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T. lOaO, BY 

Frintcd in the United SUtos of Americs 

AU rithts resenti 

Publbhed April, 1920 




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MoBB thaa a decade ago I beeame convinced that the 
key-note oi twentieth-centuiy wcH-ld-pditics would be 
the relations between the primaiy races of mankind. 
Momentous modifications of existing race-relations 
were evidently impending, and nothing conld be more 
vital to the course of human evolution than the char- 
acter of these modifications, since upon the quality 
of human life all else depends. 

Accordingly, my attention was thenceforth largely 
directed to racial matters. In the preface to an his- 
torical monograph ('^The French Revolution in San 
Domingo") written shortly before the Great War, 
I stated: "The world-wide struggle between the pri- 
maiy races of mankind — ^the ' conflict of color,' as it has 
been happily termed— bids fair to be the fundamental 
problem of the twentieth century, and great communi- 
ties like the United States of America^, the South 
African Confederation, and Australasia regard the 
'cdor question' as perhaps the gravest problem of the 

Those lines were penned in June, 1914. Before 
thdr publication the Great War had burst upon the 
world. At that time several reviewers commented 
upon the above dictum and wondered whether, had I 
written two months later, I should have held a different 

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As a matter of f act, I ahould have expreBaed myself 
evra more strongly to the same effect. To me the 
Great War was from the first the White avil War, 
which; whatever its outcome, must gravely compli- 
cate l^e course of racial relations. 

Before the war I had hoped that the readjustments 
rendered inevitable by the renascence of tiie brown 
and yellow peoples of Asia would be a gradual, and in 
the main a pacific, process, kept within evolutionaiy 
bounds by the white world's inherent strength and 
fundamental solidarity. The frightful weakening of 
the white world during the war, however, opened up 
revohitionaiy, even cataclysmic, possibilities. 

In saying this I do not rdfer solely to militaiy 
''perils." The subjugation of white lands by colored 
armies may, of course, occur, especially if the white 
world continues to rend itself with internecine wars. 
However, such colored triumphs of arms are less to 
be dreaded than more enduring conquests like migra- 
tions which would swamp whole populations and turn 
countries now white into colored man's lands irre- 
trievabty lost to the white world. Of course, these 
ominous possibilities existed even before 1914, but the 
war has rendered them much more probable. 

The most disquieting feature of the preset situation, 
however, is not the war but the peace. The white 
world's inability to frame a constructive settlement, 
the perpetuation of intestine hatreds, and the menace 
<rf fresh white dvil wars complicated by the spectre of 
social revolution, evoke the dread thought that the 

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late war may be merely the first stage in a cyde of 

In fact, so absorbed is the white world with its do- 
mestic dissensions that it pays scant heed to racial 
problems whose importance for the future of man- 
kind far transcends the questions which engross its 
attention to-day. 

This relative indifference to the laiger racial issues 
has determined the writing of the present book. So 
fundamental are these issues that a candid discussion 
of them would seem to be timely and helpful. 

In the following pages I have tried to analyze in their 
various aspects the present relations between the white 
and non-white worlds. My task has been greatly 
aided by the Introduction from the pen of Madison 
Grant; who has admirably summaiized the biological 
and historical background. A life-long student of 
biology, Mr. Grant approaches the subject along that 
line. My own avenue of approach being world-politics^ 
the resulting convergence of different view-points has 
been a most useful one. 

For the stimulating coimsel of Mr. Grant in the 
preparation of this book my thanks are eepeciaDy due. 
I desire also to acknowledge my indebtedness for he^ 
ful suggestions to Messrs. AUeyne Ireland, Glenn 
Frank, and other friends. 

LoiHBOP Stoddabd. 

Nsw ToBX Cm, 

' Mt 1900. 

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n. Ybllow Man's Land 17 

nL Bbown Man's Land 54 

IV. Black Man's Land 87 

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VI. Thb Whttb Flood 146 

Vn. Thb BEOiNNiNa or thb Ebb 154 

Vin. Thb Modebn Peloponnbsian Wab 173 

IX. Thb Shattebinq or Whttb Solidabitt .... 198 

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XI. The Inner Dikes 236 

Xn. Tke Cbisis or the Ages 299 

Indbz • 311 

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CATiaoiais ov Whitb Wobld-Sufbouct 160 


D w i' iUBU ii o w or THE Whitb Bacis 228 

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Mr. Lothrop Stobdahd's "The Rising Tide of 
Color," following so closely the Great War, may ap- 
pear to some unduly alarming, while others, as his 
thread of argument unrolls, may recoil at the logic 
of his deductions. 

In our present era of convulsive changes, a prophet 
must be bold, indeed, to predict anything more definite 
than a mere trend in events, but the study of the past 
is the one safe guide in forecasting the future. 

Mr. Stoddard takes up the white man's world and 
its potential enemies as they are to-day. A considera- 
tion of their early relations and of the histoiy of the 
Nordic race, since its first appearance three or four 
thousand years ago, tends strongly to sustain and jus- 
tify his conclusions. For such a consideration we must 
first turn to the map, or, better, to the globe. 

Viewed in the li^t of geography and zoOlogy, 
Europe west of Russia is but a peninsula of Asia with 
tiie southern shores of the Mediterranean Sea included. ' 
True Africa, or rather Ethiopia, Hes south of the 
Sahara Desert and has virtually no connection with 
the North except along the vaUejr of the Nile. 

This Eurasiatic continent has been, perhaps, since 

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the origin of life itself ^ the most active centre of eyolu-" 
tion and radiation of the higher forms. 

Confining ourselves to the mammalian orders, we 
find that a majority of them have originated and de- 
veloped there and have spread thence to the outlying 
land areas of the globe. All the evidence points to the 
origin of the Primates in Eurasia and we have eveiy 
reason to believe that this continent was also the 
scene of the early evolution of man from his anthropoid 

The impulse that inaugurated the development of 
mankind seems to have had its basic cause in the 
stress of changing climatic conditions in central Asia 
at the close of the Pliocene, and the human inhabitants 
of Eurasia have ever since exhibited in a superlative 
degree the energy developed at that time. This 
eneigy, however, haa not been equally shared by the 
various species of man, either extinct or living, and the 
survivors of the earlier races are, for the most part, 
to be foimd on the other continents and islands or in 
the extreme outlying r^ons of Eurasia itself. 

In other words those groups cf mankind which at 
an early period found refuge in the Americas, in Aus- 
tralia, in Ethiopia, or in the islands of the sea, repre- 
sent to a laige extent stages in man's physical and cul- 
tural development, from which the more energized 
inhabitants of Emma have long since emerged. In 
some cases, as in Mexico and Peru, the outlying races 
developed in their isolation a limited culture of their 
own, but, for the most part, thqr have exhibited, and 

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coDitimie to this day to exhibit, a lack of capacity for 
sustained evolution from within as well as a lack of 
capadly to adjust themselves of their own initiative 
to the rapid changes which modem times impose upon 
th^n from without. 

In Eurasia itself this same inequality of potential 
capacity is found, but in a lesser degree, and conse- 
quently, in the progress of humanity, there has been 
constant friction between those who push forward and 
tiiose who are unable to keep pace with changing con- 

Owing to these causes the histoiy of mankind has 
been that of a series of impulses from the Eurasiatic 
continent upon the outlying r^ons of the globe, but 
there has been an almost complete lack of reaction, 
either racial or cultural, from them upon the masses 
of mankind in Eurasia itself. There have been end- 
less conjJicts between the different sections of Eurasia, 
but neither Amerinds, nor Austroloids, nor Negroes, 
have ever made a concerted attack upon the great 

I^thout attempting a scientific classification of the 
inhabitants of Eurasia, it is sufficient to describe the 
three main races. The first are the yellow-skumed, 
straight black-haired, black-eyed, round-skulled Mon- 
gols and Mongoloids massed in central and eastern 
Asia north of the Himalayan system. 

To the west of them, and merged with them, lie the 
Alpines, also characterized by dark, but not straight. 

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hair, dark eyes, relatively short stature, and round 
skulls. These Alpines are thrust like a wedge into 
Europe between tiie Nordics and the Mediterraneans, 
with a tip that reaches the Atlantic Ocean. Those of 
western Exuope are derived from one or more very 
ancient waves of roimdnskulled invaders from the 
East, who probably came by way of Asia Minor and 
the Balkans, but they have been so long in thdr present 
homes that th^ retain little except thdr brachy- 
cephalic skull-shape to connect them with the Asiatic 

South of the Himalayas and westward in a narrow 
belt to the Atlantic, and on both sides of the Inland 
Sea, lies the Mediterranean race, more or less swarthy- 
skinned, black-haired, dark-eyed, and long-skulled. 

On the northwest, grouped around the Baltic and 
North Seas, lies the great Nordic race. It is charac- 
terized by a fair white skin, wavy hair with a range of 
color from dark brown to flaxen, light eyes, tall stature, 
and long skulls. 

These races show other physical characters which 
are definite but difficult to describe, such as texture of 
skin and cast of feattu:es, especially of the nose. The 
contrast of mental and spiritual endowments is equa% 
definite, but even more elusive of definition. 

It is with the action and interaction of these three 
groups, together with internal dvil wars, that recorded 
histoiy deals. 

While, so far as we know, these three races have oc- 
cupied their present relative positions from the begm- 

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i)iq|, there have been profound changes in their dis- 

The two essential phenomena, however, are, first, 
the retreat of the Nordic race westward from the Grass- 
lands of western Asia and eastern Europe to the bor- 
den of the Atlantic, imtil it occupies a relatively small 
area on the peripheiy of Eurasia. 

The second phenomenon is of equal importance, 
namely, the more or less thorough Nordicizing of the 
westernmost extensions of the other two races, namely, 
the Mediterranean on the north coast of the Inland 
Sea> who have been completely Aiyanized in speech, 
and have been again and again saturated with Nordic 
blood, and the even more profound Nordicization in 
speech and in blood of the short, dark, round-skulled 
inhabitants of central Europe, from Brittany through 
central France, southern Germany, and northern Italy 
into Austrian and Balkan lands. So thorough has 
been this process that the western Alpines have at the 
present time no separate race consciousness and are to 
be considered as wholly European. 

As to the Alpines of eastern and central Europe, 
the Slavs, the case is somewhat different. East of a 
Una drawn from the Adriatic to the Baltic the Nordiciz- 
ing process has been far less perfect, although nearly 
complete as to speech, smce all the Slavic languages 
are Aiyan. Throughout these Slavic lands, great ac- 
cessions of pure Mongoloid blood have been introduced 
within relatively recent centuries. 

East of this belt of imperfectly Nordidzed Alpines 

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we reach the Asiatic Alpinesi as yet entirely untouched 
by western blood or culture. These groups meise into 
the Mongoloids of eastern Asia. 

So we find, thrust westward from the Heartland, 
a race touching the Atlantic at Brittany, thoroughly 
Asiatic and Mongoloid in the east, very imperfectly 
Nordidzed in the centre, and thorou^y Nordicised 
culturally in the far west of Europe, where it has be- 
come, and must be accepted as, an integral part of 
the White World. 

As to the great Nordic race, within relatively recent 
historic times it occupied the Grasslands north of the 
Black and Caspian Seas eastward to the Himalayas. 
Traces of Nordic peoples in central Asia are constantly 
found, and when archffiological research there becomes 
as intensive as in Exuope we shall be astonished to 
find how long, complete, and esctended was their occu- 
pation of western Asia* 

During the second millennium before our era suc- 
cessive waves of Nordics began to cross the Afghan 
passes into India until finally they imposed their primi- 
tive Aryan language upon Hindustan and the coun- 
tries lying'to the east. 

All those regions lying northwest of the mountains 
appear to have been largely a white man's country at 
the time of Alexander tiie Great. In Turkestan the 
newly discovered Tokharian language, an Aryan tongue 
of the western division, seems to have persisted down 
to the ninth century. The decline of the Nordics 
in these lands, however, hegfin probahty far earlier 

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tfatn Aleunder's time, and must have been nearly 
completed at the beginning of our era. Such blond 
tndtB as are still found in western Asia are relativdy 
unimportant, and for the last two thousand 3reani 
these countries must be resided as lost to the Nordic 

The impube that drove the early Nordics like a fan 
over the Himalayan passes into India, the later Nor- 
dics southward into Mesopotamian lands, as Eassites, 
Mitanni, and Persians, into Greece and Anatolia as 
AchMOis, Dorians, and Phiygians, westward as the 
AiyanHspealdng invaders of Italy and as the Celtic 
vanguards of the Nordic race across the Rhine into 
Gaul, Spain, and Britain, may well have been caused 
by Mongoloid pressure from the heart of central Asia. 
Of course, we have no actual knowledge of this, but 
the analogy to the histoiy of later migrations is strong, 
and the conviction is growing among historians that 
the impulse that drove the Hellenic Nordics upon the 
eastfy Mgeaxi culture world was the same as that 
which later drove Gennanic Nordics into the Roman 

North of the Caspian and Black Seas the boimdaries 
of Europe receded steadily before Asia for nearly a 
thousand years after our era opened, but we have 
scant record of the struggles which resulted in the evic* 
tion of the Nordics from their homes in Russia, Po- 
land, the Austrian and east German hmds. 

By the time of Charlemagne the White Man's world 
was reduced to Scandinavia, Germany west of the Elbe, 

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the Britiah MeB, the Low Countries; and northern 
France and Italy^ with outlying groups in southern 
France and Spain. This was the lowest ebb for the 
Nordics and it was the crowning gloiy of Charlemagne's 
career that he not onty turned back the flood, but be- 
gan the organization of a series of more or less Nordi-^ 
cixed marches or barrier states from the Baltic to the 
Adriatic, which have served as ramparts against Asiatic 
pressure from his day to ovm. West of this line the 
feudal states of medieval Exuope developed into west- 
em Christendom, the nucleus of the civilized world of 

South of the Caspian and Black Seas, after the first 
swarming of the Nordics over the moxmtains during the 
second millennium before Christ, the East pressed stead- 
ily against Europe until the strain culminated in the 
Persian Wars. The defeat of Asia in these wars re- 
sulted later in Ale3cander's conquest of western Asia 
to the borders of India. 

Alexander's empire temporari()r established Hellenic 
institutions throughout western Asia and some of the 
provinces remained superficially Greek xmtil they were 
incorporated in the Roman Empire and.ultimately be- 
came part of early Christendom. On the whole, how- 
ever, from the time of Alexander the elimination of 
European blood, classic culture, and, finally, of Chris- 
tianity, went on relentlessly. 

By later Roman times the Aryan language of the 
Pendans, Parthians, and people of India together 
with some shreds of Greek learning were about all the 

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traces of Europe that were to be f oxmd east of the os- 
Gillating boundaiy along the Euphrates. 

The Roman and Byzantine Empires strayed for 
centuries to check the advancing tide of Asiatics, 
but Arab expansions imder the impulse of the Mo- 
hammedan religion finally tore away all the eastern 
and southern coasts of the Mediterranean Sea, while 
from an Arabized Spain they threatened western 
Europe. With the White Man's world thus rapidly 
receding in the south, a series of pure Mongol invasions 
from central Asia, sweeping north of the Caspian and 
Black Seas, burst upon central Eiux)pe. Attila and 
his Hims were the first to break through into Nordic 
lands as far as the plains of northern France. None of 
the later hordes were able to force their way so far 
into Nordic territories, but spent their strength upon 
the Alpines of the Balkans and eastern Europe. 

Eastern Germany, the Austrian states, Poland, and 
Russia had been Nordic lands before the Slavs emei^ged 
after the fall of Rome. Whether the occupation of 
Teutonic lands by the Wends and Slavs in eastern 
Europe was an infiltration or a conquest is not known, 
but the conviction is growing that, like other move- 
ments which preceded and followed, it was caused 
by Mongoloid pressure. 

That the western Slavs or Wends had been long 
Nordidzed in speech is indicated by the thoroughly 
Aiyan character of the Slavic languages. Tliey 
found in the lands they occupied an underlying Teu- 
tonic population. They cannot be regarded as the 

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original owners of Poland, Bohemia^ Silesia, or other 
Wendish provinces of eastern Germany and Austria. 
The Teutonic Marcomanni and Quadi were in Bohemia 
long before the Czechs came in through the Moravian 
Gate in the sixth century. Pomerania and the Prus- 
sias were the home of Teutonic Lombards, Burgunds, 
Vandals, and Suevi, while the Crimea and the north- 
western coast of the Black Sea were long held by the 
Nordic Goths, who, just before our era, had migrated 
overland from the Baltic by way of the Vistula. 

No doubt some of this Nordic blood remained to en- 
noble the stock of the later invaders, but by the time 
of Char emagne, in the greater part of Europe east of 
the Elbe, the Aryan language was the only bond with 

When the Frankish Empire turned the tide and 
Christianized these Wendish and FoMl lands, civiliza- 
tion was carried eastward until it met the Byzantine 
influences which brought to Russia and the lands east 
of the Carpathians the culture and Orthodox Christi- 
anity of the Eastern or Greek Empire. 

The nucleus of Russia was organized in the ninth 
century by Scandinavian Varangians, the Franks of 
the East, who founded the first civilized state amid a 
welter of semi-Mongoloid tribes. How much Nordic 
blood they f oimd in the territories which afterward 
became Russia we have no means of knowing, but it 
must have been considerable because we do know that 
from the Middle Ages to the present time there haa 
been a progressive increase in brachycephaly or broad- 

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headednesS; to judge from the rise in the percentage of 
round skulls found in the cemeteries of Moscow and 
elsewhere in Russia. 

Such was the condition of eastern Europe when 
a new and terrible series of Mongoloid invasions 
swept over it, this time directly from the centre of 

The effect of these invasions was so profound and 
lasting that it may be weU to consider briefly the 
condition of eastern Europe after the elimination of 
the Nordics and its partial occupation by the so-called 
Slavs. Beginning with Attila and his HirnS; in the 
fourth century, there was a series of purely Mongoloid 
tribes entering from Asia in wave after wave. 

Similar waves ultimately passed south of the Black 
and Caspian Seas, and were called Turks, but these 
were long held back by the power of the Byzantine 
Empire, to which history has done scant justice. 

In the north these invaderS; called in the later days 
Tatars, but all essentially of central Asiatic Mongol 
stock, occupied Balkan lands after the expansion of 
the south Slavs in those countries. They are known 
by various names, but they are all part of the same 
general movement, although there was a gradual slow- 
ing down of the impulse. Prior to Jenghiz Khan the 
later hordes did not reach quite as far west as the 
earlier ones. 

The first wave, Attila's Hims, were followed dur- 
ing the succeeding centuries by the Avars, the Bul- 
gaiB, the Hunagar Magyars, the Patzinaks and the 

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Cumans. All of these tribes forced their way over 
the Carpathians and the Danube, and much of their 
blood; notably in that of the Bulgars and Magyars, is 
still to be found there. Most of them adopted Slavic 
dialects and merged in the surroxmding population, 
but the Magyars retain their Asiatic speech to this 

Other Tatar and Mongoloid tribes settled in south- 
em and eastern Russia. Chief among these were the 
Mongol Chazars, who founded an extensive and power- 
ful empire in southern and southeastern Russia aa 
early as the eighth century. It is interesting to note 
that th^ accepted Judaism and became the ancestors 
of the majority of the Jews of eastern Europe, the 
roxmd-skulled Ashkenazim. 

Into this mixed population of Christianized Slavs 
and more or less Christianized and Slavized Mongols 
burst Jenghiz Khan with his great hordes of pure 
Mongols. All southern Russia, Poland, and Himgary 
collapsed before them, and in southern Russia the rule 
of the Mongol persisted for centuries, in fact the 
Golden Horde of Tatars retained control of the Crimea 
down to 1783. 

Many of these later Tatars had accepted Islam, but 
entire groups of them have retained their Asiatic speech 
and to this day profess the Mohammedan religion. 

The most lasting result of these Mongol invasions 
was that southern Poland and all the countries east 
and north of the Carpathians, including Rumania and 
the Ukraine, were sattirated anew with Tatar blood, 

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and, in dealing with these populations and with the 
new nations founded among them, this fact must not 
be foigotten. 

The conflict between the East and the West— Europe 
and Asia — ^has thus lasted for centuries, in fact it goes 
back to the Persian Wars and the long and doubtful 
duel between Rome and Parthia along the eastern 
boundary of Syria. As we have already said, the 
Saracens had torn away many of the provinces of the 
Eastern Empire, and the Crusades, for a moment, had 
rolled back the Ea^, but the event was not decided 
until the Seljukian and Osmanli Turks accepted Islam. 

If these Turks had remained heathen they might 
have invaded and conquered Asia Minor and the 
Balkan States, just as their cousios, the Tartars, had 
subjected vast territories north of the Black Sea, but 
they could not have held their conquests permanently 
unless they had been able to incorporate the beaten 
natives into their own ranks through the proseljrtizing 
power of Islam. 

Even in Roman times the Greek world had been 
steadily losing, first its Nordic blood and then later 
the blood of its Nordicized European population, and 
it became in its declining years increasingly Asiatic 
until the final fall of Constantinople in 1453. 

Byzantium once fallen, the Turks advanced un- 
checked, conquering the Alpine Slav kingdoms of the 
Balkans and menacing Christendom itself. 

In these age-long conflicts between Asia and Eu- 
rope the Crusades seem but an episode, although 

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tragicaUy waateful of Nordic stock. The Nordic 
Franldsh nobility of weetem Europe squandered its 
blood for two hundred years on the desert sands of 
Ssrna and left no ethnic trace behind, save, perhaps, 
some doubtful blond remnants in northern Syria and 

If the predictions of Mr. Stoddard's book seem far- 
fetched, one has but to consider that four times since 
the fall of Rome Asia has conquered to the veiy con- 
fines of Nordic Europe. The Nordicized Alpines of 
eastern Europe and the Nordicized Mediterraneans of 
southern Europe have proved too feeble to hold back 
the Asiatic hordes, Mongol or Saracen. It was not 
until the realms of pure Nordics were reached that 
the invaders were turned back. This is shown by the 
fact that the Arabs had quickly mastered north^n 
Africa and conquered Spain, where the Nordic Goths 
were too few in number to hold them back, while 
southern France, which was not then, and is not now, 
a Nordic land, had offered no serious resistance. It 
was not xmtil the Arabs, in 732, at Tours, dashed them- 
selves to pieces against the solid ranks of heavy-armed 
Nordics, that Islam receded. 

The same fate had already been encountered by 
Attila and his Hims, who, after dominating Hungaiy 
and southern Germany and destroying the Burgundians 
on the Rhine, had pushed into northern France as far as 
ChAlons. Here, in 451 A. D., he was beaten, not by the 
Romanized Gauls but by the Nordic Visigoths, whose 
long, Theodoric, died on the field. These two vie- 

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tones, one against the Arab south and the other ov^ 
the Mongoloid east, saved Nordic Europe, which was 
at that time shrunken to little more than a fringe on 
the seacoast. 

How slender the thread and how easily snapped, 
had the event of either day turned out otherwise! 
Never again did Asia push so far west, but the danger 
was not finally removed until Charlemagne and his 
successors had organissed the Western Empire. 

Christendom, however, had sore trials ahead when 
the successors of Jenghiz Ehan destroyed Moscovy 
and Poland and devastated eastern Europe. The 
victorious career of the Tatars was unchecked, from 
the Chinese Sea on the east to the Indian Ocean on 
the south, until in 1241, at Wahlstatt in Silesia, they 
aicountered pure Nordic fighting^men. Then the tide 
turned. Though outnumbering the Christians five 
to one and victorious in the battle itself, the Tatars 
were unable to push farther west and turned south 
into Himgary and other Alpine lands. 

Some conception of the almost unbelievable horrors 
that western Europe escaped at this time may be gath- 
ered from the fate of the countries which fell before the 
inegjstible rush of the Mongols, whose sole descemible 
motive seems to have been blood lust. The destruc- 
tion wrought in China, central Asia, and Persia is 
almost beyond conception. In twelve years, in China 
and the neighboring states, Jenghiz Khan and his lieu- 
tenants slaughtered more than 18,500,000 human be- 
£009. After the sack of Merv in Ehorasan, the'' Garden 

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of Asa/* the corpses numbered 1,300,000, and after 
Herat was taken 1,600,000 are said to have perished. 
Similar fates befell every city of importance in central 
Asia, and to this day those once populous provinces 
have never recovered. The cities of Russia and 
Poland were burned, their inhabitants tortured and 
massacred, with the consequence that progress was 
retarded for centuries. 

Almost in modem times these same Mongoloid in- 
vaders, entering by way of Asia Minor, and calling 
themselves Turks, after destroying the Eastern Empire, 
the Balkan States, and Hungaiy, again met the Nordic 
chivahy of western Europe imder the walls of Vienna, 
in 1683, and again the Asiatics went down in rout. 

On these four separate occasions the Nordic race and 
it alone saved modem civilization. The half-Nordi- 
cized lands to the south and to the east collapsed xmder 
the invasions. 

Unnumbered Nordic tribes, nameless and unsung, 
have been massacred, or submerged, or driven from 
their lands. The survivors had been pushed ever west- 
ward imtil their backs were against the Northern 
Ocean. There the Nordics came to bay— the tide was 
turned. Few stop to reflect that it was more than sixty 
years after the first American legislature sat at James* 
town, Virginia, that Asia finally abandoned the con- 
quest of Europe. 

One of the chief results of forcing the Nordic race 
back to the seacoast was the creation of maritime 
power and its development to a degree never before 

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known even in the days of the Phcenicians and Cartha- 
ginians. With the recession of the Turkish flood, 
modem Europe emerges and inaugurates a counter- 
attack on Asia which has placed virtually the entire 
world under £im)pean domination. 

While in the medieval conflicts between Europe 
and Asia the latter was the aggressor, the case was 
otherwise in the early wars between the Nordic and 
the Mediterranean peoples. Here for three thousand 
years the Nordics were the aggressors, and, although 
these wars were terribly destructive to their numbers, 
they were the medium through which classic civiliza- 
tion was introducejd into Nordic lands. As to the 
ethnic consequences, northern barbarians poured over 
the passes of the Balkans, Alpines, and Pyrenees into 
the sunny lands of the south only to slowly vanish in 
the languid environment which lacked the stimulus 
of fierce strife with hostile nature and savage rivals. 

Nevertheless, long before the opening of the Chris- 
tian era the Alpines of western Eim>pe were thoroughly 
Nordidzed, and in the centuries that followed, the old 
Nordic element in Spain, Italy, and France has been 
again and again strongly reinforced, so that these lands 
are now an integral part of the White World. 

In recent centuries Russia was again superficially 
Nordidzed with a top dressing of Nordic nobility, 
chiefly coming from the Baltic provinces. Along with 
this process there was eveiywhere in Europe a resur- 
gence among the submerged and forgotten Alpines and 

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among the Mediterranean elements of the British 
IsleS; while Bolshevism in Russia means the elimination 
of the Nordic aristocracy and the dominance of the 
half-Asiatic Slavic peasantiy. 

All wars thus far discussed have been race wars of 
Europe against Asia^ or of the Nordics against Medi- 
terraneans. The wars against the Mongols were nec- 
essaiy and vital; there was no alternative except to 
fight to the finish. But the wars of northern Europe 
against the south, from the racial point of view, were 
not only useless but destructive. Bad as they were, 
however, they left imtouched to a large extent the 
broodland of the race in the north and west. 

Another class of wars, however, has been absolutely 
deadly to the Nordic race. There must have been coimt- 
less early struggles where one Nordic tribe attacked 
and exterminated its rival, such as the Trojan War, 
fought between Ach^eans and Phrygians, both Nordics, 
while the later Peloponnesian War was a purely civil 
strife between Greeks and resulted in the racial col- 
lapse of Hellas. 

Rome, after she emerged triumphant from her 
struggle with the Carthaginians, of Mediterranean race, 
plunged into a series of civil wars which ended in the 
complete elimination of the native Nordic element in 
Rome. Her conquests also were destructive to the 
Nordic race; particularly so was that of Csesar in 
Gaul, one of the few exceptional cases where the north 
was permanently conquered by the sou A. The losses 

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of that ten-year conquest fell far more heavily upon 
the Nordic Celts in Gaul and Britain than on the 
servile strata of the population. 

In the same way the Saxon conquest of England 
destroyed the Nordic Brythons to a greater degree 
than the pre-Nordic Neolithic Mediterranean element. 
From that time on all the wars of Europe, other than 
those against the Asiatics and Saracens, were essen- 
tially dvil wars fought between peoples or leaders of 
Nordic blood. 

Mediaeval Europe was one long welter of Nordic 
immolation until the Wars of the Roses in England, 
the Hundred Years' War in the Lowlands, the relig- 
ious, revolutionaiy, and Napoleonic wars in France, and 
the ghastly Thirty Years' War in Germany dangerously 
depleted the ruling Nordic race and paved the way for 
the emergence from obscurity of the servile races which 
for ages had been dominated by them. 

To what extent the present war has fostered this 
tendency, time alone will show, but Mr. Stoddard has 
pointed out some of the immediate and visible results. 
The backbone of western civilization is racially Nordic, 
the Alpines and Mediterraneans being effective pre- 
cisely to the extent in which they have been Nordicized 
and vitalized. 

If this great race, with its capacity for leadership 
and fighting, should ultimate]^ pass, with it would 
pass that which we call civilization. It would be suc- 
ceeded by an unstable and bastardized population, 
wfaeie worth and merit would have no inherent right 

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to leadership and among which a new and darker age 
would blot out our racial inheritance. 

Such a catastrophe cannot threaten if the Nordic 
race will gather itself together in time, shake off the 
shackles of an inveterate altruism, discard the vain 
phantom of internationalism, and reassert the pride 
of race and the right of merit to rule. 

The Nordic race has been driven from many of its 
lands, but still grasps firmly the control of the world, 
and it is certainly not at a greater numerical disad- 
vantage than often before in contrast to the teeming 
population of eastern Asia. 

It has repeatedly been confronted with crises where 
the accident of battle, or the genius of a leader, saved 
a well-nigh hopeless day. It has survived defeat, it 
has survived the greater danger of victory, and, if it 
takes warning in time, it may face the future with 
assurance. I^t it must, but let that fight be not a 
dvil war against its own blood kindred but against 
the dangerous foreign races, whether they advance 
sword in hand or in the more insidious guise of beggars 
at otu* gates, pleading for admittance to share our 
prosperity. If we continue to allow them to enter they 
will in time drive us out of our own land by mere force 
of breeding. 

The great hope of the future here in America lies in 
the realization of the working class that competition 
of the Nordic with the alien is fatal, whether the latter 
be the lowly inunigrant from southern or eastern Eu- 
rope or whether he be the more obviously dangerous 

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Oriental against whose standards of living the white 
man cannot compete. In this country we must look 
to such of our people— our fanners and artisans — as 
are still of American blood to recognize and pieet this 

Our present condition is the result of following the 
leadership of idealists and philanthropic doctrinaires, 
aided and abetted by the perfectly imderstandable 
demand of our detains of industry for cheap labor. 

To^y the need for statesmanship is great, and 
greater stiD is the need for thorough knowledge of 
history. All over the world the first has been lacking, 
and in the passions of the Great War the lessons of the 
past have been forgotten both here and in Eiu*ope. 

The establishment of a chain of Alpine states from 
the Baltic to the Adriatic, as a sequel to the war, all 
of them organized at the expense of the Nordic ruling 
classes, may bring Europe back to the days when 
Charlemagne, marching from the Rhine to tiie Elbe, 
found the valley of that river inhabited by heathen 
Wends. Beyond lay Asia, and his successors spent a 
thousand years pushing eastward the frontiers of Eu- 

Now that Asia, in the guise of Bolshevism with Semitic 
leadership and Chinese executioners, is oi^anizrog an 
assault upon western Europe, the new states— Slavic- 
Alpine in race, with little Nordic blood— may prove to 
be not frontier guards of western Europe but van- 
guards of Asia in central Europe. None of the earlier 
AijpSnt states have held firm against Asia, and it is more 

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than doubtful whether Poland, Bohonia, Rumania, 
Hungary, and Jugo-Slavia can face the danger success- 
fully, now that they have been deprived of the Nordic 
ruling classes through democratic institutions. 

Democratic ideals among an homogeneous popula- 
tion of Nordic blood, as in En^and or America, is one 
thing, but it is quite another for the white man to 
share his blood with, or intrust his ideals to, brown, 
yellow, black, or red men. 

This is suicide pure and simple, and the first victim 
of this amazing folly will be the white man himself. 

Madison Gbant. 

Nbw Yosk, Mtfoh 1, l«3a 

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Thb man who, on a quiet spring evening of the year 
1914, opened his atlas to a political map of the world 
and pored over its many-tinted patterns probably got 
one fundamental impression: the overwhelming pre- 
ponderance of the white race in the ordering of the 
world's affairs. Judged by accepted canons of state- 
craft, the white man towered the indisputable master 
of the planet. Forth from Europe's teeming mother- 
hive the imperious Sons of Japhet had swanned for 
centuries to plant their laws, their customs, and their 
battle-flags at the uttennost ends of the earth. Two 
whole continents. North America and Australia, had 
bem made virtually as white in blood as the European 
motherland; two other continents. South America 
and Africa, had been extensively colonized by white 
stocks; while even huge Asia had seen its empty north- 
em march, Siberia, pre-empted for the white man's 
abode. Even where white populati(»is had not locked 
themselves to the soil few regions of the earth had 
BBcaped the white man's imperial sway, and vast areas 
inhabited by uncounted myriads of dusky folk ob^ed 
the white man's will. 

Beside the enormous area of white settlement or 
control, the r^ons under non-white governance bulked 


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small indeed. In eastern Asia, China, Japan, and 
Siam; in western Asia, Turkey, Afghanistan, and 
Persia; in Africa, Abyssinia, and Liberia; and in Amer- 
ica the minute state of Haiti: such was the brief list 
of lands under non-white rule. In other words, of the 
53,000,000 square miles which (excluding the polar 
rc^ons) constitute the land area of the globe, only 
6,000,000 square miles had non-white governments, 
and nearly two-thirds of this relatively modest re- 
mainder was represented by China and its dependen- 

Since 1914 the world has been convulsed by the 
most terrible war in recorded history. This war was 
primarily a struggle between the white peoples, who 
have borne the brunt of the conflict and have suffered 
most of the losses. Nevertheless, one of the war's 
results has been a fmiJier whittling down of the areas 
standing outside white political control. Turkey is 
to-day practically an Anglo-French condominium, 
Persia is virtually a protectorate of the British Empire, 
wiiile the United States has thrown over the endemic 
anarchy of Haiti the aegis of the Pax Americana. 
Study of the political map might thus apparently lead 
one to conclude that white world-predominance is 
immutable, since the war's ordeal has still further 
broadened the territorial basis of its authority. 

At this point the reader is perhaps asldng himself 
why this book was ever imdertaken. The answer is: 
the dangerous delusion created by viewing world af- 
ftirs soldy from the angle of poUtics. The late war 

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has taught many lessons as to the unstable and transi- 
tory character of even the most imposing political 
phenomena, while a better reading of history must 
bring home the truth that the basic factor in human 
affairs is not politics, but race. The reader has already 
encoimtered this fundamental truth on every page of 
the Introduction. He will remember, for instance, how 
west-central Asia, which in the dawn of history was 
predominantly white man's coxmtry, is to-day racially 
brown man's land in which white blood survives only 
as vestigial traces of vanishing significance. If this 
portion of Asia, the former seat of mighty white em- 
pires and possibly the very homeland of the white 
race itself, should have so entirely changed its ethnic 
character, what assurance can the most impressive 
poUtical panorama give us that the present world-order 
may not swiftly and utterly pass away ? 

The force of this query is exemplified when we turn 
from the political to tiie racial map of the globe. 
Wliat a transformation I Instead of a world politically 
nine-tenths white, we see a world of which only f om^ 
tenths at the most can be considered predominantly 
white in blood, the rest of the world being inhabited 
mainly by the other primary races of mankind — 
yellows, browns, blacks, and reds. Speaking by con- 
tinents, Europe, North America to the Rio Grande, 
the southern portion of South America, the Siberian 
part of Asia, and Australasia constitute the real 
white world; while the bulk of Asia, virtually the 
whole of Africa, and most of Central and South 

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America form the world of color. The reepective 
areas of these two racially contrasted worlds are 22,- 
000,000 square miles for the whites and 31,000,000 
square miles for the colored races. Furthermore it 
must be remembered that fully one-third of the white 
area (notably Australasia and Siberia) is very thinly 
inhabited and is thus held by a very slender racial 
tenure — ^the only tenure which counts in the long run. 

The statistical di^roportion between the white 
and colored worlds becomes still more marked when 
we turn from surveys of area to tables of population* 
The total number of hmnan beings alive to-day is 
about 1,700,000,000. Of these 560,000,000 are white, 
while 1,150,000,000 are colored. The colored races 
thus outnmnber the whites more than two to one. 
Another fact of capital importance is that the great 
bulk of the white race is concentrated in the European 
continent. In 1914 the population of Europe was 
approximately 450,000,000. The late war has un- 
doubtedly caused an absolute decrease of many mil- 
lions of souls. Nevertheless, the basic fact remains 
that some four-fifths of the entire white race is con- 
centrated on less than one-fifth of the white world's 
territorial area (Europe), while the remaining on^ 
fifth of the race (some 110,000,000 souls), scattered to 
the ends of the earth, must protect four-filths of the 
white territorial heritage against the pressure of colored 
races eleven times its ntunerical strength. 

As to the 1,150,000,000 of the colored world, they 
are divided, as already stated, into four primary eate- 

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gories: yeUows, browns, blacks, and reds. The yel- 
lows are the most nmneroiis of the colored races, num- 
bering over 500,000,000. Then* habitat is eastem 
Asia. Nearly as numerous and much more wide-«pread 
than the ydlows are the browns, numbering some 
450,000,000. The browns spread in a broad belt from 
the Pacific Ocean westward across southern Asia and 
northern Africa to the Atlantic Ocean. The blacks 
total about 150,000,000. Their centre is Africa south 
of the Sahara Desert, but besides the African conti- 
nent there are vestigial black traces across southern 
Asia to the Pacific and also strong black outposts 
in the Americas. Least numerous of the colored 
race-stocks are the reds— the " Indians*' of the western 
hemisphere. Mustering a total of less than 40,000,000, 
the reds are almost all located south of the Rio Grande 
in "Latin America.'* 

Such is the ethnic make-up of that world of color 
which, as already seen, outnumbers the white world 
two to one. That is a formidable ratio, and its sig- 
nificance is heightened by the fact that this ratio seems 
destined to shift still further in favor of color. There 
can be no doubt that at present the colored races are 
increasing very much faster than the white. Treating 
ihe primary racenstocks as units, it would appear that 
whites tend to double in eighty years, yellows and 
browns in sixty years, blacks in forty years. The 
whites are thus the slowest breeders, and they will un- 
doubtedly become slower still, since section after sec- 
tion ci the white race is revealing that lowered birth- 

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rate which in France has reached ihe extreme of a 
etationaxy peculation. 

On the other hand; none of the colored races shows 
perceptible signs of declining birth-^rate^ all tending to 
breed up to tiie limits of available subsistence. Such 
' checks as now limit the increase of colored popula- 
tions are wholly external^ like famine^ disease, and 
tribal warfare. But by a curious irony of f ate, the 
white man has long been busy removing these checks 
to colored multiplication. Hie greater part of the 
colored world is to-day under white political control. 
Wherever the white man goes he attempts to im- 
pose the bases of his ordered civilization. He puts 
down tribal war^ he wages truceless combat against 
epidemic disease, and he so improves commimications 
that augmented and better distributed food-supplies 
minimize the blight of famine. In response to these 
lif&^aving activities the enormous death-rate which in 
ihe past has kept the colored races from excessive 
multiplication is falling to proportions comparable with 
the death-rate of white cotmtries. But to lower the 
colored world's prodigious birth-rate is quite another 
matter. The consequence is a portentous increase of 
population in nearly eveiy portion of the colored world 
now under white political sway. In fact, even those 
colored countries which have maintained their inde- 
pendence, such as China and Japan, are adopting the 
white man's lifoK^onserving methods and are experi- 
encing the same accelerated increase of population. 
Now what must be the inevitable result of all this? 

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It can mean only one thing: a tremendous and stead- 
fly augmenting outward tlmist of surplus colored men 
from overcrowded colored homelands. Remember that 
^eee homelands are already populated up to the avail- 
able limits of subsistence. Of course present limits 
can in many cases be pushed back by better living 
conditions, improved agriculture, and the rise of mod- 
em machine industry such as is already under way in 
Japan. Nevertheless, in view of the tremendous pop- 
ulation increases which must occur, these can be only 
palliatives. Where, then, should the congested colored 
world tend to pour its acctmiulating human surplus, 
inexorably condemned to emigrate or starve? The 
answer is: into those emptier regions of the earth 
under white political control. But many of these rel- 
atively empty lands have been definitely set aside by 
the white man as his own special heritage. The up- 
shot is that the rising flood of color finds itself walled 
in by white dikes debarring it from many a promised 
land which it would fain dduge with its dusky waves. 
Thus the colored world, long restive under white 
political domination, is being welded by the most 
fundamental of instincts, the instinct of self-preservsr 
tion, into a common solidarity of feeling against the 
dominant white man, and in the fire of a common pur- 
pose intemecine differences tend, for the time at least, 
to be binned away. Before the supreme fact of white 
political world-domination, antipathies within the 
colored world must inevitably recede into the back- 

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The imperious urge of the colored world toward 
racial expansion was well visualized by that keen 
English student of world affairs, Doctor E. J. Dillon, 
when he wrote more than a decade ago : " The problem 
is one of life and death — ^a veritable sphinx-question — 
to those most nearly concerned. For, no race, however 
inferior it may be, will consent to famish slowly in 
order that other people may fatten and take their 
ease, especially if it has a good chance to make a fight 
for life."^ 

This white statement of the colored thesis is an 
accurate reflection of what colored men say them- 
selves. For example, a Japanese scholar. Professor 
Ryutaro Nagai, writes: "The world was not made 
for the white races, but for the other races as well. 
In Australia, South Africa, Canada, and the United 
States, there are vast tracts of unoccupied territoiy 
awaiting settlement, and although the citizens of the 
ruling Powers refuse to take up the land, no yellow 
people are permitted to enter. Thus the white races 
seem ready to commit to the savage birds and beasts 
what they refuse to intrust to their brethren of the 
yellow race. Surely the arrogance and avarice of the 
nobility in apportioning to themselves the most and 
the best of the land in certain countries is as nothing 
compared with the attitude of the white races toward 
those of a different hue." * 

1 E. J. Dillon, ''The Asiatic Problem," Ccnirnnporary Bm0if» Febiu- 
ary, 1908. 

' Ryutaro Nagai in The Japan Moffonne, Quoted from Thi Atimti* 
Mfi Bmmf qf Beviewt, July, 1913, p. 107. 

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The bitter resentment of white predominance and 
exclusiveness awakened in many colored breasts is 
typified by the following lines penned by a brown 
man, a British-educated Afghan^ shortly before the 
European War. Inveighing against our "racial preju- 
dice; that cowardly^ wretched caste-mark of the Eu- 
ropean and the American the world over/' he exult- 
antly predicts "a coming struggle between Asia^ all 
Asia, against Europe and America. You are heaping 
up material for a Jehad, a Pan-Islam, a Pan-A&da 
Holy War, a gigantic day of reckoning, an invasion of 
a new Attila and Tamerlane — ^who will use rifles and 
bullets, instead of lances and spears. You are deaf 
to the voice of reason and fairness, and so you must 
be taught with the whirring swish of the sword when 
it is red." » 

Of coiu-se in these statements there is nothing either 
exceptional or novel. The colored races never wel- 
comed white predominance and were always restive 
under white control. Down to the close of the nine- 
teenth century, however, they generally accepted 
white hegemony as a disagreeable but inevitable fact. 
For four hundred years the white man had added con- 
tinent to continent in his imperial progress, equipped 
with resistless searpower and armed with a mechanical 
superiority that crushed down all local efforts at re- 
sistance. In time, therefore, the colored races accord- 
ed to white supremacy a fatalistic acquiescence, and, 

lAoliinet Abdullah, "Seen Through MohAmmedaii Specteolea," 
/«rMR, Octobtf. Idl4. 

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though never loved, the white man was usually re- 
spected and universally feared. 

Dxudng the dosing decades of the nineteenth cen- 
tury, to be sixce, premonitory agns of a change in 
attitude began to appear. The yellow and brown 
races, at least, stirred by the very impact of Western 
ideas, measured the white man with a more critical 
eye and commenced to wonder whether his supe- 
riority was due to anything more than a fortuitous 
combination of circumstances which might be altered 
by efforts of their own. Japan put this theory to 
the test by going sedulously to the white man's 
school. The upshot was the Russo-Japanese War of 
1904, an event the momentous character of which is 
even now not fully appreciated. Of course, that war 
was merely the sign-manual of a whole nexus of 
forces making for a revivified Asia. But it drama- 
tized and clarified ideas which had been germinating 
half-tmconsciously in millions of colored minds, and 
both Asia and Africa thrilled with joy and hope. 
Above all, the legend of white invincibility lay, a fallen 
idol, in the dust. Nevertheless, though freed from im- 
aginaiy terrors, the colored world accurately gauged 
the white man's practical strength and appreciated 
the magnitude of the task involved in overthrowing 
white supremacy. That supremacy was no longer 
acquiesced in as inevitable and hopes of ultimate suc- 
cess were confidently entertained, but the process was 
usually conceived as a slow and difficult one. Fear of 
white power and respect for white civilization thus 
remained potent restraining factors. 

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Then came the Great War, The colored world sud- 
denly saw the white peoples which, in racial matters 
had hitherto mamtained something of a imited front, 
lodged in an internecine death-grapple of imparalleled 
ferocity; it saw those same peoples put one another 
furioudy to the ban as irreconcilable foes; it saw white 
race-unity cleft by political and moral gulfs which 
white men themselves continuously iterated would 
never be filled. As colored men realized the signifi- 
cance of it all, they looked into each other's eyes and 
there saw the light of imdreamed-of hopes. The 
white world was tearing itself to pieces. White soli- 
darity was riven and shattered. And— fear of white 
power and respect for white civilization together 
dropped away like garments outworn. Through the 
bazaars of Asia ran the sibilant whisper: ''The East 
will see the West to bed !'' 

The chorus of mingled exultation, hate, and scorn 
sounded from every portion of the colored world. 
Giinese scholars, Japanese professors, Hindu pimdits, 
Turkishv joxunalists, and Afro-American editors, one 
and all voi&ed drastic criticisms of white civilization 
and hailed the war as a well-merited Nemesis on white 
arrogance and greed. This is how the Constantinople 
Tanine, the most serious Turkish newspaper, character- 
ized the European Powers: "They would not look at 
the evils in their own countries or elsewhere, but inter- 
fered at the slightest incident in our borders; every day 
they would gnaw at some part of our rights and our 
sovereigniy; they would perform vivisection on our 
quivering flesh and cut off great pieces of it. And we, 

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with a forcibly controlled spirit of rebeDion in our 
hearts and wiUx clinched but powerless fists, silent and 
depressed, would murmur as the fire burned within: 
'Ohj that they might fall out with one another ! Oh, 
that they mi^t eat one another up!' And lot to-day 
they are eating each other up, Just as the Tuik wished 
they would." ^ 

fhe Afro-American author, W. E. Burghardt DuboiB, 
wrote of the colored world: ^'These nations and races, 
composing as they do a vast majority of humanity, 
are going to endure this treatment just as long as 
they must and not a moment longer. Then they are 
going to fight, and the War of the Color line will 
outdo in savage inhumanity any war this world has 
yet seen. For colored folk have much to remember 
and they will not forget."* 

''What does the European War mean to us Orien- 
tals?" queried the Japanese writer, Yone Noguchir 
''It means the saddest downfall of the so-called west- 
em civilization; our belief that it was builded upon a 
higher and soimder footing than ours was at oace 
knocked down and killed; we are sorry that we some- 
how overestimated its happy possibiliiy and were de- 
ceived and cheated by its superficial glory. My recent 
western joumey confirmed me that the so-called dy- 
namic western civilization was all against the Asiatio 
belief. And when one does not respect the others, 

^Quoted from The Literary Digest, OoiUher 2i, 1914, p. 7S4. 
*W. £. Burghardt Dubois "The Alrioui Roots of War/' AHamiio 
MwMy, May, 1915. 

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there will be only one thing to come^ that is, fight; in 
action or sQence." ^ 

Such was the colored world's reaction to the white 
death-grapple; and as the long struggle dragged on 
both Aaa and Africa stirred to their very deptiis. To 
I be sure, no great explosions occurred during the war 
years, albeit lifting veils of censorship reveal how nar- 
rowly such eicplosions were averted. Nevertheless, 
Asia and Africa are to-day in acute ferment; and we 
must not f oiget that this ferment is not primarily due 
to the war. The war merely accelerated a movement 
already existent long before 1914. Even if the Great 
War had been averted; the twentieth century must 
have been a time of wide-spread racial readjustments 
in which the white man's present position of political 
woild-domination would have been sensibly modified, 
eepeciBSfy in Asia. However, had the white race and 
white civilization been spared the terrific material and 
moral losses involved in the Great War and its still 
unliquidated aftermath, the process of racial readjust- 
ment would have been far more gradual and would 
have been fraught with far few» cataclysmic possibili- 
ties. Had white strength remained intact it would have 
acted as a powerful shock-absorber, taking up and dis- 
tributing the various colored impacts. As a result, 
the coming modification of the world's racial equilib- 
rium, though inevitable, would have been so graduated 
that it would have seemed more an evolution than a 

>TaiM Nosoehi, «"nie Downfdl of WeeUni CHrilintbn," The Nik- 
Mm (Not Tock), OatolMr 8» ldl4. 

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revoluticHEi. Such violent breaches as did occur mi^t 
have been localized; and anything like a general race- 
cataclysm would probably have been impossible. 

But it was not to be. The heart of the white world 
waa divided against itself^ and on the fateful 1st of 
August; 1914, the white race, foigetting ties of blood 
and culture, heedless of the growing pressure of Hie 
colored world without, locked in a battle to the death. 
An ominous cycle opened whose end no man can fore- 
see. Armageddon engendered Versailles; earth's worst 
war closed with an unconstructive peace which left 
old sores unhealed and even dealt fresh woimds. The 
white world to-day lies debilitated and tmcured; the 
colored world views conditions which are a standing 
incitem^it to rash dreams and violent action. 

Such is the present status of the world's race-problem, 
expressed in general terms. The anal3rsis of the speci- 
fic elements in that complex problem will form the 
subject of the succeeding chapters. 

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Yellow Man's Land is the Far East. Here the 
group of kindred stocks usually tenned Mongolian 
have dwelt for lumumbered ages. Down to the most 
recent times the yellows lived virtually a life apart. 
Sundered from the rest of mankind by stupendous 
mountains; burning deserts, and the illimitable ocean, 
the Far East constituted a world in itself, living its 
own life and developing its own peculiar civilization. 
Only the wild nomads of its northern marches— Huns, 
Mongols, Tartars, and the like — succeeded in gaining 
direct contact with the brown and white worlds to the 

The ethnic focus of the yellow world has alwa3rs 
been China. Since the dawn of history this immense 
human ganglion has been the centre from which civili- 
zation has radiated throughout the Far East. About 
this "Middle Kingdom," as it sapiently styled itself, 
the other yellow folk were disposed— Japanese and 
Koreans to the east; Siamese, Annamites, and Cam- 
bodians to the south; and to the north the nomad 
Mongols and Manchus. To all these peoples China 
was the august preceptor, sometimes chasti^g their 
presumption, yet always instilling the principles of its 
ONlered civilization. However divense m^y have beoi 


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the individual deveiopments of the various Far East- 
em peoples^ they spring from a common Chinese 
foundation. Despite modem Japan's meteoric rise 
to political mastery of the Far East, it must not be 
f oi^gotten that China remains not only the cultural 
but also the territorial and racial centre of the yellow 
world. Four-fifths of the yellow race is conceatrated 
in China, there being nearly 400,000,000 Chinese as 
against 60,000,000 Japanese, 16,000,000 Koreans, 26,- 
000,000 Indo-Chinese, and perhaps 10,000,000 people 
of non-Chinese stocks included within China's political 

The age-long seclusion of the ydlow world, first 
decreed by nature, was subsequently maintained by 
the voluntary decidon of the yellow peoples themselves. 
The great expansive movement of the white race which 
b^an foiu: centuries ago soon brought white men to 
the Far East, by sea in the persons of the Portuguese 
navigators and by land with the Cossack adventurers 
ranging through the empty spaces of Siberia. Yet 
after a brief acquaintance with the white strangers the 
ydlow world decided that it wanted none of them, and 
they were rigidly excluded. This exclusion policy was 
not a Chinese peculiarity; it was common to all the 
yellow peoples and was adopted spontaneously at 
about the same time. In China, Japan, Korea, and 
Indo-China, the same reaction produced the same re- 
sults. The yellow world instinctively felt the white 
man to be a destractive, dissolving influence on its 
highly specialized line of evolution, which it wished to 

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maintain unaltered. For three centuries the yellow 
world succeeded in maintaining its isolation^ then^ in 
the middle of the last century, insistent white pressure 
broke down the barriers and forced the yellow races 
into full contact with the outer world. 

At the moment, the "opening" of the Far East was 
hailed by white men with general approval, but of late 
years many white observers have r^retted this forcible 
dragging of reluctant races into the full stream of world 
affairs. As an Australian writer, J. Liddell Eelly, 
remarks: "We have erred grievously by prematurely 
forcing oiurselves upon Asiatic races. The instinct of 
the Asiatic in desiring isolation and separation from 
oth^ forms of civilization was much more correct than 
our craze for impoedng our forms of religion, morals, 
and industrialism upon them. It is not race-hatred, 
nor even race-antagonism, that is at the root of this 
attitude; it is an unerring intuition, which in years 
gone by has taught the Asiatic that his evolution in 
the scale of civilization could best be accomplished by 
his being allowed to develop on his own lines. Per- 
nicious Eim)pean compulsion has led him to abandon 
that attitude. Let us not be ashamed to confess that 
he was right and we were wrong."* 

However, rightly or wrongly, the deed was done, and 
the ydlow races, forced into the world-arena, proceeded 
to adapt themselves to their new political environment 
and to learn the correct methods of survival under the 

1 J. LiddeU KeUy, ''What is the Matter with the Anfttio?" W0i^ 
mnttar Bmew, September, 1910. 

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strenuous conditions which there prevailed. In place 
of their traditional equilibrated; self-sufficient order, 
the yellow peoples now felt the ubiquitous impacts 
of the dynamic Western spirit, insistent upon rapid 
material progress and forceful, e:q)ansive evolution. 
Japan was the first yellow people to go methodically 
to the white man's school, and Japan's rapid acquire- 
ment of the white man's technology soon showed itself 
in dramatic demonstrations like her military triumphs 
over China in 1894, and over Rusaa a decade later. 

Japan's easy victory over huge China astounded the 
whole world. That these "highly intelligent diildren," 
as one of the early British ministers to Japan had char- 
acterized them, should have so rapidly acquired the 
technique of Western methods was almost unbelievable. 
Indeed, the full significance of the lesson was not im- 
mediately grasped, and the power of New Japan was 
still imderestimated. A good example of Europe's 
underestimation of Japanese strength was the proposal 
a Dutch writer made in 1896 to curb possible Japanese 
aggression on the Dutch Indies by taking from Japan 
the island of Formosa which Japan had acquired from 
China as one of the fruits of victory. "Holland," 
asserted this writer, "must take possession of For- 
mosa." * The grotesqueness of this dictum as it appears 
to us in the light of subsequent history shows how the 
world has moved in twenty-five years. 

But even at that time Japan's expansionist ten- 

1 Professor Schlegel in the Hague DagkiLad. Quoted from ThA LUm" 
airy Digest, November 7, 1896, p. 24. 

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dendes were weU developed, and voices were warning 
against Japanese imperialism. In the very month 
when our Hollander was advocating a Dutch seizure of 
Formosa, an Australian wrote the following lines in a 
Melbourne new^aper concerning his recent travds in 
Japan: '^ While in a car with several Japanese officers, 
they were conversing about Australia, saying that it 
was a fine, large country, with great forests and excel- 
lent soil for the cultivation of rice and other products. 
The whites settled in Australia, so thought these 
officers, are like the dog in the manger. Some one 
win have to take a good part of Australia to develop 
it, for it is a pity to see so fine a country lying waste. 
If any ill-feeling arose between the two countries, it 
would be a wise thing to send some battleships to 
Australia and annex part of it."^ 

Whatever may have been the world's misreading of 
the ChinonJapanese conffict, the same cannot be said 
of the Russo-Japanese War of 1904. The echoes of 
that yellow triumph over one of the great white Powers 
reverberated to the ends of the earth and started ob- 
scure trains of consequences even to-day not yet fully 
disclosed. The war's reactions in these remoter fields 
will be discussed in later chapters. Its effect upon the 
Far East is our present concern. And the weU-nigh 
unanimous opinion of both natives and resident Euro- 
peans was that the war signified a body-blow to white 
ascendancy. So profound an English student of the 

^ Audley Coote in the Melbourne Arffua. Quoted from The LiUrary 
Diffui, Noyembcr 7, 1896, p. 24. 

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Orient as Meredith Townsend wrote: "It may be 
taken as certain that the victory of Japan will be pro- 
foundly felt by the majority of Europtan states. 
With the exception of Austria, all European countries 
have implicated themselves in the great effort to con- 
quer Asia, which has now been going on for two cen- 
turies, but which; as this author thinks, must now 
terminate. . . . The disposition, therefore, to edge out 
intrusive Europeans from their Asiatic possessions is 
certain to exist even if it is not manifested in Tokio, 
and it may be fostered by a movement of which, as 
yet, but little has been said. No one who has ever 
studied the question doubts that as there is a comity 
of Europe, so there is a comity of Asia, a disposition to 
believe that Asia belongs of right to Asiatics, and that 
any event which brings that right nearer to realization 
is to all Asiatics a pleasurable one. Japanese victories 
will give new heart and eneigy to all the Aoatic na- 
tions and tribes which now fret under Eiux>pean rule, 
will inspire in them a new confidence in their own power 
to resist, and will spread through them a strong im- 
pulse to avail themselves of Japanese instruction. It 
will take, of course, many years to bring this new force 
into play; but time matters nothing to Asiatics, and 
they all possess that capacity for complete secrecy which 
the Japanese displayed."^ 

That Meredith Townsend was reading the Aoatic 
mind aright seems dear from the pronouncements of 

> Meredith TownseDd, '*Aflia ftod Euixipe" (fourth editdon. 1911). 
From the praf aoe to the fourth edition, pecei zvii-ziz. 

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Orieatals themselyeB. For example, Bvddhism, of Ran* 
goon, Bunnah, a country of the Indo-Chinese border- 
land between the yellow and brown worlds, expressed 
hopes for an Oriental alliance against the whites. ''It 
would, we think," said this paper, "be no great wonder 
if a few years after the conclusion of this war saw the 
completion of a defensive alliance between Japan, 
China, and not impossibly Siam — ^the formulation of a 
new Monroe Doctrine for the Far East, guaranteeing 
the int^rity of existing states against further aggression 
from the West. The West has justified — perhaps with 
some reason — every aggression on weaker races by the 
doctrine of the Survival of the Fittest; on the ground 
that it is best for future humanity that the unfit 
should be eliminated and give place to the most able 
race. That doctrine appUes equally well to any possible 
struggle between Aiyan and Mongolian — ^whichever 
survives, should it ever come to a struggle between the 
two for world-mastery, will, on their own doctrine, be 
the one most fit to do so, and if the siurivor be the 
Mongolian, then is the Mongolian no 'peril' to hu- 
manity, but the better part of it." * 

The decade which elapsed between the Russo- 
Japanese and European Wars saw in the Far East an- 
other event of the first magnitude : the Chinese Revolu- 
tion of 1911. Toward the dose of the nineteenth 
century the world had been earnestly discussing the 
"break-up" of China. The huge empire, with its 
400,000,000 of people, one-fourth the entire human race, 

^ Quoted froQi The Ameriean Betfiew nf RmnewSy February ^ 1905, p. 219. 

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seomed at that time plunged in so hopeless a lethargy 
u to be foredoomed to speedy ruin. About the ap- 
parently moribund carcass the eagles of the earth were 
alnady gatiiered, planning a ^'partition of China" 
analogous to the recent partition of Africa. The parti- 
tion <rf China^ however^ never eame off. The prodigi- 
ous moral shock of the Japanese War roused China's 
ffite to the imminence of their country's peril. First 
attempts at reform were blocked by the Dowager 
Empress^ but her reactionary lurch ended in the Boxer 
nightmare and the frightful Occidental chastisement of 
1900. This time the lesson was learned. China was 
at last shaken broad awake. The Bourbon Manchu 
court, it is true, wavered, but popular pressure forced 
it to keep the upward path. Every year after 1900 saw 
increasmgly rapid reform — ^reform, be it noted, not 
imposed upon the coimtry froim above but forced upon 
the rulers from below. When the slow-footed Manchus 
showed themselves congenitally incapable of keeping 
step with the quickening national pace, the rising tide 
of national life overwhehned them in the Republican 
Revolution of 1911, and they were no more. 

Even with the Manchu handicap, the rate of prog- 
ress during those years was such as to amaze the 
wisest foreign observers. "Could the sage, Confucius, 
have returned a decade ago," wrote that "old China 
hand," W. R. Manning, in 1910, "he would have felt 
almost as much at home as when he departed twenty- 
five centuries before. Should he return a decade hence 
he will feel almost as mueb out of place us Rip Van 

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Winkle^ if the recent rate of progress continues/'* 
Toward the close of 1909 a close student of things 
Chinese, Harlan P. Beach, remarked: "Those who, like 
myself, can compare the China of twenty-five years 
ago with the China of this year, can hardly believe our 
senses." ^ It was on top of aU this that there came the 
revolution, a happening hailed by so sophisticated an 
observer as Doctor Dillon as "the most momentous 
event in a thousand years. "' Whatever may have been 
the political blunders of the revolutionists (and they 
were many), the revolution's moral results wwe 
stupendous. The stream of Western innovation flowed 
at a vastly accelerated pace into every Chinese provinee. 
The popular masses were for the first time awakened 
to genuine interest in political, as distinguished from 
economic or personal, questions. Lastly, the semi- 
religious feeling of family kinship, which in the past 
had been almost the sole recognized bond of Chinese 
race«)Hdarity, was powerfully supplemented by those 
cKstinctively modem concepts, national self-conseious- 
ness and articulate patriotism. 

Here was the Far Eastern situation at the out- 
break of the Great War— a, thoroughly modernized, 
powerful Japan, and a thoroughly aroused, but still 
disorganized, China. The Great War automatically 
made Japan supreme in the Far East by temporarily 

^W. R. ManniBg, ''China and the Powers Since the Boxer Move- 
mm/k" Amtriean J&umal of Inl^maUonaL Lau?, Oetober, 1910. 

' Quoted by Maiming, 9Ufra, 

* B. J. Dillon, ''The Most Momentous Event in a Thausaad Yeaia,'' 
CmUmptfnry Renew, Deoember, 1911. 

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reducing all the European Powers to ciphers in Oriental 
affairs. How Japan proceeded to buttress this su- 
premacy by getting a strangle-hold on China, every 
one knows. Japan's methods were brutal and cynical, 
though not a whit more so than the methods employed 
by white nations seeking to attain vital ends. And 
"vital" is precisely how Japan regards her hold over 
China. An essentially poor country with a teeming 
population, Japan feels that the exploitation of China's 
incalculable natural resources, a privileged position 
in the Chinese market, and guidance of Chinese na- 
tioiuJ evolution in ways not inimical to Japan, can alone 
assure her future. 

Japan's attitude toward her huge neighbor is one 
of mingled superiority and apprehension. She banks 
on China's traditional pacifism, yet she is too shrewd 
not to realize the explosive possibilities latent in the 
modem nationalist idea. As a Japanese publicist, 
Adachi Kinnosuke, remarks: "The Twentieth Cen- 
tury Jenghiz Khan threatening the Sun-Mag with a 
Mongol horde armed with Krupp gims may possibly 
strike the Western sense of humor. But it is not al- 
together pleasing to contemplate a neighbor of 400,- 
000,000 population with modem armament and soldiers 
trained on the modem plan. The awakening of China 
means all this and a Uttle more which we of the present 
are not sure of. Japan cannot forget that between this 
nightmare of armed China and herself there is only a 
very narrow sea."^ Certainly, "Young China" hag 

^ Adachi Kinnosuke, "Does Japanese Trade Endanger the Peace of 
Asia?" Warl^n Work, April, 1909. 

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already displayed much of that unpleasant ebullience 
which usually accompanies nationalist awakenings. 
A French observer, Jean Rodes, writes on this point: 
''One of the things that most disquiet thinking men 
is that this new generation, completdy neglecting Chi- 
nese studies while knowing nothing of Western science, 
yet convinced that it knows everything, will no longer 
possess any standard of values, national culture, or 
foreign culture. We can only await with apprehen- 
sion the results of such ignorance imited with un- 
boimded pride as characterize the Chinese youth of 
to-day."^ And another French observer, Ren6 Pinon, 
as far back as 1905, foimd the primary school children 
of Kiang-Su province chanting the following lines: 
"I pray that the frontiers of my country become 
hard as bronze; that it surpass Europe and America; 
that it subjugate Japan; that its land and sea armies 
cover themselves with resplendent glory; that over the 
whole earth float the Dragon Standard; that the uni- 
versal mastery of the empire extend and progress. 
May our empire, like a sleeping tiger suddenly awak- 
ened, spring roaring into the arena of combats."* 

Japan's masterful policy in China is thus unques- 
tionably hazardous. Chinese national feeling is to- 
day genuinely aroused against Japan, and resentment 
over Japanese encroachments is bitter and wide-spread. 
Nevertheless, Japan feels that the game is worth the 
risk and beheves that both Chinese race-psychology 
and the general drift of world affairs combine to favor 

^ Jean Rodes in UAtie FrariQaise, June, 1911. 

•Ben^ Pinon, ''La Lutte pour le Pacifique/' p. 152 (Paris, 1906). 

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her ultimate success. She knows that China has in 
the past always acquiesced in foreign domination when 
rarifitanee has proved patent^ impossible. She also 
feels that her aspirations for white expulsion from the 
Far East and for the winning of wider spheres for racial 
eq>ansion should appeal strongly to yellow peoples 
generally and to the Chinese in particular. To turn 
China's nascent nationalism into purdy anti-white 
channels and to transmute Chinese patriotism into a 
wider 'Tan-Mongolism" would constitute a Japanese 
triumph of incalculable splendor. It would increase 
her effective force manjrf old and would open up almost 
limitless vistas of power and glory. 

Nor are the Obinese themselves blind to the adr 
vantages of Chino-Japanese co-operation. They have 
an instinctive assurance in their own oapaeitiM, tiiey 
know how they have ultimately digested all their 
conquerors^ and many Chinese to-<lay think that from 
a Chino-Japanese partnership, no matter how framed, 
the inscrutable ''Sons of Han" would eventually get 
the lion's diare. Certainly no one has ever denied the 
Qunaman's ^raordinaiy economic efficiency. Win- 
nowed by ages of grim elimination in a land populated 
to the uttermost limits of subsistence, the Chinese 
race is selected as no other for survival under the fiero- 
est conditions of economic stress. At home the aver- 
age Chinese lives his whole life literally within a hand's 
breadth of starvation. Accordingly, when r^noved 
to the easier environment of other lands, the Qiinar 
man brings with him a working capacity which simply 
appalls his competitors. That urbane Celestial, Doctor 

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Wu-Ting-Fang, well says of his own people: "Experi- 
ence proves that the Chinese as all-round laborers can 
easily outdistance all competitors. They are industri- 
ous, intelligent, and orderly. They can work under 
conditions that would kill a man of less hardy race; 
in heat that would kill a salamander, or in cold that 
would please a polar bear, sustaining their energies 
through long hours of unremitting toil with only a few 
bowls of rice."^ This Chinese estimate is echoed by 
the most competent foreign observers. The Austra- 
lian thinker, Charles H. Pearson, wrote of the Chinese 
a generation ago in his epoch-making book, ''National 
Life and Character": "Flexible as Jews, they can 
thrive on the mountain plateaux of Thibet and under 
the sun of Singapore; more versatile even than Jews, 
they are excellent laborers, and not without merit 
as soldiers and sailors; while they have a capacity for 
trade which no other nation of the East possesses. 
They do not need even the accident of a man of genius 
to develop their magnificent future."^ And Lafcadio 
Heam says: "A people of hundreds of millions dis- 
ciplined for thousands of years to the most untiring 
industry and the most sdf-denying thrift, under con- 
ditions which would mean worse than death for our 
working masses — ^a people, in short, quite content to 
strive to the uttermost in exchange for the simple 
privilege of life."* 

1 Quoted by Alleyne Ireland, "Commeroial Aspects of the Yellow 
F^rQ," North American BemeWf September, 1900. 

* Charles H. Pearson, "National Life and Character," p. 11$ (2d 

* Quoted by Ireland, «upro. 

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This economic superionty of the Chinaman shows 
not only with other races, but with his yellow Idndred 
as well. As regards the Japanese, John Chinaman has 
proved it to the hilt. Wherever the two have met in 
economic competition, John has won hands down. 
Even in Japanese colonies like Korea and Formosa, 
the Japanese, with all the backing of their govermnent 
behind them, have been worsted. In fact, Japan it- 
self, so bitter at white refusals to receive her emigrants, 
has been obliged to enact drastic exclusion laws to 
protect her working classes from the influx of " Chinese 
cheap labor." It seems, therefore, a just calculation 
when Chinese estimate that Japanese triumphs against 
white adversaries would inure largely to CWna^s bene- 
fit. After all, Chinese and Japanese are fimdamentaUy 
of the same race and culture. They may have theu- 
very bitter family quarrels, but in the last analysis they 
understand each other and may arrive at surprisingly 
sudden agreements. One thing is certain: both these 
over-populated lands will feel increasingly the imperi- 
ous need of racial expansion. For all Hiese reasons, 
then, the present political tension between China and 
Japan cannot be reckoned as permanent, and we 
would do weD to envisage the possibility of close Chinese 
co-operation in the ambitious programme of Japanese 
foreign policy. 

This Japanese programme looks first to the preven- 
tion of all further white encroachment in the Far East 
by the establishment of a Far Eastern Monroe Doc- 
trine based on Japanese predominance and backed 

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if poBcdble by the moral support of the other Far 
Eastern peoples. The next stage in Japanese foreign 
policy seems to be the sjrstematie elimination of all 
existing white holdings in the Far East. Thus far 
practically all Japanese appear to be in substantial 
agreement. Beyond this point lies a wide realm of 
aspiration ranging from deteimination to secure com- 
plete racial equality and freedom of immigration into 
white lands to imperialistic dreams of wholesale con- 
quests and '' world-dominion." These last items do 
not represent the imited aspiration of the Japanese 
nation; but they are cherished by powerful circles 
which^ owing to Japan's oligarchical system of govem- 
ment; possess an influence over governmental action 
quite disproportionate to their numbers. 

Although Japanese plans and aspirations have broad- 
ened notably since 1914, their outlines were well de- 
fined a decade earlier. Immediately after her victory 
over Russia, Japan set herself to strengthen her in- 
fluence all over eastern Asia. Special efforts were made 
to establish intimate relations with the other Asiatic 
peoples. Asiatic studaits were invited to attend Jap- 
anese universilies and as a matter of fact did attend 
by the thousand, while a whole series of societies was 
formed having for their object the knitting of close 
cultural and economic ties between Japan and specific 
regions like China, Siam, the Pacific, and even India. 
The capstone was a " Pan-Asiatic Association," founded 
by Count Okuma. Some of the facts regarding these 
aocietieB^ about which too little is known, make in- 

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terestmg reading. For instance, there was the ''Pacific 
Ocean Society" ("Taheijoka"), whose preamble reads 
in part: "For a century the Pacific Ocean has been a 
battle-ground wherein the nations have struggled for 
supremacy. To-day the prosperity or decad^ice of a 
nation depends on its power in the Pacific: to possess 
the empire of the Pacific is to be the Master of the 
World. As Japan finds itself at the centre of that 
Oeean, whose waves bathe its shores, it must reflect 
carefully and have clear views on Pacific questions."^ 
Equally interesting is the ''Indo^Japanese Associa- 
tion/' whose activities appear somewhat peculiar in 
view of the political alliance between Japan and the 
British Empire. One of the first articles of its consti- 
tution (from Coimt Okuma's pen, by the way) reads: 
"All m«i were bom equal. The Asiatics have the same 
daim to be called men as the Europeans themselves. 
It is therefore quite unreasonable that the latt^ 
should have any right to predominate over the former J' ^ 
No mention is made anywhere in the document of 
India's political eonnecticm with England. In fact, 
Count Okuma, in the autumn of 1907, had this to say 
regarding India: "Being oppressed by the Europeans, 
the 300,000,000 people of India are looking for Japanese 
protection. They have commenced to boycott Euro- 
pean motshandise. If, therefore, the Japanese let the 
chance slip by and do not go to India, the Indians will 

'Quoted by Sei^Tea-Fa, ''La Chine et le Japon/' Revue P^HH^ue 
fntemoHonale, September, 1915. 
> The lAtmary Digeet, March 5, 191d, p. 429. 

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be diBappointed. From old timeS; India has been a 
land of treaBure. Alexander the Great obtained there 
treasure sufficient to lead a hundred eamels; and 
Mahmoud and Attila also obtained riches from India. 
Why should not the Japanese stretch out their hands 
toward that country, now that the people are looking 
to the Japanese? The Japanese ought to go to Lidia, 
the South Ocean, and other parts of the world."* 

In 1910, Putnam Weale, a competent English student 
of Oriental a£fairs, asserted: '^It can no longer be 
doubted that a veiy deliberate policy is certainly being 
quietly and cleverly piursued. Despite aU denials, it 
is a fad; that Japan has already a great hold in 
the schools and in the vamacular newspapers all over 
eaetem Asia, and that the gospel of 'Asia for the 
Asiatics' is being steadily preached not only by her 
schoolmaEtoB and her editors, but by her merchants 
and peddlers, and every other man who travds/'^ 

Exacttjr how much these Japanese prc^agandist ef- 
forts aeeomplished is impossible to say. Certain it is, 
however, that during the years just previous to the 
Great War the white cdonies in the Far East were 
aiSieted with considerable native unrest. In French 
lado-CSiiHa, for example, revolutionary movements 
during the year 1908 necessitated reinforcing the 
Fnneh garrison by nearly 10,000 men, and though the 
Artmbaaees were sternly repressed, fresh conspiracies 

> The LUerwy tH§99l, January 18, 1908, p. 81. 

<B. L. ^toam Weale, ''The Conflict of Color/' pp. 146-6 (New 

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were discovered in 1911 and 1913. Much sedition and 
some sharp fighting also took place in the Dutch Indies, 
while in the Philippines the independence movement 
continued to gain ground. 

What the growing self-consciousness of the Far East 
portended for the white man's ultimate status in those 
r^ons was indicated by an English publicist, J. D. 
Whelpley, who wrote, shortly after the outbreak of the 
European War: "With the aid of Western ideas the 
Far East is fast attaining a solidarity impossible under 
purely Oriental methods. The smiig satisfaction ex- 
pressed in the West at what is called the 'moderniza- 
tion' of the East shows lack of wisdom or an in- 
effective grasp of the meaning of comparatively recent 
events in Japan, China, eastern Siberia, and even in 
the Philippines. In years past the solidarity of the 
Far East was laigely in point of view, while in other 
matters the powerful nations of the West played the 
game according to their own rules. To-day the soli- 
darity of mental outlook still maintAins, while in addi- 
tion there is rapidly coming about a solidarity of 
political and material interests which in time will re- 
duce Western participation in Far Eastern affairs to 
that of a comparatively unimportant factor. It might 
truly be said that this point is already reached, and 
that it only needs an application of the test to prove 
to the world that the Far East would resent Western 
interference as an intolerable impertinence."^ 

^ J. D. Whelpley, ''East and Weat: A New Une of CleaTa«^" FmU 
mghOy Rmew, May, 1915. 

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The scope of Japan's afipirations^ together with dif- 
f ereaoes of outlook between various sections of Japanese 
public opinion as to the rate of progress feasible for 
Japanese expansion, account for Japan's differing atti- 
tudes toward the white Powers. Officially, the key- 
stone of Japan's foreign policy since the beginning of 
the present century has been the alliance with England, 
first negotiated in 1902 and renewed with extensive 
modifications in 1911. The 1902 alliance was luiiver- 
sally popular in Japan. It was directed specifically 
against Russia and represented the common appre- 
henaions of both the contracting parties. By 1911, 
howev^, the situation had radically altered. Japan's 
aspirations in the Far East, particularly as regards 
China, were arousing wide-gpread uneasiness in many 
quarters, and the English communities in the Far East 
generally condemned the new alliance as a gross blunder 
of British diplomacy. In Japan also there was con- 
siderable protest. The official organs, to be sure, 
stressed the necessity of friendship with the Mistress 
of the Seas for an island empire like Japan, but op- 
position circles pointed to England's practical refusal 
to be drawn into a war with the United States under 
any circumstances which constituted the outstanding 
feature of the new treaty and declared that Japan was 
giving much and receiving nothing in retum. 

The growing divergence between Japanese and Eng- 
lish views r^arding China increased anti-English feel- 
ing, and in 1912 the semi-official Japan Magazine as- 
serted roimdly that the general feeling in Japan was 

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that the alliance was a detriment rather than a benefit^ 
going on to forecast a possible alignment with Russia 
and Germany, and remarking of the latter: "Germany's 
healthy imperialism and scientific development would 
have a wholesome effect upon our nation and progress^ 
while the German habit of penseverance and frugality 
is just what we need. German wealth and industry are 
gradually creeping upward to that of Great Britain 
and America, and the efficiency of the German army 
and navy is a model for the world. Her lease of the 
territory of Kiaochow Bay brings her into contact with 
us, and her ambition to exploit the coal-mines of Shan- 
tung lends her a community of interest with us. It is 
not too much to say that German interests in China 
are greater than those of any other European Power. 
If the alliance with England should ever be abrogated, 
we might be very glad to shake hands with Germany." * 
The outbreak of the European War gave Japan a 
golden opportunity (of which she was not slow to take 
advantage) to eliminate one of the white Powers from 
the Far East. The German stronghold of Kiaochow 
was promptly reduced, while Germany's possessions 
in the Pacific Ocean north of the equator, the Caroline; 
Pelew, Marianne, and Marshall island-groups, were 
likewise occupied by Japanese forces. Her? Japan 
stopped and politely declined all proposab to send 
armies to Europe or western Asia. Her sphere was the 
Far East; her real objectives were the reduction of 
white influence there and the riveting of her control 

^ The LUmary Digest, July 6, 1912, p. 0. 

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over Gfaina. Japanese comment was perfectly can- 
did on these matters. As the semi-official Japanese 
Colonial Jowmal put it in the autumn of 1914: "To 
protect Chinese territory Japan is ready to fight no 
matter what nation. Not only will Japan try to erase 
the ambitions of Russia and Germany; it will also 
do its best to prevent England and the Uivted States 
from touching the Chinese cake. The solution of the 
Chinese problem is of great importance for Japan^ and 
Great Britain has little to do with it."^ 

Equally frank were Japanese warnings to the English 
ally not to oppose Japan's progress in China. Engh'sh 
criticism of the series of ultimatums by which Japan 
forced reluctant China to do her bidding roused angry 
admonitions like the following from the Tokio Universe 
in April, 1915: "Hostile Englidi opinion seems to 
want to oppose Japanese demands in Chiaa. The 
English f oi^et that Japan ha^, by her alliance, rendered 
them signal services against Russia in 1905 and in the 
present war by assuring security in their colonies of the 
Pacific and the Far East. If Japan allied herself with 
England, it was with the object of establishing Japanese 
preponderance in China and against the encroachments 
of Russia. To-day the English seem to be neglecting 
their obligations toward Japan by not supporting her 
cause. Let England beware ! Japan will tolerate no 
wavering; she is quite ready to abandon the An^o- 
Japanese alliance and tirni to Russia — a Power with 
whom she can agree perfectly regarding Far Eastern 

^ Quoted by Scie-Ton-Fa, wpra^ 

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interests. In the future, even, she is ready to draw 
closer to Germany. The English colonies will then be 
in great peril." ^ 

As to the imminence of a RussoJapanese imderstand- 
ing, the journal just quoted proved a true prophet, for 
a year later, in July, 1916, the Japanese and Russian 
Governments signed a diplomatic instrument which 
amounted practically to an alliance. By this docu- 
ment Russia recognized Japan's paramountcy over the 
bulk of China, while Japan recognized Rtissia's special 
iaterests ia China's Western dependencies, Mongolia 
and Turkestan. Japan had thus eliminated another 
of the white Powers from the Far East, since Russia 
renoimced those ambitions to dominate China proper 
which had provoked the war of 1904. 

Meanwhile the press campaign against England con- 
tinued. A typical sample is this editorial from the 
Tokio Yamaio: ''Great Britain never wished at heart 
to become Japan's ally. She did not wish to enter into 
such intimate relations with us, for she privately re- 
garded us as an upstart nation radically different from 
us ia blood and religion. It was simply the force of 
circumstances which compelled her to enter into an 
alliance with us. It is the hdght of conceit on our 
part to think that England really cared for our friend- 
ship, for she never did. It was the Russian menace 
to India and Persia on the one hand, and the Gennan 
ascendancy on the other, which compelled her to daap 
our hands.''' 

> Quoted by Sde-Ton-Fa, wpra. 

•fibtf LUmwy Diqut, F^inairy 12, 1916, pp. 86^70. 

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At the same time many good things were being said 
about Germany. At no time during the war was any 
real hostility to the Germans apparent in Japan. Ger- 
many was of course expelled from her Far Eastern foot- 
holds in smart; workmanlike fashion, but the fighting 
before Eiaochow was conducted without a trace of 
hatred; the German prisoners were treated as honored 
captiveS; and German civilians in Japan suffered no 
molestation. Japanese writers were very frank in stat- 
ing that; once Germany resigned herself to exclusion 
from the Far East and acquiesced in Japanese pre- 
dominance in China, no reason existed why Japan 
and Germany should not be good friends. Unofficial 
diplomatic exchanges certainly took place between the 
two govenunents during the war, and no rancw for 
the past appears to exist on either side to-day« 

The year 1917 brought three momentous modifica- 
tions into the world-situation: the entrance of the 
United States and China into the Great War and the 
Russian Revolution. The first two were intensdy dis- 
tasteful to Japan. The transformation of virtually un- 
armed America into a first-class fighting power reacted 
portentously upon the Far East; while China's adhesion 
to the Grand Alliance (bitterly opposed in Tokio) 
rescued her from diplomatic isolation and gave her 
potential friends. The Russian Revolution was also 
a soiffce of perplexity to Tokio. Li 1916, as we have 
seeU; Japan had arrived at a thorough understanding 
with the Czarist regime. The new Russian Govern- 
ment was an unknown quantity; actmg quite differently 
from th9 oldf 

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Russia's collapse into Bolshevist anarchy^ however, 
presently opened up new vistas. Not merely northern 
Manchuria, but also the huge expanse of Siberia, an 
almost empty world of vast potential riches, lay 
temptingly exposed. At once the powerful imperialist 
elements in Japanese political life began clamoring 
for "forward" action. An opportimity for such action 
was soon vouchsafed by the Allied determination to 
send a composite force to Siberia to checkmate the 
machinations of the Russian Bolsheviki, now hostile 
to the Allies and playing into the hands of Ger- 
many. The imperialist party at Tokio took the bit 
in its teeth, and, in flagrant disregard of the inter- 
Allied agreement, poured a great army into Siberia, 
occupying the whole country as far west as Lake 
Baikal. This was in the spring of 1918. The Allies, 
then in then* supreme death-grapple with the Germans, 
dared not even protest, but in the autumn, when the 
battle-tide had turned in Europe, Japan was called to 
account, the United States taking the lead in the 
matter. A furious debate ensued at Tokio between the 
imperialist and moderate parties, the hotter jingoes 
urging defiance of the United States even at the risk 
of war. Then, suddenly, came the news that Germany 
was cracking, and the moderates had their way. The 
Japanese armies in Siberia were reduced, albeit they 
still remained the most powerful military factor in the 

Germany's sudden collapse and the unexpected^ 
quick ending of the war was a blow to Japanese hopeB 

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and jAms in more wajrs than one. Despite official 
fdidtationS; the nation could hardly disguise its 
ehagrin. For Japan the war had been an unmixed 
benefit. It had automatically made her mistress of 
the Far East and had amazingly enriched her eco- 
nomic life. Every succeeding month of hostilities had 
seen the white world grow weaker and had conversely 
increased Japanese power. Japan had counted on at 
least one more year of war. Small wonder that the 
sadden passing of this halcyon time provoked disap- 
pointment and regret. 

The above outline of Japanese foreign policy re- 
veals beneath all its surface mutations a fundamental 
continuity. Whatever may be its ultimate goals, 
Japanese foreign policy has one minimum objective: 
Japan as hegemon of a Far East in which white influ- 
ence shall have been reduced to a vanishing quantity. 
That is the bald truth of the matter--and no white 
man has any reason for getting indignant about it« 
Granted that Japanese aims endanger white vested 
interests in the Far East. Granted that this involves 
rivaliy and perhaps war. That is no reason for strik- 
ing a moral attitude and inveighing against Japanese 
"wickedness," as many pec^le are to-day doing. These 
mighty racial tides flow from the most elemental of 
vital urges: self-expansion and self-preservation. Both 
outward thrust of expanding life and counter-thrust 
of threatened hfe are equally normal phenomena. 
To condemn the former as '^criminal'' and the latter as 
^^selfiah" is either silly or hypocritical and tends to 

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envenom with unnecessary rancor what objective fair- 
ness might keep a candid struggle, inevitable yet alle- 
viated by mutual comprehension and respect. This 
18 no mere plea for '^sportsmanship''; it is a veiy prac- 
tical matter. There are critical times ahead; times 
in which intense race-pressures will engender high 
tensions and perhaps wars. If men will keep open 
minds and will eschew the temptation to regard those 
(^posing their desires to defend or possess respectively 
as impious fiends, the struggles will lose half their 
bitterness, and the wars Qf wars there must be) will 
be shorn of half their ferocity. 

The unexpected ending of the European War was, 
as we have seen, a blow to Japanese calculations. 
Nevertheless, the skill of her diplomats at the ensuing 
Versailles Conference enabled Japan to harvest most 
of her war gains. Japan's territorial acquisitions in 
China were definitely written into the peace treaty, 
despite China's sullen veto, and Japan's preponderance 
in Chinese affairs was tacitly acknowledged. Japan 
also took advantage of the occasion to pose as the cham- 
pion of the colored races by urging the formal promulga- 
tion of " racial equality " as part of the peace settlement, 
especially as r^ards immigration. Of course the Jap- 
anese diplomats had no serious expectation of their 
demands being acceded to; in fact, they might have 
been rather embarrassed if they had succeeded, in 
view of Japan's own stringent laws against inmiigrar 
tion and alien landholding. Nevertheless, it was a 
politic movC; useful for future propagandist purposes. 

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and it advertised Japan broadcast aa the standard- 
bearer of the colored cause. 

The notable progress that Japan has made toward 
the mastery of the Far East is written plainly upon the 
map, whidi strikin^y portrays the broadening terri- 
torial base of Japanese power effected in the past 
twenty-five years. Japan now owns the whole island 
chain TnasTdng the eastern sea frontage of Asia^ from 
the tip of Kamchatka to the FhOippmeS; while her ac- 
quisition of Germany's Ooeanican islands north of the 
equator gives her important strat^c outposts in mid- 
Pacific. Her bridge-heads on the Asiatic contiaent 
are also strong and weU located. From the Korean 
peninsula (now an integral part of Japan) she firmly 
graq>s the vast Chinese dependency of Manchiuia, 
while just south of Manchuria across the narrow waters 
of the Pechili strait lies the rich Chinese province of 
Shantung; become a Japanese sphere of influence as 
a result of the late war. Thus Japan holds China's 
capital; Peking; as in the jaws of a vice and can apply 
mflitaiy pressure whenever she so desires. In soutitiem 
China lies another Japanese sphere of influence; the 
province of Fukien opposite the Japanese island of 
Formosa. Lastly, all over China runs a veritable 
network of Japanese concessions like the recently ac- 
quired control of the great iron deposits near Hankow, 
far up the Yangtse Elver in the heart of China. 

Whether this Japanese impervum over China main- 
tains itself or not, one thing seems certain: future 
i^te e3q;>ansion in the Far East has become impossi- 

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ble. Any such attempt would instantly weld together 
Japanese imperiaUfim and Chmeee nationalifim in a 
"sacred union'^ whose result would probably be at 
the very least the prompt e3q)u]sion of the white man 
from every foothold in eastern Asia. 

That is what will probably c(»ne anyway as soon as 
Japan and China, impelled by overcrowding and con- 
scious of their imited potentialities; diall have arrived 
at a genuine imderstanding. Since population-pressore 
seems to be the baoe factor in the future course of 
Far Eastern aff airs, it would be well to survey possible 
outlets for surplus population within the Far East 
itself; in order to detennkie how much of this race- 
expandion can be satisfied at home, thereby diminidi- 
ing; or at least postponrng, acute preimre upon the 
political and ethnic frontiers of the white world. 

To b^gin with; the population of Japan (approxi- 
mately 60;000;000) is increasing at the rate of about 
800;000 pa* year. CSiina has no modem vital statistics, 
but the annual increase of her 400;000;000 population; 
at the Japanese rate, would be 6;000;000. Now the 
settled parts of both Japan and Cfama may be con- 
sidered as fully populated so far as agriculture is con- 
cerned; further extensive increases of population belBg 
depwdent upon the rise of madiine industiy. Both 
countries have, howev^; thinly settled areas within 
their present political fixxitiers. Japan's northern 
island of Hokkaido (Yezo) has a great amount of good 
agricultural land as yet almost unoceupiedi some of 

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her other island possessions offer minor outlets, while 
Korea and Manchuria afford extensive coloni^mg possi- 
bilities albeit Chinese and Korean competition pre- 
clude a Japanese colonisation on the scale which the 
size and natxiral wealth of these regions would at first 
sight seem to indicate. China has even more extensive 
colonizable areas. Both Mongolia and Qiinese Turke- 
stan, though largdy desert, contam within their vast 
areas enoi^ f ertfle land to support many millions of 
Chinese peasants as soon as modem roads and rail- 
ways are built. The Qdnese colonization of Man- 
churia is also pioeeeding apa«e, and will contmue 
despite anything Jmpaai may do to keep it down. 
Lastly, the cold but encsmous plateau of Tibet offers 
considerable possibilities. 

Allowing for all this, howev», it cannot be said that 
either China or Japan possess within their preseat 
political frontiers territories likely to absorb those pro- 
digious accretions of population which se^n destined 
to occur within the next couple of generations. From 
the resultant congestion two av^iues of escape will 
naturally pres^it themselves: settlement of other 
portions of the Far East to-day under white political 
control, but inhabited by col(»ed populations; and pres- 
sure into accessible areas not merely under white poUtii- 
cal control, but also containing white populations. It 
is obvious that these are two radically distinct issues, 
for while a white nation might not unalterably oppose 
Mongolian immigraiien into its colored dependeaeiesi 

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it would almost certauily fight to the lunit rather than 
witness the racial swamping of lands settled by its own 
flesh and blood. 

Considering the former issue, then, it would appear 
that virtually all the peninsulas and archipelagoes 
lying between China and Australia offer attractive 
fields for yellow, particularly Chinese, race-expansion. 
Ethnically they are all colored men's lands; politically 
they are all, save Siam, under white control; Britain, 
France, Holland, and the United States being the titu- 
lar owners of these extensive territories. So f ar aa 
the native races are concerned, none of them seem to 
possess the vitality and economic efficiency needed to 
maintain themselves against unrestricted Chinese im- 
migration. Whether in the British Straits Settlements 
and North Borneo, French Indo-China, the Dutch 
Indies, the American Philippines, or independent Siam, 
the Chinaman, so far as he has been allowed, has dis- 
played his practical superiority, and in places where, 
like the Straits Settlements, he has been allowed a 
free hand, he has virtually supplanted the native stock, 
reducing the latter to an impotent and vanishing mi- 
nority. The chief barriers to Chinese race-expansion 
in these regions are legal hindrances or prohibitions of 
immigration, and of course such barriers are in their 
essence artificial and liable to removal under any shift 
of circumstances. Many observers predict that most 
of these lands will ultimately become Chinese. Says 
Alleyjae Ireland, a recognized authority on these re- 
gions : " There is every reason to suppose that, through- 

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out the tropics, possibly excepting Lidia, the Chinar 
maDy even though he should continue to emigrate in no 
greater force than hitherto, will gradually supersede 
all the native races." * Certamly, if this be true, China 
has here a vast outlet for her surplus population. It 
has been estimated that the undeveloped portions of 
the Dutch Indies alone are capable of supporting 100,- 
000,000 people living on the frugal Qdnese plane. 
Their present population is 8,000,000 semi-savages. 

China's possibilities of race-expansion in the colored 
r^ons of the Far East are thus excellent. The same 
cannot be said, however, for Japan. The Japanese, 
bred in a distinctively temperate, island environment, 
have not the Chinese adaptability to climatic variation. 
The Japanese, like the white man, does not thrive in 
tropic heat, nor does he possess the white man's ability 
to resist sub-Arctic cold. Formosa is not in the real 
tropics, yet Japanese colonists have not done well 
there. On the other hand, even the far-from-Arctic 
winters of Hokkaido (part of the Japanese archipelago) 
aeem too chilly for the Japanese taste. 

Japan thus does not have the same vital interest as 
China id the Asiatic tropics. Undoubtedly they would 
for Japan be valuable colonies of exploitation, just as 
they to-day are thus valuable for white nations. But 
they could never furnish outlets for Japan's excess 
population, and even commercially Japan would be 
expoeed to increasing Chinese competition, since the 

^ AHeyne Ireland, ''Commeraua AtpecU of the YflUow Peril," North 
Ammean Retnew, September, 1900. 

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Chinaman exeels the Japanese in trade as well as in 
migrant colonization. Japanese lack of climatic adaptar 
bility is also the reason why Japan's present mHitaiy 
excursion in eastern Siberia, even if it should develop 
into permanent occupation, would yield no adequate 
solution of Japan's population problem. For the Chinar 
man, Siberia would do veiy wdl. He would breed 
amaaingly there and would fill up the whole country 
in a reoGLarkably short space of time. But the Japanese 
peasant, so averse to the winters of Hokkaido, would 
find the sub-Arctic rigors of Siberia intolerable. 

Thus, for Japanese migration, neither the empty 
spaces of northern or southern Asia will do. The nat- 
ural outlets lie outside Asia in the United States, Aus- 
tralasia, and the temperate parts of Latin Ammca* 
But all these outlets are rigorously barred by the white 
man, who has marked them for his own race-heritage, 
and nothing but force will break those barriers down. 

There lies a danger, not merely to the peace of the 
Far East, but to the peace of the world. Fued by a 
fervent patriotism; resolved to make their country 
a leader among the nations; the Japanese writhe at 
the constriction of their present race-bounds. Placed 
on the flank of the Chinese giant whose portentous 
growth she can accurately forecast, Japan sees herself 
condwfmed to ultimate renunciation of her grandiose 
ambitions imless she can somehow broaden the raeial 
as well as the political basis of her power. In short: 
Japan must find lands where Japanese can breed by 
the tens of millions if she is not to be automatically 

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orenribadowed in course of time^ even Msuming that 
she dow not suffocate or blow up from congestion b^ore 
that time arrives. This is the secret of her aflgrMuve 
foreign poliey, her dironic impmalism^ her extrava- 
gant dreams of conquest and ^^world-dominion.'' 

The longing to hack a path to greatness by the 
samurai sword lurks ever in the back of Japanese 
minds. The library of Nq)pon's chauvinist literature is 
laige and inereamng. A good example of the earlier pro- 
ductions is Satori Eato's brochure entitled '^ Masteiy of 
the Pacffie/' published in 1909. Herein the author an- 
nounces cooifidently : '^ In the event of war Ji^an could; 
as if aided by a magician's wand, overrun the Paeific 
with fleets manned by men who have made Nelson 
their nuxlel and trancfported to the armadas of the Far 
East the spirit that was victorious at Trafalgar. 
Whether Japan avows it or not, her persistent aim is 
to gain the mastery of the Facffic. Althou^ peace 
seems to prevail over the world at present, no one can 
tdi how soon the nations may be engaged in war. It 
does not need the English alliance to secure success 
for Japan. That alliance may be dissolved at any 
moment, but Japan will suffer no dtf eat. Her victory 
will be won by her men, not by armor-plates — ^things 
weak by eonqMirison." ^ 

The late war has of course greatly stimulated these 
belfieose emotions. Viewing their own increased power 
and the debilitation of the white world, Japanese jin- 
goes i^ifl^se pHMpects of glorious fishing in troubled 

^TheLikrmylHtmi, Noraabcr 13, 1909. 

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waters. The '^ world-dominion'' note is stressed more 
often than of yore. For instance^ in the summer of 
1919 the Tokio Hocki^ Coimt Okuma's organ^ proph- 
esied exultantly: ''That age in which the Anglo- 
Japanese alliance was the pivot and American-Japa- 
nese co-operation an essential factor of Japanese di- 
plomacy is gone. In future we must not look eastward 
for friendship but westward. Let the Bolsheviki of 
Russia be put down and the more peaceful party 
established in power. In them Japan will find a strong 
ally. By marching then westward to the Balkans, 
to Germany^ to France, and Italy, the greater part of 
the world may be brought imder our sway. The 
tyranny of the Anglo-Saxons at the Peace Conference 
is such that it has angered both gods and men. Some 
may abjectly follow them in conaderation of their 
petty interests, but things will ultimately settle down 
as has just been indicated.'' ^ 

Still more striking are the following citations from 
a Japanese imperialist pronouncement written in the 
autumn of 1916: 

''Fifty millions of our race wherewith to conquer and 
possess the earth I It is indeed a glorious problem I . . • 
To begin with, we now have China; China is our steed I 
Far shall we ride upon her I Even as Rome rode La- 
tium to conquer Italy, and Italy to conquer the Medi- 
terranean; even as Napoleon rode Italy and the 
Rhenish States to conquer Germany, and Germany to 
conquer Europe; even as England to-day rides her 

^ Tki Utmary Di^cti, July 6, 1919,^. 3L 

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colomes and her so-called ^allies' to conquer her robust 
rival, Germany — even so shall we ride China. So 
becomes our 50,000,000 race 500,000,000 strong; so 
grow our paltry hundreds of millions of gold into 
billions ! 

"How well have done our people ! How well have 
our statesmen led them I No mistakes ! There must 
be none now. Li 1895 we conquered China— Russia, 
Germany, and Prance stole from us the booty. How 
has our strength grown since then — ^and still it grows I 
In ten years we pxmished and retook our own from 
Russia; in twenty years we squared and retook from 
Germany; with France there is no need for haste. 
She has already realized why we withheld the troops 
which alone might have driven the invader from her 
soil! Her fingers are clutching more tightly around 
her Oriental booty; yet she knows it is ours for the 
taking. But there is no need of haste: the world 
condemns the paltry thief; only the glorious conqueror 
wins the plaudits and approval of mankind. 

"We are now well astride of our steed, China; but 
the steed has long roamed wild and is run down: it 
needs grooming, more grain, more training. Further, 
our saddle and bridle are as yet mere makeshifts: 
would steed and trappings stand the strain of war? 
And what would that strain be? 

"As for America— that fatuous booby with much 
money and much sentiment, but no cohesion, no brains 
of government; stood she alone we should not need our 
China steed. Well did my friend speak the other day 

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when he called her people a raoe of thieves with the 
hearts of rabbits. America, to any warrior race, is 
not as a foe, but as an immense melon, ripe for the 
cutting. But there are other warrior races— England, 
Germany— would they look on and let us slice and eat 
our fill? Would they? 

''But, using China as our steed, should our first 
goal be the land? India? Or the Pacific, the sea 
that must be our veiy own, even as the Atlantic is now 
England's ? The land is tempting and easy, but withal 
dangerous. Did we b^in there, the coarse white 
races would too soon awaken, and combine, and for- 
ever immure us within our long since grown intolerable 
bounds. It must, therefore, be the sea; but the sea 
means the Western Americas and all the islands be- 
tween; and with those must soon come Australia,' 
India. And then the battling for the balance of world- 
power, for the rest of North America. Once that is 
ours, we own and control the whole— a dominion worthy 
of our race ! 

''North America alone will support a billion people; 
that billion shall be Japanese with their slaves. Not 
arid Asia, nor worn-out Europe (which, with its 
peculiar and quaint relics and customs should in ihe 
interests of history and culture, be in any case pre- 
served), nor yet tropical Africa, is fit for our people. 
But North America, that continent so succulently 
green, fresh, and xmsulhed — excq)t for the few chatter- 
ing. Mongrel Yankees— should have been ours by right 

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of dificoveiy: it shall be ours by the higher^ nobler 
right of conquest/' * 

This apostle of Japanese world-dominion then goes 
on to discuss in detail how his programme can best be 
attained. It should be remembered that at the time 
he wrote America was still an unarmed nation, ap- 
parently ridden by pacifism. Such imperialist ex- 
travagances as the above do not r^resent the whole 
of Japan. But they do represent a powerful element 
in Japan, against which the white world should be 

> Tbi$ MUUury Hittarim and EmmrM, Jaauary, 1917, pp. 43^16. 

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Brown Man's Land is the Near and Middle East. 
The brown world stretches in an immense belt dear 
across southern Asia and northern Africa, from the 
Pacific to the Atlantic Oceans. The numbers of 
brown and yellow men are not maikedly unequal 
(4fi0,000;000 browns as against 500,000,000 yellows), 
but in most other respects the two worlds are sharply 
contrasted. In the first place, while the yellow world 
is a fairly compact geographical block, the brown 
world sprawls half-way roimd the ^obe, and is not 
only much greater in size, but also infinitdy more 
varied in natural features. 

This geographical diversity is reflected both in its 
history and in the character of its inhabitants. Unlike 
the secluded yellow world, the brown world is nearly 
everywhere exposed to foreign influences and has imder- 
gone an infinite series of evolutionary modifications* 
Racially it has been a vast melting-pot, or series o| 
melting-pots, wherein conquest and migration have 
continually poured new heterogeneous elements, pn>% 
ducing the most diverse racial amalgamations. In f actj 
there is to-day no generalized brown type-norm as therq 
are generalized yellow or white type-nonns, but rather 
a series of types clearly distinguished from one another. 
Some of these types, like the PersiaDs and Ottoman 


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TurkS; are largely white; others, like the southern In- 
diaos and Yemenite Arabs, are largely black; while 
Btfll others, like the Himalayan and Central Asian peo- 
ples, have much yellow blood. Again^ there is no 
generalized brown culture like those possessed by yel- 
lows and whites. The great spiritual bond is Islam, 
yet in India, the chief seat of brown population, Islam 
is professed by only one-fifth of the inhabitants. 

Nevertheless, there is a fundamental comity be- 
tween the brown peoples. This comity is subtle and 
intangible in character, yet it exists, and imder cer- 
tain circumstances it is capable of momentous mani- 
festations. Its salient feature is the instinctive recogni- 
tion by all Near and Middle Eastern peoples that th^ 
are fellow Asiatics, however bitter may be their inter- 
necine feuds. This instinctive Asiatic feeling has been 
noted by historians for more than two thousand years, 
and it is just as true to-day as in the past. Of course 
it comes out most strongly in face of the non-Adatic — 
which in practice has always meant the white man. 
The action and reaction of the brown and white worlds 
has, indeed, been a constant historic factor, the r61es 
of hammer and anvil being continually reversed through 
the ages. For the last four centuries the white world 
has, in the main, been the dynamic factor. Certainly, 
during the last hundred years the white world has dis- 
played an unprecedentedly aggressive vigor, the brown 
world playing an almost passive r61e. 

Here again is seen a difference between browns and 
ydlowB. The yellow world did not feel the full tide of 

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white aggression till the middle of the laat centoiy^ 
while even then it never really lost its political inde- 
paidence and soon reacted so powerfully that its polit- 
ical freedom has to-day been substantially regained. 
The brown world; on the other hand, felt the impact of 
the white tide much earlier and was politically over- 
whelmed. The so-taUed '^indepmdence" of brown 
states has long been due more to white rivalries than 
to thebr own inha:ent strength. One by one they have 
been swallowed up by the white Powers. In 1914 only 
three (Turkey, Persia; and Af ^biaDistan) survived, and 
the late war has sent them the way of the rest. T^ir- 
key and Persia have lost their ind<f)endenee, however 
they may still be painted on the map, while Afghan- 
istan has been compelled to recognize white supremacy 
as never before. Thus the cycle is fulfilled, and white 
politioal mastery ovar the brown world is complete. 

Political triumphs, however, of themselves guarantee 
nothing, and the permanence of the pres^it order of 
things in the brown world appears more than doubt- 
ful when we glance beyond the map. The brown world, 
like the yellow world, is to-day in acute reaction against 
white supremacy. In fact, the brown reaction b^;aa 
a full centuiy ago, and has been gathering headway 
ever since, moved thereto both by its own inherent 
vitality and by the external stimulus of white aggres- 
sion. The great dynamic of this brown reaction is the 
Mohammedan Revival. But before analysing that 
movement it would be wdl to glance at the human 
elements involved. 

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Four saUent groupings stand out among the brown 
peoples: Incfia, Irda, ^^Arabistdn/' and '^Turkest^/' 
The last two words are used in a special sense to denote 
ethnic and cultural aggregations for which no precise 
tenns have hitherto been coined. India is the popula- 
tion-centre of the brown world. More than 300,000,- 
000 souls live within its borders— two-thirds of all the 
brown men on earth. India has not, however, been 
the brown world's spiritual or cultural (fynamic, those 
f Gives coming chiefly from the brown lands to the 
westward. Irin (the Persian plateau) is comparatively 
small in area and has less than 15,000,000 inhabitants, 
but its influence upon the brown world has been out 
of all proportion to its size and peculation. ^'Arabis- 
t^'' denotes the group of peoples, Arab in blood or 
Arabized in language and culture, who inhabit the 
Arabian peninsula and its adjacent annexes, Syria and 
Mesopotamia, together with the vast band of North 
Africa lying between the Mediterranean and the 
Sahara Desert. The total niunber of these Arabic 
peoples is 40,000,000, three-fourths of them living in 
North Africa. The term "Turkestdn" covers the 
group of kindred peoples, often called '^ Turanians,'' 
who stretch from Constantinople to Central Asia, 
induding the Ottoman Turks of Asia Minor, the Tai> 
tars oi South Russia and Transcaucasia, and the 
Central Asian Turkomans. They number in all 
about 25,000,000. Such are the four outstanding 
race-factors in the brown world. Let us now examine 
that spiritual factor, Islam, from which the brown 

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renaisBanoe originally proceeded, and on which most 
of its present manifestations are based. 

Islam's warlike vigor has impressed men's minds 
ever since the far-off days when its pristine fervor bore 
the Fiery CJrescent from France to China. But with 
the passing cycles this fervor waned, and a century 
ago Islam seemed plunged in the stupor of senile decay. 
The life appeared to have gone out of it, leaving naught 
but the dry husks of empty formalism and soulless ritual. 
Yet at this darkest hour a voice came crying from out 
the vast Arabian desert, the cradle of Islam, calling 
the Faithful to better things. This puritan r^ormer 
was the famous Abd-el-Wahab, and his followers, 
known as Wahabees, soon spread over the length and 
breadth of the Mohammedan world, purging Islam 
of its sloth and rekindling the fervor of olden days. 
Thus b^gan the great Mohammedan Revival. 

That revival, like all truly regenerative movements, 
had its political as well as its spiritual side. One of the 
first things which struck the reformers was the political 
weakness of the Moslem world and its increasing sub- 
jection to the Christian West. It was during the early 
decades of the nineteenth century that the revival 
spread through Islam. But this was the very time 
when Europe, recovering from the losses of the Na- 
poleonic Wars, began its unparalleled aggressions upon 
the Moslem East. The result in Islam was a fusmg of 
religion and patriotism into a '^sacred union" for the 
combined spiritual regeneration and political emanci- 
pation of the Moslem world. 

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Of course Europe's material and military superiority 
were then so great that speedy success was recognized 
to be a vain hope. Nevertheless; with true Oriental 
patience^ the rdTonners were content to work for dis- 
tant goals, and the results of their labors, thou^ 
hidden from most Europeans, was soon discernible to 
a few keen-sighted white observers. Half a century 
ago the learned Orientalist Palgrave wrote these pro- 
phetic lines: ''Islam is even now an enormous power, 
full of self-sustaining vitality, with a surplus for ag- 
gression; and a struggle with its combined eneigies 
would be deadly indeed. • . . The Mohammedan 
peoples of the East have awakened to the manifold 
strength and skill of their Western Christian rivals; 
and this awakening, at first productive of respect and 
fear, not unmixed with admiration, now wears the 
type of antagonistic dislike, and even of intelligent 
hate. No more zealous Moslems are to be foimd in 
all the ranks of Islam than th^ who have sojourned 
longest in Europe and acquired the most intimate 
knowledge of its sciences and ways. . • . Moham- 
medans are keenly alive to the ever^dbif ting imcer- 
tainties and divisions that distract the Christianity 
of to-day, and to the woful instability of modem 
European institutions. From their own point of view, 
Moslems are as men standing on a secure rock, and they 
contrast the quiet fixity of their own position with the 
unsettled and insecure restlessness of all else." ^ 

^W. O. PadcMTt, ''Eflnyi on Eafltem Quettioni,'' pp. 127-181 

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This stability to which Palgrave alludes must not 
be confused with dead rigidity. Too many of us still 
think of the Moslem East as hopelessly petrified. But 
those Westerners best acquainted with the Islamic 
world assert that nothing could be farther from the 
truth; emphasizing; on the contrary, Islam's present 
plasticity and rapid assimilation of Western ideas and 
methods. ''The alleged rigidity of Islam is a Euro- 
pean myth/'^ says Theodore Morison, late principal of 
the Mohammedan Anglo-Oriental College at Aligarh, 
India; and another Orientalist, Marmaduke FickUiall, 
writes: ''There is nothing in Islam, any more than in 
Christianity, which should halt progress. The fact 
is that Christianity f oimd, some time ago, a modus vir 
vendi with modem life, while Islam has not yet arrived 
thither. But this process is even now being worked 

The way in which the Mohammedan world has 
availed itself of white institutions such as the news- 
paper in forging its new solidarity is well portrayed by 
Bernard Temple. "It all comes to this, thw," he 
writes. "World-politics, as viewed by Mc^iammedaa- 
ism's political leaders, resolve themselves into a strug- 
gle—not necessarily a bloody stru^e, but still an in- 
tense and vital stru^e— f or place and power between 
the three great divisions of mankind. The Moslem 
mind is deeply stirred by the prospect. Ev^y Mos- 

1 Theodore Morison, "Can Uam Be RefonnedT" NtnOmdh Cm^ 
tury, October, 1908. 

> M«nnaduke PiokthAll, ''L'Angletam et h IW^iiie," Emm FM' 
tique IfUemaH&nale, January, 1914. 

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lem country is in communication with every other Mos- 
lem country: directly, by means of special emissaries, 
pilgrims, travellers, traders, and postal exchanges; 
indirectly, by means of Mohammedan newspapers, 
books, pamphlets, leaflets, and periodicals. I have 
met with Cairo newspapers in Bagdad, Teheran, and 
Peshawar; Constantinople newspapers in Basra and 
Bombay; Calcutta newspapers in Mohammerah, Ker- 
bela, and Port Said."^ 

These European judgments are confirmed by what 
Asiatics say themselves. For example, a Syrian Chris- 
tian, Ameen BJhani, thus characterizes the present 
strength and vitality of the Moslem world: ''A nation 
of 250,000,000 souls, more than one-half under Chris- 
tian rule, struggling to shake off its fetters; to consoli- 
date its opposing forces; replenishing itself in the 
south and in the east from the inexhaustible sources 
of the life primitive; assimilating in the north, but not 
without discrimination, the civilization of Europe; a 
nation with a glorious past, a living faith and language, 
an inspired Book, an undying hope, might be divided 
against itself by Eim)pean diplomacy but can never be 
subjugated by European arms. . . . What Islam is los- 
ing on the borders of Europe it is gaining in Africa and 
Central Asia through its modem propaganda, which is 
conducted according to Christian methods. And this 
is one of the grand results of ^civilization by benevolent 
assimilation.' Europe drills the Moslem to be a sol- 

^BflRUurd Temple, ''The Place of Persia in World-Politios," Fn- 
cwedmfB cf the Central Anon Society, May, 1910. 

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dier who will ultimately turn his weapons against her; 
and she sends her missionaries to awaken in the ulema 
the proselytizing evil."* 

Typical of Mohammedan literature on this subject 
are the following excerpts from a book published at 
Cairo in 1907 by an Egyptian^ Yahya Siddyk^ signif- 
icantly entitled ''The Awakening of the Islamic Peo- 
ples in the Fourteenth Century of the Hegira."* The 
book is doubly interesting because the author has a 
thorough Western education, holding a law d^ree 
from the French university of Toulouse, and is a judge 
on the Egyptian bench. Although writing as far back 
as 1907, Yahya Siddyk clearly foresaw the imminence 
of the Eim)pean War. "Behold/' he writes, "these 
Great Powers ruining themselves in terrifying armar 
ments; measuring each other's strength with defiant 
glances; menacing each other; contracting alliances 
which continually break and which presage those ter- 
rible shocks which overturn the world and cover it 
with ruins, fire, and blood I The future is God's, and 
nothing is lasting save His Will I" 

He considers the white world degenerate. "Does 
this mean," he asks, "that Europe, our 'enlightened 
guide,' has aheady reached the summit of its evolu- 
tion? Has it already exhausted its vital force by two 
or three centuries of hyper-exertion? In other words: 
is it ah-eady stricken with senility, and will it see 
itself soon obliged to yield its civilizing r61e to other 

1 Ameen BSham, "The Crisis of Islain/' Forwm, Mfty, 1912. 
*/,«.f th^ tw«ntfeth oentuiy of the ChriBtiiui enk 

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peoples less degenerate^ less neurasthenic; that is to 
say, younger^ more robust; more healthy , than itself? 
In my opinion, the present marks Europe's apogee, and 
its immoderate colonial expansion means, not strength, 
but weakness. Despite the aureole of so much gran- 
deur, power, and glory, Europe is to-day more divided 
and more fragile than ever, and ill conceals its malaise, 
its sufferings, and its anguish. Its destiny is inexorably 
working out I . . . 

''The contact of Europe on the East has caused 
us both much good and much evil: good, in the 
material and intellectual sense; evil, from the moral 
and political point of view. Exhausted by long strug- 
gles, enervated by a brilliant civilization, the Moslem 
peoples inevitably fell into a malaise, but they are not 
stricken, they are not dead I These peoples, conquered 
by the force of cannon, have not in the least lost their 
unity, even imder the oppressive regimes to which the 
Europeans have long subjected them. . . . I have said 
that the European contact has been salutaiy to us 
from both the material and the intellectual point of 
view. What reforming Moslem Princes wished to 
impose by force on their Moslem subjects is to-day real- 
ized a hundredfold. So great has been our progress 
in the last twenty-five years in science, letters, and art 
that we may well hope to be in all these tMngs the 
equals of Eiu*opeans in less than half a centuiy. . • . 

"A new era opens for us with the fourteenth centuiy 
of the Hegira, and this happy century will mark our 
reoaissance and our great future I A new breath ani- 

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mates the Mohammedan peoples of all races; all 
Moslems are penetrated with the necessity of work 
and instruction ! We all wish to travel, do business, 
tempt fortune, brave dangers. There is in the East, 
among the Mohammedans, a surprising activity, an 
animation, xmknown twenty-five years ago. • • . There 
is to-day a real public opinion throughout the East/' 

The author concludes: "Let us hold firm, each for all, 
and let us hope, hope, hope ! We are fairly launched 
on the path of progress: let us profit by it! It is 
Europe's veiy tjrranny which has wrought our trans- 
formation t It is our continued contact with Eiut>pe 
which favors our evolution and inevitably hastens our 
revival! It is simply Histoiy repeating itself; the 
Will of God fuLfilling itself despite all opposition and 
all resistance. . . • Europe's tutelage over Asiatics is 
becoming more and more nominal — ^the gates of Asia 
are closing against the European ! Surely we glimpse 
before us a revolution without parallel in the world's 
annals. A new age is at hand !"^ 

If this be indeed the present spirit of Islam it is a 
portentous fact, for its numerical strength is veiy great. 
The total number of Mohammedans is estimated at 
frcan 200,000,000 to 250,000,000, and they not only 
predominate throughout the brown world with the 
exception of India, but they also coimt 10,000,000 ad- 
h^-ents in China and are gaining prodigiously among 
ihe blacks of Africa. 

> Yal^a Siddyk, ''Le lUveQ dm Peuploi lakrai^uas au QuataniioM 
Htek dfi rHtisire" (Cairo, 1907). 

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The proselyting power of Islam is extraordinary, 
and its hold upon its votaries is even more remarkable. 
Throughout history there has been no single instance 
where a people, once become Moslem, has ever aban- 
doned the faith. Extirpated they may have been, like 
the Moors of Spain, but extirpatioi^ is liot i^osta^. 
This extreme tenacity of Islam, this ability to keep its 
hold, once it has got a footing, under all circumstances 
short of downri^t extirpation, must be borne in mind 
when considering the future of r^ons where Islam is 
to-day advancing. 

And, save in eastern Eim)pe, it is to-day advancing 
along all its far-flimg frontiers. Its most signal vic- 
tories are being won among the n^gro races of central 
Africa, and this phase will be discussed in the next 
chapter, but elsewhere the same conditions, in lesser 
degree, prevaQ. Every Moslem is a bom missionaiy 
and instinctively propagates his faith among his non- 
Moslem neighbors. The quality of this missionaiy 
temper has been well analyzed by Meredith Townsend. 
''All the emotions which impel a Christian to prosely- 
tize,'' he writes, ''are in a Mussulman strengthened 
by all the motives which impel a political leader and 
all the motives which sway a recruiting sergeant, until 
proselytism has become a passion, which, whenever 
success seems practicable, and especially success on a 
large scale, develops in the quietest Mussulman a fury 
of ardor which induces him to break down every 
obstacle, his own strongest prejudices included, rather 
than stand for an instant in the neophyte's way. He 

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wdcomes him as a son, and whatever his own lineage, 
and whether the convert be negro, or Chinaman, or 
Indian, or even European, he will without hesitation 
or scruple give him his own child in marriage, and 
admit him fully, frankly, and finally into the most 
exclusive circle in the world."* 

Such is the vast and growing body of Islam, today 
seeking to weld its forces into a higher unity for the 
combined objectives of spiritual revival and political 
emancipation. This unitary movement is known as 
"Pan-Islamism." Most Western observers seem to 
think that Pan-Islamism centres in the "Caliphate,'' 
and European writers to-day hopefully discuss whether 
the Caliphate's retention by the discredited Turkish 
Sultans, its transferrence to the rulers of the new 
Arab Hedjaz Kingdom, or its total suppression, will 
best dip Iblam's wing^. 

This, however, is a very short-sighted and partial 
view. The Khalifa or "Caliph" (to use the European- 
ized form), the Prophet's representative on earth, has 
played an important historic rdle, and the institution 
is still venerated in Islam. But the Pan-Islamic 
leaders have long been working on a much broader 
basis. Pan-Islamism's real driving power lies, not in 
the Caliphate, but in institutions like the "Hajj" or 
pilgrimage to Mecca, the propaganda of the "Habl- 
ul-Matin" or "Tie of True Believers," and the great 
reli^ous fraternities. The Meccan Hajj, wh«*e tens 
of thousands of picked zealots gather ev^y year 
^ Meredith TwnnDd, <'A<ia and Euiope/' pp. 40^. 

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from eveiy quarter of the Moslem worlds is really an 
aimiial Paa-Islamic congress^ where all the int^^ests 
of the faith are discussed at length, and where plans 
are elaborated for its defense and propagation. Sim- 
ilarly ubiquitous is the Pan-Islamic propaganda of 
the Habl-ul-Matin; which works tirelessly to compose 
sectarian differences and traditional feuds. Lastly, 
the religious brotherhoods cover the Islamic world 
with a network of far-flung associations; quickening the 
seal of their myriad members and co-ordinating their 
energies for potential action. 

The greatest of these brotherhoods (though there 
are others of importance) is the famous Senussiyah, 
and its history well illustrates Islam's evolution during 
the past hundred years. Its f ounder, Seyyid Mahom- 
med ben Senussi; was bom in Algeria about the be- 
ginning of the nineteenth century. He was of high 
Arab Hneage, tracing his descent from Fatima^ the 
daughter of the Prophet. In early youth he went to 
Arabia and there came under the influence <tf the Wahar 
bee movement. In middle life he returned to Africa, 
settling in the Sahara Desert, and there built up the 
firatemity which bears his name. Before his death the 
order had spread to all parts of the Mohammedan 
world, but it is m northern Africa that it has attained 
its peculiar pre-eminence. The Senussi Order is divided 
into local ^'Zawias'' or lodges, all absolutely depradent 
upon the Grand Lodge, headed by The Master, El 
Bemused. The Grand Mastership still remams in the 
bmily, a grandson of the founder being the order's 

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present head. The Senused stronghold is an oaos in 
the veiy heart of the Sahara. Oriy one European eye 
has ever seen this mysterious spot. Siurounded by 
absolute desert; with weDs many leagues apart and the 
routes of approach known only to experidboed Senussi 
guideS; eveiy one of whom would suffer a thousand 
deaths rather tha^ betray him. El Senussi^ The Mas- 
ter^ sits serenely apart, sending his orders throughout 
North Africa. 

The Sahara itself is absolutely under Senuadi control, 
while '' Zawiaa'' abound in distant r^ons like Morocco, 
Lake Chad; and Somaliland. These local Zawias are 
more than m^ '^lodges.'' Their spiritual and secular 
headS; the ^'Mokaddem'' or priest and the '^Wekil'' 
or dvil governor; have discretionary authority not 
merely over the Zawia members; but also over the com- 
munity at large— at least; so great is the awe incfpired 
by ^e Senussi throughout North Africa that a word 
from Wekil or Mokaddem is always listened to and 
obesred. Thus, beside the various European authori- 
ties; British; French; or Italian as the case may be, 
there exists an occult government with which the colo- 
nial authorities are careful not to come into conflict. 

On their part; the Senussi are equally careful to 
avoid a downright breach with the European Powers. 
Thdr long-headed; cautious policy is truly astonish- 
ing. For more than half a century the order has been 
a great force, yet it has never risked the supreme ad- 
venture. In all the numerous fanatic risings against 
Europeans which have occurred in various parts of 

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Africa, local Senussi have undoubtedly taken part, 
but the order has never ofiGidally entered the lists. 

These Fabian tactics as r^ards open warfare do not 
mean that the Senussi are idle. Far from it. On the 
contrary, they are ceasdessfy* at work with the spiritual 
arms of teaching, discipline, and conversion. The 
Senussi programme is the welding, first of Moslem 
Africa, and later of the whole Moslem world, into the 
revived ^'Imamaf' of Islam's early days; into a great 
theocracy, embracing all true believers— in other 
words, Pan-Tslamiam.j But they believe that the po- 
litical liberation of Islam from Christian domination 
must be preceded by a profound spiritual regenera- 
tion, tho^by engendering the moral forces necessary 
both for the war of liberation and for the fruitful re- 
construction whidi should follow thereafter. This is 
the secret of the order's extraordinary self-restraint. 
This is the reason why, year after year, and decade 
after decade, the Senussi advance slowly, calmly, coldly, 
gathering great latent power but avoiding the tempta- 
tion to espend it one instant before the proper time. 
Meanwhile they are covering Africa with their lodges 
and schools, disciplining the people to the voice of their 
Mokaddems and Weldls— and converting millioDS of 
pagan n^roes to the faith of Islam. 

And what is true of the Senussi holds equally for 
the other wise leaders who guide the Pan-Islamic 
movement. They know both Europe's strength and 
their own weakness. They know the peril of premature 
MttocL^ Feeling that time is on their ode, they are 

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content to await the hour when intemal r^eneration 
and external pressure shall have filled to overflowing 
the cup of wrath. This is why Islam has offered only 
local resistance to the unparalleled white aggressions of 
the last twenty years. This is the main reason why 
there was no real "Holy War*" in 1914. But the ma- 
terials for a Holy War have long been piling higjh; as a 
retrospective glance will show. 

Europe's conquests of Africa and Central Asia toward 
the close of the last century; and the subsequent An- 
glo-French agreement mutually appropriating Egypt 
and Morocco, evoked murmurs of impotent fury from 
the Moslem world. Under such circmnstances the 
RussoJapanese War of 1904 sent a feverish tremor 
throughout Islam. The Japanese might be idolaters, 
but the traditional Moslem loathing of idolaters as 
beings much lower than Christians and Jews (recog- 
nized by Mohammed as "Peoples of The Book") was 
quite effaced by the burning sense of subjugation to the 
Christian yoke. Accordingly, the Japanese were hailed 
aa heroes throughout Islam. Here we see again that 
tendency toward an imderstanding between Asiatic 
and African races and creeds (in other words, a '' Pan- 
Colored" alliance against white domination) which has 
been so patent in recent years. The way in which 
Islamic peoples began looking to Japan is revealed by 
this editorial in a Persian newspaper, written in the 
year 1906: "Desirous of becoming as powerful as 
Japan and of safeguarding its national independence, 
Persia should make common cause with it. An aJli- 

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ance becomes necessary. There should be a Japanese 
ambassador at Teheran. Japanese instructors should 
be chosen to reorganize the army. Commercial rdar 
tions should also be developed."^ Indeed; some pious 
Moslems hoped to bring this heroic people within the 
Islamic fold. Shortly after the RussoJapanese War 
a Chinese Mohammedan sheikh wrote: ''If Japan 
thinks of becoming some day a very great power and 
making Asia the dominator of the other continents, it 
will be only by adopting the blessed religion of Mam.''* 
And Al Mowwayad, an Egyptian Nationalist jour- 
nal, remarked: ''England, with her 60,000,000 Indian 
Moslems, dreads this conversion. With a Mohamme- 
dan Japan, Mussulman policy would change entirely.'^' 
As a matter of fact, Mohammedan missionaries actu- 
ally went to Japan, where they were smilingly received. 
Of course the Japanese had not the faintest intention 
of turning Moslems, but these spontaneous approaches 
from the brown world were quite in line with their am- 
bitious plans, which, as the reader will remember, were 
just then taking concrete shape. 

However, it soon became plain that Japan had no 
present intention of going so far afield as Western Asia, 
and Islam presently had to mourn fresh losses at Chris- 
tian hands. In 1911 came Italy's barefaced raid on 
Turkey's African dependency of Tripoli. So bitter 
was the anger in all Mohammedan lands at this un- 

> F. Farjanel, "Le Japcm et llidam,'' fieraa du Monde Mundmem, 
NoT«mber, 1906. 
*Farjaiiel,«Mpra. ^Prid. 

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provoked aggression that many European obflenren 
became seriously alarmed. ^'Why has Itaty found 
/defenseless' Tripoli such a hornet's nest?" queried 
Gabriel Hanotaux, a former French minister of for- 
eign affairs. ^ ''It is because she has to do, not merely 
with Turkey, but with Islam as well. Italy has set 
Ithe ball rolling— so much the worse for her— and for 
us all."^ But the Tripoli expedition was only the be- 
ginning of the C!hristian assault, for next year came the 
Balkan War, which sheared away Turkey's European 
holdings to the walls of Constantinople and left her 
crippled and discredited. At these disasters a cry of 
wrathful anguish swept the world of Islam from end 
to end. Here is how a leading Indian Moslem iuter- 
preted the Balkan conflict: 

"The King of Greece orders a new crusade. Prom 
the London Chancelleries rise calls to Christian fanat- 
icism, and Saint Petersburg already speaks of the 
planting of the cross on the dome of Sant' Sophia. 
To-day they speak thus; to-morrow they will thus 
speak of Jerusalem and the Mosque of Omar. Broth- 
er ! Be ye of one nund, that it is the duty of every 
true believer to hasten beneath the Elialifa's banner 
and to sacrifice his life for the safety of the faith."^ 
And another, Indian Moslem leader thus adjured the 
British authorities: /'I appeal to the present govern- 
ment to change its anti-Turkish attitude before the 

^Gabriel HivnotaiiT, "La Crise m^ditenaatauie et llslam/' Etmm 
BMomadaire, April 13, 1912. 

iAxminiiiB Vamb^, "Die toridaohe Katastrophe usd die ledain- 
wdt/' DeuUche Bams, July, 1913. 

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fuiy of millionB of Moslem fellow subjects is kindled 
to a blaze and brings disaster."^ 

StOl more significant were the appeals made by the 
Indian Moslems to their Bralmian fellow countiymen^ 
the traditionally despised ^'Idolaters/' These appeals 

' betokened a veritable revolution in outlook^ as can 
be gauged from the text of one of them, significantly 

' entitled "The Message of the East." "Spirit of the 
East" reads this noteworthy document, "arise and 

\ repel the swelling flood of Western aggression ! Chil- 
dren of H^ustan, aid us with your wisdom, culture, 
and wealth; lend us your power, the birthright and 
heritage of the Hindu I Let the Spirit Powers hidden 
in the Himalayan mountain-peaks arise. Let prayers 
to the god of battles float upward; prayers that right 
may triumph over might; and call to your myriad 
gods to annihilate the armies of the foe !"' In China 
also the same fraternizing spirit was visible. During 
the Republican Revolution the Chinese Mohammedans, 
instead of holding jealously aloof, co-operated whole- 
heartedly with their Buddhist and Confucian fellow 
dtizens, and Doctor Sun-Yat-Sen, the Republican 
leader, announced gratefully: "The Chinese will never 
forget the assistance which their Moslem compatriots 
have rendered in the interest of order and liberty.'^' 
The Great War thus found Islam deeply stirred against 

^ Shah Mohammed NaimatoDah, "Reoeiit Turkiflh Events and Moe- 
km India," AnaHc Renew, October, 1913. 
> Vambdry, eupra. 

• Annimus Vamb^, "An Approaoh Betfreea Moolema and Bod- 
i»" ^^netaenift Cmtoiv, April, 1912. 

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European aggreasion, keenly consdous of its own 
solidarity^ and frankly reaching out for colored allies 
in the projected struggle against white domination. 

Under these circumstances it may at first sight ap- 
pear strange that no general Islamic explosion occurred 
when Turkey entered the lists at the close of 1914 and 
the Sultan-Khalifa issued a formal summons to the 
Holy War. Of course this sununons was not the flat 
failure which Allied reports led the West to believe 
at the time. As a matter of fact there was trouble 
in practically eveiy Mohanmiedan land under Allied 
control. To name only a few of many instances: 
Egypt broke into a tumult smothered only by over- 
whelming British reinforcements, Tripoli burst into 
a flame of iosmrection that drove the ItaUans headlong 
to the coast; Persia was prevented from jouung Tur- 
key only by prompt Russian intervention, and the 
Indian Northwest Frontier was the scene of fighting 
that required the presence of a quarter of a million 
Anglo-Indian troops. The British Government has 
officially admitted that during 1915 the Allies' Asiatic 
and African possessions stood within a hand's breadth 
of a cataclysmic insurrection. 

That insurrection would certainly have taken place 
if Islam's leaders had eveiywhere spoken the fateful 
word. But the word was not spoken. Instead^ in- 
fluential Moslems outside of Turkey generally con- 
denmed the latter's action and did all in theu* power 
to calm the passions of the fanatic multitude. The 
attitude of these leaders does credit to their discern- 

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ment. They recognized that this waa neither the 
time nor the occasion for a decisive struggle with the 
West. They were not yet materially prepared, and 
they had not perfected their understandings either 
among themselves or with their prospective non- 
Moslem allies. Above all, the moral urge was lack- 
ing. Th^ knew that athwart the Khalifa's writ 
was stencilled ''Made in Germany/' They knew 
that the ''Young Turk'' clique which had engineered 
the coup was made up of Ehiropeanized renegades, 
many of them not even nominal Moslems, but atheistic 
Jews. Farndghted Moslems had no intention of pull- 
ing Germany's chestnuts out of the fire, nor did they 
wish to further Prussian schemes of world-dominion 
which for themselves would have meant a mere change 
of masters. Far better to let the white world fight 
out its desperate feud, weaken itself, and reveal fully 
its future intentions. Meanwhile Islam could bide its 
time, grow in strength, and await the morrow. 

The Versailles Peace Conference was just such a 
revelation of European intentions as the Pan-Islamic 
leaders had been awaiting in order to perfect their 
programmes and enlist the moral solidarity of their 
peoples. At VersaOles the Ehiropean Powers showed 
unequivocally that they had no intention of relaxing 
their hold upon the Near and Middle East. By a 
number of secret treaties negotiated during the war 
the Ottoman Empire had been virtxially partitioned 
between the victorious Allies, and these secret treaties 
formed the basis of the Versailles settlement. Further- 

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more; Egypt had been declared a British protectorate 
at the very begiiming of the European struggle^ while 
the Versailles Conference had scarcely adjourned before 
England announced an '' agreement " with Persia which 
made that country another British protectorate^ in 
fact; if not in name. The upshot was, as already stated, 
that the Near and Middle East were subjected to 
European political domination as never before. 

But there was another side to the shield Duringthe 
war years the Allied statesmen had ofiGidally proclaimed 
times without nxmiber that the war was being fought 
to establish a new world-order based on such prind- 
ples as the rights of small nations and the liberty of aO 
peoples. These pronouncements had been treasured 
and memorized throughout the East. When, there- 
fore, the East saw a peace settlement based, not upon 
these high professions, but upon the imperialistic 
secret treaties; it was fired with a moral indignation 
and sense of outraged justice never known before. A 
tide of impassioned determination b^an rising which 
has already set the entire East in tumultuous ferment, 
and which seems merely the premonitory groundnswell 
of a greater storm. Many European students of 
Eastern affairs are gravely alarmed at the prospect. 
Ha%, for example, is the judgment of Leone Caetani, 
Duke of Sermoneta, an Italian authority on Oriental 
and Mohammedan questions. Spealdng in the spring 
of 1919 on the war's effect on the East, he said: ''The 
convulsion has shaken Islamitic and Oriental dvilisar 
tion to its foundations. The entire Oriental world. 

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from China to the Mediterranean^ is in fe^ne^t. 
Eveiywhere the hidden fire of anti-European hatred 
18 burning. Biots in Morocco^ risings in Algiers, dis- 
content in Tripoli, so-called Nationalist attempts in 
Egypt, Arabia, and Lybia, are all different manifesta- 
tions of the same deep sentiment, and have as their 
object the rebellion of the Oriental world against Emt>- 
pean civilization/'^ 

The state of affaira in Egypt is a typical illustration 
(tf what has been going on in the East ever since the 
dose of the late war. Egypt was occupied by England 
in 1882, and British rule has conferred immense 
material baiefits, raising the country from anarchic 
bankruptcy to ordered prosperity. Yet British rule 
was never really popular, and as the years passed a 
''Nationalist'' movement steadily grew in strength, 
having for its slogan the phrase "Egypt for the Egyp- 
tians,'' and demanding Britain's complete evacuation 
of the countiy. This demand Great Britain refused 
even to consider. Practically all Englishmen are 
agreed that Egypt with the Suez Canal is the vital link 
between the eastern and western halves of the British 
Empire, and they therefore consider the permanent 
occupation of Egypt an absolute necessity. There is 
thus a clear deadlock between British imperial and 
EJgyptian national convictions. 

Some years before the war Egypt became so unruly 
that England was obliged to abandon all thoughts of 
conciliation and initiated a regime of frank repression 

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enforced by Lord Kitchener's heavy hand The Eu- 
ropean War and Turkesr's adhesion to the Teutonic 
Powers caused fresh outbreaks in Egypt, but these 
were quickly repressed and England took advantage of 
Ottoman belligerency to abolish the fiction of Turkish 
overlordship and declare Egypt a protectorate of the 
British Empire. 

During the war Egypt, flooded with British troops, 
remained quiet, but the end of the war gave the 
signal for an unparalleled outburst of Nationalist 
activity. Basing their claims on such doctrines as 
the ^'rights of small nations" and the ^'self-deter- 
mination of peoples," the Nationalists demanded im- 
mediate independence and attempted to get Egypt's 
case before the Versailles Peace Conference. In de- 
fiance of English prohibitions, they even held a popular 
plebiscite which upheld their claims. When the Britr 
ish authorities answered this defiance by arresting Nar 
tionalist leaders, Egypt flamed into rebellion from end 
to end. Everywhere it was the same stoiy. Rail- 
ways and telegraph lines were systematically cut. 
Trains were stalled and looted. Isolated British offi- 
cers and soldiers were murdered. In Cairo alone, 
thousands of houses were sacked by the mob. Soon 
the danger was rendered more acute by the irruption 
out of the desert of swarms of Bedouin Arabs bent on 
plimder. For a few days Egypt trembled on the 
verge of anarchy, and the British Government admitted 
in Parliament that all Egypt was in » state of in- 

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The British authoritieB; however^ met the crisis 
with vigor and detennination. The number of British 
troops in Egjrpt was very largO; trusty black regiments 
were hurried up from the Sudan, and the well-dis- 
cq>lined Egyptian native police generally obeyed 
orders. The result was that after several weeks of 
sharp fighting, lasting through the spring of 1919, 
E^ypt was again gotten under control. Hie outlook 
for the future is, however, ominous in the extreme. 
Order is indeed restored, but only the presence of 
massed British and Sudanese black troops guarantees 
that order will be maintained. Even under the present 
r^^e of stem martial law hardly a month passes 
without fresh rioting and heavy loss of life. Egypt 
appears Nationalist to the core, its spokesmen swear 
thqr will accept nothing short of independence, and in 
the long run Britain will realize the truth of that pithy 
saying: ''You can do everything with bayonets except 
sit on them.'' 

India is likewise in a state of profound unrest. The 
vast peninsula has been controlled by England for al- 
most two centuries, yet here again the last two decades 
have witnessed a rapidly increasing movement against 
British rule. This movement was at first confined to 
the ui^)er-class Hindus, the great Mohammedan ele- 
ment preserving its traditional loyalty to the British 
''Raj,'' which it considered a protection against the 
Brahmanistic Hindu majority. But, as already seen, 
the Pan-Islamic leaven presentiy reached the Indian 
ModfflQS, European a^resfflons on Islam stirred their 

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resentment; and at length Modem and Hindu ad- 
journed their ancient feud in their new solidarity 
against European tutelage. 

The Great War provoked relativdy little sedition 
in India. Groups of Hindu extremists, to be sure, 
hatched terroristic plots and welcomed German aid, 
but India as a whole backed England and helped win 
the war with both mon^ and men. At the same time, 
Indians gave notice that they eiqpected their loyalty to 
be rewarded; and at the close of the war various 
memorials were drawn up calling for drastic modifica- 
tions of the existing governmental r^ime. 

India is to-day governed by an Engh'sh Civil Ser- 
vice whose faimess; honesty, and general efficiency 
no informed person can seriously impugn. But this 
no longer contents Indian aspirations. India desires 
not merety good government but self-government. 
The ultimate goal of all Indian reformers is emancipar 
tion from European tutelage, though they diff ar among 
themselves as to how and when this emancipation ia 
to be attained. The most conservative would be con- 
tent with self-goveroment under British guidance, the 
middle group asks for the full status of a Dominicm of 
the British Empire like Canada and Australia, while 
the radicals demand complete independence. Even 
the most conservative of these demands would, how- 
ever, involve great changes of syst^n and a diminu- 
tion of British control. Such demands arouse iix Eng- 
land mistrust and apprehension. Englishmen point 
out that India W not a nation but a congeries of diverae 

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peoples spiritually sundered by barriers of blood, lan- 
guage, culture; and religion> and th^ conclude that, 
if England's control were really relaxed, India would 
g^ out of hand and drift toward anarchy. As for 
Indian independence, the average Englishman cannot 
abide the thought, holding it fatal both for the British 
Empire and for India itself. The result has been 
that England has f aQed to meet Indian demands, and 
this, in turn, has roused an acute recrudescence of dis- 
satisfaction and unrest. The British Government has 
coimtered with coercive l^blation like the Rowlatt 
Acts and has sternly repressed rioting and terrorism. 
British authority is still supr^oae in India. But it is 
an authority resting more and more upon force. In 
fact, some Englishmen have long considered British 
rule in India, despite its imposing appearance, a de- 
cidedly fragile affair. Many years ago Meredith 
Townsend, who certainly knew India well, wrote: 

^^ The English think they will rule India for many cen- 
turies or forever. I do not think so, holding rather the 
older belief that the empire which came in a day will 
disappear in a night. . . . Above all this inconceivable 
mass of humanity, governing all, protecting all, taxing 
all, rises what we call here 'the Empire,' a corporation 
of less than 1,500 men, partly chosen by examination, 
partly by co-optation, who are set to govern, and who 
protect themselves in governing by finding pay for a 
minute white garrison of 65,000 men, one-fifth of the 
Roman l^ons— thou^ the masses to be controlled* 
aie double the subjects of Rome. That corporation 

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and that garrison constitute the 'Indian Empire/ 
There is nothing else. Banish those 1,500 men in 
black; defeat that slender garrison in red, and the 
empire has ended, the structure disappears, and brown 
India emerges, unchanged and unchangeable. To 
support the official world and its garrison--4x>th, 
recollect, smaller than those of Belgium— there is, 
except Indian opinion, absolutely nothing. Not only 
is there no white race in India, not only is there no 
white colony, but there is no white man who purposes 
to remain. . . . There are no white servants, not even 
grooms, no white policemen, no white postmen, no 
white anything. If the brown men struck for a week, 
the 'Empire' would collapse like a house of cards, 
and every ruling man would be a starving prisoner in 
his own house. He could not move or feed himself 
or get water." * 

These words aptly illustrate the truth stated at the 
beginning of this book that the basic factor in human 
affairs is not politics but race, and that the most im- 
posing poUtical phenomena, of themselves, mean noth- 
ing. And that is just the fatal weakness underlying 
the white man's present political domination ov^ the 
brown world. Throughout that entire world there is 
no settled white population save in the French colonies 
of Algeria and Tunis along the Mediterranean sea- 
board, where whites form perhaps one-sbcth of the 
total. Elsewhere, from Morocco to the Dutch In- 
diesj there is in the racial sense, aa Towniend wdl 

^TovDiOid, op. cU.t pp. 82-87. 

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says, "no white anything," and if white rule vanished 
to-morrow it would not leave a human trace behind. 
White rule is therefore purely political, baaed on pre- 
scription, prestige, and lack of effective opposition. 
These are indeed fragile foundations. Let the brown 
world once make up its mind that the white man mvst 
go, and he vnll go, for his position will have become 
simpfy^ imposfflble. It is not solely a question of a 
"Holy War"; mere passive resistance, if genuine and 
general, would shake white rule to its foundations. 
And it is precisely the determination to get rid of white 
rule which seems to be spreading like wild-fire over the 
brown world to-day. The unrest which I have de- 
scribed in Egypt and India merely typify what is going 
on in Morocco, Central Asia, the Dutch Indies, the 
Fhilq)p]nes, and eveiy other portion of the brown 
world whose inhabitants are above the grade of savages. 
Another factor favoring the prospects of brown eman- 
dpation is the lack of sustained resistance which the 
white world would probably offer. For the white 
world's interests in these r^ons, though great, are 
not fundamental; that is to say, racial. However 
grievously th^ might suffer politically and economi- 
cally, racially the i/i^te peoples would lose almost 
nothing. Here again we see the basic importance of 
race in human affairs. Contrast, for example, Eng- 
land's attitude toward an insurgent India with France's 
attitude toward an insurgent North Africa. England, 
with nothing racial at stake, would hesitate before a 
reoonquest of India involving millions of soldiers and 

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billions of treasure. France, on the other hand; with 
nearly a million Europeans in her North African posses- 
sions; half of these full-blooded Frenchmen; might 
risk her last franc and her last paUu rather than see 
these blood-brothers slaughtered and enslaved. 

Assuming; then, what to-day seems probable, that 
white political control over the brown world is destined 
to be sensibly curtailed if not generally eUmioated; 
what are the larger racial implications? Above all: 
will the browns tend to impinge on white race-areas 
as the yellows show signs of doing? Probably, no; 
at least; not to any great extent. In the first place, 
the brown world has within its present confines plenty 
of room for potential race-expansion. Outside India, 
Egypt; Java, and a few lesser spots, there is scarcely 
a brown land where natural improvements such as 
irrigation would not open up extensive settlement 
areas. Mesopotamia alone, now almost iminhabited, 
might support a vast population, while Persia could 
nourish several times its present inhabitants. 

India, to be sure; is almost as congested as China, 
and the spectre of the Indian coolie has lately alarmed 
white lands like Canada and South Africa almost as 
much as the Chinese coolie has done. But an indepen- 
dent India would fall under the same political blight as 
the rest of the brown world— the bhght of internecine 
dissensions and wars. The brown world's present 
growing solidarity is not a positive but a negative 
phenomenon. It is an alliance; against a conunon foe, 
of traditional enemies whO; once the bond was loosed 

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in victoiy, would inevitably quarrel among themselves. 
Turk would fly at Arab and Turkoman at Persian, as 
of yore, while India would become a welter of contend- 
ing Hindus, Moslems, Sikhs, Gurkhas, and heaven 
knows what, imtil perchance disciplined anew by the 
pressure of a Yellow Peril. In Western Asia it is pos- 
sible that the spiritual and cultural bonds of Islam 
might temper these struggles, but Western Asia is 
precisely that part of the brown world where popula- 
tion-pressure is absent. India, the overpeopled brown 
land, would undergo such a cycle of strife as would 
devour its human surplus and render distant aggres- 
sions impossible. 

A potential brown menace to white race-areas 
would, indeed, arise in case of a brown-yellow alliance 
against the white peoples. But such an alliance could 
occur only in the first stages of a pan-colored war of 
liberation while the pressure of white world-predomi- 
nance was still keenly felt and before the divisive 
tendencies within the brown world had b^gun to take 

Short of such an alliance (wherein the browns 
would abet the yellows' aggressive, racial objectives in 
return for yellow support of their own essentially de- 
fensive, political ends), the brown world's emancipa- 
tion from white domination would apparent^ not 
result in more than local pressures on white race- 
areas. It would, however, affect another sphere of 
white political control— black Africa. The emanci- 
pation of brown, Islamic North Africa would inevita- 

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bly send a qrmpathetic thrill through every portion of 
the Dark Continent and would stir both Mohammedan 
and pagan negroes against white rule. Islam is, in 
fact; the intimate link between the brown and black 
worlds. But this subjeet, with its momentous implica- 
tions, will be discussed in the next chapter. 

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Black Man's Lamb is primarily Africa south of the 
Sahara Desert. Here dwell the bulk of all the 150,- 
000,000 black men on earth. The n^gro and negroid 
population of Africa is estimated at about 120,000,000 — 
four-fifths of the black race-total. Besides its African 
nucleus the black race has two distant outposts: the 
one in Australasia, the other in the Americas. The 
Eastern blacks are found mainly in the archipelagoes 
lying between the Asiatic land-mass and Australia. 
They are the Oriental survivors of the black belt which 
in very ancient times stretched uninterruptedly from 
Africa across southern Asia to the Pacific Ocean. The 
Asiatic blacks were overwhelmed by other races ages 
ago, and only a few wild tribes like the '^Negritos'' 
of the Philippines and the jungle-dwellers of Indo- 
China and southern India survive as genuine negroid 
stocks. All the peoples of southern Asia, however, 
are darkened by this ancient negroid strain. The peo- 
ples of south India are notably tinged with black blood 
As for the pure blacks of the Australasian archipelagoes, 
th^ are so few in numbers fabout 3,000,000) and so 
low in type that they are of negligible importance. 
Quite otherwise are the blacks of the Far West. In 
the western hamifiphere there are^some 25,000,000 


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persons of more or less mixed black blood; brought 
thither in modem times as slaves by the white con- 
querors of the New World. Still, whatever may be 
tiie destiny of these transplanted black folk, the black 
man's chief significance, from the world aspect, must 
remain boimd up with the great nucleus of n^gro popu- 
lation in the African homeland. 

Black Africa, as I have said, lies south of the Sahara 
Desert. Here the negro has dwelt for unnumbered 
ages. The key-note of black history, like yellow his- 
tory, has been isolation. Cut off from the Mediter- 
ranean by the desert which he had no means of crossing, 
and bounded elsewhere by oceans which he had no 
skill in navigating, the black man vegetated in savage 
obscurity, his habitat being well named the ''Dark 

Until the white tide b^an breaking on its sea- 
fronts four centuries ago, the black world's only ex- 
ternal stimuli had come from brown men landing on 
its eastern coasts or ascending the valley of the Nile. 
As time passed, both brown and white pressures be- 
came more intense, albeit the browns long led in the 
process of penetration. Advancing from the east 
and trickling across the desert from the north, Arab or 
Arabized adventurers conquered black Africa to the 
equator; and this political subjugation had also a 
racial side, for the conquerors sowed their blood freely 
and set a brownish stamp on many regions. As for 
the whites, they long remained mere birds of passage. 
Half a centuiy ago they possessed little more than 

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trading-posts along the littorals, their only real settle- 
ment lying in the extreme south. 

Then^ suddenly^ all was changed. In the closing dec- 
ades of the nineteenth centuiy, Europe tmned its gaze 
full upon the Dark Continent, and within a generation 
Africa was partitioned between the European Powers, 
Negro and Arab alike fell under European domination. 
Only minute Liberia and remote Abyssinia retained 
a qualified independence. Furthermore, white settle- 
ment also made distinct progress. The tropical bulk 
of Africa defied white colonization, but the contiuent's 
northern and southern extremities were climatically 
"white man's coimtry.'' Accordingly, there are to- 
day nearly a million whites settled along the Algerian 
and Tunisian seaboard, while in South Africa, Dutch 
and British blood has built up a powerful common- 
wealth containing fully one and one-half million white 
souls. In Africa, unlike Asia, the Emx)pean has taken 
root, and has thus gained at least local tenures of a 
fundamental nature. 

The crux of the African problem therefore resolves 
itself into the question whether the white man, through 
consolidated racial holds north and south, will be able 
to perpetuate his present political control over the in- 
termediate continental mass which climate debars 
him from populating. This is a matter of great im- 
portance, for Africa is a land of enormous potential 
wealth, the natural source of Europe's tropical raw 
materials and foodstuffs. Whether Europe is to 
retain possession depends, in the last analysis, on the 

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character of the inhabitants. It is, then, to the nature 
of the black nian and his connection with the brown 
world that we must direct our attention. 

From the first glance we see that, in the n^ro, we 
are in the presence of a being differing profoundly 
not merely from the white man but also from those 
human types which we discovered in our surveys of 
the brown and yellow worlds. The black man is, 
indeed, sharply differentiated from the other branches 
ci mankind. His outstaiiding quality is superabun- 
dant animal vitality. In this he easdly surpasses all 
other races. To it he owes his intense emotionalism. 
To it, again, is due his extreme fecundity, the negro 
being the quickest of breeders. This aboxmding 
vitality shows in many other wa3r8, such as the negro's 
ability to survive harsh conditions of slavery under 
which other races have soon succimxbed. Lastty, 
in ethnic crossings, the negro strikingly displays his 
prepotency, for black blood, once entering a human 
stock, seems never really bred out again. 

N^ro fecimdity is a prime factor in Africa's future. 
In the savage state which until recently prevailed, 
black multiplication was kept down by a wide variety 
of checks. Both natural and social causes combined 
to maintain an extremely high death-rate. The 
negro's political ineptitude, never rising above the tribal 
concept, kept black Africa a mosaic of peoples, war- 
ring savagely among themselves and widely addicted 
to cannibalism. Then, too, the native religions were 
usually sanguinaiy, demanding a prodigality of hu- 

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man sacrifices. The killings ordained by negro wizards 
and witch-doctors sometimes attained xmbelievable 
proportions. The combined result of all this was a 
wastage of life which in other races would have spelled 
a declining population. Since the establishment of 
white political control; however, these checks on black 
fecundity are no longer operative. The white rulers 
fight filial and disease, stop tribal wars, and stamp out 
superstitious abominations. In consequence, popular 
tion increases by leaps and bounds, the latent possi- 
biUties being shown in the native reservations in South 
Africa, where tribes have increased as much as ten- 
fold in fifty or sixty years. It is therefore practically 
certain that the African n^roes will multiply prodig- 
iously in the next few decades. 

Now, what will be the attitude of these augmenting 
black masses toward white political dominion? To 
that momentous query no certain answer can be made. 
One thing, however, seems dear: the black world's re- 
action to white ascendancy will be markedly different 
from those of the brown and yeUow worlds, because of 
the profound dissimilarities between negroes and men 
of other stocks. To begin with, the black peoples 
have no historic pasts. Never having evolved civiliza- 
tions of their own, they are practically devoid of that 
accumtilated mass of beliefs, thoughts, and experiences 
which render Asiatics so impenetrable and so hostfle 
to white influences. Although the white race displays 
sustained constructive power to an unrivalled degree, 
particularly in its Nordic branches, the brown and yd- 

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low peoples have contributed greatly to the civilizar 
tion of the woild and have profoundly influenced 
human progress. The negro, on the contrary; has con- 
tributed virtually nothing. Left to himself; he re- 
mained a savage; and in the past his only quickening 
, has been whero brown men have imposed their ideas 
and altered his blood. The originating powers of the 
European and the Asiatic are not in him. 

This lack of constructive originaJity, however, 
renders the n^ro extremely susceptible to external in- 
fluences. The Asiatic; conscious of his past and his 
potaitialitieS; is chaiy of foreign innovations and re- 
fuses to recognize alien superiority. The negro; hav- 
ing no past; welcomes novelty and tacitly admits that 
others axe his masters. Both brown and white men 
have been so accepted in Africa. The relatively faint 
resistance offered by the naturally brave blacks to 
white and brown conquest; the ready reception of 
Christianity and Islam; and the extraordinary personal 
ascendancy acquired by individual Arabs and Etiro- 
peanS; all indicate a willingness to accept foreign tute- 
lage which in the Asiatic is whoUy absent. 

The Arab and the Eim>pean are, in fact; rivals for 
the mastership of black Africa. The Arab had a long 
start; but the European suddenly overtook him and 
brought not only the blacks but the African Arabs 
themselves under his sway. It remains to be seen 
whether the Arab; allying himself with the blackS; can 
oust his white rival. That some such move will be at- 
tempted; in view of the brown world's renaissance in 

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general and the extraordinaiy activity of the Arab 
peoples in ' particular, seems a foregone conclusion. 
How the matter will work out depends on three things: 
(1) the brown man's inherent strength in Africa; (2) 
the possibilities of black disaffection against white 
tutelage; (3) the white man's strength and power of 

The seat of brown power in Africa is of course the 
great belt of territory north of the Sahara. From 
Egypt to Morocco the inhabitants are Arabized in cul- 
ture and Mohammedan in faith, while Arab blood has 
percolated ever since the Moslem conquest twelve 
centuries ago. In the eastern half of this zone Arabiza- 
tion has been complete, and Egypt, Tripoli, and the 
Sudan can be considered as unalterably wedded to the 
broTm Islamic world. The zone's western half, how- 
ever, is in different case. The majority of its inhabi- 
tants are Berbers, an ancient stock generally considered 
white, with dose affinities to the Latin peoples across 
the Mediterranean. As usual, blood tells. The Ber- 
bers have been under Arab tutelage for over a thousand 
years, yet their whole manner of life remains distinct, 
they have laigely kept their language, and there has 
hesa comparatively littie intermarriage. Pure-blooded 
Arabs abound, but they are still, in a way, foreigners. 
To-day the entire region is under white, French, rule. 
Algeria, in particular, has been politically French for 
almost a hundred years. Europeans have come in 
and number nearly a million souls. The Arab element 
shows itself sullen and refractory, but the Berbers dis* 

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play much less aversion to French rule, which, as usual, 
is considerate of native susceptibilities. The French 
colonial authorities are alive to the Berber's ethnic 
aflinities and tactfully seek to stimulate his dormant 
white consciousness. In Algeria intermamage be- 
tween Eiuopeans and Berbers has actually b^un. Of 
course the process is merely in its first stages. Still, 
the blood is there, the leaven is working, and in time 
Northwest Africa may return to the white world, 
where it was in Roman days and where it racially be- 
longs. In the anti-European disturbances now taking 
place in Algeria and Tunis it is safe to say that the Arab 
element is making most of the trouble. 

It is Northeast Africa, then, which is the real nucleus 
of Arabism. Here Arabism and Islam rule unchecked, 
and in the preceding chapter we saw how the Senussi 
Order was TnarRhalling the fierce nomads of the desert. 
These tribesmen are relatively few in numbers, but 
more splendid fighting material does not exist in the 
wide world. Furthermore, the Arab-n^roid peoples 
which have developed along the south^n edge of the 
desert so blend the martial qualities of both strains 
that they frequently display an almost demoniacal 
fighting-power. It is Pan-Islamism's hope to use these 
Arab or Arabized fanatics as an officers' corps for the 
black millions whom it is converting to the faith. 

Concerning Islam's steady progress in black Africa 
there can be no shadow of a doubt. Every candid Eu- 
ropean observer tells the same stoiy. '^ Mohammedan- 
ism," says Sir Charles Elliott, '' can still give the natives 

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a motive for animosity against Europeans and a miity 
of which they are otherwise incapable." * Twentyyears 
ago another English observer, T. R. Threlfall, wrote: 
"Mohanunedanism is making marvellous progress 
in the interior of Africa. It is crushing paganism out. 
Against it the Christiaii propaganda is a myth. . . . 
The rapid i^read of militant Mohammedanism among 
the savage tribes to the north of the equator is a serious 
factor in the fight for racial supremacy in Africa. With 
very few exceptions the colored races of Africa are pre- 
eminently fighters. To them the law of the stronger 
is supreme; ihey have been conquered, and in turn 
they conquered. To them the fierce, warlike £fpirit 
inherentin Mohammedanism is infinitely more attrac- 
tive than is the gentle, peace-loving, high moral stand- 
ard of Christianity: hence, the rapid headway the 
former is nuJdng in central Africa, and the certainty 
diat it will soon spread to the south of the Zam- 
bezL"« J 

The "Way in which Islam is marching southward 
18 dramatical^ shown by a recent incident. A few 
3^earB ago the British authorities suddenly discovered 
that Mohammedanism was pervading Nyassaland. 
An investigation brought out the fact that it was the 
work of Zanzibar Arabs. They b^an their propa- 
ganda about 1900. Ten years later almost every vil- 
lage in southern Nyassaland had its Moslem teacher 

> A. R. Colquhoan, "Pkm-Islain/' North American Review, June, 1906. 
*T. R. Thrdfan, ''Senussi and His ThrMttenad Holy War," Nii^ 
imA Cmtwy, March, 1900. 

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and its mosque-hut. Although the movement was 
frankly anti-European, the British authorities did not 
dare to check it for fear of repercussions elsewhere. 
Another interesting fact, probably not imconnected, 
is that Nyassaland has lately been the theatre of an 
anti-white "Christian" propaganda — ^the so-called 
"Ethiopian Church," of which I shall presently speak. 
Islam has thus two avenues of approach to the Afri- 
can n^ro — ^his natxiral preference for a militant faith 
and his resentment at white tutelage. It is the dis- 
inclination of the more martial African peoples for a 
pacific creed which perhaps accoimts for Christianity's 
slow progress among the very warlike tribes of South 
Africa, such as the Zulus and the Matabele. Islam 
is as yet imknown south of the Zambezi, but white 
men universally dread the possibiUty of its appearance^ 
fearing its effect upon the natives. Of course Chris- 
tiamty has made distinct progress in the Dark Conti- 
nent. The natives of the South African Union are 
predominantly Christianized. In east-central Africa 
Christianity has also gained many converts, particu- 
larly in Uganda, while on the West African Guinea 
coast Christian missions have long been established 
and have generally succeeded in keeping Islam away 
from the seaboard. Certainly, all white men, whether 
professing Christians or not, should welcome the suc- 
cess of missionaiy efforts in Africa. The degrading 
fetishism and demonology which sum up the native 
pagan cults cannot stand, and all negroes will some 
d^y be either Christians or Moslems. In so far as he 

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IB Christianized^ the negro's savage instincts will be 
restrained and he will be disposed to acquiesce in 
white tutelage. In so far as he is Islamized, the negro's 
warlike propensities will be inflamed^ and he will be 
used as the tool of Arab Pan-Islamism seeking to drive 
the white man from Africa and make the continent 
its veiy own. 

As to specific anti*white sentiments among negroes 
untouched by Moslem propaganda, such sentiments 
undoubtedly exist in many quarters. The strongest 
manifestations are in South Af rica, where interracial 
relations are bad and becoming worse, but there is 
much diffused, half-articulate dislike of white men 
throughout central Africa as well. Devoid thotigh 
the African savage is of either national or cultural con- 
sciousness, he could not be expected to welcome a tute- 
lage which imposed many irksome restrictions upon 
him. Furthermore, the African negro does seem to 
possess a certain rudimentary sense of race-solidarity. 
The existence of both these sentiments is proved by the 
way in which the news of white militaiy reverses have 
at once been known and rejoiced in all over black 
Africa; spread, it would seem, by those mysterious 
methods of communication employed by negroes eveiy- 
where and called in our Southern States "grape-vine 
tel^raph." The RussoJapanese War, for example, 
produced all over the Dark Continent intensely exciting 

This generalized anti-white feeling has, during the 
past decade, taken tangible form in South Africa. 

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The white population of the Union^ though numbering 
1,500,000, is surrounded by a black population four 
times as great and increasing more rapidly, while in 
many sections the whites are outnumbered ten to one. 
The result is a state of affairs exactly parallding con- 
ditions in our own South, the Soutii African whites 
feeling obliged to protect their ascendancy by elaborate 
Iqgal regulations and social taboos. The negroes have 
been rapidly growing more restive under these dis- 
criminations, and unpleasant episodes like race-riots, 
rapings, and lynchings are increasing in South Africa 
from year to year. 

One of the most significant, not to say ominous, signs 
of the times is the "Ethiopian Church" movement. 
The movement b^an about fifteen years ago, some of 
its foimders being Afro-American Methodist preachers 
—a fact which throws a ciuious light on possible Ameri- 
can n^;ro reflexes upon their ancestral homeland. The 
movement spread rapidly, many native mission congre- 
gations cutting loose from white ecclesiastical control 
and joioing the negro organization. It also soon dis- 
played frankly anti-white tendencies, and the govern- 
ment became seriously alarmed at its unsettling influ- 
ence upon the native mind. It was suspected of having 
had a hand in the Zulu rising which broke out in 
Natal in 1907 and which was put down only after many 
whites and thousands of natives had lost their Uves. 
Shortly afterward the authorities outlawed the Ethio- 
pian Church and forbade Afro-American preachers to 
enter South Africa, but the movement, though legally 

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sappressed, lived surreptitioiisly on and appeared in 
new qnarteiB. 

In 1915 a peculiarly fanatical form of Ethiopianism 
broke out in Nyassaland. Its leader was a certain 
John Chilembwe, an Ethiopian preacher who had 
been educated in the United States. His propa- 
ganda was bitterly anti-white, asserting that Africa 
belonged to the black man, that the white man was 
an intruder, and that he ought to be killed off until he 
grew discouraged and abandoned the countiy. Chilem- 
bwe plotted a nsing all over Nyassaland, the killing of 
the white men, and the canying off of the white women. 
In January, 1915, the rising took place. Some planta- 
tions were sacked and several whites killed, their heads 
being carried to CMembwe's "church," where a 
thanksgiving service for victory was held. The whites, 
however, acted with great vigor, the poorly armed in- 
surgents were quickly scattered, and John Chilembwe 
himself was soon hunted down and killed. In itself, 
the incident was of slight importance, but, taken in 
connection with much else, it does not augur well for 
the future.* 

An interestiQg indication of the growing sense of 
n^gro race-solidarity was the "Pan-African Congress'' 
held at Paris early in 1919. Here del^ates from black 
communities throughout the world gathered to discuss 
matters of common interest. Most of the delegates 
were from Africa and the Americas, but one delegate 
from New Guinea was also present, thus representing 
»For detfulfl, see The Annual Register Icif 1915 and 19ie« 

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the Australaaifin branch of the blade race. The 
Congress was not largely attended and was of a some- 
what provisional character, but arrangements for the 
holding of subsequent congresses were made. 

Here, then, is the African problem's present status: 
To b^gin with, we have a rapidly growing black popu- 
lation, increasingly restive under white tutelage and 
continually excited by Pan-Islamic propaganda with 
the further complication of another anti-white propsr 
ganda spread by negro radicals from America. 

The African situation is thus somewhat analogous 
to conditions in Asia. But the analogy must not be 
pressed too far. In Asia white hegemony rests solely 
on political bases, while the Asiatics themselves, browns 
and yellows alike, display constructive power and 
possess civilizations built up by their own efforts from 
the remote past. The Asiatics are to-day once more 
displaying their innate capacity by not merely adopt- 
ing, but adapting, white ideas and methods. We be- 
hold an Asiatic renaissance j whose genuineness is best 
attested by the fact that there have been similar 
movements in past times. 

None of this applies to Africa. The black race has 
never shown real constructive power. It has never 
built up a native civilization. Such progress as cer- 
tain negro groups have made has been due to external 
pressure and has never long outlived that pressure's 
removal, for the negro, when left to himself, as in 
Haiti and Liberia, rapidly reverts to his ancestral ways. 
The negro is a facile, even eager, imitator; but there 

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he stops. He adopts; but he does not adapt, assim- 
ilate, and give forth creatively again. 

The whole of histoiy testifies to this truth. As the 
Englishman Meredith Townsend says: "None of the 
black races, whether negro or Australian, have shown 
within the historic time the capacity to develop civiliza- 
tion. They have never passed the boundaries of their 
own habitats as conquerors, and never exercised the 
smallest influence over peoples not black. They have 
never f oimded a stone city, have never built a ship, 
have never produced a literature, have never sug- 
gested a creed. . • . There seems to be no reason for 
this except race. It is said that the negro has been 
buried in the most 'massive' of the four continents, 
and has been, so to i^peak, lost to humanity; but he 
was alwajrs on the Nile, the immediate road to the 
Mediterranean, and in West and East Africa he was 
on the sea. Africa is probably more fertile, and almost 
certainly richer than Asia, and is pierced by rivers as 
mighty, and some of them at least as navigable. What 
could a singularly healthy race, armed with a constitu- 
tion which resists the sun and defies malaria, wish for 
better than to be seated on the Nile, or the Congo, or 
the Niger, in numbers amply sufiicient to execute any 
needed work, from the cutting of forests and the mak- 
ing of roads up to the building of cities? How was 
the n^gro more secluded than the Peruvian; or why 
was he 'shut up' worse than the Tartar of Samarcand, 
who one day shook himself, gave up all tribal feuds, 
aadi from the Sea of Okhotsk to the Baltic and south- 

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ward to the Nerbudda, mastered the world? • • • The 
negro went by himself far beyond the AustraliaQ savage. 
He learned the use of fire, the fact that sown grain will 
grow, the value of shelter, the use of the bow and the 
canoe, and the good of clothes; but there to all appear- 
ances he stopped, unable, imtil stimulated by another 
race Uke the Arab, to advance another step/' ^ 

Unless, then, every lesson of histoiy is to be disr^ 
garded, we must conclude that black Africa is unable 
to stand alone. The black man's numbers may in- 
crease prodigiously and acquire alien veneers, but the 
black man's nature will not change. Black unrest may 
grow and cause much trouble. Nevertheless, the white 
man must stand fast in Africa. No black ^'renais- 
sance " impends, and Africa, if abandoned by the whites, 
would merely fall beneath the onset of the browns. 
And that would be a great calamity. As stated in the 
preceding chapter, the brown peoples, of themselves, 
do not directly menace white race-areas, while Fan- 
Tslamism is at present an essentially defensive move- 
ment. But Islam is militant by nature, and the Arab 
is a restless and warlike breed. Pan-Islamism once 
possessed of the Dark Continent and fired by militant 
zealots, might f oige black Africa into a sword of 
wrath, the executor of sinister adventures. * 

Fortunately the white man has eveiy reason for 
keeping a firm hold on Africa. Not only are its cen* 
tral tropics prime sources of raw materials and food- 
stuffs which white direction can alone devdop^ but to 
^TovummI, 0p. CO., pp. g% 8Sft-&; 

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north and south the white man has struck deep roots 
into the soil. Both extremities of the continent are 
"white man's countiy/' where strong white peoples 
should ultimately arise. Two of the chief white 
Powers, Britain and France, are pledged to the hilt 
in this racial task and will spare no effort to safeguard 
the heritage of then* pioneering children. Brown in* 
fluence in Africa is strong, but it is supreme only in the 
northeast and its line of communication with the 
Asiatic homeland runs over the narrow neck of Suez. 
Should stem necessity arise, the white world could 
hold Suez against Asiatic assault and crush brown re- 
sistance in Africa. 

In short, the real danger to white control of Africa 
lies, not ia brown attack or black revolt, but in 
possible white weakness through chronic discord within 
the white world itself. And that subject must be re- 
served for later chaptens. 

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Red Man's Land is the Americas between the Rio 
Grande and the tropic of Capricorn, Here dwells 
the "Amerindian'' race. At the time of Colimibus 
the whole western hemisphere was theirs, but the 
white man has extirpated or absorbed them to north 
and south, so that to-day the United States and Can- 
ada in North America and the southern portions of 
South America are genuine "white man's countiy." 
In the intermediate zone above mentioned, however, 
the Amerindian has survived and forms the majority 
of the population, albeit considerably mixed with white 
and to a lesser degree with negro blood. The tbtal 
nimiber of "Indians," including both full-bloods and 
mixed types, is about 40,000,000— more than two- 
thirds of the whole population. In addition, there are 
several million negroes and mulattoes, mostly in Brazil. 
The white population of the intermediate zone, even if 
we include "near-whites," does not average more than 
10 per cent, thotigh it varies greatly with different re- 
gions. The reader should remember that neither the 
West India Islands nor the southern portion of the 
South American continent are included in this gener- 
alization. In the West Indies the Amerindian has com- 
pletely died out and has been replaced by the negro, 


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while southern South America, especially Argentina 
and Uruguay; are genuine white man's coimtry in which 
there is Httle Indian and no negro blood. Despite 
tiitee exertions, however, the fact remains that, taJcan 
as a whole, ''Latin America," the vast land-block from 
the Bio Grande to Cape Horn, is radaUy not ''Latin" 
but Amerindian or negroid, with a thin Spanish or 
Portuguese veneer. In other words, though commonly 
considered part of the white world, most of Latin 
America is ethnically colored man's land, which haa 
been growing more colored for the past himdred years. 
Latin America's evolution was predetermined by the 
Spanish Conquest. That very word "conquest" tells 
the stoiy. Ilie United States was settled by colonists 
planning homes and bringmg their women. It was 
thus a genuine migration, and resulted in a full tran^ 
planting of white stock to new soil. The Indians en- 
ooontertd were wild nomads, fierce of temper and few 
in number. After sharp conflicts they were extirpated, 
leaving virtually no ethnic traces behind. The colo- 
nisation of Latin America was the exact antithesis. 
The Spanish Conquistadores were bold warriors descend- 
ing upon vast r^ons inhabited by relatively dense 
populations, some of which, as in Mexico and Peru, had 
attained a certain degree of civilization. The Span- 
iards, invincible in their shining armor, paralyzed with 
taror these people still dwelling in the age of bronze 
and polished stone. With ridiculous ease mere hand- 
fuls V whites overthrew empires and lorded it like gods 
•ver servile and adoring multitudes. Cortez marched 

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on Mexico with less than 600 followers, while Pizarro 
had but 310 companioDs when he started his conquest 
of Peru. Of course the fabulous treasures amaased 
in these exploits drew swarms of bold adventurers 
from Spain. Nevertheless, their numbers were al- 
ways infinitesimal compared with the vastness of the 
quany, while the proportion of women immigrants 
continued to lag far behind that of the men. The 
breeding of ppre whites in Latin America was thus both 
scanty and slow. 

On the other hand, the breeding of mixed-bloods 
began at once and attained notable proportions. Hav- 
ing slaughtered the Indian males or brigaded them in 
slave-gangs, the Conquistadores took the Indian 
women to themselves. The humblest man-at-anns 
had several female attendants, while the leaders be- 
came veritable paahas with great harems of concu- 
bines. The result was a prodigious output of half-, 
breed children, known as "mestizos" or "cholos." 

And soon a new ethnic complication was added. The 
Indians having developed a melancholy trick of dying 
off under slaveiy, the Spaniards imported African 
negroes to fill the servile ranks, and since they took 
n^gresses as well as Indian women for concubines, other 
half-breeds — ^mulattoes — appeared. Here and there 
Indians and negroes mated on their own account, the 
offspring being known as "zambos.'' In time these 
various hybrids bred among themselves, producing the 
most extraordinaiy ethnic combinations. As Garcia- 
Calderon well puts it: "Grotesque generations with 

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eveiy shade of complexion and every confonnation of 
skull were bom in America--a crucible continually 
agitated by unheard-of fusions of races. . . . But there 
was little Latin blood to be found in the homes formed 
by the sensuality of the first conquerors of a desolated 
.Ymerica." * 

To be sure, this mongrel population long remained 
politically negligible. The Spaniards regarded them- 
selves as a master-caste, and excluded all save pure 
whites from civic rights and social privileges. Li 
fact, the European-bom Spaniards refused to recognize 
even their colonial-bom kinsmen as their equals, and 
"Creoles"* could not aspire to the higher distinctions 
or oflSices. This attitude was largely inspired by the de- 
sire to maintain a lucrative monopoly. Yet the Etu*o- 
pean's sense of superiority had some valid grounds. 
There can be no doubt that the Creole whites, as a 
class, showed increasing signs of degeneracy. Climate 
was a prime cause in the hotter regions, but there 
were many plateau areas, as in Colombia, Mexico, and 
Fera, which though geographically in the tropics had 
a temperate climate from their elevation. 

Even more than by climate the Creole was injured 
by contact with the colored races. Pampered and cor- 
rupted from birth by obsequious "^ slaves, the Creole 

^F. QaraarCaldefon, "Latin America: Its Rise and Prosrass,? 
p. 49 (Eoglith translatiQn, LoDdon, 1913). 

* Although kxMw usage has sinoe obsciued its true meaning, the term 
"Creole" has to do, not with raoe, but with birthplace. "Creole" 
originally meant ^'one bom in the ookmies." Down to the nineteenth 
oontury, this was perfectly dear. Whites wen "Creole" or "£u- 
lopeaa"; negroes wen "Oraole" or "African." 

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usually led an idle and vapid existence, disdaining 
work as servile and debarred from higher callingB by 
his European-bom superiors. As time passed, the de- 
generacy due to climate and custom was intensified 
by degeneracy of blood. Despite l^al enactment and 
social taboo, colored strains percolated insidiously into 
the Creole stock. The leading families, by elaborate 
precautions, might succeed in keeping their escutcheons 
clean, but humbler circles darkened significantly despite 
fervid protestations of "pure-white" blood. Still, so 
long as Spain kept her hold on Latin America, the 
process of miscegenation, socially considered, was a 
slow one. The whole social system was based on the 
idea of white superiority, and the colors were car^ully 
graded. "In America," wrote Humboldt toward the 
dose of Spanish rule, "the more or less white skin de- 
termines the position which a man holds in society."^ 
The revolution against Spain had momentous con- 
sequences for the racial future of Latin Ammca. In 
the beginning, to be sure, it was a white dvil war--a 
revolt of the Creoles against European oppression and 
discrimination. The heroes of the revolution— Bolivar^ 
Miranda, San Martin, and the rest — ^were aristocrats of 
pure-white blood. But the revolution presently de- 
vdoped new features. To begin with, the struggle 
was veiy long. Commencing in 1809, it lasted almost 
twenty years. The whites were dedmated by f ratrid- 
dal fury, and when the Spanish cause was finally lost, 
multitudes of loyalists mainly of the superior sooial 

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clafuses left the countiy. Meanwhile; the haM-csstm, 
who had rallied wholesale to the revolutionary banner^ 
were demanding their reward. The Creoles wished 
to close the revolutionary cycle and establish a new 
society based, like the old, upon white supremacy, with 
themselves substituted for the Spaniards. Bolivar 
planned a Hmited monarchy and a white electoral oli- 
garchy. But this was far from suiting the half-castes. 
For them the revolution had just begun. Raising the 
ciy of "democracy,'' then become fashionable through 
the North American and French revolutions, they 
proclaimed the doctrine of "equality" regardless of 
skin. Disillusioned and full of foreboding, Bolivar, 
the master-spirit of the revolution, disappeared from 
the scene, and his lieutenants, like the generals of 
Alexander, quarrelled among themselves, split Latin 
America into jarring fragmwts, and waged a long 
series of internecine wars. The flood-gates of anarchy 
were opened, the result being a steady weakening of the 
whites and a corresponding rise of the half-castes in the 
political and social scale. Eveiywhere ambitious sol- 
diers led the mongrel mob against the white aristocracy, 
breaking its power and making themselves dictators. 
These "caudillos" were apostles of equality and mis- 
c^enation. Says GarciarCalderon: "Tyrants found 
democracies; they lean on the support of the people, 
the half-breeds and negroes, against the oligarchies; 
they dominate the colonial nobilily , favor the crossing 
of raoes, and free the slaves." ^ 

iGAieia-OalcteRm, p. 89. 

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The consequences of all this were lamentable in 
the extreme. Latin America's level of civilization fdl 
far below that of colonial days. Spanish rule, thou^ 
narrow and tyrannical; had maintained peace and social 
stability. Now all was a hideous chaos wherein fren- 
zied castes and colors grappled to the death. Ignorant 
mestizos and brutal negroes trampled the fine flowers 
of culture under foot; while as by a malignant inverse 
selection the most intelligent and the most cultivated 

These deplorable conditions prevailed in Latin 
America until well past the middle of the nineteenth 
centuiy. Of course^ here as elsewhere, anarchy en- 
gendered tyranny, and strong caudillos sometimes per- 
petuated their dictatorship for decades, as in Parar 
guay imder Doctor Prancia and in Mexico under Por- 
firio Diaz. However, these were mere interludes, of 
no constructive import. Always the aging lion lost 
his grip, the lurking hyenas of anarchy downed him at 
last, and the land sank once more into revolutionaiy 
chaos. Some parts of Latin America did, indeed, def- 
initely emerge into the light of stable progress. But 
those favored regions owed their deliverance, not to 
dictatorship, but to race. One of two factors always 
operated: either (1) an efficient white oligarchy; or 
(2) Aiyanization through wholesale Eim)pean immigrar 

Stabilization through oligarchy is best illustrated 
by Chile. Chilean histoiy differs widely from that 
of the rest of Latin America. A land of cool climate, 

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no gold; and warlike Araucanian Indians^ Chile at- 
tracted the pioneering settler rather than the swa^- 
buckling seeker of treasure-trove. Now the pioneer- 
ing types in Spain come mainly from those northern 
provinces which have retained considerable Nordic 
blood. The Chilean colonists w^^ thus largely blond 
Asturians or austere^ reasonable Basques, seeking homes 
and bringing their women. Of course there was cross- 
ing with the natives; but the fierce Araucanian aborig- 
ines clung to their wild freedom and kept up an inter- 
minable frontier warfare in which the occasions for 
race-mixture were relatively few. The coimtiy waa 
thus settled by a resident squirearchy of an almost 
English type. This ruling gentry jealously guarded 
its racial int^rity. In fact, it possessed not merely 
a white but a Nordic race-consciousness. The Chilean 
gentry called themselves sons of the Visigoths, scions 
of Euric and Pelayo, who had found in remote Aran- 
cania a chance to slake their racial thirst for fighting 
and freedom. 

In Chile, as elsewhere, the revolution provoked a 
cycle of disorder. But the cycle was short, and waa 
more a political struggle between white factions than 
a social welter of caste and race. Furthermore, Chile 
was receiving fresh accessions of Nordic blood. Many 
English, Scotch, and Irish gentleman-adventurers, 
taking part in the War of Independence, settled down 
in a land so reminiscent of their own. Germans also 
came in considerable numbers, settling especially in 
the colder south* Thus the Chilean upper classes. 

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always pure white, became steadily more Nordic in 
ethnic character. The political and social results 
were unmistakable. Chile rapidly evolved a stable 
society, essentially oligarchic and consciously patterned 
on aristocratic England. Efficient, practical, and ex- 
tremely patriotic, the Chilean oligarchs made their 
country at once the most stable and the most dynamic 
factor in Latin America. 

The distinctly '' Northern '' character of Chile and 
the Chileans strike foreign observers. Here, for ex- 
ample, are the impressions of a recent viator, the North 
American sociologist. Professor E. A. Ross. TAnding 
at the port of Valparaiso, he is '^struck by signs of 
English influence. On the conmiercial streets every 
third man suggests the Briton, while a lai^ proportion 
of the business people look as if they have their daily 
tub. The cleanliness of the streets, the freshness of 
the parks and squares, the dressing of the shop-win- 
dows, and the style of the mounted police remind one 
of England." ^ As to the Nordic affinities of the i^per 
dasses: '^One sees it in stature, eye color, and ruddy 
complexion. . • . Among the pupils of Santiago Col- 
lie there are as many blonds as brunets."* Even 
among the peon or ^^roto" class, despite considerable 
Indian crossing. Professor Ross noted the strong Nordic 
strain, for he met Chilean peasants ''whose stature, 
broad shoulders, big faces, and tawny mustaches pro- 

>Edw«rd Aliworth Rom. <'8«ath of Fnmnm," pp. «7-« (Not 
Yoik, 1014). 

p. 109. 

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dauned tiiem as genuine Norsemen as the Icelanders in 
our Red River Valley." * 

Chile is thus the prime example of social stabilily 
and progress attained through white oligarchic rule. 
Other^ though less successful, instances are to be noted 
in Peru, Colombia, and Costa Rica. Peru and Colom- 
bia, though geographically within the tropics, hare ex- 
tensive temperate plateaux. Here numerous whites 
settled during the colonial period, fonmng an upper 
caste over a large Indian population. Unlike Chile, 
few Nordics came to leaven society with those qualities 
of constructive genius and racial self-respect which 
are the special birthright of Nordic man. Unlike 
Chile again, not only were there dense Indian masses, 
but there was also an appreciable negro element. 
Lastly, the number of mixed-bloods was very large. 
It is thus not surprising that for both Peru and Colom-* 
bia the revolution ushered in a period of turmoil from 
which neither have even yet emerged. The whites 
have consistently fought among themselves, invoking 
the half-castes as auxiliaries and using Indians and 
negroes as their pawns. The whites are still the domi- 
nant element, but only the first families retain their 
pure blood, and miscegenation creeps upward with 
eveiy successive generation. As for Costa Riea, it is 
a tiny bit of cool hill-coimtiy, settled by whites in 
colonial times, and to-day rises an oasis of dviliza- 
tion, above the tropic jungle of degenerate, mongrel 
Central America. 

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The second method of social stabilization in Latin 
America— Aiyanization through wholesale European 
immigration — ^is exemplified by Argentina and Uru- 
guay. Neither of these lands had very promising be- 
ginnings. Their populations^ at the revolution, con- 
tained strong Indian infusions and traces of n^gro 
blood, while after the revolution both fell imder the 
sway of tyrannical dictators who persecuted the white 
aristocrats and favored misc^enation. However, Ar^ 
gentina and Uruguay possessed two notable advan- 
tages: they were climatically white man's country^ 
and they at first contained a very small population. 
Since they produced neither gold nor tropical luxuries^ 
Spain had neglected them, so that at Hie revolution 
they consisted of little more than the port-towns of 
Buenos Aires and Montevideo with a few dependent 
rivernsettlements. Their vast hinterlands of fertile 
prairie then harbored only wandering tribes of nomad 

During the last half of the nineteenth century, 
however, the development of ocean transport gave 
these antipodean prairies value as stock-raising and 
grain-growing sources for congested Europe, and Eu- 
rope promptly sent immigrants to supply her needs. 
This immigrant stream gradually swelled to a veritable 
deluge. Hie hxmian tide was, on the whole, of sound 
stock, mostly Spaniards and north Italians, with some 
Nordic elements from northern Europe in the jxpper 
strata. Thus Europe locked antipodean America 
securely to the white world. As for llie odonial stod^ 

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it mei^ed easily into the newer, kindred flood. Here 
and there signs of former miscegenation still show, 
the Argentino being sometimes, as Madison Grant well 
puts it, "suspiciondy swarthy."* Nevertheless, these 
are but vestigial traces which the ceaseless European 
inflow will ultimately eradicate. The lajge impending 
Gennan immigration to Argentina and Uruguay should 
bring valuable Nordic elements. 

This same tide of European immigration has like- 
wise pretty well Aiyanized the southern provinces of 
Brazil, adjacent to the Uruguayan border. Those 
provinces were n^ected by Portugal as Ai*gentina and 
Uruguay were by Spain, and half a century ago they 
had a veiy sparse population. To-day they support 
millions of European immigrants, mostly Italians and 
Eiiropean Portuguese, but with the fiuther addition 
of nearly half a million Germans. Brazil is, in fact, 
evolving into two racially distinct communities. The 
southern provinces are white man's countiy, with little 
Indian or n^ro blood, and with a distinct ''color line.'' 
The tropical north is saturated with Indian and negro 
strains, and the whites are rapidly disappearing in a 
universal mongrelization. Ultimately this must pro- 
duce momentous political consequences. 

Bearing in mind the exceptions above noted, let us 
now observe the vast tropical and semi-tropical bulk 
of Latin America. Here we find notable changes since 
edonial days. White predominance is substantially 

>Madi0oii Gnnt, '"Die Ptaiog of the Gfeftt Baoe,'' p. 79- ^ 

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a thing of the past. Persons of unmixed Spanish or 
Portuguese descent are relatively few, most of Uie 
so-called "whites" being really near-whites, more or 
less deeply tinged with colored bloods. It is a strik- 
ing token of white race-prestige that these near- 
whites, despite their degeneracy and inefficiency, are 
yet the dominant element; occupying, in fact, much 
the same status as the aristocratic Creoles immediately 
after the War of Independence. Nevertheless, the 
near-whites' supremacy is now threatened. Every 
decade of chronic anarchy favors the darker half- 
breeds, while below these, in turn, the Indian and 
negro full-bloods are beginning to stir, as in Mexico 

Most informed observers agree that the mixed- 
bloods of Latin America are distinctly inferior to the 
whites. This applies to both mestizos and mulattoes, 
albeit the mestizo (the cross between white and In- 
dian) seems less inferior than the mulatto — ^the cross 
between white and black. As for the zambo, the In- 
dian-negro cross, everybody is agreed that it is a very 
bad one. Analyses of these hybrid stocks show re- 
markable similarities to the mongrel chaos of the de- 
clining Roman Empire. Here is the judgment of 
Garcia-Calderon, a Peruvian scholar and generally 
considered the most authoritative writer on Latin 
America. "The racial question,'' he writes, "is a 
very serious problem in American history. It explains 
the progress of certain peoples and the decadence of 
otb^B, and it is the key to the incurable disorder which 

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divides America. Upon it depend a great number of 
secondary phenomena; the public wealth, the indus- 
trial S3rstem, the stability of governments, the soHdity 
of patriotism. . . . This complication of castes, this 
admixtxu^ of diverse bloods, has created many prob- 
lems. For example, is the formation of a national 
consciousness possible with such disparate elements? 
Would such heterogeneous democracies be able to resist 
the invasion of superior races? Finally, is the South 
American half-caste absolutely incapable of organiza- 
tion and culture?"* While qualifying his answers to 
these queries, Garcia-Calderon yet deplores the half- 
caste's "decadence."* "In the Iberian democracies," 
he says, "an inferior Latinity, a Latinity of the de- 
cadence, prevails; verbal abundance, inflated rhetoric, 
oratorical exaggeration, just as in Roman Spain. . . . 
The half-caste loves grace, verbal elegance, quibbles 
even, and artistic form; great passions and desires do 
not move him. In religion he is sceptical, indifferent, 
and in politics he disputes in the Byzantine manner. 
No one could discover in him a trace of his Spani^ 
forefather, stoical and adventurous."' Garcia-Calde- 
ron therefore concludes: "The mixture of rival castes, 
Iberians, Indians, and negroes, has generally had dis- 
astrous consequences. • . . None of the conditions es- 
tablished by the French psychologists are realized by 
the Latin American democracies, and their popular 
tions are therefore degenerate. The lower castes strug- 
gle successfully against the traditional rules: the ord^ 
^CtaicuhCilderoii,pp.861--2. s/M.,p.2S7. </M.,p.a0O. 

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which formerly existed is followed by moral anarchy; 
solid conviction by a superficial scepticism; and the 
Castilian tenacity by indecision. The black race is 
doing its work^ and the continent is retmning to its 
primitive barbarism/'^ This melancholy fate can, 
according to Garcia-Calderon, be averted only by 
wholesale white immigration: ''In South America 
civilization is dependent upon the numerical predonu- 
nance of the victorious Spaniard, on the triumph of the 
white man over the mulatto, Uie negro, and the In- 
dian. Only a plentiful Eim)pean inmiigration can re- 
establish tJie shattered equilibrium of the American 

Garcia-Calderon's pronouncements are echoed by 
foreign observers. During his South American travels 
Professor Ross noted the same melancholy eymptoma 
and pointed out the same imique remedy. Speaking 
of Ecuador, he says: ''I found no foreigners who have 
faith in the futuie of this people. They point out that 
while this was a Spanish colony there was a continual 
flow of immigrants from Spain, many of whom, no 
doubt, were men of force. Political separation inter- 
rupted this current, and since then the countiy has 
really gone back. Spain had provided a ruling, or- 
ganizing element, and, with the cessation of the flow of 
Spaniards, the mixed-bloods took charge of things, 
for the pure-white element is so small as to be n^ligible. 
No one suggests that the mestizos equal the white 
stock either in intellect or in character. . . . Among 

1 GardaHCaldflron, pp. 361-2. > Ibid., p. 862. 

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the rougher foreigners and Peruvians the pet name for 
these people is 'monkeys.' The thoughtful often liken 
them to Eurasians^ dever enough, but lacking in solid- 
ity of oharacter. Natives and foreigners alike declare 
that a large white immigration is the only hope for 

Gonceming Bolivia^ Professor Boss writes: ''The 
wisest sociologist in Bolivia told me that the zambo^ 
resulting from the union of Indian with negro, is in- 
ferior to both the parent races, and that likewise 
the mestizo is inferior to both white and Indian in 
physical strength, resistance to disease, longevity, and 
brains. The failure oi the South American republics 
has been due, he declares, to mestizo domination. 
Through the colonial period there was a flow of Span- 
iards to the colonies, and all the offices down to corre- 
gidor and cura were filled by white men. With in- 
dependence, the whites ceased coming, and the lower 
offices of state and church were filled with mestizos. 
Then, too, the first crossing of white with Indian 
gave a better result than the union between mestizos, 
so that the stock has undergone progressive degenera- 
tion. The only thing, ihea, that can make these 
countries progress is a large white immigration, some- 
thing much talked about by statesmen in all these 
countries, but which has never materialized.''* 

These judgments refer particularly to Spanish Amer- 
ica. Regarding Portuguese Brazil, however, the ver- 
dict seems to be the same. Many years ago Professor 

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Agassia wrote: ''Let any one who doubts the evil of 
this mixture of races, and is inclined from mistaken 
philanthropy to break down all barriers between th^n, 
come to Brazil. He cannot deny the deterioration con- 
sequent upon the amalgamation of races, more wide- 
spread here than in any countiy in the world, and which 
is rapidly effacing the best qualities of the white man, 
the negro, and the Indian, leaving a mongrel, nonde- 
script type, deficient in physical and mental enei^."* 

The mongrel's political ascendancy produces pre- 
cisely the results which might have been e3^>ected. 
These unhappy beings, eveiy cell of whose bodies is 
a battle-ground of jarring heredities, egress their souls 
in acts of hectic violence and aimless instabilily. The 
normal state of tropical America is anarchy, restrained 
only by domestic tyrants or foreign masters. Garcia- 
Calderon exactly describes its psychology when he 
writes: ''Precocious, sensual, impressionable, the Amer- 
icans of these vast territories devote their enei^es to 
local politics. Industiy, commerce, and agriculture 
are in a state of decay, and the unruly imagination of 
the Creole expends itself in constitutions, programmes, 
and lyrical discourses; in these regions anarchy is 
sovereign mistress."^ The tropical republics display, 
indeed, a tendency toward "atomic dismtegration. . . . 
Given to dreaming, they are led by presidents suffering 
from neurosis."' 

The stock feature of the mongrel tropics is, of course, 
the ''revolution." These senseless and perennial 

1 A. p. Sehulte, "Race or Mongrel,'' p. 155 (Boston, 1908). 
*Gfirci»<3a]deron,p.222. * /bid., p. 330. 

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outburstB sxe often ridiculed id the United States as 
comic opera, but the grim truth of the matter is that 
few Latin American revohitions are laughing matters. 
The numbers of men engaged may not be veiy large 
according to our standards, but measured by the scanty 
populations of the countries concerned, they lay a 
heavy blood-tax on the suffering peoples. The tatter- 
demalion '^armies'' may excite our mirth, but the 
battles are real enough, often fought out to the death 
with razor-edged machetes and rusty bayonets, and 
there is no more ghastly sight than a Latin American 
battle-field. The commandeerings, burnings, rapings, 
and assassinations inflicted upon the hapless civilian 
population cry to hearen. There is always wholesale 
destruction of property, frequently appalling loss of 
life, and a general parafyais of economic and social ac- 
tivity. These wretched lands have now heea scourged 
by tiie revolutionary plague for a hundred years, and 
W. B. Hale does not overstate the consequences when 
he says: ^'Most of the countries clustering about the 
Caribbean have sunk into deeper and deq>» mires 
of misrule, unmatched for profligacy and violence any- 
where on earth. Revolution follows revolution; one 
band of brigands succeeds another; atrocities revenge 
atrocities; the plundered people grow more and more 
abject in poverty and slavishness; vast natural r&- 
soiurces lie n^ected, while populations decrease, civili- 
zation recedes, and the jimgle advances." ^ Of course, 
under these frightful circmnstances, the national char- 

^W. B. Hale, "Our Danger in Cential Ammoa,'* WoMb Work, 
August, 1912. 

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acter, weak enough at best, d^enerates at an ever- 
quickening pace. Peaceful effort of any sort appears 
vain and ridiculous, and men are taught that wealth 
is procurable only by violence and extortion. 

Another important point should be noted. I have 
said that Latin American anarchy was restrained by 
dictatorship. But the reader must not infer that dic- 
tatorships are halcyon times— for the dictated. On the 
contrary, they are usually only a trifle less wretched 
and demoralizing than times of revolution. The 
''caudillos" are nearly always veiy sinister figures. 
Often they are ignorant brutes; oftener they are blood- 
thirsty, lecherous monsters; oftenest they are human 
spiders who suck the land diy of all fluid wealth, bank- 
ing it abroad against the day when they shall fly before 
the revolutionary blast to the safe haven of Paris and 
the congenial debaucheries of Montmartre. The mil- 
lions amassed by tyrants Hke Castro of Venezuela and 
Zelaya of Nicaragua are almost beyond bdief , consider- 
ing the backward, bankrupt lands they have ^^ad- 

Yet how can it be otherwise? Consider Critch- 
field's incisive account of a caudiUo's accession to 
power: '^When an ignorant and brutal man, whose 
entire knowledge of the world is confined to a few 
Indian villages, and whose total experience has been 
gained in the raising of cattle, doffs his dlpagarte8» 
and, machete in hand, cuts his way to power in a few 
weeks, with a savage horde at his back who know 
nothing of the amenities of civilization and care less 

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than they'know — ^when such a man comes to power, evfl 
and evil only can result. Even if the new dictator were 
well-intentioned, his entire ignorance of law and con- 
stitutional forms, of commercial processes and manu- 
facturing arts, and of the fundamental and necessaiy 
prindples underlying all stable and free governments, 
would render a successful administration by him ex- 
tremely difficult, if not impossible. But he is sur- 
rounded by all the elements of vice and flattery, and 
he is imbued with that vain and absurd ^otism which 
makes men of small caliber imagine themselves to be 
Napoleons or Caesars. Thus do petty despotisms, un- 
restrained by constitutional provisions or by anything 
like a virile public opinion, lead from absurdity to 
outrage and crime." * 

Such is the situation in mongrel-ruled America: 
revolution breeding revolution, tyranny breeding tyr- 
anny, and the twain combining to ruin their victims 
and force them ever deeper into the slough of d%ena> 
ate barbarism. The whites have lost their grip and are 
rapidly disappearing. The mixed-breeds have had 
their chance and have grotesquely failed. The oft- 
quoted panacea— white immigration— is under present 
conditions a vain dream, for white immigrants will not 
expose themselves (and still less thdr women) to the 
horrors of mongrel rule. So far, then, as internal fac- 
tors are* concerned, anarchy seems destined to continue 

> G. W. Critdifidd, " Amflrioaa Baptmrnej,'' foL I, ii. 377 (New 
Toik, IQOB). 

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In fact, new conjQicts loom on the horizon. The 
Indian maases, so docile to the genuine white man, be- 
gin to stir. The aureole of white prestige has been 
besmirched by the near-whites and half-castes who have 
traded so recklessly upon its sanctions. Strong in the 
poise of normal heredity, the Indian full-blood com- 
mences to despise these chaotic masters who turn his 
homelands into bear-gardens and witches' sabbaths. 
An '^Indianista" movement is to-day on foot through- 
out mongrel-ruled America. It is most pronounced 
in Mexico, whose interminable agony becomes more and 
more a war of Indian resurgence, but it is also starting 
along the west coast of South America. Long ago, wise 
old Professor Pearson saw how the wind was blowing. 
Noting how whites and near-whites were "everywhere 
fighting and intriguing for the spoils of office," he also 
noted that the Indian masses, though relatively passive 
and "seemingly unobservant," were yet "conquering 
a place for themselves in other ways than by increas- 
ing and multiplying," and he concluded: "the general 
level of the autochthonous race is being raised; it is 
acquiring riches and self-respect, and must sooner or 
later get the coimtry back into its hands." ^ Recent 
visitors to the South American west coast note the signs 
of Indian imrest. Some years ago Lord Bryce re- 
marked of Bolivia: "There have been Indian risings, 
and firearms are more largely in their hands than for- 
merly. They so preponderate in niunbers that any 
movement which united them against the upper class 

> Pearson, op. eH,, p. 00. 

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m^t, could they find a leader, have serious conse- 
quences.'' ^ Still more recently Professor Ross wrote 
concerning Peru: ''In Cuzco I met a gentleman of 
education and travel who is said to be the only living 
lineal descendant of the Incas. He has great influence 
with the native element and voices their bitterness and 
their aspirations. He declares that the politics of 
Peru is a straggle between the Spanish mestizos of 
Lima and the coast and the natives of Cuzco and the 
interior, and predicts an uprising unless Cuzco is made 
the capital of the nation. He even dreams of a Kechua 
republic, with Cuzco as its capital and the United 
States its guarantor, as she is guarantor of the Cuban 
republic."* And of Bolivia, Professor Ross writes: 
''Lately there has been a general movement of the 
Bolivian Indians for the recoveiy of the lands of which 
they have been robbed piecemeal. Conflicts have 
broken out and, although the government has punished 
the ringleaders, there is a feeling that, so long as the 
exploiting of the Indian goes on, Bolivians are living 
'in the crater of a slumbering volcano.'"* 

Since the white man has gone and the Indian is pre- 
paring to wrest the sceptre of authority from the mon- 
grel's worthless hands, let us examine this Indian race, 
to see what potentiality it possesses of restoring order 
and initiating progress. 

To begin with, there can be no doubt that the Indian 
is superior to the negro. The negro, even when quick- 

1 James Biyoe, "South Amorioa," p. 181 (London, 1012). 
'Eoae, op» eU,, p. 74. •Ross, p. 89. 

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ened by foreign influences, never built up anything ap- 
proaching a real civilization; whereas the Indian, 
though entirely sundered from the rest of mankind, 
evolved genuine polities and cultures like the Aztec 
of Mexico, the Inca of Peru, and the Maya of Yucatan. 
The Indian thus possesses creative capacity to an ap- 
preciable degree. However, that degree seems strictly 
limited. The researches of archseologists have sadly 
discounted the glowing tales of the Conquistadores, and 
the '^ Empires" of Mexico and Peru, tJiough far from 
contemptible, certainly rank well below Hie achieve- 
ments of European and Asiatic races in medieval and 
even in classic times. 

The Indian possesses notable stability and poise, 
but the veiy intensity of these qualities fetters his 
progress and renders questionable his ability to rise 
to itie modem plane. His conservatism is inunense. 
With incredible tenacity he clings to his ancestral 
ways and exhibits a dull indifference to alien innova- 
tion. Of coiu*se the Indian sub-races differ con- 
siderably among themselves, but the same funda- 
mental tendencies are visible in all of them. Says 
Professor Ellsworth Huntington: "The Indians are 
very backward. They are dull of mind and slow to 
adopt new ideas. Perhaps in the future they will 
change^ but the fact that they have been influenced so 
little by four hundred years of contact with the white 
man does not afford much ground for hope. Judging 
from the past, there is no reason to think that tibeir 
character k likely to change for many generations. • • • 

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Those who dwell permaQently in the white man's 
cities are influenced somewhat; but here as in other 
cases the general tendency seems to be to revert to the 
original condition as soon as the special impetus of 
immediate contact with the white man is removed."^ 
And Lord Bryce writes in similar vein: "With plenty 
of stability^ they lack initiative. They make steady 
soldiers, and fight well under white or mestizo leaders, 
but one seldom hears of a pure Indian accomplishing 
anything or rising either through war or politics, or in 
any profession, above the level of his class. . . ."* 

The truth about the Indian seems to be substan- 
tially this: Left alone, he would probably have con- 
tinued to progress, albeit much more slowly than either 
white or Asiatic peoples. But the Indian was not left 
alone. On the contraiy, he was suddenly felled by 
brutal and fanatical conquerors, who uprooted his 
native culture and plunged him into abject servitude. 
The Indian's spiritual past was shorn away and his 
evolution was perverts. Prevented from develop- 
ing along his own lines, and constitutionally incapable 
of adapting himself to the ways of his Spanish con- 
querors, the Indian vegetated, learning nothing and 
forgetting much that he knew. This has continued for 
four hundred years. Is it not likely that his ancestral 
aptitudes have atrophied or decayed? Slaveiy and 
mental sloth have indeed scarred him with their feD 

^EDsworth Huntington, "The Adaptability of the White Man to 
Ttopicftl America," Journal of Race Deodopmentf Ootober, 1914. 
' Biyee, op, cU., p. 184. 

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stigmata. SayB GarciarCalderon: ^'Without sufficient 
food, without hygiene, a distracted and laborious beast, 
he decays and perishes; to forget the misery of his 
daily lot he drinks, becomes an alcoholic, and his 
numerous progeny present the characteristics of de- 

Furthermore, the Indian degenerates from another 
cause — ^mongrelization. Miscegenation is a dual proc- 
ess. It works upward and downward at one and the 
same time. In Latin America hybridization has been 
prodigious, the hybrids to-day niunbering millions. 
In some regions, as in Venezuela and parts of Central 
America, there are veiy few full-blooded Indians left, 
hybrids forming practically the entire population. 
Now, on the whole, the white or "mestizo" crossing 
seems hurtful to the Indian, for what he gains in intelU- 
gence he more than loses in character. But the mestizo 
crossing is not the worst. There is another, much 
graver, racial danger. The hot coastlands swarm with 
negroes, and the zambo or n^gro-Indian is xmiversally 
adjudged the worst of matings. Thus, for the Indian, 
white blood appears harmful, while black blood is 
absolutely fatal. Yet the mongrelizing tide sweeps 
steadily on. The Indian draws no '^ color line," and 
continually impairs the purity of lui blood and the 
pdse of his heredity. 

Bearing all the above facts in mind, can we believe 
the Indian capable of drawing mongrel-ruled America 
irmi its slough of despond ? Can he set it on the path 
1 GtfciarCalderaD, p. 861 

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of orderly progress? It does not seem poscible, Aa- 
suming for the sake of argument complete freedom from 
foreign intervention, the Indian might in time displace 
his mongrel rulers—provided he himself were not also 
mongrelized. But the present " Indianista" movement 
is not a sign of Indian political efficiency; not the har- 
bioger of an Indian ^' renaissance." It is the instinc- 
tive turning of the harried beast on his tormentor. 
Maddened by the cruel vagaries of mongrel rule and 
increasin^y conscious of the mongrel's innate worth- 
lessness, the Indian at last bares his teeth. Under 
civilized white tutelage the ''Indianista'' movement 
would have been practically inconceivable. 

However, guesses as to the final outcome of an In- 
dian-mongrel conflict are academic speculation, be* 
cause mongrel America will not be left to itself. Mon- 
grel America cannot stand alone. Indeed, it never has 
stood alone, for it has always been bolstered up by the 
Monroe Doctrine. But for om* protection, outside 
forces would have long since rushed into this political 
and economic vacuiun, and every omen to-day denotes 
tibat this vacuum, like all others, will presently be filled. 
A world close packed as never before will not tolerate 
countries that are a torment to themselves and a 
dangerous nuisance to their neighbors. A world half 
bankrupt will not allow vast sources of potential wealth 
to lie in hands which idle or misuse. Thus it is prac- 
tically certain that mongrel America will presently 
pass under foreign tutelage. Exactly how, is not yet 
dear. It may be done by the United States alone^ 

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or, what is more probable, in "Pan-American" co- 
operation with the lusty young white nations of the 
antipodean south. It may be done by an even lai^er 
combination, including some European states. After 
all, the details of such action do not lie within the scope 
of this book, since they fall exclusively within the white 
man's sphere of activity. 

There is, however, another dynamic which migjbt 
transform mongrel America. This dynamic is yellow 
Asia. The Far East teems with virile and laborious 
life. It thrills to novel ambitions and desires. Avid 
with the uige of swarming myriads, it himgrily seeks 
outlets for its superabundfiuit vitality. We have 
already seen how the Mongolian has earmarked the 
whole Far East for his own, and in subsequent pages 
we shall see how he also beats restlessly against the 
white world's race-frontiers. But mongrel America I 
What other field offers such tempting possibilities for 
Mongolian race-e^qpansion? Vast regions of incal- 
culable, une3q)loited wealth, sparsely inhabited by 
stagnant populations cursed with anarchy and feeble 
from misc^enation— how could such lands resist the 
onslaught of tenacious and indomitable millions ? The 
answer is self-evident. They could not resist; and such 
an invasion, once b^un, would be consummated with 
a celerity and thoroug^ess perhaps unexampled in 
human histoiy. 

Now the yellow world is alive to this momentous 
possibility. Japan, in particular, has ^impsed in 
Latin America precious avenues to that racial expan^ 

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sion yAdck is the k^-note of JapaneBe f oreigii poliqr. 
For years Japanese statesmen and publidsts have 
busied themselves with the problem. The Chinese 
had, in fact, abeady pointed the way, for during the 
later decades of the nineteenth century Chinamen 
frequented Latin America's Pacific coast, economically 
vanquishing the natives with ease, and settling in 
Peru in such numbers that the alarmed Peruvians 
hastily stopped the inflow by drastic exclusion acts. 
The successes of these Chinese pioneers, humble coolies 
entirely without ofiSdal backing, have fired the Japanese 
imagination. The Japanese press has long discussed 
Latin America in optimistic vein. Count Okuma is a 
good exemplar of these Japanese aspirations. Some 
years ago he told the American sociologist Professor 
Boss: ''South America, especially the northern part, 
win furnish ample room for our suiplus/'^ To his fel- 
low countrymen Count Okuma was still more specific. 
In 1907 he stated in the Tokio Ewnomist that the 
Japanese were to overapread the earth like a doud of 
locusts, alighting on the North American coasts, and 
swarming into Central and South America. Count 
Okuma expressed a strong preference for Latin Ameri- 
can coimtries as fields for Japanese immigration, be- 
cause most of them were ''much easier to include within 
the sphere of influence of Japan^in the future.'' * 

And the Japanese have supplemented words with 
deeds. Eepedally since 1914, Japanese activitjy in 

* 7^ iifiMrioem A0»Mii lef ^Mii0t, NoffvnilMr, 19079 p. iai. 

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Latm America has been ubiquitous and striking. The 
west coast of South America; in particular, is toKiay 
flooded with Japanese goods, merchants, commercial 
missions, and financial agents seeking concessions of 
ereiy kind. Our State Department has had to exer< 
dse special vigilance concerning Japanese concession- 
hunting in Mexico. 

Japan's present activity is of course mere recon- 
noitring— testing? and mappings of terrain for possible 
later action on a more extensive scale. One thing 
alone gives Japan pause — our veto. Japan knows 
that real aggression against our southern neighbors 
would £fpell war with the United States. Japan does 
not contemplate war with us at present. She has many 
fish to fry in the Far East. So in Latin America she 
pla3r8 safe. But she bides her time. In Latin America 
itself she has friends— even partisans. Japan seeks to 
mobilize to her profit that distrust of the ^'Yanqui'' 
which permeates Latin America. The half-castes, in 
particular, rage at our ^^color line'' and see in the 
United States the Nemesis of their anarchic misrule. 
They flout the Monroe Doctrine, caress dreams of 
Japanese aid, and welcome Nippon's pose as the cham- 
pion of color throughout the world. 

Japanese activities in Mexico are of especial inter- 
est. Here Japan has three strong strings to her bow: 
(1) patriotic dislike of the United States; (2) mestizo 
hatred ctf the white ^'gringo"; (3) the Indianista move- 
ment. In Mexico the past decade of revolutionary 
tmmgil hw <foveloped into a complicated raoe-war of 

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the mestizos against the white or near-white upper 
class and of the Indian full-bloods against both whites 
and mestizos. The one bond of union is dislike of the 
gringo, which often rises to fanatical hatred. Our 
war against Mexico in 1847 has never been forgotten, 
and many Mexicans cherish hopes of revenge and even 
aspire to recover the territories then ceded to us. Dur- 
ing the early stages of the European War our military 
unpreparedness and apparent pacifism actually em- 
boldened some Mexican hotheads to concoct the 
notorious 'Tlan of San Diego.'' The conspirators 
plotted to rouse the Mexican population of oiu* southern 
border, sow disaffection among our Southern negroes, 
and e^lode the mine at the psychological moment 
by means of a '' Reconquering Equitable Army" in- 
vading Texas. Our whole Southwest was to be re- 
joined to Mexico, while oiu* Southern States were to 
form a black republic. The projected war was con- 
ceived strictly in terms of race, the reconquering equitsr 
ble army to be composed solely ci ^'Latins," negroes, 
and Japanese. The racial results were to be decisive^ 
for the entire white population of both our South and 
Southwest was to be pitilessly massacred. Of course 
the plot completely miscarried, and sporadic attempts 
to invade Texas during 1915 were eaoly rq>ulsed. 

Nevertheless, this incident reveals the trrad of many 
Mexican minds. The framers of the ^'Flan of San 
Di^o" were not ignorant peons, but persons of some 
standing. The outrages and tortures inflicted upon 
numerous Americans in Meidco during recent yeaiv 

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are furUier indicatiozis of that wide-spread hatred 
which expresses itself in vitriolic outbursts like the 
following editorial of a Mexican provincial paper, 
written during our chase after the bandit Villa in 1916: 
''Above all, do not foiget that at a time of national 
need, humanity is a crime and f rightfulness is a virtue. 
Pull out eyeS; snatch out hearts, tear open breasts, 
drink— if you can — ^the blood in the skulls of the in- 
vaders from the cities of Yankeeland. In defense 
cxf liberty be a Nero, be a Caligula— that is to be a 
good patriot. Peace between Mexico and the United 
States will be closed in throes oi terror and barbar- 

All this is naturally grist for the Japanese mill. 
Especially interesting are Japanese attempts to play 
upon Mexican Indianista sentiment. Japanese writers 
point out physical and cultural similarities between 
the Mexican native races and themselves, deducing 
therefrom innate racial affinities springing from the 
remote and forgotten past. All possible sympathetic 
changes were rung diuing the diplomatic mission of 
Sefior de la Barra to Japan at the beginning of 1914. 
His reception in Tokio was a memorable event. Senor 
de la Barra was greeted by cheering multitudes, and 
on every occasion the manifold bonds between the 
two peoples were emphasized. This of course occurred 
before the European War. During the war Japanese- 

*The newspaper was La Rrforma of Saltillo. The editorial was 
^pioted in an AflBodafced PtaM despatch dated El Paso, Texas, June 26, 
1916. The despatch mentions La Btforma as "a semi-official paper." 

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Mexican rdations remained amicable. So f ar aa of- 
ficial evidence goes, the Japanese Government has 
never entered into any understandings with the Mex- 
ican Government, though some Mexicans have hinted 
at a secret agreement, and one Mexican writer, Gu- 
tierrez de Lara, asserts that in 1912 Francisco Madero, 
then President, ^' threw himself into the arms of Japan," 
and goes on: ^' We are well aware of the importance of 
this statement and of its tremendous international 
significance, but we make it deliberately with full con- 
fidence in our authority. Not only did Madero enlist 
the ardent support of the South American republics 
in the cause of Mexico's inviolability, but he entered 
into n^otiations with the Japanese minister in Mexico 
Cily for a close offensive and defensive alliance with 
Japan to checkmate United States aggression. When 
during the fateful twelve days' battle in Mexico CSty 
a rumor of American intervention, more alarming 
than usual, was communicated to Madero, he remarked 
coldly that he was thoroughly anxious for that inter- 
vention, for he was confident of the surprise the Amer- 
ican Government would receive in discovering that 
they had to deal with Japan." ^ 

But, after all, an ofiSdal Japanese-Mexican under- 
standing is not the fundamental issue. The really 
significant thing is Mexican popular antagonism to 
the United States, which is so wide-gpread that Japan 
could in a crisis probably count on Mexican benevolent 

^Gatienes de Lan, "The Meadcan People: Tbair Struggle for 
Fieedom" (New Yoik, 1914). 

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neutrality if not on Mexican support. The present 
Carranza government of Mexico is of course notori- 
ously anti-American. Its consistent policy^ notably 
revealed in its complaisance toward Germany and its 
intrigues with other anti-American regimes like those 
of Colombia and Venezuda, makes Mexico the centre 
of anti-Americanism in Latin America. As for the 
numerous Japanese residents in Mexico^ they have 
lost no opportunity to abet this attitude. Here^ for 
instance^ is the text of a manifesto signed by prominent 
members of the Japanese colony during the American- 
Mexican crisis of 1916: '^Japanese: Mexico is a friendly 
nation. Our commercial bonds with her are great. 
She is, like us, a nation of heroes who will never con- 
sent to the world-domination of a hard and brutal 
race, as are the Yankees. We cannot abandon Mexico 
in her struggle against a nation supposedly stronger. 
The Mexicans know how to defend themselves, but 
there is lacking aid which we can furnish. If the Yan- 
kees invade Mexico, if they seize the California coasts, 
Japanese commerce and the Japanese navy will face 
a grave peril. The Yankees believe us impotent be- 
cause of the European War, and we will be expelled 
from American soil and our children from American 
schools. We will aid the Mexicans. We will aid Mexico 
against Yankee rapacity. This great and beautiful 
country is a victim of Yankee hatred toward Japan. 
Our indifference would be a lack of patriotism, since 
the Yankees already are against us and our divine 
Emperor. They have seized Hawaii, they have seized 

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the Philippine Idaiids, near our coasts, and are now 
about to crush under foot our friend and possible ally, 
and injure our conunerce and imperil our navil 
power/' ^ 

The fact is that Latin America's attitude toward 
the yellow world tends everywhere to crystallize along 
race lines. The half-castes, naturally hostile to the 
United States, see in Japan a welcome offset to the 
'^ Colossus of the North." The self-conscious Indian- 
ista elements likewise heed Japanese suggestions of 
ethnic affinity. On the other hand, the whites and 
near-whites instinctively react against Japanese ad- 
vances. Even those who have no love for the Yankee 
see in the Mongolian the greatest of perils. Oarcia- 
Calderon typijSes this point of view. He dreads our 
imperialistic tendencies, yet he reproves those Latin 
Americans who, in a Japanese-American clash, would 
favor Japan. '^Victorious," he writes, ''the Japanese 
would invade Western America and convert the Pacific 
into a vast closed sea, closed to foreign ambitions, 
mare nostrum, peopled with Japanese colonies. The 
Japanese hegemony would not be a mere change of 
tutelage for the nations of America. In spite of essen- 
tial differences, the Latins oversea have certain com- 
mon ties with the people of the (United) States: a 
long-established religion, Christianity, and a coherent, 
European, Occidental civilization. Perhaps there is 
some obscure fraternity between the Japanese and 
the American Indians, between the yellow men of 
> The IMmary Diged, September 16, 1916, p. 662. 

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Nippon and the copper-colored Quechuas, a disciplined 
and sober people. But the ruling race^ the dominant 
type of Spanish origin, which imposes the civilization 
of the white man upon America, is hostile to the entire 
invading East/' ^ 

White men throughout Latin America generally 
echo these sentiments. Chile and Aigentina reptilae 
Oriental immigration, and the white oligarchs of Peru 
dread keenly Japanese designs directed so specifically 
against their country. Veiy recently a Peruvian, 
Doctor Joige M. Corbacho,* wrote most bitterly about 
the Japanese infiltration into Peru and adjacent Bo- 
livia, while some years ago Senor Augustin Edwards, 
owner of the leading Chilean periodical, El Mercurio, 
denounced Coimt Okmna's menaces and called for a 
Pan-American rampart against Asia from Behring 
Strait to Cape Horn. '^ Japanese immigration,'' as- 
serted Sefior Edwards, "must be firmly opposed, not 
only in South America, but in the whole American con- 
tinent. The same remark applies to Chinese inunigra- 
tion. ... In short, these threats of Okuma should 
induce the nations of South America to adopt the Mon- 
roe Doctrine — an invincible weapon against the plans 
and intentions of that 'Empire of the Orient,' which 
has so lately risen up to new life, and already mani- 
fests so dire a greed of conquest."' From Central 
America similar voices arise. A Salvadorean writer 

1 GardiirCalderon, pp. 329-390. 

> Despatch to La Prensa (New Yoric:), Deoember 13, 1919. 

* The American Renew qf BemewB^ November, 1907, p. 623. 

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uiges political federation with the United States aa 
the sole refuge against the "Yellow Peril," to avoid 
becoming ''slaves and utterly insigmficant";^ and a 
well-known Nicaraguan politician, Senor Moncada,' 
writes in similar vein. 

The momentous implications of Mongolian pressure 
upon Latin America are admirably described by Pro- 
fessor Ross. ''Provided that no barrier be interposed 
to the inflow from man-stifled Asia/' he says, "it is 
well within the bounds of probability that by the close 
of this centuiy South America will be the home of 
twenty or thirty millions of Orientals and descendants 
of Orientals. . . . But Asiatic immigration of such 
volume would change profoundly the destiny of South 
America. For one thing, it would forestall and frus- 
trate that great immigration of Europeans which South 
American statesmen are coimting on to relieve their 
countries from mestizo improgressiveness and misgov- 
emment. The white race would withhold its increase 
or look elsewhere for outlets; for those with the higher 
standard^ of comfort always shun competition with 
those of a lower standard. Again, large areas of South 
America might cease to be parts of Christendom. Some 
of the republics there might come to be as dependent 
upon Asiatic Powers as the Cuban republic is depen- 
dent upon the United States."* 

Very pertinent is Professor Ross's warning as to 

^ The Literary Digeel, December 30, 1911, p. 1222. 
sj. M. MoncadA, "Social and Political Influences of the United 
States in Central America" (Nevir York, 1911). 
•Boh, pp. 91-92. 

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the fate of the Indian population— a warning which 
Indianista believers in Japanese '' affinity '^ should 
seriously take to heart. Whatever might be the lot 
of the Latin American whites. Professor Ross points 
out that ''an Asiatic influx would seal the doom oi 
the Indian element in these coimtries. • . • The In- 
dians could make no effective economic stand against 
the wide-awake, resourceful, and aggressive Japanese 
or Chinese. Tlie Oriental immigrants could beat the 
Indians at every point, block every path upward, and 
even turn them out of most of their present employ- 
ments. In great part the Indians would become a 
cringing sudra caste, tilling the poorer lands and con- 
fined to the menial or repulsive occupations. Filled 
with despair, and abandoning themselves even more 
than they do now to pisco and coca, thqr would shrivd 
into a numerically negligible element in the poptilar 

Such are the imderlying factors in the Latin Ameri- 
can situation. Once more we see the essential instabil- 
ity of mere political phenomena. Once more we see 
the supreme importance of race. No conquest could 
have been completer than that of the Spaniards four 
centuries ago. The Indians were helpless as sheep 
before the mail-K^lad Conquistadores. And militaiy 
conquest was succeeded by complete political domina- 
tion. The Indian even lost his cultural heritage, and 
became a passive tool in the hands of his white maa- 

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ten. But the Spaniard di(^ not seal his title-deed with 
the indelible signet of race. Indian blood remained 
numerically predominant^ and the conqueror further 
weakened his tenure by bringing in black blood — ^the 
most irreducible of ethnic factors. The inflow of white 
blood was small, and much of what did come lost it- 
self in the dismal swamp of miscegenation. Lastly^ 
the whites quarrelled among themselves. 

The result was inevitable. The colonial whites 
triumphed only by aid of the half --castesj who promptly 
claimed their reward. A fresh strug^e ensued, ending 
(save in the antipodean regions) in the triumph of the 
half-caates. But these, in turn, had called in the 
Indians and negroes. Furthermore, the half-castes 
recklessly squandered the white political heritage. So 
the colored full-bloods stirred in their turn, and a new 
movement began which, if allowed to run its natural 
course, might result in complete de-Aiyanization. In 
other words, the white race has been going back, and 
Latin America has been getting more Indian and 
negro for the past himdred years. 

This cyde, however, now nears its end. Latin 
America will be neither red nor black. It will ulti- 
mately be either white or yellow. The Indian is pat- 
entiy imable to construct a progressive civilization. 
As for the negro, he has proved as incapable in the New 
World as in the Old. Eveiywhere his presence has 
spelled r^^ression, and his one New World field of 
tiumph-Haiti— has resulted in an abysmal plunge 

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to the jungle-level of Guinea and the Congo. Thus 
is created a political vacuum. And this vacuum 
unerring nature makes ready to fill. 

The Latin American situation is, indeed^ akin to 
that of Africa. Latin America^ like Africa^ cannot 
stand alone. An inexorable dilemma impends: white 
or yellow. The white man has been first in the field 
and holds the central colored zone between two strong 
bases^ north and south, where his tenure is the unim- 
peachable title of race. The yellow man has to con- 
quer eveiy step, though he has already acquired foot- 
holds and has behind him the welling reservoirs of 
Asia. Nevertheless, white victory in Latin America 
is sure— if intemedne discord does not rob the white 
world of its strength. In Latin America, as in Africa, 
therefore, the whites must stand fast— and stand to- 

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The world-wide expanfflon of the white race during 
the four centimes between 1500 and 1900 is the most 
prodigious phenomenon in all recorded histoiy. In 
my opening pages I sketched both the magnitude of 
this expansion and its ethnic and political implications. 
I there showed that the white stocks together consti- 
tute the most numerous single branch of the human 
species^ nearly one-third of all the hmnan souls on 
earth to-day being whites. I also showed that white 
men racially occupy four-tenths of the entire habitable 
land-area of the globe^ while nearly nine-tenths of this 
area is imder white political control. Such a situation 
is unprecedwted. Never before has a race acquired 
such combined preponderance of numbers and do- 

This white expansion becomes doubly interesting 
wfaeoi we realise how sudden was its inception and how 
rapid its evolution. A single decade before the voyage 
ot Columbus, he would have been a bold prophet who 
should have predicted this high destiny. At the close 
of the fif tewth centiuy the white race was confined to 
western and cwtral Europe, together with Scandinavia 
and the northwertem parts of European Russia. The 
total white race-area was then not much over 2,000,006 


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square miles — ^barely one-tenth its area to-day. And 
in numbens the proportion was ahnost as unfavorable. 
At that moment (say, A. D. 1480) England could muster 
only about 2,000,000 inhabitants, the entire population 
of the British Isles not much exceeding 3,000,000 souIsl 
To be sure, the continent was relatively better peopled. 
Still, the population of Europe in 1480 was probably 
not onendxth that of 1914. 

Furthermore, population had dwindled notably in 
the preceding one himdred and fifty years. During 
the fourteenth century Europe had been hideously 
scourged by the ''Black Death" (bubonic plague), 
which carried off fully one-half of its inhabitants, while 
thereafter a series of great wars had destroyed immense 
numbers of people. These losses had not been repaired. 
Medieval society was a static, equilibrated affair, 
which did not favor rapid hmnan multiplication. In 
fact, European life had been intensive and recessive 
ever since the fall of the Roman Empire a thousand 
years before. Europe's one mediaeval attempt at 
expansion (the Crusades) had utterly failed. In fact, 
far from expanding, white Europe had been continu- 
ously assailed by brown and yellow Asia. B^inning 
with the Huns in the last days of Rome, continuing 
with the Arabs, and ending with the Mongols and Otto- 
man Turks, Europe had imdergone a milleTinium of 
Asiatic aggression; and though Europe had substan- 
tially maintained its freedom, many of its outlying 
marches had faUen imder Asiatic domination. In 
1480, for example, the Turk was marching triumphantly 

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across southeastern Europe, embryonic Russia was a 
Tartar dependency, while the Moor still clung to 
southern Spain. 

The outlook for the white race at the close of the 
fifteenth centuiy thus seemed gloomy rather than 
bright. With a stationary or declining population, 
exposed to the assaults of powerful external foes, and 
racked by internal pams betokening the demise of the 
medisval order, white Europe's future appeared a 
far from happy one. 

Suddenly, in two short years, all was changed. In 
1492 Columbus discovered America, and in 1494 Vasco 
da Gama, doubling Africa, found the way to India. 
The effect of these discoveries cannot be overestimated. 
We can hardly conceive how our medieval forefathers 
viewed the ocean. To them the ocean was a numbing, 
constricting presence; the abode of darkness and horror. 
No wonder medieval Europe was static, since it faced 
on ruthless, a^ressive Asia, and backed on nowhere. 
Then, in the twinkling of an eye, dead-end Europe be- 
came mistress of the ocean— and thereby mistress of the 

No such strat^cal opportunity had, in fact, ev» 
been vouchsafed. From classic times down to the 
end of the fifteenth centiuy, white Europe had con- 
fronted only the most martial and enterprising of 
Asiatics. With such peoples war and trade had alike 
to be conducted on practically equal terms, and by 
frontal assault no decisive victory cotdd be won. 
But, after the great discoveries, the white man could 

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flank his old opponents. Whole new worlds peopled 
by primitive races were unmasked, where the white 
man's weapons made victory certain, and whence he 
could draw stores of wealth to quicken his home life 
and initiate a progress that would soon place him im- 
measurably above his once-dreaded assailants. 

And the white man proved worthy of his opportimity . 
His inherent racial aptitudes had been stimulated by 
his past. The hard conditions of medisBval life had 
disciplined him to adversity and had weeded him by 
natural selection. The hammer of Asiatic invasion, 
clanging for a thousand years on the brown-ydlow 
anvil, had tempered the iron of Europe into the finest 
steel. The white man could think, could create, could 
fight superlatively well. No wonder that redskins and 
negroes feared and adored him as a god, while the 
somnolent races of the Farther East, stimned by this 
strange apparition rising from the pathless ocean, 
offered no effective opposition. 

Thus began the swarming of the whites, like bees 
from the hive, to the uttermost ends of the earth. 
And, in return, Europe was quickened to intenser 
vitality. Goods, tools, ideas, men: all were produced 
at an imprecedented rate. So, by action and reaction, 
white progress grew by leaps and boimds. The Span- 
ish and Portuguese pioneers presently showed signs of 
lassitude, but the northern nations— even more vigor- 
ous and audacious— instantly sprang to the fnmt and 
carried forward the proud oriflamme of white expan- 
sion and world-dominion. For four hundred years 

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the pace never slackened, and at the close of the nine- 
teenth centiuy the white man stood the indubitable 
master of the world. 

Now four himdred years of unbroken triumph nat- 
urally bred in the white race an instinctive belief that 
its expansion would continue indefinitely, leading 
automatically to ever higher and more splendid desti- 
nies. Before the Russo^apanese War of 1904 the 
thought that white expansion could be stayed, much 
less reversed, never entered the head of one white man 
in a thousand. Why should it, since centmies of ex- 
perience had taught the exact contnuy? The settle- 
ment of America, Australasia, and Siberia, where the 
few colored aborigines vanished like smoke before the 
white advance; the conquest of brown Asia and the 
partition of Africa, where colored millions bowed with 
only sporadic resistance to mere handfuls of whites; 
boUi sets of phenomena combined to persuade the white 
man that he waa invincible, and that the colored types 
wotdd everywhere give way before him and his civiliza- 
tion. The continued existence of dense colored popu- 
lations in the tropics was ascribed to climate; and even 
in the tropics it was assumed that whites would uni- 
versally form a governing caste, directing by virtue 
of higher intelligence and more resolute will, and e^loit- 
ing natural resources to the incalculable profit of the 
whole white race. Indeed, some persons believed that 
the tropics would become available for white settlement 
as soon as science had mastered tropical diseases and 
had {^escribed an adequate hygiene. 

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This iincritical optimism, suggested by experience, 
was fortified by iU-assimilated knowledge. During 
the closing decades of the past century, not only were 
biology and economics less advanced than to-day, but 
they were also infinitely less widely imderstood, exact 
knowledge being confined to academic circles. The 
general public had only a vulgarized smattering, mostly 
crystallizing about catchwords into which men read 
their prepossessions and their prejudices. For in- 
stance: biologists had recently formulated the law of 
the '' Survival of the Fittest.'' This sounded very well. 
Accordingly, the public, in conformity with the pre- 
vailing optimism, promptly interpreted ''fittest'' as 
S3monymou8 with ''best," in utter disr^ard of the 
grim truth that by "fittest" nature denotes only the 
type best adapted to existing conditions of environ- 
ment, and that if the environment favors a low type^ 
this low type (imless humanly prevented) will win, re- 
gardless of all other considerations. So again with 
economics. A generation ago relatively few persons 
realized that lowHSitandard men wotdd drive out high- 
standard men as inevitably as bad money drives out 
good, no matter what the results to sodeiy and the 
future of mankind. These are but two instances of 
that shallow, cocknsure nineteenth-eentuiy optimism, 
based upon ignorance and destined to be so swift^ 
and tragically disillusioned. 

However, for the moment, ignorance was bliss. Ao- 
cordingly , ihefin de tikie white world, having parti- 
tioned Africa and fairly well dominated brown Asia» 

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prepared to extend its sway over the one portion of 
the colored world which had hitherto escaped subjec- 
tion — ^the yellow Far East. Men b^an speaking 
glibly of "manifest destiny" or piously of "the white 
man's burden/' European publicists wrote didacti- 
cally on "the break-up of China/' while Russia, be- 
striding Siberia, dipped behemoth paws in Pacific 
waters and eyed Japan. 

Such was the white world's confident, aggressive 
temper at the close of the last century. To be sure, 
vdces were occasionally raised warning that all was 
not wen. Such were the writings of Professor Pearson 
and Meredith Townsend. But the white world gave 
these Cassandras the reception alwajrs accorded proph- 
ets of evil in joyous times — ^it ignored them or laughed 
them to scorn. In fact, few of the prophets displayed 
Pearson's immediate certainty. Most of them quali- 
fied their prophecies with the comforting assurance that 
the ills predicted were relatively remote. 

Meredith Townsend is a good case in point. The 
reader may recall his prophecy of white expulsion from 
Asia, quoted in my second chapter.^ That prophecy 
occurs in the preface to the fourth edition, published 
in 1911, and written in the light of the Russo-Japanese 
War. Now, of coimse, Mr. Townsend's main thesis — 
Europe's inability permanently to master and assimi- 
late Asia— had been elaborated by him long before the 
dose of the nineteenth century. Nevertheless, the 
preface to the fourth edition speaks of Europe's failure 


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to conquer Asia as absolute and eviction from present 
holdings as probable within a relatively short time; 
whereas^ in his original introduction^ written in 1899, 
he foresaw a great European assault upon Asia, which 
would probably succeed and from which Asia would 
shake itself free only after the lapse of more than a 

In fact, Mr. Townsend's words of 1899 so exactly 
portray white confidence at that moment that I cannot 
do better than quote him. His object in publishing his 
book is, he says, ''to make Asia stand out clearer in 
English eyes, because it is evident to me that the white 
races under the pressure of an entirely new impulse are 
about to renew their periodic attempt to conquer or 
at least to dominate that vast continent. . . . So grand 
is the prize that failures will not daunt the Europeans, 
still less alter their conviction. If these movements 
follow historic lines they will recur for a time upon a 
constantly ascending scale, each repulse ehciting a 
greater effort, until at last Asia like Africa is 'parti- 
tioned,' that is, each section is left at the disposal of some 
white people. If Europe can avoid internal war, or 
war with a much-aggrandized America, she will by A. D. 
2000 be mistress in Asia, and at Kberty, as her people 
think, to enjoy." ^ If the reader will compare these 
lines with Mr. Townsend's 1911 judgment, he will get 
a good idea of the momentous change wrought in 
white minds by Asia's awakening during the first dec- 
^Towaaeod r Ana and Europe ")i PF« 1-4. 

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«de of the twentieth centuiy as tjrpified by the Russo- 
Japanese War. 

IdOO was, indeed, the high-water mark of the white 
tide which had been flooding for four hundred years. 
At that moment the white man stood on the pinnacle 
of his prestige and power. Pass four diort years, and 
the flash of tiie Japanese guns across the murky waters 
of Port Arthur harbor revealed to a startled world — 
the banning of the ebb. 

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The Russo-Japanese War is one of those landmarics 
in human history whose significance increases with the 
lapse of time. That war was momentous, not only for 
what it did, but even more for what it revealed. The 
legend of white invincibility was shattered, the veil 
of prestige that draped white civilization was torn 
aside, and the white world's manifold ills were laid bare 
for candid examination. 

Of course previous blindness to the trend of thing? 
had not been universal. The white world had had its 
Cassandras, while keen-sighted Asiatics had discerned 
sjonptoms of white weakness. Nevertheless, so im- 
posing was the white world's aspect and so unbroken 
its triumphant progress that these seers had been a 
small and discredited minority. The mass of mankind, 
white and non-white alike, remained obUvious to signs 
of change. 

This, after all, was but natural. Not only had the 
white advance been continuous, but its tempo had been 
ever increasing. The nineteenth century, in particular, 
witnessed an unprecedented outburst of white activity. 
We have already surveyed white territorial gains, both 
as to area of settlement and sphere of poUtical control. 
But along many other lines white expansion was 


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equally remarkable. White race-increase — ^the baais 
of all else— was truly phenomenal. In the year 1600 
the white race (then confined to Europe) could not 
have numbered more than 70,000;000. In 1800 the 
population of Europe was 160;000;000; while the whites 
living outside Europe numbered over 10,000,000. The 
white race had thus a trifle more than doubled its num- 
bers in three centuries. But in the year 1900 the popu- 
lation of Europe was nearly 460,000,000, while the 
extra-European whites nmnbered fully 100,000,000. 
Thus the whites had increased threefold in the Euro- 
pean homeland, while in the new areas of settlement 
outside Europe they had increased tenfold. The 
total number of whites at the end of the nineteenth 
century was thus nearly 660,000,000— a gain in ntmi- 
bers of ahnost 400,000,000, or over 400 per cent. This 
spelled an increase six times as great as that of the 
preceding three centuries. 

White race-growth is most strikingly exemplified 
by the increase of its most expansive and successful 
branch — ^the Anglo-Saxons. In 1480, as already seen, 
the population of England proper was not much over 
2,000,000. Of course this figure was abnormally low 
even for medisBval times, it bemg due to the terrible 
vital losses of the Wars of the Roses, then drawing to 
a close. A centuiy later, imder Elizabeth, the popu- 
lation of England had risen to 4,000,000. In 1900 the 
population of England was 31,000,000, and in 1910 it 
was 36,000,000, the population of the British Isles at 
the latter date being 46,600,000. But in the interven- 

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ing centuries British blood had migrated to the ends 
of the earth; so that the total number of Anglo-Saxons 
in the world to-day cannot be much less than 100;- 
000;000. This figure includes Scotch and Scotch- 
Irish strains (which are of course identical with Eng- 
lish in the Anglo-Saxon sense); and adopts the current 
estimate that some 50;000;000 of people in the United 
States are predominantly of Anglo-Saxon oiifpn. 
Thus, in four centuries, the Anglo-Saxons multiplied 
between forty and fifty fold. 

The prodigious increase of the white race during the 
nineteenth centuiy was due not only to territorial ex- 
pansion but even more to those astounding triumphs 
of science and invention which gave the race unprece- 
dented masteiy over the resources of nature. This 
material advance is usually known as the ^'industrial 
revolution." The industrial revolution b^an in the 
later decades of the eighteenth centuiy, but it matured 
during the first half of the nineteenth centuiy, when it 
swiftly and utterly transformed the face of things. 

This transformation was, indeed, absolutely unprece- 
dented in the world's histoiy. Hitherto man's mar 
terial progress had been a ^adual evolution. With 
the exception of gunpowder, he had tapped no nev 
sources of material energy since veiy ancient times. 
The horse-drawn maQ-coach of our great-grandfathers 
was merely a logical elaboration of the horse-drawn 
Egyptian chariot; the wind-driven dipper-ship traced 
its line tmbroken to Ulysses's lateen bark before Troy; 
while industiy stiU relied On the brawn of man and 

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beast or upon the simple action of wind and waterfall. 
Suddenly all was changed. Steam, electricity^ petrol, 
the Hertzian wave, harnessed nature's hidden powers, 
conquered distance, and shrunk the terrestrial globe 
to the measure of human hands. Man entered a new 
material world, differing not merely in degree but in 
kind from that of previous generations. 

When I say ''Man,'' I mean, so far as the nineteenth 
eentuiy was concerned, the white man. It was the 
white man's brain which had conceived all this, and it 
was the white man alone who at first reaped the bene- 
fits. The two outstanding f eatiues of the new order 
were the rise of machine industry with its incalculable 
acceleration of mass-production, and the correlative 
development of cheap and rapid transportation. Both 
these factors favored a prodigious increase in popula- 
tion, particularly in Europe, since Europe became the 
workshop of the world. In fact, during the nineteenth 
centiuy, Europe was transformed from a semi-rural 
continent into a swarming hive of industry, gorged 
with goods, capital, and men, pouring forth its wares 
to the remotest comers of the emih, and drawing theace 
fresh stores of raw material for new fabrication and 
exchange. The amount of wealth amassed by the 
white world in graeral and by Europe in particular 
since the beghming of the nineteenth century is sim- 
ply incalculable. Some faint conception of it can be 
gathered from the growth of world-trade. In the 
year 1818 the entire voltmie of interxuitional commarM 
was valued at only $2,000,000,000. In other words^ 

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after countless mfllennnims of humaa life upon our 
globe, man had been able to produce only that relar 
tively modest volume of world-exchange. In 1850 
the volume of world-trade had grown to 14,000,000,000. 
In 1900 it had increased to $20^000,000,000, and in 
1913 it swelled to the inconceivable total of $40,000,- 
000,000— a twentyfold increase in a short hundred 

Such were the splendid achievements of ninetemth- 
centuiy civilization. But there was a seamy side to 
this doth of gold. The vices of our age have been por- 
trayed by a thousand censorious pens, and there is no 
need here to recapitulate them. They can mostly be 
summed up by the word ''Materialism.'' That ab- 
sorption in material questions and neglect of idealistic 
values which characterized the nineteenth centuiy 
has been variously accounted for. But, after all, was 
it not primarily due to the profound disturbance 
caused by drastic environmental change? Civilized 
man had just entered a new material world, differing 
not merely in degree but in kind from that of his 
ancestors. It is a scientific truism that eveiy living 
oi^ganism, in order to survive, must adapt itself to its 
environment. Therefore any change of environment 
must evoke an immediate readjustment on the part of 
the organism, and the more pronounced the environ- 
mental change, the more rapid and thoroughgoing the 
organic readjustment must be. Above all, speed is 
essential. Natiu^ brooks no delay, and the dishar- 
monic oiganism must attune itself or perish. 

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Now, is not readaptation precisely the problem 
with which civilized man has been increasingly con- 
fronted for the past hmidred years? No one surely 
can deny that our present environment differs vastly 
from that of our ancestors. But if this be so, the 
necessity for profound and rapid adaptation becomes 
equally true. In fact, the race has instinctively 
sensed this necessity, and has bent its best energies to 
the task, particularly on the materialistic side. That 
was only natural. The pioneer's preoccupation with 
material matters in opening up new country is sdf- 
evident, but what is not so generally recognized is the 
fact that nineteenth-centuiy Europe and the eastern 
United States are in many respects environmentally 
"newer'' than remote backwoods settlements. 

Of course the changed character of our civilization 
called for idealistic adaptations no less sweeping. 
These were neglected, because their necessity was not 
so compellingly patent. Indeed, man was distinctly 
attached to his existing idealistic outfit, to the elabora- 
tion of which he had so assiduously devoted himself in 
former days, and which had fairly served the require- 
ments of his simpler past. Therefore nineteenth- 
century man concentrated intensively, exclusively upon 
materialistic problems, feeling that he could thus con- 
centrate becaxise he believed that the idealistic con- 
quests of preceding epochs had given him sound moral 
bases upon which to build the new material edifice. 

Unfortunately, that which had at first been merely 
a means to an end presently became an end in itself. 

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Losing sight of his idealisms; nineteenth-centuiy man 
evolved a thoroughly materialistic philosophy. The 
upshot was a warped^ onensided development which 
quickly revealed its unsoundness. The fact that man 
was much less culpable for his errors than many moral- 
ists aver is quite beside the pointy so far as consequences 
are concerned. Nature takes no excuses. She de- 
mands results, and when these are not forthcoming 
she inexorably inflicts her penalties. 

As the nineteenth centuiy drew toward its dose the 
sjonptoms of a profound mdUnse appeared on every 
side. Even those most fundamental of all factors, the 
vitality and quality of the race, were not immune. 
Vital statistics b^ui to display features highly dis- 
quieting to thoughtful minds. The most striking of 
tiiese phenomena was the declining birth-rate which 
affected nearly all the white nations toward the close 
of the nineteenth centuiy and which in France resulted 
in a virtually stationary population. 

Of course the mere fact of a lessened birth-rate, 
taken by itself, is not the unmixed evil which many 
persons assume. Man's potential reproductive ca- 
pacity, like that of all other species, is very great. 
In fact, the whole course of biological progress has been 
marked by a steady checking of tiiat reproductive 
exuberance which ran riot at the b^inning of life on 
earth. As Havelock Ellis well says: "Of one minute 
organism it is estimated that, if its reproduction wero 
not checked by death or destruction, in thirty days it 
would form a mass a million times larger than the sun. 

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The conger-eel lays 15^000,000 eggp, and if they all 
grew up, and reproduced themselves on the same scale, 
in two years the whole sea would become a wriggling 
nuuss of fish. As we approach the higher forms of life 
reproduction gradually dies down. The animals near- 
est to man produce few offspring, but they surroimd 
them with parental care, until they are able to lead 
independent lives with a fair chance of surviving. 
The whole process may be regarded as a mechanism 
for slowly subordinating quantity to quality, and so 
promoting the evolution of life to ever higher stages/'^ 
White man's reproductive power is slight from the 
standpoint of bacteria and conger-eels, it is yet far 
from negligible, as is shown by the birth-rate of the 
less^vanced human types at all times, and by the 
birth-rate of the higher types under exeeptionally 
favorable circumstances. The nineteenth centuiy 
was one of these favorable occasions. In the new areas 
of settlement outside Etu*ope, vast regions prac- 
tically untenanted by colored competitors invited 
the white colonists to increase and multiply; while 
Europe itself, though historically "old countiy," was 
so transformed environmentally by the industrial 
revolution that it suddenly became capable of sup- 
porting a much larger population than heretofore. 
By the close of the century, however, the most pressing 
economic stimuli to rapid multiplication had waned 
in Europe and in many of the race dependencies. 

i^yelook EUia, "Eeeays in Waj>Time,'' p. 198 (American Edition, 

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Therefore the rate of increase; even iinder the most 
favorable biological circumstances; should have shown 
a decline. 

The trouble was that this diminishing hiunan out- 
put was of less and less biological value. Wherever 
one looked in the white world, it was precisely those 
peoples of highest genetic worth whose birth-rate fell 
off most sharply, while within the ranks of the several 
peoples it was those social classes containing the highest 
proportion of able strains which were contributing 
the smallest quotas to the population. Everywhere 
the better types (on which the future of the race de- 
pends) were nmnerically stationaiy or dwindling, while 
conversely, the lower types were gaining ground, their 
birth-rate showing relatively slight diminution. 

This "disgenic" trend, so ominous for the future 
of the race, is a melancholy commonplace of our time, 
and many efforts have been made to measure its prog- 
ress in economic or social terms. One of the most 
striking and easily measured examples, however, is 
furnished by the category of race. As explained in 
the Introduction, the white race divides into three 
main sub-species— the Nordics, the Alpines, and the 
Mediterraneans. All three are good stocks, ranking 
in genetic worth well above the various colored races. 
However, there seems to be no question that the Nor- 
dic is far and away the most valuable type; standing, 
indeed, at the head of the whole hmnan genus. As 
Madison Grant well expresses it, the Nordic is "The 
Great Race/' 

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Now it is the Nordics who are most affected by the 
disgenic aspects of our civilization. In the newer areas 
of white settlement like om* Pacific coast or the Cana- 
dian Northwest, to be sm^, the Nordics even now 
thrive and multiply. But in all those regions which 
typify the transformation of the industrial revolution, 
the Nordics do not fit into the altered environment 
as well as either Alpines or Mediterraneans, and hence 
tend to disappear. Before the industrial revolution 
the Nordic's chief eliminator was war. His pre-eminent 
fighting ability, together with the position of leader- 
ship which he had generally acquired, threw on his 
shoulders the brunt of battle and exposed him to the 
greatest losses, whereas the more stolid Alpine and 
the less robust Mediterranean stayed at home and 
reproduced their kind. The chronic turmoil of both 
the medisBval and modem periods imposed a perpetual 
drain on the Nordic stock, while the era of discovery 
and colonization which began with the sixteenth cen- 
tury further depleted the Nordic ranks in Europe, 
since it was adventurous Nordics who formed the over- 
whelming majority of explorers and pioneers to new 
lands. Thus, even at the end of the eighteenth cen- 
tiuy, Europe was much less Nordic than it had been 
a thousand years before. 

Nevertheless, down to the close of the eighteenth 
century, the Nordics suffered from no other notable 
handicaps than war arid migration, and even enjoyed 
some marked advantages. Being a high type, the Nor- 
dic is naturally a "high standard '^ man. He requires 

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healthful living conditions; and quickly pines when 
deprived of good food, fresh air, and exercise. Down 
to the close of the eighteenth centuiy, Europe was 
predominantly agricultural. In cool northern and 
central Europe, therefore, environment actually fa- 
vored the big, blond Nordics, especially as against ths 
slighter, less muscular Mediterranean; while in the 
hotter soul^ the Nordic upper class, being the rulers, 
were protected from field labor, and thus survived as 
an aristocracy. In peaceful tunes, therefore, the Nor- 
dics multiphed and repaired the gaps wrought by 
proscription and war. 

The industrial revolution, however, profoundly modi- 
fied this state of things. Europe was transformed 
from an agricultural to an urbanized, industrial area. 
Nmnberless cities and manufacturing c^itres grew 
up, where men were close packed and were subjected 
to all the evils of congested living. Of course such 
conditions are not ideal for any stock. Nevertheless, 
the Nordic suffered more than any one else. The 
cramped factoiy and the crowded city weeded out 
the big, blond Nordic with portentous rapidity, where- 
as the little brunet Mediterranean, in particular, 
adapted himself to the operative's bench or the clerk's 
stool, prospered — and reproduced his kind. 

The result of these new handicaps, combined with 
the continuance of the traditional handicaps (war 
and migration), has been a startling decrease of Nor- 
dics all over Europe throughout the nineteenth cen- 
tuiy, with a corresponding resurgence of the Alpine, 

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and still more of the Mediterranean, elements. In 
the United States it has been the same stoiy. Our 
country, originally settled abnost exclusively by Nor- 
dics, was toward the close of the nineteenth century 
invaded by hordes of immigrant Alpines and Mediter- 
raneans, not to mention Asiatic elements like Levan- 
tines and Jews. As a result, the Nordic native Amer- 
ican has been crowded out with amazing rapidity by 
these swarming, prolific aliens, and after two short 
generations he has in many of our urban areas become 
almost extinct. 

The racial displacements induced by a changed eco- 
nomic or social environment are, indeed, almost incalcu- 
lable. Contrary to the popular belief, nothing is more 
unstable than the ethnic make-up of a people. Above 
all, there is no more absurd fallacy than the shibboleth 
of the ''melting-pot.'' As a matter of fact, the melt- 
ing-pot may mix but does not melt. Each race-type, 
formed ages ago, and "set" by millenniums of isolation 
and inbreeding, is a stubbornly persistent entity. Each 
type possesses a special set of characters: not merely 
the physical characters visible to the naked eye, but 
moral, intdlectual, and spiritual characters as well. 
All these characters are transmitted substantially 
unchanged from generation to generation. To be 
sure, where members of the same race-stock inter- 
marry (as English and Swedish Nordics, or French 
and British Mediterraneans), there seems to be genuine 
amalgamation. In most other cases, however, the re- 
sult is not a blend but a mechanical mixture. Where 

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the parent stocks are very diverse, as in matings be- 
tween whites, n^roes, and Amerindians, the offspring 
is a mongrel— ft walking chaos, so consumed by his 
jarring heredities that he is quite worthless. We have 
already viewed the mongrel and his works in Latin 

Sudx are the two extremes. Where intermarriage 
takes place between stocks relatively near together, 
as in crossings between the main divisions of the white 
species, the result may not be bad, and is sometimes 
distinctly good. Nevertheless, there is no true amal- 
gamation. The different race-characters remain dis- 
tinct in the mixed offspring. If the race-types have 
generally intermarried, the country is really occupied 
by two or more races, the races always tendmg to sort 
themselves out again as piuB types by Mendelian in- 
heritance. Now one of these race-types will be favored 
by the environment, and it will accordingly tend to 
gain at the other's expense, while conversely the other 
types will tend to be bred out and to disappear. Some- 
times a modification of the environment through social 
changes will suddenly reverse this process and will 
penalize a hitherto favored type. We then witness a 
''resurgence," or increase, of the previously submeiged 

A striking instance of this is going on in England. 
England is inliabited by two race-stocks — ^Nordics 
and Mediterraneans. Down to the eighteenth cen- 
tury, England, being an agricultural coimtiy with a 
cool climate, favored the Nordics, and but for the 

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Nordic handicaps of war and migration the Mediter- 
raneans might have been entirely eliminated. Two 
hundred years ago the Mediterranean element in Eng- 
land was probably very small. The industrial revolu- 
tion, however, reversed the selective process, and to- 
day the small, dark types in England increase notice- 
ably with every generation. The swart "cockney" 
is a resurgence of the primitive Mediterranean stock, 
and is probably a faithful replica of his ancestors of 
Neolithic times. 

Such was the ominous "seamy side" of nineteenth^ 
century civilization. The regressive trend was, in 
fact, a vicious circle. An ill-balanced, faulty environ- 
ment penalized the superior strains and favored the 
inferior types; while, conversely, the impoverishing 
race-stocks, drained of their geniuses and overloading 
with dullards and degenerates, were increasingly unable 
to evolve environmental remedies. 

Thus, by action and reaction, the situation grew 
steadily worse, disclosing its parlous state by number^ 
less symptoms of social ill-health. All the unlovely 
fin de sikde phenomena, such as the decay of ideals, 
rampant materialism, political disruption, social un- 
rest, and the "decadence" of art and literature, were 
merely manifestations of the same basic ills. 

Of course a thoughtful minority, undazzled by the 
prevalent optimism, pointed out evils and suggested 
remedies. Unfortimately these "remedies" were 
superficial, because the reformers confused manifesta- 
tions with causes and combated symptoms instead of 

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fighting the disease. For example: the white world's 
troubles were widely aacribed to the loss of its tradi- 
tional ideals, especially the decay of religious faith* 
But| as the Belgian sociologist 'Rjki6 Gerard acutely 
remarks, '^to reason in this manner iS; we think, to 
mistake the effect for the cause. To believe that 
philosophic and religious doctrines create morals and 
civilizations is a seductive error, but a fatal one. To 
transplant the beliefs and the institutions of a people 
to new regions in the hope of transplanting ^ther 
their virtues and their civilization as well is the vainest 
of follies. . • • The greater or less d^ree of vigor in a 
people depends on the power of its vital instinct, of its 
greater or less faculty for adapting itself to and domi- 
nating the conditions of the moment. When the vital 
instinct of a people is healthy, it readily suggests to the 
people the religious and moral doctrines which assure 
its survival. It is not, therefore, because a people 
possesses a d^nite belief that it is healthy and vigor- 
ous, but rather because the people is healthy and vigor- 
ous that it adopts or invents the belief which is useful 
to itself. In this way, it is not because it oeases to 
believe that it falls into decay, it is because it is in 
decay that it abandons the fertile dream of its ancestors 
without replacing this by a new dream, equally forti- 
fying and creative of energy." ^ 

Thus we return once more to the basic principle of 
race. For what is ^' vital instinct" but the imperious 

^Bj6dS Qteid, ''CiTflisation in Danger," The Hikhert Jmrnud, 
Jaauaiy, 1912. 

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ui^e of superior heredity? As Madison Grant well 
says: ''The lesson is always the same; namely ^ that race 
is everything. \^thout race there can be nothing ex- 
cept the slave wearing his master's dothes^ stealing his 
master's proud name, adopting his master's tongue^ 
and living in the crumbling ruins of his master's 

The disastrous consequences of failure to realize 
this basic truth is nowhere more strikingly exemplified 
than in the field of white world-politics during the half- 
century preceding the Great War. That period was 
dominated by two antithetical schools of political 
thinking: national-imperialism and internationalism. 
Swayed by the ill-balanced spirit of the times, both 
schools developed extremist tendencies; the former 
producing such monstrous aberrations as Pan-Germaor 
ion and Pan-Slavism, the latter evolving almost equally 
vicious concepts like cosmopolitanism and proleta- 
rianism. The adherents of these rival schools com- 
bated one another and wrangled among themselves. 
Tli^ both disregarded the basic significance of race, 
together with its immediate corollaiy, the essential 
solidarity of the white world. 

As a matter of fact, white solidarity has been one of 
the great constants of history. For ages the white 
peoples have possessed a true '' symbiosis" or common 
life, ceaselessly mingling their bloods and exchanging 
their ideas. Accordingly, the various white nations 
which are the face's political e:}q)ression may be re- 
>Gnait, op. cil., p. 100. 

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garded as so many planets gravitating about the sun 
of a conunon civilization. No such sustained and in- 
timate raoe-solidarity has ever before been recorded 
in human annals. Not even the solidarity of the yel- 
low peoples is comparable in scope. 

Of course the white world's internal frictions have 
been l^on, and at certain times these frictions have 
become so acute that white men have been led to dis- 
r^ard or even to deny their fundamental unity. This 
is perhaps also because white solidarity is so pervasive 
tiiat we live in it, and thus ordinarily do not perceive 
it any more than we do the air we breathe. Should 
white men ever really lose their instinct of race-soli- 
darity, they would asphyxiate racially as swiftly and 
surely as tiiey would asphyxiate physically if the at- 
mospheric oxygen should suddenly be withdrawn. 
However, down to 1914 at least, the white world never 
came within measurable distance of this fatal possi- 
bility. On the contrary, the white peoples were con- 
tixiually expressing thdr f xmdamental solidarity by 
various unifying concepts like the ^^Pax Romana" 
of antiquity, the '^Civitas Dei" or Christian common- 
wealth of the Middle Ages, and the '^European Con- 
cert" of nineteenth-Ksentury diplomacy. 

It was typical of the malaise which was overtak- 
ing the white world that the dose of the nineteenth 
centuiy should have witnessed an ominous ignoring 
of white solidarity; that national-imperialists should 
have breathed mutual slaughter while international- 
ists caressed visions of "human solidarity" culminating 

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in uniyersal race-amalgamation; lastly, that Asia's 
incipient revolt against white supremacy, typified by 
the RussoJapanese War, should have found zealous 
white sponsors and abetters. 

Nothing, indeed, better illustrates the white world's 
tmsoxmdness at the b^uming of the present century 
than its reaction to the Russo-Japanese conflict. The 
tremendous significance of that event was no more 
lost upon the whites than it was upon the colored 
peoples. Most far-seeing white men recognized it as 
an omen of evil import for their race-future. And yet, 
even in the first access of apprehension, these same 
persons generally admitted that they saw no prospect 
of healing, constructive action to remedy the ills which 
were driving the white world along the downward 
path. Analyzing the possibility of Europe's presenting 
a common front to the perils disclosed by the Japanese 
victories, the French publicist R4n^ Pinon sadly con- 
cluded in the negative, believing that political passions, 
social hates, and national rivalries would speak louder 
than the general interest. "Contemporary Europe," 
he wrote, in 1905, "is probably not ready to receive 
and understand the lesson of the war. What are the 
examples of histoiy to those gigantic commercial 
houses, uneasy for their New Year's balances, which 
are our modem nations? It is in the nature of States 
founded on mercantilism to content themselves with a 
hand-to-mouth policy, without general views or ideal- 
ism, satisfied with immediate gains and unable to pre- 
pare against a distant future. 

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'^Whence, in the Europe of to-day, could come the 
principle of an entente, and on what could it be baaed? 
Too many divergent interests, too many rival ambi- 
tions, too many festering hates, too many 'dead who 
speak,' are present to stifle the voice of Europe's 

''However menacing the external danger, we fear 
that political rancors would not down; that the enemy 
from without would find accomplices, or at least un- 
conscious auxiliaries, within. Far more than in its 
raiments and battleships, the power of Japan lies in 
our discords, in the absence of an ideal capable of lift- 
ing the European peoples above the daily pursuit of 
immediate interests, capable of stirring their hearts 
with the thrill of a common emotion. The true 'Yel- 
low Peril' lies within us." * 

R&i^ Finon was a true prophet Not only was the 
"writing on the wall" not taken to heart, the decade 
following the Russo^apanese conflict witnessed a pro- 
digious aggravation of all the ills which had afflicted 
white civilization during the nineteenth century. As 
if scourged by a tragic fate, the white world hurtled 
along the downward path, until it altered the fell 
shadow of— the modem Feloponnesian War. 

^KM Fuum, "Lft Utto pra: k PMifi^iM^'' pp. IM-ISS. 

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The Pdoponnesian War was the suicide of Greek 
civilization. It is the saddest page of histoiy. In the 
brief Periclean epoch preceding the catastrophe Hellas 
had shone forth with unparalleled splendor, and even 
those wonderful achievements seemed but the prelude 
to still loftier heights of glory. On the eve of its self- 
immolation the Greek race, far from being exhausted, 
was bubbling over with exuberant vitality and creative 

But the half-blown rose was nipped by the canker of 
discord. Jealous rivahies and mad ambitions smoul- 
dered till they hurst into a consuming flame. For a 
generation Hellas tore itself to pieces in a delirium of 
fratricidal strife. And even this was not the worst. 
The "peace'' which closed the Peloponnesian War was 
no peace. It was a mere truce, dictated by the victors 
of the moment to sullen and vengeful enemies. Im- 
posed by the sword and infused with no healing or 
constructive virtue, the Peloponnesian War was but 
the first of a war cycle which completed Hellas's ruin. 

The irreparable disaster had, indeed, occurred: the 
gulfs of sundering hatred had become fixed, and .the 
sentiment of Greek race-unity was destroyed. Having 
lost its soul, the Greek race soon lost its body as wdl. 


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Drained of its best strains, tha diminished remnant 
bowed to foreign masters and bastardized its blood 
with the hordes of inferior aliens who swarmed into the 
land. By the time of the Roman conquest the Greeks 
were degenerate, and the Roman epithet ''Graeculus" 
was a term of deserved contempt. 

Thus perished the Greeks — ^e fairest sKp that ever 
budded on the tree of life. They perished by their 
own hands, in the flower of their youth, carrying with 
them to the grave, imbom, potencies which might have 
blessed and brightened the world for ages. Natiu^ is 
inexorable. No living being stands above her law; 
and protozoon or demigod, if they transgress, alike 
must die. 

The Greek tragedy should be a warning to our own 
day. Despite many imlikenesses, the nineteenth cen- 
tury was strangely reminiscent of the Periclean age. 
In creative energy and fecund achievement, surely, 
its like had not been seen since ''the glory that was 
Greece," and the way seemed opening to yet higher 

But the brilliant sunrise was presently dimmed by 
gathering clouds. The birth of the twentieth centuiy 
was attended with disquieting omens. The ills which 
had afflicted the preceding epoch grew more acute, 
synchronizing into an all-pervading, militant unrest. 
The spirit of change was in the air. Ancient ideals 
and shibboleths withered before the fiery breath of a 
destructive criticism, while the solid crust of tradition 
cracked and heaved under the premonitory tremors of 

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volcanic forces working far below. Everywhere were 
seen bursting forth increasingly acute eruptions of 
human energy: a triumph of the dynamic over the 
static elements of life; a growing preference for violent 
and revolutionary; as contrasted with peaceful and 
evolutionaiy; solutions, running the whole poUtico- 
social gamut from "Imperialism" to "Syndicalism." 
Everywhere could be discerned the spirit of unrest 
setting the stage for the great catastrophe. 

Grave disorders were simply inevitable. They might 
perhaps have been localized. They might even have 
taken other forms. But the ills of our civilization were 
too deepHSieated to have avoided grave disturbances. 
The Prussian plotters of "Weltmacht" did, indeed, 
precipitate the impending crisis in its most virulent 
and concentrated form, yet after all they were but 
sublimations of the abnormal trend of the times. 

The best proof of this is the white world's acutely 
pathological condition during the entire decade pre- 
vious to the Great War. That fierce quest after alli- 
ances and mad piling-up of armaments; those parox3rs- 
mal "crises" which racked diplomacy's feverish frame; 
those ferocious struggles which desolated the Balkans: 
what were all these but sjonptoms denoting a con- 
suming disease ? To-day, by contrast, we think of the 
Great War as having smitten a world basking in pro- 
f oimd peace. What a delusion I Cast back the mind's 
eye, and recall how hectic was the eve of the Great 
War, not merely in politics but in most other fields as 
well. Those opening months of 1914 1 Why, Europe 

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seethed from end to end I When the Great War be- 
gan; En^and was on the verge of civil strife, Russia 
was in the throes of an acute social revolt, Italy had 
just passed through a ''red week" threatening 
anarchy, and eveiy European country was suffering 
from grave internal disorders. It was a strange, 
nightmarish time, that early summer of 1914, to-day 
quite overshadowed by subsequent events, but which 
later generations wiU assign a proper place in the 
chain of world-history. 

Well, Armageddon began and ran its horrid comw. 
With the grim chronology of those dreaiy years this 
book is not concerned. It is with the af tennath that 
we here deal. And that is a sufficiently gloomy theme. 
The material losses are prodigious, the vital losses 
appalling, while the spiritual losses have weU-nigh 
bankrupted the human soul. 

Turning first to the material losses, they are of course 
in the broadest sense incalculable, but approximate 
estimates have been made. Perhaps the best of them 
is the anal}rsis made by Professor Ernest L. Bogert, 
who places the direct costs of the war at $186,000,- 
000,000 and the indirect costs at $151,000,000,000, thus 
arriving at the stupendous total of $337,000,000,000. 
These well-nigh inconceivable estimates still do not 
adequately represent the total losses, figured even in 
m<»ietary terms, for, as Professor Bogert remarics: 
''The figures presented in this sununary are both in- 
comprehensible and appalling, yet even these do not 
take into aoeount the ^ect of the war on life, human 

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vitality, economic well-being, ethics, morality, or 
other phases of human relationships and activities 
which have been disorganized and injured. It is 
evident from the present disturbances in Europe that 
the real costs of the war cannot be measured by the 
direct money outlays of the belligerents during the five 
years of its duration, but that the very breakdown of 
modem economic society might be the price exacted." ^ 

Yet prodigious as has been the destruction of wealth, 
the destruction of life is even more serious. Wealth 
can sooner or later be replaced, while vital losses are, 
by their veiy nature, irreparable. Never before were 
such masses of men arrayed for mutual slaughter. 
During the late war nearly 60,000,000 soldiers were 
mobilized, and the combatants suffered 33,000,000 
casualties, of whom nearly 8,000,000 were killed or 
died of disease, nearly 19,000,000 were wounded, and 
7,000,000 taken prisoners. The greatest sufferer was 
Russia, which had over 9,000,000 casualties, while 
next in order came Germany with 6,000,000 and 
France with 4,500,000 casualties. The Britiah Empire 
had 3,000,000 casualties. America's losses were rel* 
ativdy slight, our total casualties being a trifle under 

And this is only the beginning of the story. The 
figures just quoted refer only to fighting men. They 
take no account of the civilian population. But the 
civilian losses were simply incalculable, especially in 
eastern Europe and the Ottoman Empire. It is es* 

> Nm9 Ymrk Timn Cwrrmt History, Deoomber, 1019, p. 438. 

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timated that for eveiy soldier killed, five civilians per- 
ished by hunger, exposure, disease, massacre, or height- 
ened infant mortality. The civilian deaths in Poland 
and Russia are placed at many millions, while other 
millions died in Turkey and Serbia through massacre 
and starvation. One item alone will give some idea 
of the wastage of human life during the war. The 
deaths beyond the normal mortality due to influenza 
and pneumonia induced by the war are estimated at 
4,000,000. The total loss of life directly attributable 
to the war is probably fully 40,000,000, while if de- 
creased birth-rates be added the total would rise 
to nearly 60,000,000. Furthermore, so far as civilian 
deaths are concerned, the terrible conditions prevailing 
over a great part of Europe since the close of 1918 
have caused additional losses relatively as severe as 
those during the war years. 

The way in which Europe's population has been 
UteraDy decimated by the late war is shown by the 
example of France. In 1914 the population of France 
was 39,700,000. From this relatively moderate popula- 
tion nearly 8,000,000 men were mobilized during the 
war. Of these, nearly 1,400,000 were killed, 3,000,000 
were wounded, and more than 400,000 were made 
prisoners. Of the wounded, between 800,000 and 900,- 
000 were left permanent phynical wrecks. Thus fully 
2,000,000 men— mostly drawn from the flower of French 
manhood — ^were dead or hopelessly incapacitated. 

Meanwhile, the civilian population was also shrink- 
ing. Omitting the civilian deaths in the oorthem 

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partments under German occupation, the excess of 
deaths over births was more than 50,000 for 1914, 
and averaged nearly 300,000 for the four succeeding 
war years. And the most alanning featiu^ was that 
these losses were mainly due, not to deaths of adults, 
but to a slump in the birth-rate. French births, which 
had been 600,000 in 1913, dropped to 315,000 in 1916 
and 343,000 in 1917. All told, it seems probable that 
between 1913 and 1919 the population of France 
diminished by almost 3,000,000— nearly one-tenth of 
the entire population. 

France's vital losses are only typical of what has to 
a greater or less extent occurred all over Europe. The 
di^genic effect of the Great War is simply appalling. 
The war was nothing short of a headlong plunge into 
white race-6uicide. It was essentially a civil war be- 
tween closdy related white stocks; a war wherein 
every physical and mental effective was gathered up 
and hurled into a hell of lethal machinery which killed 
out imerringly the yoimgest, the bravest, and the 

Even in the first frenzied hours of August, 1914, 
wise men realized the horror that stood upon the 
threshold. The crowd might cheer, but the reflective 
already mourned in prospect the losses which were in 
store. As the English writer Harold Begbie then said : 
'^Bemember this. Among the yoxmg conscript sol- 
diers of Europe who will die in thousands, and per- 
haps millions, are the very flower of civilization; we 
shall destroy brains which might have discovered for 

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us in ten or twenty years easements for the worst of 
human pains and solutions for the worst of social dan- 
gers. We shall blot those souls out of our common 
existence. We shall destroy utterly those ^lendid 
burning ^irits reaching out to enlighten our dark- 
ness. Our fathers destroyed those strange and valu- 
able creatures whom they called 'witches.' We are 
destroying the brightest of our angels." ^ 

But it is doubtful if any of these seers realized the 
full price which the race was destined to pay during 
more than four long, agonizing years. Never before 
had war shown itself such an xmerring gleaner of the 
best racial values. As early as the summer of 1915 
Mr. Will. Irwin, an American war correspondent, re- 
marked the growing convictions among all classes, 
soldiers as wdl as civilians, that the war was fatally 
impoveridiing the race. "I have talked," he wrote, 
'^with British officers and British Tommies, with Eng- 
lish ladies of fashion and English housewives, with 
French deputies and French cabmen, and in all minds 
alike I find the same idea fixed— what is to become 
of the French race and the British race, yes, and the 
German race, if this thing keeps up?" 

Mr. Irwin then goes on to describe the cumulative 
process by which the fittest were selected— for death. 

''I take it for granted," he says, "that, in a general 
way, the bravest are the best, physically and spiritually. 
Now, in this war of machinery, this meat-mill, it is 
the bravest who lead the charges and attempt the 

1 The Literary Digest, August 20^ 1014, p. 346. 

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daring feats, and; correspondingly; the loss is greatest 
among those bravest. 

"So much when the army gets into line. But in 
the conscript countries, like Prance and Germany, 
there is a process of selection in picking the army by 
which the bestr— speaking in general terms— go out 
to die, while the weakest remain. The undersized, 
the undermuscled, the imderbrained, the men twisted 
by hereditary drformity or devitalized by hereditary 
disease— they remain at home to propagate the breed. 
The rest— all the rest— go out to take chances. 

"Furthermore, as modem conscript armies are or- 
ganized, it is the youngest men who sustain the heaviest 
losses— the men who are not yet fathers. And from 
the point of view of the race, that is, perhaps, the most 
melancholy fact of all. 

"All the able-bodied men betwean the ages of nine- 
teen and forty-five are in the ranks. But the older 
men do not take many chances with death. . . . These 
European conscript armies are arranged in classes 
according to age, and the yoimger daates are the men 
who do most of the actual fighting. The men in their 
late thirties or their forties, the 'territorials,' guard 
the lines, garrison the towns, generally attend to the 
business of running up the supplies. When we come 
to gather the statistics of this war we shall find that 
an overwhelming majority of the dead were leas than 
thirty years old, and probably that the majority were 
under twenty-five. Now, the territorial of forty or 
forty-five has usually given to the state as many chil- 

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dren as he is going to give, while the man of twenty- 
five or under has usually given the state no childien 

Mr. Irwin was gauging the racial cost by the ciiterioa 
of youth. A leading English scholar, Mr. H. A. L. 
Fisher, obtained equally alarming results by applying 
the test of genius. He analyzed the casualty lists ^'filled 
with names which, but for the fatal accidents of war, 
would certainly have been made illustrious for fifplendid 
service to the great cause of life. ... A govenunent 
actuated by a cold calculus of economic efficiency would 
have made some provision for sheltering fnxn the 
haiards of war young men on whose exceptional in- 
telleotual powers our future progress might be thou^t 
to depend. But this has not been done, and it is im- 
possible to estimate the extent to which the world 
will be impoverished in quality by the disappearance 
of so much youthful genius and talent. • . . Hie 
^iritual loss to the universe cannot be computed, and 
probably will exceed the injvuy inflicted on the world 
by the wide and protracted prevalence of the celibate 
orders in the Middle Ages."* 

The American biologist S. E. Humphrey did not 
underestimate the extent of the slaughter of genius- 
bearing strains when he wrote: ''It is safe to say that 
among the millions killed will be a million who are 
carrying superlalivdy effective inheritances— the de- ! 
pendence of the race's future. Nothing is more ab- 
surd than the notion that these inheritances can be 

I The LUerary Digut, August 7, 1915. > IM,, August 11, 1917. 

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rq)Iaced in a few geaerations by encouraging the fecun- 
dity of the survivors. They are gone forever. The sur- 
vivors are going to reproduce their own less-valuable 
kind. Woids fail to convey the appalling nature of 
the loss." 1 

It is the same melancholy tale when we apply the 
test of race. Of course the war bore heavily on all 
the white race-stocks, but it was the Nordics— the 
best of all human breeds— who suffered far and away 
the greatest losses. War, as we have seen, waa always 
the Nordic's deadliest scourge, and never was this 
truer than in the late struggle. From the racial stand- 
point, indeed, Armageddon was a Nordic civil war, 
most of the officers and a large proportion of the men 
on both sides belonging to the Nordic race. Every- 
where it waa the same stoiy: the Nordic went forth 
eagerly to battle, while the more stolid Alpine, and, 
above all, the little brunet Mediterranean either stayed 
at home or even when at the front showed less fighting 
spirit, took fewer diances, and oftener saved their 

The Great War has thus imquestionably left Europe 
much poorer in Nordic blood, while conversely it has 
rdatively favored the Mediterraneans. Madison Grant 
wdl says: ''As in all wars since Roman times, from 
the breeding poibt of view the little dark man is the 
final winner."* 

1 S. K. Humphrey, "Maddnd: Radal Values and the Racial Proa- 
peet," p. 132 (New York, 1917). 
sGrant, p. 74. 

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Furthermore, it must be remembered that thoBS 
disgenic effects which I have been discussmg refer 
solely to losses inflicted upon the actual combatants. 
But we have already seen that for every soldier killed 
the war took five civilian lives. In fact, the war's 
profoundly devitalizing effects upon the general pop- 
ulation can hardly be overestimated. Those effects 
include not merely suck obvious matters as privation 
and disease, but also obscurer yet highly destructive 
factors like nervous shock and prolonged overstrain. 
To take merely one instance, consider Havelock Ellis's 
remarks concerning "the ever-widening circles of 
anguish and misery and destitution which every fatal 
buUet imposes on humanity." He concludes: "It is 
probable that for every 10,000,000 soldiers who fall 
on the field, 50,000,000 other persons at home are 
plunged into grief, or poverty, or some form of life- 
diminishing trouble." ^ 

Most serious has been the war's effect upon the chil- 
dren. At home, as at the front, it is the young who 
have been sacrificed. The heaviest civilian losses 
have come through increased infant mortality and 
decreased birth-rates. The "slaughter of the inno- 
cents" has thus been twofold: it has slain millions of 
those already alive, and it has prevented millions more 
from beiQg bom or conceived. The decreased fe- 
cimdity of women during th^ war even under good ma- 
terial conditions apparently shows that war's psycho- 
logioal reflexes tend to induce sterility. 


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An Italian savant, Professor Sergi, has elaborated 
this hypothesis id considerable detail. He contends 
that 'Var contiaued for a long time is the origin of 
this phenomenon (relative sterility), not only in the 
absolute sense of the loss of men in battle, but also 
throu^ a series of special conditions which arise si- 
multaneously with an unbalancing of vital processes 
and which create in the latter a complex phenomenon 
difficult to examine in every one of its elements. 

"The biological disturbance does not derive solely 
from the destruction of young lives, the ones best 
adapted to fecundity, but also from the imfavorable 
conditions into which a nation is unejqpectedly thrown; 
from these come disorders of a mental and sentimental 
nature, nervousness, anxiety, grief, and pain of all 
kinds, to which the serious economic conditions of war- 
time also contribute; all these things have a harmful 
effect on the general organic economy of nations/' ^ 

From the combination of these losses on the battie- 
field and in the cradle arises what the biologist Doctor 
Saleeby terms "the menace of the dearth of youth." 
The European populations to-day contain an undue 
proportion of adults and the aged, while "the yoimger 
generation is no longer knocking at the door. We 
senescents may grow old in peace; but the facts bode 
ill for our national future."^ 

Furthermore, this "dearth of youth" will not be 

* New York Times Ctarrent History, vol IX, p. 272; October-Deoem- 
ber, 1916. 

* CurrerU Opinion, April, 1919, p. 237. 

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easily repaired. The war may be over, but its after- 
math is only a d^ree less unfavorable to human mul- 
tiplication, especially of the better kinds. Bad in- 
dustrial conditions and the fearfully high cost of living 
continue to depress the birth-rate of all save the most 
reckless and improvident elements, whose increase is 
a curse rather than a blessing. 

To show only one of the many causes that to-day 
keep down the birth-rate, take the crushing burden of 
taxation, which hits especially the increase of the upper 
classes. The London Saturday Review recently ex- 
plained this very clearly when it wrote: "Prom a 
man with £2,000 a year the tax-gatherer takes £600. 
The remaining £1,400, owing to the decreased value of 
money, has a pim^hasing power about equal to £700 
a year before the war. No young man will therefore 
think of manying on less than £2,000 a year. We are 
thinking of the young man in the upper and middle 
classes. The man who starts with nothing does not, 
as a rule, arrive at £2,000 a year until he is past the 
marrying age. So the continuance of the species will 
be carried on almost exclusively by the class of manual 
workers of a low average caliber of brain. The matter 
is very serious. Reading the letters and memoirs of 
a hundred years ago, one is struck by the size of the 
families of the aristocracy. One smiles at reading of 
the overflowing nurseries of Edens, and Cokes, and 
Ktzgeralds. Foiul^en or fifteen children were not at 
all unusual amongst the county families."^ 

^ Sotwrday Bmnow, November 1, 1919, p. 407. 

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Europe's convalescence must, at the very best, be a 
slow and difficult one. Both materiaUy and spiritually 
the situation is the reverse of bright. To b^in with, 
the political situation is highly unsatisfactory. The 
diplomatic arrangements made by the Versailles Peace 
Conference oflFer neither stability nor permanence. In 
the next chapter I shall have more to say about the 
Versailles Conference. For the moment, let me quote 
the observations of the well-known British publicist 
J. L. Garvin, who adequately sunmiarizes the situation 
when he says: ^'As matters stand, no great war ever 
was followed by a more disquieting and limited peace. 
Everywhere the democratic atmosphere is charged with 
agitation. There is still war or anarchy, or both, be- 
tween the Baltic and the Pacific across a sixth part of 
the whole earth. Without a restored Ruiasia no out- 
look can be confident. Either a Bolshevist or reaction- 
ary or even a patriotic jimction between Germany and 
Russia might disrupt civilization as violently as before 
or to even worse effect." ^ 

Political uncertainty is a poor basis on which to 
rebuild Europe's shattered economic life. And this 
economic reconstruction would, under the most favor- 
able circimistances, be very difficult. We have already 
seen how, owing to the industrial revolution, Europe 
became the world's chief workshop, exporting manu- 
factured products in return for foodstuffs to feed its 
workers and raw materials to feed its machines, these 

>J. L. Garvin, ''The Eoonomio Foundations of Peaoe/' pa«e m 
(LcndaD, 1919). 

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imports being drawn from the four quarters of the 
globe. In otlier words, Europe had ceased to be self- 
sufficingy the very life of its industries and its urban 
populations being dependent upon foreign importa- 
tions from the most distant regions. Europe's pros- 
perity before the war was due to the development of 
a marvellous system of world-trade; intricate, nicely 
adjusted, functioning with great efficiency, and run- 
ning at high speed. 

Then down upon this delicately organized mechan- 
ism crashed the trip-hammer of the Great War, liter> 
ally smashing it to pieces. To reconstruct so intricate 
a fabric takes time. Meanwhile, how are the huge 
urban masses to live, unfitted and unable as they are 
to draw their sustenance from their native soil? If 
their sufferings become too great there is a real danger 
that aU Europe may collapse into hopeless chaos. Mr. 
Frank A. Vanderlip did not overstate the danger when 
he wrote: "I believe it is possible that there may be 
let loose in Europe forces that will be more terribly 
destructive than have been the forces of the Great 

The best description of Europe's economic situsr 
tion is undoubtedly that of Mr. Herbert Hoover, who, 
from his experience as inter-Allied food controller, is 
peculiarly qiialified to pass authoritative judgment. 
Says Mr. Hoover: 

''The economic difficulties of Europe as a whole at 
the signature of peace may be almost sununarized in 

1 Frank A.' Vanderlip, "Political and Eoonomio Condition0 in Bo- 
ropCj" The American Ranew qf Renewe, July, 1919, p. 42. 

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the phrase 'demoralized productivity/ The produc- 
tion of necessaries for this 450,000,000 population (in- 
cluding Russia) has never been at so low an ebb as at 
this day. 

''A sununaiy of the unemployment biu'eaus in 
Europe will show that 15,000,000 families are receiving 
unemployment allowances in one form or another, and 
are, in Hie main, being paid by constant inflation of 
currency. A rough estimate would indicate that the 
population of Europe is at least 100,000,000 greater 
than can be supported without imports, and must live 
by the production and distribution of exports; and 
their situation is aggravated not only by lack of raw 
materials, and imports, but also by low production 
of European raw materials. Due to the same low 
production, Europe is to-day importing vast quantities 
of certain commodities which she formerly produced 
for herself and can again produce. Generally, in pro- 
duction, she is not only far below even the level of the 
time of the signing of the armistice, but far below the 
maintenance of life and health without an unparallded 
rate of import. . • • 

''From all these causes, accumulated to different 
intensity in differont localities, thero is the essential 
fact that, unless productivity can be rapidly increased, 
there can be nothing but political, moral, and economic 
chaos, finally interpreting itself in loss of life on a 
scale hitherto undreamed of."^ 

Such aro the material and vital losses inflicted by the 

^Herbert Hootqt, "The Eoonamic Situation in Europe,'' TForU't 
W^k, November, 1919, pp. 9^-99. 

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Great War. They are prodigioiis, and they will not 
easily be repaired. Europe starts its reconstruction 
under heavy handicaps^ not the least of these being the 
drain upon its superior stocks, which has deprived it of 
much of the creative energy that it so desperately 
needs. Those 16,000,000 or more dead or incapaci- 
tated soldiers represented the flower of Europe's 
young manhood — ^the very men who are eepecially 
needed to-day. It is young men who normally alone 
possess both maximmn driving power and maximum 
plasticity of mind. All the European belligerents are 
dangerously impoverished in their stock of youth. The 
resultant handicap both to Europe's working ability 
and Europe's brain-activity is only too plain. 

Moreover, material and even vital losses do not tell 
the whole story. The moral and spiritual losses, 
though not easily measured, are perhaps even more 
appalling. In fact, the darkest cloud on the horizon 
is possibly the danger that reconstruction will be pri- 
marily material at the expense of moral and spiritual 
values, thus leading to a warped development even 
more pronoimced than that of the nineteenth century 
and leading inevitably to yet more disastrous conse- 

The danger of purely material reconstruction is of 
course the peril which lurks behind eveiy great war, 
and which in the past has wrought such tragic havoc. 
At the beginning of the late war we heard much talk 
of its morally '^ regenerative" effects, but sis the grim 
holocaust went on jfsax after year, far-«ighted moralists 

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warned against a fatal drain of Europe's idealistic 
forces which might break the thin crust of European 
civilization so painfully wrought since the Dark Ages. 

That these warning voices were not without reason is 
proved by the chaos of spiritual; moral; and even in- 
tellectual values which exists in Europe to-day, giving 
play to such monstrous insanities as Bolshevism. The 
danger is that this chaos may be prolonged and deep- 
ened by the complex of two concurrent factors: spiri- 
tual drain dimng the war, and spiritual neglect in the 
immediate future due to overconcentration upon 
material reconstruction. 

Many of the world's best minds are seriously con- 
cerned at the outlook. For example. Doctor Gore, the 
Bishop of Oxford, writes: "There is the usual depres* 
sion and lowering of moral aims which always follows 
times of war. For the real terror of the time of war is 
not during the war; then war has certain veiy enno- 
bling powers. It is after-war periods which are the 
curse of the world, and it looks as if the same were 
going to prove true of this war. I own that I never 
felt anxiety such as I do now. I think the aspect of 
things has never been so dark as at this moment. I 
think the temper of the nations has degraded since the 
declaration of the armistice to a degree that is ahnosfc 

The intellectual impoverishment wrought by the 
war is well summarized by Professor C. G. Shaw. 
''We did more before the war than we shall do after 

^ TbB LUmay Diged, May.3« 1919, pp. 39-40. 

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it," he writes. "War will have so exhausted man's 
powers of action and thought that he will have little 
wit or will left for the promotion of an3rthing over and 
above necessary repair. " ^ 

Europe's general impoverishment in all respects was 
vividly portrayed by a leading article of the London 
Saturday Review entitled "The True Destructiveness 
of War." Pointing to the devastated areas of northern 
Franec as merely sjmaptomatic of the devastation 
wrought in spiritual as well as material fields, it said: 

"Reflection only adds to the effect upon us of these 
miles of wasted country and ruined towns. All this 
represents not a thousandth part of the desolation 
which the war has brought upon our civiUxation. 
These devastated areas scarring tiie face of Europe are 
but a symbol of the desolation which will shadow the 
life of the world for at least a generation. The com- 
ing years will be bleak, in respect of all the generous 
and gracious things which are the products of leisure 
and of minds not wholly taken up by the necessity to 
live by bread aJone. For a generation the world will 
have to concentrate upon material problems. 

"The tragedy of the Great War— a tragedy which 
enhances the desolation of Rheims — is that it should 
have killed almost eveiything which the best of our 
soldiers died to preserve, and that it should have 
raised more problems than it has solved. 

"We would sacrifice a dozen cathedrals to preserve 
what the war has destroyed in England. • . . W^ 

1 Cunrmit Opiman, April, 1919, p. 248. 

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would readily surrender our ten best cathedrals to be 
battered by the artillery of Hindenburg as a ransom. 
Surely it would be better to lose Westminster Abbey 
than never a|;ain to have anybody worthy to be buried 

Europe is, indeed; passing through the most critical 
spiritual phase of the war's aftermath— what I may 
term the zero hour of the spirit. When the trenches 
used to fill with infantry waiting in the first cold flicker 
of the dawn for the signal to go ''over the top/' they 
called it the ''zero hoiu*.'' Wcdl, Exux)pe now faces the 
zero hour of peace. It is neither a pleasant nor a 
stimulating moment. The "tumult and the shout- 
ing'' have died. The captains^ kings — and presidents 
— have departed. War's hectic uige wanes, losses 
are counted, the heroic pose is dropped. Such is the 
moment when the peoples are bidden to go "over the 
top" once more, this time toward peace objectives no 
less difficult than those of the battle-field. Weakened, 
tired Europe knows this, feds this— and dreads the 
plunge into the unknown. Hence the malaise of the 
zero hour. 

The extraordinary turmoil of the European soul is 
strikingly set forth by the French thinker Paul Val^ry . 

"We civilizations," he writes, "now know that we 
are mortal. We had heard tell of whole worlds van- 
ished, of empires gone to the bottom with all their 
engines; sunk to the inexplorable bottom of the cen- 
turies with their gods and their laws, their academitSy 

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their science, pure and applied; their grammars, their 
dicdonaricB, their classics, their romantics and their 
symbolists, their critics and their critics' critics. We 
Imew well that all the apparent earth is made of ashes, 
and that ashes have a meaning. We perceived, through 
the mists of history, phantoms and huge ships laden with 
riches and spiritual things. We could not count them. 
But these wrecks, after all, were no concern of ours. 

'^Elam, Nineveh, Babylon were vague and lovely 
names, and the total ruin of these worlds meant as 
little to us as their very existence. But France, Eng- 
land, Russia— these would also be lovely names. Lusi- 
tania also is a lovely name. And now we see that the 
abyss of history is large enough for every one. We 
fed that a civilization is as fragile as a life. Circum- 
stances which would send the works of Baudelaire 
and Keats to rejoin the works of Menander are no 
longer in the least inconceivable; they are in all the 
newspapers. • . • 

''Thus the £piritual Persepolis is ravaged equally 
with the material Susa. All is not lost, but everything 
has felt itself perish. 

''An extraordinary tremor has run through the spinal 
marrow of Europe. It has felt, in all its thinking sub- 
stance, that it recognized itself no longer, that it no 
longer resembled itself, that it was about to lose 
consciousness— a consciousness acquired by centuries 
of tolerable disasters, by thousands of men of the first 
rank, by geographioal, racial, historical chances ii^ 
numerable. • • • 

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^'The military crisis is perhaps at an end; the eco- 
nomic crisis is visibly at its z^th; but the intellectual 
crisis— it is with difficulty that we can seize its true 
centre, its exact phase. The facts, however, are dear 
and pitiless: there are thousands of young writers and 
young artists who are dead. There is the lost illusion 
of a European culture, and the demonstration of the 
impotence of knowledge to save anything whatever; 
there is science, mortally wounded in its moral ambi- 
tions, and, as it were, (Ushonored by its applications; 
there is idealism, victor with difficulty, grievously muti- 
lated, responsible for its dreams; realism, decdved, 
beaten, with crimes and misdeeds heaped upon it; cov- 
etousnees and rentmciation equally put out; reli^ons 
confused among the armies, cross against cross, crescent 
against crescent; there are the sceptics themselves, 
disconcerted by events so sudden, so violent, and so 
moving, which play with our thoughts as a cat with a 
mouse— the sceptics lose their doubts, rediscover 
them, lose them again, and can no longer make use of 
the movements of their minds. 

''The rolling of the ship has been so heavy that at 
the last the best-hung lamps have been upset. 

''From an immense terrace of Elsinore which extends 
from Basle to Cologne, and touches the sands of Nieu- 
port, the marshes of the Somme, the chalk of Cham- 
pagne, and the granite of Alsace, the Hamlet of Europe 
DOW looks upon millions of ghosts."^ 

Such is Europe's deplorable condition as she staggers 

iQuotod from The IMng Age, May 10, 1919, pp. WK368. 

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forth from the hideous ordeal of the Great War; her 
fluid capital dissipated; her fixed capital impaired; her 
industrial fabric rent and tattered, her finances threat- 
ened with bankruptcy; the flower of her manhood dead 
on the battle-field; her populations devitalized and dis- 
couraged, her children stunted by malnutrition. A 
sombre picture. 

And Europe is the white homeland; the heart of 
the white world. It is Europe that has suffered prac- 
tically all the losses of Annageddon, which may be 
considered the white civil war. The colored world 
remains virtually unscathed. 

Here is the truth of the matter: The white worid 
to-day stands at the crossroads of life and death. It 
stands where the Greek world stood at the dose of 
the Peloponnesian War. A fever has racked the white 
frame and undemuned its constitution. The imsound 
therapeutics of its diplomatic practitioners retard 
convalescence and endanger real recovery. Worst of 
all; the instinct of race-solidarity has partially atro- 

Grave as is the situation; it is not yet irreparable; 
any more than Greece's condition was hopeless after 
iESgospotami. It was not the Peloponnesian War 
which sealed Hellas's doom, but the cycle of political 
anarchy and moral chaos of which the Peloponnesian 
War was merely the opening phase. Our world is too 
vigorous for even the Great War; of itself; to prove 
a mortal wound. 

The white world thus still has its choice. But it 

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must be a poeitiye choice. Decisions-— fiim decisions 
—must be made. Constructive measures— drastic 
measures— must be taken. Above all: time presses^ 
and drift is fatal. The tide ebbs. The swimmer must 
put forth strong strokes to reach the shore. Else — 
swift oblivion in the dark ooean. 

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Thb instinctive comity of the white peoples is^ as I 
have already said^ perhaps the greatest constant of 
history. It is the psychological basis of white civiUza- 
tion. Coheedve instinct is as vital to race as gravita- 
tion is to matter. Without them^ atomic disintegration 
would alike result. In speaking of race-instinct, I am 
not referring merely to the ethnic theories that have 
been elaborated at various times. Those theories 
were, after all, but attempts to explain intellectually 
the urge of that profound emotion known to sodolo- 
gists as the ^'consciousness of kind.'' 

White race-consciousness has been of course per- 
turbed by numberless internal frictions, which have 
at times produced partial inhibitions of unitary feeling. 
Nevertheless, when really faced by non-white opposi- 
tioni white men have in the past instinctively tended 
to close their ranks against the common foe. One of 
the Great War's most deplorable results has been an 
uiq)recedented weakening of white solidarity which, 
if not repaired, may produce the most disastrous con- 

During the nineteenth century th^ sentiment of 
white solidarity was strong. The great explorers and 
empire-builders who spread white ascendancy to the 


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ends of the earth felt that they were apostles of their 
race and civilization as well as of a particular coun- 
try. Rivalries might be keen and colonial boundary 
questions acute; nevertheless^ in their calmer mo- 
mentB, the white peoples felt that the expansion of 
one white nation buttressed the expansion of alL 

Professor Pearson imdoubtedly voiced the flpiiit of 
the day when he wrote (about 1890) that it would be 
well ''if European statesmen could understand that 
the wars which carry desolation into civilized coun- 
tries are allowing the lower races to recruit their num- 
bers and strength. Two centuries hence it may be 
matter of serious concern to the world if Russia has 
been displaced by China on the Amoor, if France has 
not been able to colonize North Africa, or if England 
is not holding India. For civilized men there can be 
only one fatherland, and whatever extends the inr 
fluence of those races that have taken their faith from 
Palestine, their laws of beauty from Greece, and their 
civil law from Rome, ought to be matter of rejoicing 
to Russian, German, Anglo-Saxon, and Frenchman 

The progress of science also fortified white race-con- 
sciousness with its sanctions. The researches of Euro- 
pean scholars identified the founders of our civilization 
with a race of tall, white-skinned barbarians, possessing 
r^ular features, brown or blond hair, and light qres. 
This was, of course, what we now know as the Nordic 
type. At first the problem was ill understood,^ the 

^ PMnon* pp. 14-15. 

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teBts applied being language and culture rather tiiaa 
physical characteristioB. For these reasons the eailjr 
'^ Caucasian'' and ''Aiyan'' hypotheses were self-con* 
tradictory and inadequate. NeverthelesB^ the basis 
was sound; and the effects on white popular psychology 
were excellent. 

Particularly good were the effects upon the pec^les 
predominant^ of Nordic blood. Obviously typifying 
as they did the prehistoric creators of white dvfliaa- 
tion, Nordics everywhere were strengthened in oon- 
sdouaness of genetic worth, feeling of responsibility 
for world-progress, and urge toward fraternal ccdlaborar 
tion. The supreme value of Nordic blood was clearly 
analysed by the Frmch thinker Coimt Arthur de Qo- 
bineau as early as 1854^ (albeit Gobineau employed 
the misleading ''Aryan" terminology), and his thesis 
was subsequently elaborated by many other writers, 
notably by Englishmen, Germans, and Scandinavians. 

The results of all this were plainly i^parent by the 
dosing years of the nineteenth century. Quickened 
Nordic race-consciousness played an important part 
in stimulating Anglo-American fraternization, and in- 
duced acts like the Oxford Scholarship legacy of Cecil 
Rhodes. The trend of this movement, though cross- 
cut by nationalistic considerations, was clearly in the 
direction of a Nordic entente— b, Pan-Nordic syndica- 
tion of power for the safeguarding of the race-heritage 
and the harmonious evolution of the whole white world. 

^Wb book '<De Tln^fdiU dis Rmw HunuunM" fint appMNd aft 

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It was a glorious aspiration^ which, had it been realiaedi 
would have averted Armageddon. 

Unfortunately the aspiration remained a dream. 
The ill-balanced tendencies of the late nineteenth 
oentuiy were against it, and thejr ultimately pre- 
vailed. The abnormal growth of national-imperialism, 
in particular, wrought fatal havoc. The exponents of 
imperialistic propagandas like Pan-Germanism and 
Pan-Slavism put forth literally boundless pretensions, 
planning the domination of the entire planet by their 
fipedal brand of natianal-impaialism. Such men had 
scant regard for race-lines. All who stood outside their 
particular nationalistic group were vowed to the same 

Indeed, the national-imperialists presently seized 
upon race teachings, and prostituted them to their 
own ends. A notable example of this is the extreme 
Pan-German propaganda of Houston Stewart Cham- 
berlain^ and his fellows. Chamberlain makes two car- 
dinal assumptions: he conceives modem Germany 
as racially almost purely Nordic; and he regards all 
Nordics outside the German linguistic-cultural group 
as either unconscious or renegade Teutons who must 
at all costs be brought into the German fold. To any 
one who imderstands the scientific realities of race, 
the monstrous absurdity of these assumptions is in- 
stantly apparent. The fact is that modem Germany, 

* EfpeoiaUy m e^xnmdad in Chamberlsin's ckief work, ** Die Qrond- 
l»C>n dw XMiuuehnten JAhrhnnderto" ("The Foundatiom of tbe 
Niseteenth Century")- 

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fax from being purely Nordic, is mainly Alpine in race. 
Nordic blood preponderates only in the northwest, 
and is merely veneered over the rest of Germany, espe- 
cially in the upper classes. While the Germama of 
Roman days was unquestionably a Nordic land, it 
has been computed that of the 70,000,000 inhabitants 
of the German Empire in 1914, only 9,000,000 were 
purely Nordic in character. This diq)lacement of the 
German Nordics since classic times is chiefly due to 
Germany's troubled history, especially to the horrible 
Thirty Years' War which virtually annihilated the 
Nordics of south Germany. This racial displacement 
has wrought correspondingly profound changes in the 
character of the German people. 

The truth of the matter is, of course, that the Pan- 
Germans were thinking in terms of nationality instead 
of race, and that they were using pseudo-racial argu- 
ments as camouflage for essentially political ends. The 
pity of it is that these arguments have had such dis- 
astrous repercussions in the genuine racial gphere. The 
late war has not only exploded Pan-Gennanism, it has 
also discredited Nordic race-feeling, so unjustly con- 
fused by many persons with Pan-German nationalistic 
propaganda. Such persons should remember that the 
overwhelming majority of Nordics live outside of Ger- 
many, being mainly found in Scandinavia, the Anglo- 
Saxon countries, northern France, the Netherlands, and 
Baltic Russia. To let Teuton propaganda gull us into 
thinking of Germany as the Nordic fatherland is both 
a danger and an absurdity. 

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While Pan-Gemmnism was mainly responsible for 
precipitating Armageddon with all its disastrous con- 
sequences^ it was Russian Pan-Slavism which dealt 
the first shrewd blow to white solidarity. Toward 
the close of the ninetemth century, Pan-Slavism's 
"Eastern" wing, led by Prince Ukhtomsky and other 
chauvinists of his ilk, went so far in its imperialistic 
obsession as actually to deny Russia's white blood. 
These Pan-Slavists boldly proclaimed the morbid, 
mystical dogma that Russia was Asiatic, not Euro- 
pean, and thereupon attempted to seize China as a 
lever for upsetting, first the rest of Asia, and then the 
non-Russian white world — elegantly described as "the 
rotten west/' The white Power immediately menaced 
was, of course, England, who in acute fear for her In- 
dian Empire, promptly riposted by allying herself 
with Japan. Russia was diplomatically isolated and 
militarily beaten in the Russo^apanese War. Thus 
the Russo-Japanese War, that destroyer of white pres- 
tige whose ominous results we have already noted, 
was precipitated mainly by the reckless short-sighted- 
ness of white men themselves. 

A second blow to white solidarity was presently 
administered— this time by England in concluding 
her second alliance-treaty with Japan. The original 
alliance, signed in 1902, was n^otiated for a definite, 
limited objective — ^the checkmating of Rxissia's over- 
weening imperialism. Even that instrument was dan- 
gerous, but under the circumstances it was justifiable 
and inevitable. The second aUiance-treaty, however. 

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was so general and far-reaching in character that prac- 
tically all white men in the Far East, including mart 
emphatically Englishmen themsdveB, pronounced it 
a great disaster. 

Meanwhile, German imperialism was plotting even 
deadlier strokes at white race-comity, not merely by 
preparing war against white neighbors in Europe, but 
also by ingratiating itself with the Moslem East and 
by toying with schemes for building up a black mili- 
taiy empire in central Africa. 

Lastly^ France was actually recruitiDg black, brown, 
and yellow hordes for use on European battle-fields; 
while Italy^ by her buccaneering raid on Tripoli, out- 
raged Islam's sense of justice and strained its patience 
to the breaking-poiQt. 

ThuS; in the years preceding Armageddon, all the 
European Powers di£fplayed a reckless absorption in 
particularistic ambitions and showed a callous indiffer- 
ence to larger race-interests. The rapid weakening of 
white solidarity was clearly apparent. 

However, white solidarity, though diplomaticalty' 
compromised, was emotionally not yet really imder- 
mined. Those dangerous games above mentioiied 
were largely the work of cynical chantelleries and ultrtr 
imperialist propaganda& The average European, what- 
ever his nationality, still tended to react instinctively 
against such practices. This was shown by the shaip 
criticism which arose from the most varied quarters. 
For example: Russia and Britain were alike stemfy 
taken to task both at home and abroad for their rt- 

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QMotiTe Far Eaatem policies; proposed German al- 
iuuioes with Pan-Islamism and Japan preached by 
disciples of Mtuhtpolitik were strenuously opposed as 
race-treason by powerful sections of German thoughts- 
while Italy's TripoUtan imbroglio was generally de- 
nounced as the most foolhardy trifling with the com- 
mon European interest. 

A good illustration of instinctive white solidarity 
in the early 3rearB of the twentieth century is a French 
joumalist's description of the attitude of the white 
spectators (of various nationalities) gathered to watch 
tiie landing in Japan of the first Russian prisoners 
taken in the Russo-Japanese War. This writer de- 
picts in moving language the literally horrifjdng effect 
of the spectacle upon himself and his fellows. ^'What 
a triumph," he exclaims, "what a revenge for the 
little Nippons to see thus humiliated these big, splen- 
did men who, for them, represented, not only Rus- 
sians, but those Europeans whom they so detest ! This 
scene tragic in its simplicity, this grief passing amid 
joy, these whites, vanquished and captives, defiling 
before those free and triumphant yellows— this was 
not Russia beaten by Japan, not the defeat of one 
nation by another; it was something new, enormous, 
prodigious; it was the victory of one world over an- 
other; it was the revenge which effaced the centuries 
of humiliations borne by Asia; it was the awakening 
h(^ of the Oriental peoples; it was the first blow 
given to the other race, to that accimsed race of the 
, West, which, for so many years, had triumphed with- 

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out even having to stru^Ie. And the Japanese crowd 
felt all thiS; and the few other AsiatiGB who found them- 
selves there shared in this triumph. The humiliation 
of these whites was solenm^ frightful. I eompletdy 
forgot that these captives were Russians, and I would 
add that the other Europeans there, thou^ anti-Rus- 
sian, felt the same malaise: ihey also were forced to 
fed that these captives were their own kind. When 
we took the train for Eobd, an instinctive solidarity 
drove us huddling into the same compartment."^ 

Thus white solidarity, while unquestionably weak- 
ened, was still a weighty factor down to August, 1914. 
But the first shots of Armageddon saw white solidarity 
literally blown from the muzzles of the guns. An ex- 
plosion of internecine hatred burst forth more intense 
and general than any ever known before. Both sets 
of combatants proclaimed a duel to the death; both 
sides vowed the enemy to something near annihilation; 
while even scientists and litUraieurs, disrupting the 
ancient commonwealths of wisdom and beauty, put 
one another furiously to the ban. 

In their savage death-grapple neither side hesitated 
for an instant to grasp at any weapon, whatever the 
ultimate consequences to the race. The Allies poured 
into white Europe colored hordes of every pigment 
under the sun; the Teutonic Powers widded Pan- 
Idam aa a besom of wrath to sweep clean every white 
foothold in Hither Asia and North Africa; while far 
and wide over the Dark Continent black armies fought 
for their respective masters — and learned the hidden 

> Pinon, ''La Lutte pour le PtMifique," p. 166. 

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weakness of the white man's power. In the Far East, 
Japan, left to her own devices, bent amorphous China 
to her imperious will, thereby raising up a potential 
menace for the entire earth. Eveiy day the tide of 
intestine hatred within the white world rose higher, 
^ UMtSl the veiy concept of a common blood and cultural 
past seemed in danger of being blotted out. 

A symposium of the "hate literature" of the Great 
War is fortunately no part of my task, but the reader 
will readily recall both its abysmal fiuy and its ir- 
reconcilable implications. The most appalling feature 
was the way in which many writers assumed that this 
state of mind would be permanent; that the end of 
the Great War might be only the b^inning of a war- 
cycle leading to the utter disruption of white solidarity 
and civilization. In the spring of 1916, the London 
Nation remarked gloomily: "Europe is now beiQg 
mentally conceived as inevitably and permanently 
dual. We are ceasing to think of Eiux)pe. The normal 
end of war (which is peace) is to be submerged in the 
idea of a warnseries indefinitely prolonged. Soon the 
entire Continent will have but one longing— the long- 
ing for rest. The cup is to be dashed from its lips I 
For a world steeped in fear and ruled by the barren 
logomachy of hate, diplomatic intercourse would al- 
most cease to be possible. ... In the matter of cul- 
ture, modem Europe would tend to relapse to a state 
inferior even to that of mediaeval Europe, and to sink 
far below that of the Renaissance."^ 
Jn similar vein, the noted German historian Eduard 
^TkiNatkm (London), AfffflS^ 1918, pp. 82-88. 

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M^er^ predicted that Armageddon waa only the first 
of a loxig series of Anglo-German "Punic Wars" in 
which modem civilization would retrograde to a con- 
dition of semi-barbarism. Germany, according to this 
prophecy, would be the victor— but a Pyrrhic victor, 
for the colored races, taking advantage of white de- 
cadence, would destroy European supremacy and in- 
volve all the white nations in a common ruin. 

The ulcerated state of European war-psychology 
did, in fact, lend ominous emphma to these c^oomy 
prognostications. Before 1914, as we have seen, 
imperialistic trafficking with common race-interests 
usually roused wide-epread criticiam, while even more, 
the use of colored troops in white quarrels always 
roused bitter popular condemnation. In the darkest 
hoiurs oi the Boer War, English public (pinion had re- 
fused to sanction the use of either black African or 
brown Indian troops against the white foe, while 
French plans for raising black armies of African sav- 
ages for use in Europe were almost universally repro- 
bated. Before Armageddon there thus esdsted a 
genuine moral repugnance against settling domestie 
differences by calling in the alien without the gates. 

The Great War, however, sent all such scruples 
promptly into the discard Not only did the beUiger- 
ent governments use all the colored troops they could 
equip, but the belligerent peoples hailed this action 

1 Eduard M«y«r, '^Enghnd: Iti Pdlititai'OfgMiiifctlon and Dmlop- 
meat and tha War asaioat Qcmaagr" QEnc^ ' 


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with unqualified approval. The Allies were of course 
the more successful in practice, but the Germans were 
just as eager, and the exertions of the Prussian General 
liman von Sanders actually got Turkish divisions to 
the European battle-fronts. 

The psychological effect of these colored auxiliaries in 
deepening the hatred of the white combatants was de- 
plorable. Germany's use of Turks raised among the 
Allies wrathful emotions reminiscent of the Crusades, 
while the havoc wrought in the Teutonic ranks by black 
Sen^alese and yellow Gurkhas, together with Allied 
utterances like Lord Cunson's wish to see Bengal lancers 
on the Unter den Linden and Gurkhas camping at 
Sans Souci, so maddened the German people that the 
very suggestion of white solidarity was jeeringly scoffed 
at as the most idiotic sentimentality. 

Here is a German officer's account of a Sen^alese 
attack on his position, which vividly depicts the miogled 
horror and fury awakened in Gennan hearts by these 
black opponents: "They came. First singly, at wide 
intervals. Feeling their way, like the arms of a horrible 
cuttlefish. Eager, grasping, like the claws of a mighty 
monster. Thus they rushed closer, flickering and some- 
times disappearing in the doud. Entire bodies and 
single limb®, now showing in the harsh glare, now onk- 
ing in the shadows, came nearer and nearer. Strong, 
wild f dlows, their log-like, fat, black skulls wrapped in 
pieces of dirty rags. Showing their grinning teeth like 
panthers, with their bellies drawn in and their necks 
stretched forward. Some with bayonets on their 

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rifles. Many only anned with knives. Monsters all, 
in thdr confused hatred. Frightful their distorted, 
dark grimaces. Horrible their unnaturaQy wide- 
opened, burning, bloodshot ^es. Eyes that seem 
like terrible beings themsdves. Like unearthly, heU- 
bom beings. Eyes that seemed to run ahead of their 
owners, lashed, unchained, no longer to be restrained. 
On ihey came like dogp gone mad and cats spitting and 
yowling, with a burning lust for human blood, with a 
cruel dissemblance of their beastly malice. Behind 
them came the first wave of the attacka:s, in close 
order, a soUd, rolling black wall, rising and falling, 
swaying and heaving, impenetrable, endless.''^ 

Here, again, is the proposal of a British oflicer, to 
raise a million black savages from England's African 
colonies for use on the Western Front. Major Stuart- 
Stephens exults in Britain's "almost unlimited reser- 
voir oi African man-power." In northern Nigeria 
alone, he remarks, there are to-day more than 700,000 
warlike tribesmen. "Let them be usedl'' says the 
major. "These 'bonny fechters' are now engaged in 
the pastoral arts of peace. But I would make bold to 
assert that a couple of hundred thousand could, after 
six months' training, be usefully employed in dare- 
devil charges into German trenches.'' Major Stuart- 
Stephens hopes that at least the Sudanese battalions 
will be transferred en masse to the Western Front. 
"This," he concludes, "would mean the placing at once 

'Captain Blieinhold Eichaeker, ''The Blades Attack!'' Nem Fori 
Times Cuireni Hiitary, vol. XI, pp. 110-112, April-June, 1917. 

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in the trenches of, say, 70,000 big, lusty coal-black 
devils, the time of whose life is the widding of the 
bayonet, and whose advent would not be regarded by 
the Boches as a pleasing omen of more to come of the 
same sort."* 

The military possibilities are truty engaging I There 
are literally tens of millions of fighting blacks and scores 
of millions of fighting Asiatics now living under white 
rule who could conceivably be armed and shipped to 
European battie-fidds. After which, of course, Europe, 
the white homeland, would be— a queer place. 

Fortunately for our race, the late war did not see 
this sort of thing carried to its logical conclusion. But 
the harm done was bad enou^. The white world 
grew accustomed to the use of colored mercenaries and 
to the contracting of alliances with colored peoples 
against white opponents as a mere matter of course. 

The German war-mind, in particular, teemed with 
colored alliance-projects. UnaJble to compete with the 
Allies in getting colored troops to Europe, Qermans 
planned to revenge themselves in other fields. The 
Turkish alliance and the resulting ''Holy War" proc- 
lamation were hailed with delight. ''Over there in 
Turkey," wrote the well-known German publicist 
Ernst Jaeckh, "stretch Anatolia and Mesopotamia: 
Anatolia, the 'Land of the Sunrise'; Mesopotamia, the 
r^on of ancient paradise. May these names be to us 
a sign: may this World War bring to Germany and 

> Major Danil^ Stuart^tepbeiifl, "Our MiDioii BiMk Any," 
Bn^ish Beoiew, October, 1916. 

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Turkey the sunrise and the paradise of a new time; 
may it confer upon an assured Turkey and a Greater 
Germany the blessing of a fruitful Turco-Teutonic col- 
laboration in peace altar a victorious Turco-Teutonic 
collaboration in war." ^ 

The scope of Germany's Asiatic aspirations during 
the war is exemplified by an article from the pen of the 
learned Orientalist Professor Bernhardt Molden.* Ger- 
many's aid to Turkey^ contends Professor Molden, is 
merdy symptomatic of her policy to raise the other 
Asiatic peoples now crushed beneath English and Rus- 
sian domination. Thus Germany will create puissant 
allies for the "Second Punic War." Germany must 
therefore strive to solidify the great Central Asian 
6toc— Turkey, Persia, Afghanistan, China. Professor 
Molden urges a "Pan-Asian raOroad" from Constan- 
tinople to Peking. This should be especially alluring 
to Afghanistan, which would thereby become one of 
the great pivots of world-politics and trade. In fine: 
"Germany must free Asia." As another prominent 
German writer, Friedrich Delitzsch, wrote in similar 
vein: "To renovate the East— such is Germany's 

In such a mood, Germans hailed Japan's absence of 
genuine hostility with the greatest satisfaction. The 

1 Ernst Jaedch, ''Die deutsofa-tQrkuQhe Waffenbrudcnohift,'' p. 90 
(Berlin, 1915). 

* Bernhardt Molden, ''Die Bedeatung Ariens im Eunpf fOr uneere 
Zukonft," Preutaiat^ JahrbOcher, Deoember, 1014. See also his 
article "Europa und Asien," PretiMue^ JoArbOe^, October, 1915. 

'Friedrich Delitssoh, "Deutschland und Asien" (pamphlet) (Ber- 
lia, 1914). 

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gust of rage which swept Germany at Japan's seizure 
of Eiao-chao was soon allayed by numerous writers 
preaching reconciliation and eventual alliance with the 
mistress of the Far East. Typical of this pro-Japanese 
propaganda is an article by Herr J. Witte, a former 
official in the Far East; which appeared in 1915. Herr 
Witte chides his comitrymen for their talk about the 
Yellow Peril. Such a peril may exist in the future^ but 
it is not pressing at this moment; ''at any rate for us 
Germans; who have no great territorial possessions in 
theFarEast. . • . We might permit omrselves to speak 
of a Yellow Peril if there was a white solidarity. This, 
however; does not exist, We are learning this just 
now by bitter experience on our own flesh and blood. 
Our foes have marshalled peoples of all races against 
us in battle. So long as this helps them, all race-an- 
tipathies and race-interests are to them matters of su- 
preme indifference. Under these circumstances; in 
the midst of a lif e-and-death struggle against the peo- 
ples of the white race, shall we play the r61e of guardian 
angel of these peoples against the yellow peoples? 
For US; as GennanS; there is now only one supreme 
life-interest; to which all other interests must be sub- 
ordinated: the safety and advancement of Germany 
and of Deuiacktum in the world.'' Herr Witte there- 
fore advocates a ''dose political imderstanding be- 
tween Germany and Japan. In future we can accom- 
plish nothing in the teeth of Japan* Therefore we 
must get on good terms with Japan. And we can do 
it, too. Germany id, in fact, the coimtiy above all 

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others who in the future has the best prospect of ally- 
ing henaelf advantageously with the Far Eastern peo- 
ples." » 

And so it went throughout the war-years: both sides 
using all possible colored aid to down the white foe; 
both sides alike reckless of the ultimate racial conse- 

In f act| leaving ultimate consequences aside, many 
persons feared during the later phases of the war that 
Europe might be headed for immediate dissolution. 
As early as mid-1916, Lord Lorebum expressed appre- 
hension lest the war was entailing general bankruptcy 
and '^sudi a destruction of the male youth of Europe 
as will break the thin crust of civilization which has 
been built up since the Dark Ages."' These fears 
were intensified by the Russian revolution of 1917, 
with its hideous corollary of Bolshevism which def- 
initely triumphed before the close of that year. The 
Bolshevik triumph evoked despairing predictions like 
Lord Laosdowne's: ''We are not going to lose this 
war, but its prolongation will spell ruin for the civilized 

Well, the war was prolonged for another year, end- 
ing in the triumph of the Allies and America, though 
leaving Europe in the deplorable condition reviewed 
in the preceding chapter. The hopes of mankind 

ilio^MiirioDiimpQktQr J. Witte, "DeatsdiUuid und die V5ll« 
dUnoM in Verguifenlwit und Zukunft/' Pnumteke /aM<Kc&«r» 
May, 1915. 

* Th» Scanmnid (Londoa), June 17, 1916, p. 11S4. 

•TktL^eirary 2>iiM(, Deocmber 15, 1917, p. 14. 

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were now centred on the Peace Conference^ but these 
hopes were oversanguine, for the Versailles "settle- 
ment'' was riddled with political and economic imper- 
fections from the Saar to Shantmig. 

This was what a sceptical minority had feared from 
the first. At the very beginning of the war, for in- 
stance, the French publicist Urbain Gohier had pre- 
dicted that when the diplomats gathered at the end 
of the conflict they would find the problem of construc- 
tive settlement insoluble.^ 

Most persons, however, had been more hopeful. 
Disappointment and disiDusionment were therefore 
correspondingly intense. The majority of liberal- 
mind^, forwi^-looking men and women throu^out 
the world deplored the Versailles settlement's fatilty 
character, some, however, accepting the situation as 
the best of a bad business, others entirely repudiating 
it on the groimd that by crjrstallizing an intolerable 
status it wotild entail worse disasters in the near future. 

General Smuts, the South African delegate to the 
Conference, well represents the first attitude. In a 
formal protest against the Versailles settlement, Gen- 
eral Smuts stated : " I have signed the peace treaty, not 
because I consider it a satisf actoiy document, but be- 
cause it is imperatively necessary to close the war; be- 
cause the world needs peace above all, and nothing 
could be more fatal than the continuance of the state 
of suspense between war and peace. The six months 
since the armistice was signed have, perhaps, been as 

^The Literary Digeti, December 16, 1014, p. 14. 

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upsetting; unsettling; and ruinous to Europe as the 
previous four years of war. I look upon the peace 
treaty as the close of these two chapters of war and 
armisticei and only on that ground do I agree to it. I 
say this now^ not in criticism, but in faith; not be- 
cause I wish to find f atilt with the work done, but rather 
because I fed that in the treaty we have not yet 
achieved the real peace to which our peoples were look- 
ing; and because I feel that the real work of making 
peace will only b^in after this treaty has been signed, 
and a definite halt has thereby been called to the de- 
structive passions that have been desolating Eiu^pe 
for nearly five years."* 

The English economist J. L. Garvin, who, like Gen- 
eral Smuts, accepted the treaty /ot^ de mieux, makes 
these trenchant comments upon the settlement itself: 
** Derisive human genius surveying with pily and laugh- 
ter the present state of mankind and some of the ob- 
solete means adopted at Paris to remedy it, might do 
most good by another satire like Rabelais, Gulliver, 
or Gandide. But let us put from us here the tempta- 
tion to conjure up vistas of the grotesque. Let us 
pursue these plain studies in common sense. A treaty 
even when signed is paper. It is in itself inoperative 
without the action or control of living forces which 
it seeks to express or repress. Treaties not drawn 
against soimd and certain assets may be dishonored 
in the sequel like bad checks or bills. You do not get 
peace merely by putting it on paper. And, much more 

t Official dcNNimeiit. 

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to the point; all that is called peace does not necessarily 
spell prosperity any more than all that glitters is gold. 
You can 'make a solitude and call it peace/ The 
quintessence of death or stupefaction resembles a kind 
of peace. You can prolong relative stagnation and 
depression and yet say that it is peace. But that 
would not be the reconciling and lasting^ the construc- 
tive and the creative peace, as it was visioned by the 
Allied peoples in their greatest moments of insight and 
inspiration during the war. For that higher and wiser 
thing we lavished our pent-up energies and the accumu- 
lated treasure of a hundred years, and sent so many of 
our best to die."* 

That veteran student of world-politics Doctor E. J. 
Dillon put the matter succinctly when he wrote: "The 
peace is being made not, as originally projected, on the 
basis of the f oxuteen points, nor on the lines of terri- 
torial equilibrium, but by a compromise which misses 
the advantage of either, and combines certain evils of 
both. The treaty has failed to lay the axe to the roots 
of war, has perhaps increased their number while pur- 
porting to destroy them. The germs of future conflicts, 
not only between the recent belligerents, but also be- 
tween other groups of states, are numerous, and if 
present symptoms may be trusted will sprout up in 
the fulness of time."* 

The badness of the Versailles treaties is nowhere 

1 J. L. Garvin, ''The Heritage of Armageddon," The Observer (Lon- 
don). Reprinted in The Lwing Age, September 6, 1919. 

> In The Daily Telegraph (London). Quoted in The Natitm (New 
York), June 14, 1919, p. 960. 

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more manifest than in the way thejr have alienated 
idealistic support and enthusiasm from the inchoate 
League of Nations. Multitudes of persons once zealous 
Leaguers now feel that the League has no moral foun- 
dation. Such persons contend that even were the 
covenant theoretically perfect, the League could no 
more succeed on the basis of the present peace settle- 
ment than a flawlessly designed palace could be erected 
if superimposed upon a quicksand. 

Europe is thus in evfl case. Her statesmen have 
failed to formulate a constructive settlement. Old 
problems remain imsolved while fresh problems arise. 
The danger is redoubled by the fact that both Europe 
and the entire world are faced with a new peril — ^Bol- 
shevism. The menace of Bolshevism is simply in- 
calculable. Bolshevism is a peril in some ways unprec- 
edented in the world's histoiy. It is not merely a 
war against a social syebem, not merely a war against 
our civilization; it is a war of the hand against the 
brain. For the first time since man was man there is 
a definite schism between the hand and the head. 
Every principle which mankind has thus far evolved: 
community of interest, the solidarity of civilization and 
culture, the dignity of labor, of muscle, of brawn, 
dominated and illumined by intellect and spirit — all 
these Bolshevism howls down and tramples in the mud. 

Bolshevism's cardinal tenets — ^the dictatorship of 
the proletariat, and the destruction of the '^ classes " 
by social war — ^are of truly hideous import. The 
'' classes," as conceived by Bolshevism, are veiy numer- 

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oils. They comprise not merely the '^idle rich," but 
also the whole of the upper and middle social strata^ the 
landowning countxy folk, the skilled working men; in 
short> all except those who work with their imtutored 
hands, plus the elect few who philosophize for those who 
w(xrk with their untutored hands. 

The effect of such ideas, if successftil, not only on 
our civilization, but also on the veiy fibre of the race, 
can be imagined. The death or degradation of nearly 
all persons displaying constructive ability, and the 
tyranny of the ignorant and antinsocial elements, 
would be the most gigantic triumph of disgenics ever 
seen. Beside it the iU effects of war would pale into 
insignificance. Civilization wotild wither hke a plant 
stricken by blight, while the race, summarily drained 
of its good blood, would sink like lead into the depths 
of degenerate barbarism. 

This is precisely what is occurring in Russia to-day. 
Bolshevism has ruled Russia less than three years — 
and Russia is ruined. She ekes out a bare existence on 
the remains of past accumulations, on the surviving 
scmps of her material and spiritual capital. Every- 
where are hunger, cold, disease, terror, physical and 
moral death. The ''proletariat '^ is making its ''clean 
sweep." The "classes" are being systematically elim- 
inated by execution, massacre, and starvation. The 
racial impoverishment is simply incalculable. Mean- 
while Lenine, surrounded by his Chinese executioners, 
sits behind the EremUn waUs, a modem Jenghiz Ehan 
plotting the plunder of a world. 

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Lenine's CSiinese ^'braves'' are merely symptomatic 
of the intrigues which Bolshevism is carrying on 
throughout tibe non-white world. Bolshevism is, in 
fact, as anti-racial as it is anti-social. To the Bolshe- 
vik mind, with its furious hatred of constructive ability 
and its fanatical determination to enforce levelling, pro- 
letarian equality, the veiy existence of superior biolog- 
ical values is a crime. Bolshevism has vowed the prole- 
tarianization of the world, b^inning with the white 
peoples. To this end it not only foments social revolu- 
tion within the white worid itself, but it also seeks to 
enlist the colored races in its grand assault on civiliza- 
tion. The rulers of Soviet Russia are well awareof the 
profound ferment now going on in colored lands. They 
watch this ferment with the same terrible glee that 
they watched the Great War and the fiasco of Ver- 
sailles—and they plot to turn it to the same profit. 

Accordingly, in every quarter of the ^obe, in Asia, 
Africa, Latin America, and the United States, Bol- 
shevik agitators whisper in the ears of discontented 
colored men their gospd of hatred and revenge. Every 
nationalist aspiration, every political grievance, every 
social discrimination, is fud for Bolshevism's hellish 
incitement to racial as well as to class war. 

And this Bolshevik propaganda has not been in 
vain. Its results already show in the most diverse 
quarters, and they are ominous for the future. China, 
Japan, Afghanistan, India, Java, Persia, Turicey, 
Egypt, Brazil, C!hile, Peru, Mexico, and the ^ black 
belts" of our own United States: here is a partial 

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list of the lands where the Bolshevik leaven in color 
is dearly at work. 

Bolshevism thus reveals itself as the arch-enemy ci 
civilization and the race. Bolshevism is the ren^de, 
the traitor within the gateS; who would betray the 
dtadel; degrade the very fibre of our being, and tilti- 
matel^ hurl a rebarbarized> racially impoverished 
world into the most debased and hopdess of moi^ 

Therefore, Bolshevism must be crushed out with 
ircm beds, no matter what the cost. Tl this means 
more war, let it mean more war. We know only too 
wdl war's dreadful toll, particularly on racial values. 
But what war-losses cotild compare with the losses 
inflicted by the living death of. Bolshevism? There 
are some things worse than war, and Boldieviam stands 
foremost among those dread alternatives. 

So ends our survey of the white world as it emerges 
from the Great War. The prospect is not a brilliant 
one. Weakened and impoverished by Armageddon, 
handicapped by an unconstructive peace, and facing 
internal Bolshevist disaffection which must at all costs 
be mastered, the white world is ill-prepaied to con- 
front—the rising tide of color. What that tide por- 
tends will be the subject of the concluding chaptera 

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In my finrt chapter I showed that the risiag tide of 
color to-day finds itself confronted by dikes greeted 
by the white race during the centuries of its esqpaa- 
sion. The reader will also remembw that white «- 
passion has takw two forms: settlement and polit- 
ical control. These two phases differ profound^ in 
character. Areas of settlement like North America 
have become int^ral portions of the white world. On 
the other hand; regions of political control like India 
are merely white dependencies, highly vakiable per- 
haps; yet in the last analyse held by title of the swoid. 

Between these clearly contra43ted categcmes lies an 
intennediate class of territories typified by South Africa, 
where whites have settled in large numbers without 
displacing the native populations. Lastly; there enst 
certain white territories which may be cafled "en- 
claves." These enclaves have become thorou|^y 
white by settlement; yet they are so distant frcMn the 
mam body of the white world and so cont^ous to 
colored race-areas that white tenure does not possess 
tluit security which settlement and displacement of 
the aborigines normally confer. Australia typifies 
this anomalous class of cases. 

Tlie white defenses against the colored tide can be 


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divided into what may be tenned the "outer" and 
the "inner" dikes. The outer dikes (the regions of 
white political control) contain no settled white populs^ 
ti(Hii 80 that their abandonment; whatever the political 
or economic loss^ would not directly affect white race- 
int^rity. The question of their retention or aban- 
donment shotild therefore (save in a few exceptional 
cases) be judged by political^ economic, or strategic 
considerations. The inner dikes (the areas of white 
settlement)^ however, are a very different matter. 
Peq)led as they are wholly or lai^y by whites, they 
have become parts of the race-heritage, which should 
be defended to the last extremity no matter if the costs 
involved are greater than their mere economic value 
wotild warrant. They are the true bulwarks of the 
race^ the patrimony of future generations who have 
a right to demand of us that they shall be bom white 
in a white man's land. HI will it fare if ever our race 
should close its ears to this most elemental caU of the 
blood. Then, indeed, would be manifest the writing 
on the wall. 

That issue, however, is reserved for the next chap- 
ter. Let us here examine the matter of the outer dikes 
— ^the r^ons of white political control. There, where 
the white man is not settler but suzerain, his suzerainty 
should, in the last analysis, depend on the character 
of the inhabitants. 

Right here, let us dear away the doctrinaire pedantiy 
that commonly obscures discussion about the retention 
er abandonment of white political control over racially 

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non-white regions. Ailment usually tends to crystal- 
lize around two antitheses. On the one side are the 
doctrinaire liberals, who mamtam the ''imprescriptible 
right" of every human group to attain independence, 
and of every sovereign state to retain independence. 
On the opposite side are the doctrinaire imperialists, 
who maintain the equally imprescriptible right of their 
particular nation to ''vital expansion" r^ardless of 
iajuries thereby inflicted upon other nations. 

Now I submit that both these assumptions are un- 
warranted. There is no "imprescriptible right" to 
either independence or empire. It depends on the 
realities of each particular case. The extreme cases 
at either end of the scale can be adjudged offhand by 
ordinary common sense. No one except a doctrinaire 
tiberal would be likely to assert that the Andaman 
Islanders had an imprescriptible right to independmce, 
or that Haiti, which owed its independence only to a 
turn in European politics/ should forever remain a 
sovereign — ^international nuisance. On the other hand, 
the whole world (with the exception of Teutonic im- 
perialists) denoimced Germany's attempt t6 swallow 

^Despite the legends which have grown up about the gaining of 
Haitian independence, such is the fact. Deqnte the handicap d ySkm 
fever, the French were on the point of stamping oat the negro insurgents 
when the renewal of war with England, in 1803, cut off the P^ch sea- 
eommunications. The story of Haiti offers many interesting and in- 
structive points to the student of race-questions. It was the first real 
shock between the ideals of white supremacy and raoe-equaHty; a 
prologue to the mighty drama of our own day. It also ehows what real 
race-war means. To the historical student I cite my "French Revolu- 
tion in San Domingo" (Boston, 1914), wherein the entire revolutionary 
eyeie between 1789 and 1804 is described, based largely upon hitherto 
unezploited archival material. 

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hi^y civilized Belgium as a crime against hmnan- 

In other words: realities, not abstract theories, 
decide. That does not please the doctrinaires, who 
insist on setting up Procrustean beds of theoiy on which 
realities should be racked or crammed. It does, how- 
ever, conform to the dictates of nature, which decree 
that what is attuned shall live while the dishannonia 
and d^werate shall pass away. And nature usua% 
has the last word. 

Siuveying the r^ons of white political control over 
non-white peoples in this realistic way, thereby avoid- 
ing the pitfalls of doctrinaire theoiy and blind prej- 
udice, we may arrive at a series of conclusions which, 
though lacking the trim symmetry of the idealogue, 
will correspond to the facts in the various cases. 

One thing is certain: the white man will have to 
recognize that the practically absolute world-dominion 
which he exercised during the nineteenth centuiy can 
no longer be maintained. Laigely because of that 
very dominion, colored races have been drawn out of 
their traditional isolation and have been quickened 
by white ideas, while the life-conserving nature of 
white rule has everywhere favored colored multiplicar 
tion. These factors have combined to produce a wide- 
spread ferment which has been clearly visible f w the 
past two decades, and which is destined to grow more 
acute in the near future. 

This ferment would have developed evm if the Great 
War had never occurred. However, the white world's 
weakening through Armageddon has immensely ao- 

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cderated the process and has opened up the possibility 
of violent "short cuts" which would have mutually 
disastrous consequences. Especially has it evoked in 
bellicose and fanatical minds the vision of a "Pan- 
Colored" alliance for the universal overthrow of white 
hegemony at a single stroke— a dream which would turn 
into a nightmare of race-war beside which the late 
struggle in Europe would seem the veriest child's 

The effective centres of colored unrest are the brown 
and yellow worlds of Asia. Both those worlds are not 
merdy in n^ative opposition to white hegemony, but 
are experiencing a real renaissance whose genuineness 
is best attested by the fact that it is a faithful replica 
of similar movements in past times. White men must 
get out of their heads the idea that Asiatics are neces- 
sarily "inferior." As a matter of fact, while Asiatics 
do not seem to possess that sustained constructive 
power with which the whites, particularly the Nordics, 
are endowed, the browns and yellows are yet gifted 
peoples who have profoimdly influenced human prog- 
ress in the past and who undoubtedly will contribute 
much to world-civilization. The Asiatics have by 
their own efforts built up admirable cultures rooted in 
remote antiquity and worthy of all respect. They 
are to-day once more displaying their innate capacity 
by not merely adopting, but adapting, white ideas 
and methods. That this profound Asiatic renaissance 
will eventually result in the substantial elimination of 
white political control from Anatolia to the Philippines 
is as natural as it is inevitable. 

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This does not mean a precipitate white ''scuttle'^ 
from A»a. Far from it. It does mean^ however^ a 
candid facing of realities and a basing of policy on 
realities rather than on prqKMasessions or prejudices. 
Unless the white man does thiS; he will injure himself 
more than any one else. If Asia is to-day really 
renascent^ Asia will ultimately reap the political fruits. 
Men worthy of indq)endence will sooner or later get 
independence. This is as certain as is the converse 
truth that men unworthy of independence; though 
they ciy for it never so loudly, will dther remain 
subject or will quickly relapse into subjection should 
they by some lucky circumstance obtain what they 
coidd (mly misuse. 

If I then, Asia deserves to be free, she witt be free. 
The only question is, how she will attain her freedom. 
Shall it be an evoluticmary process, in the main peace- 
ful, based upon mutual respect, with mutual recogni- 
tion of both increasing Asiatic fitness and white vested 
interests? Or shall it come through cataclysmic rev- 
olution? This is the dilemma which those imperial- 
ists should ponder who object to any relaxation of white 
political control over Asia because of the ''value" of 
the subject r^ons. That white control over Asiatic 
lands has been, and still is, immensely profitable, can- 
not be denied. But what basis for this value is there 
except lack of effective opposition? If real, sustained 
oppofiition now develops, if subject Asia becomes 
chronically rebellious, if its peoples resolutely boy- 
cott white goods— as China and India have shown 

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Asiatics capable of doing; will not white control be 
transformed from an asset into a liability ? Above all, 
let us remember that no race-values are invdved. No 
white race-areas would have to be abandoned to non- 
white domination. White control over Asia is politi- 
cal, and can thus be judged by the criteria of material 
interest undisturbed by the categorical imperative of 

The need for sympathetic open-mindedness toward 
awakening Asia if cataclysmic disasters are to be 
averted becomes all the clearer when we realize that 
on important issues lying outside Asia the white world 
must resolutely oppose Asiatic desires. We whites 
shotdd be the more generous in our attitude toward 
Asia because imperative reasons of self-protection re- 
quire us to deny to Asiatics some of their best oppor* 
tunities in the outer world. 

In my opening chapters I discussed the rapid growth 
of Asiatic populations and the resultant steadily aug- 
menting outward thrust of surplus Asiatics ^rind- 
pally yellow men, but also in lesser degree brown men) 
from overcrowded homelands toward the les&Ksrowded 
regions of the earth. It is, in fact, Asiatics, and above 
all Mongolian Asiatics, who form the first waves of the 
rising tide of color. Unfortunately, the white world 
cannot permit this rising tide free scope. White men 
cannot; under peril of their very race-existence, allow 
wholesale Asiatic immigration into white race-areas. 
This prohibition, which will be discussed in the next 
chapter, is already a serious blow to Asiatic aspirations. 

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But the matter does not end there. The white 
world also cannot permit with safety to itself whole- 
sale Asiatic penetration of non-Asiatic colored r^ons 
like black Africa and tropical Latin America. To per- 
mit Asiatic colonization and ultimate control of these 
vast territories with their incalculable resources would 
be to overturn in favor of Asia the political, the eco- 
nomic, and eventually the racial balance of power in 
the world. At present the white man controls these 
r^ons. And he must stand fast. No other course 
is possible. Neither black Africa nor mongrel-ruled 
tropical America can stand alone. If the white man 
goes, the Asiatic comes— browns to Africa, yellows to 
Latin America. And there is no reason under heaven 
why we whites should deliberately present Asia with 
the richest regions of the tropics, to our own impover- 
ishment and probable undoing. 

Our race-duty is therefore clear. We must resolutdy 
oppose both Asiatic permeation of white race-areas 
and Asiatic inundation of those non-white, but equally 
non-Asiatic, regions inhabited by the really inferior 
races. But we should also recognize that by taking 
this attitude we debar Asiatics from golden opportuni- 
ties and render impossible the realization of aspirations 
intrinsically just as normal and laudable as our own. 
And, having closed in their faces so many doors (A 
hope, can we refuse to discuss with gifted and capable 
Asiatics the problem of turning over to them the keys 
of their own house without causing festering hatreds 

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whoee poison may spread far beyond Asia into other 
colored lands and possibly into white lands as well? 
Neither a Pan-Colored nor a Colored-Bolshevist alliance 
are impossibilities; far-fetched though these tenns 
may somid. 

The fact is, we whites are in no position to indulge 
in the luxuiy of Bourbonism. Weakened by Armar 
geddon, hampered by Versailles; and harassed by 
Bolshevism, the white world can ill afford to flout 
Intimate Asiatic aspirations to independence. Our 
imperialists may argue that this means abandoning 
"outer dikes," but I contend that white positions in 
Asia are not protective dikes but strategic block- 
houses, built upon the sands during the long Asiatic 
ebb-tide, and which the now rising Asiatic waves must 
ultimately engulf. Is it not the part of wisdom to 
quit these outposts before they collapse into the swirl- 
ing waters? Our true "outer dikes" stand, not in 
Asia, but in Africa and Latin America. Let us not 
exhaust ourselves by stubbom resistance in Asia which 
in the end must prove futile. Let us conserve our 
strength, r^nembering that by the time Asia has been 
submer^ the flood should have lost much of its pent- 
up power. 

Particular^ should this be true of the moral "im* 
pcxnderables." By taking a reasonable, conciliatory 
attitude toward Asiatic aspirations to indep^dence 
we would thereby eliminate the moral factors in Asia's 
present hostility toward oinrselves. Many Asiatics 

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would still be our foes from resentment at balked ex- 
pansion; but we should have separated the sheep from 
fhe goats. 

And the sheep are the more numerous. There are 
of course irreconcilables like Japanese imperialists and 
Pan-Islamic fanatics who would like to upset the whole 
world. However, taken by and large, A^ is peopled 
neither by Cremating jingoes nor howling dervishes. 
The average Asiatic is by nature less restless, less am- 
bitious, and consequently less aggressive than our- 
selves. To-day Aoatics are everywhere aroused by a 
whole complex of stimuli like overcrowding, white 
domination, and white denial of nationalistic aspira- 
tions, to an access of hatred and fuiy. Those last- 
mentioned stimuli to anti-white hostility we can re- 
move. The first-mentioned cause of hostility — over- 
population—we cannot remove. Only the Asiatic 
himself can do that by controlling his reckless procresr 
tion. Of course over-population is of itsdf a suffi- 
ciently serious provoker of trouble. There is no more 
certain breeder of strife than the expansive urge of a 
fast-breeding people. Nevertheless, this hostile stimu- 
lus applies primarily to yellow Asia. Brown Asia, 
once free or clearly on the road to freedom, would be 
either satisfied or engrossed in its intestine broils. 
At any rate, the twin spectres of a Pan-Asian or a 
Pan-Colored alliance would probably vanish like a 
mirage of the desert, and the white world would be far 
better able to deal with yellow pressure on its race- 

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frontiers— no light task, weakened and distracted as 
the white world finds itself to-day. 

Unfortunately, no such wise foresight seems to have 
been vouchsafed our statesmen. Imperialistic secret 
treaties formed the basis for Versailles's treatment of 
Asiatic questions, and those treaties were drawn pre- 
cisely as though Armageddon were a Rkirmish and 
Asia the sleeping giant of a century ago. Upon the 
brown world, in particular, white domination was 
riveted rather than relaxed. 

This amazing disregard of present-day realities au- 
gurs in for the future. Indeed, its evil first-fruits are 
already apparent. The brown world, convinced that 
its aspirations can be realized only by force, turns to 
the yellow world and listens to Bolshevik propaganda, 
while Pan-Islamism redoubles its efforts in Africa. 

Thus is once more manifest the diplomatic bank- 
ruptcy of VersaiDes. The white man, like King 
Canute, seats himself upon the tidal sands and bids 
the waves be stayed. He will be lucl^ if he escapes 
merely with wet shoes. 

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We come now to the f rontiere of the white wotld^ 
to its trae frontierB, marked, not by boundaiy-etones, 
but by flesh and blood. These frontiers are not con- 
tinuous: far from the European homeland, some run 
in remote quarters of the earth, sundered by vast 
stretches of ocean and connected only by the slate- 
gray thread of sea-power— the master-talisman which 
the white man still grasps finnly in his hand. 

But against these race-frontiers— these '^ioner dikes" 
— ^the rising tide of color has for decades been beating, 
and will beat yet moro fiercely as congestuog population, 
quickened self-consciousness, and heightened sense of 
power impel the colored world to expansion and do- 
minion. Above the ea£l;em horizon the dark storm- 
clouds lower, and the weakened, distracted white world 
must soon face a colored peril threatening its integrity 
and perhaps its existence. This colored p^ has three 
facets: the peril of arms, the peril of markets, and the 
peril of migration. All three contain ominous potenti- 
alities, both singly and in combination. Let us review 
them in turn, to appraise their dynamic possibilitieB. 

First, the peril of arms. The military potencies of 
the colored races have been the subject of earnest, and 
firequently alarmist, speculation for the past twenly 


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years, particularly since the RussoJapanese War. 
The exciting effects of Pan-Islamism upon the warlike 
peoples of Asia and Africa have been frequently dis- 
cussed, while the ^'Yellow Peril" has long been a 
joimialistic commonplace. 

How shall we appraise the colored peril of arms? On 
the whole, it would appear as though the colored mili- 
tary danger, in its isolated, purely aggressive aspect, 
hod been exa^erated. Visions of a united Asia, ris- 
ing suddenly in fanatic frenzy and hurling brown and 
yellow myriads upon the white West seem to be the 
products of superheated imaginations. I say ''seem," 
because there are unquestionably mysterious emotional 
depths in the Asiatic soul which may yet justify the 
prophets of cataclysmic war. As Hyndman says: 
''With all the facts before us, and with prejudice 
thrown aside, we ore still unable to lay bare the causes 
of the gigantic Asian movements of the past. They 
were certainly not all economic in their origin, unless 
we stretch the boundaries of theory so far as to include 
the massacre of whole populations and the destruction 
of their wealth within the limits of the invaders' desire 
for material gain. And, whether these movements 
arose from material or emotional causes, they have 
been before, and they may occur again. Forecast here 
is impossible. A new Mohammed is quite as likely to 
make his appearance as a new Buddha, a reborn Con- 
fucius, or a modem Christ. . . . Asia raided and 
scourged Europe for more than a thousand years. 
Now, for five himdred years, the coimter-attack of 

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Europe upon Asia has been steadily going on, and it 
may be that the land of long memories will cherish some 
desire to avenge this period of wrong and rapine in 
turn. The seed of hatred has already been but too 
well sown."* 

Of course; on this particular point, forecast is, in- 
deed, impossible. Nevertheless, the point should be 
noted, for Asiatic war-fever may appear, if not in 
isolation, then in conjunction with other stimuli to 
warlike action, like population-pressure or imperialistic 
ambition, which to-day exist and whose amplitude can 
be approximately gauged. We have already analyzed 
the military potencies of Pan-Islamism and Japan, and 
China also diould not be forgotten. Pacifist though 
China has long been, she has had her bellicose moments 
in the past and may have them in the future. Should 
this occur, China, as the world's greatest reservoir of 
intelligent man-power, would be immensely formidable. 
Pearson visualizes a China '^become an aggressive 
military power, sending out her armies in millions to 
cross the Himalayas and traverse the Steppes, or 
occupying the islands and the northern parts of Aus- 
tralia, by pouring in immigrants protected by fleets. 
Luther's old name for the Turks, that they were ^the 
people of the wrath of God,' may receive a new and 
terrible application."* 

Granted that the Chinese will never become the 

^H. M. Hyndman, "The Awakening of Aria,'' pp. a07-S. (New 
York, 1919). 
* Pearson, pp. 140- L 

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fighting equals of the world's warrior races^ their in- 
credible numbers combined with their tenacious vital- 
ity might overcome opponents individually their su- 
periors. Says Professor Ross: "To the West the 
toughness of the Chinese physique may have a sLoister 
military significance. Nobody fears lest in a stand-up 
fight Chinese troops could whip an equal nxmiber of 
well-conditioned white troops. But few battles are 
fought by men fresh from tent and mess. In the course 
of a prolonged campaign involving irregular provision- 
ing, bad drinking-water, lying out, loss of sleep, ex- 
hausting marches, exposure, excitement, and anxiety, 
it may be that the white soldiers would be worn down 
worse than the yellow soldiers. In that case the har- 
dier men with less of the martial spirit might in the 
closing grapple beat the better fighters with the less 
endurance." ^ 

The potentialities of the Chinese soldier would ac- 
quire vastly greater significance if China should be 
thoroughly subjugated by, or solidly leagued to, ambi- 
tious and militaristic Japan. The combined military 
energies of the Far East, welded into an aggressive 
unity, would be a weapon of tremendousstriking-power. 

The colored peril of arms may thus be summarized: 
The brown and yellow races possess great military po- 
tentialities. These (barring the action of certain ill- 
understood emotional stimuli) are xuilikely to flame 
out in spontaneous fanaticism; but, on the other hand, 

* Edward Alsworth Bon, ''Tbe Chaogiiig ChizMse,"j)p. 46-47 (New 
Ycak, 1911). 

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they are very likely to be mobilized for political rea- 
flons like revolt against white dominion or for social 
reasons like over-population. The black race offers no 
real danger except as the tool of Pan-Islamism. As 
for the red men of the AmericaSi they are of merely 
local significance. 

We are now ready to examine the economic facet of 
the colored peril: the industrial-mercantile phase. 
In the second part of this volume I showed the pro- 
found efifect of the ^'industrial revolution'' in furthering 
white world-supremacy, and I pointed out the tremen- 
dous advantages accruing to the white world from ex- 
ploitation of undeveloped colored lands and from ex- 
ports of manufactured goods to colored markets. The 
prodigious wealth thereby amassed has been a prime 
cause of white prosperity, has buttressed the main- 
tenance of white world-hegemony, and has made 
possible much of the prodigious increase of white popu- 

We littie realize what the loss of these advantage 
would mean. As a matter of fact, it would mean 
throughout the white world diminished prosperity, 
lessened political and military strength, and such rela- 
tive economic and social stagnation as would depress 
national vigor and check population. It is even possi- 
ble to visualize a white world reverting to the condition 
of Europe in the fifteenth centuiy— thrown back iq)on 
itsdf , on the defensive, and with a static rather than 
a progressive civilization. Such conditions could of 
couim occur only as the result of colored miiitaiy and 

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industrial trixunphs of the most sweeping character. 
But the possibility exists, nevertheless, as I shall en- 
deavor to show. 

Down to the close of the nineteenth century white 
supremacy was as absolute in industry as it was in 
politics and war. Even the civilized brown and yellow 
peoples were negligible from the industrial point of 
view. Asia was economically on an agricultural basis. 
Such industries as she possessed were still in the '' house- 
industry" stage, and her products, while often exquisite 
in quaUty, were produced by such slow, antiquated 
methods that their quantity was limited and their 
market-price relatively higk Despite very low wages, 
Asiatic products not only could not compete in the 
world-market with European and American machine- 
made, mass-produced articles, but were hard hit in 
their home-markets as well. The way in which an 
ancient Asiatic handicraft like the Indian textiles was 
literally annihilated by the destructive competition of 
Lancadure cottons is only one of many siniilar instances. 

With the beginning of the twentieth century, how- 
ever, Asia b^an to show signs of an economic activity 
as striking in its way as the activity which Asia was 
displaying in idealistic and political fields. Japan had 
already laid the foundations of her flourishing indus- 
trial life based on the most up-to-date Western models, 
while in other Asiatic lands, notably in China and 
India, the whir of machineiy and the smoke of tall 
factory chinmesrs proclaimed that the East was fathom- 
ing the industrial secrets of the West. 

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What Asiatics were seeking in their industrial re- 
vival was well expressed a decade ago by a Hindu, 
who wrote in a leading Indian periodical: ''In one 
respect the Orient is really menacing the West; and 
so earnest and open-minded is Asia that no pretense 
or apology whatever is made about it. The Easterner 
has thrown down the industrial gantlet, and from 
now on Asia is destined to witness a progressively in- 
tense trade warfare, the Occidental scrambling to re- 
tain his hold on the nmrkets of the East, and the Orien- 
tal endeavoring to beat him in a battle in which here- 
tofore he has been an eajsfy victor. ... In competing 
with the Occidental commercialists, the Oriental has 
awakened to a dynamic realization of the futility of 
pitting imimproved machinery and methods against 
modem methods and appliances. Casting aside his 
former sense of self-complacency, he is studying the 
sciences and arts that have given the West its material 
prosperity. He is putting the results of his investi- 
gations to practical use, as a rule, recasting the Occi- 
dental methods and tools to suit his peculiar needs, 
and in some instances improving upon them.''^ 

The accuracy of this Hindu statement of Asia's in- 
dustrial awakening is indorsed by the statements of 
white observers. At the very moment when the above 
article was penned, an American economic writer, Clar- 
ence Poe, was making a study tour of the Orient, from 
which he brought back the following report: ''The 

' Tfm Library Dinui, NofvmlMr 5. lUQi p. 786 dram Tie /wttnl 
Review, M«dnui). 

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real cause of Asia's poverty lies in just two things: 
the failure of Asiatic governments to educate their 
people, and the failure of the people to increase their 
productive capacity by the use of machineiy. Igno- 
rance and lack of machinery are responsible for Asia's 
poverty; knowledge and modem tools are responsible 
for America's prosperity." But, continues Mr, Poe, 
we must watch out. Asia now realizes these things 
and is doing much to remedy the situation. Hence, 
"we must face in ever-increasing degree the rivalry 
of awakening peoples who are strong with the strength 
that comes from struggle with poverty and hardship, 
ajid who have set themselves to master and apply all 
our secrets in the coming world-struggle for industrial 
supremacy and for racial readjustment."^ And more 
recently another American observer of Asiatic eco- 
nomic conditions reports : " All Asia is being permeated 
with modem industry and present-day mechanical 

Take, for example, the momentous possibilities in- 
volved in the industrial awakening of China. China 
is not merely the most populous of lands, containing 
as it does nearly one-fourth of all the human beings 
on earth, but it is also dowered with immense natural 
resources, notably coal and iron— the prime requisites 
of modem industrial life. Hitherto China has been 
on an agricultural basis, with virtually no exploitation 

iGbraDoe Fbe, "What the Oriflnt Can Teaoh Ub," WarhTB Work, 
July, IQll. 

^ Qayton 8. Ccx^mt, "The Modomiasg of tha OrieDt," p. 6 (New 
Yoik, IQU). 

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of her mineral wealth and with no indiistry in the mod- 
em sense. But the day when any considerable frac- 
tion of China's laborious millions turn from the plough 
and handicrafts to the factory must see a portentous 
reaction in the most distant markets. 

Thirty years ago, Professor Pearson forecast China's 
imminent industrial transformation. ''Does any one 
doubt/' he asks, ''that the day is at hand when China 
will have cheap fuel from her coal-mines, cheap trans^ 
port by railways and steamers, and will have founded 
technical schools to develop her industries? When- 
ever that day comes, she may wrest the control of the 
world's markets, especially throughout Asia, from 
England and Germany."^ 

Much of what Professor Pearson prophesied haa 
already come to pass, for China to^lay has the begin- 
nings of a promising industrial life. Even a decade 
ago Professor Ross wrote of industrial conditions theres 

"Assuredly the cheapness of Chinese labor is some- 
thing to make a factory owner's mouth water. The 
women reelers in the silk filatures of Shanghai get from 
eight to eleven cents for eleven hovm of work. But 
Shanghai is dear; and, besides, everybody there com- 
plains that the laborers are knowing and spoiled. In 
the steel works at EEanyang common labor gets three 
dollars a month, just a tenth of what raw ^vs com- 
mand in the South Chicago iron-works. Skilled me- 
chanics get from eight to twelve dollars. In a coal- 
mine near Ichang a thousand miles up the Yangtse 

>Peanoii»p. 138. 

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the coolie receives one cent for canying a 400-poiind 
load of coal on his back down to the river a mile and 
a half away. He averages ten loads a day but must 
rest every other week. The miners get seven cents a 
day and found; that iS; a cent's worth of rice and meal. 
They work eleven hours a day up to their knees in 
water; and all have swollen legs. After a week of it 
they have to lie off a couple of days. No wonder the 
cost of this coal (semi-bituminous) at the pit's mouth 
is only thirty-five cents a ton. At Chengtu servants 
get a dollar and a half a month and find themselves. 
Across Szechuan lusty coolies were glad to carry oiu* 
chairs half a day for four cents each. In Sianfu the 
conmion cooUe gets three cents a day and feeds him- 
self, or eighty cents a month. Through Shansi roving 
harvesters were earning from four to twelve cents a 
day, and farm-hands got five or six dollars a year and 
their keep. Speaking broadly, in any part of the em- 
pire, willing laborers of fair intelligence may be had 
in any niunber at from eight to fifteen cents a day. 

"With an ocean of such labor power to draw on, 
China would appear to be on the eve of a manufac- 
turing development that will act like a continental 
upheaval in changing the trade map of the world. The 
impression is deepened by the tale of industries that 
have already sprung up."^ 

Of course there is another side to the story. Low 
wages alone do not insure cheap production. As Pro- 
fessor Ross remarks: "For all his native capacity, the 

iRoas, pp. 117-118. 

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coolie will need a long course of schooling, industrial 
training; and factory atmosphere before he inches up 
abreast of the German or American working man."^ 
In the technical and directing staffs there is the same 
absence of the modem industrial spirit, resulting in 
chronic mismanagement, while Chinese industry is 
further handicapped by traditional evils like ''squeeze/' 
nepotism, lust for quick profits, and incapacity for 
sustained busipess team-play. These failings are not 
peculiar to China; they hamper the industrial develop- 
ment of other Asiatic countries, notably India. Still, 
the way in which Japanese industiy, with all its faults, 
is perfecting both its technic and its methods shows 
that these failings will be gradually overcome and in- 
dicates that within a generation Asiatic industry will 
probably be sijfficiently advanced to supply at least 
the Asiatic home-markets with most of the staple 
manuf acting. 

Thus it looks as though white manufactures will 
tend to be progressively eliminated from Asiatic mar- 
kets, even imder conditions of absolutely free com- 
petition. But it is a very moot point whether com- 
petition will remain free — ^whether, on the contraiy, 
white wares will not be increasingly penalized. The 
Asiatic takes a keen interest in his industrial develop- ^ 
ment and consciously favors it even where whites are 
in political control. The "swadeshi" movement in 
India is a good example, while the Chinese and Egyp- 
tian boycotts of foreign as against native goods ara 

» Rom, p. 119. 

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further instances in point. The Japanese have sup- 
plemented these spontaneous popular movements by 
sjrstematic governmental discrimination in favor of 
Japanese products and the elimination of white com- 
petition from Japan and its dependencies. This Japa- 
nese policy has been markedly successful, and should 
Japan's present hegemony over China be perpetuated 
the white man may soon find himself economically as 
well as politically expelled from the whole Far East. 

A decade ago Putnam Weale wrote wamingly: "If 
China is forced, owing to the short-sighted diplomacy 
of those for whom the question has really supreme 
importance, to make comnK)n cause with Japan as a 
pis oiler, then it may be accepted as inevitable that 
in the course of time there will be created a mare 
claumm, which will extend from the island of Saghalien 
down to Cochin-China and Siam, including all the 
island-groups, and the shores of which will be openly 
hostile to the white man. . . . 

''And since there will be no danger from the compe- 
tition of white workmen, but rather from the wMte 
man's ships, the white man's merchants, his inven- 
tions, his produce— it will be these which will be sub- 
jected to humiliating conditions. ... It is not a 
veiy far cry from tariffs on goods to tariffs and re- 
strictions on foreign shipping, on foreign merchants, 
on everjrthing foreign — ^restrictions which by impos- 
ing vast and unequal burdens on the activities of 
aliens will soon totally destroy such activities. . . . 
What can very easily happen is that the federation 

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of eastern Asia and the yellow races will be finaUy 
arranged in such a manner as to exclude the white 
man and his conmierce more completely than any 
one yet dreams of." * 

This latter jnisf ortune may be averted by concerted 
white action, but it is difficult to see how the gradual 
elimination of white goods from Asiatic markets as 
the result of successful Asiatic competition can be 
averted. Certainly the stubborn maintenance of white 
political domination over a rebellious Asia would be 
no remedy. That would merely intensify swadeshi 
boycotts in the subject regions, while in the lands freed 
from white political control it would further Japan's 
policy of excluding everything white. If Asiatics re- 
solve to buy their own products instead of ours we 
may as well reconcile ourselves to the loss. Here again 
frank recognition of the inevitable will enable us to 
take a much stronger and more justifiable position 
on the larger world-aspects of the problem. 

For Asia's industrial transformation is destined to 
cause momentous reactions in other parts of the globe. 
If Asiatic industry really does get on an efficient basis, 
its potentialities are so tremendous that it must pres- 
ently not only monopolize the home-markets but also 
seek to invade white markets as well, thus presenting 
the white world with commercial and economic prob- 
lems as unwelcome as they will be novel. 

Again, industrialization will in some respects ag- 
gravate Asiatic longings for migration and dominion. 
^ B. L. Putnam Weale, ''The Conflict of Ck>]or/' pp. 179-lSl. 

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In my opening pages I mentioned industrialization as 
a probable reliever of population-pressure in Asiatic 
countries by affording new livelihoods to the congested 
masses. This is true. But, looking a trifle farther, 
we can also see that industrialization would stimulate 
a further prodigious increase of population. Consider 
the growth of Europe's population during the nine- 
teenth century under the stimulus of the industrial 
revolution, maldng possible the existence in our in- 
dustrialized Europe of three times as many people 
as existed in the agricultiutd Europe of a hundred 
years ago. Why should not a similar development 
occur in Asia? To-day Asia, though stiU upon a basis 
as agricultural as eighteenth-century Europe, contains 
fully 900,000,000 people. That even a partially in- 
dxistrialized Asia might support twice that nimiber 
would Qudging by the European precedent) be far 
from improbable. 

But this would mean vastly increased incentives 
to expansion — commercial, political, racial— beyond 
the bounds of Asia. It would mean intensified en- 
croachments, not only upon areas oi white settlement, 
but perhaps even more upon non-Asiatic colored regions 
of white political control like Africa and tropical Amer- 
ica. Here again we see why the white man, however 
condliatoiy in Asia, must stand like flint in Africa 
and Latin America. To allow the whole tropic belt 
clear round the world to pass into Asiatic hands would 
practically spell white race-suicide. 

Professor Pearson paints a truly terrible picture 

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of the Btagnatdcm and hopdessness which would ensue. 
"Let us conceive/' he writes, "the leading European 
nations to be stationary, while the black and yeOow 
belt, including China, Malaysia, India, central Africa, 
and tropical America, is all teeming with life, developed 
by industrial enterprise, fairly well administered by 
native governments, and owning the better part of 
the carrying trade of the world. Can any one suppose 
that, in such a condition of political society, the habitual 
temper of mind in Europe would not be profoundly 
changed? Depression, hopelessness, a disregard of 
invention and improvement, would replace the sanguine 
confidence of races that at present are always panting 
for new worlds to conquer. Here and there, it may be, 
the more adventurous would profit by the traditions 
of old supremacy to get their services accepted in the 
new nations, but as a rule thero would be no outlet 
for enei^, no future for statesmanship. The despon- 
dency of the English people, when their dream of con- 
quest in France was dissipated, was attended with a 
complete decay of thought, with civil war, and with 
a standing still, or perhaps a decline of populaticm, and 
to a less degree of wealth. ... It is conceivable that 
our later world may find itself deprived of all that is 
valued on earth, of the pag^antiy of subject provinces 
and the reality of commerce, while it has neither a 
disinterred literature to amuse it nor a vitalized religion 
to give it spiritual strength." ^ 
To sum up: The economic phase of the colored peril, 

iPeanoOypp. 138, 139. 

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though not yet a major factor, must still be seriously 
reckoned with by forward-looking statesmanship as 
something which will increasingly complicate the re- 
lations of the white and non-white worlds. In fact, 
even to-day it tends to intensify Asiatic desires for 
expansion, and thus exacerbates the third, or migrar 
tory, phase of the colored peril, which is already upon 

The question of Asiatic immigration is incomparably 
the greatest external problem which faces the white 
world. Supreme phase of the colored peril, it already 
presses, and is destined to press harder in the near 
futiu*e. It infinitely transcends the peril of arms or 
markets, since it threatens not merely our supremacy 
or prosperity but our very race^xistence, the wdl- 
spiings of being, the sacred heritage of our children. 

That this is no overstatement of the issue, a bare 
recital of a £ew biological axioms will show. We have 
already seen that nothing is more unstable than the 
racial make-up of a people, while, conversely, nothing 
is more uruJianging than the racial divisions of man- 
kind. We have seen that true amalgamation is pos- 
sible only between members of the same race-stock, 
while in crossings between stocks even as relatively 
near together as the main divisions of the white species, 
the race-characters do not realty fuse but remain dis- 
tinct in the mixed offspring and tend constantly to 
resort themsdves as pure types by Mendelian inheri- 
tance. Thus a country inhabited by a mixed popula- 
tion is really inhabited by different races, one of which 

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always tends to dominate and breed the other out — 
the outbred strains being lost to the world forever. 

Now^ since the various hxunan stocks differ widely 
in genetic worth, nothing should be more carefully 
studied than the relative values of the different strains 
in a population, and nothing should be more rigidly 
scrutinized than new strains seeking to add themselves 
to a population, because such new strains may hold 
simply incalculable potentialities for good or for eviL 
The potential reproductive powers of any stock are 
almost unlimited. Therefore the introduction of even 
a small group of prolific and adaptable but racially im- 
desirable aliens may result in their subsequent prodi- 
gious multiplication, thereby either replacing better 
native stocks or degrading these by the injection of 
inferior blood. 

The admission of aliens should, indeed, be r^arded 
just as solemnly as the b^etting of children, for the 
racial effect is essentially the same. There is no more 
damning indictment of our lopsided, materialistic 
civilization than the way in which, throughout the 
nineteenth century, imnoigration was almost univer- 
sally regarded, not from the racial, but from the ma- 
terial point of view, the immigrant being viewed not 
as a creator of race-values but as a mere vocal tool 
for the production of material wealth. 

Inunigration is thus, from the racial standpoint, a 
form of procreation, and like the more immediate form 
of procreation it may be either the greatest blessing 
or the greatest curse. Human history is largely the 

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story of migrations, maJdng now for good and now 
for ill. Migration peopled Europe with superior white 
stocks displacing ape-hke aborigines, and settled North 
America with Nordics instead of nomad redskins. But 
migration also bastardized the Roman world with 
Levantine mongrels, drowned the West Indies under 
a black tide, and is filling oin* own land with the sweep- 
ings of the European east and south. 

Migration, like other natural movements, is of itself 
a blind force. It is man's divine privil^e as well as 
duty, having been vouchsafed knowledge of the laws 
of life, to direct these blind forces, rejecting the bad 
and selecting the good for the evolution of higher and 
nobler destinies. 

Colored immigration is merely the most extreme 
phase of a phenomenon which has already moulded 
prodigiously the development of the white world. In 
fact, before discussing the specific problems of colored 
immigration, it would be well to survey the effects of 
the immigration of various white stocks. When we 
have grasped the momentous changes wrought by the 
introduction of even relatively near-related and hence 
relatively assimilable strains, we will be better able to 
realize the far more momentous consequences which the 
introduction of colored stocks into white lands would 

The racial effects of immigration are ably simomarized 
by that lifelong student of immigration problems, 
ftrescott F. Hall. These effects are, he truly remarks, 
''more far-reaching and potent than all otiliere. The 

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govenunent, the state, society, industry, the political 
party, social and political ideals, all are concepts and 
conventions created by individual men; and when 
individuals change these change with them. Recent 
discoveries in biology show that in the long run hered- 
ity is far more important than environment or educa- 
tion; for though the latter can develop, it cannot 
create. They also show what can be done in a few 
years in altering species, and in producing new ones 
with qualities hitherto unknown, or unknown in com- 
bination." * 

The way in which admixture of alien blood can 
modify or even destroy the very soul of a people have 
been fully analyzed both by biologists and by social 
psychologists like Doctor Gustave Le Bon.* The way 
in which wholesale immigration, even though mainly 
white, has already profoundly modified American nar 
tional character is succinctly stated by Mr* Eliot 
Norton. "If," he writes, "one considers the American 
people from, say, 1775 to 1860, it is clear that a well- 
defined national character was in process of formation. 
What variations there were, were all of the same type, 
and these variations would have slowly grown less and 
less marked. It needs little study to see of what great 
value to any body of men, women, and children a 
national or racial type is. It furnishes a standard of 
conduct by which any one can set his course. The 
world is a diflicult place in which to live, and to es- 

^ Pt«8oott F. Hall, "Immigration p. 99 (New York, 1907). 
* See espedally his ''F^yohology of Peoples" (London, 1898, EndUh 

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tablish moral standards has been one of the chief occu- 
pations of mankind. Without such standards, man 
feels 88 a miariner without a compass. Religions^ rules, 
laws, and customs are only the national character in 
the form of standards of conduct. Now national char- 
acter can be formed only in a population which is 
stable. The repeated introduction into a body of men 
of other men of different type or types cannot but tend 
to prevent its formation. Thus tJie 19,000,000 of im- 
migrants that have landed have tended to break up 
the type which was forming, and to make the forma- 
tion of any other type difficult. Every million more 
will only intensify this result, and the absence of a 
national character is a loss to every man, woman, and 
child. It will show itself in our religions, rules of con- 
duct, in our laws, in our customs." * 

The vital necessity of restriction and selection in 
immigration to conserve and build race-values is thus 
set forth by Mr. Hall: 

''There is one aspect of immigration restriction in 
the various countries which does not often receive much 
attention ; namely, the possibility of its use as a method 
of world-eugenics. Most persons think of migration 
in terms of £fpace— as the moving of a certain nmnber 
of people from one part of the earth's surface to an- 
other. Whereas the much noore important aspect of 
it is that of a functioning in time. 

^ Eliot Norton, in Annals cf the American Academy cf Political and 
Social Science, vol. XXIV, p. 163, July, 1004. Of ooune, ainoe Mr. Nor- 
ton wrote, m^ons more aliens have entered the United States, tuid the 
situation is much worae. 

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''This comes from two facts. The first is that the 
vacuum left in any countiy by emigration is rapidly 
filled up through a rise in the birth-rate. . . . The sec- 
ond fact is that immigration to any country of a given 
stratum of population tends to sterilize all strata of 
higher social and economic levels already in that coun- 
try. So true is this that nearly all students of the mat- 
ter are agreed that the United States would have a 
larger population to-day if there had been no immi- 
gration since 1820, and, it is needless to add, a much 
more homogeneous population. As long as the people 
of any commimity are relatively homogeneous, what 
differences of wealth and social position there may be 
do not affect the birth-rate, or do so only after a con- 
siderable time. But put into that conmiunity a num- 
ber of immigrants, inferior mentally, socially, and 
economically, and the natives are unwilling to have 
their children associate with them in work or social 
life. They then limit the number of their children in 
order to give them the capital or education to enter 
occupations in which they will not be brought into 
contact with the new arrivals. This result is quite 
apparent in New England, where successive waves of 
immigration from lower and lower levels have been 
coming in for eighty years. In the West, the same 
New England stock has a much higher birth-rate, 
showing that its fertility is in no way diminished. In 
the South, where until very recently l^ere was no immi- 
gration at all, and the only socially inferior race was 
clearly separated by the accident of color, the birth- 

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rate has remained veiy high, and the veiy large fami- 
lies of the colonial period are even now not uncommon. 

''This is not to say that other causes do not contrib- 
ute to lower the birth-rate of a country^ for that is an 
almost world-wide phenomenon. But the desire to 
be separated from inferiors is as strong a motive to 
birth-control as the desire for luxury or to ape one's 
economic superiors. Races follow Gresham's law as 
to money: the poorer of two kinds in the same place 
tends to supplant the better. Mark you, supplcmf, not 
drive out. One of the most common fallacies is the 
idea that the natives whose places are taken by the 
lower immigrants are 'driven up' to more responsible 
positions. A few may be pushed up;' more are driven 
to a new locality, as happened in the mining r^ons; 
but mo9t are presented from coining irUo existence at aU. 

"What is the result, then, of the migration of 
1,000,000 persons of lower level into a country where 
the average is of a higher level? Considering the 
world as a whole, there are, after a few years, 2,000,000 
persons of the lower type in the world, and probably 
from 500,000 to 1,000,000 less of the higher type. The 
proportion of lower to higher in the countiy from 
which the migration goes may remain the same; but 
in the country receiving it, it has risen. Is the world 
as a whole the gainer? 

"Of course the euthenist^ says at once that these 
immigrants are improved. We may grant that, al- 

1 /. e., » person befieving in the prepondenaoe of enyiionmeBt rather 
than hcoedity 

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though the improvement is probably mudi exag- 
gerated. You camiot make bad stock into good by 
changing its meridian^ any more than you can turn a 
cart-horse into a hunter by putting it into a fine stable, 
or make a mongrel into a fine dog by teaching it tricks. 
But such improvement as there is involves time, ex^ 
pensC; and trouble; and, when it is done, has any- 
thing been gained? Will any one say that the races 
that have supplanted the old Nordic stock in New 
England are any better, or as good, as the descendants 
of that stock would have been if their birth-rate had 
not been lowered? 

'^ Further, in addition to the purely biological aspects 
of the matter, there are certain psychological ones. 
Although a cosmopolitan atmosphere furnishes a cer- 
tain freedom in which strong congenital talents can 
develop; it is a question whether as many are not in- 
jured as helped by this. Indeed, there is considerable 
evidence to show that for the production of great men, 
a certain homogeneity of environment is necessary. 
The reason of this is veiy simple. In a homogeneous 
community; opinions on a large number of matters 
are fixed. The individual does not have to attend to 
such things, but is free to go ahead on some special 
line of his own, to concentrate to his limit on his work, 
even though that work be fighting the common opin- 

'^But in a conmiunity of many races, there is 
either cross-breeding or there is not. If there is, the 
children of such cross-breeding are liable to inherit 

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two souls^ two temperaments^ two sets of opinions, 
with the result in many cases that they are unable to 
think or act strong!^ and consistently in any direction. 
The classic examples are Cuba^ Mexico, and Brazil 
On the other hand, if there is no cross-breeding, the 
-tlivensily exists in the origmal races, and in a com- 
munity full of diverse ideals of all kinds much of the 
energy of the higher type of man is dissipated in two 
ways. First, in the intellectual field there is much 
more doubt about eveiything, and he tends to weigh, 
discuss, and agitate many more subjects, in order to 
arrive at a conclusion amid the opposing views. Sec- 
ond, in practical affairs, much time and strength have 
to be devoted to keeping thing? going along old Hnes, 
which could have been spent in new research and de- 
velopment. In how many of our large cities to-day 
are men of the highest type spending their whole time 
fitting, often in vain, to maint>ain standards of hon- 
esty, decency, and order, and in tiying to compose the 
various ethnic elements, who should be free to build 
new structures upon the old ! 

''The moral seems to be this: Eugenics among in- 
dividuals is encouraging the propagation of the fit^ 
and limiting or preventing the multiplication of the 
unfit. World-eugenics is doing precise^ the same 
thing as to races considered as wholes. Immigration 
restriction is a species of segregation on a large scale, 
by which inferior stocks can be prevented from both 
diluting and supplanting good stocks. Just as we 
isolate bacterial invasions, and starve out the bacteria 

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by limiting the area and amount of their food-supply, 
80 we can compel an inferior race to remain in its nar 
tive habitat; where its own multiplication in a limited 
aiea will; as with all organisms; eventually limit its 
numbere and therefore its influence. On the other 
hand; the superior raceS; more self-limiting than the 
othsTO; with the benefits of more space and nourish- 
ment will tend to still higher levels. 

''This result is not meretjr a selfish benefit to the 
hi^er raceS; but a good to the world as a whole. The 
object is to produce the greatest number of those fittest 
not 'for survival' merely, but fittest for all purposes. 
The lower types among men progress; so far as thdr 
racial inheritance allows them tO; chiefly by imitation 
and emulation. The presence of the highest develop- 
ment and the highest institutions among any race is 
a distinct benefit to all the others. It is a gift of psy- 
chologioal efmranmerU to any one capable of apprecia- 
tion." » 

The imposfflfaility of any advanced and prosperous 
community Tnaint>aining its social standards and hand- 
ing them down to its posterity in these days of che^^ 
and rapid transportation except by restrictions upon 
immigrations is thus explained by Professor Roes: 
''Now that cheap travel stirs the social deeps and far- 
beckoning opportunity fills the steerage; immigratian 
becomes ever more serious to the people that hopes 
to rid itself at least of slumS; 'masseS;' and 'sub- 

' Ftaoott F. Hall, ''Immig;ration Restrictkm and World Bufooki,'' 
Tk$ JmmuA y HendUif, Marob, 1919. 

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merged/ What is the good of practismg prudence 
in the family if hmigry strangers may crowd in and 
occupy at the banquet table of life the places reserved 
for its children? Shall it, in order to relieve the teem- 
ing lands of their imemployed^ abide in the pit of wolfish 
competition and renounce the fair prospect of growth 
in suavity; comfort, and refinement? 1£ not; then the 
low-pressure society must not only slam its doors upon 
the indraft; but must double-lock them with forts 
and iron-clads; lest they be burst open by assault from 
some quarter where 'cannon food' is cheap.'' ^ 

These admirable summaries of the immigration 
problem in its world-aspect are strikingly illustrated 
by our own country; which may be considered as the 
leading; if not the ^'hoiriblc;" example. Probably few 
persons fully appreciate what magnificent racial trea- 
sures America possessed at the b^inning of the nine- 
teenth century. The colonial stock was perhaps tiie 
finest that nature had evolved since the classic Greeks. 
It was the very pick of the Nordics of the British Isles 
and adjacent regions of tiie European continent — 
picked at a time when those coimtries Were more Nor- 
dic than noW; smce the industrial revolution had not 
yet begun and the consequent resm^ence of the Medi- 
terranean and Alpine elements had not taken place. 

The immigrants of colonial times were largely exiles 
for conscience's sake, while the very process of migra- 
tion was so difi&cult and hazardous that only persons 

lEdwwd Akwortli Rom. ''Ghansiog America.'' vo. 45-46 ^Ntv 
Yoik. 1012). 

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of courage; initiative^ and strong will-power would 
voluntarity face the long voyage overseas to a life of 
struggle in an untamed wilderness haunted by ferocious 

Thus the entire process of colonial settlement was 
one continuous^ drastic cycle of eugenic selection. Only 
the racially fit ordinarily came, while the few unfit 
who did come were mostly weeded out by the exacting 
requirements of early American life. 

The eugenic results were magnificent. As Madison 
Grant well says: ''Nature had vouchsafed to the Amer- 
icans of a century ago the greatest opportunity in r&- 
corded histoiy to produce in the isolation of a continent 
a powerful and racially homogeneous people^ and had 
provided for the experiment a pure race of one of the 
most gifted and vigorous stocks on earth, a stock free 
from the diseases, physical and moral, which have 
again and again sapped the vigor of the older lands. 
Our grandfathers threw away this opportunity in the 
blissful ignorance of national childhood and inexperi- 
ence." ^ The ntunber of great names which Amaica 
produced at the b^inning of its national life shows 
the hi^ level of ability possessed by this rdativdy 
small people (only about 3,000,000 whites in 1790). 
With our hundred-odd millions we have no such out- 
put of genius to-day. 

The opening decades of the nineteenth century 
seemed to portend for America the most glorious of 
futures. For nearly seventy years after the Revdu- 

1 Madiaon Grant, "The PMring of the Gnat Raoe»'' p. 90. 

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tion^ immigration was small, and during that long 
period of ethnic isolation the colonial stock, unper- 
turbed by alien influences, adjusted its cultural differ- 
ences and began to digplay the traits of a genuine new 
type, harmonious in basic homogeneity and incalcu- 
lably rich in racial promise. The general level of ability 
continued high and the output of talent remained ex- 
traordinarily laige* Perhaps the best feature of the 
nascent ^'native American" race was its strong ideal- 
ism. Despite the materialistic blight which was then 
creeping over the white world, the native American 
displayed characteristics more reminiscent of his Elixap 
bethan forebears than of the materialistic Hanoverian 
Englishman. It was a wonderful time— and it was 
only the dawn ! 

But the f uU day of that wondrous dawning never 
came. In the late forties of the nineteenth centuiy 
the first waves of the modem immigrant tide began 
breaking on our shores, and the tide swelled to a veri- 
table deluge which never slackened till temporarily 
restrained by the late war. This immigration, to be 
sure, first came mainly from northern Europe, was 
thus largely composed of kindred stocks, and con- 
tributed many valuable elements. Only dimng the 
last thirty years have we been deluged by the trviy 
alien hordes of the European east and south. But, 
even at its best, the immigrant tide could not measure 
up to the colonial stock which it displaced, not rein- 
f oroed, while latterly it became a menace to the veiy 
existence of our race, ideals, and institutions. All our 

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Aowfy acquired balance— physical; mental, and q)iri- 
tual — ^hafi been upset, and we to-day flounder in a 
veritable Serbonian bog, painfully trying to regain the 
solid ground on which our granddres confidently stood. 

The dangerous fallacy in that short-sighted idealisin 
which seeks to make America the haven of refuge for 
the poor and oppressed of all lands, and its evil effects 
not only on America but on the rest of the world as 
weQ, has been convincingly exposed by Professor Boss. 
He has scant patience with those social ''uplifters" 
whose sympathy with the visible alien at the gate is 
80 keen that they have no feeling for the invisible chil- 
dren of ovT poor who will find the chances gone, nor 
for those at &e gate of the to-be, who might have been 
bom, but will not be. 

"I am not of those," he writes, "who consider hu- 
manity and forget the nation, who pity the living but 
not the unborn. To me, those who are to come after 
us stretch forth beseeching hands as well as do the 
masses on the other side of the globe. Nor do I re- 
gard America as something to be spent quickly and 
cheerfully for the benefit of pent-up millions in the 
backward lands. What if we becoqie crowded with- 
out their ceasing to be so? I r^ard it (America) as a 
nation whose future may be of unspeakable value to 
the rest of mankind, provided that the easier condi- 
tions of life here be made permanent by high standards 
of living, institutions, and ideals, which finally may be 
Impropriated by all men. We could have helped th6 
Giinese a little by letting their surplus millions swann 

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in upon us a generation ago; but we have hdped them 
infinitely more by protecting our standards and having 
somethhig worth their copying when the time came." ^ 

The pertm*bing influence of recent immigration 
must vex American life for many decades. Even if 
laws are passed to-morrow so drastic as to shut out 
permanently the influx of undesirable dements^ it 
will yet take several generations before the combined 
action of assimilation and elimination shall have re- 
stabilized om* population and evolved a new type- 
norm approaching in fixity that which was on the point 
of crystallizing three-quarters of a centuiy ago. 

The biologist Humphrey thus punctures the "melt- 
ing-pot" delusion: "Our 'meltmg-pot/" he writes, 
"would not give us in a thousand years what enthu- 
siasts expect of it— a fusing of all o\xr various racial 
dements into a new type which shall be the true 
American. It wiH give us for many generations a per- 
plexing diversity in ancestiy, and smce our successors 
must reach back into their ancestry for characteristics; 
this diversity will increase the uncertainty of their 
inheritances. They will inherit no stable blended char- 
acter, because there is no such thing. They will in- 
herit from a mixtm^e of imlike characteristics contrib- 
uted by unlike peoples, and in their inheritance they 
win have certain of these characteristics in full identity, 
while certain others they will not have at all." ^ 

> Edward Alsworth Ross, "The Old World in the New/' P^aoe, p. 2 
(New York, 1914). 

*8. E. Humphry, "Maokiiid: Racial Valuea and the Radal Proa- 
peet," p. 166. 

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Thufi, under even the moBt favorable circumstanoesy 
we are in for generations of racial readjustment — an 
inunense travail, essentially needless, since the final 
product will probably not measure up to the colonial 
standard. We will probably never (unless we adopt 
positive eugenic measures) be the race we might have 
been if America had been reserved for the descendants 
of the picked Nordics of colonial times. 

But that is no reason for folding our hands in despair- 
ing inaction. On the contrary, we should be up and 
doing, for thou^ some of our race-heritage has been 
lost, more yet remains. We can still be a veiy great 
people— if we will it so. Heaven be praised, the co- 
lonial stock was immensely prolific before the alien 
tide wrought its sterilizing havoc. Even to-day neariy 
one-half of our population is of the old blood, while 
many millions of the itnmigrant stock are sound in 
quality and assimilable in kind. Only— the inmii- 
grant tide must at all costs be stopped and America 
given a chance to stabilize her ethnic being. It is the 
old story of the sibylline books. Some, to be sure, 
are ashes of the dead past; all the more should we 
conserve the precious volimaes which remain. 

One fact should be clearly understood: If America 
is not true to her own race-soul, she will inevitably lose 
it, and the brightest star that has appeared since Hellas 
will fall like a meteor from the human sky, its brilliant 
radiance fading into the night. '^ We Americans," says 
Madison Grant, ^'must realize that the altruistic ideals 
which have controlled our social development during 

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the past century and the maudlin sentimentalism that 
has made America 'an asylum for the oppressed/ are 
sweeping the nation toward a racial abyss. If the melt- 
ing-pot is allowed to bofl without control and we con- 
tinue to follow our national motto and dehberately 
blind ourselves to 'all distinctions of race, creed, or 
color/ the type of native American of colonial descent 
will become as extinct as the Athenian of the age of 
Pericles and the Viking of the days of Rollo." ^ 

And let us not lay any sacrificial unction to our souls. 
If we cheat our country and the worid of the splendid 
promise of American life, we shall have no one to blame 
but ourselves, and we shall deserve, not pity, but con- 
tempt. As Professor Ross well puts it: "A people 
that has no more respect for its ancestors and no more 
pride of race than this deserves the extinction that 
surely awaits it."' 

This extended discussion of the evil effects of even 
white inmiigration has, in my opinion, been necessary 
in order to get a proper perspective for viewing the 
problem of colored incimigration. For it is perfectly 
obvious that if the influx of inferior kindred stocks 
is bad, the influx of wholly alien stocks is infinitely 
worse. When we see the damage wrought in America, 
for example, by the coming of persons who, after all, 
belong mostly to branches of the white race and who 
nearly all possess the basic ideals of wlute civilization, 
we can grasp the incalculably greater damage which 
would be wrought by the coming of persons wholly 

>afaat,p.268. • Rm, "ThA Old World in the New," p. 90i. 

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alien in blood and possessed of idealistic and cultural 
backgrounds absolutely different &om ours. If the 
white immigrant can gravely disorder the national lif e^ 
it is not too much to say that the colored inunigrant 
would doom it to certain death. 

This doom would be all the more certain because of 
the enormous potential volume of colored inmugra- 
tion. Beside it, the white immigrant tide of the past 
century would pale into insignificance. Leaving all 
other parts of the colored world out of the present 
discussion; three Asiatic countries — China^ Japan, and 
India— together have a population of nearly 800,- 
000,000. That is practically twice the population of 
Europe — ^the source of white inmiigration. And the 
vast majority of these 800,000,000 Asiatics are poteor 
tial immigrants into white territories. Their standards 
of living are so inconceivably low, their congestion is 
so painful, and their consequent desire for relief so 
keen that the high-standard, relatively empty white 
world seems to them a perfect paradise. Only the 
barrier of the white man's veto has prevented a per- 
fect deluge of colored men into white lands, and even 
afi it is the desperate seekers after fuller life have crq>t 
and crawled through every crevice in that barrier^ 
until even these advance-guards to-day constitute 
serious local problems along the white world's race- 

The simple truth of the matter is this: A migjhty 
problem-ra planet-wide problem — confronts us to- 
day and will increaaingly confront us in the dayi to 

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come. Says Putnam Weale: '^A struggle has b^gun 
between the white man and all the other men of the 
worid to decide whether non-white men— that is, 
3rellow men, or brown men, or black men— may or 
may not invade the white man's countries in order there 
to gain their Uvelihood. The standard of living being 
low in the lands of colored men and high in the lands 
of the white man, it has naturally followed that it has 
been in the highest d^ree attractive for men of color 
during the past few decades to proceed to regions where 
their labor is rewarded on a scale far above their actual 
requirements— that is, on the white man's scale. This 
simple economic truth creates the inevitable contest 
which has for years filled all the countries bordering 
on the Pacific with great dread; and which, in spite of 
the temporary truce which the so-called 'Exclusion 
Policy ' has now enforced, will go much farther than 
it has yet gone." ^ 

The world-wide significance of colored immigration 
and the momentous conflicts which it will probably 
provoke are ably visualized by Professor Ross. 

'^The rush of developments," he writes, ''makes it 
certain that the vision of a globe 'lapped in imiv^^sal 
laV is premature. If the seers of the mid-centuiy 
who looked for the speedy triumph of free trade had 
read their Malthus aright, they might have antici- 
pated the tariff barriers that have arisen on all hands 
within the last thirty years. So, to-day one needs no 
prc^het's mantle to foresee that presently the world 

1 PotBioi WeiOe, "ThA Conflict of Color/' pp. 08-99. 

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will be cut up with immigration barriers which will 
never be levelled until the intelligent accommodation 
of numbers to resources has greatiy equalized popular 
tion-pressure all over the globe. • . • Dams against the 
oolor races, with spillways of course for students, mer- 
chants, and travellers, will presently enclose the white 
man's world. Within this area minor dams will pro- 
tect the high wages of the less prolific peoples against 
the surplus labor of the more prolific. 

''Assuredly, every small-family nation will try to 
raise such a dam, and every big-famQy nation will 
try to break it down. The outlook for peace and dis- 
armament is, therefore, far from bright. One needs 
but compare the population-pressures in France, Ger- 
many, Russia, and Japan to realize that, even to-day, 
the real enemy of the dove of peace is not the ea^e of 
pride or the vulture of greed, but the stork I 

''The great point of doubt in birth restriction is the 
ability of the Western nations to retain control of the 
vast African, Australasian, and South American areas 
they have staked out as preserves to be peopled at 
their leisure with the diminishing overflow of thdr 
population. If underbreeding should leave them with- 
out the military strength that alone can defend their 
far-fltmg frontiers in the southern hemisphere, those 
huge imderdeveloped regions will assuredly filled 
with the children of the brown and the yellow races.''^ 

Thus, white men, of whatever country and however 
far removed from personal contact with colored com- 
1 R088, ''Chftoipzig Amerioa,'' pp. 46-49. 

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petitoiB) must realize that the question of colored 
immigration vitally concerns every white man^ woman, 
and child; because nowhere — dbsohUdy nowhere — can 
white labor compete on equal terms with colored im- 
migrant labor. The grim truth is that there are enough 
hard-working colored men to swamp the whole white 

No palliatives will serve to mitigate the ultimate 
issue, for if the white race should to-day surrender 
enough of its frontiers to ease the existing colored pop- 
ulation-pressure, so quickly would these surrendered 
r^ons be swamped, and so rapidly would the fast- 
breeding colored races fill the homeland gaps, that in 
a veiy short time the diminished white world would be 
faced with an even louder colored clamor for admit- 
tance—backed by an increased power to enforce the 
colored will. 

The profoundly destructive effects of colored com- 
petition upon white standards of labor and living has 
long been admitted by all candid students of the prob- 
lem. So warm a champion of Asiatics as Mr. Hynd- 
man acknowledges that ^'the white workers cannot 
hold their own permanently against Chinese com- 
petition in the labor market. The lower standard of 
life, the greater persistence, the superior education of 
the Chinese will beat them, and will continue to beat 

Wherever the white man has been exposed to col- 
ored competition, particularly Asiatic competition, the 

1 ■yndman, '*Th« Awakening of Alia," p. 180. 

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story is the same. Says the Australian Professor Pear- 
son: ''No one in California or Australia^ where the 
effects of Chinese competition have been studied^ has, 
I believe, the smallest doubt that Chinese laborers, 
if allowed to come in freely, could starve all the white 
men in either country out of it, or force them to sub- 
mit to harder work and a much lower standard of 

And a South African, writing of the effects of Hindu 
immigration into Natal, remarks in similar vein: 
''The condition of South Africa— especially of Natal 
— ^is a warning to other lands to bar Asiatic immi- 
grants. . • • Both economically and socially the pres- 
ence of a large Oriental population is bad. The Asiatics 
either force out the white workers, or compel the latter 
to live down to the Asiatic level. There must be a 
marked deterioration amongst the white working 
classes, which renders useless a great deal of the effort 
made in educational work. The white population is 
educated and trained according to the best ideas of 
the highest form of Western civilization^-fOid has to 
compete for a livelihood against Asiatics I In Soutii 
Africa this competition is driving out the white worit' 
ing class, because the average European caimot live 
down to the Asiatic level— and if it is essential that 
the European must do so, for the sake of his own hap^ 
piness, do not educate him up to better things. If 
cheapness is the only consideration, if low wages an 
to come before everything else, then it is not only wastt 

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of money, but absolute cruelty, to inspire in the white 
working classes tastes and aspirations which it is im- 
possible for them to realize. To meet Asiatic com- 
petition squarely; it would be necessary to train the 
white children to be Asiatics. Even the pro-Orientals 
would hardly advocate this.''^ 

The lines just quoted squarely counter the '^ sur- 
vival of the fittest '^ plea so often made by Asiatic propa- 
gandists for colored immigration. The ai^ument runs 
that, since the Oriental laborer is able to imderbid the 
white laborer, the Oriental is the ^'fittest'' and should 
therefore be allowed to supplant the white man in 
the interests of human progress. This is of coiuBe 
merely clever use of the well-known fallacy which 
confuses the terms "fittest" and "best." The idea 
that, because a certain human type "fits" in certain 
ways a particular environment (often an unhealthy, 
man-made social environment), it should be allowed 
to drive out another type endowed with much richer 
potentiaUties for the highest forms of human evolution, 
is a sophistry as absurd as it is dangerous. 

Professor Ross puts the matter veiy aptly when he 
remarks concerning Chinese immigration: "The com- 
petition of white laborer and yellow is not so simple 
a test of human worth as some may imagine. Under 
good conditions the white man can best the yellow 
man in turning o£F work. But under bad conditions 

iL. E. Nflame, "Oriental Labor in South Africa," AnnaU of ths 
Afneriean Aoademy cf PolUieal and Sockd Sdenee, vol XXXIV, pp. 
17»-180, September, 1900. 

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the yellow man can best the white man; because he 
can better endure spoiled food, poor clothing, foul 
air, noise, heat, dirt, discomfort, and microbes. Reilly 
can auido Ah-San, but Ah-San can underlive Reilly. 
Ah-San cannot take away Reilly's job as being a better 
workman; but because he can live and do some work 
at a wage on which Reilly cannot keep himself fit to 
work at aU, three or four Ah-Sans can take Reilly^s 
job from him. And they wiU do it, too, unless they 
are barred out of the market where Reilly is selling 
his labor. Reilly's endeavor to exclude Ah-San from 
his labor market is not the case of a man dreading to 
pit himself on equal terms against a better man. In- 
deed, it is not quite so simple and selfish and narrow- 
minded as all that. It is a case of a man fitted to get 
the most out of good conditions refiasing to yield his 
place to a weaker man able to withstand bad condi- 

All this is no disparagement of the Asiatic. He is 
perfectly justified in tiying to win broader opportuni- 
ties in white lands. But we whites are equally justi- 
fied in keeping these opportunities for ourselves and 
our childreai. The hard facts are that there is not 
enough for both; that when the enormous outward 
thrust of colored population-pressure bursts into a 
white land it cannot let live, but automatically crushes 
the white man out— first the white laborer, then the 
white merchant, lastly the white aristocrat; until eveiy 
vestige of white has gone from that land forever. 

> R088, ''The Cbansmg GhiiMw," pp. 47<-4i. 

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This inexorable process is thus described bj an Aus- 
tralian: ''The colored races become agencies of eco- 
nomic disturbance and social degradation. Th^ sap 
and destroy the upward tendencies of the poorer whites. 
The latter, instead of alwajrs having something better 
to look at and strive after, have a lower standard of 
living, health, and cleanliness set before them, and the 
results are disastrous. They sink to the lower level 
of the Asiatics, and the degrading tendency proceeds 
upward by saturation, affecting several grades of soci- 
ety. . . . There is an insidious, yet irresistible, proc- 
ess of social degradation. The colored race does not 
intentionally, or even consciously, lower the European; 
it simply happens so, by virtue of a natural law which 
neither race can control. As debased coinage will drive 
out good currency, so a lowered standard of living will 
inexorably spread imtil its effects are imiversally felt." ^ 

It all comes down to a question of self-preservation. 
And, despite what sentimentalists may say, self-pres- 
ervation is the first law of nature. To love one's cul- 
tural, idealistic, and racial heritage; to swear to pass 
that heritage unimpaired to one's children; to fight, 
and, if need be, to die in its defense: aU this is eternally 
right and proper, and no amount of casuistiy or senti- 
mentality can alter that unalterable truth. An Eng- 
lishman put the thing in a nutshell when he wrote: 
''Asiatic immigration is not a question of sentiment, 
but of sheer existence. The whde problem is summed 

U. liddeD Kdly, "Whftt Is ih» Matter wiUi tbe AmtMel" ir«#- 
niMMter SivieVi September, 1910. 

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up in Lafcadio Heam's pregnant phrase: 'The East 
can underlive the West/ "* 

Rigorous exclusion of colored immigrants is thus 
vitally necessaiy for the white peoples. Unf ortunatdy, 
this exclusion policy will not be easfly maintained. 
Colored population-pressure is insistent and increasing, 
while the matter is still further compUcated by the 
fact that; while no white comrnunity can gain by colored 
immigration, white individuals — employers of labor — 
may be great gainers and hence often tend to put private 
interest above racial duty. Barring a handful of sin- 
cere but misguided cosmopoUtan enthusiasts, it is 
unscrupulous business interests which are behind every 
white proposal to relax the exclusion laws protecting 
white areas. 

In fairness to these business interests, however, let 
us realize their great temptations. To the average 
employer, especially in the newer areas of white settle- 
ment where white labor is scarce and dictatorial, what 
could be more enticing than the vision of a boundless 
supply of cheap and eager colored labor? 

Consider this Calif omian appraisement of the Chi- 
nese coolie: ''The Chinese coolie is the ideal industrial 
machine, the perfect human ox. He will transform less 
food into more work, with less administrative friction, 
than any other creature. Even now, when the scarcily 
of Chinese labor and the consequent rise in wag^ 
have eliminated the question of cheapness, the Chinese 

> From an article in Ths PalUMaU OoMdU (London). Quoted io 
The IMemry Dig^ May 31, 1913, pp. 1215-16. 

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have stQl the advantage over all other eeTvUe labor 
in convenience and efficiency. They are patient, docile, 
industrious, and above all 'honest' in the business 
sense that they keep their contracts. Also, th^ cost 
nothing but money. Any other sort of labor costs 
human effort and worry, in addition to the money. 
But Chinese labor can be bought like any other com- 
modity, at so much a dozen or a hundred. The Chinese 
contractor delivers the agreed number of men, at the 
agreed time and place, for the agreed price, and if any 
one should drop out he finds another in his place. The 
men board and lodge themselves, and when the work 
is done they disappear from the employer's ken until 
again needed. The entire transaction consists in pay- 
ing the Chinese contractor an agreed nimiber of dollars 
for an agreed result. This elimination of the human 
element reduces the labor problem to something the 
employer can understand. The Chinese labor-ma- 
chine, from his standpoint, is perfect." ^ 

What is true of the Chinese is true to a somewhat 
lesser extent of all "coolie" labor. Hence, once in- 
troduced into a white country, it becomes immensely 
popular— among en^loyers- How it was working out 
in South Africa, before Uie exclusion acts there, is clearly 
explained in the following lines: "The experience of 
South Africa is that when once Asiatic labor is admitted, 
the tendency is for it to grow. One manufacturer 
secures it and is able to cut prices to such an extent 

^CheBter H. RoweD, "Chmese and Japanese Immigrants/' AnnaU 
pf the Amerioon Academy, voL XXXIV, p. 4, September, 1909. 

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that the other manuf acturars are forced either to em- 
pl(^ Aaatics also or to reduce white wages to the Asiatic 
level. Oriental labor is something which does not 
stand still. The taste for it grows. A party springs 
up financially interested in increasng it. In Natal 
to-day the suggestion that Indian labor should no 
longer be imported is met by an outciy f rom theplant- 
ersi the farmers; and landowners, and a certain num- 
ber of manuf acturers; that industries and agriculture 
win be ruined. So the coolie shqps continue to arriye 
at IKurban, and Natal becomes more and more a land 
of black and brown people and less a land of white 
people. Instead of becoming a Canada or New Zear 
land, it is becoming a Trinidad or Cuba. Instead of 
white settlers^ there are brown settlers. . • . The 
working-class white population has to go, as it is going 
in Natal. The country becomes a country of white 
landlords and supervisors controlling a horde of Asiatics. 
It does not produce a nation or a free people. It be- 
comes what in the old days of English colonization was 
called a 'plantation.' "1 

All this gives a dearer idea of the difficulties involved 
in a successful guarding of the gates. But it also con- 
firms the conviction that the gates must be strictly 
guarded. If anything further were needed to rein- 
force that conviction it should be the present state 
of those white outposts where the gates have been left 

»N6MiM^ ** Qrkptal LdtKKT in SoiiUi AfriW Anaak ^ th» A m m im m 
y, tqL XXXIV, p. lil. 

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Hawaii is a good example. This mid-Pacific archi- 
pelago was brought mider white control by masterful 
American Nordics^ who established Anglo-Saxon in- 
stitutions and taught the natives the rudiments of 
An^o-Saxon civilization. The native Hawaiians^ like 
the other Poljrnesian races, could not stand the pres- 
sure of white civilization, and withered away. But 
the white oligarchy which controlled the islands de- 
termined to turn their marvellous fertility to imme- 
diate profit. Labor was imported from the ends of 
the earth, the sole test being working ability without 
r^ard to race or color. There followed a great in- 
flux of Asiatic labor— at first Chinese until annexation 
to the United States brought Hawaii under our Chinese 
exclusion laws; later on Filipinos, Koreans, and, above 
all, Japanese. 

The results are highly instructive. These Asiatics 
arrived as agricultural laborers to work on the plan- 
tations. But they did not stay there. Saving thdr 
wages, they pushed vigorously iato all the middle walks 
of life. The Hawaiian fisherman and the American 
artisan or shopkeeper were alike ousted by ruthless 
undercutting. To-day the American mechanic, the 
American storekeeper, the American fanner, even the 
American contractor, is a rare bird indeed, while Japar 
nese corporations are buying up the finest plantations 
and growing the finest pineapples and sugar. Fully 
half the population of the islands is Japanese, while 
the Americans are being literally encysted as a small 
aiid dwindling aristocracy. In 1917 the births of the 

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two races were: American^ 295; Japanese^ 5;000! 
Comment is superfluous. 

Clear round the globe, the island of Mauritius, the 
half-way house between Asia and Africa, tells the same 
tale. Originally settled by Europeans, mostly French, 
Mauritius imported negroes from Africa to work its 
rich soil. This at once made impossible the existence 
of a white laboring dass, though the upper, middle, 
and artisan classes remained unaffected by the eco- 
nomically backward blacks. A himdred years ago on&- 
third of the population were whites. But after the 
abolition of slaveiy the negroes quit work, and Asi- 
atics were imported to take their place. The upshot 
was that the whites were presently swamped beneath 
the Asiatic tide— here mostly Hindus. To-day the 
Hindus alone form more than two-thirds of the whole 
population, the whites nimibering less than one-tenth. 
Indeed, the very outward aspect of the island is chang- 
ing. The old French landmarks are going, and the 
fabled land of 'Taul and Virginia" is becoming a bit 
of Hindustan, with a Chinese fringe. Even Port 
Louis, the capital town, has mostly passed from white 
to Indian or Chinese hands. 

Now what do these two world-«undered cases mean? 
They mean, as an English writer justly remarks, 
''that under the British flag Mauritius has become an 
outpost of Asia, just as Hawaii is another such and 
under the Stars and Stripes." ^ And, of course, there is 
Natal, already mentioned, which, at the moment when 

^ Viator, ''Asia oonim Muiuivm," Fartnighilif Bmmo, February, 1908. 

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the recent South African Exclusion Act stayed the 
Hindu tide^ had not only been partially transformed 
into an Asiatic land; but was fast becoming a centre 
of Asiatic radiation all over South Africa. 

With such grim warnings before their eyes^ it is not 
strange that the lusty yoimg Anglo-Saxon communities 
bordering the Pacific — ^Australia, New Zealand, British 
Columbia, and our own "coast" — ^have one and aU 
set their faces like flint against the Oriental and have 
emblazoned across their portals the legend: "All 
White." Nothing is more striking than the instinctive 
and instantaneous solidarity which binds together 
Australians and Afrikanders, Califomians and Canar 
dians, into a "sacred union" at the mere whisper of 
Asiatic immigration. 

Everywhere the slogan is the same. "The 'White 
Australia' idea," cries an antipodean writer, "is not a 
poUtical theory. It is a gospel. It counts for more 
than religion; for more than flag, because the flag 
waves over all kinds of aces; for more than the em- 
pire, for the empire is mostly black, or brown or yellow; 
is laigdy heathen, largely polygamous, partly canni- 
bal. In fact, the White Australia doctrine is based 
on the necessity for choosing between national existence 
and national suicide."^ "White Australia!" writes 
another Australian in similar vein. "Australians of 
all classes and political afl^ations regard the policy 
much as Americans regard the Constitution. It is 

* Quoted by J. F. Abbott, "Japanese Ezpanoioii and Amerioan Polf« 
dee," p. 154 (New York, 1016). 

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their most articulate article of faith. The reaaon is 
not far to seek. . . . Australian civilization is little 
more than a partial fringe round the continental coast- 
line of 12;210 miles. The coast and its hinterlands are 
settled and developed, although not completely for 
the entire circumference; in the centre of the countiy 
lie the apparently illimitable wastes of the Never- 
Never Land, occupied entirely by scrub, snakes, sand, 
and blackfellows. The almost manless regions of the 
island-continent are a terrible menace. It is impossible 
to police at all adequately such an enormous area. 
And the peoples of Asia, beating at the bars that con- 
fine them, rousing at last from their age-long slumber, 
are chafing at the restraints imposed upon their free 
entry into and settlement of such iminhabiteKl, unde- 
veloped lands."* 

So the Australians, 5,000,000 whites in a far-off 
continent as large as the United States, defy clamoring 
Asia and swear to keep Australia a white man's land. 
Says Professor Pearson: "We are guarding the last 
part of the world in which the higher races can increase 
and live freely, for the higher civilization. We are 
denying the yellow race nothing but what it can find 
in the home of its birth, or in countries like the Indian 
Archipelago, where the white man can never live except 
as an exotic."^ 

So Australia has raised drastic immigration bar- 

> n. C. Douclas, "What May Happen in the Pacific," Amanean B^ 
view cS Bmn&ws, Aprils 1017. 
* Pearson, p. 17, 

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riers conceived on the lines laid down by Sir Heniy 
Parkes many years ago: "It is our duty to preserve 
the type of the British nation^ and we ought not for 
any consideration whatever to admit any element 
that would detract from^ or in any appreciable de- 
gree lower, that admirable type of nationality. We 
should not encourage or admit amongst us any class 
of persons whatever whom we are not prepared to ad- 
vance to all our franchises; to all our privileges as citi- 
zens, and all our social rights, including the right of 
marriage. I maintain that no cla^ of persons should 
be admitted here who cannot come amongst us, take 
up all our rights, perform on a ground of equality all 
our duties, and share in our august and lofty work of 
founding a free nation.'^ ^ 

From Canada rises an equally uncompromising de- 
termination. Listen to Mr. Vrooman, a high official 
of British Columbia : " Our province is becoming Orien- 
talized, and one of our most important questions is 
whether it is to remain a British province or become an 
Oriental colony — ^for we have three races demanding 
seats in our drawing-room, as well as places at our 
board— the Japanese, Chinese, and East Indian.'^* 
And a well-known Canadian writer. Miss Laut, thus 
defines the issue: "If the resident Hindu had a vote — 
and as a British subject, why not? — and if he could 
break down the immigration exclusion act, he could 

> Neame, op. cU., Annak qf the Ameriean Acadmny, voL TUULiY, 
pp. 181-2. 

sQuoted by Ardiibald Hurd, "Tb» Racial War in tba F^Msifio," FarU' 
flt^y Bmao, June, 1913. 

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outvote the native-born Canadian in ten years. In 
Canada are 5,500,000 native-bom, 2,000,000 aliens. 
In India are hundreds of milUons breaking the dikes 
of their own natural barriers and ready to flood any 
open land. Take down the barriers on the Pacific 
coast, and there would be 10,000,000 Hindus in Canada 
in ten years." * 

Our Pacific coast takes precisely the same attitude. 
SaysChesterH-Rowell, a California writer: "There is 
no light way to solve a race problem except to stop it 
before it begins. . . . The Pacific coast is the frontier 
of the white man's world, the culmination of the west- 
ward migration which is the white man's whole hi»- 
tory. It will remain the frontier so long as we r^ard 
it as such; no longer. Unless it is maintained there, 
there is no other line at which it can be maintained 
without more effort than American government and 
American civilization are able to sustain. The multi- 
tudes of Asia are awake, after their long sleep, as the 
multitudes of Europe were when our present flood of 
immigration b^an. We know what could happen, on 
the Asiatic side, by what did happen and is happen- 
ing on the European side. On that side we have sur- 
vived. . . • But against Asiatic immigration we coxild 
not survive. The numbers who would come would be 
greater than we could encyst, and the races who would 
come are those which we could never absorb. The 
permanence not merely of American civilization, but 
of the white race on this continent, depends on our 

^Agum C. LMit, **Tb» Ganadiui Commonveoltb," p. 146 (!&- 
diuttpolii, 1916). 

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not doing on the Pacific side what we have done on 
the Atlantic coast." ^ 

, Sajrs another Calif onuan^ Justice Burnett: ''The 
Pacific States comprise an empire of vast potentialities 
and capable of supporting a population of many mil- 
lions. Those now living there propose that it shall 
continue to be a home for them and their children, and 
that they shall not be overwhelmed and driven east- 
ward by an ever-increasing yellow and brown flood.'* • 

All "economic" alignments are summarily put aside. 
"They say," writes another Califomian, "that our 
fruit-orchards, mines, and seed-farms cannot be worked 
without them (Oriental laborers). It were better that 
they never be developed than that our white laborers 
be degraded and driven from the soil. The same ail- 
ments were used a century and more ago to justify the 
importation of African labor. . . . As it is now, no self- 
respecting white laborer will work beside the Mongolian 
upon any terms. The proposition, whether we shall 
have white or yellow labor on the Pacific coast, must 
soon be settled, for we cannot have both. If the Mon- 
golian is permitted to occupy the land, the white 
laborer from east of the Rockies will not come here — 
he will shun California as he would a pestilence. And 
who can blame him?"' 

The middle as well as the working class is imperilled 

^ Rowdly op. cU., AwfiaU rf the Ameriean Acadumy^ toL XXXIV, 
p. 10. 

' Honorable A. G. Burnett, " Mimmderstanding cH Eastern and West- 
on States Re garding Oriental Immigration," AnndU cf the Ammoaa 
Academy, toI. XXXIV, p. 41. 

> A. £. Yoell, "O rienta l versus American Labor/' Annaia 9f the Amsr- 
iam Academy, vol. XXXIV, p. 36. 

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by any lai^ number of Orientals, for "The presence 
of the Japanese trader means that the white man must 
either go out of business or abandon his standard of 
comfort and sink to the level of the Asiatic, who will 
sleep under his counter and subsist upon food that 
would mean starvation to his white rival." ^ 

Indeed, Calif omian assertions that Oriental inmii- 
gration menaces, not merely the coast, but the whole 
continent, seem well taken. This view was officially 
indorsed by Mr. Caminetti, Commissioner-General of 
Immigration, who testified before a Congressional 
committee some years ago: '^ Asiatic immigration is a 
menace to the whole country, and particularly to the 
Pacific coast. The danger is general. No part of 
the United States is immune. The Chinese are now 
spread over the entire country, and the Japanese want 
to encroach. The Chinese have become so acclimated 
that they can prosper in any part of our country. . . . 
I would have a law to register the Asiatic laborers who 
come into the country. It is impossible to protect 
ourselves from persons who come in surreptitiousty."^ 

Fortunately, the majority of thinking Americans are 
to-day convinced that Oriental inunigration must iK>t 
be tolerated. Most of our leading men have so ex- 
pressed themselves. For example, Woodrow Wilson, 
during his first presidential campaign, declared on 
May 3, 1912: ''In the matter of Chinese and Japanese 

1 S. G. P. Coryn, "The Japanese Problem in California," AtmaU ^ fiba 
iinMrioon iioodemy, vol. XXXIV, pp. 43-44. 

^Quoted by J. D. Whelpl^, ''Japan and the Uiuted States," fm^ 
mghay Semw, May, 1914, 

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coolie iminigratioii, I stand for the national policy of 
exdufiion. The whole question is one of asmnilatioa 
of diverse races. We cannot make a homogeneous 
population of a people who do not blend with the Cau- 
casian race. Their lower standard of living as laborers 
win crowd out the white agriculturist and is in other 
fields a most serious induslsial menace. The success 
of free democratic institutions demands of our people 
education^ intelligence; and patriotism, and the State 
diould protect them against imjust and impossible 
competition. Eemunerative labor is the basis of con- 
tentment. Democracy rests on the equality of the 
citizen. Oriental coolieism will give us another race- 
problem to solve and surety we have had our lesson/' ^ 

The necessity for ri^d Oriental exclusion is nowhere 
better exemplified than by the alarm felt to-day in 
Calif oroia by the extraordinarily high birth-rate of its 
Japanese residents. There are probably not over 
150;000 Japanese in the whole United States, their 
numbers being kept down by the '^ Gentlemen's Agree- 
ment'' entered into by the Japanese and American 
Governments. But; few though they are, they bring 
in their women — and these women bring many children 
into the world. The California Japanese settle in 
compact agricultural colonies^ which so teem with 
babies that a leading California organ^ the Los Angeles 
Times, thus seriously discusses the matter: 

''There may have been a time when an anti-Japanese 

^Qootod by MontaviUe Flowers, ''The Ji^MOieae GooquMt of Amari- 
wn Opinion," p. 23 (New YoA, 1917). 

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land bill would have limited Japanese immigratian. 
But such a law would be impotent now to keep native 
Japanese from possessing themselves of the choicest 
agricultural and horticultural land in California. For 
there are now more than SO^OOO children in the State of 
Japanese parentage, native-bom; they possess all the 
ri^ts of leasing and ownership held by white children 
bom here. . . . The birth statistics seem to prove that 
the danger is not from the Japanese soldiers, but from 
the picture brides. The fruitf ulness of those brides is 
almost imcanny. . • « Here is a Japanese problem of 
sufficient gravity to merit serious consideration. We 
are threatened with an over-production of Japanese 
children. First come the men, then the picture brides, 
then the families. If California is to be preserved for 
the n63ct generation as a 'white naan's coimtry' there 
must be some movement started that will restrict the 
Japanese birth-rate in California. When a condition 
is reached in which two children of Japanese parentage 
are bom in some districts for tvery white child, it is 
about time something eJse was done than making 
speeches about it in the American Senate. ... If the 
same present birth-ratio were maintained for the next 
ten years, there would be 150,000 children of Japanese 
descent bom in California in 1929 and but 40,000 white 
children. And in 1949 the majority of the population 
oi California would be Japanese, ruling the State." ^ 

The alarm of our California contemporary may, in 
this particular instance, be exaggerated. Neverthd- 

< The LUerury Digest, August 9, 1919, p. S3. 

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lesSi when we remember the practically imlimited ex- 
pansive possibilities of even small human groups under 
favorable conditions, the picture drawn contains no 
features inherently impossible of realization. What 
is absolutely certain is that any wholesale Oriental 
influx would inevitably doom the whites, first of the 
Pacific coast, and later of the whole United States, 
to social sterilization and ultimate racial extinction. 

Thus all those newer regions of the white woild won 
by the white e3q)ansion of the last four centuries are 
alike menaced by the colored migration peril; whether 
these r^ons be under-developed, imder-populated 
frontier marches like Australia and British Columbia, 
or older and better-populated countries like the United 

And let not Europe, the white brood-land, the heart 
of the white world, think itself immune. In the last 
analysis^ the self-same peril menaces it too. This 
has long been recognized by far-sighted men. For 
many years economists and sociologists have dis- 
cussed the possibility of Asiatic immigration into 
Europe. Low as wages and living standards are in 
many European countries, they are yet far higher 
than in the congested East, while the rapid progress 
of social betterment throughout Eiux)pe must further 
widen the gap and make the white continent seem a 
more and more desirable haven for the swarming, 
black-haired bread-seekers of China, India, and Japan. 

Indeed, a few observers of modem conditions have 
come to the conclusion that this invasion of Europe 

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by Asiatic labor is unescapable, and they have drawn 
the most pessimistic condusions. Fot example; more 
than a decade ago an English writer asserted gloomity: 
''No level-headed thinker can imagine that it will al- 
ways be possible to prevent the free migration of in- 
telligent raceS; representing in the aggr^ate half the 
peoples of the woild, should those peoples actively 
conceive that their welfare demands that they should 
seek employment in Europe. In these days of rapid 
transit, of aviation, such a measure of repression ia 
impossible. ... We shall not be destroyed, perhaps, 
by the sudden onrush of invaders, as Rome was over- 
whehned by the northern hordes; we shall be gradually 
subdued and absorbed by the 'peaceful penetration' <tf 
more virile races." ^ 

Now, mark you I All that I have thus far written 
concerning colored inunigration has been written with- 
out reference to the late war. In other words, the 
colored-migration peril would have been just as grave 
as I have described it even if the white world were 
still as strong as in the years before 1914. 

But the war has of course immensdy aggravated an 
already critical situation. The war has shaken both 
the material and psychological bases of white resistance 
to colored infiltration, while it has correspondingly 
strengthened Asiatic hopes and hardened Asiatic de- 
termination to break down the barriers debarring 
colored men from white lands. 

U. S. little, "The Doom of Wertfln Gifi]igatk»," pp. 66 aad 63 

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Asia's perception of what the war signified in this 
respect was instantaneous. The war was not a month 
old before Japanese journals were suggesting a relaxa- 
tion of Asiatic exclusion laws in the British colonies as 
a natm^ corollary to the Anglo^Japanese Alliance 
and AnglonJapanese comradeship in arms. Said the 
Tokio MainuM Deupo in August, 1914: ''We are con- 
vinced that it is a matter of the utmost importance 
that Britons beyond the seas should make a better atr 
tempt at fraternizing with Japan, as better relations 
between the English-speaking races and Japan will 
have a vital bearing on the destiny of the empire. 
There is no reason why the British colonies fronting on 
the Pacific should not actively participate in the Anglo- 
Japanese Alliance. Britain needs population for her 
surplus land and Japan needs land for her surplus 
population. This fact alone should draw the two races 
closer together. Moreover, the British people have 
ample capital but defidency of labor, while it is the 
reverse with Japan. . . . The harmonious co-operation 
of Britain and her colonies with Japan insures safety 
to British and Japanese interests alike. Without sudi 
co-operation, Japan and Great Britain are both un- 

What this '' co-operation" implies was very frankfy 
stated by The Japan Magazine at about the same date: 
^'There is nothing that would do so much to bind East 
and West firmly together as the opening of the British 
colonies to Japanese immigration. Then, indeed, 

1 The LOerary Digeti, Augiut 20, 1914, p. 887. 

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Britain would be a lion endowed with wings. Larg^ 
numbers of Japanese in the British colonies would 
mean that Britain would have the assistance of Japan 
in the protection of her colonies. But if an anti-Japar 
nese agitation is permitted, both countries wHl be 
maldng the worst instead of the best of the Anglo- 
Japanese Alliance. Thus it would be allowed to make 
Japan an enemy instead of a friend. It seems that 
the British people both at home and in the colonies 
are not yet alive to the importance of the policy sug- 
gested, and it is, therefore, pointed out and emphasized 
before it is too late." * 

The covert threat embodied in those last lines was 
a forerunner of the storm of anti-white abuse which 
rose from the more bellicose sections of the Japanese 
press as soon as it became evident that neither the 
British Dominions nor the United States were going 
to relax their immigration laws. Some of this anti- 
white comment, directed particularly against the Anglo- 
Saxon peoples, I have already noted in the second 
chapter of this book, but such comment as bears di- 
rectly on immigration matters I have researved for 
discussion at this point. 

For example, the Tokio Yorodzu wrote early in 1916: 
''Japan has been most faithful to the requirements of 
the AnglonJapanese Alliance, and yet the treatment 
meted out to our countrymen in Canada, Australia, and 
other British colonies has been a glaring insult to us.''' 

1 The LUerary Digest, August 29, 1914, pp. 837«4. 
• Ibid., April 22, 1916, p. 1138. 

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A year later a writer in The Japan Magazine declared: 
''The agitation against Japanese in foreign countries 
must cease, even if Japan has to take up arms to stop 
it. She should not allow her immigration to be treated 
as a race-question/* 1 And in 1919 the Yorodzu 
thus paid its respects to the exclusionist activity of 
our Pacific coast States: "Whatever may be their 
object; their actions are more despicable than those 
of the Germans whose barbarities they attacked as 
worthy of Huns. At least, these Americans are bar- 
barians who are on a lower plane of civilization than 
the Japanese.'' ' 

llie war produced no letting down of immigration 
barriers along the white world's e3q)osed frontiers, 
where men are fully alive to the peril. But the war 
did produce temporary waverings of sentiment in the 
United States, while in Europe colored labor was im- 
ported wholesale in ways which may have ominous 

Our own acute labor shortage during the war, par- 
ticularly in agriculture, led many Americans, espe- 
cially employers, to cast longing eyes at the tempting 
reservoirs of Asia. Typical of this attitude is an ar- 
ticle by Hudson Maxim in the spring of 1918. Mr. 
Maxim urged the importation of a million Chinese 
to solve our farming and domestic-service problems. 

"If it is possible," he wrote, "by the employment 
of Chinese methods of intensive farming, to increase 

> Quoted in The Rmriew of Reviews (London), February, 1917, p. 174 
• The LUerwry Digeti, July 6, 1019, p. 31. 

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the produdion of our lands to such an extent, how 
stupendous would be the benefit of wide introduction 
of such methods. The exhausted lands of New Eng- 
land could be made to produce like a tropical garden. 
The vast areas of the great West that are to^y not 
producing 10 per cent of what they ought to produce 
could be made to produce the other 90 per cent by 
the introduction of Chinese labor. . • . The average 
American does not like fanning. The sons of the 
proeperous fanners do not take kindly to the tilling 
of the soil with their own hands. They prefer the 
excitement and the diversions and stimulus of the life 
of city and town, and they leave the farm for the <£6ce 
and factory. . . , 

''Chinese, imported as agricultural laborers and 
household servants, would solve the agricultural labor 
problem and the servant problem, and we should have 
the best agricultural workers in the world and the 
best household servants in the world, in unlimited 

Now I submit that such arguments, however wdl- 
intentioDed, are nothing short of race-treason. If 
there be one truth which history has proved, it is the 
solemn truth that those who work the land will ulti- 
mately cvm the land. 

Furthennore, the countryside is the seed-bed from 
which the city populations are normally recruited. 
The one bright spot in our otherwise dubious ethnic 
future is the fact that most of our nnassimilkble aEew 

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have stopped in the towiiS; while many of the mort 
fussimilable immigrants have settled in the coimtiy, 
thus reinforcing rather than replacing our native 
American rural population. Any suggestion which ad- 
vocates the settlement of our countryside by Asiatics 
and the deliberate driving of our native stocks to the 
towns, there to be sterilized and eliminated^ is simply 

Fortunate^, such fatal counsels were with us never 
acted upon, albeit they should be remembered as link- 
ing perils which will probably be urged again in future 
times of stress. But during Eim>pe's war-agony, yel- 
low, brown, and black men were imported wholesale, 
not only for the armies, but also for the factories and 
fields. These colored aliens have mostly been shipped 
back to their homes. Nevertheless, they have carried 
with them vivid recollections of the marvellous West, 
and the tale will spread to the remotest com^B of the 
colored world, stirring hard-pressed colored bread- 
seekers to distant ventures. Furthermore, Europe 
has had a practical demonstration of the colored alien's 
manifold usefulness, and if Europe's troubles are pro- 
longed, the colored man may be increadngly emplc^ed 
there both in peace and war. 

Even during the war the French and English working 
dasses felt the pressure of colored competition. Race- 
feeling grew strained, and presently both England and 
France witnessed the (to them) unwonted spectacles 
of race-riots in their port-towns where the colored 
aliens were most thickly gathered. An American ob- 

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server thus describes the ''breaking of the exchiaiaD 
walls erected against the Chinese": 

''In London, one Wednesday evening, twenty-four 
months ago (i. e., in 1916); there was a mass-nQieeting 
held on the comer of Kggot Street, Limehouse, to pro- 
test agamst the influx of John Chinaman into bonny old 
England. . . . The London navvies that night heard 
a protest against 'the Chinese invasion' of Britain. 
They knew that down on the London docks there were 
two Chinamen to every white man since the coming 
of war. They knew that many of these yellow aliens 
were married. They knew, too, that a big Chinese 
restaurant had just opened down the West India Dock 

"The Sailors' and Firemen's Union— one of the 
most powerful in England — carried the protest into 
the Trades-Union Congress held at Birmingham. 
There, alarm was voiced at the steady increase in the 
number of Chinese hands on Britain's ships. It was 
an increase, true, since the stress of war-times had be- 
gun to tiy Britain. But what England's sons of the 
seven seas wanted to know was: when is 'this Orien- 
talizing' of the British marine to stop? . . . The sea- 
men's unions were willing to do their bit for John Bull, 
but they wcmdered what was going to happen after the 
coming of peace. Would the Chinese continue to man 
John Bull's ships? . . . 

"Such is one manifestation of the decisive lifting 
of gates and barriers that has taken place since the 
white world went to war. To-day the Chinese — for 

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decades finding a wall in eveiy white man's countiy — 
are numbered by the tens of thousands in the service 
ol the Allies. They have made good. They are a 
war-factor. ... AU told; 200,000 Chinese are 'cany- 
ing on' in the war-zone, laboring bdiind the lines, in 
munition-woilos and factories, manning ships. • . . 

''What will happen when peace comes upon this 
red world— a world tumed topsyturvy by the white 
man's Great War, which has ta^en John Chinaman 
from Shantung, Chihli, and Ewangtung to that battle- 
ground in France? . . . That makes the drafting of 
China's man-power one of the most supremely impor- 
tant events in the Great War. Thefanuly of nations is 
taking on a new meaning— John Chinaman overseas has 
a place in it. As Italian harvest^labor before the war 
went to and from Argentina for a few months' work, 
so the Chinese have gone to Europe under contract 
and go home again. Perhaps this action will have a 
bearing on the solution of the Far West's agricultural 
labor problem. 

"Do not believe for a moment that the armies of 
Chinese in Europe will f oiget the lessons taught them 
in the West. When these sons of Han come home, 
the Great War will be found to have given birth to a 
new East." ^ 

So ends our survey. It has ^rdled the globe. And 
the lesson is always the same: Colored migration is a 
wwmtal peril, menacing every part of the white world. 

>0. C. Hodfes in TU Sumd MaQoadm. Quoted l^ Tk$ LUenry 
Di§$d, September 14, 1018, pp. 40-42. 

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Nowhere can the white man endure colored competi- 
tion; everywhere ''the East can underUoe the West/' 
The grim truth of the matter is this: The whole white 
race is e3q>06ed, immediately or ultimately, to the 
poflobility of social sterilization and final rq)lacement 
or absorption by the teeming colored races. 

What this unspeakable catastrophe would mean for 
the future of the planet, and how the peril may be 
averted, will form the subject of my condudiog pages. 

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Ours is a solemn moment. We stand at a crisis— the 
supreme crisis of the ages. For unnmnbered millenni- 
ums man has toiled upward from the dank jungles of 
savagery toward glorious heights which his mental and 
spiritual potentialities give promise that he shaU at- 
tain. His path has been slow and wavering. Time 
and agflin he has lost his way and plunged into deep 
vaUQTs. Man's trail is littered with the wrecks of 
dead civilizations and dotted with the graves of promis- 
ing peoples stricken by an untimely end. 

Humanity has thus suffered many a disaster. Yet 
none of these disasters were fatal; because they were 
merely local. Those wrecked civilizations and blighted 
peoples were only parts of a larger whole. Always 
some strong barbarians, endowed with rich, unspoiled 
heredities, caught the falling torch and bore it on- 
ward flaming high once more. 

Out of tiie prehistoric shadows the white races 
pressed to the front and proved in a myriad ways their 
fitness for the hegemony of mankind. Gradually they 
forged a common civilization; then, when vouchsafed 
their unique opportunity of oceanic mastery four cen- 
turies ago, they spread over the earth, filling its empty 
spaces with their superior breeds and assuring to them- 

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gelves an unparalleled paramountc^ of niunbera and 

Three oenturies later the whites took a heeh leap 
forward. The nineteenth century was a new age'of 
discovery— this time into the reahns of science. The 
hidden powers of nature were unveiled, incalculable 
energies were tamed to human use, terrestrial distance 
was abridged, and at last the planet was int^rated 
under the h^;^noiQr oi a sin^ race with a cQmmon 

The prospects were magnificent, the potentialities 
of progress apparently unlimited. Yet there were 
commensurate perils. Towering heights mean abys- 
mal depths, while the very possibflily of siq)reme suo- 
cess implies the possibility of supreme failure. AU 
these marvellous achievements were due solety to 
superior heredity, and the mere maintenance of what 
had been won depended absolutely upon the prior 
maintenance of race-values. Civilization of itself 
means nothing. It is merely an effect, whose cause 
is the creative urge of superior germ-plasm. Civilizar 
tion is the body; the race is the soul. Let the soul 
vanish, and the body moulders into the inanimate 
dust from which it came. 

Two things are necessary for the continued eadst- 
enceofarace: it must remain itself , and it must breed 
its best. Every race is the result of ages of develop- 
ment which evolves specialized capacities that miake 
the race what it is and render it capable of creative 
achievement* Hiese specialized capacities (irtudi 

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particularly mark the superior races), being relatively 
recent developments, are highly unstable. They are 
what biologists call "recessive" characters; that is, 
they are not nearly so '^ dominant" as the older, gen- 
eralized characters which races inherit from remote 
ages and which have therefore been more firmly stamped 
upon the germ-plasm. Hence, when a highly special- 
ized stock interbreeds with a different stock, tiie newer, 
less stable, ^ecialized characters are bred out, the 
variation, no matter how great its potential value to 
human evolution, being irretrievably lost. This occurs 
even in the mating of two superior stocks if these 
stocks are widely dissimilar in charact^. The valu- 
able specializations of both breeds cancel out, and the 
mixed offspring tend stron^y to revert to generalized 

And, of course, the more primitive a type is, the more 
prepotent it is. This is why crossings with the negro 
are uniformly fatal. Whites, Amerindians, or Asiat- 
ics—all are alike vanquished by the iavindble pre- 
potency of the more primitive, generalized, and lower 
negro blood. 

There is no inmiediate danger of the world being 
swamped by black blood. But there is a very im- 
minent danger that the white stocks may be swamped 
by Asiatic blood. 

The white man's very triumphs have evoked this 
danger. His virtual abolition of distance has de- 
stroyed the protection which nature once conferred. 
Fonnerty numkind dwelt in such dispersed isolation 

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that wholesale contact of distant, diverse stocikB was 
practically imposable. But with the development of 
cheap and rapid transportation^ nature's barriers are 
down. Unless man erects and maintains artificial 
barriers the various races will increasingly mingle, and 
the inevitable result will be the supplanting or absorp- 
tion of the higher by the lower types. 

We can see this process working out in almost 
every phase of modem migration. The white immi- 
gration into Latin America is the excq>tion which 
proves the rule. That particular migration is, of course, 
beneficent, since it means the influx of relatively high 
types into undeveloped lands, sparsely populated by 
types either no higher or much lower than the new 
arrivals. But almost eveiywhere else, whether we 
consider interwhite migrations or colored encroach- 
ments on white lands, the net result is an expansion 
of lower and a contraction of higher stocks, the process 
being thus a di^genic one. Even in AMa the evils of 
modem migration are beginning to show. The Japar 
nese Gk)venmient has heea obliged to prohibit the in- 
flux of Chinese and Korean coolies who were under- 
cutting Japanese labor and thus undermining the eco- 
nomic bases of Japanese life. 

Furthermore, modem migration is itself onfy one 
aspect of a still more fundamental disgenic trend. The 
whole course of modem iu*ban and industrial life is 
disgenic. Over and above immigration, the tendency 
is toward a replacement of the more valuable by the 
IfiflB valuable elements of the population. All over 

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the civilized world racial values are diminishing, and 
the logical end of this disgenic process is racial bank- 
ruptcy and the collapse of civilization. 

Now why is all this? It is primarily because we 
have not yet adjusted ourselves to the radically new 
environment into which our epochal scientific dis- 
coveries led us a century ago. Such adaptation as we 
have effected has been almost wholly on the material 
side. The no less sweeping idealistic adaptations which 
the situation calls for have not been made. Hence, 
modem civilization has been one-sided, abnormal, 
unhealthy— and nature is exacting penalties which 
will iacrease in sevmty until we either fully adapt or 
finaRy perish. 

"Finally perish!" That is the exact alternative 
which confronts the white race. For white civilization 
is to-day conterminous with the white race. The civili- 
zations of the past were local. Th^ were confined 
to a particular people or group of peoples. If they 
failed, there were always some unspoiled, well-endowed 
barbarians to step forward and "carry on." But to- 
day there are no more white b(Ni>arians. The earth haa 
grown small, and men are everywhere in dose touch. 
If white civilization goes down, the white race is irre- 
trievably ruined. It will be swamped by the trium- 
phant colored races, who will obliterate the white man 
by elimination or absorption. What has taken place 
in Central Asia, once a white and now a brown or yellow 
land, will take place in Australasia, Europe, and Amer- 
ica. Not to-day, nor yet tonnorrow; perhaps not for 

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generations; but surely in the end. If the present 
drift be not changed, we whites are all ultimately 
doomed. Unless we set our house in order, the doom 
will sooner or later overtake us all. 

And that would mean that tiie race obviously en- 
dowed with the greatest creative ability, the race 
which had achieved most in the past and which gave 
the richer promise for the future, luul passed away, 
canying with it to the grave those potencies i^n 
which the realization of man's highest hopes depends. 
A million years of human evolution migiht go un- 
crowned, and earth's supreme life-product, man, mig^t 
never fulfil his potential destiny. This is why we to- 
day face '^The Crisis of the Ages.'' 

To many minds the mere possibOily of such a catas- 
trophe may seem unthinkable. Yet a dispassionate 
surv^ of the past shows that it is not only possible 
but probable if present conditions go on imchang^. 
The whole history of life, both human and subhuman, 
teaches us that nature will not condone disobedience; 
that, as I have already phrased it, ''no living being 
stands above her law, and protozoSn or demigod, if 
th^ transgress, alike must die." 

Now we have transgressed; grievouefy transgressed 
— and we are suffering grievous penalties. But pain 
is really kind. Fain is the importunate tocsin which 
rouses to dangerous realities and ^urs to the seeking 
of a cure. 

As a matter of fact we are confusedly aware of our 
evil plight, and legjam are the remedies to-day pro- 

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po6ed. Some of these are mere quack nostrums. Others 
contain valuable remedial properties. To be sure^ there 
is probably no (m€ curative agent; since our troubles 
are complex and magic elixirs heal only in the reakn 
of dreams. But one element should be fundamental 
to all the compoundings of the social pharmacopoeia. 
That element is hhod. 

It is clean; virile; genius-bearing blood; streaming 
down the ages through the unerring action of heredity, 
which, in anything like a favorable environment, will 
multiply itself; solve our problems, and sweep us on 
to higher and nobler destinies. What we to-day need 
above all else is a changed attitude of mind— a recog- 
nition of the supreme importance of heredity; not 
merely in scientrQc treatises but in the practical ord^^ 
ing of the world's affairs. We are where we are to- 
day primarily because we have n^lected this vital 
pnnciple; because we have concerned ourselves with 
dead tbing9 instead of with living beings. 

This disregard of heredity is perhaps not strange. 
It is barely a generation once its fundamental im- 
portance was sciehtiGcally established^ and the world's 
ocxiversion to even the most vital truth takes time. 
In fact, we also have much to unlearn. A little while 
ago we were taught that all men were equal and that 
good conditions could; of themselves, quickly perfect 
mankind. The seductive charm of these dangerous 
fallacies lingers aiid makes us loath to put them reso- 
lutely aside. 

Fortunately^ we now know the truth. At last we 

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have been vouchsafed clear insight into the laws of 
life. We now know that men are not, and never will 
be, equal. We know that environment and education 
can develop only what heredity brings. We know 
that the acquirements of individuals are either not 
inherited at all or are inherited in so slight a degree 
as to make no perceptible difference from generation 
to generation. In other words: we now know that 
heredity is paramoxmt in human evolution, all other 
things being secondary factors. 

This basic truth is already accepted by laige num- 
bers of thinking men and women all over the civilised 
world, and if it becomes firmly fixed in the popular 
consciousness it will work nothing short of a revdution 
in the ordering of the world's affairs. 

For race-betterment is such an intensely practuxd 
matter ! When peoples c<»ne to realize that the gualUy 
of the population is the source of all their proepeiity, 
progress, security, and even existence; when ihey real- 
ize that a single genius may be worth more in actual 
dollars than a dozen gold-mines, while, convenid^y, ra- 
cial decline spells mat^ial impoverishment and decay; 
when such things are really believed, we shall seemudi- 
abused ''eugenics'' actually moulding soda! pro- 
grammes and political policies. Were the white world 
to-day really convinced of the supreme importance of 
race-values, how long would it take to stop debamis 
immigration, reform social abuses that are kiUing out 
the fittest strains, and put an end to the feuds which 

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bave just sent us through hell and threaten to send us 
promptly back again? 

Well, perhaps our change of heart may come sooner 
than now appears. The horrors of the war, the disap- 
pointment of the peace, the terror of Bolshevism, 
and the rismg tide of color have knocked a good deal 
of the nonsense out of us, and have given multitudes 
a hunger for realities who were before content with 
a diet of phrases. Said wise old Benjamin Franklin: 
''Dame E^^rience sets a dear school, but fools will 
have no other." Our course at the dame's school is 
already well under way and promises to be exceeding 

Only, it is to be hoped our education will be rapid, 
for time presses and the hour is grave. If certain les- 
sons are not learned and acted upon shortly, we may 
be overwhelmed by irreparable disasters and all our 
dear schooling will go for naught. 

What are the things we must do promptly if we would 
avert the woret? This "irreducible minimum" runs 
about as follows: 

First and foremost, the wretched Versailles busi- 
ness will have to be thoroughly revised. As it stands, 
dragon's teeth have been sown over both Europe and 
Afiia» and unless they be plucked up they will pres- 
entty grow a crop of cataclysms which will seal the 
white world's doom. 

Secondly, some sort of provisional understanding 
must be arrived at between the white world and renas- 

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cent Asia. We whites will have to abandon our tadt 
assumption of permanent domination over Asia» while 
Asiatics will have to forego their dreams of migration 
to white lands and penetration of Africa and Latin 
America. Unless some such understanding is arrived 
at, the world will drift into a gigantic race-war--and 
genuine race-war means war to the knife. Such a 
hideous catastrophe should be abhorrent to both sides. 
Nevertheless^ Asia should be given dearly to imdeiv 
stand that we cannot permit either migration to white 
lands or penetration of the non-Asiatic tropics, and 
that for these matters we prefer to fight to a finish 
rather than yield to a finish— because our "finish" 
is precisely what surrender on these points would 

Thirdly, even within the white world, migrations of 
lower human types like those which have worked such 
havoc in the United States must be rigorously cur- 
tailed. Such migrations upset standards, sterilize 
better stocks, increase low types, and compromise 
national f utiures more than war, revolutions, or native 

Such are the thing? which mnply must be done if 
we are to get through the next few decades without 
convulsions which may render impossible the white 
world^s recovery. 

These things will not bring hi the miHenniiim. Far 
from it. Our ills are so deep-seated that in nearly 
every civilized country racial values would continue 
to depreciate even if all three were earned into effect 

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But they will at least give our wounds a chance to 
heal, and th^ will give the new biological revelation 
time to penneate the popular consciousness and trans- 
fuse with a new idealism our materialistic age. As 
the years pass, the supreme importance of heredity 
and the supreme value of superior stocks will sink iato 
our being; and we will acquire a true race-conscious- 
ness (as opposed to national or cultural consciousness) 
which will bridge political gulfs, remedy social abuses, 
and exorcise the lurking spectre of miscegenation. 

In those bett^ days, we or the next generation wiD 
take in hand the problem of race-dq)reciation, and 
segr^ation of defectives and abolition of handicaps 
penalizing the better stocks will put an end to our 
present racial decline. By that time biological knowl- 
edge will have so increased and the popular philosophy 
of life will have been so idealized that it will be pos- 
sible to inaugurate positive measures of race-better- 
ment which will unquestionably yield the most won- 
derful results. 

Those splendid tasks are probably not ouia They 
are for our successors in a happier ago. But we have 
om* task, and God knows it is a hard one— the salvage 
of a shipwrecked world t Ours it is to make possible 
that happier age, whose full-fruits we shall never see. 

Well, what of it? Does not the new idealism teach 
us that we are links in a vital chain, charged with high 
duties both to the dead and the unborn? In very 
truth we are at once sons of sires who sleep in calm 
assurance that we will not betray the trust th^ con* 

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fided to our hands, and sires of sons who in the Be- 
yond wait confident that we shall not cheat them of 
their birthright. 

Let US| then, act in the spirit of Kipling's immortal 

''Our Fathers in a wondrous af^ 

Ere yet the Earth was small. 

Ensured to us an heritage 

And doubted not at all 

That we, the children of their hearty 

Which then did beat so hi^. 

In later time should play like part 

For our posterity. 

Then^ fretful^ murmur not they gave 

So great a charge to keep. 

Nor dream that awestruck Time shall save 

Their labor while we sleep. 

Dear-bought and clear, a thousand year 

Our fathers' title runs. 

Make we likewise their sacrifice. 

Defrauding not our sons/' ^ 

iRudyard Kipling, ''The Heritage/' Dedicstoiy pom to tte 
volume entitled " The Empire and the Century " (Loodon, 1906), tlit 
volume being a eoUaboratioD by prominent British writcn. 

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Digitized by 


Digitized by 



AM-€l-Waliib. 6t 
Abynlnia, 4. 89 

Afghimlirtan. Independflnos of, 4, 66; 
Otrmaay*! relstloiis with, 212; 
Botahevlk propa«anda In, 220 
Afirlca, 3. 6; effect of BuMoJapftneBO 
War on, 12, 16; partition of. 24, 
80. 149 #., 162; Biuopean coiw 
qneeta In, 70: growtli of Moham- 
medanism In, 06; 67; Oermany In. 
North, brown race In. 7; 67, 68, 
88#.. 199; Bolflbeirfk agitators 
In, 220; brown power in, 03 #.; 
mwead of Arab blood In, 98; 
natlTe white blood In, 98#.: 
rote of Islam tn. 94, 101. 286. 
142, 147 
Booth, 10, 84; home of blade 
race, 7, 64. 87 #.; whiteookmi- 
satton of, 89; wealth of. 80 
ff.\ result of white rule In, 91. 
92; spread of Islam In. 94#., 
286;OhrlstlanltT In. 06^. ; antl- 
white senthnent In, Vt ff,\ up* 
rising of 1916. 99; sttuaOoa 
of. 100#.: white settlement 
In, 226; danger of Asiatic pene- 
tration taito, 282, 249; results 
of Asiatlo penetration Into. 
272^., 277; Sxduslon Act In. 
281, 806; result of Aslatte 
labor hi. 278. 280; liamitlus 
settled firom, 280 
Algeria, 67; riots In. 77, 82; white 

blood in, 03 /. 
Allies of the Great War, 40. 214 
AX Mowwoyad, 71 
AIpfaM race, 162 #., 166, and the war. 

188; 202, 261 
America, 4; bla^ race hi, 7, 87^., 
99; race prejudice hi. 11; 86; mili- 
tary preparations In. 89; Japan's 
attitude toward. 61/.; red man in, 
104; diseorery of, 147; settlement 
of. 149; cost of war hi, 177; tri- 
umph of, 214; danger to white race 
hi, 808 
Central, wUte dTlllBallen In. 
118; race-mixture In, 128/.: 
Japanese In. 181. 188/. 

Laftfai, red man hi, 7, 104; Japa- 
nese In, 48, 131/.: erolutlon 
of, 106; mhrnd blood hi, 106/., 
116/, 124, 128/, 166; rero- 
hitkm In, 108/.; results of 
revolatian in, 110/; oUgar- 
Gliies in, 110 /.; Immigratioa 
fa&to, 114; loss of white su- 
premacy in, 116; anardiy In, 
120/.: taiabi]it7of,toruleself, 
128/.; Asiatloehi.l30/..a08; 
antt-Americanism In, 136; at- 
titude of, toward yellow race, 
137/; pressure of yeDow race 
en, 189; present situatlan In. 
140/: ftiture of. 141/.; Bdl- 
sherik agitation In, 220: danger 
of Asiatic penetration of, 
282/, 249/, 808; white mi- 
gration into, 802 
NorUi, white man's land, 8, 6, 
104, 226; attitude of Japs 
toward, 62; Japs hi, 131; 
Nordics hi, 268; result of hn- 
migration on, 264/, 261/; 
need fbr prohibiting Immigra- 
tion hito, 266/.; a fhmtter 
against Asia, 284 
South, colonisation of. 8; wUte 
man's country. 6, 104; cdorad 
man's country, 6; half-caste 
In, 117; need for white immi- 
gration hito. 118: "Indianlrta" 
moTement, 124; Japs In, 181. 
189. See aJeo Latin America 
American Indian, home of, 104; num- 
ber of, 104; Spanish Oonquest of, 
104/.; radal mixtures of. 106/., 
116/., 119/, 128, 801; relatioDS 
with Spaniards, 107; hi Chile, 
111/.; hi Peru, 118: hi Colombia, 
113: hi Costa Rica. 113; hi Argen- 
tina, 114; hi Uruguay, 114; hi 
northern BrasH, 116; anti-white 
sentiment among, 124/.; ancient 
dvfflsatlmis among, 126; capability 
of, 126/: inilnnnce of Spaniards 
on, 127; **Indianista" moremsnt, 
129: Japanese relations with, 137 
/.. 146 
Imerindlsn Sm American Indian 


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, 211. 299 

▲nflo-Fnncli asTMBMnt, 70 

Aii^chJapumm Alllannn. 291 #. 

Anglo-OEiflntal OoUeve, eo 

▲mlo-Sftxant, Ja p aa w agtlMHon 
•caiiwt* M, 292: iMMPnowtli of. 
150^.; *'«Mared miloQ" of, 281 

Amuialtet. 17 

AnlMUcrald. 94 

Anbla. locfttton of. 57: SeniMil In. 
67; DftHoiiaUrt moTflomts In. 77 

AnMftan, dflfioitloa of, 67: 
tlonor. 57 

Anta. 88#.. 92#.. 109, 146 


Aitmttna, white man In. 106; 
idatloB of. 114; asricnltana dercl- 
opmmt of. 114: fniiiitgratioii tnto^ 
116; JapMMN limnlgratioii into. 

Aiyin noe, 28. 200 

AM&. 8. 4; home-iaad of white noe. 
5; ofycUowraoe,?; ofbrownnoe. 
7; blibdc raise in, 7; aatagonisn 
toward wldte oontiMnti. 21 ^., 16. 
22; Japan hi, 48. 48. 62. 71; Bim>- 
peanconqqflrti in, 70: ronaianne^ 
in. 100; Latfai Ameriea InTaded by. 
180. 188. 142; Europe availed by. 
146 #.. 287; wliite man hi. 140^.. 
287 #.; anti-white nnttaneat bi, 
171. 287; Rnada hi. 208. 206/.; 
Bdahertk agltaton hi, 220; centre 
of ooioced imrest, 229/.; nan- 
.enetrated by. 282; 
i of. 282/.; economic 
aedTity hi. 241/., 244. 248; caiiMa 
of pov ei' tj in« 248; popuUtlon of. 
249; Hawaii penetrated by, 279; 
Maniittna aettled by, 280; Padilc 
eoaetaettledby, 284: needhiU.8. 
forla b crB rit iro m , 298; evils ofmod- 
«n migration in. 802; white world's 
need formiderstanding with, 307 /. 

▲rfa Minor. 67 

Aftnrians. Ill 

Anstralada, 6, 6, 48, 87, 808 

Australia. 10; Japanese derfra for. 21. 
62; Ohinese need for land In. 40; 
80; Uac^ race hi, 87; settlement 
of. 140; 226;fObinese invadon of. 
288. 272; "White Australia'* doc- 
trine in. 281/.; number of wliite 
in. 282; immigratioB msnaoe co. 
289; Japanese hi. 292 

Austria. 22 

Aatee diriUaation. 126, 297 



Balkans, war, 79 

Basques, ill 

Basra. 61 

Behtinc Strait. 188 

Belgium, 82 

Bengal lancers, 209 

Berbers, white blood of. 98: aeoep- 
tanoe of French rule. 94; European 
intermarriage with. 94 

Birmingham. 206 

Blafdc Death. 146 

Blade race. 6; numbers of. 7. S7: 
home of. 7, 87/.; Mohammedan^ 
ism in. 66, 69; brown race's tel»- 
Itons with. 86/.. 88, 92/.;i^te 
race's relations with. 88 /.. 91. 140; 
character of. 90, 100/; otherraces 
compared with. 91 /.: influence of 
other raises on. 92; spread of Islam 
hi. 96/.. 286. 240: spread of Ohxls- 
llanity hi. 97/.; anti-white senti- 
ments of. 97; "Ethiopian Church" 
movement and. 96 /.; in Latin 
America. 110. 116/., 141/.; race- 
miztures with. 116 /.. 126. 128. 142. 
801: Germany's relations with, 
204: France's relations with. 204: 
in European War. 206. 209/.. 296; 
white lands entered by. 269 

Boer War, 208 

Bolivar. 108/ 

Bolivia, ndzed blood In. 119; need of 
immigration in. 119; Tfiiian rising 
in. 124/.; Japanese immigration 
into. 188 

BoUhevfld. 60 

Bolshevism. 191. 214. 218; tenets of . 
218/.; menace to white raos^ 
220/.. 288 

BomlMy, 61 

Brahman. SseHlndn 

BrasO. 108; BoUhevOc propagandn 
hi. 220; Portugal's neglect of. 116: 
immigration into. 116; white man 
hi. 116; Indians in. 116; result of 
race-mixtures in. 120, 269 

British Columbia, exduslon policy oC. 
281,288; colored hnmigratlan men- 

British Domfailon. Sm British Em- 

British Empbe. 4; Japan's reln- 
tlons with. 32; India's relationa 
with. 82; Egypt's relations with. 
78: war losses of. 177: inimigr»- 
tlo&iawBof.292. 5«eEng)andand 
Great Britain 

British Straits Bettjements, 46 

Digitized by 




Brown nMse, Of mmdMn of, 7. 54; 
borne of. 7, 54; 12,17,22; l^ypeflof, 
54 IT.; unity of, 65; white race's 
relationa with, SOiT.. 149; groap- 
IsgB of, 57; Islam's ndatioiis with, 
68 IT.; tmrest imder wh^te rule, 
88#., 229. 234; posdMlity of 
brown-yeUow alliance, 86ir.; black 
race's lelatloiis with. 88. 91, 92 #.. 
100 IT.; Europe assailed by. 146. 
148; Germany's relations with. 
204; France's relations with, 204; 
Italy's relations with, 204; inBuro- 
pean War, 208ir., 296; AMca col- 
onized by. 282; military potency 
of. 287 #.; industrial oondltlona of. 
241; white lands penetrated by. 
209; Mauritius setUed by. 280; 
Booth Africa penetrated by, 277 ff,\ 
Oentral Asia taken by. 808 

Bryoe. Lord. 124, 127 

Buddhism. 28. 78. 228 

Buenos Abes, 114 

Oalro. 01. 02, 78 

Calcutta, 61 

CaUfomia, result of Chinese labor in. 
272; exclusion poUcy of, 286; Japa- 
nese in. 287 IT. 

Cambodians, 17 

Canada, desire of yeDow race for. 10: 
80 ; fear of Asiatic immigration into. 
84; white man's country. 104; 278; 
exclusion policy of, 281, 283; pop- 
ulation of. 284; Nordics hi, 168; 
danger of Hindu immigration into, 
283 #.; Caribbean. 121; Caroline 
Islands, 86; Carransa. 186; Cape 
Horn. 105. 188; Castro of Vene- 
zuela. 122: Caucasian, 200 

Chengtu, 245 

Chile. 110; Nordic colonists of. Ill; 
race-mixture in. 111; stabilization 
of. 112; characteristics of. 112; 
progress of. 118; Japanese Immi- 
gration into, 138; Bdlsberlk propa- 
ganda in. 220 

Chilembwe. John. 99 

China, white control of. 4; Indepen- 
dence of. 8; yellow world centred 
in, 17. 18; population of . 18; exdu- 
slon poUcy. 18; Japanese war with, 
20 IT., 28#.; revolution in. 28^., 
73; partition of, 28; Boxer War in, 
24; Japan's relations with. 26^.. 
80#.. 84. 88#., 42. 48. SOiT., 68. 
207. 2y. 247, 302; "Young CUna" 
movemsnt in, 20; economic effl- 
clnoy of. 28 if.; population of. 44: 
oclnnlitBi posrfUlltles of. 46^.: 

Mohammedans in. 78: effect of war 
on. 77; congestion hi, 84; Latin 
America penetrated by. 131. 140; 
"break-up" of. 161. 199; Busria's 
relations with. 208; Germany's re- 
lations with. 212; Bdsheyik propa- 
ganda in. 220; white goods boy- 
cotted by. 280. 246#.; military 
potency of. 238 #.; industrial Ufa 
of. 241, 248 #., 260; labor condi- 
tions hi. 244#.. 268. 278 #.. 276 #.; 
Hawaii settled by. 279; British 
Columbia penetrated by. 288; 
United States setUed by. 286; 
Europe penetrated by. 280; XT. 8. 
need for. 298 #.; England settled 
by. 296; In war zona. 297 

Christianity, hi Alrica. 92. 95^.: In 
Latin America, 137 

Civitas Dei. 170 

Coddn-China. 247 

Colombia, setUement of. 107. 118; 
revolution in. 113; antl-AmerloMi 
aentiment In. 136 

Colored-Bolshevist aUianoe. 283 

Cohnnbus. Christopher. 108. 146. 147 

Oonfddus. 24; foUowers of. 78 

Congo. 101. 142 

Con^iMtadares, 105^.. 126. 140 

Constanttau^le, 57. 61. 72. 212 

OonstantJm^de Tanine, 18 

Conumporary Review, 25 


Costa Bica. 118 

Creoles. 107 and n.; degeneracy of. 
107 #.; antt-Spafai revolt of. 106^.; 
"democracy" of. 109; status of, 

Crusades. 146.200 

Cuba. 125. 189; mm breeding tn, 

Cuaoo, 125 

"Daric Continent,'* 88#., 97. 108 
da Gama, Vasoo. 147 
de la Barra. Sefior. 184 
mas. Porltalo. 110 
Dillon. Doctor B. J.. 10. 26. 217 
Durban. 278 

Dutch Indies. 20. 84. 46: ooUmlsatioa 
of, 47; population of, 47. 82 

Bcoador. mixed blood in. 118; need 
for inunigration Into. 119 

Bgyptk taken by England. 70. 76^.; 
1914 revolt hi. 74; nationalist 
movement in. 77#.; effect of Ver- 
■aiHes Conference on, 78; Insurreo- 
don in. 78ir.: unrest in. 88. 84; 
Uam's ascendancy in. 96; BoUha* 

Digitized by 




▼fk propttfuida In, 290; white 
producta boycotted In, 340 if. 

Bl Mtreurio (Chile), 188 

RngUtfid. India's relatione with, 83, 
79 ff. ; Japan*! relations with, 86 ff„ 
60^., 71; Islamite appeal to. 73; 
Scypt*s relatione with, 77^.; Chile 
oompand with. 113; 1480 popula- 
tion of. 140. 156^.; raoe^tocks in, 
100; beginning of war in, 170. 180; 
oost of war to. 102. 194. 199; Bue- 
ila's threat against. 308; Japan al- 
lied with. 308^.; China's taidns- 
trfal rtyalry with, 344; colored 
]aborln,296^.: raoa.riotshi,290^. 

SngUsh Civil Service, 80 

"Ethiopian Church." 00; founding 
of. 98; anti-white teachings of. 98: 
Zulu rebellion caused by, 98 

Bthiopianisni, 99 

Burope, 8, 6, 0. 11; Asia's hoetlUty 
toward. 11; 40. 62; Moslem East 
attacked by. 68; relatione with 
Islam, 01; height attained by. 02 #.. 
80; Argentine and Uruguay settled 
by, 114. 142: Blade Death in, 140; 
ezpanrion attempted by, 140; 
Asia's attadcB on, 140 #.; results 
of di sco ve r y of America In, 147; 
results of Asian conflicts on, 148. 
161^.; taidustiial revolutlaa in, 
167 #., 101, 104; Nordic ranks In, 
108; results of Buoo-Jap War in. 
171 #.; results of Veraaffles Ooi^ 
DBrenoe on. 210. 218, 807; Boishav- 
ism's menace to, 220 #.; effect of 
eolored migration on, 263; 208; 
danger of Oriental Inmiigration 
into. 280 ff. : colored labor imported 
Into, 208, 206^. See ai90 Euro- 
pean War 

"European Concert," 170 

European War. 4, 11, 18 if.. 26. 88. 
30. SOiT.; Germany's oollapse in, 
40; end of, 42; prophecy of, 02; 
Islam at beginning of, 78; Egypt 
at beginning of. 70; East affected 
by. 77; Indlain.80; U. 8. hi. 188. 
184. 180. 100. 176. 170; oost of. 
170 #.; in dvn life. 178 #.. 181 #.; 
results of. 187 #.. 190 #.. 200; 
"hate Uteratura" of. 207; use of 
colored troops in, 208 #.. 214, 230. 
200: Asia's attitude affected by. 
200 #.; colored labor in, 208 #. 

"Bxduslon Policy," 200 

Far Bast. 3$§ China, Japoa 


FIliplBos in Bawali. 879 

Fisher, H. A. L.. 182 

Formosa, 20ir.. 80. 48, 47 

France, Urtb-rate of, 8, 46; Japan's 
attitude toward. 60 ff., SSff,, 103: 
cost of war in, 177, 170^.; ood- 
ecHptton hi, 181, 104; Nordks hi. 
202. 204, 260. 270: colored labor hi. 
200 #.; racenriots hi, 200 

"Gentlemen'a Agreement," 287 

Germany, Chinese intererts of, 80; 
Japan's relatkms with. 80, 80, 
212 #.; Asiatic expulsion of, 80^.; 
Bolshevism's aid to, 40; coUapsa 
of, 40, 60^.; Islam's relations with. 
76; South American inunlgrattane 
of. Ill, 116; Mexico's rdatlons 
with, 130; cost of war in, 177, 180; 
conscription in, 181; Busda's rete- 
tlons with, 187 ; Nordic race In, 201 : 
Alpine race in, 202; population of, 
202; hi central AMca. 204; Bel- 
gium Invaded by, 228; Chinese in- 
dustrial rivahy with, 244. 270 

Grand Alliance, 30 

Grant, Madison, 116. 102. 100. 188. 

Great Britafai. SOiT.; Japan's rsla- 
1don8wlth,38,201#. SMOiwEng- 
land and British Empire 

Great War. Stt European War 

Greece, 72. 100, 100 


Gurkhas. 200 

"HablHil-Matin." 00 #. 

Haiti, 4. 100, 142, 337 and n. 

"Hajj," 00 #. 

Hall, Prescott F., 268, 266 

Han^kow, 43 

Hanyang, 244 

Hawaii, 130; white rule in. 379; 
Asiatic labor hi. 270^.; U. 8. an- 
nexation of. 270; Americans In. 

Hedjas Kingdom, 00 

Himalayans, 66, 238 

Hindustan. Islam's rdattans with, 78; 
Bni^land'srelatlanswith.70: Mao- 
rttius apart of, 280 

Hokkaido, 44,47 #. 

Holland, 20, 40 

Huna, 17, 140 

Idiang. 244 

Incas, 126 #. 

India, Japanese rsUtlons with, 81 ff.i 
English relations with, 82, 80; pop- 
mallao of. 82, 67; wealth of, 38; 
I to. 88. 808: 47. 88; 

Digitized by 




BQQtlMfBt SBi ufowtt world oflntrod 
In, 57; roTott In Northirest. 74; 
mrMtln.70; government of, 80 #.; 
eonfestUm in. Mff., 260. 208: 
"Negrttoe" In. 87. 147. 199: Bol- 
■hevflc propai^ttida in. 220, 225: 
foreign goods boycotted by. 230: 
indnstrfal growth of. 241; handl- 
c»i» to, 246: "Swadeshi** move- 
moat, 246. 248; in South AMca, 
278: in British OolumUa, 288; In 
Bnrope* 289 

Indian Archipelago, 282 

"Indianista** moyement, 124, 129, 
182: Japanese support of. 184. 187, 

Indians of Amerlra, 3e$ Amfrican 

Indo-China, population of, 18: e>- 
dusion policy of. 18, 23; revoiu- 
tlonsln. 88#., 46. 87 

Indo-Japanese Association, 32 

Iran, population of, 57; Inflnwice oi, 

Islam, brown race united by, 55: in 
India. 55, 78. 79. 85; 57; power of, 
58ir.: rerlval of. 68: progress of. 
60, 64 ir.; communication in. 61; 
numerical stnngth of. 61, 64; Eu- 
ropean reiationi with, 62 ff. ; prose- 
lytlsfaig power of, 65 "the Senuari 
in, 67^.; effect of RiKBo>Japanese 
War on, 70; Japanese relations 
with. 70#.; TripoU taken firom. 
71^., 204: effect of Balkan War 
on, 72; Bni^land's relations with, 
78: In Ohlna, 78: in the European 
War, 74; Vemllles CkmDBrenoe and, 
75^.; black race's reiationi with, 
86, 92, 94; South AIMcan pr ogr e s s 
of. 94ir.. 102 

Italy, 50; TripoU seised by. 71#., 
205; South American Imxnlgration 
firam, 114 IT.; conditioiis In, 176 

Japan, independence of, 4, 8: effect 
of white dyllisation on, 9. 12; 
Busrian war with, 12, 20ir., 17; 
population of, 18, 44; eiclofllon 
pdksy of, 18; Western dvllicatlon 
In, 20; Ohinese war wHh, 20/.; 
tanperfaUsm in, 21: European War 
and, 26, 89, 41: Chinese subjection 
to, 28. 26ir., 30. 37, 247; wUte 
race ezpeOed fhnn Asia by. 81; 
Aria influenced by, 31, 88, 43; Eng- 
land's reiatioiis with, 35. 208^., 
991 #.; Germany's relations with, 
86, 212 #.; Ruflrian understandtng 
with, 38; In Siberia. 40; Versailles 

Oonferenoe and. 42: ocdonisfaig 
posBibilltleBof,45: climatic require- 
ments of, 47 ff' : militarism of, 49 ff. ; 
Islam's relations with, 71 ff-\ Latfai 
America's reiationi with, 130 #., 
137; American relations with, 132, 
136, 286 #.; Mexican rdations 
with. 132 #.; Indians aflteted by, 
140; poww of. 172, 238; Rusrian 
prisoners in, 205 #.; Bolshevik 
propaganda in, 220; industrial con- 
ditions hi, 241. 246 #.; ezoesi pop- 
ulation in. 268. 270; Hawaii settled 
by. 279 #.; British Columbia set- 
tled by. 288; Chinese exduded by. 
302; Koreans exduded by, 302 
Japan Magazine, 85, 291, 298 
Japanese Colonial Journal, 37 
Java, 84; Bolflfaovik propaganda in, 

Jerusalem, 72 
Jews in America, 166 

Kamchatka. 48 

Kechua republic, possEbiUty of, 125 

Kerbeia, 61 

Kiang Su, province of, 27 

Kiaochow Bay. Germany's lease of. 
36; Germany driven trom, 36. 39. 

Kitdiener. Lord, 78 

Kobd. 206 

Korea, population of, 17; esduslon 
policy in, 18; Japanese poasession 
of. 80, 43; oolonlsatlon In, 45; 
Hawaii settled by, 279; Japanese 
exdusion poUcy against, 302 

Lake Baikal. 40 

Lake Chad. 68 

League of Nations. 218 

Lenine, 219 #. 

Levantbies in U. 8.. 168: la Robm^ 

Liberia, 4, 89. 100 
Lbnehouse, 296 
London, 72, 296 
London NalUfn, 207 
London Saturday BeHew, 186 
Los Angeles Times, 287 
LyUa, Nationalist moveaent In, 77 

Madero, Frandsoo, 135 

Malaysia. 250 

Manchuria. Japanese thraal against, 

40. 43; colonisation in. 48 
Manchus, 17. 24 
Marianne Idands, 86 
MaishaU Islands. 86 

Digitized by 





Maurtttus. Frandi In, 380; Importa- 
tion of blacks Into. 280; Importa- 
tion of Ajlatlci into. 280: praent 
ooodlttons ln« 280 

Biaya clTlilsatloo. 126 

Moooa, 6ft 

Meditananean ims. 168^.. 165: In 
U. 8.. 166; In England, 166^.; In 
war, 183. 261 

Meditananean Sea. 67. 77. 82. 88. 08. 

Mdboame ArviM. 31 

MeKpotamia. 67, 84, 311 

Meodflui War, 188 

Meodoo. oooquett of, 104 #.. 107; 
dlctatotBliipln.110; mireetln,ll6: 
Indian rtaing In. 124; Astee dvlii- 
atton In, 126; Japanese rdatians 
with, 182. 134 #.: anO-American 
eseUng in. 132 #.. 186: "Flan of 
San Diego" plotted in. 133; Bol- 
shevik propaganda In, 220: erosa* 
breeding In. 260 

Meodoo Olty, 136 

"Middle Kingdom," 17 

Miranda. 108 

Mohammedan BevlTal, 66, 68 #. 

Mohammedanism. flMldam 

Mohammerah, 61 

Mongolia. Rtisda In, 38; colonlatloa 
of, 46 

Mongolians. 17. 38, 180. 187. 180, 
146, 286 

Monroe Doctrine. 130. 183. 138 

"Monroe Doclrine for Vme Bast," 23. 

Montevideo. 114 

Mooes, 65. 147 

Moroooo. Sennsri order In, 68; Fmdi 
possesion or, 76; riots In, 77, 82 y.. 

Modem. SMUam 

Napoleonic Wars, 68 

N^al, revolt in, 08: Arian Immigra- 
tion Into. 272 #., 278; Sooth Afri- 
can ezdnsion act In, 280 IT. 

Near and Middle Bast, brown man's 
land, 54^.; Bnropesn domination 
or. 76 #. 

"Negritos." 87 

Negro. Sm BladE Baoe 

Nethflriands. a Nordic ooontry. 203 

New Bni^and, 256. 268. 204 


New Zealand. 278; esdnrioo poltar 
or. 281 

Nlearagoa, 122 

Niger. 101 

Nigeria, 310 

NUe. 88. 101 

Nordic race. 111#.. 163; 
birth-rate of. 168: character oT, 
168: effect of faidustrial revohxtfon 
on, 164: In U. S.. 165. 268. 261. 
366; fai England, 166 #.; cost of 
war to. 183: worth of, 100 #.: In 
Germany, 301 if.; 
power of, 220 

North Borneo. 46 

Nyasssland. Mo 
05^.; rebellion In, 00 

Okoma. Ooont. 31 ff., 50. 181. 188 
Ottoman Empire, partition oT. 76: 

cost or war to. 177^. 
Ottoman Turic. 65. 67. 146 

Padflc Ocean Society, 83 
Pan-African Oongrav, 00# 
Pan-America. 130. 138 
Pan-Aria AlUanoe. 284 
Pan-Asia Holy War. 11 
Pan-Arian RaOroad, 313 
Pan-Ariatic Association. 81 
"Pan^kdorod'* alhanoe. 7a 

Pan-Oermanism, 160, 301 #. 

Pan-Uam Holy War, 11. 70 

Pan-Idamlsm. driving power or, 66 #. : 
progress toward, 60: result of Peace 
Ck]nferenceon,76,70. 04; the negro 
the tool of. 07, 100. 102. 237; In the 
European War. 2Mff„ 234ir: 
Asia affected by, 287; mllttary po- 
tency of, 238. 240 

Pan-Mongoilsm, 28 

Pan-Nordic miton. 200 

Pan-SUvlsm. 100, 201. 308 

Paraguay, 110 

Paris, 00, 122. 216 

P9Z AmtTieana, 4 

Pax Bomana, 170 

Peace Oonftrenoa. 8m VmmSBBm 


Pedim Strait, 48 
Peidng. 48. 212 
Peiew Islands. 86 
Peioponnerian War. 178 #.. 106 
Pente.4: Busrian menace to. 88; 

dependence of. 66; Japan's 

tlonswlth,70^.; in war. 74; 

land the protector of. 76, 84; 

many's relations with, 212 
Pern, conquest of, 104 IT. . 107 

ment of. 118; revolution In. 

polltlos or. 135; Inoas In. 

Ohinese In, ISl; JapansM In. 



Digitized by 




PhlllplrfikM, l]id6pttidflDO0 moTooMnt 
in, 84, 43, 46, 8S, 87. 137, 229 

PlSHRO, 106 

"Plan of San Diego," 188 
Poland, ooat of war in, 176 
Fort Arthnr, 188 
Porfe LoQla. 280 
Fort Said. 61 
Portugal, 18, 115 

Rangoon. 28 

Red raoa, 6; numbar of, 7, 104; home 
of. 7, I04ir.; croM- b ree d lng with. 
106 #.. 116^., 119, 128: anti-Spain 
revolution of, 108 IT.; in Chile, ill; 
in Peru, 113; in Colombia, 113; 
in Argentine, 114; in Uruguay. 114; 
In northern Brasfl, 116; antl-white 
amtlwient of, 124 IT. ; character of, 
126 y.; yellow race's relations wifh, 
181 IT., 138, 140; efTect of Siwniards 
on. 141; ftiture of, 141 #. 

Bhodffp. CecU, 200 

Rio Grande, 6, 7, 108, 105 

Roman Bmpire. 116; fall of, 146 

Rome, 60, 146. 199, 290 

Ross. Professor E. A.. 112. 118. 125. 
131. 139. 140. 244 #.. 260. 264. 267. 

Russia. Japanese war with. 12, 20ir.. 
31. 206: Japan's relations with. 
86^.. 38. 161; revolution in. 39. 
214; Bolshevismin, 40, 60ir., 219: 
Persia's relaUons with. 74; white 
race In, 146; and European War, 
176; cost of war in. 177 #.; Ger- 
many's relations with. 187. 189. 
194; Nordics in. 202; as part of 
Alia. 208^.. 270 

RuBO-Japanese War, 12; Japan's 
strength revealed by, 2l#.. 171; 
28; effect on Idam, 70; Afiloan 
remits of. 97. 149. 168; effect on 
white race. 208. 206. 287 


Saghallen. Island Of. 247 

Sahara Desert. 7. 67. 67; 
oontrolof. 68. 87#.. 98 

Saflors' and Firemen's Unloo, 296 

Sanliiartfn. 108 

Santiago College. 112 

Scandinavia, 146. 202 

Senegalese. 209 #. 

Senuariyah, history of. 67; otganlM- 
tkm of. 67; stronghold of. 67^.; 
European relations with. 68; pro- 
gramme of. 69, 94 

Scrtla. cost of war in. 178 

S^yyld. Mohammed ben Senuaal. 67 #. 

Shanghai. 244 

Shansi. 246 

Shantung. Germany in, 86; Japan in, 
43, 216, 297 

Slam. 4. 17. 28; J^wn's relation with. 
81, 46. 247 

SlanfU, 246 

Siberia, 6, 16, 18. 84; danger of Bol- 
shevtsm to. 40; Japanese army hi, 
40; colonised by Chinese, 48; col- 
onized by Japanese. 48; settlement 
of, 149; Rusda in, 161 

Siddyk. Yahya. 62 

Singapore. 29 

South African Union, 96; white pop- 

ulatttm of. 98 
Spafai, the Moon in. 66, 147; hi Latin 

America. 106. 108. 111. 114, 118; 

Argentina settled by. 114; Uruguay 

settled by, 114 
Spanish Conquest, 105 
Steppes. 288 
Sudan. 79. 93 
Sudanese, In war. 210 
Suee. 77. 108 

"Survival of Fittest.*' 28. 160. 27^^ 
Syria. 57 
SserJinan, 245 

Tartan. 17. 57 

Teheran. 61. 71 

Teutonic Powers. 78 

Teias, 138 

Thibet. 29: as Chlneee ookmy. 46 

Thirty Yean' War. 202 

Tokio. 22. 39#.. 134 

Toldo Economist, 131 

Tokio Hoehi, 60 

Tokio MaM'-hi Detipo, 291 

Tokio Univerte, 87 

Tokto Yamaio, 38 

Tokio YorodMU, 292 #. 

Trades Union Congrem. 296 

Transcaucasia. 67 

Trinidad, 278 

TripoU. seised by Italy. 71#.: In m* 
volt. 74. 77. 204 

Tunis. 82. 94 

"Turanians," 57 

Tmkestan, 88: Chlneee section of, 48; 
rolaniration poarfbiUtles in, 45 

TnricestAn, composition of, 57; pop- 
ulatkmof, 67 

Turkey, 4; independence of, 66; 
Tripoli taken from, 71; Balkan 
War losses to. 72; In European 
War, 74, 78. 209: war losses of. 178; 
UM9 with. 211^. 

Digitized by 




Ugaiida, Ohrlitlanlty In, 96 

United Statoi. 4, 10. 87; In war. 80, 
40: Japtoflw reiationi with, 48, 
90, 103. 182; settlemflnt oT. 104. 
181. 12ft. 120. 132; Meitean ral*- 
ttona with. 132ir.; Meilcui plot 
133: Meodcan-JapanMe 
agalntt. 182, 136; Latin 
AnMrican hiwtlUty toward, 186^.; 
Latin American ties with. 137. 180; 
Nordic race hi. 166: BoUhovIk 
propaganda In, 220; effect of im- 
mlipratlan In. 266; Hawaiian reia- 
tikms with, 270 #., 282; Immigra- 
tion menace to, 286. 280; Chlneee 
in,286,20d#.; Japaneaetai.286ir.; 
Japanese ezdnded tram, M2Jf,: 
Immigration laws in, 808 

Uruguay, 106; population of. 114; 
agricultural development of. 114; 
European Immigration Into, 114 #. 

ValparaUNH 112; 

of. 112 
Venesuela, 122; Indians In, 128; 

anti-American sentiment In, 186 
Venallles Peace Conference, 42. 60; 

Idam and, 76ir.» 187; failure of, 

216 #., 288, 286, 807 

Wahabees. 68, 67 

Wars of Roses, 166 

West African Guinea, Ohrfttiaa ml^ 
■Ions in, 06 

West Indian Islands, 103. 268 

White race, 8. 4, 6, Sff-i 21. 84. 161; 
numbers of. 6, 166;8#..21;eipul- 
slon from Far Bast, 28. 81. 44; Adm 
controlled by. 46, 47ir.. 68; brown 
race's relation with, 66#., 146, 148; 
62 ff., 70: India's relation with. 82 
it., 124 ff.; brown-yellow alUaoce 
against, 86; Mack race ruled by, 
80, 01#.. 102^.: In Northeaet 
Africa. OSiT.; African hostiUty 
toward. 07ir.; In Africa. 08. 240; 
In North ▲merica, 104^.; In Latin 
America, 104^., 110#., llSiT.. 
128. 141/.. 248. 802; Indian iMa- 

mlxturewlth, 106/., 116/.; MeiB- 
Ican hostiUty toward, 132/.; yel- 
low race's reUtions with, 137/., 
141. 146. 148. 161/.; Bspuuiaa 
of. 146: original locatian of. 146; 
original area of. 146/.: original 
number of, 146: efltet of fifteenth- 
century discoveries on, 147; prog- 
ress of. 148/.. 168; efltetofRwso- 
Japanese War on, 164. 171/.. 203; 
effect of Industrial revolution on. 
166/.: birth-rate of, 162; division 
of, 162; solidarity of. 160/.. 100/.. 
204/.. 806/.: In European War. 
176/., 106, 100: Bolshevik menace 
to. 210 /.; danger to. 228 /.. 280 /.• 
207/., 801, 808; effect of Immigra- 
tion on. 261/.. 278/.; exdurion 
poUcy of, 260/.. 281/.; rte of. 

Yangtse River. 48. 244 

Yellow Peril. 86. 180. 172. 213. 287 

Yellow race. 6; numben of, 7; home 
of. 7. 10. 12. 17/.; Ruas&Japanese 
War triumph of. 21, 22; ezpanrfon 
of, 28. 46/., 66: White aggresalon 
resisted by. 66; brown race's rel»- 
tlons with. 86, 01. 100; Americas 
penetrated by. 130/.. 232; Latin 
American attitude toward. 137, 
130. 141/.; white race's relations 
with. 146. 148. 161/.. 234/., 260. 
272/.; In Fnnce. 204; In war. 
207/., 206; Germany's relations 
with, 213; military potency of. 
288/.; Industrial conditions in. 
241. 272/.; In Hawaii, 270; in 
Australia, 281: In British Ckdum- 
Ua, 283; in Central Alia, 808 

Yemenite Arabs. 66 

Yucatan, ancient dvlUaation In. 196 

Zambesi. 06/ 
Zansibar Arabs. 06 
Zawlas. iSm Senussi 
Zelaya of Nksarsgua. 122 
Zuhis, 06, 100: revolt or. 86 . 

Digitized by 


Digitized by 


Digitized by 


Digitized by 


Digitized by 


Digitized by 


Digitized by 





Digitized by