrendered all jurisdiction to a special
court which had its own police officers. In England this was
called the "Piepowder Court," and to it the "dustyfoot," as
the merchant was appropriately called, could bring his disputes
for immediate adjudication before he trekked to another fair.
A staff of notaries was on hand to attest bargains, and the seal
of the market constituted valid title to the goods purchased,
even though the vendor might not have come by them honestly.
Some efforts were made towards regulation and standardi-
zation. In France they had a board of inspectors, called prud'
hommes, who passed upon the quality of goods exposed for
Cunningham, "The Growth of English Industry and Commerce," p. 164.
34 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
sale and who had the right to confiscate any that were found
to be fraudulent or below grade. They also tested the weights
and measures used. In fact the standard used for weighing
gold and silver in the fair at Troyes, in France, became ac-
cepted generally and has survived to the present day as Troy
weight.
These fairs are interesting in our study as attempting to
establish conditions in these temporary international centers
which the nations, through cooperative effort, are endeavor-
ing to make world-wide, that is, the standardization of weights,
measures and money, equitable commercial laws, free and fair
competition, world-wide opportunities for trade, safety for
the transportation of goods and, finally, peace.
There can be little doubt that these fairs assisted materially
in a leavening process which tended to break down local preju-
dices and promote social homogeneity. It has been suggested
that in France they afforded the fertile soil into which the
seeds of republicanism were cast by the merchants from the
free cities of Italy, and that the principles which took root
there found fruition in the French Revolution and the Re-
public of France.1
The free fairs we have been considering were primarily for
the purposes of trade, although the amusement feature came
eventually to be very prominent. The denunciations of the
clergy show that the problem of "midway" attractions is not
peculiar to modern fairs.
Next in line of descent — or ascent, if you please — came the
industrial exposition in which the primary purpose was not
immediate sale, but the exhibition of the products of various
industries with a view to stimulating manufacturers and arti-
zans to perfect their processes and wares through comparison
and competition. Doubtless the hope of increased business
was uppermost in the minds of competing exhibitors. Many
1 J. T. Brent, "Genoa," p. 106.
THE WORLD'S FAIR 35
of these exhibitions became national in their scope before they
became international. "Nationalism/* says Viscount Hal-
dane,1 "is the necessary complement of internationalism in
any true sense. Either without the other becomes perverted
and inhuman, and is a denial of great spiritual principles/'
It may be said with equal truth that nationalism logically
precedes internationalism which completes the universalizing
cycle in all social movements.
In 1791, when the warehouses of the Gobelin and Sevres
industries were overstocked and the workmen on the verge
of starvation, Marquis d'Aveze conceived the idea of collect-
ing some of the choicest products of these looms and kilns in
the Chateau of St. Cloud in the hopes of stimulating their
sale.2 The plan was frustrated through the promulgation at
that time of the decree of the Directory banishing the nobility
from France. On his return to Paris the following year, the
marquis arranged a more extensive collection in the Maison
d'Orsay, in Paris. The government saw the advantages of
such an exhibition and proceeded to erect a special building
upon the Champs de Mars to house the first French Exhibition.
The plan then adopted of awarding prizes to competitors by
the decision of a jury has been followed ever since in all ex-
positions.
Following the success of the French, many industrial ex-
hibitions were held in other countries with varying degrees of
success. It has been said that "these national expositions
marked the end of the system of trade guilds and carefully
guarded trade secrets, and illustrated the openness of ideas,
the search for new methods and the introduction of improve-
ments."3 The idea that these national exhibitions would lead
to others of international scope did not early take possession
of the imagination of statesmen. The relations between the
R. B. Haldane, "Universities and National Life."
James Samuelson, "Civilization of Our Day," p. 305.
Current Literature 29:259.
36 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
two great industrial nations, France and England, could not
be said to have been the most cordial when, in 1798, a gold
medal was offered in France to the man who would deal the
heaviest blow to English trade.
However, in 1833, M. Boucher de Perthes, president of the
Societe f Emulation d' Abbeville, proposed that the French ex-
hibitions be thrown open to exhibitors from abroad. But the
French manufacturers were not sure enough of themselves.1
Again in 1849, M. Tourret, Minister of Commerce, made the
same suggestion and circularized the manufacturers to ascer-
tain their opinion. The replies were so largely unfavorable
that no further attempt was made at that time.
It fell to England to hold the first of a long series of world's
fairs which have done much toward bringing together the
men of different nations in such a way that their national
egotism has been modified, their admiration for the skill of
others has been aroused, a spirit of toleration has been pro-
moted and they have returned home to develop with greater
confidence and by improved methods the resources of their
own countries.
The middle of the nineteenth century was an auspicious
time for the holding of the first international exposition. The
doors of the Temple of Janus were closed. The new industrial
era brought about by the utilization of steam power in manu-
facturing processes had begun. The new uses to which iron
was being put were illustrated in the framework of the Crystal
Palace in which the exhibition was housed. Electricity was
being tamed to do the bidding of man. Every advance made
in the utilization of the forces of nature was scanned with
interest. Progress lay in comparison, adaption and improve-
ment.
It was the cherished plan of Prince Albert, the Royal Con-
sort of Queen Victoria, to hold a fair in which all the powers
would be invited to participate. England was at peace with
Rapport General de V Exposition Universelle de 1889.
THE WORLD'S FAIR 37
the world and was, of all nations, in the best position to invite
the cooperation of other governments in a great peace jubilee
which should mark the advance of the world up to that time
and be prophetic of the drawing together of all peoples in a
spirit of equality and fraternity.
The first international exhibition was held in London in
1851. England's invitation to participate in the exposition
was accepted by France, Belgium, the Zollverein, Austria,
Russia, the United States, Switzerland, Spain, Italy, Sicily,
Tuscany, Portugal, Denmark, Sweden, Norway, Turkey, Hol-
land and Greece. The exhibits were divided into four classes;
raw materials, machinery, manufactures and sculpture. In
machinery England excelled, but in artistic work France easily
led, and the French exhibitors returned home well satisfied
with their successes, with more cordial feelings towards their
old trade rivals and determined to hold an international
exhibition of their own.
The first International Paris Exposition was held on the
Champs de Mars in 1855. At the second Paris Exposition, in
1867, a new feature was introduced by the commissioner general
of the fair, M. LePlay, whose interest in the social conditions
of the working classes had led him to make one of the earliest
attempts at a scientific study of the standard of living. His
book, "Les Ouvriers Europeens," was a careful study of the
budgets of working-men's families. His interest in social
problems led him to attempt to bring together in conference
during the exposition, those interested in the material, in-
tellectual and moral welfare of mankind. Conferences were
arranged for those interested in remedying improvidence and
poverty, in the prevention of crime, in improving the condition
of the working classes, in provident savings, in alliance be-
tween those engaged in agriculture and manufacture, in better
housing, in the condition of women workers. These topics
are of interest as showing the social trend in the early efforts
to promote cooperative action between the nations.
38 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
There was, at this fair, an exhibition of weights, measures
and money with a view to preparing the way for a simplifi-
cation in the reports of international commerce and exchange.
If the earlier expositions were largely for the display of
products of the looms, workshops and ateliers, the idea was
soon conceived of making them more illustrative of the general
life of the people. The chief aim of the international exposi-
tion at Vienna, in 1873, was to collect examples of every human
industry, showing how the producers themselves lived and
worked. Great prominence was given to the subject of educa-
tion and intellectual culture and the system of Austrian educa-
tion was exhibited in detail.
In connection with the Paris Exposition of 1878 a definite
attempt was made to stimulate the meeting of international
congresses on various subjects and the success was such as to
warrant the establishment of a policy which has continued
through succeeding fairs. The effect of this policy in stimu-
lating the gathering of international congresses may be seen
in the chart on page 74 where it will be seen that the largest
number of congresses have been held in the years of the great
world's fairs.
When the French government issued an invitation to the
nations of the world to participate in an international exposi-
tion in 1 889 which should illustrate a century of progress since
the French Revolution, announcement was made of con-
gresses upon a wide variety of topics. There were fifteen
divisions, embracing belle lettres, beaux-arts, history and
archaeology, mathematics, physical and chemical sciences,
natural sciences, geography, political economy and legisla-
tion, hygiene, social economy, education, civil engineering and
public work, agriculture, industry and commerce.
During the exposition sixty-nine international congresses
were held, addressed by eminent speakers and experts. But
the results were disappointing. The congresses were poorly
attended and a lack of interest was shown by the visitors who
THE WORLD'S FAIR 39
were intent upon amusement and entertainment. The failure
of this attempt was probably partly due to a lack of careful
preliminary planning and partly because of the attitude of
several of the European powers who declined to participate
in the exhibition from an unwillingness to seem to countenance
the radicalism associated with the French Revolution which
the fair was intended to commemorate.
When preparations were being made for the World's Colum-
bian Exposition in Chicago, held in 1893, it was thought wise
to plan for a more widely representative assemblage of states-
men, jurists, financiers, scientists, literati, teachers and theo-
logians than had ever yet been convened. In sending out a
prospectus for such a series of congresses the management
said: "The benefit of such a parliament of nations would be
higher and more conducive to the welfare of mankind than
those which would flow from the national exposition, though
it would not be easy to exaggerate the powerful impetus that
will be given by the latter to commerce, and all the arts by
which toil is lightened, the fruits of labor increased and the
comforts of life augmented. For such a congress, convened
under circumstances so auspicious, would surpass all previous
efforts to bring about a real fraternity of nations and unite
the enlightened people of the whole earth in a general coopera-
tion for the attainment of the great ends for which human
society is organized."1
The World's Auxiliary Congress, as this project was called,
received recognition by Congress, May 25, 1892, and diplo-
matic and consular agents were directed to invite the coopera-
tion of all countries. The whole range of human activity and
interest would seem to have been covered by the topics sug-
gested for discussion. The work was carefully systematized
and subdivided. More than 2 1 0 working committees of organi-
zation were formed with a local membership of 1,600 and a
non-resident membership in advisory councils of 15,000.
1 World's Columbian Exposition: Report of President, Appendix A.
40 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
During the time of the fair 1,245 sessions were held, with
5,974 writers and speakers and a total attendance of over
700,000.1
A project was successfully carried through which would have
seemed impossible to the French government which rules out
the seemingly fatally divisive subjects of politics and religion.
A World's Parliament of Religions was held which was dis-
approved of at the time by many good people who had the
feeling that it was lowering Christianity to the plane of all
the other ethnic religions. But 'there can be little doubt that
the better understanding of the other great religions which
resulted from the discussions did much to promote that re-
ligious tolerance which is essential to the growth of the inter-
national spirit.
Ever since that parliament it has been seen with growing
clearness that the failure of other ethnic religions has been a
social failure, as evidenced by caste, the degradation of woman
and general stagnation. As one religion after another has been
pronounced a failure because of its unsocial results it has be-
come apparent that Christianity must offer itself to the same
tests. The ideal which she must hold aloft is the full and
normal development of the individual as a member of a social
order which has both human and divine relationships.
When we come to the Paris Exposition of 1900 we find the
fullest expansion of the international congress as an adjunct
of the world's fair. In spite of the disappointments of 1889,
greater preparations than ever were made that the congresses
in 1900 might record the progress of thought during the then
closing century. M. Gabriel, Engineer-in-chief of Bridges and
Roads, who had attended the Columbian Exposition in 1893,
and had doubtless there received many ideas of preparatory
organization, was director of the congresses.2 The work was
1 Ibid., General Report on Auxiliary.
2 Exposition Universelle Internationale de 1900: Rapport General Adminis-
tratif et Technique, Vol. VI.
THE WORLD'S FAIR 41
divided among twelve sub-committees. The congresses were
held under the patronage of the French government who dis-
claimed, however, all responsibility for opinions expressed or
resolutions passed.
The very large number of 122 international congresses was
held and their deliberations published. The wide range of
topics considered covered twelve general divisions as follows:
education, arts, mathematical sciences, physical sciences,
natural sciences, medical and pharmacal sciences, mechanics,
agriculture, political economy, legislation and statistics, social
science, colonization and geography, industry and commerce.1
A different plan of congresses was adopted by the manage-
ment of the Louisiana Purchase Exposition at St. Louis in
1904. The week beginning September 19 was devoted to the
meetings of an International Congress of Arts and Sciences
designed to show the "pro§ress of man since the Louisiana
Purchase." The whole realm of human knowledge and activity
was reviewed under the following classification: (1) Norma-
tive Sciences, (2) Historical Science, (3) Physical Science,
(4) Mental Science, (5) Utilitarian Sciences, (6) Social Regu-
lation, (7) Social Culture. Under these general heads there
were arranged 24 departments and 1 28 special sections. Mon-
day and Tuesday were devoted to addresses by American
scholars upon the seven general divisions and the twenty-
four departments, aiming to present the fundamental con-
ceptions and methods of each and the progress during the
century. Beginning on Wednesday there were two addresses
in each of the 128 sections followed by ten-minute papers.
The speakers were chosen equally from American and Euro-
pean scientists and experts. The proceedings of the Con-
gress were published in eight volumes.2
It will thus be seen that a definite effort was made in suc-
cessive world's fairs to associate those of all nations who are
1 Ibid., Pieces Annexes.
2 Congress of Arts and Sciences, Vol. I.
42 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
interested in economic, scientific, moral and religious progress
for the purpose of increasing the sum of human knowledge, of
coordinating the efforts of various organizations and of pro-
moting the solidarity of the race. Whatever may be the
future of the world's fair it has, without doubt, stimulated the
rise of internationalism. It has liberalized and widened the
interests of men. A narrow provincialism is sure to have some
of its adhesions broken by the stretching process experienced
in attending an exhibition of the cleverness and skill of people
once thought of only with contempt.
It is interesting to consider that as the free fairs of feudal
Europe made international trade possible, so their successors,
the world's fairs, have contributed very largely to the estab-
lishment of an entente cordiale between the workers and think-
ers of the various nations.
CHAPTER IV.
OFFICIAL INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCES
The significance of international conferences and congresses
in the march of events which is bringing the nations of the
earth en rapport has not been fully grasped by many. It has
been pointed out with some impatience that they have often
been barren of direct, visible results. Many have been dis-
posed to look upon them as mere "talk-fests," affording en-
joyable junkets for those who were fortunate enough to be
appointed as delegates, but productive of little permanent
good.
Impatience is a characteristic of an age in which we are
accustomed to see material undertakings of stupendous pro-
portions accomplished in record-breaking time. The Chinese
proverb, "Through patience the mulberry leaf is changed
into satin," has no place in the philosophy of modern business.
Present-day organization and efficiency methods are concerned
with cutting short the route between the mulberry leaf and
the satin.
In an interesting chapter on the Age of Discussion,1 Walter
Bagehot has pointed out that the change from an age of status
to one of choice was first made in those states in which govern-
ment was, to a growing extent, a government by discussion.
Contentment with the status quo results in stagnation. As
long as free discussion can be suppressed, privilege, which
battens upon the submissive and servile, is secure. Especially
is this true when religious sentiment supports the pretentions
of those who wield the power.
4 Walter Bagehot, "Physics and Politics," p. 163.
44 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
It is hopefully indicative of the smouldering fires of social
righteousness when a prophet arises with a burning message
directed against those who "join house to house, that lay field
to field, till there be no place, that they may be placed alone
in the midst of the earth."1 But it is more hopeful of a better
social status when men are free to discuss and criticize things
as they are and work for things as they ought to be.
In the period before the rise of internationalism Machia-
vellian diplomacy was the rule and the relations between
states was largely determined by dynastic questions, in the
settlement of which blood and treasure were often poured out
in ineffectual libations. Today, citizens are not only free to
discuss matters pertaining to foreign relations, to question
the rightfulness of the status quo, but are, to an increasing
degree, taking part in official or private capacity in hastening
the rapprochement between the nations.
If it be true, as Bagehot affirms, that "tolerance is learned in
discussion, and, as history shows, is only so learned," the im-
portance of conferences and congresses in which the men of
different nations discuss matters of common interest from
different angles of vision, is very great, aside from their im-
mediate results. As to the practical results, and what they
indicate touching the growth of a world unity, a review of
the principal ones may suggest an answer.
International congresses may be broadly divided into two
classes: (1) those which are composed of diplomatic repre-
sentatives—usually spoken of as "conferences;" (2) those
made up of private citizens without government appoint-
ment. There are a few congresses that are composed of both
public and private members, but it has not been thought
necessary to classify these separately. The official inter-
national conferences will be considered in this chapter, and
the unofficial congresses in the next.
OFFICIAL INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCES 45
The convening of an official conference may arise in several
ways. The close of a war often leaves territorial and other
questions to be settled by a conference of powers. This was
the case in 1815, when the Congress of Vienna was convened
at the close of the Napoleonic wars, and in 1856, when the
Conference of Paris was made necessary by the Crimean War.
In times of peace the initiative is generally taken by some
sovereign who invites other powers to a conference upon some
topic of general interest. It was upon the invitation of Czar
Nicholas II that the First Peace Conference was held. Oc-
casions may arise which make such conferences necessary, as
when the phylloxera was destroying the vines of Europe in
1878, or when the spread of a plague threatens the nations.
International cooperation may arise as the result of the
labors of one man. This was the case when a Californian,
Mr. Lubin, dissatisfied with the price of some grain he had
sold, started an investigation as to what regulated the price
of wheat. He became convinced of the need of international
cooperation in agricultural matters and interested in his pro-
ject the king of Italy, who invited the powers to send dele-
gates to the International Institute of Agriculture which met
for the first time in Rome in 1905.1
It is usual in issuing an invitation for a conference to state
the specific subjects which the delegates are to consider, that
intelligent discussion and action may follow. In the conference
the diplomatic representatives of all the sovereign states stand
upon an equality and the vote of each nation counts one.
Unanimity is required for the adoption of any measure. The
measures adopted are collected into a "convention" which is
signed by the envoys in behalf of their governments. It is
then submitted to each state for its ratification and a date is
usually set for the deposit of the ratifications with a designated
1 World's Work, 12:8021— 3.
46 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
official, who is usually the foreign secretary of the state where
the conference was held. When the convention has been
ratified it has the force of international law as affects the re-
lations of the agreeing nations. It is quite customary to
invite such other nations as are interested in the measure, and
who were not represented at the conference, to sign and ratify
the convention.
In many cases an international bureau, or some other form
of organization, is established to carry out the provisions of
the act and to be the intermediary between the nations in
this matter. There have grown up some 17 international
official unions with permanent bureaus and definite head-
quarters. The expense for the maintenance of these bureaus
is apportioned among the participating states. In 1913 the
total budget for these international unions was $936,000.
Since 1850 official conferences have been held upon more
than fifty subjects of more or less general interest, aside from
those called to settle questions arising out of war. In some
cases only one conference has been held upon the same sub-
ject, but in others as many as twelve have been held in suc-
ceeding years. In each of these conferences the representa-
tives of from three to fifty nations and principalities have
taken part.
The subjects which have engaged the attention of the con-
gresses will be treated as indicating along what lines inter-
dependence has been recognized and co operative action deemed
desirable. These ought to throw light upon the rapprochement
of the nations and suggest the way in which the federation of
the world is likely to be achieved.
The subjects which have been treated in official conferences
may be divided into two classes: (1) those relating to inter-
national administration, and (2) those relating to international
legislation.
OFFICIAL INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCES 47
I. INTERNATIONAL ADMINISTRATION
1. Sanitation.1 The protection of the public health is
readily recognized as a plain duty of the state. Health con-
siderations can be urged as valid grounds for the exercise of
the police powers of the state when moral grounds are ques-
tioned. Much of the social legislation of today has been
secured on the plea of preserving the public health, particu-
larly that of women and children.
When medical science had discovered the means by which
diseases and plagues, which formerly decimated the popula-
tion, were communicated and spread, it became apparent that
the health of each nation depended upon the health of the
rest of the world. An Atlantis, set in the midst of a sea never
whitened by foreign sails, would have no need to dread a
plague brought from afar. Not so fortunate is the situation
of the nation of modern times whose harbors are busy with
the craft of all peoples, or whose frontiers are crossed in a
dozen places by railroads. The grim specter of Asiatic cholera
or bubonic plague may lurk between the decks of a steamer at
the wharf. Conditions of filth in Asia may be a menace to
the health of England, trachoma in Italy may endanger the
eyesight of Americans who have never left their native shores.
The interdependence of nations received an early recogni-
tion in the concerted measures taken to establish sanitary
control. In 1851 and 1859 diplomatic conferences were held
in Paris to discuss means for preventing the spread of inter-
national epidemics.
The dread of Asiatic cholera brought thirteen European
powers together in Constantinople in 1866 in an International
Sanitary Conference. The next meeting, at Vienna in 1874,
was participated in by eight more nations and a permanent
1 Proces-verbaux de la Conference Sanitaire Internationale de {Rome, 1885;
de Paris, 1894; de Venise, 1897.
Z. I. Loutfi, "La Politique Sanitaire Internationale"
48 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
international commission was formed. A fifth conference in
Washington in 1881, found several of the American republics
in line, as were also Japan and Hawaii. At the twelfth con-
ference in Rome, 1907, the twenty-four participating countries
created the International Office of Public Health, with head-
quarters in Paris.
Since 1881 sanitary control over the traffic passing through
the Suez Canal has been vested in the Consell Sanitaire Mari-
time et Quarantenaire d* Egypt composed of delegates from six-
teen European nations.
In 1901 the Pan-American Congress established an inter-
national sanitary bureau for the American republics, and in
1905 the Pan-American Sanitary Union was formed and qua-
rantine regulations, binding upon the American states, were
adopted. The ideal hoped for is a time when the hygienic
conditions in each country will be such that quarantine will
be unnecessary.1
2. Standardization. As the relations between the nations
have become more and more intimate, the inconveniences
arising from various standards of weights, measures, money
and time have been increasingly felt and efforts have been
made to establish universal standards.
A diplomatic conference on weights and measures was held
in Paris in 1875, in which twenty-one nations took part, four
more subsequently adopting the convention. An international
bureau of weights and measures was formed with headquarters
in the park of St. Cloud, near Paris. The metric system has
been adopted by twenty-four states, while fourteen more
recognize it along with some other system, the United States
being in the latter class.2
The determination of a uniform system for marking the
world's time involved international agreement upon a prime
1 Transactions of the Second International Sanitary Conference of the American.
Republics.
2 Treaties, Conventions, International Acts, Protocols and Agreements between
the United States and Other Powers, Gov't Printing Office, Vol. 2, p. 1924
OFFICIAL INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCES 49
meridian. An international conference was invited to meet
in Washington in 1884 to decide the question. The French
delegates urged either the adoption of the meridian of Paris
or some neutral meridian. But the necessity of deciding upon
a meridian passing through some observatory, and the fact
that the Paris observatory was located in the heart of the city,
together with the widespread custom of reckoning east and
west from the meridian passing through the park at Green-
wich, led to the adoption of the latter as the prime meridian.
There was only one dissenting vote, that of Domingo —
France and Brazil refraining from voting. Twenty-six nations
took part.1
Upon the invitation of France a Conference Internationale
de I'heure was held in Paris in 1912, under the auspices of the
Bureau des Longitudes, which was attended by the repre-
sentatives of sixteen states. The purpose of the conference
was to adopt uniform methods for signalling the hour in the
most exact way possible from designated centers. The use
of wireless telegraphy for this purpose was advocated. By
these means precision in the regulation of time by land and
sea will be secured. A Commission Internationale de Iheure
was created with a permanent bureau in Paris. The question
of radiotelegraphic warnings of icebergs and other dangers to
navigation was also considered.2
The variety of money current in the different countries has
led to monetary conferences and unions. In 1865 the Latin
Monetary Union was formed by France, Switzerland, Italy
and Greece. Ten years later Norway, Sweden and Denmark
formed the Scandinavian Monetary Union. Four attempts
were made in 1867, 1878, 1881 and 1892, at international
monetary conferences participated in by the leading powers,
to establish a fixed relation between gold and silver, but with-
out success.3
1 Science 4:376
! La Vie Internationale, Tome II, p. 43.
3 Henry B. Russell, "International Monetary Conferences."
50 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
The Central American Union established, in 1 909, a uniform
monetary system and adopted the metric system of weights
and measures.1
The unification of formulae for powerful drugs in the in-
terests of public health and safety engaged the attention of an
international congress in Brussels in 1902 in which sixteen
nations formed an association and established a secretariate.
A second conference in 1906 revised the former convention
and adopted a normal drop measure.2
The comparability of health statistics requires that there
be uniformity in the nomenclature of diseases which are as-
signed as the causes of death. The delegates of twenty-six
states met in Paris in 1900, and fixed upon thirty-eight general,
and 189 particular, causes of death.3 The French government
is charged with the duty of calling together a revision con-
ference in 1919.
3. Exploration and Mensuration. The exact measurement
of the earth's surface is a matter of importance to the whole
world. In 1864 there was formed the International Geodedic
Association which, in succeeding years, has come to enroll in
its activities twenty-two states, and to extend its labors, which
were at first confined to the accurate mensuration of the conti-
nent of Europe, to embrace the whole earth.
With the accurate measurement of the earth's surface has
come a desire for a World's Map upon a uniform scale. Upon
the invitation of Great Britain eleven nations sent delegates
to an international conference in London in 1909.4 As a re-
sult of their deliberations we are to have uniform maps of the
world upon the scale of 1 : 1,000,000. Each map is to embrace
a superficial area of four degrees in latitude by six degrees in
longitude. All tints and colorings are to have uniform sig-
nificance. Soon the school-boy of every nation will learn the
1 Organo Publicidad de la Oficina International Centre- Americana, 1909.
2 British Parliamentary Papers, 1907, Vol. 53.
3 Bulletin de I' Office Internationale d' Hygiene publique, 19 11.
4 National Geographical Magazine 21:125.
OFFICIAL INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCES 51
geographical names of each country according to the spelling
authorized by the government of that country. Besides stan-
dardizing the teaching of geography the World's Map will
insure uniformity and accuracy in international negotiations
and communications.
The subject of marine exploration is of equal international
interest with the mensuration of the land, for according to
international law the high seas are the highway of all nations.
The safety of navigation and the profits of those who make
merchandise of its products depend upon an accurate know-
ledge of the oceans and tributary waters. The Hydrographic
Commission of Sweden invited the nations that were especially
interested in the northern seas of Europe, to hold a conference
in Stockholm in 1899.1 Nine states responded and formed a
permanent international council with a central bureau. A
part of the work of this organization is the study and report
upon the habits and movements of food fish.
The study of earthquakes involves the cooperation of many
nations in the establishment of observation stations in various
parts of the world. The seventh International Congress of
Geography suggested the desirability of holding an international
conference on seismology. The first conference met in Stras-
burg in 1901 . At the second conference, held in 1903, in which
nineteen nations participated, a permanent commission was
provided for with a central bureau supported by contribu-
tions from adhering states.
4. Conservation. The question of conservation occupies
a large place in the economic thought of the day. It may seem
odd that its first international effort should have been directed
to the preservation of animals and birds. Six European coun-
tries were enough interested in preserving from extinction
certain wild animals of Africa to send representatives to a
conference in London in 1900.2 They pledged their
1 Geographical Journal 20:316.
2 Brit. Parl. Papers, 1900, Vol. 56.
52 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
governments to adopt suitable measures to prevent the
extermination of certain rare and useful birds and animals
in a zone extending across Central Africa which has become
an international hunting ground.
Similarly, in Paris in 1902 eleven powers signed a conven-
tion for the protection of certain birds which are useful to
agriculture because of their appetites for some very unde-
sirable insects. The destruction of these birds, their nests or
eggs, was prohibited.
In 1911 the United States, Great Britain, Russia and
Japan held in Washington a diplomatic conference to devise
ways and means to prevent the extermination of seals and
sea-otters in the waters of the north Pacific Ocean. To this
end pelagic-sealing was absolutely prohibited and the marking
of skins in such a way as to indicate that they were lawfully
taken was made compulsory.1
The conservation of the labor forces of a nation, as pointed
out by Professor Irving Fisher at the American Conservation
Congress, is of the greatest importance. There might be
mentioned, therefore, in this connection the international
attempts at labor legislation. Switzerland made two unsuc-
cessful attempts, in 1881 and 1889, to bring the powers to-
gether to consider the question of affording legal protection
to laborers. In 1890 she renewed her invitation, but deferred
to the wish of the Emperor of Germany to have a conference
held upon the subject in Berlin that year. The conference
met but adopted no convention.
In 1905 another conference was held in Berne which adopted
two conventions, the first opposing night work for women,
the second against the use of white phosphorous in the manu-
facture of matches. The first convention was ratified by
thirteen European states and the second by two.2
Brit. Parl. Papers, 1911, Vol. 103.
L. Chatelain, " Le Protection Ouvriere."
OFFICIAL INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCES 53
5. Communication. Communication between the ends of
the earth by post, telegraph, rail or sea, inevitably involves
international cooperation.
In 1 863 an international postal convention was held in Paris
by delegates from thirteen states and the Hansa towns. The
principles then laid down for the facilitation of postal exchange
were followed by most governments. At Berne, in 1874, the
twenty-four sovereign states represented in the International
Postal Union formed the. General Postal Union for the pur-
pose of creating "a single postal territory for the reciprocal
exchange of postal matter." The name was changed, in 1878,
to the Universal Postal Union.1 Other nations have success-
ively joined the union until now all the sovereign powers of
the world are federated for the administration of the postal
service, with a permanent bureau at Berne. Conferences are
held every seven years. Thus, within half a century, has been
achieved a world-union penetrating the remotest corners of
the earth.
In 1911 the republics of South America formed a postal
union for the purposes of arranging suitable postal routes, the
publication of a map of the continent and, in general, to facili-
tate the postal service.2 It maintains a permanent bureau at
Montevideo. In the same year the five Central American
republics held a postal convention and established an inter-
national parcels' post for Central America.
The influence of the telegraph in spreading contemporary
news, thus isochronizing the life of the world, can scarcely be
overestimated. The first step in the linking of the nations of
the world by the submarine cable was taken in 1851 with the
laying of the cable under the English channel, between Dover
and Calais.
The international aspects of communication by means of
the telegraph were recognized as early as 1852 when a
1 Documents du Congres Postal de Paris, 1878.
2 Bulletin of Pan-American Union, 32:689-698.
54 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
convention was concluded between Belgium, France and Prussia.
But it was not until 1865 that the first International Tele-
graphic Conference was held. By the terms of the conven-
tion adopted in St. Petersburg, in 1875,1 the right of every
person to communicate by means of the telegraph was recog-
nized and the privacy of telegrams was guaranteed. The
transmission of secret or code messages was also assured, sub-
ject to such restrictions or modifications as any government
might deem necessary. Notice of any such restrictions must
be sent to each of the contracting governments.'
A conference of the Universal Telegraphic Union was held
at Lisbon in 1908 at which there were represented fifty-one
powers and twenty-nine private companies.2 The Union main-
tains a permanent bureau at Berne.
The protection of submarine cables was early seen to be of
prime importance to the uninterrupted transaction of the busi-
ness of the world. When one considers that there are 55,747
miles of cables owned by governments, and 250,072 miles in
the hands of private companies — enough to put a 12-ply cop-
per girdle around the earth at the equator — and that most of
this cable lies outside territorial waters, the protection of these
cables can readily be seen to be a matter for international
regulation.
The first International Conference for the Protection of
Submarine Cables was held in 1882, and was attended by dele-
gates from thirty-one states.3 Two years later a convention
was signed providing for the enactment of laws by all the con-
tracting states making the injury or destruction of cables a
penal offense. This piece of legislation might properly be
enumerated also under the next general head, that of inter-
national legislation.
1 Brit. Parl. Papers, 1876, Vol. 84.
44th Cong., H. Ex. doc. I, p. 1070.
2 6oth Cong., 2d sess., H. doc., 1205.
3 48th Cong., ist sess., H. Ex. doc., I, pt. I, p. 254.
OFFICIAL INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCES 55
The appearance of wireless telegraphy, as well as aerial
navigation raised the question of the control of the atmosphere
which extends upwards over the national domain. No medium
of communication is so regardless of national boundaries as
the Hertzian waves which travel impartially in all directions
from the center of transmission. The wireless impulses furnish
a striking analogue to the eccentric influences of international-
ism which are following the sun in his diurnal journey around
the world. Upon the invitation of Germany an international
conference for the regulation of wireless telegraphy was held
in Berlin in 1906 with delegates from twenty-nine countries
in attendance.1 A second conference was held in London in
1912.2
The advance made in aerial navigation has raised many
perplexing questions both of a national and international
nature. The ease with which national boundaries can be
crossed, either with hostile intent or for the purpose of evad-
ing the customs' authorities, presents a serious subject for the
consideration of the powers. Individual states have passed
laws regulating the registration and identification of air ships,
prohibiting landing within certain prescribed areas, etc. An
International Diplomatic Conference on Aerial Navigation
was held in Paris in 1910. No convention was formulated,
but a desire was expressed for the creation of an international
bureau of aerial navigation for the purpose of collecting and
coordinating information of every kind which would be of
benefit to states and to aeronauts.
The operation of railroads which, in a country like Europe,
cross and recross state boundaries, involves international regu-
lations. Accordingly, in 1886 there was a conference at Berne
between the representatives of Germany, Austria, France,
Hungary, Italy and Switzerland. Other conferences were
held in 1 886 and 1 907 in which most of the nations of Europe
1 59th Cong., 2d sess , H. doc. 830.
2 Treaties, etc., ut supra, Vol. 3, p. 185.
56 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
joined. These conferences have settled such questions as the
guage of the roads, the construction and repair of rolling stock,
the loading of cars, customs' regulations, the making of time
tables and tlj£ arrangement of through train service.1
The railways of Europe being mainly operated by the various
governments, interstate regulation is largely an international
affair. Interstate commerce, complicated as it is by the cus-
toms* regulations of the different countries, made it necessary
for the representatives of the governments to get together to
devise ways and means of facilitating the transportation of
merchandise. The first international conference was held in
Berne, in 1878, between nine states. Subsequently other
nations joined in regulations which have been revised from
time to time.
Even the automobile has been the subject of international
rules. An international automobile conference was held in
Paris, in 1909, by the representatives of nineteen countries.2
Regulations were adopted specifying the mechanical con-
struction and control of such automobiles as would be granted
the use of the public roads, requiring competency in the chauf-
feurs who should operate the cars and marks of identification
which must be displayed by all machines. The countries
signatory to the convention engaged to erect suitable road
signs for the guidance of motorists.
Various conferences have been held with a view to pro-
moting the safety of navigation. In 1865 ten European na-
tions and the United States agreed to unite with Morocco in
maintaining a lighthouse on Cape Spartel in the Straits of
Gibraltar.3
The rules of navigation which have been adopted by all the
maritime nations were not the result of conferences upon the
subject, but were promulgated by the British Parliament in
1 Logan G. McPherson, "Transportation in Europe."
2 Brit. Parl. Papers, 1910, Vol. 112.
8 Brit. Parl. Papers, 1867, Vol. 74.
OFFICIAL INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCES 57
1862.1 Similarly the international code of signals, prepared
and published by Great Britain, has been adopted by all
maritime nations.
An international marine conference was held in Wash-
ington, in 1889, in which nineteen nations took part.2 Resolu-
tions were passed with a view to lessening the dangers of navi-
gation, but no diplomatic convention was adopted.
6. Commerce and Industry. The modern development of
commerce has reached such a stage that the citizen of any
country is coming to regard it as his inalienable right to trade
in every part of the world and to receive the protection and
assistance of his government in his ventures. His govern-
ment can assist him through information regarding trade con-
ditions, governmental regulations, duties and imposts. Scien-
tific business methods require reliable statistics, properly co-
ordinated. International efforts have been made to provide
these facilities. The exchange of official public documents
and publications between the states was decided upon at a
conference in Brussels in 1886. At the Pan-American Con-
gress in 1902, the American States entered into a similar
agreement.
The Smithsonian Institution, which is the agency for the ex-
change of the documents of the United States, now sends 92
sets of these to foreign depositaries. Thirty-two countries
now exchange their official journals.3
It was the Belgian government that suggested the advant-
age to commerce which would result from the official publi-
cation of the customs' tariffs of all nations, and at its invi-
tation a conference was held in Brussels in 1888. Nineteen
states finally joined in the formation of the International
Union for the Publication of Customs' Tariffs.4 A bureau
was established at Brussels charged with the publication of
1 Brit. Parl. Papers, 1868-69, Vol. 55.
' 5 ist Cong., ist sess., S. Ex. doc., Vol. 6, No. 53.
* Smithsonian Institution Reports 1913, p. 31.
4 28 Statutes at Large, 1518.
58 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
the tariffs of the various countries in five languages, English,
German, French, Italian and Spanish. The expense of main-
taining the bureau is borne proportionally by all the members
of the union.
Belgium also invited the governments of the world to a con-
ference upon the question of commercial statistics. Twenty-
seven countries sent delegates to a conference which met in
Brussels in 1910. The object of the conference was to pro-
mote the unification and standardization of commercial statis-
tics, suggesting classifications which would render those of
different countries comparable.
The International Institute of Agriculture, which met for
the first time in Rome in 1905,1 was formed for the purpose
of collecting and disseminating information and statistics
concerning produce, market prices, wages of farm laborers,
systems of cooperation, credit and insurance, the appearance,
spread and treatment of plant diseases; to suggest various
government measures for the protection of the interests of
the agricultural class and the improvement of their conditions.
The union has grown until it includes most of the principal
countries of the world.
The policy of several governments to grant bounties to
sugar manufacturers led to international efforts to offset these
advantages by the establishment of countervailing duties
against sugar imported from such countries. The first con-
ference on the subject was held in Paris in 1863 by delegates
from Belgium, France, Great Britain and Holland. Many
conferences were held without satisfactory results until, in
1902, ten powers formed the Sugar Union and adopted a con-
vention providing for a permanent organization and a bureau
located at Brussels.2 The sugar commission has the power of
affecting the laws of the adhering states through its determi-
nations and decisions.
1 Brit. Pad. Papers, 1910, Vol. 112.
Treaties, etc., Vol. 2, p. 2140.
2 Brit. Pad. Papers, 1903, Vol. 87.
OFFICIAL INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCES 59
7. Police Regulation. Not until the nations of the world
united to do police duty did the African slave trade receive
its death blow. It had been denounced by the Congress of
Vienna in 1815 and at Verona in 1822. It engaged the at-
tention of the powers again at the Treaty of London in 1841,
and at the Conference of Berlin in 1885. But the trade was
still active when Belgium invited the powers to hold a con-
ference at Brussels in 1889.1 Eighteen powers took part in
the long deliberations which terminated in formulating plans
which have succeeded in practically stamping out the traffic.
The same conference restricted the importation of arms
and rum into the Dark Continent. The regulations regard-
ing the importation of arms were revised at a conference held
in Brussels, in 1908, composed of delegates from fourteen
nations, and those restricting alcohol were revised in 1906.
The need of intergovernmental action to repress the circu-
lation of obscene literature and pictures was indicated at a
private congress against pornography held in Paris, in 1908,
in which eighty-six associations were represented. Request
for concerted action by the various governments resulted in an
international conference at Paris in 1910, at which fifteen
nations were represented.2 Each of the states signing the
convention agreed to designate an authorized agency to co-
operate with similar agencies in other countries in the sup-
pression of obscene publications.
At the suggestion of the United States an International
Opium Commission met in Shanghai in 1909.3 Twelve powers
took part, through their delegates, strongly urging the various
governments to take drastic measures to control the manu-
facture, sale and distribution of opium and its derivatives.
This subject is discussed at length in Chapter X.
The suppression of the white slave traffic has engaged the
attention of the powers since 1902, when an international
1 Treaties, etc., Vol. 2, p. 1993,
Treaties, etc., Vol. 3, p. 133.
8 6ist Cong., 2d sess., S. doc., 377.
60 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
conference was held upon the subject in Paris. It resulted in
an arrangement between sixteen nations whereby a central
authority in each was designated to cooperate with similar
officials in other countries in the most effectual plans for the
suppression of the traffic in women and girls for immoral pur-
poses. A second conference upon the subject was held in Paris
in 1904.1
II. INTERNATIONAL LEGISLATION
v/
International conferences have made large contributions to
the body of international law. In the relations of civilized
states to one another there has grown up a mass of customs
and precedents which, by common consent, have come to be
looked upon as binding upon those who would retain the re-
spect of the enlightened powers constituting the family of
nations. This crystallization of the general opinion as to how
nations should behave in their relations one to another is known
as international law.
Additions to international law have come from the opinions
of eminent scholars and jurists, from the decisions of national
and admiralty courts and from those practices of nations which
have come to be regarded as in keeping with the dictates of
humanity and the general welfare of society. But the definite
formulation and codification of these rules have fallen to the
international conferences, preeminently to the two Peace
Conferences held at the Hague in 1899 and 1907.
Professor Hershey says: "The half century beginning with
the Declaration of Paris, in 1856, and ending with the London
Conference in 1909, has seen greater progress in the direction
of internationalism and more successful attempts to improve
and codify international law than any other in history, and
possibly more than all previous half -centuries combined. It
1 Brit. Parl. Papers, 1906, Vol. 137.
Treaties, etc., Vol. 2, p. 2131.
OFFICIAL INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCES 61
has been a period of congresses and conferences, of inter-
national unions and associations with definite organs in the
shape of commissions and bureaus which are rapidly develop-
ing a sort of international legislation and an international
administrative law."1
The enormous cost, in blood and treasure, of the wars of
Europe by which feudalism had been destroyed, the map of
Europe practically settled, national domains established and
a balance of power recognized as necessary to the peace of
Europe, had made it plain to reflecting minds that it was the
duty of Christian powers to cooperate to make war less terrible.
To reduce the horrors of war to their lowest terms, to pre-
scribe rules for the bloody game of the ages, to assert and
maintain the rights of belligerants and neutrals — these were
among the first aims of international legislation. That nations
would ever cease to submit their differences to the bloody
arbitrament of the sword seemed the irridescent dream of
visionaries. But that humanity demanded a mitigation of
the horrors of war, and that the general welfare demanded
the uninterrupted flow of a rapidly augmenting commerce,
they were ready to admit.
At the close of the Crimean war the plenipotentiaries of
Great Britain, Austria, France, Prussia, Russia, Sardinia and
Turkey met in Paris, in 1856, to settle questions growing out
of the struggle. They adopted rules concerning the abolition
of privateering and the rights of neutrals which have come to
be regarded as international law upon the subject.2
The Geneva Convention of 1864 was the result of interest
in the wounded soldier created by the book of Dr. Henri Dun-
ant in which he described the awful scenes he had witnessed
on the battlefield of Solferino in the Crimean War. Switzer-
land invited the powers to confer upon the question of the
amelioration of the condition of the sick and wounded in war.
1 A. S. Hershey, "Essentials of International Law."
a Brit. Pad. Papers, 1856, Vol. 61.
Of
UNIV.
62 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
Nine nations and five German states responded, and the con-
vention adopted gave rise to the Red Cross Society. The pro-
visions of the convention for the treatment of sick and wounded
marked a long step forward in humanizing the regime of
war and came to be recognized as a part of international
law.1
By the Geneva convention of 1868 an effort was made to
extend to maritime warfare the provisions of the convention
of 1864. The articles were never formally ratified but have
been generally adhered to by the principal maritime powers
ever since.
In 1868 an international military commission, called to-
gether at St. Petersburg by Russia, declared the only legiti-
mate object of warfare to be the weakening of the military
forces of the enemy, and that the use of projectiles which would
uselessly aggravate the sufferings of disabled men was con-
trary to the laws of humanity. This Declaration of St. Peters-
burg condemned the use of the "dum~dum," or expanding
bullet. Twenty states signed the convention.2
Our own Civil War afforded aggravations to the increas-
ingly sensitive conscience of Europe by many infractions of
what were coming to be regarded as the laws which should
regulate modern warfare. An effort was made to codify these
laws, relating to the conduct of war, at a conference at Brus-
sels, in 1874, proposed by Alexander II of Russia. The decla-
rations there drawn up grew out of Dr. Francis Lieber's In-
structions for the Government of Armies in the Field issued
to the northern army during the Civil War.3 While they did
not receive the sanction of the governments represented and
did not, at that time, become international law, their influence
appeared in the manuals of military law drawn up by
European governments for the use of armies in the field.
1 Treaties, Conventions, etc., p. 1903.
2 Brit. Parl. Papers, 1868-69, Vol. 64
1 Joseph H. Choate, "The Two Hague Conferences."
OFFICIAL INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCES 63
Practically all of the articles of the declaration were adopted
by the First Peace Conference and became international law.1
The greatest advances in international legislation were made
at the Peace Conferences at the Hague in 1899 and 1907. The
First Peace Conference assembled in 1899 in response to an
invitation by the Czar whose ideals for that gathering appear
in the following extract from his note to the powers: "The
maintenance of general peace, and a possible reduction of
excessive armaments which weigh upon all nations, present
themselves in the existing conditions of the world, as the ideals
towards which the endeavors of all governments should be
directed." Twenty-six nations were represented, including
China, Japan and Siam of the nations of the orient, and the
United States and Mexico from the American continent. The
other American republics were not included in the invitation
inasmuch as, to avoid a delicate situation which arose over
seating delegates from the Transvaal and the Vatican, it was
decided to invite only such powers as were represented at the
Russian court. The second conference included the other
American republics who had already, at the second Pan-Ameri-
can Congress, signified their willingness to abide by the con-
vention of the First Peace Conference.
Early in the first conference it became apparent that unani-
mous action could not be secured on the question of the re-
duction of armaments, and the conference contented itself
with a resolution expressing the "opinion that the restriction
of military budgets, which are at present a heavy burden on
the world, is extremely desirable for the increase of the ma-
terial and moral welfare of mankind."
The conference codified and enacted the rules for warfare
on land which had been set forth in the Brussels' Declaration
of 1874, and added some new articles. It also extended the
provisions of the Geneva Conference of 1864 to naval warfare.
1 A. P. Higgins, "The Hague Peace Conferences."
64 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
The chief advance made by this conference was the accept-
ance by the nations of the principle of the adjustment of dif-
ferences by arbitration. Article I of the convention upon the
subject reads: "With a view to obviating, as far as possible,
recourse to force in the relations between states, the signatory
powers agree to use their best efforts to insure the pacific
settlement of international differences." As means for such
adjustments of differences the conference approved of the
mediation of one or more friendly powers, international com-
missions of inquiry and a permanent Arbitration Court for
which provisions were made.
The Second Peace Conference was held at the Hague in
1907, and this was a real world's conference at which forty-
four sovereign states were represented. The advance made
in this conference was marked by two things: (1) the agree-
ment of the signatory powers not to resort to armed force for
the recovery of contract debts due the nationals of a govern-
ment, unless the debtor country refused to submit the ques-
tion to arbitration; (2) the establishment of an international
Court of Appeal in Prize Cases.1
One of the striking features of internationalism is publicity
and discussion. The first conference, bound by the traditions
and customs of secret diplomacy, made every effort to secure
absolute secrecy for its sessions and discussions, with, how-
ever, only partial success. But public opinion rebelled and,
in the newer spirit of internationalism, demanded the right
to know, through the usual channels of intelligence, what was
being done and said at a conference which was felt to be fraught
with consequences of vast import to humanity. At the second
session the rule was relaxed to some extent, and the interest
of the world at large in the subject under discussion is indi-
cated by William I. Hull in the following paragraph:
1 T. J. Lawrence, "International Problems and Hague Conferences."
W. I. Hull, "The Two Hague Conferences."
J. B. Scott, "The Hague Peace Conferences of 1899 and 1907."
F. W. Holls, "The Peace Conference at the Hague."
OFFICIAL INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCES 65
'The great majority of newspapers and journals, as well as
the world of public opinion, were profoundly interested in
and hopeful of the conference, and did their best to help it
to arrive at beneficial results. Thousands of addresses and
dozens of deputations evinced this interest and sought to
realize the hopes which they expressed. Among the most sig-
nificant deputations and addresses may be mentioned those
from: The International Council of Women, bearing the
signatures of two million women living in twenty different
countries; the Universal Alliance of Women for Peace by
Education, representing nearly five million women of all
civilized lands; English, American and European churches,
bearing the signatures of sixty archbishops and bishops and
more than a hundred official representatives of non-episcopal
churches; the International Federation of Students; the
students of the Netherlands, — a branch of "Corda Fratres";
twenty-three colleges in the central west of the United States,
representing twenty-seven thousand professors and students;
a petition for arbitration bearing two and a quarter million
signatures, collected through the efforts of a single Boston
teacher and presented by her to the president of the conference
on the Fourth of July; two thousand students of the Summer
School at Knoxville, Tennessee, who also cabled their address
to the conference on the Fourth of July; fifteen thousand
citizens of Sweden, meeting separately in their various locali-
ties; the International Bureau of Peace with its headquarters
in Berne; many peace societies of the United States, Great
Britain, France, Portugal, San Marino and Japan; and two
very noteworthy peace congresses, — that of April, 1907, in
New York City, and that of September, in Munich, Germany."1
The foregoing category is an illuminating commentary upon
the development of the spirit of internationalism by the year
1907.
W. I. Hull, "The Two Hague Conferences," p. 26.
66 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
The laws touching naval warfare were further extended at
the International Naval Conference which was held in London,
1908-9, upon the invitation of the British government. Ten
naval powers took part in the conference which issued a decla-
ration of the principles which are generally recognized as apply-
ing to maritime warfare.1
Private international law, or the "conflict of laws," as it is
sometimes called, has been considered at four international
conferences in which sixteen nations have taken part. The
effort of these conferences has been towards uniformity in the
laws of different nations touching such questions as marriage
and divorce, inheritance, guardianship, etc.
Maritime law, which is concerned with collisions between
vessels, questions of salvage, etc., has been the subject of four
conferences at Brussels attended by the representatives of
twenty-four powers.
The broadening of the field of activity of the citizens of
any nation, until state lines begin to grow indistinct and even
to fade away, is to be noticed in the progress towards inter-
national cooperation in the matter of patents, trademarks
and copyrights. Advance has been made towards giving
the author or inventor protection for his industrial, literary
or artistic property beyond the limits of his own state. Piracy
on the high seas was long ago abolished by international action.
Literary and industrial piracy is ere long to take the same
course.
Numerous conferences looking to the protection of in-
dustrial property by international patents and trade marks
and the protection of literary and artistic property by means
of international copyright, have been held since I860.2
The ideal aimed at is such a union of states that the securing
of a patent or copyright in any one nation will operate auto-
matically to secure equal protection in all the other states.
1 Treaties, etc., Vol. 3, p. 266.
2 Wm. Briggs, "The Law of Copyright."
R. R. Bowker, "Copyright, Its History and Law."
OFFICIAL INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCES 67
Such conditions practically obtain with respect to patents
and trade marks in a restricted union formed by ten states at
the international conference in Madrid in 1891. The Inter-
national Bureau of Industrial Property at Berne is the central
office of registration.
Numerous international conferences have been held since
1884 for the protection of literary and artistic productions
through international copyright. A central bureau was formed
in 1888 and since 1892 has been associated with the Inter-
national Bureau of Industrial Property.
III. PAN-AMERICANISM
Pan-Americanism is a form of international cooperation
which is both legislative and administrative and should have
separate mention.1 It falls short of internationalism in its
widest sense because it aims primarily at advancing the in-
terests of American republics. As it lay in the mind of the
Colombian patriot, Bolivar, it was undoubtedly an instru-
ment of defense against European aggression. In 1826 Boli-
var issued an invitation to the nations of America to hold a
congress at Panama. The far-sighted statesman saw that a
strong coalition of American states would make aggression
by the Holy Alliance less likely. But he had in mind also the
establishment of the principle of arbitration between the con-
tracting states.
The conference that was called to meet at Panama was
attended by representatives of only four governments, Colom-
bia, Central America, Peru and Mexico. The convention
was not ratified by the states, but it was a foregleam of the
peace pact that was later to unify the whole American conti-
nent.
In the century between 1808 and 1908 twenty Latin re-
publics were carved out of the lands which had for the most
1 John Barrett, "The Pan-American Union."
Monthly Bulletins, Bureau of the American Republics.
68 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
part belonged to the crown of Spain. Great dissimilarities
exist between them because of various ethnic mixtures and
amalgamations. The heterogeneity of their populations has
not added stability to their governments and revolutions have
been of frequent occurrence. While differing largely from
each other they have been more like each other than like the
larger Teutonic republic in North America. Yet notwith-
standing wide divergencies there has developed within the
past-quarter-century a unity between all of these American
republics which has crystallized into the Pan-American Union.
When Mr. Elaine became Secretary of State he put into
execution a plan which he had cherished for calling a con-
ference of the American states "to consider and discuss the
methods of preventing war between the nations of America."
His hopes were realized in 1889 when the United States issued
an invitation to the Latin republics to join in an international
conference at Washington. He had the honor to be elected
its first president.
The conference created the International Union of American
Republics with a permanent bureau charged with the task of
collecting and publishing the customs' tariffs of the several
countries, all official regulations touching commerce, together
with such statistics of commerce and domestic products as
would be of interest to the merchants and shippers of the
countries represented.
The duties of the bureau, which came to be known as "The
International Bureau of the American Republics," were sub-
sequently expanded to include the compilation of treaties and
conventions between the American Republics themselves and
non-American states, to supply information on educational
matters and, in general, to facilitate the carrying out of the
measures adopted by the conferences. Successive conferences
have been held at Mexico, 1891-1892, at Rio de Janeiro, 1906,
and at Buenos Aires in 1910. At the latter the name was
changed to the Pan-American Union.
OFFICIAL INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCES 69
In 1910 the Pan-American Union entered into the possession
of its beautiful building in Washington, the generous gift of
Mr. Carnegie, and dedicated to peace between the American
states.
The Union has stood for the arbitration of all pecuniary
claims which cannot be settled by diplomatic means; for the
construction of a neutralized railway connecting the nations
of the two continents; for the promotion of all means for the
facilitating of commerce and communication between the
nations.
These principles will be seen to be in consonance with the
action of the larger group of states, which action is a plain
manifestation of internationalism. While Pan-Americanism
may not be the purest type of internationalism, the tendency
is for less stress to be laid upon purely American interests.
With the strengthening of the Latin republics, the plain de-
termination of the United States to uphold the Monroe Doc-
trine and the growth of a spirit of solidarity, the likelihood of
European intervention and aggression becomes more and
more remote. Increasing facilities of communication between
South America and Europe, especially with the opening of the
Panama Canal, will operate to lessen the spirit of Pan-Ameri-
canism and promote a spirit of broader internationalism.
The very fact that in many of those measures which the
Pan-American Union is designed to foster, the American
nations have, within the past few years, joined with other
nations of the world to promote in a wider sphere, is proof
that the habit of getting together in smaller groups is helpful
to the larger world unity. All of the topics treated in Pan-
American conferences have also been considered in their world-
wide bearings, even the matter of an inter-continental rail-
way since the question has been mooted of a railway joining
North America and Asia by a tunnel under Behring Strait.
Europe has had its international unions like the Sugar
Union, the Railway Union, etc., which have arisen out of
TABLE I
CONFERENCES OF GENERAL INTEREST, SHOWING THE
DEGREE TO WHICH EACH HAS RECEIVED THE
ADHERENCE OF THE NATIONS
I. ADMINISTRATION
1. Sanitation
L Sanitary Cf — __^_^__^_
2. Standardization
Wts. and Meas ^__^^-^^__
I. Monetary Cf ^___«—
World's Map _^^^__
Causes of Death . . . .— .^ .. mm _ .^_ _^M . .
I. Pharmacopoeia . . . .
3. Explor'n and Mens.
I. GeodedicAs _____
I. Seismological Cf. . . .___«——_«_
I. Hydrographic Cl. . . .
4. Conservation
Labor Legislation . . .
5. Communication
Postal Union ....
U. Tele. Union . . .
Protec. Sub-Mar. Cab. .
Radiotel. Union . . .
I. Maritime Cf. . . .
6. Commerce and Industry
Pub. of Customs Tariffs
Commer. Statis. . . .
Inst. of Agric
Exch. of Off. Pubs. . .
7. Police Regulation
Slave Traffic ....
Reg. of Alco. in Africa .
Repres. Obscene Lit. . .
I. Opium Cf
Suppres. White Slav. .
II. LEGISLATION
Peace Cf
Naval Cf
I. Patent Law
I. Copyright Law ....
Private I. Law
Maritime Law
TABLE II
SHOWING DEGREE OF CO-OPERATION OF EACH NATION
IN THE THIRTY GROUPS OF CONFERENCES
LISTED IN TABLE I
Holland .
Germany
France .
Belgium
Spain .
Italy .
Russia .
Sweden .
Denmark
Great Brita n
Portugal
Norway
Austria-Hunga y
United States
Switzerland
Japan . .
Mexico . .
Brazil . .
Rumania .
Chili . .
Argentina .
Greece . .
Uruguay .
Bulgaria .
China . .
Servia . .
Luxembourg
Persia . .
Turkey . .
Peru . .
Venezuela .
Colombia .
Guatemala
Nicaragua .
Siam . .
Bolivia . .
San Salvador
Ecuador
Costa Rica
Cuba . .
Montenegro
Domingo .
Haiti . .
Paraguay .
Honduras .
Monaco
Panama
Liberia . .
Abyssinia .
San Marino
Scale
50%
100%
72 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
continental needs. So has America. But the principle of
international cooperation being established even within limited
areas, and the international habit being formed, it is rational
to suppose that internationalism will continue to grow in all
matters pertaining to the material and moral welfare of hu-
manity until there is a practical federation of the world.
An attempt has been made in Tables I and II to represent
graphically the extent to which international cooperation has
progressed among the sovereign states of the world. Of the
many subjects which have claimed the attention of official
international conferences, thirty have been selected as
being fairly universal in their scope or in the principles involved.
These have been classified in Table I and the length of the
black bar in each case represents proportionally the number
of states cooperating. The Universal Postal Union, receiving
the adherence of all the states represents the index 100.
In Table II the sovereign states of the world are arranged
in the order of their participation in the thirty subjects
listed in Table I. Holland, having participated in every one
of the thirty groups of conferences, represents he index 100.
CHAPTER V.
UNOFFICIAL CONGRESSES
Significant as has been the growth of cooperation between
nations as measured by the conventions adopted by pleni-
potentiaries, there is a larger manifestation of international
life in the even more remarkable growth of associations of
private citizens who, through international congresses with
permanent bureaus and committees, seek to coordinate their
efforts in the advancement of their particular interests.
There are several reasons for thinking that these private
congresses afford a truer index of the real growth of inter-
nationalism than official conferences. In the first place they
are more spontaneous. Persons voluntarily associate them-
selves along the lines of their major interests. Private con-
gresses are usually made up of men and women whose com-
mon interests bring them together.
In the second place, discussion in private congresses is freer
than in diplomatic conferences. Delegates to the latter are
usually limited both in action and expression by the instruct-
ions of their governments. The customs and precedents of
an older age of diplomacy interfere with democratic freedom.
National pride is easily injured and frank and free expression
is attended with grave dangers. The rule of unanimity, which
prevails in the determination of all measures in an official
conference, often makes the final draft of the convention a
disappointing compromise forced by the stubbornness of a
single state, and perhaps a very small one at that.
In the third place, the unofficial congresses have a larger
content. The sum total of international life as expressed in
the interests covered by private congresses more nearly totals
the whole life of man than that of official conferences. There
is not a department of thought or endeavor of any considerable
THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
UNOFFICIAL CONGRESSES 75
group of men in any civilized country that does not now reach
into the international field of discussion. There is no occupa-
tion or profession, not strictly local, but has relationships
which cross many state lines. The doctor and his patient,
the lawyer and his client, the minister and the church mem-
ber, the teacher and the student, the merchant and the crafts-
man, the trust magnate and the labor agitator, the reformer
and the criminal, the artist, the athlete, the philanthropist,
the scientist, the suffragette, all these and more find the topics
that interest or concern them discussed in congresses where
men from all parts of the world come together.
Since 1840, there have been held more than 2,700 inter-
national conferences and congresses. There are more than
400 international organizations, many of them with perma-
nent bureaus and continuation committees. The growth in
international conferences and congresses by decades ending
Dec. 31, 1913, is indicated in Chart II, page 76.
In Chart I on page 74, the number of conferences and con-
gresses held each year is indicated. The high points of the
curves will be found to occur in the years of the great inter-
national expositions. The definite attempts made to stimu-
late the holding of international congresses during world's
fairs have already been alluded to in the chapter on World's
Fairs.
In view of the large numbers of congresses held and the
variety of interests represented, they can only be reviewed
in a general way. Without attempting a careful or scienti-
fically accurate classification of these international associations
it will be convenient to treat of them under several heads.
These categories are not mutually exclusive and many con-
gresses might be classified with equal appropriateness under
two or more heads. But an effort has been made to avoid
duplication. It is hoped that their significance may appear
in the somewhat general divisions adopted.
76
THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
1904-13
CHART II
Showing growth of International
Conferences and Congresses by
decades, 1844-1913
Figure* tAken'ftom Annusira de b Vie (AtcmitiontJ Ifll0.ll
I864-73
1674-83
1884*93.
UNOFFICIAL CONGRESSES 77
I. ECONOMIC INTEREST
We may start with the economic interest as one which en-
gages the attention of every individual. It is the question of
daily bread, of clothing and shelter. This interest touches
even those who live upon the very margin of economic inde-
pendence and impels them to seek through association and
collective action that advantage in the labor world which they
could not hope to obtain as individual units. Workers in the
principal trades and crafts have been internationally organized
and there is a growing awareness upon the part of each national
group of the conditions of labor in other countries. With the
increased mobility of labor, the call for skilled artizans in
various parts of the world and the standardization of pro-
cesses, no vocational group can hope to live in isolation or
attain the highest degree of efficiency without some know-
ledge of world-wide conditions affecting the trade or profession.
Through the medium of the almost innumerable trade journals
the knowledge of international conditions reaches the most
remote local group.
More than seventy professional and vocational groups have
held international congresses for the discussion of matters
pertaining to their particular vocations. This does not in-
clude the large number of international trade organizations
which are allied to the American Federation of Labor, but
which are international only in the sense that they extend to
Canada. Only those of a wider and European nexus are
counted.
If we turn to the varied phases of agriculture, animal hus-
bandry and the industries associated with the cultivation of
the soil, we count forty-six international groups, and if we add
fishing to the list we have seven more. Twenty groups are
interested in some phase of commerce or transportation. The
Chambers of Commerce of various nations have held five inter-
national congresses since 1905 and have a permanent com-
mittee at Brussels. The International Railway Congress and
78 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
the International Tramway Congress also have continuation
organizations in Brussels. Navigation, the utilization of
rivers, good roads, international expositions have all had in-
ternational consideration.
Problems pertaining to building operations, public works,
engineering undertakings and the like have claimed the at-
tention of nineteen more international groups. The manu-
facturing industry in its various phases has interested thirty-
seven groups. In all we find 202 groups, drawn together by
economic interest, holding a total of 728 congresses.
II. RECREATIONAL INTEREST
Play is not only coming to be recognized as having a place
in the normal life of man but it is coming to form a strong
international bond. The Olympic games of Greece were
marked by the "truce of God," and hostilities were laid aside
while the choice youth of the various states struggled together
for the wreath of wild olive. Not less significant of the time
when the "truce of God" shall be made permanent and the
victories of peace shall be esteemed to be more glorious than
the achievements of war, is the revival of the Olympiad which
now opens its lists to the competitors of all nations. Baron
Pierre de Coubertin was largely responsible for the assembling
in Paris, in 1895, of an International Athletic Committee whose
purpose was the revival of the Olympic games.
The first modern Olympiad was held in Athens in 1896, the
second in Paris, in the year of the great 1900 fair, the third
at St. Louis in 1904, the fourth at London in 1908, and the
fifth at Stockholm in 1912. In the latter event twenty-seven
different countries were represented. The laurels to the world's
most perfect athlete were awarded to an American Indiana V
The honors of the Olympic events were shared by the follow-
ing nations in the order named: Sweden, the United States,
Great Britain, Finland, Germany, France, Denmark, Hun-
gary, Norway, S. Africa, Italy, Australia, Canada, Belgium,
UNOFFICIAL CONGRESSES 79
Russia, Austria, Greece and Holland. The scepter has departed
from the Greek into the hands of the "barbarian."
It does not follow that because men play together they will
not fight each other. But the trend of things to-day all points
to the probability that in the future the nations will play to-
gether more and fight less.
Besides the world's Olympiads, international congresses
have at different times been held upon foot-ball, cycling,
skating, touring, bull-fighting, chess, fencing, swimming, row-
ing, shooting, gymnastics, motoring and aviation.
III. THE ARTISTIC INTEREST
Art speaks an universal language. Science limps through
confused nomenclature, various units of measurement, and
diverse tongues. But art walks erect into the understanding
of the wise and the unlearned. In the art gallery all men stand
upon an equal footing whatever their human speech, and the
rule of acquisition is 'To each man according to his ability."
Under the spell of the symphony or oratorio all Babel sounds
are hushed and the naked soul is bathed in divine harmonies.
The universalizing power of art has been recognized by the
promoters of international fairs and expositions. The art
gallery and the music hall have a universal message to men
from the antipodes. But the treasures of art are no longer con-
fined to the great galleries of Europe. Through the modern
processes of art reproduction the humblest home may possess
the pictures which have inspired men to noble thoughts and
purposes. The same may be said for music through the
medium of the phonograph. And the film is carrying into the
most remote hamlet the daily happenings of the world and
translating them without the medium of langauge to the under-
standing of the simplest. While we are waiting for the coming
of a world language the camera is enabling the world to put
into effect the Socratic injunction, "Know thyself."
80 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
Under the Artistic Interest we may classify thirty-seven
groups covering art, music, the drama, municipal art and city-
planning, the protection of the landscape from commercial
disfigurement and the general cultivation of the aesthetic
sense.
IV. SCIENTIFIC INTEREST
The largest number of congresses is in the realm of the
scientific interest. In this category have been placed the pure
sciences, applied science, medical science, bibliography, phil-
ology and jurisprudence. Under this broad classification in-
ternational organization and deliberation claim 238 groups
which have met from one to many times, most of which have
permanent organizations. The whole range of human know-
ledge is covered by the various international congresses at-
tended by the foremost scholars of all nations of the world.
Two distinct aims may be noted in these world gatherings.
The first is to introduce all the evidence, made available
through the studies of trained observers in every part of the
world, as the basis for rational and valid generalizations. The
whole world has become a laboratory and theories and hypo-
theses are being corrected by facts gathered from pole to pole.
History is being rewritten from the buried records of the past.
The forces of nature are being harnessed to lift the burdens
from the shoulders of enslaved humanity that man may rise
to his spiritual birthright. The physical ills that flesh is heir
to are yielding to control and the span of human life is lengthen-
ing. The primary need is the introduction of all the evidence.
And this can only happen when the trained minds of all nations
meet and compare notes.
The second aim is to coordinate the work of science through
the adoption of universally recognized units and nomencla-
ture. This attempt at unification is noticeable in every de-
partment of scientific effort. Two specific instances will suffice
as illustrations. Early in the study of electricity it was
UNOFFICIAL CONGRESSES 81
recognized that advance in the science required the establish-
ment of a universal unit of measurement for electric forces.
Four international congresses were held in 1882, 1884, 1905
and 1908, participated in by scientists from thirty-five dif-
ferent countries, including China and Japan. Three com-
missions were charged with the task of submitting units for
measuring the electric current. The result was the adoption
of the ohm, ampere, volt and watt.
Various attempts have been made to revise scientific no-
menclature. In 1892 the International Congress of Botany
appointed a commission to standardize the nomenclature of
botany. In 1878 the International Congress of Geology estab-
lished a commission to unify the nomenclature of geology.
Similar action was taken by the International Congress of
Geography, in 1899, to establish a nomenclature for ocean-
ography. The International Congress of Zoology, in 1892,
adopted a terminology for that science which was subsequently
supplemented.
Enough has been said perhaps to reveal the awareness upon
the part of all scientists that progress in their particular lines
of research imperatively demands the unified and intelligent
cooperation of all observers. Collaboration must be world wide.
V. THE EDUCATIONAL INTEREST
When we come to the question of education we find that
thirty-seven groups of international congresses have been held
to discuss questions pertaining to primary, secondary and
higher education, physical, technical and commercial training,
medical and moral education, teaching of design, school ad-
ministration, popular universities and many other allied topics.
The tremendous problems of popular education need for their
solution the combined wisdom of the most experienced educa-
tors of the world.
The Central American Republics were so alive to the need
of popular education as the handmaid to democracy that in
82 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
1908 they formed the Central American Pedagogical Institute
for the purpose of "establishing a common, essentially homo-
geneous system of education which may tend toward the
moral and intellectual unification of these sister countries."
When it is realized that all those nations which are now
arising out of a stagnation largely due to inadequate educa-
tional systems, must be given a "common, essentially homo-
geneous system of education" before the masses of their citizens
can be rendered capable of self-government, the task before
the educational forces of the world can be faintly appreciated.
Democracy can only hope to maintain itself through the educa-
tion of the masses. With the changing social and industrial
conditions, wise changes in old standards and norms must
come. This is a world-task, a task for the new internationalism.
VI. THE RELIGIOUS INTEREST
The position is now taken by some leading sociologists that
it was the religious interest which brought primitive men to-
gether in the earliest forms of association. However that may
be, it can hardly be gainsaid that it forms the strongest bond
which unites men today, especially when they belong to dif-
ferent races.
A review of the international religious congresses may be
conveniently treated under three heads; sectarian, unsec-
tarian and interdenominational associations.
1 . Sectarian Associations. The Roman Catholic Church is
itself something more than international, it is intra-national.
It is an imperiwn in imperio. Perhaps, in view of the sweep-
ing political changes of the past century, especially in the
western world, it may also be spoken of as an imperium in
republica. Its Eucharistic Congresses, which have been held
at short intervals since 1881, partake of the nature of inter-
national assemblies. The Katholisch-padagogischer Weltver-
band has been organized to advance Christian education in
UNOFFICIAL CONGRESSES 83
opposition to the free school. There is in Rome an Inter-
national Catholic Institute for the advancement of science
and learning according to the viewpoint of the church.
A body calling themselves Old Catholics have, since 1872,
held successive international congresses. The delegates have
gathered largely from Germany, Austria, England, Russia,
Switzerland and Holland.
Many of the Protestant bodies have international organ-
izations. Those churches holding the reformed faith meet
from time to time in the Pan Presbyterian Council which was
organized in 1875. Its last meeting was in Edinburgh in 1913.
The Baptist World Alliance was constituted in 1905 and
meets quinquennially. The first meeting of the Ecumenical
Methodist Conference was held in New York in 1892. It
meets every ten years. The Congregationalists gather in a
World's Council. Meetings were held in Boston in 1899 and
Edinburgh in 1908. The International Council of Unitarians
was formed in Boston in 1 900. The Christian Scientists held an
international meeting in Christiania in 1911. The General
Ecumenical Conference of the Lutheran Church held its four-
teenth meeting in 1913 at Nuremberg.
There are two international associations among those hold-
ing the Jewish faith. The first is the Alliance Israelite Uni-
Verselle, founded in Paris in 1860, for the purpose of amelio-
rating the condition of the oppressed Jews. The Alliance
holds a yearly congress. The second is the Zionist movement
which seeks to re-establish a Jewish state in Palestine. The
first congress was held in Basel in 1897, and the meetings are
now held every two years. It has a permanent bureau at
Cologne called the Zionistisches Centralbureau.
There might be grouped under the general term of "oc-
cultism" the so-called "spiritualists" and the theosophists.
The Spiritualists have held international congresses at Paris
in 1889 and 1900. At a Congress in Brussels, in 1910, it was
decided to hold triennial meetings. It has a Permanent
84 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
International Bureau of Spiritism. The Theosophical Society
is an international organization. There is also The Independent
Theosophical League. Both of these societies have their
headquarters in India.
There might also be mentioned in this connection The
International Federation of Free Thinkers which has held
frequent congresses since 1 880.
2. Interdenominational. The Evangelical Alliance was
formed in 1846, at London, when there were present 800 dele-
gates representing fifty denominations. The "evangelical basis"
was then established which postulates the inspiration of the
Bible, the right of private judgment, the doctrine of the
trinity, human depravity, the mediatorial work of Christ as
the Son of God, justification by faith, the work of the Holy
Spirit, the immortality of the soul, the resurrection of the
body and the last judgment, and the perpetual obligation of
baptism and the Lord's Supper. This has generally been
accepted as the doctrinal basis for the affiliation of all the so-
called Evangelical Protestant denominations.
Upon the evangelical basis the various organizations for
young people were federated in 1855, at an international con-
gress held in Paris. The association is known as the Alliance
Universelle des Unions Chretiennes de Jeanes Gens. This
federation includes the Young Men's Christian Associations
of the world. The permanent committee, with headquarters
in Geneva, is generally known upon this side as the World's
Committee.
At the first congress in 1855, eight countries were repre-
sented having 329 associations and 30,360 members. At the
seventeenth meeting, held in Edinburgh in 1913, there were
reported 8,584 associations, in forty-six different countries,
with a membership of over 1,100,000.
The Young Women's Christian Associations were feder-
ated in 1898 at an international congress held in London.
A World's Committee with headquarters in London directs
UNOFFICIAL CONGRESSES 85
the work of the federation. The associations have a member-
ship of 590,000 in forty-three different countries of the
world.
The World's Sunday School Association was formed at
Chautauqua in 1 886. The seventh world convention was held
in Zurich, in 1913, and was attended by 2,600 delegates from
seventy countries. The number of Protestant Sunday-school
scholars is now 28,701,489, a gain of 690,295 in three years.
The following countries have more than 10% of their popu-
lation enrolled in Sunday schools: Samoan Islands (29%),
Great Britain, Fiji Islands, Newfoundland, the United States,
Porto Rico and Canada.1
The Christian Endeavor Society, which began its history
in 1881, assumed world-wide relations in 1895. World con-
ventions have been held in London 1900, Geneva 1906, and
Agra 1909. In 1911 the society reported 79,077 organizations
with 3,953,850 members.
The most comprehensive organization of the Protestant
missionary forces in the world is the World's Missionary Con-
ference. International missionary meetings were held in New
York in 1850, in Liverpool in 1860, in London in 1878. Ten
years later London was again the meeting place of a confer-
ence at which there were representatives present from fifty-
three British societies, sixty-seven American, eighteen con-
tinental and two colonial societies. At New York, in 1900,
there were 1 ,500 delegates representing 1 1 5 societies in forty-
eight different countries. The conference at Edinburgh, in
1910, enrolled more than 1,200 delegates from forty-six British
societies, sixty American, forty-one continental and twelve
South African and Australian societies.2
At the Edinburgh conference there was appointed a Con-
tinuation Committee of international composition to further
the work of the body in the interim between conferences. Its
1 The Missionary Review, 26:773.
2 Report World Missionary Conference, 1910, Vol. IX.
86 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
headquarters are in Edinburgh. Growing out of this con-
ference is the International Mission Study Council to promote
the study of missions. A conference was held in 1911 at Lun-
teren, Holland. In its present development the missionary
operations of the Protestant church have been extended to
every country in the world. More than 340 societies are at
work, employing more than 24,000 foreign missionaries, not
to mention the native force, and expending annually more
than $38,000,000.
In view of the extension of the work to earth's remotest
bounds, the devoted work of the missionaries along educa-
tional, medical and industrial lines, as well as the preaching
of a universal Gospel, it is safe to say that it is the greatest
force in the world today for bringing about an internation-
alism based upon the brotherhood of man.
3. Unsectarian Associations. In connection with the
World's Columbian Exposition in Chicago, in 1893, there
was held a World's Parliament of Religions to which refer-
ence has already been made. One of the outgrowths of that
parliament was the establishment of a foundation for sending
to the orient noted men who should present in a broad way
the claims of Christianity upon the thought of the non-Christ-
ian educated classes. Dr. John Henry Barrows was the first
to fill the duties of the position.
The Salvation Army, founded in London in 1 865 by William
Booth, has extended its operations to thirty-nine countries and
delivers its message in thirty-four languages.
The interest aroused in the various religions of the world
by the World's Parliament of Religions led to the calling of
an International Congress of the History of Religion at Paris
in 1900. The object of these congresses, of which four have
been held, is to make a scientific study of the ethnic religions.
The 'Congress convenes every four years and has a permanent
committee.
UNOFFICIAL CONGRESSES 87
VII. THE SOCIAL INTEREST
Under the social interest it will be convenient to include
both the international groups for the study of social conditions
and those for planning and executing measures for social better-
ment. Three or four groups for scientific investigation will
first be mentioned and then attention will be given to those
which propose definite action.
The basis for a scientific study of social phenomena must
lie in statistics. At the first international exposition in Lon-
don, in 1851, the possibility of bringing the statisticians of the
various nations together was discussed, and the Belgian govern-
ment took the lead in inviting an International Congress of
Statistics to meet in Brussels in 1853. A celebrated Belgian
statistician, Quetelet, was president of the congress. Nine
international congresses were held up to and including 1876,
after which they were discontinued. But in 1885 the per-
manent International Institute of Statistics was formed with
headquarters at the Hague, and holds a congress every two
years.
In 1862 there was formed at Brussels an International
Association for Progress in the Social Sciences, which held
several successive meetings. In 1894 there was formed at
Paris the International Institute of Sociology with a perma-
nent bureau. A congress is held every three years. There
was organized in Stuttgart, in 1903, the International In-
stitute for the Study of the Problem of the Middle Classes
which has a permanent bureau located in Brussels.
Those groups having some more or less definite plan in view
for the betterment of social conditions may be considered
under five sub-divisions, viz.: those relating to (1) industrial
life, (2) public health, (3) charity and relief, (4) public morals,
and (5) world peace.
1. Industrial Life. In 1864 the International Working-
men's Association was formed in London which declared that
88 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
the emancipation of labor required the cooperation of the men
of all nations. The last congress of this association was held
in 1877. Since 1889 the socialists have held international
congresses at intervals of about two years. In 1900 the In-
ternational Bureau of Socialism was established with head-
quarters at Brussels and acts as a bond between the socialists
of all countries.
Syndicalism, which is more radical than socialism in its
program for the subversion of the present industrial order by
4 'direct action," finds its international manifestation in the
Secretariat International des Federations Syndicates nationales
with headquarters in Berlin. The first International Con-
ference of Syndical Workers was held in Copenhagen in 1901.
Seven international congresses have been held.
The Paris Universal Exposition has already been shown to
have been the mother of many international congresses. In
1889 a congress was held for the purpose of promoting the
building of cheap homes for the working classes. This Con-
gres International des Habitations a bon marche has held nine
meetings to the present time. During the same exposition an
International Congress on Industrial Accidents was held which
was later extended to include social insurance. The congress
is now called the Congress of Social Insurance and has a perma-
nent international committee with headquarters at Paris.
Growing out of the success of the Rochdale plan of coopera-
tive stores in England there was formed, in 1895, at London,
the International Cooperative Alliance for the purpose of
advancing the plan of establishing cooperative stores in all
countries. Eight international congresses have been held
and there is a central committee located in London.1
The convoking of an International Labor Conference by
the German Emperor at Berlin in 1890, has already been
referred to. The question of labor legislation engaged the
attention then and at succeeding conferences in 1897, and
1 Annuaire du Mouvement Cooperatif internationale, IQIO.
UNOFFICIAL CONGRESSES 89
1900. At the latter was formed the International Associa-
tion for Labor Legislation which has considered at various
congresses such questions as the night work of women and
children, the abolition of white phosphorous in the manu-
facture of matches, lead poisoning and other occupational
diseases, limitation of the working day, child labor, etc. The
association supports a permanent bureau at Basel.
There was founded in 1894 the International Colonial Insti-
tute for studying industrial, commercial, educational and
moral problems presented by various colonies and their native
races. It has an international bureau at Brussels.
The Paris Exposition of 1900 was the occasion for the con-
vening of many international congresses. Four may be men-
tioned in this connection: Congres international de la mutualite,
Congres International du Credit Populaire, Congres International
des Societes Co-operatives de Consommation, Congres des Associa-
tion ouvrieres de Production, Confederation Internationale des
Societes Co-operative Agricoles. The object of these congresses
was to stimulate the growth of the cooperative movement
among the working classes.
The importance of the question of unemployment and its
international bearings received recognition by the assembling
of a conference at Paris, in 1909, on unemployment which re-
sulted in the formation of the Association Internationale pour
la lutte contre le chomage. Its object is to coordinate the work
in various countries looking to improving conditions which
seasonal trades and consequent unemployment induce. A
permanent committee was appointed with headquarters at Paris.
The Congres de la Propriete Miniere, du Travail, de I' Hygiene
et de la Securite dans les Mines, which met for the first time
in Lille, France, in 1 908, has among its objects the minimizing
of the dangers incident to mining operations. Yearly meet-
ings are held.
The Consumers' League of the United States, Germany,
France and Switzerland entered into an international
90 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
organization at a conference held in Geneva in 1908. These
leagues aim at the improvement of the condition of working
women through the use of the "white label" and by other
means.
The problems presented by home industry, associated as
it is with the system of "sweating," were studied at the Con-
gres international du Travail a domicile which was held in con-
nection with the Brussels International Exposition in 1910.
An international office was established in Brussels.
An International Society for the Protection of Sponge
Fishermen was formed in 1911 at Canea, Crete. Its object
is to improve the industry of sponge-fishing in the Medi-
terranean and the Gulf ^f Mexico and to assist disabled fisher-
men, who are especially liable to paralysis due to their trade,
and to make provision for their widows and orphans.
The feminist movement, which is both industrial and politi-
cal, might be mentioned here. In 1878 the first Congres fern-
iniste international convened in Paris. At a subsequent con-
gress in Washington, in 1888, there was formed the Inter-
national Council of Women to be the central organ in the
federation of the women's clubs and organizations in all
countries. International congresses are held every five years.
The first international woman's suffrage congress was held
in Washington in 1902. At the next congress, in Berlin in
1904, the International Woman Suffrage Alliance was formed
and a quinquennial convention provided for. In London, in
1909, it was reported that the Alliance had grown from eight
national societies in 1904, to twenty-one societies in 1909.
At the congress in Stockholm, in 1911, there was created an
Alliance internationale des hommes pom le suffrage des fern"
mes, to unite the men of all nations who are in favor of woman
suffrage.
2. Public Health. The period under consideration has
been marked by many efforts to improve the public health
by measures to prevent the spread of plagues, the scientific
UNOFFICIAL CONGRESSES 91
study of disease and the diffusion of knowledge upon hygienic
questions.
At the invitation of a Belgian society there was held in
Brussels in 1876, the International Congress of Hygiene and
Demography. The fifteenth international congress was held
in Washington in 1912 and was attended by representatives
from all the principal countries of the world.
Other international congresses have been held upon such
special topics as diet, vegetarianism, the hygiene of railways
and vessels and upon street noises. Several congresses have
been held since 1889 on the general topic of life-saving and
others upon rescue work at sea and at fires.
It might scarcely be thought that the matter of the de-
struction of rats was important enough to warrant the for-
mation of an international association. But the discovery of
the agency of the rat in the spread of epidemics, as well as
its general destructiveness, has made its extermination a
matter of public welfare. After a study of the question by
a Danish committee there was held in Copenhagen, in 1911,
an Exposition international d'appareils pom la destruction
des rats, which might be freely translated an International
Exposition of Rat Traps. The result has been the forma-
tion of the Association International pour la destruction ra-
tionnelle des rats, with an international commission located
in Copenhagen charged with the duty of conducting a relent-
less war upon the rat. The grasshopper, the mosquito and
the fly have also found a place in international deliberations.
The first decade of the twentieth centruy was remarkable
for the concerted efforts of many nations to discover the causes
of baffling diseases and the means for combatting them. Con-
gresses for the study of tuberculosis had been held since 1888,1
but in 1902 there was formed in Berlin the International Anti-
Tuberculosis Association which has held annual meetings in
Congres pour U Etude de la Tuberculose, Paris, 1888.
92 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
various cities.1 In 1905 an International Congress on Tuber-
culosis was held in Paris composed of delegates from govern-
ments, universities and various associations.2 Triennial
meetings of this congress have been held in Washington in
1 908 and in Rome in 1911. The Universal White Cross Society
was formed in Geneva in 1907 to combat tuberculosis, cancer,
syphilis and other infectious diseases, as well as food
frauds.
Occupational diseases received the attention of international
congresses in 1906, 1910 and 1913. At the International
Congress of Alienists in Milan, 1906, there was formed an
International Institute for the Study of the Causes of Mental
Diseases and their Prophylaxis. An international conference
was held in Heidelberg, in 1906, for the study of cancer and
an international association formed. Epilepsy has been the
subject of three international congresses the first being held
in Budapest in 1909.
Three congresses, the first in Nuremberg, in 1903, have
considered the hygiene of schools, and since 1904 four con-
gresses have been held to promote housing hygiene.
The reduction of infant mortality was the concern of the
Congres International des Gouttes de lait which was held in
Paris in 1905. At the second session, in Brussels in 1907,
there was formed the Union International pour la protection
de I'enfance du premier age. A permanent bureau is main-
tained in Brussels. The protection of the mother and sexual
reform are the objects aimed at by the International Vereini"
gung fiir Mutterschutz und Sexualreform which was formed in
Dresden in 1911.
3. Charity and Relief. Organized charity was made the
object of the Congres International de Bienfaisance which met
in Brussels in 18567 In 1889 the name was changed to the
1 Handworterbuch der Sozialen Hygiene, Vol. 2, p. 635.
2 Kept. Williams and Bulstrode to the International Congress on Tuberculosis,
Paris, 1905.
UNOFFICIAL CONGRESSES 93
Congres d' assistance publique et privee, and in 1900 an inter-
national committee was appointed composed of sixty members
chosen from twenty-two countries, with headquarters in Paris.
Such topics have been discussed as the object and limitation of
public health, preventive work, neglected children, rehabilita-
tion of discharged convicts, out-door relief, charity organiza-
tion, tuberculosis, protection of girls, infant mortality, etc.
In 1877 the Union International des Amies de la Jeune Fille
was formed at Neuchatel to provide protection for girls leaving
home in search of employment. Six international congresses
have been held. Agents are stationed in many of the principal
European railway stations to assist any girls who may require
their aid. A central bureau is maintained at Neuchatel. In
1897 an international Catholic association for the protection
of girls was formed with headquarters in Fribourg, Switzerland.
The improvement of the condition of the blind has en-
grossed the attention of six sessions of the Congres International
pour I Amelioration du sort des Aveugles, the first convening in
Paris in 1889. The first of several international congresses of
deaf mutes was held in Paris in 1878.
In 1889 the Societe Internationale pour I* etude des Questions
/Assistance was formed in Paris. Its object is to investigate
the best methods in various countries for the abolition of
poverty. A bureau is located in Paris.
In 1902 the Congres International a" assistance aux Alienes
was held for the purpose of studying questions relating to
insanity and the care of the insane.
4. Public Morals. Human slavery was one of the first social
questions to receive international attention. The British and
Foreign Anti-Slavery Society was founded in 1837, and it has
continued its agitation against slavery to the present day. In
1909 it was fused with The Aborigines Protective Society and
took the name of the Anti-Slavery and Aborigines Protective
Society.
94 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
The temperance question has been the paramount concern
of sixteen groups of international congresses. The Order of
Good Templars, founded in the United States in 1 842, became
an international order in 1852. As early as 1878 an inter-
national congress was held in Paris to study the temperance
question. Since 1885 meetings have been held biennially.
At the congress at Brussels in 1897 there was formed the
Ligue Internationale contre tabus des Boissons spiritueuses
which maintains a permanent committee in Berlin. At the
congress in Stockholm, in 1907, there was created the Inter-
national Temperance Bureau for the collection of a library
upon the subject and for carrying on a campaign of education
by means of the press. Another organization arising out of
the anti-alcoholic congresses is the International Prohibitionist
Federation which was formed after the London congress of
1909. Its affairs are controlled by an international executive
committee with offices in London. The Federation has vice-
presidents in forty countries. At the same London congress
the International Catholic Temperance League was formed.
In connection with this league is the International Committee
of Abstinent Priests.
The World's Women's Christian Temperance Union was
organized in 1883 by Frances E. Willard. Eight international
conferences have been held, four in America and four in
Europe. The Union has a European office in Ripley, England,
and an American office in Evanston, Illinois.
The Blue Cross Society is a temperance organization origi-
nating in Switzerland, in 1877, which became an international
federation in 1886. The federated societies are scattered
through European countries and its headquarters are in Geneva.
At the International Temperance Congress held in Sche-
veningen in 1911 there was formed the International Federa-
tion for the Protection of Native Races against Alcohol.
The repression of vice has received the attention of several
groups. In 1875 the Federation abolitionniste Internationale
UNOFFICIAL CONGRESSES 95
was formed in London and it pronounced the official regu-
lation of vice as "a hygienic error, a social injustice, a moral
monstrosity and a judicial crime/' Eleven international
congresses have been held, and the federation points to the
results of its work in the abolition of the regulation of prosti-
tution in Great Britain, Denmark, Norway (except Tron-
djem), Holland (except Geneva), and Finland. Its head-
quarters are in Geneva.
The International Association for the Suppression of the
White Slave Traffic was organized in London, in 1 899, through
the efforts of the National Vigilance Association of that city.
An international bureau is located in London composed of
eight English members and one delegate from each of the
eleven national bureaus.
An effort to suppress immoral literature has been made
by two congresses held at Lausanne in 1893 and at Cologne
in 1904. A different congress against pornography was held
in Paris in 1908. This latter was instrumental in securing
the governmental conference looking to the suppression of
obscene literature already noted.
As early as 1846 the question of prison reform engaged the
attention of an international congress held at Frankfort-on-
the-Main and also a second held the following year at Brussels.
Beginning with 1 872 a fresh interest in the question was mani-
fested, and in 1880 a constitution was adopted providing for
a permanent commission and for an international congress
every five years. The headquarters of the commission are at
Brussels. Related to the work of the Prison Congresses is
the rehabilitation of convicts and the finding of employment
for them upon their release. The first international congress
dealing with this question was held at Antwerp in 1890. At
the second congress, in 1894, the Union Internationale des
Patronages was formed by delegates from fifteen countries.
At the fifth meeting of the Union, in 1911, representatives
96 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
from eighteen nations were present. The office of the perma-
nent commission is in Brussels.
The first International Congress of Criminal Anthropology
was held at Rome in 1885. Since then six congresses have
been held, all in Europe. The Union Internationale de Droit
Penal was formed at Brussels in 1889 for the study of crime,
its causes and prevention, and criminal procedure. Numerous
sessions have been held and twenty-six countries are repre-
sented in the union.
The treatment of youthful delinquents had been a topic
of discussion for several years in the above union, but in 191 1
a special international congress was held in Paris to delibe-
rate upon the question of juvenile courts. Eleven European
states were represented by 350 delegates.
5. Peace. The question of world peace was one of the
first to engage the attention of an international congress.
In 1843 the first International Peace Congress was held in
London. There have been twenty-eight congresses held in
all. In 1891 it was decided to establish the Permanent In-
ternational Bureau of Peace which has headquarters in Berne.
Thei)eace movement has grown in all the principal countries
of the world and there are now more than 120 general peace
societies with numerous branches in twenty-eight countries.
The pacifist press now numbers twenty-five periodicals in
eleven countries and three international publications.
An important pacifist group is the Inter-parliamentary
Union formed in Paris in 1889. Any member of a national
parliament or congress is eligible for membership and may
retain his membership after the expiration of his term of office.
The Union was instrumental in shaping the deliberations of
the First Hague Conference, and at its meeting in St. Louis, in
1904, it adopted resolutions suggesting that President Roose-
velt propose to the powers the convening of the Second Hague
Conference. In 1911 the Union was made up of members
from the national congresses and parliaments of twenty-one
UNOFFICIAL CONGRESSES 97
sovereign states. The Inter-parliamentary Council is com-
posed of two members from each country represented in the
Union. A permanent bureau is located in Brussels.
The review which we have made of the various international
conferences and congresses, while confessedly incomplete,
must have impressed one with the extent and complexity of
that internationalism which has arisen almost entirely within
the last half-century. It has been seen that there is much
overlapping of work with resulting waste of effort.
The need of coordination in the work of the various inter-
national congresses and associations led to the formation in
Brussels of the Union des Associations Internationales.
The object of the Union des Associations Internationales
is stated to be: (1) to study the facts of international life;
(2) to promote the unification of the activities of the various
groups and the coordination of their efforts; (3) to establish
permanent relations between these organizations, encourage
the creation of permanent bureaus and such limitation of their
fields of action as will avoid overlapping; (4) to promote uni-
fication of methods, standards and terminology; (5) to create
an international center for the collection of data and docu-
ments, bearing on international questions, in such a way as
to advance the great world interests; (6) to contribute in all
these ways to the development of the spirit of internationalism
by offering to the whole world the benefits of the most ad-
vanced knowledge and thus aid in establishing lasting peace
among the nations.1
This is a large idea boldly conceived and by its very magni-
tude it challenges the admiration of every large-minded person.
The authors of the movement have a clear vision that peace-
ful and harmonious relations between the nations depend
upon the increase of knowledge, toleration and association.
A world's congress of international associations was held
in Brussels in 1910 under the auspices of the Union and was
1 Annuaire de la Vie Internationale, 1909-1911, p. 33.
98 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
attended by the directors of 132 international groups. The
union publishes a periodical, La Vie Internationale, and also
LAnnuaire de la Vie Internationale which contains a list of
all international congresses, associations, etc., together with
valuable data taken from their official reports.
Some interest has been aroused in the establishment of a
World Center by the labors of an architect, Hendrick Chris-
tian Andersen. He has prepared plans for a model city to
cover an area of ten square miles with buildings adapted "to
the unification of international interests." He proposes that
such a city shall become the headquarters of the various in-
ternational unions and associations. Sites suitable for this
World City have been suggested in the vicinity of Brussels,
Berne, Paris, Constantinople, Rome, on the Riviera and near
Lakewood, N. J.1
Thus it can be seen that with the expansion of internation-
alism there are serious attempts being made to direct this
spontaneous growth into effective channels, to secure coordi-
nation and economy of effort and to promote some form of
world organization.
Hendrick C. Andersen, "World Conscience.'
CHAPTER VI.
UNIVERSITIES AND INTERNATIONALISM
We have already shown how the "free fairs" of Europe
served to establish here and there international centers where
foreign merchants could traffic untrammeled by many of the
restrictions which ordinarily made trade difficult. What the
free fairs did in the commercial world, the great universities,
which sprang up in the thirteenth, fourteenth and fifteenth
centuries, did in the intellectual world. Bologna, Paris, Sala-
manca and Oxford — not to mention many other famous seats
of learning — became gathering points for the students from
all countries.
It was a comparatively easy matter for students and pro-
fessors to go from one university to another while Latin con-
tinued to be the tongue of the learned. Many scholars of note
studied successively at various universities. While there was
probably nothing which would correspond exactly to the ex-
change of professors such as we know today, yet Renan says
that many professors moved every year from one university
to another to increase their meagre salaries.1
These early universities had many points of resemblance.
They were all under papal control and a large part of the
curricula was theological and ecclesiastical. The basis for
the juristic teaching, at least on the continent, was the Roman
law. The bonds between them were largely supernational in
an age when the only unifying principle lay in the Catholic
Church. Thus it came about as Compayre has said, that "in
spite of incessant wars, in spite of invasion, in spite of
hatreds between peoples, there was above all frontiers a
1 Renan, "Averroes et Averroism" p. 258.
100 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
European alliance of all the superior schools, a something like
the United States of Universities."1
With the rise and growth of nationalism the universities
became more national in character. The Latin tongue gave
way more and more to national languages and, on this account,
the interchange of students became increasingly difficult.
The modern exchange of professors and students — a feature
of the new internationalism — is taking place under greatly
changed conditions. There is no longer a common language
of learning, nor has any modern auxiliary language arisen to
take the place that Latin once occupied. Yet under these
changed conditions the universities are powerful factors in
the growth of internationalism.
There are several reasons why the universities tend to foster
the spirit of internationalism. Learning is less nationalistic
than commerce. The exchange, or attempted exchange, of
economic goods between nations has often led to jealousies
and conflicts which the exchange of ideas have never created.
Learning is supernational and not until comparatively modern
times has commerce become to a large degree international.
Furthermore the universities are grounded upon the univer-
sality of scientific truth and root their philosophical and lite-
rary teaching in the common soil of Greece and Rome. By
teaching the modern languages they are preparing the students
of one nation to draw upon the literary and scientific treasures
of other nations and to come into sympathetic cooperation
the one with the other.
In the Middle Ages the exchange of students was between
European countries employing the Latin tongue as the langu-
age of the schools. To-day a new element is added to the
student body in Europe and America from an awakening
Orient. As soon as Japan addressed herself to the task of
"occidenting" herself to modern learning she began sending
1 Gabriel Compayre, "Abelard and the Origin and Early History of Universi-
ties," p. 69.
UNIVERSITIES AND INTERNATIONALISM 101
her young men to schools and colleges in Europe and America.
These capable and acquisitive young men and women very
soon introduced sweeping changes into the educational, political
and industrial life of the island empire which have made it the
wonder of modern times. The policy of educating young men
and women abroad is still continued, as is seen by the large
number of Japanese students in the schools and colleges on
both sides of the Atlantic.
The magnanimous action of the United States in remitting
its share of the indemnity demanded of China by the Powers
for losses incurred in the Boxer Rebellion led the Dragon Em-
pire to set aside that sum to be used in defraying the expenses
of young men and women who should be chosen from the
Eighteen Provinces to receive advanced education in the
United States. It would be impossible to prophesy what will
be the results to China when these capable young men and
women enter into positions of leadership among their own people.
The international aspect of student life is reflected in several
international congresses that have been held and in the many
clubs and associations that have been formed to promote
fraternal relations between foreign and native students in
many colleges and universities.
An effort was made at Paris, in 1889, to form a universal
federation of students and a bureau composed of representa-
tives from thirty- two countries was elected. But the enter-
prise was short-lived.
Another international congress of students was held at
Turin, in 1898, at which the Federation Internationale des
Etudiantes was formed. It is also called Cor da Fratres. The
aims of the federation are to promote solidarity and fraternity
between all college students, whatever their politics or religion,
and to use all means possible to remove the prejudices and
hatreds between classes and nations which tend to provoke
war. It committed itself to the principle of arbitration for
the settlement of international differences.
102 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
The Federation held congresses at Liege in 1905, at Mar-
seilles in 1906 and at Bordeaux in 1907. At the Hague, in
1909, an alliance was formed between the Corda Fratres and
the Association of Cosmopolitan Clubs of America. The lat-
ter organization was started in Madison, Wisconsin, in 1907,
"to cultivate the arts of peace, to establish strong international
friendships and to carry out the motto of the Association,
'Above all nations is Humanity.' '
The students of Latin America met in Montevideo in 1908
and formed the Liga de Estudiantes Americanos, which has
held several congresses. Similarly, the students of the Central
American republics held an international congress in San
Salvador in 1911.
With the idea of facilitating the travel of students to other
countries there was formed in London, in 1912, the Associa-
tion for the International Interchange of Students. The
organization hopes to enlarge its somewhat restricted scope
to include the universities of all countries.
The socialist students have held several international con-
gresses and the Catholic students from several countries met
in Rome in 1900, and in Amsterdam in 1911.
The awakened interest of college students the world over
in the claims of Christianity upon their lives was very forcibly
presented to the Student Volunteer Convention in Kansas
City, January 2, 1914, by Dr. John R. Mott, who had recently
returned from a tour among the colleges of the world. He said
to the 5,000 young men and women who were present from
700 colleges and professional schools where they were in train-
ing for Christian leadership abroad, that he was convinced
that the forces of pure Christianity were facing an absolutely
unprecedented situation in the non-Christian world. In the
Orient and the Levant the attitude of thousands of students
is favorable to Christianity. When we consider that the social
ideals of Christianity are human brotherhood, right-living and
world peace, the significance of the present situation from the
UNIVERSITIES AND INTERNATIONALISM 103
point of view of internationalism can hardly be over-
estimated.
The World's Christian Student Federation, which held its
first congress in Wadstena, Sweden, in 1 895, seeks to establish
relations between the organizations of Christian students in
all parts of the world, to publish information regarding religious
conditions among the students of all countries, and to lead them
into Christian discipleship and service. In the Federation there
are student organizations in the United States, Canada, Aus-
tralia, Belgium, Holland, Switzerland, France, Germany, Great
Britain, Norway, Sweden, Denmark, Finland, China, Korea,
Japan, India, Burma, Ceylon and South Africa.
Besides the associations and clubs already referred to, some
university centers make special provision for foreign students.
At Gb'ttingen there is the Deutsches Institut fur Ausl'dnder.
Columbia University maintains a Deutsches Haus, which is
the residence of the German exchange professor and the head-
quarters for German students, and a Maison Frangaise as a
French headquarters; the University of California has an
^International Club; at the University of Paris the Association
franco-russe gives its attention to Russian students; the
Societe franco-allemande, of Berlin, arranged a vist of French
students to that city in 1908; visits of German and Belgian
students to Paris have been arranged at various times. All
these movements tend to strengthen the bonds of friendship
between the students of various countries and to promote a
spirit of internationalism.
Perhaps the most striking manifestation of the desire to
create and maintain relations of international friendship and
understanding in educational circles is the exchange of pro-
fessors between some of the leading universities of Europe and
America. The Theodore Roosevelt and Kaiser Wilhelm Pro-
fessorships, endowed by a gift of $50,000 to Columbia
University, provide each year for sending an American profes-
sor to lecture in the University of Berlin upon American
104 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
institutions and history. The Prussian government has set
aside a series of rooms in the Royal Library for the Roosevelt
professor and has equipped them with books on American
history and institutions. Requests have been made by the
Universities of Leipzig and Munich for a part of the time
of the Roosevelt professor. A German exchange professor is
nominated each year by the Prussian Ministry of Education
and invited to deliver a course of lectures in Columbia
University upon German history and institutions.
Similar arrangements have been made with the Austrian
government for an exchange of professors and the first visiting
professor lectured at Columbia University in the fall of 1913.
This university was also visited the same year by a lecturer
sent out by the Queen Wilhelmina Lectureship on the Dutch
Language, Literature and History. The object of this lecture-
ship is to develop an interest in the history and literature of
Holland.
Negotiations have been entered into which will probably
result in professorial exchanges with Italy, Latin-America
and Japan.
Columbia University has an exchange plan also with the
University of Paris and each year a French professor is in-
vited to conduct a seminar for three months at Columbia.
During the year professors from many other of the leading
institutions of higher learning are present at Columbia for a
longer or shorter time.
Harvard University also maintains an exchange of pro-
fessors with Paris and Berlin. The Universities of Bordeaux,
in France, and Oviedo, Saragossa and Barcelona, in Spain,
have an arrangement for the exchange of professors.
Through the gifts of M. Albert Kahn, of Paris, there have
been established traveling fellowships to enable scholars to
pursue their special researches in other countries. This fund
aims to give to the world the results of special exploration
and investigation made possible through its felllowships.
UNIVERSITIES AND INTERNATIONALISM 105
The universities will thus be seen to be promoting that
friendship and understanding between the nations which
means the eventual breaking down of sectionalism, national
arrogance, and distrust born of ignorance.
CHAPTER VII.
FRIENDSHIP SOCIETIES
It is interesting to observe the recognition there has been
given in the past few years to the value of some bond of unity
between widely separated workers in similar fields of activity.
To put men of different nationalities in touch with each other
along the line of their special interests, be they intellectual,
industrial, commercial, recreational or what not, this is the
aim of many correspondence clubs which have sprung up within
recent years in several countries. Privileges of personal cor-
respondence upon designated topics with other members of the
association are offered by many of these clubs. The multi-
plication of these clubs with growing memberships covering
the whole world is ample evidence that life is becoming in-
creasingly cosmopolitan. The fact that the bond which is
established by these means is largely a personal one makes
internationalism something more than a mere abstraction. The
very names of these societies are significant.
International Correspondence Clubs. The first of these
societies seems to have been formed in Paris in 1895. It is
called La Societe f Etudes et de Correspondence Internationale,
or International Concordia. It seeks to associate in its fra-
ternity groups in all countries of the world. Its aim is to foster
international, relations through a study of world-wide intel-
lectual, moral and economic movements. It seeks to promote
solidarity and mutual aid between its members, through cor-
respondence, congresses, banquets, translation bureaus, inter-
national circles, etc. The society publishes an annual giving
the names of its members and the subjects upon which they
agree to enter into correspondence with other members. It
also includes in its functions the placing of young people in
families where they can acquire a foreign language.
FRIENDSHIP SOCIETIES 107
In England the Round About Club, formed in 1897, has
three departments: the English Speaker's Link seeks to es-
tablish correspondence between English-speaking members
interested in international life; the Host and Hostess Depart-
ment associates those who are willing to exchange the courtesies
of hospitality to others in like social position; while the Cor-
respondence Club affords opportunities for correspondence.
Germany has four societies. Die Briicke, of Leipzig, offers
a "bridge" between the scholars of different nations working
in similar lines of investigation. It is committed to the work
of promoting uniformity in the printing and binding of books.
Its publication, "Biicher und Saager," is also issued in Esper-
anto. Die Weltwarte, also of Leipzig, promotes the study of
foreign languages and the study of Esperanto. It publishes
a periodical of the same name. A third society in Leipzig is
the Weltvereinigung Kosmopolit. In Munich is the Welt-Verein,
which aims at the development of commerce, industry and the
professions. It offers to authors a friendly criticism of their
works. The members of the Association bear the significant
name of the "world family" (die Weltfamilie).
In Holland the Kosmos, domiciled in Amsterdam, offers
opportunities of correspondence between its members upon
all subjects except politics and religion. It publishes a peri-
odical called "Kosmos."
Switzerland has the Internacia Li go, at Zurich, which favors
collectors of stamps, post-cards, photographs and other ob-
jects. It publishes the "Welt-Post."
In Italy the Societa Internazionale degl 'Intellettuali, located
at Catania, Sicily, seeks to form a bond between savants, lit-
terateurs and artists. It is committed to advancing the feminist
movement, to reform in public instruction and to the founding
of a popular university with courses in 'science and
journalism.
The Cosmopolitan Correspondence Club, formed in Wis-
consin, in 1 907, with offices in Milwaukee, offers opportunities
108 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
of correspondence between its members. Its publication is
"The Globe Trotter."
Although not in the nature of a club, but upon a purely
commercial basis, there might be mentioned in this connec-
tion the International Correspondence Schools, with offices in
London, which offer advantages, by means of correspondence
to those who desire to receive instruction while pursuing their
customary avocations. Their success is a testimony to the
value of the correspondence system of education.
International Friendship Societies. Several associations have
been formed in different countries to promote feelings of cor-
diality between the peoples of two or more nations. These
are generally designed as a bond between two particular na-
tions. They deserve mention in this connection as exerting
an influence towards bringing about that better understand-
ing between the citizens of different nations which promotes
the spirit of internationalism.
The Pilgrim Society was formed in London in 1902 to pro-
mote friendship and peace between the two great English-
speaking nations. The following year a similar and affiliated
society was formed in New York.
The Japan Society was formed in New York, in 1907, to
"promote friendly relations between the United States and
Japan and to diffuse among the American people a more ac-
curate knowledge of the people of Japan, their aims, arts,
sciences, industries and economic conditions." The society
arranges lectures and exhibitions and annually sends an Ameri-
can lecturer to Japan to promote friendly relations with that
people.
The National German American Alliance forms a bond be-
tween the German-Americans and the Fatherland. The Ameri-
can Scandinavian Foundation, with an endowment of over a
half-million dollars is a powerful bond between America and
the Scandinavian peoples. The Latin-American Society seeks
to promote friendly relations among the peoples of the American
FRIENDSHIP SOCIETIES 109
republics. The Mexico Society was formed with similar aims
for the two North American Republics. To promote friendly
relations between France and Germany may be mentioned the
Franco-German League, and the Pour mieux se connaitre, of
Paris.
Great Britain and Germany have reciprocal societies: The
British German Friendship Society of London and the Deutsch
Englisches Verstandigung Komittee of Berlin; The Associated
Councils of the Churches in the British and German Empires
for the Fostering of Friendly Relations between the two Peoples,
and the Kirchliches Komittee zur Pflege freundschaftlicher Bezie-
hungen zwischen Grossbritannien und Deutschland. Mention
should also be made of the Latin Union and the Franco- Italian
League, of Paris.
In both France and England have parliamentary groups
been formed for the purpose of helping the new Republic of
China "by parliamentary action, by influencing public opinion
and keeping a check upon mis-statements as they appear in
the press. Briefly stated, the object is to give the new Chinese
Republic the best possible opportunity of developing China
during these critical years on free and independent lines."
Further, an Anglo-Chinese Friendship Bureau has opened
offices in London to promote friendly relations between Eng-
land and China, particularly a cooperation with the many
Chinese students in England.
Another organization designed to produce a better know-
ledge of international matters, promote solidarity, mutual re-
spect and emulation, is the Union des Nationality, of Paris.
It plans for scientific missions, the organization of congresses
and the friendly intercourse in Paris between the groups of
different nationalities. It contemplates the erection in Paris
of an International Museum of Nationalities. It seeks to
establish an entente between nations on questions requiring
common action. Its aim is the promotion of universal peace
and the organization of European and world federation.
110 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
The Carton Foundation, of London, seeks to promote in-
ternationalism, particularly in the universities and other edu-
cational institutions of England, by means of prizes and scholar-
ships.
The Conciliation Internationale, established in 1905, seeks
to "develop national prosperity by means of good international
relations, and to organize these good relations on a permanent
and lasting basis/* It has a permanent office in Paris.
The "Potentia Organization," of London, was founded in
1905 for the purpose of encouraging honest journalism and to
correct false reports spread by the press which are likely to
injure the interests of any foreign country and foster feelings
of distrust and enmity.
International Foundations for the Encouragement of Scientific
Research. The interdependence of the scientific world in all
lines of progress has already been shown by the large number
of international associations, holding congresses upon every
topic of scientific interest. We must further note the stimulus
that is afforded to valuable research work by individuals of
whatever nationality by the offering of cash prizes, medals
and scholarships. Every year sees the multiplication of en-
dowment funds for the purpose of encouraging individual effort.
Many of these foundations are administered by the great uni-
versities both here and in Europe. Scientific, medical and
industrial associations and individuals have made provisions
for the reward of eminent service in the fields of scientific,
literary and social progress. InL'InternationalismeScientifique1
upwards of seventy prizes and medals are enumerated. This
probably falls very much short of those which are open to
competition by scholars of all nationalities, and we may ex-
pect a very large increase in the number in the future. The
low scale of remuneration of those engaged in scientific re-
search, as compared with the large financial returns which
1 P. H. Eijkman, "L'Internationalisme Scientfique"
FRIENDSHIP SOCIETIES 111
often come to those engaged in commerce and industry, makes
it highly desirable that substantial rewards should be offered
to those whose individual efforts redound to the general wel-
fare of mankind. Some of these foundations are established
for the purpose of enabling specialists to pursue their researches
without anxiety about the "bread and butter question."
A few of these foundations should be noted in particular.
The Nobel Foundation was established in 1900, conformably
to the will of Alfred Bernhard Nobel for the purpose of offering
prizes to those who shall have contributed largely to the service
of humanity. The funds amount to $8,400,000, making the
sum of $38,000 available each year for prizes which are granted
in five departments, physics, chemistry, medicine, literature
and peace. The first four prizes are awarded by the Academy
of Sweden and [the peace prize by the Norwegian
Storthing.
Mr. Andrew Carnegie has added to his many benefactions,
which have not been confined to the United States, two founda-
tions of international scope. In 1902 the Carnegie Institution
of Washington was founded and endowed with $10,000,000, to
encourage in the broadest manner investigation, research and
discovery in the fields of botany, economics, sociology, history,
experimental evolution, marine biology, astronomy, nutrition,
solar research, terrestrial magnetism and allied subjects.
Mr. Carnegie's deep interest in the question of world peace
led him, in 1910, to set aside a sum of ten million dollars, the
income from which should be devoted to the development of
such agencies as give the best promise of effectively advancing
peaceful relations between the nations. The foundation is
known as the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.
In February, 1914, Mr. Carnegie announced another founda-
tion of $2,000,000, for the promotion of world peace through
the instrumentality of the Christian Church. An interchange
of eminent clergymen between different countries as advocates
of peace is contemplated.
112 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
The will of Cecil Rhodes provided a fund for the granting
of scholarships that would enable picked young men of the
British colonies and the United States to pursue their educa-
tion in Oxford University. One annual scholarship each was
provided for each province of Canada, each state of Australia,
to New Zealand, Newfoundland, Natal, Jamaica and Ber-
muda. Four scholarships were given to Cape Colony and three
to Rhodesia. Each state and territory of the United States
was given two scholarships and five were given to Germany.
Mr. Rhodes expressed in his will his belief that an understand-
ing between Great Britain, Germany and the United States
would render war impossible and that educational relations
make the strongest tie.1
George R. Parkin, "The Rhodes' Scholarships."
CHAPTER VIII.
A WORLD LANGUAGE
It will have already appeared that the intercourse between
persons from nations speaking different languages, whether it
be in travel or at international congresses or in commercial
transactions or in whatever way their interests bring them
together, is seriously hampered by the lack of a common me-
dium of communication. Latin, which was once the common
vehicle of communication between the learned, has been elimi-
nated from the problem as being incapable of serving modern
purposes. It has been suggested that the post-classical Greek
would afford a more flexible medium, but the possibility of the
resurrection of a dead language to serve the new age seems
exceedingly remote.
Two alternatives seem to exhaust the possibilities, as far
as international agreement on the subject is concerned; (1)
either the adoption of a living tongue as the universal lan-
guage, or (2) the adoption of an artificial, secondary language.
Whatever may be the result of forces now at work in the world
to make any one living language a practical medium of com-
munication between all peoples, the result of any attempt to
reach international agreement on the subject would seem to
promise to out-Babel Babel.
The preeminence of French as the language of diplomacy
would seem to afford a presumption in its favor. The Ferfera-
tion Internationale pour f Extension et la Culture de la Langue
frangaise, which was formed at Liege, in 1905, seems at one
time to have entertained the hope that French might become
the international language. The Alliance Fran$aise, which
has branches in different countries, is interested in the ex-
tension of the French language and culture.
114 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
On the other hand many have pointed to the fact that the
English language is making large conquests and that between
three and four million people are by immigration brought every
year within its realm. These facts have led some to think
that English is destined to become the universal language.
But the advantages which would accrue to the nation, or na-
tions, whose language should be adopted as universal would
be so great that no international agreement could ever hope
to be reached. The suggestion that the language of some small
nation, like Norway, be adopted as a compromise gives no
better promise of success.
The second alternative is the adoption of an artificial, auxili-
ary language as the medium of international communication.
There is no dearth of such inventions for there are at present
some twenty to twenty-five such schemes. The moderate
success of several of these attempts has been such as to warrant
the belief that along this line is international agreement most
likely to be reached.
The first of these linguistic inventions to attain wide inter-
national attention was Volapiik, published in 1 880 by Schleyer,
a German priest. It had a rapid growth and at its third inter-
national congress held in Paris in 1889, there were reported
283 societies scattered over the world, with students estimated
at over a million. The Akademie international de lingu univer-
sal was formed to prosecute the work. Modifications were sug-
gested which were not acceptable to the inventor and there was
war in camp. The Akademie pursued its work of revision and
modification and the result was a new language called "Idiom
Neutral." The vocabulary of this artificial language is based
upon the principle of the maximum of international roots.
Roots common to the seven leading languages, English, French,
German, Spanish, Italian, Russian and Latin are chosen when
possible.1 It has not been found necessary to adopt any roots
1 M. A. T. Holmes, "Dictionary of the Neutral Languages."
A WORLD LANGUAGE 115
occurring in less than four languages. The eminent English
philologist, Henry Sweet, has expressed the opinion that Idiom
Neutral is the simplest language yet devised and the one most
easily understood by any educated European.1
Seven years after the appearance of Volapiik a Russian
physician, Zamenhof, published a new language and signed
himself "Dr. Esperanto," that is "hopeful." His hopes seem
to have been to a large degree realized, for it has enjoyed a
large growth. Since 1905 annual international congresses
have been held and groups of Esperantists are to be found in
all parts of the world. A permanent committee with head-
quarters in Paris, has general oversight of the work and pub-
lishes the "Oficiala Gazeto Esperantista." In 1907 an Insti-
tute for teaching the language was established in Berne. Great
activity has been shown in forming groups of Esperantists with
varied interests. International Esperantist leagues are to be
found among theosophists, Good Templars, free thinkers,
Catholics, bankers, jurists, government and police employees,
postal clerks, stamp collectors, railway employees, physicians,
pharmacists, stenographers, printers, writers, and vegetarians.
At the Paris Exposition of 1900 there was an unequalled
aggregation of international congresses. The need of an auxili-
ary language was keenly felt and several of the congresses
appointed delegates to confer upon the adoption of some suit-
able medium of international communication. A "Delegation
for the Study of an International Auxiliary Language" entered
into an organization the following year. Numerous societies
and congresses joined in the project. Academies and univer-
sities were corresponded with during the years that followed.
The "Delegation" arrived at three principles which it de-
clared should guide in the adoption of an international auxili-
ary language: (1) it must fulfill the needs of the ordinary in-
tercourse of social life, of commercial communications and of
Article on Universal Language in Encyclopedia Britannica.
116 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
scientific and philosophic relations; (2) it must be easily ac-
quired; (3) it must not be a national language. Finally, in
1907, 310 societies were enrolled in the undertaking. A com-
mittee of twelve scholars was elected which met in Paris in
1907 with Prof. W. Ostwald, of Leipzig, as chairman. After
a lengthy consideration of the artificial languages already in
existence the committee declared in favor of the principle of
Esperanto. But it desired certain changes and modifications
made in the interests of simplicity. Improvements had already
been proposed by an Esperantist who signed himself "I do,"
known to have been the Marquis of Beaufort. The proposi-
tion was looked upon with disfavor by the Esperantists with
the result that a new and reformed Esperanto was fashioned,
called "Ido." Improvements claimed for Ido are: (1) the
dropping of case endings for adjectives, (2) the substitution
of Anglo-Saxon for Slavic roots, and (3) the substitution of s
for the plural ending in the place of j. The Idists, as they are
called, formed, in 1 909, the Unione por la Linguo Internaciona
and now have groups in various countries.
In 1911 there was formed an association whose object is to
secure, if possible, diplomatic action looking to the creating of
an international bureau, patterned after the Universal Postal
Union, which shall take steps looking to the adoption by the
nations of the world of an auxiliary, international language.
The history of the attempts at a universal language has
peculiar significance for internationalism. It is a recognition
of the fact that the relations between nations have become so
close that a medium of communication is imperative. An
auxiliary language that is most international in its roots is
most likely to be adopted. The crudity of many attempts by
individuals to create an artificial language demonstrates the
fact that the work to be of permanent value must be done by
linguistic and philological experts.
The success of several of the schemes shows that an auxili-
ary language is entirely feasible and can easily be learned.
A WORLD LANGUAGE 117
The national languages will doubtless continue to be the langu-
ages of literary expression, but a workable and accurate second-
ary language may be put within the reach of everyone of ordi-
nary intelligence and greatly facilitate the relations between
the different nations and the advancement of all branches of
knowledge. Such a language would greatly advance world
federation.
CHAPTER IX.
INTERNATIONAL EBB AND FLOW OF POPULATION
In the preceding chapters we have tried to present the con-
crete manifestations of internationalism in the cooperation
that has already been achieved. It remains for us to consider
certain fluctuations in the population of the world which are
having an effect upon the growth of internationalism.
The prophecy of the Hebrew seer that "many shall run to
and fro in the earth and knowledge shall be increased" is find-
ing a fulfilment in the twentieth century that never fails to
arouse wonder. The rapid growth of transportation facilities
and the resulting comfort and cheapness of travel are pro-
ducing world- wide changes. The journey from Vladivostok
to Paris by rail is already a commonplace. "From the Cape to
Cairo" will soon be opened a new and varied route to the globe
trotter. The day would seem to be not far distant when one
will be able to travel from Alaska to Argentina. No less mar-
velous is the development of ocean transportation. Swift and
luxurious steamers traverse every ocean and sea.
If one would stop to consider all the human beings that in
any moment are afloat upon the oceans and rivers and aboard
the swift-moving railroad trains he would have a picture of
the kaleidoscopic changes that are hourly taking place all over
the world in which the racial colors, white, black, red and yel-
low are continually forming new combinations with ever shift-
ing variety and interest. Individuals, families, neighborhood
and racial groups are continually entering into new combina-
tions and relations that are gradually changing the whole
texture of human society. It will interest us from the point
of view of internationalism to look at some of those kaleido-
scopic changes.
INTERNATIONAL EBB AND FLOW OF POPULATION 119
We may for convenience divide this great throng into three
classes: (1) those who are leaving their native land to make
their homes in another country; (2) those who are returning
from a foreign sojourn to end their days in the land of their
birth; and (3) those who, in search of employment, the trans-
action of business, or in quest of recreation and pleasure, are
flitting hither and thither. This classification will permit us
to consider the emigrant from the point of view of the country
which receives him, the re-migrant — if such a term be per-
missible— from the point of view of his original home, and the
flitter from both angles.
1. The Emigrant. For the first three and a half centuries
following the discovery of the new world the eccentric move-
ments of national populations took the form of colonization
in which the state had a directing hand. English, Dutch,
French, Spanish and Portugese colonists retained their national
allegiance. With the independence of the American colonies,
and the subsequent growth of the United States by cession
and purchase, all those who forsook Europe to make their
homes within our borders and to assume the rights and duties
of citizenship in the land of their adoption became, by their
individual choice, expatriates.
As one by one the Mexican, Central and South American
republics were formed the same became true of the immigrants
to those countries. Only Canada, and a few small colonial
possessions in the West Indies and South America now float
the colors of European states. Emigration, therefore, as far
as these American republics are concerned, involves new politi-
cal relationships.
We are not here concerned with the economic, social, politi-
cal or religious factors which have determined this migratory
movement, nor with the corresponding changes which have
resulted in the countries receiving the immigration. Our in-
terest is in the commingling of races and the effect it may have
in promoting internationalism.
120 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
A few facts touching emigration to other parts of the world
will make it plain that the United States, in a degree which is
true of no other nation, is the "melting pot" of the world.
The other countries receiving large increase of population
by immigration are Canada, Argentina, Brazil, South Africa,
Australia and Asiatic Russia.
Canada has encouraged the immigration of those desiring
to settle upon the land from the states of north and western
Europe from which the old immigration of the United States
was formerly drawn. It also receives a large number of settlers
from the United States. Between 1901 and 1909 it received
393,908 immigrants from the United States, or 31.6$ of the
total immigration for that period.
The Latin countries of Europe supply the large bulk of
the immigrants to Argentina which, between 1863 and 1908,
amounted to 4,217,963. Of this total, Italy furnished 56.3$,
Spain 25$, France 6.3$. Likewise, Brazil draws largely upon
southern Europe. Of a total of 2,561,482 between 1820 and
1907, 47.4$ came from Italy, 24.8$ from Portugal, 1 1.3$ from
Spain, only 3.6$ from Germany and 2.2$ from Austria.
The Australian immigration has been 82.1$ British — France
and Germany furnishing a small quota. New Zealand received
most of its immigration from Australia and the United King-
dom and only 6.6$ from all other countries.
South African immigration is largely British and Dutch and
that of Asiatic Russia, amounting in the single year of 1908
to 720,000, is wholly Russian.
While it will be seen that the population of some of the
various immigrant-receiving countries is moderately cosmo-
politan, that of the United States is recruited from every tongue
and people on the earth.
The cosmopolitan composition of the population of the
United States is favorable for the development of that broad
toleration for other peoples and that sympathetic interest in
conditions beyond national boundaries which must form the
INTERNATIONAL EBB AND FLOW OF POPULATION 121
substantial basis for internationalism. Internationalism can-
not rest upon national selfishness and any influences which
lead the citizens to broaden their intellectual horizon make
for the development of what President Butler has happily
called "the international mind."1
Every adult immigrant has interests which bind him to
at least two countries, the land of his birth and the land of
his adoption. It would not be human for him not to feel a
strong and affectionate attachment for the land of his fathers.
Its history, traditions and customs continue to exert a power-
ful influence over him. The very political, economic and social
advantages which he comes in larger and fuller measure to
appreciate in his new home become the criteria by which he
judges conditions he has left and shape his hopes for the future
of the fatherland. National and racial pride prompt him to a
quick resentment of aspersions cast upon his native country.
At the same time he finds himself associated daily in business
and political relations with those of a score of other nationali-
ties with equally keen national sensitiveness. There is devel-
oped a spirit of toleration for those of different countries.
The leaders in the political world appreciate the dangers of
offending the national pride or sensibilities of those upon whose
suffrage they depend for support. More than once has a party
gone to defeat because of the offensive remarks of some un-
wise partizan campaigner. The stage, also, has been many
times rebuked in a very pointed and effective way for carica-
tures of national traits that have aroused the ire of bodies of
citizens who retain very strong national pride. So there is
developed in the American population a healthy respect for
the sentiments and feelings of fellow citizens whatever their
origin. This is a true American trait developed in the midst
of a cosmopolitan population.
Constant contact with those of different nationality tends
to soften animosities and develop an openmindedness which
1 Nicholas Murray Butler, "The International Mind."
122 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
is more difficult of attainment in a country of more homo-
geneous population where the mores and customs are more
rigid.
America takes great pride in the fact that it is the asylum
of the oppressed of all lands. The presence of those who have
suffered from economic and social pressure in other lands leads
to a knowledge of the untoward conditions from which they
have sought to escape by emigration to the land of the free.
The trail of the immigrant has been followed to its source and
conditions have been studied and spread before the reading
public in the daily and periodical press. The problem of im-
migration, which is pressing more heavily than ever upon the
nation, demands the study of conditions in every land from
which the immigrant comes. A knowledge of world-wide con-
ditions has been thrust upon the American citizen by the force
of circumstances. The result has been a quickened sympathy
and an appreciation of the fact that this country has a vital
concern in those conditions which turn the flow of immigra-
tion towards our shores.
The American citizen should, of all men, be the most deeply
interested in the growth of internationalism, as he is the most
deeply concerned. As long as vast economic, social and politi-
cal differences exist between this and other countries the tide
of immigration will continue to flow. Only one thing will
naturally restrict the volume of immigration, and this is the
lessening of the difference between conditions in America and
the countries that are discharging their citizens upon us. This
involves in the United States a leveling-down process, economi-
cally, which we cannot contemplate without grave apprehen-
sion. But it involves, reciprocally, a leveling-up process in the
other countries which must result largely through the growth
and development of internationalism. We may not like to
face the ethical question whether we, as a nation, are our
"brother's keeper," but enlightened self-interest is forcing us
into the consideration of the question whether the future
INTERNATIONAL EBB AND FLOW OF POPULATION 123
well-being of our own nation is not in large measure dependent
upon the improvement of conditions in those nations that are
furnishing the aliens which enter so largely into the economic
and moral problems of our country.
2. The Re-migrant. If the flow of population to our shores
presents an international problem, so does also the ebb-tide
or more properly speaking, the return-wave. Since 1907 the
Bureau of Immigration has been keeping statistics on the sub-
ject and we are beginning to appreciate the size and significance
of this movement. Arriving aliens are now divided into two
classes, (1) those who express the purpose of residing in the
United States and (2) those who do not intend to remain. The
departing aliens are similarly divided into (1) those who claim
a place of residence in the United States and (2) those who do
not, and are supposedly here only termporarily, or are simply
passing through.
The following table is taken from the annual reports of the
Commissioner of Immigration. :
ARRIVING AND DEPARTING ALIENS.
Immigrant
Non-Imm.
Emigrant
Non-Em.
Year
Aliens
Aliens
Total
Aliens
Aliens
Total
1908
782,870
141,825
924,695
395,073
319,755
714,828
1909
751,786
192,449
944,235
225,802
174,590
400,392
1910
1,041,570
156,467
1,198,037
202,436
177,982
380,418
1911
878,587
151,713
1,030,300
295,666
222,549
518,215
1912
838,172
178,983
1,017,155
333,262
282,030
615,292
1913
1,197,892
229,335
1,427,227
308,190
303,734
611,924
1914
1,218,480
184,601
1,403,081
303,338
330,467
633,805
Many of the departing emigrants are those who are return-
ing to their native land to remain. Some of them have saved
enough money to enable them to pass their remaining days in
comfort where the cost of living is much less than in America.
Inquiries have been made into the influences these repatriates
exert in their home land. It is generally conceded that their
standard of living is higher than that of their neighbors. They
build better houses, wear better clothes and manifest a spirit
of enterprise and independence that is not hard to connect
124 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
with their American sojourn. They are not satisfied with things
as they find them and some of them set about to improve con-
ditions.1
The picture, however, is not altogether favorable. They
sometimes prove that they have been apt scholars in learn-
ing many of the vices which they have seen in America. This
indictment is laid more particularly against some of the younger,
unmarried men who have worked in America and who return
to spend their money in idleness, vicious indulgence and dis-
play. This group belongs to the next classification.
Whatever view we may take of the economic disadvantages
to the United States of the money thus taken out of the coun-
try by those returning to reside permanently in their native
lands, we can hardly fail to see that the tendency is to raise
the standard of living in the home community, to create a
demand for better educational facilities and for better econo-
mic conditions. In this way a leaven of discontent with exist-
ing conditions is introduced which is bound to work until the
differences which make emigration to America desirable are
lessened. So that from the point of view of the future welfare
of the United States through the lessening of the tide of im-
migration, the money taken from the country may prove to
be a profitable investment. The same view may be taken with
respect to the money which the alien laborer in the United
States sends back to the old country. There is abundant testi-
mony that this American gold has been almost the financial
salvation of some poor communities and has resulted in raising
the general standard of living.
It will thus be seen that the United States is sending out
streams of influence which retrace the trail of the immigrant
into every country on the earth and tend to alter local con-
ditions in a way that will smooth the road to more complete
1 Report of Immigration Commission on Emigrant Conditions in Europe.
"Effect of Immigration on Italy," Charities and Commons, 1908.
"Home Going Italians," Survey, Sept, 28, 1912.
INTERNATIONAL EBB AND FLOW OF POPULATION 125
and effective cooperation between the nations in matters per-
taining to economic and social welfare.
3. The third class is of those who run to and fro in the
earth for various reasons.
To this class belong what have come to be called "birds of
passage," or that mobile body of labor which is not hampered
by home ties and can come and go according to the varying
economic advantage. This labor movement is known in Europe
and is largely seasonal. Laborers move from Italy up into
France, Switzerland and even Germany to work in the fields,
returning when the demand for help slackens. There are
similar movements from Ireland into England, of the Flemish
into Holland and France and of Poles into Germany.1
A glance at the foregoing table will show that these "birds
of passage" figure quite largely in the industrial situation in the
United States. They are largely unmarried men who can live
and save money upon wages that would not support an Ameri-
can working man with a family. Ocean transportation has
become so easy and cheap that they can afford to leave the
country when work is slack and spend their hoarded earnings
in a country of cheap living. These "birds of passage" might
not inappropriately be called "birds of prey," for "whereso-
ever the carcass is, there will the eagles be gathered together."
It is hard to see how the growth of internationalism is aided
by this class. But its very existence is an evidence of the ease
with which international communication is carried on.
To this third class belong also those business and professional
men whose avocations lead them into frequent association with
men of other nations, and also the increasing number of per-
sons who seek recreation and knowledge through travel. The
multiplication of railroads in every land and the building of
ever larger and more luxurious steamships have made travel
comfortable and cheap.
Some idea of the annual movement of passengers over the
'Birds of Passage," American Journal of Sociology, 18:391.
126 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
railroads of the world may be gained from the statistics of our
own country. In 191 1 the aggregate mileage of the railroads of
the United States was 244,179 miles. The number of pass-
engers carried was 997,409,882, or 4,085 to each mile of rail-
road. The average journey of each passenger was 33.48 miles.1
The total mileage of the railroads of the world in 1908 was
595,841 miles.2 If the same number of passengers were carried
per mile on all the railroads of the world and the average length
of journey were the same, the number of miles traveled by the
human race in a year would reach the enormous total of 81,-
490,671,037 miles. If distributed per capita it would give
every man, woman and child on the earth 52 miles of railway
journey in a year. If travel from here to the moon were pos-
sible it would provide 1 74,270 persons with a round trip.
To this enormous volume of travel must be added that by
water transportation. According to Lloyd's Register there
are 6,694 sailing vessels and 23,897 steamers of one hundred
tons register or over. The tendency is to build ever larger
and swifter steamers. There are 2,865 steamers whose speed
is from 12 to 25 knots and over per hour. Steel is rapidly
replacing wood in the construction of ships. Of 1,278 new
vessels built in 1912 only 122 were of wood.
The volume of t>cean travel may be judged by the passenger
movement in and out of the principal ports of the United
States for the last ten years, as follows:
DEPARTURES FROM THE UNITED STATES TO FOREIGN COUNTRIES3
Cabin
Other than
Year
Passengers
Cabin Pass.
Total
1904
164,613
508,204
692,817
1905
201,208
536,151
737,359
1906
214,669
496,737
711,406
1907
224,893
569,882
794,775
1908
236,781
874,686
1,111,467
1909
244,800
586,452
831,252
1910
396,040
326,978
723,018
1911
436,071
431,616
867,687
1912
463,699
505,483
969,182
1913
509,278
450,348
959,626
Statistical Abstract of the U. S., I9i2,~pp. 304, 312.
" ' _ 1 Systems of the We
3 Statistical Abstract of the U. S., 1913, pp. 100, 101.
2 Transportation Routes and Systems of the World. Dep't of Commerce and Labor.
INTERNATIONAL EBB AND FLOW OF POPULATION 127
ARRIVALS OF PASSENGERS
U. S. Citizens Non-Imm.
Year Returning Aliens Immigrants Total
1904 147,974 47,844 811,870 988,688
1905 167,227 40,899 1,026,499 1,234,615
1906 177,486 65,618 1,100,735 1,356,273
1907 191,797 153,120 1,285,349 1,630,266
1908 200,447 141,825 782,870 1,125,142
1909 217,173 192,449 751,786 1,161,408
1910 243,191 156,467 1,041,570 1,441,228
1911 269,128 I5i,7i3 878,587 1,299,428
1912 280,801 178,983 838,172 1,297,956
1913 286,604 229,335 1,197,892 1,713,831
The enormous increase in tourist travel is being felt by
every country in the world and every year the number who
make the world tour is growing. The inevitable effect of this
intermingling of peoples is a larger knowledge of world con-
ditions, quickened international sympathy and unification in
the life of the world.
Vast as is the throng that travels, it is a vaster throng that
stays at home. And to them the world is being daily brought
in a marvelous way. The development of photography and
its reproduction for the press is affording a medium of educa-
tion through the eye which immensely supplements the in-
formation of the printed page. Conditions of life in every
part of the globe are made known through the daily and peri-
odical press. The happenings of yesterday among our anti-
podes are current news to-day. The film companies have taken
advantage of the interest in world events to feature the week's
happenings in moving pictures in every village and hamlet
in the country. In this way, by dispatches and pictures, the
life of the world is being practically isochronized.
What has been said of the influences which are making for
international knowledge and association in the United States
may be said with varying degrees of applicability of all other
immigrant-receiving countries.
It may be questioned why, if conditions are so favorable
in the United States for the development of an international
spirit, our nation does not rank higher among the nations of
128 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
the world as a participant in official international conferences.
The reason is probably to be found in the comparatively iso-
lated geographical position of the United States, while the
European states by the very fact of their propinquity to one
another are favorably situated for international cooperation.
/ Another reason is that according to the Constitution the rati-
fication of all treaties with foreign powers rests with the senate
and that body has been known to reject treaties and conven-
tions that have been approved by the President and the De-
partment of State.
On the other hand the United States exhibits to the world
the practical federation of forty-eight states with different
racial admixtures and varying economic and industrial con-
ditions. Differences arising between the states are peaceably
settled by the federal courts. Coordination in both the legis-
lative and administrative functions of the various states is
taking place without the derogation of the sovereignty of the
states. All this raises the question whether with increased com-
munication, understanding and association between the sove-
reign powers of the world a practical federation will not be
possible that will abolish war and promote the welfare of the
whole human race.
CHAPTER X.
THE NATIONS AND OPIUM
It is the tendency of every movement for bettering the con-
ditions of a particular group to enlarge in scope like the widen-
ing circles in a pool of water. But there must be contact be-
tween the parts moved. The denser the crowd the slighter
need be the motion at the center to be felt at the circumference.
It has been the economic movements of modern times, com-
pacting the world into a sensitive whole, that have made in-
ternationalism a reasonable and necessary thing. It will be
helpful to an understanding of this tendency to turn aside to
study a particular movement which shows how a question
which at first seems to affect only one nation grows in com-
plexity until all the civilized nations are involved.
Perhaps as good an example as can be found is the opium
problem. The smoking of opium was once looked upon as a
vice largely confined to the Chinese. But today, through
recent international effort, the municipal law of each of the
principal powers of the world has been invoked to suppress
the use of opium and cocaine in all their forms, for other than
medicinal purposes.
The somniferous poppy was cultivated in early times by
the Arabs, among whom the extraction and use of opium seem
to have originated. By them it was probably introduced into
China. A Chinese pharmacopoeia, prepared by imperial order
about 973 A. D., mentions the medicinal property of its seeds.
But it was considerably later that the seed capsules, of which
opium is the inspissated juice, were used medicinally. In 1488
a Chinese author, Wang Hsi, gives directions for the
V
130 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
/
preparation (of [opium. As an article of import it paid a duty
as early as 1589.1
Until modern times opium was principally used in two ways,
by eating and smoking. It is the latter that has been most
prevalent in China. About 1620 the Spaniards introduced
tobacco from America into the Philippines, whence the smok-
ing habit spread into China. At first opium was mixed with
tobacco and finally it was smoked alone. The habit must
have taken a powerful hold upon the Chinese for, in 1 729, an
imperial edict was issued against it. The sale of opium and
the running of opium joints were prohibited and the penalties
prescribed varied in severity up to death by strangulation.2
This was the first attempt of China to deal with the traffic in
a drug whose damaging effect upon its people had been ob-
served for more than a century. It was the beginning of a
struggle carried on for a hundred and eighty years, until the
interests of the whole social order found a voice that was heard
above the cries of the market place and the disabilities of a
weak nation were removed through international cooperation.
There is a sense in which the opium problem was never a
purely domestic one with China. At first, at least, opium was
a foreign product, an article of external commerce. However
much China might desire to live a self-contained and self-
directed life, here was a commodity which forced its way in
through the compelling power of commerce and the demands
of a growing appetite. Now it is the right of every nation to
regulate its foreign as well as its domestic commerce and to
exclude entirely any commodity that it deems undesirable.3
Accordingly, in 1799, China prohibited the importation of
opium,4 and from that day to this the imperial ban has never
1 First Rept. Royal Commission on Opium, p. 148. British Parliament Papers,
1894, v°l- 60-
* Ibid., p. 156.
« Vattel, "The Law of Nations." (Chitty's ed.) p. 38.
4 Final Rept. Royal Opium Com. Vol. 7, p. 74, Brit. Parl. Papers, 1895, Vol. 42.
THE NATIONS AND OPIUM 131
been raised. The exclusion of opium became, therefore, a
purely national problem, and it was the plain duty of the
government to adopt effective measures to carry out the im-
perial edict.
China's general policy of non-intercourse with foreigners
seemed to make it probable that exclusion would be accom-
plished. Foreign commerce had been discouraged from the
time a few adventurous Portugese began trading with China,
soon after Vasco da Gama rounded the Cape of Good Hope in
1498. Trading with Portugese, Dutch and English mer-
chants, which at most was carried on in only a few ports, had,
about 1757, been restricted by imperial decree to the single
port of Canton.1 To guard one port against a contraband
trade would seem to offer no insurmountable difficulties to a
fairly efficient government. But the very dislike and contempt
for foreign commerce which ruled Chinese officialdom resulted
in a scheme for its control which doomed to failure the effort
to prevent a trade which was becoming increasingly lucrative.
A merchant guild, called the "hong," was charged with the
responsibility of all dealings with the "barbarians." The im-
perial decrees were transmitted to the foreign traders by the
hong merchants through whom alone they, in turn, might
communicate with the government. The weakness of this
method of administration can readily be seen inasmuch as it
made the regulation of a trade devolve very largely upon a
set of men who were financially interested. This was a fun-
damental weakness in the attempt at national control of a
prohibited trade.
China wished to have no relations with outside nations,
other than those of commerce, and these she proposed to main-
tain below the threshold of governmental recognition. She
denied the doctrine of the sovereignty of nations which is the
very foundation of international law. She considered herself
1 Sir John F. Davis, "The Chinese," p. 62.
132 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
the suzerain of the world to whom all other nations owed fealty.
She refused to treat with any of them upon a basis which im-
plied equality. Lord Macartney's embassy to Peking in 1 792, l
and Lord Amherst's in 1816,2 were as unproductive of results
as had been those of the Dutch and Portugese. The "kow-
tow" was China's answer to the claims of national equality.
While it has been generally conceded that China had the
right to regulate her commerce and to exclude opium if she
so elected, it has been found harder to argue that she had a
right to maintain a non-communicative attitude towards all
other nations. Perhaps the inevitability that, in the march
of world events, she must admit ambassadors to the "Court
of Heaven" at Peking influence us in thinking that she had no
natural right to hold herself aloof from the rest of the world.
President Woolsey says: "Sovereignty in the strictest sense
authorizes a nation to decide upon what terms it will have
intercourse with foreigners, and even to shut out all mankind
from its borders. . . And yet some kind of intercourse of
neighboring states is so natural, that it must have been coeval
with their foundation, and with the origin of law; and it is so
necessary that to decline it involves often extreme inhumanity;
it is so essential to the progress of mankind that unjust wars
have been blessings when they opened nations to one another.
There could, of course, be no international law without it."8
It is extremely unfortunate that the establishment of free
intercourse between China and the other nations was inti-
mately associated with the opium traffic. Perhaps President
Woolsey had this in mind when he spoke of the "blessings of
unjust wars."
When the military forces of the British East India Company
occupied Bengal and Behar, in 1758, they found a lucrative
1 Sir George Staunton, "Account of Lord Macartney's Embassy."
8 Final Rept. Royal Opium Com. Vol. 7, pp. 78-84.
* T. D. Woolsey, "Introduction to the Study of International Law," p. 93.
THE NATIONS AND OPIUM 133
monopoly in the opium trade carried on by natives. The
servants of the company succeeded to this monopoly which
was a source of large private gain. But when Warren Hast-
ings became Governor-general, in 1773, he established the
state monopoly which has continued to the present day.1 A
further monopoly was enjoyed by this company until 1834,
and that was the trade with China. In 1782 the Calcutta
government, being in need of funds, exported two shiploads
of opium to China on its own account. The scheme was dis-
approved by the directors of the company and thereafter the
government's proprietorship in opium ceased with its public
auction at Calcutta.2
Even before the prohibitory edict of 1 799, opium was looked
upon as contraband and the Company's supercargoes in China
objected to the trade as liable to involve them in difficulties
with the authorities. Notwithstanding all this, the lucrative
trade flourished and opium continued to flow with increasing
volume into China. Receiving ships were anchored in the
outer waters of the Canton River to which the ships from India
delivered their opium. Canton merchants would give orders
for opium on the receiving ships which would be executed by
fast boats, called by the Chinese "fast crabs," or "scrambling
dragons," which were manned by desperate smugglers whose
business it was to evade the customs' authorities and deliver
the opium to purchasers. This was made possible by the in-
efficiency of the Chinese preventive service and by the con-
nivance of corrupt officials. The laxity in the enforcement of
the prohibitory laws was taken by those interested in the
traffic as proof that China was insincere in her attitude and
that she did not really wish to exclude opium. It is quite prob-
able that those merchants and corrupt officials who were profit-
ing largely from its illicit sale did not care to have the laws
1 J. Spencer Hill, "The Indo-Chinese Opium Trade."
1 Final Kept. Royal Opium Com., Vol. 7, p. II.
134 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
enforced. But the repeated attempts of China to free her sons
from the opium curse, culminating in the heroic measures of
the past seven years, must remove from her the aspersions of
insincerity.
The national stage of the problem may be said to have ended
in 1834, when the monopolization by the East India Company
of the Chinese trade was terminated and England sent out
Lord Napier to be the chief superintendent of British trade
with China. The problem may now be said to have entered
the duo-national or treaty stage. No treaty was as yet effected,
but the instructions of Lord Palmerston, the British Secretary
of State for Foreign Affairs, to Lord Napier were to the effect
that he was to communicate directly with the viceroy and not
through the medium of the hong merchants. Nor were his
communications to be in the form of "petitions." Such inter-
course involved a national equality which the Chinese had
always been careful to disallow. In his work on China, pub-
lished in 1834, Peter Auber, the secretary to the Court of
Directors of the East India Company, writes: "The Chinese
nation has ever been, and still continues to be, decidedly op-
posed to the formation of any treaty by which a settled inter-
course upon a reciprocal basis might be effected between it
and other countries; China undeviatingly and successfully
maintaining her policy of preserving her frontiers from the
intrusion of strangers."1
As long as intercourse was purely commercial and carried
on with the supercargoes of the East India Company, to whose
interest it was to be subservient to the galling customs of the
Chinese, the government was willing that trade should con-
tinue. Her policy was plainly stated by themselves: "The
barbarians are like beasts, and not to be ruled on the same
principles as citizens. Were anyone to attempt controlling
them by the great maxims of reason it would tend to nothing
1 Peter Auber, "China," p. 394.
THE NATIONS AND OPIUM 135
but confusion. The ancient kings well understood this, and
accordingly ruled the barbarians by misrule. Therefore to rule
barbarians by misrule is the true and best way of ruling
them."2
Pursuant to his instructions Lord Napier endeavored to
communicate directly with the governor of Canton who re-
turned his letter, indicating that the customs of the land must
be observed and that the hong merchants were the only medium
of intercourse with officialdom. In his report to the throne on
the incident Governor Loo reflected the Chinese policy towards
the representatives of foreign powers: "On the face of the
envelope the forms and style of equality were used, and there
were absurdly written the characters 'ta Ying kwo', 'great
English nation' (for Great Britain) . . . Whether the said
barbarian eye has or has not official rank, there are no means
of thoroughly ascertaining. But though he be really an officer
of the said nation, he yet cannot write letters of equality with
the frontier officers of the celestial empire. As the thing con-
cerned the national dignity, it was inexpedient in the least to
allow a tendency to any approach or advance by which light-
ness of esteem might be occasioned. . . . England has
heretofore had no interchange of official communications with
the central, flowery land, and therefore what the said barbarian
says cannot be permitted to be brought into operation."2
The attitude of the Chinese officials may appear somewhat
excusable inasmuch as it seemed to them that the appearance
of Lord Napier was in some way connected with the illicit trade
in opium. He continues: "At present, the barbarian ships
which clandestinely sell opium in the outer seas are daily in-
creasing. Just when the laws were being established to bring
them to order there came this mad, mistaken barbarian eye.
If at this time indulgence be at once shown to them they will
1 Sir John F. Davis, "The Chinese," p. 68.
2 Chinese Repository, Vol. 3, pp. 327-330.
136 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
then advance step by step, begetting other foolish expecta-
tions/'1
Lord Napier's attempts to carry out his instructions utterly
failed and his chagrin doubtless contributed to his illness and
death the following year at Macao.
Another circumstance operated to increase the determina-
tion of the government to enforce the prohibitory decrees. In
1 836 the value of the opium imported into China by the British
merchants was computed to be about eighteen million dollars.
This was a million dollars in excess of the exports.2 The bal-
ance of trade was against China and had to be settled in Chinese
sycee silver, against the exportation of which there were strin-
gent regulations. The Chinese shared the opinions of the
Bullionists that the export of precious metal was a national
loss not to be countenanced. Heu Naetze, a member of the
Sacrificial Board proposed, in a memorial to the throne, that
the restrictions against opium be removed, that it be placed
upon the list of dutiable articles and that it be received only
in barter for Chinese goods.3 The noble words of Choo Tsun,
in a counter memorial, breathe a loftier patriotism: "The wide-
spreading and baneful influence of opium, when regarded
simply as injurious to property is of inferior importance, but
when regarded as hurtful to the people, it demands most
anxious consideration, for in the people lies the very founda-
tion of the empire. Property, it is true, is that on which the
subsistence of the people depends. Yet a deficiency of it may
be supplied, and an impoverished people improved, whereas
it is beyond the power of any artificial means to save a people
enervated by luxury."4
The movement for a relaxation of the repressive measures
failed and, in 1839, a proclamation was issued that an imperial
* Ibid.
1 Final Kept. Royal Opium Com., Vol. 7, p. 144.
1 Chinese Repository, Vol. 5, pp. 139-144.
4 Ibid., pp. 390-398.
THE NATIONS AND OPIUM 137
commissioner had been appointed to put down smuggling. All
ships having opium aboard must be sent away and smuggling
stop or all trade would cease.
Commissioner Lin took the hong merchants sharply to task
for the failure of law enforcement and also communicated
directly with the foreign merchants. The pointed way he put
things was rather embarrassing. "Why," said Lin, "do you
bring to our land the opium which in your lands is not made
use of, by it defrauding men of their property and causing
injury to their lives? I find that with this thing you have
seduced and deluded the people of China for tens of years past;
and countless are the unjust hoards that you have thus ac-
quired. Such conduct rouses indignation in every human
heart and is utterly inexcusable in the eye of celestial reason."1
Lin demanded the surrender of all opium then in the receiv-
ing ships and bonds that no more opium would be imported.
He detained the foreign residents in the British factory at
Canton until his demands should be complied with. Captain
Elliot, the superintendent of British trade, finding it impera-
tive to yield to the commissioner, demanded the surrender to
him by the British merchants of all the opium in the harbor
"for the service of her Majesty's government." Accordingly,
20,283 chests of opium were turned over to the commissioner,
who caused them to be destroyed.
The high-handed way in which Lin executed his commission
led to the Opium War between England and China by which
China was humbled and forced into treaty relations with Eng-
land and the other principal powers. In his instructions to
Sir H. Pottinger, who was empowered to conclude a treaty of
peace with China, Lord Palmers ton told him that while he
was not to demand that the restrictions against the traffic be
removed, he was to make as strong representations as possible
1 Ibid., Vol. 7, p. 611.
138 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
to induce the Chinese government to remove its ban from the
trade. He wrote: "Experience has shown that it is entirely
beyond the power of the Chinese Government to prevent the
introduction of opium into China; and many reasons render
it impossible that the British Government can give the Chinese
Government any effectual aid towards the accomplishment of
that purpose."1
That Sir H. Pottinger was not remiss in the duties laid upon
him may be gathered from his own words: "I have already
urged so strongly and undeniably the advantages of legalizing
the trade in opium by barter, that it is out of my power to add
an argument to those I have already adduced."2 The Chinese
commissioners replied that the withdrawal of the prohibition
against the traffic was impossible, but it would not be neces-
sary to inquire as to whether the merchant vessels of various
countries brought opium or not. So, while the Treaty of Nan-
king, in 1842, did not mention opium, the effect of the war
was to paralyze China in her efforts to exclude the hated
stuff.
By the terms of the treaty full security and protection of
the persons and property of British subjects were to be ac-
corded and they were to be permitted to reside and trade in
the ports of Canton, Amoy, Foochow, Ningpo and Shanghai;
the island of Hong Kong was ceded to Great Britain; China
was to pay six million dollars for the opium destroyed, three
million more for the debts of insolvent hong merchants and
twelve million dollars war indemnity; the monopoly of the
hong was abolished; a fair and regular tariff was to be es-
tablished; communication between officials was to be upon
a footing of equality.3
1 Papers relating to Opium Trade in China, 1842, 1856, p. 2, Brit. Pad. Papers,
1857, Vol. 43.
8 Ibid., p. 3.
8 See Hertslet, "China Treaties."
THE NATIONS AND OPIUM 139
The "blessings" of this most unjust war were reaped by
other nations as well as Great Britain. The United States
and France signed commercial treaties with China in
1844.1
China had been forced to take the first step towards inter-
nationalism by acknowledging the sovereignty of nations, but
a generation was to pass away before full diplomatic relations
were established and "five foreign ministers had their first
audience with the Emperor Tungchi, June, 1873, and stood
before his throne as they presented their credentials."2 It
was extremely unfortunate that the circumstances attending
the opening of a great nation to world intercourse, without
which complete internationalism is impossible, were such as
to outrage her moral sense and to give her grounds for believ-
ing that the interest of other nations in her was purely com-
mercial and was inextricably involved with an illicit traffic.
Her eyes were blinded to the inevitableness of world-inter-
course by which she was to shake off the lethargy of ages and
take her place among the nations of the world. E'er atone-
ment was to be made for this grievous wrong through the co-
operation of all the civilized powers there was to be great
growth in international morality in which a large public recogni-
tion of the wrongs she had suffered was to play a conspicuous
part. The voice of humanity was to be heard above the com-
mercial clamor and England was yet to acknowledge that the
moral degradation of a nation was not to be weighed against
the gold of India.
The Treaty of Nanking did not alter the status of the opium
traffic and, in 1843, Sir H. Pottinger warned the vessel owners
against hoping to bring in opium under the new tariff, saying
that the traffic still remained illegal and that they must assume
Treaties Between China and Foreign States, Vol. i.
S. Wells Williams, "A History of China," p. 124.
140 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
all the risks which attended smuggling. 1 But the effect of the
war was to weaken the hands of the Chinese government in
its efforts to suppress the traffic. This is borne out by the
words of Sir John Davis who was appointed Governor of Hong
Kong in 1844. He argued with the Chinese Commissioner,
Keying, that a legalization of the opium traffic "would re-
move all chances of unpleasant occurrences between the two
governments; that it might provide an ample revenue for the
emperor, and check to the same extent the consumption of a
commodity, which was at present absolutely untaxed. There
seemed the less difficulty in adopting this step, as, since the
peace, not a single edict had been issued against opium, which
was openly carried about the streets in chests, and sold like
any unprohibited article. But the Chinese Government ap-
peared to think that it was less undignified to connive silently
at a practice, than directly contradict all its former principles
by openly legalizing it."2
This, then, was the status of the opium question at the close
of the Opium War: the Chinese government, because of the
drastic measures it had taken to prevent the importation of
opium, had been forced to enter into a treaty with England
by which the right of communication between the two nations
upon terms of equality was established, and she was being
urged by British officials to legalize the traffic which she now
seemed powerless to prevent; the United States and France
had seized the opportunity to negotiate similar treaties, the
violation of which might become a casus belli. The last two
powers were not interested in, or favorable to, the legalization
of the opium traffic, but they were interested in the main-
tenance of legitimate commerce and they realized that this
could only be accomplished through the establishment of dip-
lomatic relations with Peking. Russia was also interested in
1 Chinese Repository, Vol. 12, p. 446.
2 Sir John F. Davis, "China During the War and Since the Peace," Vol. 2, p. 44.
THE NATIONS AND OPIUM 141
the project for she had missionaries in the Chinese
Capital. l
The treaties were soon a dead letter in China and so lightly
did that haughty nation value them that they were not for-
warded to Peking, but were found among the effects of the
viceroy when Canton was taken by the Allies in 1857. Lord
Elgin wrote that year: "It is notorious that every (Chinese)
statesman who has shown a disposition, since the Treaty of
1842 was concluded, to carry out its provisions faithfully in
this quarter, has been disgraced, and that rewards and honors
have been showered by the emperor on all who have pursued
an opposite policy."2
The immediate occasion for the second war between Eng-
land and China was the seizure by the latter government of
a smuggling lorcha, the "Arrow," which, while owned by
Chinese, had obtained a British register at Hong Kong and
when seized was flying the British flag. Canton was bom-
barded and captured by the combined British and French
forces.
The United States had already been invited to cooperate
with France and England in bringing pressure to bear upon
China to grant rights of embassy at Peking, the opening of
new treaty ports, a reduction in the tariff, religious toleration,
cooperation in the suppression of piracy and the extension
of the proposed treaty to all other civilized powers.3 Inasmuch
as these measures may fairly be said to contribute to the wel-
fare of the whole social order they offered a legitimate field
1 Prior to this time four treaties had been concluded between Russia and China:
(i) The Treaty of Nerchinsk, Aug. 27, 1689, fixing the boundary^ line, pro-
viding for passports and recognizing the principles of exterritoriality; (2)
The Treaty of Kiakhta, Oct. 24, 1727, refixing the boundary, providing for
trading expeditions to Peking once every three years, the establishment in
Peking of a Russian ecclesiastical mission, the method of diplomatic cor-
respondence and the treatment of fugitives; (3) a revision of the Treaty
of Kiakhta in 1858; (4) the Treaty of Kuldja, July 25, 1851.
2 Corres. Earl of Elgin's Special Missions to China and Japan, p. 21. British
Parl. Papers, 1859, sess. 2, Vol. 33.
8 36th Cong, ist Sess. Sen. ex. doc. 30, p. 7.
142 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
for international cooperation. The invitation of Great Britain
plainly involved the use of military force and this the United
States was unwilling to sanction. Secretary of State Cass, in
his instructions to William B. Reed, who was appointed en-
voy to China in 1857, said that he was to aid in the accom-
plishment of the aims of the Allies by peaceful cooperation.
Regarding the attitude of the United States to the opium
question he wrote: 'The effort of the Chinese Government
to prevent the importation and consumption of opium was a
praiseworthy measure, rendered necessary by the prevalent
use and terrible effects of that deleterious drug. . . . Upon
proper occasions, you will make known to the Chinese officers
with whom you may have communication that the govern-
ment of the United States does not seek for their citizens the
legal establishment of the opium trade, nor will it uphold them
in any attempt to violate the laws of China by the introduction
of that article into the country/'1
Upon Mr. Reed's arrival in China the envoys of the four
powers, England, France, Russia and the United States, fired
a documentary broadside at the dragon throne, demanding
compensations for losses, the righting of grievances and diplo-
matic representation at the Chinese capital.2 They stipu-
lated that they should be met at Shanghai before the end of
the succeeding month by envoys empowered to negotiate new
treaties or they would approach nearer the capital. The answer
was a refusal of the right to communicate with Peking. From
Shanghai the four envoys, with men-of-war, proceeded to the
mouth of the Peiho river where the demands were reiterated,
only to meet with refusal. England and France determined
to capture the Taku forts at the mouth of the river and en-
force their demands at Tientsin. The United States and
Russia did not participate in the hostilities, but their
1 Ibid., p. 7.
8 Ibid., p. 122 ff.
THE NATIONS AND OPIUM 143
plenipotentiaries accompained the others to Tientsin. Here,
at last, envoys were found whose powers were full enough to
enable them to negotiate treaties.
The first treaty to be signed was that with the United States
which established the right of our highest diplomatic repre-
sentative to correspond on terms of perfect equality and con-
fidence with the officers of the Privy Council at the capital,
and to visit and sojourn at Peking when occasion demanded,
not oftener than once a year. The next article stipulated that
more favorable terms touching residence of the embassy at
Peking secured by any other power should at once accrue to
the United States. England secured the right to maintain a
permanent embassy at the capital and to acquire the neces-
sary property.
No mention was made in the American treaty of opium,
although Article 33 of the former treaty expressly prohibited
any American from engaging in the trade. The reason for the
omission is given by Ambassador Reed: "In one of the few
interviews I have had with Lord Elgin he expresses the strong
wish that the word 'opium' should be omitted in the American
and Russian treaties. He seemed to think, and I thought
with some reason, that it was a reflection on England, who
derived a large revenue from the trade, and he assured me that
if I would accede to this he would not attempt to legalize the
trade by treaty, as he was instructed to do."1 To be sure the
English treaty did not mention opium, but according to Article
26, a revision of the tariff was to be agreed upon later and to
be made a part of the Treaty of Tientsin. Such a revision was
made about three months later at Shanghai. By that agree-
ment opium was removed from the list of contraband and
freely admitted upon the payment of a prescribed duty. S.
Wells Williams, who was secretary to Ambassador Reed, says:
"In this part of the negotiations the controlling power was
1 Ibid., p. 357.
144 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
properly left in the hands of the British, for their trade was
worth more than all others combined. They used this power
most selfishly, and fastened on the weak and distracted Empire
a veritable remora, which has gone on sucking its resources
without compunction or cessation."1
This action of Ambassador Reed in agreeing to the tariff
which legalized the opium traffic was not in conformity with
his instructions, nor consistent with his own estimate of the
situation: "The two wars with which China has been afflicted,
in 1 839 and 1 856, have been confessedly wars of injustice and
wrong; or, in other words, they were instances of the un-
scrupulous application of power under the influence of a sor-
did or sudden impulse, and one effect has been to impress
deeply upon these helpless heathens the idea that the power
of western nations is at hand, not for purposes of real justice,
but as a sort of permanent threat that, if any natural interest
be interfered with however illegitimate, this power will be
ruthlessly used to their destruction."2
After the Treaty of Tientsin, China was in the anomalous
position of legalizing the importation of a drug which it was
not legal for its people to use or handle. The imperial pro-
hibition was never abrogated and was to be renewed nearly
fifty years later under more favorable international circum-
stances. Four great nations of Christendom had been allied
in bringing pressure to bear upon her to join the glorious com-
pany of treaty powers and they had taken advantage of the
situation to negotiate a treaty which legalized a traffic which
outraged her moral sense, and all this because the British
government had a monopoly of Indian opium and wanted a
profitable market for her wares.
The United States extricated herself from complicity in the
traffic when, in 1880, she signed the Supplemental Treaty of
1 S.|Wells Williams, "The Middle Kingdom," p. 657.
8 36th Cong, ist sess., Sen. ex. doc. 30, p. 434.
THE NATIONS AND OPIUM 145
Peking, which prohibited her citizens from trading in opium
in China, expressly waiving the most favored nation clause in
this particular. Later, in 1887, this prohibition was made a
part of the .municipal law of the land by an Act of
Congress.
It is not for a moment to be supposed that the moral senti-
ment of England suffered the governmental policy, touching
the production and marketing of opium among an unwilling
people, to continue unchallenged or unrebuked. Troublesome
benevolent and missionary societies did not allow the vested
interests to indulge any delusion that they were engaged in a
philanthropic work. The revenue of India did not look well
when placed in the balances of Christian opinion against the
moral and physical degradation of a helpless nation. In 1874,
the Society for the Suppression of the Opium Trade was or-
ganized with the Earl of Shaftesbury as its first president.
Agitaton against the traffic was kept up until, in 1891, 3,352
petitions for the suppression of the opium trade, containing
192,106 signatures, were presented to Parliament and the
House of Commons passed a resolution that the system by
which Indian opium was raised was "morally indefensible.5'1
In 1893, the Queen appointed a Royal Opium Commission
which made an exhaustive study of the subject, both in Eng-
land and India. Its report, in 1895, was very disappointing
to the reformers and has the aspect of a defense of vested in-
terests. It held that "the use of opium in India should be
viewed in the same light as the use of alcohol in England. It
may be harmful, harmless or beneficial according to the measure
and discretion with which it is used." The almost unanimous
testimony of missionaries to the evils of opium was discounted
on the ground that, as total abstainers, they were not qualified
to testify as to its deleterious effects.2
1 Hansard, 352, p. 285.
2 Final Kept. Royal Opium Com., Vol. 6, p. 93.
146 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
Fate decreed that in 1 898, the United States was to become
a near neighbor of China and to assume, as a part of its re-
sponsibility in administering the affairs of the Philippine Is-
lands, the burden of dealing with the opium problem. Under
the Spanish regime it was unlawful for the Filipinos to use
opium, but resorts were licensed for Chinese patrons only.
The passing away of Spanish law resulted in a large increase
in the use of opium, not only by the Chinese but by the natives,
and some effective mdans were sought to suppress the traffic.
The proposition that the Philippine Commission farm out the
monopoly was strongly opposed and a committee of three was
appointed to visit Japan, Formosa, Upper Burma and Java,
to make investigations and to report their conclusions and
recommendations. The report, made June 15, 1904, recom-
mended a government monopoly until its total prohibition,
except for medicinal purposes, on March 1 , 1 908. * In accord-
ance with these recommendations Congress, in fixing the
tariff of the Philippines, provided that after March 1, 1908,
the importation of opium into the Islands, except for medicinal
purposes, should be absolutely prohibited.
The report of the Philippine Opium Commission was largely
circulated in China and revived the hopes of that people that
now, at length, with the help of England and other powers
she might concert measures for the suppression of the opium
traffic. This hope was strengthened by evidence that an aroused
public opinion in England was creating an atmosphere that
was becoming oppressive in the halls of Westminster. A great
falling off in the revenues from opium exported to China also
had its effect upon a certain type of mind.
Nor was China ignorant that the injustice of the situation
forced upon her was causing vigorous agitation in the United
States which was seeking an opportunity for mediation with
England. Such opportunity was thought to present itself at
1 59th Cong., ist Sess., Sen. ex. doc. 265.
THE NATIONS AND OPIUM 147
the close of the Boxer uprising when international interven-
tion was necessary to rescue the imperilled legations at Peking.
A petition, signed by the representatives of thirty-three mis-
sionary organizations at work in China, by college presidents
and commercial organizations, was presented to Congress, in
1 900, asking that in the revision of treaties which would likely
ensue the United States Government use its influence to secure
for China the right to exercise its police powers for the ex-
clusion of foreign opium. The measures were ineffective be-
cause the Boer War made it an inopportune time to press the
matter upon the attention of the British Government.
Another opportunity seemed to present itself when the fall
of Port Arthur was imminent in 1904. At that time the In-
ternational Reform Bureau revived the former petition and
secured a hearing before the State Department on November
10, at which various missionary, philanthropic and commercial
organizations advocated the leadership of the United States
in the promotion of international morality. That leadership
was to find expression two years later in the proposal for an
International Opium Commission.
It was under these favorable conditions that the famous
Chinese imperial rescript of September 20, 1906, was issued:
"Since the restrictions against the use of opium were removed,
the poison of this drug has practically permeated the whole of
China. The opium smoker wastes time and neglects work,
ruins his health and impoverishes his family, and the poverty
and weakness which for the past few decades have been daily
increasing amongst us are undoubtedly attributed to this cause.
To speak of this arouses our indignation, and, at a moment
when we are striving to strengthen the Empire, it behooves us
to admonish the people, that all may realize the necessity of
freeing themselves from these coils, and thus pass from sick-
ness unto health. It is hereby commanded that within a period
of ten years the evils arising from foreign and native opium be
148 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
equally and completely eradicated. Let the Government
Council frame such measures as may be suitable and necessary
for strictly forbidding the consumption of the drug and the
cultivation of the poppy, and let them submit their proposals
for our approval/*1
Two months before the promulgation of this edict, Bishop
Brent, of the Philippines, who had been a member of the Philip-
pine Opium Committee, wrote to President Roosevelt sug-
gesting some concerted action by the representatives of the
nations interested in the opium problem.2 The letter received
the endorsement of Secretary of War Taft, who had trans-
mitted the report of the Philippine Opium Committee to the
President, and Secretary of State Root entered into corres-
pondence on the subject with China, France, Germany, Great
Britain, Japan, the Netherlands and Portugal.3
The problem now entered upon its truly international stage.
There had been an international question to be resolved when,
in 1858, the Allies determined to force China to accord to all
nations the right of embassy and unfortunately, as we have
seen, with their success the legalized traffic in opium rode in
on the crupper. But the opium trade itself was not then, as
it now became, a truly international question. It was a treaty
matter in which the paramount interests of England dominated
the situation. It will appear more plainly, as we proceed, that
the interests of humanity as a whole were served by the co-
ordinated efforts, first of a few and then of all the civilized
nations.
Favorable replies were received from all the powers address-
ed. Sir Edward Grey, for Great Britain, made two valuable
suggestions. The first was, that instead of an international
conference, as proposed by the Secretary of State, an inter-
national commission should be held and, second, that prior
1 Peking Gazette, Sept. 20, 1906.
1 6ist Cong., 2d. Sess. Sen. doc. 377, p. 64.
8 6oth Cong., ist Sess. H. doc. 926.
THE NATIONS AND OPIUM 149
to the assembling of the commission each delegation should
make a thorough study of the subject of opium and other habit-
producing drugs within its own national domain. The dif-
ference between a conference and a commission lay in their
powers. In the former the plenipotentiaries would have the
power to commit their governments to the convention, or
resolutions adopted, subject to ratification, while in the latter
the conclusions would be suggestive only and without binding
effect. England was naturally sensitive upon the subject and
was unwilling to have her treaties with China come within the
purview of the delegates. Earl Grey said that England was
willing to consider means for diminishing the opium habit if
the Chinese Government intended to restrict the output of
the native product, otherwise it would be useless for England
to sacrifice her Indian revenues only to increase the profits of
Chinese poppy-growers.1 The International Opium Com-
mission was accordingly called to meet at Shanghai, February,
1909.
In accordance with the Chinese prohibitory edict of 1906,
a series of regulations was promulgated and designed to ex-
tinguish the opium traffic in ten years. These regulations
provided for a survey of the poppy fields under cultivation
with the intent to reduce the acreage by one-ninth each year
for nine years. Permits were to be issued to habitual users
(estimated to number about a hundred million) which would
enable them to buy opium in decreasing quantities until a
prescribed time limit for giving up the drug entirely was reach-
ed by each. Officials and literati were to be dealt with severely
on account of their example and if they persisted in the use of
the drug were to lose their positions and diplomas. All opium
dens were to be closed in six months and opium to be purchas-
able only at licensed shops which were to make annual reports.
Opium remedies were to be sold at a low, fixed price or given
1 China Papers, No. I, Brit. Parl. Papers, 1908, Vol. 125.
150 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
away. The formation of anti-opium societies was to be en-
couraged and a campaign of education conducted. Negotia-
tions were to be entered into with the opium-producing coun-
tries looking to the reduction of the exportation of opium into
China pari passu with her reduction of the cultivation of the
poppy.1
In conformity with this latter regulation the Chinese Minister
transmitted, January 25, 1907, to Sir Edward Grey, from the
Wai-wu Pu, or Chinese Foreign Office, a proposal that each
year the export of opium from India be reduced one-tenth,
looking to its complete cessation in ten years, that a Chinese
official be stationed at Calcutta to watch the exports of opium
and that the duty on Indian opium be doubled. Inasmuch as
the claim had often been made by the apologists for the Indian
policy that China was not sincere in her efforts to stop the im-
portation of opium, it was quite natural that England should
wish to satisfy herself of China's sincerity. The agreement
was entered into in 1907, for three years with the understand-
ing that if China made suitable progress in reducing the area
of poppy cultivation the agreement would be extended to the
remaining seven years.2
Reports from British officials in China charged to investi-
gate the success of China's campaign left no doubt in the minds
of the British Foreign Office that she was deadly in earnest.3
Succeeding edicts strengthened the first one and, in 1908, an
imperial commission was appointed to take effective measures
to enforce the prohibition against opium smoking among of-
ficials and as a result many mandarins lost their buttons. So
in 191 1, England agreed to progressively reduce the export of
opium until it should be extinguished in 1917. It further
agreed that Indian opium should not be conveyed to any prov-
ince of China, that, prior to that time, shall have effectively
1 Brit. For. Office, China Papers, No. I, 1908.
2 Ibid.
3 British For. Office, China Papers, No. I, 1909.
THE NATIONS AND OPIUM 151
suppressed the cultivation and importation of native opium.1
Of this agreement Hamilton Wright says in his report of the
International Opium Commission: "The agreement of 1907,
between Great Britain and China, and the modification of that
agreement of May 8, 191 1 , is perhaps the finest example of the
comity of nations recorded in modern times. After a contro-
versy sustained for over 100 years both parties to the Indo-
Chinese opium trade have determined upon the gradual and
effectual suppression of that trade, and one of them — China —
has agreed, and has so far most effectively carried out its agree-
ment, to suppress an internal production of opium six times
greater than the foreign traffic in the drug."2
The International Opium Commission3 convened in Shang-
hai, February 1 , 1 909. There were representatives from Austria-
Hungary, China, France, Germany, Great Britain, Italy,
Japan, Netherlands, Persia, Portugal, Russia, Siam and the
United States. These powers were felt to have peculiar in-
terests in the problem because of relations with the Far East.
But later, when an international conference was held which
proposed conventions which should have the force of inter-
national law, it became apparent that all nations must co-
operate in any regulations that would be effective.
Each delegation to the commission submitted a report of
its investigations upon the problem in its own state. In this
way a world-wide view of the question was afforded the Com-
mission. Any narrower view of a question will not permit of
an international solution, that is, one having in view the in-
terests of the whole social order. It would be reasonable to
expect that the conclusions and recommendations of the in-
ternational commission would be quite different from those
of the ex parte Royal Opium Commission of 1 895, which viewed
the question in the light of British advantage.
1 British Treaty Series, 1911, No. 13.
1 62nd Cong., 2d Sess., Sen. doc. 733, p. 24.
3 Report International Opium Commission, 2 vols.
152 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
While the commission was restricted in its powers to "recog-
nizing," "finding," "recommending" and so on, it set forth
some pretty plain implications as to international duty. It
"found" that nearly every country represented had a system
of regulating the opium traffic inclining to increasingly severe
measures. The implied duty was so plain that the commission
did not find it necessary to record it: if the principal powers
of the world find it right and expedient to prohibit the impor-
tation of opium it is their duty to assist a weaker nation to
maintain its defenses against the drug.
The Commission also found that each government repre-
sented had strict laws against the smuggling of opium into its
territory. They expressed the judgment that reasonable
measures should be adopted to prevent the export of opium
to a country prohibiting its importation. That is tantamount
to saying that a nation that wishes to be considered inter-
nationally moral should not permit a sister nation to be de-
bauched by that against which it protects its own citizens. If
China wished to exclude opium it was morally wrong for any
nation to export the drug to China while excluding it from its
own shores. It reminds us of the words of Commissioner Lin
in 1839, "Why do you bring to our land opium which in your
land is not used?"
The gist of the nine resolutions of the Commission are as
follows: (1) recognizes the sincerity of China in her anti-opium
struggle; (2) recommends suppressive legislation in every land;
(3) urges governments to re-examine their systems of regula-
tion in the light of the experience of other nations; (4) avers
it to be the duty of each government to prevent the export of
opium to prohibiting countries; (5) urges drastic measures
against the spread of the morphine habit; (6) expresses the
advisability of a scientific study of anti-opium remedies and
of the effects of opium and its derivatives; (7) urges the clos-
ing of all opium divans in foreign concessions in China; (8)
THE NATIONS AND OPIUM 153
recommends cooperation with Chinese authorities to prohibit
the manufacture of anti-opium remedies containing opium or
its derivatives; (9) recommends an extension of the national
pharmacy laws to subjects doing business in China.
The International Opium Commission, because of its limited
powers and the few governments participating, did not exhibit
a full degree of international cooperation. But it did express
a willingness upon the part of the powers most concerned to
confer with each other upon a subject of considerable delicacy,
and to seek some solution in the light of world conditions.
This was an encouraging manifestation of the spirit of inter-
nationalism.
The Commission voiced sound principles of international
conduct and kept in the foreground international duties rather
than national rights. It suggested measures by which coordi-
nation might be attained by the various nations in their deal-
ings with the subject. The findings of the Commission indi-
cated the probability that a formally constituted internationa
conference could adopt a convention which would be ratified
by the various governments. The Commission therefore pre-
pared the way for the calling of an international conference
and suggested the line along which cooperative action was
likely to move.
On September 1, 1909, the United States, through its State
Department again addressed the powers represented at the
International Opium Commission relative to the calling of a
conference to conventionalize the recommendations of that
Commission. All the governments except Austria-Hungary
and Turkey approved the plan. Great Britain expressed the
desire that cognizance should be taken of the problem pre-
sented by the rapid spread of the use of morphine and cocaine.
She also said she would not discuss her treaty arrangements
with China.
154 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
The First International Opium Conference met at the Hague,
December 1, 1912. 1 All the powers represented at the Opium
Commission sent envoys except Austria-Hungary. The prin-
ciple of international conduct, which had been enunciated at
Shanghai, relative to the duty of a nation not to export a com-
modity to another nation not wishing it, was established as a
principle of international law. It is now settled, therefore, that
when a nation declares that a certain commodity may not be
imported within her territory it is the duty of every other
nation, which acknowledges the obligation of international
law, to prohibit its nationals from exporting said commodity
to that country. The emphasis in the new internationalism
is being laid upon duties rather than upon rights. Vattel said:
"Every state has a right to prohibit the entrance of foreign
merchandise: and the nations that are affected by such pro-
hibition have no right to complain of it, as if they had been re-
fused an office of humanity."2 The newer point of view is:
It is the duty of every state to prohibit its citizens from en-
gaging in a traffic with another state which contravenes the
laws of that state. This is not a derogation from the sovereignty
of the state, but an acknowledgement that there are other
sovereign states whose laws must limit the freedom of its own
citizens.
Without taking up the articles in detail it may be said that
they commit the nations who shall ratify them to undertake
effective measures for the suppression of opium, morphine,
cocaine and other habit-forming drugs, for other than medicinal
purposes, prohibiting or regulating foreign and domestic com-
merce in the same. Chapter 4, provides for cooperation with
China in her efforts to suppress the traffic in opium, morphine
and cocaine.
Here, then, were the plenipotentiaries from twelve of the
1 62nd Cong., 2d Sess. Sen. doc. 733.
2 Vattel, "The Law of Nations," (Chitty's ed.), p. 38.
THE NATIONS AND OPIUM 155
leading states of the world who had formulated and signed a
convention whose aim was the total suppression of opium and
other habit-forming drugs for other than medicinal purposes.
They were convinced that nothing short of the cooperation of
all the powers of the world would render their work effective.
The abstention of any nation would render nugatory the ef-
fects of the convention, for that country might become the
base for the supply of the drugs which the other nations, for
moral reasons, had agreed to suppress. The question was how
to accomplish the universalization of the project. The measure
adopted was novel in international procedure. An article was
adopted by which the other thirty-four powers were to be in-
vited to sign the anti-opium pledge, ratification by the signa-
tory powers being made contingent upon the result. The
Netherlands' Government was to correspond with the nations
not represented at the conference and it was understood that
the United States would use its influence to secure the ad-
herence of the Latin- American republics. Accordingly, the
Department of State instructed its diplomatic representatives
to present to those republics arguments why they should co-
operate in this important measure affecting world morals. The
success of the United States in securing the promises of all but
one of the American States to sign the convention speaks well
for the solidarity of the western nations which has been fostered
for several years by the Pan American Union. It was further
agreed that if all the powers had not signed by December 1,
1912, the Netherlands' Government was to invite the signa-
tory powers to send delegates to a second conference at the
Hague to examine into the possibility of nevertheless deposit-
ing their ratifications.
The failure to secure the adherence of some twelve states
was the occasion for the calling of the Second International
Opium Conference which met at the Hague, July 1, 1913.
156 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
Before taking up the problem of the second conference men-
tion should be made of the action taken by Great Britain where-
by she freed herself from all complicity in the Chinese trade.
On May 7, 1913, a resolution was introduced into the House
of Commons again declaring the Indo-Chinese opium trade
to be "morally indefensible*' and calling upon the government
to release China from her treaty obligation to admit the Indian
drug, thus anticipating by four years the date at which China,
according to the "ten-year agreement," should be free from
importations from India. During the debate which followed,
Under-Secretary of State Montague announced that India had
abandoned the revenue derived from the sale of opium to China
and, should China prove to be sincere in her efforts, no more
opium would be sold to her. Thus ended, as far as the govern-
ment was concerned, a trade which had existed since the British
occupation of India in 1 767. 1
The problem before the second conference was how to secure
the cooperation of the states which had not measured up to
their international responsibility. An analysis of the situa-
tion was made and it was found that Austria-Hungary, Nor-
way and Sweden had held back under a misunderstanding that
adhesion required immediate changes in their municipal law
which they were not ready to make. Switzerland took the
ground that her position, as a non-opium producing country,
could make no difference either way. Turkey and Greece alone
declined to sign — Turkey for financial reasons, Greece assign-
ing no reason. Three states sent no reply — Montenegro, Servia
and Peru. Bulgaria and Uruguay had promised to sign but
had failed to do so, and Rumania was unable to state her
position.
It was plain that here was a chance for some missionary work
upon the part of those nations that were convinced of the
1 Hansard, H. C. Deb. 55. p. 2150 ff.
THE NATIONS AND OPIUM 157
righteousness of the cause. The number of converts had grown
from twelve to thirty-four, and of the twelve delinquents
only two had refused to sign. So there was good reason
to believe that with such moral suasion as might be
exerted upon sovereign states the action might be made
unanimous. During the session of the conference Peru
signified her adherence. This added moral weight inasmuch as
it had been felt that her reluctance to sign had been due to the
fact that the coca leaves, from which cocaine is extracted, are
principally grown in that country. Thus America stood solidly
for the convention of 1912.
At the time of writing all the powers had signed the con-
vention, except Austria-Hungary, Greece, Servia and Turkey.
In February, 1915, the United States Minister to the Nether-
lands deposited the ratification of the United States.
The ratification of the Opium Convention of January, 1912,
by the powers involves the passage by each of suitable legisla-
tion to carry out the intentions of the convention. The United
States performed this part of its duty by the passage of two
bills which were approved January 17, 1914.
It will be of great encouragement to reform agencies to re-
flect how agitation in a great moral cause, which at the time
may seem futile, may ripen into international measures of
universal scope. No moral problem is capable of a purely
national solution. Agitation is at first generally carried on by
a comparatively small number of enthusiasts and idealists,
generally designated as "cranks," whose views are denounced
as impractical by those whose ears are filled with the clamor
of the market place. When a strong enough sentiment has been
aroused to call for governmental action it is found that such
is the intimate relation between states, owing to the marvelous
growth of the means of communication, that effective measures
cannot be attained short of international cooperation. What
is true of moral measures is coming to be increasingly true of
158 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
economic and social measures. Hence the interest in inter-
nationalism as the ultimate stage of all problems which affect
the general welfare.
It is a matter of congratulation that the United States led
in this, as she has in other measures of international comity.
She proposed the coming together of twelve nations to discuss
the opium question. These twelve nations formulated measures
for the suppression of the traffic which have been adopted with-
out modification by all the principal powers of the world, es-
tablishing the principle that it is the duty of each nation to
prevent its nationals from disregarding the prohibitions of
another nation touching articles of import. And the adoption
by the nations of the canons of these twelve apostles of inter-
national morality is destined to carry into the municipal law
of every land penalties for engaging in a commerce which was
once condoned and defended.
This may be some atonement for the wrongs inflicted upon
China, and the redemption of the world from the trammels of
the opium curse may be credited in no small degree to that non-
Christian, but not non-moral country.
CHAPTER XI.
PRINCIPLES AND CONCLUSIONS
In the foregoing chapters we have studied the beginnings
of a movement that is growing in proportions and significance
each year. Before this particular mode of human activity was
possible in any large degree it was necessary that the world
should be discovered and delimited and that communication
should be possible between the men of every race and clime.
These results were accomplished by a neighborhood of Euro-
pean states so nearly equal in power that they became units
capable of cooperating when the necessity or advantage be-
came apparent. The changes wrought by modern inventions
in the production and exchange of nations, caused a division
of labor and an interdependence upon a world scale undreamt
of in the days of national economic self-sufficiency. The
nations were forced to recognize the necessity of cooperation
even from the purely individualistic point of view.
We have seen what a unifying effect the theory of evolution
gave to scientific thinking and how an awakened religious
conscience sent men everywhere to hunt out the spiritually
needy and bring them within the reach of a religion that teaches
the unity of the race and the behoof of human brotherhood.
We have confronted a bewildering array of conferences,
congresses, associations, and other manifestations of the inter-
national life of the world. These cannot all be of equal value
from the point of view of the benefits which the growth of
internationalism seems likely to confer upon the human race.
They must represent different degrees of approach to what
may be considered as ideal or normal internationalism. The
question naturally arises, What are the elements in that form
of cooperation which we call internationalism which
160 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
distinguish it from other movements for material or moral bet-
terment? Upon what principles can we determine whether
a collective or organized activity is entitled to be considered
as a mode or manifestation of internationalism?
Normal internationalism may be said to contain three ele-
ments, (1) equality of status, (2) fullness of participation and
(3) universality of interest. It will thus appear that inter-
nationalism is both qualitatively and quantitatively deter-
mined. Any form of collective activity which contains these
elements may be said to be a mode of internationalism, and
its approach to normal internationalism is measured by the
proportions in which these three elements are present. It
will be convenient to discuss these elements in the form of
principles.
1 . The Agents must cooperate upon a basis of equality. This
is indeed implied in the very notion of cooperation. As touches
the relationship of states the principle is fundamental. Only
sovereign states are considered capable of entering into treaty
relations and only such participate in international confer-
ences. "A state is sovereign, from the point of view of the
law of nations, when it is independent of every other state in
the exercise of its international rights externally, and in the
manner in which it lives and governs itself internally."1 In
an international conference the smallest state stands upon an
equal footing with the largest. "Russia and Geneva have
equal rights."
China's refusal to have any intercourse with the other nations
of the world, except upon the basis of their acknowledged in-
feriority, was a practical denial of the doctrine of sovereignty.
There could be no full and complete internationalism as long
as any nation assumed such an attitude. So the Allies con-
sidered themselves justified, in 1858, in using force to secure
from China the admission of equality of status for all the
1 J. B. Moore, "Digest of International Law," Vol. i, p. 18.
PRINCIPLES AND CONCLUSIONS 161
powers. Since that episode China has acknowledged the obli-
gations of international law and has taken her place in many
international conferences.
It is not possible to enter into a discussion of the sovereignty
of states, but some questions affecting internationalism thrust
themselves forward. There are some fifty states and princi-
palities, large and small, that are accepted as free and inde-
pendent, capable of entering into negotiations with other
powers and of taking part in an international conference.
These are the nations which are capable of cooperating upon
a basis of equality. While internationalism, as far as its of-
ficial conferences are concerned, is limited, by the unwritten
political constitution of the world, to independent states, there
is a spirit about it that chafes under political conventionalities
and the demands of etymological accuracy. In one of its mani-
festations it is cooperation between sovereign nations, but is
it therefore settled that there are not large and important
political groups, outside the pale of the admittedly indepen-
dent states, whose racial solidarity or geographical situation
entitle them to participation in world councils and whose co-
operation seems to be demanded to round out a full measure
of the international life of the world? Canada, India, Aus-
tralasia, Cape Colony and other portions of the British Em-
pire take no part in international conferences at which Cuba
and Monaco, Luxemburg and Liberia have equal rights with
the envoys of Great Britain, who sign conventions for and in
behalf of her colonies and protectorates. Egypt lacks a de-
gree of independence which would give her a seat at the council
board. The former kingdoms of Finland and Poland have no
voice.
When we recollect what part the vicissitudes of war and
political fortune have played in the independence or subordi-
nation of peoples which seem to possess the characteristics of
nationality, we do not feel at all confident that the whole
human race is so nicely distributed within the half-hundred
162 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
independent states that there is even an approximation to
representative participation in a world project. This is not
saying that leadership must not remain with the enlightened
and advanced nations of the world, or that the attainment of
an internationalism that shall be thoroughly representative of
all races and political groups of the world must not be gradual.
But there are no grounds for congratulating ourselves that we
have attained a full measure of internationalism when those
nations which are recognized to-day as sovereign unite in a
project. There are many political and racial groups that are
still in their childhood and are not capable of becoming in-
dependent states. For such, internationalism should mean
the assistance of the strong nations to self-help and self-ex-
pression— not to exploitation and condemnation to a state of
helpless and hopeless dependency.
There are indications of a growth in international morality
and a disposition on the part of nations to assume the obliga-
tions which close association in a practically frontierless world
plainly imposes. It is coming to be recognized that even the
doctrine of national sovereignty has its limitations. No one
holds today that any nation has the right to do anything it
pleases regardless of the rights of others. It would be physi-
cally impossible for a nation to live in absolute seclusion to-
day. The day of hermit nations has passed. Finding itself
in a society of states with equal rights it must admit such a
modification of the doctrine of sovereignty as a peaceful
life with its neighbors requires. National individualism is as
unsocial and anarchistic in its effects as individualism in
persons.
There was a clear recognition of the demands of international
morality in the Opium Convention of 1912, which laid down
the principle that a government must not permit its nationals
to ship from its shores to another country any commodity to
which that other nation refuses entrance at its ports. So it
cannot be maintained with rigor that a sovereign nation is
PRINCIPLES AND CONCLUSIONS 163
"independent of every other state in the exercise of its inter-
national rights externally." And even the way it "lives and
governs itself internally" is affected by the acts of international
conferences in which it has participated and which involve
changes in, or additions to, its municVpfel law.
There have been several attempts to deal with qu^tions
affecting the conditions of the child-races that show an ap-
preciation of international duty on the part of the strong
nations. One of the first questions of a broad character that
was discussed in a council of nations was the African slave
trade. Later the question of the importation of arms and
alcohol into Africa received the attention of the same powers.
The opium question involved international justice to a nation
struggling against heavy odds to free itself from a habit that
was rapidly destroying its people.
The principle of equality of status was violated in the at-
tempt to establish a Confederation of Europe following the
Congress of Vienna, in 1815. At the Conference of Troppau,
in 1820, Austria, Prussia and Russia signed a protocol declar-
ing that "states which have undergone a change of govern-
ment due to revolution, the results of which threaten other
states, ipso facto cease to be members of the European Al-
liance, and remain excluded from it until their situation gives
guaranties for legal order and stability. If, owing to such
alterations, immediate danger threatens other states, the
Powers bind themselves, by peaceful means, or if need be by
arms, to bring the guilty state into the bosom of the Great
Alliance." That is, these three powers constituted themselves
a committe on the credentials of sovereign states and passed
a rule by which they might exclude from the society of equals
any nation whose form of government did not satisfy them as
meeting the requirements of "legitimacy." Great Britain, who
was represented at the conference, declined to take part in the
"creation of a species of general government in Europe, with
164 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
a superintending Directory, destructive of all correct notions
of internal sovereignty."1
When we come to the consideration of the principle of
equality of status as regards unofficial, or private congresses
we find that i-V^e ar£ more apt to be representative of all
national Croups than tne official, for membership and status
a~ determined by interest in the particular project and not
by political distinctions. The representative of a national
group is not debarred because his state does not enjoy com-
plete independence. To secure the broadest results in any
collective activity it is essential that all who take part in a
congress have equal rights. Any abrogation of this principle
prevents a near approach to normal internationalism.
2. Participation must be open to all those who have life in"
terests, and must be general. The highest degree of participa-
tion is that in which every national group is represented. This
may be termed omni-nationality, to use a word suggested by
M. Paul Otlet.2 In the realm of official conferences this de-
gree has been attained by the Universal Postal Union which
has the adherence of all the sovereign states. Omni-nation-
ality may be attained gradually by the subsequent adherence
of powers which were not represented when the original pro-
ject was formed by a comparatively small number of nations.
The Latin-American republics were not represented at the
First Hague Conference, but later they signified their accept-
ance of its principles. They took official part in the Second
Hague Conference. The twelve powers which took part in
the First Opium Conference saw that the effectiveness of the
measures concerted for the suppression of the traffic in opium,
and other habit-producing drugs, depended upon their adoption
by all the other powers. Accordingly steps were taken to secure
the adherence of the remaining thirty-four states.
There may be full participation without omni-nationality
1 Cambridge Modern History, Vol. 10, pp. 27-29.
9 Annuaire de la Vie Internationale, 1908-9, p. 38.
PRINCIPLES AND CONCLUSIONS 165
when there is free cooperation between all who are interested
in any particular project which, from its very nature, is limited
to a comparatively small number of national groups. When
the phylloxera was destroying the vines of Europe in the late
70's an international conference was called to adopt means to
exterminate the pest. In this conference twelve vine-growing
countries took part. The limited scope of a project of course
affects the quality of its internationalism, as will be shown in
considering the next principle, but as far as fullness of par-
ticipation was concerned the Phylloxera Conference probably
fulfilled the requirements of internationalism. Participation
as wide as the interests involved is demanded.
Participation by other nations in a project of general in-
terest may be stimulated by those powers which have led a
movement. When the success or failure of the measures pro-
posed by the First Opium Conference seemed to turn upon
general cooperation by all the powers, it was not thought suf-
ficient to simply invite them to sign the convention, but efforts
were made through diplomatic channels to urge upon their
attention cogent arguments why they should give their ad-
herence to a matter of such vital interest to a large proportion
of the human race. Peru was urged, in the interests of inter-
national good morals, to take a stand which seemed to be op-
posed to her own selfish interests. Moreover, Switzerland's
position, that inasmuch as she had no opium problem to deal
with, her adherence was a matter of indifference to the cause,
was shown to be not well taken. Both these countries were
persuaded to sign the convention. This reveals an educational
side to internationalism even within diplomatic circles which,
while necessarily quite limited, is nevertheless of value. It
suggests some possibilities of international diplomatic mis-
sionary work which are interesting.
In the domain of unofficial congresses and associations the
approach to normal internationalism is to be similarly de-
termined. If the aim of an organization be to associate all
166 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
groups pursuing the same end, without distinction as to na-
tionality or race, it possesses a high degree of internationalism.
Those who restrict their cooperative efforts to a small number
of nations possess a low degree of internationalism. There are
some associations on this side of the Atlantic whose only claim
to the title "international" is in the fact that they have a mem-
bership both in the United States and Canada. The same
limitations apply to some European organizations. Anything
"pertaining to or mutually affecting two or more nations" may
properly be said to be"international," but it is not necessarily
a mode of internationalism. A bridge across Niagara River is
an international bridge, but can hardly be said to be an ex-
ample of internationalism. On the other hand, the lighthouse
on Cape Spartel, in the Straits of Gibraltar, is a manifestation
of internationalism, for, in 1865, eleven powers signed a con-
vention to cooperate with Morocco in its maintenance.
A glance at the chart on page 70 will show how far short of
full participation some questions of very general interest fall.
3. The end aimed at must be universal, that is, in the interests
of the whole social order. This does not mean that every move-
ment which merits consideration as a mode of internationalism
must envisage the entire interest of humanity. That would,
of course, be an absurdity. But its aim should be such that,
within the range of activity which the organization has set for
itself, the interests of society in general, both within and with-
out the bounds of race and nation, would be served. The
sphere of activity may be very restricted, but the aim must
be universal within that sphere. A very commonplace example
may make the meaning clear.
In 191 1 , there was organized in Copenhagen the International
Association for the Extermination of the Rat. Now the rat
plays a very minor role in the whole social order. Yet the
association would show a high degree of internationalism if
its cooperative efforts should reach every rat-infested country
so effectively that the bubonic plague should be suppressed
PRINCIPLES AND CONCLUSIONS 167
and the loss of property and life through fire caused by rats
should be prevented. The universality in this case would
reach the whole situation as far as the rat is concerned.
There have been many international conferences upon
'questions of a local or particular interest. For example, na-
tions interested in certain systems of coinage have formed
monetary unions. There is a Scandinavian Monetary Union
of three members, a Latin Union of five countries, while the
five Central American states have a similar union. These are
all local. But interests of a much broader nature were repre-
sented at the four International Monetary Conferences held
between 1865 and 1892.
The policing of the fishing waters of the North Sea, which
was undertaken by six powers in 1 882, concerns a smaller por-
tion of mankind than the task of the Permanent International
Council for the Exploration of the Sea in which eight nations,
including the United States, have a part.
Certain technical questions connected with the operation
of railways upon the continent have drawn seventeen powers
into the Unite technique des chemins defer. But the Inter-
national Railway Congress, which has held eight congresses
and maintains a permanent bureau at Brussels, represents a
much wider interest, although it is an unofficial congress.
On this side the Atlantic there are international unions to
advance particular interests. The Pan-American Union is
formed of American republics which are presumed to have
mutual interests to be conserved. Another union, still more
restricted in its scope, is that of the five Central American
states.
These official conferences and unions, which are limited in
their interests and membership, must be considered to ap-
proach less nearly to ideal internationalism than such organi-
zations as the Universal Postal Union, the Universal Tele-
graphic Union, the Universal Sanitary Union and the Inter-
national Geodedic Association.
168 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
The multitude of unofficial congresses and associations
represent all degrees of internationalism from the lowest to
the highest. While many of them are narrow in their scope
and limited in their membership, yet taken altogether they
present remarkable evidence of the proportions which the
international life of the world has attained.
What of the future growth of internationalism? Has it
exhibited any tendencies which enable us to form a judgment
as to what its growth will mean to the human race? Does it
promise a fuller measure of self-realization to the life of the
world?
We need not expect to find any tendencies in international-
ism that are distinct from those observable throughout the
world to-day. It is simply the life of the world showing above
the fences. It is the aggregate of all the interests of thousands
of groups distributed through all nations, each striving to at-
tain the ultimate and universal in its own sphere. So the ten-
dencies which internationalism may exhibit cannot be very
different from the tendencies of life nearer the ground, so to
speak.
1. Internationalism leads away from absolutism towards
democracy. Absolutism stays itself upon authority. Inter-
nationalism does not concern itself with the "legitimacy" of
any form of government if it be capable of cooperating to ad-
vance the general good. It germinated in those steamy days
of unrest when men were questioning the grounds of legitimacy
and were seeking to establish authority on something more*
substantial than patents of nobility and accidents of birth.
The effort, in the early decades of the nineteenth century, to
establish peaceful relations in Europe by the grace of three
"holy" powers, pledged to suppress the rising tide of consti-
tutionalism and democracy, was a failure. It had not yet
been learned that the cooperation which was to advance world-
unity and peace was not only quantitatively but also qualita-
tively different from secret treaties and diplomatic cabals
PRINCIPLES AND CONCLUSIONS 169
from which the people were excluded. Absolutism arranged
the foreign affairs of a state to meet the needs of a royal ex-
chequer, the interests of a dynasty, the whims of a monarch
or his mistress. It had been a great shock to absolutism in
Europe when a band of sans culottes in Paris had touched the
holy ark entrusted to the hands of the ministries for foreign
affairs. What the growth in constitutionalism, so much feared
by Metternich and the Holy Alliance, meant for absolutism
could hardly be missed inasmuch as the experiment of admit-
ting the people to a voice in foreign affairs had been so con-
spicuously successful in the case of the American republic
whose Constitution provided that all treaties with foreign
powers should be made by the President "by and with the
advice and consent of the Senate," and that the declaration
and conduct of war were functions of Congress alone. In con-
stitutional England the accountability of the office of foreign
affairs to the people of England "in Commons" was clearly
expressed by Secretary Canning in words already quoted.1
In marked contrast to the traditions of secret diplomacy
are the conferences held by the powers to-day. The questions
proposed for discussion are generally submitted to each govern-
ment months, and sometimes years, before the assembling of
the envoys. This gives time for the crystallization of public
opinion on the subject which has undoubted weight in the
decisions of the conference. Furthermore, it is demanded
to-day that the proceedings of an international conference be
made public.2 Nations are coming to scrutinize the public
acts of their envoys and foreign offices. The world at large
is no less critical of the position which any individual nation
takes in questions affecting the general welfare of the world.
The trend, therefore, is away from absolutism and bureaucracy
towards democracy under the strong feeling that public of-
ficials and foreign ministers are accountable to the people for
1 Supra, p. 25
1 Supra, p. 64
170 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
the policies they support and the adherence they give or with-
hold from measures which an enlightened public opinion hold
to be for the good of society.
2. Internationalism tends to be more and more concerned
with the higher interests of mankind. The first thing a nation
has to fight for is its domain. So the early congresses were
largely to settle boundaries and to determine status. When a
nation is firmly established within its domain it can treat with
its neighbors on such questions as the use and control of bound-
ary rivers.
When its borders are crossed by railways and telegraph
lines and its nationals engage in enterprises making use of the
high seas, such as fishing, navigation and the laying of sub-
marine cables, it finds it necessary to agree with other nations
as to the control and regulation of these in the interests of the
world's business. Then, too, it finds that the health of its
people and protection against plagues that destroy man, beast
and plant can only be secured through measures concerted
with other nations. The expanding business of its nationals
demands freer scope and enlarged facilities. So it joins with
others in the establishment of a universal postal system, the
standardization of weights, measures and time, the measure-
ment of the earth's surface and the exploration of the sea, the
publication of customs' tariffs, the exchange of official docu-
ments, the protection of industrial, artistic and literary prop-
erty by international copyright and patent. Matters of mutual
interest between nations were formerly settled by treaty, and
the most favored nation clause was an attempt to establish
some sort of uniformity. Now matters which affect many or
all nations are gathered together in agreements or conventions
in which the participation of all nations concerned is invited.
When the premises were once established that the growing
oneness of the world from a commercial and sanitary point of
view demanded international cooperation it was not difficult
to argue that social and moral questions must seek the same
PRINCIPLES AND CONCLUSIONS 171
solution. So the African slave trade was finally abolished and
the importation of firearms and alcohol into the Dark Conti-
nent regulated. Measures were adopted looking to the sup-
pression of the white slave traffic and the circulation of
obscene literature. The need of legislation to protect the work-
ing classes against dangerous employments and processes
received the attention of the powers. One of the earliest con-
cerns of international conferences was the mitigation of the
evils of war and the definition of the rights of neutrals. Then
the hope of the settlement of international disputes by arbi-
tration was stimulated by the Hague Conferences. A long
step forward in the establishment of an international ethical
standard was taken in the Opium Conference of 1912.
The earlier conferences were largely engaged in the establish-
ment of rights, the later in the adjustment of national life to
the demands of international duties and obligations. This
seems to justify the hope that even in the official international
life of the world the moral and spiritual interests of mankind
will have a larger attention and, under the influence of a grow-
ing world-consciousness, the dependent and backward peoples
of the world will experience the force of an international brother-
hood which narrow and selfish nationalism denied them.
In the domain of the unofficial congresses the spiritualizing
tendencies are even more marked. There is no plan for the
betterment of mankind that has not its international expression.
3. Internationalism seeks to establish permanent relations
between all interested in advancing the material and moral better-
ment of mankind. Many of the earlier congresses were ephe-
meral. The representatives met, exchanged views and sepa-
rated without any definite organization for continuing the
work. Many of the congresses which came together under the
somewhat artificial stimulus of the early world's fairs funct-
ioned but once and then ceased to exist. But the tendency
towards permanency will be seen by examining the list of con-
gresses and conferences given in the appendix and noting how
172 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
many of them have bureaus or some other form of continua-
tion agency to render the work of the group permanent, cumu-
lative and therefore efficient. Many of these bodies have fixed
headquarters with a salaried staff. Berne, Brussels, the Hague
and Paris are the favorite cities for such headquarters.
The fact that there are now so many international unions
composed of states has stimulated the hope that the nations
are moving rapidly towards world federation. This idea is
particularly attractive to Americans who point to the federa-
tion of the forty-eight states of the Union and ask whether the
federative tendencies of internationalism may not eventually
result in a world union. The establishment of the Hague
Tribunal and the increasing favor with which the project for
international arbitration has been received everywhere have
done much to stimulate this hope. It is hardly the time, when
the nations of Europe are at war and the minds of men are con-
fused with the strife, to make any bold predictions as to the
success of future attempts at world federation.
There are conditions favorable to federation in the United
States which do not obtain in the world at large. The langu-
age, the legal system, the educational ideals of the original
states were an English heritage which has passed on to nearly
all the succeeding states and the cosmopolitan population
which has spread from sea to sea has been moulded into a
national homogeneity under the influence of these ideals. The
federation of forty-eight states, however varied their geogra-
phical features, with a homogeneous population, speaking the
same language, is a far different matter from the federation
of nations speaking different languages, with varying national
ideals, possessing different degrees of culture and composed of
different races. What we are called upon to do in this study is
to note the tendency of the various activities we have reviewed
to unify the life of the world, and make a larger degree of co-
operation possible in the future. The need of an international
language is recognized in the various attempts to create a
PRINCIPLES AND CONCLUSIONS 173
practical auxiliary language. But the situation in this regard
is not very hopeful. Some progress has been made towards har-
monizing the legal systems of the various states and remedying
the conflict of laws. A body of international law has been ac-
cumulated, but with no power to enforce it. The educational
systems of the world tend toward unification. Much inter-
national business is now carried on by means of successful
unions supported by a large number of states. Racial preju-
dices are being softened through contact and association is
increasing in many different ways. But the divisive force of
a narrow nationalism still powerfully operates in the world
and the subject which engages the attention of the world to-
day is how to bring about a lasting peace in Europe. It is the
same question which agitated the minds of nations weary of
war one hundred years ago. It remains to be seen how the
growth of internationalism during the past fifty years will
cause the terms of peace to differ from those of the Congress
of Vienna. It will rest very largely upon the terms of the peace
how soon the influences which have produced such a large
international life shall be permitted to resume their pacific
work of unifying the world. It is not possible at this time to
do more than to express the belief that after this fresh proof of
the futility and destructiveness of war has had its effect upon
the mind of the race that there will be a quickened interest in
promoting the growth of internationalism which will result
ultimately in world peace.
4. Internationalism tends to equalize world conditions. Con-
ditions of economic and social inequality throughout the world
tend to create unrest. This is especially the case when facili-
ties for quick and cheap transportation are as abundant as
they are to-day. The laborer, seeking to improve his economic
condition, becomes a bird of passage whose flight north or
south, east or west, is determined by industrial inequalities
in the world field. Capital flows quickly to that part of the
world which promises the largest and quickest returns, rather
174 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
than the surest. Men seek to escape the social and political
inequalities and disabilities* imposed by states that are reac-
tionary and stagnant because unresponsive to modern stimuli.
The effect of internationalism is to level up the social and
economic life of the world. It syndicates the knowledge of the
best in the interests of all. As conditions are improved in the
backward state, and the contrasts in economic opportunity
become less sharp, the ties of the native land will be less easily
sundered. The chances for immensely profitable investments
in undeveloped and exploitable countries will fade away with
improved conditions of control in their governments. The
ignorance of values upon the part of natives which enabled
the European trader to barter brass rings for ivory tusks or
glass beads for furs is fast disappearing. Foreigners will re-
ceive fewer valuable concessions when native students return
from American or European mining and technical schools
equipped with the latest scientific knowledge.
5. Internationalism tends to promote peace among the nations.
Internationalism means the association of men of various
nations along the line of some particular interest, be it
economic, scientific, aesthetic, religious or social. Whatever
may be their political differences or national peculiarities they
are united in the one interest that calls them together. They
seek the best means of attaining a common purpose. Ac-
quaintance begets respect, sympathy and a spirit of mutual
helpfulness. As they plan together, enjoy the exchanges of
courtesy and hospitality, the peculiarities of race, custom and
speech fade away. The real unity of humanity is seen to be a
spiritual one which underlies all the incidents of geographical
distribution, climatic influences and isolation. So men come
to understand each other, to feel that there is a substratum
that is omni-national and omni-racial. Such an experience
leads to world-consciousness, to a feeling that the interests of
the whole social order are vaster than the interests of any one
nation.
PRINCIPLES AND CONCLUSIONS 175
Men who have caught such a world-vision, it may be only
along some particular line of progress, are impatient of any-
thing which interrupts and disturbs those helpful relations,
anything which exalts the purely sectional and national. They
loathe war, not only for its inhumanity and waste, but because
it fosters that hatred which hinders the self-realization of the
human race. Those who have attained the "international
mind," are bound to be lovers of peace and haters of war.
There can be no doubt but that the bitter feelings engend-
ered by the present war will retard the resumption of those
cordial relations which existed between the men of the warring
nations. But it cannot be doubted that when the smoke of
battle rolls away and the misunderstandings caused by war-
lies and hate-inspired misrepresentations have been cleared
up, the wounds of war will heal far more quickly because in-
ternationalism has attained such a growth.
176 THE RISE OF INTERNATIONALISM
VITA
The writer was born in Rochester, Minnesota, June 5, 1867,
and six months later was taken to Minneapolis which was his
home until 1905. He attended the public schools and was
graduated from the University of Minnesota in 1889, receiv-
ing the degree of A. B. He was graduated from the McCor-
mick Theological Seminary, Chicago, in 1893, and the same
year was ordained to the ministry of the Presbyterian Church.
After one year in city mission work in Minneapolis he spent
a year in a tour of the world, traveling in Japan, China, India,
Egypt and the Levant. Returning to Minneapolis in 1895,
he lectured upon the Orient and a year later became editor
and publisher of The North and West. During this time he
served a term as a trustee of Macalester College. After the
consolidation of The North and West with The Interior, of
Chicago, in 1902, he continued to do editorial writing until he
accepted a call to the Glen Avon Presbyterian Church of
Duluth, Minnesota, in 1905. During his pastorate, he was a
member of the Duluth Public Library Board and president of
the Central Council of the Associated Charities. His interest
in social problems led him to resign his pastorate in 1912 to
take up graduate work at Columbia University under the
Faculty of Political Science. He received his A. M. from
Columbia in 1913. His subject of major interest was Social
Economy and he attended the Seminars conducted by Pro-
fessors Edward T. Devine and Samuel McCune Lindsay. His
minors were Sociology and Economics.
BOOKS CONSULTED
John Bassett Moore, "Digest of International Law.
Holland, "Studies in International Law."
A. S. Hershey, "Essentials of International Law."
Vattel, "The Law of Nations."
T. D. Woolsey, "Introduction to the Study of International
Law."
George C. Wilson, "Handbook of International Law."
Nicholas Murray Butler, "The International Mind."
Paul S. Reinsch, "Public International Unions."
Raymond T. Bridgeman, "World Organization."
Raymond T. Bridgeman, "The First Book of World Law."
David J. Hill, "World Organization."
P. H. Eijkman, "L* Internationalisme Scientifique."
Gustave Herve, "L' Internationalisme" *
Leon Bourgeois, "La Societe des Nations"
Wilbur F. Crafts, "A Primer of the Science of International-
ism."
B. F. Trueblood, "The Federation of the World."
Harold Bolce, "New Internationalism."
Joseph H. Choate, "The Two Hague Conferences."
A. P. Higgins, "The Hague Peace Conferences."
T. J. Lawrence, "International Problems and Hague Con-
ferences."
W. I. Hull, "The Two Hague Conferences."
J. B. Scott, "The Hague Peace Conferences of 1899 and 1907.'
F. W. Holls, "The Peace Conferences at the Hague."
Fitzedward Hall, "Modern English."
Jeremy Bentham, "An Introduction to the Principles of
Morals and Legislation."
Peter Kropotkin, "Mutual Aid a Factor in Evolution."
Franklin H. Giddings, "Principles of Sociology."
M. N. Tod, "International Arbitration Among the Greeks."
178 BOOKS CONSULTED
Cambridge Modern History, Vols. 1, 9 and 10.
W. A. Phillips, "The Confederation of Europe."
J. Jacobs, "The Story of Geographical Discovery."
Cunningham, "The Growth of English Industry and Com-
merce."
Higgs, "The Physiocrats."
Robinson and Beard, "The Development of Modern Europe."
H. B. Gibbins, "Industry in England."
Gilbert Slater, "The Making of Modern England."
Henry Morley, "Bartholomew Fair."
C. Walford, "Fairs, Past and Present."
James Samuelson, "Civilization in Our Day."
Hastings Rashdall, "Universities of Europe in the Middle
A "
Ages.
Gabriel Compayre, "Abelard and the Origin and Early His-
tory of Universities."
R. B. Haldane, "Universities and National Life."
J. T. Brent, "Genoa."
Renan, "Averroes et Averroism."
Walter Bagehot, "Physics and Politics."
Z. I. Loutfi, "La Politiqm Sanitaire Internationale"
Henry B. Russel, "International Monetary Conferences."
L. Chatelaine, "Le Protection Ouvriere."
Logan G. McPherson, "Transportation in Europe."
William Briggs, "The Law of Copyright."
R. R. Bowker, "Copyright, Its History and Law."
Jenks and Lauck, "The Immigration Problem."
Henry Pratt Fairchild, "Immigration."
John Barrett, "The Pan American Union."
M. A. T. Holmes, "Dictionary of Neutral Languages."
Sir John F. Davis, "The Chinese."
Sir John F. Davis, "China During the War and Since the
Peace."
Peter Auber, "China."
Sir George Staunton, "Acount of Lord Macartney's Embassy/'
BOOKS CONSULTED 179
J. Spencer Hill, "The Indo-Chinese Opium Trade."
Papers on Inter-Racial Problems.
S. Wells Williams, "A History of China."
Hertslet, "China Treaties."
Hertslet, "The Map of Europe by Treaties."
Treaties, Conventions, International Acts, Protocols and Agree-
ments between the U. S. and Other Powers.
David Starr Jordan and Edward B. Krehbiel, "Syllabus of
Lectures on International Conciliation."
Annuaires de la Vie International 1908-9, 1910-11.
La Vie Internationale.
Rapport General de I Exposition Universelle de 1889.
Exposition Universelle Internationale de 1900: Rapport General
Administratif et Technique, Vol. VI.
Ibid., Pieces Annexes.
Reports World's Columbian Exposition.
Proces-verbaux de la Conference Sanitaire Internationale de
Rome, I885-, de Paris, 1894; de Venise, 1897.
Transactions of 2nd Int. Sanitary Cf. of the Amer. Reps.
Bulletin de t Office I. f Hygiene puUique.
Documents du Congres Postal de Paris, 1878.
Bulletins of Pan American Union.
Smithsonian Institution Reports.
Report World's Missionary Conference, 1910.
Report of Immigration Commission of Emigrant Conditions
in Europe.
Transportation Routes and Systems of the World.
Reports Royal Opium Commission.
Chinese Repository.
Report International Opium Commission.
British Parliament Papers.
Congressional Documents.
Hansard.
APPENDIX
The purpose of the Appendix is to exhibit to English readers
the international life of the world as shown (1) in the official
international conferences and (2) in private international con-
gresses and associations.
The list of official conferences includes only those which
deal with matters of a general and non-political character.
The first column gives the date of the first conference on the
subject, the second column the matter considered, the third
column the number of states participating in the conference
or adhering to the convention, the fourth column the number
of conferences held, the fifth column the form of permanent
organization and the sixth its headquarters.
The English names in the unofficial congresses in the second
list may not in every case be the exact equivalents of the French
or German titles, but comparison has been made with lists of
the Library of Congress, the New York Public Library and the
Columbia University Library. The first column gives the first
congress as far as ascertainable, the third column the number
of meetings held up to 1914, the fourth column the form of per-
manent organization and the fifth its headquarters.
The lists have been compiled largely from data furnished by
LAnnuaire de la Vie Internationale, 1908-1909, 1910-191 1, and
bound volumes of La Vie Internationale, which are invaluable
compendiums on the subject. It is hoped that English readers
will hereby be enabled to judge of the development and scope
of Internationalism.
ABBREVIATIONS USED
Al=Alliance Cn.=Commission Per.=Permanent
As.=Association Cv.=Convention Sec.=Secretariate
Bu.=Bureau Fed.=Federation Soc.=Society
Ce.=Committee Inst.=Institute U.=Universal
Cf.=Conference Lg.=League Un.=Union
Cg.=Congress Of.=0ffice Unif.=Uniform
Cl.=Council Or,=0rder Vs.=Against
APPENDIX
181
OFFICIAL CONFERENCES
Org'd
SUBJECT
No.
States
No.
M'tings
Per.
Org'n
Headqu'rs
1815
African Slave Trade . .
16
5
Bu.
Brussels
1826
I. Cf. of Panama . . .
4
1851
I. Sanitary Cf
36
12
Un.
Paris
1863
U. Postal Un
50
11
Bu.
Berne
1863
Sugar Union
11
10
Bu.
Brussels
1864
Geneva (Red Cross) Cf . .
10
Ce.
Geneva
1864
I. Geodedic As
21
16
Bu.
Berlin
1865
Cape Spartel Lighthouse .
11
1
1865
Latin Monetary Un.
5
8
1865
U. Telegraphic Un. .
30
10
Bu.
Berne
1867
I. Monetary Cf. ...
19
4
1872
Scan. Monetary Un. . .
3
1875
I. Cf. on Wts. & Measures .
28
5
Bu.
Paris
1878
I. Phylloxera Cf. . . .
12
2
1878
Railway Freight.
12
7
Of.
Berne
1880
I. Patents
20
8
Bu.
Berne
1881
Suez Sanitary Cl. . . .
15
Cl.
Alexandria
1882
Policing North Sea . . .
6
1882
Protec. Submarine Cables .
31
4
1882
Railway Technique . . .
15
3
1884
I. Copyright
33
5
Bu.
Berne
1885
I. Exch. of Works of Art .
9
1886
I.Exch.ofPub.Doc's.. .
31
1886
Sale Alco. to Fishermen
6
1888
S. A. Cg. Private I. Law .
5
1888
Pub. Customs' Tariffs . .
29
!
Bu.
Brussels
1888
I. Cf. on Penal Law
5
1889
I. Maritime Cf
19
1889
Pan-American Cf . . . .
18
4
Bu.
Washington
1890
Legal Protec. of Labor . .
13
3
1893
Private I. Law ....
16
4
1898
Meas. of Cargoes . . .
4
1
1899
First Peace Cf
27
1
1899
Hague Tribunal . .
41
Bu.
Hague
1899
Marine Exploration . . .
8
11
Bu.
Copenhagen
1899
Reg. Alcohol in Africa . .
11
2
182
APPENDIX
OFFICIAL CONFERENCES— Continued
Org'd SUBJECT ^
No. Per.
M'tings Org'n
Headqu'rs
1899 Classif. Causes of Death . 33
2 Bu.
Paris
1900 Preser. African Wild Animals 6
1
1902 Unif. Form. Power. Drugs 16
1
1902 Pan-Amer. Sanitary Un. . 15
5 Bu.
Washington
1 902 Protec. of Useful Birds ..11
1
1902 Suppres. White Slavery . 15
3
1903 I. As. of Seismology . . 21
1 Bu.
Strasburg
1905 I. Cf. on Maritime Law . 24
4
1905 I. Inst. of Agriculture . . 40
1 Ce.
Rome
1906 Radiotelegraphic Un. . . 27
2 Un.
Berne
1906 Cen Amer. Cf . 4
5 Bu.
Guatemala
1907 Cen. Amer. Ct. of Justice . 5
1
San Jose
1907 Pan-American Ry. . . .
1
1907 Second Peace Cf. ... 45
1
1908 I Naval Cf. 10
1
1 908 Cen. Amer. Pedagog. Inst. . 5
2
San Jose
1908 I. Saccharine Cf. ... 10
2
1908 Reg. Arms in Africa . . 13
1909 World's Map .... 22
Ce.
London
1 909 Cen. Amer. Monetary Un. . 5
2
1909 Running of Automobiles . 19
1909 I. Opium Cn. ... 12
1910 Commercial Statistics . . 20
Bu.
1910 Aerial Navigation ... 17
1911 S. Amer. Postal Un. . . 10
Bu.
Montevideo
1911 Fur Seals 4
1912 I Opium Cf. . . 42
2
1912 I. Cf. of the Hour ... 16
1
UNOFFICIAL CONGRESSES,
ASSOCIATIONS, ETC.
Org'd I. ECONOMIC INTEREST
No. Per.
M'tings Org'n
Headqu'rs
1848 I. Cg. of Agriculture . . .
.13 Cn.
Paris
1860 I. Brewers' Cg
5
1862 I. Cg. of Pomology ....
. 4
1869 I. As. of Hotel Men .
42 Cl.
Cologne
APPENDIX
183
UNOFFICIAL CONGRESSES, ASSOCIATIONS, ETC -Continued
Org'd
1872
1873
1873
1874
1877
1878
1878
1878
1880
1881
1881
1883
1883
1885
1885
1886
1889
1889
1889
1889
1889
1889
1889
1889
1889
1890
1890
1890
1891
1892
1892
1893
1893
1893
1893
1893
1893
I. ECONOMIC INTEREST
Per.
Org'n
Headqu'rs
No.
M' tings
Cg. of Silk Culture .... 4
Cg. of Agric. & Forestry ... 2
Cg. on Indus. Prop 3
Cg. for Unif . Meas. of Textiles . 3
Cg. of S. Amer. Lawyers ... 1
Engineering Cg 5
Cg. for Devel. of Transportation 1
Cg. of Commerce & Industry . 7 Cn.
Cf . on Agric. Meteorology . . 1
Cg. of Direc's Agric. Sta's. . . 3
Cg. of Contractors of Pub. Works 1
Soc. of Electricians .... Ce. Paris
Cg. of Horticulture .... 6
Tramway Cg 18 Ce. Brussels
Railway Cg 8 Cn. Brussels
Cg. of Glassworkers .... 1 3 Sec. Berlin
Cg. of Printers 6 Sec. Stuttgart
Cg. of Pigeon Fanciers ... 2
Un. of Hatters 8 Sec. Altenburg
Cg. of Marine Works .... 2
Cg. for Utiliz. of Rivers ... 1
Cg. of Mines & Metallurgy . . 6
Grain & Flour Cg 1
Cg. of Bakers 5
Cg. of Proces. of Construction . 1
Cg. of Agric. Botany .... 1
Un. of Tobacco-workers ... 8 Sec. Bremen
Fed. of Miners 23 Sec. Manchester
Un. of Wood-workers .... 7 Sec. Berlin
Un. of Elec. Stations .... 8 Bu, Dresden
Fed. of Glovers 6 Sec. Berlin
Un. of Shoemakers .... 4 Sec. Nuremberg
Un. of Forestry Stations ... 6
Cg. of Agriculture 1
Irrigation Cg 3
, Fed. of Metal-workers ... 7 Sec. Stuttgart
, Cg. of Ry. Employees . . . . 10
184
APPENDIX
UNOFFICIAL CONGRESSES, ASSOCIATIONS, ETC.— Continued
Org'd
1893
1893
1893
1893
1893
1893
1894
1894
1894
1894
1894
1894
1894
1895
1895
1896
1896
1896
1896
1896
1896
1896
1897
1897
1897
1897
1897
1898
1898
1898
1898
1898
1900
1900
1900
1900 I
1900 1
I. ECONOMIC INTEREST R
. Patent Cg
No.
/1'tings
1
3
1
1
1
1
2
8
3
3
12
2
1
1
7
2
3
8
3
8
5
3
8
15
6
5
11
2
1
1
7
7
1
3
1
1
2
Per.
Org'n
Sec.
Sec.
Sec.
Sec.
Ce.
Bu.
Ce.
Sec.
Sec.
Cn.
Ce.
Ce.
Ce.
Cn.
Ce.
Headqu'rs
Berlin
Manchester
Hamburg
Berlin
Paris
Frankfort
Brussels
Berlin
Berlin
Berne
Hamburg
Berlin
Huy
Leeds
. Cg. of Naval Architecture . .
. Cg. of Authors
Insurance Cg. . .
U Cg. of Bankers
. Cg. of Journalists
. Fed. of Potters
. Fed. of Textile-workers . . .
Fed of Furriers
. Fed. of Brewery-workers . . .
. Un. of Press As's
. Cg. of Paper Mfrs
Textile Cg.
. Fed. of Cooks
. Cg. of Actuaries
. Cg. of Leather-workers . . .
Fed of Tailors .
. Fed. of Lithographers ....
. Fed. of Ship & Dock-workers
. Cg. of Publishers
. Cg. of Maritime Fishing . . .
. Cg. of Dockers
. Fed. of Transpor. Workers . .
. As of Indus. Prop.
. Fed. of Commercial Travelers .
. Cg. of Agriculture
. As. Leather-trade Chemists . .
. Cg. of Moulders
. Cg. of Screw-threading
. Cg. vs. Destruc. of Birds . . .
. Fishery Cg
Acetylene Cg .
. Cg. of Fruits of the Press . . .
. Cg. of Grape Culture ....
. Cg. of Sylviculture ....
. Cg. vs. Cochylis
. Real Estate Cg
APPENDIX
185
UNOFFICIAL CONGRESSES, ASSOCIATIONS, ETC.— Continued
Org'n
1900
1900
1900
1900
1900
1900
1900
1900
1900
1900
1900
1900
1900
1900
1901
1901
1901
1901
1900
1902
1902
1902
1903
1903
1903
1903
1903
1903
1904
1904
1904
1904
1904
1904
1904
1904
1905 i
I. ECONOMIC INTEREST
. Cg. of Millers
No.
M'tings
2
1
1
4
2
2
6
1
5
4
1
5
:i
.3
Per.
Org'n
Ce.
Bu.
Sec.
Ce.
Ce.
Bu.
Sec.
Fed.
Ce.
Sec.
Sec.
Sec.
Ce.
Ce.
Headqu'rs
Paris
Ghent
Hamburg
Paris
Brussels
Hamburg
Brussels
Paris
Zurich
Paris
Berlin
Manchester
Paris
. Cg. of Gas Industry . . . .
. Grocery Cg.
. Un. of As's of Inventors . . .
. Agric. & Fishery Cg
. Cg. on Rational Food for Cattle .
. Cg. of Christian Textile-workers
. Cg. of the Merchant Marine
. Fed. of Employees
. Fed. of Employees in Commerce
. Textile Cg.
. Cg. of Wines, Spirits, etc. . .
. Ramie Cg
. Cg. of Agric. Syndicates . . .
. Marine As
. Good Roads Cg.
. Cg. for Protec. vs. Hail . . .
. Cg. of Hybridization of Vine. .
. Cg. of Rice Culture ....
. Cg. on Plant Breeding & Hybrid.
. Navigation Cg.
.2
12
2
3
6
6
4
1
2
1
3
2
9
1
1
1
9
. Cg. of Denatured Alcohol . .
. Fed. of Masons
Dairv Cg.
. Confed. of Musicians .
. Cg. of Stonecutters .
. Cg. of Quarrymen ....
. Fed. of Dyers & Scourers . . .
. Cg. of Alpine Gardens . . .
. Cg. on Running of Autos .
. Cg. of Painters
. Fed. of Pavers ....
. Cotton Cg.
. Cf . on Hospital Construction
. Cg of Lawyers
. Cg. of Public Accountants . .
Hen. As. of Munic. Engineers, etc.
186
APPENDIX
UNOFFICIAL CONGRESSES, ASSOCIATIONS, ETC.— Continued
Org'n I. ECONOMIC INTEREST
No.
M'tings
Per.
Org'n
Headqu'rs
1905 Baltic & White Sea Cf
7
Ce.
Stockholm
1905
. Cg. of Colonial Agronomy .
3
As.
1905
. Cg. of Aviculture
5
1905
. Cg. of Agric. Mechanics .
1
1905
. Cg. of Chambers of Commerce .
5
Ce.
Brussels
1905
. Cg. of Chauffeurs
2
1905
. Fed. of Book-binders . . . .
4
Sec.
Berlin
1905
J. Al. of Diamond-cutters . . .
3
Sec.
Antwerp
1905
. Fed. of Porcelain-makers . . .
2
Sec.
Charlot'b'g
1905
. Petroleum Cg
5
Cn.
Karlsruhe
1905
. Cg. of Aerated Water . . . .
1
1905
. Sugar & Distilling Cg.
2
1905
. Cement Cg.
1
1905
. Cg. on Construe. & Pub. Wks. .
2
Cn.
Brussels
1905
. Cg. of Line-fishermen .
2
1905
. Cg. of Public Works . . . .
1
1905
. Cg. of Town Clerks . . . .
3
1905
. Cg. of Ceramic-workers . . "';
1
1905
. Ry. Time-table Cf
4
1906
. Cf . on Unif . Anal. Stock foods .
1
1906
. Cg. on Seed-testing . . . .
2
1906
. Cg. of Postal Employees . . .
1
1906
. Saddlery As
3
Sec.
Berlin
1906
. Fed. Post., Tel. & Teleph. Wkrs.
3
Sec.
Paris
1907
Cg of Builders
4
1907
Press Museum
Cl.
Brussels
1907
. Cg. of Silk Printers . . . .
1
1907
Cg. of Net-makers
1
1907
. Fed. of Hairdressers . . . .
2
Sec.
Berlin
1907
. Cg. of Dry Farming . . . .
8
1907
World Cg. of Butchers . . . .
1
1907
. Fed. of Carpenters . . . .
1
Sec.
Hamburg
1907
. Fed. of Factory-workers . . .
Sec.
Hanover
1907
. Fed. of Wkrs. in Pub. Ser. . .
3
Sec.
Berlin
1907
Fed. of Bakers . . .
2
Sec.
Hamburg
1907
. Cg. of Periodical Press . . .
3
Bu.
Brussels
1907
. Fed. of Per. Expos. Corns.
3
Cl.
Brussels
APPENDIX
187
UNOFFICIAL CONGRESSES, ASSOCIATIONS, ETC.— Continued
Org'd I. ECONOMIC INTEREST M
^tings
Per.
Org'n
Headqu'rs
1907 I. Fishery Cg
1
1907 I. Cotton Planters' Cg
1
1907 I. Cg. of Ship-owners ....
1
1907 I. Cg. of Postal Clerks ....
1
1907 I. Cg. of Cotton Exchanges. . .
2
1908 I.RoadCg
3
Cn.
Paris
1908 I. Cg. of Oil-culture
3
1908 I. Cf. of Navigation Co's. . . .
1
1 908 I . Cf . of Europ. Telep. & Tel. Adms
2
Ce.
1908 I. Cg. on Refrigeration ....
3
Cl.
Paris
1908 I. Un. of Hotel Employees . . .
2
Sec.
Berlin
1908 U. Fed. of Soc. of Hotel Men . .
3
Ce.
Cologne
1908 I. Cg. of Ry. Engrs. & Firemen .
1
1909 I. Fed. of Moto-culture . . . .
2
Ce.
Paris
1909 I. Agrogeological Cf
2
Cn.
1909 I. Fed. of As's of Linen Mfrs. . .
5
Ce.
Ghent
1909 I. Cost Cg. of Empl. Printers . .
4
1910 I. Cg. of Fire-arms Testing . . .
1
Liege
1910 I. Cg. of Drilling Engineers . .
1
1910 I. Cg. of Breeding & Feeding . .
1
1910 I. Chrysanthemum Cg
1
Paris
1910 I.RoseCg
1
Paris
1910 I. Cg. of Tropical Agronomy . .
2
Bu.
Paris
1910 I. Cg. of Agric. As's
1
Cn.
Brussels
1910 I. Fed. of Merchant Tailors. . .
2
Bu.
Brussels
1910 I. Fishery Cf
1
As.
Brussels
1910 I. Cg. of Notaries
1
1911 I. Drilling As
1
Sec.
Vienna
1911 I. Cg. of Farm Women ....
3
1910 I . Cg. of Indus. & Agric. Protec. As's
1
1910 Pan-Amer. Commercial Cf. . . .
1
191 1 I. Fed. of Bank Employees . . .
2
Bu.
Brussels
1911 I. Rubber Cg
3
1911 I. Steel Cf
1
1911 I.DrugCg
2
1911 I. Cg. of Chocolate Mfrs. . . .
1
1912 I. Cg. of Mfrs. of Paper Money .
1
188
APPENDIX
UNOFFICIAL CONGRESSES, ASSOCIATIONS, ETC.-Continued
Org'd
I. ECONOMIC INTEREST
No.
M 'tings
Per.
Org'n
Headqu'rs
1912 I. As. of Linen Exporters . . .
1912 I. Cg. of Fish Merchants, etc. . .
1912 I. Cg. of Cinematograph Go's . .
1913 I. Fed. of Hardware Merchants .
1913 I. Cg. on Fruit-tree Growing . .
1913 I. Forestry Cg
1913 I. Cg. of Watchmakers ....
1913 I. Cg. of Consulting Engrs. . . . 1
1913 I. Fed. of Carvers Sec. Berlin
1913 I. Cg. of Ins. Agents 3
1913 I. Cynologic Fed 3
1913 I.TaxCf 4
1913 I. As. for Preven. of Smoke . . 6
II. RECREATIONAL INTEREST
1867 I. Chess Cg 2
1878 I. Cg. of Alpine Clubs .... 2
1889 I. Cg. of Physical Exercise ... 1
1892 I. Skating Un 10 Ce. Stockholm
1892 I. Fed. of Rowing As's .... 22 Turin
1894 I. Olympic Ce 15 Ce. Paris
1896 I. Velocipede Cg 1
1 897 Bu. of Europ. Gymnas. Fed's . . 6 Cl. Antwerp
1897 I. League of Tourist As's ... Ce. Baarn
1897 I. Fencing Cg 4
1900 I. Cyclist Un 24 Ce. Paris
1900 I. Automobile Cg 4
1903 I. Turners 5
1904 I. Cf. of Automobile Clubs . . . 1
1905 I. Cg. of Prestidigitation ... 1
1906 I. Bull-fighting Cg 1
1907 I. Hunting Cg 4 Cn.
1908 I. Fed. of Foot-ball As's. ... 2
1908 I.AutonauticFed 1
1909 I. Cf. of Gun Clubs 1
1910 I. Gymnastic Cg 1
1910 I.SkiiCg 4
APPENDIX
189
UNOFFICIAL CONGRESSES, ASSOCIATIONS, ETC.— Continued
Org'd
1910
1912
1912
1912
1912
1861
1867
1873
1878
1889
1889
1889
1891
1891
1893
1898
1900
1904
1904
1904
1904
1904
1904
1905
1905
1907
1907
1908
1909
1909
1910
1910
1910
1911
1911
II. RECREATIONAL INTEREST
No.
M'tings
I. Cf. of Aero Clubs 1
I. Cg. of Athletic Sports. ... 1
I. Alpine & Skii Cg 1
I. Cg. of Swimming As's ... 1
I. Motorcycle Fed 2
III. ARTISTIC INTEREST
.ArtCg 6
. Cg. of Architects 9
. Cg. of History of Art . . . . 10
. Lit. & Artistic As 31
. Cg. of Photography .... 5
. Cg. of Protec. for Works of Art . 1
. Cg. of the Soc. of Writers . . 1
. Photographic Un 13
. Cg. of Numismatics .... 3
. Cg. of Music 4
. Cg. of Public Art 3
. Cg. of Theatrical Art .... 1
. Cg. of Arts & Sciences ... 1
. Fed. of Teaching of Design . . 4
. Soc. of Music 5
. Cg. of Religious Music ... 1
. Dance Cg 2
. Garden City Cg 1
. Cg. of Gregorian Chant . .
. Cg. of Theatre & Dramat. Art
. Fed. of Amat. Theat. Soc's .
. Cg. for Man. of Mountains .
. Un. of Dancing Masters . .
. Cg. of Applied Photog. . .
. Cg. for Protec. Landscape .
. Cg. of Art & History . . .
. Cg. of Cinematography .
. Townplanning Cg
. City planning Cf
. Municipal Cg
Per.
Org'n
Headqu'rs
Ce. Paris
Ce.
Cl. Brussels
Brussels
Ce.
Cl.
Fribourg
London
Cl.
Ce.
Cirey, s. V.
Altenburg
190
APPENDIX
UNOFFICIAL CONGRESSES, ASSOCIATIONS, ETC.— Continued
Org'd
1913
1913
III. ARTISTIC INTEREST
No.
M 'tings
I. Cg. of Musical Pedagogy . . 1
I. Cg. of Cities 1
Women's I. Art Club ....
I. Art Circle
I. Water Color Soc
Associazione Artistica Int. . . .
/. Modern Kunst^nng ....
IV. SCIENTIFIC INTEREST
Per.
Org'n
Sec.
Headqu'rs
Brussels
London
Paris
Paris
Rome
Amsterdam
1847
1853
1853
1856
1857
1857
1862
1867,
I. Cg. of Economists ....
I. Cg. for Unif. Obser's at Sea . .
I. Cg. of Statistics
I. Cg. for Customs' Reform. . .
I. Positivist Soc. (reorg. 1906) . .
I. Cg. of Ophthalmology
I. As. for Prog, of Soc. Sci's . .
I. Geodedic As.
1
2
9
1
11
4
16
Bu.
Bu.
Paris
Berlin
1863
I. Veterinarian Cg.
10
Cn.
Budapest
1864
1865
I. Cg. of General Averages . . .
I. Cg. of Pharmacy
1
11
1865
I. Cg. of Astronomy
7^
Leipzig
1865
1865
1867
I. Cg. of Anth. & Prehist. Arch.
I. Paleo-ethnolog. Cg
I. Medical Cg. ...
14
1
17
Cl.
Cn.
Cn.
Geneva
Hague
Hague
1867
1871
I. Cg. of Archaeology ....
I. Geographical Cg
5
10
1871
1873
I. Meteorological Cf
I. Law As.
6
78
Ce.
Cl.
London
1873
Inst. of I. Law . ...
78
Ce.
Ghent
1873
1873
I. Cg. of Orientalists ....
I. Meteorological Ce.
14
1?
1875
1876
1876
I. Cg. of Americanists ....
I. Cg. of Homeopathy ....
U. Scientific Alliance
17
12
Cl.
Ce.
Paris
1876
1877
1878
I. Cg. of Otology
I. Cg. of Archivists & Librarians .
I. Cg. of Bibliography ....
10
5
3
Ce.
Brussels
APPENDIX
191
UNOFFICIAL CONGRESSES, ASSOCIATIONS, ETC.-Continued
Org'd IV. SCIENTIFIC INTEREST
No.
M'tings
Per.
Org'd
Headqu'rs
1878
. Cg. of Mental Medicine . .
. 2
1878
. Cg. of Demography .
. 1
1878
. Geological Cg
. 12
Sec.
Stockholm
1878
. Cg. of Commercial Geog. . .
. 2
1878
. Cg. of Ethnography .
. 2
1878
. Cg. of Botany & Horticul.
. 3
Ce.
Brussels
1878
. Cg. of Anthropology . . .
. 4
1878
. Cg. of Geom. Experts . . .
. 1
1878
. Cg. of Army Med. Service
. 1
1879
. Polar Commission
. 4
1880
. Cg. of Rhino-laryngology .
. 3
Ce.
Berlin
1880
. Cg. of Laryngology . . .
. 2
•
1880
. Geographical Inst.
Berne
1881
. Cg. of Shorthand Writers
. 4
1881
. Electrical Cg
7
1882
. Cf . on Electrical Units . .
. 4
Ce.
1882
. Cg. of Criminal Anthropol. .
. 8
1883
. Cg. of Tropical Medicine
. 2
1884
. Cg. of Ornithology
. 5
Ce.
1885
. Cg. of Neurology ....
3
1885
. Cg. of Commercial Law .
. 2
1885
. Inst. of Statistics
14
Bu.
Hague
1885
. Cg. of Testing Materials . .
. 10
As.
Vienna
1886
. Cg. of Hydrology, etc. . .
. 8
Bu.
Paris
1886
. Phonetic As
Cl.
Bourg la R.
1887
4cademia pro Interlingua
Cl.
Turin
1887
. Shorthand Cg.
11
1887
. Ce. on Photo. Celestial Map
. .5
Ce.
Paris
1887
. Astrophotographic Cg.
. 1
1888
. Catholic Sci. Cg
. 5
Ce.
Rome
1889
. Medico-legal Cg.
2
1889
. Aeronautical Cf . .
7
1889
. Dental Fed
8
Cl.
Geneva
1889
. Cg. of Dermatology . . .
. 7
1889
. Cg. of Therapeutics .
. 1
1889 Interparliamentary Union . .
. 18
Cl.
Brussels
1889 I. Un. of Penal Law .
11
Bu.
Berlin
192 APPENDIX
UNOFFICIAL CONGRESSES, ASSOCIATIONS, ETC.— Continued
Org'd
1889
1889
1889
1889
1889
1889
1889
1889
1889
1889
1889
1890
1891
1892
1892
1893
1893
1893
1893
1893
1893
1893
1894
1894
1894
1894
1895
1895
1896
1896
1896
1896
1896
1897
1897
1897
1897
IV. SCIENTIFIC INTEREST
. Colonial Cg.
3
Per.
Org'n
Ce.
Ce.
Cl.
Ce.
Ce.
Bu.
Ce.
Cn.
Bu.
Cn.
Bu.
Sec.
Cl.
Bu.
Headqu'rs
Paris
Rome
Upsala
Brussels
Paris
Geneva
Paris
Brussels
Zurich
Brussels
Zurich
London
Strasburg
Potsdam
London
Antwerp
. Emigration Cg.
1
. Cg. of Physiology ....
. 9
. Cg. of Psychology . . .
. Cg. of Physiol. Psychology .
. Cg. of Hypnotism ....
. 7
. 1
. 2
. Cg. of Zoology ....
9
. Folk-lore Cg
. 4
. Cg. of Accounting . . .
. Cg. of Chronometry . . .
. As. of Academies ....
.BookCf
. 2
. 2
. 6
. 1
. Commission on Clouds . .
. Cg. of Gynecology
. Cg. for Customs' Legis., etc.
Dan- American Med. Cg. . . .
. Cg. of History
. 2
. 6
. 5
. 5
2
. Inst. of Sociology
8
. Mathematical Cg.
. Cg. of Pub. & Admin. Law .
. Cg. of Eclectic Medicine . .
. Cg. of Philology ....
. 5
. 1
. 1
. 1
. Cg. of Thalassotherapy . .
. Colonial Inst
. 5
15
. Cg. of Applied Chemistry
. Cg. on Atmosphere
Concilium Bibliographicum . .
. Cg. of Bibliog. & Documen. .
. Cn. on Radiation ....
. 8
. 2
. 5
1
. Telegraphic Cn
. 5
. Cn. on Sci. Aerostation . .
. Cn. on Terres. Magnetism .
. Cf . on Fixed Stars ....
Catalogue of Sci. Literature
. Cg. of Climatotherapy
. Maritime Ce.
. 6
. 5
. 1
. 4
. 4
3
. Ce. on Leprosy
3
APPENDIX
193
UNOFFICIAL CONGRESSES, ASSOCIATIONS, ETC.— Continued
Org'd
IV. SCIENTIFIC INTEREST ,
No.
W'ting!
Per.
> Org'n
Headqu'rs
. Cn. for Unif . Sugar Analysis
7
Vienna
. Cg. for Preservation of MSS.
1
Cn.
. Cg. of Hist, of Diplomacy . .
1
. As. of Marey Institute
Bu.
Boulogne s. S.
. Cg. of Electrobiology, etc.
7
Cn.
As. of Anatomists ....
12
Paris
. As. of Exam. Phys. of Ins. Co's .
4
. Council of Nurses
3
Cl.
London
. Cf . on Hybridization ....
4
Ce.
Paris
. As. for Explor. Cent. Asia . .
Ce.
Petrograd
. Pure Food Cg.
1
. Cn. on Photometry ....
3
. Cg. of Christian Archaeology
1
. Cg. on Study of Basques . . .
1
. Cg. on Sci's. of Writing . . .
1
. Cg. of Physics
1
. Cg. of Philosophy
2
Cn.
Heidelberg
. Cg. of Compar. Hist
1
. Neo. Malthusian Bu. . . .
4
Bu.
Hague
. Cg. of Popular Credit ....
1
. Cg. of Colonial Sociology . . .
1
. Cg. of Transferable Securities
1
. Cg. for Gold & Silver Stan. .
1
. Cg. of the Medical Press . . .
8
As.
Paris
. Cg. of Pharmacal Specialities
1
. Cg. of Alcaloidotherapy . . .
1
. Cg. of Applied Mechanics
2
.atin-Amer. Medical Cg. . . .
4
. As. of Botanists
1
Ce.
Harlem
. Anti-tuberculosis As
9
Ce.
Berlin
. Inst. on Probs. Mid. Classes .
4
Ce.
Brussels
. Cg. of Historical Studies .
3
. Solar Cn.
3
London
. Un. for Solar Research . . .
5
Ce.
Manchester
. Cg. of Experimen. Psychol. . .
1
. As. of Mechanotherapeuts
Bu.
Antwerp
. Cg. of Army Surgeons
1
194
APPENDIX
UNOFFICIAL CONGRESSES, ASSOCIATIONS, ETC.— Continued
Org'd
1904
1905
1905
1905
1905
1905
1905
1905
1905
1905
1905
1905
1905
1905
1905
1905
1905
1906
1906
1906
1906
1906
1906
1906
1906
1906
1906
1907
1907
1907
1907
1907
1907
1907
1907
1907
1907
IV. SCIENTIFIC INTEREST
Cg. of Arts & Sciences
Inst. of Social Bibliog.
Cg. for Reprod. of MSS. .
No.
M'tings
1
1
Per.
Org'n
Ce.
Surgical Soc 4 Ce.
Headqu'rs
Berlin
Brussels
Cg. on Ankylosis 1
Economic Cf 1
Soc. of Physical Medicine . . Ce. Paris
Cg. of Physiotherapy .... 4 Cn. Paris
Fed. Cg. of Anatomists ... 2 Ce. Paris
As. of Lawyers 1 Ce. Brussels
I. Cg. on World Econ. Expansion . 1
U. Cg. of Esperanto 9 Ce. Paris
. Fed. to Extend French Cul. & Lang. 3 Bu. Brussels
. Cg. of Radiology 2
. Cg. of Radiol. & Electricity . . 2 Cn. Brussels
. Glacial Cg 1
. Aeronautic Fed 9 Bu. Paris
. Inst. on Mental Diseases, etc. . 3 Ce. Zurich
. As. for Study of Cancer ... 4 Cn. Berlin
. Cg. of Dietetic Hygiene ... 2
. Economic Un 7
Lsperantist Med. As Aix-la-C.
. Electrotechnical Cn 4 Cn. London
. Sci. Esperantist As Bu. Paris
. As. of Esperan. Jurists ... 6 Paris
. Cg. of Photo Documen. ... 1
. Philatelist Cg 1 Milan
. Polar Inst Uccle
. Cf . on Sleeping Sickness ... 2
. Somatological As 4 Bu. Antwerp
. As. of Medical Museums ... Ce. Montreal
. Cg. of Soc. & Econom. Sci's . . 1
. Inst. of Esperanto .... Geneva
. Soc. of Esperan. Free Thinkers . Sens
. Soc. of Roman Dialectology . . Ce. Brussels
. Cg. of Stenography .... 2
. Cn. on (Meteor.) World System . 2 Upsala
APPENDIX
195
UNOFFICIAL CONGRESSES, ASSOCIATIONS, ETC.— Continued
Org'd
IV. SCIENTIFIC INTEREST ^
No.
1'tings
Per.
Org'n
Headqu'rs
. Inst. of Tech. Bibliography . .
Berlin
. Soc. of Tropical Medicine . .
1
Ce.
Cambridge
.PancelticCg
6
Ce.
Brussels
. Free Trade Cg
2
. Un. of Esperan. Vegetarians . .
Hamburg
. As. of Esperan. Teachers . .
Ce.
Lille
U. Esperantist As
2
Ce.
Geneva
. Sci. Entente for Aux. Lang. . .
Ce.
Brussels
. Positivist Cg
1
. Polar Cn
3
Bu.
Brussels
. Cv. of Heraldry
Paris
. American Sci. Cg
3
. Cg. of Applied Electricity . .
2
. Cg. of Catalane Hist
1
. Cg. on Epilepsy
4
Ce.
Amsterdam
irain Commission
2
Berlin
. Inst. for Diffus. of Soc. Exper. .
Ce.
Paris
. As. of Esperan. Bankers . . .
Dresden
Jn. for an I. Language ....
Ce.
Solothurn
. Cg. of Ophthalmology
1
. Bu. for Educ. Documen. . . .
1
Ostende
ntermediarc Sociologique
Brussels
. Pediatric As
1
Ce.
Paris
. Cg. of Urinology
2
. Pharmaceutical Fed
Cn.
Hague
. Juridical Ce. of Aviation . . .
2
. Juridical Cg. of Aviation . . .
1
. Cg. of Experimen. Psychology .
2
Paris
Central Meteoric Bu
Ce.
Antwerp
. Inst. of Ethnography ....
Bu.
Paris
. Cg. of Entomologists ....
2
Ce.
. Cg. of Administrative Sci's . .
2
Cn.
Brussels
SlavCg
1
Un.ofI.As's
1
Brussels
Medizin-Literarische Zentralstelle .
Berlin
I. Cg. of Museum Directors . .
1
Cg. I. des Sages femmes ....
1
196
APPENDIX
UNOFFICIAL CONGRESSES, ASSOCIATIONS, ETC.— Continued
Org'd
1911
IV. SCIENTIFIC INTEREST
. Cg. of Pathology
No.
M'tings
1
Per.
Org'n
Headqu'rs
1911
. Cg. on Aerial Law .
2
1911
1911
. Lg. for Rights of Peoples . .
Jniversal Races Cg. .
1
Cl.
Paris
1911
1911
1911
1911
1911
. As. of Compar. Polit. Econ. . .
J. Un. of Esperan. Litterateurs
. Lg. of Esperan. Postal Empl's .
. As. for Creating an I. Lang. . .
. Monist Cg.
1
1
Sec.
Ce.
Berlin
Dresden
Breslau
Berne
1911
1911
. Soc. for Psychical Research . .
. Cg. of Pedology
Bu.
Ce.
Paris
Brussels
1911
1911
1911
1911
. Inst. of Embryology ....
. Inst. of Plasmology ....
. Entomological As
. As. of Accounting ....
2
3
Ce.
Ce.
Cl.
Brussels
Frankfort
Brussels
1911
1911
1912
1912
1913
. As. of Chemical Soc's . . .
. As. of Jurid. & Econom. Philos.
. Cg. of Dermatology ....
. Cg. of Compar. Pathology . .
. Orthopedic Cg.
3
2
1
1
1
Cl.
Gross-Bothen
1913
Jf. Central des Nationalttes . .
. Cg. of Neurology & Psychiatry .
Isperan. Theosophical Lg. . . .
. Soc. of Friends of Esperan. .
. Soc. of Esperan. Stenographers .
. Lg. of Esperan. Typographers .
. As. of Esperan. Pharmacists . .
. As. of Esperan. Ry. Empl's . .
. Un. of Esperan. Philatelists .
. Soc. of the Apochrypha .
1
3
Sec.
Sec.
Cl.
Paris
Paris
Paris
Paris
Antwerp
Paris
London
V. EDUCATIONAL INTEREST
1876 I. Cg. of Education ....
1876 I. Cg. of Teachers of Blind . .
1878 Free I. Cg. of Education . .
1880 I. Pedagogical Cg
1886 I. Cg. on Technical Ed. .
4
11
4
2
10
Ce. Paris
APPENDIX
197
UNOFFICIAL CONGRESSES, ASSOCIATIONS, ETC.— Continued
Org'd V. EDUCATIONAL INTEREST
1887 I. Cg. of School Gymnastics
1888 I. Cg. of School Colonies
1889 . Cg. of Primary Ed 3
1 889 . Cg. of Secondary Ed. . . .
1889 . Cg. of Higher & Sec. Ed. .
1889 . Cg. of Private Pop. Instruc. .
1899 . Cg. of Horticultural Ed. . .
1900 . Cg. of Agricul. Ed
1900 . Cg. of Social Ed
1 900 . Cg. of Teaching of Social Sci's
1900 . Cg. of Educational Press . .
1900 Per. I. Ce. on Physical Ed. . .
1 900 . Cg. of Alumni of Commer. Scls.
1 900 . Cg. of Profs, of Living Langs.
1901 . Soc. for Devel. Commer. Ed.
1 903 . Soc. for Exch. of Chil. & Y.P.
1 903 . Cg. on School Hygiene . .
1904 . As. for Comple. Med. Ed. .
1 905 . Cg. on Family Education
1905 . Bu. of Teachers' Fed's . .
1906 . Cg. of Popular Ed 4
1908 . Cg. of School Adminis. . . .
1908 . Moral Ed. Cg
1908 I. Cn. on Math. Instruction . .
1908 I. As. on Study of Quaternions .
1909 . Ce. for Comple. Med. Ed. . .
1910 . Cath. & Pedagogical Fed. . .
1910 . Cf. of Popular Universities . .
1910 . Cg. of Higher Tech. Ed. . . .
1910 . As. of Med. Inspectors of Schools
1911 . Inst. of Physical Ed
1911 . Cg. for Christian Ed
VI. RELIGIOUS INTEREST
1 846 Evangelical Alliance
1850 World's Missionary Cf
1855 U. Al. of Chris. Young People . .
No.
'tings
Per.
Org'n
Headqu'rs
2
2
3
Ce.
5
Sec.
Brussels
3
!
Cn.
5
Ce.
2
2
Bu.
Paris
5
Ce.
Trieste
Cl.
Paris
4
Ce.
Ce.
Paris
3
Cn.
Brussels
4
Ce.
4
Bu.
Brussels
3
Of.
Fribourg
2
Cn.
London
7
Ce.
Geneva
Cl.
Urbana
3
Ce.
Berlin
1
Sec.
Brussels
1
Sec.
Brussels
1
Bu.
Paris
2
Bu.
Brussels
1
12
Ce.
London
Ce.
Edinburgh
18
Ce.
Geneva
198
APPENDIX
UNOFFICIAL CONGRESSES, ASSOCIATIONS, ETC.— Continued
Org'd
VI. RELIGIOUS INTEREST j
No.
vl'tings
Per.
Org'd
Headqu'rs
1860
Alliance Israelite U.
Ce.
Paris
1865
Salvation Army
London
1872
I. Un. of Old Catholics ....
9
Ce.
Bonn
1875
Pan Presbyterian Council . » .
1875
Theosophical Soc
4
Cl.
Madras
1880
I. Cg. of Free Thinkers ....
19
Cl.
Brussels
1881
Eucharistic Cg
21
Ce.
Paris
1886
World's Sunday School As. . . .
7
Ce.
Chicago
1889
I. Cg. of Spiritism
5
Bu.
Liege
1892
Ecumenical Methodist Cf . . . .
1893
World's Parliament of Rel's . .
1
1895
U. Fed. of Christian Students . .
5
Ce.
New York
1895
World Wide Christian Endeavor .
3
Trus.
Boston
1896
I. Un. of Ethical Soc's . . . .
3
Ce.
London
1897
I. Zionist Orgn
10
Ce.
Berlin
1897
I. Cg. of Religious Sci's ....
1
1898
World's Young Worn. Chris. As's. .
6
Ce.
London
1899
Congregational World's Cl. . . .
2
1900
I. Cg. of Catholic Students . . .
2
1900
I. Cl. of Unitarians, etc
6
Ce.
Boston
1900
I. Cg. of the Hist, of Rel. . . .
4
Cn.
Leyden
1902
I. Cg. of Mary
6
1904
Fed. Europ. See's of Theos, Soc. .
4
Cl.
1905
Baptist World Alliance ....
2
Ce.
London
1908
I. Or. for Eth. & Moral Culture .
Bu.
Zurich
1908
Indep. Theosophical Lg
2
Cl.
Benares
1910
Swedenborg Cg
1
Ce.
London
1910
Esperantist Cath. Un
4
Brussels
1911
I. Mission Study Cl
3
Ce.
Amsterdam
1911
Christian Science
1
Gen. Ecumen. Cf. Luth. Ch. . .
14
I. Catholic Institute
Cl.
Rome
VII. SOCIAL INTEREST
1839 Anti-Slav. & Abor. Protec. Soc. . 5
1843 U. Peace Cg 28
1846 I. Prison Cg 10
Ce.
Bu.
London
Berne
APPENDIX
199
UNOFFICIAL CONGRESSES, ASSOCIATIONS, ETC.-Continued
Org'd VII. SOCIAL INTEREST j
&
Per.
Org'n
Headqu'rs
1852 Indep. Or. of Good Templars . .
Glasgow
1856
. Cg. of Charities
4
1860
. Cg. of Soc's for Protec. Animals .
14
1863
. Ce. of the Red Cross ....
9
Ce.
Geneva
1864
. Workingmen's As
9
1867
. Lg. of Peace and Liberty . .
Ce.
Berne
1875
cottish Rite Masons ....
3
1875
. Fed. for Abol. Reg. Prostitution .
11
Cn.
Geneva
1876
. Cg. of Hygiene & Demography .
14
Cn.
1876
. Fed. of Cremation Soc's . . .
5
Bu.
Brussels
1876
. Cg. on Sunday Observance . .
14
Ce.
Geneva
1877
. Un. of Friends of Young Girl
7
Bu.
Neuchatel
1877
. Fed. of the Blue Cross . . .
7
Ce.
Geneva
1878
. Cg. on Ed. of the Blind . . .
7
1878
. Cg. on Ed. of Deaf-mutes . .
5
1878
. Cg. of Provident Institutions
2
1880
. Anti- vaccination Cg
7
1883
World's Chris. Temp. Un. .
8
Ce.
Evanston
1883
. Cg. for Wei. & Protec. of Chil. .
8
Bu.
Brussels
1885
. Cg. on Alcoholism ....
14
1887
. Or. King's Daughters & Sons
1888
. Council of Women ....
6
Ce.
Berlin
1889
. Jurid. Cg. of Coop. Soc's
3
1889
. Housing Cg.
10
Ce.
Brussels
1889
. Soc. for Study of Ques. Charity .
Bu.
Paris
1889
. Cg. of Pub. & Private Charity .
6
Ce.
Paris
1889
. Lifesaving Cg
6
1889
. Cg. on Indus. Ace's & Soc. Ins. .
9
Ce.
Paris
1889
. Cg. of Women's Work . . .
2
1889
. Socialist Labor Cg
9
Bu.
Brussels
1889
. Cg. of Popular Clubs ....
1889
. Cg. of Labor Contract . . .
1889
. Cg. on Price of Food ....
1889
. Cg. of Aid in Time of War .
1889
. Cg. of Agric. & Soc. Reform
1890 Un. I des Patronages . . . .
5
Cn.
Brussels
1891 I. Ce. of Firemen.
13
Cl.
Amsterdam,
200
APPENDIX
UNOFFICIAL CONGRESSES, ASSOCIATIONS, ETC.— Continued
Org'd
1892
1893
1893
1894
1895
1895
1895
1895
1896
1897
1897
1897
1897
1898
1898
1898
1899
1900
1900
1900
1900
1900
1900
1900
1900
1900
1901
1901
1902
1902
1902
1902
1903
1903
1903
1904
1904
VII. SOCIAL INTEREST
M'
No. Per, u j .
'tings Org'n Head(^urs
Co-operative Alliance ... 9 Ce. London
Cg. vs. Immoral Lit 1 Bu. Geneva
Temperance Cg 1
Masonic Cg 5 Bu.
nternationalis Concordia . . . Ce. Paris
. Cg. of Aid to Injured Cyclists . 1
. Cg. of Hygiene on Ry's., etc. . 2
Nobel Foundation Stockholm
Women's U. Al. for Peace by Ed. . Paris
Round About Club London
I. Cath. As. for Protec. of Girls . 6 Ce. Fribourg
I. Cg. for Prog, in Mine Manag. . 1
I. As. for Labor Legislation . .11 Bu. Basle
CordaFratres 9 Ce. Ithaca
Kosmos Amsterdam
I. Cg. of Lifesaving at Sea . . „ 3
I. Soc. for San. & Moral Prophyl. . 2 Ce. Brussels
Cg. of Cond. & Rights of Women 1
Vegetarian Cg 4 Un. Brussels
Profit-sharing Cg 5 Fed.
Cg. Coop. Soc's of Consumption 2
Cg. of Aid to Working Girls . . 1
Cg. of Aid to Discharged Pris. . 1
Cg. Coop. Soc's of Production . 1
Anti-tobacco Cg 2
Cg. of Secur. vs. Ac's by Steam . 2
As. for Rep. White Slavery . . 6 Bu. London
Cf. of Syndicalists .... 8 Sec. Berlin
Woman Suffrage Al 7 Ce. Rotterdam
Cg. on Care of Insane ... 6
Museum of Peace & War. . . Lucerne
Anti-vivisection Cg 2 Cl. Washington
Fire Prevention Cg 2
Institute of Peace Monaco
Cg. I des Oeuvres du Coin de terre 3 Brussels
. Un. of Abstin. Ry. Empl's . . 4 Sec. Utrecht
. Cg. for Sanitary Dwellings . . 4 Cn. Paris
APPENDIX
201
UNOFFICIAL CONGRESSES, ASSOCIATIONS, ETC.— Continued
Org'd
1904
1904
1904
1905
1905
VII. SOCIAL INTEREST j
I. Med. As. for Suppres. of War .
I. Cg. for Reg. of Jewish Emig.
Carnegie Institute
International Conciliation .
I. Esperan. Peace Soc.
No.
/1'tings
1
Per,
i Org'n
Headqu'rs
Paris
Washington
Paris
Neuillys S
1905
1905
1905
1905
1906
1906
1906
1%6
Indep. Or. of Good Templars . .
I. Cf. on the Blind
I. Med. Cg. on Indus. Accidents .
I. As. for Race Hygiene ....
I. Lg. vs. Abuse of Alcohol .
I. Cn. to Study Occupat. Diseases
I. Anti-Masonic Cg
lyiczzofdntibtind
2
4
1
1
2
1
?
Ce.
Cl.
Ce.
Berne
Munich
Berlin
Milan
Wiesbaden
1906
1907
1907
I. Confed. of Agric. Coop. Soc's
As. of Cosmopolitan Clubs . . .
I. Temperance Bu
3
5
Ce.
Cn.
Milwaukee
Lausanne
1907
1907
I. Un. for Protec. of Children .
U. White Cross Soc
Bu.
Ce.
Brussels
Geneva
1907
1907
1907
I. Cf. of Socialist Women . . .
I. Cf. of Socialist Journalists . .
I. Anarchist Cg
2
4
1
1907
1Q08
Lg. of American Students .
I. Cg. vs. Duelling
3
?
Bu.
Cl.
Budapest
1908
1908
1908
1908
1908
1908
1909
1909
1W
Wdi-Mrtinigung Kosmopolit . .
I. Cg. vs. Indecent Pictures. . .
I. Child Welfare Cg
Perm. I. Ce. on Social Ins. . . .
I. Food Cg. (White Cross Soc.) .
I. Cg. of Consumers' Leagues . .
I. Cath. Lg. vs. Alcohol ....
Soc. I. des Intellectuels ....
I Prohibitionist Fed.
1
2
2
2
2
2
3
Ce.
Sec.
Bu.
Ce.
Leipzig
Paris
Geneva
Fribourg
Maestricht
Catane
London
1909
1910
1910
1910
1910
/. V. fur Wirtschaftphilosophie
Gen. Sec. of Abstinent Socialists .
Pro Genlilezza
I. Humane Cf
World Fed. of Pacifist Y. P.
2
2
1
Ce.
Sec.
Bu.
Berlin
Berlin
Rome
Milan
202
APPENDIX
Bu.
Ce.
Sec.
Ce.
Ce.
Ce.
Ce. Paris
Brussels
Paris
Washington
Boston
Brussels
Munich
Sec. Utrecht
Ce.
UNOFFICIAL CONGRESSES, ASSOCIATIONS, ETC.— Continued
Org'd VII. SOCIAL INTEREST
1910 I. Cg. of Mining Prop., Hyg., etc. . 3
1910 I. Cg. vs. Street Noises . ... 2
1910 I. Homework Cg 2
1910 I. As. on Unemployment ... 3
1910 Carnegie Endowment for I. Peace .
1910 World's Peace Foundation . . .
1911 I. Pacifist Catholic Lg
1911 Die Brucke
1911 I. Al. of Men for Worn. Suffrage . 2
191 1 I. Fed. Protec. Native Races vs. Al.
1911 I. Cg. of Cent. Amer. Students. . 1
1911 I. Juvenile Courts Cg 1
191 1 I. Soc. for Protec. Sponge Fisher. .
1911 I. As. for Destruction of Rats . .
1911 I. As. for Protec. Motherhood . .
1911 U. Cg. of Mussulmans ....
1912 As. for I. Interchange of Students .
1912 . Feminist Cg. of Brussels . . .
1912 . Cg. on the Negro
1912 . Tech. Cg. for Preven. Indus. Ac.
1912 . Eugenics Cg
1912 . Cf. on Public Baths ....
1913 Cg. I. "Pour Mieux se connattre'
1913 . Cg. vs. Adulteration, etc. . . .
Cg. of the Deaf & Dumb . . 3
Purity Cg 8
Theosophical Peace Cg. ... 1
Bu. of Abstinent Students . .
J. As. of Esperan. Good Templars
. Un. of Abstaining Teachers .
. Fed. of Abstinent Physicians
. Ce. of Abstinent Priests . . .
Die Weltwarte
Internacia Ligo
WeltWerein .
Paris
Canea
Copenhagen
Berlin
London
Sec. Zurich
Worms
London
Sec. Carlsbad
Sec. Cologne
Leipzig
Zurich
Munich
Ce.
INDEX
Absolutism, 163
Accident, Industrial, 88
Administration, Int., 47
Aerial navigation, 55
Africa, wild animais, 5 1 ; alcohol,
59, 171; slavery, 59, 171; arms
59, 171 ; Olympic games, 78; im-
migration, 120.
Agriculture, 37, 38, 58, 77.
Int. Institute of, 45, 58
Alfred the Great, 32
Alien, 31, 123
Alliance Francaise, 113
Alliance Israelite Universelle, 83
American Federation of Labor, 77
American Scandinavian Founda-
tion, 108
Amherst, Lord, 132
Amphyctionic Council, 1 8
Andersen, H. C., 98
Anglo-Chinese Friendship Bureau,
109
Antwerp, 20
Arbitration, 64
Archaeology, 38
Argentina, 118, 1 20
"Arrow War," 141
Artistic interest, 79
Arts, 38, 41,79
Arts and Sciences, Int. Cg. of, 41
Association franco-russe, 103
Auber, Peter, 134
Australia, 78, 120, 161
Austria, Congress of Vienna, 23;
Holy Alliance, 24; Troppau, 25;
1st World's Fair, 37; railways,
55; Crimean War, 61; Olympic
games, 78; exchange professors,
104; emigration, 120; opium,
151, 154, 156
Automobile, 56
Auxiliary language, 1 1 3
Backward nation, 16, 29, 171, 174
Bagehot, Walter, 43
Balance of power, 1 9
Baptist World Alliance, 83
Belgium, 1st World's Fair, 37; Tele.
Cf. 54; Pub. Customs' Tariffs,
57; commercial statistics, 58;
Sugar Union, 58; slavery, 59;
Olympic games, 78.
Bentham, Jeremy, 1 1
Berlin, Cf . of, 59
Berlin, University of, 103
"Birds of Passage," 125, 173
Birds, protection of, 52
Blaine, James G., 68
Blind, 93
Blue Cross Society, 94
Bolivar, 26, 67
Botany, 8
Brazil, 49, 120
Brent, Bishop, 148
British German Friendship Society
109
Brussels' Declaration, 63
Butler, Nicholas Murray, 121
Cable companies, 54
Cable, submarine, 28, 29, 53, 54,
170
California, University of, 103
Cambridge, University of, 33
Canada, 78, 119, 161
Cancer, 92
Canning, 25, 169
Cape Spartel lighthouse, 56, 166
Carnegie, Andrew, 69, 111
Carnegie Endowment for Int.
Peace, 111
Carnegie Institution, 1 1 1
Catholic Church, 19,82,99
Causes of death, 50
Central American Union, 50, 53,
81, 167
Chambers of Commerce, 77
Charity and relief, 92
Child labor, 89
204
INDEX
China, Peace Cf., 63; Boxer in-
demnity, 101; Friendship Bu.,
109; prohibits opium, 130; ex-
clusion, 130; Opium War, 137;
Treaty of Nanking, 138; "Arrow
War," 141; Treaty of Tientsin,
143; prohibitory edict, 147;
Opium Commission, 148-151;
"Ten Year Agreement," 150,
156; Opium Cf., 154
ChooTsun, 137
Christian Endeavor Society, 85
Christian Missions, 28, 85
Christian Science, 83
Christian Student Federation, 103
City planning, 80
Cocaine, 154
Code of signals, 57
Colonial Institute, Int., 89
Colonies, 20, 41, 89, 119
Columbia University, 103
Commerce, 19-21, 27, 38, 57
Commercial statistics, 58
Compayre, Gilbert, 99
Concurrent nationalism, 1 8
Conferences, official, how convened,
45; procedure, 45; classification,
46; Sanitary Cf., 47; weights and
measures, 48; prime meridian, 49;
monetary, 49; pharmacopoeia,
50; causes of death, 50; Geodedic
Assn., 50; world's map, 50; Uni-
versal Postal Union, 53; hydro-
graphic com., 51 ; seismology, 51 ;
sealing, 52; labor legislation, 52;
telegraph, 53; submarine cable,
54; wireless tel., 55; aerial navi-
gation, 55; railways, 55; auto-
mobile, 56; Marine Cf. 57; Exch.
Public Doc's., 57; Pub. Customs'
Tariffs, 57; commercial statistics
58; Institute of Agri., 58; Sugar
Union, 58; slav3ery 59; arms and
alcohol in Africa, 59; obscene
literature, 59; opium, 59; white
slavery, 59; War, 60; Geneva
Convention, 61 ; Peace Cf's., 63-
65; Naval Cf., 66; conflict of
laws, 66; maritime law, 66; in-
dustrial and artistic property,
66
Conflict of laws, 66
Congregational World Council, 83
Congresses, unofficial, number, 75;
economic, 77; recreation, 78;
artistic, 79; scientific, 80; educa-
tional, 81 ; religious, 82; social, 87
Conservation, 51
Constantinople, 20, 47
Consumers' League, 89
Cooperative Alliance, Int., 88
Copyright, 66
Cor da Fratres, 101
Correspondence clubs, 106
Correspondence schools, 1 08
Cosmopolitan Club, 102, 107
Cosmopolitanism, 14, 26, 120
Coubertin, Baron, 78
Crime, 37, 96
Crimean War, 45, 61
Crusades, 18, 20
Danube, 18
Davis, Sir John, 140
Deaf-mutes, 93
Denmark, 37, 49, 78
DieBriicke, 107
Die Weltwarte, 107
Diplomacy, secret, 44
Discussion, 43, 64, 169
Dunant, Henri, 61
Dutch trade, 21,21
Earthquakes, 51
East India Co., 132, 134
Economic interest, 77
Economics, 15, 21, 38
Ecumenical councils, 1 8
Education, 38, 81
Educational interest, 81
Electrical units, 81
Elgin, Lord, 141, 143
Emigrant, 119
Emigration, 119
Engineering, 78
INDEX
205
England, colonies, 20; navigation
laws, 21 ; slavery, 23; Cong, of
Vienna, 23; Holy Alliance, 24;
1st World's Fair, 36; world's
map, 50; sealing, 52; code of
signals, 57; Sugar Union, 58;
Crimean War, 61 ; Naval Cf., 66;
Olympic games, 78; correspond-
ence clubs, 107; friendship socie-
ties, 109; opium traffic, 133; de-
mands on China, 141; agitation
against opium, 1 45 ; Opium Com.,
148-151 ; "Ten Year Agreement,"
150, 156; Opium Cf., 154; gives
up opium trade with China, 156
English language, 1 1 4
English Speaker's Link, 1 07
Epilepsy, 92
Equality of status, 160
Esperanto, 115
Eucharistic Cg., 82
Evangelical Alliance, 84
Evolution, 29
Exchange of public documents, 57
Exchange professors, 100, 103
Exploration, 27, 50, 51, 167, 170
Expositions, Int., 78
Fairs, early, 31-34
Federation, world, 117, 1 72
Feminism, 90
Feudalism, 19, 61
Fisher, Irving, 52
Foundations, 110
France, commercial policy, 21;
Cong, of Vienna, 23; early fairs,
33; 1st World's Fair, 37; Latin
Monetary Union, 49; Teleg. Cf.,
54; railways, 55; Sugar Union,
58; Crimean War, 61; Olmpic
games, 78; emigration, 120;
China, 140, 142; Opium Com.,
151
Franco-German League, 109
Franco-Italian League, 109
Free fairs, 32-34
Free Thinkers, 84
French language, 1 13
French Revolution, 21, 34, 35, 38
Friendship societies, 108
Fulton, Robert, 27
Carton Foundation, 1 10
Geneva Convention, 61 , 63
Geodedic Association, Int., 50
Geography, 38, 41, 50, 81
Geology, 81
Germany, labor legislation, 52;
wireless teleg., 55; railways, 55;
Olympic games, 78; correspond-
ence clubs, 107; friendship socie-
ties, 109; emigration ,1 20; opium,
148, 151
Giddings, F. H., 31
Good Templars, 94
Gottingen, University of, 103
Great Britain, see England
Greece, 37, 49, 78, 156
Greek language, 113
Grey, Sir Edward, 148, 150
Hague Conferences, 1 2, 45, 60, 63,
96, 171
Howard University, 104
Hastings, Warren, 133
Hershey, Professor, 60
HeuNaetse, 137
History, 38, 41
History of religion, 86
Holland, 37, 58, 72, 78, 104, 107,
148, 151
Holy Alliance, 24, 25, 26, 67, 169
Home industry, 90
Hong Kong, 138, 141
Hong merchants, 131
Housing, 37, 88
Hull, William I., 64
Hydographic Council, Int., 50
Hygiene, 38, 91
Idiom Neutral, 1 1 4
Ido, 116
India, 18,20,21, 133, 156
Industrial accidents, 88
Industrial life, 87
Industrial revolution, 27, 36
Industrial Property, Int. Bu. of, 67
Infant mortality, 92
206
INDEX
Insane, 92, 93
Insurance, social, 88
"International," 11
International Conciliation, 110
Internationalis Concordia, 106
Internationalism, new conception,
11; defined, 12; mutual aid, 13;
not cosmopolitanism, 14; pa-
triotism and, 15; developed by
western nations, 18; constitu-
tionalism and, 25; emphasizes
duties, 26; completes universaliz-
ing cycle, 35; religion and, 40;
international habit, 72; universi-
ties and, 99; world language and,
113; emigration and, 118; opium
question and, Chap X; normal,
159; principles of, 160; limited,
161; national duty, 162; ten-
dencies, 168; higher human in-
terests, 170; seeks permanency,
171; equalization, 173; promotes
peace, 174
International Reform Bureau, 147
Int. Workingmen's Assn., 1 1
Interparliamentary Union, 96
Italy, 37, 49, 55, 78, 104, 120, 151
Japan, 18, 48, 52, 63, 100, 148, 151
Japan Society, 108
Juvenile courts, 96
Kahn, Albert, 104
Kosmos, 107
Labor legislation, 52, 89
Laissez faire, 21
Language, national, 13, 100, 113
Latin- American Society, 108
Latin language, 19,99
Latin Monetary Union, 49
Latin Union, 109
Law, international, 11, 17, 60, 173
Legislation, int., 41, 60
Leipzig, University of, 104
Le Play, 37
Lieber, Dr. Francis, 62
Lin, Commissioner, 137, 152
Literature, national, 13, 19
London Conference, 60
London, Treaty of, 59
Louisana Purchase Exposition, 41
Lubin, 45
Lutheran Church, 83
Macartney, Lord, 132
Macaulay, Lord, 14
Manufacturing, 37, 78
Marine Cf., Int., 57
Maritime law, 66
Marx, Karl, 11
Mathematics, 38
Medical science, 41
Mensuration, 50
Mental diseases, 92
Mercantilism, 21
Meridian, prime, 48
Methodists, 83
Metternich, 25, 169
Mexico, 20, 67
Mexico Society, 109
Missionaries, 28
Money, 34, 38, 48, 49
Monroe Doctrine, 26, 69
Morphine, 154
Mott, JohnR., 102
Moving pictures, 1 27
Munich, University of, 104
Music, 79
Nanking, Treaty of, 138
Round About Club, 107
Royal Opium Com., 145, 151
Russia, 23, 24, 25, 33, 37, 52, 61,
63,78,120,140,142,151
St. Bartholemew Fair, 32
St. Louis, 41
St. Petersburg, Declaration of, 62
Salvation Army, 86
Sanitation, 47, 167
Scandinavian Monetary Union, 49
Science, 15,29,38,41,80
Sealing, 52
Secret diplomacy, 23
Seismology, 51
Shaftesbury, Earl of, 145
Slave trade, 23, 59, 93, 171
Smith, Adam, 21
Smithsonian Institute, 57
INDEX
207
Social insurance, 88
Social interest, 87
Socialism, 88
Social science, 40, 87
Sociology, 87
Sovereignty, national, 131, 160
Spain, 20, 23, 25, 26, 37, 104, 120
Spiritualists, 83
Sponge fishermen, 90
Standardization, 15, 33, 48, 58
Statistics, 41,58, 87
Steamships, 126
Stephenson, George, 27
Stourbridge Fair, 32
Students, 100
Student Volunteers, 102
Suez Canal, 27, 48
Sugar Union, 58
Sweden, 23, 37, 49, 51, 78, 156
Sweet, Henry, 115
Switzerland, 37, 49, 52, 55, 61, 156
Syndicalism, 88
Taft, William H., 148
Telegraph, 28, 53
Temperance, 94
Theosophy, 84
Tientsin, Treaty of, 143
Time, 48
Tramways, 78
Troppau, Cf., 25, 163
Troy weight, 34
Tuberculosis, 91
Turkey, 24,37,61, 153, 156
Unemployment, 89
Union des Nationalites, 109
Union of Int. Associations, 97
Unitarians, 83
United States, 1st World's Fair, 37;
Monroe Doctrine, 26; sealing, 52;
exch. pub. doc's., 57; opium, 59;
Peace Cf's., 63; Boxer indemnity,
101; immigration, 119; tolera-
tion in, 120; internationalism in,
124; treaty with China, 140; de-
mands on China, 142; Treaty of
Tientsin, 143; prohibition of
opium traffic, 145; Philippines,
146; Opium Com., 148-151;
Opium Cf., 154
Universal Postal Union, 12, 53, 72,
164, 167
Universal Telegraphic Union, 54
Universities, 99
Vasco da Gama, 20, 131
Vattel, 154
Venice, 19, 20
Verona, Cf. of, 25, 59
Vienna, Congress of, 21-30, 45, 59,
163
Volapiik, 114
War, 60, 138, 141
Weights and measures, 34, 38, 48,
170
Weltvereinigung Ksomopolit, 107
White Cross Society, 92
White slavery, 59, 95
Williams, S. Wells, 143
Wireless telegraph, 55
W. C. T. U., 94
Woman suffrage, 90
Women, 37, 52, 90
Woolsey, T. D., 132
Working girls, 93
Workingmen, 11,14,37,87
World Center, 98
World consciousness, 15
World federation, 172
World language, 113, 116
World Auxiliary Congress, 39
World's Christian Students Fed.,
103
World's Columbian Exposition, 39
World's fairs, 30-41
World's map, 50
World's Missionary Conference, 85
World's Parliament of Religions,
40,86
World's Sunday School Associa-
tion, 85
Wright, Hamiliton, 151
Y. M. C. A., 84
Y. W. C. A., 84
Zamenhof, Dr., 115
Zionism, 83
Zoology, 81
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