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Archives Year Book 

for South African 


Published by Authority of the Minister of 

the Interior 


C. Graham Botha, Chief Archivist for the Union. 

Dr. Coenraad Beyers, Assistant Chief Archivist for the Union. 

Prof. Dr. J. L. M. Franken. 

Prof. Dr. H. B. Thom. 

Secretary : Dr. P. J. Venter, Archivist. 





Argief'jaarboek vir 



^^y^'5"^ Uitgegee op las van die Minister van 


C. Graham Botha, Hoofargivaris van die Unie. 

Dr. Coenraad Beyers, Assistent-hoofargivaris van die Unie. 

Prof. Dr. J. L. M. Franken. 

Prof. Dr. H. B. Thom. 

Sekretaris : Dr. P. J. Venter, Argivaris. 






Contributions (in Afrikaans, English or High Dutch) to be 
sent to the Secretary, Archives, Queen Victoria Street, Cape Town. 
Copies of this Part can be ordered from the Government Printer 
at Pretoria and Cape Town. 

Bydraes (in A&ikaans, Engels of Nederlaods) moet gcstuur 
word aan die Sekretaris, Argief, Koningin Victoria-straat, Kaapstad. 
Eksemplare van hierdie Deel kan bestel word by die Staatsdnikker> 
in Pretoria en Kaapstad. 








SIR GEO. E. CORY, M.A., D.Litt., 

king's college, CAMBRIDGE 





Vol. VI 


The Archives of the Union of South Africa 


KzEROM Street, Capb Town. 


22 . 7. 5<f 


The Editors of the Archives Year Book have great pleasure in pub- 
lishing this, the completed portion of the final volume of Sir George 
Cory's eminent work, " The Rise of South Africa," interrupted by 
his illness and death on 28th April, 1935- 

It was at first Sir George's intention to conclude his history, in 
four volumes, with the year 1846 ; but he subsequently extended hit 
work to cover the year 1857 and expanded the text to six volumes. 

The present volume was to have contained about twelve chapters, 
the first six dealing mainly with Sir George Grey's administration, 
and including the establishment of the independent Republics in the 
North and the early history of the Church of England. Sir George 
was engaged in collating his material for the seventh chapter of this 
work when failing health overtook him and he was prevented from 
completing his beloved task. The seventh chapter was to have dealt 
with the early history of railway development in South A&ica. 

It is perhaps fitting that a brief biographical note on Sir George 
Cory, one of the most notable research-workers to have consulted the 
Cape Archives, should be included in this foreword. 

George Edward Cory, son of George Norton Cory of London, 
was bom on 3rd June, 1862, in London. He received his education 
at St. John's College, Hiustpierpoint, and King's College, Cambridge, 
where he graduated B.A. tripos in Natural Sciences in 1888. 

The degree of Master of Arts was conferred on him ad etmdum 
gradwn by the Universities of Cambridge, Durham and South Africa. 
In 1921 the Honorary Degree of Doctor of Literature was conferred 
on him by the University of South Africa in recognition of his historical 
researches, and the following year Sir George Cory was knighted, in 
recognition of his labours in connection with the 1820 Setders* 

Sir George came to South Africa in 1891 to take up the position 
of Vice-Principal at the Grahamstown Public School. Three years 
later he was appointed Lecturer in Chemistry at St. Andrew's College, 
Grahamstown, and in 1904, on the founding of Rhodes University 
College, he became the first Professor of Chemistry at that institution. 

Soon after his arrival in South Africa, Sir George began to interest 
himself in the local history of Grahamstown, and of the Eastern 
Province in general. The romantic story of the 1820 setders appealed 
to his imagination, and he made it his business, by personal interviews 


of which he made careful notes, to obtain a unique collection of 
personal reminiscences of the eailier generation. His ability to set 
out in an attractive and condensed form this valuable information, 
led to the commencement of the ambitious imdertaking which was 
to become his life-work. His deepest interest and joy, from that time, 
became the writing of his voluminous and eminently readable " Rise 
of South Africa," Volume I of which was pubhshed by Messrs. 
Longmans in 1910. 

After the publication of this first volume, and in order to facilitate 
his labours, the Rt. Hon. F. S. Malan, Acting Prime Mim'ster for the 
Um'on, enabled Sir George to devote the entire year, 1919, to researches 
in the Archives at Cape Town, and from 1925 onwards Sir George 
was the recipient of an honorarium from the Union Government, 
which enabled him to devote his time to research. He became Emeritus 
Professor of Chemistry at Rhodes University College, Grahamstown, 
and from that year made Cape Town his headquarters. Thereafter, 
until his death ten years later, he spent every available minute among the 
documents at the Cape Archives, from which few distractions could 
tempt him. 

The Synopsis of the contents of each chapter and the detailed 
index to the volume have been prepared by Miss M. K. Jeffreys, 
MJV., of the Archives Department, Cape Town. 

January, 1940. 




Sir George Grey — Career — Researches — Governor at the Cape — ^Problem of 
British Kai&aria — Kaffirs and Fingoes — Intrigues — Complaints by Adam 
Kok — Hottentot Deserters — Visit to Grahamstown — Conference with 
Native Chiefs — Defence of British Kaffraria — Opening of Second Parlia- 
mentary Session — Statement of frontier policy — Scheme for introducing 
military Settlers into British Ktfiraria — Governor's attitude towards 
Republics — Church — Settlement of British Kif&aria — ^Pensioner scheme 
a failure — Public Works — Civilising of Kaffirs — Witch doctors — Medicine 
and siurgery — Governor's tour of Republics — Meeting with Moshesh — 
Treaty of peace between Moshesh end Boshof — Secret plan of Kaffirs 
to invade Colony — ^War between Orange Free State and Basutoland — 
Visit to Natal — Labour and immigration in Natal — Changes in adminis- 
tration of British KaSraria — Stock diseases — Conspiracies among ktffirs — 
Prophecies of Umlangeni — Nonquase — Cattle-killing delusion fomented — 
Endeavours to check spread of movement — Moshesh — Governor's letters 
to Kreli and Moshesh — Sandilli's attitude — ^Nonkosi's testimony — 
Kwitchi's confession — ^Relief measures — Suppression of movement — 
Trials and sentences — Results. 



■Sir George Grey's ideal of federation — ^His regret at abandonment of 
Sovereignty — Absorption and population of British Kaffraria— Convict 
labourers — British German Legion — British farmers — Land grants to 
Kaffirs — Development of British Kaffraria — King William's Town and 
Bast London — Establishment of Churches — Grey Hospital and Medical 
School founded — Construction of Fort Glamorgan, East London — 
Harbour attached to Cape Colony — ^Report on Bu&lo River mouth — 
Gaol and Police — East London and Kaffir War — Surf boats— Com- 
mencement on Harbour Works — Introduction of German Legion — 
Recruitment, marriages and embarkation — Reception in British Kaffraria 
— Col. Bell's report on them — General Stutterheim's opinion — Un- 
suitable as farmers — Called up against Kaffirs — Restriction on private 
enterprise among them — Their location — ^Military disposition — Dis- 
content — Miu'der of Capt. Ohlsen by Kaffirs — Women immigrants as 
wives from British Isles — Failure of scheme — Desertions — Lack of clothing 
— Refusal of War Office to sanction Sir George Grey's expenditure — 
Economic and trading disabilities — ^Trade agreement between Baron 
von Stutterheim and Mr. H. B. Christian — Legionaries' failure to pay 
debts — Mr. Christian's claim for compensation — Departure of Baron 
von Stutterheim — Death of Col. von Hake — Escape to Basutoland of 
deserters from Legion — Destruction of French Mission at Morija — 
Abandonment of lands and villages — Despatch of legionaries to India 
by Sir George Grey on his own initiative — Return of a renmant to Cape — 
Expenditure incurred in England for Legion — Disbandment — Introduc- 
tion of Civil German Inmiigrants — First arrivals at East London — Un- 
favourable reception — Difficulties of new settlers — Their excellent 
character — Disapproval of Secretaries of State — Instruction to Godefroy 
to cease despatching them — Sir George Grey's diffictilties in regard to 
the contract — Deficit in revenue of British Kaffraria attributed to Sir 
George Grey's excessive zeal — Reprimanded by Colonial Office and War 
Office — His defence and offer to resign — Lord Lytton mges tcccnsidcr- 
ation — Explanation of Government attitude — Theal's description of 
German immigrants. 



.Proclamation of British Kaffraria as a separate Colony — ^Appointment of 
Governor of Cape Colony as Lieutenant Governor — Kaffir wars delay 
its political development — Hostility of Kaffirs to political and judicial 
control — Murders of solitary Europeans — Fingoes — Kreli — Pardon re- 
fused by Governor — Refusal to accept land beyond Umtata River — 
Restrictions on settlement of Kaffirs in British Kaffraria — Unrest among 
Gcalekas and Tambookies — Proposal to populate Transkei with Euro- 

peans and loyal Kaffirs — Governor's refusal to act due to constant dis- 
approval of English Parliament — ^Advent of Sir Philip Wodehouse — 
Abandonment of Transkei and Proclamation of Kei as boundary — 
Kreli pardoned — Allowed to occupy part of former territory — Expendi- 
ture on British Kaffraria — Question of port of East London — Mr. La- 
bouchere succeeded by Lord Stanley — Measures to reduce expenditiu'e — 
Huge expenses incurred for German Legion — Advance by Sir George 
Grey out of his private purse — His appeal for assistance in developing 
British Kaffraria — Its proclamation as separate government delayed by 
Governor — Opposition to annexation — Counter proposal that British 
Kaffraria and Eastern Province be separated from Western Province — 
Recall of Sir George Grey — His reappointment — His visit to Windsor 
Castle — ^Prince Alfred's tour — ^Annexation of British Kaffraria held in 
abeyance — Return to England of Prince Alfred — Meeting between Gover- 
nor and deputation at King William's Town — ^Proclamation of British 
Kaffraria as a separate Colony — King William's Town the capital — Sir 
George Grey's recall to New Zealand--General Wjmyard Acting Governor 
— Sir P. Wodehouse appointed Governor — Reduction of expenditure — 
Cessation of work in East London Harbour — His speech at opening of 
Parliament — Opposition to proposed incorporation of British Kaffraria 
in Colony — Governor's visit to Eastern Districts — Introduction of 
Incorporation Bill — Renewed protests — Rejection of bill in Parliament — 
Governor's determination to carry through the measure — Committee 
of observation — Petition to the Queen — Refusal of Secretary of State 
to advocate petition — Attempts to enlist sympathy in the House of Com- 
mons — Petition to Governor — Old Separation question revived — 
Rumours that Kreli intends attacking police — ^Panic — The Governor 
allots certain territory to Kreli — The Transkei and its future — Decision 
to locate Kafiirs and Fingoes there — Rejection by Gaikas and Tam- 
bookies — Abandonment of Transkei — Annexation of British Kaf&aria 
made practicable by Imperial Enactment — Governor's speech at opening 
of Parliament, 1865 — Censure of Governor by Saul Solomon and others — 
Mr. Solomon's resolution — Defence of Governor's attitude by Mr. 
William Porter and others — Mr. Solomon's resolutions carried — ^Addrest 
to Secretary of State — Governor's defence and vindication — Census 
Bill hastens his actions — Act of Incorporation passed. 



Tke formation of the Sovereignty unwelcome to all parties — Sir Harry Smith's 
visit unsatisfactory — Attitude of Boers and adjacent tribes — Basuto 
boundary question — Criticism of Sir Harry Smith by Sir John Russell — 
Major Warden's dismissal — Decision to make Sovereignty independent — 
Never promulgated — Abandonment decided upon — Sir Harry Smitk 
and Assistant Commissioners on probable conclusions drawn by non- 
Europeans — Sir George Cathcart asks for a Special Commissioner to 
organise abandonment — Method of procedure — Consternation among 
inhabitants — Deputation to Sir George Clerk — His unpopularity — His 
request to be allowed to retiun to England — The meeting in Bloemfontein 
— Committee to represent inhabitants — Unsatisfactory statement by 
Special Commissioner — His claim to authority — Opposition by inhabi- 
tants to abandonment — Deputation sent to England — Unsuccessful 
— Opposition essentially British — Requests to form a second Com- 
mittee — Sir George Clerk's comments on the Rev. Andrew Murray — 
Matters on which Boers are desirous of settlement before abandonment — ' 
Old Committee meet to draft a constitution — Formation of a second 
Committee — Sir George Clerk acts on the assimiption that Boers desire 
an independent government — His references to land-jobbing officials — 
His tour of the territory and interviews with farmers — Meeting with 
Moshesh — Failure to settle Basuto boundary — Griqualand question — 
Complaints against him by Adam Kok — Inconsistent conduct of Griquas 
— His condemnation of missionary interference — Convenes a meeting for 
discussing the formation of an independent Government — Dissolution of 
the old Committee — Unavailing protests by anti-abandonists — Order-in- 
Council authorising the abandonment — Appointment of a provisional 
government — Act constituting the Orange Free State — Terms of Bloem- 
fontein Convention — Acceptance — Discovery of gold at Smithfield com- 
plicates matters — Exhibition of specimens at Grahamstown — Renewed 
opposition to abandonment — Unfavourable report of Government 
Geologist after investigation — Establishment of a permanent Government 


— Return to Cape Colony of Special Commissioner — Question of com- 
pensation — Evacuation of troops — Sir George Clerk presents new 
Government with £3jOOO for compensation — Claims of President M. W. 
Pretorius and others — Surveyors' claims — Endeavours of Dutch in Natal 
to gain independence — Sir George Grey's comments on the cession of 
the two Republics — Trouble brewing between Orange Free State and 
Basutoland — Intrigues of the South African Republic — Thieving pro- 
pensities of roving Bushmen — Resignation of President Hoffman — 
Friendliness with Moshesh — His successor Mr. J. N. Boshof— Bushmen 
depredations and commandos against— Mr. Orpen's bravery — Indenturing 
of Bushmen children as servants — ^Mr. Lowen's evidence of treatment of 
Bushmen — Interregnum between resignation of President HofEman and 
arrival of President Boshof. 



Mz. Boshof's problems — Basuto question — Disunion within — ^TraflSc in 
native children — Sir George Grey's tour of Orange Free State — Inter- 
view with Moshesh — Pass laws for Basuto in Orange Free State — ^The 
spoor law — Burghers prohibited from entering Basutoland — Boundary 
unspecified — Native depredations — Composition of Basuto people — 
Witzie and his followers — Commandos sent against him — Mr. Boshof's 
injimctions against the capture of native children — Basuto ignore agree- 
ment with Orange Free State — Inadequate compensation — Negotiations 
between Moshesh and Kreli — Claims of Mr. Pretorius on Orange Free 
State — Mr. Boshof's opposition and appeal to Sir George Grey — 
Pretorius' attempt on the Orange Free State by force — Lydenbtu-g 
Republic founded — Paul Kruger peacemaker between commandos — 
Treaty of peace — ^Pretorius' claims without foimdation — Attempts at 
an alliance with Holland— Orange Free State accorded national fla'; 
and coat-of-arms — Outrages of Basuto against farmers — Declaration of 
War — Residents in Colony to remain neutral — Convention of 1854 makes 
this impossible — Basuto attempt to make their own gun-powder — Mr. 
Orpen's championship of Basuto — The uncertainty of the boundary 
the root of the trouble — ^Mr. Orpen becomes adviser to Moshesh's son — 
His character and career — Basuto War — Campaign and attack on French 
Mission Stations — ^Mischievous element in German Legion — Formatior 
of a defensive laager near Cathcart's Drift — Thaba Bosigo — Decision of 
Krygsraad to disband and return to their homes — Character and carea 
of Moshesh — His ideal of federation of Bantu peoples — Founding of 
the Basuto nation — President Boshof proclaims temporary cessation of 
hostilities — Peace overtures to Moshesh — Moshesh's refusal to receive 
Pretorius as mediator — Terms of peace — Mr. Boshof's resignation refused 
by Volksraad — Cape Parliament consents to Sir George Grey's mediation 
between Basutoland and Orange Free State — Simultaneous appeal to 
Pretorius — His visit to Winburg — Conference of the two Presidents — 
Union between the Republics discussed — Sir George Grey's objections — 
Volksraad accepts Sir George Grey's mediations — Opportimity used to 
urge federation of European states in South Africa — Grave plight of 
Orange Free State — Moshesh's refusal to meet personally the Governor 
and Orange Free State delegates — Treaty of Aliwal North — Interview 
between Moshesh and Mr. Burnett — ^Ratification of treaty by Moshesh — 
Terms of treaty ignored by Basuto — Impossibility of enforcing them — 
Question of priority of occupation — Evidence given before a Commis- 
sion — Second Basuto War in 1865 — Mr. Boshof's leave and final departure 
to Natal — Mr. E. R. Snyman acting President — His successor Mr. M. W. 
Pretorius — Opposition from South African Republic — Note on the charac- 
ter of Pretorius — Trafiic in Bushmen and Kaffir children— Odendaal 
case — Mr. Orpen's attitude — Export of children from Transvaal to the 
Orange Free State — Pretorius' Proclamation prohibiting trafiic in children 
— Other letters and accusations of Mr. Orpen — ^The Commission of 
Inquiry — Namainja's evidence — ^His fear of Van Rooyen — Commis- 
sioners return home — Mr. Orpen continues alone — Individual reports — 
Evidence collected by landdrost of Utrecht — Volksraad's dissatisfaction 
with reports — Statement sent to British Government — ^Mixed British 
and Portuguese Commission — Sir George Grey's report to British Govem- 
- ment — Petition to the Queen from two British subjects in the Transvaal — 
Active intervention by Great Britain impossible — Revival of question in 
1865 — Sale in Potchefstroom of kafiSrs from Zoutpansberg — Pretorius' 
assurance to Sir P. Wodehouse — Escape of slave dealers to south — 

Re-enactment of slave laws in Republic — ^Transvaal Volksraad discusses 
question — Trouble with natives attributed to it — Attitude of British 
Government — Kidnapping dies out. 



Position of the churches in 1806 — Military chaplains — The notorious Dr. 
Halloran — His penchant for exposing public scandals in biting verse — 
Attack on General Grey and dismissal — Subsequent career — Paucity of 
clergymen — First Church of England erected at Simonstown — Services 
held in the Groote Kerk — Second Church at Grahamstown — ^Visit of 
Bishop of Calcutta — Consecration of ground given for St. Georges 
Cathedral — Method of raising money for the Church by " shares " — 
Foundation stone of St. George's Cathedral laid 1830 — Churches at 
Bathurst and Wynberg — Increase in number of congregations — ^Diffi- 
culty of control by Archbishop of Canterbury and York and Bishop of 
London — Colonial Bishoprics Fimd — Establishment of a bishopric in 
Cape Town — Baroness Burdett Coutt's generosity — Biographical note on 
her — Bishop Robert Gray's appointment — ^Evangelical sects and their 
activities — Bishop Gray's accusations against the evangelical clergy — 
His claim to precedence over Dutch Reformed Church and reaction 
thereto — The Oxford movement — ^Repercussions at the Cape — Fear of 
Papacy — Establishment by Mr. Lamb of a Low Church at Trinity Church, 
Cape Town — Arrival of Bishop Gray in 1848 — His totu-s — ^Journey to 
Sovereignty, Basutoland and Natal — His purchase of Bishop's Court 
and establishment of boys' school — Removal of school to Rondebosch — 
Establishment of school for sons of Native Chiefs at Bishop's Court- 
Removal to Zonnebloem — Financed by subscriptions and Government 
grants — Bishop Gray recommends the establishment of two other bishop- 
rics — His visit to England to raise funds — Establishment of sees of Gra- 
hamstown and Natal — Appointment of Bishops Armstrong and Colenso— 
Constitutional change in 1853 makes appointments illegal — Bishop Gray 
involves Church of England in litigation — His attachment to the Oxford 
Movement — Friction with Low Church and Evangelical Clergy — ^Mr. 
Lamb's attacks on the Oxford Movement at the Cape — ^Admonished and 
censured by an Ecclesiastical Court — Bishop Gray's desire that the laity 
should co-operate in the Government of the Church — His opponents 
claim that the constitution of Synods is illegal — Refusal of British Parlia- 
ment to authorize a Synod at the Cape — Bishop Gray attacked by Advocate 
Surtees — Petition of Cape Town citizens against Synods — Secretary of 
State's refusal to intervene — Trouble in Port Elizabeth — ^Appointments 
of Mr. Merriman and Mr. Fowle — Congregation secedes — ^Trouble at 
St. Peters', Mowbray — Its establishment — Its transfer to Bishop Gray — 
Appointment of Mr. Long — Synod of 1856 — Refusal of some parishes to 
send delegates — Attorney Fairbridge condemns the Synod — Synod of 
1861 — Refusal of a number of congregations to participate — Bishop 
Gray's failure to gain the support of Mr. Long — He refuses to appear 
before ecclesiastical Court — His temporary suspension — His rejection 
of the sentence — The revocation of his licence — His appeal to the Supreme 
Court — Court supports Bishop Gray — ^Mr. Long's appeal to Privy Council 
— Supreme Court's decision reversed — Difficulties with Bishop Colenso 
— His career and character — Acceptance of the new Bishopric in Natal — 
Study of Zulu language, law and thought — ^Views on polygamy — Unortho- 
dox publications — Accusations of hypocrisy against clergy — Refusal to 
withdraw publications — Bishop Gray refers question to Archbishop of 
Canterbury — Meeting of Bishops — The Archbishop powerless to deal 
with diocese outside England— -Question of jurisdiction considered by 
Privy Council — Disagreement amongst bishops as to correct procedtu'e — 
Decision to inhibit Bishop Colenso — His refusal to resign — Bishop Gray 
calls a court in Cape Town — Colenso tried in absentia — His refusal to 
regard proceedings as lawful — Sentenced and deposed — His petition 
to the Crown — Referred to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, 
1864 — Letters Patent issued to Bishop Gray declared invalid — Pro- 
ceedings at Cape Town null and void — Bishop Gray excommunicates 
Bishop Colenso — Colenso obtains interdict against closing of church 
to him — Ignores excommunication — ^Retains legal title of Bishop and 
possession of Church properties — Difficulties in making fresh appointment 
— Consecration of Bishop Macrorie — ^Ereaion of new Cathedral of Pietcr- 
maritzburg — Bishop Gray's abilities and achievements. 

Owing to a misunderstanding the Printer has placed the Index at the front 
of the volume. 


Abatamba, kafiirs, 25. 

Abercrombie, Sir Ralph, 126. 

Abysirmian, vessel, 47. 

Accrington, Vicar of, 193. 

Adam Kok, visited by Bishop Gray, 167. 

Adderly, member of British Parliament, 4. 

Adelaide (South Africa), 56. 

Albany district, 5, 8, 34. 

Albert district, 96. 

Alexander, Mr. Henrj', Colonial Secretary, 159. 

Alice district, 9. 

Aliwal North district, 16 ; changes in administration, 20 ; Treaty of, 139. 

Amagogotya, kaffirs, 25, 30. 

Amahluli, Zulu tribe, 65. 

Amatolo Mountains, and Kaffir War, 21, 32. 

Ammunition, Arms and, see imder Arms. 

Anta, KafUr Chief, interview with Governor, 9 ; Captain Robertson Resident 

to, 21 ; removes to Amatolas against orders, 32 ; interview between 

Brownlee, Tambookies and Gaikas, 80. 
Apprentices, see Bushmen. 

Arbousset, Mr., French missionary at Morija, 132. 
Argus, Cape, 129. 
Armagh, Archbishop of, 187. 

Arms and ammunition, and Orange Free State, 95, 98, 127. 
Armstrong, Rev. H., 13, 14, 169. 

Australia, i, 8, 102, 162, n ; Arrival at Cape of supposed convicts from, 39. 
Ayliff, John, 13. 

Badnall, Archdeacon, of George, 189. 

Bain, A. H., 107. 

Bain, H., 99, n. 

Bains Vlei, 99. 

Balincivade, a Fingo, 19. 

Barnard, Sir Henry, 52. 

Barry, Mr., 84. 

Barry, Mr., 173. 

Bashee River, 35, 64, 65. 

Basuto, negotiations with Kaffirs, 6 ; conference with Governor, 16, 17 ; 
Moshesh foments catde-kiUing, 26-28 ; boundary disputes with 
Sovereignty, 89-95 ; danger of invading Orange Free State, 113 ; pass 
system for, in Orange Free State, 119 ; Spoor law, 120 ; thefts, 119, 126 ; 
arms and ammunition from Colony, 128 ; Moshesh's ideal of federation, 
135, n ; origin of race, 141. See also under Moshesh. 

Basutoland, 167 ; and deserters from German Legion, 51 ; relations with 
Orange Free State, 118, 120. 

Basuto War, causes, 17, 128 ; Boers attack French Missions, 131, 133 ; 
hostilities, 133 ; peace negotiations, 136 ; agreement between South 
African Republic and Orange Free State, 137 ; Treaty of Aliwal North, 


Bathelung, or Moklapise, a Bantu tribe, 144. 

Batburst, Church of England at, 162, 164. 

Beaufort West, 167. 

Beecham Wood, in Faku's country, 64. 

Beersheba, formerly Zevenfontein, French Missionary station, 128 ; attacked 
by Orange Free State Biurghers, 130, 136 ; dispute as to whether 
it is in Basutoland or Orange Free State, 132, 141 ; appointed meeting- 
place of Sir George Grey and Moshesh, 138, 139. 

Beggars Berg, 148. 

Beka Mission Station, British Kaffi-aria, 47 ; Geiman Legionaries at, 48. 

Bell, puisne judge, 178, l8i. 

BeU, Col., chief land-surveyor, meets the German Legion, 47. 

Berea, defeat of English by Moshesh at, 6, 17, 26, 92, 96. 


vi INDEX. 

Berg, Mr., 54. 58- 
Berlin, Briush Ka 

CafFraria, settled by German Legionaries, 48, 51 ; abandon- 
ment, 52, 57 ; and annexation, 75. 

Berlin Missionary Society, in British Kaffraria, 73, 164. 

Bernard, Mr., 116. 

Bester, P. M., 142, 148, 163. 

Bindon, Dr., milit^, 14. 

Bishop's Court, occupied by Bishop Gray, 14 ; boys' school, 168 ; college 
for sons of native chiefs, 168. 

Black Ivory Trade, 129, n. 

Blair, Mr., incumbent of St. John's, Wynberg, objects to holding Synods, 176. 

Bleek, Dr., Colenso case, 189. 

Bloemfontein, 108 ; Committee, 95-98 ; streets in, 99, 106 ; Convention, 
100-103 ; Hector Lowen appointed Landdrost of, 113 ; visited by Bishop 
Gray, 167. 

Boardman, Rev., of Bathurst, 160. 

Boers, antagonism to commando system, 89 ; British sympathies, 97 ; in 
Natal, press for independence, 109-111 ; claim priority of occupation in 
Orange Free State, 127, 140. 

Bolman, confiscation of territory, 40. 

Bombay, 18. 

Bombo, Tambookie Witch doctor, 66. 

Bomvanaland, Kreli takes refuge there, 65. 

Boomerang, farm, 99. 

Boomplaats, battle, 89, 98 ; M. W. Pretorius claims compensation for ammu- 
nition used against British at, 107 ; A. H. Bain's public services at, 107. 

Bosheuvel, see Bishop's Court. 

Boshof, N. J., relations with Moshesh, 16, 119, 126, 135 ; appointment to 
presidency, 117 ; resignation and reappointment, 136, 141 ; and Sir George 
Grey, 119, 123, 129, 137 ; and capture of Kaffir and Bushmen children, 
122, 142, 146 ; relations with South African Republic, 123, 136 ; desires 
alliance with Cape Colony, 124 ; report on Orpen, 129 ; views on federa- 
tion, 138 ; departure for Natal, 141. 

Botha, Louw, commandant, 122, 146. 

Bourke, General, 161. 

Brand, C. J., Transvaal afiairs, 124. 

Braunschweig, village in British Kafifraria, abandoimient, 52. 

Breidbach, village in British Kaffraria, abandonment, 52, 57. 

Brewer, Jacobus, 52. 

Bristol, Bishop of, father of Bishop Robert Gray, 163. 

British Kaffraria, 4 ; Kaffirs and Fingoes, 5 ; defence measures, 5, lo, 58 ; 
pensioner scheme, 10 ; administration, 19 ; cattle killing, 33 ; popula- 
tion, 34, 70; annexation, 38, 71 et seq., 81; financial affairs, 38, 58, 67 
et seq., 81 ; port of East London, 42, 68, 73 ; Crown colony, 63, 70, 73 ; 
visit by Prince Alfred, 72 ; proposed settling of loyal kaffirs, 80 ; education 
of Kaffir youths from, at Zonnebloem, 168. 

Broundown, near Portsmouth, 45. 

Brownlee, Charles, 5 ; assists Governor on visit to Kaffirland, 9 ; explains 
Sir George Grey's changes in administration, 20 ; appointment as resident 
to Sandilli, 21 ; and cattle-killing, 25, 29, 34 ; contrite letter from Kreli, 
65 ; urges Gaikas to move to the Transkei, 80. 

Buckingham and Chandos, Duke of, 156. 

Buckley, A., 107. 

Buffalo River, see East London. 

Burdett, Sir Francis, 162. 

Burdett-Coutts, Baroness Angela, 14 ; endows bishopric of Cape Town, 162 ; 
good works and history, 162-163, •> 5 subscribes to purchase Zonnebloem 
College, 168. 

Burghersdorp, visited by Governor, 16 ; petition for retention of Sovereignty, 

Burman, Isaac, 150. 

Burman, L., 150. 

Burnett, Mr., Magistrate Aliwal North, describes Mr. Orpen's activities, 129 ; 

visits Moshesh, 140. 
Bushmen children, apprenticeship and sale of in Sovereignty and Transvaal, 

117, 142, 148; and British Government, 151 et seq. 
Bushmen, depredations and commandos against in Orange Free State, 113 
€t seq. ; disputes with Boers re priority of occupation, 141. 

Bushman River, Great, iii. 

INDEX. vii 

Butha-Bule, a mixed community in Basutoland, founded by Moshesh, 135, n. 
Butler, Rev., Vicar of Wantage, 193. 

Butterworth, meeting called by Kreli, 30 ; trusted natives to settle at, 66 ; 

territory occupied by Fingoes, 80. 
Bruel, member of Volksraad, Orange Free State, 142. 
Bruwer, Mr., 148, 149. 

Caesar Godefroy, vessel, 55. 

Calcutta, Bishop of, visit to South Africa, 1827, 161. 

Calcutta, 18, 53. 

Caledon River, 52 ; Sir George Clerk visits a farm on, 99 ; district. Resident 
Magistrate of, 99 j exhibition of gold nuggets from, at Grahamstown, 
104 ; commando called to fight marauding Bushmen, 116 ; native cattle 
thefts, 122-123 ; ambush by Boers, 132. 

California, comparisons between Orange Free State and, 104. 

Canning, Lord, 60. 

Canterbury, 14 j Archbishop and Cape congregations, 162 ; ordaining of 
clergy, 174 ; and Colenso case, 186, 192 ; St. Augustine College at, 
receives native students from Cape, 169. 

Cape Colony, Secretary of State unwilling to assist, 12 ; given its own con- 
stitution, 170. 

Cape Corps, German Legionaries, drafted into, 5 ; Griquas desert from, 8 ; 
attempts to undermine, 22 ; used to attack marauding Bushmen in 
Orange Free State, 116. 

Cape Town, i ; and retention of Sovereignty, 95. 

Cardwell, Mr., Secretary of State, abandonment of Transkei, 87 ; and annexa- 
tion of British Kaifraria, 81. 

Carnarvon, Lord, 156. 

Cathcart's Drift, Caledon River, laager formed there, 133. 

Cathcart, Sir George, intentions regarding British Kaffraria, 19, 38 ; allocation 
of land to certain Kaffir Chiefs, 40 ; advocates abandonment of Sovereignty, 
92 ; investigation of gold at Smithfield, 104. 

Cattle, lung-sickness in British Kaffraria, 21. 

Cattle-killing, 23-25 ; history and object, 26 et seq., 32-34, 37 j relief of distress, 

Cattle thefts, by Basuto from Free State farmers, 16. 

Church, Anglican, status in 1806, 158 ; military chaplains, 158 ; number of 
clergy, 160 ; congregations, 162 ; relations with Church in England, 
162, 163, n, 187, 191 ; Colonial Bishoprics Fund, 1841, 162 : endowment 
of bishoprics by Baroness Burdett-Coutts, 162, 163, n. ; evangelical bias 
in South Africa, 164 ; Church precedence, 166 ; and Oxford movement, 
167, 170 ; establishment of bishoprics in Grahamstown and Natal, 169 ; 
cancellation of Letters Patent of 1847, snd appointment of Bishop Gray as 
Metropolitan of South Africa and Bishop of Cape Town, 1853, 169 ; 
new Letters Patent invalid, 170 ; and Synods, 176 ; at Kingwilliamstown, 
41 ; at Adelaide, 56 ; endowed in British Kaffraria, 73 ; at Colesberg, 
129, n., 167 ; at Siraonstown, first church erected, 160 ; at Cape Town, 
services in Groote Kerk, 160 ; visit of Bishop of Calcutta and consecration 
of ground for St. George's Cathedral, 1827, l6i ; foundation stone laid, 
1830, 162 ; at Fort Beaufort, 162 ; Trinity Church, Cape Town, its 
origin, 167 ; Mr. Lamb's activities, 170, 171 ; at Rondebosch, 176 ; at 
Port Elizabeth, secession of whole congregation, 173 ; at St. Peter's , 
Mowbray, history of its establishment, 174 ; appointment of Rev. Long, 
174 ; objections to Synod, 175 ; deprived of living and Rev. Hughes 
installed, 177 ; Synods, organisation, 174 ; validity questioned, 172 ; 
meeting of first Synod, 1857, 173 J see also under Colenso and Gray. 

Church, Dutch Reformed, moral and educational value, 11 ; status, 158, 165, 
166, 180 ; dominant church in Western Province, 164 ; Synods, 172 ; 
in South African Republic, 125. 
Nonconformist, endowments in British Kaffraria, 73 ; 
Wesleyan, at King Williamstown, 41 ; dominant Church in Bastem 
Province, 164. 

Cis-Kei, proposal to settle natives from, in Transkei, 80. 

viii INDEX. 

Clarendon, Lord, 151, 156. 

Clarke, William, 150. 

Clerk, Sir George Russell, A«ing High Commissioner, 4 ; complaints of bad 
administration, 7 ; appointment as Special Commissioner, 92 ; and 
abandonment of Sovereignty, 92, 94-97, 105 ; impopularity, 93 ; opinion 
of Boers'attitude to British rule, 98 ; and land-jobbing officials, 99 ; 
contempt of Griquas, loo-ioi ; and missionaries, 100 ; and Burgher 
Committee, 100 ; signs terms of newly-constituted state, 103 j return 
to the Cape, 106 ; and compensation to Boer rebels, 106 ; deputation 
on Bushmen depredations, 117; three years' agreement incorporated in 
Convention, 123 ; failure to settle boundary dispute between Basutoland 
and Orange Free State causes war, 128. 

Cochet, Mr., 140. 

Coetzee, Chairman of Lydenburg Volksraad, 125. 

Coetzee, Mr., 141. 

Coffee, future in Natal, 17. 

Cole, Sir Lowry, 162. 

Coleman, W. J., 105, I20. 

Colenso, Rev. J. W., appointed bishop of Natal, 169, 184 ; studies in Zulu 
languages and laws, 183 ; early career, 184; imorthodox views and pub- 
lications, 185 ; attack on honesty of clergy, 186 ; visit to England, 186 ; 
complaints against by bishops, 187 ; ecclesiastical proceedings against, 
188 et seq. ; ruling of Privy Council, 190 ; interdict against church, 191 ; 
excommunication of, 192. 

Colesberg, 167 ; petition for retention of Sovereignty, 96 ; British troops 
from Orange Free State march to, 106 ; Dr. Orpen appointed minister, 
129, n. 

Colonial Bishops Fund, established 1841, 162. 

Colour prejudice, educational institutions at Paarl, 16. 

Conunando, against Witzie, 122. See also Basuto War. 

Convicts, introduaion, for labour, 39. 

Coolies, introduction into Natal, 17. 

Cotton, in Natal, 17. 

Courts, Sir Thomas, 162. 

Covenanter, vessel, 47. 

Cox, Rev. E. H., of Tasmania, 193. 

Cradock district, 34. 

Crause, Percy, Registrar of Deeds, land speculator, 99. 

Crimean War and pardoning of deserters, 8. 

Cronje, J. A., 136. 

Crouch, Mr., 35. 

CuUoden, vessel, 47. 

Currie, Rev., 178. » 

Ciurie, Sir Walter, commands F.A.M.P., 11; held British Kaffraria, 66; 
and settlement of Transkei, 66; and Kreli's projected attack, 78 ; occupies 
Transkei with police force, 80. 

Customs dues, and the Sovereignty, 95. 

Darling, acting Governor at Cape, 4. 

de Fin, Baron, Captain, member of German Legion, 46, 56. 

Delhi, India, siege of, 52. 

Demmler, Professor, Royal Military College, Sandhurst, recommend* dv 

immigrants, 54, 58. 
de Wet, farmer, Valsh River, 145. 
Dingaan, 122. 

Diocesan College, establishment, 168. 
Dohne Post, see Stutterheim. 
Dolphin, vessel, 40. 

Doom Nek, halfway house to gold fields, 104. 

Drakensberg, 122, 144, 151, 167. 

du Plessis, J., 150. 

Durban, development of harbour, 17 ; Governor's visit, 17 ; Bishop Gray's 

visit, 167. 
Durban, Sir Benjamin, his policy followed by Sir George Grey, 20. 
Durham, 163, 187. 

Dutch Reformed Church, see under Church. 
Dye, purple, experiments, 15. 

INDEX. iz 

East London, town and harbour, 37, 64, 75 ; road tOt 29 ; named, 42 ; develop- 
ment and xise of port and harbour, 41-43, 47, 53-55, 73-75 ; harbour 
works, 56. See also Buffalo River. 

Ecclesiastical Court, 177, 189 et seq. 

Educational enterprises, 13, 168. 

Elphinstone, Lord, 52, 60. 

Engelbregt, C. L., 150. 

Eurylus, ship, 72. 

Exeter, Bishop of, 187. 

Expenditure, see British Kafifraria, 67, 69. 

Faku, Kaffir Chief, 64. 

Fairbridge, Attorney, 175. 

Farms granted to Kaffirs contrary to tribal custom, 40. See alto Orange Free 

Farmers, British, settlement of British Kaffiraria with, 40. 
Faure, P., 165. 

Fauresmith, 98 ; visit of President Pretorius, 123. 
Federation of African States, 138. 
Fingoes, description, 4 ; and Kaffirs, ^, 9 ; Maitland treaty, 5 ; loyalty, 6 ; 

educational facilities, 8 ; powers of organisation and grievances, 64 ; Zulu 

origin, 65 ; transfer to Transkei, 80. 
Finlay, R., 105. 
Fish River, 10 ; Great, 41. 
Fitzgerald, Dr. J. P., appointment to hospital at Kingwilliamstown, 14 ; 

previous career, 15 ; report on victims of cattle-killing, 33. 
Ford, J. H., surveyor, contract between him and Major Warden, 108 ; entitled 

to no compensation, 109 ; formerly Surveyor-General, now Landdrost, 

Smithfield, 113 ; reports on cattle thefts, 120; reference to, 129, n. 
Fort Beaufort, 5, 6, 8, 13, 162. 
Fort Glamorgan, 41 ; see also East London. 
Fort Murray, 23, 25 ; trial of Nonkosi at, 30 ; depot for reception of German 

Legionaries, 47. 
Fort Pato, see Lynx Bush ; murder of Rev. J. Wilson, 64. 
Fort Peddie, mihtary post settled by German Legionaries, 48. 
Fort White, home of prophet Telletelle, 35. 
Fowle, Rev., a Puseyite, appointment at Port Elizabeth, 173. 
Frankfort, British Kaf&aria, settled by German Legionaries, 48. 
Fraser, Dr. D., 94, 97. 

Fry, Rev., of St. Paul's, Rondebosch, 176, 178. 
Fundakuli, a Fingo, 65. 

Gaika, Kaffir Chief, 31. 

Gaikas, hostilities against Europeans, 21, 32 ; refusal to remove to Transkei, 80. 

Gamer, Mr., 36. 

Gawler, Major, resident to Umhala, 21. 

Gcalekas, ordered to return from roadmaking to kraals, 29 ; flock to exiled 
Chief Kreli, 66. 

George, Presbytery of, petition for retention of Sovereignty, 96. 

German Legion, British, introduction into British Kaf&aria, 40, 43 et seq., 
embarkation and marriages, 45 ; mmiber and composition, 46 ; arrival, 47 ; 
Col. Bell's estimate of, 47 ; attitude of Kaffirs and murder of Captain 
Ohlsen, 48 ; restrictions and economic disabilities, 48, 50I; trading activities, 
51 ; contraa for supply of, 51 ; location of, 48 ; regiments, 48 ; discon- 
tent and desertion, 48 et seq. ; drafted into Cape Corps and Police, 51 ; 
abandonment of settlements, 52 ; enlistment for India, 53 j expenditure 
for, 54, 67 ; enlistment as Cavalry, 59 ; subsequent struggles, 62. 

Giddy, R. W. H., Clerk, land speculator, 99. 

Gilstain, apothecary at Kingwilliamstown, 15. 

Gladstone, W. E., 169. 

Glasgow Missionary Society, activities in South Africa, 164. 

Godefroy, Caesar and Son, Hamburg, agents for German civil immigrants, 

54. 58. 59- 
Godench, Lord, Secretary of State for the Colonies, 161. 
Godlonton, Hon. R., member of Cape Parliament, 156. 
Gold, discovery at Smithfield, 103 ; formation of Caledon River Gold Mining 

Company, 104 ; discoveries beyond Vaal River, 105. 
Graaff-Reinet, 34, 83 ; visited by Governor, 16 ; petition for retention of 

Sovereignty, 96 ; visited by Bishop Gray, 167 ; appointment of Rev. W. 

Long as deacon at, 174. 


Orahamstown, 29, 34, 49, 104 j visited by Sir George Grey, 8 ; missions to 
natives, 13, 14 ; convict labour, 39 ; visit of Sir Philip Wodehouse, 76 ; 
visit of Sir George Russell Clerk, 92 j petition for retention of Sovereignty, 
96 ; St. George's Cathedral, 161, 164 ; establishment of bishopric, ap- 
pointment of Rev. H. Armstrong, 169 ; appointment of Rev. W. Long 
at, 174. 

Giant, Major R., 44. 

Gray, Bishop Robert, 14 ; causes severance of Church in South Africa from 
that in England in course of disputes, 163, n ; early life, 163 ; character 
and orthodox religious convictions, 164 ; relations with other religious 
denominations, 164, 167 ; tours, 167 ; meeting with Adam Kok, 167 ; 
acquisition of Bishops Court, 168 ; and Zonnebloem, i68 ; considers 
purchasing South African College, 169 ; appointment as Bishop of Cape 
Town, 169 ; attacked by Advocate Surtees in Press, 172 ; accepts charge 
of St. Peter's Church, Mowbray, 174 ; organisation of Synods, 174 ; 
case against Rev. Long, 176 et seq.; case against Bishop Colenso, i86 
et seq. ; sends a message of thanks to Duke of Newcastle, 183, n. ; chooses 
Bishop Colenso for See of Natal, 185 ; controversy over polygamy among 
Zulus, 185 J consecration of second Bishop of Natal, 192 ; work in 
South Africa, 193. 

Great Fish River. See Fish River. 

Great Lake, reference to, 91. 

Green, Mr. Henry, British Resident of Sovereignty, 93 ; speculator in land, 99. 

Grey College, Bloemfontein, i. 

Grey, Earl, 43, 91. 

Grey, General, officer commanding troops, libellous attacks on, by Dr. Halloran, 


Grey Hospital, Kingwilliamstown, i. 

Grey Institute, Port Elizabeth, i. 

Grey, Lady, 16. 

Grey Library, Cape Town, i. 

Grey, Sir George, early life, 1 j appointed Governor of Cape, 4 ; and British 
KafEraria, 4 et seq., 13, 20, 63, 68, 71 ; speech at opening of Parliament, 
9 ; attitude to Northern Republics, 11 ; educational institutions for 
Kaffirs, 13 ; introduces modern medicine and surgery, 14 ; tours through 
Cape, Natal and Orange Free State, 16, 118; and Moshesh, 16, 27; 
attempts to suppress cattle-killing, 25 ; and Sandilli, 28 ; ideal of federa- 
tion, 38, 70, 112, 138, 152 ; and Indian labour for Natal, 18 ; and immi- 
gration, 41, 54 et seq. ; foimding of Grey hospital, 41 ; unauthorised 
expenditure on legionaries, and despatch of troops to India, 50 et seq., 
60 ; financial problems and British Government, 59, 68 ; censure by 
Secretary of State and offer to resign, 60 ; and Fingoes, 64 ; and settle- 
ment of Transkei, 66 ; recall and re-appointment, 72 ; visit to England 
and Prince Alfred's visit, 72 ; interviews deputation at Kingwilliamstown, 
73 ; recall to New Zealand, 74 ; and unpaid surveyors in Orange Free 
State, 108; and Natal Boers, no; relations with Orange Free State 
and Basutoland, 118, 124, 127, 129, 136, 139; and relations between 
Orange Free State and Transvaal, 123, 137 ; and traffic in Bushmen 
children, 152 ; and church disputes, 165, 173 ; founding of Zonnebloem 
College, 169. 

Grey, Sir George, Secretary of State, 58. 

Griffiths, Dr., military chaplain, 158. 

Griquas, Sir George Clark's estimate of, 7 ; land tenure, 100. 

Griqualand, settlement requested by Orange Free State, 95, 98, loO. 

Griqualand East, 167. 

Grobbelaar, Daniel, 146. 

Groenendaal, member of Old Committee, 98 ; Secretary to President Hofiinan, 

Gunpowder, manufacture by Basuto, 128 ; supply to Republics and natives, 

Gun-nmning, Wesleyans acctised, 164. 

Gutsche, Rev., of Kingwilliamstown, 46. 

Gwali, 28. 

Gxara River, 23, 29. 

Hales, H. J., 105. 

Halloran, Dr. Laurence, military chaplain, 158 ; early history, 158 ; eloquence 
and popularity, 159 ; attadts on persons and pubUc abuses, 159 ; prose* 
cution for libel and banishment, 160, n subsequent career, 160, n. 

INDEX. «i 

Halse, H., Chairman of Old Committee, Bloemfontein, 98, loi. 

Haman Spniit, 144. 

Hamburg, village in British KafiEraria settled by Gennan Legionaries, 48. 

Hamilton, suicide of, 159-160, n. 

Hanover, village in British Kai&aria, abandoned by Gennan Legionaries, S2 ; 
and civil immigrants, 57. 

Hanover Bay, reference to, 2. 

Harrismith, Resident Magistrate of, member of Sovereignty Council, 90 ; 
J. M. Orpen appointed Landdrost of, 113 ; cattle thefts in district by 
Witzie, 122 ; township laid out, 24, 29. 

Harrow, 184. 

Hartbeest Hoek, 99. 

Healdtown, 13. 

Hebron, French mission station, 140 ; disputes over, 131. 

Heindert, Mr., 154. 

Herbert, Right Hon. Sydney, Secretary of Sute, 58. 

Hiddingh, M. C, and alliance between Holland and Northern Republics, 126. 

Hintza, father of Kreli, 13 ; and cattle-killing, 31, 36. 

Hodges, Chief Justice, hears case against Bishop Gray, 178. 

HofiEman, Captain, and German Legion, 44. 

Hof&nan, J. P., visited by Sir George Clerk, 99 ; President provisional govern- 
ment, Bloemfontein, 102 ; signatory to terms of newly constituted state, 
103 ; first President of permanent government, 106 ; views on compen- 
sation claimed by Pretorius, 107 ; problems as President, 113 ; downfall 
and charge of high treason, 113. 

Hoets, Rev. J. W. van Rees, founder of St. Peter's Church, Mowbray, 174. 

Hogge, assistant Commissioner of Orange River Sovereignty, 91. 

Holuta, 30. 

Horses, diseases among, 21 ; purchase for India, 53. 

Hospital, Grey, Kingwilliamstown, 14, 41 ; expenditure incurred to found, 

Hottentots, rebels, 7, 22. 

Hottentot Corps, Sir George Grey equips them without authority, 59. 
Hough, Rev. G., of Capetown, 167 ; returns to England, 170. 
Hout Bay, 159. 

Hughes, Rev., appointment to St. Peter's Church, Mowbray, 177. 
Hunting by Basuto in Orange Free State, 140. 
Hydia, vessel, 19. 

Idutywa reserve, settlement, 26, 29, 66. 

Immigration, British German Legion, see under German Legion ; German 
civilians, introduction, 54 ; conditions, 54 ; method of raising funds 
for, 55 ; difficulties, 56 ; abandonment of settlements, 57 ; qualities, 57 ; 
despatch to Cape stopped, 59; subsequent history, 62. 

Immigration, women, 10, 20, 49. 

India, need for military in, 52. 

Indians, demand for, in colonies and West Indies, 18. 

Indian question in Natal, and Sir George Grey, 17. 

Indian Mutiny, interest of Kafiirs in, 36. 

Ingela, 25. 

Institutions, educational and industrial, in British Kai&aria, 67, 68, 69. 

Irregular horse, use in defence of Transkei, 80. 

Iskweni, Fingo, 65. 

Izeli, settlement of German civilian immigrants, 57. 

Izincuka River, 36. 

Jackson, Sir James, report on British Kaffraria, 6 ; appointment Lieutenant- 
Governor of Eastern Province, 22 ; request for reinforcements from 
Mauritius, 44 ; commands German Legion, 51 ; views on Governor's 
actions and German Legion, 60. 

Jammerberg Drift, 99, 113. 

Jobo, representative of Moshesh, 138. 

John Caesar, vessel, 55. 

Jokweni, Fingo chief, 5. 

Joshua, Moshesh's companion, 136. 

Joubert, H., 105. 

Joubert, pretensions to Transvaal Presidency, 124 ; offers assistance to Boshof, 

Jousse, ascends Thaba Bosigo with Mr. Burnett, 140. 

lii INDEX. 

Judge, E. A., 178. 

Judicial administration in British Kaffraria, 68, 71. 

Kabousie River, 36. 

Kabousie Nek. See Ohlsen. 

Kaffir Chiefs, resentful of judicial and political restraint, 63 ; pensions for, 68. 

Kaffirs, Gaika and Ndlambi tribes, 5 ; and Fingoes, 5, 9 ; Basuto and KreU, 

6 ; secret plan for invasion of Colony, 17 ; conspiracies and conferences 

among, 21-22 ; attacks on solitary Europeans, 64 ; aversion to colonial 

laws, 66. 
Kaffir children, kidnapping and sale, 151-157. 
Kaffir wars, 41, 43. See also Basuto War. 
Kaffirland, visit of Governor, 9. 
Kama, Christian chief at Middle Drift, 19; Captain Reeve appointed Resident 

to, 21 ; opposed to cattle-killing, 25. 

Kat River, 7. 

Kei River, 23, 25 ; boundary of British Kaffraria, 63 ; inadequacy, 79. 
Kei River, Great, 23 ; made boundary of British influence, 67. 
Keiskammahoek, 13, 32 ; military post settled by German Legionaries, 48 ; 

market produce from, 57. 
Keiskamma River, 10, 13, 25, 66 ; boundary of British Kai&aria, 63 ; settled 

by German Legionaries, 48. 
Kelly, T. T., Resident Magistrate, Klip River, 109. 
Kentani, district, 67, 79. 
Kidnapping, See Bushmen children. 
KingwiUiamstown, 22, 29, 39, 41, 64, 71 et seq.; location for military pensioners, 

9, 10, 12 ; hospital, 14 ; Europeans, 20 ; during cattle-killing, 24, 31, 33 

et seq. ; location of German Immigrants, 56 ; capital of British Kaffiaria, 


Kinte, friend of Umhala, 36. 

Klip River, Magistrate of, 109, no, iti. 

Klopper, Commandant, 148. 

Kock, J. J., 136. 

Koesbergen, 141. 

Koessie, Gustavus, 120. 

Kok, Adam, complaints against Clerk, 7 ; letter to Sir George Grey, ico ; 
renewal of treaty with, 102. 

Kolosa, a Fingo, 19. 

Komgba, 75. 

Koonap River, 56. 

Kotze, Sir John, 142. 

Kreli, advocacy of intermarriage between Kaffirs and Fingoes, 5 ; and Moshesh, 
13, 17, 26, 123 ; and cattle-killing, 26, et seq. ; submission, 35 ; asks for 
inissionary, 36 ; Governor's offer of land beyond Umtata River, 66 ; in- 
citement of Gcalekas by, 66 ; pardoned and allowed to settle on former 
territory, 67, 79 ; rumours of renewed restlessness, 78. 

Kronje, F., 105. 

Kroonstad district, 125 ; township laid out, 129, n. 

Kruger, Paul, disapproves of Pretorius' claims, 125 ; deputation to Moshesh, 
136 ; and imion of two republics, 137. 

Kuenen, Professor, 186, 189. 

Kulwana, a witch doctor, father of Nonkosi, 30. 

Kwenxura, 25. 

Kwitchi, confesses to impersonating Umlanjeni, 31, 32 ; unpunished, 35. 

Kyle, Col., 106. 

Labouchere, Secretary of State, reports on coolie labour, 18 ; suggests sending 
British German Legionaries to Kaffi-aria, 44; disapproves of foreign 
civilians as immigrants, 54, 58 ; and British Kaffraria, 67 ; succeeded by 
Lord Stanley, 68 ; and Boers in Natal, 112 ; statement of Imperii 
policy, 113 ; and Synods, 173. 

Labour, in Natal, 17 ; destitute natives, 34 ; convict, suggested for British 
Kaffraria, 39. 

Lady Kennaway, vessel, 49. 

Laings Drift, George, 116. 

Lamb, Rev. R. G., Trinity Church, Harrington Street, Capetown, addresses 
against Oxford Movement, 170 ; early life, 170 ; refusal to recant, and 
proceedings against, 171 ; asks to retire, 175 j objections to holding 
Synods, 175. 

INDEX. xiii 

Land survey in British KafEraria, 69 ; farm boundaries, 95, 98 ; survey of 

Sovereignty, 108 ; tenure, difBculties with Griquas, 100 ; removal of 

restrictions to sell, 102. 
Langalibalile, Chief of Amahluli tribe. Natal, 65 ; war against, 129, n. 
Lebenya, cousin to Jan Letele, cattle thefts from Boers, 121, 127 ; ready for 

war, 123 ; and Moshesh, 127 ; assists in surrounding Burgher laager on 

Caledon River, 133. 
Lepogo, see Moshesh. 
Letele, Jan, Basuto, cattle thefts, 121, 140 ; ready for war, 123 ; deserts his 

people for Orange Free State, 133 ; claims noble birth, 135, n ; protected 

by Orange Free state, 139. 
Letsea, Moshesh's eldest son, 17 ; cattle thefts, 121 ; lives at Morija, 132 ; 

helps to surround Burgher laager on Caledon River, 133 ; causes out- 
break of Basuto War, 135. 
Letsea's town, see Morija. 
Limpopo River, 122. 

Lincoln, Bishop of Oxford and, see Oxford, Bishop of. 
Linde, Frederick, Commandant, 113, 114, 146. 
Lion Vlei, 99. 

Liverpool, England, Church at, secession of whole congregation, 174. 
Livingstone, Dr., 14, 168. 
Linkshoek, farm, 98. 
Lombard, Hermanus, 109. 
London, Bishop of, controls Cape congregations, 182 ; initiates Colonial 

Bishoprics Fund, 1841, 162 ; and Colenso dispute, 188. 
London Missionary Society, endowments in British Kaifraria, 73 ; activities, 

Long, Rev. W., appointment at St. Peter's Church, Mowbray, 174 ; and 

Synods, 175 ; case against and dismissal, 177 et seq. 
Longley, Archbishop, of York, 186. 
Lord Raglan, vessel, 39. 
Lovedale Mission, 13 ; endowments, 73. 
Lowen, Hector, Bloemfontein, 113, 117. 
Lucas, Lieut., appointed Resident to Magomo, 21. 
Lung sickness, see Diseases of Cattle. 
Lydenburg, formerly Ohrighstadt, Transvaal Republic, 25. 
Lyell, Sir Charles, Geologist, 89. 
Lynx Bush, 32. 
Lytton, Sir Edward Bulwer, Secretary of Swte, 58, 60 ; comments on German 

Legion, 53. 

McCabe, traveller, 116. 

McClelland, Rev., temporary Rector at Port Elizabeth, 160, 173. 

MacKenzie, Bishop, 14, 168. 

Mackinnon, Col., 42. 

Maclean, Col., Lieut. Governor of British Kaffraria, 4, 73 ; and Fingoes, 6 ; 

approvalof free pardons, 8 ; explains object of cattle-killing, 26 ; supports 

convict labour for British Kaffraria, 39 ; and settlement of Transkei, 

66. Other references, 12, 19, 20, 34, 35, 56. 
Maclear, Sir Thomas, Astronomer Royal, 176. 
Macrorie, Rev. W. K., 193. 
Madras, 18. 

Maeder, Mr., Assistant French Missionary at Morija, 52, 133. 
Magaai, Basuto, 138. 
Magahesberg, 147. 
Maguassie, 155. 
Magutsjana, a Fingo, 19. 
Magomo or Maqomo, interview with Governor, 9 ; Lieut. Lucas appointed 

Magistrate to, 21 ; opposed to cattle-kiUing, 25 ; disposal of confiscated 

territory, 40. 
Maitland Treaty, 5 ; reasons for annulment, 7, 100, n. 
Makanda (Makanna Lynx), witchdoctor, 35. 
Makozani, 149. 
Makunza, witchdoctor, 66. 
Maloeck, 147. 

Manchester, Bishop of, 188. 
Maoris, 3. 

Marriages, solemnised by Dr. Halloran, 160. 
Mauritius, soldiers from, 6 ; sugar plantations, 18 ; request for troops, 32, 44. 

riv INDEX. 

Maxembella, emissary of Kreli, 36. 

Memnian, Archdeacon, N. J., afterwards Bishop of Grahams Town, incxunbent 
at Port Elizabeth, 173, 189. 

Mersey, vessel, 47. 

Middle Drift, Kama's chief town, 19, 21, 25. 

Military Chaplains, Church of England, 158-160. 

Military Settlers, introduced in British Kaffraria, 9, 10. 

Mimosa bark, used as food by starving natives, 34. 

Mission Stations, Basutoland, attacked by Orange Free State Boers, 130. 

Missionaries, Kreli asks for one, 36 ; Moshesh's estimate of, 135, n. ; activities 
by various bodies, 164. 

Missionary Institutions, see under Lovedale, Healdtown, Zonnebloem. 

Mitchel, 116. 

Mokachane, of Bamonaheng tribe, father of Moshesh, 134, n. 

Moklapise, kafiir tribe, see under Bathelung. 

Molapo, Basuto Chief, 133. 

Molesworth, Sir William, Secretary of State, 58. 

Moletsi, Basuto Chief, 130. 

Moletzani, Basuto chief, 17 ; cattle thefts, 126, 128, 140 ; attack by Winburg 
Commando, 133. 

Molteno, Mr., 83. 

Morie, chief of Bomvanaland, 67. 

Moperi, Basuto chief, 133. 

Moravians, 164. 

Morija, or Letsea's town, French mission at, 51, 132 ; evidence claiming 
prior occupation by Boers, 141. 

Morosi, Basuto Chief, 133. 

Moshesh, Paramount Basuto chief, relations with Orange Free State, 16, 
99, 113, 118, 120, 136, 138, et seq.; relations with Kreli, 16, 17, 123; 
and cattle-killing, 26 ; meeting with Sir George Grey and Orange Free 
State Representatives, 16, 119, 138; Smithfield Agreement, 119; sup- 
ports Fundakuli against Europeans, 65 ; Victory over English at Berea, 
92; Pass system instituted, 119; meeting with Pretorius, 123; and 
compensation for stolen cattle, 126, et seq. ; and Poshuli, Lebenya and 
Molitzani, 127 ; and J. M. Orpen, 128 ; account of federation and amal- 
gamation of Basuto tribe, 134, 135, n., 141 ; deputation from Transvaal 
and Orange Free State, 136 ; Treaty of Aliwal North, 140 ; education of 
sons, 169. 

Mossel Bay, 21, 96. 

Mostert, Piet, 145. 

Mothloni, Basuto, 134, n. 

Mowbray, see under Church, Anglican. 

Muleka, 64. 

Muller, Nicholas, field cornet, 146. 

Murray, Rev. Andrew (Junior), on deputation to London, 97 ; activities, 97, n. 

Murray, Col. Kent, 48. 

Naboomfontein, 155. 

Namainja, or • 

Namaintsha, or 

Namakalikintza, and capture of Kaffir children, 143, 148, et seq. 

Natal, Sir George Grey's visit to, 16 ; labour problems, 17 ; efforts of Boers 
in, to gain independence, 109, no; Prince Alfred's visit and tour, 72, 
n8 ; Witzie's flight from, 122. See also under Church, Anglican. 

Native Administration, see under British Kaffraria. 

Native Children, traffic in, in Orange Free State, ii8; evidence, 122;. in 
Transvaal, 124. 

Native Policy, Transkei, 67. 

Naude, Field Comet, 134. 

Ndlambi, Kaffir Chief, 32. 

Nehemiah, son of Moshesh, 129. 

Netherlands, and Northern Republics, 126. 

Newcastle, Duke of. Secretary of State for the Colonies, 4, 7, 58 ; blames 
Sir George Grey for excessive expenditure, 70, 90, n. ; appoints Sir 
George Russell Clerk as special Commissioner, 92 ; received deputation 
from Sovereignty, 97; opinion of land speculation by officials in 
Sovereignty, 99; authorises abandonment of Sovereignty, loi ; clarifies 
position of Church of England in South Africa, 183, n. 

Newman, J. H., 167. 


New South Wales, i6o. 

New Years' Spniit, Caledon River, 52. 

New Zealand, conditions there, 3, 8 ; scheme for settlement of, to be used in 

British Kaffraria, 9, 10, 12 ; Sir George Grey recalled to, 74. 
New Zealand Company, methods employed to suppress, 3. 
Noawi, KaSir, 36. 
Nobanda, 35. 

Nonkosi, child-prophet, 30 ; trial, 31, 35. 
Nonqause, causes cattle-killing in Transkei, 23-25 ; demonstrations, 29 ; 

overshadowed by Nonkosi, 31 ; arrest and imprisonment, 35. 
Northern Republics, Sir George Grey's views on abandonment, 124 ; treaty 

of aUiance between Netherlands and, 126. 
Northumberland, Duchess, 14, 169. 
Nozi, a native, 19. 
Nquamaque, territory in Transkei occupied by Fingoes, 80. 

Oba, Kaffir Chief, refusal to migrate to Transkei, 80. 

Odendaal, farmer, 115, 116. 

Odendaal, Adriaan, and captive Bushman and Kaffir children, 142, 145, 149. 

Odendaal, Jacobus, 144-145. 

Ogilvie, Canon, Dean of Cape Town, 178. 

Ohlsen, Captain, miudered by Kaffirs, 48, 64. 

Ohlsen, formerly Kabousie Nek, 49 ; abandonment by Legionaries, 52. 

Ohrigstadt, see Lydenburg, 125. 

Olivier, Hendrik, and retention of Sovereignty, 105 ; deputation to Moshesh, 
120-121 ; atacked by Basuto, 123. 

Orange River, 7, 16, 102, 167 ; district, 98. 

Orange Free State, and Sir George Grey, 16, 118, 136-138 ; relations with 
Moshesh, 17, 120-123, 126, 137 ; Basuto War, 127, 131 et seq. ; visit by 
Prince Alfred, 72 ; appointment of provisional Government and President 
and named, 102 ; Constitution, 102 ; petition from British residents, 104 ; 
discovery of gold, 103-105 ; permanent Government proclaimed, 106 ; 
compensation to those fined for rebellious acts against British Government, 
106-107; financial troubles, 108, 138; dangers to state, 113; problem 
of Bushmen, 114-117 ; internal dissension and other problems, 118 ; rela- 
tions with Transvaal Republic, 113, 118, 123-125, 137; boundary with 
Basutoland, 120 ; Treaty of Alliance with Holland and gift of coat-of- 
arms and flag, 126 ; Bloemfontein Convention, 128 ; Treaty of Aliwal 
North, 139 ; establishment of Bishopric, 186. 

Orange River Sovereignty, Sir George Grey regrets abandonment, 38 ; for- 
mation in 1848 displeases Dutch and English, 89 ; Basutoland boundary 
question, 89-90 ; form of Government, 90 ; constitution never promul- 
gated, 90; abandonment, 91 er seq. ; constitution for new state drafted, 
93 ; meeting of delegates in Bloemfontein, 94 ; formation of second 
Committee, 97-99 ; problems of land tenure and Griqua claims, too ; 
protests of British section, loi ; abandonment proclaimed, loi ; taking 
over of Government, 102 ; appointment of Provisional Government and 
President, and renamed Orange Free State, 102. 

Orpen, Dr., of Dublin, father of J. M. Orpen, 129, n. ; minister at Colesberg, 

Orpen, F. H., undertook surveys in Smithfield, 108 ; compensation refused, 

Orpen, Joseph Millerd, memoirs of, 107 ; survey of Smithfield, 108 ; com- 
pensation refused, 109 ; appointment Landdrost of Winbiu-g and Harri- 
smith, 113 ; commands forces against Bushmen, 115 ; capture of native 
children by Boers, 122, 129, 142 ; and Basuto, 128-130 ; marriage, 128 ; 
his career, 129, n. ; strongly opposes abandonment of Sovereignty, 
129, n. ; arrest, 129 ; serves on Commission of Investigation, 142-148. 

Owen, assistant Commissioner in Orange River Sovereignty, 91. 

Oxford Movement, origin, 166 ; evolution, 167 ; repercussions in South 
Africa, 167, 170. 

Oxford and Lincoln, Bishop of, 186-188. 

Paarl, visited by Governor, 16. 

Pamelia Perlata, a lichen, 15. 

Panda, Native Chief, 91 ; ruler in Natal imder Boers, 122 ; attacks Bathelung 

Tribe, 144 ; accused by Namainja of taking children to sell, 149-151. 
Panmure, Adolph, German Immigrant, 56. 
Panmure, Lord, Secretary for War, 45, 50, 54. 


Papacy, dread of it in South Africa, 167 ; reputed spread, 170. 

Pappe, Dr., 15. 

Paris Missionary Society, activities, 164. 

Pato, appointment of Resident to, 21, 42 ; and cattle-killing, 2s, 28, 31 ; 
coastal attack assigned to him, 36 ; imprisonment on Robben Iilaiid« 36 ; 
territory confiscated, 40. 

Peddie, 5, 13 ; abandonment by German Legionaries, 52. 

Peelton, village near Kingwilliamstown, 34. 

Penal Settlement, attitude at Cape, 39, 40. 

Peter Godefroy, vessel, 55. 

Petersen, Mr., farmer, 114. 

Philip, Dr., loi ; establishment of Griquas, 7. 

Philippolis, 7 ; meeting place between Adam Kok and Sir George Clerk, 100 ; 
visited by Bishop Gray, 167. 

Philipson, Mr., 175. 

Pietermaritzburg, Governor's visit, 17 ; Bishop Gray's visit, 167 ; appoint- 
ment of second Bishop, 192 ; erection of second Cathedral, 193. 

Pilkington, Captain, 13. 

Police, F. A. M., formation of, to ; state of, at East London, 42. 

Polygamy among Zulus, controversy between Bishops, 185. 

Pondos, Kreli's fear of them, 66. 

Population, British Kaf&aria, depletion due to cattle-killing, 34. 

Porter, Hon-iWilliam, Attorney-General, 83 ; opinion on capture and indenture 
of Bushmen children, 152. 

Port Elizabeth, 9, 34, 74 ; German Legion disembark at, 53 ; Sir Philip 
Wodehouse visits, 76 ; and retention of Sovereignty, 96 ; land for Church 
of England at, 1825, 161 ; secession of congregation, 173. 

Poshuli, Basuto chief, 17 ; cattle thefts, 121, 140 ; ready for war, 123 ; payment 
of damages, 127 ; and hostilities with Boers, 133, 135 ; Moshesh's 
opinion of, 136. 

Potcbefstroom, headquarters of South African Republic, 124 ; opposition to 
Lydenburg, 125 ; and Pretorius' Presidency of Orange Free State, 
142 ; petition to Queen from British subjects in, 153 ; and sale of young 
kaffirs, 154. 

Potgieter, pretensions to Presidency of Transvaal, 24. 

Potsdam, British Kaffraria, settled by German Legionaries, 48 ; petition 
from German immigrants, 56 ; abandonment, 57. 

Pratt, Consul-General for Transvaal, 156. 

Presidency, Transvaal, rival factions, 124. 

Pretorius, M. W., President of Transvaal, and Orange Free State, 107, 113 ; 
and union between Orange Free State and Transvaal, 118, 137 ; instigates 
Natal Boers, 109 ; pretensions and appointment to Orange Free State 
presidency, 123, 125, 141 ; pretensions to Transvaal Presidency, 124 ; 
peace parleys at Kroonstad, 125 ; mediation between Orange Free State 
and Basutoland, 135 ; aids Orange Free State, 137 ; estimate of character, 
142, n. ; and sale of kafiir children, 154. 

Pretorius, W. J., 133. 

Pretorius, R., Mrs., 147. 

Prince Alfred, arrival of at Simonstown, 72 ; visit and departure, 73. 

Prinsloo, Mr., 145. 

Prison at East London, report on, 42. 

Privy Coimcil, Mr. Long appeals to, 182. 

Protea, see Bishop's Court. 

PubUc Works, in British Kaffraria, 67-69, 73. 

Pusey, Mr., 167. 

Qankwana, 19. 

Quagga Fontein, 99. 

Queens Fort, Bloemfontein, 106. 

Queenstown, Kreli to attack English in, 32, 36 ; occupation on a defensive 

system, 78. 

Ramonaheng, native chief, 134, n. 

Raynes, T. W., 64. 

RebeUion, Kat River, causes, 7. 

Rees, W. L., 70. 

Reeve, Captain, Resident to Kama at Middel Drift, 21. 

Remhold, surgeon, 46. 

Republics, see under Northern Republics. 

INDEX. Tvii 

Rhodes, C. J., reference to, 129, n. 

Rjet River, loi ; inhabitants and abandonment of Sovereignty, 97. 

Riversdale, Presbytery of, 96. 

Robben Island, 35, 36. 

Robertson, Captain, Resident to Anta, 21. 

Robertson, W., 160. 

Rochester, Bishop of, 46. 

Road-making, from Grahamstown to Kingwilliamstown, 29. 

Recella tincteria, a lichen, 15. 

La Rochelle, vessel, 55, 57. 

Rolland, Rev. E. S., 128 ; reports attack on Beersheba, 131. 

Roman Catholics, missionary activities, 164. 

Rondebosch, St. Paul's church, see under Church, Anglican. 

Roper, Magistrate at East London, 42. 

Russell, Lord John, Secretary of State, 11, 58. 

Russell, Sir John, 90. 

" Russians," supposed connection between Kaffirs and, 25. 

Rutherford, Mr., 83. 

St. Augustine's Theological College, see Canterbury. 

St. David's (Thurlwall), Bishop of, 187. 

St. Helena, 168. 

St. Jago, farm, 99. 

St. Matthew, (Mission), see under Keiskamma Hoek. 

Salisbury, Bishop of, 187. 

Sandhurst, I, 54. 

Sandilli, supposed marriage, 5 ; interview between Governor and, at Aliwal 
North, 9, 20 ; Mission among his people, 13 ; Mr. Brownlee Resident 
to, 21 ; and cattle-killing, 25, 28, 31, 35 ; hostilities against English, 
32 ; natives flock to his territory, 66 ; refusal to remove to Transkei, 
80; education of sons, 169. 

Sand River, Upper, 122. 

Sand Spruit, 52. 

Sauer, Mr., Landdrost of Smithfield, arrests Mr. Orpen, 129 ; and Basuto 
War, 131. 

Scanlan, Sir Thomas, 109. 

Schermbrucker, Captain, 46. 

Schmidt, Carl, 154 ; history of, 155. 

Schoeman, M. G., pretensions to Presidency of Transvaal, 124 ; oflfers assis- 
tance to Boshof against Pretorius, 125 ; on deputation from Transvaal 
to Moshesh, 136. 

School, establishment at Kingwilliamstown, 73 ; by Dr. Halloran at Cape 
Town, 158. 

Secretaries of Stale, names during Sir George Grey's regime, 58. 

Senekal, F., Commandant in Orange Free State, opposes Pretorius, 124 j and 
Basuto War, 132 ; attacks Mission Stations, 133. 

Separation movement, revival, 78. 

Shaw, William, 104. 

Shepstone, Theophilus, 188. 

Sidbury, Anglican Church at, in 1844, 162. 

Simonstown, Dr. Halloran removed to, 159 ; congregation opposed to holding 
Synod, 176. 

Siwani, Kaffir Chief, 28. 

Slavery, see Bushmen and kaffir children. 

Smit, A. H., 132. 

Smith, Sir Harry, 42, 107 ; policy followed by Sir George Grey, 20 ; and 
Sovereignty, 1848, 89, 90 ; abandonment of Sovereignty, 91. 

Smithfield, 16, 17, 90 ; inhabitants of, and provisional government at Bloem- 
fontein, 102 ; discovery of gold at, 103 ; survey of district, 108 ; appoint- 
ment of Landdrosts, 1 13, 129 ; visit of Sir George Grey and President 
Boshof, 119 ; cattle thefts, 120 ; and Basuto War, 133. 

Snyman, E. R., acting President of Orange Free State, 141. 

Snyman, J. H., 141. 

Soga, Chief Councillor to Sandilli, 20. 

Solomon, Saul, and annexation of British Kaffraria, 83 ; ^Resolution, 83, 84, 85. 

Somerset, 34. 

South African College, Bishop considers purchase of, 169. 

South African Republic, and Natal Boers, iii ; territorial claims, 124 ; treaty 
of Peace with Orange Free State, 125 ; Treaty of Alliance, Holland and, 
126 ; Pretorius' acceptance of Orange Free Sute Presidency, 142. 

tM index. 

Southcy, Mr., Colonial Secretaryj 34, 81. 

Southey, W., 142. 

Sovereignty, Orange River, see under Orange River Sovereignty. 

Sprigg, J. Gordon, 78. 

Stamboul, vessel, 47. 

Stander, A. H., 115 ; signatory to Bloemfontein Convention, 103. 

Stanley, Lord, Secreury of State, 3, 58, 68 ; proteaion sought by Sir George 
Grey, 60. 

Stanton, Mr., 108. 

Steinberg, Zacharias, 148. 

Steyn, G. J., 154- 

Steyns River, 148. 

Stretch, C. L., 143, 149- 

Stretch's River, 148. 

Struben, 109. 

Struben, Captain, 1 14. 

Stunerheim, Baron von, in command of Legionaries, 45 ; his opinion of 
them, 47 ; contracts for supply of, 51 ; and German immigrants, 54. 

Stutterheim, formerly Dohne Post, 9, 14, 20, 25 ; settled by German Legion- 
aries, 48 ; abandonment, 52 ; and annexation of British KaSraria, 75. 

Sugar cane industry, progress, 17. 

Sultana, vessel, 47. 

Superstition among kaifirs, 22 ; cattle-killing due to, 23-27. 

Surtees, F. R., and sale of kafiir children, 151 ; attack on Bishop Gray, 172. 

Swellendam, and retention of Sovereignty, 96. 

Synod, validity in Church of England, 171-173 ; organisation of first, 174 ; 
refusal of certain parishes to support, 175 ; second Synod, 1861, 175 ; 
Rev. Long's attitude, 177 ; their legality, 180. See Church, Anglican. 

Taaiboschfontein, farm, 129. 

Tambookies, used as messengers by Kreli and Moshesh, 6 ; join Cattle-killing, 

28, 35 ; raided by Gcalekas, 66 ; refusal to remove to Transkei, 80. 
Telletelle, kaffir, 35. 
Tempe, farm, 99. 

Thaba Bosigo, Moshesh's stronghold, 127 ; estabhshment, 141. 
Theal, Dr. George McCall, description of German settlers by, 62. 
Thomas, Rev. J. S., 64. 
Thomas River, 22. 
Tiyo, SandiUi's chief Councillor, 20. 
Toise, native chief, 19. 

Traders, at East London, 42 ; exorbitant profits by, 50. 
Transkei, effect of cattle-killing on, 24 ; abandonment, 67, 80 ; uninhabited 

state, 78, 80 ; boundary, 79. 
Transvaal Republic, 11, 38 ; administration, 107. See also Orange Free State. 
Treaties with Natives, cancellation, 95, 98. 
Truro, barque, 18. 
Tsimbe, kaffir, 35. 

Tsomo, territory in Transkei occupied by Fingoes, 60. 
Tugela River, Great, ill. 
Tyumie, 25. 
Tzatzoe, native chief, 169. 

Uitenhage, and retention of Sovereignty, 96. 
Umbombo, Tambookie, 35. 
Umfengele, Fingo, 19. 

Umhala, 5 ; mission among his tribe, 13 ; opposition to certain officials, 21 ; 
and cattle-killing, 25, 30-32 ; imprisonment, 36 ; territory confiscated, 40. 
Umhlakaza, a witch doctor, 6 ; forments cattle-kUling, 23-32, 35. 
Umhlambiso, chief of Amahluli tribe in Natal, 19 ; urged to leave Colony, 65. 
Umjuza, kaffir, 35, 36. 
Umkonto River, 149, 150-151. n. 
Umlanjeni, kaffir prophet, 22, 31. 
Umpongo River, 31. 
Umsengi, a root eaten by natives, 34. 
Umtata River, 66. 
Utrecht, 148, 150. 

Vaal River, 7 ; f*e Harrismith. 
ValsiRiver, farm, 145. 

INDEX. xiz 

Van Aardt, Mr., and traffic in Bushman and kaffir children, 142, 143, 148, 149. 

Van Coller, Mr., 116. 

Van Hale, Baron, Foreign Minister of Netherlands, ia6. 

Van Hansen, Mr., 116. 

Van Hoover, J. E., 97. 

Van Niekerk, Mr., 116. 

Van Rensburg, leader of armed force to eject Mr. HofiEman, 114. 

Van Rensburg, Mr., 116. 

Van Riebeeck, 168. 

Van Rooyen, C, Field Cornet, and traffic in Kaffir and Bushmen children, 

143, 148, 149- 
Vechtkop, 116. 

Victoria, Queen, 15, 72, 163, n. 
Victoria Regina, name assumed by Nonqause, 35. 
Vigne, Mr., 21. 

Visser, G. P., and Orange Free State constitution, 98, 103. 
Vogt, Ferdinand, 57. 
Volksraad. See Orange Free State. 
Von Brandis, Captain, 46. 
Von Hake, Col., 48, 51. 
Vowe, T. W., Magistrate of Caledon, Orange River Sovereignty, land 

speculator, 99 ; exhibition at Grahamstown of finds of gold, 104 ; 

commandant of commando against Bushmen, 116. 
Vrish Fontein, farm, 145. 
Vulcan, vessel, 47. 

Wandrahm, vessel, 55. 

War Office, and Sir George Grey, 60, 62. 

Warden, C, 113. 

Warden, Major, British Resident in Sovereignty, blamed for disorders, 90 ; 

108 ; report on Bushman depredations and commandos, 116. 
Warden line, boundary between Basutoland and Orange Free State, 127, 140. 
Warner, J. C, Resident among Tambookies, 66. 
Warner, Col., 129, n. 
Waterloo Bay, 41. 
Watermeyer, F. S., 177-179. 
Watermeyer, puisne judge, 178, 180. 
Way, W., 105. 

Wiener, Natal, Dutch inhabitants petition for independence of Natal, 109-111. 
Wellington, Duke of, 169. 
Wesleyans. See under Church, Wesleyan. 
Wessels, Mr., 103. 
Wessels, Hendrik, 115, 116. 
White, A., 105. 

Wiesbaden, British Kai&aria, abandonment by German Legionaries, 52. 
Wilhelm Berg, vessel, 55. 
Willowvale, district, 67, 79. 
Wilman, Rev., 46. 
Wilson, Rev. J., 64. 
Winburg, 90 ; and abandonment of Sovereignty, 97 ; survey of farms, 108 ; 

J. i^. Orpen, Landdrost of, 113 ; Commandos against Bushmen, 114, 115, 

116; cattle thefts, 1857, 126; attack on Basuto tribes by Commando 

from, 133. 
Winchester, Bishop of, 187. 
Witchcraft, 19. 

Witchdoctors, influence and status of, 14. 
Wittebergen, 133. 
Witzie, Robber Chief ; expedition of Orange Free State Boers against, 26 ; 

occupation of Witzies Hoek, 121 ; career and overthrow, 122 ; capture 

of Kaffir children by Boers on expedition against, 145. 
Witzies Hoek, 121. 
Wodehouse, Sir Philip ; Governor of Cape Colony, 67 ; appointment, 74 ; 

poUcy in and annexation of British Kalfraria, 74-85 passim ; visit to 

Eastern Districts, 75 ; and Kreli, 78-80 ; Settlement of Transkei, 80 ; 

opening speech at Parliament, 1865, 82 ; criticism of by Mr. Saul Solomon, 

83, 85-87 ; and slavery in Transvaal, 154-156. 
Woolctidge, Col., 45, 53. 

Wooldridge, British Kailraria. See Beka Mission Station. 
Wonder kop, farm, 99. 

sz INDEX. 

Woodstock, Cape, 14. 
Wylie, Andrew, 105. 

Wynberg, St. John s Church. See under Church, Anglican. 
Wynyard, General, Acting Governor, and convicts on vescei Lord Raglan, 
39. 40. 74- 

Xozo, Kaffir, 30. 

York, Archbishop of, 186, 188. 
Young, L. G., 107. 

Zevenfontein, See Beersheba. 

Zonnebloem, Cape Town, 14, i68 ; reduction of grant, 70 ; College for sons 

of native chiefs, 168. 
Zoutpansberg, sympathy with Lydenburg, 125 ; and sale of Kaffir children, 

154 ; native unrest in, 155-157. 
Zulus, 150, n. ; influx into Natal, r8 ; petition for protection against, from 

Boers in Natal, 109 ; law and language of, 183 ; polygamy among, 185. 
Zululand, temporary shelter for Witzie, 122. 
Zulu War, despatch of nurses to, by Baroness Burdett-Coutts, 163, n. 



Of all the Governors who have niled over Cape Colony there, 
undoubtedly, has not been one who has left, besides his name, such 
permanent memorials of his residence in this country as Sir George 
Grey. These memorials have not been, as in the cases of some other 
Governors, merely their names given to streets and districts after 
their departure, but, founded by himself, living institutions for which 
there was pressing need and which have done much in promoting the 
higher and cultural development of the country. They are the Grey 
College in Bloemfontein, the Grey Institute (boys' school) Port 
Elizabeth, the Grey Hospital in Kingwilliamstown (founded for 
the purpose of undermining the influence of the KaflBr witchdoctor) 
and the wonderful and priceless collection of manuscripts and books 
which he gave to the Public Library in Cape Tovm and which form 
what is now known as the Grey Library. Unsupported by the prestige 
and influence of great family connections, but schooled almost from 
his earliest years amid difficulties and dangers, he rose, regardless of 
the frowns of superiors in office when he knew he was doing his duty, 
by merit alone to that pre-eminence which, though unoflBcially, gave 
him the title of the Great Pro-Consul. 

Sir George Grey was bom on April 14th, 1812, near the field of 
battle during the Peninsular War. His father was killed while leading 
his men at the attack of Badajoz. When old enough the boy, intended, 
though not destined, for a military career, was entered at Sandhurst, 
where he gained distinction in the usual course. He was gazetted 
Ensign in the 83rd foot, and then for four years was stationed in 
DubUn. From these earliest years his greatest ambition was to travel 
and explore unknown regions. Fortunately for him there was, at 
this time, a call for such enterprise. The north-western coast of 
Australia was practically unknown. It was rumoured that there were 
great rivers which gave access to the interior of the country. The 
discovery of these was a problem of great scientific and commercial 
importance which interested others than members of the Royal 
Geographical Society. In fact the British Government itself approved 
of the venture and offered liberal support for its execution. In 1836 
Captain George Grey, as he then was, presented himself before the 
proper authorities and offered to undertake this woik. His offer 
was accepted. Hence, on February 6th, 1837, having obtained two 
years' leave from the Horse Guards, he, with a small party, left 
Plymouth on July 5th in H.M.S. Beagle and reached Cape Town on 

the following September 22nd. The journey was continued in a 
smaller vessel, and Hanover Bay was reached on December 3rd, 1837. 
The party having been landed, the small ship sailed away to other 
parts and left the intrepid explorers to fight their way through the 
unknown country as best they could. Their troubles and terrible 
sufferings soon began. A storm deprived them of most of their 
provisions, the heat was great and water scarce, and withal the 
natives were unfriendly and attacked them. Captain Grey received 
a spear wound in the thigh which incapacitated him for a fortmght. 
The travellers made their way south, towards Perth. After a time 
starvation, thirst and exhaustion began to do their worst. Some could 
proceed no further and laid themselves down to die. Captain Grey 
suffering equally with the others, but with the pluck and determination 
so characteristic of him, pushed on by himself, reached Perth and sent 
back help to the others ; one was found to be dead. 

The Governor of Western Australia seems to have been so impressed 
with Captain Grey's abilities that he appointed him the resident (a 
kind of native commissioner) at King George's Sound. Then com- 
menced that long career of endeavour to restrain and civilise the 
barbarian native tribes of Australia, New Zealand and South Africa 
with which his name is so indissolubly connected. On the principle 
that the devil can always find some mischief for idle hands to do. 
Captain Grey's panacea for native troubles was remunerative work. 
In accordance with th's he induced many of the aboriginals in his 
vicinity to construct and work on public roads. And that they might 
see continually the results of their labours he adopted the novel 
procedure of paying them their due twice daily. This succeeded 
admirably in Australia as it did in British Kaffraria. Also at this time 
he commenced his researches in, and his writings on, Polynesian 
folklore, and languages and customs which, even to-day, are the 
authoritative statements on these subjects. At the expiration of his 
two years' leave of absence, he returned to England and wiote an 
account of his Australian experiences .(•) As a result of the ability of 
which he had given such evidence, at the age of 25 he was sent back 
to Australia as the Governor of South Australia, where difficulties 
other than those connected with the natives, faced liim. South 
Australia at that time was in a bad way. Due to the extravagance and 
mismanagement of a former Governor, fmancial ruin was facing the 
country. The revenue, derived chiefly from the sales of lands, was 
about )C3>ooo P-r annum, while the expenditure was something Uke 
;{|94,ooo per annum. To bring down this expenditure to some more 
reasonable rates, to increase revenue as well as to introduce further 
desirable reforms in the Government of the country were the problems 
which were to be solved by Captain Grey. During his five years of 

(') Journals of two expeditions of discovery in north-western Australia 
during the years, 1837, 1838, 1839. London, 1841. 

office there he accomplished much in these directions. Drastic 
retrenchments reduced the expenditure to less than a third ; a legisla- 
tive Council was nominated and, in short, a country verging on bank- 
ruptcy on his arrival was in a flourishing condition when he was called 
upon to leave it to introduce order in another country still more chaotic. 
It was most extraordinary that in addition to the immense amount 
of work he must have had to do in his administrative duties, he found 
time to study the natural history of the country and to collect an 
enormous number of specimens of all kinds, animal, botanical and 
mineralogical. Something like three hundred cases of valuable 
material were sent to the British Museum and the chief museums of 
Germany, France and the United States. Much of it was new to 
Science. His work in this connection would have been no mean 
credit to a University professor who had httle else to do than original 
research and the collection of new specimens. 

In 1845, Captain Grey was called upon by the British Government 
to go to New Zealand as its Governor. That country at that time 
was in a parlous state. Lord Stanley, in making the appointment, 
said that Grey's new duties had nothing to recommend them but 
their arduous nature. " The urgent necessity," he said, " which has 
arisen in invoking your aid in New Zealand is the single apology I 
have to offer for calling upon you with no previous notice." The 
numerous tribes of warlike Maories were at war with the comparatively 
speaking, mere handful of Europeans, who, in good faith, had arrived 
in the country to form peaceful settlements. The great and formidable 
enemy with which Grey had to contend was a powerful land speculation 
company, the New Zealand Company, originated and developed in 
England, in spite of much opposition, by the notorious Edward 
Gibbon Wakefield. Among his promotees were some of the great 
ones of the British Parliament. Under the colour of colonisation, 
lands in New Zealand, to which the company had no right or title, 
were sold in London. 

In a very short time a capital of £100,000 was raised, and on June 
22nd, 1840, the first batch of setders arrived in WeUington, but 
only to find that the company held no land. " It never placed a 
single setder on a single acre of land with a good tide obtained from 
natives." The natives on their part naturally resented this imwarrant- 
able intrusion on their preserves, and bloodshed was the result. 
At Wairau thirty Europeans were massacred while plotting out lands. 
A chief. Hone Heki, in defiance of Britain, three times cut down the 
flagstaff at Kororareka (now Russel) in the bay of islands. Captain 
Grey's first actions on assuming his new office were to stop all purchases 
of native lands by private individuals and to prevent the natives from 
acquiring gims and ammunition. And to assist him in maintaining 
order he very soon succeeded in organising a native police force. 
Within two months of his arrival there was a change for the better. 

In order to know the natives bener and to get into intimate touch 
with their minds, so to speak, he learnt to speak their language 
fluently. He soon came to be looked upon as their father, and after 
a time could do almost anything with them. Great was the grief 
when the time came when he had to leave them. 

In 1846 an Act for the Constitution of a government was promul- 
gated, but Grey took it upon himself to postpone its introduction for 
five years, his reason being that he feared the power would get into 
the hands of the iniquitous company. 

In 1848 he was created K.C.B. In 1853 he returned to England, 
nominally on leave, but really, as it happened, to take charge of another 
country which needed his wise head and guiding hand. He was 
not well received by the Government. The Duke of Newcastle — 
the Secretary of State for the Colonies — refused to see him, and he 
was attacked in Parliament by Messrs. Adderly, Pakington and Lord 
Ljrtdeton. But all the same he had no respite from duty before he 
found himself on board ship bound for the Cape of Good Hope as 
its Governor. He arrived in Cape Town on December 4th, 1854.0 

After the usual ofiBcial ceremonies connected with the reception of 
a new Governor, and after having taken over from Sir G. Russell Qerk, 
who had been acting as High Commissioner for effecting formally 
the abandonment of the Sovereignty, the papers and documents 
connected with that office and also relieving Mr. DarUng, who had been 
Acting Governor, of the duties which he had been performing pending 
the appointment of a new Governor, Sir George Grey could turn his 
attention to the state of the country and to the problems which con- 
fronted him. The most important and perplexing part of these were 
connected with British Kaf&aria. In spite of war having terminated 
so shortly before, the affairs of that country were in an unsatisfactory 
state and called for all the tact and determination which the new 
Governor could exercise. He was soon in communication with Col. 
Maclean, the de facto Governor of that part, and received from him, 
as well as from others, disquieting information, although just at that 
time all seemed to be quiet. But for some months previously there 
had been something more than rximour of hostile intentions on the part 
of the natives. And in connection with this an entirely new feature, 
which boded no good for the Colony, presented itself. This was the 
possibility of a combination of the Kaffirs with the Fingoes, the people 
who had so far always fought on the side of the Government. The 
hostility between these two races had always been a source of security 
to the Colony, as has already appeared in this work. The Fingoes 
at this time had become rich and powerful. From being the broken 
and scattered race they were when they first came into the Colony 

(') For further details on these matters consult the excellent History of New 
Zeaknd by G. W. Rusden, London 1883, and the Life of Sir George Grey, 
by W. Lee Rees. 

about 1828, they had by their industry, thrift and the protection which 
they had always received from the British Government, collected in 
numbers, forgotten their former difficulties and the benefits which had 
been accorded them and apparently were now prepared to spurn the 
hand which had helped and protected them. Such a combination 
could not but be disastrous to the Colony. The state of the coimtry 
with regard to its defence was that in British Kafifraria there were 2,541 
soldiers scattered in 16 widely separated posts, and in the Albany 
and Fort Beaufort districts 1,391 men distributed among 13 detached 
posts. Between these there intervened Fingo locations of about 23,000 
souls, 5,000 of whom were in possession of arms and capable of using 
them. The Kaffirs, especially the Gaikas and Ndhlambis, always 
disposed for war against the Colony, welcomed the overtures which were 
made by the leading Fingo chief, Jokweni, who lived in the Peddic 
district. It was said that an alUance between the two peoples was to 
be cemented together by Sandilli marrying one of Jokweni's daughters. 
On the other hand it was said that Jokweni had no unmarried daughters. 
But, according to Mr. Charles Brownlee, who had special facihties 
in discovering what was going on, Kreli was advocating the inter- 
marriage between KaflBrs and Fingoes. According to the same 
authority, the KaflBrs discovered that they had made a great mistake 
in having slighted the Fingoes and treated them with contempt ; they 
now saw they were of pure blood of " the great house of interior." 
The Fingoes, on their part, looked forward to an amalgamation with 
the KaflBrs as a means, not only of escaping from their thraldom, 
but of enjoying the practice of their rites and superstitions, which they 
imderstood were to be put down by the Colonial Government. 
Sandilli, still quoting Brownlee, welcomed the message from Jokweni 
and said : " I do not like the white man ; I am ready for war, but my 
people are yet tired " (presumably from the last war). Sandilli 
communicated with Umhala (of the Ndhlambis), who replied : " Are 
you ready for war that you send me such proposals, as for myself I 
never had any faith in the white man. It is true that in the last war 
I had to appear neutral, but it was not the feeling of my heart." In 
justice to the Fingoes it is but fair to say that they had real and legitimate 
grievances. These arose out of questions connected with their land 
which they had occupied and cultivated for some years and of which 
now the Government seemed to be depriving them. According to 
the Maitland treaty of 1845 (^) these lands had been given to them in 

(') Treaty of 1845, Art. 16. 

The said Governor doth hereby in the name of Her Said Majesty grant and 
confirm unto said chiefs and their tribe, that part of the said territory called 
the Ceded Territory which since the making of the Said Treaty of the 5th of 
December, 1836, they have held and occupied, which territory shall be held 
by the said chief and tribe, their heirs and successors in perpetuity, never to be 
reclaimed by or on behalf of the Said Majesty, except in the case of hostility 
committed or a war provoked by the said chiefs or tribe, or in case of a breach 
of the Treaty, or any part thereof. 

perpetuity, and now the white man was settling among them, taking 
lands which the Fingoes regarded as their own and spoiling the people 
by the infliction of ruinous fines for the unavoidable trespass of their 
cattle. Col. Maclean himself acknowledged, May 3rd, 1855, that he 
was a witness to the Maitland treaty and that he had been through 
the district and had seen white men's houses on lands which had been 
granted to the Fingoes. 

In anticipation, however, it may be said that the Fingoes' bark was 
worse than their bite ; they remained loyal and ready to render further 
service to the Colony. But in the case of the Kaffirs it was not so. 
Much experience had taught the colonists that the Gaika bite had too 
often been disassociated from any warning bark whatever. At this 
time there were the usual signs of a coming war ; servants were leaving 
their masters stealthily for no assignable reason other than to join 
in hostihties against the Colony and people on isolated farms, in 
consequence of warnings from their faithful servants, were preparing 
to congregate in defensible places for safety. Lieut.-Gen. Sir James 
Jackson, who had been in command of the Kaffrarian forces as well 
as appointed Lieut.-Govemor of the Eastern Province, wrote to Sir 
George Grey : " I regret to say that I am not at all satisfied with the 
present state of affairs in Kaffirland and on the Frontier, and from what 
I learn from various reports, supposed to be confidential, given to old 
inhabitants by native servants, Kaffirs and Fingoes long in service, it 
appears that an immediate outbreak is determined upon. Several 
of the frontier farmers are preparing to leave their homes and some 
have actually moved into Fort Beaufort and other military stations." 
Sir James begged Sir George Grey to send, without delay, 300 men 
of the 73rd Regiment from Cape Town and to apply to the Governor 
of Mauritius to detach a regiment from that place for service in South 
Africa. Sir James Jackson, perhaps in consequence of the inadequate 
force he had for defending so extended a coimtry, seems always to have 
been quaking with fear and expecting inunediate disaster. Such a 
despatch as the above, almost the first Sir George Grey received after 
his arrival, must have indicated that his Governorship was to be no 
sinecure. There were other disquieting circumstances. It was 
discovered that a secret communication was going on between the 
Basuto chief Moshesh and Kreli. A few months subsequently to Sir 
George Grey's arrival, Moshesh sent a petty Tambookie chief to Kreli 
with a message to the effect that with only a small portion of his nation 
he had beaten the EngUsh at the Berea, and that had he mustered all 
his people he might have destroyed all the English. He now wished 
to come to an imderstanding with Kreli with regard to a combination 
with the Kaffirs for offensive purposes. 

Among other matters which indicated to Sir George Grey, thus 
early, that his career in South Africa was to be even more arduous and 

harassing than that in South Australia and New Zealand had been 
were the troubles in connection with the Orange Free State and Adam 
Kok and his Griquas. On December 29th, 1854, Kok wrote from 
Phillipolis complaining of the neglect of duty on the part of Sir George 
Russell Qerk, who had been sent out from England as a Special 
Commissioner for the purpose of settling all matters in the Sovereignty 
prior to its being abandoned by the British Government. This will 
be dealt with further on. 

" To our astonishment," said Adam Kok (or his missionary for him) 
" Her Majesty's Special Commissioner has made no investigation nor 
given any answer to oujr complaints, but simply proposed certain 
terms which will only increase the injustice imder which we have 
suffered by depriving us of that portion of the country which we still 
retain, and compelling us either to remain in this coimtry as serfs to 
the Boers or to leave us to wander as vagabonds upon the face of the 
earth. His Excellency annulled the Maitland Treaty, left the coimtry 
without coming to any arrangement with us and abandoned us to 
whatever calamities might befall us — calamities brought on by no 
faults of our own but by the pohcy of the British Government, which 
pledged itself to secure for us the exclusive use of the inalienable 
Territory. Our hold upon this territory is now lost and given over to 
a government which is hostile to us. By our faithful adherence to the 
British Government we have made ourselves obnoxious to the Boers 
and certain native tribes. We are now left without any protection 
against vengeance. We who had been faithful allies have been 
forsaken, while our enemies and those who would spoil us are treated 
with all kindness and consideration." 

Sir George Grey, having forwarded this letter to Sir George Qerk, 
who was still in the Colony, received a reply dated January 20th, 1855. 
He, " in reference to this reduced medley of idle and impoverished 
crossbreeds established by Dr. Philip between the Orange and Vaal 
rivers," said that he had sent a despatch concerning them to the Duke 
of Newcasde on the previous March 28th (1854). He had pointed out 
that " Our very troublesome acquaintance with them was the conse- 
quence of the political transactions of missionaries — people living 
nominally under the sway of a captain who does not and cannot govern 
them — the sooner this authority is annulled the better. The conversion 
of the heathen Griquas was deemed more important than the welfare 
and attachment of the unenlightened Dutchmen." Sir George Qerk 
showed that the Griquas had made no use of the lands and that they 
were idle and useless people and that the sooner the treaty of 1845 was 
annulled the better. 

It will be remembered that after the Kat River rebellion large num- 
bers of the rebel Hottentots fled into Kreli's country, where they still 
were when Sir George Grey arrived. Ninety-five of them sent in a 

petition asking for pardon and permission to be allowed to return to 
the Colony. Col. Maclean thought this should have been complied 
with as, in the event of virar, these people would have been added to 
our enemies and would have been all the more dangerous as many 
were Cape Corps deserters who were armed and good shots. Sir 
George Grey's answer was that just and equal laws were made for the 
protection of the lives and property of all classes of the Queen's 
subjects ; but the Hottentots had broken the laws, had committed 
murder, robbery and taken plunder of all sorts. The Governor cannot 
tell any man, be he Hottentot or any other guilty of such crimes, that 
if he came into the Colony he would not be likely to be brought to 
justice ; the police were constantly on the look out for such oflFenders. 
These Hottentots therefore who were conscious of having done evil 
had better stay where they were. However, in honour of the restora- 
tion of peace and tranquihty in Europe after the Crimean War, affording 
a happy occasion for Her Majesty to exercise her high prerogative of 
mercy, a pardon to all, bearing date August 14th, 1856, was granted. 
But none of these Hottentots were permitted to enter the districts of 
Albany and Fort Beaufort. 

Sir George Grey, in a short space of time, having collected much 
information with regard to the state of the country, was prepared on 
December 22nd, 1854 — a httle more than a fortnight after his arrival — 
to send a despatch to the Secretary of State in which he formulated 
his policy for future action. He had learnt that the cost of the late 
war was at the rate of a million per annum and, as the signs of those 
times indicated, he saw there was no certainty that wars were at 
an end. As in South Australia and New Zealand, his policy was that 
of destroying his enemies by making them his friends, thus to bring 
about a permanent tranquility and to relieve Great Britain of great 
native-war expenditure. Again his panacea for all native troubles 
was remunerative public works, such as opening up new roads. For 
the Fingoes and others who were sufficiently advanced to appreciate 
them, industrial schools where useful trades might be learnt were to 
be established. Further, he proposed schools for education of the 
children and a hospital for the sick. In this way he hoped gradually 
to win them to civilisation and Christianity. He pointed out that all 
this would cost money, but nothing like as much as the cost of a war. 
He therefore asked the British Parliament to make him an annual 
grant of ;(|40,ooo. As the scheme progressed and succeeded he hoped 
this grant would be able to be reduced year by year until in about 
eight or ten years no further subsidy would be needed. 

I^As all the information he had received so far was littie more than 
hearsay, he determined, as soon as possible and while there was a 
comparative peaceful lull, to visit the troubled parts of the East and 
see things for himself. He reached Grahamstown on January 31st, 

1 855- There he found general fear and alarm and a feehng of uncer- 
tainty as to how long the peace would last. The accounts he received 
from people who should know were confirmatory of those he had 
already heard. From Grahamstown he made his way to KaiBrland, 
where by the assistance of Mr. Chas. Brownlee he came face to face 
with the most important of the Kaffir chiefs. Sandilli had told Mr. 
Brownlee that he did not intend to meet any more Governors. Sir 
George, on his part, let it be known that he did not wish to meet any 
of the chiefs, knowing full well that this was just the way to make them 
want to see him. He intimated that he would not visit them, but 
should they desire to meet him, they would find him at a military post. 
The result was that Sandilli, Maqomo, Anta and other important 
chiefs, accompanied by 800 imarmed men, went to the Dohne post 
(near the present Stutterheim) where an interview with the Governor 
took place. Sandilli desired " to open his heart," which meant, as 
he afterwards stated in writing (or his missionary for him) that he 
desired to get back the land from which he had been driven. The 
Governor had to tread warily ; he was cautious not to get into any 
awkward conversation or argument. He spoke about the cattle disease, 
which was then raging, and other non-commital matters and ended 
by distributing among the assembly, bullocks blankets and tobacco. 
Thus he left them in good feeling on both sides. 

On his return journey, Sir George Grey reached Port Elizabeth on 
March 3rd and Cape Town on the 6th. During this journey he 
gained much useful information and saw more clearly the course of 
action he should pursue. He agreed that in the event of the Fingoes 
joining the Kaffirs against the Colony the resulting disaster would 
indeed be great, but from what he had seen of them he did not think 
they would. He found them in a discontented state and with no 
very good feeling towards the Government. Hundreds were living 
neglected on lands which they maintained were quite inadequate to 
their needs and, further, they complained of the vexatious interference 
of the subordinate Government authorities in their customs and 
ceremonies. For all this however there was a remedy. 

As a step towards the permanent defence of British Kaffiraria he 
prepared a scheme which he had tried with success in New Zealand. 
That was to introduce into the country a number of emroUed pen- 
sioners, that is men who had already served their time in the army, 
were in the prime of life and capable of performing still further 
military duty. These, with their wives and famiUes, were to be given 
lands or building plots to begin with in King Williamstown and Alice. 
In case of hostilities they were to garrison the posts and thus liberate 
the regular soldiers for more active service in the field. On March 
15th, 1855, shortly after his return from the East, Sir George Grey 
opened the second, but for him the first, session of the Cape Parliament. 


His speech was of great length. It seems to have been written as 
much foi the Secretary of State as for Parliament. It embodied his 
enlightened and comprehensive views with regard to the permanent 
tranquillisation and development of the country as well as to benefiting 
and civilising the native tribes which had for so long been a scourge 
to the Colony. The speech was original in that his policy, in some 
respects, was the reverse of that adopted by his predecessors and not 
altogether consonant with the views of the British Government. He 
expressed his disapproval of the attempt to maintain a neutral or 
" ceded " territory between the Fish and Keiskama Rivers, which in 
days gone by had been the tmsucccssful remedy for conflicts between 
the KaflBr and the Colonist. He considered as worse than useless a 
system of frontier defence based on the idea of maintaining a vacant 
tract of territory and endeavouring to keep at a distance, without any 
systematic efforts to restrain them, barbarians, who would be quite 
sure to break through whenever it suited them to do so. 

We cannot (he was of opinion) neglect and ignore our duties towards 
an adjacent barbarian race without suffering those evils which form 
a fitting punishment for such neglect. Our duty, rather, is to make 
them a part and parcel of ourselves with common interests, to turn the 
destroyers of our stock into consumers of our produce, useful as servants 
and contributors to our revenue, in short, to make them a source of 
wealth to the country. Then as to British Kaffraria itself, his policy 
was one which might have brought down upon him all the wrath 
and vituperation of Exeter Hall. It was none other than that of 
encouraging Europeans to settle in that fertile country, which was so 
capable of supporting a dense population. At the same time, however, 
he did not propose to dislodge the natives, but, by schools of industry 
and employment on pubhc works, to teach them the value — and 
perhaps the dignity— of labour and to impress upon them the evil of 
their own way of living. Sir George always was an optimist. 
He recommended the separation of British Kaffraria from the Colony 
and giving it its own complete government. In connection with the 
question of maintaining order in the coxmtry and, indirectly, the 
defence of the frontier, he detailed his pensioner scheme. The men lo 
be medically fit and not over 45 years of age. They were to be accom- 
panied by their wives and not more than five children ; to serve during 
seven years and never to move further than five miles from their posts. 
They were to assemble in arms every Sunday for church parade and 
to comply with other regulations and perform other duties yet to be 
specified. In return for their services they would have a free passage 
to the Buffalo River (East London) and would be allotted a piece of 
land and cottage, which would become their property at the expiration 
of the seven years . As a further means of permanent defence, although 
he approved of the existing mounted police force, he stated his inten- 


tion to propose a law upon which a new organisation would be intro- 
duced which would practically replace it. The force which eventiially 
materialised was the Frontier Armed and Moimted PoUce (the 
F.A.M.P.) under its distinguished commander Sir Walter Currie. 

Turning to matters connected with the North, Sir George Grey 
stepped into the edge of shallow but troubled political waters which 
drew him deeper and deeper into the dangerous rapids of Imperial 
displeasure and resulted almost in his destruction as a Colonial 
Governor. He highly disapproved of and as he said he felt much 
anxiety with regard to the httie repubhcs of the Orange Free State 
and Transvaal. He considered that from their weakness they would 
find much difficulty in working out their destinies and involve them- 
selves in trouble with the natives. In this, as will be seen later, he 
was not very far wrong. But then all parts of South Africa at some 
time or another became involved in troubles with the natives. 

His hope for the exiled people of the two republics was founded 
upon the Dutch Reformed Church to which all belonged. In view of 
their very limited means of instruction, religion and supervision, he 
regarded that church as a force of great value and importance. He 
had seen, he said, the powerful influence, the system of government 
and discipline which it exercised on the morals and conduct of its 
members. It imposed regularity, decency, order and propriety of 
conduct and fulfils many fvmctions of government and law. He 
suggested the endowment of one or more Theological Chairs, the pro- 
fessors to be chosen by the Synod of the Dutch Reformed Church. 

After having thus indicated to the House of Assembly these proposals 
for the welfare of the country, with all modesty, he asked the august 
house to indicate any modification of these proposals which might 
occur to them, or in the event of their agreement, that they, as the 
depositories of the revenue of the Colony, would render him material 
assistance by advancing a part of the simi of money, which he had 
asked from the British Government. The speech was sent as a 
despatch to Lord John Russell, the then Secretary of State. His 
somewhat half-hearted reply, dated Downing St., June 3rd, 1855, was 
as follows : " Let me in the first place declare explicitiy that it is for 
no object of dominion or extension of territory that Great Britain 
wishes to maintain possession of British Kaffraria. So far as the 
interests of this Empire are concerned British Kaffraria might be 
abandoned and the Eastern districts of the Cape Colony left unpro- 
tected without injury to the power of the United Kingdom, and with 
a considerable saving to its finances But such considerations have 
not been allowed to prevail The performance of an honourable duty 
to British colonists, the maintenance of a position acquired at great 
cost both of men and money, and, lastiy, views of comprehensive and 
vigilant humanity, induce Her Majesty's Government to take a very 


different course. Her Majesty, impelled by these high motives, 
approves therefore of the general line of policy which you propose to 
adopt. It is now my duty however to point out to you the serious 
obstacles which may prevent your deriving the immediate benefit you 
expect from the measures you have devised. At the root of these 
obstacles lies the difficulty of supplying British Kaffraria with a 
sufficient European population to vanquish in arms and conquer by 
civilisation the native tribes. I fear that in British Kaffraria you will 
find it difficult either to stock the country with emigrants or to procure 
from our limited supply of pensioners, a sufficient number of men 
fulfilling your conditions and willing to embrace the proposals you hold 
out to them. Still, what is difficult is not impossible, and I will do 
all in my power to forward your design. Could you by the other means 
which you propose of employment on public works of establishments 
for education, of hospitals for the benefit of the natives and other 
subsidiary means, obtain an enduring influence over the African tribes, 
I should hope that the measure of sending pensioners from this 
country might succeed as well in Kaffraria as in New Zealand. I 
must frankly tell you however that perseverance in these measures 
must depend on the willingness of the Colonial Legislative to assist 
and promote your views. We cannot undertake to help the Cape 
Colony unless the Cape Colony is ready to take its proper share in 
the task. You will imderstand, therefore, that the grant of ;C40,ooo 
now assented to and the measure of sending pensioners to the Eastern 
districts of the Colony are adopted in the hope that the Colonial 
Legislative wiU concur in your enlightened views and assist them in 
the most liberal manner." The pensioner scheme was a failure. 
The uncertainty of the life they were to lead in a country which was 
totally unknown to them did not prove sufficiendy attractive. Of the 
first instalment of i,ooo which was to have been sent out, only 107 
emrolled themselves, and of these it was felt that many would withdraw. 
In the end so few, compared with the nimibers asked for, having volun- 
teered, the Secretary of State decided to drop the scheme altogether. 
In the meantime, however, assimiing that the project was going to 
succeed, preparations were being made for their reception. Plots 
of land were measured out in the vicinity of King Williamstown and 
a number of small (very small) cottages were constructed by military 
labourers. The cottages were of brick, twenty feet long and twelve feet 
wide ; they had two rooms, a thatch roof and a chimney. What more 
could a pensioner want ? On their arrival Col. Maclean was instructed 
to have transport and rations ready, and in the case of the men, to 
find them employment on the public works, at one and sixpence (is. 6d.) 
per diem until they could find other work. But no pensioners came, 
and the cottages were allowed to be used by married soldiers. So a 
proposal which might reasonably have been expected to meet with 
some success was a complete failure ; while another scheme which on 


a pnon grounds could have promised but little, namely, that of inducing 
the raw Kafl5r to work, succeeded far beyond all expectations. They 
took to road making with avidity and seemed to live only for their pick 
and shovel. " The most warlike of the Gaikas were taking to pubUc 
works and labour with all enthusiasm," said Sir George Grey on June 
nth, 1855. The officers appointed to enlist labourers were so 
inundated with applications that very many had to be refused. Speak- 
ing roughly, between 750 and 1,000 men were continually on the 
roads. In June, 1857, there were 2,194, but that large increase 
was due to great poverty and starvation, which will be dealt with later. 
As a means of supervision, one man out of every sixteen was made a 
first-class overseer at one shilling per diem and rations ; one out of every 
eight was a second class overseer with nine pence per diem with rations, 
while the remainder received 6d. per diem with rations. The average 
cost of each man per annvun was £16 5s. 3d. " For this they open 
up new roads in the country, thus conquering for us and are contented 
to do so." But they could not be rehed upon. It was felt that if 
the military strength, which kept them in awe, was withdrawn, they 
might break out at any moment. Hence it was always necessary to 
be ready for trouble. Kaffir labour on roads, however, could be 
regarded only as a temporary matter. As a more permanent measure 
and one leading to progressive civihsation Sir George Grey considered 
that industrial education combined with the ordinary school and 
religious curriculum was to be the solution of the native question. 
In this connection he may be looked upon as a great missionary. For 
not only did he encoiurage and enlarge the mission station then in 
existence, but he established new ones. He was enabled to do this 
by the large annual grant which had been sanctioned by the British 
Government. To Bishop Armstrong of Grahamstown a sxmi of 
;£5,i27 was given for the purpose of commencing mission stations 
in the tribes of SandiUi, Umhala and Kreli and for the Fingoes at 
Keiskama Hoek (St. Matthew). To this place £900 was panted for 
the construction of a " Mission house and industrial school in the 
neighbourhood of the Fingo location on the Keiskama River." 
To Lovedale, the oldest of the mission stations in Kaffi:aria, a grant 
which enabled that institution to develop the industrial side of the 
work was made. On February 12th, 1855, Capt. Pilkington, the 
Government engineer, sent in his plans for the new Lovedale buildings. 
The Wesleyan mission station of Healdtown, situated on the beautiful 
hills about six miles from Fort Beaufort, owes its foundation to Sir 
George Grey at this time. In the vicinity a small Wesleyan church 
for Fingoes had been built, in 1854, by the indefatigable Rev. John 
AyUflF, one of the British Settiers of 1820, who guided the 16,000 
Fingoes into the Peddie district when they fled from Hintza's country 
in 1835. When Sir George Grey visited the East, Mr. Ayliflf did not 
lose the opportimity of meeting him and enlisting his interest on behalf 


of these people. The result was a grant of /^4,coo for the erection 
of a school and workshop. Thus, on July 17th, 1856, Healdtown 
commenced the career which to this day has been one of uninterrupted 
success and progress. It is now a very large institution and almost 
constitutes a township.(^) In the Western Province Sir George Grey, 
in conjimction with Bishop Gray of Cape Town, established the 
missionary institution of Zonnebloem. The institutions in the Eastern 
Province were more of a local character. The aims of 2^nneblo€m 
were of a much more comprehensive character ; they were the improve- 
ment and civilisation of the children of chiefs and other influential 
natives in all parts of Africa. Dr. Livingstone and Bishop Mackenzie 
were told that people from the far-away regions in which they worked 
would be welcomed at Zonnebloem. The work commenced in a part 
of Bishopscourt, the residence of Bishop Gray at Qaremont, near 
Cape Town. Fifty young persons who had been brought from the 
Free State, British Kafiraria and other parts, formed the nucleus and 
were placed imder the care of the Bishop. By i860 the accommoda- 
tion at Bishopscourt became inadequate, thus the present site at Wood- 
stock, near Cape Town, was acquired for X^6,ooo. £4,000 of this 
was subscribed by pious people in England, the Baroness Burdet 
Coutts and the Duchess of Northimiberland giving large amounts, 
the Government added the remainder and contributed £1,000 per 
annum for the support of the industrial teachers and the S.P.G. 
contributed £1,000 per annum for the support of the warden, school- 
master and lady warden. At this time considerable progress had 
been made in industrial work, and four students went to St. Augustine's 
theological college, Canterbury, preparing to enter the church. 

But this mental and moral improvement of the natives could be on 
no sure foundation while the witchdoctor, the great enemy of all 
progress, still wielded his baneful authority and influence in Kaflarland. 
Sir George Grey's move to counteract this was to establish, under the 
care of an experienced doctor, a hospital where diseases of all kinds 
might be treated. As a preliminary step, a Dr. Bindon, of the 6th 
Regiment, while stationed at the Dohne post, treated successfully a 
number of Kaffir cases which had been given up by the witchdoctors. 
This caused considerable talk among the natives and, in a measure, 
prepared the way for the fine hospital which was established in King 
Williamstown. It was built chiefly by the soldiers, who had little 
else to do in the time of peace than to remain ready to meet any trouble, 
and by Kaffir labour. So, as they say in trade, " good value " was 
obtained for the money. As a resident medical man. Dr. J. P. Fitz- 
gerald was appointed. This gentleman had been a distinguished 
student of Glasgow University and, although a good all-roimd man, 
he had specialised in eye operations. In due course he was appointed 

(') Vide pamphlet. Jubilee of Healdtown, July, 1906. And Cape Archives 
for Capt. Piers plans for the proposed buildings. Vol. CO 115. 


to take charge of the native hospital at Wellington, New Zealand, 
where he did excellent work and became a great favourite with the 
Maoris . Their sorrow at his departure was evidenced by the addresses 
of loyalty to the Queen and affection for himself. " Go, oh Dr. Fitz- 
gerald," said Na Hemi Parahi, the chief of the Ngatiawa, " to your 
country, to your people with all the goodness, kindness and gentleness 
which you have shown to the natives of New Zealand." Sir George 
Grey, when Governor of that country, had appointed Dr. Fitzgerald 
to Wellington, and so was well aware of his ability and character. 
He was therefore very glad to be able to appoint him to King Williams- 
town. He arrived there on March loth, 1856. Very soon the hospital 
was full of patients. They came from all parts, far and near, with 
every variety of disease. The witchdoctor was being sadly under- 
mined and finding himself out of date. By June 17th, 1858, no less 
than 11,380 cases had been treated. Some of the eye cases were 
extraordinary. Dr. Fitzgerald treated eight blind people, four of 
them were completely restored to sight and four were improving. 
One of those completely cured had been blind sixteen years. In his 
gratitude he thus wrote to the Queen : 

King Williamstovra, 

June 23rd. 

I am very thankful to you dearest Queen Victoria because you have 
sent for me a good doctor, a clever man. I was sixteen years blind 
Mother, O Queen, but now I see perfectly, I see everything, I can see 
the stars and the moon and the sun. I used to be led before, 
but now O Queen, I am able to walk by myself. Let God bless you 
as long as you live on earth. Thou must not be tired to bear our 
infirmities, O Queen Victoria (Ma uze ungadiniwe ukulwelwe betu 
umkanikazi Victoria). 

In all this work Dr. Fitzgerald was without medical assistance. 
It is scarcely surprising, therefore, that in 1859 his health was breaking 
down and that he was compelled to retire to England.(^) But the chief 

(') There was another worker at King Williamstown hospital, who deserves 
something more than a passing notice. This was Mr. Gilstain, the apothecary 
or dispenser, a man who was imbued with the spirit of original research in chem- 
istry and botany. He noticed on the wood fuel as well as on the trees and rocks 
in the vicinity a lichen from which he extracted a purple dye. Scarcely a 
bush, rock or tree is free from it, he said. (For the details of the chemical 
processes by means of which he did the extractions, vide Cape Archives, 
Enclosures to despatches for 1861, Vol. 44.) The lichen were Rocella tinctoria 
and Pamelia perlata. Having extracted some quantity of the dye he sent a 
specimen of it, together with some sUk dyed by it, to Dr. Pappe, the professor 
of botany at the South African College. He reported (June nth, i860) 
that the dye was of a superior kind and its performance would greatly enhance 
the value of the plant as a future article of trade. Also some of the dye and 
materials dyed by it were sent to Sir William Hooker of Kew. His report 
(Feb. 27th, 1861) was : " I have great pleasure in being able to say that one 
sort proved nearly, if not quite, equal to the best Orchilla weed (that of Lima) 
on the market. The raw material is worth from £35 to £38 per ton. Curious 
that that source of wealth has not been explored in more recent times." 


object was gained, namely, that the KaflBr saw that there were better 
means of treating sickness of all kinds than those of the evil witchdoctor. 
Shortly after the second session of Parliament was ended. Sir George 
Grey set off again on Eastern travel. This time his programme 
included visits to the far-away Orange Free State and Natal. He 
left Cape Town in August, accompanied by Lady Grey. Their 
first halt was at Paarl, where they received the usual enthusiastic 
welcome, in which the children took a prominent part. The Governor 
was very pleased to know that in educational matters there was no 
distinction between European and coloured children, that all, regardless 
of colour, were instructed in the same classes. From Paarl, where 
Lady Grey seems to have left him and returned to Cape Town, he 
made his way to GraafiF-Reinet, Burghersdorp and, on September 25th, 
arrived at Aliwal North. Thence he crossed the Orange River into 
the Free State, where he was most warmly received by the Volksraad 
and people generally. He was regarded as one who could heal all the 
sores and solve all the difficulties which then oppressed the infant 

President Boshof, evidently feeling that the presence of Sir George 
Grey would overawe the chief enemy of the Orange Free State, 
namely Moshesh, the great Basuto chief, contrived to have a meeting 
with him in the presence of the Governor. The interview took place 
at Smithfield on October 5th. But the wily Moshesh was on his 
guard and did not commit himself. The President opened the con- 
versation. He must have had his tongue in his cheek when he told 
Moshesh that he (Moshesh) was a man who loved peace and that he 
was always anxious to do the right thing. With a little introduaory 
flattery and " blarney " of this nature he emphasised the object of the 
meeting, which was, in the presence of the Governor, to complain of 
the continued thefts of stock perpetrated by Moshesh's people. From 
information which he had collected from his field-cornets he found 
that the Free State farmers had had stolen from them 363 cattle, 
294 horses, 112 sheep and that the Free State was being driven to 
such desperation as must, at no distant date, lead to very serious trouble. 
The reply of Moshesh, in substance, was that this is a meeting of 
friendship and such things should not be spoken ; the sword of the 
mouth is grievous, we had better not speak so ; let us not speak 
further to-day, but go home and correspond by letter. Asked if he 
would hke Sir George Grey to give advice, he said if it was not the 
proper day, advice to a chief should be given in private, he (Moshesh) 
did not come to speak of such matters. Sir George, however, did 
say a few words. He pointed out that no civilised country could 
exist in contact with a nation of thieves ; he felt sure that Moshesh 
in his wisdom and goodness would appreciate the words of the Presi- 
dent about steahng. In reply, Moshesh said he could not bind 
himself to say that there would be no more cattle stealing ; thieves did 


not go to him and tell him when they were going to steal. Thus 
the meeting ended. 

It did, however, lead to some promising result — but promising 
only. On the next day, October 6th, an agreement, or treaty of peace, 
between President Boshof and Chief Moshesh was signed. Its value 
may be judged from the secret communication which at this time was 
going on between Moshesh and Kreli with regard to a combined 
attack upon the Colony, also from the brag of the former that, with a 
part only of his army, he had beaten the English at the Berea in 1852. 
The chief points of the agreement were that anyone entering the 
Orange Free State from Moshesh's territory was to have a pass from 
one of the chiefs. This was useless, as these chiefs, especially 
Moletzani, Letsea, and Poshuli, were among the worst of the thieves. 
In the case of stolen animals being traced across the boundary of any 
chief, information had to be given to that chief, who was to take up 
the spoor and capture the guilty parties. The punishment was to be 
the restoration of the stolen property and a fine of four times its value. 
This, in fact, was a modification of the Stockenstrom law of 1836, 
which, in consequence of the difiBculty of carrying it out, practically 
amounted to the legalisation of KaflBr cattle steaUng. If squatters on 
farms did not move off after due notice they might be driven off by 
force. Similarly, if Free State boers settled in Moshesh's territory 
without permission, force to remove them HMght also be used in their 
case. All disputes of land were to be settled by the combined decisions 
of Boshof and Moshesh. 

All this, however, came to nothing or, rather, in consequence of 
the continued infractions of the terms of this agreement on the part 
of the Basutos, war broke out between them and the Orange Free 
State a short time afterwards. 

From the Orange Free State Sir George Grey travelled to Maritzburg 
and Durban and saw Natal for the first time. He was pleasantly 
surprised to see the progress which had been made so far in the develop- 
ment of the harbour. But a still greater surprise, in view of the 
small population Q) and scarcity of labour, was the extent of the 
sugar-cane industry. He foresaw in Natal a great sugar, cotton and 
coflfee coimtry. The labour dififictilty, which he so clearly saw, 
led him, if not to originate, then to encourage and to bring about a 
policy which by very many since that time has been looked upon as 
" Natal's great sin," namely, the introduction of cooUe labour from 
India. Though Natal swarmed with African natives, Zulus and others, 
they could either not be persuaded to work at all or, if they did, it 
was too unreliable in continuity and imsatisfactory to make the industry 
a commercial success. Spasmodic and intermittent work such as 
that of the natives of British Kaflfraria in making roads, where time 
and the nature of the work were not the first considerations, would not 

(') It was estimated that at this time the population of the whole of Natal 
was between seven and eight thousand. 


answer in the sugar industry of Natal. The solution of the difficulty 
therefore was the importation of Indians, a measure which had been 
attended with success in the sugar estates of Mauritius. In an address 
from the inhabitants of Durban they said : " Independently of measures 
for developing the labour of our natives, we believe Your Excellency 
will find occasion to sanction the introduction of a limited number 
of coolies or other labourers from the East in aid of the new enterprise 
on the coasdands, to the success of which sufficient and reliable labour 
is absolutely necessary." On November 17th, 1855, Sir George Grey 
wrote to Mr. Labouchere, the then Secretary of State, strongly recom- 
mending this measure. In answer to this, on March 5th, 1856, Mr. 
Labouchere said : " Owing to abuses which sprung up in a former 
emigration of cooUes through the agency of private individuals, the 
Government of India, acting in accordance with the views of the 
Court of Directors in this country, have for several years prohibited 
emigration except to particular colonies and under regulations carefully 
framed for the protection of the emigrants. He hopes no objection 
will be entertained to giving the necessary permission by law for the 
proposed emigration to Natal from Bombay. The demand for 
emigrants already existing at Calcutta and Madras and the difficulty 
of procuring the numbers sought by colonies which hold out the 
inducement of very lucrative employment to cooUes would appear to 
render it very improbable that Natal could command success at 
these ports. "(^) At this time there was a demand for coolies in the 
West Indies, and even India itself, where apparendy the pay was better 
than that offered in Natal, which was " five to six shillings per month 
with ample rations." The whole matter was shelved for five years. 
In the meantime the Natal public became divided into two parties on 
the question of the wisdom of admitting Indian labourers into Natal. 
In the general election for the Legislative Coimcil in 1857 there were 
24 candidates for the twelve seats. Two only of the candidates 
advocated coolie immigration ; they were defeated, and in the sugar- 
growing constituencies wanting labour. From this, therefore, it would 
seem that the public generally was against Indians. But in 1859 
there was an extraordinary dearth of Kaffir labour in spite of the fact 
that thousands of Zulus had fled into Natal from Zululand in conse- 
quence of the murdering regime of Cetewayo. The opinions of many 
of the " anti-coolies " were thus reversed. The Legislative Council 
referred the question to a Selea Committee. In the report it was 
recommended that Indian labourers should be admitted into Natal. 
In view of this, £s,ooo were put upon the estimates for i860 for the 
purpose of their transport from India. On June ist of that year an 
officer was sent to Madras to engage and arrange for the passage of the 
mmiber applied for ; and in the middle of November, i860, the 
barque Truro of 700 tons, arrived in Durban with 341 Indians on 
board, 197 men, 89 women and 55 children.... The Natal Witness 
(') Vide report of Emigration Commissioners, Feb. i6th, 1856, 


observed : " If we have not by this measure invoked a series of curses 
on this land we shall be glad to find our fears foundationless." That 
paper considered that the Legislative Council had committed a great 
evil without considering the serious consequences which will be its 
punishment. Thus commenced the enormous population of Indians 
which is so characteristic of Natal to-day. 

Having thus traversed the whole width of South Africa and made 
himself acquainted with the general conditions of the country and 
its people. Sir George Grey embarked on the Hydia at Durban and in 
due course reached Cape Town again. During his absence but at his 
suggestion, a movement for the better government of, and the admini- 
stration of justice in British Kaffiraria was inaugurated. The vacil- 
lating policy of successive Governors in deahng with the native tribes 
is well illustrated here. After the termination of the '50 war. Sir 
George Cathcart, in writing to Col. Maclean on January 19th, 1854, 
said : " Military control, not colonisation, is the principle of the pohcy 
which has induced me to advise the retention of KafFraria as a separate 
government independent of the Colony of the Cape instead of annexing 
it as a new colomal division or abandoning it altogether." Native 
progress in civilisation therefore was no great concern of General 
Cathcart. So long as, by their attitude towards the Colony, they created 
no need for military repression, they were at liberty to carry on all their 
barbarous customs and horrors .O The chiefs \yere left in complete 

(') Under the impression that Cathcart's policy of non-interference still 
reigned, an interesting case of witchcraft occurred in 1855, one in which Sir 
George Grey thus early in his Governorship took considerable interest and 
caused to be investigated. It appeared that a dead hare had been found 
in the hut of Nozi, one of Toise's people. According to Kaffir belief, that 
could only have been put there by some evil-minded person with the object 
of bewitching Toise, and that, in accordance with the usual procedure, it was 
a case for the services of a witch doctor. A Fingo, Magutyana, of the tribe 
of Umhlambiso, came forward and officiated. As a preliminary, an ox was 
kiUed for him and then, in the presence of Toise, his covmsellors and a crowd 
of the commonalty, there followed the customary frantic and hideous dance. 
The doctor named Kolosa, a man well found in cattle and other property, 
and another as the guilty parties. Riems (long strips of oxhide) were put round 
their necks and then they were led to their respective kraals. Qankwana 
was appointed to deal with Kolosa. The poor man was bound and placed on 
the groimd between two fires, Qankwana at the time remarking, " The Governor 
says we may deal with you as we please." When the skin was burnt from his 
sides and legs, one Umfengele released him and conducted him to his (Kolosa's) 
hut. But this was not to have been the end of it. The next morning a party 
surrounded the hut with orders from Toise to kill him. But again, by the 
instrumentality of Balincivade, he escaped, and in his fearful state hid in an 
adjoining bush. Eventually he reached the Christian chief Kama at Middle 
Drift, who procured assistance for him and reported the case to the Government 
agent. Thus it came before Sir George Grey. Kolosa's 70 head of cattle 
were divided among the counsellors, Toise himself receiving a large share. 
The other man was taken to his hut and burnt to death. Toise at that time 
was in receipt of a pension of £60 per annum from Government. From this 
Sir George Grey decided that there should be deducted a reward for Umfengele 
and a pension for the widow of the man who had been burnt to death. The 
" doctor " was banished as a rogue and cheat. In the investigation of his conduct 
he said he had received the power of detecting evil spirits in a dream and 
severe illness. The questioning, however, was too much for him. He pre- 
tended to go into an epileptic fit, but said Col. Maclean, he had seen soldiers 
do the same thing, but very much better. So much was made of this case 
that the witchdoctor business received a considerable setback. 


authority in the government of their people. Further, a European 
population W'as not to be encouraged to settle in Kaffraria — rather was 
the policy to get rid of all who were there and who were not in any 
way connected with military requirements. The total number of 
Europeans in British Kaf&aria at that time was about 1,250, about 
half of whom were in King Williamstown. As will have been seen. 
Sir George Grey's attitude was a complete antithesis to this. He 
reverted to a modification of Sir B. Durban's and Sir Harry Smith's 
policy of 1835. The present scheme was to confer magisterial 
authority upon the chiefs and to appoint to reside with them a British 
cflBcer, civil or miUtary, who should, if need be, modify their judgments 
and see that all was fair. The chiefs were to forego all their profits 
arising from their methods of administering justice — more frequendy 
injustice — and in its place to receive a salary from the Government. 
The fines inflicted on anyone for injury to another were to go to the 
injured party, not, as before, to the chief. According to Kaffir ideas 
the people belonged to the chief and any damage done to one was 
really a damage done to the chief. Hence the compensation which he 
claimed. Upon Col. Maclean was imposed the duty of preparing the 
way for the change by interviewing the different chiefs ; but there 
was to be no compulsion ; they were to be persuaded to see that the 
change was for their own good as well as for their people. Col. 
Maclean, who by this time knew the natives well, looked upon the 
proposal with misgiving. His view was that the chiefs were apathetic 
to improvement and preferred their own barbarous ways of living to 
civilisation. They climg tenaciously to their privileges, customs and 
traditions ; and though the white man brought them all sorts of good 
things into their country they preferred his absence. He considered 
that the continued presence of a magistrate at the chief's kraal would 
be greatly disliked and regarded as an irksome control and that success- 
ful opposition in a case by the agent would be regarded as a degradation 
of the chief in the eyes of the people. However, Col. Maclean and 
Mr. Charles Brownlee held meetings with the chiefs and people and 
put before them the Governor's benevolent intentions. The first 
meeting was addressed by the Governor himself. It was on September 
17th when on his way to Aliwal North, diuring his recent long journey, 
he was able to meet Sandilli, his half brother Xoxo, and his people 
at the Dohne Post. Fortunately, in the interview, Sandilli himself 
paved the way for the Governor's proposals. He was in distress in 
that four of his wives had new cloaks, but they had no buttons to put 
on them. He begged the Governor to relieve the painful situation 
by giving him a supply of the needed buttons. Sir George Grey 
pointed out tactfully that if Sandilli were in receipt of a Govenmient 
salary of £'^6 per armum with £180 to be distributed among his chief 
counsellors, he would be able to buy lots of buttons as well as other 
desirable articles. The chief counsellor Soga (the father of Tiyo) 


opposed the proposition. It was, he said, the breaking down of the 
customs of the Kaffirs and the money would bring them into trouble. 
" How could Grey," he asked, " change what Cathcart had done." 
He (Cathcart) had given them their freedom and now Grey was taking 
it away. If Grey could make such a change as this he could give 
back to them the coimtry from which they had been driven. Nothing 
decisive was done at this meeting. Many other meetings were held. 
They were very long and were adjourned time after time in order to 
give opportimities for private discussions. The suspicious Kaffirs 
exercised the greatest caution in committing themselves to this new 
regime. The chief concern seems to have been the characters and 
dispositions of the Enghshmen who were to be stationed among them. 
Umhala was very opposed to having Major Gawler at his kraal. 
Major Gawler, who had been appointed to Umhala, had the reputation 
of enforcing his opinions and arguments by the sjambok. After a few 
weeks, however, due to the persuasive eloquence of Col. Maclean and 
Mr. Brownlee, all the chiefs gave in, and on January ist, 1 856, the new 
government for British Kafiraria came into force (}) and the chiefs 
commenced to receive their monthly simis of money. This must have 
been something of a gratification and a solace to them, for there were 
raging in the country stock diseases which were carrying off their 
cattle in thousands. Both horses and cattle suffered. In the case of 
the latter it was a lung sickness or epidemic catarrh, which shortly 
previous to this time had been very bad in Scotland and the Midlands 
of England. In 1854 an infected bull from Holland was landed at 
Mossel Bay, and thus the disease was introduced into the Colony. 
It spread with great rapidity throughout the country and all attempts 
to stop it failed. The number of cattle which sucomibed was 1 14,513 
(21,720 in the Western and 92,792 in the Eastern Province, including 
Kaffirland). Cattle could be bought for from seven to ten shillings — 
barely the price of the hides. Among the horses there was " horse 
sickness." This carried oflf 107,703 animals (41,853 in the Western 
and 64,850 in the Eastern Province.(^ The termination of the last, 
the '50 war, left the KafiBrs for the most part in a very discontented 
state. Though to those at a distance there appeared to be contentment 
and peace, yet those nearer saw tmmistakable signs that all was not 
well, that in fact another war, at no distant date, was not an impro- 
bability. The Gaikas had been driven from their beloved Amatolo 
mountains and were fretting to get back, and when Sandilli and his 
Gaikas were disposed to give trouble, Kreli and Umhala, as far as was 

(•) Vide Grahamstovm Journal for August 5th, 1856, and a pamphlet by one 
T. B. Bayley, Cape Town, 1856. 

(0 The magistrates were Lieut. Lucas of the 45th with Magomo ; Capt. 
Robertson of the 60th with Anta ; Major Gawler with Umhala ; Capt. Reeve 
with Kama at Middle Drift ; Mr. Vigne with Pato ; and Mr. Chas. Brownlee 
with Sandilli. 


consistent with their safety, were only too ready to join. But extreme 
caution on their part was necessary in making any hostile movement. 
Hence the underhand and extraordinary steps which were adopted to 
gain their ends. Though they worked secredy, enough transpired 
to indicate the danger there was, and to demonstrate the need for 
precaution and preparedness on the part of the Government. Perhaps, 
fortunately, their schemes led to such disastrous consequences to 
themselves as to preclude the possibility of any further war upon the 
frontier. As a preliminary, most absurd stories were disseminated 
among the people, very many of whom undoubtedly beUeved them. 
It was stated that the prophet Umlanjeni, who had done so much 
harm in connection with the '50 war, and who was credited with having 
foretold the great sickness among the cattle, had, according to one 
story, risen from the dead, and to another that he had never died, 
but had been living in Moshesh's coimtry. Now he was said to have 
prophesied that all the catde which had been carried off by the sickness 
would come to life again and that there would be a general resurrection 
of all those who had been killed in the last war ; that great numbers 
of these had already returned and were those who, under the name of 
Russians, were fighting the English overseas and conquering thsm. 
As more practicable moves, Anta, in defiance of prohibition, had 
returned to the Amatola mountains and formed a camp of armed 
fighting men ; two farmers on the Thomas River were driven from 
their places by Gaikas ; Sandilli, in 1854, had convened a meeting of 
Kaffirs and Fingoes with a view to combining in hostilities against the 
Colony; and only six months after the end of the last war a large meet- 
ing had been held in Kreli's coimtry to the same end. Added to all 
this there was still the suspicious attitude of the Cape Corps (Hotten- 
tots). The rebel Hottentots, of which there were about 500 fighting 
men, some of them desertees, were in Kreli's country and were in 
conamunication with their friends still serving in the Cape Corps, 
urging them also to desert. In February, 1856, there was a court 
martial held in King Williamstown, when several were foimd guilty 
and sentenced to terms of penal servitude of from seven years to life. 
As further ominous signs, Kaffir servants were suddenly leaving their 
masters in the Colony, and the farmers, with their experience of former 
years, were preparing to go into laagers. The officer who was in 
command of the troops on the frontier and who also was Lieut. - 
Governor of the Eastern Province was Lieut.-General Sir James 
Jackson. He lived in a state of perpetiul alarm in that he felt that 
with the small number of troops at his command he would be able 
to do but Uttie in the event of an outbreak, which he seems to have 
expected at any moment. He asked that the troops might be sent from 
Mauritius as soon as possible. He wanted four battalions of infantry 
and a regiment of cavalry. He would, he said, have asked for 5,000 
men had not war been raging in the Crimea. In July, 1856, in view 


of the alarm in the Colony, the Secretary of State wrote to the Governor 
approving of the troops being brought from Mauritius and gave his 
assurance that no time would be lost in despatching two additional 
regiments. The continued volcanic rumblings and apprehensions 
of war which had for so many months perturbed men's minds assuaned 
a new character in 1 856. In April or May of that year there commenced 
an extraordinary movement in which, as a kind of national suicide, 
the Kaffirs reduced themselves to so small a power and danger to 
the frontier as in future to be hardly worth while being taken into 
political calculations. This movement is one of the most extra- 
ordinary incidents in the history of any people or nation. Even to-day 
there is some difference of opinion regarding its origin, and the object 
in view, though there would seem to be but little doubt that it was an 
attempt to take advantage of the credulity of an ignorant and super- 
stitious people in order to drive them to war. 

It was not imtil July, 1856, that there reached Col. Maclean at Fort 
Murray a rimiour to the effect that a new prophet had arisen in Kreli's 
coimtry beyond the Kei. According to the imsatisfactory information 
which only could be obtained and the vague rimiours which were 
extant, the new seer prophesied that people long since dead would 
arise from the sea. Among them there would be ancestors of many 
of the Amaxosa still living ; that many of them had already risen and, 
called Russians, were fighting the English overseas. AU these were 
to help the Kaffirs against the English in this country. Further, 
there would arise multitudes of disease-free cattle and abimdance 
of good com. But before this happy resurrection could come about, 
the Kaffirs were to put away all charms, kill all their cattle and destroy 
all their stores of corn. With the late prophet Umlanjeni's failures 
still in their minds, the people, credulous as they were, did not very 
readily accept all this, though those in Kreli's country had already 
commenced to kill their cattle. 

It will be well now to view these matters from the standpoint of the 
Transkei. Naturally, as all the stories were in the main imtrue, there 
is great variation among them. About four miles to the east of the 
Great Kei River, there is a smaller river called the Gxara. It runs 
through pleasant undulating grassy country, and near the sea it widens 
out into a large estuary. At a spot on its west bank far away from 
any other human habitation and in sight of the sea, there stood, in 
1856, a small collection of Kaffir huts — a kraal — and near them the 
customary field of mealies or Kaffir com. The kraal was that of 
Umhlakaza. He was a counsellor of the great chief KreH and withal 
a witchdoctor prophet. With him lived his niece, Nonqause, a girl 
about sixteen. Her calling in life at this time was that of a peripatetic 
scarecrow, that is, it was her duty to move about among the meahes 
and to frighten away the birds. One day, while professionally engaged. 


she was (according to her story) startled by ten young men suddenly 
appearing before her. They had apparently risen from nowhere. She was 
frightened but, nevertheless, she entered into conversation with them. 
Very suspiciously, when Nonqause returned to the huts and told her 
uncle Umhlakaza what had happened, he expressed no surprise, but 
told the girl to go again and interview the men. A day or so afterwards 
she obeyed. Umhlakaza accompanied her. As before, according to 
her story, some young men appeared, but they were visible only to 
Nonqause, Umhlakaza could hold communication with them only 
through her as a sort of spiritualist medium. When asked who they 
were and what they wanted, they replied " We are the people who 
have come to order you to kill your cattle, to consume your corn and 
not to cultivate any more land." But the most important part of 
their message on this, as on other occasions, was the injunction to 
spread far and wide the news of their appearance and the order to 
kill catde. 

According to another account the interview took place in the bush 
and the men represented themselves as the long dead, great chiefs 
Gaika, Ndhlambi and others. The seed thus sovm quickly germinated 
and bore fruit. Nonqause's stories soon reached all parts of Kafiir- 
land— British Kaffraria as well as the Transkei. But they were not 
welcomed or believed equally well in all parts. In the country of their 
origin, the Transkei, cattle killing conunenced almost immediately, 
Umhlakaza himself setting the example. In the Oskeian territories 
they were at first treated with either indifference or contempt ; some 
Kaffirs laughed at the idea of dying and then rising from their graves 
as Russians. 

According to the injunctions of the prophet, as long as the Kaffirs 
dispossessed themselves of their cattle, they were not obliged to 
kill them ; they were permitted to sell them. Hence, in accordance 
with this, great droves of beasts were to be seen passing from Kreh's 
coimtry into British Kaffraria. They were sold at extremely low 
prices. But who bought them ? Not only the Europeans, but Kaffirs 
who enhanced their wealth by disbelieving the words of the prophet. 
Also, forseeing the evil day and the impending disaster which must 
overtake the people. Sir George Grey instructed the government 
officials in British Kaffiaria to buy them as well as the discarded 
stores of com and to preserve them at King WiUiamstown and the 
military posts . Very great numbers of catde, however, were slaughtered 
and the people feasted upon the flesh. So plentiful was it that not 
only were the people, dogs and vultures gorged to beyond repletion, 
but large quantities were left upon the ground to putrefy. Thus a 
period of great famine was heralded by a period of great feasting. 

In order to sift a litde truth from the many wild and extraordinary 
rumours which had spread so far and wide, Kaffir spies were sent 


into Kreli's country by Col. Maclean, Mr. Brownlee and Col. Gawler. 
The report received by Col. Maclean at Fort Murray was that there 
was great excitement beyond the Kei ; that the cattle were being killed 
at the order of the prophet ; and that the people firmly believed their 
dead ancestors, who by the way wore black Karosses, and had great 
stores of cattie, horses and dogs had risen from their graves ; that 
they were armed with assegais but had no guns and all would come 
to life again except those who had died of snake bite or been drowned. 
Mr. Brownlee's spies brought first hand information from Umhlakaza 
himself. That great man assured them that he had seen, alive and 
well, his son who had died eighteen months previously, he had also 
seen his younger brother, the father of Nonqause and a favourite 
horse, but not only these quondam living creatures, but even a fresh 
ear of com and a pot of Kaffir beer had risen from the dead. The places 
fixed upon for the appearance of the " Russians " and their old famous 
chiefs — ^those antique gendemen of distinction — ^were the Ingela, 
Kwenxura, Keiskamma mouth and Tjrumie. Much the same kind 
of report was received by Col. Gawler from his spies. 

Mr. Charles Brownlee, then living at the Dohne post (near Stutter- 
heim) moved continually from place to place using every endeavour 
to dissuade the people from their beUef in tlie prophet and to wean 
them from their folly. He most certainly did much to minimise the 
suffering which was so general at a later date ; in spite of his benevolent 
activities however, the infatuation made great and rapid progress. 
The great chief Sandilli, while he was imder the influence of Mr. 
Brownlee, refused to join in the movement and forbade the people 
to kill ; but, as will be seen, that fickle and vacillating individual soon 
fell from grace and became as bad as the worst of the others. Magomo 
would have nothing to do with Umhlakaza. His prophecies, he said, 
were the stories of little children ; he had been deceived once by 
Umlanjeni in connection with the '50 war and that was sufficient. 
He was sorry to see the farmers leaving their places. The chief Kama, 
at Middledrift, drove away from his territory any who were suspected 
of favouring the prophet. The wily chief Umhala was circumspect. 
He undoubtedly approved of what was going on and eventually aided 
and abetted Umhlakaza, but he was conscious of the eyes of authority 
upon him. He dismissed his old counsellors because they did not 
favour the movement and appointed others more consonant with 
his views. These were refused their pay by Col. Gawler. The chief 
Pato, said that he never trusted prophets ; he refused to believe 
them or to act against the Government. The result of all this was 
that with regard to beUef in Umhlakaza the kaffirs were divided into 
two classes, the Abatamba or beUevers and the Amagogotya the 
faithless imbelievers. As might be expected, soon there was great 
hostility between these classes, the latter were accused of damaging 


the cause by their refusal to make way for the new resurrected cattle 
by destroying the old. After a time, when the pangs of hunger began 
to drive the Abatamba to violence, it became necessary for the Govern- 
ment to protect the Amagogotya and their cattle by congregating them 
in the district of Idutywa (the Idutywa Reserve.) It is pertinent, 
at this stage, to inquire into the origin and objects of the movement 
and to endeavour to discover upon whose shoulders lies the respon- 
sibility for its commencement. Did it arise in the fertile brain of 
Umhlakaza, who in a spirit of religious fanaticism misdirected Kreli ? 
or was Umhlakaza a tool in the hands of KreU in order to bring about 
a war ? It is scarcely conceivable that Nonqause, a girl of sixteen, 
could have had any political feeling which caused her, unaided, to 
concoct the various absiud stories she told. The answer to much of 
this is to be found in the actions of one who lived at a far distance 
from the scene of all this trouble and one who, on a priori grounds, 
would not have been suspected of being concerned in it. This was 
Moshesh, the great Basuto chief. Since 1854, in a maimer hostile 
to the Colony, he had been in frequent communication with Kreli 
and other chiefs. He denied it, but there was too much evidence to 
the contrary. His reputation as a warrior had been greatly enhanced 
by his having beaten the English at Berea. The motive of Moshesh 
in his desire to fraternise with the paramount chief Kreli was un- 
doubtedly to be found in the strained relations which existed between 
himself and the Orange Free State. War, due to the Basutos stealing 
Free State cattle and the farmers retaliations, was always impending. 
It did break out in 1858. And it was noticed that when war between 
these two people became more imminent, activity in the cattle killing 
became more intense. When, in August, the Free State Boers made 
an expedition against a robber chief Witzie, in which Moshesh was 
in no way involved and safe from Boer attacks, there was such 
a lull in cattle killing that it appeared for a time that the whole thing 
had quite died down. There was a similar lull in the following 
December. But when Moshesh expected attacks prophesies were 
most abundant. Moshesh, therefore, must have been acting as either 
directly or indirectly with Umhlakaza, who thus became a secondary 
instrument in the hands of the great chiefs working on the super- 
stitions of the people. But cui bom ? In a war with the Colony, 
which was not impossible, the man who had " beaten the English " 
would have been a most useful ally. Col. Maclean said that super- 
stition had been made a means to a political end and that end was 
a combination of the black races against the white ; that Moshesh 
since the Berea affair had kept up a political intercourse with the 
tribes and by his influence had encouraged the delusion and the acts 
of Kreli. When Sir George Grey became aware of this state of things, 
he wrote to both Kreli and Moshesh. To Kreli he said ," My friend 
Kreli : I have just heard that your messengers have arrived at Sandilli's 


and Umhala's and have delivered your message, that the people 
upon this side of the Kei should kill all their cattle and cut all their 
com. If they obey these orders of yours, starvation will follow, 
then thieving, then disturbances, of all these you will have been the 
cause, they will have been begun by you. If therefore they do take 
place, I shall consider you as the guilty party and will punish you 
as such, you are the man that I shall hold responsible for what takes 
place. My advice to you therefore is that you should forthwith 
stop this evil and desire your people not to kill their catde and destroy 
their com." 

To Moshesh. 

September 27, 1856. 
" My friend Moshesh. 

Messengers have just arrived from Kreli to all the chiefs in this 
country desiring them in compliance with the orders of the false 
prophet to kill all their catde and destroy all their com. The object 
of this is to cause first starvation, then thieving, then war. This is 
the second time this message has been sent from Kreli's covmtry. 
There is much reason to think that he is acting with your consent 
and under your advice. The first time the false prophet began his 
prophecies was in August, when your diflBculties with the Free State 
were to be brought to a termination at the end of that month. The 
time for doing this was then delayed until the end of this month, 
then the rumours of these prophecies died away. Now again as the 
time for the closing of your arrangements with the Free State came 
on, the influence of the prophet suddenly revives and Kreli sends 
these messages to the chiefs in British Kaf&aria to excite them. We 
have ascertained that you have sent frequent messages to KreU. 

" My friend, this does not look well. I have not acted so with you, 
I have not tried to create any diflSculties or confusion in your territories. 
You must now convince me that you intend to act sincerely towards 
us. To show this, send forthwith a message to Kreli, telling him 
without delay to stop his people from killing their cattle and destroying 
their com and explain to me what now looks so doubtful in your 

The following statement, dated September 25th, 1856, in- 
dicating the trouble with which Moshesh was threatened was 
received from the Orange Free State. Its receipt was coincident 
with recrudescence of the mania for catde killing at that time. " Our 
political afifairs are now begiiming to assume a much darker hue than 
hitherto, it has transpired that, at the last meeting of the Volksraad, 
permission was given to the President to declare war on Moshesh 
whenever he liked ; consequendy we expea it about the loth of 


next month (full moon) as this is the time given by the last deputation 
to Moshesh to deliver out all compensation claims and which I have 
no doubt he will be unable to comply with ". 

The lull in the cattle killing in September was due partly to nothing 
extraordinary having happened at the full moon of August as had been 
predicted and partly to the affairs of Moshesh as already explained. 
But from the beginning of October until another luU in the following 
December the activities in this direction became fast and furious. 
Belief and confidence in UnrfUakaza increased and spread farther 
afield with astonishing rapidity and many unbelievers were throwing 
in their lots with the believers. Some imdoubtedly because they 
really believed and others because they feared the consequences of 
disobeying the prophet. This was the case of the Tambookies who 
were at enmity with the Amagcaleka (KreU's people) and had no 
hostile disposition against the Govenunent. Sandilli, who at first 
turned a deaf ear to the charmer, soon succumbed. On September 
1 6th, Sir George Grey visited him and a satisfactory conference took 
place ; Sandilli decided not to kill and to cultivate his lands. But 
that credulous vacillating and worthless chief was too easily influenced 
by bad advice. In this case he kept his word until a short time after- 
wards when he met at the Gwali two messengers who were on their 
way from Kreli to the chiefs Umhala and Pato. Their message was 
tliat Elrch had been to see Umhlakaza and had been shown a number 
of people who had disembarked at the mouth of the Kei and had 
announced themselves as people who had come to establish the 
independence of the black tribes. They reiterated the orders about 
the killing of cattle. Sandilli believed this and straightway ordered 
his people to kill, himself setting the example. 

Pato, who had been such a staunch friend and ally of the Govern- 
ment during the late war and who had said that he would rather 
kill his own father than disobey the said Government, also commenced 
to kill and became a most imsatisfactory character. He had been 
provided with a plough and seed com but now refused to make use of 
either. Even the exemplary Siwani had made an expedition to 
Umhlakaza. He there heard that the English were like stabled horses, 
that it was only necessary to put riems in their mouths and then they 
could be led anywhere. Siwani was of opinion that Umhlakaza's 
talk was as truthful and more acceptable than that which they heard 
from the missionaries and not so incredible as some parts of the Gospel. 
Siwani became a believer. It need hardly be stated that Umhala 
was on the side of mischief. Kreli when asked what he would live 
upon when all the catde were dead said it was his intention to make 
war on the EngUsh ; the cattle were to be killed so as not to have 
any to guard and thus to have more men to fight ; it was no use 
cultivating the lands as the troops would only cut down the crops 
as they did in the late war. 


The leading chiefs behaving in this manner, it is no wonder that 
so many of their deluded followers gave heed to the ravings of 
Umhlakaza. The catde were disappearing in thousands and in spite 
of good rains promising abundant crops, the sowing season was allowed 
to pass without anything being sown. Starvation was closing in 
upon many and deaths from this cause were increasing ; especially 
along the coast, where many were dying from dysentery caused by 
eating shell fish. The famished were digging for roots and even 
stripping the bark from the mimosas. Yet the faith in the prophet 
was in no measure decreased and messages from Kreli were imphcidy 
obeyed. It must have been very mortifying for the poor and starving 
beUevers to see the wealth of catde, many of which they themselves 
had parted with so cheaply among the unbelievers. Partly on this 
account and partiy because the delay of the resurrection was ascribed 
to their refusal to kill, the unbelievers found themselves in a situation 
of such danger of attack and robbery that the Government found it 
necessary to protea them. They were congregated in the Idutywa 
Reserve. The work of the road parties, naturally, was interfered with. 
All Gcahkas returned to Kreh's country. The party working on the 
road from King Williamstown to Grahamstown was reduced from 
112 to 3 and that to East London from 6o to 7. The men abandoned 
their work in a spirit of defiance and sang their war songs. Never- 
theless during October and November there were, in all parts, 911 
still employed. Hundreds of people now visited the wonderfid girl 
Nonqause, hoping to see some miracle or get a glimpse of the people 
who were said to be rising from the sea. It must have been a difl&cult 
position for the poor girl who was really a cat's paw in the hands of 
the others. On one occasion (perhaps more than one) she gave a 
demonstration to a crowd which had gathered near the mouth of the 
Gxara. Pointing out to the sea beyond the breakers she cried out 
" Look there ! see the heads of the people bobbing up and down 
on the water, and listen to the bellowing of the catde," which was 
supposed to be audible amidst the roar of the waves beating upon 
the shore. Some were convinced while others declared they saw and 
heard nothing. 

Mr. Brownlee moved continually among the people using every 
endeavour to dissuade them from their headlong and fatal course, 
but without avail. Reporting on January 4th, 1857, he said " Up to 
the present time I think not less tiian three or four hundred thousand 
catde have been killed and wasted through the instrumentahty of 
Kreli ; and the enmity between believer and unbeliever can scarcely 
be kept within bounds." 

At this time, January 1857, there seemed to be some turn in the tide 
of these miserable affairs. The continued delay of the resurrection 
and the niunerous excuses which were advanced to accoimt for it 


were at length causing an increasing distrust in Umhlakaza and his 
prophecies. Capt. Lucas reported on January yth that many kafiirs 
were becoming Amagogoty and regretting the loss of their cattle. 
Sandilli refused to obey Kreli's order to attend a meeting at Butter- 
worth and he refused to kill any more of his cattle until he saw some- 
thing of the prophecies fulfilled. Umhala, about this time, said, " I 
am afraid of Government and also of the prophet, but I have opened 
my eyes and given my word to cultivate." Even Kreli himself, on 
January nth, was cast down and gave vent to his mortification in 
loud and violent lamentations that nothing miraculous had so far 
happened. This is curious and tends to show that whatever schemes 
he had in view, the prophecy of the resurrection could not have 
originated with him ; he, in fact, seemed to beUeve it. He held 
another great meeting at the Holuta on January 20th. He said, " I 
have undertaken a thing of which I now entertain my doubts but I 
am determined to carry it through. I have a perfect understanding 
with the other kaffir chiefs. I am paramoimt and they are my 
counsellors ; no one opposed me when I first did what I have imder- 
taken. I consider therefore they have approved of what I have done. 
I have nothing against the British Government but should the Governor 
attempt anything against me, I have dogs that will bite. When there 
was war, I was anxious for the safety of my flocks, now I can fight 
and conceal myself without anxiety." With all this uncertainty and 
doubting on the part of the believers and the certainty on the part 
of the unbelievers that it was all humbug, the movement had yet very 
much life in it. A new impulse, a kind of final and despairing struggle 
was given to it about this time (January 1857). Another prophetess 
arose in order to give some corroboration to the bald and not entirely 
convincing narratives of Nonqause and Umhlakaza. This was a 
small girl, Nonkosi, a child of about ten years of age. She was the 
daughter of one Kulwana, a witch doctor, but her parents died of the 
starvation which was then brought about. The proofs that she was 
merely a cat's paw in the hands of the big chiefs were as satisfactory 
as could have been demanded by the most rigorous court of law. 
Though such satisfactory proofs were not forthcoming in the case of 
Nonqause, there can be but httle doubt that she also was merely 
doing as she was told. Nonkosi was arrested by the police and brought 
before a Special Court of Investigation at Fort Murray, first, on 
Oaober 23rd, 1857, and then on January 14th, 1858. On the first 
occasion she was frightened and only with difficulty was anything 
obtained from her and then it was great nonsense, such as having been 
taken to a coimtry below the earth where there were innumerable 
herds of cattle. But on the second occasion when she was assured 
that no harm would happen to her if she spoke the truth, a percentage 
of her statements did then contain a modiciun of truth. The accoimt 
she then gave was that, one day she was playing at the edge of a vlei 

^___ 3f 

(large pond) near the Umpongo river, at no great distance from King 
Williamstown, she was startled by seeing the head of a man suddenly 
rise from the surface of the water. Frightened, she ran away, but 
went the next day when the head again appeared. The man spoke 
to her. He said his name was Umlanjeni and that he had risen from 
the dead to come and put the country right. He then went down 
under the water and other heads came up at different places but 
not simultaneously. They also spoke to her. They said they were 
Pato, Hintsa, Gaika and others and they all gave the same injunction, 
namely, that she and her girl friends, for she took some on the second 
visit, were to go and tell all the people that their long departed chiefs 
had come to life again and ordered them to kill all their cattle. Nonkosi 
in her evidence further said that she saw the horns of cattle appearing 
among the reeds at the edge of the vlei and heard the bellowing of 
the animals ; fire, she said, came out of the water and burnt some 
huts which were standing near. The news of all this spread and many 
went to see her and hear the news from the vlei. But they were not 
allowed to go near and all the communications with the invisible 
beings could only be through the girl. Umhala made frequent visits 
and was inordinately interested in the proceedings in the vlei. 
SandUli also went and was anxious to know whether he would ever 
get back again the country from which the English had expelled him. 
Thus at this time the glory of Nonqause was overshadowed by that of 

The most important and undoubtedly trustworthy witoess has yet 
to be heard. He, as will be seen, threw light on the whole movement 
from beginning to end and exposed the wicked trickery which had been 
played upon the unfortunate people. Kreli, during this January, 
sent two messengers to Umhala urging him to do what he could to 
keep alive the waning excitement. Umhala, only too willing to act 
in this direction sought the assistance of an equally willing and favourite 
counsellor, named Kwitchi, a man admirably fitted for the part he 
was to play. He also was arrested and, in due course, brought before 
the court on November I2th, 1857. When, so to speak, the game was 
up and nothing was to be gained by hiding anything, he made an 
extremely interesting, valuable and unblushing confession. He it 
was who was in the water at the vlei impersonating Umlanjeni, diving 
and coming up at diflferent places as a risen great chief and imitating 
the bellowing of oxen. His account is far best told in his own words, 
here they are " Umhala spoke a long time with me, he said that I 
was to tell Nonkosi to say that she had seen chiefs, people and cattle 
at the vlei and that I must induce the little girl to talk very much about 
what she had seen and tell the people that when they had killed their 
cattle a great many would rise and that she was told this by Umlanjeni. 
It was not known by the people that Umhala had put me up to tell 
Nonkosi all she said. I never myself believed that people or cattle 


would rise. I frequently said so to Umhala, but he answered that 
he was not hoping for thai, it was only a plan for driving out all the 
English from the country and taking possession of their property. 
Umhala often went himself to Nonkosi. He told her not to get tired 
in making known to the people all that she heard and saw at the vlei 
and that she was often to go there. He (Umhala) told me to tell 
Nonkosi to say that she had seen cattle and heard them bellowing at 
the vlei and that she had also seen chiefs arising out of the water, 
that I was to personify the various chiefs and imitate the bellowing 
of cattle. I went to the vlei as Umhala desired. I concealed myself 
at the edge of the vlei among the rushes and held up a pair of horns 
in my hands, lifting them sufficiently high to allow Nonkosi to see 
them and thus walked about among the rushes bellowing. I also 
dived appearing out of the water at different places and calling out 
' We are rising, we are the people who died.' Whenever I was alone 
I could not refrain from laughing when I thought of the deception 
I practised at the vlei and I often roared out ' are the kaffirs such fools 
as to be thus deceived.' At Umhala's request I burnt the huts 
belonging to Nonkosi and told her it was done by the fire of the people 
who were to rise. t 

" Umhala told me that his object in all this was that no Englishman 
or anj^hing belonging to him should remain in the country. I declare 
positively that the object of all this was war against the English. The 
plans formed in my hearing were that all the cattle were to be killed 
by their people, which would induce them to carry off cattle belonging 
to the English and thus bring on a war. The Government had deprived 
them of their cotmtry and they were determined to have it back. 
All chiefs were equally anxious for war. They agreed to commence 
by leaving this country open and locating themselves in the more 
bushy parts. The Gaika chiefs headed by Sandilli were to meet 
at the Amatola and commence by carrying off the cattle from the 
Keiskamma Hoek post ; the Ndhlambi chiefs headed by Umhala 
were to occupy the Lynx Bush (near Fort Pato) and Kreli was to enter 
Queenstown. These plans were upset by the people not all 
destroying their cattle at the same time, some were starving while 
others were still in possession of cattle and thus were the tribes 
imexpectedly broken up and the people scattered among the English 
and Fingoes in search of work." 

In spite of all the assurances and excuses on the part of the leader 
in these affairs, the demand for the resurrection became louder and 
more insistent. The promises had reached a stage when it was no 
longer possible to maintain further delay. It was announced therefore 
that the moon of February (the i8th) 1857 was the appointed time. 
Great and vigorous were the final preparations. Huts were rethatched 
and strengthened to withstand the expected violent gale ; com pits 


were cleaned ; old shrivelled and emaciated women, in the last stages 
of starvation put on all their ornaments and finery in the hope of the 
promised renewal of their youth and more than half dead from himgcr 
were buoyed up by the hope of the coming plenty and the end of their 
sufferings. The average of the various predictions which were to be 
fulfilled on that momentous day was that a blood red sun (some said 
two) would rise. It would ascend a certain distance in the heavens 
then return and disappear again in the East. This was to be followed 
by great darkness and a violent gale of wind. Then the acme of all 
would happen. The graves would open and give up their dead, 
coimtless herds of cattle would cover the plains and the com pits 
would be filled with good fresh com. Thus were all watching for the 
first signs of a coming day on February i8th, 1857. They saw the 
East become brighter and brighter announcing the nearer and nearer 
approach of another day's sun. There, at length, it was, in all its 
splendour, above the horizon ; but it was of the usual colour, it was 
not blood red. With misgivings and sinking of hearts they saw it 
travel its course across the sky and finally set in the West. There 
had been neither darkness nor gale and, far worse, there had been 
neither cattle nor com. Now the unhappy creatures saw with horror, 
that they had been duped. Hope and strength gone, they lay down in 
thousands to meet the deaths with which they had been face to face 
so long. These with any remaining remnant of strength now sought 
the aid which had been held in readiness in view of this calamity. 
But so many were too far gone to reach it and died in hundreds by 
the way. Others when they did reach food, ate so voraciously as to 
fall dead immediately afterwards. 

The chief haven of rescue and supply was King Williamstown. 
But all the magistrates in British Kaffraria were instructed to issue 
what help they could. This consisted of a ration of one potmd of 
meal and a quarter poimd of meat daily. The funds for this were 
derived partly from Government and partly from private sub- 
scriptions. In anticipation of this famine the Govemment had pur- 
chased large stores of grain and spent £800 in cultivating land in 
the Crown Reserve. In King Williamstown a Kaflir Relief Committee 
was formed. It did great good work, but it was small compared 
with what was necessary to cope with the vast damage which had 
been done by the delusion or fraud. The total mmiber of starving 
natives relieved up to February 28th, 1858, that is a year following 
the bursting of the Umhlakazain bubble, was 26,104 at a cost of 
£2,661 los. 6d. 

During this time the scenes in King Williamstown were dreadful. 
The dead and dying were lying about in the streets and in the 
immediate environs. Dr. Fitzgerald, writing in one of his reports, 
for August 3rd. said, " I found six dead bodies about two miles from 


town on the Peelton road yesterday. I found one on the bank of the 
river, two more were picked up by the police beyond Mr. Brownlee's 
and within the last ten days there have been fifteen deaths from 
starvation in the town itself. Not a day passes that bodies are not 
picked up in an emaciated and dying state." There were those who, 
having for a time subsisted on roots (^) and mimosa bark, had just 
managed to reach King WilUamstown. But the numbers which 
had fallen by the way must have been appalling. Mr. Brownlee, 
the commissioner at Stutterheim, tells us that of a party of 32 which 
left that place for King Williamstown, 16 fell along the road. The 
Government offered half a crown to anyone who should come across 
a dead body and bury it. A partial solution of these difiiculties was 
the demand for labour there was in the Colony. Those therefore 
who were strong enough or who had been suflSciendy revived by 
food were sent into the Colony where they foimd immediate employ- 
ment(*), some were shipped at East London for Cape Town. Up 
to October ist, 25,233, men, women and children were registered 
and thus disposed of. 

With reference to the number of persons who must have died of 
starvation, it is stated that, on January ist, 1857, the total number 
of native inhabitants in British Kafifraria was 104,721 ; on December 
31st of that year the number was 37,697 a difference of 67,024 ; of 
this last batch 25,233 were sent into the Colony. According to this 
41,791 must have perished. But this was by no means all, for it 
does not include those who died in Kreli's country which was not 
under British jurisdiction and in which no census was taken. The 
number of deaths was most probably greater as starvation there set 
in earlier than it did in Kaf&aria in consequence of the implicit belief 
in Umhlakaza in the first stage of the delusion. It woiJd be rash 
to suggest the extent of the mortahty in that coimtry. Strange as 
it may soimd, all this suffering and the non-appearance of the wonderful 
things which were to happen did not entirely dispel the faith in 
Umhlakaza. Umhlakaza himself died of starvation about December 
1857. There were feeble attempts on the part of others to assume 
his mantle. In May 1858, one Tsimbe appeared at Kreli's Great 
Place. His object seems to have been to persuade the Tambookies 
to kill, as those people had not been greatly influenced by Umhlakaza. 

{•). Umsengi is mentioned as the root on which they fed. 

(»). Mr. Southey to Col. Maclean April 3rd 1857. "All the Kaffirs sent in 
here (Grahamstown) for service have been greedily engaged at fair wages and 
there is a great demand for more. Public companies at Port Elizabeth want 
130 at two and six to three shillings per day — you may send as many as fast as 
you like. Albany will absorb two thousand more. Cradock, Somerset and 
Graaff-Reinet will take ten thousand ; you need be in no fear of overdoing 
it. The last two batches of a hundred each were taken up on the day of 
their arrival." 

For statistics on this matter and much very valuable information on the 
whole affair vide Vol. 95, Letter of Chief Commission of British Kaffraria. 
Archives, Cape Town. 


Among the Tambookies themselves he had an accomplice named 
Umbombo. There was another girl Nobanda, a companion of 
Nonqause who used to accompany her " To hear the voices." She 
effeaed httle as she had no Umhlakaza behind her. Near Fort White 
there was a promising prophet, Telletelle, who had " A cow in his 
belly which bellowed ". It was proved that he was acting in concert 
with Kreh (even at this late day). He effected httle as the King 
Williamstown gaol cut short his activities. In February 1858, Kreli 
having heard that the Government intended to arrest him was on 
the alert and fled to the forest country in the vicinity of the Bashec 
River. Nonqause went with him. No attempt to arrest Kreh was 
made. This, perhaps legally, could not have been done as he was not 
a British subject and his offences had been committed outside British 
territory. But not so with Nonqause, who also was not a British 
subjert. She was followed and arrested. On February 24th, one 
Umjuza, with fourteen others was sent by Major Gawler, the Resident 
Commissioner, with Umhala, to capture her. This was effected. 
She was examined as to her part in the fraud, and though no formal 
charge was brought against her she was sent for a time a prisoner 
on Robben Island(^). 

Nothing seems to have been done to either Kwitchi or Nonkosi. 
Towards the end of 1857 the chiefs concerned in all this made some 
show of contrition for their guilt and anxiety to come under British 
rule. On September nth, 1857, Sandilli went to Col. Maclean, 
confessed his sins and promised better behaviour in future. He 
was reminded that he had said the same things after both the wars of 
'45 and '50, yet he had been as serious a nuisance as ever. As will 
be seen SandilU, true to his instinct, remained a nuisance until he was 
shot in the war of '77. 

Kreh, in October, met Mr. Crouch a trader who acted in a semi- 
ofl&cial capacity between him and the Government. He (KieU) 
made the following confession and appeal : — " I this day, in the 
presence of my brothers and counsellors, ask forgiveness of the 
Governor for what I have done. I have fallen, I and my family 
are starving. I ask help from the Governor to save me from dying. 
I this day place myself in the hands of the Governor, I am willing 
to come to any terms the Governor may think fit to dictate to me. 
I wish to be subject to the Governor. I ask the Governor to help 

(}) It is curious that this man Umjuza should have been so active against 
the prophets and prophetesses, for he was the son of the famous witch doctor, 
Matonda (Makanna Lynx), who brought the native hordes against Grahams- 
town in 1819. In a conversation which the author had with some who remem- 
bered those times, he learnt that the name of Nonqause became so detested by 
those who suffered and survived, that she found it better for herself to change 
it. She took the modest name of Victoria Regina. Her name, Nonqause, has 
given rise to a Kaffir proverb " Uteta injenga Nonqause." " You talk like 
Nonqause." It is applied to a person who talks about things which are not 
likely to happen. 



me with a plough, oxen and seed, I also ask the Governor to assist 
me with food for my family and those of my brothers. If he does 
not assist us, we must all die of starvation. I this day place myself 
entirely in his hands, I beg also the Governor would send me a 
missionary, and if it could be done, I would request Mr. Gamer to 
be sent." In token of his sincerity (most probably only temporary) 
he signed a document and made all his brothers and coimsellors do 
the same. In estimating the depth of this sincerity it is as well to 
hear of Mr. W. B. Chalmers, a magistrate who knew the people well. 
" The news of the war in India (the Mutiny) is talked of throughout 
the country. It is reported that all the English troops had gone to 
India from England, but were so overpowered by the Indians that 
all the English troops had left the country (Cape Colony) for the 
purpose of assisting their countrymen. They (the Kaf&rs) only 
regret that they are in such a state of destitution, that while their race 
is overpowering the English in India, the Kaffirs are imable to follow 
up the success and fall upon the English in this country. Kreli had not 
abandoned schemes of war." 

Umhala who, next to Kreli, had been most instrumental in bringing 
about all this terrible state of affairs, was arrested on Jime 22nd, 
1858. He was then in hiding in a place surrounded by immense 
rocks and bush at the junction of the Kabousie and Izincuka rivers. 
Umjuza, again made the arrest. Umhala showed fight, but in the 
end he was knocked down, overpowered and seized. He, with two 
others Noawi and Kinte, were tried by a Special Court which sat in 
King Williamstown on September 23, 1858. The charges were, 
"that some time in 1856 and 1857 they did imagine, devise and 
intend to levy war against the Queen and deprive her of certain of Her 
dominions in Southern Africa, manifested the same by several overt 
acts, about the month of May 1856, received and coimtenanced 
one Maxembella an emissary of Kreli, the bearer of secret political 
messages from Kreli, to the effect that Kreli had seen his father Hintza 
and his father gave him an assegai to kill his cattle with. Kreli's orders 
to Umhala were the same that he was to kill all his cattle in his country 
and when they were all gone they would take the catde from the 
Enghsh if what the girl said did not come true. The meaning of the 
message being that the said Umhala was to levy war against the Queen. 
Also by holding a treasonable meeting in his hut, that in driving out 
the Government, Kreli was to fall upon Queenstown, Umhala to 
take the centre such as King Williamstown and Pato the coast." 
The verdict of the court was that Noawi was not guilty, but Umhala 
and Kinte were. They were sentenced to five years imprisonment 
on Robben Island. The erstwhile faithful Pato also foimd himself 
a prisoner on the same lonely isle. Not in connection with the above 
charge however, but for receiving stolen property. Others of less note 


were incarcerated for a time in either the King Williamstown or 
East London gaols. 

Thus ended one of the most extraordinary incidents in the whole 
of our South African history. Terrible as it was, it was something of 
a blessing in disguise. For the tribes became so depleted, so many 
of the starving creatures made permanent homes in the Colony, 
and the chiefs lost so much of their influence that frontier Kafi&r wars 
became things of the past. After this time there were no wars such as 
those of '35, '46 and '50. True in KaflSrland itself there was the 
war of '77> but that was a tribal affair between the Gaikas and 
Gcalekas. In this the Colonial forces took part, not for any purpose 
of conquering either but for the restoration and maintenance of peace. 
And the Basuto disarmament war of '8i was also more of a tribal 
fight between loyal and disloyal natives than any attack or intended 
injury on the Colony. The final result of the catde kiUing delusion 
of 1857 was to commence a new era in the history of the relations 
between black and white. 

For Authorities in this Chapter. 

The volumes of the letters of Col. Maclean, the chief Commissioner of British 
Kaffiraria, in the Cape Archives. 

The despatches of Sir George Grey to the Secretary of State. 
The accoxmt of the cattle killing in Reminiscences of Kafi&rland by the Hon. 
Charles Brownlee. 

" The Life of Tiyo Soga," by Mrs. Chahners. 

The Blue Books on the Votes and Proceedings of Parliament for 1857 and 


In a measure, the dreadful cattle killing delusion was also bene- 
ficial in other ways, for it paved the way for the Kafl&rland developments 
which even then were in progress but which, for a time, were, on this 
account held in abeyance. The great diminution of the native popula- 
tion, the imprisonment on Robben Island of some of the most 
mischievous and dangerous chiefs and, perhaps it may be said, the 
recognition on the part of the natives as a whole, of the good will 
of the Europeans in saving them from the consequences of their folly, 
rendered it easier to bring about the great change which was 
inaugurated by the Order in (Council of December 14th, 1850, whereby 
those native territories were to become, first, a province independent 
of the Colony and then finally (though not anticipated in this Order) 
annexed to it. As has been pointed out. Sir George Cathcart's policy 
was to make British Kaf&aria a separate province and to hold it on 
a purely military tenure, paying no attention to the development 
and civihsation of the natives. Sir George Grey, on the other hand, 
objected to this, pardy on accoimt of his concern for the natives and 
partly because it ran counter to his view, that it was extremely 
undesirable to create separate governments in coimtries bordering 
upon the Colony. He was at this time grieved and indignant in that 
the British Government had abandoned the Orange River Sovereignty 
and created the Transvaal Republic. There were growing in his mind 
those ideas of federation which eventually got him into trouble. He 
wished to see British Kafi&aria a part of the Colony and imder the same 
legislature and jurisdiction. " This country," he said, " is separated 
from the Colony by only a small stream which is fordable anywhere 
in its entire length, it contains only 1,200 Europeans, 626 of whom 
are in its capital — ^the remainder are at military posts or mission 
stations ; but it has a Kaffir and Fingo population of 90,000 ; it con- 
tains 3,050 square miles, not a third the size of an average district of 
the Colony, managed by a Civil Commissioner at £500 per annum. The 
cost of the Executive Council it is proposed to create in British 
Kaf&aria would not be less than £s,ooo per annum, and such a council 
would be unsatisfactory to the people, for its members would not be 
chosen by themselves, and the creation of such a government would 
appear indefinitely to postpone the chance of their obtaining repre- 
sentative constitution or becoming incorporated with the Colony. 
I conceive that our policy is clearly to let British Kaf&aria at the 
earliest possible period lapse into Cape Colony as one of its smallest 



divisions." Though not in Sir George Grey's time, this actually came 
about. In the meantime, acting under the Governor, Col. Maclean 
ruled the coimtry as Chief Commissioner and its development went 
on apace. The great desideratum was an increase in the European 
population. To this end various schemes were suggested. The 
idea of introducing miUtary pensioners, as has been shown, was a 
failure. Another expedient, of a somewhat dangerous character, 
was suggested at the beginning of 1854. The merchants of King 
Williamstown abetted by those in Grahamstown moved in the 
matter of endeavouring to introduce convicts as labourers into the 
country. A public meeting was held in King Williamstown on 
December 30th, 1853, in order to draw up a petition to the Governor 
for that purpose. In view of what had happened in 1849, this created 
some stir. Col. Maclean himself believed that, generally speaking, 
the introduction of convicts had been the means of raising other 
colonies into importance and that policy might possibly be of great 
advantage to this country if it were properly carried out, though he 
acknowledged it was hazardous in a country where none but chain 
gangs were practicable for their safe-keeping. He argued that the 
introduction of convicts was no worse than the kind of people who 
invade a country on the discovery of gold, which brings a train of 
crime, vice and social corruption. On the whole, however, bearing 
in mind the anti-convict agitation of 1849, he thought the matter 
had better be dropped. It seems to have been so. 

Without imduly anticipating, it may be said there was something 
of the nature of such an alarm in this connection in i860. In March 
of that year, a vessel, the Lord Raglan, arrived in Table Bay from 
Western Australia. Twenty-eight steerage passengers were landed. 
They were believed to be convicts who had been sent to Western 
Australia and had received conditional pardons. There does not 
seem to have been any proof that they were. Instantly there was 
great excitement in Cape Town ; exaggerated statements with reference 
to the Colony becoming a penal settiement were spread in all directions, 
and a recurrence of the events of 1849 seemed imminent. The 
Commissioners of the Municipality met on the same day and sent a 
letter to the Acting Governor, Gen. R. H. Wynyard (Sir George 
Grey at this time was in England) calling upon him to expel these 
men forthwith. He could only reply that he had not the power to 
do so. This reply being imsatisfactory, he received another letter 
caUing upon him to bring a Bill before ParUament declaring the 
landing of such people illegal. As in the case of Sir Harry Smith, 
General Wynyard sympathised with the people and was greatly opposed 
to making this Colony a penal settiement. The desired Bill was 
brought before Parliament. It was presented to both houses, passed 
without amendment and signed by the Acting Governor on May I4tb. 


It was promulgated and published instantly in an Extraordinary 
Gazette^). While this was in progress, another ship from Western 
AustraUa, the Dolphin, was seen making its way to the port. The 
Collector of Customs hurried off to the ship with a copy of the Bill 
for fear there should be any of the convict class on board. It was 
foimd however that there were none. Now that the Colony had its own 
government, there was less likehhood than ever of its ever becoming 
a penal setdement. So British Kaf&aria had to look in some other 
direction for an increase in its population. Fortunately for the partial 
solution of this problem, there were at this time some favouring 
circumstances. There was in England a great nimiber of German 
soldiers who had been enlisted in British interests, but for whose services 
there ceased to be any demand. They had either to be sent back 
compensated to their own country or some employment foimd for them 
in British territory. The peopling and protection of British Kaffraria 
appeared to be just the occupation for which they were fitted. Hence 
some hundreds were sent out as the British German Legion. A 
full account of them is dealt with further on. But a more satisfactory 
procedure for settiing and developing British Kaffraria was that of 
occupying, by industrious and experienced European farmers, the 
depopulated and confiscated lands which Sir George Cathcart had 
previously assigned to Maqomo, Bolman, Umhala and Pato as their 
locations. In these well watered and grass clothed regions two 
hundred farms, each of fifteen hundred acres, were plotted. They were 
to be assigned to a hundred applicants from each of the Western and 
Eastern Provinces. Except for the annual payment of a quitrent of 
£2 per thousand acres and the survey expenses, the farms were to be 
granted free. The grantees were to be not more than forty years of 
age, fit for active service and possessing sufiBcient capital to commence 
stocking and improving the lands, and they were to undertake to 
reside in person and continual occupation of their places for three years, 
at the expiration of which time they were at liberty to sell them if they 
desired to do so. There was great demand for the farms on these 
conditions. Local Boards were formed to receive and recommend 
applications. There were so many approved applicants in excess of 
the nimiber of farms to be granted, that the question in the case 
of each had to be settied by drawing lots in the office of the Surveyor- 
General in Cape Town. Natives also were given tide deeds to lands. 
In this way they became more independent of their chiefs and less 
likely to join against the Government. This was contrary to usual 
Kaffir custom where a whole territory was held in common. In this 
way was made the first real step in raising Kafiirland from a state 
of barbarism and uselessness to a valuable and progressive part of 

(•) Act No. I, i860. An Act to prevent the introduction into the Colony 
of the Cape of Good Hope of convicted felons and other persons sentenced to 
transportation for offences against the law. 


civilised South Africa, and in securing peace by occupying the country 
by a carefully mixed population of European and trustworthy 
natives, each race being located in parts best adapted to its respective 
mode of cultivation. The increasing population of British Kaffraria 
and the consequent growth in enterprise, industry and trade necessitated 
the development of the two former military posts. King Williams- 
town and the embryonic East London. There was soon a demand 
for building lots in both places and at the sales of them comparatively 
high prices were obtained. At King WiUiamstown, in March 1857, 
35 town lots were sold for £1,831, that is at the rate of /[406 per acre. 
By December of that year ;C6,238 were realised in these sales. In 
that year also, at East London, which was only just commencing 
as a township, a few building erven fetched £1,872. Sir George 
Grey hoped that these and other sums raised on the sale of lands 
might be used in getting out immigrants from England but the 
British Government decided against it, and determined that such 
sums should be used in defraying the expenses of maintaining British 
Kaifraria. King Williamstown at that date had already made some- 
thing more than a start. There were several houses in well defined 
streets ; there were two churches, the Anglican Trinity Church, 
which was opened for use on February 20th, 1856, and the Wesleyan 
Church. There was the Grey Hospital which cost £16,782 6s. 5d. 
in spite of much of the rough work having been done by the military ; 
it v/as recognised by Dublin University and the Royal College of 
Surgeons as a place fit for medical study. There was also a school 
and a new gaol. Then shortly, when British Kaffraria became a separate 
and distinct province with its own governjnent. King Wilb'amstown 
(in 1 861) became a mimicipahty and in 1862 it had its own Supreme 
Court and its Attorney General and Deeds office (Egonce malkume). 
The population of British Kaffraria on December 31st, 1858, was, 
nati\'es 38,559, Germans 1,154, other Europeans 2,994. I^^ 1861 
it was 6,705 Europeans and 81,353 natives. 

East London at this time had barely made a start. As has been 
pointed out, to avoid the difficult land journey from Port Elizabeth 
to Kaffirland during the '46 war, troops and military stores were 
landed at Waterloo Bay on the eastern side of the Great Fish River 
mouth. But that place proving unsatisfactory and dangerous, 
attention was turned to the mouth of the Buffalo River, where there 
seemed to be a promise of greater safety and convenience. The 
promise, though perhaps only in small measure, was fulfilled, and 
the mouth of the Buffalo became destined to become a flourishing 
poit in that part of the South African coast. In April 1847, near the 
western bank of the river, as an indication of the coming prosperous 
town of East London, a fort. Fort Glamorgan, was built. It is 
still standing. At the conclusion of the '46 war, the place was not 
abandoned. Sir Harry Smith, who had become Governor, gave the 


place the name of East London and by proclamation of January 
14th, 1848, decreed that it should be considered a port of the 
Cape Colony, though it was far distant from the nearest part of the 
colonial boundary. The object of this was to prevent the evasion of 
customs duty on goods landed there. Eleven years later, however, 
on July 13th, 1859, when British Kaffiraria had become a separate 
province, this was revoked, and British Kaffraria could enjoy the 
large sums of customs monies which had been going to Cape Town.(0 

As a commencement of the development of the new port. Sir 
Harry Smith, in 1848, ordered a Harbour Commission to be formed 
for the purpose of investigating the possibilities of the Buffalo mouth. 
The report on the whole was unfavourable. The best the goverrmient 
engineer could suggest was the erection, at the modest cost of £1,500, 
of a jetty, which would facilitate the landing of cargo. But if the 
expenditure of that sum should be considered beyond the means 
of British Kaffraria, he recommended a jetty erected by military 
labour which would cost only £35. He added, however, that such 
a jetty would be washed away by the first storm. Nothing was done. 
The township itself commenced in a modest, it might almost be said, 
ultra-modest manner. We find Mr. Roper, the magistrate, in 1848, 
asking that £6 might be spent on the purchase and repair of a hut for 
the purpose of providing him with an office. A few shiUings aimually, 
he said, would keep it in repair. In June 1853 the wattle and daub 
of this hut had protracted its existence to the last hmit, then East 
London became possessed of a magistrate's oflBce which cost 
£110 19s. id. The gaol and police force were in keeping with this 
office. So insecure was the wattle and daub prison that the prisoners, 
for security at night, had to be chained together. They could cot 
have been more secure during the day as the total police force consisted 
of two constables who, in justice to them, it must be said were quite 
frequently sober. We find Col. Mackinnon complaining of the 
difficulty of finding any man sufficiendy respectable to be a constable. 
In the cases of drunks, those who could pay were fined, those who 
could not were let off because of the want of accommodation in the 
prison. In this year, 1848, eight general and traders' licences were 
issued, so trade must have made a beginning. Such was the state of 
East London until after the '50 war. During that war, in spite of the 
difficulties and dangers of surf and rocks, East London was of immense 
importance. For instead of landing troops and stores at Port Elizabeth 
and then taking them over the long and difficult route through 
Grahamstown to King Williamstown, they were put on shore at the 
Buffalo mouth, whence there was a short and level road, proteaed 

(') Return of Customs during the years 185s, '56, '57 and '58 were in this 
order: £25 is., £43 13s., £4,226 ils. 5d., £1,569 3s. lod. What British 
Kaffraria would have received had it been a free port during these years would 
have been : £11,040 is., £25,939 13s., £45.935 us- 5<1., £22,082 3s. rod. 


by the chief Pato and his tribe, to the miUtary headquarters. In 
1853 a real spurt was made both in shipping and commercial directions. 
As there was no jetty and a begiiming of the harbour had not been 
made, the Imperial govenmient established a system of wharves and 
surf boats. This was primarily in connection with the military 
occupation and only when not thus required could they be used by 
the commercial commimity. In that connection the system was 
unsatisfactory in the extreme. Ships, at times, were kept at the 
anchorage for months before they could receive attention, and then 
the cost of landing the cargo was £2 per ton, a sum which raised 
the question that after all the land journey from Port Elizabeth might 
be cheaper. In 1857 one vessel with a cargo for East London was 
reported as having ridden at anchor for two months and eventually 
went to Port EUzabeth and unloaded there. This same gentleman 
remarks " There are vessels in port now which will be here four 
months longer before they can receive any attention. No port can 
prosper under such circumstances." In May 1857, in the interest 
of trade, encomagement was offered by the Government to the pubUc 
to start private surf boat establishments. This seems to have been 
done and to have met with success. Some time afterwards, in 1864, 
Earl Grey decided that the expense of the military surf boat establish- 
ment could no longer be provided for in the Army estimates, that aU 
the plant and stores should be handed over to the country free of 
charge, but that all troops and stores required for the defence of 
the coimtry must in future be landed duty free. But by that time 
considerable progress had been made in the building of the harbour 
and a new regime of landing cargo came into being. This great 
work was commenced in September 1856, when a number of Kaffirs, 
reinforced by a party of the 89th Regiment, commenced excavations, 
put up workshops, offices and other buildings and opened quarries. 
The estimated cost of the whole work was 3(1110,974 5s. od. The 
amoimt expended up to July 31st, 1858, was £9,642 4s. od. From 
then progress has been continued until East London has the fine 
port which we see to-day. But to return to the problem of increasing 
the European population of British Kaffraria. A partial solution, 
arising out of the termination of the war with Russia, presented itself. 
In the prosecution of that war some thousands of Germans (with 
a small intermingling of French) had been enlisted on the side of 
Great Britain. When their services were no longer required, the 
British Government found itself embarrassed in having this vast 
number of foreign mercenaries upon its hands. They were con- 
gregated in a huge camp at Colchester in Essex. According to their 
terms of enhstment in the British Army, they were, on their dis- 
charge, to receive a year's pay and a free passage to either their 
homes on the Continent or to North America. At this time, 1856, 
as has been shown, KafiBrland was thrusting itself on the attention 


of the authorities. The cattle killing delusion was commencing and 
the Kaffirs were becoming markedly more insolent and daring, the 
sign of an intended outbreak. General Jackson, the officer conunanding 
on the frontier, was in alarm — he most usually was — and begged that 
further reinforcements should be sent to him as well as a regiment 
brought from Mauritius. It seemed, therefore, that there was an 
opening for the unwanted men of the German Legion in which they 
could be of great use in the bi-partite capacities of protectors of the 
frontiers and settler-cultivators of the soil. Mr. Labouchere, the 
Secretary of State for the Colonies, writing to Sir George Grey on 
March 25th, 1856, said " There is now every prospect of a speedy 
conclusion of peace and it becomes a question how the officers and 
men of the Anglo-German Legion can most properly be disposed of. 
It has occurred to Her Majesty's Government that some of them might, 
with advantage to themselves and to the Colony, be established on 
the frontier of the British possessions in South Africa." In order 
therefore to escape from its embarrassment and free itself from a 
portion of the military expenditure to which it was subjected in defend- 
ing South Africa, the British Government suggested to the Cape 
Parliament, the propriety of their voting a sum of money in aid of 
sending out from England eight thousand men with their wives and 
famiUes. The Cape Parliament acted upon this and voted ^(^40,000 in 
order to start the movement and six or seven thousand per armimi for a 
few subsequent years to maintain it. As far as the men were con- 
cerned, it was perfectiy voluntary on their part to go to South Africa ; 
there was no military compulsion of any kind. The only force which 
was to move them was their desire to reap the advantages and blessings 
which they were given to imderstand would descend upon them 
in that distant clime. 

In order to gain some information about the natural features and 
capabihties of British Kaffraria, to discover how far it might be pro- 
tected by the disbanded Germans as well as to make the necessary 
arrangements for their reception, a Major R. Grant and Captain 
Hof&nan, on behalf of the Germans, were sent out to the Cape. They 
arrived on May 30th, 1856. Accompanied by Sir George Grey, they 
made an extended tour, and having gained all the information which 
was considered necessary, they returned to England. 

Captain Hoffinan must have given a very picturesque and glowing ' 
account of what he had seen in South Africa. From the pulpit of 
the garrison church in Colchester the congregation listened to accounts 
of the glorious good things which awaited those who transported 
themselves thither. They heard of the large and prosperous colonial 
town where there was plenty of employment at good wages ; living 
was cheap and Crown lands were to be bought at two shillings per 
acre ; there was even partridge shooting for the officers ! British 


KaflEraria in short was an earthly paradise. It all reminds one of 
the allurements which induced the British Setders to go out to South 
Africa in 1820. The result of all the propaganda was that only about 
2,300 men out of the hoped for eight thousand volunteered. However, 
that was a goodly and useful number (regarded merely as a number) 
for the purpose in view. These men, in due coiu^e, were marched 
down to Browndown near Portsmouth, where they were to embark 
for KafErland. On November 5th, 1856, Mr. Labouchere, Lord 
Panmure, who was Secretary of State for War, and some other great 
men went to make further and final arrangements for sending forth 
the Germans. They appointed Baron von Stutterheim to be in 
full conunand and Cbl. Wooldridge his second in command. The 
articles of agreement between the British Government and the men 
were, in short, that they should serve for seven years as miUtary 
settlers ; resist the attacks of an enemy and aid the civil power ; 
attend the mihtary exercises for thirty days in each year and muster 
every Simday for church parade. This was for the purpose of control 
and general communication of orders. Even if there was no service 
they were to muster, fines varying from seven to thirty days pay for 
imauthorised absence to be inflicted. They were to receive free passage 
to the Cape ; free rations for themselves and families for a year 
after landing : half pay for three years and an acre of land on which 
to build themselves a house ; the right of grazing on the commonage 
and siuns of money varying from £150 in the case of ofi&cers to £18 
in the case of privates towards the building of their cottages. The 
cottages and grounds were to be rent free and at the end of the seven 
years they were to be their own property. Further, ^5 were to be 
advanced for the purchase of tools and cooking utensils. With the 
men a number of junior ofiicers, presimiably young men of better 
education, called gendemen cadets, were allowed to go. Though 
of course, not specified in the formal terms, there was the very 
important duty of settling down as farmers and developing the natural 
resources of the country. But to this end a very necessary matter 
had been entirely overlooked. By far the greater nimiber of the 
the men, in fact it might be said all the privates, were immarried. 
It could not be expected that such would setde down contentedly 
as working farmers. Without the ties of home and family, men of 
far more steady character than these would have been failures under 
these circumstances ; apart from the fact that they were handicapped 
by being compelled, at the same time, to perform military dudes. 
Much more hkely would they wander about, get into mischief and 
become a nuisance and danger to the community. So, late in the 
day as it was, the only procedure which could be adopted to rectify 
this was to induce — ^it might almost be said, to order — ^the men to find 
wives before they embarked. In compliance with this many of the 
soldiers very soon found ladies to their liking and after courtships lasting 


in some cases as long as a week they decided to marry. In consequence 
of the hurry in which this great matrimonial afifair had to take place, 
the weddings were of a somewhat imique character. At the small 
church at Browndown near Portsmouth, a crowd of men with pre- 
sumably the same number of women were collectively joined in 
wedlock in one comprehensive service by the Lutheran pastor. 
Ths Bishop of Rochester afterwards protested against such a wedding 
as this in his diocese. He wrote to Mr. Labouchere pointing out 
the future troubles which were likely to arise when questions as to the 
legality of these unions were raised. Some of the men were married 
in Colchester while others waited until they were on board and then 
were married by the Lutheran pastor in the ship's hospital to the 
girls whom they had brought with them. The total number of wives 
of the non-commissioned officers and privates who eventually arrived 
in South Africa was 331. But there were 139 children, hence some 
of the men must already have been married before the general military 
matrimonial order.(i) 

(•) The author had the privilege of a long interview with the Rev. Pastor 
Gutsche, of King Williamstown. Although Mr. Gutsche did not arrive with 
the German Legion, he reached King Williamstown shortly afterwards and was 
soon well acquainted with the whole history of the movement. Referring 
to the way in which the Legion was formed in the first place, he mentioned 
the following as a typical case. A Swiss watchmaker of Strasburg went into 
a beer hall, where he met a doctor's coachman. The coachman was imdoubt- 
edly in league with a recruiting officer. The poor watchmaker was supplied 
with drink until he was quite dnmk. When he came to his senses he found 
himself in Paris with the Queen's shilling in his pocket. Unsuccessful in his 
attempt to escape, he was taken eventually to the large camp at Colchester. 
There he was well treated. With regard to the officers who were so willing 
to join the British Army, there was so little chance of promotion in their own 
country, many having been in the German Army for years without any prospect 
of advancement — that Russia, France and England held out their attraaions. 
There were secret agents in Germany, who, on behalf of the British Government, 
interviewed likely men at night time. Those who decided to take service 
were conveyed by stealth to Heligoland until a sufficient number were collected, 
when they were taken across to England. Some did go out to Constantinople 
but were too late to see active service as peace was declared. These men 
were given the option of going out to Soudi Africa. As these people knew 
nothing about the covmtry, two German officers, a Capt. Hoffman and Surgeon 
Reinhold, determined to go out to the Cape to see what sort of a place it was. 
They were shown the beautiful Peninsula, Wynberg and such places. They 
were charmed and seemed to have thought that all South Africa was like these 
parts. They returned with glowing accounts of the country. Some of the 
officers who came were Captains Von Brandis, Schermbrudcer, Baron de Fin 
and others. 

Mr. Gutsche described the comprehensive wedding in Browndown Church. 
He said that a German officer who was present pointed out to the parson, 
the Rev. Wilman, that one man at least had got hold of the wrong woman's 
hand. " Don't trouble " said the parson, " they can sort themselves out when 
they get outside." Twelve years afterwards, said Mr. Gutsche, one of these 
men, a parishioner of his, went to him and said he had conscientious scruples 
with regard to the woman with whom he had been living ; he did not think 
she was the woman he had married in England. Nothing, however, could be 

To dispel such doubts as these and to obviate the difficulties arising from the 
haste in which these marriages were contracted on the eve of embar^tion, the 
Colonial Government, on June 29th, 1857, promulgated : " An Act for remov- 
ing doubts regarding the validity of the marriages of certain military settlers." 
According to this, the Governor was empowered, on receipt of a correct list 
of the contracting parties, to publish the same and to pnxlaim them legally 


In due course, all these people, Germans and English wives, 
embarked at Portsmouth on seven vessels. The Sultana left on 
November nth, 1856, the Culloden on the next day, and in the course 
of the ensuing week these were followed by the Abysirmian, Mersey, 
Vulcan, Stamboul and Covenanter. The Sultana arrived in Cape 
Town on the last day of December 1856 and the last of the vessels 
on February 9th of 1857. 

The total nimiber of individuals who landed in South Afidca 
were : — 

OflBcers 59 Women, officers' wives ... 30 

Gendemen cadets 43 Wives of N.C.O.'s and 

privates 331 

N.C.O.'s rank and file ... 2,260 Officers' children 56 

Other children 139 

Totalmen 2,362 

Total women and children 556 

Grand total of all individuals 2,918 

After calling at Cape Town the vessels continued their voyage to 
East London, where all were landed. Preparations had been made 
for their reception. Surf boats were got ready and a number of Kaffirs 
had been employed in cutting poles and collecting thatch for the 
purpose of making some sort of temporary shelter for the new-comers 
until they could be taken to the parts of the country which were 
to be allotted to them. There were two depots, if such they might 
be called, where the people were collected before being distributed 
to their respective posts. One was on the outskirts of East London, 
while others were at Fort Murray and a place called Wooldridge— 
named after the officer second in command — situated near the old 
Beka mission station. They must have had sparse shelter. However 
that did not much matter, as it was the hot weather of December 
and January and sleeping in the open was far from unpleasant. Food 
they had, as they were being provided with rations. Col. Bell, the 
chief land surveyor, who met the Germans on their disembarkation, 
was not favourably impressed by their general appearance. There 
were certainly some good men among them, he tells us, but too many 
were low and desperate characters who had been collected from the 
slums of the great continental towns. General Stutterheim, himself, 
said that it would be no easy matter to form into quiet and steady 
citizens a body of soldiers who, but a short time previously had, 
with great difficulty and by means of the strictest discipline been 
transformed from plough boys into a military corps. They were 
not the material from which to make good agriculturists and farmers. 
The question whether the soldier or farmer was to take precedence 


was settled very shortly after the arrival. On February 27thj 1857, 
there was issued a notice to the effect that in consequence of the 
suspicious attitude of the Kaffirs, the whole of the German Legion 
was to be on full pay (instead of half pay as decided upon in England) 
and the men were to regard themselves as on active duty against an 
enemy. Officers were not to be permitted to leave their stations 
and all were forbidden to trade. The selections of the positions for 
their locations or townships were made with a view to defending 
the coimtry against the Kaf&rs. Some stations were formed where 
there was already a military post, such as Fort Peddie and Keiskamma 
Hoek ; others were near old mission stations such as Dohne (Stutter- 
heim) and the old Beka station (Wooldridge). In the selection of 
strategtical places entirely new, little consideration seems to have 
been had to their isolation and the difficulties of obtaining the materials 
for forming dwellings. In some places there was no wood nearer 
than eight or fifteen miles and then its transport was costly. Even 
water was scarce. In such cases the simple dwellings or shelters 
seem to have been constructed of turf and sods. What a merciful 
thing it was that those who had to live under such circimistances 
did not find wives in England. Nearer King Williamstown and 
East London circimistances were better. There was no difficulty 
in connection with food as all received Government rations. 

In this way a number of small villages, if such a term may be applied 
to some of these collections of hovels, were formed and were given 
German names, such as Berlin, Hamburg, Potsdam, Frankfort and 
others. The whole legion was divided into three regiments. The 
first was under the command of Col. Wooldridge with its head- 
quarters at the Keiskanama mouth, the second was at Keiskamma Hoek 
under Col. Von Hake ( a very nice old gentleman, but quarrelsome) 
and the third was at Stutterheim under Col. Kent Murray. General 
Stutterheim was at the head of the whole force. 

In the beginning and while the novelty of the situation lasted, 
the men went to work with a will in the construction of houses and 
villages and the sowing of gardens. But it did not last long. Dis- 
appointment and a feeling that they had been brought out under false 
pretences supervened. Where are the flourishing colonial towns with 
their abundance of employment for us, they asked ; where are the 
crown lands at two shillings per acre ? We only see lands at five 
pounds per acre ; where are the many other good things which were 
promised to us at Colchester ? We find ourselves in a coimtry almost 
uninhabited by Europeans but well populated by hostile natives. 
Their fear and suspicion of the natives may have been enhanced by 
an unfortunate incident which happened on March ist, within a 
month of their arrival. The dead body of Capt. Ohlsen was found 
lying upon the ground near King WiUiamstown. He had obviously 


been stabbed with assegais. Six or seven Kaffirs had been seen near 
the spot and some of these same Kaffirs had been seen in King 
Williamstown with an inordinate sum of money tied up in a rag. 
Nothing however was proved against anyone. Sir George Grey, 
in expressing his regret on hearing of the murder said " I have 
ordered the village about to be formed at the Kabousie Nek and which 
was intended as the future place of settiement for Capt. Ohlsen to 
bear his name and be called Ohlsen." 

The growing discontent and resdessness very soon led to desertions, 
and there were signs of the whole scheme falling to pieces at no distant 
date. The authorities still considered, and perhaps righdy, that the 
panacea for all this was the steadying influence of woman and her 
power of inspiring man to perform great and good works and that these 
virtues would so change the charaaers of these German roughs that 
in the end they would benefit the country by, not only making two 
blades of grass grow where only one grew before, but, in this particular 
case, causing abundance of cabbages and carrots to grow where 
there were none before. 

As the blandishments and persuasive influence of the German 
soldiers in England had not resulted in the arrivals of as many wives in 
British Kaffiraria as were desired, another scheme had to be tried. Mr. 
Labouchere at length saw the expediency of allowing £3,000 which 
had been raised by the sale of lands in King Williamstown and East 
London to be spent in sending out from England a cargo of pro- 
spective wives. The matter was placed in the hands of the Emigration 
Commissioners. As it was felt, and in fact stated, that a sufficient 
number of ehgible young women could not be collected in England 
and Scodand, recourse was had to Ireland. From that country 
174 were obtained. On September 6th, 1857, they embarked on the 
Lady Kermaway of 583 tons, at Southampton at a cost of £12 17s. od. 
each. There were also on board a few married people with their 
children, bringing up the total number of souls to 231. They arrived 
in East London on November 23rd and were exceedingly well 
received. But it was not clear how far they fulfilled their prescribed 
destiny. Sixty went straight away to Grahamstown where they were 
soon in domestic service and some seem, for the same purpose, to 
have remained in Cape Town. Sixteen, we are told, were soon 
married to excellent young men, but it is not clear that they were 
German soldiers. It is to be hoped they were not. For with an 
income of a few pence per diem and free rations and litde opporttmity 
and possibility of earning anything in addition to their pay, these men 
could not provide much of a home for a wife. On the whole therefore 
this move proved to be no remedy for the disparity of the sexes in 
the German districts. Two days after the landing of these people 
the Lady Kennaway was blown on to the rocks and became a total 


Although wifeless, discontented and unhappy the German soldiers 
made some attempt to settle and to create new villages. They could 
make little progress however, handicapped as they were, not only 
by their want of agricultural knowledge and the natural difficulties 
of the country, but also by their being compelled to perform the 
mihtary duties which were necessary to keep them in readiness to 
face an enemy at any moment. They showed no relaxation in 
discipline beyond that they were prone to listen to the words of those 
who counselled desertion and to act upon those words. In the columns 
of the Government Gazette and the Grahamstown Journal there were, 
in almost every edition, numerous notices and descriptions of German 

To make matters worse their clothes and boots were becoming 
badly worn out. Some of the men were almost barefooted when 
they arrived and their clothes soon became so shabby and ragged 
that these men, who had been accustomed to smartness in their 
dress, were ashamed to appear on parade. All esprit de corps was 
gone. As men without boots were useless either as soldiers or settlers. 
Sir George Grey took it upon himself, in April, to order 2,000 pairs 
of boots at a cost oi £i,i2j 5s. od. These in due course were supplied. 
In doing this and also in his keeping the men on full pay when they 
were sent out on half-pay, he ran foul of the War Office. In September, 
Lord Panmure, the Secretary of State for War, wrote and said that 
Parliament had not voted any funds to meet the expenditure on boots, 
that the men had no right to a gratuitous supply of clothing at the 
public expense ; the order (on the part of Sir George Grey) he said, 
had been given contrary to regulations and without authority. Again 
on May 27th, 1858, the War Office reiterated the above and refused 
to authorise the requisition, adding that the amount would have to be 
recovered either by stoppages from the men's pay or from the Cape 
Government. Sir George Grey, in answer, said these men could not 
possibly meet this demand out of their trifling pay ; and why should 
the debt fall upon the Colony? He pointed out that neither he 
himself nor the Colonial Legislature had asked that a single foreign 
mercenary should be sent to the Cape ; the move, he said, was simply 
one on the part of the British Government to rid itself of the Germans 
and thus to escape from the embarrassment in which it found itself. 
In the end the amount was sanctioned. Throughout his Cape career 
there was friction between Sir George Grey and the War Office. 

On the whole, the Ufe of a soldier of the British German Legion 
was not a happy one. Anything beyond their rations had to be bought 
at canteens or grocery stores, which were few and far between, and 
to commence with, prohibitive in their prices .(^) The officers were 

(') A canteen keeper at Keiskamma Hoek got his[supplies from a Grahams- 
town firm, which charged 25% wholesale profit and 50% for credit. The 
retailer added 75% to cover carriage, losses and his own profit. The 
common necessaries of life were tendered to the soldiers at_a profit of 150% 
above cost price. 


forbidden to trade, but it seems that eventually some did so. Two 
gendemen cadets opened a store in Berlin and in consequence were 
dismissed from the regiment. This undoubtedly improved their 
financial position. To protect the men from the rapacity of 
irresponsible " winklers," Baron Von Stutterheim approached a big 
merchant in Port Elizabeth, Mr. H. B. Christian, with a view to getting 
him to supply on credit all sorts of necessaries to respectable men 
who should open stores at diflferent villages and sell goods at reasonable 
prices. His security was to be the building allotments and lands which 
eventually were to belong to the settlers on these terms. Air. Christian 
forwarded large supplies of provisions, building materials and generally 
goods adapted to the wants of the infant settlement. But hke every- 
thing else connected with the German Legion, this scheme was a 
failure. As will be seen, many of the men went to India and Baron 
Stutterheim himself returned to Germany, thus Mr. Christian was 
left with £8,754 i6s. 2d. owing to him.(^) Subsequentiy, Mr. 
Christian petitioned the British Government for compensation. 
He asked that he might be granted land to the value of the amount 
which was owing to him. This was supported by Sir George Grey 
and approved by the Duke of Newcastie. A board was appointed 
to consider the case. It was decided that only the lands which 
reverted to the Crown in consequence of the death of the owners 
or their removal from the territories could be granted as compensation. 
The value of these amounted to only £268. Thus Mr. Christian 
was a considerable loser. 

In October 1857, as a consequence of urgent private business. 
Baron Von Stutterheim had to resign his command and return to 
Germany. He was a great loss as he exercised much influence over 
the men and seems to have been respected by all. General Sir James 
Jackson, the officer commanding the troops in British Kaffraria, then 
took command. He relieved the situation somewhat by drafting 
some of the men into the Cape Corps and employing others in police 
duty in King Williamstown. But he was unpopular and the Legion 
went from bad to worse after the departure of the Baron. A further 
loss was Col. Von Hake, who died in Berlin on August ist, 1858. 
The number of deserters mcreased from month to month. Some 
of these deserters found an outiet for their enterprise and adventurous 
spirit by going into Basutoland at the time, namely 1858, when there 
was war between the Orange Free State and Moshesh. Though 
most probably they had no interest in either side but looking upon 
the war as a kind of public fight in which it was permissible for 

C) Some of the sums owing to him were : £248 3s. id., £363 8s., £560, 
£i,02i 17s. 6d., £530 19s. 5d., £881, £879 9s. 3d. 



outsideis to join, they attacked the French mission station of Morija 
and wantonly destroyed some of the buildings .(*) 

With such dissatisfied and resdess individuals the villages could 
not, and did not make much progress ; there were soon signs of 
their complete abandonment. The garden lands which had been 
promised to the men were not siurveyed owing to there being too 
few surveyors, and when the time for the stoppage of rations arrived, 
there were so htde visible means of subsistence that the Government 
had to continue them for another three months. In short the scheme 
was a failure ; the continued duties of the soldier were incompatible 
with the necessary industry of a farmer-setder. The development 
of the villages may be judged from a comparison of the numbers 
of men who still remained after two years with the numbers originally 
located. At Ohlsen, for instance, 22 remained out of 71, at Wiesbaden 
26 out of 79, BerUn 57 out of 156, Peddie 4 out of 47, Hanover 29 
out of 95, Braimschweig 25 out of 86, Breidbach 30 out of 71, and so 
on for other places. Stutterheim, the headquarters, still had 129 
out of 280. The casualties among the men since embarking in England 
up to April 30th, 1858 were: died 75, dismissed 6, retired from service 
8, deserted 120, handed over to civil power 14, executed 2. 

In 1858 there was a turn of the tide. A sphere of real usefulness 
and adventure for the wilder members of the Legion presented itself. 
Sir George Grey received, by special messenger from Bombay, a letter 
dated June 29th, 1858, in which it was stated that never before had 
the British power in India been so menaced as it was at that time ; 
the whole of the Bengal Army was either in mutiny or being disarmed 
to prevent mutiny. Lord Elphinstone stated that Sir Henry Barnard's 
force then besieging Delhi could not exceed 2,000 men of whom 
only 60 were trained artillerymen ; the rebels, he continued, were 
daily receiving larger reinforcements ; regiments and brigades in 
mutiny were marching to Delhi ; a bloody and inconclusive action 
had been fought at Delhi on June 23rd in which we had lost a great 
number of oflScers and men. Sir John Lawrence had begun to think 

(}) Jacobus Brewer, a farmer of New Year's Spruit, Caledon River, made a 
statement in this connection before the magistrate of Aliwal North on June 
<)th, 1858. According to this he was on a Free State commando which went 
m the direction of Letsea's town (Morija). Surrounded by thousands of 
Kaffirs at Sand Spruit, they fought their way through to within a few hundred 
yards from the town. He was with the party of Boers who rode into the town, 
where they received orders that they were not to touch anything. He saw 
several people on the stoep of the house of Mr. Maeder, the missionary. Some 
of these were breaking down the verandah with ox yokes. They were 
" Deutschers," as the Boers called them, deserters from the Germans down 
below, who, with some stragglers, formed themselves into a band. They were 
a wild lot of men who did as they pleased and cared for nobody. Brewer saw 
them killing pigs and poultry, and going into the house ; he saw the havoc 
which had been made and the burning huts in the rear which had been set on 
fire, presumably, by the same " Deutschers." A young English farmer of 
the Caledon district, who also was on this commando, corroborated Brewer's 
story, without knowing what he (Brewer) had said. 


that he would be obliged to abandon Peshawar. So in this alarming 
state of affairs a special messenger was sent to the Cape, urging 
Sir George Grey to send without delay two infantry regiments to 
Bombay, a force of artillery with horses to Calcutta and all the specie 
which could be spared. Sir George rose to the occasion. He took 
upon himself and without any reference to the War Office to direct 
troops which were on their way to China to disobey their orders and 
go on to Calcutta. The Cape Parliament had just been prorogued, 
hence the Governor had to act independently of that body. He felt 
assured that, actuated as they were by their loyalty, they would sanction 
the steps he felt called upon to take in this emergency. He depleted 
the military force in the Colony by sending to India so many of the 
troops as to leave the country almost in danger ; and a Board was 
formed to deal with the acquisition of horses and their transmission 
to Bombay. He even sent his own private horses. On his own 
responsiblity also, he increased the local moimted Border force by 
200 men, involving an extra expense of £20,000 per annum. The 
civilian population of Cape Town undertook the garrison duties 
of that place in order to liberate the regular soldiers. It was only 
to be expected that the British German Legion should be called upon 
to volimteer for service in India. The terms of their engagement 
were that, as regards pay, clothing and such matters, they were to 
be on the same footing as the regular troops ; they were to enlist for 
ten years and at the expiration of that time they were to have the 
option of enlisting for another ten years or returning to the Cape as 
military setders. Although imder these terms the response was not 
as great as was desired and hoped, yet 30 officers and 1,028 privates 
offered themselves. In due course they were assembled at East 
London and in September 1858 imder the command of Col. Woold- 
ridge set sail for India.(^) In that coimtry they formed what was 
called the Jager Corps. This corps was on active service barely a 
year. On September 23rd, 1859, the Indian Government decided to 
dispense with their further service. They were told they might join 
the Artillery, the 3rd European Infantry or return to the Cape. The 
greater number, including Col. Wooldridge, seemed to have had 
enough of the Cape and decided to remain. But 6 officers, 30 non- 
commissioned officers and 334 privates thought otherwise and em- 
barked for Port Elizabeth where they arrived on March 12th, i860. 
Now there was, in fact it may be said had been, a fixed determination 
on the part of the authorities to get rid of the Legion altogether. 
The cost of it had been out of all proportion to the benefit which had 

(') Sir E. B. Lytton, writing to Sir George Grey on January 4th, 1859, 
and thanking him for his zeal and promptness in sending reinforcements to 
India, said, in connection with the German Legion : " With regard to the 
German Legion, I doubt not that the removal of so large a part of them will 
be benefici^ to the Colony in which that foreign body failed to realise the 
main objects anticipated from their introduction.'* 


been derived from it either in the defence or the colonisation of the 
country. No less than 8,244 ^cres of land had been granted to the 
men and about an equal amount had been given out to the oflScers 
on remission certificates. The expense in its establishment had 
been, roughly, advances for tools £11,280, building monies /|22,ooo, 
pay and allowances £5,300, total £86,280. The estimated monthly 
ejtpenditure was £2,002 5s. yd. As a corps it was disembodied and 
disarmed on April ist, i860. Temporary assistance in the shape of 
full pay was allowed for a short time in order to enable the men to 
make what arrangements they could for their future. But all pay and 
rations ceased on May ist. Any of the men who wished to quit the 
corps were permitted to do so and to search for employment. During 
April 319 marched away to Grahamstown and Port Ehzabeth and 
during the ensuing month or so all scattered in different parts of 
the coimtry and the British German Legion came to an end. 

While the Legion was in course of formation in England in 1856, 
Professor Demmler of the Royal Military College at Sandhurst wrote 
to the War Office and suggested that, besides forming a military settle- 
ment in South Africa, it would be as well to send out a number of 
civihan emigrants. It was hoped thereby to afford some support 
to those whose duties would be chiefly military as well as to increase 
the market for the produce of all. Lord Panmure looked upon this 
suggestion with approval and brought the matter before Mr. 
Labouchere, the then Secretary of State. He disapproved of it entirely 
as also did the Emigration Commissioners, who were of opinion 
that if British money was to be spent in sending out emigrants to a 
distant British Colony, these emigrants should be British. Thus, 
as far as the Home Government was concerned, the scheme fell through. 
But Baron Von Stutterheim must have been aware of the proposal 
and, approving of it, recommended it, on his arrival, to Sir George 
Grey. In any case, Sir George soon came to know of it and whether 
or not he knew of Mr. Labouchere's disapproval, he commenced 
forthwith to translate words into action. 

Professor Demmler, with another, had offered to go to Germany 
to select eligible people in the event of the proposal being adopted. 
Baron Von Stutterheim, however, objected, on political grounds, 
to the co-operation of Professor Demmler, but suggested the firm 
of Caesar Godefroy & Son of Hamburg as the agents who might 
be depended upon to select the people most likely to succeed in South 
Africa. Their agent in Cape Town was a Mr. Berg. He, on behalf of 
his principals, entered into an agreement with Sir George Grey to 
bring out to South Africa four thousand good and useful people at a 
cost of £50,000. It is important to note that the date of this agreement 
is August 27th, 1857. According to this, the setders were to be people 
of respectable character, free from all bodily and mental defect and 


should have been engaged in agriculniral pursmts. A boimty of 
£i2 IDS. od. would be paid for each adult landed at East London 
and approved by an Immigration Board appointed by the Governor. 
No bounty would be paid for husbands without wives or wives without 
husbands. Single women imder i8 were not admissible unless 
accompanied by their parents, nor were widows and widowers with 
young children, nor any who had been in prison or reformatory or who 
had not been vaccinated. Each head of a family was to receive a 
free grant of a building plot in one of the villages where the Legion 
was located, and further every married couple would be allowed to 
buy twenty acres of land at £i per acre (instead of the usual £5), 
every single man ten and every child above ten three acres, and for those 
above 14, five acres. All this, however, the passage money and the 
cost of the land had eventually to be paid for by the immigrants them- 
selves and a document had to be signed by them in Hamburg that 
they would agree to do so. That they might not be imduly pressed 
in the first years of their sojourn, no payment would be asked for 
imtil the expiration of the fourth year, when one fifth of the debt 
would become payable and thereafter a fifth at the end of each of the 
subsequent years until the whole debt was paid, and then the tide 
deeds would be issued. 

But what about the necessary funds to bring all this about, namely 
the £50,000 which had to be paid to Godefroy of Hamburg ? Sir 
George Grey evidently feeling that it was useless to approach the 
British Government for assistance in this connection raised the money 
by debentures on the security of the revenue of British KafEraria 
bearing interest at six per cent. There seems to have been no difl&culty 
about this and the scheme went ahead. Godefroy & Son, by means 
of sub-agents in different parts of Germany, soon collected together 
numbers of the right sort of people and early in 1858 embarkation 
for East London in Hamburg commenced. The first vessel to depart 
for South Africa was the Caesar Godefroy which left Cuxhaven on 
April 15th, 1858, and arrived at East London on June 14th. There 
were on board 67 families comprising 322 individuals. Then, in order, 
followed the La Rochelle, Wandrahm, Wilhelm Berg, Peter Godefroy 
and John Caesar, which reached East London on January 28th, 1859. 
On the Wilhelm Berg no less than 71 died on the voyage. The total 
number of individuals thus introduced into the Ckjlony was about 
2,300, equivalent to 1,600 statute adults. Two himdred remained 
in Cape Town, where they were soon in service and gave such 
satisfaction that several of the residents asked Sir George Grey and 
the Colonial Government to get more of these people out from 
Germany. But, as will be seen, the whole movement was 
abrupdy stopped before the number originally proposed was sent 


The reception of the Germans at East London was not exactly 
cordial. Very inauspiciously, the Chief Commissioner refused, 
at first, to be in any way responsible for the issue of rations to them. 
They were all right for the first eight days, however, as Messrs. 
Godefroy, according to their contract, had to victual them for that time. 
Eventually, Col. Maclean, to save the people from starvation, saw 
the necessity of providing them with food, but it was to be for only 
three months and on the imderstanding that it would have to be 
paid for at some future time. It is curious that he should have taken 
up this attitude seeing how enthusiastic Sir George Grey was in 
connection with the scheme. For shelter and accommodation there 
were vacant many of the pensioners' houses in King Williamstown 
as well as some of the shacks and houses built by the soldiers of the 
Legion who had gone to India. As soon as possible the new arrivals 
were moved off in waggons and with a conductor to the various distant 
military posts. Then their troubles began. While some of their 
kith and kin were on the sea and others had not yet started from 
Germany, they discovered that there was littie immediate prospect 
of the easy means of earning daily bread and forming the comfortable 
home which they had visioned before they set sail. Many were soon 
in great straits and in urgent need of assistance ; and yet others were 
pouring into the covmtry to increase the distress. Some few obtained 
employment on the East London harbour works and the surf boats, 
and some others, for a time, on the building of the bridge over the 
Koonap River ; and the church at Adelaide ; but those at the distant 
and isolated military posts were very badly off.^) Nothing, on their 
part, was wanting in industry and endeavour to succeed, but circum- 
stances were against them. Without capital and the necessary farming 
appliances and almost without seed, they had to start cultivating 
the soil and making a living. Misfortune dogged their path year 

(') Typical letters from German emigrants to Col. Maclean : Adolph Pan- 
mure, Nov. 14th, 1858, writes : " Three months are already past since our dis- 
embarkation at East London, and none of us has as yet had an asylum allotted 
to him, a place for his own hearth. Many of the emigrants who followed the 
call to a foreign country are now abandoned to misery and starvation. Those 
who have found shelter among the British German Legion are exposed to 
their humours and whenever it pleases one of these to turn the immigrant 
out the latter wanders about, abandoned to fate without shelter. At the end 
of this month the rations advanced to us since our arrival cease, and most of 
us have not yet any expectation of gaining a livelihood. Those who brought 
any money or effects from Germany with them have spent it in Kaffraria 
(a country five times as expensive as Germany), and are now entirely destitute. 
This is particularly the case with those who are only agriculturists, since there 
has been no source of employment for them. If soon after our arrival we 
had received our building plots most of us would certainly have well employed 
their time till now. They would not only have built their houses, but every 
one would also have cultivated his plot of ground and would now already be 
able to enjoy some fruit of his diligence, instead of migrating as we do now from 
one house to another and losing the most valuable time." 

In a Petition from the people of Potsdam to Capt. Baron de Fin they say : 
" We are here nearly three months and have done our utmost to get employ- 
ment and having nothing to work for ourselves, and having very seldom 
employment, we are obliged to stay lazy and disengaged at home, for we have 


after year. If the heat and drought did not destroy their limited 
crops, cold and excessive rains did. Then, as in the plentifully 
yielding year of 1861, there was not sufiBcient demand or market 
for their potatoes — ^their chief crop. From Keiskamma Hoek, so we 
are told, potatoes had to be sent to King Williamstown, but the carriage 
to that market cost two shilhngs per sack and reahsed only two and 
sixpence or three shillings for a hundred poimds, so that after paying 
all expenses the growers received barely ^2 for two thousand pounds. 
Cold and hail made havoc with their barley and oats and rust destroyed 
their wheat. At the end of four or five years therefore they were not 
much better oflF than when they arrived, in fact they were worse off, 
for their clothes were becoming badly worn out and they could not 
afford others. To add insult to injury they were then called upon to 
commence refimding the money which had been spent in placing them 
in their unhappy situation. Very many forsook the location and 
drifted into the Ck)lony in search of work. At Breidbach, for instance, 
89 remained out of 150, IzeU only 116 out of 870 and the total at 
Berlin, Hanover and Potsdam was 337 where 519 had been located. 

In spite of all this they were a valuable addition to the European 
population of South Africa. But being almost entirely married people 
with young children they were scarcely calculated to solve the problem 
of supplying wives to the men of the German Legion. 

The magistrates of the districts in which they were located spoke 
very approvingly of them. They have proved themselves, said the 
magistrates, a most industrious people ; they have striven most 
manfully to earn a livelihood under circumstances which would have 
discouraged most immigrants and they are cheerfiil and entertain 
hopes of soon being in comfortable cirounstances ; their prospects 
are steadily improving. 

Before the nimiber of emigrants which Sir George Grey wished 
to be sent out to South Africa had been collected in Germany, the 

not yet received our building lot, much less the other land, though it was 
promised to us in Germany." They ask that he will intercede to the Chief 
Commissioner for a continuation of rations for another three months, as the time 
for the first issue is drawing to an end. " Also we must beg you very instantly 
to require the Chief Commissioner to send as soon as possible a surveyor 
to this place. We are accustomed to work and don't like to stay at home 
lazy and disengaged." 

Ferdinand Vogt, Nov. i ith, writes : " I am a father of five uneducated 
children. My wife died on board the ship La Rochelle ; now I am here at 
Stutterheim and I cannot get work, neither have I any money for cultivating 
the land allotted to me. I have dug up the greater part of it, but I have no 
seed to plant in it. I therefore pray Your Excellency wUl be pleased to lend 
me some seed of potatoes and other vegetables and also some money to purchase 
a few goats. If I get some seeds and money or goats I shall be able in the course 
of a few years to repay everything. It is true we get daily rations, but they 
will cease with the 7th December. I therefore pray that Your Excellency 
will be pleased to prolong the rations for three months, for most of us immi- 
grants have not yet anything to reap. All the time that I have been at Stutter- 
heim I have not earned more than five shillings, neither has any one of the 
others. I pray, as a poor, oppressed man, to have my burden made lighter." 
He was told that " at the Cape we did not want any money, that provisions 
were cheap and each man coiild make two thalers (6s.) a day. But we find it 
reversed — ^provisions dear and no work." 


whole scheme, by the action of the Secretary of State, was suddenly 
abandoned. As far back as December 13th, 1856, when Professor 
Demmler first suggested it and the War OflSce expressed its approval, 
Mr. Labouchere, on being consulted, pronounced his opinion 
decidedly against it. He did, however, refer the matter to Sir George 
Grey and received in answer, dated March 25th, 1857, a strong 
recommendation that the scheme should be carried out. Still harping 
on the paucity of wives who came out with the German Legion he 
suggested the introduction of a thousand German families, presumably 
elderly married people with grown-up daughters, though this was 
not specified ; women already married and with their husbands 
and small children could not have solved the problem. His arguments 
did not move the Secretary of State. Mr. Labouchere, in a despatch 
dated June 5th, 1857, pointed out that the expense of the movement 
would be enormous, the passage alone would cost £50,000. Then 
there would be the additional expense of agencies in Germany, of 
the transport to the port of embarkation and accommodation and 
transport in the Colony on their arrival, all of which charges might 
reach £zo,ocx) ; the proposed dwellings would cost another £30,000, 
hence £100,000 might be considered the lowest figure on which 
a thousand families could be transferred from Germany to British 
Kaf&aria. He would not, he said, feel justified in asking the British 
Parliament to vote such a sxmi for that object. In short he refused to 
entertain the idea of this procedure for promoting marriages among 
the German Legion. This despatch reached Cape Town on July 
27th, on which date Sir George Grey must have become fully aware 
of Mr. Labouchere's sentiments ; yet on August 19th following, 
three weeks afterwards, he opened negotiations with Mr. Berg, the 
agent in Cape Town of Godefroy, for sending out four thousand 
German emigrants. His defence against his seeming disobedience 
to the orders of the Secretary of State, as contained in his despatch 
of December 26th, 1857, was that in consequence of the approval which 
had b^en expressed by the War Ofl&ce and the fact that Mr. Labouchere 
himself consulted him on the question, albeit he had expressed his 
disapproval, he (Sir George) felt justified in going further with the 
matter until he found he was mistaken in the sentiments of the 
Secretary of State as expressed in his despatch of June 5th. 

Mr. Labouchere resigned the seals of ofiice on February 26th, 1858, 
and was succeeded by Lord Stanley(*). That noble lord agreed 

0) It may be interesting to note here that there were no less than eight 
different consecutive Secretaries of State holding office during the shor 
Governorship of Sir George Grey. They were : 

June 10, 1854. Rt. Hon. Sir George Grey, Bart. 

February 15, 1855. Rt. Hon. Sidney Herbert (three months). 

May 15, 1855. Lord John Russell (nine weeks). 

JxJy 21, 1855. Sir William Molesworth. 

November 17, 1855. Rt. Hon. W. Labouchere. 

February 26, 1858. Lord Stanley (Earl of Derby). 

M«y 31. 1858. Rt. Hon. Sir E. B. Lytton. 

June 18, 1859 Duke of Newcastle. 


entirely with his predecessor in the matter of the German emigrants. 
It was he who finally ended it by informing Godefroy & Son that 
the sending forth of Germans to British Kaffraria must cease. But 
then there arose the difBculty of getting out of the contract which 
had been made with that firm by Sir George Grey. Agents had been 
appointed in Germany to coUect suitable people, ships had been 
engaged and provisions arranged for so that considerable expense 
had been incurred. In the end, it was agreed that only i,6oo of the 
proposed 4,000 adults should be sent out and that a sum of jCSjOOO 
out of British Kaffraria fimds should be paid to Godefroy, as full 
compensation for their liabihties and loss of the contract. 

Lord Stanley, in acquainting Sir George Grey with what had 
been done, pointed out (Despatch May 4th, 1858) that there was an 
annual deficit of £40,000 in the British KafiEraria revenue, which 
had been made good by a yearly grant from Parliament. The bonds 
secured on the revenue of that territory depended for their principal 
and interest on a continuation of this expenditure by Great Britain ; 
and the £50,000, which had been raised by debentures, far from 
completing the expenditure on the emigration, was really only the 
commencement of it. " Seeing therefore that the pecimiary con- 
sequences direcdy concern this country. Her Majesty's Government 
have felt boimd to adhere to the policy which has already been com- 
municated to you by my predecessor. If any inconvenience should 
occur, it will have been owing to the unfortunate course taken by 
yourself in ordering an extensive series of operations to be commenced 
in Europe without the knowledge and authority, and against the 
previously expressed decision, of the Queen's Government." 

Due to his disposition to act in emergency according to his own 
judgment and without reference to higher authority and convinced 
that in difficulties, he being on the spot, could see better the proper 
course to take than could those who were six thousand miles away, 
he seemed, in his devotion to duty and his concern for the welfare 
of the Colony and the Empire, to pay little heed to the orders of either 
the Colonial or the War Office, consequentiy he fell foul of both. 
He had, for instance, ordered 2,000 pairs of boots for the German 
Legion and miUtary clothing for 140 men of a Hottentot Corps ; 
he had kept the German Legion on full pay while they were under 
orders to be on half pay, thus, according to the War Office, adopting 
a course which involved a very serious responsibility in thus main- 
taining a body of troops and paying them out of Imperial funds. 
Further he mounted a party of them as a cavalry corps for the pro- 
tection of British Kaffiraria. He considered that that vras necessary 
as, in consequence of so many of the troops having been sent to India 
and the proper Cape Corps, the only cavalry regiment which was paid 
by Great Britain, being 180 below its authorised strength, a rising 


among the Kaf&rs was not an improbability. Sir James Jackson, 
the general commanding, had written to the Governor in these terms. 
The letter was forwarded to England, but remained imanswered 
until, after a body of 150 Germans had been formed into a mounted 
corps, he heard from the War Oflftce that he had been guilty of a 
great irregularity and that no provision had been made in the army 
estimates for the expenses. The War Office further considered 
that its authority had been flouted by Sir George Grey in that, without 
reference to them, he had sent part of the German Legion to India. 
This step, it was decided, should not have been taken without previous 
instructions from Her Majesty's Government or reference to the 
Governor-General of India, who, in 1856, had objected to the 
importation of Germans. Sir George, in answer, pointed out that 
Lords Canning and Elphinstone had each, in the most urgent terms, 
applied to him for additional reinforcements, the latter suggesting 
that he should send as a part of the reinforcements a part of the German 
Legion. " I should not, in the crisis prevailing in India," said Sir 
George Grey, " have been justified in delaying to send the reinforce- 
ments asked for tmtil, with a delay of many months, I had consulted 
Her Majesty's Government upon the subject. With regard to the 
objection, that objection was raised in 1856 before the mutiny and 
when no great crisis prevailed ; the action I took after the mutiny 
was at a time of peril, the only mode on which with safety I could 
augment the troops in India at a moment when such augmentation 
was urgendy necessary." 

Sir George Grey resented the natme of the communications, with 
their implied censure, which passed from the War Office to the Colonial 
Office and the General commanding the troops in British Kaffraria. 
He appealed to Lord Stanley for protection (Jime 21st, 1858). He 
complained of the severe tone of the letters which had proceeded 
from that office and observed that it was impossible to read them 
without coming to the conclusion that a feeling of personal ill-will 
towards himself was manifested in them and that all this had lowered 
his office and himself in the estimation of those he had to govern. 
General Peel, the Secretary for War, in justice to his department, 
could not permit these remarks to pass unnoticed and gready regretted 
that Sir George Grey should have permitted himself to make such 
comments in his despatch. 

It was now time for a change in the person of the Secretary of 
State, Lord Stanley having been in office three months. He was 
succeeded on May 31st, 1858 by Sir Edward Bulwer Lytton, who 
had to continue the strained correspondence with Sir George Grey. 
In his last letter to Lord Stanley, dated June 23rd, 1858, Sir George 
referred to these War Office despatches and said that they were of 
such a nature as to render it imperative on him to resign. His whole 


life, he said, had been one of such constant active duty in remote 
parts of the world and he had been so little mixed up in ordinary 
political affairs that he was quite ignorant of what might be the con- 
ventional rules among public men on such subjects. Lest he should 
be violating any conventional rules which he did not understand, 
he assured his Lordship that nothing but a sense of duty had made 
him hold his present office so long. He had only remained, he con- 
tinued, because he thought he was useful to Her Majesty and the 
country. " When it is thought to be for the advantage of the public 
service to send me back to private hfe I shall cheerfully and gladly 
make way for a successor. If therefore Her Majesty's Govenmient 
desire to remove me, the sUghtest intimation to that effect from your 
Lordship shall lead to my immediate retirement." In answer to 
this Lord Lytton wrote on September 6th, 1858, " After a brief state- 
ment of your reasons for the step, you inform Lord Stanley, that if 
Her Majesty's Government desire to remove you, the shghtest 
intimation to that effect from his Lordship would lead to your immediate 
retirement. This expression of your feehng having reached me, 
who have succeeded to Lord Stanley in the administration of this 
department, it is my duty at once and without hesitation to inform 
you that Her Majesty's Government, far from any such intimation, 
are very anxious to retain your services in your present office. They 
are much too well informed of the advantageous results which your 
policy has in many respects secured to the coimtry and the frontier 
and set far too high a value on your abihties for this employment 
to contemplate your retirement from the critical and difficult duties 
which are now entrusted to you. I am very anxious to impress 
upon you the feeling that while you have great difficulties to contend 
with in executing the consistent policy which you have traced out 
for yourself. Her Majesty's Government have difficulties of a no less 
formidable character to contend with in supporting you in that pohcy, 
so long as it involves a heavy charge on this country whether, miUtary 
or civil, I can only say, for your general guidance, that while H.M. 
Government are ready and willing to leave very much to the 
discretion of a Colonial Governor, in whom they have confidence 
where local affairs and local expenditure are concerned, they cannot, 
responsible as they are to Parliament, allow him the same latitude 
in matters involving directly or indirectly British expenditure. On 
these subjects they have at least a right to expect that the Governor 
shall neither compel them to propose a fresh expenditure, unless of 
course in case of inamediate emergency, nor to continue year by year 
an existing one, without ample warning long beforehand and without 
furnishing to them as far as possible by anticipation the reason which 
may render it necessary. It is only by this frank and circumstantial 
communication beforehand, that harmony can be procured between 
the officer administering government abroad and those who have 


to persuade Parliament of the expediency of his measures and to 
justify them when taken." 

With reference to the friction with the War Office, Lord Lytton wrote 
on January 15th, 1859 : " With regard to the question which you 
raised respecting the tone of the corrcspondenceof the War Department, 
I satisfied myself that you were mistaken in assuming the existence 
of any ill-will towards yourself and it only remains for me to beg of 
you to imderstand that the despatches of the Secretary of State for 
War to the Lieutenant-General commanding the troops contain the 
decisions of the Secretary of State himself and convey to you my 
wish that the discussions on that subject may cease." 

While the correspondence in connection with the diflferences of 
opinion (there are others yet to be dealt with) between Sir George 
Grey and the British Government went on, the Germans carried on 
their struggles against adverse circumstances. The men of the Legion 
became scattered over the country, as also were some of the emigrants, 
but many of these latter remained on their lands and ultimately did 
well. The late Dr. Theal, who lived in British Kaffraria in the early 
sixties and knew many of them, thus speaks of them " Frugal, 
temperate, orderly and industrious in the very highest degree, they 
set themselves to work with the utmost diligence on their littie holdings. 
After a few months they consumed nothing that they did not produce. 
Chicory from their land served them for cofiee, honey from their 
hives took the place of sugar, pork and maize and vegetables were 
the principal articles of their diet. The ground had to be turned 
over with the spade, for they were too poor to purchase cattie and 
ploughs. The women carried heavy loads of vegetables to the nearest 
military post or to King Williamstown or East London, and though 
the returns were small, they were saved. Then came the time when 
a horse could be bought and a littie home-made waggon, with wheels 
sawn from the trimk of a tree, was seen on the road. Presentiy a 
cow was visible on the German's homestead, and it was always sleek 
and well fed. So it went on with him, every year finding him with 
a Uttie more stock than before. Surely no people in the world more 
than these men and women deserved to become prosperous and happy. 
The neat stone houses in which their children live to-day (1904) 
the highly cultivated fields aroimd them, the herds of cattie that 
graze on the pastures, bear witness to their thriving condition and 
to the fact that KafEraria is a land in which industry and perseverance 
meet with a suitable reward." 


By Writ of Privy Seal, bearing date December 14th, 1850, it was 
enacted that the territory situated between the Keiskamma and Kd 
rivers as defined by proclamation of December 23rd, 1847, and called 
British Kafifraria should be erected into a distinct and separate 
government. It was to be administered " In Our Name " by the 
Governor of Cape Colony or by a Lieut. Governor. " No law, custom 
or usage now in force within our said settlement of the Cape of Good 
Hope shall by force or virtue hereof extend to and become in force 
or virtue within the said territory of British KaflEraria." No court 
or magistracy in the Colony was to hold or exercise any jurisdiction 
in British KafiBraria. But the Governor or Lieut. Governor was 
given the same power and authority as were granted to Sir Harry 
Smith by Letters Patent of December 15th, 1847, to make and enact 
laws for the maintenance of peace and good order in British Kaf&aria. 
None of this then came into force, in fact the order was never pro- 
mulgated as during that same month the '50 war broke out and matters 
of a very dififerent character claimed consideration before so peaceable 
a measure could receive attention. The War ended, to Sir George 
Grey it was left to bring about the pacification and political develop- 
ment of British Kaffiraria. As has been shewn, his policy was that 
of destroying his enemies by making them his friends. Industrial 
institutions, public works and the revival of Sir Harry Smith's scheme 
of making the Kaffir chiefs something of the nature of stipendiary 
magistrates were the agencies by means of which he hoped to show 
the natives that peace was more profitable than war. And to the 
British Government he hoped to demonstrate that the great cost of 
Kaffir Wars would be eliminated by the expenditirre of moderate 
sums on such civilising influences. To carry out all this, as has been 
mentioned, he asked for a grant of £40,000 per annimi from the British 
Government, assuring the noble Lords of the Treasury that the 
necessity for that sum would dwindle year by year until a time would 
come when British KafiBraria would be a territory of peace, industry, 
and growing development, and no further grant would be required. 
But progress in this direction was slow, as untoward circumstances, 
over which the Governor could have no control, mihtated against 
its success. The Kaffirs, recovering from the effects of the '50 war, 
were regaining some of their pride and confidence and, as in the 
case of the cattle killing as a preliminary to war, and also the chiefs 
beginning to feel the pressure of magisterial authority, were showing 


indications, especially during 1856, of a determination to resist 
still further the domination of the British Government. The success 
of the endeavours of Sir George Grey on their behalf at that time 
seemed therefore to be problematical. There were the continual 
conflicts between beUevers and unbelievers with the accompanying 
starvation, robberies and murders. And even after the bursting 
of the Umhlakazian bubble matters were not gready improved. It 
was dangerous for solitary Europeans to move about the sparsely 
inhabitated country. In February of 1857, Capt. Ohlsen of the 
German Legion as we have seen was foimd lying dead just outside 
King Williamstown. It was clear that he had been assegaied. In 
March, 1858, a missionary, the Rev. J. Wilson of East London, was 
on his way to take a military service at Fort Pato. He was last seen 
to pass along a footpath which went through a bushy coimtry and 
to be followed by two Kaffirs. As he did not appear at the Church 
parade, nor in fact anywhere else, a search was made for him. After 
several days his remains were foimd in a densely wooded ravine to 
which place it was clear he had been dragged after having been brutally 
murdered. A reward of £100 was offered for the capture of the 
murderer. In the end three Kafiirs were arrested on suspicion and 
tried, one, Muleka, was found guilty and sentenced to death. 

Shortiy before the dead body of a Mr. T. W. Raynes was found 
lying dead on a road near the Bashee river. He had been stabbed 
and so beaten by knobkerries that there was scarcely a whole bone 
in his body. The murderer in this case does not seem to have been 

Also about this same time the Rev. J. S. Thomas was murdered 
at his mission station, Beecham Wood, in Faku's cotmtry. This 
may have been accidental. A commando of young men went to the 
station in the early hours of the morning to seize the cattie. Mr. 
Thomas ran out of his house, shouting to them that he was their 
missionary; but the only answer he received was an assegai in the 
neck and one in the back. He fell back dead. Faku, who was in 
receipt of a subsidy from the Government, denied all knowledge 
of the affair and had the " murderer " killed. 

The Fingo menace gave Sir George Grey considerable anxiety. 
In a despatch to Sir E. B. Lytton, the then Secretary of State, he 
said there were between 70,000 and 80,000 Fingoes congregated in 
locations of about 15,000 each, and in spite of all that had been done 
for them in the way of education and giving them Crown lands, they 
were relapsing into barbarism and their head men were becoming 
powerful chiefs. These Fingoes, he continued, were trying to rouse 
a feehng of nationality and to form themselves into an independent 
people. The danger arose chiefly from the younger men who had 
grown up under British rule. According to Mr. Chalmers they 


wanted only a pretext for an outbreak. "We Know," said they, 
" The English way of fighting and we will drive the English into the 
sea." The grievances were firstly the compulsion to hve in villages 
and the threatened repression of all their customs ; secondly there 
was feeling in the Crown Reserve due to the apparent neglect of the 
surveys of the lands which had been allotted to them. This was 
accounted for by the few land surveyors who could be employed in 
consequence of the stoppage of money from the British Government. 
This was unfortimate as every native who bought and occupied his 
own private land became independent of his chief and a less likely 
ally in any move against the Government. Some of these Fingoes 
were wilhng to pay a pound per acre for land which was to belong 
to them personally. 

Then there were agitators who were endeavouring to fan the flame 
of discontent. A Fingo named Fundakuli, the son of Iskweni, sent 
a message to Moshesh asking him whether he would support them 
in a revolt against the Government. And Umhlambiso, an important 
Fingo chief living near Peddie, received two messengers from his 
elder and superior brother, Langalibalile, the chief of the powerful 
Amahluh tribe in Natal, urging him to make an efifort to quit the 
Colony and to occupy a position nearer to his native land. He was 
to do all he could to induce other Fingoes to do the same ; all this 
with a view to concentrate nearer to Natal and ultimately to a hostile 
movement against the Colony. It will be remembered that the 
Fingoes were expatriated Zulus and that some of them were Amahluh, 
hence the action of Langalibalile. (*) However nothing of this 
materialised. The Fingoes remained loyal and more than any other 
tribe were benefited by the endeavours which were made for their 
civihsation and development. The paramount chief Kreh was a 
source of perplexity and anxiety to Sir George Grey. In February, 
1858, he and those of his followers who had not succumbed to 
starvation or who had not scattered into other parts were driven out 
of his country. Kreli took refuge in Bomvanaland, on the far side of 
the Bashee river, where he was not altogether welcomed. He soon 
found himself surrounded by hostile tribes and living in a state of 
fear and misery. He was a refugee acknowledged by no one ; he 
feared everyone, especially a stranger, and dared not go near any 
Government authority. His presence in his own coxmtry was felt 
by the authorities to be incompatible with the safety of British Kaf&aria, 
and indirectly, of the Colony ; his expulsion on the other hand was 
found to be productive of good results. On July 23rd, 1859. he sent 
a pathetic, contrite message to Mr. Charles Brownlee asking to be 
allowed to cross the Bashee to the west and to live under the same 
Govenmient as the Qs-Keian chiefs. Mr. Brownlee however advised 

(') Vide Vol. Ill, Chap. V., of this work. 


against it as he knew well the value of Kreli's promise. He (Kreli) 
also sent a message to the Governor begging to be forgiven the great 
sin he had committed and to be relieved from his misery as an exile 
and wanderer by being allowed to return to a portion of his lost country. 
This was refused, but he was offered a tract of land beyond the Umtata 
River, still further away from British Kafi&aria. This he would not 
accept for the reason that he was too near the country of the Pondos, 
whom he feared. Sir George Grey doubted the expediency of allowing 
Kreh to obtain any footing whatever in his country. His profession 
of repentance was not to be believed. In the meantime the country 
was held by Sir Walter Currie and the Frontier Armed and Moimted 
Police (F.A.M.P.). It was continually patrolled and no natives were 
allowed to settle in it except two parties who were trusted, one at 
Butterworth and one at Idutywa. 

In i860, when Kreli had found that ad misericordiam appeals were 
useless, he seems to have contemplated gaining his end by force. 
Thousands of Gcalekas were said to be flocking to their exiled chief. 
Kreli encouraged or authorised them to make raids upon the adjacent 
Tambookies in order to get their cattle on which to feed his people 
until he was ready to attack. But it was a time of drought, cattle 
died for want of grass and the people died for want of cattle. In 
other words, starvation again set in. But apart from this, the Tam- 
bookies themselves were becoming something more than resdess. 
The Umhlakazian delusion was not dead among them. The prophet's 
mantle had fallen upon two new witchdoctors — Bombo and Makimza — 
who still preached the resurrection of cattie and heroes. According 
to Mr. J. C. Warner, the Resident among the Tambookies, the 
ill will was due to the encroachment of the colonial law upon their 
prerogatives and to their chieftainship dwindling to a mere name. 
They had a deep-rooted aversion to being brought under the jurisdic- 
tion of the Colonial Courts and they showed a disposition to resent it. 
The great numbers of natives who had gone into the colony at the 
time of the starvation were creeping back to KaflBrland ; there was 
a tendency to congregate in Sandilli's country — a bad sign. They 
gave as their reasons for deserting their employers the facts that no 
land was allowed them for cultivation, that they received very small 
wages and that they were ill-treated, especially by the Dutch. So 
that in one way or another the afifairs in all the country east of the 
Keiskamma River were not very happy. Sir George Grey, as well 
as Colonel Maclean and Sir Walter Currie, advocated the occupation 
of the Transkeian territory by a carefully mixed population of Euro- 
peans and trustworthy natives, each race located in parts best adapted 
to their respective modes of cultivation. Under such circumstances 
they believed that security and peace would be obtained. " But," 
said Sir George Grey, " I at present dare not take any step whatever 


in reference to this country. Almost every measure I adopt is dis- 
approved of by the Home Government and is ordered to be stopped. 
The Colonial Parliament also appear to refrain from affording me any 
assistance in the matter. I am afraid to move lest my proceedings 
should be disallowed and a general want of confidence created." 

The vacillating native pohcy which has been so chararteristic of our 
South African history was well instanced in these particular matters. 
After Sir George Grey left the colony and Sir P. Wodehouse succeeded 
him, Mr. Cardwell, the Secretary of State, decided to abandon the 
Transkei altogether. The British Government were averse to 
incurring the risk of any additional charges and demanded that the force 
keeping order in the Transkei be withdrawn and the Kei River to 
be the bovmdary of British influence. And with regard to Kreli, his 
prayers were at last listened to. Perhaps this was wise, for the increas- 
ing congregation of Kreh's followers in Bomvanaland, under the aged 
chief Moni, was pregnant with trouble. He was allowed to re-occupy 
part of his country, the part now forming the districts of Kentani and 
Willowvale ; and, further, he was granted jC^oo per annum during 
good behaviour. 

In a despatch dated January loth, 1857, Mr. Labouchere, the 
Secretary of State, reminded Sir George Grey that " For conciliating 
the goodwill and promoting civilisation of the KaflBr tribes, the British 
Govenunent granted in 1855 a sum of £40,000. It was, in the first 
instance, granted for the financial years ending on March 31st, 1856 
and '57. It was tmderstood that the necessity for it would diminish 
jrear by year until it would vanish altogether." It was by means of 
this handsome grant that the industrial institutions, the emplo3rment 
of Kafl&rs on public works, the King Williamstown hospital and other 
civilising agencies were brought into being. 

On June 12th, 1856, Mr. Labouchere was able to inform Sir George 
Grey that a further j(|40,ooo had been granted, but " This has been 
done," he said, " in reliance, when the grant was first proposed, that a 
reduction would be made in the amoimt at a very early period." 
Unfortunately in connection with this second grant there were 
demands upon it which could not have been foreseen, namely, the 
great expense of feeding the many hundreds of victims of the catde- 
kiUing delusion and of the distress due to disease among the catde 
still Uving, and also there was the imavoidable expense in consequence 
of the arrival of the German Legion. Hence the intended progressive 
civilising measures were greatly retarded. The ordinary revenue of 
British Kafifraria at this time was hopelessly inadequate to carry on the 
government of the coimtry, much less to bring about any development. 
The local revenue was stated to be about £20,000 and the estimated 
expenditure £60,000, deficit £40,000 to be made up by the British 



Government. The chief items of expenditure were : Works and 
buildings, ;Ci9,850 ; schools and industrial institutions, £4,385 ; 
native patients and hospitals, £500 ; provisions and rations to chiefs, 
£460 ; magistrates resident with chiefs and native coimsellors, £14,124, 
making a total of £395319.0 

The revenue of British Kafifraria suffered very severely in conse- 
quence of its port. East London, being considered, for customs purposes, 
to be situated in the Colony, and all the duties which ought to have 
been collected at that port and used in the interest of British Kaf&aria 
being coUeaed at Cape Town or Port ELzabeth and added to the 
revenue of the Colony. It was estimated that £100,000 worth of goods 
entered British Kaffraria, the duty on which at 7 per cent, had been 
lost to that territory. This, however, was rectified when on December 
19th, 1859, Letters Patent were issued making East London a port of 
British KaflBraria. The British taxpayer was undoubtedly not so 
wildly enthusiastic about the civilisation of the Kaffir as to see with 
equanimity the large sums of money which were being spent for that 
purpose ; and the Government feared the dissatisfaction which was 
likely to be expressed in Parliament when, for an object in which the 
country was not greatly interested, these large sums were asked for 
year after year. On December 4th, 1857, therefore, Mr. Labouchere 
again reminded Sir George Grey of the promised reduction and 
expressed his disappointment that it had not been made. He asked 
that serious consideration might be given to this matter in the ensuing 

Sir George Grey, in reply, reminded the noble secretary of the 
additional burdens which had been laid upon his financial resoiu'ces, 
and he mentioned that a sum of £6,238 had been raised in the sale of 
lands. This he considered encouraging, not so much on account of 
the actual money, but as a sign that the coimtry was progressing. 
Sir George was anxious that this money might have been used in 
getting out emigrants, but Mr. Labouchere was of opinion that it 
should go towards paying back some of the grants. He, however, was 
reUeved from further troubles in these matters, as he handed over the 
seals of his office to Lord Stanley, who made short work in coimection 
with the reduction. On April 23rd, 1858, Mr. Trevelyan wrote from 
the Treasury " In the present state of the country's revenue it 
appears to be highly desirable to limit the votes to be proposed to 
Parliament to the smallest possible amount." In view of this. Lord 
Stanley told Sir George Grey that " My Lords now look for the 

(•) Before 1856 a revenue could hardly be said to exist. In that year it 
amounted to only £3,698. On January 20lh, 1859, Sir George Grey estimated 
it at £22,183, so some progress must have been made. Between April 14th 
and November 9th, 1859, the drafts on account of British Kaflfraria amounted 
*o £27,650. This expenditure occurring within seven months, is at the rate 
of £47,400 per aimum. It would have been quite impossible to permit such 
heavy demands upon British funds to continue. 


fulfilment of the promise that a large reduction would soon be made. 
The simi of £40,000 has been granted for each of the years 1856, 1857 
and 1858. Her Majesty's Government would not be justified in 
disregarding the intentions of the British taxpayer, by whom such 
ample contributions have already been made. I have come to the 
conclusion that in the present state of the English finances a vote of 
one-half of that obtained in the three preceding years is as much as 
can with propriety be demanded from Parliament. I have therefore 
recommended to the Lords Commissioners of the Treasury to submit 
an estimate for £20,000. The accoimt so far stands as follows : — The 
sums voted for promoting civilisation will have been £140,000 ; 
for expenses incurred and paid for the passage, settlement and pay of 
the German Legion, will have been £210,000, making a total of 
£350,000. Besides this, a vote of £3,000 will be required to pay for 
the Legion next year, and there is an outstanding item of £3,500 for 
extra pay last year. This expenditure is undoubtedly better than a 
Kaifir war, but I am sure you will perceive that it is quite inconsistent 
with the supposition of any want of liberality on the part of Parliament 
or any want of confidence in the authority entrusted with the manage- 
ment of British Kaffiraria." 

In June of 1858, therefore. Sir George Grey learnt with dismay and 
anxiety that the grant was to be cut down to £20,000. This placed 
him in considerable difficulty. Having received no previous notice of 
this, he had made commitments which he now saw to be almost 
impossible to be carried out. Diuring the first three months a sum of 
£14,000 had been distributed, leaving £26,000 to carry on with for 
the rest of the year. The annual estimate for maintaining the various 
activities of British Kaffraria was £39,900. He foresaw the abandon- 
ment of the industrial institutions, except in so far as they could be 
supported by their own missionary societies ; the abolition of the 
pensions to the chiefs, the stoppage of the survey work and, conse- 
quently, the delay in the settlement of the lands. In short, he saw a 
breaking of faith all round, the prospect of the natives relapsing again 
into barbarism and the loss of all that had already been spent. He 
protested against being held responsible for the £210,000 which had 
been spent in connection with the German Legion. This was no 
affair of his. Neither he nor the Colonial Parliament had asked to 
have these men sent to the Colony. Great Britain had foisted them 
upon the country in order to free herself from a difficulty and the 
payment which would have had to be made in discharging them. 
Moreover, they had arted as regular troops and, therefore, there was 
no reason why, any more than the ordinary military force, they should 
be a charge to the civil government. " The expenses incurred for 
that service were zs to their nature entirely beyond my control. They 
were incurred in fulfilment of conditions which the Home Government 


had entered into with the German Legion. All I did was to carry it 
out as economically as possible." 

In the unpleasant diflBculty in which he found himself he advanced 
from his own private purse a sum of £6,000, which was paid into the 
Treasury to the public account of British Kaflfraria. Then, exercising 
as much economy as was consistent with safety, he managed to avert 
the consequences of this sudden deprivation of necessary funds .(^) 
The money was afterwards refunded by the British Government.(*) 

In 1861 the annual grant was decreased to £15,000 and in 1863 
the British Government decided not to apply to Parliament for any 
further ouday on British Kaffiraria. 

In his speech at the opening of the session of Parliament in 1859, 
Sir George Grey, in connection with British Kaffraria, said : " It is 
impossible that the state of things now existing in British Kaffraria 
can be permitted much longer to continue. That territory is con- 
stantly increasing in wealth and importance and the nimiber of its 
European population augments with these(') yet it is left without 
courts suited to its wants and without any form of government which 
possesses even the shadow of freedom, while the greater part of its 
customs duties on its imports are received by the Colony of the Cape 
of Good Hope." What was to be done with British Kaffraria? 
Two questions as to its future management were under consideration ; 
one was to give to it its own separate government and management, 
the other to make it a part of Cape Colony and bring it under the rule 
of Cape Town. As will be seen. Sir George Grey was very strongly 
opposed to the former as he considered it a very unwise policy to 
create a number of separate and different governments in South 
Africa, as had already been done at this time in the formation of the 
Orange Free State and the Transvaal. His idea was federation, the 
attempted introduction of which brought him into trouble with the 
British Government. 

As the charter of 1850 authorising a separate government for British 
Kaffraria had never been promulgated — ^in fact, its existence seems to 

(') The missionary institution of Zonnebloem near Cape Town found 
itself in difficulties in consequence of the curtaihnent of the parliamentary 
grant. This creation of Sir George Grey was making excellent progress and 
necessary additions to the staff were on their way out from England when for a 
time it appeared there would not be the wherewithal to pay their salaries. The 
Duke of Newcastle, who had replaced Lord Stanley, thought that Sir George 
Grey and the Bishop of Cape Town had not only been wanting in sufficient 
foresight to cut down expenses, but had actually increased them. However, 
£1,000 were granted for 1862 and £5,000 for 1863. 

(') This is on the authority of W. L. Rees in his Life of Sir George Grey. 
But in his speech at the opening of Parliament in 1859, Sir George says he 
took from the revenue of the Colony the sum of £6,000 sterling for the use 
of British Kaffraria to be hereafter repaid from the revenues of the dependency 
of the Crown. 

(') The population for British Kaffraria at this time (1858) was 38,559 
natives, 1,154 Germans, 2,994 other Europeans. By 1861 it had risen to 
81,353 natives and 6,750 Euorpeans. The increase in the number of natives 
was due to the return to their own country from the Colony. 


have been forgotten — another one of a similar tenor was issued on 
March 7th, 1854. Its provisions conflicted greatly with Sir George 
Grey's policy of the non-establishment of a nxmiber of separate and 
independent governments. In the manner characteristic of him, 
namely, that of acting upon his own judgment and discretion regardless 
of the dictates of distant superior authority, he delayed giving effect 
to it. The country to which it applied (he said) was separated from 
the Q)lony by only a small stream, the Keiskamma River, which was 
fordable almost anywhere in its entire length ; it was a country not 
one-third as large as an average district of the Colony, which was 
managed by a civil commissioner at £500 per annimi. The expenses 
of maintaining the proposed new government would be out of all 
proportion to the benefit to be derived from it ; its Lieutenant-Governor 
and deputy alone would cost £2,600 per annum. Expensive establish- 
ments such as a law adviser, heads of survey and public works depart- 
ments and other officers would have to be called into existence, all of 
which would be quite imnecessary if British Kaffraria became a part of 
Cape Colony. As a further reason for his delay he pointed out that 
if once the new government came into existence it would be difficult to 
get rid of it in the event of annexation being eventually found to 
be the wiser policy. " I conceive that our policy is clearly to let 
British Kaffiraria at the earhest possible period lapse into Cape Colony 
as one of the smallest of its several divisions, otherwise there cannot 
be uniformity in all sorts of procedure between Cape Colony and British 
Kaffiraria." So far, he tells us, he had from time to time simply 
extended by proclamation to British Kaffiraria such laws of the Colony as 
were suited to its circiunstances. Under this system all had worked well. 
The British Government was evidentiy swayed by Sir George Grey's 
arguments, for in a despatch dated May 21st it was stated that it was 
considered desirable to include British Kaffiaria in the Colony, but 
it was thought that the Cape ParUament would not consent to it. They 
were quite right, as will be seen. Sir George Grey's annexation 
proposal was not well received in Parliament. In fact, it met with 
practically unanimous opposition. The question was referred to a 
select committee. In a short time this committee was able to repoit 
" that regard being had to the extent of the Colony as it is at present, it 
would be highly inexpedient to enlarge its present limits by the 
annexation of, or incorporation of British Kaffiaria." In other words, 
Parliament would have nothing to do with it ; so the matter, for a 
time at all events, dropped. Before this resolution had been passed 
by the Government a startling effect was produced in British Kaffraria 
itself by the annexation remarks of Sir George Grey in his opening 
speech. In the shortest possible time a public meeting was convened 
in King Williamstown. It was held on April 4th, and was perhaps 
the largest public meeting which, up to that time, had gathered in the 
Kaf&arian metropolis. The anti-annexation agitation spread through- 
out the Colony, both in the East and West, though in these two cases 


probably from different motives . The essentials of the King Williams- 
town speeches were that it was with great satisfaction they had observed 
Sir George Grey's remarks about the progress and prosperity of British 
Kaffraria, but with reference to the threatened annexation they 
indicated that they were determined to resist it ; they desired to 
remain under the Imperial Government with a local legislation adapted 
to the wants of the province and to be associated with the Colony 
in some form of federation. The resolution passed at the meeting was : 
" This meeting is unanimously of opinion that the proposed scheme of 
annexation to the Colony will not meet the wants and requirements 
of this province." A committee was appointed to draw up a memorial 
to the Governor expressive of their views. In the tone of the speeches 
of this meeting, as well as in the Eastern Province press, it was clear 
that the question of separation of East from West was still uppermost 
in the Eastern mind. In the memorial, signed by i6i names, it was 
feared that " from its peculiar circumstances its (British Kaffrarias') 
interests might not meet with that degree of careful consideration 
they have hitherto received during your Excellency's enlightened 
administration." They wished to be imfettered by a dangerous 
interference from Cape Town — at the remotest corner of South 
Africa — ^by people unacquainted with the geography of British Kaffraria 
and ignorant of the native character. Another proposal, obviously 
with a view to separation, was to aimex British Kaffraria to the Eastern 
Province and have one government for the combined territories. 
But the end of all this was not yet. For some time, especially during 
1858, the despatches from the Colonial Office had, in tone, been 
expressive of dissatisfaction with, if not of active hostility against. 
Sir George Grey. For reasons yet to be detailed, he was recalled, 
that is, dismissed from his high office. He took passage to England on 
August 2ist, 1859. But before he arrived on the English shores, a 
change of Government had taken place and he was reappointed 
Governor of the Cape. He returned to the Colony, arriving in Cape 
Town in July of i860. During a part of his short visit to England 
he was honoured by Her Majesty Queen Victoria, who had the greatest 
regard for him, with an invitation to stay at Windsor Castie. While 
there Sir George Grey persuaded Her Majesty to permit her young 
son. Prince Alfred, to sail to the Cape and make an extended pleasure 
tour in South Africa. Shortiy after the return of the Governor, the 
young prince, as a midshipman on the Eurylus, reached Simon's Town, 
July 24th, i860. Then commenced a series of festivities and a long 
journey through the Colony, Free State and Natal. (^) 

He was accompanied by Sir George Grey, who could not then 
pay any attention to the political matters of British Kaffraria. Be it 
said that up to this time the Letters Patent had not been promulgated 
and British Kaffraria was still uncertain as to whether it was to be 

(') For details of this tour, vide " The Progress of H.R.H. Prince Alfred 
through Cape Colony, British Kaffraria, Orange Free State and Natal in i860." 
Saul Solomon & Co., Cape Town. 


annexation or self-government. Sir George Grey, out of courtesy 
to the Prince, would receive only addresses and expressions of con- 
gratulation and homage. The anti-aimexationists, however, lost no 
opportvmity in pressing their case, even on this occasion. In the 
address to the Prince it was stated that H.E. Sir George Grey having 
publicly announced that by authority of Her Majesty he was about to 
take steps which would erect this Province into a separate dependency 
of the Crown, " we feel peculiar pleasure in welcoming your Royal 
Highness on the eve of an event with which your visit will be identi- 
fied." After the departure of the Prince from South Africa, Sir 
George Grey returned to King Williamstown. A public meeting was 
held and the inevitable address was prepared. A deputation presented 
this to the Governor. The result of the interview far exceeded their 
most sanguine hopes. They received promises that Crown lands 
would be granted for public works, that the water-course should become 
public property, that there should be a drawback on the double duty 
which was paid on goods shipped from the Cape or Port Elizabeth, 
and that an engineer should be sent to inspect and pass an opinion 
on what was necessary for the further improvements of the East 
London harbour. On October 26th, i860, the long-delayed Letters 
Patent were promulgated, and from that day British Kaf&aria became, 
for a time, a separate province of South Africa. Great was the 
jubilation in that country when this great end was reached and there 
was no further fear of annexation. Fortimately they could not see 
that their joy was to be but short-Uved ; on this same day Col. Maclean 
was appointed Lieutenant-Governor at £1,200 per annum ; and in 
due course British Kaf&aria had its secretary to government, judge, 
attorney-general, registrar of deeds, surveyor-general, high sheriff 
and civil engineer. But the Executive Council which was authorised 
was never appointed, and thus the people still had no say in the 
management of their own affairs, an omission which was to have been 
remedied. The capital of British Kaf&aria, King Wilhamstown, was 
ereaed into a municipaUty. Between the wars of 1846 and 1850 there 
were about only 20 houses, and landed property to the value of 
about ;C2,ooo. At this time there were upwards of 300 houses and 
landed property to the value of about £200,000. Two churches were 
already built, and shortly after a grammar school {^) was founded. 

(') For the education of Europeans, so much having been spent on natives. 
Sir George Grey, in January 186 1, granted a sum of £500 for the erection 
of a grammar school in King Williamstown, provided that the Bishop of 
Grahamstown would raise a like sum. He succeeded in getting a grant of 
that amount from the S.P.C.K. A grammar school therefore was commenced 
in April, 1861, " With a Cambridge graduate as head." There was some 
delay in completing the building as difficulty arose in obtaining further grants. 
It was practically a Church of England school. The missionary institutions 
of that church had been well supported by the Government. In fact, far better 
than others which had worked so much longer in the country. Payments to 
the different religious societies in British Kalfraria from July ist to December 
31st, 1859, were as follows: — Church of England, £14,842 10s. lod., London 
Missionary Society, £1,350., Wesleyans, £1,100, Berlin, £283, Lovedale, 
£380, Total, £16,855 10s. lod. 


So that now civilisation was well established in British Kaf&aria and 
Ring WiUiamstown had earned for itself a rightful place on the South 
A&ican map. 

Having accompUshed so much in British Kaf&aria and having 
earned the loving respect of so many thousands of natives, the good 
Governor was urgently called away from South Africa to go back to 
New Zealand, which, since his departure from that country in 1854, 
had again become an arena of tuamoil. The British KafFrarians 
realised that a new Governor would most likely find it difficult to take 
the place of Sir George Grey in their hearts and estimation. They 
therefore looked to the friture with some imeasiness and probably 
feared for the safety of their independent govermnent. He left on 
August 15th, 1861. Until January, 1862, General Wynyard again 
acted as Governor, when Mr. (afterwards Sir) P. Wodehouse took over 
the reins of govermnent. 

As in the case of so many other Governors of the Cape, Mr. 
Wodehouse arrived knowing httle about its history and circimistances. 
But he certainly had learnt in England that very large sums of money 
had been and were still being spent on its maintenance, and he was 
impressed by the anxiety of the Lords of the Treasury to remedy this. 
In connection with British Kaf&aria the deficiency in revenue in 1861 
was made good by a grant from the Imperial fimds of £16,055. And 
in 1862 the estimates for that year showed an expenditure of £51,732 
with a revenue of £38,722.(^) Towards this deficit Her Majesty's 
Government granted £10,000, but it was clear that this continual drain 
on the Imperial funds could not continue. Hence the definite policy 
which Mr. Wodehouse determined upon was, if possible, to balance 
expenditure with revenue and not as that of Sir George Grey, who put 
the development of the coimtry before the consideration of expense. 

Within about a fortnight after his arrival, Mr. Wodehouse gave the 
British Kaflfrarians their first shock by stopping all work at the East 
London harbour ; and the second was his speech at the opening of 
Parliament on April 24th, 1862. He then showed unmistakably on 
the grounds of economy, his determination to do away with the 
separate government of British Kaflfraria and to aimex the country to 
the Colony. " British Kaffraria," he said, " is practically without a 
constitution, certainly without a legislature, and is suffering imder the 
pressure of its inadequate finances. Everything points to the necessity 
of the closest union with the Colony and if that is to come about now 
is the time to efifea it. With a imited government, legislature and 
courts of law the West may freely extend to the East the advantages 
of its capital and other institutions." This statement shows that he 

(•) The Revenue of British Kaffraria was greatly injured by the transport 
overland of goods which had been landed and paid duty at Cape Town and 
Port Elizabeth instead of East London and the sums added to the revenue of 
the Colony. 


could have known nothing of the conflict between East and West, which 
had raged for so many years. This speech, instantaneously created 
great alarm and excitement in British KafiBraria. Large " No-annex- 
ation " placards were posted in the more populous places, and almost 
immediately public meetings were convened in King Williamstown, 
Stutterheim, Chalumna, Berlin, Komgha and other places. People 
from all parts attended. The gist of all the speeches and resolutions, 
which were perfecdy imanimous, was that the people refused to 
surrender the privileges which had been granted to them imder the 
Letters Patent ; they deprecated most strongly the adoption of any 
measure which should place the seat of Government at a remote 
distance from the frontier. The devastating wars of the past might 
have been avoided had there been an independent power in the East ; 
they violently opposed annexation ; it has been proved that if a local 
government had watched over the afiairs of the Border since the 
immigration of the settlers of 1820, four million sterling would have 
been saved to the Imperial Treasury in military expense by the 
prevention of Kafl&r wars. A memorial embodying all these and other 
sentiments was drawn up for presentation to the Governor. It was 
signed by 377 persons. This was opportune, as very shortly after the 
opening of ParUament Mr. Wodehouse set out by sea for the East. 
He arrived in East London on May 3rd and proceeded straightway to 
King Williamstown. The reception accorded him, though respectful, 
left no doubt in his mind as to the feeUngs of the people. " No- 
annexation " posters greeted him everywhere and, instead of finding 
them ready to receive arguments to convince them of the wisdom and 
necessity of the change, he saw that they were prepared to do inunediate 
battle against his propositions. A deputation with the memorial 
waited upon him. He replied at considerable length in a kind and 
conciliatory speech. He explained the motives underlying the sugges- 
tions he had made before Parliament. He assured them that he had 
come to this covmtry with an unbiassed mind and with a conviction 
that the policy he advocated would best advance the interests of a 
imited government. Having examined the finances and the deficiencies 
of British Kafi&aria, he found it incimibent upon him to stop all public 
works, including the harbour at East London. He did not see how, 
with their limited revenue, they were going to maintain their govern- 
ment in an efiicient state ; it seemed to him absurd that so small a 
district should have a government all to itself. He did not expect 
(he said) to find on his arrival among them that the proposals made in 
his speech had been taken up so prompdy and that in such haste they 
had repudiated his remarks on annexation without waiting to hear any 
explanations. He disclaimed, on his part, any intention to press 
annexation ; he had neither the right nor the power to enforce such a 
measure ; that rested with the Cape and Imperial Governments. In 
view of this important statement the deputation asked him to give his 


answer to the memorial in writing. He did so in a letter dated King 
Williamstown, May 20th. But it was not a source of great satisfaction 
to the memorialists. It was very noticeable that in the letter no 
reference to his disclaimer of pressing annexation upon them was made. 
In view of future proceedings this omission was significant. Leaving 
King Williamstown on the 6th of May, he made a three-days' tour 
to the Kei regions, and in that short time having learnt all there was 
to be known about them, he retiirned to Cape Town. 

Armed with all this quickly-gathered, but ill-digested, information 
and having to some extent relieved the minds of the Kaffrarians in their 
concern for the maintenance of their separate govenmient. Sir P. 
Wodehouse (as he now was) returned to Cape Town via Grahamstown 
and Port Elizabeth. He then informed the House of Assembly that 
the knowledge he had gained in the East had tended in the strongest 
manner to confirm the opinions he had expressed in his speech at the 
opening of Parliament. He told the House that though his proposals 
had been met with most emphatic dissent yet his full explanations had, 
at least, the effect of convincing the dissentients that they had acted 
with imdue haste. He was not without hope, he said, that if the 
question were fairly and liberally treated by Parliament, the inhabitants 
would see that the welfare of all would be promoted by union with the 
Colony. Acting on this assumption, he introduced his Incorporation 
Bill, whereby this was to be brought about (May 30th). This Bill 
provided for the aimexation of British Kaifraria and necessary changes, 
additions in the numbers of members of the Legislative Council and 
House of Assembly. As soon as this procedure on the part of the 
Governor became known in British Kaf&aria there was the greatest 
surprise and alarm. It had been expected, in view of the fact that he 
had told them that no annexation should take place against their 
desires, that no further steps would be taken ; and they were utterly 
at a loss to conceive what the Governor meant by saying that his full 
explanations had had the effect of convincing the dissentients that they 
had aaed with undue haste. To indicate the feeling of the people 
and to give contradiction to his words, a pubUc meeting of all Kaffrarians 
was held in King Williamstown on June loth. About 400 from all 
parts of the district attended, some having travelled considerable 
distances. A number of resolutions were carried unanimously. The 
main ones were that annexation was prejudicial to the interests of 
British Kaffraria and contrary to the wishes of the inhabitants, and 
that any attempt, direct or indirect, to carry it out was a breach of 
pubhc faith. Further, it was carried that a petition be sent to the 
Governor explaining their views more carefully and directiy. In due 
course, the petition was drafted and sent to Cape Town. In it the 
petitioners expressed their regret at His Excellency's remarks to the 
House of Assembly, and his introduction of the Incorporation Bill after 

._ 77 

his expressed declaration that annexation should not take place against 
their expressed wishes ; they took exception to the charge of having 
aaed with undue haste, as the question had been discussed during the 
previous three years ; they were firm in the conviction of the capa- 
bilities of British Kaf&aria to continue an independent territory, and 
that in the event of the Cape Parhament entertaining the passage of 
such a Bill that a petition, signed by all the inhabitants protesting 
against it, be sent to Her Majesty the Queen. In an answer from the 
Governor, dated June 21st, 1862, he promised to bring the matter 
under the consideration of the Secretary of State, but he hoped that 
some of the inhabitants of British Kaf&aria might be disposed, like 
himself, to view the incorporation with the Cape as hkely to promote 
its interests. To no one, he said, would it afford greater satisfaction 
than to himself if, contrary to his expectations, the continuance of a 
separate government for British Kaf&aria did not excite much dis- 
appointment by checking its prosperity and development, and cause 
serious trouble, not only to its inhabitants, but to all Her Majesty's 
subjects in this part of South Africa. The Bill came before Parliament 
on June 25th, and after a three days' debate it was thrown out, the 
Cape Parliament would not consent to the annexation of British 
Kaf&aria. In spite, however, of this rejection and the practically 
unanimous determination in British Kaffraria, Sir Philip Wodehouse 
did not give up hope of yet bringing about this annexation. In his 
prorogation speech on August 7th, he said : " I shall still look forward 
with hope to the time when I may be enabled to gain your assent 
to place the relations of this Colony with British Kaffraria on a more 
satisfactory footing." 

In King Williamstown there was formed what was called a Committee 
of Observation, the object of which was to keep in touch with anti- 
annexationists who were Uving in the outiying districts and who were 
to spread and acquire information on all matters connected with the 
pohcy they were determined to resist. This last remark of the 
Governor set them in action. In view of it, it was felt that the rejection 
of the Incorporation Bill by Parhament was no guarantee of safety for 
the future. As a matter of precaution, therefore, and in the hope of 
overriding Governor, Parliament and Downing Street, it was decided 
to draw up and transmit immediately to Her Majesty the Queen a 
petition begging for her intervention. The petitioners emphasised 
the necessity for some responsible government in those parts in 
view of the enormously large preponderance of natives over Euro- 
peans — about eighty thousand of the former to fifteen hundred of the 
latter. To annex British Kaffraria to Cape Colony and to have the 
seat of government so far away as Cape Town was tantamount to 
provoking a Kaffir war, and this is what Sir P. Wodehouse was perse- 
vering in pushing ; albeit the Cape Parhament had rejected a motion 


to that end. Had a local government watched over the border since 
the arrival of the 1820 Settlers there would not have been the loss of life 
and treasure which all have so deplored. Four millions of money 
would have been saved to the Imperial Treasury on military expendi- 
ture in the prevention of KafiBr wars and one million on colonists' 
property and hundreds of lives. They prayed that Her Majesty would 
preserve intact the provisions of the Letters Patent ; they urged the 
occupation of the Transkei by Europeans on the same defensive 
system as that which was succeeding so well in Queenstown, and they 
pointed out that it was practically iminhabited except by the body of 
mounted poUce which took charge of it after the expulsion of Kreli 
and his people. 

The petition in due course went to England, but little satisfaction 
was derived from the Secretary of State, who, on January 22nd, 1863, 
answered it by saying that he was unable to advise the Queen to 
comply with it. 

Undeterred by this setback and as determined as ever to try 
every constitutional means to attain their end, they decided next to 
approach the House of Commons. There the matter was already 
being dealt with, but in a manner which was not to their liking. In 
fact it was dear that circumstances were undermining the little govern- 
ment of British Kaffraria and that it was doomed to disappearance. 
In the territory itself there was a small party of those who had received 
grants of land who were in a measure working for annexation. On 
July 5th, 1864, the Governor was much pleased in receiving an anti- 
anti-annexation petition, signed, among others, by J. Gordon Sprigg, 
expressing their regret that British Kafiraria had been so long im- 
annexed ; they considered the coimtry to be too small and the inhabi- 
tants too few to maintain the separate government then existing. 
And in the Colony there was another party who advocated annexation, 
but with ulterior motives. The old separation question was as ripe as 
ever and as ripe as ever was the Western opposition. It was felt that 
if British Kaffraria were armexed to the Eastern Province the Province 
thus enlarged would necessitate the much-longed-and-fought-for 
goverrunent in the East and a separation from the much-disliked Cape 

While all this was in progress a somewhat mysterious affair was 
greatly perturbing the minds of the frontier colonists. It is not dear 
whether it had any connection with the demand for government in 
British Kaffraria or the East — not impossible it had. There was a 
rvimour that exiled Kreli with his many scattered adherents who were 
flocking to him was meditating an attack on Sir Walter Currie and his 
moimted police, with a view to recovering his lost cotmtry. Sir 
Walter himself believed it and may even have started it. Alarmed, 
be asked that troops might be sent up from Cape Town, and 


every precaution taken against attack. Investigation made by the 
Transkeian magistrates showed that there was not the least cause for 
alarm, that Kreli was perfectly peaceably disposed. But it was 
stated to be true that Kreli was living beyond the Bashee in misery, 
surroimded by those who were not well disposed towards him and in 
a territory which was too small for his tribe. There was thus the seed 
of future trouble. The rumour created a panic amongst the farming 
community and there was serious talk of going into defensive laagers. 
Their former experience of Kaf&r wars and their well-founded distrust 
in Kreli caused them to look upon the rumours as a possible presage 
of another Kaffir war. 

The inevitable pubUc meetings were held when there was plain 
speaking. It was considered that Sir P. Wodehouse had not treated 
the nimours sufficiently seriously and that he bore no good feeUng 
towards the Eastern Province. The expected trouble, so it was averred, 
was an argument for a resident government in those parts. Perhaps 
this was the pith of the whole matter. It was stated that when it 
was brought before the Governor he accused them of disloyalty and 
endeavouring to force on a war with the natives. A reply was sent 
to the Governor by the Eastern members of ParUament, in which 
they expressed their surprise and regret that he should so have 
answered their respectfiil communication and disavowed in the strongest 
terms the implied censure. They reiterated their opinion that the 
presence of the High Commissioner on the frontier was necessary 
in order to allay the present panic. A memorial was sent to the 
House of Assembly by the farmers and inhabitants of the Eastern 
frontier protesting against having been falsely accused of having 
wickedly originated and circulated nmiours of war and having been 
actuated by the basest motives in the hope of the pecuniary advantages 
which might be reaped thereby ; they were still struggling, they said, 
with the effects of the ruin and poverty caused by former Kaffir wars. 
" Your petitioners indignantly repudiate the vile calumnies ; the 
warnings on former occasions were unheeded." They enclosed a 
number of letters and extracts dealing with former outbreaks. Time 
afterwards showed that the rumour was false and that the alarm was 
without any foundation. 

Governor Wodehouse evidently commiserated with Kreli, for he 
took him into his favour and permitted him to occupy a part of his 
old coimtry and allowed him £ioo per annum so long as he behaved 
himself. The territory allotted to him was the present districts of 
Kentani and Willowvale. The Transkeian territory was a perplexing 
problem. It was separated from British Kaffiraria only by the Kei 
River, which was fordable in most places. A hostile people outside 
British jurisdiction occupying it, as so often had been the case, was a 
danger to British Kaffraria and indirectly to the Colony. After the 
expulsion of KreU and his people in 1858 it was practically uninhabited 

by natives and in the hands of Sir Walter Cnrrie and his frontier 
mounted police, who continually patrolled it. It could not be left 
indefinitely in this state ; and for the sake of safety Kreli could not be 
permitted to occupy the whole of it again. A suggested solution of the 
difficulty was that it should be given out in farms to Europeans, as it 
was a fertile coxmtry and one much to be desired. For their pro- 
tection a force called the " Irregular Horse " was to be established. 
A more comprehensive scheme of Sir P. Wodehouse was to locate in 
it tribes of Kaffirs and Fingoes who were then living in the country 
on the west of the Kei, and to allow the lands thus vacated to be 
allotted to Europeans and, further, the Transkeian lands then still 
available were also to be given to Europeans. To induce the Os-Keian 
natives to settie across the Kei they were promised much larger lands 
than they then occupied, there would be no hut tax, they were to be 
entirely independent of British control and the chiefs were to be 
allowed to continue to draw their money grants from Government. 
This scheme was only partially successful. The Fingoes rose to the 
occasion. Some forty thousand left the Colony and occupied a tract 
of country about 1,200 square miles in extent, comprising the present 
districts of Nqamaque, Tsomo and Butterworth. But neither the 
Tambookies nor the Gaikas would move. On March i6th, 1865, 
Mr. Brownlee held a great meeting of Gaikas at his residence. Pursuant 
to his messages on the early morn of that day, Gaikas, mostiy on horse- 
back, led by their different chiefs and councillors, poured down from 
the mountains in bodies of fifty and a hundred. They squatted down, 
talked, smoked and watched with satisfaction the killing of the bullocks 
and sheep which were to be cooked for their refreshment. At the 
opening of the circle sat Sandilli in his tiger-skin kaross. Anta and 
Oba were also present. Mr. Brownlee then addressed them. He 
told them he had a short but weighty word for them from the Governor. 
He then described the good things which were in store for them if 
they go across the Kei and hve there. Sandilli refused to listen to 
the voice of the charmer. He immediately stood up and said : " I 
do not know the land beyond the Kei ; I have not grown up there ; 
we like to die here ; we do not care if the land beyond the Kei is large 
or small ; we are satisfied with that in which we live ; the Governor 
must not take you away from me." This last remark referred to 
Charles Brownlee (Chalhs as they called him), who was gready loved 
by all the natives, especially the Gaikas. He could influence them 
to do almost anything he asked them to do. In the end the British 
Government decided to abandon the Transkei ; so abandoned it 
accordingly was. Much to the disappointment of the would-be 
European settlers, no land was to be given to them, as it was felt that 
the maintenance of the proposed " Irregular Horse " would be too 
costiy and they could not live without its piotection. 

The question of annexation was, for a time, overshadowed by the 
panic, but it was by no means dead. Unknown to all in the Colony, 



it was being fvirthered by some negotiations which wefe in progress 
between Sir P. Wodehouse and Mr. Cardwell, the Secretary of State. 
Undaunted by the refusal of the Cape Parliament to pass his annexation 
Bill, Sir P. Wodehouse determined to appeal to the British Parliament 
to exercise the constitutional power it had of overriding the decisions 
of the Colonial Parliament. On September 25th, 1864, Sir P. Wode- 
house told Mr. Cardwell " that Her Majesty's Goveriunent had 
brought into existence this separate colony upon a scale which its 
existing revenues are altogether inadequate to maintain. Up to this 
time it has been enabled to meet its liabiUties by means of grants from 
the Imperial Treasury, but these grants have ceased and only two days 
ago I found myself under the necessity of borrowing jCSjOOO from one 
of the local banks for the purpose of paying the ordinary debts of the 
Colony." Mr. Cardwell did not need much persuasion to approve 
of annexation. He was of opinion that British Kaffraria was much 
too small to constitute itself a British Colony, too small to provide the 
materials for a government. The Imperial ParUament maintained so 
large a force for the defence of South Africa that it had a fair right to 
insist on some arrangement whereby this burden might be lessened. 
It was to this end that the division between the two colonies should 
be done away with. Mr. Southey, the Colonial Secretary, pointed out 
that the Enghsh Government expended upon the Colony an amiual 
sum equal to the Colonial revenue, and that when wars broke out the 
amoimt ran into millions. The Imperial Government, he said, had 
a right to see that steps were taken to prevent this vast expenditure. 
Mr. Cardwell hoped that the concurrence of the Cape Parliament 
would be obtained and that the armexation would take place with the 
cordial assent of both parties, but such an assent on the part of the 
Cape Parliament was not indispensable. It would have been better 
if the Cape Colony itself had taken the initiative in this matter. If we 
wait until it does it is not likely that it will ever come about. As it 
was not the intention of Her Majesty's Government to have this 
question any longer open to protracted and indefinite delay, there will, 
therefore, be an Act of the Imperial Parliament containing provisions 
which will render annexation practicable even though the Cape 
Legislature should fail in the ensuing session to be in agreement with it. 
Such an Act was passed on March 27th, 1865.(1) But it was only to 

(') It was Act 28 and 29 Victoria, cap. 5. It was called an " empowering " 
Act, that is one which permitted the Cape Parliament to bring about annexation, 
but it reads more like a compelling Act. It enacted that British Kaffraria be 
annexed and that it be divided into two electoral divisions. There was pro- 
vision for the legal matters then before its Courts of Justice being uninterfered 
with and others pending to be dealt with in the Colony. And " Until the 
Parliament of the Cape of Good Hope otherwise provides, there shall, from 
and after the Incorporation, be payable every year to Her Majesty, out of 
the revenue accruing within British Kaffraria after the Incorporation, the sum 
of £18,225 for defraying the expenses of the several services described in the 
schedule of the Art." The Schedule was salary of the Governor and High 
Commissioner £1,000 and for other civil servants, including compensation 
for loss of office, £17,225. " All revenues accruing within British Kaffraria 
shall be taken to be part of the revenue of the Colony." 


come into force in case the Cape Parliament should refuse to annex 
the little colony of its own accord. The fat was in the Colonial fire 
when Sir P. Wodehouse made his speech at the opening of Parliament 
on April 27th, 1865. The speech was of great length and dealt with 
many subjects. The following, in short, are his remarks in connection 
with his appeal to the Secretary of State : " From the very commence- 
ment of my connection with this part of Her Majesty's dominions, I 
have been strongly impressed with the error which was conMnitted 
when these territories were first erected into an independent colony — 
an error which was committed in opposition to the convictions of my 
predecessor in the Government." Enumerating then the disadvantages 
and difficulties which arose from British Kaf&aria being a separate 
colony, " it became," he continued, " my duty, therefore, to consider 
whether in the real interest of both colonies I should passively witness 
the perpetuation of the existing evils or, without loss of time, make 
an efifort for their removal. I therefore resolved to reconmiend a 
recourse to that paramount Imperial authority by which such an 
arrangement between two independent Colonies must in some form 
be sanctioned, and from which it was my duty, as Governor of British 
Kaffraria, to obtain a guarantee that the smaller colony should obtain 
its fair proportion in a united Legislature. I desired to see this effectu- 
ally accomplished without a compulsory disturbance of that balance 
of interests in the two Houses of Parliament which was created by the 
Constitution Ordinance." 

This speech, or rather those parts of it which referred to the annexa- 
tion, caused considerable consternation and plain speaking in Parlia- 
ment. In the long debate which commenced on May 22nd, 1865, 
Mr. Saul Solomon, in anger, spoke at great length. He accvised 
Sir P. Wodehouse, by his alarms and advice, of secretly aiding and 
abetting the British Parliament in violating the Cape Constitution. 
According to Mr. Solomon, the whole object of the intrigue was not 
only to shift upon the Colony the burden of the expenditure of its own 
defence, but also that of an additional territory which had been acquired 
for Imperial reasons and now arbitrarily annexed to Cape Colony ; 
no indication had been given that such a step was contemplated ; the 
Cape Parliament had been ignored and the negotiations and the Bill 
leading to the Imperial Act had been brought before the British 
Parhament unknown to the people at the Cape ; if the Cape Parliament 
could be over-ridden in this manner, it was a mere empty sham and 
we were really being governed by Downing Street ; it was clear, Mr. 
Solomon said, that Sir P. Wodehouse, in his anxiety to serve the Home 
Government, had overlooked the interests of the country he was paid 
to govern. He (Mr. Solomon) would not deny that the British 
Parliament was a paramount power which could over-ride the Cape 
Parliament, but it was a power which had to be used very cautiously ; 


when we see it exercised arbitrarily and despotically we should be 
unfaithful to our duties if we did not resist it in a constitutional manner. 
In the end Mr. Solomon proposed a resolution of tremendous length. 
It was divided in eight parts. In short, it was that this Act of the 
British Parliament was a violation of our constitutional rights without 
our having had any opportunity of making ourselves heard ; that 
without our consent this Act incorporates a Crown Colony, formerly 
separate and distinct, and gives seats in the House of Assembly to four 
new members ; it burdens the revenues of the Colony with the 
current expenditure of British Kaffraria as well as its debts which are 
the obligations of the Imperial Government and cannot with justice 
be thrown upon the Colony ; the occupation and government of 
British Kafifraria were measures of the Imperial Government on which 
the people of the Colony were in no way consulted and for which they 
are in no way responsible ; the Governor being invested with the 
power conferred by the Imperial Act of bringing it into operation by 
his own proclamation, without reference to this Parliament, is an 
exercise of arbitrary and despotic power to which we ought not tamely 
to submit — a gratuitous indignity put upon the Parliament — the 
harder to bear as Sir P. Wodehouse has long ceased to possess the 
confidence of this House and the people of the Colony, towards whom 
he has shown a disregard for their interests and an indifference to their 
feelings ; for these and other reasons the House now protests against 
the unconstitutional and unjust Act of the Imperial Parliament. 
Mr. Molteno seconded this resolution. Mr. Rutherford, the member 
for Graaff-Reinet, while being in favour of annexation, agreed with 
Mr. Solomon in his condemnation of the action of Sir P. Wodehouse. 
But he considered some of the terms of the resolution too strong and 
proposed less harsh ones. Instead of " violation of our inherent 
rights," he proposed " and arbitrary interference with our rights." 
Instead of " tamely submit " " to submit without remonstrance." 
With these and a number of other amendments the resolution was 
eventually passed, notwithstanding the great eloquence of the famous 
Attorney-General, Mr. William Porter. In a speech of great length 
and with the eloquence which was so characteristic of him, he perhaps 
as was his duty, acted in a measure as counsel for the defence of the 
Governor. He disapproved of the censure which was being heaped 
upon him ; he maintained that the Imperial ParUament was absolute 
throughout all the colonies of the Crown ; law and constitution knew 
no distinction between the power of the Imperial ParUament in Great 
Britain and the power of the Imperial ParUament of the Cape of Good 
Hope. It was a mistake to talk of the violation of inherent rights — 
rights which do not exist cannot be violated ; the Imperial Parliament 
has violated no privileges and interfered with no rights we possess. 
At very considerable length he supported his contention by reference 
to Canada, Jamaica and the American Revolution. 


The Treasurer-General followed in much the same strain. He 
disapproved of the plainly-expressed censure upon the Governor. 
He endeavoured to show that his so-called vacillating policy was due 
to the necessity of foUowing the pressure of altered circumstances 
over which he had no power of control. The Home Government had 
decided to abandon the Transkei, or rather to refuse to be at the 
expense of maintaining there a force for the protection of those who 
were to settle in it ; imder these circiunstances British Kaffraria could 
not stand alone. What course, then, was there but to include it in 
the Colony ? When it was necessary for the Governor to deal with 
this matter, the Cape Parliament was not sitting, he had therefore no 
recourse but to appeal to the British Parliament. It seemed to him 
(the Treasurer-General) ridiculous for this insignificant Uttle colony, 
speaking of it in comparison with the majesty of the Empire with its 
forty-six colonial dependencies, to set up its back against Imperial 
interference. Colonial politics, he continued, nm high, difference of 
opinion is treated as a crime. " Colonial party pohtics are remarkable 
for the factiousness and virulence of politicians, for the prevalence of 
demagoguism and the roughness and even brutality of newspapers, 
in short, for carrying on public differences by making war to the knife, 
and always striking at the heart." The Treasurer-General did his best. 
The Colonial Secretary, of course, advocated annexation. He gave a 
history of the circumstances which led to British Kaffiraria becoming 
a Crown Colony and supported the other members of the Government 
in defending the Governor. He considered he should go steadily 
forward ; should do what he thought right and just without looking 
for the approbation either of the Colony or the Home Government, 
or that portion which happened to be in power. " I do not think," 
said he, " that a Governor is at liberty to risk the interest of the Colony 
in order to make himself pleasing to the people." He repudiated the 
idea that the British Government was burdening the Colony with the 
debts of British Kaffiraria ; it was not responsible for a single shiUing 
of them. In making over British Kaffiraria to the Colony it gives to 
the Colony ample means for meeting the expenditure which may be 
incurred and also provides ample means for paying debts ; it offers 
Crown lands within the territory which, if sold, would pay its debts 
ten times over ; and it hands over the revenue which for that year 
was estimated at £51,312. Its expenditure was £54,297, but this 
would be greatly lessened when expensive establishments then in 
existence were done away with. On the whole the Colonial Secretary 
made out a good case for the Governor. 

Mr. Barry (Cape Town), quoting from authorities, pointed out 
that a Sovereign Government was despotic, subject only to moral 
restraint ; all attempts to limit it by positive laws are nugatory. 
Blackstone, according to Mr. Barry, says the British Parliament can 


do anything that is not natvirally impossible, no act of a Sovereign 
Government can be illegal ; it is itself the measure and standard of 
legality. The Imperial Government might, for instance, hang Mr. 
Solomon (Mr. Solomon : Not constitutionally), but there is one thing 
it could not do — ^it could not send Mr. Solomon to heaven ; that 
would be quite impossible. (Great laughter.) 

He (Mr. Barry) agreed to the annexation, but he could cot see the 
necessity for the Imperial Act ; he did not think anything had happened 
to show the necessity for the Governor's action ; was it not his duty, 
seeing the cotmtry had representative institutions, instead of applying 
at once to the Imperial Parliament to leave it open to the Colony and 
British Kaffraria to consider the matter ? The facts would then have 
been before the Imperial Parliament, which would not then have 
legislated in the dark. The country had not been treated fairly. 
Other members spoke at considerable length. The general trend of 
the speeches, excepting those of the officers of the Government, was 
that of protestation against the arbitrary acts of the Imperial Govern- 
ment and of its too-obedient servant Governor Wodehouse. A bold 
and decisive answer to him was advocated. The Colony, it was said, 
had been much too compliant in the habit of submitting to dictation. 
The Kaffirarians, on their part, believed that as a Crown Colony, Great 
Britain was boimd to protect them and that in the event of their 
absorption into Cape Colony the Imperial troops would be withdrawn. 
Cape Colony, on its part, feared the financial burden which woiJd be 
imposed upon it in having to shoulder the responsibilities and duties 
which, they maintained, belonged to the Imperial Parliament. Why, 
it was asked, did not that augtist body, before proceeding to annexation, 
collect and liquidate the outstanding debts of British Kaf&aria and 
make compensation to those who would lose office. Mr. Saul Solomon, 
the man of very small statmre but very big brain, in his long reply 
to the debate, held his own even against the redoubtable and eloquent 
Attorney-General. It was not his intention, he said, to discuss the 
merits or demerits of annexation, but to question the behaviour of the 
Governor, whose apparent policy was to allow Parliament to say what 
it hked so long as it allowed him to do what he liked. He (Mr. 
Solomon) hoped the House would adopt the amended resolutions. 
With one dissentient vote th&y were passed. It was further resolved 
that they be sent to the Governor accompanied by a respectful address 
and a recommendation that they be transmitted to the Secretary of 

A Select Committee was appointed to draft the address and 
present it. The following is that part of it which refers to British 
Kaifraria. " We regret, however, to learn that it should have been 
considered necessary to have recourse to the authorities in England 
to introduce a Bill in the Imperial Parliament for the annexation of 


British Kaf&aria to this Colony without the colonists being at all 
aware that such a grave step was contemplated and without their being 
able to make their views known before such a measure was finally 
adopted. We cannot conceal from your Excellency our well-groimded 
fears that this proceeding has tended to shake the confidence of the 
inhabitants and the Government as at present constituted — when, 
without any further appeal to the local Legislature the Constitution 
so graciously granted by Her Majesty has been virtually set aside 
without adequate cause and territory annexed requiring very exceptional 
legislation. We confidently trust that the steps thus taken may not 
entail additional burdens upon the inhabitants — the colonial expendi- 
ture already amounting to more than the revenue warrants, and imable, 
as the colonists are, to bear any additional taxation. We consider, 
however, that we would be wanting in the duty we owe to the Colony 
were we not respectfully, but at the same time firmly, to remonstrate 
against any additional responsibilities being thrown on the inhabitants 
by the measure thus adopted by the Imperial authorities." In answer 
to this the Governor sent the following tactful and non-committal 
reply : " I have to thank you for the attention you have been pleased 
to bestow on the observations I addressed to you at the opening of the 
session of Parliament. I trust that I may find a more convenient 
opportunity than the present for vindicating the course I thought 
it my duty to follow in respect to the annexation of British Kaf&aria 
to the Cape ; the result of which I am confident will prove highly 
advantageous to the people of both Colonies, and I acknowledge with 
pleasure the assurances now given to your determination to devote 
yourselves to the careful consideration of the measures that have been 
recommended to you by the Government." 

(To Mr. President and Gentiemen of the Legislative Coimcil.) 

His defence and vindication of his actions he made in his prorogation 
speech on October loth, 1865. In spite of the hard words against 
him which had been uttered during the session, he showed no resent- 
ment, but coolly and impersonally stated his case, and although he had 
been told that he had lost the confidence of the country, he showed 
that he had unflinchingly followed the line of duty and had been 
actuated by the best interests of both British Kaffraria and Cape 
Colony. " I was informed in the early part of the session," he said, 
" that the course I had adopted in respect to a matter which has for 
some time greatly engrossed public attention, viz., the annexation of 
British Kaf&aria, was calculated to deprive me of that confidence of 
Parliament which is so essential to the proper conduct of affairs. 
Parhamentary confidence is ordinarily tested by the acceptance or 
rejection of the measures proposed by the Government of the day, 


and when I considered the many demands I had been compelled to 
make on the confidence of both Houses, and the many important 
measures which, at the suggestion of the Government, had become 
law, I was bound to recognise the value of the support that had been 
given and should not on slight grounds have put in jeopardy its 
continuance. But there may be occasions on which the Governor 
of the Colonies, entrusted with large executive powers, and bound 
to administer the Government with a true regard, not only to their 
interests, but also to those of the great Empire to which they are 
attached, cannot avoid exposing himself to the expression of Parlia- 
mentary dissatisfaction. I trust that neither I nor those who may 
succeed me may be deterred by fear of censure or personal responsi- 
biUty from exercising conscientiously and to the best of their ability 
all the functions appertaining to the oflSce of Governor of the Colony. 
In the case of British KafFraria, it has long been manifest to me, and I 
believe to most of those who dispassionately considered the subject, 
that a serious political error had been committed when it was erected 
into a separate Colony, and that sound policy dictated a reversal of 
that act. It is, however, probable that this step might, though to no 
good purpose, have been somewhat delayed, but for the passing in 
the last session of Parliament of the resolution for taking the census 
with a view to the revision of representation. It then became clear 
that the Government would be expected in the session of 1865 to 
propose a measure for that purpose, and equally clear that if British 
Kaffraria remained separate after that measure had been completed 
its subsequent union would be difiScult to accomplish. I did not doubt 
that a proposal for its union would be considered and discussed by the 
Colonial Parhament ; but I as little doubted that any practical result 
would be impeded by that unforttmate political division between the 
two extremes of the Colony, which mars all its chief interests, which 
causes the community to take a distorted and unkindly view of the 
most ordinary transactions, which lowers the tone of public discussion 
and which frequently tends to render the administration of the Govern- 
ment so wearisome and discouraging a task. I therefore at once decided 
on seeking Imperial aid, fully prepared to encovmter as one of its 
first results, some expressions of local dissatisfaction. The resolutions 
of the House of Assembly did not surprise me. I transmitted them 
to Her Majesty's Government without comment ; and I have up to 
this time abstained from again calling their attention to them. I have 
waited ; I have been a spectator of the persevering industry with 
which, almost from the day on which the resolutions were passed, 
that Parhament had been estabhshing my jiuisdiction. I have watched 
the fruitless struggles to obtain the introduction of the Imperial Act 
made by many of those who had so strongly denoimced it. I have seen 
faint attempts on the part of those who had so strongly denoimced it. 
I have seen faint attempts on the part of individual members to restore 

hannony result only in renewed divisions ; and at last I have seen 
the Bills of the Government carried unaltered. These occurrences 
gD very far to prove that I took a correct measure of the political 
situation — ^that if I had negleaed my duty British Kaffraria would not 
have been annexed, that the constituencies entitled to representation 
would not have obtained it, and that the Legislative Council would 
not have been beneficially enlarged if I had shrunk from calling in the 
aid of the power which the constitution placed within my reach. 
In the confidence that long after my connection with the Colony 
shall have ceased, its people will fully recognise the benefits arising 
out of these changes, I gladly accept any responsibility which may 
attach to me as their promoter."(^) 

The end of all this was the publication, on April 17th, 1866, of 
the following proclamation : " Whereas by an Act passed by the 
Imperial Parliament entitled ' An Act of the Incorporation of the 
Territories of British Kafl&aria with the Colony of the Cape of Good 
Hope,' it was declared that if the Parhamcnt of the Cape of Good Hope 
should make provision for the Incorporation of British Kaffraria 
with the Colony of the Cape of Good Hope and the Governor of the 
Cape of Good Hope as Governor of British Kaffraria should assent 
to such provision then from and after the date of such assent, British 
Kaf&aria should become incorporated with the Cape of Good Hope. 
Now therefore, I the said Governor of the Cape of Good Hope do 
hereby proclaim and declare that I have, as Governor of British 
Kaffraria . . . assented to the provision made by the herein before 
recited Act of Parliament of the Colony of the Cape of Good Hope 
in Incorporating British Kaffraria with the said Colony of the Cape of 
Good Hope." 

British Kaffraria then ceased to be a separate colony and the Great 
Kei River became the eastern boundary of the Colony of the Cape of 
Good Hope. 

(') Sir Philip Wodehouse was a man of considerable ability. Unlike most of 
the Governors who had preceded him) he was purely a civilian, his life, so to 
speak, had been more connected with the office stool than with the sword. 
At the age of seventeen he commenced his career as a writer in the Ceylon 
civil service and eventually rose to be an assistant judge in Kandy. After 
twenty years' service in Ceylon he was promoted to high office in British 
Honduras and in 1854 became Governor of British Guiana. His appointment 
to the Cape was at a time of financial stress and when, perhaps it may be said, 
a man more of the character of an accountant than a soldier was necessary. 
Sir P. Wodehouse was eminently the man to act on behalf of the British tax 
payer who was commencing to cry out against the large sums of money which 
were being expended on South Africa. He was imbued with a high sense of 
duty coupled with a disregard for either public applause or disapproval. He 
was dignified in discussion, lucid in the expression of his views and cool in - 
a crisis. He was not beloved by the Colony and expressions of lack of confidence 
in him wsre not wanting, but with unruffled temper and often with great 
foresight he pursued the path which he considered best for the country. 




The fonnation of the Orange River Sovereignty was never a source 
of gratification either to the British Government or to the Dutch of 
the country. The former looked askance at the possession of any 
increase of territory in South Africa with its concomitant increase of 
expense for maintenance and protection, while the greater number of 
the latter — as was made clear to Sir Harry Smith when he established 
it in 1848 — ^were not anxious to come again under British rule. Instead, 
therefore, of the peace and order which he hoped thereby to bring 
about when he made that meteoric flight through the country, he only 
exacerbated racial feeling and made bad worse. After Boomplaats, 
which has already been described,(^) the Boers, without very good 
grace, submitted to the inevitable and again became British subjects. 
To add to their dissatisfaction there was imposed upon them, osten- 
sibly in order to maintain peace, the onerous and unpleasant duty of 
having to interfere in the feuds and wars among the adjacent native 
tribes, who were called British Allies. The Boers regarded these 
quarrels as no concern of theirs and were disposed to let the natives 
settle them among themselves. They resented being called away 
from their homes and lawful occupations on the occurrence of every 
petty squabble among native tribes. Worse than this, the tribe 
against which they acted became their enemy and marked out these 
Boers for special attention when on their subsequent predatory forays. 
For neglect or refusal to go out on Commando, the Boers were fined 
and in some cases had their farms confiscated. This reluctance to 
take part in this imcalled-for interference in native quarrels was spoken 
of as failing to assist the British Resident in maintaining peace, and was 
given as one of the reasons for abandoning the coimtry. Another 
source of continual irritation to the Boers was their lands being over- 
rim by native hunting parties. Had they restricted themselves to the 
game, which was in abundance, it would not have been so bad, but 
they did not, the Boers' horses and cattle were too often considered 
as legitimate game. 

Apart from the conflicts between the natives themselves there 
were, as more particularly affecting the Sovereignty, the warUke 
contentions with the Basutos in connection with the disputed boimdaries 

0) Kide Vol. V. of this work. 



between the two countries. Attempts had been made to define the 
limits of each, but they had not been settled. As a matter of fact 
Moshesh and his Basutos objected to any boimdaries whatever, and 
surveyors had at times been in peril of their hves in attempting to 
carry out their work. " Had Sir Harry Smith, in his flying visit in 1848, 
taken more time and weighed well the wants of the country, he would 
have ascertained that the greater part of the details of his proclamation 
of February 3rd, 1848, were opposed to the interests of the inhabitants. 
Had he confined himself to the estabUshment of equitable boundaries 
between the white and black inhabitants of the country, proclaimed 
the Queen's sovereignty over the former, leaving the latter to settle 
their own international disputes, the recent misfortunes of the country 
would have been averted."(^) Major Warden was blamed for much 
of the disorder which prevailed. He maintained, however, that he 
had done nothing more than carry out the provisions of the proclama- 
tion of February 3rd, 1848. His was a most difi&cult position. With 
only a mere handful of troops and reliance upon an lonreUable and 
reluctant civil force to support his authority, he had to govern a very 
large and heterogeneous population of Dutch, who were not enamoured 
with British rule, English land speculators, Basutos and other imruly 
tribes. He acted bravely, conscientiously, untiringly and with every 
intention and endeavour to do his duty and act in the best interests 
of the country. By this conduct he earned for himself in the end an 
ignominious dismissal. 

The management or government, if it may be so called, of the 
sovereignty was that which was formed when the annexation first 
took place. It was a council which consisted of the Resident Agent, 
Major Warden, the four magistrates, namely, those of Bloemfontein, 
Winburg, Smithfield and Vaal River (Harrismith) and eight burghers. 
They were appointed for three years, so that in 1851 their time of 
ofl5ce expired. The question had already arisen as to whether this 
simple arrangement should continue or whether there should be 
established a proper form of government under a Lieutenant-Governor 
with the usual departmental organisation, or whether the coimtry 
should be abandoned altogether and allowed to take care of itself. 
On March 22nd, 1851, Letters Patent and instructions were issued 
from Westminster constituting the coimtry a separate and distina 
government. The instnunent was sent to Cape Town, but it was 
pigeon-holed in the Colonial Office, forgotten and not acted upon. 
The reason of this was that it arrived at the time when the coimtry 
was in the throes of the Kaffir war of 1850, and thus when Sovereignty- 
matters had to sink into the background. When the document was 
discovered the time for its promulgation was past, as circumstances 
pointed to abandonment as being the wiser policy. On October 

0) Report of Sir John Russell, clerk to the Duke of Newcastle. 


2ist of the same year. Earl Grey wrote to Sir H. Smith and told him 
that the ultimate abandomnent of the Sovereignty was a settled point 
in the policy of the British Government. " The rude government 
which has hitherto existed in the Sovereignty has failed to accomplish 
the object for which it was established. The authority of the British 
Resident has not been upheld and respected by either European or 
coloured colonists and they do little to help themselves. A complete 
organisation of Government with a garrison of 2,000 men is indis- 
pensible to maintain British authority. Without this the country 
cannot be retained with dignity to the Crown and fulfil the engage- 
ments which are inseparable from an assimiption of Sovereignty. 
Unless, therefore. Great Britain is prepared to incur the necessary 
expense it would be better to abandon it as soon as it can be done 
with honour and equity. No advantage can accrue in maintaining 
it which would compensate for this expenditure." Sir H. Smith 
was very perturbed when he received this information. On November 
lith, 1851, he told his Assistant Commissioners (Messrs. Hogge and 
Owen) that if Her Majesty's Sovereignty over that country were now 
rescinded, the step would be regarded by every man of colour in South 
Africa as an vmprecedented and an imlooked-for victory to his race 
and be the signal for revolt or combined resistance to British authority 
from Cape Town to the territory of Panda, and thence to the Great 
Lake. " No measure during my administration of the Government 
has caused me so much consideration as that relating to the affairs 
of the Sovereignty. I am confident that if any change were made in 
the present state of things in the theoretical hope of gaining over a 
discontented party by yielding to their demands such a procedure 
would evince weakness on our part, fraught, as I have before stated, 
with every evil and perpetuate the belief that persevering resistance 
to Her Majesty's authority would ultimately ensure success. It 
would, at the same time, be not only disastrous to the parties now 
dissatisfied but would sacrifice to the vengeance of the disaffected 
those who have remained loyal and faithful." 

These Assistant Commissioners were impressed by Sir H. Smith's 
views and were prepared to make the greatest efforts to bring matters 
to such an issue as might render the evacuation of the Sovereignty 
unnecessary. They thought this could be done by giving the people 
more the management of their own concerns, by Umiting the powers 
hitherto exercised by the British Resident and by abstaining from 
interference in native disputes. They were of opinion that generally 
speaking, the relinquishment of power, territory and authority once 
acquired was a measure fraught with diflBculties and numerous evils. 
Particularly in connection with the Sovereignty, the Government 
was in a dilemma, as that territory could not be retained or given up 
becomingly till British authority had been vindicated and relieved from 
the contempt with which it was regarded by both white and black. 


Sir George Cathcart, who succeeded Sir Harry Smith as Governor, 
entirely disagreed with his predecessor respecting the Sovereignty. 
He strongly advocated abandonment on the groimds already men- 
tioned. He considered, further, that circumstances then were such 
that the British Government was able to withdraw its authority from 
the Orange River territory without compromise of its prestige and 
dignity, though it is not dear why that time was more opportune 
than any other. But after his so-called " victory " at the Berea 
Mountain in December, 1852, where the " victory " was more on the 
side of Moshesh, who lost no opportimity of boasting to other chiefs 
that he was the only one who had beaten the English, Sir George 
Cathcart considered that then there could be no misconstruction 
regarding the withdrawal, that England's might and authority having 
been vindicated, it would appear to be a purely volimtary act, and not 
one of compulsion. He suggested to the Secretary of State that an 
able statesman should be sent out from England to perform the 
difficult and deUcate duty. The Duke of Newcastle, in reply, said : 
" I have thought fit to accede to your strong recommendation that a 
duty of such difficulty and delicacy should be entrusted to a pubUc 
officer selected with special reference to its nature." The officer 
appointed to the duty was Sir George Russell Qerk, K.C.B., a dis- 
tinguished civil officer in the East India Company's service, and 
formerly Governor of Bombay. According to the commission and 
instructions issued to him, he was to be a Special Commissioner for 
setthng and adjusting the afiairs of the territories and for " Deter- 
mining the disputes which exist among the natives and other inhabi- 
tants thereof," but nothing then was said about the abandonment 
or the release of the people from the allegiance to the Crown. 

This gentleman arrived in the Colony in June, 1853, and on August 
8th, after spending some time in Grahamstown, he reached Bloem- 
fontein. The next day a deputation of the inhabitants waited upon 
him with an address of welcome and congratulation. They looked 
forward to the future, they told him, with hope, trusting the measmres 
he might find it necessary to recommend would place the afiairs of the 
territory on a firm and lasting basis ; they left their welfare and that of 
their posterity in the hands of Her Majesty's Government. Sir 
George's reply was most dulling, he himself evidently felt it to be so. 
It would have been most agreeable to him, he said, to answer them in 
the manner they naturally desired, but he had to tell them that the 
Imperial Government had decided to relinquish dominion over that 
territory. Then, apparentiy regarding the deputation as fortune-' 
hunters, he hoped that their investments and profits, whether in land 
or trade, would not suffer from the change. This announcement 
acted as a bombshell in the community. For months there had been 
rumours of abandonment of the territory, but they were treated as 


rumours and had not been seriously discussed ; so heinous and heart- 
less an act, so it was called, as to cut adrift the country from the 
protection of England was scarcely to be thought of, yet here was an 
utterance which dispelled all doubt and sealed the doom of the 
Sovereignty. As will be seen, there were two diametrically opposite 
views in this connection. 

The commencement of the activities of the Special Commissioner 
was to instruct the British Resident (Mr. Green) to send the following 
notice to the magistrates : " Sir, Her Majesty's Government having 
determined to relinquish the dominion over the territories between the 
Vaal and Orange Rivers, I request that you will direct the field-comets 
in your district to assemble the inhabitants of their wards for the 
purpose of electing delegates on the part of the European population 
to attend a general meeting to be convened at Bloemfontein on the 5th 
prox. (September) with a view of considering and determining on the 
form of self-government which must in consequence devolve upon 
them. Each ward will elect two delegates, who must be accompanied 
by the field-comet and assistant field-cornets if they can be spared 
from their posts to the place of meeting. — Henry Green, Resident 

The inhabitants of Bloemfontein were no less active. Excited and 
angry, they met at a pubUc meeting in the old Government building 
on August 13th, four days after Sir G. Qerk's announcement. Their 
sentiments were expressed in very plain and emphatic language. A 
number of resolutions were passed, the gist of which was that they 
had heard with the utmost concern and dismay the determination 
of the Imperial Government to abandon the Sovereignty, that the 
honour of Great Britain was deeply implicated and that reUgion and 
morality would suffer incalculable harm in consequence. They 
decided to draw up a protest against the injustice of the decision and 
to send a deputation with it to Sir G. Qerk. This was done. Sir 
George did not give them much satisfaction. He agreed that the final 
abandonment should not take place for some time — ^they had asked 
for twelve months — as there was much to be done in the meantime. 
And as to the anticipated danger to religion and morality, he assured 
them that their fears on that head were quite imaginary. 

Needless to say, the Special Commissioner was very unpopular, 
at least with a certain section of the inhabitants. Although none were 
actually rude or insulting to him, there was no lack of defiant language, 
in which full expression was given to the surprise and disgust at what 
they regarded as the shabby treatment of the British Govenmient 
towards its own loyal subjects. Sir G. Qerk was perfectiy callous 
to this public opinion and did not in the least allow it to influence him 
in carrying out the task which had been entrusted to him. He had no 
love for either British or Dutch colonists or for the country. In his 


first despatch to Newcastle (July I2th, 1853) he asked to be allowed 
to return to England as soon as his work was finished. If the complete 
settlement of the Sovereignty affairs and the restoration of peace and 
order was his task, then, as will be seen, he left before his work was 

In accordance with Mr. Green's notice of August 9th, 95 delegates 
— 76 Dutch and 19 British — from the dififerent parts of the Sovereignty 
met in Bloemfontein. The meetings lasted over four days and were 
held in the old Dutch Reformed Church. As a commencement. Sir 
George Qerk read his commission and then addressed the delegates. 
He directed them to prepare themselves to take over the territory 
whenever British jurisdiction should be withdrawn and to devise a 
form of independent government. He advised them to form a working 
committee from among themselves and to select a chairman. A 
committee of 25 was formed and D. Fraser was elected chairman. 
The others could then return to their homes. 

On the next day, September 6th, an address was sent to Sir G. 
Qerk thanking him for his speech. " But," said they, " we all feel 
the deep interest and importance of the momentous announcement, 
but we are unable to conceive the reasons for such measures. There 
has been, on our part, no desire expressed for such a measure (as 
abandonment). There could be no misconception as to our loyalty ; 
for though we have at times complained of misgovernment, that was 
because we had been aggrieved in not participating in the good govern- 
ment and protection which Her Majesty's subjects enjoyed elsewhere." 
They had observed that there had been no word about abandonment 
in his commission and wondered what his instructions really were. 
They therefore asked him to be pleased to inform delegates the extent 
of the powers entrusted to him and the measures he intended to adopt, 
especially if it was in his power to absolve them from their allegiance 
to the Crown. And they asked that his answer be given in writing. 
On the 7th he replied, but could tell them nothing more than that he 
was not yet in possession of the legal instruments requisite to effect 
the absolving them from their allegiance, but they were coming. 
With this answer the delegates were not satisfied. 

The committee was formed, but they gave it to understand that 
they did not thereby acknowledge the equity of the decision of Her 
Majesty's Government or express any wish for the withdrawal of 
British authority. They (the committee) were instructed " not to 
receive this coimtry from the British Government until the questions 
put to the Special Commissioner were satisfactorily answered and full 
authority received from the Imperial Government ratifying all his 
acts." The matters they wanted settled before they would consent 
to take over the country and those which Sir George Clerk might 

^__ 95 

reasonably have been expected to put right, but, perhaps through no 
fault of his own, in the end failed to do so, were the following : — 

1. The settlement of the Griqualand question. 

2. The adjustment of the boimdary between the Basuto territory 

and the Sovereignty. 

3. The question of the interference of the British Goverrunent 

between natives and the European inhabitants of the coimtry. 

4. A guarantee that the allies of the British Government or 

persons beyond the Vaal River should not molest the inhabi- 
tants of the Sovereignty, more especially with regard to 
confiscated farms. 

5. Ck)mpensation for those who might find it necessary to leave 

the country and for those who had sustained losses by war or 

6. The share justly belonging to the Sovereignty of the Customs 

dues received at the ports of the Cape Colony and Natal, or 
the cession of a port in one or other of the Colonies. 

7. The complete or conditional absolution of inhabitants from 

allegiance to the British Throne. 

8. The setdement of all disputes regarding boundaries of farms 

as undecided by the various Land Commissions. 

9. The cancellation of all existing treaties with natives. 

10. Permission to purchase munitions of war imimpeded, etc. 

11. The refunding of all fines unlawfully imposed and the restora- 

tion of payment for all farms unlawfully confiscated. 

It was dear from the commencement that not only was this com- 
mittee disinclined to assist the Special Commissioner but was deter- 
mined to thwart him whenever it could. The settlement of the above- 
mentioned matter was imperative if peace and order were to reign 
in the country, but they were open to the suspicion that, considering 
the time which would be necessary to deal with them, they were pro- 
posed with a view to gaining opportunities for bringing about such 
measures as would prevent the abandonment. This opposition was 
re-echoed with considerable support in Cape Colony. Public meetings 
were held and numerously-signed petitions were sent to the Queen. 
They all of them expressed the deep regret and alarm with which 
they heard of the proposed abandonument, a measure (they said) 
fraught with calamitous consequences to both Europeans and natives ; 
highly prejudicial to the prestige of the British name and a blow to the 
increasing commerce of both territories. The following are the 
salient points of each : 

Cape Town had hoped that so disastrous a step would not have 
been decided upon without time and opportunity being given to the 


inhabitants, who better understood the circumstances of the counuy, 
to express their views on a subject so deeply involving their future 
welfere and prosperity ; great will be the loss of capital and the ruin 
of many. They earnestly prayed for a continuance of British supremacy 
throughout South Africa and the institution of a form of government 
in the Sovereignty which would permit the inhabitants to manage 
their own affairs without throwing off their allegiance to the Crown. 
(50 signatures.) 

Swellendam felt that the greater number of people in the Sovereignty, 
owing to their defective education and want of the means of mental 
improvement, were totally imfit to tmdertake the important duty of 
self-government ; if left to themselves, they opined, they would 
sink into a moral and political condition which every friend to social 
order could not but deplore. (99 signatures.) 

The Presbytery of Swellendam, including Mossel Bay, George, Rivers- 
dale and other places in these parts, expressed sentiments something 
of the same nature. 

Graharmtown felt that the commercial interests of the Sovereignty 
were interwoven with those of the Colony; embarrassment of one 
country reacted upon the other ; capital had been invested in reliance 
upon British protection ; abandonment of the Sovereignty would 
destroy all confidence in the stability of British rule in every part of 
Cape Colony and the lives of the natives would be placed in jeopardy. 
(683 signatures.) 

Uitenhage feared that if the Sovereignty could be cast off in this 
manner, the same fate may overtake this Colony. Further, they felt 
that in the native mind this recession would be regarded as a conse- 
quence of the British defeat at the Berea ; they were at a loss to 
comprehend the strange procedure of a monarchical state encouraging 
the establishment on its borders of a repubhc which in time may 
become a dangerous enemy. (43 signatures.) 

Burgersdorp and Albert " deeply impressed with the calamitous 
consequences which must inevitably result from the withdrawal of 
Your Majesty's benign rule " and by the strong sense of injury inflicted 
upon humanity, civihsation and Christianity they foresaw an extermi- 
nating war of races which will deluge the land with blood, involving 
in its calamities not only the Colony, but Natal and British Kaffraria. 
(157 signatures.) 

Port Elizabeth, Graaff-Reinet and Colesberg sent petitions in much 
the same strain. 

The committee of delegates in Bloemfontein, far from assisting 
Sir George Qerk in bringing about the abandonment, took every 
step they could to prevent it. In October, sufficient money was 


subscribed to enable them to send two of their number to England 
with a view to rousing public feeUng and to enlist the sympathy of 
the English Parliament. The two entrusted with this mission were 
the Chairman (D. Eraser) and the Rev. Andrew Murray, Jun.(i) They 
interviewed the Duke of Newcastle, but met with no success. The 
Rev. A. Murray returned to South Africa in August, 1855, having 
been detained by illness. D. Eraser did not return. 

All this agitation against the abandonment came essentially from 
the side of the British, the side perhaps which was most capable of 
making itself heard. There was, however, associated with them a 
small number of Dutch who had sided with the British in the quarrels 
of the time and feared their compatriots in the Transvaal. But among 
the Sovereignty Dutch generally a feeling of a very opposite character 
prevailed. They were greatly in favour of abandonment by the 
British and the taking over of the government themselves. Many of 
the Dutch delegates were of this way of thinking and were not best 
pleased with the way things went at the Bloemfontein meetings. On 
August i6th, this is shortly after Sir George Qerk made his aimounce- 
ment of the 9th, a memorial signed by 124 inhabitants of the Winburg 
district, expressed their satisfaction at the proposed withdrawal of 
British administration. " We are willing and prepared," they said, 
" to take over the management of the so-called sovereignty upon 
ourselves without desiring any compensation from Her Majesty the 
Queen of England. Several meetings have been held under the 
presidency of Mr. J. E. Van Hoover, who is empowered to arrange 
terms and conditions for a free commercial intercourse between the 
Colony and this coimtry." In November, a memorial from 36 of the 
Riet River people was sent in. It stated that they had chosen a delegate 
to go to the meeting of September 5th for the purpose of carrying 
out Sir George Qerk's instructions, and then with dissatisfaction 
learnt that the committee appointed by these delegates had opposed 
the measure they were expected to forward. It was felt that the real 
sentiments of the country had not been brought before Sir George 
Qerk. Hence they ask that another committee more in accordance 
with their views may be formed, " to assist Your Excellency in 
bestowing a government on this lawless coimtry and to take such 
steps as may be necessary to take over the Sovereignty. We protest 
against the deputation which a small number of the villagers are sending 
away. Untruths are fabricated to bring discredit on the poor Boers, 

(}) Sir George Clerk writes to the Duke of Newcastle, Aug. 25th, 1835 : 
" Mr. Murray, a clergyman of the Scottish Presbyterian Church here, is now 
out in the district actively engaged in denouncing the purpose of my mission. 
His object is to paint the consequences of British withdrawal in such colours 
that the imagination of his Dutch hearers may be led away from the hopes 
they have long indulged of being permitted to govern themselves, and may thus 
be made to conform to his political views with the same submission which they 
are accustomed implicidy to yield to church discipline. In my opinion Mr. 
Murray had better have left this alone." 


accusing them of all sorts of scandalous and disgraceful acts. Inquire 
of the natives themselves whether the Boers have ever murdered or 
ill-treated them." They were willing to undertake the government 
of the country imder the following conditions : (i) Release of the 
inhabitants from Her Majesty's rule ; (2) settlement of the Griqua 
affairs ; (3) cancellation of all treaties with natives ; (4) compensation 
for confiscated farms and refunding of fines for political offences ; 
and (5) permission to purchase whatever munitions of war they may 
require. This was the general tenor of the many memorials. One of 
82 signatiu-es from the Orange River said : " We sent delegates, but 
as yet a large portion of our public knows nothing of it ; and now we 
observe that the conuninee appointed by the delegates impede the 
matter with their partial sentiments and with disunion keep it pending, 
as parties who have not the slightest interest in the Boer estate and have 
only in view their own arbitrary ends." 

On December 17th a large public meeting was held at Fauresmith 
for the purpose of taking into consideration the action of the com- 
mittee and the formation of a new one. G. P. Visser, of Lokshoek, 
had already written to Sir George Qerk telling him that the deputation 
which had gone to England was contrary to the wishes of the people. 
He and J. Groenendaal, who had already sent in their resignations as 
members of the September committee, were chosen as members of a 
future one. On November loth a meeting of what may be called the 
old committee was held in Bloemfontein, imder the chairmanship of 
Mr. H. Halse, Dr. Fraser being on his mission in England. They 
certainly went to the extent of drafting a constitution ; thus so far 
they met the wishes of Sir George Qerk, but it was to be imder the 
aegis of the Queen's authority, and thereby showed their opposition 
to abandonment. On this, as well as on other accoimts, the days in 
store for this committee were few. Not only were the original numbers 
of the delegates and committee dwindling, but some were resigning 
in order to form another one in opposition to it. It may have been that 
the committee and the delegates who appointed them had not grasped 
the situation in the first place or, when they did, disapproved of the 
views held by the British section. In any case, some withdrew from 
all connection with it and formed another which was entirely in favour 
of carrying out Sir George Qerk's policy of abandonment. It became 
more and more clear to him that, on the whole, the Dutch element 
was anxious to dispense with the govenmient they then had. " The 
sentiments of the Dutch majority," said he, " continue to be what they 
have ever been ; they are averse to British administration on account 
of the wrongs which they remember to have endured under its rule 
in Cape Colony." Many of them were Voortrekkers, who had become 
such in order to escape from British rule and, withal, memoriesin 
connection with Boomplaats still rankled in their breasts. So that the 


prospect of becoming a free and independent people xinder their own 
republic was more than sufficient inducement to act with Sir George 
Qerk. That great man, in connection with these South African 
matters, can in no sense be regarded as pro-British. He regarded the 
British, with some show of reason, as merely speculators and land 
jobbers, men who had no other interest in the welfare of the country 
than that which would put money into their pockets. Probably such 
a class of people may be found in any country, but all the same there 
were some who, imder great difficulties, were endeavouring to carry 
out honest farming operations. Sir George Qerk found considerable 
support to his views in the enormous areas of land which were possessed 
by some of the Govenmient ofi&cials and others. Mr. Green, for 
instance, the British Resident, who had been commissional oflScer and 
succeeded Major Warden, was possessor of no less than 167,000 acres, 
about 262 square miles ; Mr. T. W. Vowe (Dutch), the Resident Magi- 
strate of Caledon River, had 42,128 acres ; Mr. Percy Crause, Registrar 
of Deeds, held 29434 acres ; R. W. H. Giddy, clerk of the Civil 
Commissioner, 36,000 ; Mr. H. Bain, who was not a Government 
servant, possessed 109,946 acres.(^) According to Sir George Qerk 
about 2^ million acres were held by 139 people. Some extenuation 
for the conduct of the officials in thus dealing in lands — ^it obviously 
was dealing, for they could not possibly have made use of them for 
ordinary farming operations — ^was their inadequate salaries and the 
high cost of living in a country so far inland. But it was unknown to 
the Duke of Newcastle, who, when he came to hear of it, said that had 
the country been remaining under the British Government, he would 
have had a searching investigation into the whole business ; and Sir 
George Clerk declared that he did not propose to allow the mere 
complaints and devices of land jobbers to interfere with his proceedings 
in the withdrawal of British rule. When their wishes and supposed 
interests alone remained, he said, he would not delay in withdrawing 
the troops and civil officers . 

In pursuance of his instructions to settle the matters of the 
Sovereignty and to prepare all for self-government. Sir George Qerk 
travelled about the country and interviewed people here and there. 
At the end of the year (1853) we find him at J. P. Hofl&nan's farm at 
Jammerberg Drift, on the Caledon River. There he met the great 
Basuto chief, Moshesh, in connection with the long-angrily-disputed 
boundary line between his territory and that of the Orange River. 
This was, far and away, the most important matter to be settled, 

(') Mr. Bain possessed the following farms : Bains Vlei 31,528 acres, 
Tempe 11,352 acres, Qnagga Fontein 16,620 acres, Hartbeest Hock 18,840 
acres. Lion Vlei 14,762 acres. Boomerang 5,316 acres. Wonder Kop 11,528 
acres and St. Jago (not surveyed) ; total 109,946, not including the last. In 
the township of Bloemfontein itself he had building erven in St. George St., 
Douglas St., Charles St., Church Square, Henry St., Gordon St., St. Andrew's 
St. and Maitland St. 


as it was that which was very likely to lead, as it soon afterwards did, 
to war. But Sir George Qerk left it unsettled, and in as chaotic 
state as ever it was. In fact it cannot be said that he settled anything. 
The Griqua question was also one which, in order to ensure permanent 
peace in the country, needed careful and sympathetic handling, but 
the Special Commissioner, in his contempt for the Griquas, made 
matters worse and contributed to the trouble and diflBculties which 
he was bequeathing to the new Government which he was forcing 
into existence .(^) 

Probably as a result of these interviews with the people in the 
distant districts he was able, on January 19th, 1854, to have the follow- 
ing notice issued : " It is hereby notified that these persons who on 
the part of the inhabitants are now prepared to discuss with Her 
Majesty's Special Commissioner the terms on which the independent 
govenmient of this territory will be transferred into their hands will 
assemble in Bloemfontein on the 15th day of next month (Feb.)" 
For the dismissal of the delegates, the British Resident, on February 
17th, sent a notice to each of the Civil Commissioners requesting them 
to make known to their respective inhabitants that the assembly of 
deleptes convened in August, having misconstrued and prevented 

(•) Adam Kok wrote to Sir George Grey on December 29th, 1854, from 
Philippolis. He said he had looked forward to the coming of the Special 
Commissioner to make an investigation into their grievances, to put matters 
straight and rectify mistakes. " But to our astonishment Her Majesty's Special 
Commissioner has made no investigation, has given no answer to our complaints, 
but simply proposed certain terms which will only increase the injustice imder 
which we have suffered by depriving us of that portion of the country which 
we still retain, and compelling us either to remain in this country as serfs to 
the Boers or to leave us to wander as vagabonds upon the face of the earth. 
When we, fully aware of the evils which would unavoidably result from our 
accepting these terms, declined giving our consent. His Excellency annulled 
the Maitland Treaty, left the country without coming to any arrangement 
with us and abandoned us to whatever calamities might befall us, calamities 
brought upon us by no fault of our own, but by the policy of the British Govern- 
ment. In the name, therefore, of the Griqua Raad we protest against the Special 
Commissioners' arrangements in this covmtry as far as they regard Griqua 
interests. They are at direct variance with all previous arrangements made by 
the British Government, which pledged itself to secure for us the exclusive 
jise of inalienable territory j they annul a solemn treaty between the British 
Government and ourselves, by which a portion of the coimtry was declared 
inalienable. Our hold upon this territory is now lost and given over to a 
government which is hostile to us. By our faithful adherence to the British 
Government we have made ourselves obnoxious to the Boers and certain 
native tribes. By the call of the British Government we have done our duty 
and acted against these, and now we are left without protection against their 
vengeance. Our affairs are left in such a complicated state and so many 
cases of dispute remain as to preclude any probability of our arranging them 
in a quiet and peaceable manner with the Europeans, to whom the Government 
has been handed over. His Excellency has introduced disunion and dis- 
satisfaction among our people. The new Government may be supplied with 
arms and ammimition from the Colony ; we are debarred. We who have 
been faithful allies have been forsaken, while our enemies and those who 
would spoil us are now to get all sorts of good things." 

There is another side to this matter. Sir George Clerk did endeavour to 
do all he could to settle the Griqua question, but he was thwarted by the 
Griquas themselves, possibly instigated by the European opponents of abandon- 
ment. The question was greatly complicated by the fact that the Griquas 


the object for which it was called, is dissolved." And to Mr. Halse, 
the chairman of the committee, he declared that that also had to be 
dissolved in consequence of unauthorised proceedings, and recom- 
mended such members who had seceded from that committee to agree 
with these persons who were representatives of the majority of the 
inhabitants to carry on Her Majesty's instructions. The British 
section of the dismissed committee did not submit to this treatment 
without vigorous protest and action. They convened a public meeting 
in Bloemfontein at which, after expressing their indignation at the 
conduct of Sir George Qerk, they passed a resolution expressive of 
their determination to refuse to obey the new proposed government 
but to form one of their own, acknowledging allegiance to the Queen. 
They refused to be deprived of their rights as Englishmen until they 
had been repudiated by an Act of ParUament. In the end a formal 
protest to the Duke of Newcastle was drafted, in which " the late Acts 
of Her Majesty's Special Commissioner " were declared to be illegal, 
imconstitutional and in violation of Her Majesty's commission. But 
all this availed nothing. The end was near. On January 14th, 1854, 
Newcastle wrote to Sir George Qerk and said : " I have now to 
inform you that Her Majesty's Government have come to the con- 
had leased and sold lands in the inalienable territory to Boers, which they 
had no right to have done. " The case simply stands thus," said Mr. Green 
in interviewing Adam Kok and his " Raad " on behalf of Sir George Clerk, 
" the farmers on the other side of the Riet River are in occupation of certain 
lands on which the Griquas have claims, while on this side of the Riet River 
(the interview was held at Philippohs) many Griquas occupy farms which have 
been sold to Europeans or Colonists, but which they will not surrender to the 
purchasers because they say the sale of lands is opposed to Griqua law (and 
yet they had sold them). On behalf of the British Government," said Mr. 
Green, " I have come between you and offer to satisfy your claims on the 
farmers beyond the Riet River provided you will give possession to the pur- 
chasers of the groimd you have sold to them on this side and abrogate a law 
which leads to so much dishonesty and underhand dealings. You decline 
this liberal offer, you are willing to take all the money the British Government 
will give — ^you will keep the money you have received for your lands and will 
keep the lands as well. The British Government and Captain Kok are both 
wilhng to allow the Griquas to sell, but the people themselves, many of whom 
have already sold and been paid for their property, refuse through the council 
to remove the last and only impediment. Her Majesty's Special Commissioner 
has done all that can be done under the circumstances by declaring the sales 
legal, but the Griqua council refusing to work with His Excellency for the 
pubUc good, the offer which I made for lands beyond the Riet River is with- 
drawn, as the object in offering it, the preservation of peace, will probably be 
frustrated through the unsettled state on which the land tenures must be left 
in consequence of your resolution." 

Sir George Clerk himself, in writing to the Duke of Newcastle (vide despatches 
of March 28th, 1854, and January 20th, 1855) with reference to the Griquas, 
whom he speaks of as " This reduced medley of idle and impoverished cross- 
breeds, estabUshed by Dr. Philip between the Orange and Vaal Rivers," said : 
" In dealing with some Kaffir tribes occupying countries north of the Orange 
River, our very troublesome acquaintance with them was the consequence of 
political transactions of missionaries — people living nominally imder the sway 
of a captain who does not and cannot govern them ; the sooner this authority 
is anmilled the better for everybody. The conversion of the heathen Griqua 
was deemed more important than the welfare and attachment of the unen- 
lightened Dutchman. It is very unsatisfactory to observe the results that have 
attended the most zealous missionary labours in favour of the Griquas." 


elusion that it (the abandonment) can be legally and most conveniently 
effected by means of an Order-in-Council and proclamation, which 
you will be duly empowered by that order to issue and at the same 
date." He mentioned further that there will be the possible necessity 
for incurring some expenditure for the purpose of compensation. 
" I have, therefore, to inform you that Governor Cathcart has been 
authorised to draw for any amount not exceeding £10,000." 

In accordance with the notice that those who were willing to take 
over the government of the country were to meet in Bloemfontein 
on February 15th, a large number of people gathered there at that 
date. The meeting was held in the old Government schoolroom, 
which seems to have been too small for the purpose. The proceedinp 
were secret and the entrance was guarded. Sir George Qerk seems 
to have been present. It was known that Mr. Hoffman, one of the 
seceding members of the old committee, was elected to the chair and 
that in this speech he said : " What other countries have had to 
struggle for and spend much blood, Victoria has given to us for 
nothing ; we are now a free people." In order to make a start a 
provisional government was formed with Mr. Hofl&nan as president. 
This held office until a more permanent and regular one could be 
appointed. This took place on the ensuing June 3rd. Smithfield 
was very wrathful at these proceedings. At a public meeting held 
there on March 2nd, 1854, they resolved not to submit to be governed 
by the so-called representatives of the people, in whose elections they 
had no voice ; they would not have independence forced on them by 
Sir George Clerk and they would not obey any officer appointed by 
Hoffman ; any landdrost he sent to them would be kicked out. They 
elected a nvunber of persons to form a " Committee of Safety." It 
is not clear, however, what this committee was to do or what they 
did. With heart and lungs, we are told, they expressed their right, 
true, loyal feelings by joining in that most beautiful and sacred anthem 
" God save the Queen." 

A few days after the Bloemfontein meeting namely on February 
23rd, the final act of freedom took place and the Orange River Sove- 
reignty became the Orange Free State. The convention was signed 
by Sir George Qerk on one part and by twenty-five Boers on the 
other. Its provisions, in short, were as follows : (i) Her Majesty's 
Government guarantees the full independence of the coimtry and its 
government ; the inhabitants shall be free from their allegiance to the 
British Crown. (2) The British Government has no alliance whatever 
with any nation, chief, or tribe northward of the Orange River, with 
the exception of the Griqua chief, Adam Kok. (3) Her Majesty's 
Government intends to remove all restrictions preventing the Griquas 
from selling their lands. (4) The Orange River Government shall 
not permit any vexatious proceedings towards those of Her Majesty's 


present subjects remaining within the Orange River territory, who may 
heretofore have been acting under the authority of Her Majesty's 
Government. Such persons shall be considered to be guaranteed in the 
possession of their estates by the new Orange River Government. 
(5) An extradition treaty : The two Governments are to use every 
exertion for the suppression of crime and keeping of peace by appre- 
hending and delivering up all criminals who have escaped or fled from 
justice either way across the Orange River. (6) Certificates issued by 
the proper authorities shall be vahd and suflScient to enable heirs of 
lawful marriages and leptees to receive portions and legacies accruing 
to them. (7) The Orange River Government shall permit no slavery. 

(8) The Orange River Government shall have freedom to purchase 
ammunition in any British Colony or possession in South Africa. 

(9) A consul or agent of the British Government to be stationed within 
the Colony, near the frontier, to give advice and information in order 
to promote mutual facilities to traders and travellers. 

Signed by George Russell Qerk, J. P. Hofi&nan, G.P. Visser, P.M. 
Hester, A. H. Stander, F. P. Schnehage and twenty others. 

It was agreed that all the existing laws should remain and that all 
officers should retain their positions ; the right hands of those who had 
been at political variance were extended and received, and for a time, 
at all events, it seemed as if the new Orange Free State was to be a 
haven of contentment and brotherly love. And now that in spite of 
all their struggles, the anti-abandonists had lost the day, they did not 
cry over spilt milk, but seemed determined to make the best of a bad 
job, so much so that several of those who had done all they could to 
oppose the establishment of the new government, took office imder it. 
While the abandonment matters were engrossing all the minds of 
both British and Dutch a new cause of excitement came into existence 
in the region of Smithfield. Whether it had anything to do with the 
resistance to abandonment it is difficult to say, but it was open to that 
construction. Just about the time when the final arrangements with 
the Boers were being made by Sir George Qerk a jackal dug a hole 
in the ground on the farm of one Wessels, about three-and-a-half 
miles to the north-west of Smithfield. In the debris which the animal 
threw out a nugget of gold, weighing 88 grains, was found, or said 
to be foimd. As soon as this became known, fortime -hunters from all 
parts commenced to flock to the region. It is difficult to estimate the 
value of the statements which were made with reference to the existence 
of gold in the Smithfield district. One thing, however, was certain : 
they were very promising and alluring. We are told that two nuggets, 
one weighing as much as 4 ozs. and another of i oz. 2 dwts. were 
brought to light. The washings of two buckets of debris from the 
bottom of a hole 16 feet deep gave 115 grains and 8 nuggets of 


weights varying from 22 to 40 grains were obtained. Mr. Vowe, the 
magistrate of the Caledon River, went to Grahamstown, exhibited 
some of the finds and created much excitement. By March, 1854, 
there was a regular gold-rush to the part, and it seemed as if California 
was to be re-enacted in the Orange Free State. A " Caledon River 
gold-mining company " was formed in Port EUzabeth with a capital 
of £13,500, shopkeepers advertised all sorts of mining requisites, 
coaches were to nm to the El Dorado and, so we are told, there was a 
comfortable inn at the half-way house at Doom Nek. But very many 
went and spent some weeks there, found nothing and returned dis- 
gusted. Suspicions were not wanting that the whole thing was either 
a hoax, or the action on the part of some of the British to induce the 
Government to delay or abandon the abandonment. " Melancholy 
to reflert," they said in writing to Sir George Clerk, " that just as good 
fortune beams on the country it should be abandoned. Perhaps 
France or Holland will come along and take it." The following letter 
to Sir George Qerk well expresses the views of the promoters : " Sir, 
We, the undersigned representatives of the Caledon River District, 
have the honour to bring to your Excellency's notice the fact that 
the discovery of gold in the neighbourhood of Smithfield is now an 
undoubted fact, of which many of us have actual demonstration on 
the spot. It is needless for us to enlarge upon the importance of this 
discovery should it appear shortly, as we are fully convinced it will, 
that the deposits are likely to prove of suJBBcient quantity to attract a 
large influx of inhabitants into this coimtry, there is one point in 
connection with it to which we are desirous of attracting Your Excel- 
lency's attention. Your Excellency is aware of the vast amount of 
crime and disorganisation of society to which these discoveries in other 
coimtries have given rise, and we cannot contemplate the withdrawal 
of the British Government at such a critical period without feelings 
of the greatest apprehension. We feel convinced that when Her 
Majesty's Government decided upon withdrawing British dominion 
from this country they had not in contemplation the altered circum- 
stances in which this province will be placed. Your Excellency must 
by this time have seen enough of the strength of party feeling, the want 
of education, and the unfitness of the inhabitants for self-government 
in a country which we have reason to expect will shortly be overrim 
with persons attracted by the gold discoveries, and of whose probable 
character Your Excellency is doubtless well aware. Should the 
Executive authority be vested in persons without the requisite power 
of enforcing law and order, we have great reason to expect that this 
Province will become the scene of atrocities and lawless proceedings 
similar to those which have been enacted in CaHfornia and elsewhere. 
We feel certain that Her Majesty's Government never would willingly, 
by withdrawing British protection, plunge this country into the 
anarchy which, without other causes, at present existing, must ensue. 


in a gold-producing district under a weak or ill-supported Government. 
We would, therefore, respectfully submit to Your Excellency whether 
your instructions from Her Majesty's Government do not allow you 
such latitude and discretion as may be now, in the cause of humanity 
and of the safety and welfare of this country, be exercised, by deciding 
to postpone the withdrawal of British authority till such time as the 
dangers we fear have been provided against by a strong and respectable 
Government. In pressing this subject upon Your Excellency's 
serious consideration, we earnestly deprecate the idea of being influenced 
by political or personal motives other than these by which, as the 
representatives of the Caledon River District, our duty to our con- 
stituents ought to be determined. We cannot, however, refrain from 
expressing to Your Excellency our conviction, fortified by reports 
from the other side of the Vaal River, that these deposits will prove 
far more extensive than can at present be anticipated, and the weighty 
results of these discoveries should our anticipation be realised. 

Signed by H. J. Hales, R. Finlay, A. White, W. Coleman, H. Joubert, 
W. Way, F. Kronje, H. OUvier." 

Sir George Qerk's answer to this was : " Sir, The discoveries made 
in the Smithfield district, as reported in your letter of yesterday, can 
have no effect in the determination of Her Majesty's Government to 
withdraw from this territory. I adopted the surest pubhc means 
of making this generally known, and the inhabitants of Smithfield 
would find it more advantageous to their interests to beUeve in it than 
to cling to hopes which cannot be realised." — George Qerk, Special 

In order to arrive at the truth of the many gold stories from Smith- 
field, the Governor sent the oflScial geologist, Mr. Andrew WyUe, to 
investigate and report. Mr. Wylie visited the district in November, 
1854. In his long and able report he discussed the general geological 
features of the coxmtry and gave it as his opinion that gold seldom 
occurred in rocks so recent as those in the Free State. After spending 
some time in carefully examining the strata of the district, he said he 
did not succeed in finding any gold " though I have no doubt such 
exists. In the case of two pits only five yards apart, one gave 12 
separate particles of gold, while the other gave none. I became now 
convinced that in the case of this particular pit some deception had 
been practised. One thing was now pretty clear to me, namely, that 
there was not the remotest chance of Smithfield gold workings suc- 
ceeding as a commercial proposition. Gold does occur, I have reason 
to beUeve, in greater quantity to the northward of the Free State, but 
even there it is very questionable whether it will ever be found in 
remimerative quantity." Thus ended the quest for gold in the Free 
State and Smithfield did not become a Johannesburg. 


The Provisional Government which had been formed at the time 
of the signing of the abandonment instrument was dissolved on March 
29th and a permanent Government was then proclaimed. It consisted 
of 29 members. Mr. J. P. Hofftnan became the first president. A 
committee of five was appointed to formulate a constitution the 
discussions of the various sections of which formed the greater part 
of the business of this, the First Volksraad. The session ended on 
April i8th.(») 

The Orange Free State thus launches on the sea of independence. 
There remained nothing more to complete the severance than the 
departure of the British troops and the return to the Colony of the great 
Special Commissioner, Sir George Russell Qerk, K.C.B., who, though 
probably he did not do so, could say : My work is finished and I 
have left that country in a greater muddle than I found it ; nevertheless, 
the great object of abandonment has been attained. 

Before the last bonds between Great Britain and the new Free 
State could be broken there was still to be settled the further question 
of compensation to those who were to be losers on account of the 
change of government — a question of considerable expense, as will be 
seen. On March nth, 1854, the troops marched out of Bloemfontein 
on their way to Colesberg. Before they left an address of farewell, 
signed by the inhabitants, was read and presented to Col. Kyle, who 
was in command, and that gallant soldier made a suitable reply. 
Their route out of the town was up the Monument Road past the 
Queen's Fort. There the Union Jack flew for the last time, and then 
only to be saluted, lowered and to be replaced by the Free State flag. 
To add further sadness to the occasion, one of the soldiers fell dead, 
and a halt had to be called while the man was being buried.(*) 

It might have been thought that as the n^jority of the Dutch in 
the Free State were so glad to be rid of British rule and to have the 
government of the coimtry in their hands, they would have 
accepted this greatly-desired change without any hope or desire of 
pecuniary advantage. It is not clear, however, that they did so. 
In fact, as has been mentioned, the Winburg people were prepared 
to take over the coimtry without any compensation from the British 
Government. Yet Sir George Qerk, to soothe bitter feelings, pre- 
sented the new Government with a svia of ;iC3,ooo, which was to be 
distributed among those who felt they had grievances in connection 
with the fines which had been imposed upon them for rebellion or 

(') For details vide Notiden der Verrigtingen van den Hoogedelen Volksraad 
1854 tot 1858. Bloemfontein 1870. 

(') To celebrate this acquisition of freedom, a subscription dinner was held 
n Bloemfontein. In his after-dinner speech, Mr. Hof&nan proposed the health 
of Sir George Clerk, " without whom the Free State woiUd not now exist," 
but before the question was " put," Mr. Orpen rose and exclaimed : " To Sir 
George Clerk, the instrument of the greatest injustice ever perpetrated on a 
people. May we never see him here again." 


other actions against the British Government. It looks from this as 
if Sir George Qerk, on behalf of that Government, acknowledged at 
length that these people had been innocent of the offences for which 
they had been fined. A commission consisting of three members was 
appointed to apportion and distribute this money. A curious applica- 
tion for a share in this money came from M. W. Pretorius, the President 
(or perhaps more correctly one of the Presidents) in the Transvaal.(^) 
He demanded a share on accoimt of the expense for ammunition 
which his father had used against the British at Boomplaats. Mr. 
W. W. Collins tells us that " Pretorius arrived in Bloemfontein and, 
having been permitted to appear in the Raad Chamber in September, 
1854, explained the reason of his coming : he demanded that certain 
sums of money, paid by his late father for ammunition used at the 
battle of Boomplaats, be refunded to him. The Raad would not 
agree." " HoflSnan told me (Mr. J. M. Orpen) he would consider it a 
reUef to give up half to Pretorius, and said that though neither he nor 
any man in the Transvaal had any right to any part of it, still he would 
recommend the Volksraad to divide it with Pretorius, because we should 
thus be the quicker rid of him." This ;C3j000 was no part of the com- 
pensation for loss or deterioration of property ; very much more than 
that had to be paid out by the British Treasury on that account. A 
Board of Qaims was formed to deal with the many cases, but probably 
like all Boards of this nat\ire it gave great dissatisfaction. There were 
not wanting, though undoubtedly unjust, suspicions that those who 
in some way or other assisted Sir George Qerk in bringing about the 
abandonment received greater consideration than those who opposed 
it. No claims on account of property which had been acquired 
after June 19th, 1852, were entertained, as at that date it was made 
known that abandonment would take place. (^) The total sum spent 

(') I should explain that up to this time there was no President or real central 
government in the Transvaal. There were four Commandants-General 
recognised by foiu- separate fartions, living mostly in four portions of the 
country. Martinus Pretorius, who was the second son of his late father and 
had succeeded him in office, had now a larger following than any of the other 
three and wished to be chief over the whole country."— Orpen Reminiscences, 
Chap. XLIX. 

(•) The following are some of many of the applications for compensation. 
Mr. A. H. Bain claimed £11,744 for deterioration of his property due to the 
abandonment. He was awarded £1,500. He received special consideration 
as he had rendered great public service in connection with Boomplaats. At 
great risk of his life he rode and carried dispatches to the officer commanding 
at Colesberg, a distance of 190 miles. By this means wagons were procured 
in order to enable Sir Harry Smith to move forward from the Orange River, 
where he was at a standstill. 

Mr. L. G. Young had borrowed £500 for the improvement of his farm. 
To meet this and other liabilities he sold all his moveable property at a sacrifice ; 
he coiild get no purchaser for his farm under the circumstances. He therefore 
claimed compensation, but was told that depreciation in the value of land 
consequent upon the abandonment formed no claim for compensation. 

Mr, A. Buckley sent in a claim for £4,964 8s. 6d., but received no satisfaction 
from Sir George Clerk, whom he seems to have offended. He sent a memorial 
to the Secretary of State ; he was somewhat violent in his language j he 


by the British Treasury in connection with the abandonment was 
£88435 (Theal). 

A contentious matter arising out of the question of compensation 
and one which actually reached the House of Commons was that in 
connection with the surveys of the Free State lands and the defining 
of the boundaries of the many farms. On May 24th, 1850, Major 
Warden entered into a contract with one J. H. Ford, a surveyor, to 
undertake this work in the district of Bloemfontein and Winburg. 
He was to receive ^^lo for the survey of each farm with diagram. 
The farmers were to pay ;Ci2 los. {£2 los. of which had to go to the 
Government) for the diagrams, if taken within a year after the survey, 
and £15 afterwards. Two other surveyors, the brothers Messrs. J. M. 
and F. H. Orpen, undertook the surveys of the Smithfield district. 
They were willing to charge only one-third of the usual fee as there 
was so much work to be done and the farms were contiguous. The 
majority of the Boers, however, did not want their farms surveyed 
and had no use for diagrams. When land was allotted to them they 
were given a " Certificate of Occupation," a kind of temporary title 
deed, which was to answer until the more legal instrument was issued, 
in which case the diagrams would have been necessary. But the 
Boers were contented with simple certificates and felt no call to trouble 
the surveyors. Thus a large number of diagrams were made which 
remained for a time in the hands of the surveyors and then were handed 
over to the Government ; there they were to remain imtil paid for 
by the farmers. At the time of the abandonment very few had been 
applied for. Sir George Qerk passed them on to the Provisional 
Government and repudiated all responsibility in connection with 
them, as also did the new Government. The amoimt due to the 
surveyors according to the agreement was £1,918 9s. 4d. But they 
had httle hope of obtaining it. The Orpens brought the matter before 
Sir George Grey shortly after his arrival as Governor and the departure 
of Sir George Qerk. The new Governor sympathised with them and 
promised that if after investigation they seemed to have a good case 

considered himself to be no longer a British subject and, therefore, he was not 
interested in upholding Her Majesty's authority ; should there be a collision 
between the Orange Free State and the British Government he would consider 
it his duty to assist the former. He could not, he said, be expected to support 
Her Majesty's Government which, after inducing him to settle in a country, 
had handed it over to parties whom the same Government had just before 
proscribed as rebels. 

Mr. Stanton owned property in Market Square, Bloemfontein. He asked 
for compensation to the extent of £1,045 i8s. 5d. He had spent £1,500 on 
property which, if now put up to auction, would, on account of the abandonment, 
not realise £300. He could not let it as there were many places people would 
be glad to let to those who would merely take care of them. He still owed 
£i/xx) and was being pressed by hard creditors. 

Sir George Clerk could not have been very sympathetic in giving account 
of the many cases of loss to the Secretary of State, for that noble officer, in a 
despatch dated July 6th, 1854, said : " Sir George Clerk's despatches do not 
show any great and substantial amount of injury due to the abandonment." 


he would make representations to the Secretary of State. He did so 
and was told that the matter would be referred to Sir George Qerk — 
that is, the question was to be left to the decision of the very ofiBcer 
against whose decision the appeal was made. The surveyors them- 
selves also sent a memorial to the Duke of Newcastle. In that they 
maintained that the Government held those diagrams in trust until 
they were paid for by the farmers ; that Sir George Qerk had handed 
them over to the new Government without their consent and that the 
British Government had broken faith and was in honour bound to 
refund the value of the diagrams. Sir George Qerk, in replying to 
the matter when it was before him in England, said the surveys were 
matters purely of speculation on the part of the surveyors. When 
Sir Harry Smith annexed the country several individuals thought 
they perceived an enduring field for their employment in the survey 
of its forty millions of acres and the preparation of coloured diagrams 
of its 6,000 acre allotments. He regarded the whole thing as a matter 
of speculation, which surveyors undertook at their own risk and must, 
therefore, take the consequences. The Orpens kept the matter alive 
for some years. In 1864 it came before the House of Assembly in 
Cape Town, and a select committee, imder the chairmanship of Sir 
Thomas Scanlan. The report was that the complainants had a good 
case against the British Government arising out of a breach of contract. 
The matter went before the House of Commons, but nothing came of 
it. Encouraged by the Free State having been abandoned by the 
British Government and also by the Transvaal having been permitted 
to govern itself, the Dutch in Natal endeavoured to gain the same boon 
for themselves. To this end a petition, dated April 15th, 1854, and 
signed with 339 names, was sent to England in September. The 
grounds of their complaints and desires to manage their own affairs 
were the inadequate control of the natives by the authorities, the want 
of protection for life and property against the Zulus, the impossibility 
of getting redress for grievances, however great, and interference with 
Roman-Dutch law. Nothing came of this, but the subject was not 
allowed to die. During the next two years it was agitated in the 
hope that the portion of Natal which they then occupied might 
become a part of the Transvaal Repubhc. Towards the end of 1856 
there was a large gathering of the Dutch at the residence of one 
Hermanns Lombard, when a further petition was or had been, drafted. 
According to Mr. T. T. Kelly, the Resident Magistrate of the Klip 
River district, " this docimient was composed and forwarded to the 
Boers here by Mr. Struben, the late notorious magistrate of this 
country, from his place of refuge in the territory of the Transvaal 
Republic and by the instruction of its chief president or commandant, 
Mr. Pretorius. At the meeting referred to it was resolved unanimously 
to follow the advice and instructions which had been conmiunicated 
to them from the Republican State through Mr. Struben and, as I 


am informed, this memorial will be signed by, with few exceptions, 
the entire Dutch population both in this and the other countries 
inhabited by these misguided people." Mr. Kelly suggested that 
those who presented the address should be handed over to the civil 
authorities and proceeded against for sedition. He asked to be suppUed 
with a force sufficiently strong to enable him to put a stop to all such 
factious meetings. 

The petition makes rather pathetic reading. If ever there was a 
people who bought and paid for a country with their blood it was the 
Boers of Natal, and one cannot be surprised at, but rather commiserate 
with them in their desire to retain even a portion of it. The petition 
is as follows : " The imdersigned memorialists, inhabitants of coim- 
ties of the Klip River and Weenen, in the district of Natal, respectfully 
desire, in the most humble way, to lay before you their common 
interests and grievances in the firm hope and confidence that Your 
Excellency (it went to Sir George Grey) will consider and recognise 
their fervent wishes. We must remind Your Excellency that, although 
bearing the name of British subjects, we memorialists belong to and 
are descendants from an entirely different race, and that we and our 
fathers were compelled to become British subjects only by force of 
circumstances and the chances of war, which, alas, compels the weak 
to bow to the strong. We do not say this because we do not deem 
British subjects happy — far be it from us — because, on the contrary, 
we believe them to be, in their own covmtry, one of the freest and most 
happy people ; still it is only to remind Your Excellency that a con- 
quered and constrained people, differing so entirely in language, 
religion, laws, maimers and habits, as your memorialists and the 
English do, never can look upon themselves otherwise than as an 
oppressed and conquered people . They have lost their national hberty, 
not from their own free will, but through the power of the strongest 
and, therefore, they would never be able, nor can it ever be expected 
of them, to possess or evince to a conqueror or ruler imposed by force, 
however good he may be, that national faith and respect which binds 
a people to their King and thus constitutes the strength of a nation. 
Animated by such feeUngs, which will never desert ourselves or our 
children, we must frankly acknowledge that we never will be nor 
ever can become good and faithful subjects of the English Government, 
whereas, as a free and independent people, we might make good 
frontier residents and friends of our English neighbours. It is for this 
and other reasons that we respectfully request Your Excellency to 
grant to us, who are so closely bound by blood and kindred to our free 
neighbours, the same privileges which Her Majesty has granted to our 
relatives and our friends in the South African Republic and Orange 
Free State. We do not desire that the British Government should 
restore to us, as the first and lawful possessors, the whole distria of 


Natal. No ! We ask only that it may please Your Excellency to 
define the course of the Great Bushman River until where it runs into 
the Great Tugela River as the northern and north-eastern boundary, 
with a view to restore to us, the inhabitants of this district, as a free 
and independent people, that portion of Natal which from the murders 
committed there by the native races and the blood of our dearest rela- 
tives, there shed by them, is valuable to us and will ever remain so. 
It is not our desire to set up as a separate state that portion which we 
respectfully ask of Yoiur Excellency but, on the contrary, to imite it 
imder the South African RepubUc and by God's blessing to make 
with them one state and one happy people. We make these requests 
to Your Excellency with the utmost freedom, since from such a settle- 
ment we expect the greatest happiness, blessing and prosperity for 
Natal as well as for ourselves and particularly for the following reasons : 
The portion of ground asked for by us and situated north and north- 
east of the Bashman's River the northern and north-eastern boundary 
line of Natal is only adapted for cattle breeders and of littie internal 
value, consequently almost useless for colonisation by European 
immigrants. So long as the abovementioned groimd remains British 
territory there not only exists no prospect that the open ground therein 
will be occupied and inhabited, but rather that a large portion of the 
present inhabitants will abandon that part of the coimtry, forced 
thereto by the scanty white population and the too great, and still 
increasing amount of barbarian coloured tribes who are left almost 
lawless, and further from the knowledge that our Colonial Government 
is not in a position to protect (us) from the overwhelming power of the 
natives ; wherefore nothing remains to us but the prospect of a 
destructive Kafi&r war. Should we now again be compelled by the 
ciramistances to abandon our lav/fiil lands and dearly-bought fire- 
sides, this cannot terminate otherwise than in a new break of exaspera- 
tion (so easily rekindled in a conquered people) and cause us both 
nothing but damage, disaster and harm, which we fervently hope 
God in his wisdom may avert." 

Sir George Grey was quite the last man to whom to send any such 
petition as this with any hope of its being granted. He looked with 
horror upon " the dismemberment of the Empire." He was far too 
displeased with and opposed to the establishment of the northern 
republics to give heed to such a request as that of the Klip River 
Dutch. In communicating with the Lieutenant-Governor of Natal 
on this matter. Sir George Grey somewhat prophetically wrote : 
" By the founding of the two (republics) we have limited our own 
territory, retained that which is least fertile and given the really fertile 
country away. No limits are set to the extent to which the two 
repubUcs may extend. We abandon these territories chiefly upon 
account of their supposed cosdiness, we may now tell them to protect 


and govern themselves. This causes great ill-feeling, and I feel 
satisfied that an agitation for relinquishment of other portions of 
our territories will for years be kept up until the interior states obtain 
some sea port within a healthy latitude. Another evil of these small 
republics is that in pursuit of their own interests they enter upon 
hostilities with the native races at the period when they can do it with 
the greatest advantage to themselves. Thus we, who are their neigh- 
bours, are constantly threatened with danger in some direction. We 
are never free from alarms and a much larger force is necessarily 
left on the frontier than need otherwise be maintained there. As 
may yet appear, the abandonment of the Sovereignty having led to a 
reduction of cost will probably increase it. A federal union amongst 
all these territories in which great individual freedom of action had 
been left to each province, while they were all under British rule 
would have given very great satisfaction. A great State would thus 
have been eventually built up in South Africa which would have been 
strong enough to protect itself, as by its unity, strength and power, 
it could alike have overawed and have punished the native tribes, 
while from the wealth and number of its population the facilities for 
education which its public establishments would have been afforded, 
the magnitude of its affairs and the large questions which would have 
been discussed in its General Assembly, it would have trained up an 
enlightened race of statesmen who would have been habituated to deal 
with questions of policy on grounds as large and general as the interests 
they had to consider and provide for. Such a State would have 
educated and supplied a class of divines, lawyers and literary men 
who might well have advanced the interests of their country and 
have promoted and sustained its advances in the arts and civilisation. 
The pohcy, has, however, been adopted of splitting the country up 
into small Republics, with no bond of union among them each of 
which, in pursuit of its own interests, hurries into disputes with native 
tribes at the moment which is in accordance with its own views, 
without regarding the interests of its neighbours, who may, by its 
proceedings, be hurried into a war at a most inconvenient time. Each 
of these Republics also, from the smallness of its population and their 
isolated positions, will be unable to furnish a race of statesmen capable 
of conducting the affairs of their coimtry upon large views of general 
policy, whilst education will, I fear, sink to a low ebb."(^) 

In Mr. Labouchere's answering despatch to Sir George Grey, 
dated June 4th, 1857, in which this petition was brought before him, 
he said : " In the first place I have to state that Her Majesty's Govern- 
ment do not entertain the intention of abandoning any portion of Her 
Majesty's present dominions in South Africa, and it is their^wish 

(•) Despatch. Sir G. Grey to Hon. H. Labouchere, Dec. 20th, 1856. 
G.H., Vol. 22. 


that you should take whatever course is best calculated, in your 
opinion, to impress a conviction of their determination on this subject 
on the minds of the memorialists." 

The Orange Free State was now an independent coimtry. Its 

destiny apparently was in its own hands and in hope and anticipation 

of happiness and prosperity. It might reasonably have expected to be 

able to move down the ages, developing itself without worrying and 

troubling itself with the concerns outside its own borders. It was a 

mercy for that country — as well perhaps for mankind in general that 

it was not given to see clearly the distant future. But during these 

earUest days of the Ufe of the Free State there were not wanting 

indications of trouble in the immediate future. The Basuto scourge 

loomed large, the imsettled boundaries between the Free State and 

Basutoland and the constant stealing of the Boers' cattle were pregnant 

with the probabiUty of war. Political trouble was presaged by M. W. 

Pretorius and some agitators stirring up strife in order to aimex the 

new Free State to the Transvaal Republic and be vinder him as 

President. Then there was the trouble which had been the conunon 

lot of all Europeans who endeavoured to settle in more distant and 

isolated parts, namely, the roving, thieving and dangerous Bushmen, 

human rats, as they had been called, a diminutive, wiry people, fleet 

of foot and always prepared, with their bows and poisoned arrows, 

sometimes with gims, to murder any European at sight. All this 

confronted the new President, Mr. J. P. Hof&nan, who soon fovmd 

that the honourable position to which he had been elected was not 

to be a bed of roses, perhaps more correctly, a bed of roses which 

became more and more thorny as the months sped by, until he found 

it imperative to resign. His coadjutors were Mr. Hector Lowen, who 

had been civil commissioner of Bloemfontein under British rule 

and now became landdrost of Bloemfontein with Mr. C. Warden, 

the son of Major Warden, as his clerk. Mr. J. H. Ford, the late 

" Surveyor-General," was appointed landdrost of Smithfield and^Mr. 

J. M. Orpen, landdrost of Winburg and Harrismith. It is curious 

to note that these men and some others who had been such anti- 

abandonists now became the chief oflBcers in the abandoned country. 

The innocent cause of the downfall of Mr. Hofiitnan was a friendliness 

with the Basuto chief Moshesh. Hoffman's farm was Jammerberg 

Drift, at no great distance from Moshesh's country. After he became 

President, Moshesh asked that, in consideration of the quantity of 

gimpowder he had had to use in firing salutes for great men who had 

visited his country, a quantity should be sent to him as recompense. 

Mr. Hof&nan, feeling that this request was reasonable and anxious 

still to preserve the good feehng which existed between them then, 

sent a small keg of fifty poimds of powder. This gave a fine handle 

to those members of the Volksraad who were opposed to him, to work 

his downfall. On February 9th, 1855, one Linde brought forward 


a charge of High Treason (Hooge Misdaad) against Mr. HofEman. 
An amendment was proposed modifying this, and merely accusing him 
of want of judgment and deserving nothing worse than the censure 
of the Raad. The original motion, however, was carried by 15 votes 
to n. By this Mr. Hoffman could not be turned out, as to go that 
length it was necessary that there should be three votes out of every 
four. The malcontents were determined to have him out and to use 
force if necessary. In a riotous maimer the Chamber was vacated, 
and a body of armed men, under one Van Rensburg, went and took 
possession of the fort and public oflBces. Mr. Hoffnian therefore sent 
the following letter to the Volksraad : — 

Government Ofl&ce of the Orange Free State. 

loth February, 1855. 
Honourable Gentlemen, 

As the majority of yoiu: Assembly have voted against me and some 
of the members have even been guilty of irregularities by hindering 
the Public Service with armed men, with the knowledge of the majority 
of the Raad, without giving me notice thereof, or even opposing it, 
it is evident that there is no mutual confidence, which is so essential 
for the carrying out of the law. I have therefore the honour to 
tender my resignation. 

I have the honour to be 

J. P. Hoffman. 

It was accepted. It is curious there should have been this feeling 
against him as he got in with 624 votes against 418, for Captain Struben 
and only 18 for Mr. Boshof, who succeeded him. Personally, Mr. 
Hofl&nan seems to have been an able and upright man and well worthy 
of the honour which had been conferred upon him. He was a cripple ; 
so also was his secretary, Mr. Groenendal. 

During Mr. Hoffinan's short reign the Bushmen seem to have been 
giving more trouble than usual. It may have been that in the despera- 
tion of starvation they braved any danger in quest of food. They 
squatted on farms, where they must have known they would be 
interfered with and where their robberies would soon be discovered. 
They were usually left alone and unnoticed until their villanies 
compelled action against them. 

In January, 1855, a collection of about sixty of these wild men, 
besides women and children, were squatting on the farm of one 
Petersen, about eight miles from Winburg. They had been ordered 
by the authorities to move away, but had refused. It therefore 
became necessary to use force to compel obedience to this order. 
Mr. J. M. Orpen, the landdrost of Winburg, called out a commando 
of 25 farmers for the purpose of overawing these people and, if 
possible, of driving them out without recourse to bloodshed. The 


plan was to arrive in their vicinity before daybreak so that, as it was 
thought, the danger from their poisoned arrows would be lessened on 
account of the strings of the bows having been loosened by the damp 
of early morning. The force started from Winburg on January I2th, 
1855, and, moving forward in extended order, it came in view of the 
scattered huts, if those wretched habitations could be dignified with 
such a name, about daybreak. Before the conmiando got very near 
the watch-dogs discovered it and barked furiously. In a moment the 
Bushmen were on the alert. Mr. Orpen, who was in command, 
at the g reat risk of his hfe, which he did nearly lose, walked up to 
some of the Bushmen alone and imarmed and with his hands above his 
head to show he was so. By means of one of them who understood 
Dutch and acted as interpreter, Mr. Orpen said : " I have come with 
my men to show you that you must obey. I intend to do you no 
harm." He then, followed by the farmer Odendaal, walked down 
among the scattered huts and, very dangerously, in order to see who 
was inside, pulled off from some the reed mats which formed part of 
their structure. " As I pulled back the covering from one I foimd it 
crammed with Bushmen, fierce little fellows, whose black, glittering, 
snake-like eyes were fixed on me and their guns and arrows pointed 
at me. Just then I felt a blow on my right arm near the shoulder and, 
wheeling round, saw that a Bushman had stabbed me. Quick as 
lightning he then stabbed Odendaal in the head, pinning his hat to it." 
Odendaal quickly turned and shot the Bushman dead. Others of the 
commando had now crossed the small spniit or stream which divided 
them from the land occupied by the Bushmen and, having dismounted 
from their horses, they rushed on and a general melee seems to have 
commenced. Sixty well-prepared and savage Bushmen against the 
twenty-five farmers. The shower of poisoned arrows soon compelled 
the latter to remount their horses and gallop away. Mr. Orpen also 
ran. The damp of the early morning had not materially affected 
the strings of their bows. They had not gone far when Stander 
shouted to Mr. Orpen : " Help me ; help me ; I am wounded." 
Mr. Orpen stopped and got Stander off his horse, placed him on his 
back on the ground and opened his shirt-front. He had been hit by 
an arrow on the collarbone and the poisoned barb was still in the 
woimd. The Bushman arrows consisted of two parts ; a short piece 
about three inches long on the end of which was the poisoned barb. 
This was fitted into a thin shaft about two feet long. When the arrow 
had been shot at a person and then pulled away from the wound only 
the shaft came away while the poisoned barb remained and had to be 
cut out quickly to save life. Mr. Orpen most bravely, with his arm 
useless from his own woimd, cut with a rough clasp knife the flesh 
right to the bone, which he scraped, sucked the woimd and spat out 
the blood. This saved Stander's hfe. Another, Hendrik Wessels, 
had received an arrow wound in his arm and called for Mr. Orpen's 
assistance. But he was too far gone and was dead within twenty 


minutes of the infliction of the wound. One Mitchel received a gun- 
shot wound in the stomach and died shortly afterwards of peritonitis. 
The total casualties on the European side during this fight were 
Wesscls, Bernard and Mitchel kiUed ; Rensburg, Stander, Odendaal, 
Van Niekerk, McCabe (the great traveller) and Orpen wounded. 
The casualties on the Bushman side are not mentioned. The end of 
it was the Bushmen decamped from that place and took up a rocky 
position near Vechtkop. On the way they managed to steal the cattle 
from the farm of one Van Coller. 

The Bushmen had always been a scourge to Europeans in sparsely- 
populated parts. Not only were they robbers of cattie (this to some 
extent might perhaps have been condoned, as they were driven to 
such acts by hunger), but apparently out of mere wantonness they 
damaged property and committed murders. About this time a party 
of them visited the homestead of a farmer named Van Hansen. They 
demanded tobacco. As it was refused them they murdered him, his 
wife, three children and two servants. There were thirteen Bushmen 
in the party. Major Warden, writing from Laings Drift, George, 
on April i8th, 1856, said that for upwards of two years previous to the 
wholesale murders of Van Hansen, Bushmen had committed serious 
depredations on the property of the farmers, and on several occasions 
whilst following on the spoors of their stolen cattle received death 
wounds from the poisoned arrows. " Many were the appUcations 
made to me to put down this marauding race within the late Sovereignty 
by means of commandos. Certain portions of the country had often 
been thrown into a state of alarm by the proceedings of the Bushmen, 
whose robber bands were supposed to be acting in concert, but on the 
murders of the Van Hansens, the whole white population was in an 
excited state and called loudly for coercive measures. The civil 
conmiissioner of the Caledon district, having informed me that the 
Bushmen murderers had separated and joined several strong kraals 
of their countrymen, I proceeded to the Caledon River with a party 
of the Cape Corps and a hundred burghers. On nearing the Bushman 
kraals the force was fired on and three men were woimded. On the 
side of the Bushmen fifteen were killed, including the whole of the 
murderers. About 150 men, women and children were brought into 
camp and handed over to Mr. Vowe, the civil commissioner, in order 
to be contracted as servants, and special instructions were given that 
not a single child was to be separated from its parents. I have every 
reason to believe that Mr. Vowe strictly carried out my orders and 

Sir George Grey, in his despatch to Mr. Labouchere, dated Decem- 
ber 23rd, 1856, said : " One of the diflBcult questions which this 
Govenmient at the present moment has to deal with is that connected 
with the capture and sale of Bushmen and other coloured children 
in the territories beyond our borders, who are afterwards brought into 
British possessions. In reference to some of these proceedings it is 


frequendy alleged that high British authorities are in a great measure 
responsible for them, and I think that there can be little doubt that 
such allegations are frequently erroneous and that no sufiBcient grounds 
exist for them. According to the Bloemfontein Gazette at the close of 
1853 robberies had been committed in the Sovereignty which were 
attributed to Bushmen and that upon a deputation waiting on Sir 
George Qerk at Bloemfontein he promised to see the magistrate on 
the matter and to arrange with him a plan for putting a stop to thieving 
by these people and also for making them useful (dienstbaar) by 
dividing them and hiring them out to the farmers in the neighbourhood. 
According to that, a few days afterwards orders were given by Sir 
George Qerk, through Mr. Lowen, the resident magistrate of Bloem- 
fontein, that armed patrols should go out and that the men, for their 
services, should receive payment at the rate of ten shillings per diem 
for horse and man. On December 13th the first party went out and 
captured 87 men, women and children. Some of the men were divided 
among the persons present, while others were taken to Bloemfontein 
and apprenticed by the magistrate. On February 14th, 1854, the 
patrol went out again : six Bushmen were shot dead, three wounded 
and about forty prisoners brought to Bloemfontein and apprenticed." 

This allegation of the sale of children was referred by the British 
Government to Mr. Hector Lowen, the former HMgistrate of Bloem- 
fontein, who was then in Wales. He answered on April 14th, 1857 : 
" I most decidedly deny that any children (of Bushmen or any other 
tribe) were ever sold in the district of Bloemfontein or in any other 
part of the Orange River territory while under British rule. That 
Bushmen were made prisoners zoithin my district I do not deny, and 
if any were killed it was when they resisted and fired upon the farmers 
when attempting to recover horses or cattle stolen by these wild, 
lawless marauders. Several parties, when in pursuit of stolen pro- 
perty, were fired upon and woimded, not only with poisoned arrows 
but with ball." He then describes the state of desperation into which 
the farmers were driven by the depredations of the Bushmen, so at 
length he gave permission for a commando to go out. Bushmen 
were brought into Bloemfontein naked and half-starved, some very 
old and decrepit. They were distributed among the farmers to be 
fed, clothed and made useful. On the retirement of Mr. Hofi5nan 
there supervened an interregnimi for a short time. The choice of the 
new President fell upon Mr. J. N. Boshof, then resident in Natal. 
A commission was sent to Maritzburg to ask him to allow himself to be 
nominated. He consented and was elected on May 15th, 1855, 
but did not arrive in Bloemfontein until August 4th. As this work 
has already shown, Air. Boshof had played a prominent part in Voor- 
trekker and Natal history. He was an able and upright man and one 
who was greatly respected by all. It was therefore reasonable to 
anticipate prosperity and happiness under his wise guidance. Whether 
this came to be, the not-very-distant future had the answer. 



Uneasy lies the head that wears a crown. Mr. Boshof, when he 
consented to take over the presidency of the Orange Free State could 
not have been ignorant of the untoward circumstances which were to 
make his period of rule one of anxiety and unhappiness. Speaking 
generally, he had, with inadequate resources, to assume the goverrunent 
of a large territory with hostile tribes along its borders. For the 
estabUshment of an administration for securing law, order and peace 
there was a lamentable shortage of the necessary public buildings, 
gaols and pohce, schools and teachers, powder magazine and places 
of defence. Of his many difficulties, first and foremost there was the 
ever-present Basuto trouble consequent upon the unsettled boundaries 
between the Orange Free State and Basutoland. The Basutos were 
continually raiding Free State property, and the wily chief Moshesh 
was for ever declaring himself to be a man of peace, while his 
undisciplined sons were showing themselves men of war. And 
unfortunately for the peace and prosperity of the country, Mr. Boshof 
soon found that the Free State was not a country of imity within itself. 
There were two opposing parties. On the one hand there were those 
who welcomed him as the new President and rejoiced in their sovereign 
independence, while on the other hand there were those who desired 
to merge their independence with that of the Transvaal and to form 
one State imder Mr. M. W. Pretorius as president. Further, perhaps 
not the least of Mr. Boshof's anxieties was that connected with a kind 
of traffic in native children, which he soon endeavoured to put a stop 
to. He had, however, the consolation that Sir George Grey, from the 
first, showed him every sympathy, support and co-operation in his 
arduous duties. It may sound strange that in its internal affairs the 
head of the Government of one coimtry should assist that of another 
with which it had no connection — ^the Orange Free State now being 
independent of Cape Colony and Great Britain .(^) 

Mr. Boshof had been in office but a very short time when Sir George 
Grey commenced his extended tour through the Orange Free State 
and Natal. He was warmly welcomed by the President and Volksraad 

(1) " But," said Sir George Grey in a despatch to Mr. Labouchere, dated 
Jtine 7th, 1856, " it may sometimes be quite necessary for the good of Her 
Majesty's service, that I should interfere for the purpose of preventing wars 
from breaking out on our borders, which will, most probably, have the eflfect 
of inciting the Kaffir tribes to make a war upon us, the cost of which Great 
Britain would at present have to defray." 



in Bloemfontein. Probably counting upon the prestige of the 
Governor and the awe which his presence would inspire, Mr. Boshof 
prevailed upon him to accompany him to Smithfield in order to have 
an interview with Moshesh and induce that chief to introduce better 
order among his people . The meeting took place on October 5th, 1855. 
The gist of the interview was that Mr. Boshof, having propitiated 
Moshesh with the usual flattery of his being a man of peace, whose 
word was his bond, pointed out that there had been thefts to the extent 
of 363 cattle, 294 horses and 112 sheep. In a calm but firm maimer 
he detailed the delinquencies of the Basutos, their evil doings which 
made the lives of the Boers almost unbearable and recommended 
to him the advice which the Governor could give him. Moshesh 
in a cautious and characteristic reply said : " Peace is the mother of 
us all ; may the things we now seek ascend to Heaven." Descending 
then to more terrestrial matters, he could not guarantee that there 
would be no more steahng of stock ; thieves did not tell him when they 
went out on their nefarious expeditions. " I have eaten the meat of 
the Governor," he said, " and it will be easy for me to vomit it up, 
but it is not so easy to make thieves disgorge what they have stolen." 
Asked whether he would hke to hear advice from the Governor, he 
said : " No, this is a meeting of friends ; we had better not speak of 
these things to-day ; we can correspond by letter ; as we have met 
in peace let us depart in peace ; let us go home. The Governor's 
advice ought to be given to a chief in private and not in public ; he 
(Moshesh) did not come to speak of business." Sir George Grey, 
however, did address him. Kindly, but firmly, he supported all that 
had been said by the President ; he trusted that Moshesh, with his 
ability, would put down stealing. He would, he said, have been 
glad to see the Chief meet the President more cordially than had been 
the case and hoped before he left that Moshesh would promise that 
these practices should come to an end. 

As it was reaUsed that there was something in Moshesh's objection 
to be called to book in the presence of many of his people who were 
present at the interview and that any submission on his part would 
compromise him in the eyes of his great tribe, another meeting was 
held the next day in the presence of only his sons and a few of his 
principal sub-chiefs. Then, due to the influence of Sir George 
Grey, something of the nature of an agreement was reached, the small 
binding value of which on Moshesh, however, was to become evident 
within a short time. He promised obviously to please Sir George 
Grey, but without any intention of keeping his word. He always was 
willing to promise anything in order to put off for a time an evil day, 
and to compel him to keep his word there was no power short of war. 
It was agreed that every Mosuto (the singular of Basuto) entering the 
Free State must have a pass signed by his chief or missionary ; hunting 
parties must have the permission of the landdrost of the particular 


district bsfore setting out. The spoor law was to be re-introduced, 
that is, if stolen cattle were traced to any chief's kraal that chief had 
to continue on the tracks and recover the stolen cattle or himself 
recompense the loser. On the other hand, the burghers of the Free 
State were prohibited from trespassing in Basutoland. The weak 
point of all this was that no boundary line was specified. Hence 
both sides might trespass without knowing that they were doing so. 
In spite of the above agreement there was no diminution in the depre- 
dations. Far from this, there was an increased annoyance caused by 
the natives squatting on the farmers' lands. Matters went on from 
bad to worse until Mr. Boshof's patience becoming exhausted he 
wrote the following uncompromising letter to Moshesh on June 27th, 

" Great Chief, — You will receive this letter by the hands of two 
gentlemen whom I have found it expedient to send as a deputation 
to you, namely Mr. W. J. Coleman and Mr. Hendrik OUvier, and 
whom I have instructed to speak with you on a very disagreeable 
subject, and one which, I fear, may lead to very unpleasant results, 
viz., the stealing of cattie and horses, which has of late been by your 
people resumed and carried on to such an extent, not only on the border 
field-cometdes of Hendrik Olivier and Gustavus Koessie, but even 
near to and beyond the town of Smithfield, as to be no longer bearable. 
In addition to which, besides burning down two farmhouses, the natives 
have lately assumed so insolent a tone towards the first-named field- 
cornet that my personal presence and influence in this part of the 
district became absolutely necessary in order to prevent Boers, goaded 
as they have been to desperation by rapine and insult, from attacking 
these tribes to which the marauders have been clearly proved to belong. 

" I have with difficulty succeeded in restraining these men for the 
present and have persuaded them to await the result of the final appeal 
which I now make to you and thereby to prove whether you are willing 
and able to deal out to the offending tribes and their chiefs the 
exemplary punishment they deserved and cause ample and satisfactory 
compensation to be made to the sufferers. Mr. Ford, the Landdrost 
of Smithfield, has, I find, already made you acquainted with some 
of the recent proceedings of the natives, and I now send you, as 
promised, a list of depredations committed previous to your late visit 
to Smithfield. I have, as you will perceive from the items specified 
in the list, selected those cases only in which the stolen catde were 
traced to the boundary. The total number stolen being 223 cattle, 
136 horses and 245 sheep. With regard to the remaining number 
stolen, viz., 145 cattle, 158 horses, 88 sheep, if it be taken into 
consideration that although not clearly traced, there can be little doubt 
of their having gone in the same direction, and you will, I think, 
admit that I now do far less than might be considered fair and reason- 


able in demanding as compensation 275 head of cattle and 150 horses, 
and as the cattle and horses were in most instances selerted by the 
thieves on accoimt of their good qualities, I shall of course expect 
to receive animals of a superior description. I would suggest that 
delivery of the above cattle take place at the farm of field-comet 
Hendrik Ohvier and request that at the furthest it be not delayed 
beyond the end of August next. I enclose you also a further list of 
depredations since committed amounting, as you will perceive, to 
158 horses and 78 head of cattle, besides houses and other property 
destroyed to the value of £125, as far as has been reported to me 
to this date. You know that for these, according to our agreement, 
I am entitled to four-fold compensation, unless the thieves be dehvered 
up ; and I now request you to have that done also within the time 
and at the place above mentioned. I think it right to inform you that, 
according to our law, the Courts of Justice have the power, in cases of 
cattle and horse steahng to inflict capital punishment, and as it appears 
that in order to protect our frontier inhabitants and to preserve peace 
with our neighbours it has become necessary to exert the utmost power 
given us by the latitude of the law on this head, I shall request the 
Courts of Justice in future to apply the law to that extent and I shall 
most assuredly cause the sentences to be executed in all cases cf theft 
in which they shall consider it necessary to pass sentence of death 
upon the culprit. I trust you will cause notice hereof to be given to 
all natives imder your charge." Mr. Boshof then proceeds to say 
that if he (Moshesh) does not cause compensation to be made or fails 
to pimish the guilty, or should he constitute himself a protector of the 
thieves, then he could only deplore the interruption of the subsisting 
friendly relations and the necessity to which he would be driven of 
taking matters into his own hands. The letter in fact was an ulti- 

AU this, however, made but little difference. The root of all the 
trouble was that Moshesh had so little influence for good over his 
warlike relatives and sub-chiefs — z state of affairs we have already 
seen in British Kaifraria — ^that he was unable to restrain them in their 
continual depredations upon the Free State farmers. The chief 
leaders in these nefarious doings were his brother PoshuU, his eldest 
son Letsea (of Morija) and two scoundrels, Jan Letele and his cousin 
Lebenya, who were not related to Moshesh, but, like many others, 
had settled in those parts and increased thereby the heterogeneity of 
the Basuto nation, if so grand a name may be used in connection with 
this conglomeration of different tribes. 

Among the strangers from afar who took up positions in Basutoland 
— ^that coimtry at that time of very indefinite boimdaries — ^was a chief 
named Witzie and his followers. They occupied a mountainous 
region abutting on Natal, called Witzie's Hoek. Witzie, from all 


accounts, came from the region in the Northern Transvaal, bordering 
on the Limpopo River. Having been dislodged from that country he, 
with his people, migrated into Zululand, where circumstances com- 
peUed them to place themselves imder the bloodthirsty Chaka about 
1820, and to take part in his murderous raids. After the fall of 
Dingaan, when Panda became ruler under the Dutch, Witzie fled 
across the Drakensberg and settled in a portion of the wild country 
on the west of those mountains, which became known as Witzie's 
Hoek. There they formed a nest of robbers and plundered all far 
and near, but more especially the farmers in the Harrismith district. 
So exasperating did these Witzie enterprises become that in 1856 the 
Volksraad decided to take action. A commando consisting of 600 
Europeans and about the same number of natives with 60 wagons 
went forth under a Commandant Botha. Mr. Boshof accompanied 
it as far as the Upper Sand River. Before he took leave of them on 
his return to Bloemfontein an incident happened which has a bearing 
on an important matter yet to be dealt with. According to Mr. J. H. 
Orpen, the Landdrost of Winburg, of whom more anon, all the forces 
gathered to one side of a circular laager. Two of the mmiber came 
forward and addressed the President and himself. " Mr. President 
and Mr. Orpen," they said, "the burghers wish to know whether, 
if it should happen that some little orphans should fall into our hands, 
may we keep them as our servants ?" " No ! Decidedly not," 
answered Mr. Boshof. " If you do that you will certainly lose your 
independence." The force marched on to Witzie's Hoek. They 
captured 1,700 head of cattle and 300 horses. Beyond that, however, 
they did nothing but return to their homes, no punishment of any 
kind was meted out to the Witzies. A little later Mr. Orpen took out 
a much smaller commando. He drove Witzie away, burnt all his 
huts and dispersed the people. Many of them joined Moshesh's 
people, in fact, became Basutos, and as such still had the privilege 
of stealing the farmers' cattle and horses. 

In spite of Moshesh's promises to Sir George Grey on October 
6th, the sufferings of the Free State farmers, especially those in the 
Caledon River district, at the hands of the Basutos were not 
lessened, but became worse. It was clear that Moshesh either could 
not or would not take any steps to stop cattle stealing or to punish 
the marauders. Big hunting parties scoured the country, passing over 
the farms regardless of the apprehension which they caused the owners. 
A feint of the compensation which had been demanded was niet 
some time afterwards by sending in 36 horses instead of 762 which 
had been taken, and in lieu of the large number still owing many more 
catde than were due were sent in, but these for the most part were poor 
and useless animals, the refuse of Basutoland, old and worn-out oxen 
and bulls, many of which were smitten with lung sickness. These 


were refused as those which were taken were the best of the farmers' 
stock. Many of the farmers themselves with their families went into 
defensive laagers and feared to go near their places. H. Olivier 
ventured to do this, but he was soon surrounded by Lebenya's Kaffirs, 
who were most threatening and abusive. It was quite clear that he 
with Poshuli and Jan Letele were disposed, if not quite ready, for war. 
Moshesh was not to be trusted ; every complaint elicited from him a 
declaration of a desire for peace with perhaps a statement that Basutos 
were not the only people in the world who stole. It was at this time 
that he was undoubtedly in communication with Kreli in connection 
with war on the Colony. The Basuto trouble at this time was not the 
only influence which was threatening almost, if not quite, the extinc- 
tion of the Free State. That young and struggUng community had 
an enemy in the north which was even more determined on its aimihila- 
tion. Mr. Boshof, in a letter to Sir George Grey, to whom he com- 
municated all his troubles and difficulties and on whose advice and 
co-operation he so much relied, said, on February 27th, 1857, that a 
most unexpected and inexplicable ciramistance had taken place. 
Mr. Pretorius, the late Commandant-General of the Transvaal 
Republic, had always been on the most friendly terms with him. 
In the month previous, December, 1856, he paid an imexpected and 
very hasty visit, proceeding as far as Fauresmith. Since his return to 
the Transvaal there had been vague rumours to the effect that, as the 
three years' guarantee agreed upon by the convention entered into 
with Sir George Qerk expired on the 23rd, Pretorius claimed possession 
of the Free State. On the evening of Saturday, the 21st, a son of 
Moshesh arrived in Bloemfontein, stating that Pretorius had appointed 
his father to meet him there that evening, but that the chief being 
unable to ride such a distance he (the son) had been sent to leam the 
pleasure of Pretorius. The same day several well-known advocates 
of the old Pretorius party also arrived, and the next day, with an 
escort of 10 Transvaalers and 40 Free Staters, Pretorius himself 
entered the town. 

It then became known that messengers had been despatched in 
Tarious directions to call his adherents together as he intended to 
claim possession of the coimtry by virtue of a cession to his late father 
of all the emigrants' lands. On the 24th he had an interview with 
the Volksraad, when that honourable body, in a resolution, repudiated 
his claim. They expressed their deep displeasure at his presence in 
Bloemfontein and desired his speedy departure. To this Pretorius, 
on the same day, replied as follows : 

" The Right Honourable the Coimcil of the Orange Free State, 
on the receipt of your Right Honourable resolution of February 24th, 
1857, I have to inform you that I am of opinion that I have quite 
satisfactory proof that I rightly claim the lands of the emigrants 


between the Orange and Vaal Rivers and that I consider it my duty 
to protest in the name of the South African Republic against the 
legality (probably he means illegality) of the authority of the Govern- 
ment at present existing here over the emigrant lands. I, in the name 
of the lawful Government at whose head I am and which I now 
represent, declare that I will be at all times ready to maintain my 
claim to the emigrant lands and protea the lives and property of the 
inhabitants. — M. W. Pretorius." 

Boshof was very anxious to have nothing to do with Pretorius, as, 
he said, the Transvaal Government was in the habit of dealing in 
children which they captured in their wars or procured by other 
means, a practice which he had spared no pains to put down. He, 
therefore, appealed to Sir George Grey to warn Moshesh against 
Pretorius and to proclaim that his pretentions to the Free State were 
unfounded. He further asked whether Sir George Grey would be 
willing to make a treaty of alliance with the Orange Free State, that is, 
in some measure to annul the abandonment. 

This correspondence and an account of all these affairs were sent to 
Sir George Grey, who transmitted them to Downing Street. He took 
this opportunity, as he always did, of expressing to the British Govern- 
ment his entire disapproval of the abandonment of the Sovereignty ; 
and in this instance he said he warmly welcomed Mr. Boshof 's request 
that there should be some treaty of alliance with the Orange Free 
State. He considered that all this trouble was an indication of the 
danger to the Colony there was in having two independent republics 
on our borders. As will be seen later, such opinions as these got 
him into serious trouble. 

Pretorius having met with the refusal and opposition from the 
Volksraad then determined to gain his end by force. On his return 
to Potchefstroom, he organised an armed commando of 350 men 
with three small cannons and, on May 22nd, crossed the Vaal into the 
Free State ; in fact it was something of a " Jameson Raid." But 
Mr. Boshof was not to be caught napping. He knew of it almost 
as soon as it was intended and immediately called out a commando of 
400 men under Commandant F. Senekal to prevent further intrusion 
of the Transvaalers, and proclaimed martial law. Fortunately for 
the Free State a ciuious political complication had arisen in the 
Transvaal. So far from that coimtry being unanimous in this matter 
there was a portion of the people who were willing to go and assist 
the Free Staters and to fight against Pretorius. At that time there was 
great dissention in the South African Republic. No less than four 
great men were claiming to be Presidents, namely, Pretorius, Schoe- 
man, Potgieter and Joubert, each with his own posse of armed followers. 
As far back as 1855 there had been trouble between Pretorius and 
Potgieter. In that year C. J. Brand had been asked to go up to the 
Transvaal to settle matters between them, but he declined. 


Lydenburgj formerly Ohrigstadt, a portion of the Transvaal, declared 
itself a separate and independent Republic ruled by its own Govern- 
ment in opposition to that of Potchefstroom. Mr. Coetzee, the 
Chairman of the Lydenburg Volksraad, tells us Q-) that this was 
because of the lamentable state of affairs in the country north of the 
Vaal. A further element of discord was that the Dutch Reformed 
Church of Lydenburg wished to come under the Synod of the Cape, 
while the Potchefstroom people opposed this in the fear that it might 
be the thin edge of the wedge of the Transvaal coming again vmder 
British rule. There was a tendency of Zoutspanberg to join with 
Lydenburg. So that in those days the motto Eendracht maakt macht 
did not apply to the Transvaal. 

But to return to the two commandos which were standing face to 
face in the hot sim on a sandy and treeless plain in the district of 
Kroonstad. Mr. Senekal sent to the Transvaalers a messenger with 
a white flag in order to learn their intentions. They returned the 
compliment by sending to the Free Staters a niunber of men with white 
flags, making, as it were, a great demonstration of peace. Neither 
side seemed willing to open fire on the other. The peacemaker on this 
occasion was none other than Paul Kruger, who was with the Trans- 
vaalers, but entirely disapproved of the action of Pretorius. He acted 
as negotiator. (*) It was decided that a treaty of peace should be 
drafted and signed by delegates of both sides . Perhaps another induce- 
ment to the Transvaalers to abstain from striking a blow was that they 
knew that Boshof had received a letter from Schoeman and Joubert 
offering their services to the Free-Staters against Pretorius. In any 
case, all right-about turned and, with their bandoliers as full as when 
they started, made for their homes. Thus ended a most bloodless 
conflict. A nimiber of delegates were chosen from each state (Paul 
Kruger was one for the Transvaal), and on June 2nd, 1857, a treaty 
of peace was signed. The chief points of this were : Each State 
acknowledged the other to be independent and to have the right to 
govern as it thought proper ; the Orange Free State demanded a 
declaration that the attempt of Pretorius to render powerless the exist- 
ing authority of the Free State and to incite rebellion was an imlawfiil 
and highly censurable act and, further, that the South African 
Republic deputies acknowledge that they could find nothing in any 
documents which could give their Government any claim to lands in 
the Orange Free State ; and that the President of one State does not 
visit the other without previous formal intimation. In spite of all 
tliis, however, as will be seen, Pretorius a few years later did become 
the President of the Orange Free State. 

Shortiy after the abandonment of the Sovereignty, it seems that 

(•) Vide enclosures to despatches G.H., Vol. 3, 1857. 
(') Vide Memoirs of Paul Kruger, page 63. 


some of the people communicated with Holland with a view to forming 
some kind of alliance with that country. But for a time nothing 
came of it. In 1855, however, a Mr. M. C. Hiddingh arrived in Cape 
Town and very soon passed through to the Orange Free State and 
Transvaal. As he did not call on any of the Government officials 
and seemed, so it was thought, to behave in a mysterious and suspicious 
manner. Sir George Grey regarded it as an unfriendly move on the 
part of the Netherlands, and brought the matter before the notice 
of the British Govenmient. Mr. Hiddingh, who lived in Drenthe, 
was a civil servant of the Netherlands Government. At this time he 
was on leave and visited the Cape Colony on private business connected 
with an inheritance. But he was charged by the King of the Nether- 
lands to deliver a letter to the President of the Free State congratulating 
him on the acquisition of their independence and giving that coimtry 
a national flag and coat of arms. The matter was brought before Sir 
Ralph Abercrombie, Her Majesty's minister at the Hague. He, in 
turn, communicated with Baron Van Hale, the Netherlands Minister 
for Foreign Affairs, hoping that there might be some satisfactory 
explanation of the questionable procedure. The explanation given 
was perfecdy satisfactory. It was that on a previous occasion over- 
tures had been made by the people expressive of their wish to renew 
their connection with Holland. But (said Baron Van Hale) these 
overtures had been declined as long as the independence had not been 
formally declared by Great Britain. Now that this had taken place 
and fresh overtures had been made, the desired recognition was 
accorded and the designs for a national flag and coat of aims were 

During 1857, the incessant outrages conmiitted by the Basutcs 
upon the Free State farmers became worse and worse until at the end 
of that year there could be no doubt that the state of affairs could end 
only in a war. There had been continued and increasing stealing 
of cattle and horses. During the ten days ending March i6th, 300 
horses had been taken in the Winbuig district by Moletzani's people. 
Far from Moshesh having complied with his agreement and word of 
October 6th, several himdred horses had not been given up — the few 
which had been delivered were miserable Kafiir animals — the farmers 
had to see their own good animals being ridden by the thieves. The 
incursions and encroachments on public and private lands also 
increased, houses and orchards were destroyed and the places were 
occupied by the thieves to the exclusion of the rightful owners, who, 
after a time, feared to go near their quondam homes. Appeal to 
Moshesh was useless, as he maintained that the lands had only been 
lent and that his people had a right to do as they did. It was clear 
that the Basutos, if not eager for war, were not solicitous to prevent it. 
They undoubtedly cared httle for the letter on behalf of the Volksraad 


which Mr. Boshof sent to Moshesh in February, 1858, telling him 
that the end had come, that the extreme limit of wrongs had been 
endured and that any further act of hostihty would be regarded as a 
declaration of war. 

On March nth, Mr. Boshof demanded from Moshesh answers in 
writing to certain questions which he put to him. They were : Are 
you wiUing to compel Poshuli and Lebenya to pay for the damages 
caused by them and their people on the despoiled Boers ? The other 
questions were included in that of asking Moshesh whether he intended 
to fulfil all the promises he had made at the meeting on October 6th, 
1855. Moshesh answered in writing on the 22nd, or his missionary 
did for him. As was to have been expected in view of the experience 
in deaUng with him, no satisfaction was gained. He told the usual 
story of permitting Boers to settle temporarily on lands which he 
lent to them and that these people after a time regarded the alleged 
loans as grants, even to seUing them to others. And he protested 
against the Warden line. As will be seen later, if priority of occupation 
gave a title to the country, there may be something to be said for the 
Boers having been in these parts before Moshesh took up his position 
at Thaba Bosigo and formed the Basuto tribe. The President replied 
to Moshesh's letter on the same day. He told the chief that the 
unsatisfactory character of his answer made it now impossible to 
dismiss the armed commandos and that measures for the defence of 
their just rights had become unavoidable. With his letter the President 
forwarded a proclamation, dated March 19th, 1858, in which he 
epitomised the grievances which the State had against the Basutos and 
the dishonesty and prevarication of Moshesh himself. He then stated 
that, with the advice and consent of the Volksraad and Executive 
Council, he declared that no other course was open than that of 
asserting by force of arms their rights against the guilty Basutos and 
to treat them as enemies. 

As soon as Sir George Grey knew that war with the Basutos was 
immediately pending and that there was a Ukelihood, in fact almost 
a certainty, of the Dutch in the Colony being wiUing to go to assist 
their kith and kin in the Free State, he issued, on the strength of the 
Foreign Enhstment Act, a proclamation on the 24th (March) enjoining 
upon the inhabitants a stria neutrality. No one was to be permitted 
to cross the Orange River to take up arms against the Basutos. But 
Sir George Grey, in view of the conditions laid down in the convention 
of 1854, found it impossible to enforce strict neutrahty, for, according 
to these, the Free State was permitted to supply itself with arms and 
ammunition to any extent — ^arms and ammunition which had been 
imported into the Colony and forwarded on to the Free State, while 
it was forbidden to supply Basutos and other natives with the means 
of defending themselves. This in a measure was tantamount to 


encouraging one party to attack another which was on that account 
incapable of defending itself. He brought the matter before the 
British Government as another evil arising out of the abandorunent. 
The Basutos endeavoured to overcome the difl&culty of being refused 
a supply of gunpowder by making their own, but it was not a success. 
The product was almost useless ; a small quantity was obtained by 
the mihtary authorities and found to be so.(^) 

As in the case of the KaflSr wars in the Eastern Province, a com- 
plication arose due to the interference of people at a distance who could 
not have been fully informed of all the ciramistances and the causes 
of the quarrel. It will be remembered that the Cape Town Commercial 
Advertiser at the time of the Kaffir war in 1835 published misleading — 
putting it in its very mildest term — ^matter which alienated sympathy 
from the despoiled British and Dutch colonists of the East. And now 
at this time we find the Cape Town Argus acting in a similar manner. 
And as the Advertiser had its champion in Dr. Philip, so now the Argus 
had its champion, strange to say, in Mr. Joseph Millerd Orpen. 
Although Mr. Orpen had been a member of the first Volksraad and 
had done much in formulating the constitution of the Orange Free 
State and, withal, had been a landdrost, he fell foul of the Free State 
Government and dissevered his connection with it in Febrtiary, 1857. 
He then espoused the cause of Moshesh and the Basutos. Perhaps 
some reason for the volte face attitude may have been found in the 
fact that he had married a daughter of the Rev. E. S. Holland, the 
missionary of the French Mission Station of Beersheba, near the 
northern bank of the Orange River. A comprehensive study of these 
matters cannot but lead to the conclusion that the Boers of the Free 
State did not desire war, but rather wished to live in peace on their 
farms, and that, like the Eastern Province colonists, were forced into 
it by the continual depredations upon their property. Moshesh 
himself acknowledged the villanies of the peoples of Poshuli, Lebenya, 
Moletzani and others. Yet these people were to be held up as innocent 
victims of Boer inroads. It must, however, be said that much of the 
trouble was due to the dispute over the boundary line between Basuto- 
land and the Free State, the settlement of which was to have been 
made by Sir George Qerk, but which he entirely neglected. But had 
it been made, unless it was dotted at frequent intervals by poHce 
stations, it would not have prevented stock thieving. 

(') The following are the results of the tests : 10 grains were fired from a 

percussion musket with balls 14 J to the poxmd, into a target of deal plank Jin. 

thick, compared with ordinary powder imder the same conditions. The 

following were the results : 

Basuto. Service. 

1st round at 5 yards' distant 3-16 in. through 

2nd round at 10 yards' distant 2-16 in. through 


Early in 1858 we find Mr. Orpen (*) acting as a kind of adviser to 
Nehemiah, the son of Moshesh, at a meeting between that chief and 
Mr. Sauer, the landdrost of Smithfield. Mr. Sauer refused to tolerate 
any interference on the part of Mr. Orpen ; he put him xmder arrest 
during the meeting and then ordered him to quit the country. But 
he took no notice of this. Mr. Burnett, the magistrate of Aliwal 
North, writing to Sir George Grey shortly after the meeting, said : 
" Mr. Orpen is still in Basutoland ; he is Basuto mad and I can make 
no impression on him. . . . The Free State authorities are not ignorant 
of his object, namely, to strike the State through Moshesh. ... I 
think it is anything but proper that he should be attached to Moshesh's 
staff at such a juncture. ... I thought I had dragged him out 
of Free State politics by getting him across to survey the Reserve, 
but it was in vain. He is an excellent fellow." 

On March i6th Mr. Boshof wrote to Sir George Grey on the matter. 
He said he had reason to suspect that Mr. Orpen was advising the 

(') Mr. Joseph Millerd Orpen. The career of this good and public man is 
worthy of more than a passing notice. For very many years he figured largely 
in afiairs of the Free State, Basutoland and Cape Colony. A thoroughly 
conscientious, brave and upright man, he courted neither public approval nor 
feared public disapproval. At times, however, he seems to have been worried 
by a bee — ^probably several — in his bonnet and to have acted in a manner which 
the wise considered scarcely consistent with common sense. He was the 
fourth son of Dr. Orpen, M.D., F.R.C.S., and was bom in Dublin on Novem- 
ber 5th, 1828. He was to have studied medicine, but as two of his brothers 
had already migrated to South Africa to take up sheep farming and two more 
about to join them, he felt called upon to throw in his lot with them. The 
brothers sailed from Liverpool on September 2nd, 1846, and in 146 days 
reached Algoa Bay. Then after a slow ox-wagon journey of nearly a month, 
they arrived at their farm Taaiboschfontein, near the present De Aar. Times 
were bad in Ireland, as they nearly always were. As the Orpens suffered 
considerable loss of property and South Africa seemed to be a land of promise — 
for at that time there was considerable emigration activity in progress — Dr. 
Orpen himself left his native land and arrived in this country in 1848. He 
afterwards became a Church of England clergyman at Colesberg, where he built 
the present English Church. As sheep farming in South Africa, as viewed 
from Ireland, was found, on the spot, not to be as congenial and profitable 
as was anticipated, Joseph Orpen took up the study of land surveying and was 
soon a qualified surveyor. Then his public career began. Sir Harry Smith 
authorised him with a Mr. J. H. Ford to survey all the farms in the then 
Sovereignty and to lay out the townships of Kroonstad and Harrismith. Mr. 
Orpen was an ardent, it might be said, violent anti-abandonist and could at 
times scarcely find the appropriate words in which to express his disgust of 
Great Britain having so far dismembered the Empire by throwing away 
Sovereignty. He held office for a time in that country, then left it and espoused 
the cause of Moshesh and the Basutos. He became also the champion of the 
native children, who were said to have been stolen, kidnapped, by the Boers 
from their parents and reduced to a state of virtual slavery — the Black Ivory 
traffic, as it was called. This for a time became a very big question in connec- 
tion with the Transvaal and Orange Free State. He saw much military 
service, having served in the Kaffir war of 1850 and later against Langalibalele, 
and then as chief of the Intelligence Department under Cols. Lanyon and 
Warren. In 1871 he entered the Cape Parliament and, later, was associated 
with Mr. Rhodes in his Imperial schemes. In 1897 he became Surveyor- 
General of Rhodesia and was in charge of the Department of Lands and 
Agriculture with seats in the Legislature and Executive Councils. After a 
very long and active life he died at East London on December 15th, 1925, 
at the very ripe age of 97. The author is greatly indebted to him for the many 
interviews and the many very long letters with which Mr. Orpen favoured him. 


Basutos to take the hostile attitude lately assumed by them and that 
his reports to the Argus were, in themselves, enough to excite a rupture 
between the two peoples. He hoped the Governor woxild order such 
men to remain in the Colony. He hoped, further, that he would put 
some sort of curb upon the Press. Sir George Grey replied that the 
rights (and presumably wrongs as well) of British subjects and the Press 
could only be determined by the courts and that in no other way 
could the Government interfere with them. 

The remarks in the Argus which gave offence were : In the leader for 
March loth : " We have, it is true, spoken to the Basutos of their 
numerical strength and their wrongs. We side with Moshesh because 
we believe him to be an injured individual." In another mmiber the 
editor thanked Mr. Boshof for acknowledging that the Argus has 
caused the Basuto to assume a more determined attitude and to trust 
to the goodness of their cause although abandoned by Great Britain. 
" We continue to encourage them to be firm but to avoid striking the 
first blow." 

As Moshesh had refused to give a satisfactory answer — or any 
answers at all — ^to the questions which had been put to him by Mr. 
Boshof, or to give assurance that he would take steps towards 
ameliorating the unhappy state of affairs which the Basutos had brought 
upon the Free State, and as their depredations had increased beyond 
further endurance, war was declared upon them on March 19th, 1858. 
It was clear that it had to come. In this war the Free Staters seem 
to have had no definite scheme or plan of action ; each imit of burghers 
seems to have done as it chose without order or discipline. And 
though circumstances may have driven them to it, it was imfortunate 
that their first attacks were made upon the mission stations. On 
February 22nd, Mr. Sauer, the Landdrost of Smithfield, wrote to the 
Rev. E. S. Rolland, the missionary of Beersheba (French mission 
station), stating that he hears that a chief named Moletsi, who was 
living on the station, intended going out on a hunting toiu: with, of 
course, a nvmiber of people. As this would cause excitement in the 
then unsettled state of the coimtry, he asked Mr. Rolland to dissuade 
Moletsi from taking that step, and he seems to have done so. It 
should be explained that a " mission station " was really a vast tract of 
country on which the members of the congregation had their own 
places, their huts, cattle and probably fields under more or less cul- 
tivation. In a sense a " mission station " was an assemblage of native 
farms with at one spot a church, school and mission house and 
perhaps a printery and workshops of various kinds, all this forming the 
village. Such was Beersheba, originally known as Zevenfontein. 

Two days after the declaration of war, Mr. Rolland received the 
following letter from Mr. Sauer : " By order of the President, I 
have to request you to give orders to the people of your station to 


remain still and quiet, for if they are found armed, the station will 
pay for it most dearly and be broken up (opgebroken worden). Mr. 
Rolland, assimiing that Beersheba formed a part of Basutoland and 
not the Free State, answered this by saying that he could not take 
orders from the President but only from Moshesh. All the same, 
however, he did comply with the request and apparentiy did his best to 
maintain neutrahty among his people by ordering those who would not 
obey him to leave the place. 

It was promised that Beersheba should be in no danger if the people 
besides remaining quiet would hold no communication or correspon- 
dence with the enemy. The chief Moletsi and his people left the 
station, though probably more in alarm than with hostile intention. 
On the evening of the 22nd, Mr. RoUand received intimation from 
Mr. Sauer that he would visit Beersheba, but as it was war he could 
not be expected to come imarmed, though the visit would be made 
in a friendly spirit. His plan was to make sure, in the first place, that 
there was nothing to be feared from the mission stations of Beersheba 
and Hebron, two stations which were on the main road to the interior 
of Basutoland and both of which were claimed to be in the Free State. 
He did not wish to leave an enemy in his rear, but to subject those within 
the hmits before going against the enemy outside the State. Accounts 
of the attack on Beersheba are very discrepant. We have, on the one 
side, that of Mr. Rolland and on the other that of a commission which 
was afterwards appointed to investigate the case. According to the 
former, at nine o'clock the next morning a Boer commando appeared 
on the hills surroimding the station. Mr. Rolland went forward with 
a white flag, the Boers, on seeing him, shouted and hoisted red rags 
or flags on their muskets. A Boer messenger went to meet Mr. 
Rolland and asked him if it was peace. Mr. Rolland answered " Yes," 
and said that the only people who were likely to offer any resistance 
had left the place. He returned to his house. The commando 
divided into two parts, one went after Moletsi while the other went 
into the village, passing Mr. RoUand's house. Orders were then 
issued for the deUvering up of all arms. While this was being complied 
with a cannon opened fire upon them, when one man was killed. This 
was followed by a general fusilade from the muskets, when thirty 
people who fled into a ravine were killed. The greater part of the 
village was then pillaged and set on fire. The arms collected amotmted 
to thirty gims and a number of assegais and battie axes. The property 
of the missionary was left imtouched. Three days afterwards ten 
waggons were sent to remove it to a place of safety. 

According to the other version, when Mr. Sauer wrote on March 
22nd to Mr. Rolland about neutrality, he wrote also to the Government 
Secretary at Bloemfontein, saying " I shall march against Beersheba 
to-morrow morning early with about 360 men." According to Mr. 



Sauer, Mr. Rolland had acknowledged that some of the people on the 
mission were hostile. Hence, as a matter of precaution he took a 
strong force with him against those natives and placed an ambush on 
the Caledon River to prevent any of them from escaping. With 
regard to the alleged unnecessary firing upon the place, the Boeis 
remained in position two hours, during which time three demands to 
the people to give up their arms were made, but without avail. Further, 
some of the mission people first fixed on a party of burghers under one 
duPIessis. Theraisingof the red flags was totally untrue. As to the 
burning of the village, two or three houses were burnt, but they were 
those which were giving cover to some of the enemy who were firing 
on the burghers and could not be dislodged. The force did go in a 
friendly spirit ; no attack was contemplated. Had Beersheba 
remained neutral and shown no hostile disposition no harm would 
have come to the place. Thus began the war by what was called 
the massacre of Beersheba. 

Having setded matters to their satisfaction at Beersheba, the com- 
mando moved on to the missionary station of Morija — another French 
station. There the problem was somewhat dififerent. At Beersheba 
there had been, in the first place at all events, only a suspicion of 
hostility, which was afterwards confirmed ; but at Morija it was 
avowed. That place was the residence of the great chief Letsea, the 
eldest son of Moshesh. He and his people had been some of the fore- 
most in the stock depredations and the driving of the Boers from their 
lands. And their missionary, the Rev. Arbousset, was in bad odour. 
As was to be expected, he had no great love for the Boers and sided 
with his people. According to the witness, A. H. Smit, who, in 185 1, 
had to go to Morija to complain to Letsea of trespass of his people 
on the Boer farms, was told by the chief that he would not acknowledge 
any boimdary. An appeal to Mr. Arbousset gained nothing. He 
said : "I neither knew nor acknowledged any line and my advice 
to my community is to elbow out the burghers. I asked him if this 
would not lead to mischief. He answered : I do not mind about that ; 
should a war arise from it I shall defend it with my community till 
I have gained or perish." Hence Morija had more reason to fear 
the Boer rising than Beersheba. Strict orders had been issued by the 
Govenunent and the commandants that all missionary property was 
to be respected. The Boer force advanced towards the town. It 
seems to have got quite out of hand and, as an undisciplined rabble, 
to have done whatever it chose. It included, as has already been 
pointed out, some of the worst characters of the German Legion, 
who were out for any diversion and mischief. Commandant Senekal 
did all he could to restrain the men and introduce something like 
order, but in vain. The Boers fired on the town. Mr. Arbousset 
with his family, together with a few English traders, fled to the moun- 


tains, where they remained tliree days in the cold and snow. Mr. 
Maeder, the assistant missionary, remained in his house and was 
uninterfered with. The assailants overran the village, destroying 
all property which came in their way. Mr. Arbousset's house was 
pillaged and burnt — ^the Germans were active in this — all his valuable 
books and manuscripts, together with a large number of New Testa- 
ments and other books in Sesuto were lying scattered about the place 
in a half-burnt condition. In the church the doors, windows and stone 
pulpit were smashed. 

One English trader lost property to the extent of £714 17s. 3d. 
and another £206 12s. 6d. The natives do not seem to have taken 
any steps to defend the place or to make a counter attack. They had 
most probably fled to Thaba Bosigo, Moshesh's stronghold, to prepare 
for the Boer attack, which was expected at that place. On the part 
of the Boers the attack on Morija may be said to have been an imopposed 

This Smithfield commando cannot be said, so far, at all events, 
to have seen much actual fighting, for at these mission stations they 
had everything their own way. But it was very different with the 
Winburg commando. This was under the command of F. Senekal 
and W. J. Pretorius. On March 26th they attacked the people under 
Moletzani, Molapo and Moperi and drove them out of their domains ; 
170 burghers against 800 of the well-armed enemy. One Boer was 
killed. All these fights seem to have been very one-sided as far as the 
casualties were concerned. The Boers had a field piece and good 
gun powder, while the native had to defend on very poor home-made 
powder and their assegais and batde axes, which latter were, of course, 
next to useless at a distance. It was impossible to estimate the number 
of killed on the side of the natives as in many cases they carried off 
most of their dead. In this case the enemy was said to have been re- 
pelled with great loss. The conunando, which had been augmented to 
about 300, made its way to a place near Cathcart's Drift, on the 
Caledon River, and there formed a defensive laager. But the mmibers 
of the enemy were also augmented and thousands are said to have 
surrounded this camp. It seemed as if all Basutoland had risen to the 
occasion. Letsea had a force of 3,800, Poshuli and Lebenya 1,200 
and Morosi, who was living in the Wittebergen location on the south 
side of the Orange River, crossed the river with a big following (this 
was denied). 

Strange to say, the worst thief of the lot, Jan Letele, forsook the 
Basutos and became an ally of the Free State. But he does not seem 
to have been of much use to them. At all times he was impartial and 
prepared to steal from Boer and Basuto aUke. 

On April 12th the Boers left the camp to attack the surrounding 
enemy. A severe hand-to-hand fight took place, ^*hen six Boers were 


wounded and " many Kaffirs were shot." After a repulse, due to the 
good efifect of the cannon, the enemy returned in greater fury and 
drove the Boers into the cover of their camp. The next morning a 
further onslaught was made on the camp " but the intrepid Winburg 
burghers went manfully to meet them." There was a hand-to-hand 
fight for four hours vdthout interruption until the enemy began to 
retreat in all directions. The list of killed and wounded contained 
17 names. The camp had to be evacuated on account of the many 
dead Kaffirs lying around. The cannon evidently had justified its 
existence. While all this fighting was going on near the camp other 
Basutos were taking advantage of the occasion to rob farms. One 
party of 17, mounted and armed, captured 176 cattle and 20 horses. 
Field-comet Naude, with a party, attacked the thieves, killing eight 
of them and recapturing all the stock. 

After all this the Boer forces concentrated at the base of the almost 
inaccessible moimtain, Thaba Bosigo, the stronghold of Moshesh.(^) 
But all the Basutos congregated there also. It was said that 4,000 
well-armed Basutos were occupying formidable positions, and 
challenged attack. Now an extraordinary thing happened among the 
Boer forces. Recognising the difficulty and danger of the position, 
the Krygsraad or War Council, suddenly aimounced its intention of 
retiring from the field and returning to their homes. It was said 
that reinforcements and anmiunition were wanted before the onslaught 
could be attempted. The Commandant-General protested against 
this action of the nm-away commandants and field-comets and men 
deserting their posts. This, however, availed nothing. The com- 
mando was broken up and all dispersed to their homes. 

(') Note on Moskesk. In many respects Moshesh was one of the most 
remarkable native chiefs there has ever been in South Africa. He rose from 
insignificance and obscurity to be the most powerful agent for good or bad, 
chiefly the latter, of his time. His method was unique. Roughly, it might 
be said to be that of destroying his enemies by making them his friends. But 
this, for the most part, was associated with faithlessness, an utter disregard 
for the honour of his word, a clinging to those whom he feared and the making 
of promises which he never intended to keep. Always talking loud and long 
about his desire for peace, his actions— or perhaps want of them — brought 
about a state of continual turmoil and war. Born about 1793, he was the son 
of Mokachane of the Bamonaheng tribe, a common man, that is, one who was 
not connected with or descended from any of the royal lines. In his youth he 
showed a superiority over other youths of his age and gave signs of his future 
greatness. He was ambitious and let it be known that he wanted to be a great 
chief. His name then was Lepogo. When quite a lad he distinguished 
himself by driving off — that is stealing — all the cattle belonging to a chief, 
Ramonaheng. He did it so superbly and with such admirable technique 
that, in the metaphorical language of the time and place, he was said to have 
shaved Ramonaheng's beard. In his honour his name was changed to 
Mosheshwe — onomatopoeic of the sound made by the razor in passing over a 
stiff beard. An old and wise man, Mothloni, instilled into the mind of the 
young Moshesh certain good principles and advice which he followed and 
which in a large measure moulded his character and guided him in his future 
actions. As a result of the advice of Mothloni he would have nothing to do 
with witchcraft. Mothloni had told him that " power was not acquired by 
medicines ; the heart is the medicine." He was advised never to kill anyone 
on account of witchcraft ; to molest no traveller on the way and to marry many 


On May nth, 1858, the following Govenunent notice was issued 
by the State President : " Whereas a majority of the ofiBcers of the 
Krygsraad at the camp before Thaba Bosigo had declared that time 
should be given to the burghers to rest from their operations in the 
field and prepare for a great campaign should it be required ; also to 
provide themselves with what is indispensible thereto and deeming 
that the object of the expedition had been partly attained by the 
punishment of the Basuto chiefs, Poshuli and Letsea, for their past 
offences against this State, it has been determined to stop offensive 
operations. And for these reasons the commando has been dis- 
banded." But on May 20th he wrote : " The Boers' imaccountable 
break-up have brought me in such a fix as I never was in in my life. 
They imagine they have given Moshesh such a licking as will keep 
him quiet for many a day. Poor fools. After the conduct of the 
Boers in this war I am indifferent as to what will happen. I pity the 
State. The English ought never to have given it up." 

The next day. May 12th, in pursuance of steps towards peace 
which he had initiated on April 27th, Mr. Boshof thus wrote to 
Moshesh : " We have now been nearly two months at war and much 
blood has been shed on both sides. As a man and a Christian I 
would wish to see an end of ruin. Mr. Pretorius, the President of the 
South African Republic, has offered his services to bring about a 
cession of hostilities. I have, therefore, thought proper to write 
you this letter requesting to be informed whether you are willing to 
receive Mr. Pretorius or a deputation to be sent by me." 

wives. Acting upon this advice and his influence increasing, he, in early 
manhood, conceived the idea of collecting together the many stiangers, the 
remnants of the tribes which had been almost exterminated by the Zulu 
invasions. Statesmanlike he saw the disadvantages of the old system of divided 
tribal independence, its lack of possible combination in resisting a common 
enemy and the mutual jealousies. He possibly pictured himself as the future 
monarch of this federation. A commencement was made by the formation of a 
mixed community of Butha-Bule in the present Basutoland, and thus came into 
existence the Basuto nation. In accordance with precedent it is curious they 
were not called the Bamosheshwe. Afterwards Thaba Bosigo became the 
metropolis of Moshesh. In many respects he was a wise rtiler. He put an end 
to the cannabalism which was rife in those parts in those days ; he prohibited 
the importation of strong drink into his country and thereby earned the appro- 
bation and smiles of the missionary societies. He welcomed missionaries into 
his country, but really only for political reasons. He himself never embraced 
Christianity. He said the Gospel was good enough for Fingoes, but it was of 
no use to him. But for all this he could not rule his sons or any of his sub- 
chiefs, who coveted their neighbours' stock. The vagabond Jan Letele, who 
claimed blue blood as a descendant of a great chief of a different tribe, held 
Moshesh in contempt. " Who is the son of Mokachani " ? he asked, " whom 
the white men as well as the Basuto regard as a great chief. Who is he who has 
usurped dignity and power to which he had not been born ? Can anyone trace 
his descent or connect him with the heads of our race ?" Thus Moshesh lived 
and governed, but as age told upon him his power and influence waned imtil 
in his old age he counted for almost less than nothing. Almost forgotten and 
utterly neglected, he pined away, suffering at times from want of food. His 
power over his people was quite gone. He died on March nth, 1870. " So 
entirely sunk in oblivion was the man who had once been the most prominent 
chief in South Africa, that hardly a colonial newspaper contained an account 
of his death." — Theal. Fragment of Basutoland History. 


In a long, rambling, semi-pious letter, Moshesh answered it on the 
i6th : " Good friend," he said, " I, Moshesh, do greet you Moshesh. 
You speak of peace. I am sorry that you ever did speak of war ; 
it is not Moshesh who began the war. I thought the whole war was 
intended against Poshuli, but when you attacked the innocent and 
harmless Beersheba I was grieved beyond all comprehension. I 
did not intend to disturb you on your march until you outspanned 
in view of my movmtain ; before I began to strike I wanted to ascertain 
what was the true intention and power of the Boers ; whilst they were 
forming their laager at Thaba Bosigo I said within myself I am a dog 
and if my master, Boshof, beats me, I shall bite him. However, for 
reasons unknown to me, your commando would not come to a fight ; 
after a short visit the laager broke up and made for Bloemfontein. 
Tell Mr. Pretorius that I am always his friend ; we must both thank 
him for his good wishes, but I must tell you that I have got enough 
confidence in your own Government without requiring the mediation 
of a foreign power. I will receive your deputation." 

On May i8th a deputation consisting of J. J. Kock and J. A. Cronje 
for the Free State, and S. J. P. Kruger and M. G. Schoeman for the 
Transvaal, met Moshesh and Joshua at Thaba Bosigo. It was agreed 
that every burgher of the Free State should return to his dweUing 
uninterfered with by any subject of Moshesh ; that thefts on both 
sides should be stopped ; that all catde and horses taken from the 
South African Republic during the war should be returned and that 
in the event of war breaking out again, Moshesh should engage not 
to permit the public roads to be disturbed and to allow all travellers 
to pass in safety. 

The lot of President Boshof was not, and had not been, a happy 
one, and in this year, 1858, troubles upon him increased. Weary of 
dissention and depressed with a consciousness that, however 
hard he had struggled to do the right thing, but little good had resulted 
from his endeavours ; he resigned his position on February 22nd. 
Naturally he was impopular with those who adhered to and wished to 
see Pretorius as President. But so greatly were his services valued 
that the Volksraad prevailed upon him to withdraw his resignation. 
He did so, but obviously with the intention of freeing himself at no 
distant date. His great anxiety at this date was the Basuto war, which 
he ardently hoped to bring to an end. On April 27th he sent a 
despatch to Sir George Grey in which he described the increasing 
diflBiculties and distress in the Free State, the destruction which the 
Basutos had brought upon the place and the sufferings of the people. 
He pleaded with the Governor as a man of great influence and a 
Christian to mediate between the belligerent parties and to bring the 
war to an end. 
r Fortvmately at this time the Cape Parliament was in session, thus 


Sir George Grey was able to bring this despatch before both the Legis- 
lative Council and House of Assembly. After short debates in both 
Houses it was agreed unanimously to ask the Governor to undertake 
this good work but not in any way to compromise the Colony. He 
consented, and notifications were sent to Mr. Boshof and Moshesh on 
May 6th. 

Besides soliciting aid from Sir George Grey, Mr. Boshof at the 
same time appealed in a confidential letter to Mr. Pretorixis, the 
President of the South African Republic. This offended the Governor. 
In a despatch to the Secretary of State, dated May 27th, he greatly 
regretted, he said, that Mr. Boshof had not more unreservedly stated 
the nature of the correspondence which it appears had passed between 
him and the Transvaal. Had he known this he would have hesitated in 
offering to act as mediator, more especially as language regarding 
Great Britain and the Colonial Government had been used which 
might create hostile feelings. 

Mr. Pretorius, who was ever desirous to gain some, perhaps all, 
authority over the Free State, seized with avidity this invitation to 
assist in restoring peace. There were still many secret friends in 
the Free State who would be glad to see him as President in the place 
of Mr. Boshof and who would not lose this opportimity of bringing 
him into power and extinguishing the Free State in a union of the 
Cis- and Transvaal countries. Without loss of time he entered the 
country with a conmiando and went to Winburg, where Mr. Boshof 
met him. 

The chief subject of the conference between the two Presidents 
seems to have been that the Transvaal could not be compelled to 
assist the Free State against Moshesh, but if the two States became one 
and the Basutos could be regarded as a conunon enemy, it would be 
different. Pretorius was promised that he himself and a deputation 
should be permitted to address the Volksraad in Bloemfontein. Sir 
George Grey, however, had pointed out that in the case of this union, 
it would be for Great Britain to consider which of the stipulations 
in the conventions would then be binding upon her. These con- 
ventions were concluded with independent and separate States and 
under very different circumstances, so this proposed union would 
nuUify them ; deliberate violation of them by either of the two States 
which had contracted them would constitute a ground for insisting 
on their modification or a refusal to be bound by them. Pretorius 
with Paul Kruger and others formed a deputation, which presented 
itself to the Volksraad. But in the end nothing was done, the move- 
ment was considered to be premature.(^) A good number of Pretorius' 
adherents were present and tried to interrupt the debates. The Volks- 

(') Vide Notulen der verrigtingen van den H.Ed, Volksraad gedurende de 
Zitting van Junij 1858. 


raad accepted the mediation of Sir George Grey unanimously. On 
this, as on all other occasions, Sir George Grey lost no opportunity 
of urging upon the British Government the policy of which he was 
so firmly convinced, namely, the only one which could bring peace and 
prosperity to South Africa was federation. " I still believe," he said, 
" that nothing but a strong Federal Government which imites within 
itself all the European races in South Africa can maintain peace in 
this country and free Great Britain from constant anxiety for the 
peace of her possessions here." Prophetic of 1910 ! This view was 
shared by Mr. Boshof. It was thought that the Orange Free State 
could not hold itself much longer as an independent state ; its treasury 
was almost empty and the coimtry was disorganised with no expectation 
of improvement ; one party was looking to Pretorius for strength 
while the other was hoping that England would re-aimex it. 

The nominal cessation of hostiUties — ^nominal as cattle thefts and 
Basuto violence were almost as rife as ever — was really a prolonged 
armistice, during which both sides were waiting for the appearance 
of Sir George Grey. Not vmtil towards the end of July did public 
business permit him to leave Cape Town. He reached Bloemfontein 
on August 20th, and on the 25th he left for Thaba Bosigo to inter- 
view Moshesh. This must have been a preliminary meeting with the 
chief in which it was agreed that Moshesh should meet the Governor 
and the Free State delegates at Beersheba on the ensuing September 
15th. On that date Mr. Boshof and nine delegates met Sir George 
in the undamaged church at Beersheba. But the individual whose 
presence was most desired, namely, Moshesh, did not appear. He 
had written on September 8th saying that he was very old and was often 
troubled with headache and would not be able to be present, but he 
had selected two of his people to represent him and to act in his name. 
He had said all he had to say to the Governor when he met him at 
Thaba Bosigo. This letter did not reach Beersheba until the day of 
the meeting. Great was the dissatisfaction and disgust at the great 
chief's behaviour. His two delegates, Magaai and Jobo, did not 
inspire confidence as there was a feeling of distrust as to how far 
Moshesh would consider himself bound by what they promised. It 
was seen afterwards that there was good ground for this distrust. 

On the 17th Moshesh wrote to the Governor apologising for his 
absence and begging him not to be angry with him as he was old 
and the state of his health did not permit him to make long journeys. 

To this Sir George Grey answered as follows on the 20th : 

" Great Chief Moshesh. Your letter, dated September 17th, has 
just reached me, about 40 miles to the south of your mountain, where 
I shall arrive early to-morrow. 

" Great Chief, you must excuse me saying I cannot imderstand 


you. You now tell me you are old and that on account of the state 
of your health you are afraid to undertake any long journey. When 
I saw you a few days since you were strong and well, although I told 
you it would be more convenient for me to meet you at Aliwal, as saving 
me a long journey, you yourself named Beersheba as the place of meet- 
ing, and promised to meet me there on the 15th. You then expressed 
no fear of the journey. I made a hurried journey of nearly 450 miles 
to be at that place of meeting at the time named. You wrote to me 
on the 8th of September to tell me you would not come to the place 
of meeting ; had you sent that letter direct to Aliwal it would have 
met me on the nth and have prevented me from going uselessly to the 
place where I was to meet you and have saved me the last 40 or 50 
miles of my journey ; but you caused your letter only to be delivered to 
me at the place of meeting on the morning of the 15th, I having arrived 
there the previous day, and this, although I had told you that time 
was of the greatest consequence to me. To the meeting you sent not 
your elder son or principal chiefs, but a set of messengers who, imder 
the circumstances, it was, in your absence, a public affront to send to 
me. That this was well known to your people was shown by the 
disrespectful remarks of some of them and the rumours that were 
spread. I wish to say no more on the subject. (Signed) G. Grey." 

Sir George Grey and the delegates of both sides, in the continued 
absence of Moshesh, met at Aliwal North on September 29th, " when 
and where " a treaty of " lasting (?) peace and amity " was signed. 

According to this another line of boundary between the two coim- 
tries was agreed upon,(^) all subjects of Moshesh were to withdraw 
from the Free State side of the line without compensation, but ample 
time to remove their property and growing crops was allowed ; the 
tract of country called Beersheba was to fall within the Free State, 
but 6,000 acres were to be reserved for the use of the mission ; there 
was to be a public road with outspans from Aliwal North into Basuto- 
land ; criminals from both sides to be delivered up to the authorities 
of their own country ; the spoor law was to continue in force and stolen 
cattle and horses were to be restored by the chief into whose coimtry 
they were traced, a compensation given and the thieves to be dealt 
with according to the law ; hunting parties of Basutos in the Free 
State must have permission from the Landdrost of the district in 
which the hunt is to take place — failing this the hunters to be regarded 
as enemies and treated accordingly ; Jan Letele and natives not 
belonging to Moshesh, who during the war had assisted the Free 
State, were not to be molested. Signed in the presence of Sir George 
Grey by nine delegates of the Free State and three on behalf of 
Moshesh. This was known as the Treaty of Aliwal North. 

This treaty had yet to be ratified by Moshesh and the Volksraad, 

(') For this vide Basutoland Records, Vol. I, pages 476 and 482. 


more especially by the fonner, in view of his shifty behaviour through- 
out. To this end, Mr. Burnett, the magistrate of AUwal North, 
set out on October nth on a journey to Thaba Bosigo. On the way 
he called at the mission station of Hebron, when he learned from Mr. 
Cochet, the resident missionary, that Moshesh was not pleased with 
what had been done. Hence there was the prospect of difficulty at 
Thaba Bosigo. Mr. Burnett arrived there on the 13th and ascended 
the moimtain to Moshesh with the Rev. Mr. Jousse, who acted as 
interpreter. As was to have been expected, Moshesh continued 
vacillating, saying one thing at one moment and the opposite the next. 
He denied that his two delegates had power to act in his name ; he 
would not hear, at first at all events, of any boundary which included 
a part of the Warden Une. The long discussion, if it may be so called 
lasted two days and they were just about where they were at the begin- 
ning. Mr. Burnett told the chief that if he did not agree with what 
Sir George Grey had done and did not sign the treaty, war will break 
out again and would have to be fought out to a finish. " How can I 
say there shall be no more stealing ?" he asked. " People steal all 
over the world ; the whites have prisons for thieves and yet thieving 
is going on " ; and with reference to the clause about hunting : " My 
people are hungry," he said. " They have gone away in himdreds 
to kill game and get food ; a man who feels hungry is a man who has no 
cars to listen to any orders tending to restrain him to get food where 
food is to be found. I cannot keep this law ; it is not possible for me 
to promise it." After much talk Mr. Burnett, having put the whole 
position in detail before him,(') Moshesh signed and sealed the docu- 
ment, on October 15th, 1858. Thus ended, on paper, at all events, 
the war of 1858. 

Actually, as far as depredations and violence were concerned, there 
was not much difference between the state of war and the pap)cr jjeace. 
Poshuli and Moletzani especially were as active as ever. And Jan 
Letele, whose presence on the frontier was a formidable obstacle to 
peace, continued to show his impartiality by steaUng from Boer and 
Basuto ahke. Moshesh was very wrath at Letele's reception as Free 
State subject. Much damage was done during this armistice. The 
Basutos ignored entirely the regulations with regard to himting. 
Large parties roamed at their own free will over the whole country 
and did not limit their activities to the capture of wild game. 

Moshesh and his Basutos did not consider it incumbent upon them 
to seek the prescribed permission as they maintained that the country 
originally belonged to them and their ancestors and that they had 
been ousted by the Boers. This question in connection with Basuto- 
land itself had been the subject of an investigation by a commission 
in order to provide Sir George Grey with information at the time when 

(') For details vide Basutoland Records, Vol. I, pages 486 to 495. 


he went up as mediator. The chief question was that of the priority 
of occupation. The following may be quoted as the kind of evidence 
which was colleaed in support of the view that the Basutos themselves 
were only recent inhabitants of that country. One Ck)etzee said 
that in 1819 he went with a hunting party from the Colony into the 
coimtry between the Orange and Caledon Rivers, that he saw no 
natives except a "small clomp" of Bushmen without any cattle. 
In 1823 he made another expedition and saw only Bushmen ; there 
were no kraals or anything that indicated that the land had been 
previously occupied by tribes possessing cattle. Again, between 1827 
and 1830, he visited those parts and found a few people with cattle 
in the Koesbergen ; he met a few starving Basutos, who said they had 
been driven away from their homes in a distant coimtry ; excepting 
these the coimtry was uninhabited. 

J. H. Snyman in 1824 journeyed as far as Zevenfontein (afterwards 
Beersheba), saw only Bushmen, but no Basuto. J. T. Snyman in 1828 
went up the Caledon River to near the vicinity of Thaba Bosigo. He 
saw neither Basuto nor kraals. Van Schalkwyk was up in those parts 
in 1821. He went as far as where Letsea's town (Morija) was, but 
he saw no inhabitants but Bushmen. In 1828 he travelled to the foot 
of Thaba Bosigo. He did not hear of Moshesh until 1831. And so 
on in the same strain with other witaesses. But for all this, the people 
called the Basuto were undoubtedly in those parts in the early years, 
but in that wide and difficult country they were probably so scattered 
as not to have been met with by the Boer hunters. The time of these 
Boer visits was when, during the bloodthirsty raids of Chaka, tribes 
were decimated and the survivors ware seeking refuge in almost 
inaccessible places. It was these scattered peoples which the farseeing 
and remarkably able Moshesh gathered together and formed the com- 
posite tribe called the Basuto — somewhere about 1833 — ^and estab- 
hshed his impregnable fortress of Thaba Bosigo. Hence it was 
probably quite true that the ancestors of the Basutos were, to an 
indefinite extent, the early occupants of the country, and hence the 
great opposition to any boundary line and the resistance to the curtail- 
ment of their freedom in moving wherever they liked. 

So far from peace having been established after the '58 war, it 
was obvious to the dullest intellect that matters were heading for yet 
another struggle. It came within a short seven years — in 1865. The 
unhappy state of affairs which existed and had existed for so long, 
was greater than Mr. Boshof found he could bear. He therefore 
tendered his resignation in February, 1859. The Volksraad, however, 
begged him to withdraw this and, at his request, granted him six 
months' leave. He went to Natal, but did not return to the Free 
State. In his stead Mr. E. R. Snyman was appointed Acting President. 
He held office until February, i860, when Mr. M. W. Pretorius 


gained what he had been striving for for so long, the Presidency of 
the Orange Free State. This gave offence to the Volksraad of the 
South African RepubUc at Potchefstroom, who very strongly objected 
to Mr. Pretorius (*) holding that oflSce while he was their own President. 

Before leaving Mr. Boshof, mention must be made of an important 
matter which tended to bring disgrace upon the Orange Free State 
and one which at the outset of his rule he determined to suppress. 
In his presidential address at the opening of the Volksraad on February 
4th, 1856, he said : " It is known to your Honours that in the month 
of July last a report was made by the Landdrost of Winburg (Mr. 
J. M. Orpen) to the Executive Council that he had taken some Bushmen 
and Kaffir children from certain Odendaals and others. These people, 
or those from whom the children were taken, were accused of having 
forcibly captured them from their parents and that on two occasions 
the horrible crime of murder had been committed. In order that an 
investigation might be made into the matter, information was sent to 
the Natal Government, as the alleged offences had taken place not 
far from the north-eastern border of that Colony. A commission of 
inquiry, consisting of Messrs. J. M. Orpen (the Landdrost of Winburg 
and the great champion of ill-used natives), Cauvain (the Justice of the 
Peace for Harrismith), Bruel (member of the Council), Van Aardt 
and P. M. Bester was appointed. Towards the end of August this 
commission arrived in the neighbourhood of the Buffels River. It 
grieves me to have to come to the conclusion that this mission did not 
achieve its purpose. It seems as if such difficulties existed between 
Mr. Orpen and the other members that they refused to submit a 
joint report. There exist five separate reports and two journals. 
Although the State incurred great expense, approximately £140, in 
order to get at the truth, there is yet the difficulty of coming to a 
conclusion as to which of these reports give a true and unprejudiced 
account of the matter. On the one hand it is stated that the children 
were taken by force from their parents (according to the statements 
of the children themselves the parents were killed in cold blood on 
account of the resistance they offered) ; on the other it is asserted 
that the parents willingly disposed of their children to the farmers 
on account of lack of food, in the case of the Odendaals, for such small 
compensation as a tinder-box, a knife, a piece of cloth or some tobacco 

(') Note on M. W. Pretorius. — ^Mr. W. Southey, in writing to Sir George 
Grey on June i8th, i860, said : " Pretorius is somewhat different from his 
late father. He appears to me to be a very quiet, modest and naturally 
inoffensive man. There is nothing showy, much less bombastic about him. 
His objects, so far as I can see, or understand, are to do good rather than evil. 
In many things I quite agree with him, and more especially in one, viz., that 
whenever a war is forced upon the white man by any tribe of Kaffirs or natives, 
such war shotild be prosecuted with the utmost vigour, not simply for revenge, 
but to obtain justice and prevent a recurrence of such wars in the future." 
Sir John Kotze, the late Chief Justice of the Transvaal, knew Pretorius per- 
sonally. He told the author that he quite endorsed Mr. Southey's opinion. 
Pretorius, he said, was a gentleman in the truest sense of the word. 


for each child. It is stated that there are many of these children 
with the people at Buflfels River, who take them out of sympathy in 
order to save them from perishing by himger. People there often 
have more than they require and readily dispose of some to others. 
One of the members of the conmiission (Van Aardt) has acquired 
two of these children, a Bushman and a Kaffir, from a certain Van 
Rooyen, and one from C. L. Stretch. It is not mentioned whether he 
gave them any compensation. Comparing the statements from the 
accused persons at the Buffels River or those concerned with them 
in child stealing with the declarations of the Kaffir chief Namaintsha 
and other matters mentioned in both joiunals, your Honour will best 
be able to judge how far the conclusion arrived at by one of the members 
of the commission (namely, the statement of the Landdrost of Winburg 
had not been found to be true, though it had been found that the 
Odendaals had bartered children) is foimded on good grounds. I 
do not hesitate to say that your Honour will feel with me a certain 
amount of grief on account of this incident wherein three or four of 
the burghers of this State have come under the strong suspicion of 
having either taken part or been accomplices in the abominable crime 
of child stealing and murder, and that if it were allowed to make 
judicial inquiry into offences committed outside the boundaries of this 
State a responsible jury would perhaps, under the solemn oath, pro- 
nounce a judgment which would afford an opportimity to the Govern- 
ment of the Free State to show to the world that neither the Govern- 
ment nor the generality of the burghers will tolerate the charge of being 
slave traders. 

It is known that there are several such children among the burghers 
of this State who have come mostly from farmers in the Republic 
across the Vaal, to whom they were ingeboekt, that is they acquire th: 
right to their services imtil they attained maturity and then sold them 
at {,10 to £20 each. But it is not apparent to me, with the exception 
of the Odendaals, that on any occasion violence has been used, as 
they have always obtained these children second or third hand. They 
have no notion of the illegality of this transaction and they make no 
secret of it ; they repudiate the accusation of wanting to introduce 
slavery into the Free State." 

The Odendaal incident referred to above is as follows : 

On June i6th, 1855, when Mr. Orpen was travelling in his wagon 
on official business, two small, half-starved Kaffir children approached. 
On being questioned as to who they were they stated that foiu: days 
previously they had run away from the farm of one Adriaan Odendaal 
on account of having been beaten, and that they had been stolen 
from their parents a short time previously. Mr. Orpen inquired of the 
field-comet of the district whether the children had been properly 


apprenticed to the Odendaals. He answered that they were not 
and that he did not even know that these children were in the Oden- 
daal's possession. The elder was a girl about ten years of age, the 
boy about two years younger. On questioning her further she said 
her name was Mathlong, that she and her litde brother, Kokhola, 
belonged to a tribe called the Bathelung or Moklapise, which some time 
ago had been attacked by Panda. One morning she and her litde 
brother went to fetch some water, when suddenly a party of Boers 
rushed upon them, caught them and took them away to their kraal. 
They carried off also some other children. Mr. Orpen asked her 
what her father did while this was happening. He did nothing, she 
said ; he dared not do anything. The same day the Boers went to 
another kraal and took more children. The father of one of them 
resisted this theft of his child and was shot. The Boer took all the 
children to some wagons and there divided them, seven of them were 
carried off by the party which stole her. One of them is in the 
possession of Jacobus Odendaal. According to Mr. Orpen, Mrs. 
Odendaal sent a young KaflSr on horseback to recapture the two 
children. Mr. Orpen asked him what he knew about them. He 
said he was not present when the children were taken. His master, 
Adriaan Odendaal, with some others went with waggons to hunt beyond 
the Drakensberg, that they went out one day to spy a kraal and foimd 
the children by the water and that a Boer servant of Odendaal caught 
them and others. The Kafi&r seemed to think his master was quite 
right in carrying off the children because they were padda vreters 
(people who eat frogs). 

After this inquiry Mr. Orpen wrote the following note to Mrs. 
Odendaal : 

" Dear Madam, 

This morning two httle KaflSrs came to my wagon. They declare 
that they were captured beyond the borders by Mr. Adriaan Odendaal, 
and I have made inquiries from Mr. Engelbrecht, the field-comet, 
and find that they are not apprentices. I have, therefore, taken them 
into my custody until I can investigate the matter further and cannot 
hand them over to your Httie KaflBr.(^) 

J. M. Ofpen, 


(') Haman Spruit, Juni i6, 1855. 
My Jufifrow, — ^Heden Ochtend zyn er twee Kleine Kaffertjes by myn wagen 
gekomen. Zy geeven voor dat zy door de Heer Adriaan Odendaal over de 
grenzcn gevangen waren en ik heb vemomen by den Heer Engelbrecht, veldt- 
comet, en vindt dat ze niet apprentjes zyn, dus heb ik ze nu in bewaaring 
genomen tot dat ik de zaak vcrder kan onderzoeken, en kan ze niet aan uwe 
Kaflfertje af geeven. 

J. M. Orpen, 



The following is Mr. Orpen's further account of this matter : 

« Valsh River, 

De Wet's Farm. 

June i8th, 1855. 

Yesterday afternoon (Sunday) I rode with the other members of 
the Land Commission to the farm Vrish Fontein, occupied by Piet 
Mostert, and the wagon in which I had placed the children followed. 
I had just oflF-saddled at Mostert's house when my servant, Andries, 
who had remained behind with the wagon, galloped up and said that 
Zacharias Steinberg and Jacobus Odendaal and some other Boers 
in a cart had overtaken the wagon, and the two farmers had torn the 
children violently out of the wagon and driven them back towards the 
cart, which was behind, and said that if I wanted them I could 
write (fight ?) for them. I jumped at once on horseback and, seizing my 
gun, galloped off at a racing pace after the cart. While the field- 
comet and Mr. Prinsloo and my servant followed as quickly as they 
could. About eight miles from Mostert's house I overtook the cart. 
Jacobus Odendaal and Z. Steinberg were riding behind and J. Odendaal, 
junior, and Mrs. Odendaal and a son of Mr. Prinsloo were in the cart 
with the two children. I galloped past Steinberg and Odendaal 
and up against the off-horse in the cart and, springing off before the 
horses, I called out to them to give me back the children, saying that 
anyone who resisted I should make him prisoner. They sprang from 
the cart and yoimg Prinsloo ran to a distance. The two Odendaals 
and Z. Steinberg rushed at me and seized my gun, which they endea- 
voured to wrest from me, while Mr. Odendaal pulled me behind, all 
cursing and swearing at once. I held fast and they could not get 
the gim out of my hand. After a time Andries came up and took 
hold of one end of the gim, when I let go one hand and gave Odendaal 
jimior a blow behind the ear, which made him lose his hold. We 
continued struggling for the gun until the field-comet came up, when 
he pushed aside old Odendaal and I wrenched the gun out of Stein- 
berg's hands. Steinberg then jumped into the cart and endeavoured 
to drive off, but I drew my knife and cut the harness. They all swore 
they would die on the spot, but would never give up the children. 
I stood at the horses' heads with my gun, and said that although I did 
not curse and swear I was nevertheless determined to recapture the 
children which I had taken under my protection. After a great show 
of knives and cursing they at length gave in and I carried off the 

Yet another child-stealing adventure of Mr. Orpen must be 
recorded. It happened during the journey of the commando which 
went out ostensibly to punish the robber chief (vide ante) Witzie. It 
will be remembered that Mr. Boshof, who went part of the way with 


the commando, forbade the taking of any orphans who might result 
from the fighting. The commando of some six hundred men moved 
forward and formed an encampment. One morning just as day was 
breaking, Mr. Orpen tells us, he awoke and found a party of his men 
had left the camp, and he heard the firing of muskets in the distance. 
" I was alone on the ammunition wagon. I ran to the Commandant, 
General Louw Botha, and questioned him. He said the field-cornet, 
Nicholas Muller, of the ward nearest to Bloemfontein, in spite of law 
and order, had secretly left the laager with his men before daybreak 
and had gone to a cave where he learnt there was a large number of 
women and children and only two very old men. Muller and his men, 
who were moimted and riding in single file, were returning to the 
laager. Each man had one or two children on his horse, one in front 
and one behind the rider. The mothers were rtinning alongside with 
tears streaming down their faces and pleading for their children. 
I told Commandant General Botha to go with me to the men and to 
act with vigour and determination and make them restore those children 
to their mothers. He only said to them pitifully ' People, why do you 
do such things. You know what the President said,' and then he 
slipped away. I made him return and order the commandant, 
Frederick Linde, to tell field-cornet Muller to take those children 
himself and restore them to their mothers. He gave that order feebly 
and slipped away again. I asked Muller quietly whether he intended 
to obey that order. He turned away without answering, when I 
heard a shout of uproarious laughter. I instantly marched up to the 
first man, Daniel Grobbelaar, who was afterwards member of the 
Volksraad, seized the child he was holding and pushed it towards its 
mother. I did this with one after another until I had returned all, 
some thirty-five children. All the men were so stupified for the 
moment as to give in. But presently D. Grobbelaar said : ' No, 
damn it, I shall rather fight than give up my child.' He seized it 
and presented himself for fighting. ' I too,' said another man, 
Botha, who was beside him and did the same. I was filled with deep 
feeUng and the Divine immanence. I had shortly before heard of the 
death of my dear father, of whom I was thinking. I went close up 
to D. Grobbelaar : * Do you mean it in earnest that you will rather 
fight with the Landdrost than allow the law and righteousness to have 
due course ?' He said ' Ya, Mynheer Orpen.' I said : ' Well, 
Mynheer Grobbelaar, let it be so.' I had had fights before. I walked 
a Uttle aside to a chair, on which I laid my upper garments, and then 
I raised one hand to the whole half-moon crowd of the assembled 
commando and, raising my voice, said : ' If this scandal must happen 
that the Landdrost has to fight with his own fists to cause law and 
righteousness to have their course, then the shame of it lies on this 
whole commando and not on me.' I walked up to Grobbelaar and said, 
bowing pohtely, ' I am ready. Mynheer Grobbelaar ; put up your 


hands.' He dropped the child's arm and his own eyes and hands. 
I said, still politely, ' Mynheer Grobbelaar, have you decided to let the 
law and righteousness have course ?' He said ' Ya, Mynheer Orpen.* 
Again bowing to him, I said : ' Thank you. Mynheer Grobbelaar, it 
is better so.' I then gave the children back to their mothers. Curiomly, 
not one man in all this commando said one word more to me, and two 
days afterwards I found on my return from a patrol that the whole 
commando had, without leave, disbanded and gone home." 

There seems to have been considerable kidnapping activity in the 
Transvaal, and some of the children thus captured to have been 
exported into the Free State. In consequence of this the President 
issued the following proclamation : " I, Martinus Wessel Pretorius, 
Commandant-General, having information that, in contravention of 
the laws existing here, native children are exported to other places, do 
hereby proclaim that the aforesaid exportation of children, under what 
pretence soever, is, from this day forward, prohibited and forbidden 
by me, in the most positive manner. And I further proclaim that all 
persons who have been, are, or may become guilty of the above- 
named transgression of the laws of this country, are hereby warned 
and called upon, first to bring back the children already exported ; 
second, to abstain from this day forward from all infraction of the law 
of this country. And I proclaim further that should it appear that any 
person or persons have been guilty before or after this proclamation 
of the aforesaid exportation of native children, such parties shall be 
indicted and prosecuted according to law, by the proper authorities 
and punished accordingly. 

" Given under my hand at Magahes Berg this 30th day of July, 1855. 
" God Save the Volksraad. M. W. Pretorius." 

As was indicated by his remarks in his opening speech before the 
Volksraad, Mr. Boshof was no less anxious to suppress child stealing 
than was Air. Pretorius. But the moving spirit in the matter was 
Mr. J. M. Orpen, with whom it was almost an obsession. The follow- 
ing curious letter came into his possession in Winburg : 


December 17th, 1854. 
True and loving husband. 

This will inform you that we are all well and hope that, through 
God's blessing, this will reach you in health. With respect to further 

news, your corn is reaped and stacked and has returned home 

with all the other people. He has for his share six head of cattle and 

one Kaffir girl. Mr. has brought with him thirty-two large 

girls and has distributed them among the people at the rate of half a 
sovereign each. On the 20th of Jan. another commando will go from 
here to Maloeck, but which is as yet kept a secret. Your loving wife 
and child R. Pretorius. 


Undoubtedly actuated by Mr. Orpcn, Mr. Boshof sanctioned the 
formation of a commission of investigation, which was to travel into 
the parts where children were alleged to have been stolen and to 
ooUect all possible information. The commission consisted of Mr. 
Orpen himself and the four Government oflScials — Messrs. M. Cauvain, 
P. M. Bester, Van Aardt and E. Bruwer. These were picked up as 
Mr. Orpen's journey proceeded. He started in his wagon on August 
14th and wended his way towards Natal. The route they took is 
somewhat vaguely defined as via the Beggars Berg, Stretcher's River, 
Steyn's River and the Buffels River to Utrecht, where they met 
Commandant Klopper. It was then decided to co-opt Field-comet 
C. Van Rooyen and one Nicholas Smit. 

They then came upon some of the information they were seeking. 
Van Rooyen stated that a certain Meyers had just arrived on his (?) 
farm with seven slaves, which they had obtained from the chief 
Umswazi for a horse. It appeared that Klopper himself had three 
children of the same tribe. It was hoped that an important source 
of information would be the chief named Namainja (Namakalikintza), 
who lived near the Pongolo River. The commission therefore moved 
on to his place and on September ist found him, and very willing 
to talk. All having squatted down in a semi-circle they plied him 
with questions. Asked whether any of his children had been stolen, 
he answered " No ; the only children he had lost h^d been those taken 
in war." In answer to Mr. Orpen's question as to whether there were 
any Bushmen living among his people, he said : " Yes, and from them 
children had been taken." This last statement was suppressed by the 
interpreter, but Mr. Orpen's servant, understanding it, pointed out 
the omission. It soon became clear that there was some malign 
influence present, which was, to some extent, intimidating the chief. 
After some beating about the bush, the following statements were 
elicited from him : He had heard that white people had carried off 
children by violence and that the parents were threatened to be shot 
if they refused to let them go ; white people did come and barter 
Bushmen children for cattle ; some of his own people had taken 
Bushmen children and bartered them with white people ; the Bushmen 
exchange their children because they knew that they would be taken 
by force ; he was afraid to tell the names of wliite people who had 
been there. The chief seemed to fear the presence of Van Rooyen, 
who asked him if he knew that when a man makes statements he 
cannot prove he gets punished ? 

Having thus interviewed Namainja, the commission returned to their 
wagons, which had been left at some distance. A discussion then 
ensued, when all except Mr. Orpen considered that they had done 
all that could be expected of them, and, therefore, it was not worth 
while to go further or put the Free State to any more expense. 


Acting upon this, they retvumed to their homes and left Mr. Orpen 
to carry on as he liked. He returned to Namainja and found that he 
had feared to speak unreservedly in the presence of Van Rooyen, 
who, he said, could tell all about child stealing. He feared him because 
he had great influence with Panda, and when he wished to injure him 
he need only send to Panda and say that he (Namainja) was meditating 
deserting to the English. He had already done so and thus brought 
the Zulu army upon him. He was afraid to furnish the evidence 
asked for by the Free State Government. " You who would befriend 
me," he said, " will be far away and not hear me when I cry, and by 
the time it reaches you I shall be dead. I dare not offend Van Rooyen 
or the Boers in the neighbourhood." 

Namainja accompanied Mr. Orpen on the further journey to the 
Umkonto River in search of Bushmen. They met one Makozani, 
who was willing to talk. He was asked whether it was a custom among 
his people to sell their children or to give them away willingly. He 
said he had never heard of such a thing ; three of his children had 
been taken away by some servants of the Boers ; he feared the result 
of resistance, but he acknowledged he had received a few articles 
in return. He mentioned the names of nine others from whom 
children had been taken. Among them was Maxendeka, the father 
of the children Mr. Orpen then had in his possession in Winburg. 
Presimiably those he had rescued from the Odendaals. A search was 
made for Maxendeka, but he could not be found. 

These conmiissioners, with the exception of Mr. Orpen, instead of 
sending to the Government one comprehensive report, decided that 
each separately should give his own account of the expedition. These 
reports, for the most part, were short and contained little of the 
information which was desired. Van Aardt said that he had obtained 
no verification of Orpen 's statement concerning murders of Bushmen 
and child stealing ; that it was very improbable that people (meaning 
presumably Boers) would take native children when they could be so 
easily obtained in other ways and with but little trouble. He himself 
brought with him two children — a Kaffir and a Bushman — about seven 
years of age. The Kaffir, who was obtained from Field-cornet Van 
Rooyen, and the Bushman from C. L. Stretch. He was an eye 
witness of eleven children brought among the people ; they looked 
miserable enough to die from the misery they had already suffered. 

E. C. Bruwer agreed with Van Aardt on the value of Orpen's 
statements. M. Odendaal and others, he said, had obtained the 
children by barter. 

P. M. Better reported that Orpen refused to produce the evidence 
for his statements, consequendy the commandant, Klopper, had been 
unable to summon the accused. 


All three of these commissioners rehed on the fuller report which 
was made by M. Cauvain. He gave a lengthy account of the conversa- 
tion between Namainja and the commissioners .(^) 

The Board of Landdrost and Heemraden of Utrecht, however, 
seemingly unsolicited, took up the matter and reported to President 
Boshofif on September 5th, 1855. Some of the accused who resided 
in that district were simamoned before them and called upon to give 
evidence. The following is the gist of their statements : 

L. Burman accompanied Odendaal and du Plessis on a hunting 
expedition. They came across a Bushman kraal containing two men 
and three children. The parents were willing to barter their children 
for three knives, three cloths, two tinder boxes and some tobacco ; 
no force was used ; the children accompanied the men willingly. 

Gert Engelbregt was with the hunting expedition. He saw Adriaan 
Odendaal, J. du Plessis and L. Burman bring three Bushmen children 
to the wagon. They stated they had been obtained by barter. The 
children were placed in the wagon, the sail of which was closed but 
not tied. 

C. L. Engelbregt gave much the same evidence. He did not know 
how the children had been obtained. There was no sign of violence 
on them ; they were not boimd. 

Isaac Burman and an Englishman, William Clarke, gave much the 
same evidence. 

The reports of the commissioners came before the Volksraad on 
February 22nd, 1856. They were read and were received with great 
dissatisfaction. It was in consequence resolved " that four of the 
members of the said commission are not entitled to be allowed their 
travelling expenses, for reasons following : 

(') The following is the essential part of this conversation : 

Orpen told the chief who they were and the object of their visit. He then 
asked whether it was true that children of his Bushman subjects had been 

Reply : No children have been taken from us except by Panda's Zulus. 

Orpen : Children have complained to me. I am a captain. I come from 
afar and am determined to get at the truth. Tell me now whether children 
have been taken away in the vicinity of your people. 

Reply : Nobody else but the Zulus have taken children from me. 

Orpen : Are there Bushmen among your people living at the Umkonto ? 

Reply : Yes ; and of their children I have heard some are missing ; white 
people came and took the children away by force ; they have threatened to 
shoot the Bushman, and on one occasion the Bushmen bartered the children. 

Cauvain : If people attack the Bushman will they inform you ? 

Reply to Orpen : My people also take Bushmen children and exchange 
them with the farmers. 

Cauvain : If Bushmen were kiUed would you know of it ? 

Reply : They have told me that one was shot on the Umkonto ; it was more 
than a year ago. 

Cauvain : We have come to inquire about a case of Bushman murder and 
child stealing. Can you help us in the matter ? 

Reply : They have killed Bushmen and stolen their children more than a 
year ago. I cannot help you in the case. 


(i) Because, by their mode of procedure, said investigation, instead 
of fulfilling the duty imposed on them, by carrying out a searching 
inquiry into the grave charges brought against certain burghers of the 
State, they had suppressed said inquiry at the very point where it 
should have commenced. 

(2) Because the conclusions at which said four members arrived 
are not borne out even by their own reports. 

(3) Because they displayed a determination to thwart the Landdrost 
of Winburg with a spirit of partiality and a wish to screen the accused 

(4) Because one of the said members (without any apparent opposi- 
tion from the rest), by himself bringing away two Kaffir children 
from Buffels River, openly counterworked the intention of the Govern- 
ment by promoting what it was their duty to discourage. 

(5) That the refusal of said four members to draw up a joint report 
with the Landdrost of Winburg without alleging any reason whatever, 
still less a valid one, especially as they evidendy acted imder collusion 
and concert among themselves, throws the strongest suspicion of 
inaccuracy, if not of partiahty, on their said reports. 

All this came to the knowledge of the authorities of the British 
Government, but they were unable to interfere to any great extent in 
the internal aflfairs of the two Republics, except in so far as the con- 
ventions forbade slavery. Mr. Orpen's account and the report of his 
expedition came into the hands of Mr. Advocate F. R. Surtees, the 
Arbitrator in the Mixed British and Portuguese Commission.(^) 

He, on December ist, 1855, sent a despatch to Lord Clarendon, 
the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, in which he stated that 
there were rumours to the effect that in the Republics there was a 
regular sale of indentured servants at from ten to fifteen pounds each ; 
that such servants were not hmited to those who had been captured 
in war, and that parties of Boers proceeded to the Drakensberg and 
bartered Bushman children at the rate of a cow for each. 

Sir George Grey, he said, had informed him that these rumours 
were not without foundation and that even some of Her Majesty's 
subjects had been engaged in the nefarious traffic. 

(•) Mixed British and Portuguese Commission. — ^This Commission was estab- 
lished in 1843, under the 6th Article of a treaty concluded at Lisbon on July 
3rd, 1842, between Great Britain and Portugal for the suppression of the slave 
trade. The Arbitrator was an officer who sat with the commissioners in 
chambers to advise them on any point on which they differed in opinion. 
For instance, in a question as to whether the capture of a vessel was legal or 
not. The commissioners could order a vessel to be restored to the claimant, 
or if the vessel had been declared condemned, a list of the survivors of the 
slaves on board was made by the Registrar of the Commission and a certificate 
of Freedem issued to the slaves. The vessel was then offered for sale, first 
to the British and then to the Portuguese Naval authorities, and if not pur- 
chased by them, to be broken up and sold in separate parts by public auction. 


It was, however, not left to Mr. Surtees to be the only informant 
to Downing Street. Sir George Grey himself had had much com- 
munication with that oflSce on that subject. The correspondence 
gave him one of the opportunities of which he always took advantage 
of expressing, in cautious language, his deep disapproval of the action 
of the British Government in having created the two RepubUcs. 
" These Republics," he said, " number among their populations many 
persons who were for years proprietors of slaves in a slave country 
and whose affections were in a great degree alienated from the British 
Government by the manner in which slavery was put a stop to in 
Cape Colony."(^) The British Government exercised but little 
influence over the inhabitants of those RepubUcs when it claimed 
them as its subjects and at last abandoned its duties towards them 
and left them equally to protect and govern themselves." The report 
of Mr. Surtees was, by the direction of Lord Qarendon, sent on to 
Mr. Labouchere. 

On February 13th Mr. Labouchere communicated with Sir George 
Grey asking for a full report of all these matters in order that Her 
Majesty's Government might consider what steps it might be advisable 
to take. But the difficulty was how to deal with it. It was illegal for 
any British subject to be concerned in the slave trade in any part of 
the world, whether within or without Her Majesty's dominions, but 
however disgraceful the system is, it is not such a traffic as is provided 
for by the Slave Trade Acts, or could be suppressed under the enact- 
ments and consequendy a traffic for which they provide no punishment 
and which they do not even recognise as an illegal offence ; that sort 
of thing had not been contemplated when the Acts were drafted, but 
only that which was then and is generally known as the slave trade, 
that is, the traffic carried on across the sea. 

The Hon. WiUiam Porter, the Cape Attorney-General, was 
asked for his opinion. According to this, no clause in either 
of the Acts 6 and 7 Vict., cap. 98 and 5 of George IV, 6. 113, 
passed in 1824, makes the holding or possession of a slave a 
crime. They deal with trading. The offences are not in any way 
defined which meet the cases of kidnapping or purchasing children 
beyond the boundary in order to bring them into the Colony or Natal. 
Child stealing is not slave trading. A man who should snap up a 
child in Colesberg in order to have its labour in Swellendam might 
commit not merely a trespass but a crime ; but that crime could not, 
but in a metaphorical sense, be a consignment of the child to slavery. 
The legal authorities supported this opinion : " It was doubtful," 
they said, " whether these laws and these Acts apply to the cases of 
persons removed into the British colonies in South Africa for the 

(=) Vide CO., Vol. 114, 1856. (CO. refers to the Col. Office letters in the 
Cape Archives.) 


purpose of being indentured under the provisions of the local law." 
They report : " We are of opinion that the indenturing of Native 
Africans under the above Colonial Ordinances is not an unlavrfiil 
appropriation of their labour and, secondly, we are of opinion that the 
transactions if effected by British subjects or within British jurisdiction, 
do not constitute offences against the Imperial Statutes or any other 
law for the suppression of the slave trade." 

In connection with the Transvaal a — perhaps somewhat hysterical — 
petition was sent to the Queen. It is worthy of mention, in view of the 
attention which it commanded. It was signed by only two people, 
though they claimed to be supported by others who feared to have 
their names mentioned. The following is the petition : " We the 
undersigned subjects of Your Majesty, residing at Potchefstroom, 
capital of the Transvaal Republic, South Africa, respectfully present 
to Your Majesty our humble petition. We dare not request other 
residents here to append their names to it, for were its objects to 
become known, our prospects, our properties and our lives might be 
sacrificed to the anger and vengeance of the Dutch Boers and the 
Government. We humbly beg Your Majesty's Government to inter- 
fere with and prevent the horrible system of slavery that is carried on 
in this Republic. Even in this town alone there are upwards of 40 
Caffre women and children that have been captured and sold, the wives 
separated from their husbands, mothers from their children and whole 
families ruthlessly torn asunder. On any dispute occurring with the 
Caffre nations near here commandos are issued, the men shot down, 
their wives and children dragged into captivity, where they have been 
treated, in some instances, in a manner too horrible to describe. 
In the treaty of separation, when this country was declared a RepubUc 
independent of the British rule, in one article it was distinctly stipu- 
lated that the Government was not to allow any slavery to exist, that 
the passage and sale of slaves was to be prevented, and that immediate 
information should be given to the British Government should any 
attempt be made to establish the system, and as the articles of that 
Treaty have been systematically and publicly outraged and broken, 
we trust and pray that Your Majesty will approve of the justice of 
our petition, and, by immediately interfering, cause thousands of slaves 
to be restored to freedom that are now languishing in hopeless captivity, 
and also by so doing prevent some of the useless wars and inroads that 
are made by the Boers on the Caffres, merely with the intention of 
enriching themselves in the manner described. They beg the Queen 
to appoint a fit and proper person to be Consul, to see that the Articles 
of the Treaty are adhered to." 

The matter came before the Executive Council. They acknowledged 
that this petition was strongly worded, but it was not destitute of foun- 
dation. "The Status of Slavery," the Council believed, was not 


recognised by the laws of the Transvaal Republic ; nor are human 
beings sold publicly as chattels within the territory ; but commandos 
organised to punish some real or alleged aggression of a native tribe do, 
it is believed, bring back women and children who are " ingeboekt " 
amongst the farmers for long terms and nominal wages, whose labour 
is really compulsory and whose services are not infrequently without 
the consent of the natives. The Council does not conceive that further 
enquiry into the subject by British authority would do any good unless 
Her Majesty's Government was prepared to interfere actively in the 
administration of the affairs of the Transvaal Republic. The state of 
things which exists there arises from the disorganisation of Government 
and society which cannot be put an end to otherwise than by the 
establishment of British authority, a step which the Coimcil is not 
prepared to recommend and one which Her Majesty's Government 
has repeatedly declared its determination not to take." Here for a 
short time external interference in the alleged slavery affairs of the 
Transvaal ceased. But during the reign of Sir P. Wodehouse it took 
a new lease of life and threatened the existence of the Republic itself. 
It commenced on December 4th, 1865, when one G. J. Steyn, of 
Potchefstroom, thought it his business to bring before the notice of 
Sir P. Wodehouse an accoimt of the arrival in Potchefstroom of two 
men, Carl Schmidt and Heindert (apparently German) from Zoutpans- 
berg, with two loads of young Kaffirs, males and females of ages varying 
from three to twelve years of age. There were thirty-one in all. 
These were disposed of at prices ranging from £15 to £22 los. each. 
In some cases they were exchanged for cattle. 

" The horrors of slavery," Steyn said, " are daily increasing here 
without any prospect of our Government taking any measures to 
prevent it. The following are as near as possible the words spoken 
to me a few days ago by one of the young Kaffirs who has just been 
sold, a boy of about twelve years of age. " The Boers shot my father ; 
I was busy milking a buck when one of them took me away. My 
mother wept bitterly to have a parting look at me, but she was driven 
away by one of the Boers with a whip." The Governor, on January 
8th, 1866, sent this letter to Pretorius. Referring to the sale of the 
thirty-one children : " Such a transaction," he said, " would be so 
gross a violation of the terms of the convention of January 17th, 1852, 
that I am compelled to solicit at your hands a distinct and compre- 
hensive refutation of this statement." 

As by February 20th the Governor had received no reply from 
Pretorius he wrote again on that date, saying that he had received 
full confirmation of Steyn's statements and, further, that the children 
came into the possession of the dealers by means of the murders of 
their parents ; he urged the President's most serious and immediate 
attention to those provisions of the laws of the South African RepubUc 


under which native children called orphans, perhaps made so by the 
murder of their parents, can be registered as apprentices for a term of 
twenty-one years and can during that time be sold from hand to hand 
as a marketable conunodity. "I must plainly state that such arrange- 
ments, no matter under what name they may be disguised can only 
be regarded as sanctioning practical slavery and as being, therefore, a 
dear violation of one of the most important stipulations of the conven- 
tion. The British Government cannot connive at any practices tending 
openly to effect the enslavement of the native races, neither can it give 
its friendly and cordial support to a Government which by its laws 
affords encouragement of such practices." Pretorius, however, had 
answered the Governor's letter of February 6th and made it clear that 
he was then actively engaged in doing all he could to put a stop to the 
horrible traffic. He (Pretorius) was then on his way to Zoutpansberg, 
where most of the kidnapping took place. This probably accounted 
for the delay in answering the Governor's letter. As soon as he 
heard of the abduction of the children by Schmidt and Heindert he 
issued a warrant for their arrest. Schmidt, by the way, was an escaped 
prisoner from a gaol in the Free State, while Heindert lived in a cave 
in Schoemansdal. 

When these two slave dealers in their downward journey reached 
Naboomfontein, the field-comet of that place learned that Schmidt 
had in his wagon 800 lbs. of ivory (white) and 19 Kaffirs (black ivory), 
while Heindert had 16. They were going to trade with them at 
Maguassie. On February 19th, 1866, Pretorius caused a notice to 
be issued to all landdrosts. He brought to their notice a resolution of 
the Volksraad which strictiy forbade the indenturing and transfer of 
the indentured or colonial children. And in the Government Gazette 
for July 24th, 1866, it was stated that it was expedient to bring into 
review the law prohibiting traffic in slaves. It was enacted that all 
persons with whom native children reside shall be considered as their 
guardians, but the Government shall be superintending guardian, 
presumably to ensure good treatment of the natives. All officials and 
officers were stricdy enjoined to maintain the law which prohibits any 
himter, trader or any other person who may visit native tribes from 
introducing a native child within the boimdaries of the Republic under 
the penalty of a fine of Rds. 2,000 or imprisonment for two years. 

But with all this there does not seem to have been much change 
in these af^rs at this time. It was almost impossible to enforce the 
law, the coimtry was of such enormous and indefinite extent and there 
was no active police force of any kind, so that circumstances played 
into the hands of the ill-doer and brought unmerited discredit upon 
the Government. In June, 1868, the subject of Transvaal kidnapping 
became a matter of important discussion in the Legislative Council 
at the Cape. The Hon. R. Godlonton moved that the Governor be 


requested to cause to be laid on the Table all correspondence in this 
connection which had passed between himself and the Transvaal 
Government since the last session of Parliament. In the ensuing 
debate it was said that the cause of the disturbances with their con- 
comitant atrocities in the Zoutpansberg was the stealing of children 
in that district. It was, however, acknowledged that the Transvaal 
Government was doing all it could to put an end to them. 

A/iany burghers, it was said, had refused to take part in the commando 
in consequence of their disapproval of these things. 

One speaker said it was curious that in connection with the Colonial 
KafiOr wars one never heard of destitute children in bondage with the 
farmers, while in the Transvaal, after every petty commando, there 
were so many. In a commando under one, Schoeman, for instance, 
no destitute native children were seized ; 37 of them were disposed 
of by lot ; what became of the others was not known. In short, 
slavery was carried on under the guise of charity, the children having 
been rendered destitute by the murders of their parents. The matter 
came also before the British Parliament. 

In February, 1867, Lord Carnarvon wrote to Sir PhiUp Wodehouse 
saying that he had received much correspondence about kidnapping 
in the Transvaal. " If," said he, " it can be clearly proved that the 
Republic sanctioned slave trading and was, therefore, chargeable with 
a violation of the convention of 1852, a suitable opportunity has 
arrived for giving notice to the President that Her Majesty's Govern- 
ment caiuiot regard the convention of 1852 as any longer binding on 
Great Britain. Such a declaration would, at all events, enable Her 
Majesty's Government to abrogate the one-sided provision of the 
convention which binds them to supply gunpowder to the Republic 
and withhold it from the native ; the Colonial Government would 
then be able to hold itself no longer obliged to permit the conveyance 
of arms and ammunition beyond the border." 

In November, 1868, the Duke of Buckingham and Chandos, in 
much the same strain, wrote that he had no doubt a fundamental 
article of the convention had been violated by the Republic, and 
that under such circumstances. Great Britain be at liberty to hold 
herself discharged from all further observance of her engagements 
towards the Republic. 

Lord Clarendon, on March 9th, 1869, wished to know how it came 
about that there were so many destitute children in the Transvaal 
as to require legislation on their behalf. 

In England, the cause of the Republic was championed by a Mr. 
Pratt, the Consul-General for the Transvaal. He maintained that the 
stories and accusations of slavery were exaggerations, that the prevailing 
feeling of the Boers was strongly opposed to it. " I do not deny," 


he said, " that isolated cases of ill-treatment may have occurred in 
outlying districts or that Boers in the early days did so, but, with 
reference to charges reflecting discredit on the Government and people 
alike, such as obtaining 6,000 children anntially and the burning of 
children alive, I have every reason to believe that on an investigation 
they will be found to be gross exaggerations. The chief seat of native 
disturbances had been Zoutpansberg and these appear to have been 
caused by Kaffir superintendents, who, it would seem, have fostered 
ill-feeling between the native tribes." 

As time went on the Government of the Transvaal became more 
centralised and efficient and also, with the influx of population due 
to the discoveries of gold, circumstances became inimical to the 
continuation of kidnapping and this form of slavery. Hence it may be 
considered to have died a natural death. 

Authorities for this Chapter. 

The volume of original letters and documents in the Government Archives, 
Cape Town, for the dates concerned. 

Note. — The symbols CO, GH refer to the classification in the Archives. 
CO means Colonial Office and GH Government House. 

Volumes of original documents in the Bloemfontein Archives. 

The Basutoland Records, Vol. H. 

The many and long private letters which Mr. J. M. Orpen wrote to the 

" Orpen's Refniniscences," a book of 500 pages. Printed in Natal. 

Reminiscences of the Free State, by W. W. Collins. 

Correspondence between Sir George Grey and Secretay of State, April, 

Blue Book, Transvaal, 1869 to '85. 



Although only indirectly connected with Sir George Grey and his 
Government, there developed and came to a head in his time a trouble 
which had long been brewing and of which even to-day we have not 
heard the last. This was the conflict between the two sections of the 
Church of England — putting it roughly, between the High Church 
and Low Church. As it became a matter of general interest, some 
account of it, though only a short one, properly finds a place in the 
history of that time. 

To render the story more intelligible and to trace the matter from 
the beginning, it is as well to go back to the early days of the second 
occupation of the Cape by the British, viz. 1806. By the Articles of 
Treaty at the capitulation it was agreed that public worship as then in 
use should be maintained without alteration. But what was then in 
use ? The Dutch Reformed Church, though not officially established, 
had been in existence nearly two hundred years ; many churches had 
been built in different parts of the country and there was a fairly large 
number of ministers, so that the Dutch Reformed was practically the 
reUgion of the coimtry. The Church of England at the beginning of 
the centmry and some years subsequently can scarcely be said to have 
been in existence. The very few clergy who came, and in most cases 
remained but for a very short time, were Government Chaplains, 
military or civil, and did not hold parishes in the English sense of the 
term. A Dr. Griffiths came as chaplain in 1806, but remained only 
a few months ; then there was no Episcopal clergyman in the covmtry. 
In 1807 there arrived a military chaplain in the person of the notorious 
Rev. (?) Dr. Lawrence Halloran. Although a man of considerable 
ability as a preacher and writer, his character was not such as to inspire 
a reverence and love for the Church. He exposed what he considered 
to be public scandals in clever verse of a very vindictive and violent 
kind, with the result that after foiur years' sojourn at the Cape he was 
prosecuted for libel, imprisoned for a time and then deported back to 

(») Lawrence Halloran was D.D. of Aberdeen University ; he possessed 
wonderful credentials testimentary of his ability and worth. Having been 
for a time a schoolmaster in Exeter, where he seems to have been a success, 
he became a chaplain in the Royal Navy and was present with Nelson at the 
Battle of Trafalgar. In 1807 he was appointed military and naval chaplain 
at the Cape. In Cape Town he started a school, which also seems to have 
merited the confidence of parents. Not less was the satisfaction he gave by 
his preaching, his sermons, which were delivered in a very fine voice, were 
eloquent and animated. He soon became a popular man in Cape Town, 



In 1 819, thirteen years after the capitulation, there was a total of 
three English clergy in South Africa, two in Cape Town and one in 
Simonstown. The 1820 Settlers added two to the niunber, the Rev. 
McQeland, afterwards at Port Elizabeth, and the Rev. Boardman, of 
Bathurst. In 1826 the number rose to six. By 1840 there were ten, 
and in 1848, when a new regime of Church activity was to commence, 

at least with the civil population ; albeit he was of an unprepossessing appear- 
ance. A sermon to the military on the guilt of dishonesty, which afterwards 
appeared in pamphlet form, greatly enhanced his reputation. But his great 
forte lay in his genius as a poet ; this in the end proved his undoing. His 
poems, though clever, were vindictive and violent, usually dealing wifii what 
he regarded as the public scandals of the time. He thought it his duty to 
interfere in the affairs of the Government and to pillory high ofQcials whom he 
considered to deserve it. Thus he brought himself into troubles which in the 
end resulted in his removal from the Colony. Mr. Henry Alexander, the 
Colonial Secretary, a relative of Earl Caledon, the Governor of the Colony, 
had had to visit Dr. Halloran with some punishment. He (the doctor) 
retaliated by bringing the matter before the general public in a sermon, which 
he preached from the text " Alexander the coppersmith hath done me an 
injury, may the Lord reward him according to his deserts." 

But the officer whom Dr. Halloran regarded with the greatest dislike, if 
not abhorrence, was General Grey, the officer commanding the troops. The 
two soon came into conflict. Dr. Halloran championed the case of an officer 
who was court-martialled for having wotmded another in a duel. The General, 
considering this an undue interference, removed Dr. Halloran from Cape 
Town to Simonstown. There his pen became even busier. A number of 
scurrilous and anonymous letters were traced to him. The production which 
brought matters to a climax was a poem called " Hamilton's Ghost," which 
described a ghostly visitation to General Grey in consequence of his cruelty 
and causing the death of a young officer named Hamilton. The circumstances 
were these. A young officer had been guilty of some breach of military dis- 
cipline and for punishment was sent in exile to Hout Bay, about twelve miles 
from Cape Town. While there, some of his relatives on their way from India 
to England called at the Cape. Hamilton was extremely anxious to meet them, 
but leave to do so was refused by General Grey. This so preyed on the yoimg 
man's mind that he committed suicide. On this incident Halloran wrote a 
long poem against the General. It described Hamilton's spectre visiting the 
General at midnight and disturbing his slimibers by reading to him a lecture 
on cruelty and tyranny. The following verses out of many will indicate the 
nature of the poem : — 

On his downy couch reclining. 
To rest by opiates composed. 
The midnight moon obscurely shining. 
The Grey friar and his nun reposed. 

Howled the tempest round his dwelling. 

Gleamed the sky with meteors red. 
When arose with hideous yelling. 

Spectres of the injured dead. 

Hamilton's ghost loquitur. 

Far from friends, and country serving 

Under thy abhorred control. 
Once from honour's dictates swerving. 

Frenzy seized my anguished soul. 

Dearest friends from Inde returning. 

Anchored at this hated place. 
While my heart with rapture yearning 

Panted for their fond embrace. 

Tyrant ! Think of me and tremble. 

Yes ! my shade still haunts thy rest. 
Though thy ghostly smiles dissemble, 

Gmlt's dire pangs should goad thy breast. 


there were sixteen, six of them being in the Eastern Province. Of 
churches there was nothing whatsoever until 1814, when a small one 
was built at Simonstown. It has long since disappeared. For 
twenty-seven years, until in fact St. George's, now the cathedral in 
Cape Town, was ready for Divine service, the authorities of the Dutch 
Reformed Church permitted the Church of England to hold its services 
in their church, the Groole Kerk in Adderley Street, Cape Town. 
It was stated at the time that the Episcopalians alone were drowsy, 
all other denominations having places of worship, while they were 

As one other example of his craftmanship, see the epitaph he wrote on a 
certain high official who, having played fast and loose with the country's 
finances, was found out and saved himself from exposure and punishment 
by committing suicide : 

Here lies in death, who living always lied, 
A base amalgam of deceit and pride, 
A wily African of monstrous shape. 
The mighty Quintius Flestius of the Cape. 

Rogue, paramount ten thousand rogues among 

He rose, and shone like phosphorus from dung ; 

The wolf and fox their attributes combined 

To form the odious features of his mind. 

Where kennelled deep by shame and fear unawed 

Lurked rapine, villainy, deceit and fraud. 

Hypocrisy, servility and lust. 

A petty tyrant and a judge unjust. 

Partial and stem in every cause he tried. 

He judged like Pilate and like Pilate died. 

Urged to despair by crimes precluding hope. 

He chose a bullet to avoid a rope. 

Consistent knave, his life in cheating past. 

He shot himself to cheat the law at last. 

Acme of crimes, self murder crowned the whole 

And gave to worms his corpse, to fiends his soul. 

The attacks on General Grey led to his being prosecuted for libel in the 
High Court of Justice. The case lasted three months. He was foimd guilty 
and sentenced to pay the costs of the case, to be banished from the Colony 
and to be imprisoned until there was an opportimity of sending him to England. 
So great was his popularity with the civil population that their sympathy 
for him was shown by presenting to him a purse of £90. He had not been in 
England long before it was discovered that he had never been ordained, that, 
in short, he was an impostor. Under assumed names he held curacies in 
different parts of the country until he was found out and had to move to some 
other place. This merry life continued until, in order to evade paying the 
postage of ten pence on a letter he franked the letter by forging upon it the 
name of a high official who had that privilege. He was arrested, tried and 
sentenced to seven years' penal servitude in New South Wales. There he 
continued his literary pursuits, among them " An accoimt of seven years' 
penal servitude for stealing ten pence." 

He died in that country in 1831. When it was known in South Africa 
that he was not a properly-ordained clergyman, alarm arose in connection 
with the marriages he had conducted, namely, as to whether they were valid. 
The matter was referred to the law officers of the Crown of England. They 
were humbly of opinion " that the marriages solemnized at the Cape by the 
person officiating as a clergyman under assumed or forged orders cannot be 
vitiated by the defect of the Holy Orders of priesthood imputed to him." 

For a full account of the trial in original, vide the massive volume in the 
Cape Town Archives ; also vide " Sketches of English Church History in 
South Africa from 1795 to 1848," by J. A. Hewitt — an excellent work which 
has evidently been compiled with much painstaking original research. 


contentedly slumbering under a borrowed roof. In 1824 St. George's 
in Graharastown was commenced. (Vide Vol. II of this work.) 

In 1825 the Governor gave a plot of land in Port Elizabeth on which 
a church was to be erected, but, as in most other cases, only a little 
progress could be made in the building on accoimt of want of funds. 
In 1827 an impetus to church development was given by the Bishop 
of Calcutta, who happened to be on a visit to the Cape. There was 
no resident Bishop in the country in those early years. The Church in 
South Africa was entirely without episcopal superintendence and such 
duties as confirmations and ordinations were performed by the Bishop 
of Calcutta or Tasmania during short stays at the Cape on their way 
to and from England. On this occasion the Bishop of Calcutta 
consecrated a piece of land which had been granted by Governor 
Bourke for church purposes. The Bishop himself must have been 
instrumental in obtaining this grant, and thus making a commencement 
of establishing St. George's, afterwards the cathedral in Cape Town. 
In a despatch of Governor Bourke to Lord Goderich, the Secretary 
of State for the Colonies, dated October 25th, 1827, he said : " Having 
been informed by the Bishop of Calcutta that your Lordship had been 
pleased to promise that a grant of a piece of land in the Government 
garden or elsewhere in the town as might be deemed expedient should 
be made for the purpose of having an episcopal church erected thereon. 
I have the honour to state that I have made a grant in the Government 
garden of about an English acre in a situation well adapted for the 
purpose, much approved of by the inhabitants of the town. I made 
the grant previously to the Bishop's departure, that the groimd might 
be consecrated by him. I have further to state that subscriptions 
amounting to between two and three thousand pounds have been 
raised for building the church. I have to request authority to issue 
from the Colonial revenue a svan of money equal in amoimt to that 
which shall be raised by private and voluntary subscription and which 
will probably not exceed jf3,ooo." 

The land was thus obtained, the next step was to find the money 
to raise the building. There were £850 then in hand and the Treasury 
granted £5,000. But this was not nearly enough. So recourse was 
had to a procedure for raising money for church building, which 
became somewhat common at that time. Much as in the manner of 
starting a gold mining or other company, money was raised on shares, 
the interest to be paid from the pew rents. The Government issued 
an Ordinance permitting this and making certain regulations and 
conditions in connection with the property and the shares. In the 
case of Cape Town 250 shares of £25 each were issued. These were 
very quickly taken up, some people taking as many as ten. In this 
manner enough money was raised to build the church. The founda- 
tion stone was laid with masonic honours by the Governor, Sir Lowry 


0)le, on April 23rd, 1830, and the church was opened for divine 
service on December 21st, 1834. Bathtirst, in like manner, issued 
104 shares of £5 each towards the £1,000 required for that church. 
Wynberg 150 shares of £5 each, and so on with others. Both the 
SP.C.K. and S.P.G. were Uberal in adding to the funds for church 

By 1844 there were Anglican congregations at Cape Town, Ronde- 
bosch, Wynberg, Simonstown, Port Elizabeth, Grahamstown, 
Bathurst, Fort Beaufort and at Sidbury. The clergy of these congre- 
gations were under a kind of loose superintendence by an ecclesiastical 
board, consisting of the Archbishop of Canterbury and York and the 
Bishop of London. But it was obvious that at so great a distance 
such a board in its efl&ciency to control matters in South Africa was 
next to no superintendence at all. The want of control by Bishops 
in the distant colonies had been felt and recognised for some time, 
and equally felt was the want of the wherewithal to maintain them. 
In 1 841 this difl5culty was solved, or very largely so, by the estabUsh- 
ment of a Colonial Bishoprics Fimd, that is the formation of a capital 
sum, the interest of which woiild supply the stipends of colonial 
Bishops. It was started by the Bishop of London and met with great 
success. The S.P.C.K. gave /|io,ooo, the S.P.G. ;C7550Oj these, toge- 
ther with numerous other subscriptions, soon raised a very workable 
sum. The places first to benefit by this fimd were the Cape of Good 
Hope and Adelaide in South Australia, which places soon became 

They were especially fortunate in coming under the notice of a 
wonderfully good and rich lady, the Baroness Burdett-Coutts.(^) 
To the other sums she added ;f25,ooo towards the endowments of 
the bishoprics of these two places. The See of Cape Town was thus 
established. It remained now to find the proper man to become its 
first Bishop. On May 6th, 1847, Mr. Hawkins, the honorary secretary 
of the Colonial Bishoprics Fimd, proposed the name of the Rev. 
Robert Gray, who was eventually selected. 

(•) Miss Angela Burdett-Coutts was, perhaps, the most prominent lady in 
Eng^tand in Victorian times. Endowed with great wealth, the object of her 
life was to use it in doing the greatest good to the greatest nimiber. Rehef of 
unfortimate circumstances arising from poverty, distress and ignorance was 
her chief concern, and to this end she devoted hundreds of thousands of 
pounds. Her interests and sympathies were world wide ; colonial expansion, 
the civilisation of native races and the encouragement of industry among them 
found places in her comprehensive philantliropy. Not by any means were her 
goodness and liberality confined to England ; Ireland, Australia, South Africa, 
Nigeria and even far-away North Borneo received some benefit from her large- 
heartedness. She was an inflexible protestant, but no doctrinal partisan, she 
took not the least interest in the ritual controversies of the time. But she was 
a staunch supporter of the Church of England, which very greatiy benefited 
by her vast liberality. 

She was bom in 1814 in London, and was daughter of Sir Francis Burdett, 
a prominent politician j her maternal grandfather was Sir Thomas Coutts, the 
great and wealthy banker, from whom she inherited most of her immense 


Bishop Robert Gray was son of the Bishop of Bristol, who lived in 
that dty in the turbulent 'thirties. He was bom in 1809, and educated 
at University College, Oxford. 

At the time of his appointment to Cape Town he was vicar of 
Stockton-on-Tees and canon of Durham. He was consecrated Bishop 
in December, 1847, left for South Africa almost immediately after- 
wards, and arrived early in 1848. He was a man of strong and resolute 
character, of untiring energy, and prepared as a pioneer to fiice toil 
and danger in building up the new and enormous diocese. 

fortune and a large interest in Coutts' bank. She was the richest heiress in 
England. It was when this part of her fortune came to her that she added 
Coutts to her name, and Miss Angela Burdett became Miss Angela Burdett- 

She was educated for the most part on the Continent, but most of her life, 
it might be said all, was spent in her father's house in Piccadilly, where she 
became one of the great social lights of London. Her entertainments were 
lavish but wise ; all the great men of the time, those distinguished in science, 
literature or any other sphere of public life, were frequent visitors. Among 
them may be mentioned Faraday, Wheatstone, Hooker, Chas. Dickens, 
Disraeli, Gladstone, the Duke of Wellington and very many others. Queen 
Victoria herself made much of her and regarded her as a friend. 

Of her church benefactions she gave £90,000 to build St. Stephen's Church 
in Westminster, together with the vicarage and school. She gave £r5jOOO to 
the Bishop of London towards the establishment of three other churches, and 
£25,000 each to Cape Town and Adelaide as part endowments of the bishoprics 
at these places and a little later a very large sum to found the bishopric of 
British Columbia. With reference to Cape Town, the biographer of Bishop 
Gray says : " She intended that her colonial bishoprics should remain in 
dependence on the AngUcan Church at home. In 1866, however, Robert 
Gray, the Bishop of Cape Town, in course of his dispute with Bishop Colenso 
of Natal, declared that See to be an independent South African Church. Miss 
Burdett-Coutts petitioned Queen Victoria to maintain the existing tie, but her 
action was without avail, and her colonial bishoprics became independent 
of the Church of England." 

Among other far-afield interests was the encouragement of cotton growing 
by the natives in Nigeria and support to Sir James Brooke in foimding Sarawak 
in Borneo, and a farm for the training of natives. 

In England her benefactions were colossal. No less than £200,000 she gave 
to establish a cheap fish-and-vegetable market for the poor. Unfortunately, 
it did not succeed, as it came into conflict with vested interests. With Chas. 
Dickens she was able to see for herself the poverty and squalor in which so 
many of the poor lived. The result of what she saw was the building of model 
lodging houses at Bethnal Green for a thousand poor families. She helped 
to form the National Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children, and 
supported ragged schools and shoeblack brigades. Nor did she forget suffering 
animals. She was largely responsible for the formation of the Society for the 
Prevention of Cruelty to Animals, gave £5,000 for providing water troughs 
for them. Even the poor overworked donkey did not escape her notice. 
She established donkey shows and gave prizes to the owners of the best kept 
and best treated animals. For the relief of pain and suffering due to war she 
sent nurses to the sufferers in the Russo-Turkish War, to ti^e Zulu War of 
1879, and the Anglo-Boer War. All this, however, by no means completed 
the list of her good acts. 

Queen Victoria, in admiration for all this unselfishness to the wants of others, 
conferred upon her a Peerage in 1871, thus she became Baroness, a distinction, 
it is said, which was gained by no other woman on her own merit. The freedom 
of the City of London and of other cities followed. 

She married in r88i when 67 years of age, and died on December 30th, 1906, 
aged 92. Great was the universal sorrow. No less than 30,000 people passed 
in deep respect and love before her body when she lay in state. For further 
details, vide excellent article in the National Dictionary of Biography. 



In his bearing towards those who opposed or endeavoured to 
thwart him he was no meek lamb, but was masterful — ^perhaps more 
correctly, domineering. He was the very reverse of concihatory 
towards those who did not share his views on religious matters and 
grudgingly acknowledging the labours of those who before him had 
blazed the trails and borne the heat and burden of the day, he created 
a personal dislike towards himself. Throughout his career he 
was involved in costly and acrimonious litigation. It is to be regretted 
that the great and good work which he did for this country should 
have been alloyed with his disposition to beat with an ill-concealed 
contempt those who differed from him and yet were equally giving up 
their hves in a good cause. 

The religious state of the Colony as he found it caused him con- 
siderable perturbation. It was entirely evangelical. 

The Dutch Reformed Church was the dominant Church, at least in 
the West. In the East, due to the labours of the good William Shaw 
and the 1820 Settlers, Wesleyanism prevailed. In Grahamstown, 
Port Elizabeth and Bathurst there was a sprinkling of AngUcan Church 
people, but they were all "low church." All this met with great 
disapproval of Bishop Gray. He tells us that he foimd every form of 
religious error rampant ; every form of dissent and protestantism 
throve and held a better position than the Church.(*) The pulpit 
of St. George's was employed as a vehicle for promoting evangelical 
alliance against the doctrines of the Church, and those who rented 
its pews heard denunciation against those doctrines. How awful ! 

Wynberg was overrun by East Indian visitors, preachers, who 
with long purses and pious purposes were the pest of the place, he 
actually caught one — ^red-handed, so to speak — ^praying extemporary 
in the church. At the same time he deplored the neglect of the church. 

There were, he tells us, only seventeen Anglican clergy in the whole 
coxmtry, while there were over two himdred ministers of all denomina- 
tions. In the mission field, though this he does not tell us, albeit he 
speaks well of the Moravians, there had been much activity by, besides 
the Wesleyans, the Glasgow, Berlin and Paris Societies, the London 
iVlissionary Society and the Roman CathoUcs. In his contempt for 
Independents and Wesleyans, he brings against them a very serious 
charge, one so serious that it is difl&cult to beheve that any man in his 
public position could have done so without very certain proof and 
unquestioned evidence. He accused them of growing rich by dealing 
in tea, coffee, guns and ammunition, horses and hides. The dealing 
in guns and gunpowder — gvm running in fact— can only have been 

(') " The twenty different sects are endeavouring to bring the church into 
odium and aspiring to be the dominant church of the Colony. I am personally 
the chief object of attack. Everywhere we appear to those who have been 
before us as intruders." 


with natives. This was a crime which was regarded by all except 
the most worthless and degraded traders who carried it on, with the 
utmost detestation and was visited by the Government with the 
heaviest penalties. It is quite safe to regard this statement of Bishop 
Gray as false. 

His overbearing attitude and contempt for all other denominations 
instigated the authorities of the Dutch Reformed Church at their 
earliest opportimity to put their own position very plainly before him. 
At a Synod held in Cape Town on November 2nd, 1852, the following 
letter was sent to him : " We, the Ministers and Elders of the Dutch 
Reformed Church in South Africa in Synod assembled, having observed 
in the Letters Patent, published in the Government Gazette of this 
Colony, the tide given to the chief pastor of the United Church of 
England and Ireland at the Cape of Good Hope : ' Lord Bishop of 
Cape Town,' having also seen the statement published by authority 
that the diocese of Cape Town contained a population of 750,000 
souls which must consequentiy include the whole population of the 
Colony and the adjacent country, having further observed the designa- 
tion given by the said Bishop himself ' The first Bishop of the Church 
of God in this land,' and having moreover perceived from an ofi&dal 
despatch, the claim to precedence made by him and the rank allowed 
him by Her Majesty's Secretary of State, deem it necessary at this 
our first meeting after the creation of a Bishop of the United Church of 
England and Ireland in South Africa to declare in order to prevent 
misunderstanding as to our ejcact position that, while the Dutch 
Reformed Church, the oldest and by far the most numerous religious 
body in South Africa, claims no precedence to any other branch of the 
Church of Christ, and is desirous to live in peace, harmony and 
brotherhood with all, who, although differing as to outward forms 
or principles of Church government, maintain with her the grand 
principles of the Reformation, she will not acknowledge the tide of 
any minister of religion which involves a claim of superiority or of 
territorial power over her own Bishop or people — ^nor will she respect 
any claim of precedence made by any religious body whatever. 

Thus declared in Synod at Cape Town. November 2nd, 1852. 

W. Robertson and P. E. Faure." 

The precedence or superior status which Bishop Gray claimed or 
which was implied in his tide of Lord Bishop was a matter of long and 
deep concern with Sir George Grey, the Governor of the Colony. In the 
interests of peace and cordial relations he found it expedient to suggest 
to the Secretary of State its abolition. In a despatch to Sir E. B. 
Lytton on November nth, 1858, he said : " It is worthy of ccc- 


sideradon whether it should not be tindeistood that any new Bishops 
who are appointed for South Africa should not be entitled, as of right, 
to the title of Lordship or to any other precedence in the Colony. I 
think it would be well that the Governors of the Cape of Good Hope 
and Natal should not be required by the Royal Instructions to give any 
peculiar attention to such Bishops, or to the affairs of their Bishoprics 
other than they are required to bestow upon other Christian denomina- 
tions . A large Dutch population has now been settled for two centuries 
in this part of South Africa, who belong almost wholly to the Dutch 
Reformed Church. They were originally all subjects of Her Majesty 
and are still so for the most part ; they are generally a very religious 
people and have a prejudice against episcopacy in any form, particu- 
larly against the Church of Rome. Amongst them are members of old 
and wealthy families, their ministers, who are generally related to 
such families, are often learned and excellent men who have received 
a European education and who are usually endeared to their congrega- 
tion by many years of beneficial labour among them. The position of 
these gentlemen has been much altered in this country by the step 
which was taken of giving the title of Lordship to the Bishops of Cape 
Town, Grahamstown and Natal, as also a very high rank in precedence 
not only to these Bishops, but to Archdeacons. To plant firmly the 
Church of England here, I think that this can best be done by giving 
no State tides or peculiar precedence to its Bishops or other ofiBcers. 
The Church of England will lose none of its efficiency, but it will fall 
more into harmony with the state of public feeling."(^) 

In the thirties of the 19th century there came into active existence 
in England a Church movement which gready influenced ecclesiastical 
matters in that country and also a litde later in South Africa. This 
was the Tractarian or Oxford Movement. It is not possible to give 
here more than a mere outline of it. Suffice it to say that it arose out 
of a determination to restore to good order and life the Church after 
a long period of the neglect and decay into which it had fallen. Religion 
as far as the Church was concerned was, at this time, at a very low ebb. 
The standard of clerical life was low ; there was absenteeism, pluraUty 
of livings and neglect of the fabric of the churches. The Church had 
lost most of its grip on the masses of the population. 

The object of the Oxford Movement was to rectify all this by 
introducing greater dignity and beauty into the public services and to 
render the Church a large and Uving institute. There was great need 
for revival in these matters. The movement had long been fermenting. 
It is not possible to give any definite date of its origin, but in 1833 
a great impetus was given to it when John Keble preached his famous 

(*) In 1849 Bishop Gray, with becoming modesty, raised the question of 
his precedence over the Chief Justice and Puisne judges. He was told, in 
answer, that he ranked after the judges. 


assize sennon on National Apostasy in Oxford in July of that year, 
and there commenced also the publication of the " Tracts of the 
Times." Hence the term Tractarianism. Although it seems to have 
developed into Rituahsm, there was in the first place no idea of this 
in the minds of the great promoters, Pusey and J. H. Newman, the 
latter of whom afterwards joined the Roman Church. These men in 
those days ridiculed the idea of Ritualism. Bishop Gray himself said : 
" I feel indignant at the Romanising members of our Church. Thank 
God we have no Romanisers here (South Africa). God save men from 
going over to Rome." In this connection, however, there was much 
misunderstanding. Many saw, or thought they saw, in it a movement 
towards Rome and visualised the estabhshment of the Papacy and the 
" Holy Inquisition " in South Africa. In that country nothing had 
been heard or was known about it until 1841, when the Rev. G. Hough, 
the Senior Colonial Chaplain and incimibent of St. George's, Cape 
Town, preached some sermons on the " Duty of fasting in Lent," 
and in other ways showed his approval of the Oxford Movement. The 
evangeUcal congregation took alarm ; they abandoned St. George's 
and started a movement to build a non-Oxford Movement Church 
for themselves. Thus came into existence Trinity Church, Harrington 
Street, Cape Town. It was this misunderstanding in South Africa 
which caused so much of the subsequent trouble and in this hostile 
state of mind arrived Bishop Gray in 1848. 

The opposition he found then and afterwards did not deter him in 
carrying out his plans for the organisation and development of his huge 
diocese, and in endeavouring to gain upon the neglect of previous 
years. Very shortly after his arrival in order to make himself the 
better acquainted with the state of the country, with regard to religion 
and education, he commenced his visitations, those very long and 
toilsome joimieys into the distant parts, even as far away as far-off 
Natal. During these he confirmed candidates, very occasionally 
ordained a clergyman and saw the many places where he desired to 
establish churches and schools. The journeys occupied many months 
during which he learned, as a pioneer, to perform all sorts of menial 
offices of a non-episcopal character, such as lighting fires, feeding 
horses and washing up cups and dishes. Without going into any 
details of his journeys, the one in 1850 may be mentioned. Roughly, 
his route was to Beaufort West and Graaff-Reinet, thence to Colesberg 
and across the Orange River to Philippolis, where he met Adam Kok, 
and to Bloemfontein. Then turning east he journeyed to Basutoland 
and descended the dangerous Drakensberg mountains into Natal and 
visited Pietermaritzburg and Durban. The return journey to the 
west was via the northern parts of the present Griqualand East and 
British Kaffraria. But he seems to have missed his way and taken 
a too-northern route instead of that nearer the coast, where there was 


a fairly safe passage, a traders' route from the Ckilony to Natal. The 
result was he met with much danger and difiBculty in the moimtains 
and woody gorges of those parts. However, he arrived safely in Cape 
Town after nine months' struggle with geographical opposition. In 
the previous year, that is in 1849, when he had been scarcely a twelve 
month in the country, he went even farther afield by journeying to 
the distant isle of St. Helena, which also was in his diocese. There 
he confirmed and arranged other Church matters to his satisfaction. 

He commenced his educational enterprises on a small scale by 
allotting a portion of his own residence to a boys' school. This 
residence, " Protea" known as Bishopscourt — the official residence 
of the Archbishop — ^is a fine old building on an estate which belonged to 
Van Riebeeck, the first Governor of the old Dutch East India Company. 
Its old name was Boschheuvel. This, together with 350 acres of beauti- 
ful land, the Bishop purchased for £3,000. The place is built as three 
sides of a quadrangle. One of the wings, which in the early days 
afforded accommodation for slaves, was now converted into the boys* 
school. Shortly afterwards, he tells us, he managed to buy a fine 
large plot of land at Rondebosch, five miles from Cape Town. On this 
he established the permanent school, the Diocesan School for boys, now 
known throughout the country as " Bishops." The boys thus vacated 
" Protea " and made way for a school of a different kind. 

As has already been shown, one of the most important measures 
of the Governor, Sir George Grey, for civihzing the natives was the 
establishment of schools and industrial institutions. Acting on the 
principle of taming a wild animal when it is young, he conceived the 
idea of educating the sons of the great and powerful African chiefs 
preparatory to their eventually returning to their tribes as rulers. 
In this he had the hearty co-operation of Bishop Gray. Even Dr. 
Livingstone and Bishop Mackenzie in Central Africa were invited to 
support the movement by persuading the chiefs in those parts to send 
their sons to the institution. 

The vacant rooms of " Protea " offered a convenient place in which 
to start the school. And the start was made by Sir George Grey 
taking from the Orange Free State and British Kaflfraria fifty boys 
and placing them imder the care and guidance of Bishop Gray. They 
were not long there, for in i860 a fine property called Zonnebloem, 
on the outskirts of Cape Town, was purchased at a cost of £6,000. 
There were several convenient and available buildings which were 
easily adaptable to the new requirements. The stables formerly let 
to the Indian Remount Agency became the schoolroom and carpenters' 
and shoemakers' shops, while other buildings were easily converted into 
a dining hall and dormitories. 

Towards the purchase money of this fine estate £4,000 were sub- 
scribed by two pious and philanthropic ladies, the Baroness Burdett- 


Courts and the Duchess of Northumberland. To maintain the place, 
the Colonial Government, through the intervention of Sir George 
Grey, contributed £i,ooo per annum towards the support of the 
industrial teachers and also for food and clothing for the people. 
And S.P.G. gave jCIjOOO per anmmi for the support of the Warden, 
schoolmaster and lady warden. Zonnebloem was thus established and 
has progressed to this day. When we hear of the sons of Moshesh, 
Sandilli, Jan Tzatzoe and others going to Cape Town — ^it was to 
Zonnebloem they went. In a short time after the start, four of the 
most advanced students went to St. Augustine's College, Canterbury, 
to train for the Church. Thus have been fulfilled the combined 
desires and activities of Sir George Grey and Bishop Gray. But in 
1861 a dark cloud threatened Zonnebloem. Sir George Grey was 
called away to resume the Governorship of New Zealand and leave 
unfinished much of his native work in South Africa. His enthusiasm 
was not greatly shared by those who succeeded him. There was almost 
more than talk of the stoppage of the Government grant, and at that 
time there was the impending difBculty of meeting the expense of the 
new teachers who were on their way from England. However, 
Zonnebloem weathered the storm and has continued to exist and 
increase in usefulness. 

Bishop Gray talked about bu3?ing up the South African College 
School, as he considered it was being run on very unsatisfactory lines. 

After five years of strenuous laboiur and travel there was borne in 
upon the Bishop the conviction that the superintendence of all these 
widely-spread matters was more than could be managed by one 
Bishop. There was pressing need for at least three, namely, besides 
one in Cape Town, one in a more central position and one in the 
far east. In order to bring this about as well as to raise funds for the 
numerous enterprises, he returned to England in January, 1853. 
There, from his first arrival until his return it was for him a time of 
rush and work, preaching to crowded congregations in almost every 
important town and interviewing all great people who might be able 
to further his projects. They included Mr. W. E. Gladstone, the 
Duke of Wellington, the Baroness Burdett-Coutts and many others. 

Important as all this was, even more so were the negotiations in 
coimection with the sub-division of his diocese. These were successful 
and resulted in the establishment of the bishoprics of Grahamstown 
and Natal. In virtue of the Royal Letters Patent of 1847 he had been 
appointed nominally Bishop of Cape Town, in reahty the whole of 
South Africa. In order to effect his charge to a more restricted area 
it was necessary to cancel those Letters Patent and to issue new ones. 
This was done in 1853, when he became Bishop of Cape Town and 
Metropolitan of the whole of South Africa, and the Rev. H. Armstrong 


and the Rev. }. W. Colenso became Bishops of Grahamstown and 
Natal respectively. 

At the time of the issuing of the 1853 Letters Patent, Cape Colony 
had obtained its own constitution and government. Under these 
circumstances the Crown had not the power to appoint a Bishop in 
the country. During subsequent litigation in which Bishop Gray 
became involved, the Privy Coimcil declared that in any Colony or 
representative legislature Her Majesty deprived herself of the power 
of giving episcopal jurisdiction or of creating or sub-dividing bishop- 
rics. It was ruled that all such given by the Letters Patent of 1847 
ceased by the surrender of 1853, " being issued after a constitution 
had been given to the Colony, were ineffectual to create any juris- 
diction, dvil or ecclesiastical, by such resignation he surrendered all 
territorial jurisdiction and power of proceeding judicially." 

The great objects of his mission to England having been accompUshed, 
the diocese sub-divided and sufficient funds raised to maintain the 
ejDsting work for five yean, he sailed from London on December 14th, 
1853, and arrived in South Africa on January 20th, 1854. Then com- 
menced what may be regarded as the second phase of his South African 
career, namely, that in which litigation and the struggles in the law 
courts formed so characteristic a feature. His attachment to the 
Oxford movement and the consequent opposition of the evangelical 
party were at the bottom of all the trouble. The first conflict in this 
connection was the prosecution of the Rev. R. G. Lamb. That 
gendeman, a strong evangeUcal, was assistant to the Rev. G. Hough, 
the senior chaplain at St. George's. Mr. Hough went on furlough 
to England and did not return. Mr. Lamb, therefore, officiated in 
his place. In 1854 Mr. Lamb also went to England on furlough. 
He was sent out originally by the Colonial Church and School Society, 
a low Church society, which claimed as its chief raison d'etre the 
maintenance at all costs of the principles of the Reformation. While 
he was in England he attended a general annual meeting of the Society 
and was called upon to speak. He did so. Him illae lachrymae. His 
address appeared in a Liverpool newspaper, which eventually foimd 
its way into the hands of Bishop Gray in Cape Town. Mr. Lamb 
spoke very approvingly of the work done by the Society, but deplored 
the fact that that good work was being hindered by the spread of 
dangerous doctrines. Evidendy alluding to the Oxford Movement, 
he said, that innovations to such an extent had been introduced into 
the Church that the congregation had been compelled to leave ; Trac- 
tarian practices had been obtruded upon them and thus the good work 
was impeded by the spread of these dangerous doctrines ; such were 
inconsistent with pure evangelical truth ; the deadly character of them 
embraced the corruption and abomination of Rome and this evil was 
insidiously working at the Cape of Good Hope. 


When these statements became known to Bishop Gray he wrote to 
Mr. Lamb and accused him of using language which vilified the clergy 
of his diocese and determined to take further action against him. 
Mr. Lamb reached Cape Town in August, 1855. On the 8th of that 
month the Bishop wrote to him again and hoped he would express some 
apology for his sinfiil language. Mr. Lamb refused. He was, 
therefore, formally cited to appear before the Bishop and a Consistorial 
Q)urt, consisting of two clergymen assessors of the Bishop's own 
way of thinking and two churchwardens. This met on August 22nd. 
Mr. Lamb does not seem to have regarded this Court with any super- 
respect. He prevaricated and would neither give a direct answer to 
any question, nor accuse anyone in particular. He maintained that 
he spoke in a general way and merely indicated that such things were 
going on and that there was a steady and stealthy progress of semi- 
popish influence in the Church of England. In compliance with his 
ordination vows and in fulfilment of them he had to be ready with all 
faithful diligence to banish and drive away all erroneous doctrine 
contrary to God's word, but he refused to be a public prosecutor. 
The Bishop put the definite question to him : " Is it within your 
knowledge that any clergyman of this diocese has held or taught 
anything contrary to the doctrine or discipline of this Church ?" Mr. 
Lamb would give no answer. Thus ended the trial. Before sentencing 
him the Bishop gave him one more opportunity of recanting, but Mr. 
Lamb would not. He was then severely admonished and censured 
for his condua. 

This probably had httle effect upon him, for besides being convinced 
of the justice of his cause, he gained much popularity for his attacking 
a movement which was so disliked by many. But a more important 
feature of this case came to the surface, one which was to figure 
prominently in much of the subsequent litigation. The lawyer who 
defended Mr. Lamb protested against the Bishop's action. He pointed 
out that neither the Letters Patent nor any enactment gave the Bishop 
any authority to constitute a Court or any formal tribunal in the Colony 
or the power to dte Mr. Lamb before him. Thus ended the Lamb 

Quite early in his career of organisation and development Bishop 
Gray saw the expediency of enlisting the co-operation of the laity in the 
govenmient of the Church. He considered they were, or should be, as 
interested in its welfare as the clergy, and might, therefore, be expected 
to sustain their share of the duties which belonged to them. Moreover, 
he felt that too much responsibility rested upon one man — ^him- 
self — that in the event of his incapacity through illness or his death 
the removal of the master hand could only lead to chaos. Strange 
as it may sound, such an assembly, called the Synod, formed without 
the authority of the Crown or Legislature, was declared to be illegal. 


It is curious that in the case of the Dutch Reformed Church, the 
Wesleyan and other denominations combined meetings of their clergy 
and laity were not illegal. Bishop Gray had mooted the question of 
Synods with some of his clergy in 1850. But he did not move in the 
matter as he hoped some Act would be passed by the Imperial ParUa- 
ment which would give legal effect and validity to the proceedings 
of such a body. The matter came before Parhament in 1852. Mr. 
W. E. Gladstone introduced his Colonial Bishops' Bill, the object of 
which was simply to relieve members of the Church in the colonies 
from certain supposed legal disabilities which prevented them taking 
measures for the local management of their own afiFairs, such as other 
religious bodies in the colonies were in the habit of exercising. " The 
Bishop of Cape Town is now in this country," he said. " Of his 
sentiments I need not now speak, as I have this day laid upon the 
Table of the House a petition from him on the subject." In the end 
the Bill was rejected. The reasons given for the refusal were that there 
was no need for such a Bill, that for the Imperial Parliament to legislate 
at all for the colonies where Parliaments exist would be to interfere 
with the rights and fimctions of such ParUaments and, further, would 
give the Church a legal status and position above those of other religious 
bodies and thereby interfere with their political equality. 

A small matter such as this did not thwart Bishop Gray. He was 
determined to have his Synods. As soon as he returned to the Colony 
he commenced the steps for carrying out the measure. Looking back 
to that period it seems very strange that so commonsense a procedure 
as that of asking clergy and laity to meet together to discuss the 
questions in which they must be interested should have met with 
the virulent and widespread opposition which was so characteristic a 
feature in the establishment of Church Synods. Regarding all the 
circumstances, one cannot but ask whether all the angry opposition 
was due to fear of some evil or imtoward consequences of the intro- 
duction of Synods or whether it was only an expression of personal 
dislike against Bishop Gray. 

There was a Mr. Advocate Surtees who developed a violent dislike 
for the Bishop and gave vent to this dislike in some offensive letters 
which he wrote to the press. Mr. Surtees was a prominent lawyer, 
whose words bore weight with the general public. He was Govern- 
ment adviser and arbitrator in the mixed British and Portuguese 
Commission in virtue of a treaty between the two countries for the 
suppression of the slave trade. The burden of his correspondence in 
connection with the Bishop was that Synods composed of clergy and 
laity were illegal and that it was his duty to maintain the Queen's 
supremacy in all things civil and ecclesiastical. He pointed out that 
the laity rendered themselves Uable to certain penalties in having 
anything to do with them. He resented certain irritating and con- 


temptuous language which he alleged the Bishop had used towards 
himself and other members of the Church of England, whose views 
differed from his own. " Driven," he said, " from the fair field of 
Law and sober argument and exposed in his designs against the best 
interests of the Church, the Lord Bishop of Cape Town has at last 
put himself into a passion. I may leave him there to get rid of it as 
best he can. Were it not that the cause of truth has been thereby 
elicited to some degree, I should regret at having been drawn by his 
printed circular into a correspondence with one so unscrupulous." 
Mr. Surtees was called upon to withdraw his imputations against the 
Bishop, but he refused. The matter, however, having been brought 
before Sir George Grey, who threatened to report him to the Secretary 
of State, something in the way of an apology was obtained. 

It is curious that at this time the Oxford Movement and Trac- 
tarianism seem to have been forgotten, or at least to have dropped into 
the background and the opposition to Synods and to the Bishop 
personally to have taken their places. The general feeling in this 
direction is indicated by a petition and protest to the Secretary of 
State, which was engineered by another legal Ivmiinary, Mr. Barry, 
one of the responsible advisers of the Crown. " A large and influential 
body of English churchmen of this city (Cape Town) and its vicinity," 
said the petition, " have felt it to be their duty to make a protest 
against the Synodical meetings now being held by the Lord Bishop of 
this diocese. It is signed by members of the Executive and Legislative 
Councils, the Assembly, two members of the established Church, 
magistrates, heads of departments, merchants and others. They are 
against Synods constituted without sanction of the Crown." The 
petitioners hoped that the Secretary of State wovJd refuse to sanction 
the present proceedings of the Bishop. On June 9th, 1857, Mr. 
Labouchere, the Secretary of State, wrote to Sir George Grey and 
said he could not advise Her Majesty to take any steps in connection 
with the petition against Synods as it was not a matter in which she 
could exercise her prerogative by interfering with the conduct of the 
ecclesiastical authorities. 

There was trouble in Port Ehzabeth. The Rev. Mr. McQeland, 
who had been the rector of St. Mary's since 1825, died in 1853. His 
place was taken temporarily by Archdeacon Merriman, afterwards 
Bishop of Grahamstown. Mr. Merriman had been brought out by 
Bishop Gray and, naturally, was in accordance with his views. The 
congregation looked with suspicion upon what they regarded as 
" Merriman innovations." He was soon reUeved by the Rev. Mr. 
Fowle. All were concerned to discover whether he was " Puseyite " 
or evangehcal. They refused, they said, to be imposed upon by 
presuming " priestcraft " and " monkish conceit," " No-popery in 
disguise." Mr. Fowle was " Puseyite " and continued the " Merriman 


innovations." The congregation therefore held a meeting and, 
following the example of a church in Liverpool, where the whole 
congregation left because a " Puseyite " was put to preach to them, 
seceded and formed their own Church. 

But the name most notoriously associated with the opposition to 
Synods was that of the Rev. W. Long of St. Peter's Church, Mowbray. 
For purposes of work in the distant colonies the Archbishops of 
Canterbury, York and the Bishop of London were empowered to 
ordain men for this special work. Hence in 1844 W. Long was 
ordained deacon for service in South Africa and was placed in Graaff- 
Reinet. This was four years before the arrival of Bishop Gray. For 
health reasons Mr. Long was anxious to get out of the heat of Graaff- 
Reinet and, therefore, after the appointment of Bishop Gray, made 
application for a removal. He was ordained priest in Grahamstown 
when the Bishop was making that long visitation to the Eastern 
Province and when, what is important, Mr. Long subscribed to the 
usual oath of canonised obedience to his Bishop. An opportunity of 
change offered. St. Peter's Church was built and endowed by a 
wealthy Church of England clergyman, the Rev. J. W. Van Rees 
Hoets. Mr. Hoets himself was the first incumbent, but, wishing to 
retire from the Colony, he handed the church over to Bishop Gray, 
who consecrated and accepted it. Mr. Hoets' condition was that 
he should have the right to nominate the first two incumbents. He 
left £100 per anniun towards the stipend of his nominee. Not entirely 
without misgiving, the Bishop offered St. Peter's to Mr. Long. There 
had already been correspondence which showed that the Bishop did 
not place unalloyed confidence in him and perhaps had a premonition 
of the trouble which Mr. Long was yet to cause. Writing to him from 
England in 1852, he said : " I could not appoint you without some 
gxiarantee from you that you would conform to the laws and regulations 
of your Church," and in 1853, in connection with the Mowbray 
appointment : " All that I can at present say is that I shall endeavour 
(to do as you ask), always presxmiing that you have returned to a 
sense of the duty which you owe to the Church and to obedience to 
its laws " ; and later in 1853 : " You will come I trust fully prepared 
to abide by the Church's plain instructions and pay all lawful obedience 
to those who are over you. If not ready to do this fully and heartily 
and without violating ' conscious scruples,' I think you had better not 
come at all." In the end Mr. Long became the incumbent of St. 
Peter's, Mowbray. 

Very shortly after his return from England in January, 1854, the 
Bishop, among his numerous activities in connection with his Church, 
was moving in the great object he had set before himself, namely, 
that of setting on foot his project for the better government and control 
of his ever-widening Church by the formation of Synods of combined 


clergy and laity. In November, 1856, he issued a pastoral letter to 
all the clergy of his diocese with a notice that a Synod would be held 
in January, 1857, that their congregations were to be made acquainted 
with this and that they were to choose a delegate to attend the meeting. 
Then the real trouble commenced. Five parishes or congregations, 
on the ground that they were called upon to take part in an illegal 
assembly, refused to give the notice or to send delegates. This was 
not altogether the action of the imdivided clergy, but the members of 
the different congregations, who held meetings and passed resolutions 
determining to have nothing to do with Synods, which, they said, 
were without the authority of the Crown and Legislature, and a 
violation of the Statute law. Moreover the laws enacted by such a 
body could not be binding on any members of the Church who did not 
wish to be bound by them. 

Notwithstanding the opposition, the first Synod met in the cathedral 
on January 21st, 1857. About forty were present. Immediately 
after the opening prayer, Mr. Attorney Fairbridge asked leave to 
present an address. It was a protest against Synods, signed by clergy 
and laity. The Bishop appealed to the House to learn whether it 
was its pleasure that it should be received. When it was put to the 
vote all voted in favour of its rejection except Messrs. Long, Lamb 
and Phihpson. The Bishop then gave a long historical account of 
Synods, showing the necessity of them in a coimtry like the Colony, 
where there were no ecclesiastical laws and nobody competent to 
formulate them, and having emphasized the value of the advice and 
guidance of the laity, he proceeded to the consideration of the laws 
and regulations for the new constitution. But at this stage Mr. Lamb 
rose and asked to be allowed to retire. His object was to be absent 
when these were drafted and thus escape from the imputation of having 
had anything to do with them. The Bishop told him peremptorily 
to sit down. At the conclusion of the meeting the malcontents lodged 
their protests. Thus ended the first Synod. The Bishop on this 
occasion took no action against any of them for their opposition and 
disobedience. But this was not always to be so. After a lapse of 
three years the time arrived for the holding of another Synod. Again 
was issued the pastoral letter with an order to all the clergy to give 
notice of the Synod and to elect a lay delegate to represent the congre- 
gation. And again opposition to such a meeting was aroused. Mr. 
Long received his notice on October ist, i860. The assembly was 
to take place on January 17th, 1861. On November 29th he wrote to 
the Bishop saying that he could not conscientiously attend such a 
meeting. " I cannot consent to receive the laws of a body which I 
know to be without sanction from the custom of the Church in the 
mother country, and which has authority neither from the Crown nor 
from the Legislature of this country. . . . Against this body as an 


unlawful assembly I protested and signed a general protest against it, 
copies of which have been sent to the Archbishop of Canterbury and 
Her Majesty's Secretary of State for the Colonies and a petition to 
the Queen. I cannot admit the Bishop's power to call me formally 
or to summon such an assembly of a mixed body of clergy and laity. 
I cannot recognise a body which has declared its secession from the 
Church of England in demanding from churchmen that they are 
members of the Church of the diocese of Cape Town in union and 
full communion with the United Church of England and Ireland, and 
belong to no other religious body. I do not belong to any religious 
body in commimion with the United Church of England and Ireland 
in the diocese of Cape Town, but to the Church of England itself." 
The Bishop answered this on December ist. He reiterated his orders 
to Mr. Long and expressed his deep displeasure at being accused of 
seceding from the Church. In no measure abashed, Mr. Long replied 
that as long as the supremacy of the Crown was a constitutional 
principle of the Church he could not attend a meeting called a Synod. 
There were, he said. Synods in other dominions, but they had the 
sanction of the Crown ; in this coimtry it was not so. 

Evidently anxious to induce Mr. Long to see things in a proper 
light and to convince him of his error, the Bishop, on December 6th, 
wrote to him a kind and courteous letter inviting him to a private 
interview, and at the same time oflfering to accept an apology for his 
accusation of secession. Mr. Long refmed to meet him in private, 
but only publicly and then in the presence of legal assistance. 

Although Mr. Long figured so prominently in all this he was by no 
means the only one concerned. The Rev. Mr. Fry, the incumbent of 
St. Paul's, Rondebosch ; Mr. Blair of St. John's, Wynberg ; and of 
course Mr. Lamb of Trinity Church, Harrington Street, together with 
their congregations, were for the most part violently opposed to Synods. 
Meetings were held to discuss the position and resolutions of refusal 
to send delegates were passed. At Rondebosch it was moved that no 
delegates be elected, but an amendment to the effect that it should 
was supported by Sir Thomas Maclear, the Astronomer Royal. Put 
to the vote 7 were for the amendment and 28 against it. Hence 
the original motion was carried and no election was made. At Simons- 
town, Wjmberg, Paarl and far-away Swellendam there were similar 
results. Had Mr. Long been actuated by the highest and most 
honourable motives he could, as he well knew, have appealed to the 
Archbishop of Canterbury. Instead of adopting so peaceable a course, 
however, he chose to enlist the sympathy of the public and the Press. 
He published letters from the Bishop, which were of a semi-private 
character and without permission. At length, Mr. Long having refused 
to meet the Bishop on a friendly footing and having taken up such a 
hostile and rebeUious attitude, there was no alternative left to the 


Bishop but to cite him formally before the court he constituted, 
consisting of himself and five assessors, prominent clergymen of his 
own choosing. Mr. Long was therefore summoned to appear in the 
vestry of the cathedral on February 4th, 1861. On that day, with two 
barristers, he attended to make his defence. The two legal gentlemen 
refused either directly or indirecdy to acknowledge the competency 
of the court to proceed to any sentence for any alleged offence as set 
forth in the notice, and on Mr. Long's behalf they handed in a written 
protest against the action of the Bishop, pointing out that no decision 
of his would in any degree be binding on Mr. Long as no legal authority 
was vested in him. In spite of this, however, after considerable 
discussion on the part of the Dean and other assessors, the Bishop 
pronounced a sentence of suspension from his cure of souls and the 
exercise of all his ministerial fimctions for a period of three months. 
But as he had a wife and family he was to be allowed to draw his usual 
stipend during that time. Consistent with his conduct throughout 
and imdoubtedly influenced by his legal friends, Mr. Long treated the 
Bishop's sentence with contempt and continued his duties at St. Peter's. 
At the end of a month, namely, on March 6th, this flagrant disobedience 
and defiance compelled the Bishop to cite him again before his court 
and to take further ecclesiastical action against him. In answer to the 
summons Mr. Long wrote to the Bishop reftising to attend. " I 
caimot by appearing to-morrow recognise your Lordship's legal and 
moral right to be judge in a matter between us." He asked the Bishop 
to reconsider this further attempt to coerce him to adopt opinions 
which he did not hold. "My offence," he said, "has been the refusal 
to sacrifice my conscientious views of the unlawfulness of Synods 
called without the authority of the Legislature. No good would 
accrue in going over again the groimd which has so painfully been 
trodden." He considered that on the former occasion he had been 
overwhelmed by the insults he had received from the five assessors, 
who had used harsh language towards him. " My obedience to your 
demand that I should again appear before you can only result in a 
repetition of the treatment to which I was before exposed. I cannot 
attend." The Bishop, anxious to save JVir. Long from the chasm 
towards which he was hastening and hoping yet to convince him of 
his error, used every endeavour to persuade him to Usten to and to 
act upon wise and brotherly advice. " But," said he, " if you do 
not appear on Wednesday next and submit yourself to my judgment, 
you will cut yourself off from the Chmrch." Mr. Long did not attend. 
Without going into the details of the discussion which took place 
at the meeting, it may be said that the result was that the Bishop 
revoked his Ucence to Mr. Long and entirely deprived him of his 
incumbency and his stipend. A Mr. Hughes was put in his place. 
Thus deprived of his daily bread. Air. Long appealed to the Supreme 
Court. The next day, March 7th, Mr. Watermeyer, counsel for Mr. 


Long, applied on his and the churchwarden's behalf for a nile nisi 
against the Bishop and Mr. Hughes, calling on them to show cause 
why they should not be restrained from hindering Mr. Long in the 
performance of his lawful duties and depriving him of his emoluments 
as the incumbent of St. Peter's. After argument, the Chief Justice 
said : " We are all of opinion that a prima fade case has been made 
out on the part of Mr. Long, and justify the Court in granting the rule 
nisi you wish for. It will call on the Bishop and Mr. Hughes to show 
cause why an interdia should not be issued ; the rule will put a stop 
to all further proceedings until the investigation of the whole matter 
by the Court has taken place, the rule nisi to act as an interdict until 
then." So Mr. Long remained at St. Peter's. 

The case before the Supreme Court commenced on August 17th, 
1 861, and was heard by Mr. Chief Justice Hodges and the puisne judges 
Messrs. Watermeyer and Bell. Mr. F. S. Watermeyer, the brother of 
the judge, appeared for the plaintiff, Mr. Long, while the Bishop 
conducted his own case without legal assistance. There were a Lutheran 
and a Jew who were anxious to have the management of the case on 
behalf of the Bishop, but imagine a Jew defending a Christian Bishop ! 
According to the Bishop the Court, denominationally, was mixed, the 
Chief Justice being an Irvingite, the senior puisne judge a Glassite, 
and the second judge a Presbyterian. 

Mr. Watermeyer opened his case by reading a considerable amount 
of documentary evidence and then proceeded to examine the witnesses, 
who were the Dean of Cape Town (Canon Ogilvie), E. A. Judge and the 
Rev. Mr. Fry and the Rev. Mr. Currie. The essential of the 
evidence was that they had received licences from the Bishop to carry 
on their ministerial duties and that there were the words " reserving 
to ourselves full power to revoke these presents," thus supporting the 
Bishop in revoking Mr. Long's licence. Canon Judge was glad to 
serve under a black bishop rather than a red one, meaning, of course, 
under a black-coated bishop rather than, as a military chaplain, imder 
the scarlet coat of a commander in chief. The Irvingite Chief Justice 
was very sympathetic towards the Bishop. He made remarks which, 
before the Bishop had made his speech, almost amounted to a siunming 
up of the case. He, the Judge, considered the whole matter was 
greatly to be deplored ; it was, he said, entirely due to a misconception 
on the part of Mr. Long, who ought to express his regret for the 
course he had adopted ; he was anxious that the parties should come 
to an amicable settlement. The Bishop, in reply, said nothing could 
give him greater joy than to see a brother clergyman brought back to 
a sense of his duty to the Church ; any expression of regret for his 
action and a recognition of the Bishop's authority and jurisdiction 
would lead to the past being overlooked and the errant priest received 
back again as a brother. 


The Bishop, in his own defence and without legal assistance, then 
addressed the Court. He made a speech of great length; it took 
nearly two days in the delivery ; it showed great ability and untiring 
industry in its preparation, and withal considerable legal knowledge. 
Its theme was more on the liberty of the Church to manage its own 
affairs rather than the personal case of Mr. Long. The question at 
stake was whether, not only the Church, but all denominations were, 
in spiritual matters to be ruled by a secular court. In such cases 
matters of Christian dogma and discipline might have to be dealt with 
by Jews, heathens or other non-Christians who might be raised to the 
Bench. It was necessary in this particular Church that those who 
decided the question should have a knowledge of ecclesiastical law and 
the customs of the Enghsh Church. With due respect he submitted 
that the present Court had no jurisdiction in the case — it was one for 
a spiritual court. Quoting Blackstone, he showed that colonials carry 
with them to their adopted cotmtry as much of English law as is 
applicable to their situation and circumstances. In matters spiritual 
the Bishop in his own diocese is the judge in such matters. It was so 
in Cape Colony in virtue of the laws of the Church, the Letters Patent 
and by contract and engagement ; he claimed the same right to cen- 
sure, suspend and revoke which a Bishop in England had over his 
clergy. With reference to Synods, he showed that they were properly 
constituted bodies for making the laws of the Church, their acts were 
the acts of the Church. Dealing with the case of Mr. Long, he did 
so in a very fair manner on public grounds and, considering the mental 
pain which he had suffered, free from personal animus against him. 
It was really a secondary matter. He, Mr. Long, had not been 
unjxistly treated ; he had subscribed to the oath of canonical obedience 
by his own volimtary act and subjected himself to the law. Whatever 
the decision of the Court might be, the licence would still be with- 
drawn. This long and able speech certainly made a deep impression 
on at least two of the three judges. 

Mr. Advocate Watermeyer's address to the Court on behalf of 
Mr. Long was, in comparison, somewhat feeble. It was that of a 
barrister who felt he had a bad case to deal with, yet had to do all 
he could on behalf of his client. Mr. Justice Hodges frequently 
interrupted him in some of his statements. They were simply to the 
effea that the laws of the Church were not what the Bishop thought 
them to be, that the clergy of the diocese had been trampled upon and 
tyrranised over by the Bishop, and that the whole thing was a scuffle 
between the High Church and the Low Church. Judgments were 
reserved. These were delivered in February, 1862. They were long, 
so that only the merest outline of the salient points can be given. 
The Chief Justice gave a detailed history of the case and a lengthy 
opinion of the legal status and condition of the English Episcopal 


Church in South Africa. " I cannot for a moment doubt," he said, 
" that a Bishop of the Christian Church has the power to suspend or 
deprive a presbyter." With reference to the Synod : " I am clearly 
of opinion that there was nothing illegal in the procedure which the 
Bishop wished to initiate with respect to the assembly of a diocesan 
synod. I am not aware of the existence of any law in force in this 
Colony which prohibits such an assembly here ; it was competent 
for the Bishop to summon his clergy and laity to assemble to take 
common counsel together on the affairs of the Church. But the 
Letters Patent did not authorise the estabhshment by the Synod in 
this Colony of any ecclesiastical Court with a coercive jurisdiction. 
As to Mr. Long, he had been dealt with quite regularly ; he had 
received formal notice of the complaints against him, had been afforded 
the opportunity of making his defence with the aid of counsel and time 
was given to him to prepare his answers. Verdict will be for defen- 
dant in Convention and for plaintiff in Reconvention." Mr. Justice 
Watermeyer gave a valuable decision which again was more concerned 
with the wider question of the relation of the Church to the Colony 
rather than to the personal concerns of Mr. Long. It was obvious 
that his sympathies were with the Bishop. " In strict language," 
he said, " there is no Church of England in this Colony. The Church 
of England is an established territorial church, inseparably connected 
with the constitution of England by the common law and by Acts of 
Parliament, possessed of great privileges from this connection, subject 
to some disabilities in consequence of it. Members of that Church 
migrating to this Colony leave the dominant established Church 
behind them ; members of other religious commimities in England 
come to a country where there is no privileged ecclesiastical organisa- 
tion, where all rehgious bodies are, in the eye of the law, on a perfect 
equality. There was an established Church here once protected and 
fettered by the civil authority. For a long time in the history of the 
Colony the Dutch Reformed Church could be considered as an 
estabUshed Church." The learned judge discussed at some length 
the origin and rise of episcopal jurisdiction and the power and authority 
of the Crown in connection herewith." " The Queen, the head of the 
Church," he said, " cannot establish any ecclesiastical court or give 
any ecclesiastical jurisdiction by Letters Patent. In England where 
episcopacy is the law, the Bishops have jurisdiction by the law of the 
land, which includes the law of the Church. The instruments of 
1847 ^'^^ ^^853 by themselves gave no ecclesiastical jurisdiction. The 
Queen's ecclesiastical law forms no part of the laws of this country. 
All this renders the position and status of the Bishop of Cape Town 
different from that of a Bishop of the Established Church of England ; 
he has not their secular privileges of ecclesiastical jurisdiction. " I 
consider," he said, " the Bishop of Cape Town is not in the same 
position as a Bishop in England, but only a Bishop over those who are 


willing to acknowledge him." Turning then to the more immediate 
case of Mr. Long, the Judge ruled that the Bishop had ecclesiastical 
jtirisdiction over him, and was justified in the deposition and depri- 
vation. The instruction of the Bishop to Mr. Long to give notice of 
the approaching Synod was not an order to do something illegal; 
there is no law in this Colony against the assembly of any rehgious 
association of any denomination for the purpose of regulating the 
internal af&irs of that association. Neither by common law nor 
statute law is supremacy infringed by the holding of such a Synod. 
The Churches are free within themselves to frame their own con- 
stitution. I do not find that the introduction of the lay element into 
a diocesan Synod is at variance with the nature of a synod." 

Bell's Judgment. — Mr. Justice Bell's opinion differed widely from 
those of his brother judges. It was markedly against the Bishops 
and in favour of Mr. Long, for whom he gave judgment. Again the 
whole lengthy history of the case was gone into, together with much 
discussion on the legal aspects of the matters as they arose. The 
learned Judge was of opinion that had there been more forbearance 
and good feeling the original matter of dispute might have been adjusted 
without the scandal of an appeal to a court of law by one clergyman 
against another. He thought the charges made against Mr. Long 
were exaggerated and doubted whether he had been lawfully suspended 
and deprived of his income. The question was one for the civil court 
and not, as the Bishop maintained, for an ecclesiastical court under 
himself as judge. He was mistaken in thinking that the Letters 
Patent of '47 and '53 gave him the jurisdiction he claimed. " In 
fact," said the Judge, " it might be worthy of the consideration of the 
Bishop and those who had acted with him whether they have not 
been guilty of an indictable oflFence in thus arrogating to themselves 
the power, proper to Parliament alone." The Church of England, 
though known historically and popularly, is unknown to the Law; 
the Law does not recognise the existence of such a church any more 
than it does any other — ^no church exists by force of law.(^) With 
regard to the charge of the disobedience of Mr. Long in refiising to 
attend the Synod, Mr. Justice Bell said : " In my opinion it was 
contrary to law and to the just rights of the plaintiff for the defendant 
to have required the plaintiff to take part in the proceeding of the 
two Synods, or to consider himself bound by their decisions, and that 
the plaintiff was not boimd, as the defendant prays it may be declared 
to give the notice required of him, and that his refusal to give the notice 
was not a breach of discipline." ... " The question is, was it legal 
for the defendant to attempt this (viz. to compel Long to attend the 
Synod). It seems to me that a Synod consisting of the laity as well 

(') Emigrants to this country from England bring English law with them, 
but they do not bring the English Church. Bishops here cannot demand 
obedience in virtue of having been consecrated in England. 


as the clergy is not a body known in the Church of England. It was 
not illegal to hold a Synod composed of the laity as well as the clergy, 
but it was not legal ; it was not a Synod recognised either by the law 
or by the practice of the Church of England and, therefore, the notice 
of a meeting for the election of delegates to such a Synod was not 
such a notice as the defendant was justified in calling upon the plaintiff 
to give, telling him at the same time that he would not discuss its 
legality with him." 

With regard to Bishop Gray's alleged secession from the Church 
of England, Mr. Justice Bell quoted from the constitution and Canons 
of the first, the 1857, Synod. In the form of declaration for Church 
membership, aspirants for the privilege had to use the words " I 
do declare that I am a member of the Church Diocese of the Cape, in 
union and full communion with the United Church of England and 
Ireland and that / belong to no other religious body." Here, said the 
Judge, the Church is not in but of the diocese (of the Cape) and is not 
any integral portion of the Church of England, but a distinct Church 
in union and full communion with it, unless it can be said of the 
diocese of London that the Church in that diocese is the Church of 
that diocese. 

The final result of this lengthy case, as far as the Supreme Court 
was concerned, was that two of the Judges gave opinions in favour of 
the Bishop and one for Mr. Long, so that, in short, Mr. Long lost 
the case. But he was not prepared to allow it to end there. His 
next step, therefore, was an appeal to the Privy Council. The judg- 
ment of that learned body was delivered on June 24th, 1863. After 
acknowledging that many questions of great novelty and importance 
had been discussed with great ability, they traversed the history 
of the whole case. They ruled that there were no ecclesiastical courts 
as distinct from the civil. None were expressly established by the 
Letters Patent and no power was given to the Bishops to establish 
one. The Bishop by his license obtained no right to suspend or 
deprive Mr. Long ; all jurisdiction given by the '47 Letters Patent 
ceased by the surrender of '53, and the 1853 Letters, being used after 
a Constitution had been given to the Colony, were ineffectual to create 
any jurisdiction either civil or ecclesiastical ; by such resignation he 
siurendered all territorial jurisdiction and power to proceed judicially. 
Mr. Long has not precluded himself from exercising his power of 
resorting to a civil court for restitution of his civil rights. Hence 
they came to the conclusion that the sentence complained of cannot 
be supported and therefore we must humbly advise Her Majesty to 
reverse it and declare that Mr. Long had not been lawfully removed, 
but remains minister of such church. It was questioned whether the 
Bishop had acted with strict impartiality, proper proceeding and 
attention to the rules of substantive justice ; he was both prosecutor 


and judge and deeply interested in the question. He should have 
procured the advice and assistance of assessors ; men of legal know- 
ledge and habits, unconnected with the matter in dispute, instead of 
that he selected clergymen sharing his own opinions on the subject 
of the controversy and all members of the Synod .(^) 

Thus ended the Long case. But it was only the beginning of much 
litigation in connection with Bishop Gray which had yet to go before 
the Privy Council. Barely was this case finished when the Bishop 
found himself in still more serious conflict with Bishop Colenso of 

It will be remembered that Bishop Gray succeeded in getting his 
huge diocese divided into three parts. For the new bishoprics, 
Rev. H. Armstrong was appointed to Grahamstown and J. W. Colenso 
to Natal, by Letters Patent of November 8th, 1853. Bishop Colenso, 
who from his earUest years had been of a religious turn of mind and 
had had a hankering for the mission field, at last obtained what had 
been the chief desire of his life. This wish could not have been 
better fulfilled than by being placed among the Zulus. From the 
beginning he threw himself, if possible, more than wholeheartedly 
into all which conduced to their civilisation and conversion to 
Christianity. Having made himself a master of their language, he 
wrote a Zulu grammar and dictionary, a translation of the Bible into 
idiomatic Zulu, and also wrote a nimiber of other books for the use of 
students and missionaries. 

Further, he made himself intimately acquainted with the customs, 
manners and modes of thoughts of the Zulus. He arrived in South 
Africa with Bishop Gray in 1853. During the first few years these 
two Bishops worked together cordially and in harmony, but soon 
there appeared a rift within the lute ; this widened imtil, in the end, 
there was the bitterest warfare between them. 

A word about the extraordinary career of Bishop Colenso himself 
may not be out of place. He was born on January 24th, 18 14. His 

C) On April 13th, 1864, Bishop Gray wrote to the Governor (Sir Philip 
Wodehouse, who had succeeded Sir George Grey) asking him to convey his 
thanks to the Duke of Newcastle for the care he had taken in ascertaining 
and making clear the true position of the Church in this country as defined by 
the somewhat vague judgment of the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council. 
" It is satisfactory to find that the law ofiBcers of the Crown have advised His 
Grace that the judgment in question, pronounced that it is lawful for a Colonial 
Bishop or Metropolitan, without the consent of the Crown and without any 
express legislative authority to summon meetings of the clergy and laity under 
the designation of provincial or diocesan Synod, or any other designation for 
the purpose of deliberating in matters concerning the welfare of the Church 
and that the rules passed by such an assembly are binding on all those who 
expressly or by implication have assented to those rules. That is all that the 
Church in this country has ever claimed for itself or its Synod, and with this 
liberty allowed to it it will rest satisfied. As to the Synod itself His Grace 
instructs Your Excellency to treat it as being what it virtually is, the repre- 
sentative of the Anglican Church, so long as its action is confined within the 
abovenamed limits, but he shrinks from that recognition until it is cleared 
from the imputation of illegality which at present attaches to it." 


father was a kind of mineral agent on the estates of the Duchy of 
Ck)mwall, not a very luaative position. In his somewhat straitened 
circumstances the boy could not have the advantages of an education 
at a famous public school, and an easy and dignified career at Oxford 
or Cambridge, though after much struggle with poverty and with 
determination and industry he eventually went to Cambridge and 
became one of the most distinguished men there. His dream in his 
early life had been to get to that renowned University, but it was a 
dream which at that time seemed never hkely to materialize. Albeit, 
he strove long to gain that end. He argued that if some relative would 
supply only the modest sum of twenty poimds per annum, he might 
perchance get a sizarship at St. John's College, then supplementing 
this by doing some elementary teaching, he hoped to be enabled to win 
a Cambridge career. He did get a sizarship. A sizar of a College, 
it should be said, was a poor student who earned his keep by waiting 
upon the more fortimate ones, cleaning their boots and performing 
all sorts of menial functions . They fed on the broken meats left on the 
tables after the others had dined. He also obtained a small assistance 
from a relative ; but his struggle to make both ends meet caused him 
at times to feel that after all he would have to give up the idea of 
remaining at Cambridge. He must at this time have acquired some 
classical education, for he translated and prepared for publication 
translations of " Horace and Plato's Apology." But mathematics, 
for which he had a natural gift, was his chief study. After the usual 
three years of untiring industry and rigorous self-denial of all comfort 
and pleasure — ^perhaps nothing new to one who from childhood had 
been inured to that condition of life — he was rewarded by getting his 
degree in 1836, as second wrangler and second Smith's Prizeman. 
Shortly after, this briUiant success gained for him a fellowship of the 
College — a distinguished career, from sizar to fellow ! Sweet are the 
uses of adversity. 

He left Cambridge and became mathematical master at Harrow. 
It was while he was there that he wrote the book which made him 
famous throughout the educational world, but for which he did not 
receive the whole-hearted gratitude of the average British schoolboy, 
namely, " Colenso's Arithmetic." This was the standard school book 
on the subject. Its sale was enormous. His publisher (Messrs. 
Longmans) paid him £2,400 for it. His career at Harrow was not 
a success, financially at all events. He was a housemaster on his own 
responsibility and seemed for a time to be doing well, but a fire gutted 
his home and the school being in a depressed state, he left and returned 
to Cambridge and became the tutor of St. John's. He married in 
1839, but as fellows in those days were not allowed to marry, he left 
St. John's and became a Vicar of Forncell in Norfolk. While there 
he was offered the new bishopric of Natal, which he accepted. 


Bishop Qjlenso was largely Bishop Gray's own choice for Natal, 
and came with him to the Colony in 1853. In the earlier years there was 
all that co-operation and brotherly sentiment which was to be expected 
between such men in their high positions. But it was not to last 
very long. Bishop Colenso was a man of great independence of 
thought, " a very wilful and headstrong man," as Bishop Gray described 
him. Soon his views on theological matters clashed with those of his 
Metropolitan and then began a strife in which practically all the Church 
of England Bishops became involved. The trouble really began by a 
misunderstanding between the two on the subject of polygamy among 
the Zulus. Bishop Gray, knowing very little or nothing of their 
language and modes of thought, condemned polygamy unconditionally. 
Bishop Colenso, on the other hand, who, it will be remembered, 
had become conversant with both, was, in principle, opposed to a 
man having a plurality of wives, but he felt that to move precipitately 
and drastically in the matter would do much harm. He saw the 
injustice and cruelty which must arise by compelling a man who had 
become converted to Christianity to put aside all his wives but one. 
Many of the women who for years had been faithful and dutiful to 
their husbands and had earned a right to their protection, were, with 
their children, to be cast adrift. Bishop Colenso said : " No, let 
them remain, but in the case of unmarried men who become converts, 
forbid them to take more than one wife. In this way Christianity 
will kill polygamy." 

This, however, was a small matter compared with the revulsion 
of feeling created in very many minds by the opinions and statements 
which were expressed in certain books which Bishop Colenso wrote ; 
statements in which he attacked not only the foundations of Church 
doctrine, but of Christianity itself. One was a commentary on St. 
Paul's epistle to the Romans.(^) It was thought to have contravened 
the Articles and Formularies and to be in conflict with all the doctrines 
taught in the Church Prayer Book. The second was a volviminous 
work on the Pentateuch, in which he endeavoured to show that the five 
books of Moses were entirely untrustworthy and of little value from a 
historical point of view ; that only a very small portion of it could 
have been composed by Moses, who, supposing that such a personage 
ever existed, was a purely legendary character and as shadowy 
and unhistorical as Aeneas or King Arthur. Joshua also seemed to 
Colenso to have been an entirely mythical charaaer. The Bible, 
the Bishop maintained, could no longer be regarded as infallibly true 
in matters of common history ; the writers of these books, whatever 
pious intentions they may have had in composing them, could not now 
be regarded as having been under constant infallible supernatural 
guidance as the ordinary doctrine of scriptural inspiration supposes. 

0) St Paiil's Episde to the Romans, newly translated and explained from a 
missionary point of view. J. W. Colenso, D.D. Ekukankeni, 1861. 


" For myself, I see not how I can retain my episcopal office in the dis- 
charge of which I must require from others a solemn declaration 
that they unfeignedly believe all the canonical scriptures of the Old 
and New Testaments, which with the evidence now before me, it is 
wholly impossible to believe in." Colenso, in short, maintained that 
the Bible was not itself God's work, but assuredly God's Word 
would be heard in the Bible by all who would humbly and devotedly 
listen to it. Within a week of the publication of Part I of 
Colenso's Pentateuch ten thousand copies were sold. Part II 
was published very shortiy after — in 1863. In this part he accused 
all Bishops and clergy of hypocrisy, saying that they were required 
in the exercise of their ministerial functions to hush up the facts 
and maintain in place of them transparent fictions. "We must not 
blindly shut our eyes to the real history of the composition of this 
book, to the legendary character of its earlier portions, to the manifest 
contradictions and impossibilities which rise up at once in every part 
of the story of the Exodus ; we must regard it as the work of men, 
of fellow men like ourselves. The result of my examination is that 
whatever may be its value and meaning it cannot be regarded as 
historically true ; it is not a doubtful matter of speculation, it is simply 
a question of facts." 

In coimection with the Episde to the Romans, Bishop Gray suffered 
great distress of mind. He felt bound to take some action against 
his co-prelate, as the book was so in conflict with the teaching of the 
Prayer Book, but did not see what course was open to him. He 
had endeavoured to persuade Bishop Colenso to withdraw it, but 
without success. Hence, in November, 1861, he brought the matter 
before the Archbishop of Canterbury and sought his advice. This 
was so far successful that a meeting of Bishops was held in May, 1862. 
It is not clear what happened. In any case it was merely a prelude 
to still greater work which was in store for those Bishops. Very 
shortiy, within a few weeks of each other, both Bishops were on their 
way to England, Bishop Gray to act in coimection with the appoint- 
ment of a Bishop for the Orange Free State and Bishop Colenso to 
see about the publication of his Pentateuch. It was on this voyage 
that Bishop Gray heard, for the first time, from a passenger from 
Natal of the threatened publication of this book. It should be stated 
in passing that Colenso was not the only one who at this time was 
critically examining the Pentateuch. Some of the best brains in 
Germany were engaged in higher Biblical criticism, especially a Prof. 
Kuenen. When Colenso arrived he found that Archbishop Longley 
(then of York) and the Bishop of Oxford and Lincoln were anxious 
to meet him and to discuss his writings with him, but he declined, 
as no good could come of it as his views were the result of years of 
thought ; and in the end he wrote no less than seven volumes on the 


In England he soon found himself in a hornet's nest. Addresses from 
both clergy and laity poured into the Bishops complaining of his 
writings. Also the S.P.G. appealed formally to the Archbishop 
against him, as he was one of the vice-presidents of the Society and 
was drawing large simis of money in connection with his mission. 
The outcry soon compelled something to be done. A large meeting 
of Bishops was therefore called to consider the situation. It was 
held on February 4thj 1863. There were present the three Arch- 
bishops of Canterbury, York and Armagh, together with twenty-six 
others. At the time of this meeting Part I of the Pentateuch had 
been published in the previous Ortober. We are told that within one 
week ten thoxisand copies were sold. Hence the subject must have 
become of general interest. The Archbishop opened the discussion 
on the general question of the Colenso publications, which, he con- 
sidered, were of such a nature as could not be permitted to pass without 
serious notice. He therefore sought the opinions of his brethren 
as to the steps which ought to be taken in this crisis of Church history, 
when an English Bishop, above all men, was imdermining the authority 
of the Bible. He intimated that under the circumstance of Bishop 
Colenso holding a diocese outside England, he was powerless to take 
any proceedings in the matter other than that of an expression of 
disapproval. It was, he thought, the business of the Bishop of Cape 
Town to move in the prosecution. Bishop Gray, in reply, said that 
he had had legal advice to the effect that he could act, suspend or 
deprive Bishop Colenso, but he could not do so until his authority in 
Cape Town had been legally increased. The question of his juris- 
diction was then under the consideration of the Privy Council in 
connection with the Long case. But whatever purely legal action 
was to be taken, it was felt that there was nothing to prevent any 
Bishop from inhibiting Bishop Colenso from preaching or performing 
an official ministration in any of their dioceses. The Bishops of 
Sahsbury, Exeter, Chichester, Winchester and Durham were 
emphatically of this opinion. The Bishop of London could not agree 
to inhibit on account of the great size and complexity of his diocese. 
But apart from this he took up a distinctly hostile attitude towards 
Bishop Gray. The Bishop of St. David's (Thirlwall) also opposed 
inhibition. The time for such a measure, he said, had not arrived ; 
it would be both superfluous and mischievous to attempt it. The 
Bishop of Oxford moved a formal resolution " That we agree, after 
common counsel imder a great scandal, to inhibit Bishop Colenso 
from officiating in any of our dioceses." This, on being put to the 
vote, was carried by twenty-five to four. Those against were the 
Archbishop of York and the Bishops of London, St. David's and 
Manchester. The meeting was adjourned until February 7th. Then 
a discussion arose on the books themselves. Some of the Bishops 
seem not to have taken the trouble to read them. The Bishop of 


London said he had not done so and did not intend to ; he had no 
time to read any but good books. Then, in a not very kindly spirit, 
he asked what business Bishop Gray had to bring the matter before 
all the Bishops. Why did he not act for himself and take proceedings 
against Bishop Colenso in South Africa. He considered that that 
Prelate had been unfairly dealt with. The Bishop of Oxford took up 
the cudgels for Bishop Gray and protested against the Bishop of 
London's remarks. He pointed out that the offending book had been 
published in the Bishop of London's own diocese and not in that of 
Bishop Gray's. In the end the Bishop of London withdrew his 
harsh remarks. The final residt of the conclave was that a letter was 
drawn up and sent to Bishop Colenso asking him to resign his Natal 
diocese.(^) It was signed by all the forty-two Bishops present except 
Thirlwall of St. David's. " You say in Part II of your Pentateuch," 
it said, " you do not now beheve that which you voluntarily professed 
to believe as an indispensable condition of your being entrusted with 
your present office ; you still say you cannot use the Ordination 
Service as you must require from others a solemn declaration that 
they unfeignedly beheve all the Canonical Scriptures of the Old and 
New Testaments, which, with the evidence now before you, it is 
impossible to beheve. . . . We now solemnly ask you to consider 
whether you can retain your position when you can no longer discharge 
your duties or use the formularies to which you have subsaibed." 

Well, in answer to this Bishop Colenso was of opinion that he could 
still retain his Natal position — and did so. He took Uttie notice of 
this episcopal censure. He could not be deterred from the course 
he had chosen by any high authoritative demmciation by men whom he 
considered had not sufficientiy studied these matters. Writing to 
Theo. Shepstone in December, 1862, he said : " I am still Bishop 
of Natal and, as far as I can see, am Ukely to remain so." He remained 
in England for some time in order to prosecute his work on the 
Pentateuch. On the one hand he found himself avoided and shunned 
by very many church people, but on the other he was more than 
welcome in scientific and hterary societies. At the meeting of the 
British Association for the Advancement of Science held at Bath, 
he was one of the most conspicuous and much-sought-after figures. 
He became an intimate friend of Sir Charles Lyell, the great geologist. 
Wherever he went he became the hero of the hour ; he was admitted 
to the exclusive Athenaeum Qub by nine votes to three ; he was 
accorded a great ovation at Harrow when he appeared there on Sf)eech 

(') Colenso's answer to the Archbishop, according to Punch : 
My dear Archbishop to resign 
That diocese of mine. 
And own myself a heathen dark 
Because I've doubts about the Ark 
And think it right to tell all men so. 
Is not the course for Yours Colenso. 

1 89 

Day. It was much the same in Holland, which country he visited 
in September of 1863. There he was enthusiastically received by 
the great Prof. Kuenen and other distinguished professors. Bishop 
Colenso spoke of the contrast between the reception he met with there 
from the Hebrew and Bibhcal scholars compared with that which he 
had received in England from " unlearned and prejudiced clergy." 
Bishop Gray, finding that it was legally impossible for the Bishop 
of London or any other Bishop to bring Bishop Colenso to trial in 
England for his erroneous teaching, hurried back to Cape Town to 
institute proceedings in his own diocese, as indeed the Bishop of 
London had suggested. He reached Cape Town in August, 1863. 
Action had become imperative, as the Dean of Maritzburg and other 
clergy had " presented " Bishop Colenso to the Metropolitan, that 
is, had formally lodged complaints and protests against what they 
called his heresy. The summons was served on Bishop Colenso 
in London. The trial conmienced on November 17th, and was held 
in St. George's Cathedral, Cape Town. The court consisted of 
Bishop Gray, as president, and the Bishops of Grahamstown and the 
Orange Free State. The assessors or accusers were Dean Douglas 
of Cape Town, Archdeacon N. J. Merriman (afterwards Bishop of 
Grahamstown) and Archdeacon Badnall of George. The court was 
open to the public and crowds of interested spectators seem to have 
attended. Bishop Colenso, being still in England, was undefended 
and apparently did not trouble himself about any defence beyond 
that he appointed a Dr. Bleek, the famous authority on the Bushman 
language and the curator of the Sir George Grey library, to protest 
against the Metropolitan's proceedings, which he considered to be 
illegal and beyond Bishop Gray's jurisdiction. Hence, after various 
formal documents were read opening the case. Dr. Bleek read the 
following from Bishop Colenso : " I am advised that your Lordship 
has no jurisdiction over me and no legal right to take cognisance of the 
charge in question. I therefore protest against the proceedings 
instituted before you and request you to take notice that I do not 
admit their legality and that I shall take such measures to contest 
the lawfulness of your proceedings, and, if necessary, resist the 
execution of any judgment adverse to me which you may deliver." 
The charge, or rather charges, were nine in nimiber. They consisted 
of quotations from his writings ; each was accompanied by a long 
theological disquisition showing how it conflicted with the teaching 
of the Book of Common Prayer. The case was opened by the Dean of 
Cape Town, who made, from his point of view, an able speech which 
lasted the best part of two days. This was followed by speeches from 
the two Archdeacons. They went over much the same ground but 
did not add anything new. The Court adjourned until December 14th, 
when it again met to listen to the opinions of the assessors, who had, 
in the meantime, taken into consideration the points which had been 


raised. The general opinion was that Bishop Colenso's writings did 
contradict truths in which all schools of theology agreed ; that his 
teaching " does deprave, impugn and bring into disrepute the Book of 
Common Prayer." Bishop Gray then, at great length, gave his 
address and judgment. He, in the absence of all precedent, found 
hinnself in a very difiBcult and painful position, namely, that of having 
to call to account a brother Bishop for heresy, of having to declare him 
wholly disqualified for the high position he held and unfit to bear rule 
in the Church or to exercise any office therein. At great length he 
took the charges one by one and contested each on theological grounds. 
At the conclusion he pronovmced sentence against Bishop Colenso. 
It was that he be deposed from his bishopric and prohibited from the 
exercise of any divine office in the Metropolitan Province of Cape 
Town, that is in South Africa. But the sentence was not to take 
effea until the following April i6th, in order to give Bishop Colenso 
an opportimity to recant — ^not a very probable contingency. Dr. 
Bleek then handed in the protest against the validity of the judgment 
and gave notice to appeal. 

It is noteworthy that Bishop Gray in all his correspondence and 
dealings with Bishop Colenso showed an absence of private personal 
feeling. He discharged his painful duty entirely on its own merits 
and, as the champion of the Church, he felt himself compelled to act 
as he did, " much as I love and, in many respects, admire my brother." 
During a period of nine years, that is until the publication of the 
Commentary on the Romans, all had run smoothly with them, but now 
each was fighting for what he considered to be the truth and was in a 
hostile and contending camp. 

When Bishop Colenso, in London, heard the results of the " so- 
called Cape Town trial," as he referred to it, he took his first step to 
render it of no effea. This consisted of a petition to the Crown, 
in which he prayed that Her Majesty would be pleased to declare 
him entitled to hold his See in Natal until the Letters Patent which 
had been granted to him should be cancelled by due process of law ; 
he also prayed that " the pretended Cape Town trial " and sentence 
should be declared null and void. The petition was referred to the 
Judicial Committee of the Privy Council on June loth, 1864. Not 
until March of 1865 was a most able judgment declared. It indicated 
that much time and research had been devoted to its preparation. 
It turned chiefly on the validity of Bishop Gray's Letters Patent of 
December, 1853, which were issued after an independent Legislature 
had been granted to Cape Colony. The Crown, by virtue of its 
prerogative, had no power to establish a Metropolitan or See in such a 
Colony. The Crown had no power to assign a diocese to Bishop 
Gray or to create any ecclesiastical corporation whose status, rights 
and authority the Colony could be required to recognise. Letters 


Patent do not give, in a Colony possessing an independent Legislature, 
coercive jurisdiction to the Metropolitan over his suffragan bishops ; 
and, further, there is no power to create any new or additional tribunal ; 
any such clause in Letters Patent is void in law. After the expression 
of much legal opinion of this nature, the Lords of the Privy Cotincil 
reported humbly to Her Majesty their judgment that the proceedings 
taken by the Bishop of Cape Town, the judgment and sentence pro- 
nounced against the Bishop of Natal were null and void in law ; that 
Bishop Gray's procedure was the exercise of nothing more than a 
voluntary jurisdiction having no compulsory or legal force. Bishop 
Colenso cannot be removed except through a judicial process. 

Thus matters were in statu quo and Colenso remained Bishop of 
Natal. But there was another course open to Bishop Gray. The 
civil authority having gone against him there yet remained the spiritual 
and this it was determined to bring into action if Colenso should 
determine to return to his diocese. This measure was to excom- 
municate him, to declare him to be a heathen (in accordance with 
Article XXXIII) and a publican and to cut him off from the Chiurch 
altogether and consecrate another bishop for Natal. In this Bishop 
Gray seems to have acted somewhat prematurely, for it was before the 
decision of the Privy Coimcil was known. April i6th, the time limit, 
passed and yet there was no recantation from Bishop Colenso, so the 
sentence of deposition was formally and officially served upon him in 
London. Bishop Gray then went to Natal to take charge of the 
diocese, and on April 30th the sentence of deposition was read at the 
services in the different churches. It was while thus moving about 
in Natal that Bishop Gray became acquainted with the decision of 
the Privy Coimcil. This spectacle of two Bishops openly at variance 
caused considerable p)erturbation, if not excitement, in other than 
church circles. Some refused to have him back or have anything to 
do with him, while others, on the other hand, applauded his action. 
There was a feeling of imcertainty as to whether imder the circum- 
stances he would venture to return to Natal. The Bishop, however, 
set these doubts at rest by leaving England and landing in Durban on 
November 6th, 1865. The welcome he received at Maritzburg on 
his arrival there was a protest from the Dean and churchwardens 
against his entering the building. He seems to have had some warning 
that this would be the case. He therefore made apphcation to the 
Coxirt for an interdia to restrain them from closing the church against 
him. This was granted. 

On Sunday morning, November 17th, Bishop Colenso went to his 
church. He found the vestry door locked, but he gained an entrance 
through the north door. There he was met by the churchwardens, 
who read to him the protest against his assuming any office therein. 
As he had been deposed, they said, by the Archbishops and Bishops 


of the Qiurch of England and the clergy had refused to acknowledge 
him as their spiritual head " we, as churchwardens, feel bound to 
refuse and hereby do refuse your Lordship permission to exercise 
any spiritual function herein ; we solenmly warn you that, if, despising 
the sentence of the Church, you attempt to stand amongst us as a 
Minister of the Church, such a proceeding can only be looked upon 
as an aa of violence." To this the Bishop replied : " I am come to 
discharge in this church and diocese the duties committed to me by 
the Queen." He then proceeded to the chancel steps and, with 
the assistance of one of his servants and in front of the congregation 
robed himself, read the morning service and preached. Having thus 
defied Bishop Gray by returning to Natal and taking possession of 
his church. Bishop Colenso brought upon himself the threatened 
excommunication. On December 13th, 1865, Bishop Gray wrote : 
" The time, alas, has arrived when I am boimd, after due and repeated 
admonition, to separate you by final sentence from the communion 
of the Church. . . . Before taking this last step thus enjoined upon 
me, which I am sure you will do me the justice to believe must on 
every ground be a most painful one, I desire to express my readiness 
to adopt any of the following courses which, if assented to by you, 
may enable me to escape it." The courses were to appeal to the 
adjudication of the Archbishop of Canterbury or to a general synod of 
Bishops. " If you do not consent to this I must take the most painful 
step I have ever taken in my life. My heart yearns for you and I 
make this last, I fear ineffectual, attempt to lead you to adopt one or 
the other of the only two courses which can spare us both the pains 
and distress of a formal severance." Needless to say Bishop Colenso 
did not consent to either course. Thus the threat of excommimi cation 
took effect. But this did not alter Bishop Colenso's legal position. 
In spite of deposition and excommunication he remained Bishop of 
Natal until he died in 1883. 

As Natal, ecclesiastically, was without a Bishop, though legally 
Bishop Colenso was still in possession of the diocese, the church 
authorities decided to appoint another Bishop who might be expected 
to maintain church doctrines and discipline. This introduced the 
anomalous situation of two Bishops not only in one and the same 
diocese, but even in the same town, Maritzburg. The situation was 
further complicated by the fact that all the church property was in the 
hands of Bishop Colenso and he was unwilling to surrender it. There 
was, therefore, considerable difficulty and trouble in store for the 
ecclesiastical successor. This evidently was realised by those who 
were invited to accept the position. The Archbishop of Canterbury 
first suggested the Reverend E. H. Cox, of Tasmania, but he declined. 
The choice then fell upon the Reverend Butler, Vicar of Wantage, who 
accepted it and was elected. But realising, after much correspondence. 


the state of affairs in Natal, he thought it wiser to withdraw. Finally, 
the Reverend W. K. Macrorie, M.A. of Brasenose College, Oxford, 
and Vicar of Accrington, consented to fill the vacancy. Hence, 
nothing was now wanting but his consecration. But dif&ailties were 
not yet at an end. In consequence of differences of opinion among 
the English and Scotch Bishops, the ceremony could not be performed 
in either England or Scotland. Eventually it was solemnised in Cape 
Town on January 29th, 1869, by Bishop Gray and the South African 
Bishops. Bishop Macrorie then took up his residence in Maritzburg, 
but he had to build his own cathedral as Bishop Colenso still held St. 
Peter's Church, the cathedral of the diocese. 

It is not possible in the space which can be allotted here to give a 
longer account of these matters, much less of those conflicts of a still 
later date which took place in Cape Colony after Bishop Gray's death. 

Taking a general view of the history of these affairs, it does seem 
unfortunate that, good, courageous, indefatigable and self-sacrificing 
as was Bishop Gray, his arrival in South Africa should be the 
signal for the commencement of the continual church strife, which 
lasted long after he had passed away. In justice to his memory 
it must be acknowledged that he did a great work for the country. 
When he arrived in the Colony there was scarcely any organised Church 
of England ; before his death he had placed it on a sure foundation ; 
there were parishes and churches throughout the length and breadth 
of the land and the body of clergy and church workers were reckoned 
in himdreds. 

Up to the last his was a very busy and anxious life, carrying out 
all his works of building up and administration, while at the same time 
he had to fight costly legal actions. Nor was he unsuccessful in raising 
the necessary funds for carrying out his comprehensive plans. In his 
frequent visits to England he preached to crowded congregations in 
the north, south, east and west and enlisted the help of many who 
could well afford it. He became one of the best known men in 
England. After 24 years of unceasing activity — at times suffering 
from the effects of overwork, but" having the satisfaction of seeing the 
good results of his labour — he died, in September, 1872. 

His memory will remain long as that of one of the most prominent 
characters of later South African history. 

For further details vide : The Life of Robert Gray, edited by his son ; two 
vols. The Life of John William Colenso, by Rev. George W. Cox ; two vols. 
The Trial of Bishop Colenso in the Cape Argus for the period. Also The Life 
of James Green, Dean of Maritzburg, by the Ven. A. T. Wirgman, D.D. 



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