The rising tide of color against white world-supremacy

fjHAS.&.IxAURlATc^'

^385Wash'nSt.Boston

Digitized by the Internet Archive

in 2011. with funding from

Boston Library Consortium IVIember Libraries

http://www.archive.org/details/risingtideofcoloOOstod

THE RISING TIDE OP COLOR

AGAINST

WHITE WORLD-SUPREMACY

THE
RISING TIDE OF COLOR

AGAINST WHITE WORLD-SUPREMACY

BY
LOTHROP STODDARD, A.M., Ph.D. (Harv.)

AUTHOR OP "the STAKES OP THE WAB,"

" PBESENT-DAT EUBOPE : ITS NATIONAL STATES OP MIND,"

"tHB FBElfCH BEVOLUTION IH SAN DOMIMGO," ETC.

WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY

MADISON GRANT

CHAIBSIAK HEW TOBK ZOOLOGICAL SOCIETY; TBU8TEE AMERICAN
OP HATUBAL HISTOBY; COUNCILLOR AMERICAN QEOGBAPHlfCAL SOCIBTT;
AUTHOR OP "the PASSUfQ OP THE GREAT BACB"

NEW YORK
CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS
1920

T

COPTKIGHT, 1920, BT

CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS

AU rights reserved

Published April, 1920
Reprinted June, 1920

PREFACE

More than a decade ago I became convinced that the
key-note of twentieth-century world-poKtics would be
the relations between the primary races of mankind.
Momentous modifications of existing race-relations
were evidently impending, and nothing could be more
vital to the course of human evolution than the char-
acter of these modifications, since upon the quality
of hxmian life all else depends.

Accordingly, my attention was thenceforth largely
directed to racial matters. In the preface to an his-
torical monograph ("The French Revolution in San
Domingo '0 written shortly before the Great War,
I stated: "The world-wide struggle between the pri-
mary races of mankind — the 'conflict of color, ^ as it has
been happily termed — ^bids fair to be the fundamental
problem of the twentieth century, and great communi-
ties like the United States of America, the South
^ African Confederation, and Australasia regard the
^ 'color question^ as perhaps the gravest problem of the

future."
^ ' Those lines were penned in June, 1914. Before
4^ their pubHcation the Great War had burst upon the
~ world. At that time several reviewers commented
^ upon the above dictum and wondered whether, had I
written two months later, I should have held a different
opinion.

d

4&^55

vi PREFACE

As a matter of fact, I should have expressed myself
even more strongly to the same effect. To me the
Great War was from the first the White Civil War,
which, whatever its outcome, must gravely compK-
cate the course of racial relations.

Before the war I had hoped that the readjustments
rendered inevitable by the renascence of the brown
and yellow peoples of Asia would be a gradual, and in
the main a pacific, process, kept within evolutionary-
bounds by the white world's inherent strength and
fundamental solidarity. The frightful weakening of
the white world dining the war, however, opened up
revolutionary, even cataclysmic, possibilities.

In saying this I do not refer solely to military
"perils." The subjugation of white lands by colored
armies may, of course, occur, especially if the white
world continues to rend itself with internecine wars.
However, such colored triumphs of arms are less to
be dreaded than more endiu-ing conquests Hke migra-
tions which would swamp whole populations and turn
countries now white into colored man's lands irre-
trievably lost to the white world. Of course, these
ominous possibiKties existed even before 1914, but the
war has rendered them much more probable.

The most disquieting feature of the present situation,
however, is not the war but the peace. The white
world's inability to frame a constructive settlement,
the perpetuation of intestine hatreds, and the menace
of fresh white civil wars complicated by the spectre of
social revolution, evoke the dread thought that the

PREFACE vii

late war may be merely the first stage in a cycle of
ruin.

In fact, so absorbed is the white world with its do-
mestic dissensions that it pays scant heed to racial
problems whose importance for the future of man-
kind far transcends the questions which engross its
attention to-day.

This relative indifference to the larger racial issues
has determined the writing of the present book. So
fundamental are these issues that a candid discussion
of them would seem to be timely and helpful.

In the following pages I have tried to analyze in their
various aspects the present relations between the white
and non-white worlds. My task has been greatly
aided by the Introduction from the pen of Madison
Grant, who has admirably summarized the biological
and historical background. A life-long student of
biology, Mr. Grant approaches the subject along that
line. My own avenue of approach being world-poHtics,
the resulting convergence of different view-points has
been a most useful one.

For the stimulating counsel of Mr. Grant in the
preparation of this book my thanks are especially due.
I desire also to acknowledge my indebtedness for help-
ful suggestions to Messrs. Alleyne Ireland, Glenn
Frank, and other friends.

LoTHROP Stoddard.

New York City,
February 28, 1920.

CONTENTS

PAea

Introduction by Madison Grant xi

PART I
the rising tide of color

CBAPTBB

I. The World of Color 3

II. Yellow Man's Land . 17

III. Brown Man's Land 54

IV. Black Man's Land 87

V. Red Man's Land 104

PART II
the ebbing tide of white

VI. The White Flood 145

VII. The Beginning of the Ebb 154

VIII. The Modern Peloponnesian War 173

IX. The Shattering of White Solidarity .... 198

PART III

THE DELUGE ON THE DIKES

X. The Outer Dikes 225

XI. The Inner Dikes 236

XII. The Crisis of the Ages 299

Index . 311

ii

MAPS

I

PAGE

Distribution of the Primary Races 14

n

Categories op White World-Supremacy ..... 150

III
Distribution op the White Race* 228

INTRODUCTION

Mr. Lothrop Stoddard's "The Rising Tide of
Color," following so closely the Great War, may ap-
pear to some imduly alarming, while others, as his
thread of argimient unrolls, may recoil at the logic
of his deductions.

In our present era of convulsive changes, a prophet
must be bold, indeed, to predict anything more definite
than a mere trend in events, but the study of the past
is the one safe guide in forecasting the future.

Mr. Stoddard takes up the white man's world and
its potential enemies as they are to-day. A considera-
tion of their early relations and of the history of the
Nordic race, since its first appearance three or four
thousand years ago, tends strongly to sustain and jus-
tify his conclusions. For such a consideration we must
first turn to the map, or, better, to the globe.

Viewed in the fight of geography and zo5logy,
Europe west of Russia is but a peninsula of Asia with
the southern shores of the Mediterranean Sea included.
True Africa, or rather Ethiopia, fies south of the
Sahara Desert and has virtually no connection with
the North except along the valley of the Nile.

This Eurasiatic continent has been, perhaps, since

xii INTRODUCTION

the origin of life itself, the most active centre of evolu-
tion and radiation of the higher forms.

Confining ourselves to the mammalian orders, we
find that a majority of them have originated and de-
veloped there and have spread thence to the outl3dng
land areas of the globe. All the evidence points to the
origin of the Primates in Eurasia and we have every
reason to beheve that this continent was also the
scene of the early evolution of man from his anthropoid
ancestors.

The impulse that inaugurated the development of
mankind seems to have had its basic cause in the
stress of changing climatic conditions in central Asia
at the close of the Pliocene, and the himaan inhabitants
of Eurasia have ever since exhibited in a superlative
degree the energy developed at that time. This
energy, however, has not been equally shared by the
various species of man, either extinct or living, and the
survivors of the earlier races are, for the most part,
to be found on the other continents and islands or in
the extreme outlying regions of Eurasia itself.

In other words those groups of mankind which at
an early period found refuge in the Americas, in Aus-
traha, in Ethiopia, or in the islands of the sea, repre-
sent to a large extent stages in man's physical and cul-
tural development, from which the more energized
inhabitants of Eurasia have long since emerged. In
some cases, as in Mexico and Peru, the outlying races
developed in their isolation a limited culture of their
own, but, for the most part, they have exhibited, and

INTRODUCTION xiii

continue to this day to exhibit, a lack of capacity for
sustained evolution from within as well as a lack of
capacity to adjust themselves of their own initiative
to the rapid changes which modern times impose upon
them from without.

In Eurasia itself this same inequality of potential
capacity is found, but in a lesser degree, and conse-
quently, in the progress of humanity, there has been
constant friction between those who push forward and
those who are unable to keep pace with changing con-
ditions.

Owing to these causes the history of mankind has
been that of a series of impulses from the Em-asiatic
continent upon the outlying regions of the globe, but
there has been an almost complete lack of reaction,
either racial or cultural, from them upon the masses
of mankind in Eurasia itself. There have been end-
less conflicts between the different sections of Eurasia,
but neither Amerinds, nor Austroloids, nor Negroes,
have ever made a concerted attack upon the great
continent.

Without attempting a scientific classification of the
inhabitants of Eurasia, it is sufficient to describe the
three main races. The first are the yellow-skinned,
straight black-haired, black-eyed, round-skulled Mon-
gols and Mongoloids massed in central and eastern
Asia north of the Himalayan system.

To the west of them, and merged with them, lie the
Alpines, also characterized by dark, but not straight,

xiv INTRODUCTION

hair, dark eyes, relatively short stature, and round
skulls. These Alpines are thrust like a wedge into
Europe between the Nordics and the Mediterraneans,
with a tip that reaches the Atlantic Ocean. Those of
western Europe are derived from one or more very
ancient waves of round-skulled invaders from the
East, who probably came by way of Asia Minor and
the Balkans, but they have been so long in their present
homes that they retain Httle except their brachy-
eephalic skull-shape to connect them with the Asiatic
Mongols.

South of the Himalayas and westward in a narrow
belt to the Atlantic, and on both sides of the Inland
Sea, lies the Mediterranean race, more or less swarthy-
skinned, black-haired, dark-eyed, and long-skulled.

On the northwest, grouped around the Baltic and
North Seas, lies the great Nordic race. It is charac-
terized by a fair white skin, wavy hair with a range of
color from dark brown to flaxen, light eyes, tall stature,
and long skulls.

These races show other physical characters which
are definite but difficult to describe, such as texture of
skin and cast of features, especially of the nose. The
contrast of mental and spiritual endowments is equally
definite, but even more elusive of definition.

It is with the action and interaction of these three
groups, together with internal civil wars, that recorded
history deals.

While, so far as we know, these three races have oc-
cupied their present relative positions from the begin-

INTRODUCTION xv

ning, there have been profound changes in their dis-
tribution.

The two essential phenomena, however, are, first,
the retreat of the Nordic race westward from the Grass-
lands of western Asia and eastern Europe to the bor-
ders of the Atlantic, imtil it occupies a relatively small
area on the periphery of Eurasia.

The second phenomenon is of equal importance,
namely, the more or less thorough Nordicizing of the
westernmost extensions of the other two races, namely,
the Mediterranean on the north coast of the Inland
Sea, who have been completely Aryanized in speech,
and have been again and again saturated with Nordic
blood, and the even more profoimd Nordicization in
speech and in blood of the short, dark, roimd-skulled
inhabitants of central Europe, from Brittany through
central France, southern Germany, and northern Italy
into Austrian and Balkan lands. So thorough has
been this process that the western Alpines have at the
present time no separate race consciousness and are to
be considered as wholly European.

As to the Alpines of eastern and central Europe,
the Slavs, the case is somewhat different. East of a
line drawn from the Adriatic to the Baltic the Nordiciz-
ing process has been far less perfect, although nearly
complete as to speech, since all the Slavic languages
are Aryan. Throughout these Slavic lands, great ac-
cessions of pure Mongoloid blood have been introduced
within relatively recent centuries.

East of this belt of imperfectly Nordicized Alpines

xvi INTRODUCTION

we reach the Asiatic Alpines, as yet entirely untouched
by western blood or culture. These groups merge into
the Mongoloids of eastern Asia.

So we find, thrust westward from the Heartland,
a race touching the Atlantic at Brittany, thoroughly
Asiatic and Mongoloid in the east, very imperfectly
Nordicized in the centre, and thoroughly Nordicized
culturally in the far west of Europe, where it has be-
come, and must be accepted as, an integral part of
the White World.

As to the great Nordic race, within relatively recent
historic times it occupied the Grasslands north of the
Black and Caspian Seas eastward to the Himalayas.
Traces of Nordic peoples in central Asia are constantly
found, and when archaeological research there becomes
as intensive as in Europe we shall be astonished to
find how long, complete, and extended was their occu-
pation of western Asia.

During the second millennium before our era suc-
cessive waves of Nordics began to cross the Afghan
passes into India until finally they imposed their primi-
tive Aryan language upon Hindustan and the coun-
tries lying to the east.

All those regions lying northwest of the mountains
appear to have been largely a white man's country at
the time of Alexander the Great. In Turkestan the
newly discovered Tokharian language, an Aryan tongue
of the western di^dsion, seems to have persisted down
to the ninth century. The decline of the Nordics
in these lands, however, began probably far earlier

INTRODUCTION xvii

than Alexander's time, and must have been nearly
completed at the beginning of our era. Such blond
traits as are still foimd in western Asia are relatively
imimportant, and for the last two thousand years
these countries must be regarded as lost to the Nordic
race.

The impulse that drove the early Nordics like a fan
over the Himalayan passes into India, the later Nor-
dics southward into Mesopotamian lands, as Kassites,
Mitanni, and Persians, into Greece and Anatolia as
Achseans, Dorians, and Phrygians, westward as the
Aryan-speaking invaders of Italy and as the Celtic
vanguards of the Nordic race across the Rhine into
Gaul, Spain, and Britain, may well have been caused
by Mongoloid pressure from the heart of central Asia.
Of course, we have no actual knowledge of this, but
the analogy to the history of later migrations is strong,
and the conviction is growing among historians that
the impulse that drove the Hellenic Nordics upon the
early iEgean culture world was the same as that
which later drove Germanic Nordics into the Roman
Empire.

North of the Caspian and Black Seas the boundaries
of Europe receded steadily before Asia for nearly a
thousand years after our era opened, but we have
scant record of the struggles which resulted in the evic-
tion of the Nordics from their homes in Russia, Po-
land, the Austrian and east German lands.

By the time of Charlemagne the White Man's world
was reduced to Scandinavia, Germany west of the Elbe,

xviii INTRODUCTION

the British Isles, the Low Countries, and northern
France and Italy, with outlying groups in southern
France and Spain. This was the lowest ebb for the
Nordics and it was the crowning glory of Charlemagne's
career that he not only tiu-ned back the flood, but be-
gan the organization of a series of more or less Nordi-
cized marches or barrier states from the Baltic to the
Adriatic, which have served as ramparts against Asiatic
pressure from his day to ours. West of this line the
feudal states of mediaeval Europe developed into west-
ern Christendom, the nucleus of the civilized world of
to-day.

South of the Caspian and Black Seas, after the first
swarming of the Nordics over the mountains diu-ing the
second millennium before Christ, the East pressed stead-
ily against Europe until the strain culminated in the
Persian Wars. The defeat of Asia in these wars re-
sulted later in Alexander's conquest of western Asia
to the borders of India.

Alexander's empire temporarily established Hellenic
institutions throughout western Asia and some of the
provinces remained superficially Greek until they were
incorporated in the Roman Empire and, ultimately be-
came part of early Christendom. On the whole, how-
ever, from the time of Alexander the elimination of
European blood, classic culture, and, finally, of Chris-
tianity, went on relentlessly.

By later Roman times the Aryan language of the
Persians, Parthians, and people of India together
with some shreds of Greek learning were about all the

INTRODUCTION xix

traces of Europe that were to be found east of the os-
cillating boundary along the Euphrates.

The Roman and Byzantine Empires struggled for
centuries to check the advancing tide of Asiatics,
but Arab expansions under the impulse of the Mo-
hammedan rehgion finally tore away all the eastern
and southern coasts of the Mediterranean Sea, v/hile
from an Arabized Spain they threatened western
Europe. With the White Man's world thus rapidly
receding in the south, a series of pure Mongol invasions
from central Asia, sweeping north of the Caspian and
Black Seas, burst upon central Europe. Attila and
his Huns were the first to break through into Nordic
lands as far as the plains of northern France. None of
the later hordes were able to force their way so far
into Nordic territories, but spent their strength upon
the Alpines of the Balkans and eastern Europe.

Eastern Germany, the Austrian states, Poland, and
Russia had been Nordic lands before the Slavs emerged
after the fall of Rome. Whether the occupation of
Teutonic lands by the Wends and Slavs in eastern
Europe was an infiltration or a conquest is not known,
but the conviction is growing that, like other move-
ments which preceded and followed, it was caused
by Mongoloid pressure.

That the western Slavs or Wends had been long
Nordicized in speech is indicated by the thoroughly
Aryan character of the Slavic languages. They
found in the lands they occupied an underlying Teu-
tonic population. They cannot be regarded as the

XX INTRODUCTION

original owners of Poland, Bohemia, Silesia, or other
Wendish provinces of eastern Germany and Austria.
The Teutonic Marcomanni and Quadi were in Bohemia
long before the Czechs came in through the Moravian
Gate in the sixth century. Pomerania and the Prus-
sias were the home of Teutonic Lombards, Burgunds,
Vandals, and Suevi, while the Crimea and the north-
western coast of the Black Sea were long held by the
Nordic Goths, who, just before our era, had migrated
overland from the Baltic by way of the Vistula.

No doubt some of this Nordic blood remained to en-
noble the stock of the later invaders, but by the time
of Char emagne, in the greater part of Europe east of
the Elbe, the Aryan language was the only bond with
Europe.

When the Prankish Empire turned the tide and
Christianized these Wendish and Pohsh lands, civihza-
tion was carried eastward until it met the Byzantine
influences which brought to Russia and the lands east
of the Carpatliians the culture and Orthodox Christi-
anity of the Eastern or Greek Empire.

The nucleus of Russia was organized in the ninth
century by Scandinavian Varangians, the Franks of
the East, who founded the first civilized state amid a
welter of semi-Mongoloid tribes. How much Nordic
blood they found in the territories which afterward
became Russia we have no means of knowing, but it
must have been considerable because we do know that
from the Middle Ages to the present time there has
been a progressive increase in brachycephaly or broad-

INTRODUCTION xxi

headedness, to judge from the rise in the percentage of
round skulls found in the cemeteries of Moscow and
elsewhere in Russia.

Such was the condition of eastern Europe when
a new and terrible series of Mongoloid invasions
swept over it, this time directly from the centre of
Asia.

The effect of these invasions was so profound and
lasting that it may be well to consider briefly the
condition of eastern Europe after the elimination of
the Nordics and its partial occupation by the so-called
Slavs. Beginning with Attila and his Hims, in the
fourth century, there was a series of purely Mongoloid
tribes entering from Asia in wave after wave.

Similar waves ultimately passed south of the Black
and Caspian Seas, and were called Turks, but these
were long held back by the power of the Byzantine
Empire, to which history has done scant justice.

In the north these invaders, called in the later days
Tatars, but all essentially of central Asiatic Mongol
stock, occupied Balkan lands after the expansion of
the south Slavs in those countries. They are known
by various names, but they are all part of the same
general movement, although there was a gradual slow-
ing down of the impulse. Prior to Jenghiz lOian the
later hordes did not reach quite as far west as the
earlier ones.

The first wave, Attila's Huns, were followed dur-
ing the succeeding centuries by the Avars, the Bul-
gars, the Hunagar Magyars, the Patzinaks and the

xxii INTRODUCTION

Cumans. All of these tribes forced their way over
the Carpathians and the Danube^ and much of their
bloody notably in that of the Bulgars and Magyars, is
still to be found there. Most of them adopted Slavic
dialects and merged in the surrounding population,
but the Magyars retain their Asiatic speech to this
day.

Other Tatar and Mongoloid tribes settled in south-
ern and eastern Russia. Chief among these were the
Mongol Chazars, who founded an extensive and power-
ful empire in southern and southeastern Russia as
early as the eighth century. It is interesting to note
that they accepted Judaism and became the ancestors
of the majority of the Jews of eastern Europe, the
round-skuhed Ashkenazim.

Into this mixed population of Christianized Slavs
and more or less Christianized and Slavized Mongols
burst Jenghiz Khan with his great hordes of pure
Mongols. All southern Russia, Poland, and Hungary
collapsed before them, and in southern Russia the rule
of the Mongol persisted for centuries, in fact the
Golden Horde of Tatars retained control of the Crimea
down to 1783.

Many of these later Tatars had accepted Islam, but
entire groups of them have retained their Asiatic speech
and to this day profess the Mohammedan rehgion.

The most lasting result of these Mongol invasions
was that southern Poland and all the countries east
and north of the Carpathians, including Rumania and
the Uki^aine, were saturated anew with Tatar blood,

INTRODUCTION xxiii

and, in dealing with these populations and with the
new nations founded among them, this fact must not
be forgotten.

The conflict between the East and the West — ^Europe
and Asia — has thus lasted for centuries, in fact it goes
back to the Persian Wars and the long and doubtful
duel between Rome and Parthia along the eastern
boimdary of Syria. As we have already said, the
Saracens had torn away many of the provinces of the
Eastern Empire, and the Crusades, for a moment, had
rolled back the East, but the event was not decided
until the Seljukian and OsmanH Turks accepted Islam.

If these Turks had remained heathen they might
have invaded and conquered Asia Minor and the
Balkan States, just as their cousins, the Tartars, had
subjected vast territories north of the Black Sea, but
they could not have held their conquests permanently
unless they had been able to incorporate the beaten
natives into their own ranks through the proselytizing
power of Islam.

Even in Roman times the Greek world had been
steadily losing, first its Nordic blood and then later
the blood of its Nordicized European population, and
it became in its declining years increasingly Asiatic
until the final fall of Constantinople in 1453.

Byzantium once fallen, the Turks advanced un-
checked, conquering the Alpine Slav kingdoms of the
Balkans and menacing Christendom itself.

In these age-long conflicts between Asia and Eu-
rope the Crusades seem but an episode, although

xxiv INTRODUCTION

tragically wasteful of Nordic stock. The Nordic
Prankish nobility of western Europe squandered its
blood for two hundred years on the desert sands of
Syria and left no ethnic trace behind, save, perhaps,
some doubtful blond remnants in northern Syria and
Edessa.

If the predictions of Mr. Stoddard^s book s«em far-
fetched, one has but to consider that four times since
the fall of Rome Asia has conquered to the very con-
fines of Nordic Europe. The Nordicized Alpines of
eastern Europe and the Nordicized Mediterraneans of
southern Europe have proved too feeble to hold back
the Asiatic hordes, Mongol or Saracen. It was not
imtil the realms of pure Nordics were reached that
the invaders were turned back. This is shown by the
fact that the Arabs had quickly mastered northern
Africa and conquered Spain, where the Nordic Goths
were too few in number to hold them back, while
southern France, which was not then, and is not now,
a Nordic land, had offered no serious resistance. It
was not until the Arabs, in 732, at Tours, dashed them-
selves to pieces against the sohd ranks of heavy-armed
Nordics, that Islam receded.

The same fate had already been encountered by
Attila and his Huns, who, after dominating Hungary
and southern Germany and destroying the Burgundians
on the Rhine, had pushed into northern France as
far as Chalons. Here, in 376, he was beaten, not by the
Romanized Gauls but by the Nordic Visigoths, whose
king, Roderick, died on the field. These two vie-

INTRODUCTION xxv

tories, one against the Arab south and the other over
the Mongoloid east, saved Nordic Europe, which was
at that time shrunken to Kttle more than a fringe on
the seacoast.

How slender the thread and how easily snapped,
had the event of either day turned out otherwise!
Never again did Asia push so far west, but the danger
was not finally removed until Charlemagne and his
successors had organized the Western Empire.

Christendom, however, had sore trials ahead when
the successors of Jenghiz Khan destroyed Moscovy
and Poland and devastated eastern Europe. The
victorious career of the Tatars was unchecked, from
the Chinese Sea on the east to the Indian Ocean on
the south, until in 1241, at Wahlstatt in Silesia, they
encountered pure Nordic fighting men. Then the tide
turned. Though outmunbering the Christians five
to one and victorious in the battle itself, the Tatars
were unable to push farther west and turned south
into Hungary and other Alpine lands.

Some conception of the almost unbelievable horrors
that western Europe escaped at this time may be gath-
ered from the fate of the coimtries which fell before the
irresistible rush of the Mongols, whose sole descemible
motive seems to have been blood lust. The destruc-
tion wrought in China, central Asia, and Persia is
almost beyond conception. In twelve years, in China
and the neighboring states, Jenghiz Khan and his heu-
tenants slaughtered more than 18,500,000 human be-
ings. After the sack of Merv in Khorasan, the " Garden

xxvi INTRODUCTION

of Asia/' the corpses numbered 1,300,000, and after
Herat was taken 1,600,000 are said to have perished.
Similar fates befell every city of importance in central
Asia, and to this day those once populous provinces
have never recovered. The cities of Russia and
Poland were burned, their inhabitants tortiu-ed and
massacred, with the consequence that progress was
retarded for centuries.

Almost in modern times these same Mongoloid in-
vaders, entering by way of Asia Minor, and calling
themselves Turks, after destroying the Eastern Empire,
the Balkan States, and Hungary, again met the Nordic
chivalry of western Europe under the walls of Vienna,
in 1683, and again the Asiatics went down in rout.

On these four separate occasions the Nordic race and
it alone saved modern civihzation. The half-Nordi-
cized lands to the south and to the east collapsed under
the invasions.

Unnumbered Nordic tribes, nameless and unsung,
have been massacred, or submerged, or driven from
their lands. The survivors had been pushed ever west-
ward until their backs were against the Northern
Ocean. There the Nordics came to bay — the tide was
tm-ned. Few stop to reflect that it was more than sixty
years after the first American legislature sat at James-
town, Virginia, that Asia finally abandoned the con-
quest of Europe.

One of the chief results of forcing the Nordic race
back to the seacoast was the creation of maritime
power and its development to a degree never before

INTRODUCTION xxvii

known even in the days of the Phoenicians and Cartha-
ginians. With the recession of the Turkish flood,
modern Europe emerges and inaugurates a counter-
attack on Asia which has placed virtually the entire
world under European domination.

While in the mediaeval conflicts between Europe
and Asia the latter was the aggressor, the case was
otherwise in the early wars between the Nordic and
the Mediterranean peoples. Here for three thousand
years the Nordics were the aggressors, and, although
these wars were terribly destructive to their numbers,
they were the medium through which classic civiliza-
tion was introduced into Nordic lands. As to the
ethnic consequences, northern barbarians poured over
the passes of the Balkans, Alpines, and Pyrenees into
the sunny lands of the south only to slowly vanish in
the languid environment which lacked the stimulus
of fierce strife with hostile nature and savage rivals.

Nevertheless, long before the opening of the Chris-
tian era the Alpines of western Europe were thoroughly
Nordicized, and in the centuries that followed, the old
Nordic element in Spain, Italy, and France has been
again and again strongly reinforced, so that these lands
are now an integral part of the White World.

In recent centuries Russia was again superficially
Nordicized with a top dressing of Nordic nobihty,
chiefly coming from the Baltic provinces. Along with
this process there was everywhere in Europe a resur-
gence among the submerged and forgotten Alpines and

xx\aii INTRODUCTION

among the Mediterranean elements of the British
Isles, while Bolshevism in Russia means the elimination
of the Nordic aristocracy and the dominance of the
half-Asiatic Slavic peasantry.

All wars thus far discussed have been race wars of
Europe against Asia, or of the Nordics against Medi-
terraneans. The wars against the Mongols were nec-
essary and vital; there was no alternative except to
fight to the finish. But the wars of northern Eiu-ope
against the south, from the racial point of view, were
not only useless but destructive. Bad as they were,
however, they left untouched to a large extent the
broodland of the race in the north and west.

Another class of wars, however, has been absolutely
deadly to the Nordic race. There must have been count-
less early struggles where one Nordic tribe attacked
and exterminated its rival, such as the Trojan War,
fought between Achaeans and Phrygians, both Nordics,
while the later Peloponnesian War was a purely civil
strife between Greeks and resulted in the racial col-
lapse of Hellas.

Rome, after she emerged triumphant from her
struggle with the Carthaginians, of Mediterranean race,
plunged into a series of civil wars which ended in the
complete elimination of the native Nordic element in
Rome. Her conquests also were destructive to the
Nordic race; particularly so was that of Csesar in
Gaul, one of the few exceptional cases where the north
was permanently conquered by the south. The losses

INTRODUCTION xxix

of that ten-year conquest fell far more heavily upon
the Nordic Celts in Gaul and Britain than on the
servile strata of the population.

In the same way the Saxon conquest of England
destroyed the Nordic Brythons to a greater degree
than the pre-Nordic Neolithic Mediterranean element.
From that time on all the wars of Europe, other than
those against the Asiatics and Saracens, were essen-
tially civil wars fought between peoples or leaders of
Nordic blood.

Mediaeval Europe was one long welter of Nordic
inmiolation until the Wars of the Roses in England,
the Himdred Years' War in the Lowlands, the relig-
ious, revolutionary, and Napoleonic wars in France, and
the ghastly Thirty Years' War in Germany dangerously
depleted the ruling Nordic race and paved the way for
the emergence from obscurity of the servile races which
for ages had been dominated by them.

To what extent the present war has fostered this
tendency, time alone will show, but Mr. Stoddard has
pointed out some of the immediate and visible results.
The backbone of western civiHzation is racially Nordic,
the Alpines and Mediterraneans being effective pre-
cisely to the extent in which they have been Nordicized
and vitalized.

If this great race, with its capacity for leadership
and fighting, should ultimately pass, with it would
pass that which we call civilization. It would be suc-
ceeded by an unstable and bastardized population,
where worth and merit would have no inherent right

XXX INTRODUCTION

to leadership and among which a new and darker age
would blot out our racial inheritance.

Such a catastrophe cannot threaten if the Nordic
race will gather itself together in time, shake off the
shackles of an inveterate altruism, discard the vain
phantom of internationalism, and reassert the pride
of race and the right of merit to iiile.

The Nordic race has been driven from many of its
lands, but still grasps firmly the control of the world,
and it is certainly not at a greater numerical disad-
vantage than often before in contrast to the teeming
population of eastern Asia.

It has repeatedly been confronted with crises where
the accident of battle, or the genius of a leader, saved
a well-nigh hopeless day. It has survived defeat, it
has survived the greater danger of victory, and, if it
takes warning in time, it may face the future with
assurance. Fight it must, but let that fight be not a
civil war against its own blood kindred but against
the dangerous foreign races, whether they advance
sword in hand or in the more insidious guise of beggars
at our gates, pleading for admittance to share our
prosperity. If we continue to allow them to enter they
will in time drive us out of our own land by mere force
of breeding.

The great hope of the future here in America lies in
the realization of the working class that competition
of the Nordic with the alien is fatal, whether the latter
be the lowly immigrant from southern or eastern Eu-
rope or whether he be the more obviously dangerous

INTRODUCTION xxxi

Oriental against whose standards of living the white
man cannot compete. In this country we must look
to such of our people — our farmers and artisans — as
are still of American blood to recognize and meet this
danger.

Our present condition is the result of following the
leadership of idealists and philanthropic doctrinaires,
aided and abetted by the perfectly understandable
demand of our captains of industry for cheap labor.

To-day the need for statesmanship is great, and
greater still is the need for thorough knowledge of
history. All over the world the first has been lacking,
and in the passions of the Great War the lessons of the
past have been forgotten both here and in Europe.

The establishment of a chain of Alpine states from
the Baltic to the Adriatic, as a sequel to the war, all
of them organized at the expense of the Nordic ruling
classes, may bring Europe back to the days when
Charlemagne, marching from the Rhine to the Elbe,
found the vaUey of that river inhabited by heathen
Wends. Beyond lay Asia, and his successors spent a
thousand years pushing eastward the frontiers of Eu-
rope.

Now that Asia, in the guise of Bolshevism with Semitic
leadership and Chinese executioners, is organizing an
assault upon western Europe, the new states — Slavic-
Alpine in race, with Kttle Nordic blood — may prove to
be not frontier guards of western Europe but van-
guards of Asia in central Europe. None of the earlier
Alpine states have held firm against Asia, and it is more

xxxii INTRODUCTION

than doubtful whether Poland, Bohemia, Rumania,
Hungary, and Jugo-Slavia can face the danger success-
fully, now that they have been deprived of the Nordic
ruling classes through democratic institutions.

Democratic ideals among an homogeneous popula-
tion of Nordic blood, as in England or America, is one
thing, but it is quite another for the white man to
share his blood with, or intrust his ideals to, brown,
yellow, black, or red men.

This is suicide pure and simple, and the first victim
of this amazing folly will be the white man himself.

Madison Grant.

New York, March 1, 1930.

PART I
THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

CHAPTER I

THE WORLD OF COLOR

The man who, on a quiet spring evening of the year
1914; opened his atlas to a political map of the world
and pored over its many-tinted patterns probably got
one fundamental impression: the overwhelming pre-
ponderance of the white race in the ordering of the
world's affairs. Judged by accepted canons of state-
craft, the white man towered the indisputable master
of the planet. Forth from Eiu-ope's teeming mother-
hive the imperious Sons of Japhet had swarmed for
centuries to plant their laws, their customs, and their
battle-flags at the uttermost ends of the earth. Two
whole continents. North America and Austraha, had
been made virtually as white in blood as the European
motherland; two other continents. South America
and Africa, had been extensively colonized by white
stocks; while even huge Asia had seen its empty north-
ern march, Siberia, pre-empted for the white man^s
abode. Even where white populations had not locked
themselves to the soil few regions of the earth had
escaped the white man's imperial sway, and vast areas
inhabited by uncounted myriads of dusky folk obeyed
the white man's will.

Beside the enormous area of white settlement or
control, the regions under non-white governance bulked

3

4 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

small indeed. In eastern Asia, China, Japan, and
Siam; in western Asia, Turkey, Afghanistan, and
Persia; in Africa, Abyssinia, and Liberia; and in Amer-
ica the minute state of Haiti: such was the brief Hst
of lands under non-white rule. In other words, of the
53,000,000 square miles which (excluding the polar
regions) constitute the land area of the globe, only
6,000,000 square miles had non-white governments,
and nearly two-thirds of this relatively modest re-
mainder was represented by China and its dependen-
cies.

Since 1914 the world has been convulsed by the
most terrible war in recorded history. This war was
primarily a struggle between the white peoples, who
have borne the brunt of the conflict and have suffered
most of the losses. Nevertheless, one of the war^s
results has been a further whittling down of the areas
standing outside white poHtical control. Turkey is
to-day practically an Anglo-French condominium,
Persia is virtually a protectorate of the British Empire,
while the United States has thrown over the endemic
anarchy of Haiti the segis of the Pax Americana.
Study of the political map might thus apparently lead
one to conclude that white world-predominance is
immutable, since the war^s ordeal has still further
broadened the territorial basis of its authority.

At this point the reader is perhaps asking himself
why this book was ever undertaken. The answer is:
the dangerous delusion created by viewing world af-
fairs solely from the angle of politics. The late war

THE WORLD OF COLOR 5

has taught many lessons as to the unstable and transi-
tory character of even the most imposing political
phenomena, while a better reading of history must
bring home the truth that the basic factor in human
affairs is not poHtics, but race. The reader has already
encountered this fundamental truth on every page of
the Introduction. He will remember, for instance, how
west-central Asia, which in the dawn of history was
predominantly white man's country, is to-day racially
brctwn man's land in which white blood survives only
as vestigial traces of vanishing significance. If this
portion of Asia, the former seat of mighty white em-
pires and possibly the very homeland of the white
race itself, should have so entirely changed its ethnic
character, what assurance can the most impressive
poHtical panorama give us that the present world-order
may not swiftly and utterly pass away ?

The force of this query is exemplified when we turn
from the political to the racial map of the globe.
Whsit a transformation ! Instead of a world poUtically
nine-tenths white, we see a world of which only four-
tenths at the most can be considered predominantly
white in blood, the rest of the world being inhabited
mainly by the other primaiy races of mankind —
yellows, browns, blacks, and reds. Speaking by con-
tinents, Europe, North America to the Rio Grande,
the southern portion of South America, the Siberian
part of Asia, and Australasia constitute the real
white world; while the bulk of Asia, virtually the
whole of Africa, and most of Central and South

6 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

America form the world of color. The respective
areas of these two racially contrasted worlds are 22,-
000,000 square miles for the whites and 31,000,000
square miles for the colored races. Furthermore it
must be remembered that fully one-third of the white
area (notably Australasia and Siberia) is very thinly
inhabited and is thus held by a very slender racial
tenure — ^the only tenure which counts in the long run.

The statistical disproportion between the white
and colored worlds becomes still more marked when
we turn from surveys of area to tables of population.
The total number of human beings ahve to-day is
about 1,700,000,000. Of these 550,000,000 are white,
while 1,150,000,000 are colored. The colored races
thus outnumber the whites more than two to one.
Another fact of capital importance is that the great
bulk of the white race is concentrated in the European
continent. In 1914 the population of Europe was
approximately 450,000,000. The late war has un-
doubtedly caused an absolute decrease of many mil-
lions of souls. Nevertheless, the basic fact remains
that some four-fifths of the entire white race is con-
centrated on less than one-fifth of the white world's
territorial area (Europe), while the remaining one-
fifth of the race (some 110,000,000 souls), scattered to
the ends of the earth, must protect four-fiifths of the
white territorial heritage against the pressure of colored
races eleven times its numerical strength.

As to the 1,150,000,000 of the colored world, they
are divided, as already stated, into four primary cate-

THE WORLD OF COLOR 7

gories: yellows, browns, blacks, and reds. The yel-
lows are the most numerous of the colored races, num-
bering over 500,000,000. Their habitat is eastern
Asia. Nearly as numerous and much more wide-spread
than the yellows are the browns, numbering some
450,000,000. The browns spread in a broad belt from
the Pacific Ocean westward across southern Asia and
northern Africa to the Atlantic Ocean. The blacks
total about 150,000,000. Their centre is Africa south
of the Sahara Desert, but besides the African conti-
nent there are vestigial black traces across southern
Asia to the Pacific and also strong black outposts
in the Americas. Least numerous of the colored
race-stocks are the reds — ^the "Indians" of the western
hemisphere. Mustering a total of less than 40,000,000,
the reds are almost all located south of the Rio Grande
in "Latin America."

Such is the ethnic make-up of that world of color
which, as already seen, outnumbers the white world
two to one. That is a formidable ratio, and its sig-
nificance is heightened by the fact that this ratio seems
destined to shift still further in favor of color. There
can be no doubt that at present the colored races are
increasing very much faster than the white. Treating
the primary race-stocks as units, it would appear that
whites tend to double in eighty years, yellows and
browns in sixty years, blacks in forty years. The
whites are thus the slowest breeders, and they will un-
doubtedly become slower still, since section after sec-
tion of the white race is revealing that lowered birth-

8 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

rate which in France has reached the extreme of a
stationary population.

On the other hand, none of the colored races shows
perceptible signs of declining birth-rate, all tending to
breed up to the limits of available subsistence. Such
checks as now limit the increase of colored popula-
tions are wholly external, like famine, disease, and
tribal warfare. But by a curious irony of fate, the
white man has long been busy removing these checks
to colored multiplication. The greater part of the
colored world is to-day under white poHtical control.
Wherever the white man goes he attempts to im-
pose the bases of his ordered civilization. Hq puts
down tribal war, he wages truceless combat against
epidemic disease, and he so improves communications
t^hat augmented and better distributed food-supplies
minimize the bhght of famine. In response to these
life-saving activities the enormous death-rate which in
the past has kept the colored races from excessive
multiplication is falling to proportions comparable with
the death-rate of white coimtries. ^ But to lower the
colored world's prodigious birth-rate is quite another
matter. The consequence is a portentous increase of
population in nearly every portion of the colored world
now under white political sway. In fact, even those
colored countries which have maintained their inde-
pendence, such as China and Japan, are adopting the
white man's life-conserving methods and are experi-
encing the same accelerated increase of population.

Now what must be the inevitable result of all this?

THE WORLD OF COLOR 9

It can mean only one thing : a tremendous and stead-
ily augmenting outward thrust of surplus colored men
from overcrowded colored homelands. Remember that
these homelands are already populated up to the avail-
able limits of subsistence. Of course present limits
can in many cases be pushed back by better living
conditions, improved agriculture, and the rise of mod-
em machine industry such as is already under way in
Japan. Nevertheless, in view of the tremendous pop-
ulation increases which must occur, these can be only
palliatives. Where, then, should the congested colored
world tend to pour its accumulating human surplus,
inexorably condemned to emigrate or starve? The
answer is: into those emptier regions of the earth
under white political control. But many of these rel-
atively empty lands have been definitely set aside by
the white man as his own special heritage. The up-
shot is that the rising flood of color finds itself walled
in by white dikes debarring it from many a promised
land which it would fain deluge with its dusky waves.
Thus the colored world, long restive under white
pohtical domination, is being welded by the most
fundamental of instincts, the instinct of self-preserva-
tion, into a common solidarity of feeling against the
dominant white man, and in the fire of a common pur-
pose internecine differences tend, for the time at least,
to be burned away. Before the supreme fact of white
political world-domination, antipathies within the
colored world must inevitably recede into the back-
ground.

10 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

The imperious urge of the colored world toward
racial expansion was well visualized by that keen
English student of world affairs, Doctor E. J. Dillon,
when he wrote more than a decade ago: "The problem
is one of life and death — a veritable sphinx-question —
to those most nearly concerned. For, no race, however
inferior it may be, will consent to famish slowly in
order that other people may fatten and take their
ease, especially if it has a good chance to make a fight
for life." 1

This white statement of the colored thesis is an
accurate reflection of what colored men say them-
selves. For example, a Japanese scholar. Professor
Ryutaro Nagai, writes: "The world was not made
for the white races, but for the other races as well.
In AustraKa, South Africa, Canada, and the United
States, there are vast tracts of unoccupied territory
awaiting settlement, and although the citizens of the
ruling Powers refuse to take up the land, no yellow
people are permitted to enter. Thus the white races
seem ready to commit to the savage birds and beasts
what they refuse to intrust to their brethren of the
yellow race. Surely the arrogance and avarice of the
nobility in apportioning to themselves the most and
the best of the land in certain countries is as nothing
compared with the attitude of the white races toward
those of a different hue."^

^ E. J. Dillon, "The Asiatic Problwn," Contemporary Review, Febru-
ary, 1908.

- Ryutaro Nagai in The Japan Magazine. Quoted from The Amerir
can Review of lUviews, July, 1913, p. 107.

THE WORLD OF COLOR 11

The bitter resentment of white predominance and
exclusiveness awakened in many colored breasts is
typified by the following lines penned by a brown
man, a British-educated Afghan, shortly before the
European War. Liveighing against our "racial preju-
dice, that cowardly, wretched caste-mark of the Eu-
ropean and the American the world over," he exult-
antly predicts "a coming struggle between Asia, all
Asia, against Europe and America. You are heaping
up material for a Jehad, a Pan-Islam, a Pan-Asia
Holy War, a gigantic day of reckoning, an invasion of
a new Attila and Tamerlane — ^who will use rifles and
bullets, instead of lances and spears. You are deaf
to the voice of reason and fairness, and so you must
be taught with the whirring swish of the sword when
it is red." ^

Of coiu-se in these statements there is nothing either
exceptional or novel. The colored races never wel-
comed white predominance and were always restive
under white control. Down to the close of the nine-
teenth centuiy, however, they generally accepted
white hegemony as a disagreeable but inevitable fact.
For four hundred years the white man had added con-
tinent to continent in his imperial progress, equipped
with resistless sea-power and armed with a mechanical
superiority that crushed down all local efforts at re-
sistance. In time, therefore, the colored races accord-
ed to white supremacy a fatahstic acquiescence, and,

*Achmet Abdullah, *'Seen Through Mohammedan Spectacles,"
FoTum, October, 1914.

12 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

though never loved, the white man was usually re-
spected and universally feared.

Dui-ing the closing decades of the nineteenth cen-
tury, to be sure, premonitory signs of a change in
attitude began to appear. The yellow and brown
races, at least, stirred by the veiy impact of Western
ideas, measured the white man with a more critical
eye and commenced to wonder whether his supe-
riority was due to an}i;hing more than a fortuitous
combination of circumstances which might be altered
by efforts of their own. Japan put this theory to
the test by gomg sedulously to the white man's
school. The upshot was the Russo-Japanese War of
1904, an event the momentous character of which is
even now not fully appreciated. Of course, that war
was merely the sign-manual of a whole nexus of
forces making for a revivified Asia. But it drama-
tized and clarified ideas which had been germinating
half-imconsciously in millions of colored minds, and
both Asia and Africa thrilled with joy and hope.
Above all, the legend of white invincibility lay, a fallen
idol, in the dust. Nevertheless, though freed from im-
aginary terrors, the colored world accurately gauged
the white man's practical strength and appreciated
the magnitude of the task involved in overthrowing
white supremacy. That supremacy was no longer
acquiesced in as inevitable and hopes of ultimate suc-
cess were confidently entertained, but the process was
usually conceived as a slow and difficult one. Fear of
white power and respect for white civiHzation thus
remained potent restraining factors.

THE WORLD OF COLOR 13

Then came the Great War. The colored world sud-
denly saw the white peoples which, in racial matters
had hitherto maintained something of a united front,
locked in an internecine death-grapple of unparalleled
ferocity; it saw those same peoples put one another
furiously to the ban as irreconcilable foes; it saw white
race-unity cleft by political and moral guKs which
white men themselves continuously iterated would
never be filled. As colored men realized the signifi-
cance of it all, they looked into each other's eyes and
there saw the Hght of undreamed-of hopes. The
white world was tearing itself to pieces. White soli-
darity was riven and shattered. And — ^fear of white
power and respect for white civilization together
dropped away like garments outworn. Through the
bazaars of Asia ran the sibilant whisper: "The East
will see the West to bed ! "

The chorus of mingled exultation, hate, and scorn
soimded from every portion of the colored world.
Chinese scholars, Japanese professors, Hindu pundits,
Turkish journalists, and Afro-American editors, one
and all voiced drastic criticisms of white civilization
and hailed the war as a well-merited Nemesis on white
arrogance and greed. This is how the Constantinople
Tanine, the most serious Turkish newspaper, character-
ized the European Powers: "They would not look at
the evils in their own countries or elsewhere, but inter-
fered at the slightest incident in our borders; every day
they would gnaw at some part of our rights and our
sovereignty; they would perform vivisection on our
quivering flesh and cut off great pieces of it. And we,

14 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

with a forcibly controlled spirit of rebellion in our
hearts and with clinched but powerless fists, silent and
depressed, would murmur as the fire burned within:
'Oh, that they might fall out with one another ! Oh,
that they might eat one another up ! ^ And lo ! to-day
they are eating each other up, just as the Turk wished
they would.' ^*

rhe Afro-American author, W. E. Burghardt Dubois,
wrote of the colored world: "These nations and races,
composing as they do a vast majority of humanity,
are going to endure this treatment just as long as
they must and not a moment longer. Then they are
going to fight, and the War of the Color Line will
outdo in savage inhxmaanity any war this world has
yet seen. For colored folk have much to remember
and they will not forget."^

"What does the European War mean to us Orien-
tals?" queried the Japanese writer, Yone Noguchi.
"It means the saddest downfall of the so-called west-
em civilization; our beUef that it was builded upon a
higher and sounder footing than ours was at once
knocked down and killed; we are sorry that we some-
how overestimated its happy possibility and were de-
ceived and cheated by its superficial glory. My recent
western journey confirmed me that the so-caUed dy-
namic western civiHzation was all against the Asiatic
belief. And when one does not respect the others,

* Quoted from The Literary Digest, October 24, 1914, p. 784.
2W. E. Burghardt Dubois "The African Roots of War," AOarUie
Monthly, May, 1915.

THE WORLD OF COLOR 15

there will be only one thing to come, that is, fight, in
action or silence." ^

Such was the colored world^s reaction to the white
death-grapple, and as the long struggle dragged on
both Asia and Africa stirred to their very depths. To
be sure, no great explosions occurred during the war
years, albeit lifting veils of censorship reveal how nar-
rowly ^such explosions were averted. Nevertheless,
Asia and Africa are to-day in acute ferment, and we
must not forget that this ferment is not primarily due
to the war. The war merely accelerated a movement
already existent long before 1914. Even if the Great
War had been averted, the twentieth century must
have been a time of wide-spread racial readjustments
in which the white man's present position of political
world-domination would have been sensibly modified,
especially in Asia. However, had the white race and
white civilization been spared the terrific material and
moral losses involved in the Great War and its still
imliquidated aftermath, the process of racial readjust-
ment would have been far more gradual and would
have been fraught with far fewer cataclysmic possibili-
ties. Had white strength remained intact it would have
acted as a powerful shock-absorber, taking up and dis-
tributing the various colored impacts. As a result,
the coming modification of the world's racial equilib-
rium, though inevitable, would have been so graduated
that it would have seemed more an evolution than a

» Yone Noguchi, "The Downfall of Western Civilization," The No-
tim (New York), October 8, 1914.

16 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

revolution. Such \dolent breaches as did occur might
have been locaHzed, and anything like a general race-
cataclysm would probably have been impossible.

But it was not to be. The heart of the white world
was divided against itself, and on the fateful 1st of
August, 1914, the white race, forgetting ties of blood
and culture, heedless of the growing pressure of the
colored world without, locked in a battle to the death.
An ominous cycle opened whose end no man can fore-
see. Armageddon engendered Versailles; earth^s worst
war closed with an unconstructive peace which left
old sores unhealed and even dealt fresh wounds. The
white world to-day Hes debihtated and uncured; the
colored world views conditions which are a standing
incitement to rash dreams and violent action.

Such is the present status of the world's race-problem,
expressed in general terms. The analysis of the speci-
fic elements in that complex problem will form the
subject of the succeeding chapters.

CHAPTER II

YELLOW MAN'S LANTD

Yellow Man's Land is the Far East. Here the
group of kindred stocks usually termed Mongolian
have dwelt for unnumbered ages. Down to the most
recent times the yellows hved virtually a life apart.
Simdered from the rest of mankind by stupendous
mountains, burning deserts, and the illimitable ocean,
the Far East constituted a world in itself, living its
own life and developing its own pecuhar civihzation.
Only the wild nomads o^ its northern marches — Huns,
Mongols, Tartars, and the like — ^succeeded in gaining
direct contact with the brown and white worlds to the
West.

The ethnic focus of the yellow world has always
been China. Since the dawn of history this immense
human gangUon has been the centre from which civih-
zation has radiated throughout the Far East. About
this "Middle Kingdom," as it sapiently styled itself,
the other yellow folk were disposed — ^Japanese and
Koreans to the east; Siamese, Annamites, and Cam-
bodians to the south; and to the north the nomad
Mongols and Maachus. To all these peoples China
was the august preceptor, sometimes chastising their
presumption, yet always instilHng the principles of its
ordered civilization. However diverse may have been

17

18 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

the individual developments of the various Far East-
em peoples, they spring from a conmion Chinese
foundation. Despite modem Japan^s meteoric rise
to political mastery of the Far East, it must not be
forgotten that China remains not only the cultural
but also the territorial and racial centre of the yellow
world. Four-fifths of the yellow race is concentrated
in China, there being nearly 400,000,000 Chinese as
against 60,000,000 Japanese, 16,000,000 Koreans, 26,-
000,000 Indo-Chinese, and perhaps 10,000,000 people
of non-Chinese stocks included within China^s political
frontiers.

The age-long seclusion of the yellow world, first
decreed by nature, was subsequently maintained by
the voluntary decision of the yellow peoples themselves.
The great expansive movement of the white race which
began four centuries ago soon brought white men to
the Far East, by sea in the persons of the Portuguese
navigators and by land with the Cossack adventurers
ranging through the empty spaces of Siberia. Yet
after a brief acquaintance with the white strangers the
yellow world decided that it wanted none of them, and
they were rigidly excluded. This exclusion policy was
not a Chinese peculiarity; it was common to all the
yellow peoples and was adopted spontaneously at
about the same time. In China, Japan, Korea, and
Indo-China, the same reaction produced the same re-
sults. The yellow world instinctively felt the white
man to be a destmctive, dissolving influence on its
highly speciaUzed hne of evolution, which it wished to

YELLOW MAN'S LAND 19

maintain unaltered. For three centuries the yellow
world succeeded in maintaining its isolation, then, in
the middle of the last century, insistent white pressure
broke down the barriers and forced the yellow races
into full contact with the outer world.

At the moment, the "opening" of the Far East was
hailed by white men with general approval, but of late
years many white observers have regretted this forcible
dragging of reluctant races into the full stream of world
affairs. As an Australian writer, J. Liddell Kelly,
remarks: "We have erred grievously by prematurely
forcing ourselves upon Asiatic races. The instinct of
the Asiatic in desiring isolation and separation from
other forms of civilization was much more correct than
our craze for imposing our forms of religion, morals,
and industrialism upon them. It is not race-hatred,
nor even race-antagonism, that is at the root of this
attitude; it is an unerring intuition, which in years
gone by has taught the Asiatic that his evolution in
the scale of civilization could best be accomphshed by
his being allowed to develop on his own lines. Per-
nicious European compulsion has led him to abandon
that attitude. Let us not be ashamed to confess that
he was right and we were wrong." ^

However, rightly or wrongly, the deed was done, and
the yellow races, forced into the world-arena, proceeded
to adapt themselves to their new political environment
and to learn the correct methods of survival under the

I J. Liddell Kelly, "What is the Matter with the Asiatic?" West-
minster Review^ Septemb^, 1910.

20 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

strenuous conditions which there prevailed. In place
of their traditional equilibrated, self-sufficient order,
the yellow peoples now felt the ubiquitous impacts
of the d^Tiamic Western spirit, insistent upon rapid
material progress and forceful, expansive evolution.
Japan was the first yellow people to go methodically
to the white man's school, and Japan's rapid acquire-
ment of the white man's technology soon showed itself
in dramatic demonstrations like her military triumphs
over China in 1894, and over Russia a decade later.

Japan's easy victory over huge China astounded the
whole world. That these '^highly intelligent children,"
as one of the early British ministers to Japan had char-
acterized them, should have so rapidly acquired the
technique of Western methods was almost unbelievable.
Indeed, the full significance of the lesson was not im-
mediately grasped, and the power of New Japaa was
still underestimated. A good example of Europe's
underestimation of Japanese strength was the proposal
a Dutch writer made in 1896 to curb possible Japanese
aggression on the Dutch Indies by taking from Japan
the island of Formosa which Japan had acquired from
China as one of the fruits of victory. "Holland,"
asserted this writer, "must take possession of For-
mosa." ^ The grotesqueness of this dictum as it appears
to us in the Hght of subsequent history shows how the
world has moved in twenty-five years.

But even at that time Japan's expansionist ten-

* Professor Schlegel in the Hague Dagblad. Quoted from The Liter-
ary Digest, November 7, 1896, p. 24.

YELLOW MAN^S LAND 21

dencies were well developed, and voices were warning
against Japanese imperialism. In the very month
when our Hollander was advocating a Dutch seizm^e of
Formosa, an AustraHan wrote the following lines in a
Melbomne newspaper concerning his recent travels in
Japan: "While in a car with several Japanese officers,
they were conversing about Austraha, saving that it
was a fine, large countr}^, wdth great forests and excel-
lent soil for the cultivation of rice and other products.
The whites settled in Austraha, so thought these
officers, are like the dog in the manger. Some one
will have to take a good part of Austraha to develop
it, for it is a pity to see so fine a country lying waste.
If any ill-feeling arose between the two countries, it
would be a wise thing to send some battleships to
Austraha and annex part of it.''^

Whatever may have been the world^s misreading of
the Chino-Japanese conffict, the same cannot be said
of the Russo-Japanese War of 1904. The echoes of
that yellow triumph over one of the great white Powers
reverberated to the ends of the earth and started ob-
scure trains of consequences even to-day not yet fully
disclosed. The war's reactions in these remoter fields
will be discussed in later chapters. Its effect upon the
Far East is our present concern. And the well-nigh
unanimous opinion of both natives and resident Euro-
peans was that the war signified a body-blow to white
ascendancy. So profoimd an Enghsh student of the

^ Audley Coote in the Melbourne Argxis. Quoted from The Literary
Digest^ November 7, 1896, p. 24.

22 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

Orient as Meredith Townsend wrote: ^'It may be
taken as certain that the victory of Japan will be pro-
foundly felt by the majority of European states.
With the exception of Austria, all European countries
have implicated themselves in the great effort to con-
quer Asia, which has now been going on for two cen-
turies, but which, as this author thinks, must now
terminate. . . . The disposition, therefore, to edge out
intrusive Europeans from their Asiatic possessions is
certain to exist even if it is not manifested in Tokio,
and it may be fostered by a movement of which, as
yet, but Httle has been said. No one who has ever
studied the question doubts that as there is a comity
of Europe, so there is a comity of Asia, a disposition to
believe that Asia belongs of right to Asiatics, and that
any event which brings that right nearer to realization
is to all Asiatics a pleasurable one. Japanese victories
will give new heart and energy to all the Asiatic na-
tions and tribes which now fret under European rule,
will inspire in them a new confidence in their own power
to resist, and will spread through them a strong im-
pulse to avail themselves of Japanese instruction. It
will take, of course, many years to bring this new force
into play; but time matters nothing to Asiatics, and
they all possess that capacity for complete secrecy T^hich
the Japanese displayed."^

That Meredith Townsend was reading the Asiatic
mind aright seems clear from the pronoimcements of

^Meredith Townsend, "Asia and Europe" (fourth edition, 1911).
From the preface to the fourth edition, pages xvii-xix.

YELLOW MAN'S LAND 23

Orientals themselves. For example. Buddhism^ of Ran-
goon, Burmah, a country of the Indo-Chinese border-
land between the yellow and brown worlds, expressed
hopes for an Oriental alliance against the whites. "It
would, we think," said this paper, "be no great wonder
if a few years after the conclusion of this war saw the
completion of a defensive alliance between Japan,
China, and not impossibly Siam — ^the formulation of a
new Monroe Doctrine for the Far East, guaranteeing
the integrity of existing states against further aggression
from the West. The West has justified — ^perhaps with
some reason — every aggression on weaker races by the
doctrine of the Survival of the Fittest; on the ground
that it is best for future humanity that the unfit
should be eliminated and give place to the most able
race. That doctrine applies equally well to any possible
struggle between Aryan and Mongolian — ^whichever
survives, should it ever come to a struggle between the
two for world-mastery, will, on their own doctrine, be
the one most fit to do so, and if the survivor be the
Mongolian, then is the MongoHan no 'peril' to hu-
manity, but the better part of it.'' *

The decade which elapsed between the Russo-
Japanese and European Wars saw in the Far East an-
other event of the first magnitude : the Chinese Revolu-
tion of 1911. Toward the close of the nineteenth
century the world had been earnestly discussing the
"break-up" of China. The huge empire, with its
400,000,000 of people, one-fourth the entire human race,

* Quoted from The American Review of Reviews, February, 1905, p. 219.

24 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

seemed at that time plunged in so hopeless a lethargy
as to be foredoomed to speedy ruin. About the ap-
parently moribund carcass the eagles of the earth were
already gathered, planning a "partition of China'*
analogous to the recent partition of Africa. The parti-
tion of Cliina, however, never came off. The prodigi-
ous moral shock of the Japanese War roused China's
elite to the inominence of their coimtry's peril. First
attempts at reform were blocked by the Dowager
Empress, but her reactionary lurch ended in the Boxer
nightmare and the frightful Occidental chastisement of
1900. This time the lesson was learned. China was
at last shaken broad awake. The Bourbon Manchu
court, it is true, wavered, but popular pressure forced
it to keep the upward path. Every year after 1900 saw
increasingly rapid reform — reform, be it noted, not
imposed upon the country from above but forced upon
the rulers from below. When the slow-footed Manchus
showed themselves congenitally incapable of keeping
step with the quickening national pace, the rising tide
of national Hfe overwhelmed them in the RepubHcan
Revolution of 1911, and they were no more.

Even with the Manchu handicap, the rate of prog-
ress during those years was such as to amaze the
wisest foreign observers. " Could the sage, Confucius,
have returned a decade ago," wrote that ^'old China
hand,'' W. R. Manning, in 1910, "he would have felt
almost as much at home as when he departed twenty-
five centuries before. Should he return a decade hence
he will feel almost as much out of place as Rip Van

YELLOW MAN'S LAND 25

Winkle, if the recent rate of progress continues."^
Toward the close of 1909 a close student of things
Chinese, Harlan P. Beach, remarked: ^^ Those who, like
myself, can compare the China of twenty-five years
ago with the China of this year, can hardly beHeve our
senses." 2 It was on top of all this that there came the
revolution, a happening hailed by so sophisticated an
observer as Doctor Dillon as 'Hhe most momentous
event in a thousand years. ' ' ^ Whatever may have been
the pohtical blunders of the revolutionists (and they
were many), the revolution's moral results were
stupendous. The stream of Western innovation flowed
at a vastly accelerated pace into every Chinese province.
The popular masses were for the first time awakened
to genuine interest in political, as distinguished from
economic or personal, questions. Lastly, the semi-
religious feeling of family kinship, which in the past
had been almost the sole recognized bond of Chinese
race-solidarity, was powerfully supplemented by those
distinctively modem concepts, national seK-conscious-
ness and articulate patriotism.

Here was the Far Eastern situation at the out-
break of the Great War — a thoroughly modernized,
powerful Japan, and a thoroughly aroused, but still
disorganized, China. The Great War automatically
made Japan supreme in the Far East by temporarily

^W. R. Manning, "China and the Powers Since the Boxer Move-
ment," American Journal of International Law, October, 1910.

^ Quoted by Manning, supra.

2 E. J. Dillon, "The Most Momentous Event in a Thousand Years,"
Contemporary Review, December, 1911.

26 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

reducing all the European Powers to ciphers in Oriental
affairs. How Japan proceeded to buttress this su-
premacy by getting a strangle-hold on China, every
one knows. Japan's methods were brutal and cjmical,
though not a whit more so than the methods employed
by white nations seeking to attain vital ends. And
''vital" is precisely how Japan regards her hold over
China. An essentially poor country with a teeming
population, Japan feels that the exploitation of China's
incalculable natural resources, a privileged position
in the Chinese market, and guidance of Chinese na-
tional evolution in ways not inimical to Japan, can alone
assure her future.

Japan's attitude toward her huge neighbor is one
of mingled superiority and apprehension. She banks
on China's traditional pacifism, yet she is too shrewd
not to realize the explosive possibilities latent in the
modem nationaUst idea. As a Japanese publicist,
Adachi Kinnosuke, remarks: "The Twentieth Cen-
tury Jenghiz Khan threatening the "Sun-Flag with a
Mongol horde armed with Krupp guns may possibly
strike the Western sense of humor. But it is not al-
together pleasing to contemplate a neighbor of 400,-
000,000 population with modem armament and soldiers
trained on the modem plan. The awakening of China
means all this and a little more which we of the present
are not sure of. Japan cannot forget that between this
nightmare of armed China and herself there is only a
very narrow sea."^ Certainly, "Young China" has

1 Adachi Kinnosuke, "Does Japanese Trade Endanger the Peace of
Asia?" World's Work, April, 1909.

YELLOW MAN^S LAND 27

already displayed much of that unpleasant ebullience
which usually accompanies nationaUst awakenings.
A French observer, Jean Rodes, writes on this point:
"One of the things that most disquiet thinking men
is that this new generation, completely neglecting Chi-
nese studies while knowing nothing of Western science,
yet convinced that it knows everything, will no longer
possess any standard of values, national culture, or
foreign culture. We can only await with apprehen-
sion the results of such ignorance united with un-
bounded pride as characterize the Chinese youth of
to-day."^ And another French observer, Rene Pinon,
as far back as 1905, found the primary school children
of Kiang-Su province chanting the following lines:
"I pray that the frontiers of my country become
hard as bronze; that it surpass Europe and America;
that it subjugate Japan; that its land and sea armies
cover themselves with resplendent glory; that over the
whole earth float the Dragon Standard; that the uni-
versal mastery of the empire extend and progress.
May our empire, like a sleeping tiger suddenly awak-
ened, spring roaring into the arena of combats." ^

Japan's masterful policy in China is thus unques-
tionably hazardous. Chinese national feeling is to-
day genuinely aroused against Japan, and resentment
over Japanese encroachments is bitter and wide-spread.
Nevertheless, Japan feels that the game is worth the
risk and believes that both Chinese race-psychology
and the general drift of world affairs combine to favor

^ Jean Rodes in UAsie Frangaise, June, 1911.

*Ren^ Pinon, "La Lutte pour le Pacifique," p. 152 (Paris, 1906).

28 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

her ultimate success. She knows that China has in
the past always acquiesced in foreign domination when
resistance has proved patently impossible. She also
feels that her aspirations for white expulsion from the
Far East and for the winning of wider spheres for racial
expansion should appeal strongly to yellow peoples
generally and to the Chinese in particular. To turn
China^s nascent nationalism into purely anti-white
channels and to transmute Chinese patriotism into a
wider 'Tan-Mongolism" would constitute a Japanese
triumph of incalculable splendor. It would increase
her effective force manyfold and would open up almost
limitless vistas of power and glory.

Nor are the Chinese themselves blind to the ad-
vantages of Chino-Japanese co-operation. They have
an instinctive assurance in their own capacities, they
know how they have ultimately digested all their
conquerors, and many Chinese to-day think that from
a Chino-Japanese partnership, no matter how framed,
the inscrutable "Sons of Han" would eventually get
the lion's share. Certainly no one has ever denied the
Chinaman's extraordinary economic efficiency. Win-
nowed by ages of grim elimination in a land populated
to the uttermost limits of subsistence, the Chinese
race is selected as no other for survival under the fierc-
est conditions of economic stress. At home the aver-
age Chinese lives his whole Hfe Hterally within a hand's
breadth of starvation. Accordingly, when removed
to the easier environment of other lands, the China-
man brings with him a working capacity which simply
appalls his competitors. That urbane Celestial, Doctor

YELLOW MAN'S LAND 29

Wu-Ting-Fang, well says of his own people: ^^Experi-
ence proves that the Chinese as all-round laborers can
easily outdistance all competitors. They are industri-
ous, intelligent, and orderly. They can work under
conditions that would kill a man of less hardy race;
in heat that would kill a salamander, or in cold that
would please a polar bear, sustaining their energies
through long hours of unremitting toil with only a few
bowls of rice."^ This Chinese estimate is echoed by
the most competent foreign observers. The Austra-
lian thinker, Charles H. Pearson, wrote of the Chinese
a generation ago in his epoch-making book, '^National
Life and Character'': ^^ Flexible as Jews, they can
thrive on the mountain plateaux of Thibet and under
the sun of Singapore; more versatile even than Jews,
they are excellent laborers, and not without merit
as soldiers and sailors; while they have a capacity for
trade which no other nation of the East possesses.
They do not need even the accident of a man of genius
to develop their magnificent future." ^ And Lafcadio
Heam says: ''A people of hundreds of millions dis-
ciplined for thousands of years to the most untiring
industry and the most self-denying thrift, under con-
ditions which would mean worse than death for our
working masses — a people, in short, quite content to
strive to the uttermost in exchange for the simple
privilege of life." ^

^Quoted by Alleyne Ireland, "Commercial Aspects of the Yellow
Peril," North American Review, September, 1900.

2 Charles H. Pearson, "National Life and Character," p. 118 (2d
edition).

* Quoted by Ireland, swpra.

30 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

This economic superiority of the Chinaman shows
not only with other races, but with his yellow kindred
as well. As regards the Japanese, John Chinaman has
proved it to the hilt. Wherever the two have met in
economic competition, John has won hands down.
Even in Japanese colonies like Korea and Formosa,
the Japanese, with all the backing of their government
behind them, have been worsted. In fact, Japan it-
self, so bitter at white refusals to receive her emigrants,
has been obliged to enact drastic exclusion laws to
protect her working classes from the influx of "Chinese
cheap labor." It seems, therefore, a just calculation
when Chinese estimate that Japanese triumphs against
white adversaries would inure largely to China's bene-
fit. After aU, Chinese and Japanese are fundamentally
of the same race and culture. They may have their
very bitter family quarrels, but in the last analysis they
imderstand each other and may arrive at surprisingly
sudden agreements. One thing is certain: both these
over-populated lands will feel increasingly the imperi-
ous need of racial expansion. For all these reasons,
then, the present political tension between China and
Japan cannot be reckoned as permanent, and we
would do well to envisage the possibility of close Chinese
co-operation in the ambitious programme of Japanese
foreign policy.

This Japanese programme looks first to the preven-
tion of all further white encroachment in the Far East
by the establishment of a Far Eastern Monroe Doc-
trine based on Japanese predominance and backed

YELLOW MAN'S LAND 31

if possible by the moral support of the other Far
Eastern peoples. The next stage in Japanese foreign
poHcy seems to be the systematic elimination of all
existing white holdings in the Far East. Thus far
practically all Japanese appear to be in substantial
agreement. Beyond this point lies a wide realm of
aspiration ranging from determination to secure com-
plete racial equality and freedom of immigration into
white lands to imperialistic dreams of wholesale con-
quests and "world-dominion." These last items do
not represent the united aspiration of the Japanese
nation, but they are cherished by powerful circles
which, owing to Japan's oligarchical system of govern-
ment, possess an influence over governmental action
quite disproportionate to their numbers.

Although Japanese plans and aspirations have broad-
ened notably since 1914, their outlines were well de-
fined a decade earHer. Lnmediately after her victory
over Russia, Japan set herself to strengthen her in-
fluence all over eastern Asia. Special efforts were made
to estabhsh intimate relations with the other Asiatic
peoples. Asiatic students were invited to attend Jap-
anese imiversities and as a matter of fact did attend
by the thousand, while a whole series of societies was
formed having for their object the knitting of close
cultural and economic ties between Japan and specific
regions like China, Siam, the Pacific, and even India.
The capstone was a "Pan-Asiatic Association," founded
by Count Okuma. Some of the facts regarding these
societies, about which too little is known, make in-

32 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

teresting reading. For instance, there was the "Pacific
Ocean Society" ("Taheijoka"), whose preamble reads
in part: '^For a century the Pacific Ocean has been a
battle-ground wherein the nations have struggled for
supremacy. To-day the prosperity 6y decadence of a
nation depends on its power in the Pacific: to possess
the empire of the Pacific is to be the Master of the
World. As Japan finds itself at the centre of that
Ocean, whose waves bathe its shores, it must reflect
carefully and have clear views on Pacific questions."^
Equally interesting is the " Indo-Japanese Associa-
tion," whose activities appear somewhat pecuHar in
view of the political alHance between Japan and the
British Empire. One of the first articles of its consti-
tution (from Count Okuma's pen, by the way) reads :
"All men were bom equal. The Asiatics have the same
claim to be called men as the Europeans themselves.
It is therefore quite unreasonable that the latter
should have any right to predominate over the former."^
No mention is made anywhere in the document of
India's political connection with England. In fact,
Coimt Okuma, in the autumn of 1907, had this to say
regarding India: "Being oppressed by the Europeans,
the 300,000,000 people of India are looking for Japanese
protection. They have commenced to boycott Euro-
pean merchandise. If, therefore, the Japanese let the
chance sUp by and do not go to India, the Indians will

* Quoted by Scie-Ton-Fa, "La Chine et le J^>on," Bevue Politique
iTdernationale, September, 1915.
« The Literary Digest, March 5, 1910, p. 429.

YELLOW MAN'S LAND 33

be disappointed. From old times, India has been a
laad of treasure. Alexander the Great obtained there
treasure sufficient to load a hundred camels, and
Mahmoud and Attila also obtained riches from Lidia.
Why should not the Japanese stretch out their hands
toward that country, now that the people are looking
to the Japanese ? The Japanese ought to go to India,
the South Ocean, and other parts of the world." ^

In 1910, Putnam Weale, a competent English student
of Oriental affairs, asserted: "It can no longer be
doubted that a very dehberate poHcy is certainly being
quietly and cleverly pursued. Despite all denials, it
is a fact that Japan has already a great hold in
the schools and in the vernacular newspapers all over
eastern Asia, and that the gospel of 'Asia for the
Asiatics' is being steadily preached not only by her
schoolmasters and her editors, but by her merchants
and peddlers, and every other man who travels."^

Exactly how much these Japanese propagandist ef-
forts accomplished is impossible to say. Certain it is,
however, that during the years just previous to the
Great War the white colonies in the Far East were
afflicted with considerable native unrest. In French
Indo-China, for example, revolutionary movements
during the year 1908 necessitated reinforcing the
French garrison by nearly 10,000 men, and though the
disturbances were sternly repressed, fresh conspiracies

^ The Literary Digest, January 18, 1908, p. 81.

2B. L. Putnam Weale, ''The Conflict of Color," pp. 145-6 (New
York, 1910).

34 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

were discovered in 1911 and 1913. Much sedition and
some sharp fighting also took place in the Dutch Indies,
while in the Phihppines the independence movement
continued to gain ground.

What the growing self -consciousness of the Far East
portended for the white man's ultimate status in those
regions was indicated by an English publicist, J. D.
Whelpley, who wrote, shortly after the outbreak of the
European War: ^^With the aid of Western ideas the
Far East is fast attaining a solidarity impossible under
purely Oriental methods. The smug satisfaction ex-
pressed in the West at what is called the ^moderniza-
tion' of the East shows lack of wisdom or an in-
effective grasp of the meaning of comparatively recent
events in Japan, China, eastern Siberia, and even in
the Philippines. In years past the solidarity of the
Far East was largely in point of view, while in other
matters the powerful nations of the West played the
game according to their own rules. To-day the soH-
darity of mental outlook still maintains, while in addi-
tion there is rapidly coming about a solidarity of
political and material interests which in time will re-
duce Western participation in Far Eastern affairs to
that of a comparatively unimportant factor. It might
truly be said that this point is already reached, and
that it only needs an application of the test to prove
to the world that the Far East would resent Western
interference as an intolerable impertinence."^

1 J. D. Whelpley, ''East and West: A New Line of Cleavage," Fwt-
nightly Review, May, 1915.

YELLOW MAN^S LAND 35

The scope of Japan's aspirations; together with dif-
ferences of outlook between various sections of Japanese
pubHc opinion as to the rate of progress feasible for
Japanese expansion, account for Japan's differing atti-
tudes toward the white Powers. Officially, the key-
stone of Japan's foreign policy since the beginning of
the present century has been the alliance with England,
first negotiated in 1902 and renewed with extensive
modifications in 1911. The 1902 alliance was univer-
sally popular in Japan. It was directed specifically
against Russia and represented the common appre-
hensions of both the contracting parties. By 1911,
however, the situation had radically altered. Japan's
aspirations in the Far East, particularly as regards
China, were arousing wide-spread uneasiness in many
quarters, and the English conmiunities in the Far East
generally condemned the new alliance as a gross blunder
of British diplomacy. In Japan also there was con-
siderable protest. The official organs, to be sure,
stressed the necessity of friendship with the Mistress
of the Seas for an island empire like Japan, but op-
position circles pointed to England's practical refusal
to be drawn into a war with the United States under
any circimistances which constituted the outstanding
feature of the new treaty and declared that Japan was
giving much and receiving nothing in return.

The growing divergence between Japanese and Eng-
lish views regarding China increased anti-EngHsh feel-
ing, and in 1912 the semi-official Japan Magazine as-
serted roimdly that the general feeling in Japan was

36 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

that the alliance was a detriment rather than a benefit,
going on to forecast a possible alignment with Russia
and Germany, and remarking of the latter: ^^ Germany's
healthy imperialism and scientific development would
have a wholesome effect upon our nation and progress,
while the German habit of perseverance and frugahty
is just what we need. German wealth and industry are
gradually creeping upward to that of Great Britain
and America, and the efficiency of the German army
and navy is a model for the world. Her lease of the
territory of Kiaochow Bay brings her into contact with
us, and her ambition to exploit the coal-mines of Shan-
tung lends her a community of interest with us. It is
not too much to say that German interests in China
are greater than those of any other European Power.
If the alliance with England should ever be abrogated,
we might be very glad to shake hands with Germany. '^ ^
The outbreak of the European War gave Japan a
golden opportunity (of which she was not slow to take
advantage) to eliminate one of the white Powers from
the Far East. The German stronghold of Kiaochow
was promptly reduced, while Germany's possessions
in the Pacific Ocean north of the equator, the Caroline,
Pelew, Marianne, and Marshall island-groups, were
likewise occupied by Japanese forces. Here Japan
stopped and politely declined all proposals to send
armies to Europe or western Asia. Her sphere was the
Far East; her real objectives were the reduction of
white influence there and the riveting of her control

1 The Literary Digest, July 6, 1912, p. 9.

YELLOW MAN'S LAND 37

over China. Japanese comment was perfectly can-
did on these matters. As the semi-official Japanese
Colonial Journal put it in the autumn of 1914: ^^To
protect Chinese territory Japan is ready to fight no
matter what nation. Not only will Japan try to erase
the ambitions of Russia and Germany; it will also
do its best to prevent England and the Unjted States
from touching the Chinese cake. The solution of the
Chinese problem is of great importance for Japan, and
Great Britain has Httle to do with it.'^^

Equally frank were Japanese warnings to the English
ally not to oppose Japan's progress in China. EngHsh
criticism of the series of ultimatums by which Japan
forced reluctant China to do her bidding roused angry
admonitions like the following from the Tokio Universe
in April, 1915: ^'Hostile English opinion seems to
want to oppose Japanese demands in China. The
EngHsh forget that Japan has, by her alliance, rendered
them signal services against Russia in 1905 and in the
present war by assuring security in their colonies of the
Pacific and the Far East. If Japan allied herseK with
England, it was with the object of establishing Japanese
preponderance in China and against the encroachments
of Russia. To-day the EngHsh seem to be neglecting
their obHgations toward Japan by not supporting her
cause. Let England beware ! Japan will tolerate no
wavering; she is quite ready to abandon the Anglo-
Japanese aUiance and turn to Russia — a Power with
whom she can agree perfectly regarding Far Eastern

1 Quoted by Scie-Ton-Fa, supra.

38 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

interests. In the future, even, she is ready to draw
closer to Germany. The English colonies will then be
in great peril." ^

As to the imminence of a Russo-Japanese understand-
ing, the journal just quoted proved a true prophet, for
a year later, in July, 1916, the Japanese and Russian
Governments signed a diplomatic instrument which
amounted practically to an alliance. By this docu-
ment Russia recognized Japan's paramountcy over the
bulk of China, while Japan recognized Russia's special
interests in China's Western dependencies, MongoHa
and Turkestan. Japan had thus eliminated another
of the white Powers from the Far East, since Russia
renounced those ambitions to dominate China proper
which had provoked the war of 1904.

Meanwhile the press campaign against England con-
tinued. A typical sample is this editorial from the
Tokio Yamato: '^ Great Britain never wished at heart
to become Japan's ally. She did not wish to enter into
such intimate relations with us, for she privately re-
garded us as an upstart nation radically different from
us in blood and religion. It was simply the force of
circumstances which compelled her to enter into an
alliance with us. It is the height of conceit on our
part to think that England really cared for our friend-
ship, for she never did. It was the Russian menace
to India and Persia on the one hand, and the German
ascendancy on the other, which compelled her to clasp
our hands." 2

* Quoted by Scie-Ton-Fa, supra.

3 The Literary Digest, February 12, 1916, pp. 369-70.

YELLOW MAN'S LAND 39

At the same time many good things were being said
about Germany. At no time during the war was any
real hostility to the Germans apparent in Japan. Ger-
many was of course expelled from her Far Eastern foot-
holds in smart, workmanlike fashion, but the fighting
before Kiaochow was conducted without a trace of
hatred; the German prisoners were treated as honored
captives, and German civiHans in Japan suffered no
molestation. Japanese writers were very frank in stat-
ing that, once Germany resigned herself to exclusion
from the Far East and acquiesced in Japanese pre-
dominance in China, no reason existed why Japan
and Germany should not be good friends. Unofficial
diplomatic exchanges certainly took place between the
two governments during the war, and no rancor for
the past appears to exist on either side to-day.

The year 1917 brought three momentous modificar
tions into the world-situation: the entrance of the
United States and China into the Great War and the
Russian Revolution. The first two were intensely dis-
tasteful to Japan. The transformation of virtually un-
armed America into a first-class fighting power reacted
portentously upon the Far East, while China's adhesion
to the Grand Alliance (bitterly opposed in Tokio)
rescued her from diplomatic isolation and gave her
potential friends. The Russian Revolution was also
a source of perplexity to Tokio. In 1916, as we have
seen, Japan had arrived at a thorough understanding
with the Czarist regime. The new Russian Govern-
ment was an unknown quantity, acting quite differently
from the old.

40 THE RISING TIDE OP COLOR

Russians collapse into Bolshevist anarchy, however,
presently opened up new vistas. Not merely northern
Manchuria, but also the huge expanse of Siberia, an
almost empty world of vast potential riches, lay
temptingly exposed. At once the powerful imperialist
elements in Japanese political hfe began clamoring
for '^forward" action. An opportunity for such action
was soon vouchsafed by the Allied determination to
send a composite force to Siberia to checkmate the
machinations of the Russian Bolsheviki, now hostile
to the AlHes and playing into the hands of Ger-
many. The imperialist party at Tokio took the bit
in its teeth, and, in flagrant disregard of the inter-
Allied agreement, poured a great army into Siberia,
occupying the whole country as far west as Lake
Baikal. This was in the spring of 1918. The AUies,
then in their supreme death-grapple with the Germans,
dared not even protest, but in the autimin, when the
battle-tide had turned in Europe, Japan was called to
account, the United States taking the lead in the
matter. A furious debate ensued at Tokio between the
imperialist and moderate parties, the hotter jingoes
urging defiance of the United States even at the risk
of war. Then, suddenly, came the news that Germany
was cracking, and the moderates had their way. The
Japanese armies in Siberia were reduced, albeit they
still remained the most powerful mihtary factor in the
situation.

Germany's sudden collapse and the imexpectedly
quick ending of the war was a blow to Japanese hopes

YELLOW MAN'S LAND 41

and plans in more ways than one. Despite official
felicitations, the nation could hardly disguise its
chagrin. For Japan the war had been an unmixed
benefit. It had automatically made her mistress of
the Far East and had amazingly enriched her eco-
nomic life. Every succeeding month of hostilities had
seen the white world grow weaker and had conversely
increased Japanese power. Japan had counted on at
least one more year of war. Small wonder that the
sudden passing of this halcyon time provoked disap-
pointment and regret.

The above outline of Japanese foreign policy re-
veals beneath all its surface mutations a fundamental
continuity. Whatever may be its ultimate goals,
Japanese foreign policy has one minimum objective:
Japan as hegemon of a Far East in which white influ-
ence shall have been reduced to a vanishing quantity.
That is the bald truth of the matter — and no white
man has any reason for getting indignant about it.
Granted that Japanese aims endanger white vested
interests in the Far East. Granted that this involves
rivalry and perhaps war. That is no reason for strik-
ing a moral attitude and inveighing against Japanese
"wickedness/^ as many people are to-day doing. These
mighty racial tides flow from the most elemental of
vital urges : self-expansion and self-preservation. Both
outward thrust of expanding life and counter-thrust
of threatened life are equally normal phenomena.
To condemn the former as " criminal' ' and the latter as
"selfish" is either silly or hypocritical and tends to

42 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

envenom with unnecessary rancor what objective fair-
ness might keep a candid stmggle, inevitable yet alle-
viated by mutual comprehension and respect. This
is no mere plea for ^^sportsmanship '^; it is a very prac-
tical matter. There are critical times ahead; times
in which intense race-pressures will engender high
tensions and perhaps wars. If men will keep open
minds and will eschew the temptation to regard those
opposing their desires to defend or possess respectively
as impious fiends, the struggles will lose half their
bittemesS; and the wars (if wars there must be) will
be shorn of haK their ferocity.

The unexpected ending of the European War was,
as we have seen, a blow to Japanese calculations.
Nevertheless, the skill of her diplomats at the ensuing
Versailles Conference enabled Japan to harvest most
of her war gains. Japan's territorial acquisitions in
China were definitely written into the peace treaty,
despite China's sullen veto, and Japan's preponderance
in Chinese affairs was tacitly acknowledged. Japan
also took advantage of the occasion to pose as the cham-
pion of the colored races by urging the formal promulga-
tion of ^^ racial equahty " as part of the peace settlement,
especially as regards immigration. Of course the Jap-
anese diplomats had no serious expectation of their
demands being acceded to; in fact, they might have
been rather embarrassed if they had succeeded, in
view of Japan's own stringent laws against immigra-
tion and ahen landholding. Nevertheless, it was a
politic move, useful for future propagandist purposes.

YELLOW MAN'S LAND 43

and it advertised Japan broadcast as the standard-
bearer of the colored cause.

The notable progress that Japan has made toward
the mastery of the Far East is written plainly upon the
map, which strikingly portrays the broadening terri-
torial base of Japanese power effected in the past
twenty-five years. Japan now owns the whole island
chain masking the eastern sea frontage of Asia, from
the tip of Kamchatka to the PhiHppineS; while her ac-
quisition of Germany's Oceanican islands north of the
equator gives her important strategic outposts in mid-
Pacific. Her bridge-heads on the Asiatic continent
are also strong and well located. From the Korean
peninsula (now an integral part of Japan) she firmly
grasps the vast Chinese dependency of Manchuria,
while just south of Manchuria across the narrow waters
of the Pechili strait lies the rich Chinese province of
Shantung, become a Japanese sphere of influence as
a result of the late war. Thus Japan holds China's
capital, Peking, as in the jaws of a vice and can apply
military pressure whenever she so desires. In southern
China lies another Japanese sphere of influence, the
province of Fukien opposite the Japanese island of
Formosa. Lastly, all over China runs a veritable
network of Japanese concessions like the recently ac-
quired control of the great iron deposits near Hankow,
far up the Yangtse River in the heart of China.

Whether this Japanese imperium over China main-
tains itself or not, one thing seems certain: future
white expansion in the Far East has become impossi-

44 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

ble. Any such attempt would instantly weld together
Japanese imperialism and Chinese nationalism in a
^^ sacred union'' whose result would probably be at
the very least the prompt expulsion of the white man
from every foothold in eastern Asia.

That is what will probably come anyway as soon as
Japan and China, impelled by overcrowding and con-
scious of their united potentialities, shall have arrived
at a genuine understanding. Since population-pressure
seems to be the basic factor in the future course of
Far Eastern affairs, it would be well to survey possible
outlets for surplus population within the Far East
itself, in order to determine how much of this race-
expansion can be satisfied at home, thereby diminish-
ing, or at least postponing, acute pressure upon the
pohtical and ethnic frontiers of the white world.

To begin with, the population of Japan (approxi-
mately 60,000,000) is increasing at the rate of about
800,000 per year. China has no modern vital statistics,
but the annual increase of her 400,000,000 population,
at the Japanese rate, would be 6,000,000. Now the
settled parts of both Japan and China may be con-
sidered as fully populated so far as agriculture is con-
cerned, further extensive increases of population being
dependent upon the rise of machine industry. Both
countries have, however, thinly settled areas within
their present political frontiers. Japan's northern
island of Hokkaido (Yezo) has a great amount of good
agricultural land as yet almost unoccupied, some of

YELLOW MAN'S LAND 45

her other island possessions offer minor outlets, while
Korea and Manchuria afford extensive colonizing possi-
bilities albeit Chinese and Korean competition pre-
clude a Japanese colonization on the scale which the
size and natural wealth of these regions would at first
sight seem to indicate. China has even more extensive
colonizable areas. Both Mongoha and Chinese Turke-
stan, though largely desert, contain within their vast
areas enough fertile land to support many miUions of
Chinese peasants as soon as modern roads and rail-
ways are built. The Chinese colonization of Man-
chiu-ia is also proceeding apace, and will continue
despite anything Japan may do to keep it down.
Lastly, the cold but enormous plateau of Tibet offers
considerable possibihties.

Allowing for all this, however, it cannot be said that
either China or Japan possess within their present
poHtical frontiers territories likely to absorb those pro-
digious accretions of population which seem destined
to occur within the next couple of generations. From
the resultant congestion two avenues of escape wiU
naturally present themselves: settlement of other
portions of the Far East to-day imder white political
control, but inhabited by colored populations; and pres-
sure into accessible areas not merely under white politi-
cal control, but also containing white populations. It
is obvious that these are two radically distinct issues,
for while a white nation might not unalterably oppose
Mongolian immigration into its colored dependencies,

46 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

it would almost certainly fight ta the limit rather than
witness the racial swamping of lands settled by its own
flesh and blood.

Considering the former issue, then, it would appear
that virtually aU the peninsulas and archipelagoes
lying between China and Austraha offer attractive
fields for yellow, particularly Chinese, race-expansion.
Ethnically they are all colored men's lands; politically
they are all, save Siam, under white control; Britain,
France, Holland, and the United States being the titu-
lar owners of these extensive territories. So far as
the native races are concerned, none of them seem to
possess the vitality and economic efficiency needed to
maintain themselves against unrestricted Chinese im-
migration. Whether in the British Straits Settlements
and North Borneo, French Indo-China, the Dutch
Indies, the American Philippines, or independent Siam,
the Chinaman, so far as he has been allowed, has dis-
played his practical superiority, and in places where,
like the Straits Settlements, he has been allowed a
free hand, he has virtually supplanted the native stock,
reducing the latter to an impotent and vanishing mi-
nority. The chief barriers to Chinese race-expansion
in these regions are legal hindrances or prohibitions of
immigration, and of course such barriers are in their
essence artificial and Hable to removal under any shift
of circimoLstances. Many observers predict that most
of these lands will ultimately become Chinese. Says
AUeyne Ireland, a recognized authority on these re-
gions : " There is every reason to suppose that, through-

YELLOW MAN^S LAND 47

out the tropicS; possibly excepting India, the China-
man; even though he should continue to emigrate in no
greater force than hitherto, will gradually supersede
all the native races/' ^ Certainly, if this be true, China
has here a vast outlet for her surplus population. It
has been estimated that the imdeveloped portions of
the Dutch Indies alone are capable of supporting 100,-
000,000 people hving on the frugal Chinese plane.
Their present population is 8,000,000 semi-savages.

China's possibilities of race-expansion in the colored
regions of the Far East are thus excellent. The same
cannot be said, however, for Japan. The Japanese,
bred in a distinctively temperate, island environment,
have not the Chinese adaptability to climatic variation.
The Japanese, like the white man, does not thrive in
tropic heat, nor does he possess the white man's ability
to resist sub- Arctic cold. Formosa is not in the real
tropics, yet Japanese colonists have not done well
there. On the other hand, even the far-from-Arctic
winters of Hokkaido (part of the Japanese archipelago)
seem too chilly for the Japanese taste.

Japan thus does not have the same vital interest as
China in the Asiatic tropics. Undoubtedly they would
for Japan be valuable colonies of exploitation, just as
they to-day are thus valuable for white nations. But
they could never furnish outlets for Japan's excess
population, and even commercially Japan would be
exposed to increasing Chinese competition, since the

^Alleyne Ireland, "Commercial Aspects of the Yellow Peril," North
American Review, September, 1900.

48 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

Chinaman excels the Japanese in trade as well as in
migrant colonization. Japanese lack of climatic adapta-
bility is also the reason why Japan^s present military
excursion in eastern Siberia, even if it should develop
into permanent occupation, would yield no adequate
solution of Japan's population problem. For the China-
man, Siberia would do very well. He would breed
amazingly there and would fiU up the whole country
in a remarkably short space of time. But the Japanese
peasant, so averse to the winters of Hokkaido, would
find the sub-Arctic rigors of Siberia intolerable.

Thus, for Japanese migration, neither the empty
spaces of northern or southern Asia will do. The nat-
ural outlets He outside Asia in the United States, Aus-
tralasia, and the temperate parts of Latin America.
But all these outlets are rigorously barred by the white
man, who has marked them for his own race-heritage,
and nothing but force will break those barriers down.

There lies a danger, not merely to the peace of the
Far East, but to the peace of the world. Fired by a
fervent patriotism; resolved to make their country
a leader among the nations; the Japanese writhe at
the constriction of their present race-boimds. Placed
on the flank of the Chinese giant whose portentous
growth she can accurately forecast, Japan see^ herself
condemned to ultimate remmciation of her grandiose
ambitions unless she can somehow broaden the racial
as well as the pohtical basis of her power. In short:
Japan must find lands where Japanese can breed by
the tens of millions if she is not to be automatically

YELLOW MAN'S LAND 49

overshadowed in course of time, even assuming that
she does not suffocate or blow up from congestion before
that time arrives. This is the secret of her aggressive
foreign poHcy, her chronic imperialism, her extrava-
gant dreams of conquest and "world-dominion."

The longing to hack a path to greatness by the
samurai sword lurks ever in the back of Japanese
minds. The library of Nippon's chauvinist literature is
large and increasing. A good example of the earlier pro-
ductions is Satori Kato's brochiu*e entitled "Mastery of
the Pacific,'' pubhshed in 1909. Herein the author an-
nounces confidently: "In the event of war Japan could,
as if aided by a magician's wand, overrun the Pacific
with fleets manned by men who have made Nelson
their model and transported to the armadas of the Far
East the spirit that was victorious at Trafalgar.
Whether Japan avows it or not, her persistent aim is
to gain the mastery of the Pacific. Although peace
seems to prevail over the world at present, no one can
tell how soon the nations may be engaged in war. It
does not need the English alHance to secure success
for Japan. That alliance may be dissolved at any
moment, but Japan will suffer no defeat. Her victory
will be won by her men, not by armor-plates — things
weak by comparison." ^

The late war has of course greatly stimulated these
bellicose emotions. Viewing their own increased power
and the debilitation of the white world, Japanese jin-
goes glimpse prospects of glorious fishing in troubled

^ The Literary Digest, November 13, 1909.

50 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

waters. The ^^ world-dominion'^ note is stressed more
often than of yore. For instance, in the summer of
1919 the Tokio Hochi, Comit Okuma's organ, proph-
esied exultantly: ^^That age in which the Anglo-
Japanese alHance was the pivot and American-Japa-
nese co-operation an essential factor of Japanese di-
plomacy is gone. In future we must not look eastward
for friendship but westward. Let the Bolsheviki of
Russia be put down and the more peaceful party
estabHshed in powder. In them Japan will find a strong
ally. By marching then westward to the Balkans,
to Germany, to France, and Italy, the greater part of
the world may be brought under our sway. The
tyranny of the Anglo-Saxons at the Peace Conference
is such that it has angered both gods and men. Some
may abjectly follow them in consideration of their
petty interests, but things will ultimately settle down
as has just been indicated.'' ^

Still more striking are the following citations from
a Japanese imperialist pronouncement written in the
autumn of 1916:

"Fifty milHons of our race wherewith to conquer and
possess the earth ! It is indeed a glorious problem ! . . .
To begin with, we now have China; China is our steed !
Far shall we ride upon her ! Even as Rome rode La-
ti-um to conquer Italy, and Italy to conquer the Medi-
terranean; even as Napoleon rode Italy and the
Rhenish States to conquer Germany, and Germany to
conquer Europe; even as England to-day rides her

i Tb^ Literary Digest, July 5, 1919, p. 31.

YELLOW MAN'S LAND 51

colonies and her so-called ' allies ' to conquer her robust
rival, Germany — even so shall we ride China. So
becomes our 50,000,000 race 500,000,000 strong; so
grow our paltry hundreds of millions of gold into
billions !

"How well have done our people! How well have
our statesmen led them ! No mistakes ! There must
be none now. In 1895 we conquered China — Russia,
Germany, and France stole from us the booty. How
has our strength grown since then — and still it grows !
In ten years we punished and retook our own from
Russia; in twenty years we squared and retook from
Germany; with France there is no need for haste.
She has already reaHzed why we withheld the troops
which alone might have driven the invader from her
soil! Her fingers are clutching more tightly around
her Oriental booty; yet she knows it is ours for the
taking. But there is no need of haste: the world
condemns the paltry thief; only the glorious conqueror
wins the plaudits and approval of mankind.

''We are now well astride of our steed, China; but
the steed has long roamed wild and is run down: it
needs grooming, more grain, more training. Further,
our saddle and bridle are as yet mere makeshifts:
would steed and trappings stand the strain of war?
And what would that strain be ?

''As for America — that fatuous booby with much
money and much sentiment, but no cohesion, no brains
of government; stood she alone we should not need our
China steed. Well did my friend speak the other day

52 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

when he called her people a race of thieves with the
hearts of rabbits. America, to any warrior race, is
not as a foe, but as an immense melon, ripe for the
cutting. But there are other warrior races — England,
Germany — would they look on and let us slice and eat
our fill? Would they?

''But, using China as our steed, should our first
goal be the land? India? Or the Pacific, the sea
that must be our very own, even as the Atlantic is now
England's ? The land is tempting and easy, but withal
dangerous. Did we begin there, the coarse white
races would too soon awaken, and combine, and for-
ever immure us within our long since grown intolerable
bounds. It must, therefore, be the sea; but the sea
means the Western Americas and all the islands be-
tween; and with those must soon come Austraha,
India. And then the battling for the balance of world-
power, for the rest of North America. Once that is
ours*^ we own and control the whole — a dominion worthy
of our race !

"North America alone wiU support a billion people;
that billion shall be Japanese with their slaves. Not
arid Asia, nor worn-out Europe (which, with its
peculiar and quaint relics and customs should in the
interests of history and culture, be in any case pre-
served), nor yet tropical Africa, is fit for our people.
But North America, that continent so succulently
green, fresh, and unsullied — except for the few chatter-
ing, mongrel Yankees — should have been ours by right

YELLOW MAN'S LAND 53

of discovery: it shall be ours by the higher, nobler
right of conquest." ^

This apostle of Japanese world-dominion then goes
on to discuss in detail how his programme can best be
attained. It should be remembered that at the time
he wrote America was still an imarmed nation, ap-
parently ridden by pacifism. Such imperiahst ex-
travagances as the above do not represent the whole
of Japan. But they do represent a powerful element
in Japan, against which the white world should be
forewarned.

* The Military Historian and Economist, January, 1917, pp. 43-46.

CHAPTER III

BROWN MAN'S LAND

Brown Man^s Land is the Near and Middle East.
The brown world stretches in an immense belt clear
across southern Asia and northern Africa, from the
Pacific to the Atlantic Oceans. The nmnbers of
brown and yellow men are not markedly unequal
(450,000,000 browns as against 500,000,000 yellows),
but in most other respects the two worlds are sharply
contrasted. In the first place, while the yellow world
is a fairly compact geographical block, the brown
world sprawls half-way roimd the globe, and is not
only much greater in size, but also infinitely more
varied in natural features.

This geographical diversity is reflected both in its
history and in the character of its inhabitants. Unlike
the secluded yellow world, the brown world is nearly
everyvvhere exposed to foreign influences and has imder-
gone an infinite series of evolutionary modifications.
Racially it has been a vast melting-pot, or series of
melting-pots, wherein conquest and migration have
continually poured new heterogeneous elements, pro-
ducing the most diverse racial amalgamations. In fact,
there is to-day no generalized brown type-norm as there
are generalized yellow or white type-norms, but rather
a series of types clearly distinguished from one another.
Some of these types, like the Persians and Ottoman

54

BROWN MAN^S LAND 55

Turks, are largely white; others, Hke the southern In-
dians and Yemenite Arabs, are largely black; while
still others, like the Himalayan and Central Asian peo-
ples, have much yellow blood. Again, there is no
generalized brown culture like those possessed by yel-
lows and whites. The great spiritual bond is Islam,
yet in India, the chief seat of brown population, Islam
is professed by only one-fifth of the inhabitants.

Nevertheless, there is a fundamental comity be-
tween the brown peoples. This comity is subtle and
intangible in character, yet it exists, and under cer-
tain circumstances it is capable of momentous mani-
festations. Its salient feature is the instinctive recogni-
tion by all Near and Middle Eastern peoples that they
are fellow Asiatics, however bitter may be their inter-
necine feuds. This instinctive Asiatic feeling has been
noted by historians for more than two thousand years,
and it is just as true to-day as in the past. Of course
it comes out most strongly in face of the non-Asiatic —
which in practice has always meant the white man.
The action and reaction of the brown and white worlds
has, indeed, been a constant historic factor, the roles
of hammer and anvil being continually reversed through
the ages. For the last four centuries the white world
has, in the main, been the dynamic factor. Certainly,
during the last hundred years the white world has dis-
played an unprecedentedly aggressive vigor, the brown
world playing an almost passive role.

Here again is seen a difference between browns and
yellows. The yelLow world did not feel the full tide of

56 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

white aggression till the middle of the last century,
while even then it never really lost its political inde-
pendence and soon reacted so powerfully that its polit-
ical freedom has to-day been substantially regained.
The brown world, on the other hand, felt the impact of
the white tide much earlier and was politically over-
whelmed. The so-called '^ independence" of brown
states has long been due more to white rivalries than
to their own inherent strength. One by one they have
been swallowed up by the white Powers. In 1914 only
three (Turkey, Persia, and Afghanistan) survived, and
the late war has sent them the way of the rest. Tur-
key and Persia have lost their independence, however
they may still be painted on the map, while Afghan-
istan has been compelled to recognize white supremacy
as never before. Thus the cycle is fulfilled, and white
poHtical mastery over the brown world is complete.

Political triumphs, however, of themselves guarantee
nothing, and the permanence of the present order of
things in the brown world appears more than doubt-
ful when we glance beyond the map . The brown world,
Hke the yellow world, is to-day in acute reaction against
white supremacy. In fact, the brown reaction began
a full century ago, and has been gathering headway
ever since, moved thereto both by its own inherent
vitality and by the external stimulus of white aggres-
sion. The great d3niamic of this brown reaction is the
Mohammedan Revival. But before analyzing that
movement it would be weU to glance at the human
elements involved.

BROWN MAN'S LAND 67

Four saKent groupings stand out among the brown
peoples: India, Iran, "Arabistan," and ''Turkestan."
The last two words are used in a special sense to denote
ethnic and cultural aggregations for which no precise
terms have hitherto been coined. India is the popula-
tion-centre of the brown world. More than 300,000,-
000 souls Hve within its borders — ^two-thirds of all the
brown men on earth. India has not, however, been
the brown world's spiritual or cultiu-al dynamic, those
forces coming chiefly from the brown lands to the
westward. Iran (the Persian plateau) is comparatively
small in area and has less than 15,000,000 inhabitants,
but its influence upon the brown world has been out
of all proportion to its size and population. "Arabis-
tan" denotes the group of peoples, Arab in blood or
Arabized in language and culture, who inhabit the
Arabian peninsula and its adjacent annexes, Sjnsi and
Mesopotamia, together with the vast band of North
Africa l3ang between the Mediterranean and the
Sahara Desert. The total nimiber of these Arabic
peoples is 40,000,000, three-fourths of them Kving in
North Africa. The term "Turkestan" covers the
group of kindred peoples, often called "Turanians,"
who stretch from Constantinople to Central Asia,
including the Ottoman Turks of Asia Minor, the Tar-
tars of South Russia and Transcaucasia, and the
Central Asian Turkomans. They number in aU
about 25,000,000. Such are the four outstanding
race-factors in the brown world. Let us now examine
that spiritual factor, Islam, from which the brown

58 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

renaissance originally proceeded, and on which most
of its present manifestations are based.

Islam's warlike vigor has impressed men's minds
ever since the far-off days when its pristine fervor bore
the Fiery Crescent from France to China. But with
the passing cycles this fervor waned, and a century
ago Islam seemed plunged in the stupor of senile decay.
The life appeared to have gone out of it, leaving naught
but the dry husks of empty formalism and soulless ritual.
Yet at this darkest hour a voice came crying from out
the vast Arabian desert, the cradle of Islam, calling
the Faithful to better things. This puritan reformer
was the famous Abd-el-Wahab, and his followers,
known as Wahabees, soon spread over the length and
breadth of the Mohammedan world, purging Islam
of its sloth and rekindling the fervor of olden days.
Thus began the great Mohammedan Revival.

That revival, like aU truly regenerative movements,
had its poHtical as well as its spiritual side. One of the
first things which struck the reformers was the poHtical
weakness of the Moslem world and its increasing sub-
jection to the Christian West. It was during the early
decades of the nineteenth century that the revival
spread through Islam. But this was the very time
when Europe, recovering from the losses of the Na-
poleonic Wars, began its unparalleled aggressions upon
the Moslem East. The result in Islam was a fusing of
religion and patriotism into a "sacred union" for the
combined spiritual regeneration and political emanci-
pation of the Moslem world.

BROWN MAN'S LAND 59

Of course Europe's material and military superiority
were then so great that speedy success was recognized
to be a vain hope. Nevertheless, with true Oriental
patience, the reformers were content to work for dis-
tant goals, and the results of their labors, though
hidden from most Europeans, was soon discernible to
a few keen-sighted white observers. Half a century
ago the learned OrientaHst Palgrave wrote these pro-
phetic lines: ''Islam is even now an enormous power,
full of self-sustaining vitahty, with a surplus for ag-
gression; and a struggle with its combined energies
would be deadly indeed. . . . The Mohammedan
peoples of the East have awakened to the manifold
strength and skill of their Western Christian rivals;
and this awakening, at first productive of respect and
fear, not unmixed with admiration, now wears the
type of antagonistic dislike, and even of intelligent
hate. No more zealous Moslems are to be found in
all the ranks of Islam than they who have sojourned
longest in Europe and acquired the most intimate
knowledge of its sciences and ways. . . . Moham-
medans are keenly aHve to the ever-shifting uncer-
tainties and divisions that distract the Christianity
of to-day, and to the woful instability of modern
European iustitutions. From their own point of view,
Moslems are as men standing on a secure rock, and they
contrast the quiet fixity of their own position with the
unsettled and inseciue restlessness of all else." ^

^W. G. Palgrave, "Essays on Eastern Questions," pp. 127-131
(London, 1872).

60 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

This stability to which Palgrave alludes must not
be confused with dead rigidity. Too many of us still
think of the Moslem East as hopelessly petrified. But
those Westerners best acquainted with the Islamic
world assert that nothing could be farther from the
truth; emphasizing, on the contrary, Islam's present
plasticity and rapid assimilation of Western ideas and
methods. ''The alleged rigidity of Islam is a Euro-
pean myth/'^ says Theodore Morison, late principal of
the Mohammedan Anglo-Oriental College at Ahgarh,
India; and another Orientalist, Marmaduke Pickthall,
writes: "There is nothing in Islam, any more than in
Christianity, which should halt progress. The fact
is that Christianity found, some time ago, a modus Vi-
vendi with modern life, while Islam has not yet arrived
thither. But this process is even now being worked
out." 2

The way in which the Mohammedan world has
availed itself of white institutions such as the news-
paper in forging its new soHdarity is well portrayed by
Bernard Temple. "It all comes to this, then," he
writes. "World-poHtics, as viewed by Mohammedan-
ism's political leaders, resolve themselves into a strug-
gle— ^not necessarily a bloody struggle, but still an in-
tense and vital struggle — ^for place and power between
the three great divisions of mankind. The Moslem
mind is deeply stirred by the prospect. Every Mos-

1 Theodore Morison, *'Can Islam Be Reformed?" Nineteenth Cen-
tury, October, 1908.

2 Marmaduke Pickthall, "L'Angleterre et la Turquie," Revue Polir
Hque Intemationalef January, 1914.

BROWN MAN^S LAND 61

lem country is in conamunication with every other Mos-
lem country: directly, by means of special emissaries,
pilgrims, travellers, traders, and postal exchanges;
indirectly, by means of Mohammedan newspapers,
books, pamphlets, leaflets, and periodicals. I have
met with Cairo newspapers in Bagdad, Teheran, and
Peshawar; Constantinople newspapers in Basra and
Bombay; Calcutta newspapers in Mohammerah, Ker-
bela, and Port Said."^

These European judgments are confirmed by what
Asiatics say themselves. For example, a Sjrian Chris-
tian, Ameen Rihani, thus characterizes the present
strength and vitality of the Moslem world: "A nation
of 250,000,000 souls, more than one-half under Chris-
tian rule, struggling to shake off its fetters; to consoH-
date its opposing forces; replenishing itself in the
south and in the east from the inexhaustible sources
of the life primitive; assimilating in the north, but not
without discrimination, the civiHzation of Eiu-ope; a
nation with a glorious past, a Hving faith and language,
an inspired Book, an undying hope, might be divided
against itself by European diplomacy but can never be
subjugated by European arms. . . . What Islam is los-
ing on the borders of EiKope it is gaining in Africa and
Central Asia through its modern propaganda, which is
conducted according to Christian methods. And this
is one of the grand results of ^civilization by benevolent
assimilation.' Europe drills the Moslem to be a sol-

1 Bernard Temple, "The Place of Persia in World-Politics," Pro-
ceedings of the Central Asian Society, May, 1910.

62 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

dier who will ultimately turn his weapons against her;
and she sends her missionaries to awaken in the ulema
the proselytizing evil.'^^

Typical of Mohammedan literature on this subject
are the following excerpts from a book published at
Cairo in 1907 by an Egj^tian, Yahya Siddyk, signif-
icantly entitled ''The Awakening of the Islamic Peo-
ples in the Fourteenth Century of the Hegira/'^ The
book is doubly interesting because the author has a
thorough Western education, holding a law degree
from the French imiversity of Toulouse, and is a judge
on the Egyptian bench. Although writing as far back
as 1907, Yahya Siddyk clearly foresaw the imminence
of the European War. ''Behold," he writes, "these
Great Powers ruining themselves in terrifying arma-
ments; measuring each other's strength with defiant
glances; menacing each other; contracting alHances
which continually break and which presage those ter-
rible shocks which overturn the world and cover it
with ruins, fire, and blood ! The future is God^s, and
nothing is lasting save His WiU!"

He considers the white world degenerate. "Does
this mean," he asks, "that Europe, oiu- 'enHghtened
guide,' has already reached the summit of its evolu-
tion ? Has it already exhausted its vital force by two
or three centuries of hyper-exertion? In other words:
is it already stricken with senihty, and will it see
itself soon obliged to yield its civilizing r61e to other

* Ameen Rihani, "The Crisis of Islam," Forum, May, 1912.

* /. e., the twentieth century of the Christian era.

BROWN MAN'S LAND 63

peoples less degenerate, less neurasthenic; that is to
say, younger, more robust, more healthy, than itself?
In my opinion, the present marks Europe^s apogee, and
its inmioderate colonial expansion means, not strength,
but weakness. Despite the aureole of so much gran-
deur, power, and glory, Europe is to-day more divided
and more fragile than ever, and ill conceals its malaise,
its sufferings, and its anguish. Its destiny is inexorably
working out ! . . .

''The contact of Europe on the East has caused
us both much good and much evil: good, in the
material and intellectual sense; evil, from the moral
and poHtical point of view. Exhausted by long strug-
gles, enervated by a brilliant civilization, the Moslem
peoples inevitably fell into a malaise, but they are not
stricken, they are not dead ! These peoples, conquered
by the force of cannon, have not in the least lost their
unity, even under the oppressive regimes to which the
Europeans have long subjected them. . . . I have said
that the European contact has been salutary to us
from both the material and the intellectual point of
view. What reforming Moslem Princes wished to
impose by force on their Moslem subjects is to-day real-
ized a hundredfold. So great has been our progress
in the last twenty-five years in science, letters, and art
that we may well hope to be in all these things the
equals of Europeans in less than half a century. . . .

"A new era opens for us with the fourteenth centuiy
of the Hegira, and this happy century will mark our
renaissance and our great future ! A new breath ani-

64 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

mates the Mohammedan peoples of all races; all
Moslems are penetrated with the necessity of work
and instruction! We all wish to travel, do business,
tempt fortune, brave dangers. There is in the East,
among the Mohanoimedans, a surprising activity, an
animation, unknown twenty-five years ago. . . . There
is to-day a real public opinion throughout the East."

The author concludes: "Let us hold firm, each for all,
and let us hope, hope, hope ! We are fairly laimched
on the path of progress: let us profit by it! It is
Europe's very tyranny which has wrought our trans-
formation! It is our continued contact with Eiu-ope
which favors our evolution and inevitably hastens our
revival! It is simply History repeating itself; the
Will of God fulfilling itself despite all opposition and
all resistance. . . . Europe's tutelage over Asiatics is
becoming more and more nominal — the gates of Asia
are closing against the Eiuopean ! Surely we glimpse
before us a revolution without parallel in the world's
annals. A new age is at hand !"^

If this be indeed the present spirit of Islam it is a
portentous fact, for its numerical strength is very great.
The total number of Mohammedans is estimated at
from 200,000,000 to 250,000,000, and they not only
predominate throughout the brown world with the
exception of India, but they also count 10,000,000 ad-
herents in China and are gaining prodigiously among
the blacks of Africa.

* Yahya Siddyk, "Le R6veil des Peuples Islamiques au Quatorzi^me
Si^cle de TH^gire" (Cairo, 1907).

BROWN MAN'S LAND 65

The proselyting power of Islam is extraordinary,
and its hold upon its votaries is even more remarkable.
Throughout history there has been no single instance
where a people, once become Moslem, has ever aban-
doned the faith. Extirpated they may have been, like
the Moors of Spain, but extirpation is not apostasy.
This extreme tenacity of Islam, this ability to keep its
hold, once it has got a footing, under all circumstances
short of downright extirpation, must be borne in mind
when considering the future of regions where Islam is
to-day advancing.

And, save in eastern Europe, it is to-day advancing
along all its far-flimg frontiers. Its most signal vic-
tories are being won among the negro races of central
Africa, and this phase will be discussed in the next
chapter, but elsewhere the same conditions, in lesser
degree, prevail. Every Moslem is a bom missionary
and instinctively propagates his faith among his non-
Moslem neighbors. The quality of this missionary-
temper has been weU analyzed by Meredith Townsend.
"All the emotions which impel a Christian to prosely-
tize,^' he writes, "are in a Mussulman strengthened
by all the motives which impel a poHtical leader and
all the motives which sway a recruiting sergeant, until
proselytism has become a passion, which, whenever
success seems practicable, and especially success on a
large scale, develops in the quietest Mussulman a fury
of ardor which induces him to break down every
obstacle, his own strongest prejudices included, rather
than stand for an instant in the neophyte's way. He

66 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

welcomes him as a son, and whatever his own lineage,
and whether the convert be negro, or Chinaman, or
Indian, or even Em-opean, he will without hesitation
or scruple give him his own child in marriage, and
admit him fully, frankly, and finally into the most
exclusive circle in the world."*

Such is the vast and growing body of Islam, to-day
seeking to weld its forces into a higher unity for the
combined objectives of spiritual revival and political
emancipation. This unitary movement is known as
"Pan-Mamism." Most Western observers seem to
think that Pan-Islamism centres in the "Cahphate,"
and European writers to-day hopefully discuss whether
the Caliphate^s retention by the discredited Turkish
Sultans, its transferrence to the rulers of the new
Arab Hedjaz Kingdom, or its total suppression, wilt
best cUp Islam's wings.

This, however, is a very short-sighted and partial
view. The Khalifa or "Caliph" (to use the European-
ized form), the Prophet's representative on earth, has
played an important historic r61e, and the institution
is still venerated in Islam. But the Pan-Islamic
leaders have long been working on a much broader
basis. Pan-Islamism's real driving power lies, not in
the Caliphate, but in institutions Hke the "Hajj" or
pilgrimage to Mecca, the propaganda of the "Habl-
ul-Matin" or "Tie of True Believers," and the great
religious fraternities. The Meccan Hajj, where tens
of thousands of picked zealots gather every year

* Meredith Townsend, "Asia and Europe," pp. 46-47.

BROWN MAN^S LAND 67

from every quarter of the Moslem world, is really an
amiual Pan-Islamic congress, where all the interests
of the faith are discussed at length, and where plans
are elaborated for its defense and propagation. Sim-
ilarly ubiquitous is the Pan-Islamic propaganda of
the Habl-ul-Matin, which works tirelessly to compose
sectarian differences and traditional feuds. Lastly,
the religious brotherhoods cover the Islamic world
with a network of far-flung associations, quickening the
zeal of their myriad members and co-ordinating their
energies for potential action.

The greatest of these brotherhoods (though there
are others of importance) is the famous Senussiyah,
and its history well illustrates Islam's evolution during
the past hundred years. Its founder, Seyyid Mahom-
med ben Senussi, was bom in Algeria about the be-
ginning of the nineteenth century. He was of high
Arab lineage, tracing his descent from Fatima, the
daughter of the Prophet. In early youth he went to
Arabia and there came under the influence of the Waha-
bee movement. In middle life he returned to Africa,
settling in the Sahara Desert, and there built up the
fraternity which bears his name. Before his death the
order had spread to all parts of the Mohammedan
world, but it is in northern Africa that it has attaiaed
its pecuhar pre-eminence. The Senussi Order is divided
into local "Zawias" or lodges, aU absolutely dependent
upon the Grand Lodge, headed by The Master, El
Senussi. The Grand Mastership still remains in the
family, a grandson of the founder being the order's

68 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

present head. The Senussi stronghold is an oasis in
the very heart of the Sahara. Only one European eye
has ever seen this mysterious spot. Surrounded by
absolute desert, with wells many leagues apart and the
routes of approach known only to experienced Senussi
guides, every one of whom would suffer a thousand
deaths rather than betray him, El Senussi, The Mas-
ter, sits serenely apart, sending his orders throughout
North Africa.

The Sahara itself is absolutely under Senussi control,
while ^^Zawias" abound in distant regions like Morocco,
Lake Chad, and Somahland. These local Zawias are
more than mere "lodges." Their spiritual and secular
heads, the "Mokaddem" or priest and the "Wekil"
or civil governor, have discretionary authority not
merely over the Zawia members, but also over the com-
munity at large — at least, so great is the awe inspired
by the Senussi throughout North Africa that a word
from Wekil or Mokaddem is always listened to and
obeyed. Thus, beside the various European authori-
ties, British, French, or ItaHan as the case may be,
there exists an occult government with which the colo-
nial authorities are careful not to come into conflict.

On their part, the Senussi are equally careful to
avoid a downright breach with the European Powers.
Their long-headed, cautious poHcy is truly astonish-
ing. For more than half a century the order has been
a great force, yet it has never risked the supreme ad-
venture. In all the numerous fanatic risings against
Europeans which have occurred in various parts of

BROWN MAN'S LAND ^9

Africa, local Senussi have undoubtedly taken part,
but the order has never officially entered the Hsts.

These Fabian tactics as regards open warfare do not
mean that the Senussi are idle. Far from it. On the
contrary, they are ceaselessly at work with the spiritual
arms of teaching, discipline, and conversion. The
Senussi programme is the welding, first of Moslem
Africa, and later of the whole Moslem world, into the
revived "Imamat" of Islam's early days; into a great
theocracy, embracing all true behevers — ^in other
words, Pan-Islamism. ^. But they believe that the po-
litical liberation of Islam from Christian domination
must be preceded by a profound spiritual regenera-
tion, thereby engendering the moral forces necessary
both for the war of Hberation and for the fruitful re-
construction which should follow thereafter. This is
the secret of the order's extraordinary self-restraint.
This is the reason why, year after year, and decade
after decade, the Senussi advance slowly, calmly, coldly,
gathering great latent power but avoiding the tempta-
tion to expend it one instant before the proper time.
Meanwhile they are covering Africa with their lodges
and schools, disciplining the people to the voice of their
Mokaddems and Wekils — and converting millions of
pagan negroes to the faith of Islam.

And what is true of the Senussi holds equally for
the other wise leaders who guide the Pan-Islamic
movement. They know both Europe's strength and
their own weakness. They know the peril of premature
action. Feeling that time is on their side, they are

70 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

content to await the hour when internal regeneration
and external pressure shall have fiUed to overflowing
the cup of wrath. This is why Islam has offered only
local resistance to the unparalleled white aggressions of
the last twenty years. This is the main reason why
there was no real ^'Holy War " in 1914. But the ma-
terials for a Holy War have long been piHng high, as a
retrospective glance will show.

Europe^s conquests of Africa and Central Asia toward
the close of the last century, and the subsequent An-
glo-French agreement mutually appropriating Egypt
and Morocco, evoked murmurs of impotent fury from
the Moslem world. Under such circumstances the
Russo-Japanese War of 1904 sent a feverish tremor
throughout Islam. The Japanese might be idolaters,
but the traditional Moslem loathing of idolaters as
beings much lower than Christians and Jews (recog-
nized by Mohammed as ^ Peoples of The Book^') was
quite effaced by the burning sense of subjugation to the
Christian yoke. Accordingly, the Japanese were hailed
as heroes throughout Islam. Here we see again that
tendency toward an understanding between Asiatic
and African races and creeds (in other words, a " Pan-
Colored" alHance against white domination) which has
been so patent in recent years. The way in which
Islamic peoples began looking to Japan is revealed by
this editorial in a Persian newspaper, written in the
year 1906: ^^ Desirous of becoming as powerful as
Japan and of safeguarding its national independence,
Persia should make common cause with it. An alii-

BROWN MAN'S LAND 71

ance becomes necessary. There should be a Japanese
ambassador at Teheran. Japanese instructors should
be chosen to reorganize the army. Commercial rela-
tions should also be developed."^ Indeed, some pious
Moslems hoped to bring this heroic people within the
Islamic fold. Shortly after the Russo-Japanese War
a Chinese Mohammedan sheikh wrote: "If Japan
thinks of becoming some day a very great power and
making Asia the dominator of the other continents, it
will be only by adopting the blessed religion of Islam."^
And Al Mowwayad, an Egyptian Nationalist jour-
nal, remarked: "England, with her 60,000,000 Indian
Moslems, dreads this conversion. With a Mohamme-
dan Japan, Mussulman policy would change entirely."^
As a matter of fact, Mohammedan missionaries actu-
ally went to Japan, where they were smilingly received.
Of course the Japanese had not the faintest intention
of turning Moslems, but these spontaneous approaches
from the brown world were quite in Hne with their am-
bitious plans, which, as the reader will remember, were
just then taking concrete shape.

However, it soon became plain that Japan had no
present intention of going so far afield as Western Asia,
and Islam presently had to mourn fresh losses at Chris-
tian hands. In 1911 came Italy's barefaced raid on
Turkey's African dependency of Tripoli. So bitter
was the anger in all Mohammedan lands at this un-

1 F. Farjanel, "Le Japon et I'lslam," fievwe du Monde Mumdman,
November, 1906.
" Far janel, swpra. »/6«i.

72 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

provoked aggression that many European observers
became seriously alarmed. "Why has Italy found
'defenseless' Tripoli such a hornet's nest?'' queried
Gabriel Hanotaux, a former French minister of for-
eign affairs. "It is because she has to do, not merely
with Turkey, but with Islam as well. Italy has set
the ball rolhng — ^so much the worse for her — and for
us all."^ But the Tripoli expedition was only the be-
ginning of the Christian assault, for next year came the
Balkan War, which sheared away Turkey's European
holdings to the walls of Constantinople and left her
crippled and discredited. "At these disasters a cry of
wrathful anguish swept the world of Islam from end
to end. Here is how a leading Indian Moslem inter-
preted the Balkan conflict:

"The King of Greece orders a new crusade. From
the London Chancelleries rise calls to Christian fanat-
icism, and Saint Petersburg already speaks of the
planting of the cross on the dome of Sant' Sophia.
To-day they speak thus; to-morrow they will thus
speak of Jerusalem and the Mosque of Omar. Broth-
ers ! Be ye of one mind, that it is the duty of every
true behever to hasten beneath the Khalifa's banner
and to sacrifice his life for the safety of the faith. "^
And another Indian Moslem leader thus adjured the
British authorities: "I appeal to the present govern-
ment to change its anti-Turkish attitude before the

^Gabriel Hanotaux, "La Crise mediterran^enne et I'lslam," Revtte
Hebdomadaire, April 13, 1912.

"Arminius Vamb^ry, "Die tiirkische Katastrophe und die Islam-
welt," Deutsche Revue, July, 1913.

BROWN MAN^S LAND 73

fury of millions of Moslem fellow subjects is kindled
to a blaze and brings disaster.''^

Still more significant were the appeals made by the
Indian Moslems to their Brahman fellow comitrymen,
the traditionally despised "Idolaters." These appeals
betokened a veritable revolution in outlook, as can
be gauged from the text of one of them, significantly
entitled "The Message of the East." "Spirit of the
East," reads this noteworthy document, "arise and
repel the swelling flood of Western aggression ! Chil-
dren of Hulclustan, aid us with your wisdom, culture,
and wealth; lend us your power, the birthright and
heritage of the Hindu ! Let the Spirit Powers hidden
in the Himalayan mountain-peaks arise. Let prayers
to the god of battles float upward; prayers that right
may triumph over might; and call to your myriad
gods to annihilate the armies of the foe I"^ In China
also the same fraternizing spirit was visible. During
the Republican Revolution the Chinese Mohammedans,
instead of holding jealously aloof, co-operated whole-
heartedly with their Buddhist and Confucian fellow
citizens, and Doctor Sun-Yat-Sen, the Republican
leader, annoimced gratefully: "The Chinese will never
forget the assistance which their Moslem compatriots
have rendered in the interest of order and liberty."^
The Great War thus found Islam deeply stirred against

* Shah Mohammed Naimatullah, "Recent Turkish Events and Mos-
lem India," Asiatic Review, October, 1913.

2 Vambery, supra.

^Arminius Vambery, "An Approach Between Moslems and Bud-
dhists," Nineteenth Century, April, 1912.

74 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

European aggression, keenly conscious of its own
solidarity, and frankly reaching out for colored allies
in the projected struggle against white domination.

Under these circumstances it may at first sight ap-
pear strange that no general Islamic explosion occm-red
when Turkey entered the lists at the close of 1914 and
the Sultan-Khalifa issued a formal summons to the
Holy War. Of course this summons was not the flat
failure wliich Allied reports led the West to believe
at the time. As a matter of fact there was trouble
in practically every Mohammedan land imder Allied
control. To name only a few of many instances:
Egypt broke into a tumult smothered only by over-
whelming British reinforcements, Tripoli burst into
a flame of insurrection that drove the Italians headlong
to the coast, Persia was prevented from joining Tur-
key only by prompt Russian intervention, and the
Indian Northwest Frontier was the scene of fighting
that required the presence of a quarter of a million
Anglo-Indian troops. The British Government has
ofiicially admitted that during 1915 the Allies^ Asiatic
and African possessions stood within a hand's breadth
of a cataclysmic insurrection.

That insurrection would certainly have taken place
if Islam's leaders had everywhere spoken the fateful
word. But the word was not spoken. Instead, in-
fluential Moslems outside of Turkey generally con-
demned the latter's action and did all in their power
to calm the passions of the fanatic multitude. The
attitude of these leaders does credit to their discern-

BROWN MAN'S LAND 75

ment. They recognized that this was neither the
time nor the occasion for a decisive struggle with the
West. They were not yet materially prepared, and
they had not perfected their miderstandings either
among themselves or with their prospective non-
Moslem allies. Above all, the moral urge was lack-
ing. They knew that athwart the Khalifa's writ
was stencilled "Made in Germany.'' They knew
that the "Young Turk" clique which had engineered
the coup was made up of Europeanized renegades,
many of them not even nominal Moslems, but atheistic
Jews. Far-sighted Moslems had no intention of pull-
ing Germany's chestnuts out of the fire, nor did they
wish to further Prussian schemes of world-dominion
which for themselves would have meant a mere change
of masters. Far better to let the white world fight
out its desperate feud, weaken itself, and reveal fully
its future intentions. Meanwhile Islam could bide its
time, grow in strength, and await the morrow.

The Versailles Peace Conference was just such a
revelation of European intentions as the Pan-Islamic
leaders had been awaiting in order to perfect their
programmes and enlist the moral soHdarity of their
peoples. At Versailles the European Powers showed
unequivocally that they had no intention of relaxing
their hold upon the Near and Middle East. By a
number of secret treaties negotiated during the war
the Ottoman Empire had been virtually partitioned
between the victorious Allies, and these secret treaties
formed the basis of the Versailles settlement. Further-

76 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

more, Egypt had been declared a British protectorate
at the very beginning of the European struggle, while
the Versailles Conference had scarcely adjourned before
England announced an ''agreement with Persia which
made that country another British protectorate, in
fact, if not in name. The upshot was, as already stated,
that the Near and Middle East were subjected to
European political domination as never before.

But there was another side to the shield. During the
war years the Allied statesmen had officially proclaimed
times without number that the war was being fought
to establish a new world-order based on such princi-
ples as the rights of small nations and the liberty of all
peoples. These pronouncements had been treasured
and memorized throughout the East. When, there-
fore, the East saw a peace settlement based, not upon
these high professions, but upon the imperialistic
secret treaties, it was fired with a moral indignation
and sense of outraged justice never known before. A
tide of impassioned determination began rising which
has already set the entire East in tumultuous ferment,
and which seems merely the premonitory groimd-swell
of a greater storm. Many European students of
Eastern affairs are gravely alarmed at the prospect.
Here, for example, is the judgment of Leone Caetani,
Duke of Sermoneta, an Italian authority on Oriental
and Mohammedan questions. Speaking in the spring
of 1919 on the war^s effect on the East, he said: "The
convulsion has shaken Islamitic and Oriental civiliza-
tion to its foundations. The entire Oriental world.

BROWN MAN'S LAND 77

from China to the Mediterranean, is in ferment.
Everywhere the hidden fire of anti-Em*opean hatred
is bm*ning. Riots in Morocco, risings in Algiers, dis-
content in Tripoli, so-called Nationalist attempts in
Egypt, Arabia, and Lybia, are all different manifesta-
tions of the same deep sentiment, and have as their
object the rebelHon of the Oriental world against Euro-
pean civilization."^

The state of affairs in Egypt is a typical illustration
of what has been going on in the East ever since the
close of the late war. Egypt was occupied by England
in 1882, and British rule has conferred immense
material benefits, raising the country from anarchic
bankruptcy to ordered prosperity. Yet British rule
was never really popular, and as the years passed a
"Nationalist movement steadily grew in strength,
having for its slogan the phrase "Egypt for the Egyp-
tians," and demanding Britain's complete evacuation
of the country. This demand Great Britain refused
even to consider. Practically all Englishmen are
agreed that Egypt with the Suez Canal is the vital link
between the eastern and western halves of the British
Empire, and they therefore consider the permanent
occupation of Egypt an absolute necessity. There is
thus a clear deadlock between British imperial and
Egyptian national convictions.

Some years before the war Egypt became so unruly
that England was obliged to abandon all thoughts of
conciliation and initiated a regime of frank repression

1 Special cable to the New York Times, dated Rome, May 28, 1919.

78 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

enforced by Lord Kitchener's heavy hand. The Eu-
ropean War and Turkey's adhesion to the Teutonic
Powers caused fresh outbreaks in Egypt, but these
were quickly repressed and England took advantage of
Ottoman belligerency to abolish the fiction of Turkish
overlordship and declare Egypt a protectorate of the
British Empire.

During the war Egypt, flooded with British troops,
remained quiet, but the end of the war gave the
signal for an unparalleled outburst of Nationalist
activity. Basing their claims on such doctrines as
the '^rights of small nations" and the "seK-deter-
mination of peoples," the Nationalists demanded im-
mediate independence and attempted to get Egypt's
case before the Versailles Peace Conference. In de-
fiance of English prohibitions, they even held a popular
plebiscite which upheld their claims. When the Brit-
ish authorities answered this defiance by arresting Na-
tionalist leaders, Egypt flamed into rebelHon from end
to end. Everjnivhere it was the same story. Rail-
ways and telegraph lines were systematically cut.
Trains were stalled and looted. Isolated British offi-
cers and soldiers were murdered. In Cairo alone,
thousands of houses were sacked by the mob. Soon
the danger was rendered more acute by the irruption
out of the desert of swarms of Bedouin Arabs bent on
plunder. For a few days Egypt trembled on the
verge of anarchy, and the British Government admitted
in Parliament that all Egypt was in a state of in-
surrection.

BROWN MAN'S LAND 79

The British authorities, however, met the crisis
with vigor and determination. The number of British
troops in Egjrpt was very large, trusty black regiments
were hurried up from the Sudan, and the well-dis-
ciplined Egyptian native police generally obeyed
orders. The result was that after several weeks of
sharp fighting, lasting through the spring of 1919,
Egypt was again gotten under control. The outlook
for the future is, however, ominous in the extreme.
Order is indeed restored, but only the presence of
massed British and Sudanese black troops guarantees
that order will be maintained. Even imder the present
regime of stem martial law hardly a month passes
without fresh rioting and heavy loss of life. Egypt
appears Nationahst to the core, its spokesmen swear
they will accept nothing short of independence, and in
the long run Britain will reahze the truth of that pithy
saying: "You can do everything with bayonets except
sit on them."

India is likewise in a state of profound unrest. The
vast peninsula has been controlled by England for al-
most two centuries, yet here again the last two decades
have witnessed a rapidly increasing movement against
British rule. This movement was at first confined to
the upper-class Hindus, the great Mohammedan ele-
ment preserving its traditional loyalty to the British
*'Raj," which it considered a protection against the
Brahmanistic Hindu majority. But, as already seen,
the Pan-Islamic leaven presently reached the Indian
Moslems, European aggressions on Islam stirred their

80 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

resentment, and at length Moslem and Hindu ad-
journed their ancient feud in their new solidarity
against European tutelage.

The Great War provoked relatively little sedition
in India. Groups of Hindu extremists, to be sure,
hatched terroristic plots and welcomed German aid,
but India as a whole backed England and helped win
the war with both money and men. At the same time,
Indians gave notice that they expected their loyalty to
be rewarded, and at the close of the war various
memorials were drawn up calHng for drastic modifica-
tions of the existing governmental regime.

India is to-day governed by an English Civil Ser-
vice whose fairness, honesty, and general efficiency
no informed person can seriously impugn. But this
no longer contents Indian aspirations. India desires
not merely good government but self-government.
The ultimate goal of all Indian reformers is emancipa-
tion from European, tutelage, though they differ among
themselves as to how and when this emancipation is
to be attained. The most conservative would be con-
tent with self-government under British guidance, the
middle group asks for the full status of a Dominion of
the British Empire like Canada and AustraHa, while
the radicals demand complete independence. Even
the most conservative of these demands would, how-
ever, involve great changes of system and a diminu-
tion of British control. Such demands arouse in Eng-
land mistrust and apprehension. EngHshmen point
out that India is not a nation but a congeries of diverse

BROWN MAN^S LAND 81

peoples spiritually sundered by barriers of blood, lan-
guage, culture, and religion, and they conclude that,
if England^s control were really relaxed, India would
get out of hand and drift toward anarchy. As for
Indian independence, the average Englishman cannot
abide the thought, holding it fatal both for the British
Empire and for India itself. The result has been
that England has failed to meet Indian demands, and
this, in turn, has roused an acute recrudescence of dis-
satisfaction and unrest. The British Government has
countered with coercive legislation like the Rowlatt
Acts and has sternly repressed rioting and terrorism.
British authority is still supreme in India. But it is
an authority resting more and more upon force. In
fact, some Englishmen have long considered British
rule in India, despite its imposing appearance, a de-
cidedly fragile affair. Many years ago Meredith
Townsend, who certainly knew India well, wrote:

" The English think they will rule India for many cen-
turies or forever. I do not think so, holding rather the
older beHef that the empire which came in a day will
disappear in a night. . . . Above all this inconceivable
mass of humanity, governing all, protecting aU, taxing
aU, rises what we call here 'the Empire,' a corporation
of less than 1,500 men, partly chosen by examination,
partly by co-optation, who are set to govern, and who
protect themselves in governing by finding pay for a
minute white garrison of 65,000 men, one-fifth of the
Roman legions — though the masses to be controlled'
are double the subjects of Rome. That corporation

82 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

and that garrison constitute the 'Indian Empire.'
There is nothing else. Banish those 1,500 men in
black, defeat that slender garrison in red, and the
empire has ended, the structure disappears, and brown
India emerges, imchanged and imchangeable. To
support the oflScial world and its garrison — ^both,
recoUect, smaller than those of Belgium — there is,
except Indian opinion, absolutely nothing. Not only
is there no white race in India, not only is there no
white colony, but there is no white man who purposes
to remain. . . . There are no white servants, not even
grooms, no white policemen, no white postmen, no
white anything. If the brown men struck for a week,
the 'Empire^ would collapse like a house of cards,
and every ruling man would be a starving prisoner in
his own house. He could not move or feed himself
or get water." *

These words aptly illustrate the truth stated at the
beginning of this book that the basic factor in human
affairs is not politics but race, and that the most im-
posing political phenomena, of themselves, mean noth-
ing. And that is just the fatal weakness underlying
the white man's present political domination over the
brown world. Throughout that entire world there is
no settled white population save in the French colonies
of Algeria and Tunis along the Mediterranean sea-
board, where whites form perhaps one-sixth of the
total. Elsewhere, from Morocco to the Dutch In-
dies, there is in the racial sense, as Townsend weU
* Townsend, op. ai., pp. 82-87.

BROWN MAN'S LAND 83

says, "no white an5rthing/' and if white rule vanished
to-morrow it would not leave a human trace behind.
White rule is therefore piu-ely poKtical, based on pre-
scription, prestige, and lack of effective opposition.
These are indeed fragile foundations. Let the brown
world once make up its mind that the white man mitst
go, and he will go, for his position will have become
simply impossible. It is not solely a question of a
*^Holy War"; mere passive resistance, if genuine and
general, would shake white rule to its foundations.
And it is precisely the determination to get rid of white
rule which seems to be spreading like wild-fire over the
brown world to-day. The unrest which I have de-
scribed in Egypt and India merely typify what is going
on in Morocco, Central Asia, the Dutch Indies, the
Philippines, and every other portion of the brown
world whose inhabitants are above the grade of savages.
Another factor favoring the prospects of brown eman-
cipation is the lack of sustained resistance which the
white world would probably offer. For the white
world's interests in these regions, though great, are
not fundamental; that is to say, racial. However
grievously they might suffer politically and economi-
cally, racially the white peoples would lose almost
nothing. Here again we see the basic importance of
race in human affairs. Contrast, for example, Eng-
land's attitude toward an insurgent India with France's
attitude toward an insurgent North Africa. England,
with nothing racial at stake, would hesitate before a
reconquest of India involving millions of soldiers and

84 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

billions of treasure. France; on the other hand, with
nearly a million Europeans in her North African posses-
sions, half of these full-blooded Frenchmen, might
risk her last franc and her last poilu rather than see
these blood-brothers slaughtered and enslaved.

Assuming, then, what to-day seems probable, that
white pohtical control over the brown world is destined
to be sensibly curtailed if not generally eliminated,
what are the larger racial impUcations? Above all:
will the browns tend to impinge on white race-areas
as the yellows show signs of doing? Probably, no;
at least, not to any great extent. In the first place,
the brown world has within its present confines plenty
of room for potential race-expansion. Outside India,
Egypt, Java, and a few lesser spots, there is scarcely
a brown land where natural improvements such as
irrigation would not open up extensive settlement
areas. Mesopotamia alone, now almost iminhabited,
might support a vast population, while Persia could
noiu*ish several times its present inhabitants.

India, to be sure, is almost as congested as China,
and the spectre of the Indian cooKe has lately alarmed
white lands like Canada and South Africa almost as
much as the Chinese cooHe has done. But an indepen-
dent India would fall imder the same political bHght as
the rest of the brown world — ^the bHght of internecine
dissensions and wars. The brown world's present
growing solidarity is not a positive but a negative
phenomenon. It is an alliance, against a common foe,
of traditional enemies who, once the bond was loosed

BROWN MAN'S LAND 85

in victory^ would inevitably quarrel among themselves.
Turk would fly at Arab and Turkoman at Persian, as
of yore, while India would become a welter of contend-
ing Hindus, Moslems, Sikhs, Gurkhas, and heaven
knows what, until perchance disciplined anew by the
pressure of a Yellow Peril. In Western Asia it is pos-
sible that the spiritual and cultural bonds of Islam
might temper these struggles, but Western Asia is
precisely that part of the brown world where popula-
tion-pressure is absent. India, the overpeopled brown
land, would imdergo such a cycle of strife as would
devour its human surplus and render distant aggres-
sions impossible.

A potential brown menace to white race-areas
would, indeed, arise in case of a brown-yellow alliance
against the white peoples. But such an alliance could
occiu* only in the first stages of a pan-colored war of
liberation while the pressure of white world-predomi-
nance was stiU keenly felt and before the divisive
tendencies within the brown world had begun to take
effect.

Short of such an alliance (wherein the browns
would abet the yellows' aggressive, racial objectives in
retiu-n for yellow support of their own essentially d-e-
fensive, poHtical ends), the brown world's emancipa-
tion from white domination would apparently not
result in more than local pressures on white race-
areas. It would, however, affect another sphere of
white political control — black Africa. The emanci-
pation of brown, Islamic North Africa would inevita-

86 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

bly send a sympathetic thrill through every portion of
the Dark Continent and would stir both Mohammedan
and pagan negroes against white rule. Islam is, in
fact, the intimate link between the brown and black
worlds. But this subject, with its momentous impUca-
tions, will be discussed in the next chapter.

CHAPTER IV

BLACK MAN'S LAND

Black Man^s Land is primarily Africa south of the
Sahara Desert. Here dwell the bulk of all the 150,-
000,000 black men on earth. The negro and negroid
population of Africa is estimated at about 120,000,000 —
four-fifths of the black race-total. Besides its African
nucleus the black race has two distant outposts: the
one in Australasia, the other in the Americas. The
Eastern blacks are found mainly in the archipelagoes
l3dng between the Asiatic land-mass and Australia.
They are the Oriental survivors of the black belt which
in very ancient times stretched uninterruptedly from
Africa across southern Asia to the Pacific Ocean. The
Asiatic blacks were overwhelmed by other races ages
ago, and only a few wild tribes like the " Negritos''
of the Philippines and the jungle-dwellers of Indo-
China and southern India survive as genuine negroid
stocks. All the peoples of southern Asia, however,
are darkened by this ancient negroid strain. The peo-
ples of south India are notably tinged with black blood.
As for the pure blacks of the Australasian archipelagoes,
they are so few in numbers (about 3,000,000) and so
low in type that they are of negligible importance.
Quite otherwise are the blacks of the Far West. In
the western hemisphere there are '^ some 25,000,000

87

88 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

persons of more or less mixed black blood, brought
thither in modern times as slaves by the white con-
querors of the New World. Still, whatever may be
the destiny of these transplanted black folk, the black
man's chief significance, from the world aspect, must
remain bound up with the great nucleus of negro popu-
lation in the African homeland.

Black Africa, as I have said, lies south of the Sahara
Desert. Here the negro has dwelt for unnumbered
ages. The key-note of black history, like yellow his-
tory, has been isolation. Cut off from the Mediter-
ranean by the desert which he had no means of crossing,
and bounded elsewhere by oceans which he had no
skill in navigating, the black man vegetated in savage
obscurity, his habitat being well named the "Dark
Continent.''

Until the white tide began breaking on its sea-
fronts four centuries ago, the black world's only ex-
ternal stimuli had come from brown men landing on
its eastern coasts or ascending the valley of the Nile.
As time passed, both brown and white pressures be-
came more intense, albeit the browns long led in the
process of penetration. Advancing from the east
and trickling across the desert from the north, Ai'ab or
Arabized adventurers conquered black Africa to the
equator; and this poHtical subjugation had also a
racial side, for the conquerors sowed their blood freely
and set a brownish stamp on many regions. As for
the whites, they long remained mere birds of passage.
Half a century ago they possessed Httle more than

BLACK MAN'S LAND 89

trading-posts along the littorals, their only real settle-
ment lying in the extreme south.

Then, suddenly, all was changed. La the closing dec-
ades of the nineteenth century, Europe turned its gaze
full upon the Dark Continent, and within a generation
Africa was partitioned between the European Powers.
Negro and Arab alike fell under European domination.
Only minute Liberia and remote Abyssinia retained
a qualified independence. Furthermore, white settle-
ment also made distinct progress. The tropical bulk
of Africa defied white colonization, but the continent's
northern and southern extremities were climatically
"white man's country." Accordingly, there are to-
day nearly a million whites settled along the Algerian
and Tunisian seaboard, while in South Africa, Dutch
and British blood has built up a powerful common-
wealth containing fully one and one-half miUion white
souls. In Africa, unlike Asia, the European has taken
root, and has thus gained at least local tenures of a
fundamental natiure.

The crux of the African problem therefore resolves
itself into the question whether the white man, through
consoKdated racial holds north and south, will be able
to perpetuate his present poKtical control over the in-
termediate continental mass which cKmate debars
him from populating. This is a matter of great im-
portance, for Africa is a land of enormous potential
wealth, the natiu-al source of Europe's tropical raw
materials and foodstuffs. Whether Europe is to
retain possession depends, in the last analysis, on the

90 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

character of the inhabitants. It is, then, to the nature
of the black man and his connection with the brown
world that we must direct our attention.

From the first glance we see that, in the negro, we
are in the presence of a being differing profoundly
not merely from the white man but also from those
human tj^es which we discovered in oiu- surveys of
the brown and yellow worlds. The black man is,
indeed, sharply differentiated from the other branches
of mankind. His outstanding quality is superabun-
dant animal vitality. In this he easily surpasses aU
other races. To it he owes his intense emotionalism.
To it, again, is due his extreme fecundity, the negro
being the quickest of breeders. This abounding
vitality shows in many other ways, such as the negro's
ability to survive harsh conditions of slavery under
which other races have soon succumbed. Lastly,
in ethnic crossings, the negro strikingly displays his
prepotency, for black blood, once entering a human
stock, seems never really bred out again.

Negro fecundity is a prime factor in Africa's future.
In the savage state which until recently prevailed,
black multiplication was kept down by a wide variety
of checks. Both natural and social causes combined
to maintain an extremely high death-rate. The
negro's political ineptitude, never rising above the tribal
concept, kept black Africa a mosaic of peoples, war-
ring savagely among themselves and widely addicted
to cannibalism. Then, too, the native religions were
usually sanguinary, demanding a prodigality of hu-

BLACK MAN^S LAND 91

man sacrifices. The killings ordained by negro wizards
and witch-doctors sometimes attained unbelievable
proportions. The combined result of all this was a
wastage of life which in other races would have spelled
a declining population. Since the estabKshment of
white poHtical control, however, these checks on black
fecundity are no longer operative. The white rulers
fight filth and disease, stop tribal wars, and stamp out
superstitious abominations. In consequence, popula-
tion increases by leaps and bounds, the latent possi-
bihties being shown in the native reservations in South
Africa, where tribes have increased as much as ten-
fold in fifty or sixty years. It is therefore practically
certain that the African negroes will multiply prodig-
iously in the next few decades.

Now, what will be the attitude of these augmenting
black masses toward white poHtical dominion? To
that momentous query no certain answer can be made.
One thing, however, seems clear: the black world's re-
action to w^hite ascendancy will be markedly different
from those of the brown and yeUow worlds, because of
the profound dissimilarities between negroes and men
of other stocks. To begin with, the black peoples
have no historic pasts. Never having evolved civiHza-
tions of their own, they are practically devoid of that
accumulated mass of beliefs, thoughts, and experiences
which render Asiatics so impenetrable and so hostile
to white influences. Although the white race displays
sustained constructive power to an unrivalled degree,
particularly in its Nordic branches, the brown and yel-

92 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

low peoples have contributed greatly to the civiliza-
tion of the world and have profoundly influenced
human progress. The negro, on the contrary, has con-
tributed virtually nothing. Left to himself, he re-
mained a savage, and in the past his only quickening
has been where brown men have imposed their ideas
and altered his blood. The originating powers of the
European and the Asiatic are not in him.

This lack of constructive originality, however,
renders the negro extremely susceptible to external in-
fluences. The Asiatic, conscious of his past and his
potentialities, is chary of foreign innovations and re-
fuses to recognize alien superiority. The negro, hav-
ing no past, welcomes novelty and tacitly admits that
others are his masters. Both brown and white men
have been so accepted in Africa. The relatively faint
resistance offered by the naturally brave blacks to
white and brown conquest, the ready reception of
Christianity and Islam, and the extraordinary personal
ascendancy acquired by individual Arabs and Euro-
peans, all indicate a willingness to accept foreign tute-
lage which in the Asiatic is wholly absent.

The Arab and the European are, in fact, rivals for
the mastership of black Africa. The Arab had a long
start, but the European suddenly overtook him and
brought not only the blacks but the African Arabs
themselves imder his sway. It remains to be seen
whether the Arab, allying himself with the blacks, can
oust his white rival. That some such move will be at-
tempted, in view of the brown world^s renaissance in

BLACK MAN'S LAND 93

general and ihe extraordinary activity of the Arab
peoples in particular, seems a foregone conclusion.
How the matter will work out depends on three things:
(1) the brown man's inherent strength in Africa; (2)
the possibilities of black disaffection against white
tutelage; (3) the white man's strength and power of
resistance.

The seat of brown power in Africa is of course the
great belt of territory north of the Sahara. From
Egypt to Morocco the inhabitants are Arabized in cul-
ture and Mohammedan in faith, while Arab blood has
percolated ever since the Moslem conquest twelve
centuries ago. In the eastern half of this zone Arabiza-
tion has been complete, and Egypt, Tripoli, and the
Sudan can be considered as unalterably wedded to the
brown Islamic world. The zone's western half, how-
ever, is in different case. The majority of its inhabi-
tants are Berbers, an ancient stock generally considered
white, with close aflSnities to the Latin peoples across
the Mediterranean. As usual, blood tells. The Ber-
bers have been under Arab tutelage for over a thousand
years, yet their whole manner of life remains distinct,
they have largely kept their language, and there has
been comparatively Httle intermarriage. Pure-blooded
Arabs abound, but they are still, in a way, foreigners.
To-day the entire region is under white, French, rule.
Algeria, in particular, has been politically French for
almost a hundred years. Europeans have come in
and number nearly a million souls. The Arab element
shows itself sullen and refractory, but the Berbers dis-

94 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

play much less aversion to French rule, which, as usual,
is considerate of native susceptibilities. The French
colonial authorities are aUve to the Berber's ethnic
affinities and tactfully seek to stimulate his dormant
white consciousness. In Algeria intermarriage be-
tween Europeans and Berbers has actually begun. Of
course the process is merely in its first stages. Still,
the blood is there, the leaven is working, and in time
Northwest Africa may return to the white world,
where it was in Roman days and where it racially be-
longs. In the anti-European disturbances now taking
place in Algeria and Tunis it is safe to say that the Arab
element is making most of the trouble.

It is Northeast Africa, then, which is the real nucleus
of Arabism. Here Arabism and Islam rule unchecked,
and in the preceding chapter we saw how the Senussi
Order was marshalling the fierce nomads of the desert.
These tribesmen are relatively few in numbers, but
more splendid fighting material does not exist in the
wide world. Furthermore, the Arab-negroid peoples
which have developed along the southern edge of the
desert so blend the martial quaKties of both strains
that they frequently display an almost demoniacal
fighting-power. It is Pan-Islamism's hope to use these
Arab or Arabized fanatics as an officers' corps for the
black miUions whom it is converting to the faith.

Concerning Islam's steady progress in black Africa
there can be no shadow of a doubt. Every candid Eu-
ropean observer tells the same story. " Mohammedan-
ism," says Sir Charles Elliott, " can still give the natives

BLACK MAN^S LAND 95

a motive for animosity against Europeans and a iinity
of which they are otherwise incapable. ' ^ ^ Twenty years
ago another EngHsh observer, T. R. Threlfall, wrote:
'^ Mohammedanism is making marvellous progress
in the interior of Africa. It is crushing paganism out.
Against it the Christian propaganda is a myth. . . .
The rapid spread of mihtant Mohammedanism among
the savage tribes to the north of the equator is a serious
factor in the fight for racial supremacy in Africa. With
very few exceptions the colored races of Africa are pre-
eminently fighters. To them the law of the stronger
is supreme; they have been conquered, and in turn
they conquered. To them the fierce, warhke spirit
inherent in Mohammedanism is infinitely more attrac-
tive than is the gentle, peace-loving, high moral stand-
ard of Christianity: hence, the rapid headway the
former is making in central Africa, and the certainty
that it wiQ soon spread to the south of the Zam-
bezi." 2

The *way in which Islam is marching southward
is dramatically shown by a recent incident. A few
years ago the British authorities suddenly discovered
that Mohammedanism was pervading Nyassaland.
An investigation brought out the fact that it was the
work of Zanzibar Arabs. They began their propa-
ganda about 1900. Ten years later almost every vil-
lage in southern Nyassaland had its Moslem teacher

* A. R. Colquhoun, "Pan-Islam," North American Review, June, 1906.
» T. R. Threlfall, "Senussi and His Threatened Holy War," Nine-
Uenth Century, March, 1900.

96 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

and its mosque-hut. Although the movement was
frankly anti-European, the British authorities did not
dare to check it for fear of repercussions elsewhere.
Another interesting fact, probably not unconnected,
is that Nyassaland has lately been the theatre of an
anti-white "Christian^' propaganda — the so-called
"Ethiopian Chiu-ch," of which I shall presently speak.
Islam has thus two avenues of approach to the Afri-
can negro — ^his natural preference for a militant faith
and his resentment at white tutelage. It is the dis-
inclination of the more martial African peoples for a
pacific creed which perhaps accounts for Christianity's
slow progress among the very warhke tribes of South
Africa, such as the Zulus and the Matabele. Islam
is as yet unknown south of the Zambezi, but white
men imiversally dread the possibility of its appearance,
fearing its effect upon the natives. Of course Chris-
tianity has made distinct progress in the Dark Conti-
nent. The natives of the South African Union are
predominantly Christianized. In east-central Africa
Christianity has also gained many converts, particu-
larly in Uganda, while on the West African Guinea
coast Christian missions have long been estabHshed
and have generally succeeded in keeping Islam away
from the seaboard. Certainly, all white men, whether
professing Christians or not, should welcome the suc-
cess of missionary efforts in Africa. The degrading
fetishism and demonology which sum up the native
pagan cults cannot stand, and all negroes will some
day be either Christians or Moslems. In so far as he

BLACK MAN'S LAND 97

is Christianized, the negro's savage instincts will be
restrained and he will be disposed to acquiesce in
white tutelage. In so far as he is Islamized; the negro's
warlike propensities will be inflamed; and he will be
used as the tool of Arab Pan-Islamism seeking to drive
the white man from Africa and make the continent
its very own.

As to specific anti-white sentiments among negroes
untouched by Moslem propaganda, such sentiments
undoubtedly exist in many quarters. The strongest
manifestations are in South Africa, where interracial
relations are bad and becoming worse, but there is
much diffused, half-articulate dislike of white men
throughout central Africa as well. Devoid though
the African savage is of either national or cultural con-
sciousness, he could not be expected to welcome a tute-
lage which imposed many irksome restrictions upon
him. Fiu"thermore, the African negro does seem to
possess a certain rudimentary sense of race-sohdarity.
The existence of both these sentiments is proved by the
way in which the news of white mihtary reverses have
at once been known and rejoiced in all over black
Africa; spread, it would seem, by those mysterious
methods of commimication employed by negroes every-
where and called in our Southern States "grape-vine
telegraph." The Russo-Japanese War, for example,
produced all over the Dark Continent intensely exciting
effects.

This generalized anti-white feeling has, during the
past decade, taken tangible form in South Africa.

98 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

The white population of the Union, though numbering
1,500;000, is surrounded by a black population four
times as great and increasing more rapidly, while in
many sections the whites are outnumbered ten to one.
The result is a state of affairs exactly paralleling con-
ditions in our own South, the South African whites
feeling obliged to protect their ascendancy by elaborate
legal regulations and social taboos. The negroes have
been rapidly growing more restive under these dis-
criminations, and unpleasant episodes like race-riots,
rapings, and lynchings are increasing in South Africa
from year to year.

One of the most significant, not to say ominous, signs
of the times is the "Ethiopian Church'^ movement.
The movement began about fifteen years ago, some of
its founders being Afro- American Methodist preachers
— a fact which throws a curious light on possible Ameri-
can negro reflexes upon their ancestral homeland. The
movement spread rapidly, many native mission congre-
gations cutting loose from white ecclesiastical control
and joining the negro organization. It also soon dis-
played frankly anti-white tendencies, and the govern-
ment became seriously alarmed at its unsettling influ-
ence upon the native mind. It was suspected of having
had a hand in the Zulu rising which broke out in
Natal in 1907 and which was put down only after many
whites and thousands of natives had lost their lives.
Shortly afterward the authorities outlawed the Ethio-
pian Chiu-ch and forbade Afro-American preachers to
enter South Africa, but the movement, though legally

BLACK MAN^S LAND 99

suppressed; lived surreptitiously on and appeared in
new quarters.

In 1915 a peculiarly fanatical form of Ethiopianism
broke out in Nyassaland. Its leader was a certain
John Chilembwe, an Ethiopian preacher who had
been educated in the United States. His propa-
ganda was bitterly anti-white, asserting that Africa
belonged to the black man, that the white man was
an intruder, and that he ought to be killed off until he
grew discouraged and abandoned the country. Chilem-
bwe plotted a rising a.U over Nyassaland, the killing of
the white men, and the carrying off of the white women.
In January, 1915, the rising took place. Some planta-
tions were sacked and several whites killed, their heads
being carried to Chilembwe^s ^' church,^' where a
thanksgiving service for victory was held. The whites,
however, acted with great vigor, the poorly armed in-
surgents were quickly scattered, and John Chilembwe
himself was soon hunted down and killed. In itself,
the incident was of slight importance, but, taken in
connection with much else, it does not augur well for
the future.^

An interesting indication of the growing sense of
negro race-solidarity was the "Pan-African Congress''
held at Paris early in 1919. Here delegates from black
communities throughout the world gathered to discuss
matters of common interest. Most of the delegates
were from Africa and the Americas, but one delegate
from New Guinea was also present, thus representing

* For details, see The Annual Register lot 1915 and 1916.

100 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

the Australasian branch of the black race. The
Congress was not largely attended and was of a some-
what provisional character, but arrangements for the
holding of subsequent congresses were made.

Here, then, is the African problem's present status:
To begin with, we have a rapidly growing black popu-
lation, increasingly restive imder white tutelage and
continually excited by Pan-Islamic propaganda with
the further compKcation of another anti-white propa-
ganda spread by negro radicals from America.

The African situation is thus somewhat analogous
to conditions in Asia. But the analogy must not be
pressed too far. In Asia white hegemony rests solely
on political bases, while the Asiatics themselves, browns
and yellows ahke, display constructive power and
possess civiHzations built up by their own efforts from
the remote past. The Asiatics are to-day once more
displaying their innate capacity by not merely adopt-
ing, but adapting, white ideas and methods. We be-
hold an Asiatic renaissance, whose genuineness is best
attested by the fact that there have been similar
movements in past times.

None of this apphes to Africa. The black race has
never shown real constructive power. It has never
built up a native civilization. Such progress as cer-
tain negro groups have made has been due to external
pressure and has never long outlived that pressure's
removal, for the negro, when left to himself, as in
Haiti and Liberia, rapidly reverts to his ancestral ways.
The negro is a facile, even eager, imitator; but there

BLACK MAN'S LAND 101

he stops. He adopts; but he does not adapt, assim-
ilate, and give forth creatively again.

The whole of history testifies to this truth. As the
Englishman Meredith Townsend says: ''None of the
black races, whether negro or AustraHan, have shown
within the historic time the capacity to develop civiliza-
tion. They have never passed the boundaries of their
own habitats as conquerors, and never exercised the
smallest influence over peoples not black. They have
never founded a stone city, have never built a ship,
have never produced a literature, have never sug-
gested a creed. . . . There seems to be no reason for
this except race. It is said that the negro has been
buried in the most 'massive' of the four continents,
and has been, so to speak, lost to humanity; but he
was always on the Nile, the immediate road to the
Mediterranean, and in West and East Africa he was
on the sea. Africa is probably more fertile, and almost
certainly richer than Asia, and is pierced by rivers as
mighty, and some of them at least as navigable. What
could a singularly healthy race, armed with a constitu-
tion which resists the sun and defies malaria, wish for
better than to be seated on the Nile, or the Congo, or
the Niger, in numbers amply sufficient to execute any
needed work, from the cutting of forests and the mak-
ing of roads up to the building of cities? How was
the negro more secluded than the Peruvian; or why
was he 'shut up' worse than the Tartar of Samarcand,
who one day shook himself, gave up all tribal feuds,
and, from the Sea of Okhotsk to the Baltic and south-

102 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

ward to the Nerbudda, mastered the world? . . . The
negro went by himself far beyond the Australian savage.
He learned the use of fire, the fact that sown grain will
groW; the value of shelter, the use of the bow and the
canoe, and the good of clothes; but there to all appear-
ances he stopped, imable, imtil stimulated by another
race like the Arab, to advance another step/' ^

Unless, then, every lesson of history is to be disre-
garded, we must conclude that black Africa is unable
to stand alone. The black man's numbers may in-
crease prodigiously and acquire alien veneers, but the
black man's nature will not change. Black unrest may
grow and cause much trouble. Nevertheless, the white
man must stand fast in Africa. No black "renais-
sance" impends, and Africa, if abandoned by the whites,
would merely fall beneath the onset of the browns.
And that would be a great calamity. As stated in the
preceding chapter, the brown peoples, of themselves,
do not directly menace white race-areas, while Pan-
Islamism is at present an essentially defensive move-
ment. But Islam is militant by nature, and the Arab
is a restless and warlike breed. Pan-Islamism once
possessed of the Dark Continent and fired by militant
zealots, might forge black Africa into a sword of
wrath, the executor of sinister adventures.

Fortunately the white man has every reason for
keeping a firm hold on Africa. Not only are its cen-
tral tropics prime sources of raw materials and food-
stuffs which white direction can alone develop, but to

» Townsend, op. at., pp. 92, 356-8..

BLACK MAN^S LAND 103

north and south the white man has struck deep roots
into the soil. Both extremities of the continent are
"white man's country/' where strong white peoples
should ultimately arise. Two of the chief white
Powers, Britain and France, are pledged to the hilt
in this racial task and will spare no effort to safeguard
the heritage of their pioneering children. Brown in-
fluence in Africa is strong, but it is supreme only in the
northeast and its line of communication with the
Asiatic homeland runs over the narrow neck of Suez.
Should stern necessity arise, the white world could
hold Suez against Asiatic assault and crush brown re-
sistance in Africa.

In short, the real danger to white control of Africa
lies, not in brown attack or black revolt, but in
possible white weakness through chronic discord within
the white world itself. And that subject must be re-
served for later chapters.

CHAPTER V

RED MAN'S LAND

Red Man's Land is the Americas between the Rio
Grande and the tropic of Capricorn. Here dwells
the "Amerindian" race. At the time of Columbus
the whole western hemisphere was theirs, but the
white man has extirpated or absorbed them to north
and south, so that to-day the United States and Can-
ada in North America and the southern portions of
South America are genuine "white man's country.''
In the intermediate zone above mentioned, however,
the Amerindian has survived and forms the majority
of the population, albeit considerably mixed with white
and to a lesser degree with negro blood. The total
number of "Indians," including both full-bloods and
mixed types, is about 40,000,000 — ^more than two-
thirds of the whole population. In addition, there are
several million negroes and mulattoes, mostly in Brazil.
The white population of the intermediate zone, even if
we include "near-whites," does not average more than
10 per cent, though it varies greatly with different re-
gions. The reader should remember that neither the
West India Islands nor the southern portion of the
South American continent are included in this gener-
alization. In the West Indies the Amerindian has com-
pletely died out and has been replaced by the negro,

104

RED MAN'S LAND 105

while southern South America, especially Argentina
and Uruguay, are genuine white man's country in which
there is little Indian and no negro blood. Despite
these exceptions, however, the fact remains that, taken
as a whole, "Latin America,'' the vast land-block from
the Rio Grande to Cape Horn, is racially not "Latin"
but Amerindian or negroid, with a thin Spanish or
Portuguese veneer. In other words, though commonly
considered part of the white world, most of Latin
America is ethnicalty colored man's land, which has
been growing more colored for the past hundred years.
Latin America's evolution was predetermined by the
Spanish Conquest. That very word "conquest" tells
the story. The United States was settled by colonists
planning homes and bringing their women. It was
thus a genuine migration, and resulted in a full trans-
planting of white stock to new soil. The Indians en-
countered were wild nomads, fierce of temper and few
in number. After sharp conflicts they were extirpated,
leaving virtually no ethnic traces behind. The colo-
nization of Latin America was the exact antithesis.
The Spanish Conquistador es were bold warriors descend-
ing upon vast regions inhabited by relatively dense
populations, some of which, as in Mexico and Peru, had
attained a certain degree of civilization. The Span-
iards, invincible in their shining armor, paralyzed with
terror these people still dwelling in the age of bronze
and polished stone. With ridiculous ease mere hand-
fuls of whites overthrew empires and lorded it like gods
over servile and adoring multitudes. Cortez marched

106 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

on Mexico with less than 600 followers, while Pizarro
had but 310 companions when he started his conquest
of Peru. Of course the fabulous treasures amassed
in these exploits drew swarms of bold adventurers
from Spain. Nevertheless, their numbers were al-
ways infinitesimal compared with the vastness of the
quarry, while the proportion of women immigrants
continued to lag far behind that of the men. The
breeding of pure whites in Latin America was thus both
scanty and slow.

On the other hand, the breeding of mixed-bloods
began at once and attained notable proportions. Hav-
ing slaughtered the Indian males or brigaded them in
slave-gangs, the Conquistadores took the Indian
women to themselves. The humblest man-at-arms
had several female attendants, while the leaders be-
came veritable pashas with great harems of concu-
bines. The result was a prodigious output of half-
breed children, known as "mestizos'' or "cholos."

And soon a new ethnic complication was added. The
Indians having developed a melancholy trick of d3dng
off under slavery, the Spaniards imported African
negroes to fill the servile ranks, and since they took
negresses as well as Indian women for concubines, other
half-breeds — mulattoes — appeared. Here and there
Indians and negroes mated on their own account, the
offspring being known as "zambos.'' In time these
various hybrids bred among themselves, producing the
most extraordinary ethnic combinations. As Garcia-
Calderon well puts it: "Grotesque generations with

RED MAN'S LAND 107

eveiy shade of complexion and every conformation of
skull were born in America — a crucible continually
agitated by unheard-of fusions of races. . . . But there
was little Latin blood to be f oimd in the homes formed
by the sensuality of the first conquerors of a desolated
America." ^

To be sure, this mongrel population long remained
politically negligible. The Spaniards regarded them-
selves as a master-caste, and excluded all save pure
whites from civic rights and social privileges. In
fact, the European-born Spaniards refused to recognize
even their colonial-born kinsmen as their equals, and
'^ Creoles'' 2 could not aspire to the higher distinctions
or offices. This attitude was largely inspired by the de-
sire to maintain a lucrative monopoly. Yet the Eiu-o-
pean's sense of superiority had some vaHd grounds.
There can be no doubt that the Creole whites, as a
class, showed increasing signs of degeneracy. Climate
was a prime cause in the hotter regions, but there
were many plateau areas, as in Colombia, Mexico, and
Peru, which though geographically in the tropics had
a temperate climate from their elevation.

Even more than by climate the Creole was injured
by contact with the colored races. Pampered and cor-
rupted from birth by obsequious slaves, the Creole

*F. Garcia-Calderon, "Latin America: Its Rise and Progress,"
p. 49 (English translation, London, 1913).

* Although loose usage has since obscured its true meaning, the term
"Creole" has to do, not with race, but with birthplace. "Creole"
originally meant "one bom in the colonies." Down to the nineteenth
century, this was perfectly clear. Whites were "Creole" or "Eu-
ropean"; negroes were "Creole" or "African."

108 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

usually led an idle and vapid existence, disdaining
work as servile and debarred from higher callings by
his European-born superiors. As time passed; the de-
generacy due to climate and custom was intensified
by degeneracy of blood. Despite legal enactment and
social taboO; colored strains percolated insidiously into
the Creole stock. The leading families, by elaborate
precautions, might succeed in keeping their escutcheons
clean, but humbler circles darkened significantly despite
fervid protestations of " pure-white '^ blood. Still, so
long as Spain kept her hold on Latin America, the
process of miscegenation, socially considered, was a
slow one. The whole social system was based on the
idea of white superiority, and the colors were carefully
graded. "In America," wrote Humboldt toward the
close of Spanish rule, "the more or less white skin de-
termines the position which a man holds in society."^
The revolution against Spain had momentous con-
sequences for the racial future of Latin America. In
the beginning, to be sure, it was a white civil war — a,
revolt of the Creoles against European oppression and
discrimination. The heroes of the revolution — ^Bolivar,
Miranda, San Martin, and the rest — were aristocrats of
pure-white blood. But the revolution presently de-
veloped new featiu-es. To begin with, the struggle
was very long. Commencing in 1809, it lasted almost
twenty years. The whites were decimated by fratrici-
dal fury, and when the Spanish cause was finally lost,
multitudes of loyalists mainly of the superior social

1 Garcia-Calderon, p. 50.

RED MAN^S LAND 109

classes left the country. Meanwhile, the half-castes,
who had rallied wholesale to the revolutionary banner,
were demanding their reward. The Creoles wished
to close the revolutionary cycle and estabHsh a new
society based, like the old, upon white supremacy, with
themselves substituted for the Spaniards. Bolivar
planned a Hmited monarchy and a white electoral oH-
garchy. But this was far from suiting the half-castes.
For them the revolution had just begun. Raising the
cry of "democracy," then become fashionable through
the North American and French revolutions, they
proclaimed the doctrine of "equality" regardless of
skin. Disillusioned and full of foreboding, BoKvar,
the master-spirit of the revolution, disappeared from
the scene, and his Heutenants, like the generals of
Alexander, quarrelled among themselves, split Latin
America into jarring fragments, and waged a long
series of internecine wars. The flood-gates of anarchy
were opened, the result being a steady weakening of the
whites and a corresponding rise of the half-castes in the
political and social scale. Everywhere ambitious sol-
diers led the mongrel mob against the white aristocracy,
breaking its power and making themselves dictators.
These "caudillos" were apostles of equality and mis-
cegenation. Says Garcia-Calderon: "Tyrants foimd
democracies; they lean on the support of the people,
the half-breeds and negroes, against the oligarchies;
they dominate the colonial nobility, favor the crossing
of races, and free the slaves."^

1 Garcia-Calderon, p. 89.

no THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

The consequences of all this were lamentable in
the extreme. Latin Americans level of civilization fell
far below that of colonial days. Spanish rule, though
narrow and tyrannical, had maintained peace and social
stability. Now all was a hideous chaos wherein fren-
zied castes and colors grappled to the death. Ignorant
mestizos and brutal negroes trampled the fine flowers
of culture under foot, while as by a malignant inverse
selection the most intelligent and the most cultivated
perished.

These deplorable conditions prevailed in Latin
America until well past the middle of the nineteenth
century. Of course, here as elsewhere, anarchy en-
gendered tyranny, and strong eaudillos sometimes per-
petuated their dictatorship for decades, as in Para-
guay mider Doctor Francia and in Mexico under Por-
firio Diaz. However, these were mere interludes, of
no constructive import. Always the aging lion lost
his grip, the lurking hyenas of anarchy downed him at
last, and the land sank once more into revolutionaiy
chaos. Some parts of Latin America did, indeed, def-
initely emerge into the light of stable progress. But
those favored regions owed their deliverance, not to
dictatorship, but to race. One of two factors always
operated: either (1) an efficient white oHgarchy; or
(2) xAryanization through wholesale European immigra-
tion.

Stabilization through oligarchy is best illustrated
by Chile. Chilean history differs widely from that
of the rest of Latin America. A land of cool climate,

RED MAN'S LAND 111

no gold, and warlike Araucanian Indians, Chile at-
tracted the pioneering settler rather than the swash-
buckling seeker of treasure-trove. Now the pioneer-
ing types in Spain come mainly from those northern
provinces which have retained considerable Nordic
blood. The Chilean colonists were thus largely blond
Asturians or austere, reasonable Basques, seeking homes
and bringing their women. Of course there was cross-
ing with the natives, but the fierce Araucanian aborig-
ines clung to their wild freedom and kept up an inter-
minable frontier warfare in which the occasions for
race-mixture were relatively few. The country was
thus settled by a resident squirearchy of an almost
English type. This ruling gentry jealously guarded
its racial integrity. In fact, it possessed not merely
a white but a Nordic race-consciousness. The Chilean
gentry called themselves sons of the Visigoths, scions
of Euric and Pelayo, who had foimd in remote Arau-
cania a chance to slake their racial thirst for fighting
and freedom.

In Chile, as elsewhere, the revolution provoked a
cycle of disorder. But the cycle was short, and was
more a poHtical struggle between white factions than
a social welter of caste and race. Furthermore, Chile
was receiving fresh accessions of Nordic blood. Many
English, Scotch, and Irish gentleman-adventurers,
taking part in the War of Independence, settled down
in a land so reminiscent of their own. Germans also
came in considerable numbers, settling especially in
the colder south. Thus the Chilean upper classes,

112 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

always pure white, became steadily more Nordic in
ethnic character. The political and social results
were mimistakable. Chile rapidly evolved a stable
society, essentially oligarchic and consciously patterned
on aristocratic England. Efficient, practical, and ex-
tremely patriotic, the Chilean oKgarchs made their
country at once the most stable and the most dynamic
factor in Latin America.

The distinctly "Northern'' character of Chile and
the Chileans strike foreign observers. Here, for ex-
ample, are the impressions of a recent visitor, the North
American sociologist. Professor E. A. Ross. Landing
at the port of Valparaiso, he is "struck by signs of
English influence. On the commercial streets every
third man suggests the Briton, while a large proportion
of the business people look as if they have their daily
tub. The cleanliness of the streets, the freshness of
the parks and squares, the dressing of the shop-win-
dows, and the style of the mounted police remind one
of England." ^ As to the Nordic afiinities of the upper
classes: "One sees it in statiu^e, eye color, and ruddy
complexion. . . . Among the pupils of Santiago Col-
lege there are as many blonds as bnmets."^ Even
among the peon or "roto" class, despite considerable
Indian crossing. Professor Ross noted the strong Nordic
strain, for he met Chilean peasants "whose stature,
broad shoulders, big faces, and tawny mustaches pro-

» Edward Alsworth Ross, "South of Panama," pp. 97-98 (New
York, 1914).
* Ross, p. 109.

RED MAN'S LAND 113

claimed them as genuine Norsemen as the Icelanders in
our Red River Valley/' ^

Chile is thus the prime example of social stability
and progress attained through white oHgarchic rule.
Other, though less successful, instances are to be noted
in Peru, Colombia, and Costa Rica. Peru and Colom-
bia, though geographically within the tropics, have ex-
tensive temperate plateaux. Here numerous whites
settled during the colonial period, forming an upper
caste over a large Indian population. Unlike Chile,
few Nordics came to leaven society with those quahties
of constructive genius and racial self-respect which
are the special birthright of Nordic man. Unlike
Chile again, not only were there dense Indian masses,
but there was also an appreciable negro element.
Lastly, the number of mixed-bloods was very large.
It is thus not surprising that for both Peru and Colom-
bia the revolution ushered in a period of tm-moil from
which neither have even yet emerged. The whites
have consistently fought among themselves, invoking
the half-castes as auxiHaries and using Indians and
negroes as their pawns. The whites are still the domi-
nant element, but only the first famihes retain their
pure blood, and miscegenation creeps upward with
every successive generation. As for Costa Rica, it is
a tiny bit of cool hill-country, settled by whites in
colonial times, and to-day rises an oasis of civiliza-
tion, above the tropic jungle of degenerate, mongrel
Central America.

^ Ross, p. 109.

114 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

The second method of social stabiHzation in Latin
America — ^Aryanization through wholesale European
immigration — is exemplified by Argentina and Uru-
guay. Neither of these lands had very promising be-
ginnings. Their populations, at the revolution, con-
tained strong Indian infusions and traces of negro
blood, while after the revolution both fell under the
sway of tyrannical dictators who persecuted the white
aristocrats and favored miscegenation. However, Ar-
gentina and Uruguay possessed two notable advan-
tages: they were cHmatically white man's coimtry,
and they at first contained a very small population.
Since they produced neither gold nor tropical luxuries,
Spain had neglected them, so that at the revolution
they consisted of Httle more than the port-towns .of
Buenos Aires and Montevideo with a few dependent
river-settlements. Their vast hinterlands of fertile
prairie then harbored only wandering tribes of nomad
savages.

During the last half of the nineteenth century,
however, the development of ocean transport gave
these antipodean prairies value as stock-raising and
grain-growing sources for congested Europe, and Eu-
rope promptly sent immigrants to supply her needs.
This immigrant stream gradually swelled to a veritable
deluge. The human tide was, on the whole, of sound
stock, mostly Spaniards and north Italians, with some
Nordic elements from northern Europe in the upper
strata. Thus Europe locked antipodean America
securely to the white world. As for the colonial stock,

RED MAN'S LAND 115

it merged easily into the newer, kindred flood. Here
and there signs of former miscegenation still show,
the Argentino being sometimes, as Madison Grant well
puts it, "suspiciously swarthy." ^ Nevertheless, these
are but vestigial traces which the ceaseless European
inflow will ultimately eradicate. The large impending
German immigration to Argentina and Uruguay should
bring valuable Nordic elements.

This same tide of European immigration has like-
wise pretty well Aryanized the southern provinces of
Brazil, adjacent to the Uruguayan border. Those
provinces were neglected by Portugal as Argentina and
Uruguay were by Spain, and half a century ago they
had a very sparse population. To-day they support
miUions of European immigrants, mostly Italians and
European Portuguese, but with the further addition
of nearly half a million Germans. Brazil is, in fact,
evolving into two racially distinct communities. The
southern provinces are white man's country, with httle
Indian or negro blood, and with a distinct "color line."
The tropical north is saturated with Indian and negro
strains, and the whites are rapidly disappearing in a
universal mongrelization. Ultimately this must pro-
duce momentous political consequences.

Bearing in mind the exceptions above noted, let us
now observe the vast tropical and semi-tropical bulk
of Latin America. Here we find notable changes since
colonial days. White predominance is substantially

1 Madison Grant, "The Passing of the Great Race," p. 78. (2d
edition, New York, 1918.)

116 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

a thing of the past. Persons of unmixed Spanish or
Portuguese descent are relatively few, most of the
so-called "whites'' being really near-whites, more or
less deeply tinged with colored bloods. It is a strik-
ing token of white race-prestige that these near-
whites, despite their degeneracy and ineflSciency, are
yet the dominant element; occupying, in fact, much
the same status as the aristocratic Creoles immediately
after the War of Independence. Nevertheless, the
near-whites' supremacy is now threatened. Every
decade of chronic anarchy favors the darker half-
breeds, while below these, in turn, the Indian and
negro fuU-bloods are beginning to stir, as in Mexico
to-day.

Most informed observers agree that the mixed-
bloods of Latin America are distinctly inferior to the
whites. This applies to both mestizos and mulattoes,
albeit the mestizo (the cross between white and In-
dian) seems less inferior than the mulatto — the cross
between white and black. As for the zambo, the In-
dian-negro cross, everybody is agreed that it is a very
bad one. Analyses of these hybrid stocks show re-
markable similarities to the mongrel chaos of the de-
clining Roman Empire. Here is the judgment of
Garcia-Calderon, a Peruvian scholar and generally
considered the most authoritative writer on Latin
America. "The racial question," he writes, "is a
very serious problem in American history. It explains
the progress of certain peoples and the decadence of
others, and it is the key to the incurable disorder which

RED MAN'S LAND 117

divides America. Upon it depend a great number of
secondary phenomena; the pubHc wealth, the indus-
trial system, the stabihty of governments, the soHdity
of patriotism. . . . This compKcation of castes, this
admixture of diverse bloods, has created many prob-
lems. For example, is the formation of a national
consciousness possible with such disparate elements?
Would such heterogeneous democracies be able to resist
the invasion of superior races? Finally, is the South
American half-caste absolutely incapable of organiza-
tion and culture?''^ While qualifying his answers to
these queries, Garcia-Calderon yet deplores the half-
caste's "decadence."^ "In the Iberian democracies,"
he says, "an inferior Latinity, a Latinity of the de-
cadence, prevails; verbal abundance, inflated rhetoric,
oratorical exaggeration, just as in Roman Spain. . . .
The half-caste loves grace, verbal elegance, quibbles
even, and artistic form; great passions and desires do
not move him. In reHgion he is sceptical, indifferent,
and in poHtics he disputes in the Byzantine manner.
No one could discover in him a trace of his Spanish
forefather, stoical and adventurous.''^ Garcia-Calde-
ron therefore concludes: "The mixture of rival castes,
Iberians, Indians, and negroes, has generally had dis-
astrous consequences. . . . None of the conditions es-
tabhshed by the French psychologists are reaHzed by
the Latin American democracies, and their popula-
tions are therefore degenerate. The lower castes strug-
gle successfully against the traditional rules: the order

1 Garcia-Calderon, pp. 351-2. " Ibid., p. 287. » /^^.^ p. 350.

118 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

which formerly existed is followed by moral anarchy;
soKd conviction by a superficial scepticism; and the
Castilian tenacity by indecision. The black race is
doing its work, and the continent is returning to its
primitive barbarism."^ This melancholy fate can,
according to Garcia-Calderon, be averted only by
wholesale white immigration: "In South America
civilization is dependent upon the numerical predomi-
nance of the victorious Spaniard, on the triumph of the
white man over the mulatto, the negro, and the In-
dian. Only a plentiful European immigration can re-
establish the shattered equiHbrium of the American
races." ^

Garcia-Calderon's pronouncements are echoed by
foreign observers. During his South American travels
Professor Ross noted the same melancholy symptoms
and pointed out the same unique remedy. Speaking
of Ecuador, he says: "I found no foreigners who have
faith in the futiu-e of this people. They point out that
while this was a Spanish colony there was a continual
flow of immigrants from Spain, many of whom, no
doubt, were men of force. PoKtical separation inter-
rupted this ciu-rent, and since then the country has
really gone back. Spain had provided a ruling, or-
ganizing element, and, with the cessation of the flow of
Spaniards, the mixed-bloods took charge of things,
for the piu-e-white element is so small as to be negligible.
No one suggests that the mestizos equal the white
stock either in intellect or in character. . . . Among

I Garcia-Calderon, pp. 361-2. 2 /^.^ p, 352.

RED MAN'S LAND 119

the rougher foreigners and Peruvians the pet name for
these people is 'monkeys/ The thoughtful often liken
them to Eurasians, clever enough, but lacking in solid-
ity of character. Natives and foreigners alike declare
that a large white immigration is the only hope for
Ecuador/^ 1

Concerning Bolivia, Professor Ross writes: "The
wisest sociologist in BoUvia told me that the zambo,
resulting from the union of Indian with negro, is in-
ferior to both the parent races, and that likewise
the mestizo is inferior to both white and Indian in
physical strength, resistance to disease, longevity, and
brains. The failure of the South American republics
has been due, he declares, to mestizo domination.
Through the colonial period there was a flow of Span-
iards to the colonies, and all the oflSces down to corre-
gidor and cura were filled by white men. With in-
dependence, the whites ceased coming, and the lower
offices of state and church were filled with mestizos.
Then, too, the first crossing of white with Indian
gave a better result than the imion between mestizos,
so that the stock has undergone progressive degenera-
tion. The only thing, then, that can make these
countries progress is a large white immigration, some-
thing much talked about by statesmen in all these
countries, but which has never materiahzed.'^^

These judgments refer particularly to Spanish Amer-
ica. Regarding Portuguese Brazil, however, the ver-
dict seems to be the same. Many years ago Professor

1 Ross, "South of Panama," pp. 29-30. ^Robb, p. 41.

120 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

Agassiz wrote: "Let any one who doubts the evil of
this mixture of races, and is inclined from mistaken
philanthropy to break down all barriers between them,
come to Brazil. He cannot deny the deterioration con-
sequent upon the amalgamation of races, more wide-
spread here than in any country in the world, and which
is rapidl}^ effacing the best qualities of the white man,
the negro, and the Indian, leaving a mongrel, nonde-
script type, deficient in physical and mental energy/'*

The mongrel's political ascendancy produces pre-
cisely the results which might have been expected.
These unhappy beings, every cell of whose bodies is
a battle-ground of jarring heredities, express their souls
in acts of hectic violence and aimless instability. The
normal state of tropical America is anarchy, restrained
only by domestic tyrants or foreign masters. Garcia-
Calderon exactly describes its psychology when he
writes : " Precocious, sensual, impressionable, the Amer-
icans of these vast territories devote their energies to
local poKtics. Industry, commerce, and agriculture
are in a state of decay, and the unruly imagination of
the Creole expends itself in constitutions, programmes,
and lyrical discourses; in these regions anarchy is
sovereign mistress." ^ The tropical repubhcs display,
indeed, a tendency toward "atomic disintegration. . . .
Given to dreaming, they are led by presidents suffering
from neurosis."^

The stock feature of the mongrel tropics is, of course,
the "revolution." These senseless and perennial

1 A. p. Schultz, ''Race or Mongrel," p. 155 (Boston, 1908).

2 Garcia-Calderon, p. 222. ^ Ibid., p. 336.

RED MAN^S LAND 121

outbursts are often ridiculed in the United States as
comic opera, but the grim truth of the matter is that
few Latin American revolutions are laughing matters.
The numbers of men engaged may not be very large
according to our standards, but measured by the scanty
populations of the coimtries concerned, they lay a
heavy blood-tax on the suffering peoples. The tatter-
demalion ^^ armies'^ may excite our mirth, but the
battles are real enough, often fought out to the death
with razor-edged machetes and rusty bayonets, and
there is no more ghastly sight than a Latin American
battle-field. The commandeerings, burnings, rapings,
and assassinations inflicted upon the hapless civilian
population cry to heaven. There is always wholesale
destruction of property, frequently appalling loss of
life, and a general paralysis of economic and social ac-
tivity. These wretched lands have now been scourged
by the revolutionary plague for a hundred years, and
W. B. Hale does not overstate the consequences when
he says: "Most of the countries clustering about the
Caribbean have sunk into deeper and deeper mires
of misrule, unmatched for profligacy and violence any-
where on earth. Revolution follows revolution; one
band of brigands succeeds another; atrocities revenge
atrocities; the plundered people grow more and more
abject in poverty and slavishness; vast natural re-
sources lie neglected, while populations decrease, civili-
zation recedes, and the jungle advances." ^ Of course,
imder these frightful circumstances, the national char-

iW. B. Hale, "Our Danger in Central America," World's Workf
August, 1912.

122 THE RISING TIDE , OF COLOR

acter, weak enough at best, degenerates at an ever-
quickening pace. Peaceful effort of any sort appears
vain and ridiculous, and men are taught that wealth
is procurable only by violence and extortion.

Another important point should be noted. I have
said that Latin American anarchy was restrained by
dictatorship. But the reader must not infer that dic-
tatorsliips are halcyon times — ^for the dictated. On the
contrary, they are usually only a trifle less wretched
and demoraHzing than times of revolution. The
"caudillos" are nearly always very sinister figures.
Often they are ignorant brutes; oftener they are blood-
thirsty, lecherous monsters; oftenest they are human
spiders who suck the land dry of all fluid wealth, bank-
ing it abroad against the day when they shall fly before
the revolutionary blast to the safe haven of Paris and
the congenial debaucheries of Montmartre. The mil-
Hons amassed by tyrants like Castro of Venezuela and
Zelaya of Nicaragua are almost beyond belief, consider-
ing the backward, bankrupt lands they have "ad-
ministered."

Yet how can it be otherwise? Consider Critch-
field's incisive accoimt of a caudillo's accession to
power: "When an ignorant and brutal man, whose
entire knowledge of the world is confined to a few
Indian villages, and whose total experience has been
gained in the raising of cattle, doffs his alpagartes,
and; machete in hand, cuts his way to power in a few
weeks, with a savage horde at his back who know
nothing of the amenities of civilization and care less

RED MAN'S LAND 123

than they know — ^when such a man comes to power, evil
and evil only can result. Even if the new dictator were
well-intentioned, his entire ignorance of law and con-
stitutional forms, of commercial processes and manu-
facturing arts, and of the fundamental and necessary
principles underlying all stable and free governments,
would render a successful administration by him ex-
tremely difficult, if not impossible. But he is siu*-
rounded by all the elements of vice and flattery, and
he is imbued with that vain and absurd egotism which
makes men of small cahber imagine themselves to be
Napoleons or Caesars. Thus do petty despotisms, un-
restrained by constitutional provisions or by anything
like a virile public opinion, lead from absiu-dity to
outrage and crime." ^

Such is the situation in mongrel-ruled America:
revolution breeding revolution, tyranny breeding tyr-
anny, and the twain combining to ruin their victims
and force them ever deeper into the slough of degener-
ate barbarism. The whites have lost their grip and are
rapidly disappearing. The mixed-breeds have had
their chance and have grotesquely failed. The oft-
quoted panacea — ^white immigration — ^is under present
conditions a vain dream, for white immigrants will not
expose themselves (and still less their women) to the
horrors of mongrel rule. So far, then, as internal fac-
tors are concerned, anarchy seems destined to continue
unchecked.

1 G. W. Critchfield, "American Supremacy," voL I, p. 277 (New

York, 1908).

124 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

In fact, new conflicts loom on the horizon. The
Indian masses, so docile to the genuine white man, be-
gin to stir. The aureole of white prestige has been
besmirched by the near-whites and half-castes who have
traded so recklessly upon its sanctions. Strong in the
poise of normal heredity, the Indian full-blood com-
mences to despise these chaotic masters who turn his
homelands into bear-gardens and witches' sabbaths.
An "Indianista'' movement is to-day on foot through-
out mongrel-ruled America. It is most pronounced
in Mexico, whose interminable agony becomes more and
more a war of Indian resurgence, but it is also starting
along the west coast of South America. Long ago, wise
old Professor Pearson saw how the wind was blowing.
Noting how whites and near-whites were "everywhere
fighting and intriguing for the spoils of office,'' he also
noted that the Indian masses, though relatively passive
and "seemingly unobservant," were yet "conquering
a place for themselves in other ways than by increas-
ing and multiplying," and he concluded: "the general
level of the autochthonous race is being raised; it is
acquiring riches and self-respect, and must sooner or
later get the country back'^into its hands." ^ Recent
visitors to the South American west coast note the signs
of Indian unrest. Some years ago Lord Bryce re-
marked of Bolivia: "There have been Indian risings,
and firearms are more largely in their hands than for-
merly. They so preponderate in 'numbers that any
movement which united them against the upper class

* Pearson, op. dt., p. 60.

RED MAN'S LAND 125

might, could they find a leader, have serious conse-
quences/'^ Still more recently Professor Ross wrote
concerning Peru: "In Cuzco I met a gentleman of
education and travel who is said to be the only hving
Hneal descendant of the Incas. He has great influence
with the native element and voices their bitterness and
their aspirations. He declares that the politics of
Peru is a struggle between the Spanish mestizos of
Lima and the coast and the natives of Cuzco and the
interior, and predicts an uprising unless Cuzco is made
the capital of the nation. He even dreams of a Kechua
repubHc, with Cuzco as its capital and the United
States its guarantor, as she is guarantor of the Cuban
republic. "2 And of Bolivia, Professor Ross writes:
"Lately there has been a general movement of the
BoHvian Indians for the recovery of the lands of which
they have been robbed piecemeal. Conflicts have
broken out and, although the government has punished
the ringleaders, there is a feeling that, so long as the
exploiting of the Indian goes on, Bolivians are living
'in the crater of a slimabering volcano.'''^

Since the white man has gone and the Indian is pre-
paring to wrest the sceptre of authority from the mon-
grel's worthless hands, let us examine this Indian race,
to see what potentiality it possesses of restoring order
and initiating progress.

To begin with, there can be no doubt that the Indian
is superior to the negro. The negro, even when quick-

1 James Bryce, "South America," p. 181 (London, 1912).

2 Ross, op. cit., p. 74. 3 Rogg^ p. gg.

126 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

ened by foreign influences; never built up anything ap-
proaching a real civilization; whereas the Indian,
though entirely sundered from the rest of mankind,
evolved genuine polities and cultures like the Aztec
of Mexico, the Inca of Peru, and the Maya of Yucatan.
The Indian thus possesses creative capacity to an ap-
preciable degree. However, that degree seems strictly
limited. The researches of archaeologists have sadly
discounted the glowing tales of the Conquistadores, and
the "Empires'' of Mexico and Peru, though far from
contemptible, certainly rank well below the achieve-
ments of European and Asiatic races in mediaeval and
even in classic times.

The Indian possesses notable stability and poise,
but the very intensity of these qualities fetters his
progress and renders questionable his ability to rise
to the modern plane. His conservatism is immense.
With incredible tenacity he clings to his ancestral
ways and exhibits a dull indifference to alien innova-
tion. Of course the Indian sub-races differ con-
siderably among themselves, but the same funda-
mental tendencies are visible in all of them. Says
Professor Ellsworth Huntington: "The Indians are
very backward. They are dull of mind and slow to
adopt new ideas. Perhaps in the future they will
change, but the fact that they have been influenced so
little by four hundred years of contact with the white
man does not afford much ground for hope. Judging
from the past, there is no reason to think that their
character is likely to change for many generations. . . .

RED MAN'S LAND 127

Those who dwell permanently in the white man's
cities are influenced somewhat, but here as in other
cases the general tendency seems to be to revert to the
original condition as soon as the special impetus of
immediate contact with the white man is removed."^
And Lord Bryce writes in similar vein: "With plenty
of stabihty, they lack initiative. They make steady
soldiers, and fight well under white or mestizo leaders,
but one seldom hears of a pm-e Indian accompHshing
anything or rising either through war or politics, or in
any profession, above the level of his class. . . ."^

The truth about the Indian seems to be substan-
tially this: Left alone, he would probably have con-
tinued to progress, albeit much more slowly than either
white or Asiatic peoples. But the Indian was not left
alone. On the contrary, he was suddenly felled by
brutal and fanatical conquerors, who uprooted his
native culture and plunged him into abject servitude.
The Indian's spiritual past was shorn away and his
evolution was perverted. Prevented from develop-
ing along his own lines, and constitutionally incapable
of adapting himself to the ways of his Spanish con-
querors, the Indian vegetated, learning nothing and
forgetting much that he knew. This has continued for
foiu* hundred years. Is it not likely that his ancestral
aptitudes have atrophied or decayed? Slavery and
mental sloth have indeed scarred him with their fell

» Ellsworth Huntington, "The Adaptability of the White Man to
Tropical America," Journal of Race Development, October, 1914.
2 Bryce, op. cit., p. 184.

128 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

stigmata. Says Garcia-Calderon: "Without sufficient
food, without hygiene, a distracted and laborious beast,
he decays and perishes; to forget the misery of his
daily lot he drinks, becomes an alcohoHc, and his
numerous progeny present the characteristics of de-
generacy.'^^

Furthermore, the Indian degenerates from another
cause — mongrehzation. Miscegenation is a dual proc-
ess. It works upward and downward at one and the
same time. In Latin America hybridization has been
prodigious, the hybrids to-day numbering milHons.
In some regions, as in Venezuela and parts of Central
America, there are very few full-blooded Indians left,
hybrids forming practically the entire population.
Now, on the whole, the white or "mestizo '^ crossing
seems hiu*tful to the Indian, for what he gains in intelli-
gence he more than loses in character. But the mestizo
crossing is not the worst. There is another, much
graver, racial danger. The hot coastlands swarm with
negroes, and the zambo or negro-Indian is universally
adjudged the worst of matings. Thus, for the Indian,
wliite blood appears harmful, while black blood is
absolutely fatal. Yet the mongrelizing tide sweeps
steadily on. The Indian draws no "color Hne," and
continually impairs the purity of his blood and the
poise of his heredity.

Bearing all the above facts in mind, can we believe
the Indian capable of drawing mongrel-ruled America
from its slough of despond ? Can he set it on the path

1 Garcia-Calderon, p. 354.

RED MAN'S LAND 129

of orderly progress? It does not seem possible. As-
suming for the sake of argument complete freedom from
foreign intervention, the Indian might in time displace
his mongrel rulers — ^provided he himself were not also
mongrelized. But the present ^ ' Indianista ' ' movement
is not a sign of Indian political efficiency; not the har-
binger of an Indian "renaissance." It is the instinc-
tive turning of the harried beast on his tormentor.
Maddened by the cruel vagaries of mongrel rule and
increasingly conscious of the mongrel's innate worth-
lessness, the Indian at last bares his teeth. Under
civihzed white tutelage the "Indianista" movement
would have been practically inconceivable.

However, guesses as to the final outcome of an In-
dian-mongrel conflict are academic speculation, be-
cause mongrel America will not be left to itself. Mon-
grel America cannot stand alone. Indeed, it never has
stood alone, for it has always been bolstered up by the
Monroe Doctrine. But for our protection, outside
forces would have long since rushed into this political
and economic vacuimi, and every omen to-day denotes
that this vacuum, like aU others, wiU presently be filled.
A world close packed as never before wiU not tolerate
coxmtries that are a torment to themselves and a
dangerous nuisance to their neighbors. A world half
bankrupt wiU not allow vast sources of potential wealth
to lie in hands which idle or misuse. Thus it is prac-
tically certain that mongrel America wiU presently
pass imder foreign tutelage. Exactly how, is not yet
clear. It may be done by the United States alone,

130 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

or, what is more probable, in "Pan-American'' co-
operation with the lusty young white nations of the
antipodean south. It may be done by an even lai^er
combination, including some European states. After
all, the details of such action do not he within the scope
of this book, since they fall exclusively within the white
man's sphere of activity.

There is, however, another djmamic which might
transform mongrel America. This dynamic is yellow
Asia. The Far East teems with virile and laborious
life. It thrills to novel ambitions and desires. Avid
with the urge of swarming myriads, it hungrily seeks
outlets for its superabundant vitahty. We have
already seen how the Mongolian has earmarked the
whole Far East for his own, and in subsequent pages
we shall see how he also beats restlessly against the
white world's race-frontiers. But mongrel America!
What other field offers such tempting possibilities for
Mongolian race-expansion? Vast regions of incal-
culable, imexploited wealth, sparsely inhabited by
stagnant populations cursed with anarchy and feeble
from miscegenation — ^how could such lands resist the
onslaught of tenacious and indomitable millions ? The
answer is self-evident. They could not resist ; and such
an invasion, once begim, would be consmnmated with
a celerity and thoroughness perhaps unexampled in
human history.

Now the yellow world is alive to this momentous
possibility. Japan, in particular, has glimpsed in
Latin America precious avenues to that racial expan-

RED MAN'S LAND 131

sion which is the key-note of Japanese foreign policy.
For years Japanese statesmen and publicists have
busied themselves with the problem. The Chinese
had, in fact, already pointed the way, for during the
later decades of the nineteenth century Chinamen
frequented Latin America's Pacific coast, economically
vanquishing the natives with ease, and settling in
Peru in such numbers that the alarmed Peruvians
hastily stopped the inflow by drastic exclusion acts.
The successes of these Chinese pioneers, hiunble coolies
entirely without official backing, have fired the Japanese
imagination. The Japanese press has long discussed
Latin America in optimistic vein. Count Okuma is a
good exemplar of these Japanese aspirations. Some
years ago he told the American sociologist Professor
Ross: ^^ South America, especially the northern part,
will furnish ample room for our surplus.''^ To his fel-
low countrymen Count Okuma was still more specific.
Li 1907 he stated in the Tokio Economist that the
Japanese were to overspread the earth like a cloud of
locusts, aHghting on the North American coasts, and
swarming into Central and South America. Count
Okimia expressed a strong preference for Latin Ameri-
can countries as fields for Japanese immigration, be-
cause most of them were ''much easier to include within
the sphere of influence of Japanln the future. ''^

And the Japanese have supplemented words with
deeds. Especially since 1914, Japanese activity in

1 Ross, p. 90.

* The American Review of Reviews, November, 1907, p. 622.

132 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

Latin America has been ubiquitous and striking. The
west coast of South America; in particular, is to-day
flooded with Japanese goods, merchants, commercial
missions, and financial agents seeking concessions of
every kind. Our State Department has had to exer-
cise special vigilance concerning Japanese concession-
hunting in Mexico.

Japan's present activity is of course mere recon-
noitring— testings and mappings of terrain for possible
later action on a more extensive scale. One thing
alone gives Japan pause — our veto. Japan knows
that real aggression against our southern neighbors
would spell war with the United States. Japan does
not contemplate war with us at present. She has many
fish to fry in the Far East. So in Latin America she
plays safe. But she bides her time. In Latin America
itself she has friends — even partisans. Japan seeks to
mobilize to her profit that distrust of the "Yanqui"
which permeates Latin America. The half-castes, in
particular, rage at our "color line'' and see in the
United States the Nemesis of their anarchic misrule.
They flout the Monroe Doctrine, caress dreams of
Japanese aid, and welcome Nippon's pose as the cham-
pion of color throughout the world.

Japanese activities in Mexico are of especial inter-
est. Here Japan has three strong strings to her bow:
(1) patriotic dislike of the United States; (2) mestizo
hatred of the white '^gringo " ; (3) the Indianista move-
ment. In Mexico the past decade of revolutionary
turmoil has developed into a compKcated race-war of

RED MAN'S LAND 133

the mestizos against the white or near-white upper
class and of the Indian full-bloods against both whites
and mestizos. The one bond of union is dislike of the
gringo, which often rises to fanatical hatred. Our
war against Mexico in 1847 has never been forgotten,
and many Mexicans cherish hopes of revenge and even
aspire to recover the territories then ceded to us. Dur-
ing the early stages of the European War our military
impreparedness and apparent pacifism actually em-
boldened some Mexican hotheads to concoct the
notorious 'Tlan of San Diego.'' The conspirators
plotted to rouse the Mexican population of our southern
border, sow disaffection among our Southern negroes,
and explode the mine at the psychological moment
by means of a "Reconquering Equitable Army'' in-
vading Texas. Our whole Southwest was to be re-
joined to Mexico, while oiu* Southern States were to
form a black republic. The projected war was con-
ceived strictly in terms of race, the reconquering equita-
ble army to be composed solely of "Latins," negroes,
and Japanese. The racial results were to be decisive,
for the entire white population of both oiu* South and
Southwest was to be pitilessly massacred. Of com-se
the plot completely miscarried, and sporadic attempts
to invade Texas during 1915 were easily repulsed.

Nevertheless, this incident reveals the trend of many
Mexican minds. The framers of the "Plan of San
Diego" were not ignorant peons, but persons of some
standing. The outrages and tortures inflicted upon
numerous Americans in Mexico during recent years

134 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

are further indications of that wide-spread hatred
which expresses itself in vitrioHc outbursts Hke the
following editorial of a Mexican provincial paper,
written during our chase after the bandit Villa in 1916:
"Above all, do not forget that at a time of national
need; humanity is a crime and frightfulness is a virtue.
Pull out eyeS; snatch out hearts, tear open breasts,
drink — ^if you can — the blood in the skulls of the in-
vaders from the cities of Yankeeland. In defense
of liberty be a Nero, be a CaHgula — that is to be a
good patriot. Peace between Mexico and the United
States will be closed in throes of terror and barbar-
ism.'^ i

All this is naturally grist for the Japanese mill.
Especially interesting are Japanese attempts to play
upon Mexican Indianista sentiment. Japanese writers
point out physical and cultural similarities between
the Mexican native races and themselves, deducing
therefrom innate racial affinities springing from the
remote and forgotten past. All possible sympathetic
changes were rung during the diplomatic mission of
Senor de la Barra to Japan at the beginning of 1914.
His reception in Tokio was a memorable event. Senor
de la Barra was greeted by cheering multitudes, and
on every occasion the manifold bonds between the
two peoples were emphasized. This of course occiu-red
before the European War. During the war Japanese-

^The newspaper was La Reforma of Saltillo. The editorial was
quoted in an Associated Press despatch dated El Paso, Texas, June 26,
1916. The despatch mentions La Reforma as "a semi-official paper."

RED MAN'S LAND 135

Mexican relations remained amicable. So far as of-
ficial evidence goes, the Japanese Government has
never entered into any understandings with the Mex-
ican Government, though some Mexicans have hinted
at a secret agreement, and one Mexican writer, Gu-
tierrez de Lara, asserts that in 1912 Francisco Madero,
then President, "threw himself into the arms of Japan,''
and goes on: "We are well aware of the importance of
this statement and of its tremendous international
significance, but we make it deliberately with full con-
fidence in our authority. Not only did Madero enlist
the ardent support of the South American republics
in the cause of Mexico's inviolability, but he entered
into negotiations with the Japanese minister in Mexico
City for a close offensive and defensive alliance with
Japan to checkmate United States aggression. When
during the fateful twelve days' battle in Mexico City
a rumor of American intervention, more alarming
than usual, was communicated to Madero, he remarked
coldly that he was thoroughly anxious for that inter-
vention, for he was confident of the surprise the Amer-
ican Government would receive in discovering that
they had to deal with Japan. "^

But, after all, an official Japanese-Mexican under-
standing is not the fimdamental issue. The really
significant thing is Mexican popular antagonism to
the United States, which is so wide-spread that Japan
could in a crisis probably count on Mexican benevolent

* Gutierrez de Lara, "The Mexican People: Their Struggle for
Freedom" (New York, 1914).

136 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

neutrality if not on Mexican support. The present
Carranza government of Mexico is of course notori-
ously anti-American. Its consistent policy, notably
revealed in its complaisance toward Germany and its
intrigues with other anti-American regimes like those
of Colombia and Venezuela, makes Mexico the centre
of anti-Americanism in Latin America. As for the
numerous Japanese residents in Mexico, they have
lost no opportunity to abet tliis attitude. Here, for
instance, is the text of a manifesto signed by prominent
members of the Japanese colony during the American-
Mexican crisis of 1916: ^'Japanese: Mexico is a friendly
nation. Our commercial bonds with her are great.
She is, like us, a nation of heroes who will never con-
sent to the world-domination of a hard and brutal
race, as are the Yankees. We cannot abandon Mexico
in her struggle against a nation supposedly stronger.
The Mexicans know how to defend themselves, but
there is lacking aid which we can furnish. If the Yan-
kees invade Mexico, if they seize the California coasts^
Japanese commerce and the Japanese navy will face
a grave peril. The Yankees believe us impotent be-
cause of the European War, and we will be expelled
from American soil and our children from American
schools. We will aid the Mexicans. We will aid Mexico
against Yankee rapacity. This great and beautiful
country is a victim of Yankee hatred toward Japan.
Our indifference would be a lack of patriotism, since
the Yankees already are against us and our divine
Emperor. They have seized Hawaii, they have seized

RED MAN'S LAND 137

the Philippine Islands, near our coasts, and are now
about to crush under foot our friend and possible ally,
and injure our commerce and imperil our naval
power.'' ^

The fact is that Latin America's attitude toward
the yellow world tends everywhere to crystallize along
race lines. The half-castes, natm-ally hostile to the
United States, see in Japan a welcome offset to the
"Colossus of the North." The self-conscious Indian-
ista elements likewise heed Japanese suggestions of
ethnic afEnity. On the other hand, the whites and
near-whites instinctively react against Japanese ad-
vances. Even those who have no love for the Yankee
see in the Mongolian the greatest of perils. Garcia-
Calderon typifies this point of view. He dreads our
imperialistic tendencies, yet he reproves those Latin
Americans who, in a Japanese-American clash, would
favor Japan. "Victorious," he writes, "the Japanese
would invade Western America and convert the Pacific
into a vast closed sea, closed to foreign ambitions,
mare nostrum^ peopled with Japanese colonies. The
Japanese hegemony would not be a mere change of
tutelage for the nations of America. In spite of essen-
tial differences, the Latins oversea have certain com-
mon ties with the people of the (United) States: a
long-established religion, Christianity, and a coherent,
European, Occidental civilization. Perhaps there is
some obscure fraternity between the Japanese and
the American Indians, between the yellow men of

1 The Literary Digest, September 16, 1916, p. 662.

138 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

Nippon and the copper-colored Quechuas, a disciplined
and sober people. But the ruling race, the dominant
type of Spanish origin, which imposes the civiHzation
of the white man upon America, is hostile to the entire
invading Easf^

White men throughout Latin America generally
echo these sentiments. Chile and Argentina repulse
Oriental immigration, and the white oligarchs of Peru
dread keenly Japanese designs directed so specifically
against their coimtry. Very recently a Peruvian,
Doctor Jorge M. Corbacho,^ wrote most bitterly about
the Japanese infiltration into Peru and adjacent Bo-
livia, while some years ago Seiior Augustin Edwards,
owner of the leading Chilean periodical, El Mercurio,
denounced Count Okuma's menaces and called for a
Pan-American rampart against Asia from Behring
Strait to Cape Horn. "Japanese immigration,'' as-
serted Senor Edwards, "must be firmly opposed, not
only in South America, but in the whole American con-
tinent. The same remark appKes to Chinese immigra-
tion. ... In short, these threats of Okuma should
induce the nations of South America to adopt the Mon-
roe Doctrine — an invincible weapon against the plans
and intentions of that 'Empire of the Orient,' which
has so lately risen up to new life, and already mani-
fests so dire a greed of conquest.''^ From Central
America similar voices arise. A Salvadorean writer

1 Garcia-Calderon, pp. 32^330.

* Despatch to La Prensa (New York), December 13, 1919.

' The American Review of Reviews, November, 1907, p. 623.

RED MAN'S LAND 139

urges political federation with the United States as
the sole refuge against the "Yellow Peril/' to avoid
becoming "slaves and utterly insignificant";^ and a
well-known Nicaraguan politician, Senor Moncada,^
writes in similar vein.

The momentous implications of Mongolian pressure
upon Latin America are admirably described by Pro-
fessor Ross. "Provided that no barrier be interposed
to the inflow from man-stifled Asia/' he says, "it is
well within the boimds of probabihty that by the close
of this century South America will be the home of
twenty or thirty milKons of Orientals and descendants
of Orientals. . . . But Asiatic immigration of such
voliune would change profoundly the destiny of South
America. For one thing, it would forestall and frus-
trate that great iromigration of Europeans which South
American statesmen are counting on to reheve their
countries from mestizo unprogressiveness and misgov-
ernment. The white race would withhold its increase
or look elsewhere for outlets; for those with the higher
standard of comfort always shim competition with
those of a lower standard. Again, large areas of South
America might cease to be parts of Chiistendom. Some
of the republics there might come to be as dependent
upon Asiatic Powers as the Cuban republic is depen-
dent upon the United States."*

Very pertinent is Professor Ross's warning as to

1 The Literary Digest, December 30, 1911, p. 1222.
2J. M. Moncada, "Social and Political Influences of the United
States in Central America" (New York, 1911).
' Ross, pp. 91-92.

140 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

the fate of the Indian population— a warning which
Indianista behevers in Japanese "affinity" should
seriously take to heart. Whatever might be the lot
of the Latin American whites, Professor Ross points
out that "an Asiatic influx would seal the doom of
the Indian element in these countries. . . . The In-
dians could make no effective economic stand against
the wide-awake, resourceful, and aggressive Japanese
or Chinese. The Oriental immigrants could beat the
Indians at every point, block every path upward, and
even turn them out of most of their present employ-
ments. In great part the Indians would become a
cringing sudra caste, tilling the poorer lands and con-
fined to the menial or repulsive occupations. Filled
with despair, and abandoning themselves even more
than they do now to pisco and coca, they would shrivel
into a niunerically negligible element in the popula-
tion." ^

Such are the underlying factors in the Latin Ameri-
can situation. Once more we see the essential instabil-
ity of mere political phenomena. Once more we see
the supreme importance of race. No conquest could
have been completer than that of the Spaniards four
centuries ago. The Indians were helpless as sheep
before the mail-clad Conquistadores. And military
conquest was succeeded by complete poHtical domina-
tion. The Indian even lost his cultural heritage, and
became a passive tool in the hands of his white mas-

1 Ross, pp. 92-93.

RED MAN'S LAND 141

ters. But the Spaniard did not seal his title-deed with
the indelible signet of race. Indian blood remained
numerically predominant, and the conqueror further
weakened his tenure by bringing in black blood — the
most irreducible of ethnic factors. The inflow of whits
blood was small, and much of what did come lost it-
self in the dismal swamp of miscegenation. Lastly,
the whites quarrelled among themselves.

The result was inevitable. The colonial whites
triumphed only by aid of the half-castes, who promptly
claimed their reward. A fresh struggle ensued, ending
(save in the antipodean regions) in the triumph of the
half-castes. But these, in turn, had called in the
Indians and negroes. Furthermore, the half-castes
recklessly squandered the white poKtical heritage. So
the colored full-bloods stirred in their turn, and a new
movement began which, if allowed to run its natural
course, might result in complete de-Aryanization. In
other words, the white race has been going back, and
Latin America has been getting more Indian and
negro for the past hundred years.

This cycle, however, now nears its end. Latin
America will be neither red nor black. It will ulti-
mately be either white or yellow. The Indian is pat-
ently imable to construct a progressive civiHzation.
As for the negro, he has proved as incapable in the New
World as in the Old. Everywhere his presence has
spelled regression, and his one New World field of
triumph— -Haiti — has resulted in an abysmal plimge

142 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

to the jungle-level of Guinea and the Congo. Thus
is created a political vacuum. And this vacuum
unerring nature makes ready to fill.

The Latin American situation is, indeed, aJdn to
that of Africa. Latin America, like Africa, cannot
stand alone. An inexorable dilemma impends: white
or yellow. The white man has been first in the field
and holds the central colored zone between two strong
bases, north and south, where his teniu*e is the unim-
peachable title of race. The yeUow man has to con-
quer every step, though he has already acquired foot-
holds and has behind him the welling reservoirs of
Asia. Nevertheless, white victory in Latin America
is sure — if internecine discord does not rob the white
world of its strength. In Latin America, as in Africa,
therefore, the whites must stand fast — ^and stand to-
gether.

PART II
THE EBBING TIDE OF WHITE

/

CHAPTER VI

THE WHITE FLOOD

The world-wide expansion of the white race during
the four centuries between 1500 and 1900 is the most
prodigious phenomenon in all recorded history. In
my opening pages I sketched both the magnitude of
this expansion and its ethnic and poHtical implications.
I there showed that the white stocks together consti-
tute the most numerous single branch of the human
species, nearly one-third of all the human souls on
earth to-day being whites. I also showed that white
men racially occupy four-tenths of the entire habitable
land-area of the globe, while nearly nine-tenths of this
area is under white political control. Such a situation
is unprecedented. Never before has a race acquired
such combined preponderance of numbers and do-
minion.

This white expansion becomes doubly interesting
when we reahze how sudden was its inception and how
rapid its evolution. A single decade before the voyage
of Columbus, he would have been a bold prophet who
should have predicted this high destiny. At the close
of the fifteenth century the white race was confined to
western and central Europe, together with Scandinavia
and the northwestern parts of European Russia, The
total white race-area was then not much over 2,000,000

145

146 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

square miles — barely one-tenth its area to-day. And
in numbers the proportion was almost as unfavorable.
At that moment (say, A. D. 1480) England could muster
only about 2,000,000 inhabitants, the entire population
of the British Isles not much exceeding 3,000,000 souls.
To be sure, the continent was relatively better peopled.
Still, the population of Europe in 1480 was probably
not one-sixth that of 1914.

Furthermore, population had dwindled notably in
the preceding one hundred and fifty years. Dm-ing
the fourteenth century Europe had been hideously
scourged by the "Black Death'' (bubonic plague),
which carried off fully one-half of its inhabitants, while
thereafter a series of great wars had destroyed immense
numbers of people. These losses had not been repaired.
Mediaeval society was a static, equilibrated affair^
which did not favor rapid human multipHcation. In
fact, European life had been intensive and recessive
ever since the fall of the Roman Empire a thousand
years before. Europe's one mediaeval attempt at
expansion (the Crusades) had utterly failed. In fact,
far from expanding, white Europe had been continu-
ously assailed by brown and yellow Asia. Beginning
with the Huns in the last days of Rome, continuing
with the Arabs, and ending with the Mongols and Otto-
man Turks, Europe had imdergone a millennium of
Asiatic aggression; and though Exu-ope had substan-
tially maintained its freedom, many of its outlying
marches had fallen imder Asiatic domination. In
1480, for example, the Turk was marching triumphantly

THE WHITE FLOOD 147

across southeastern Europe, embryonic Russia was a
Tartar dependency, while the Moor still clung to
southern Spain.

The outlook for the white race at the close of the
fifteenth century thus seemed gloomy rather than
bright. With a stationary or declining population,
exposed to the assaults of powerful external foes, and
racked by internal pains betokening the demise of the
mediaeval order, white Europe's future appeared a
far from happy one.

Suddenly, in two short years, all was changed. In
1492 Colimibus discovered America, and in 1494 Vasco
da Gama, doubling Africa, found the way to India.
The effect of these discoveries cannot be overestimated.
We can hardly conceive how our mediaeval forefathers
viewed the ocean. To them the ocean was a nimibing,
constricting presence ; the abode of darkness and horror.
No wonder mediaeval Europe was static, since it faced
on ruthless, aggressive Asia, and backed on nowhere.
Then, in the twinkling of an eye, dead-end Europe be-
came mistress of the ocean — and thereby mistress of the
world.

No such strategical opportunity had, in fact, ever
been vouchsafed. From classic times down to the
end of the fifteenth century, white Europe had con-
fronted only the most martial and enterprising of
Asiatics. With such peoples war and trade had alike
to be conducted on practically equal terms, and by
frontal assault no decisive victory could be won.
But, after the great discoveries, the white man could

148 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

flank his old opponents. Whole new worlds peopled
by primitive races were unmasked, where the white
man's weapons made victory certain, and whence he
could draw stores of wealth to quicken his home life
and initiate a progress that would soon place him im-
measurably above his once-dreaded assailants.

And the white man proved worthy of his opportunity.
His inherent racial aptitudes had been stimulated by
his past. The hard conditions of mediaeval life had
disciplined him to adversity and had weeded him by
natural selection. The hammer of Asiatic invasion,
clanging for a thousand years on the brown-yellow
anvil, had tempered the iron of Europe into the finest
steel. The white man could tliink, could create, could
fight superlatively well. No wonder that redskins and
negroes feared and adored him as a god, while the
somnolent races of the Farther East, stunned by this
strange apparition rising from the pathless ocean,
offered no effective opposition.

Thus began the swarming of the whites, like bees
from the hive, to the uttermost ends of the earth.
And, in return, Europe was quickened to intense?
vitality. Goods, tools, ideas, men: all were produced
at an unprecedented rate. So, by action and reaction,
white progress grew by leaps and boimds. The Span-
ish and Portuguese pioneers presently showed signs of
lassitude, but the northern nations — even more vigor-
ous and audacious — ^instantly sprang to the front and
carried forward the proud oriflamme of white expan-
sion and world-dominion. For four hundred years

THE WHITE FLOOD 149

the pace never slackened, and at the close of the^toe-
teenth century the white man stood the indubitable
master of the world.

Now four hundred years of imbroken triimaph nat-
urally bred in the white race an instinctive beUef that
its expansion would continue indefinitely, leading
automatically to ever higher and more splendid desti-
nies. Before the Russo-Japanese War of 1904 the
thought that white expansion could be stayed, much
less reversed, never entered the head of one white man
in a thousand. Why should it, since centuries of ex-
perience had taught the exact contrary? The settle-
ment of America, Australasia, and Siberia, where the
few colored aborigines vanished like smoke before the
white advance; the conquest of brown Asia and the
partition of Africa, where colored millions bowed with
only sporadic resistance to mere handfuls of whites;
both sets of phenomena combined to persuade the white
man that he was invincible, and that the colored types
would everywhere give way before him and his civihza-
tion. The continued existence of dense colored popu-
lations in the tropics was ascribed to cHmate; and even
in the tropics it was assmned that whites would imi-
versally form a governing caste, directing by virtue
of higher intelligence and more resolute will, and exploit-
ing natiu-al resources to the incalculable profit of the
whole white race. Indeed, some persons beKeved that
the tropics would become available for white settlement
as soon as science had mastered tropical diseases and
had prescribed an adequate hygiene.

150 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

This uncritical optimism, suggested by experience,
was fortified by ill-assimilated knowledge. During
the closing decades of the past century, not only were
biology and economics less advanced than to-day, but
they were also infinitely less widely understood, exact
knowledge being confined to academic circles. The
general public had only a vulgarized smattering, mostly
crystallizing about catchwords into which men read
their prepossessions and their prejudices. For in-
stance: biologists had recently formulated the law of
the ^' Survival of the Fittest. '' This sounded very well.
Accordingly, the pubHc, in conformity with the pre-
vailing optimism, promptly interpreted "fittest" as
synonymous with "best," in utter disregard of the
grim truth that by "fittest" nature denotes only the
type best adapted to existing conditions of environ-
ment, and that if the environment favors a low type,
this low type (unless humanly prevented) will win, re-
gardless of all other considerations. So again with
economics. A generation ago relatively few persons
realized that low-standard men would drive out high-
standard men as inevitably as bad money drives out
good, no matter what the results to society and the
future of mankind. These are but two instances of
that shallow, cock-sure nineteenth-century optimism,
based upon ignorance and destined to be so swiftly
and tragically disillusioned.

However, for the moment, ignorance was bliss. Ac-
cordingly, the j^w de siecle white world, having parti-
tioned Africa and fairly well dominated brown Asia^

THE WHITE FLOOD 151

prepared to extend its sway over the one portion of
the colored world which had hitherto escaped subjec-
tion— the yellow Far East. Men began speaking
glibly of "manifest destiny" or piously of "the white
man^s burden." European publicists wrote didacti-
cally on "the break-up of China," while Russia, be-
striding Siberia, dipped behemoth paws in Pacific
waters and eyed Japan.

Such was the white world's confident, aggressive
temper at the close of the last centiuy. To be sure,
voices were occasionally raised warning that all was
not well. Such were the writings of Professor Pearson
and Meredith Townsend. But the white world gave
these Cassandras the reception always accorded proph-
ets of evil in joyous times — ^it ignored them or laughed
them to scorn. In fact, few of the prophets displayed
Peai-son's inmiediate certainty. Most of them quali-
fied their prophecies with the comforting assurance that
the ills predicted were relatively remote.

Meredith Townsend is a good case in point. The
reader may recall his prophecy of white expulsion from
Asia, quoted in my second chapter. ^ That prophecy
occurs in the preface to the fourth edition, published
in 1911, and written in the light of the Russo-Japanese
War. Now, of course, Mr. Townsend's main thesis —
Europe's inability permanently to master and assimi-
late Asia — had been elaborated by him long before the
close of the nineteenth century. Nevertheless, the
preface to the fourth edition speaks of Europe's failure

» p. 22.

152 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

to conquer Asia as absolute and eviction from present
holdings as probable within a relatively short time;
whereas, in his original introduction, written in 1899,
he foresaw a great European assault upon Asia, which
would probably succeed and from which Asia would
shake itself free only after the lapse of more than a
century.

In fact, Mr. Townsend^s words of 1899 so exactly
portray white confidence at that moment that I cannot
do better than quote him. His object in publishing his
book is, he says, "to make Asia stand out clearer in
Enghsh eyes, because it is evident to me that the white
races under the pressure of an entirely new impulse are
about to renew their periodic attempt to conquer or
at least to dominate that vast continent. . . . So grand
is the prize that failures will not daunt the Europeans,
still less alter their conviction. If these movements
follow historic lines they will recur for a time upon a
constantly ascending scale, each repulse eliciting a
greater effort, imtil at last Asia like Africa is 'parti-
tioned,^ that is, each section is left at the disposal of some
white people. If Eiu-ope can avoid internal war, or
war with a much-aggrandized America, she will by A. D.
2000 be mistress in Asia, and at liberty, as her people
think, to enjoy.'' ^ If the reader will compare these
lines with Mr. Townsend's 1911 judgment, he will get
a good idea of the momentous change wrought in
white minds by Asia's awakening during the first dec-

1 Townsend ("Asia and Europe ")> PP» 1-4.

THE WHITE FLOOD 153

ade of the twentieth century as typified by the Russo-
Japanese War.

1900 was, indeed, the high-water mark of the white
tide which had been flooding for four hundred years.
At that moment the white man stood on the pinnacle
of his prestige and power. Pass four short years, and
the flash of the Japanese guns across the murky waters
of Port Arthur harbor revealed to a startled world —
the beginning of the ebb.

CHAPTER VII
THE BEGINNING OF THE EBB

The Russo-Japanese War is one of those landmarks
in human history whose significance increases with the
lapse of time. That war was momentous, not only for
what it did; but even more for what it revealed. The
legend of white invincibility was shattered, the veil
of prestige that draped white civilization was torn
aside, and the white world's manifold ills were laid bare
for candid examination.

Of course previous blindness to the trend of things
had not been universal. The white world had had its
Cassandras, while keen-sighted Asiatics had discerned
symptoms of white weakness. Nevertheless, so im-
posing was the white world's aspect and so unbroken
its triumphant progress that these seers had been a
small and discredited minority. The mass of mankind,
white and non-white alike, remained oblivious to signs
of change.

This, after all, was but natural. Not only had the
white advance been continuous, but its tempo had been
ever increasing. The nineteenth century, in particular,
witnessed an unprecedented outburst of white activity.
We have already surveyed white territorial gains, both
as to area of settlement and sphere of political control.
But along many other lines white expansion was

154

THE BEGINNING OF THE EBB 155

equally remarkable. White race-increase — the basis
of all else — ^was truly phenomenal. In the year 1500
the white race (then confined to Europe) could not
have numbered more than 70,000,000. In 1800 the
population of Europe was 150,000,000, while the whites
living outside Europe niunbered over 10,000,000. The
white race had thus a trifle more than doubled its num-
bers in three centuries. But in the year 1900 the popu-
lation of Europe was nearly 450,000,000, while the
extra-European whites numbered fully 100,000,000.
Thus the whites had increased threefold in the Euro-
pean homeland, while in the new areas of settlement
outside Europe they had increased tenfold. The
total number of whites at the end of the nineteenth
century was thus nearly 550,000,000— a gain in num-
bers of almost 400,000,000, or over 400 per cent. This
spelled an increase six times as great as that of the
preceding three centuries.

White race-growth is most strikingly exemplified
by the increase of its most expansive and successful
branch — the Anglo-Saxons. In 1480, as already seen,
the population of England proper was not much over
2,000,000. Of course this figure was abnormally low
even for mediaeval times, it being due to the terrible
vital losses of the Wars of the Roses, then drawing to
a close. A century later, under Elizabeth, the popu-
lation of England had risen to 4,000,000. In 1900 the
population of England was 31,000,000, and in 1910 it
was 35,000,000, the population of the British Isles at
the latter date being 45,500,000. But in the interven-

156 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

ing centuries British blood had migrated to the ends
of the earth, so that the total number of Anglo-Saxons
in the world to-day cannot be much less than 100,-
000,000. This figure includes Scotch and Scotch-
Irish strains (which are of course identical with Eng-
lish in the Anglo-Saxon sense), and adopts the current
estimate that some 50,000,000 of people in the United
States are predominantly of Anglo-Saxon origin.
Thus, in four centuries, the Anglo-Saxons multiplied
between forty and fifty fold.

The prodigious increase of the white race during the
nineteenth centiuy was due not only to territorial ex-
pansion but even more to those astounding triiunphs
of science and invention which gave the race unprece-
dented mastery over the resources of nature. This
material advance is usually known as the "industrial
revolution.'' The industrial revolution began in the
later decades of the eighteenth century, but it matured
during the first half of the nineteenth century, when it
swiftly and utterly transformed the face of things.

This transformation was, indeed, absolutely unprece-
dented in the world's history. Hitherto man's ma-
terial progress had been a gradual evolution. With
the exception of gunpowder, he had tapped no new
sources of material energy since very ancient times.
The horse-drawn mail-coach of our great-grandfathers
was merely a logical elaboration of the horse-drawn
Egyptian chariot; the wind-driven clipper-ship traced
its line unbroken to Ulysses's lateen bark before Troy;
while industry still rehed on the brawn of man and

THE BEGINNING OF THE EBB 157

beast or upon the simple action of wind and waterfall.
Suddenly all was changed. Steam, electricity, petrol,
the Hertzian wave, harnessed nature's hidden powers,
conquered distance, and shrunk the terrestrial globe
to the measure of human hands. Man entered a new
material world, differing not merely in degree but in
kind from that of previous generations.

When I say "Man," I mean, so far as the nineteenth
century was concerned, the white man. It was the
white man's brain which had conceived all this, and it
was the white man alone who at first reaped the bene-
fits. The two outstanding features of the new order
were the rise of machine industry with its incalculable
acceleration of mass-production, and the correlative
development of cheap and rapid transportation. Both
these factors favored a prodigious increase in popula-
tion, particularly in Europe, since Europe became the
workshop of the world. In fact, during the nineteenth
century, Europe was transformed from a semi-rural
continent into a swarming hive of industry, gorged
with goods, capital, and men, pouring forth its wares
to the remotest comers of the earth, and drawing thence
fresh stores of raw material for new fabrication and
exchange. The amount of wealth amassed by the
white world in general and by Europe in particular
since the beginning of the nineteenth century is sim-
ply incalculable. Some faint conception of it can be
gathered from the growth of world-trade.' In the
year 1818 the entire volume of international commerce
was valued at only $2,000,000,000. In other words,

158 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

after countless millenniums of human life upon our
globe, man had been able to produce only that rela-
tively modest volume of world-exchange. In 1850
the volume of world-trade had grown to $4,000;000,000.
In 1900 it had increased to $20,000,000,000, and in
1913 it swelled to the inconceivable total of $40,000,-
000,000 — a twentyfold increase in a short himdred
years.

Such were the splendid achievements of nineteenth-
century civilization. But there was a seamy side to
this cloth of gold. The vices of our age have been por-
trayed by a thousand censorious pens, and there is no
need here to recapitulate them. They can mostly be
summed up by the word ''Materialism.'^ That ab-
sorption in material questions and neglect of idealistic
values which characterized the nineteenth century
has been variously accounted for. But, after all, was
it not primarily due to the profound distiu-bance
caused by drastic environmental change? Civilized
man had just entered a new material world, differing
not merely in degree but in kind from that of his
ancestors. It is a scientific truism that every living
organism, in order to survive, must adapt itself to its
environment. Therefore any change of environment
must evoke an immediate readjustment on the part of
the organism, and the more pronounced the environ-
mental change, the more rapid and thoroughgoing the
organic readjustment must be. Above all, speed is
essential. Nature brooks no delay, and the dishar-
monic organism must attune itself or perish.

THE BEGINNING OF THE EBB 159

Now, is not readaptation precisely the problem
with which civilized man has been increasingly con-
fronted for the past hundred years? No one surely
can deny that our present environment differs vastly
from that of our ancestors. But if this be so, the
necessity for profound and rapid adaptation becomes
equally true. In fact, the race has instinctively
sensed this necessity, and has bent its best energies to
the task, particularly on the materiaUstic side. That
was only natural. The pioneer^s preoccupation with
material matters in opening up new country is self-
evident, but what is not so generally recognized is the
fact that nineteenth-centuiy Eiu-ope and the eastern
United States are in many respects environmentally
"newer" than remote backwoods settlements.

Of course the changed character of our civiHzation
called for idealistic adaptations no less sweeping.
These were neglected, because their necessity was not
so compellingly patent. Indeed, man was distinctly
attached to his existing ideahstic outfit, to the elabora-
tion of which he had so assiduously devoted himself in
former days, and which had fairly served the require-
ments of his simpler past. Therefore nineteenth-
century man concentrated intensively, exclusively upon
materiahstic problems, feeHng that he could thus con-
centrate because he beHeved that the idealistic con-
quests of preceding epochs had given him sound moral
bases upon which to build the new material edifice.

Unfortunately, that which had at first been merely
a means to an end presently became an end in itself.

160 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

Losing sight of his ideahsms, nineteenth-century man
evolved a thoroughly materialistic philosophy. The
upshot was a warped, one-sided development which
quickly revealed its imsoundness. The fact that man
was much less culpable for his errors than many moral-
ists aver is quite beside the point, so far as consequences
are concerned. Nature takes no excuses. She de-
mands results, and when these are not forthcoming
she inexorably inflicts her penalties.

As the nineteenth century drew toward its close the
symptoms of a profound malaise appeared on every
side. Even those most fundamental of all factors, the
vitality and quahty of the race, were not immune.
Vital statistics began to display features highly dis-
quieting to thoughtful minds. The most striking of
these phenomena was the declining birth-rate which
affected nearly all the white nations toward the close
of the nineteenth century and which in France resulted
in a virtually stationary population.

Of course the mere fact of a lessened birth-rate,
taken by itself, is not the unmixed evil which many
persons assume. Man's potential reproductive ca-
pacity, like that of all other species, is very great.
In fact, the whole course of biological progress has been
marked by a steady checking of that reproductive
exuberance which ran riot at the beginning of life on
earth. As Havelock Ellis well says: "Of one minute
organism it is estimated that, if its reproduction were
iK)t checked by death or destruction, in thirty days it
would form a mass a million times larger than the sun.

THE BEGINNING OF THE EBB 161

The conger-eel lays 15,000,000 eggs, and if they all
grew up, and reproduced themselves on the same scale,
in two years the whole sea would become a wriggling
mass of fish. As we approach the higher forms of life
reproduction gradually dies down. The animals near-
est to man produce few offspring, but they surround
them with parental care, until they are able to lead
independent hves with a fair chance of surviving.
The whole process may be regarded as a mechanism
for slowly subordinating quantity to quality, and so
promoting the evolution of life to ever higher stages."^
While man's reproductive power is slight from the
standpoint of bacteria and conger-eels, it is yet far
from negligible, as is shown by the birth-rate of the
less-advanced human types at all times, and by the
birth-rate of the higher types under exceptionally
favorable circumstances. The nineteenth centiuy
was one of these favorable occasions. In the new areas
of settlement outside Europe, vast regions prac-
tically untenanted by colored competitors invited
the white colonists to increase and multiply; while
Europe itself, though historically "old country,'' was
so transformed environmentally by the industrial
revolution that it suddenly became capable of sup-
porting a much larger population than heretofore.
By the close of the century, however, the most pressing
economic stimuli to rapid multiplication had waned
in Europe and in many of the race dependencies.

^Havelock Ellis, "Essays in War-Time," p. 198 (American Edition,
Boston, 1917).

162 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

Therefore the rate of increase, even under the most
favorable biological circumstances, should have shown
a decline.

The trouble was that this diminishing human out-
put was of less and less biological value. Wherever
one looked in the white world, it was precisely those
peoples of highest genetic worth whose birth-rate fell
off most sharply, while within the ranks of the several
peoples it was those social classes containing the highest
proportion of able strains which were contributing
the smallest quotas to the population. Everywhere
the better types (on which the future of the race de-
pends) were numerically stationary or dwindling, while
conversely, the lower types were gaining ground, their
birth-rate showing relatively slight diminution.

This "disgenic^^ trend, so ominous for the future
of the race, is a melancholy commonplace of om- time,
and many efforts have been made to measure its prog-
ress in economic or social terms. One of the most
striking and easily measm'ed examples, however, is
furnished by the category of race. As explained in
the Introduction, the white race divides into three
main sub-species — ^the Nordics, the Alpines, and the
Mediterraneans. All three are good stocks, ranking
in genetic worth well above the various colored races.
However, there seems to be no question that the Nor-
dic is far and away the most valuable type; standing,
indeed, at the head of the whole human genus. As
Madison Grant well expresses it, the Nordic is "The
Great Race."

THE BEGINNING OF THE EBB 163

Now it is the Nordics who are most affected by the
disgenic aspects of our civilization. In the newer areas
of white settlement like our Pacific coast or the Cana-
dian Northwest, to be sure, the Nordics even now
thrive and multiply. But in all those regions which
typify the transformation of the industrial revolution,
the Nordics do not fit into the altered environment
as well as either Alpines or Mediterraneans, and hence
tend to disappear. Before the industrial revolution
the Nordic^s chief eliminator was war. His pre-eminent
fighting abihty, together with the position of leader-
ship which he had generally acquired, threw on his
shoulders the brunt of battle and exposed him to the
greatest losses, whereas the more stolid Alpine and
the less robust Mediterranean stayed at home and
reproduced their kind. The chronic turmoil of both
the mediaeval and modern periods imposed a perpetual
drain on the Nordic stock, while the era of discovery
and colonization which began with the sixteenth cen-
tury further depleted the Nordic ranks in Europe,
since it was adventurous Nordics who formed the over-
whelming majority of explorers and pioneers to new
lands. Thus, even at the end of the eighteenth cen-
tury, Europe was much less Nordic than it had been
a thousand yeai^ before.

Nevertheless, down to the close of the eighteenth
century, the Nordics suffered from no other notable
handicaps than war and migration, and even enjoyed
some marked advantages. Being a high type, the Nor-
Hic is naturally a ^'high standard'' man. He requires

164 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

healthful Hving conditions, and quickly pines when
deprived of good food, fresh air, and exercise. Down
to the close of the eighteenth century, Europe was
predominantly agricultural. In cool northern and
central Europe, therefore, environment actually fa-
vored the big, blond Nordics, especially as against the
slighter, less muscular Mediterranean; while in the
hotter south the Nordic upper class, being the rulers,
were protected from field labor, and thus survived as
an aristocracy. In peaceful times, therefore, the Nor-
dics multiplied and repaired the gaps wrought by
proscription and war.

The industrial revolution, however, profoundly modi-
fied this state of things. Europe was transformed
from an agricultural to an urbanized, industrial area.
Numberless cities and manufacturing centres grew
up, where men were close packed and were subjected
to all the evils of congested Mving. Of course such
conditions are not ideal for any stock. Nevertheless,
the Nordic suffered more than any one else. The
cramped factory and the crowded city weeded out
the big, blond Nordic with portentous rapidity, where-
as the little brunet Mediterranean, in particular,
adapted himself to the operative's bench or the clerk's
stool, prospered — ^and reproduced his kind.

The result of these new handicaps, combined with
the continuance of the traditional handicaps (war
and migration), has been a startling decrease of Nor-
dics all over Europe throughout the nineteenth cen-
tury, with a corresponding resurgence of the Alpine,

THE BEGINNING OF THE EBB 165

and still more of the Mediterranean, elements. In
the United States it has been the same story. Our
country, originally settled almost exclusively by Nor-
dics, was toward the close of the nineteenth century
invaded by hordes of immigrant Alpines and Mediter-
raneans, not to mention Asiatic elements like Levan-
tines and Jews. As a result, the Nordic native Amer-
ican has been crowded out with amazing rapidity by
these swarming, prolific aliens, and after two short
generations he has in many of our urban areas become
almost extinct.

The racial displacements induced by a changed eco-
nomic or social environment are, indeed, almost incalcu-
lable. Contrary to the popular beHef, nothing is more
unstable than the ethnic make-up of a people. Above
aU, there is no more absurd fallacy than the shibboleth
of the "melting-pot." As a matter of fact, the melt-
ing-pot may mix but does not melt. Each race-type,
formed ages ago, and "set" by millenniums of isolation
and inbreeding, is a stubbornly persistent entity. Each
type possesses a special set of characters: not merely
the physical characters visible to the naked eye, but
moral, intellectual, and spiritual characters as well.
All these characters are transmitted substantially
unchanged from generation to generation. To be
sure, where members of the same race-stock inter-
marry (as English and Swedish Nordics, or French
and British Mediterraneans), there seems to be genuine
amalgamation. In most other cases, however, the re-
sult is not a blend but a mechanical mixture. Where

166 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

the parent stocks are very diverse, as in matings be-
tween whites, negroes, and Amerindians, the offspring
is a ]piongreI — a walking chaos, so consumed by his
jarring heredities that he is quite worthless. We have
already viewed the mongrel and his works in Latin
America.

Such are the two extremes. Where intermarriage
takes place between stocks relatively near together,
as in crossings between the main divisions of the white
species, the result may not be bad, and is sometimes
distinctly good. Nevertheless, there is no true amal-
gamation. The different race-characters remain dis-
tinct in the mixed offspring. If the race-types have
generally intermarried, the country is really occupied
by two or more races, the races always tending to sort
themselves out again as pure types by MendeUan in-
heritance. Now one of these race-types will be favored
by the environment, and it will accordingly tend to
gain at the other's expense, while conversely the other
types will tend to be bred out and to disappear. Some-
times a modification of the environment through social
changes will suddenly reverse this process and will
penalize a hitherto favored type. We then witness a
"resm-gence," or increase, of the previously submerged
element.

A striking instance of this is going on in England.
England is inhabited by two race-stocks — ^Nordics
and Mediterraneans. Down to the eighteenth cen-
tury, England, being an agricultural country with a
cool climate, favored the Nordics, and but for the

THE BEGINNING OF THE EBB 167

Nordic handicaps of war and migration the Mediter-
raneans might have been entirely eliminated. Two
hundred years ago the Mediterranean element in Eng-
land was probably very small. The industrial revolu-
tion, however, reversed the selective process, and to-
day the small, dark types in England increase notice-
ably with every generation. The swart '^cockney"
is a resmrgence of the primitive Mediterranean stock,
and is probably a faithful replica of his ancestors of
Neolithic times.

Such was the ominous "seamy side" of nineteenth-
century civilization. The regressive trend was, in
fact, a vicious circle. An ill-balanced, faulty environ-
ment penalized the superior strains and favored the
inferior types; while, conversely, the impoverishing
race-stocks, drained of their geniuses and overloading
with dullards and degenerates, were increasingly unable
to evolve environmental remedies.

Thus, by action and reaction, the situation grew
steadily worse, disclosing its parlous state by number-
less symptoms of social iU-health. All the unlovely
fin de siecle phenomena, such as the decay of ideals,
rampant materialism, political disruption, social un-
rest, and the "decadence'^ of art and literature, were
merely manifestations of the same basic ills.

Of course a thoughtful minority, undazzled by the
prevalent optimism, pointed out evils and suggested
remedies. Unfortimately these "remedies" were
superficial, because the reformers confused manifesta-
tions with causes and combated symptoms instead of

168 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

fighting the disease. For example: the white world's
troubles were widely ascribed to the loss of its tradi-
tional ideals, especially the decay of religious faith.
But, as the Belgian sociologist Rene Gerard acutely
remarks, "to reason in this manner is, we think, to
mistake the effect for the cause. To believe that
philosophic and religious doctrines create morals and
civilizations is a seductive error, but a fatal one. To
transplant the behefs and the institutions of a people
to new regions in the hope of transplanting thither
their virtues and their civilization as well is the vainest
of follies. . . . The greater or less degree of vigor in a
people depends on the power of its vital instinct, of its
greater or less faculty for adapting itself to and domi-
nating the conditions of the moment. When the vital
instinct of a people is healthy, it readily suggests to the
people the religious and moral doctrines which assure
its survival. It is not, therefore, because a people
possesses a definite belief that it is healthy and vigor-
ous, but rather because the people is healthy and vigor-
ous that it adopts or invents the belief which is useful
to itself. In this way, it is not because it ceases to
believe that it falls into decay, it is because it is in
decay that it abandons the fertile dream of its ancestors
without replacing this by a new dream, equally forti-
fying and creative of energy."^

Thus we return once more to the basic principle of
race. For what is "vital instinct" but the imperious

*R4n6 Gerard, "Civilization in Danger," The Hibbert Journal,
January, 1912.

THE BEGINNING OF THE EBB 169

urge of superior heredity? As Madison Grant well
says: "The lesson is always the same, namely, that race
is everything. Without race there can be nothing ex-
cept the slave wearing his master's clothes, steaHng his
master's proud name, adopting his master's tongue,
and Uving in the crumbling ruins of his master's
palace."^

The disastrous consequences of failure to realize
this basic truth is nowhere more strikingly exemplified
than in the field of white world-pohtics during the half-
century preceding the Great War. That period was
dominated by two antithetical schools of political
thinking: national-imperialism and intemationahsm.
Swayed by the ill-balanced spirit of the times, both
schools developed extremist tendencies; the former
producing such monstrous aberrations as Pan-German-
ism and Pan-Slavism, the latter evolving almost equally
vicious concepts like cosmopolitanism and proleta-
rianism. The adherents of these rival schools com-
bated one another and wrangled among themselves.
They both disregarded the basic significance of race,
together with its immediate corollary, the essential
soHdarity of the white world.

As a matter of fact, white solidarity has been one of
the great constants of history. For ages the white
peoples have possessed a true "symbiosis" or conmion
life, ceaselessly mingling their bloods and exchanging
their ideas. Accordingly, the various white nations
which are the race's political expression may be re-

* Grant, op. cit., p. 100.

170 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

garded as so many planets gravitating about the sun
of a common civilization. No such sustained and in-
timate race-solidarity has ever before been recorded
in human annals. Not even the solidarity of the yel-
low peoples is comparable in scope.

Of coiu-se the white world^s internal frictions have
been legion, and at certain times these frictions have
become so acute that white men have been led to dis-
regard or even to deny their fimdamental unity. This
is perhaps also because white sohdarity is so pervasive
that we live in it, and thus ordinarily do not perceive
it any more than we do the air we breathe. Should
white men ever really lose their instinct of race-soli-
darity, they would asphyxiate racially as swiftly and
surely as they would asphyxiate physically if the at-
mospheric oxygen should suddenly be withdrawn.
However, down to 1914 at least, the white world never
came within measiu'able distance of this fatal possi-
biUty. On the contrary, the white peoples were con-
tinually expressing their fundamental soHdarity by
various unifying concepts like the "Pax Romana"
of antiquity, the "Civitas Dei" or Christian common-
wealth of the Middle Ages, and the "European Con-
cert" of nineteenth-century diplomacy.

It was typical of the malaise which was overtak-
ing the white world that the close of the nineteenth
century should have witnessed an ominous ignoring
of white solidarity; that national-imperialists should
have breathed mutual slaughter while international-
ists caressed visions of "human solidarity" culminating

THE BEGINNING OF THE EBB 171

in universal race-amalgamation; lastly, that Asia's
incipient revolt against white supremacy, typified by
the Russo-Japanese War, should have found zealous
white sponsors and abetters.

Nothing, indeed, better illustrates the white world's
unsoundness at the beginning of the present centiuy
than its reaction to the Russo-Japanese conflict. The
tremendous significance of that event was no more
lost upon the whites than it was upon the colored
peoples. Most far-seeing white men recognized it as
an omen of evil import for their race-future. And yet,
even in the first access of apprehension, these same
persons generally admitted that they saw no prospect
of healing, constructive action to remedy the ills which
were driving the white world along the downward
path. Analyzing the possibility of Europe's presenting
a common front to the perils disclosed by the Japanese
victories, the French publicist Rene Pinon sadly con-
cluded in the negative, believing that poUtical passions,
social hates, and national rivalries would speak louder
than the general interest. "Contemporary Europe,"
he wrote, in 1905, ''is probably not ready to receive
and understand the lesson of the war. What are the
examples of history to those gigantic commercial
houses, uneasy for their New Year's balances, which
are our modem nations ? It is in the nature of States
founded on mercantilism to content themselves with a
hand-to-mouth policy, without general views or ideal-
ism, satisfied with immediate gains and unable to pre-
pare against a distant future.

172 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

"Whence, in the Europe of to-day, could come the
principle of an entente, and on what could it be based ?
Too many divergent interests, too many rival ambi-
tions, too many festering hates, too many Mead who
speak/ are present to stifle the voice of Europe's
conscience.

"However menacing the external danger, we fear
that political rancors would not down; that the enemy
from without would find accompKces, or at least im-
conscious auxiliaries, within. Far more than in its
regiments and battleships, the power of Japan lies in
our discords, in the absence of an ideal capable of Hft-
ing the European peoples above the daily pursuit of
immediate interests, capable of stirring their hearts
with the thrill of a common emotion. The true 'Yel-
low Perir Hes within us." ^

Rene Pinon was a true prophet. Not only was the
"writing on the wall" not taken to heart, the decade
following the Russo-Japanese conflict witnessed a pro-
digious aggravation of all the ills which had afilicted
white civilization during the nineteenth century. As
if scourged by a tragic fate, the white world hurtled
along the downward path, imtil it entered the fell
shadow of — the modem Peloponnesian War.

1 Ren6 Pinon, "La Lutte pour le Pacifique," pp. 184-185.

CHAPTER VIII

THE MODERN PELOPONNESIAN WAR

The Peloponnesian War was the suicide of Greek
civiKzation. It is the saddest page of history. In the
brief Periclean epoch preceding the catastrophe Hellas
had shone forth with unparalleled splendor, and even
those wonderful achievements seemed but the prelude
to still loftier heights of glory. On the eve of its self-
immolation the Greek race, far from being exhausted,
was bubbling over with exuberant vitaUty and creative
genius.

But the half-blown rose was nipped by the canker of
discord. Jealous rivalries and mad ambitions smoul-
dered till they burst into a consuming flame. For a
generation Hellas tore itself to pieces in a delirium of
fratricidal strife. And even this was not the worst.
The "peace'' which closed the Peloponnesian War was
no peace. It was a mere truce, dictated by the victors
of the moment to sullen and vengeful enemies. Im-
posed by the sword and infused with no healing or
constructive virtue, the Peloponnesian War was but
the first of a war cycle which completed Hellas's ruin.

The irreparable disaster had, indeed, occiu-red: the
gulfs of sundering hatred had become fixed, and the
sentiment of Greek race-unity was destroyed. Having
lost its soul, the Greek race soon lost its body as well.

173

174 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOS

Drained of its best strains, tli3 diminished remnant
bowed to foreign masters and bastardized its blood
with the hordes of inferior ahens who swarmed into the
land. By the time of the Roman conquest the Greeks
were degenerate, and the Roman epithet "Graeculus"
was a term of deserved contempt.

Thus perished the Greeks — the fairest slip that ever
budded on the tree of life. They perished by their
own hands, in the flower of their youth, carrying with
them to the grave, unborn, potencies which might have
blessed and brightened the world for ages. Nature is
inexorable. No Hving being stands above her law;
and protozoon or demigod, if they transgress, alike
must die.

The Greek tragedy should be a warning to our own
day. Despite many unlikenesses, the nineteenth cen-
tury was strangely reminiscent of the Periclean age.
In creative energy and fecund achievement, surely,
its like had not been seen since "the glory that was
Greece,'' and the way seemed opening to yet higher
destinies.

But the brilliant sunrise was presently dimmed by
gathering clouds. The birth of the twentieth century-
was attended with disquieting omens. The iUs which
had afflicted the preceding epoch grew more acute,
synchronizing into an all-pervading, mihtant unrest.
The spirit of change was in the air. Ancient ideals
and shibboleths withered before the fiery breath of a
destructive criticism, whfle the solid crust of tradition
cracked and heaved under the premonitory tremors of

THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR 175

volcanic forces working far below. Everywhere were
seen bursting forth increasingly acute eruptions of
human energy: a triumph of the dynamic over the
static elements of life; a growing preference for violent
and revolutionary, as contrasted with peaceful and
evolutionary, solutions, running the whole politico-
social gamut from "ImperiaKsm'^ to "Sjoidicalism/'
Everywhere could be discerned the spirit of unrest
setting the stage for the great catastrophe.

Grave disorders were simply inevitable. They might
perhaps have been locaUzed. They might even have
taken other forms. But the ills of our civilization were
too deep-seated to have avoided grave disturbances.
The Prussian plotters of "Weltmachf did, indeed,
precipitate the impending crisis in its most virulent
and concentrated form, yet after all they were but
subHmations of the abnormal trend of the times.

The best proof of this is the white world's acutely
pathological condition during the entire decade pre-
vious to the Great War. That fierce quest after alli-
ances and mad piling-up of armaments; those paroxys-
mal " crises'' which racked diplomacy's feverish frame;
those ferocious struggles which desolated the Balkans :
what were all these but symptoms denoting a con-
suming disease ? To-day, by contrast, we think of the
Great War as having smitten a world basking in pro-
found peace. What a delusion ! Cast back the mind's
eye, and recall how hectic was the eve of the Great
War, not merely in politics but in most other fields as
well. Those opening months of 1914 ! Why, Europe

176 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

seethed from end to end ! When the Great War be-
gan, England was on the verge of civil strife, Russia
was in the throes of an acute social revolt, Italy had
just passed through a "red week^^ threatening
anarchy, and every European country was suffering
from grave internal disorders. It was a strange,
nightmarish time, that early summer of 1914, to-day
quite overshadowed by subsequent events, but which
later generations will assign a proper place in the
chain of world-history.

Well, Armageddon began and ran its horrid course.
With the grim chronology of those dreary years this
book is not concerned. It is with the aftermath that
we here deal. And that is a sufficiently gloomy theme.
The material losses are prodigious, the vital losses
appalling, while the spiritual losses have well-nigh
bankrupted the human soul.

Turning first to the material losses, they are of course
in the broadest sense incalculable, but approximate
estimates have been made. Perhaps the best of them
is the analysis made by Professor Ernest L. Bogert,
who places the direct costs of the war at $186,000,-
000,000 and the indirect costs at $151,000,000,000, thus
arriving at the stupendous total of $337,000,000,000.
These well-nigh inconceivable estimates still do not
adequately represent the total losses, figured even in
monetary terms, for, as Professor Bogert remarks:
"The figures presented in this summary are both in-
comprehensible and appalling, yet even these do not
take into account the effect of the war on life, human

THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR 177

vitaKty, economic well-being, ethics, morality, or
other phases of human relationships and activities
which have been disorganized and injured. It is
evident from the present disturbances in Europe that
the real costs of the war cannot be measured by the
direct money outlays of the belligerents during the five
years of its duration, but that the very breakdown of
modern economic society might be the price exacted/' ^

Yet prodigious as has been the destruction of wealth,
the destruction of Kfe is even more serious. Wealth
can sooner or later be replaced, while vital losses are,
by their very nature, irreparable. Never before were
such masses of men arrayed for mutual slaughter.
Diuing the late war nearly 60,000,000 soldiers were
mobihzed, and the combatants suffered 33,000,000
casualties, of whom nearly 8,000,000 were killed or
died of disease, nearly 19,000,000 were wounded, and
7,000,000 taken prisoners. The greatest sufferer was
Russia, which had over 9,000,000 casualties, while
next in order came Germany with 6,000,000 and
France with 4,500,000 casualties. The British Empire
had 3,000,000 casualties. America's losses were rel-
atively sHght, our total casualties being a trifle imder
300,000.

And this is only the beginning of the story. The
figures just quoted refer only to fighting men. They
take no account of the civilian population. But the
civilian losses were simply incalculable, especially in
eastern Europe and the Ottoman Empire. It is es-
* New York Times CurrerU History ^ December, 1919, p. 438.

178 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

timated that for every soldier killed, five civilians per-
ished by hunger, exposure, disease, massacre, or height-
ened infant mortality. The civilian deaths in Poland
and Russia are placed at many millions, while other
millions died in Turkey and Serbia through massacre
and starvation. One item alone wiU give some idea
of the wastage of human hfe during the war. The
deaths beyond the normal mortahty due to influenza
and pneumonia induced by the war are estimated at
4,000,000. The total loss of life directly attributable
to the war is probably fully 40,000,000, while if de-
creased birth-rates be added the total would rise
to nearly 50,000,000. Fxuthermore, so far as civilian
deaths are concerned, the terrible conditions prevailing
over a great part of Europe since the close of 1918
have caused additional losses relatively as severe as
those during the war years.

The way in which Europe's population has been
literally decimated by the late war is shown by the
example of France. In 1914 the population of France
was 39,700,000. From this relatively moderate popula-
tion nearly 8,000,000 men were mobilized during the
war. Of these, nearly 1,400,000 were killed, 3,000,000
were wounded, and more than 400,000 were made
prisoners. Of the wounded, between 800,000 and 900,-
000 were left permanent physical wrecks. Thus fully
2,000,000 men — ^mostly drawn from the flower of French
manhood — ^were dead or hopelessly incapacitated.

Meanwhile, the civilian population was also shrink-
ing. Omitting the civiHan deaths in the northern de-

THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR 179

partments under German occupation, the excess of
deaths over births was more than 50,000 for 1914,
and averaged nearly 300,000 for the four succeeding
war years. And the most alarming feature was that
these losses were mainly due, not to deaths of adults,
but to a slump in the birth-rate. French births, which
had been 600,000 in 1913, dropped to 315,000 in 1916
and 343,000 in 1917. All told, it seems probable that
between 1913 and 1919 the population of France
diminished by almost 3,000,000— nearly one-tenth of
the entire population.

France's vital losses are only typical of what has to
a greater or less extent occurred all over Europe. The
disgenic effect of the Great War is simply appalling.
The war was nothing short of a headlong plunge into
white race-suicide. It was essentially a civil war be-
tween closely related white stocks; a war wherein
every physical and mental effective was gathered up
and hmied into a hell of lethal machinery which killed
out unerringly the youngest, the bravest, and the
best.

Even in the first frenzied hours of August, 1914,
wise men realized the horror that stood upon the
tln-eshold. The crowd might cheer, but the reflective
already mourned in prospect the losses which were in
store. As the English writer Harold Begbie then said:
'^Remember this. Among the young conscript sol-
diers of Europe who will die in thousands, and per-
haps millions, are the very flower of civiKzation; we
shall destroy brains which might have discovered for

180 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

us in ten or twenty years easements for the worst of
human pains and sokitions for the worst of social dan-
gers. We shall blot those souls out of our common
existence. We shall destroy utterly those splendid
burning spiiits reaching out to enlighten our dark-
ness. Oiu" fathers destroyed those strange and valu-
able creatures whom they called 'witches.' We are
destroying the brightest of oiu* angels." ^

But it is doubtful if any of these seers realized the
full price which the race was destined to pay during
more than four long, agonizing years. Never before
had war shown itself such an unerring gleaner of the
best racial values. As early as the summer of 1915
Mr. Will Irwin, an American war correspondent, re-
marked the growing convictions among all classes,
soldiers as well as civilians, that the war was fatally
impoverishing the race. "I have talked," he wrote,
"with British officers and British Tommies, with Eng-
lish ladies of fashion and EngUsh housewives, with
French deputies and French cabmen, and in all minds
alike I find the same idea fixed — ^what is to become
of the French race and the British race, yes, and the
German race, if this thing keeps up?"

Mr. Irwin then goes on to describe the cumulative
process by which the fittest were selected — for death.

"I take it for granted," he says, 'Hhat, in a general
way, the bravest are the best, physically and spiritually.
Now, in this war of machinery, this meat-mill, it is
the bravest who lead the charges and attempt the

* The Literary Digest, August 29; 1914, p. 346.

THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR 181

daring feats, and, correspondingly, the loss is greatest
among those bravest.

"So much when the army gets into line. But in
the conscript countries, like France and Germany,
there is a process of selection in picking the army by
which the best — speaking in general terms — go out
to die, while the weakest remain. The undersized,
the undermuscled, the underbrained, the men twisted
by hereditary deformity or devitalized by hereditary
disease — ^they remain at home to propagate the breed.
The rest — ^all the rest — ^go out to take chances.

''Furthermore, as modem conscript armies are or-
ganized, it is the youngest men who sustain the heaviest
losses — the men who are not yet fathers. And from
the point of view of the race, that is, perhaps, the most
melancholy fact of all.

"All the able-bodied men between the ages of nine-
teen and forty-five are in the ranks. But the older
men do not take many chances with death. . . . These
EiKopean conscript armies are arranged in classes
according to age, and the yoimger classes are the men
who do most of the actual fighting. The men in their
late thirties or their forties, the 'territorials,' guard
the lines, garrison the towns, generally attend to the
business of running up the supplies. When we come
to gather the statistics of this war we shall find that
an overwhelming majority of the dead were less than
thirty years old, and probably that the majority were
under twenty-five. Now, the territorial of forty or
forty-five has usually given to the state as many chil-

182 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

dren as he is going to give, while the man of twenty-
five or under has usually given the state no children
at all/' ^

Mr. Irwin was gauging the racial cost by the criterion
of youth. A leading English scholar, Mr. H. A. L.
Fisher, obtained equally alarming results by applying
the test of genius. He analyzed the casualty lists ^^ filled
with names which, but for the fatal accidents of war,
would certainly have been made illustrious for splendid
service to the great cause of life. ... A government
actuated by a cold calculus of economic efficiency would
have made some provision for sheltering from the
hazards of war young men on whose exceptional in-
tellectual powers our future progress might be thought
to depend. But this has not been done, and it is im-
possible to estimate the extent to which the world
will be impoverished in quality by the disappearance
of so much youthful genius and talent. . . . The
spiritual loss to the universe cannot be computed, and
probably will exceed the injury inflicted on the world
by the wide and protracted prevalence of the celibate
orders in the Middle Ages."^

The American biologist S. K. Humphrey did not
underestimate the extent of the slaughter of genius-
bearing strains when he wrote: "It is safe to say that
among the millions kiUed will be a million who are
carrying superlatively effective inheritances — ^the de-
pendence of the race's future. Nothing is more ab-
surd than the notion that these inheritances can be

1 The Literary Digest, August 7, 1915. ^ jj^i^^^ August 11, 1917.

THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR 183

replaced in a few generations by encouraging the fecun-
dity of the survivors. They are gone forever. The sur-
vivors are going to reproduce their own less-valuable
kind. Words fail to convey the appalling nature of
the loss.'' 1

It is the same melancholy tale when we apply the
test of race. Of course the war bore heavily on all
the white race-stocks, but it was the Nordics — ^the
best of all human breeds — ^who suffered far and away
the greatest losses. War, as we have seen, was always
the Nordic's deadhest scourge, and never was this
truer than in the late struggle. From the racial stand-
point, indeed, Armageddon was a Nordic civil war,
most of the officers and a large proportion of the men
on both sides belonging to the Nordic race. Every-
where it was the same story: the Nordic went forth
eagerly to battle, while the more stolid Alpine and,
above all, the little brunet Mediterranean either stayed
at home or even when at the front showed less fighting
spirit, took fewer chances, and oftener saved their
skins.

The Great War has thus unquestionably left Europe
much poorer in Nordic blood, while conversely it has
relatively favored the Mediterraneans. Madison Grant
well says: "As in all wars since Roman times, from
the breeding point of view the little dark man is the
final winner." ^

^S. K. Humphrey, "Mankind: Racial Values and the Racial Pros-
pect," p. 132 (New York, 1917).
2 Grant, p. 74.

K^V

184 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

Furthermore, it must be remembered that those
disgenic effects which I have been discussing refer
solely to losses inflicted upon the actual combatants.
But we have already seen that for every soldier killed
the war took five civilian lives. In fact, the war's
profoundly devitalizing effects upon the general pop-
ulation can hardly be overestimated. Those effects
include not merely such obvious matters as privation
and disease, but also obsciu-er yet highly destructive
factors like nervous shock and prolonged overstrain.
To take merely one instance, consider Havelock Ellis's
remarks concerning "the ever-widening circles of
anguish and misery and destitution which every fatal
bullet imposes on humanity." He concludes: "It is
probable that for every 10,000,000 soldiers who fall
on the field, 50,000,000 other persons at home are
plunged into grief, or poverty, or some form of life-
diminishing trouble."^

Most serious has been the war's effect upon the chil-
dren. At home, as at the front, it is the yoxmg who
have been sacrificed. The heaviest civiKan losses
have come^ through increased infant mortality and
decreased birth-rates. The "slaughter of the inno-
cents" has thus been twofold: it has slain milHons of
those already aHve, and it has prevented millions more
from being born or conceived. The decreased fe-
cundity of women during the war even imder good ma-
terial conditions apparently shows that war's psycho-
logical reflexes tend to induce sterility.

1 Ellis, p. 32.

THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR 185

An Italian savant, Professor Sergi, has elaborated
this hypothesis in considerable detail. He contends
that "war continued for a long time is the origin of
this phenomenon (relative sterility), not only in the
absolute sense of the loss of men in battle, but also
through a series of special conditions which arise si-
multaneously with an imbalancing of vital processes
and which create in the latter a complex phenomenon
difficult to examine in every one of its elements.

"The biological disturbance does not derive solely
from the destruction of yoimg hves, the ones best
adapted to fecundity, but also from the unfavorable
conditions into which a nation is unexpectedly thrown;
from these come disorders of a mental and sentimental
nature, nervousness, anxiety, grief, and pain of all
kinds, to which the serious economic conditions of war-
time also contribute; all these things have a harmful
effect on the general organic economy of nations.'' ^

From the combination of these losses on the battle-
jBeld and in the cradle arises what the biologist Doctor
Saleeby terms "the menace of the dearth of youth.''
The European populations to-day contain an undue
proportion of adults and the aged, while "the younger
generation is no longer knocking at the door. We
senescents may grow old in peace; but the facts bode
ill for oiu* national future. "^

Furthermore, this "dearth of youth" will not be

* New York Times Current History, vol. IX, p. 272; October-Decem-
ber, 1916.

2 Current Opinion, April, 1919, p. 237.

186 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

easily repaired. The war may be over, but its after-
math is only a degree Jess unfavorable to human mul-
tipKcatioU; especially of the better kinds. Bad in-
dustrial conditions and the fearfully high cost of Hving
continue to depress the birth-rate of all save the most
reckless and improvident elements, whose increase is
a curse rather than a blessing.

To show only one of the many causes that to-day
keep down the birth-rate, take the crushing burden of
taxation, which hits especially the increase of the upper
classes. The London Saturday Review recently ex-
plained this very clearly when it wrote: "From a
man with £2,000 a year the tax-gatherer takes £600.
The remaining £1,400, owing to the decreased value of
money, has a purchasing power about equal to £700
a year before the war. No young man will therefore
think of marrying on less than £2,000 a year. We are
thinking of the young man in the upper and middle
classes. The man who starts with nothing does not,
as a rule, arrive at £2,000 a year until he is past the
marrying age. So the continuance of the species will
be carried on almost exclusively by the class of manual
workers of a low average caHber of brain. The matter
is very serious. Reading the letters and memoirs of
a hundred years ago, one is struck by the size of the
famines of the aristocracy. One smiles at reading of
the overflowing nm^series of Edens, and Cokes, and
Fitzgeralds. Fourteen or fifteen children were not at
all unusual amongst the coimty families."^

^ Saturday Review, November 1, 1919, p. 407.

THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR 187

Europe's convalescence must, at the very best, be a
slow and difficult one. Both materially and spiritually
the situation is the reverse of bright. To begin with,
the political situation is highly unsatisfactory. The
diplomatic arrangements made by the Versailles Peace
Conference offer neither stabiHty nor permanence. In
the next chapter I shall have more to say about the
Versailles Conference. For the moment, let me quote
the observations of the well-known British publicist
J. L. Garvin, who adequately summarizes the situation
when he says: "As matters stand, no great war ever
was followed by a more disquieting and limited peace.
Everywhere the democratic atmosphere is charged with
agitation. There is still war or anarchy, or both, be-
tween the Baltic and the Pacific across a sixth part of
the whole earth. Without a restored Russia no out-
look can be confident. Either a Bolshevist or reaction-
ary or even a patriotic junction between Germany and
Russia might disrupt civilization as violently as before
or to even worse effect.''^

Political imcertainty is a poor basis on which to
rebuild Europe's shattered economic life. And this
economic reconstruction would, imder the most favor-
able circumstances, be very difficult. We have already
seen how, owing to the industrial revolution, Europe
became the world's chief workshop, exporting manu-
factured products in return for foodstuffs to feed its
workers and raw materials to feed its machines, these

* J. L. Garvin, "The Economic Foundations of Peace," page xiv
(London, 1919).

188 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

imports being drawn from the four quarters of the
globe. In other words, Europe had ceased to be self-
sufficing, the very Hfe of its industries and its urban
populations being dependent upon foreign importa-
tions from the most distant regions. Europe's pros-
perity before the war was due to the development of
a marvellous system of world-trade; intricate, nicely
adjusted; functioning with great efficiency, and run-
ning at high speed.

Then down upon this dehcately organized mechan-
ism crashed the trip-hammer of the Great War, liter-
ally smashing it to pieces. To reconstruct so intricate
a fabric takes time. Meanwhile, how are the huge
urban masses to Hve, unfitted and imable as they are
to draw their sustenance from their native soil? If
their sufferings become too great there is a real danger
that all Europe may collapse into hopeless chaos. Mr.
Frank A. Vanderhp did not overstate the danger when
he v/rote: "I beHeve it is possible that there may be
let loose in Europe forces that will be more terribly
destructive than have been the forces of the Great
War."i

The best description of Europe's economic situa-
tion is imdoubtedly that of Mr. Herbert Hoover, who,
from his experience as inter-Allied food controller, is
peculiarly qualified to pass authoritative judgment.
Says Mr. Hoover:

"The economic difficulties of Europe as a whole at
the signature of peace may be almost simimarized in

* Frank A. Vanderlip, "Political and Economic Conditions in Eu-
rope," The American Review of Reviews, July, 1919, p. 42.

THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR 189

the phrase demoralized productivity/ The produc-
tion of necessaries for this 450;000,000 population (in-
cluding Russia) has never been at so low an ebb as at
this day.

"A summary of the imemployment bureaus in
Europe will show that 15,000,000 families are receiving
unemplojmaent allowances in one form or another, and
are, in the main, being paid by constant inflation of
currency. A rough estimate would indicate that the
population of Europe is at least 100,000,000 greater
than can be supported without imports, and must Hve
by the production and distribution of exports; and
their situation is aggravated not only by lack of raw
materials, and imports, but also by low production
of European raw materials. Due to the same low
production, Europe is to-day importing vast quantities
of certain commodities which she formerly produced
for herself and can again produce. Generally, in pro-
duction, she is not only far below even the level of the
time of the signing of the armistice, but far below the
maintenance of life and health without an unparalleled
rate of import. . . .

"From all these causes, accumulated to different
intensity in different locahties, there is the essential
fact that, unless productivity can be rapidly increased,
there can be nothing but political, moral, and economic
chaos, finally interpreting itself in loss of life on a
scale hitherto undreamed of.'' ^

Such are the material and vital losses inflicted by the

1 Herbert Hoover, "The Economic Situation in Europe," WwWs
Work, November, 1919, pp. 98-99.

190 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

Great War. They are prodigious; and they will not
easily be repaired. Europe starts its reconstruction
under heavy handicaps, not the least of these being the
drain upon its superior stocks, which has deprived it of
much of the creative energy that it so desperately
needs. Those 16,000,000 or more dead or incapaci-
tated soldiers represented the flower of Europe's
young manhood — the very men who are especially
needed to-day. It is young men who normally alone
possess both maximum driving power and maximum
plasticity of mind. All the European belHgerents are
dangerously impoverished in their stock of youth. The
resultant handicap both to Europe's working ability
and Europe's brain-activity is only too plain.

Moreover, material and even vital losses do not tell
the whole story. The moral and spiritual losses,
though not easily measiu-ed, are perhaps even more
appalling. In fact, the darkest cloud on the horizon
is possibly the danger that reconstruction will be pri-
marily material at the expense of moral and spiritual
values, thus leading to a warped development even
more pronounced than that of the nineteenth century
and leading inevitably to yet more disastrous conse-
quences.

The danger of purely material reconstruction is of
course the peril which lurks behind every great war,
and which in the past has wrought such tragic havoc.
At the beginning of the late war we heard much talk
of its morally "regenerative" effects, but as the grim
holocaust went on year after year, far-sighted moralists

THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR 191

warned against a fatal drain of Europe^s idealistic
forces which might break the thin crust of European
civilization so painfully wrought since the Dark Ages.

That these warning voices were not without reason is
proved by the chaos of spiritual, moral, and even in-
tellectual values which exists in Europe to-day, giving
play to such monstrous insanities as Bolshevism. The
danger is that this chaos may be prolonged and deep-
ened by the complex of two concurrent factors: spiri-
tual drain during the war, and spiritual neglect in the
immediate future due to overconcentration upon
material reconstruction.

Many of the world's best minds are seriously con-
cerned at the outlook. For example, Doctor Gore, the
Bishop of Oxford, writes: "There is the usual depres-
sion and lowering of moral aims which always follows
times of war. For the real terror of the time of war is
not during the war; then war has certain very enno-
bling powers. It is after-war periods which are the
curse of the world, and it looks as if the same were
going to prove true of this war. I own that I never
felt anxiety such as I do now. I think the aspect of
things has never been so dark as at this moment. I
think the temper of the nations has degraded since the
declaration of the armistice to a degree that is almost
terrifying."^

The intellectual impoverishment wrought by the
war is well smnmarized by Professor C. G. Shaw.
"We did more before the war than we shall do after

\Tbe Literary Digest, May 3, 1919, pp. 39-40.

192 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

it/' he writes. "War will have so exhausted man's
powers of action and thought that he will have Httle
wit or will left for the promotion of anything over and
above necessary repair. ' ' ^

Europe's general impoverishment in all respects was
vividly portrayed by a leading article of the London
Saturday Review entitled "The True Destructiveness
of War." Pointing to the devastated areas of northern
France as merely symptomatic of the devastation
wrought in spiritual as well as material fields, it said:

"Reflection only adds to the effect upon us of these
miles of wasted country and ruined towns. All this
represents not a thousandth part of the desolation
which the war has brought upon our civilization.
These devastated areas scarring the face of Europe are
but a sjnnbol of the desolation which will shadow the
life of the world for at least a generation. The com-
ing years will be bleak, in respect of all the generous
and gracious things which are the products of leisure
and of minds not wholly taken up by the necessity to
Hve by bread alone. For a generation the world will
have to concentrate upon material problems.

"The tragedy of the Great War — a tragedy which
enhances the desolation of Rheims — ^is that it should
have killed ahnost everything which the best of our
soldiers died to preserve, and that it should have
raised more problems than it has solved.

"We would sacrifice a dozen cathedrals to preserve
what the war has destroyed in England. . . . We

* Current Opinion, April, 1919, p. 248.

THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR 193

would readily surrender our ten best cathedrals to be
battered by the artillery of Hindenburg as a ransom.
Surely it would be better to lose Westminster Abbey
than never again to have anybody worthy to be buried
there."!

Europe is, indeed, passing through the most critical
spiritual phase of the war's aftermath — ^what I may
term the zero hour of the spirit. When the trenches
used to fill mth infantry waiting in the first cold flicker
of the dawn for the signal to go "over the top/' they
called it the "zero hour.'' Well, Europe now faces the
zero hoiu" of peace. It is neither a pleasant nor a
stimulating moment. The "tumult and the shout-
ing" have died. The captains, kings — and presidents
— ^have departed. War's hectic urge wanes, losses
are comited, the heroic pose is dropped. Such is the
moment when the peoples are bidden to go "over the
top" once more, this time toward peace objectives no
less difficult than those of the battle-field. Weakened,
tired Europe knows this, feels this — ^and dreads the
plunge into the unknown. Hence the malaise of the
zero hour.

The extraordinary turmoil of the European soul is
strikingly set forth by the French thinker Paul Valery.

"We civilizations," he writes, "now know that we
are mortal. We had heard tell of whole worlds van-
ished, of empires gone to the bottom with all their
engines; sunk to the inexplorable bottom of the cen-
turies with their gods and their laws, their academies,

1 Quoted from The Living Age, June 21, 1919, pp. 722-4.

194 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

their science; pure and applied; their grammars, their
dictionaries; their classics, their romantics and their
symboHstS; their critics and their critics^ critics. We
knew well that all the apparent earth is made of ashes,
and that ashes have a meaning. We perceived; through
the mists of history, phantoms and huge ships laden with
riches and spiritual things. We could not count them.
But these wrecks, after aU, were no concern of ours.

"Elam, Nineveh, Babylon were vague and lovely
nameS; and the total ruin of these worlds meant as
little to us as their very existence. But France, Eng-
land, Russia — these would also be lovely names. Lusi-
tania also is a lovely name. And now we see that the
abyss of history is large enough for every one. We
feel that a civilization is as fragile as a Hfe. Circum-
stances which would send the works of Baudelaire
and Keats to rejoin the works of Menander are no
longer in the least inconceivable; they are in all the
newspapers. . . .

"Thus the spiritual Persepolis is ravaged equally
with the material Susa. All is not lost, but everything
has felt itself perish.

"An extraordinary tremor has run through the spinal
marrow of Europe. It has felt, in all its thinking sub-
stance, that it recognized itself no longer, that it no
longer resembled itself, that it was about to lose
consciousness — a consciousness acquired by centuries
of tolerable disasters, by thousands of men of the first
rank, by geographical, racial, historical chances in-
numerable. . . .

THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR 195

"The military crisis is perhaps at an end; the eco-
nomic crisis is visibly at its zenith; but the intellectual
crisis — ^it is with difficulty that we can seize its true
centre, its exact phase. The facts, however, are clear
and pitiless: there are thousands of young writers and
young artists who are dead. There is the lost illusion
of a European culture, and the demonstration of the
impotence of knowledge to save anything whatever;
there is science, mortally wounded in its moral ambi-
tions, and, as it were, dishonored by its applications;
there is idealism, victor with difficulty, grievously muti-
lated, responsible for its dreams; reahsm, deceived,
beaten, with crimes and misdeeds heaped upon it; cov-
etousness and renimciation equally put out; religions
confused among the armies, cross against cross, crescent
against crescent; there are the sceptics themselves,
disconcerted by events so sudden, so violent, and so
moving, which play with our thoughts as a cat with a
mouse — the sceptics lose their doubts, rediscover
them, lose them again, and can no longer make use of
the movements of their minds.

"The rolling of the ship has been so heavy that at
the last the best-hung lamps have been upset.

"From an immense terrace of Elsinore which extends
from Basle to Cologne, and touches the sands of Nieu-
port, the marshes of the Somme, the chalk of Cham-
pagne, and the granite of Alsace, the Hamlet of Europe
now looks upon millions of ghosts.''^

Such is Europe's deplorable condition as she staggers

1 Quoted from The Living Age, May 10, 1919, pp. 365-368.

196 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

forth from the hideous ordeal of the Great War; her
fluid capital dissipated, her fixed capital impaired, her
industrial fabric rent and tattered, her finances threat-
ened with bankruptcy, the flower of her manhood dead
on the battle-field, her populations devitalized and dis-
couraged, her children stunted by malnutrition. A
sombre picture.

And Europe is the white homeland, the heart of
the white world. It is Europe that has suffered prac-
tically all the losses of Armageddon, which may be
considered the white civil war. The colored world
remains virtually unscathed.

Here is the truth of the matter: The white world
to-day stands at the crossroads of life and death. It
stands where the Greek world stood at the close of
the Peloponnesian War. A fever has racked the white
frame and undermined its constitution. The unsound
therapeutics of its diplomatic practitioners retard
convalescence and endanger real recovery. Worst of
all, the instinct of race-solidarity has partially atro-
phied.

Grave as is the situation, it is not yet irreparable,
any more than Greece's condition was hopeless after
iEgospotami. It was not the Peloponnesian War
which sealed Hellas's doom, but the cycle of political
anarchy and moral chaos of which the Peloponnesian
War was merely the opening phase. Our world is too
vigorous for even the Great War, of itself, to prove
a mortal wound.

The white world thus stiU has its choice. But it

THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR 197

must be a positive choice. Decisions — ^firm decisions
— ^must be made. Constructive measures — drastic
measures — ^must be taken. Above all: time presses,
and drift is fatal. The tide ebbs. The swimmer must
put forth strong strokes to reach the shore. Else —
gwift oblivion in the dark ocean.

CHAPTER IX

THE SHATTERING OF WHITE SOLIDARITY

The instinctive comity of the white peoples is, as I
have aheady said, perhaps the greatest constant of
history. It is the psychological basis of white civiHza-
tion. Cohesive instinct is as vital to race as gravita-
tion is to matter. Without them, atomic disintegration
would alike result. In speaking of race-instinct, I am
not referring merely to the ethnic theories that have
been elaborated at various times. Those theories
were, after all, but attempts to explain intellectually
the urge of that profound emotion known to sociolo-
gists as the "consciousness of kind."

White race-consciousness has been of course per-
turbed by numberless internal frictions, which have
at times produced partial inhibitions of unitary feeling.
Nevertheless, when really faced by non-white opposi-
tion, white men have in the past instinctively tended
to close their ranks against the common foe. One of
the Great War's most deplorable results has been an
unprecedented weakening of white solidarity which,
if not repaired, may produce the most disastrous con-
sequences.

Diu-ing the nineteenth century the sentiment of
white sohdarity was strong. The great explorers and
empire-builders who spread white ascendancy to the

198

WHITE SOLIDARITY 199

ends of the earth felt that they were apostles of their
race and civiHzation as well as of a particular coun-
try. Rivalries might be keen and colonial boundary
questions acute; nevertheless, in their calmer mo-
ments, the white peoples felt that the expansion of
one white nation buttressed the expansion of all.

Professor Pearson undoubtedly voiced the spirit of
the day when he wrote (about 1890) that it would be
well ''if European statesmen could understand that
the wars which carry desolation into civilized coun-
tries are allowing the lower races to recruit their num-
bers and strength. Two centuries hence it may be
matter of serious concern to the world if Russia has
been displaced by China on the Amoor, if France has
not been able to colonize North Africa, or if England
is not holding India. For civiHzed men there can be
only one fatherland, and whatever extends the in-
fluence of those races that have taken their faith from
Palestine, their laws of beauty from Greece, and their
civil law from Rome, ought to be matter of rejoicing
to Russian, German, Anglo-Saxon, and Frenchman
alike.'^!

The progress of science also fortified white race-con-
sciousness with its sanctions. The researches of Euro-
pean scholars identified the founders of our civilization
with a race of tall, white-skinned barbarians, possessing
regular features, brown or blond hair, and fight eyes.
This was, of course, what we now know as the Nordic
type. At first the problem was ill understood, the

* Pearson, pp. 14-15.

200 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

tests applied being language and culture rather than
physical characteristics. For these reasons the early
'^Caucasian'' and ''Aryan" hypotheses were self-con-
tradictory and inadequate. Nevertheless, the basis
was sound; and the effects on white popular psychology
were excellent.

Particularly good were the effects upon the peoples
predominantly of Nordic blood. Obviously typifying
as they did the prehistoric creators of white civiliza-
tion, Nordics everywhere were strengthened in con-
sciousness of genetic worth, feeling of responsibility
for world-progress, and urge toward fraternal collabora-
tion. The supreme value of Nordic blood was clearly
analyzed by the French thinker Count Arthtu* de Go-
bineau as early as 1854^ (albeit Gobineau employed
the misleading "Aryan" terminology), and his thesis
was subsequently elaborated by many other writers,
notably by Englishmen, Germans, and Scandinavians.

The results of aU this were plainly apparent by the
closing years of the nineteenth century. Quickened
Nordic race-consciousness played an important part
in stimulating Anglo-American fraternization, and in-
duced acts like the Oxford Scholarship legacy of Cecil
Rhodes. The trend of this movement, though cross-
cut by nationaHstic considerations, was clearly in the
direction of a Nordic entente — a Pan-Nordic syndica-
tion of power for the safeguarding of the race-heritage
and the harmonious evolution of the whole white world.

^His book "De I'ln^galit^ des Races Humaines" first appeared at
that date.

WHITE SOLIDARITY 201

It was a glorious aspiration, which; had it been realized,
would have averted Armageddon.

Unfortunately the aspiration remained a dream.
The ill-balanced tendencies of the late nineteenth
century were against it, and they ultimately pre-
vailed. The abnormal growth of national-imperialism,
in particular, wrought fatal havoc. The exponents of
imperialistic propagandas like Pan-Germanism and
Pan-Slavism put forth Kterally boundless pretensions,
planning the domination of the entire planet by their
special brand of national-imperialism. Such men had
scant regard for race-lines. All who stood outside their
particular nationalistic group were vowed to the same
subjection.

Indeed, the national-imperialists presently seized
upon race teachings, and prostituted them to their
own ends. A notable example of this is the extreme
Pan-German propaganda of Houston Stewart Cham-
berlain ^ and his fellows. Chamberlain makes two car-
dinal assumptions: he conceives modern Germany
as racially almost purely Nordic; and he regards all
Nordics outside the German linguistic-cultural group
as either unconscious or renegade Teutons who must
at all costs be brought into the German fold. To any
one who imderstands the scientific realities of race,
the monstrous absurdity of these assumptions is in-
stantly apparent. The fact is that modem Germany,

* Especially as expounded in Chamberlain's chief work, "Die Gnrnd-
lagen des neunzehnten Jahrhunderts" ("The Foundations of the

Nineteenth Century").

202 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

far from being purely Nordic, is mainly Alpine in race.
Nordic blood preponderates only in the northwest,
and is merely veneered over the rest of Germany, espe-
cially in the upper classes. While the Germania of
Roman days was unquestionably a Nordic land, it
has been computed that of the 70,000,000 inhabitants
of the German Empire in 1914, only 9,000,000 were
purely Nordic in character. This displacement of the
German Nordics since classic times is chiefly due to
Germany^s troubled history, especially to the horrible
Thirty Years' War which virtually annihilated the
Nordics of south Germany. This racial displacement
has wrought correspondingly profound changes in the
character of the German people.

The truth of the matter is, of course, that the Pan-
Germans were thinking in terms of nationality instead
of race, and that they were using pseudo-racial argu-
ments as camouflage for essentially political ends. The
pity of it is that these arguments have had such dis-
astrous repercussions in the genuine racial sphere. The
late war has not only exploded Pan-Germanism, it has
also discredited Nordic race-feeling, so unjustly con-
fused by many persons with Pan-German nationalistic
propaganda. Such persons should remember that the
overwhelming majority of Nordics Uve outside of Ger-
many, being mainly found in Scandinavia, the Anglo-
Saxon countries, northern France, the Netherlands, and
Baltic Russia. To let Teuton propaganda gull us into
thinking of Germany as the Nordic fatherland is both
a danger and an absurdity.

WHITE SOLIDARITY 203

While Pan-Germanism was mainly responsible for
precipitating Armageddon with all its disastrous con-
sequences, it was Russian Pan-Slavism which dealt
the first shrewd blow to white soHdarity. Toward
the close of the nineteenth century, Pan-Slavism's
"Eastern '^ wing, led by Prince Ukhtomsky and other
chauvinists of his ilk, went so far in its imperialistic
obsession as actually to deny Russia's white blood.
These Pan-Slavists boldly proclaimed the morbid,
mystical dogma that Russia was Asiatic, not Euro-
pean, and thereupon attempted to seize China as a
lever for upsetting, first the rest of Asia, and then the
non-Russian white world — elegantly described as "the
rotten west/' The white Power immediately menaced
was, of course, England, who in acute fear for her In-
dian Empire, promptly riposted by allying herself
with Japan. Russia was diplomatically isolated and
militarily beaten in the Russo-Japanese War. Thus
the Russo-Japanese War, that destroyer of white pres-
tige whose ominous results we have already noted,
was precipitated mainly by the reckless short-sighted-
ness of white men themselves.

A second blow to white solidarity was presently
administered — this time by England in concluding
her second alliance-treaty with Japan. The original
alHance, signed in 1902, was negotiated for a definite,
limited objective — the checkmating of Russia's over-
weening imperialism. Even that instrimient was dan-
gerous, but under the circumstances it was justifiable
and inevitable. The second alliance-treaty, however,

204 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

was so general and far-reaching in character that prac-
tically all white men in the Far East, including most
emphatically EngKshmen themselves, pronounced it
a great disaster.

Meanwhile, German imperialism was plotting even
deadlier strokes at white race-comity, not merely by
preparing war against white neighbors in Europe, but
also by ingratiating itself with the Moslem East and
by toying with schemes for building up a black mili-
tary empire in central Africa.

Lastly, France was actually recruiting black, brown,
and yellow hordes for use on European battle-fields;
while Italy, by her buccaneering raid on Tripoli, out-
raged Islam's sense of justice and strained its patience
to the breaking-point.

Thus, in the years preceding Armageddon, all the
European Powers displayed a reckless absorption in
particularistic ambitions and showed a callous indiffer-
ence to larger race-interests. The rapid weakening of
white soHdarity was clearly apparent.

However, white soHdarity, though diplomatically
compromised, was emotionally not yet really under-
mined. Those dangerous games above mentioned
were largely the work of cynical chancelleries and ultra-
imperialist propagandas. The average European, what-
ever his nationahty, still tended to react instinctively
against such practices. This was shown by the sharp
criticism which arose from the most varied quarters.
For example: Russia and Britain were alike sternly
taken to task both at home and abroad for their re-

WHITE SOLIDARITY 205

spective Far Eastern policies; proposed German al-
liances with Pan-Islamism and Japan preached by
disciples of Machtpolitik were strenuously opposed as
race-treason by powerful sections of German thought;
while Italy^s Tripohtan imbroglio was generally de-
nounced as the most foolhardy trifling with the com-
mon European interest.

A good illustration of instinctive white solidarity
in the early years of the twentieth century is a French
joumahst's description of the attitude of the white
spectators (of various nationalities) gathered to watch
the landing in Japan of the first Russian prisoners
taken in the Russo-Japanese War. This writer de-
picts in moving language the Kterally horrifying effect
of the spectacle upon himself and his fellows. ''What
a triiraiph/' he exclaims, "what a revenge for the
little Nippons to see thus humihated these big, splen-
did men who, for them, represented, not only Rus-
sians, but those Europeans whom they so detest ! This
scene tragic in its simplicity, this grief passing amid
joy, these whites, vanquished and captives, defiling
before those free and triumphant yellows — this was
not Russia beaten by Japan, not the defeat of one
nation by another; it was something new, enormous,
prodigious; it was the victory of one world over an-
other; it was the revenge which effaced the centuries
of humihations borne by Asia; it was the awakening
hope of the Oriental peoples; it was the first blow
given to the other race, to that accursed race of the
West, which, for so many years, had triumphed with-

206 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

out even having to struggle. And the Japanese crowd
felt all thiS; and the few other Asiatics who found them-
selves there shared in this triumph. The humiliation
of these whites was solenm, frightful. I completely
forgot that these captives were Russians, and I would
add that the other Europeans there, though anti-Rus-
sian, felt the same malaise: they also were forced to
feel that these captives were their own kind. When
we took the train for Kobe, an instinctive soKdarity
drove us huddhng into the same compartment.^'^

Thus white solidarity, while unquestionably weak-
ened, was stiU a weighty factor down to August, 1914.
But the first shots of Armageddon saw white soUdarity
literally blown from the muzzles of the guns. An ex-
plosion of internecine hatred burst forth more intense
and general than any ever known before. Both sets
of combatants proclaimed a duel to the death; both
sides vowed the enemy to something near annihilation;
while even scientists and litterateurs, disrupting the
ancient commonwealths of wisdom and beauty, put
one another furiously to the ban.

In their savage death-grapple neither side hesitated
for an instant to grasp at any weapon, whatever the
ultimate consequences to the race. The Allies poured
into white Europe colored hordes of every pigment
imder the sun; the Teutonic Powers wielded Pan-
Islam as a besom of wrath to sweep clean every white
foothold in Hither Asia and North Africa; while far
and wide over the Dark Continent black armies fought
for their respective masters — and learned the hidden

* Pinon, "La Lutte pour le Pacifique," p. 165.

WHITE SOLIDARITY 207

weakness of the white man's power. In the Far East,
Japan, left to her own devices, bent amorphous China
to her imperious will, thereby raising up a potential
menace for the entire earth. Every day the tide of
intestine hatred within the white world rose higher,
until the very concept of a common blood and cultiu*al
past seemed in danger of being blotted out.

A symposium of the "hate literature'' of the Great
War is fortunately no part of my task, but the reader
will readily recall both its abysmal fury and its ir-
reconcilable impHcations. The most appalling featm-e
was the way in which many writers assumed that this
state of mind would be permanent; that the end of
the Great War might be only the beginning of a war-
cycle leading to the utter disruption of white solidarity
and civiKzation. In the spring of 1916, the London
Nation remarked gloomily: "Eiu-ope is now being
mentally conceived as inevitably and permanently
dual. We are ceasing to think of Europe. The normal
end of war (which is peace) is to be submerged in the
idea of a war-series indefinitely prolonged. Soon the
entire Continent will have but one longing — ^the long-
ing for rest. The cup is to be dashed from its lips !
For a world steeped in fear and ruled by the barren
logomachy of hate, diplomatic intercourse would al-
most cease to be possible. ... In the matter of cul-
ture, modern Europe would tend to relapse to a state
inferior even to that of mediaeval Europe, and to sink
far below that of the Renaissance."^

Jn similar vein, the noted German historian Eduard

» The Nation (London), April 8, 1916, pp. 32-33.

208 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

Meyer* predicted that Ai-mageddon was only the first
of a long series of Anglo-German ''Punic Wars'^ in
which modern civilization would retrograde to a con-
dition of semi-barbarism. Germany, according to this
prophecy, would be the victor — ^but a Pyrrhic victor,
for the colored races, taking advantage of white de-
cadence, would destroy European supremacy and in-
volve all the white nations in a common ruin.

The ulcerated state of European war-psychology
did, in fact, lend ominous emphasis to these gloomy
prognostications. Before 1914, as we have seen,
imperialistic trafficking with common race-interests
usually roused wide-spread criticism, while even more,
the use of colored troops in white quarrels always
roused bitter popular condemnation. In the darkest
hours of the Boer War, English public opinion had re-
fused to sanction the use of either black African or
brown Indian troops against the white foe, while
French plans for raising black armies of African sav-
ages for use in Europe were almost universally repro-
bated. Before Armageddon there thus existed a
genuine moral repugnance against se'ttling domestic
differences by calling in the alien without the gates.

The Great War, however, sent all such scruples
promptly into the discard. Not only did the belliger-
ent governments use all the colored troops they could
equip, but the belligerent peoples hailed this action

* Eduard Meyer, "England: Its Political Organization and Develop-
ment and the War against Germany" (English translation, Boston,
1916).

WHITE SOLIDARITY 209

with unqualified approval. The Allies were of course
the more successful in practice, but the Germans were
just as eager, and the exertions of the Prussian General
Liman von Sanders actually got Turkish divisions to
the European battle-fronts.

The psychological effect of these colored auxiliaries in
deepening the hatred of the white combatants was de-
plorable. Germany's use of Turks raised among the
Allies wrathful emotions reminiscent of the Crusades,
while the havoc wrought in the Teutonic ranks by black
Senegalese and yellow Gurkhas, together with Allied
utterances like Lord Curzon's wish to see Bengal lancers
on the Unter den Linden and Gurkhas camping at
Sans Souci, so maddened the German people that the
very suggestion of white soHdarity was jeeringly scoffed
at as the most idiotic sentimentaUty.

Here is a German officer's account of a Senegalese
attack on his position, which vividly depicts the mingled
horror and fury awakened in German hearts by these
black opponents: "They came. First singly, at wide
intervals. Feeling their way, like the arms of a horrible
cuttlefish. Eager, grasping, Hke the claws of a mighty
monster. Thus they rushed closer, flickering and some-
times disappearing in the cloud. Entire bodies and
single limbs, now showing in the harsh glare, now sink-
ing in the shadows, came nearer and nearer. Strong,
wild fellows, their log-like, fat, black skulls wrapped in
pieces of dirty rags. Showing their grinning teeth like
panthers, with their bellies drawn in and their necks
stretched forward. Some with bayonets on their

210 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

rifles. Many only armed with knives. Monsters aU,
in their confused hatred. Frightful their distorted,
dark grimaces. Horrible their unnaturally wide-
opened, burning, bloodshot eyes. Eyes that seem
like terrible beings themselves. Like unearthly, hell-
bom beings. Eyes that seemed to run ahead of 'their
owners, lashed, unchained, no longer to be restrained.
On they came like dogs gone mad and cats spitting and
yowling, with a burning lust for human blood, with a
cruel dissemblance of their beastly maUce. Behind
them came the first wave of the attackers, in close
order, a sohd, rolling bla<3k wall, rising and falling,
swaying and heaving, impenetrable, endless."^

Here, again, is the proposal of a British officer, to
raise a million black savages from England's African
colonies for use on the Western Front. Major Stuart-
Stephens exults in Britain's "almost imlimited reser-
voir of African man-power." In northern Nigeria
alone, he remarks, there are to-day more than 700,000
warlike tribesmen. "Let them be used!'' says the
major. "These 'bonny fechters' are now engaged in
the pastoral arts of peace. But I would make bold to
assert that a couple of hundred thousand could, after
six months' training, be usefully employed in dare-
devil charges into German trenches." Major Stuart-
Stephens hopes that at least the Sudanese battalions
will be transferred en masse to the Western Front.
"This," he concludes, "would mean the placing at once

1 Captain Rheinhold Eichacker, "The Blacks Attack!" New York
Times Current History, vol. XI, pp. 110-112, April- June, 1917.

WHITE SOLIDARITY 211

in the trenches of, say, 70,000 big, lusty coal-black
devils, the time of whose life is the wielding of the
bayonet, and whose advent would not be regarded by
the Boches as a pleasing omen of more to come of the
same sort." *

The mihtary possibilities are truly engaging ! There
are literally tens of millions of fighting blacks and scores
of millions of fighting Asiatics now living under white
rule who could conceivably be armed and shipped to
European battle-fields. After which, of course, Europe,
the white homeland, would be — a queer place.

Fortunately for our race, the late war did not see
this sort of thing carried to its logical conclusion. But
the harm done was bad enough. The white world
grew accustomed to the use of colored mercenaries and
to the contracting of alliances with colored peoples
against white opponents as a mere matter of course.

The German war-mind, in particular, teemed with
colored alliance-projects. Unable to compete with the
Allies in getting colored troops to Europe, Germans
planned to revenge themselves in other fields. The
Turkish alliance and the resulting "Holy War" proc-
lamation were hailed with dehght. "Over there in
Turkey," wrote the well-known German publicist
Ernst Jaeckh, "stretch Anatolia and Mesopotamia:
Anatolia, the 'Land of the Sunrise'; Mesopotamia, the
region of ancient paradise. May these names be to us
a sign: may this World War bring to Germany and

1 Major Darnley Stuart-Stephens, "Our^ Million Black Army,"
English Review, October, 1916.

212 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

Turkey the sunrise and the paradise of a new time;
may it confer upon an assiu-ed Turkey and a Greater
Germany the blessing of a fruitful Turco-Teutonic col-
laboration in peace after a victorious Turco-Teutonic
collaboration in war.''^

The scope of Germany's Asiatic aspirations during
the war is exemplified by an article from the pen of the
learned Orientalist Professor Bernhardt Molden.^ Ger-
many's aid to Turkey, contends Professor Molden, is
merely symptomatic of her policy to raise the other
Asiatic peoples now crushed beneath English and Rus-
sian domination. Thus Germany will create puissant
allies for the "Second Punic War." Germany must
therefore strive to solidify the great Central Asian
bloc — Turkey, Persia, Afghanistan, China. Professor
Molden urges a "Pan- Asian railroad" from Constan-
tinople to Peking. This should be especially alluring
to Afghanistan, which would thereby become one of
the great pivots of world-politics and trade. In fine:
"Germany must free Asia." As another prominent
German writer, Friediich Delitzsch, wrote in similar
vein: "To renovate the East — such is Germany's
mission." 3

In such a mood, Germans hailed Japan's absence of
genuine hostility with the greatest satisfaction. The

1 Ernst Jaeckh, "Die deutech-turkische Waffenbruderschaft," p. 30
(Berlin, 1915).

2 Bernhardt Molden, "Die Bedeutung Asiens im Kampf fiir unsere
Zukunft," Preussische Jahrbucher, December, 1914. See also his
article "Europa und Asien," Preussische Jahrhiicher, October, 1915.

^Friedrich Delitzsch, "Deutschland und Asien" (pamphlet) (Ber-
Un, 1914).

WHITE SOLIDARITY 213

gust of rage which swept Germany at Japan's seizure
of Kiao-chao was soon allayed by numerous writers
preaching reconciliation and eventual alliance with the
mistress of the Far East. Typical of this pro-Japanese
propaganda is an article by Herr J. Witte, a fornjer
official in the Far East, which appeared in 1915. Herr
Witte chides his countrymen for their talk about the
Yellow Peril. Such a peril may exist in the future, but
it is not pressing at this moment, "at any rate for us
Germans, who have no great territorial possessions in
the Far East. . . . We might permit oiu^elves to speak
of a Yellow Peril if there was a white sohdarity. This,
however, does not exist. We are leamiug this just
now by bitter experience on our own flesh and blood.
Our foes have marshalled peoples of all races against
us in battle. So long as this helps them, all race-an-
tipathies and race-interests are to them matters of su-
preme indifference. Under these circumstances, in
the midst of a life-and-death struggle against the peo-
ples of the white race, shall we play the role of guardian
angel of these peoples against the yellow peoples?
For us, as Germans, there is now only one supreme
life-interest, to which all other interests must be sub-
ordinated: the safety and advancement of Germany
and of Deutschtum in the world." Herr Witte there-
fore advocates a "close poUtical understandiag be-
tween Germany and Japan. In future we can accom-
pUsh nothiug in the teeth of Japan. Therefore we
must get on good terms with Japan. And we can do
it, too. Germany is, in fact, the country above all

214 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

others who in the future has the best prospect of ally-
ing herself advantageously with the Far Eastern peo-
ples." ^

And so it went throughout the war-years : both sides
using all possible colored aid to down the white foe;
both sides alike reckless of the ultimate racial conse-
quences.

In fact; leaving ultimate consequences aside, many
persons feared during the later phases of the war that
Europe might be headed for immediate dissolution.
As early as mid-1916; Lord Loreburn expressed appre-
hension lest the war was entailing general bankruptcy
and "such a destruction of the male youth of Europe
as will break the thin crust of civilization which has
been built up since the Dark Ages."^ These fears
were intensified by the Russian revolution of 1917,
with its hideous corollary of Bolshevism which def-
initely triumphed before the close of that year. The
Bolshevik triumph evoked despairing predictions like
Lord Lansdowne^s: "We are not going to lose this
war, but its prolongation will spell ruin for the civilized
world." ^

Well, the war was prolonged for another year, end-
ing in the triumph of the AUies and America, though
leaving Europe in the deplorable condition reviewed
in the preceding chapter. The hopes of mankind

*Lic. Missionsinspektor J. Witte, " Deutschland und die Volker
Ostasiens in Vergangenheit und Zukunft," Preussische Jahrhiicher,
May, 1915.

2 The Economist (London), June 17, 1916, p. 1134.

* The Literary Digest, December 15, 1917, p. 14.

WHITE SOLIDARITY 215

were now centred on the Peace Conference, but these
hopes were oversanguine, for the Versailles "settle-
ment" was riddled with poKtical and economic imper-
fections from the Saar to Shantung.

This was what a sceptical minority had feared from
the first. At the very beginning of the war, for in-
stance, the French pubhcist Urbain Gohier had pre-
dicted that when the diplomats gathered at the end
of the conflict they would find the problem of construc-
tive settlement insoluble.^

Most persons, however, had been more hopeful.
Disappointment and disillusionment were therefore
correspondingly intense. The majority of liberal-
minded, forward-looking men and women throughout
the world deplored the Versailles settlement's faulty
character, some, however, accepting the situation as
the best of a bad business, others entirely repudiating
it on the ground that by crystaUizing an intolerable
status it would entail worse disasters in the near future.

General Smuts, the South African delegate to the
Conference, well represents the first attitude. In a
formal protest against the Versailles settlement. Gen-
eral Smuts stated : "I have signed the peace treaty, not
because I consider it a satisfactory document, but be-
cause it is imperatively necessary to close the war; be-
cause the world needs peace above all, and nothing
could be more fatal than the continuance of the state
of suspense between war and peace. The six months
since the armistice was signed have, perhaps, been as

* The Literary Digest, December 15, 1914, p. 14.

216 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

upsetting, unsettling; and ruinous to Europe as the
previous four years of war. I look upon the peace
treaty as the close of these two chapters of war and
armistice, and only on that ground do I agree to it. I
say this now, not in criticism, but in faith; not be-
cause I wish to find fault with the work done, but rather
because I feel that in the treaty we have not yet
achieved the real peace to which our peoples were look-
ing, and because I feel that the real work of making
peace will only begin after this treaty has been signed,
and a definite halt has thereby been called to the de-
structive passions that have been desolating Europe
for nearly five years. " ^

The Enghsh economist J. L. Garvin, who, like Gen-
eral Smuts, accepted the tresity faute de mieux, makes
these trenchant comments upon the settlement itself:
'^ Derisive human genius surveying with pity and laugh-
ter the present state of mankind and some of the ob-
solete means adopted at Paris to remedy it, might do
most good by another satire like Rabelais, Gulliver,
or Candide. But let us put from us here the tempta-
tion to conjure up vistas of the grotesque. Let us
pursue these plain studies in common sense. A treaty
even when signed is paper. It is in itself inoperative
without the action or control of living forces which
it seeks to express or repress. Treaties not drawn
against sound and certain assets may be dishonored
in the sequel like bad checks or bills. You do not get
peace merely by putting it on paper. And, much more

1 Official document.

WHITE SOLIDARITY 217

to the point, all that is called peace does not necessarily
spell prosperity any more than all that ghtters is gold.
You can 'make a solitude and call it peace/ The
quintessence of death or stupefaction resembles a kind
of peace. You can prolong relative stagnation and
depression and yet^say that it is peace. But that
would not be the reconciling and lasting, the construc-
tive and the creative peace, as it was visioned by the
Allied peoples in their greatest moments of insight and
inspiration during the war. For that higher and wiser
thing we lavished our pent-up energies and the accumu-
lated treasure of a hundred years, and sent so many of
our best to die."^

That veteran student of world-poKtics Doctor E. J.
Dillon put the matter succinctly when he wrote: "The
peace is being made not, as originally projected, on the
basis of the fourteen points, nor on the lines of terri-
torial equilibrium, but by a compromise which misses
the advantage of either, and combines certain evils of
both. The treaty has failed to lay the axe to the roots
of war, has perhaps increased their number while pur-
porting to destroy them. The germs of future conflicts,
not only between the recent belligerents, but also be-
tween other groups of states, are numerous, and if
present symptoms may be trusted will sprout up in
the fulness of time.'^^

The badness of the Versailles treaties is nowhere

1 J. L. Garvin, "The Heritage of Armageddon/' The Observer (Lon-
don). Reprinted in The Living Age, September 6, 1919.

2 In The Daily Telegraph (London). Quoted in The Nation (New
York), June 14, 1919, p. 960.

218 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

more manifest than in the way they have ahenated
ideaHstic support and enthusiasm from the inchoate
League of Nations. Multitudes of persons once zealous
Leaguers now feel that the League has no moral foun-
dation. Such persons contend that even were the
covenant theoretically perfect, the League could no
more succeed on the basis of the present peace settle-
ment than a flawlessly designed palace could be erected
if superimposed upon a quicksand.,

Em-ope is thus in evil case. Her statesmen have
failed to formulate a constructive settlement. Old
problems remain unsolved while fresh problems arise.
The danger is redoubled by the fact that both Europe
and the entire world are faced with a new peril — Bol-
shevism. The menace of Bolshevism is simply in-
calculable. Bolshevism is a peril in some ways unprec-
edented in the world^s history. It is not merely a
war against a social system, not merely a war against
our civilization; it is a war of the hand against the
brain. For the first time since man was man there is
a definite schism between the hand and the head.
Every principle which mankind has thus far evolved:
community of interest, the solidarity of civiHzation and
culture, the dignity of labor, of muscle, of brawn,
dominated and illumined by intellect and spirit — all
these Bolshevism howls down and tramples in the mud.

Bolshevism's cardinal tenets — the dictatorship of
the proletariat, and the destruction of the "classes''
by social war — are of truly hideous import. The
"classes," as conceived by Bolshevism, are very numer-

WHITE SOLIDARITY 219

ous. They comprise not merely the "idle rich/^ but
also the whole of the upper and middle social strata, the
landowning country folk, the skilled working men; in
shorty all except those who work with their imtutored
hands, plus the elect few who philosophize for those who
work with their imtutored hands.

The effect of such ideas, if successful, not only on
our civihzation, but also on the very fibre of the race,
can be imagined. The death or degradation of nearly
all persons displajdng constructive abihty, and the
tyranny of the ignorant and anti-social elements,
would be the most gigantic triumph of disgenics ever
seen. Beside it the iU effects of war would pale into
insignificance. Civilization would wither Hke a plant
stricken by bUght, while the race, summarily drained
of its good blood, would sink like lead into the depths
of degenerate barbarism.

This is precisely what is occm-ring in Russia, to-day.
Bolshevism has ruled Russia less than three years —
and Russia is ruined. She ekes out a bare existence on
the remains of past accumulations, on the surviving
scraps of her material and spiritual capital. Every-
where are hunger, cold, disease, terror, physical and
moral death. The " proletariat^' is making its "clean
sweep." The " classes'' are being systematically elim-
inated by execution, massacre, and starvation. The
racial impoverishment is simply incalculable. Mean-
while Lenine, surroimded by his Chinese executioners,
sits behind the Kremlin walls, a modern Jenghiz Khan
plotting the plunder of a world.

220 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

Lenine's Chinese "braves" are merely symptomatic
of the intrigues which Bolshevism is carrying on
throughout the non-white world. Bolshevism is, in
fact; as anti-racial as it is anti-social. To the Bolshe-
vik mind, with its furious hatred of constructive abihty
and its fanatical determination to enforce levelhng, pro-
letarian equahty, the very existence of superior biolog-
ical values is a crime. Bolshevism has vowed the prole-
tarianization of the world, beginning with the white
peoples. To this end it not only foments social revolu-
tion within the white world itself, but it also seeks to
enhst the colored races in its grand assault on civiliza-
tion. The rulers of Soviet Russia are well aware of the
profound ferment now going on in colored lands. They
watch this ferment with the same terrible glee that
they watched the Great War and the fiasco of Ver-
sailles— and they plot to tiun it to the same profit.

Accordingly, in every quarter of the globe, in Asia,
Africa, Latin America, and the United States, Bol-
shevik agitators whisper in the ears of discontented
colored men their gospel of hatred and revenge. Every
nationalist aspiration, every political grievance, every
social discrimination, is fuel for Bolshevism's hellish
incitement to racial as well as to class war.

And this Bolshevik propaganda has not been in
vain. Its results already show in the most diverse
quarters, and they are ominous for the future. China,
Japan, Afghanistan, India, Java, Persia, Turkey,
Egypt, Brazil, Chile, Peru, Mexico, and the "black
belts" of our own United States: here is a partial

WHITE SOLIDARITY 221

list of the lands where the Bolshevik leaven in color
is clearly at work.

Bolshevism thus reveals itself as the arch-enemy of
ci\dlization and the race. Bolshevism is the renegade,
the traitor within the gates, who would betray the
citadel, degrade the very fibre of our being, and ulti-
mately hurl a rebarbarized, racially impoverished
world into the most debased and hopeless of mon-
grelizations.

Therefore, Bolshevism must be crushed out with
iron heels, no matter what the cost. If this means
more war, let it mean more war. We know only too
well war's dreadful toU, particularly on racial values.
But what war-losses could compare with the losses
inflicted by the Uving death of Bolshevism? There
are some things worse than war, and Bolshevism stands
foremost among those dread alternatives.

So ends our survey of the white world as it emerges
from the Great War. The prospect is not a brilliant
one. Weakened and impoverished by Armageddon,
handicapped by an unconstructive peace, and facing
internal Bolshevist disaffection which must at all costs
be mastered, the white world is ill-prepared to con-
front— ^the rising tide of color. What that tide por-
tends wiU be the subject of the concluding chapters.

PART III
THE DELUGE ON THE DIKES

CHAPTER X
THE OUTER DIKES

In my first chapter I showed that the rising tide of
color to-day finds itself confronted by dikes erected
by the white race during the centuries of its expan-
sion. The reader will also remember that white ex-
pansion has taken two forms: settlement and poUt-
ical control. These two phases differ profoundly in
character. Areas of settlement like North America
have become integral portions of the white world. On
the other hand, regions of political control like India
are merely white dependencies, highly valuable per-
haps, yet in the last analysis held by title of the swoid.

Between these clearly contrasted categories lies an
intermediate class of territories typified by South Africa,
where whites have settled in large numbers without
displacing the native populations. Lastly, there exist
certain white territories which may be called "en-
claves." These enclaves have become thoroughly
white by settlement, yet they are so distant from the
main body of the white world and so contiguous to
colored race-areas that white tenure does not possess
that security which settlement and displacement of
the aborigiues normally confer. Australia typifies
this anomalous class of cases.

The white defenses against the colored tide can be

225

226 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

divided into what may be termed the "outer" and
the "inner" dikes. The outer dikes (the regions of
white poHtical control) contain no settled white popula-
tion, so that their abandonment, whatever the political
or economic loss, would not directly affect white race-
integrity. The question of their retention or aban-
donment should therefore (save in a few exceptional
cases) be judged by political, economic, or strategic
considerations. The inner dikes (the areas of white
settlement), however, are a very different matter.
Peopled as they are wholly or largely by whites, they
have become parts of the race-heritage, which should
be defended to the last extremity no matter if the costs
involved are greater than their mere economic value
would warrant. They are the true bulwarks of the
race, the patrimony of future generations who have
a right to demand of us that they shall be born white
in a white man's land. lU will it fare if ever our race
should close its ears to this most elemental call of the
blood. Then, indeed, would be manifest the writing
on the wall.

That issue, however, is reserved for the next chap-
ter. Let us here examine the matter of the outer dikes
— ^the regions of white poHtical control. There, where
the white man is not settler but suzerain, his suzerainty
should, in the last analysis, depend on the character
of the inhabitants.

Right here, let us clear away the doctrinaire pedantry
that commonly obscures discussion about the retention
or abandonment of white political control over racially

THE OUTER DIKES 227

non-white regions. Argument usually tends to crystal-
lize around two antitheses. On the one side are the
doctrinaire liberals, who maintain the "imprescriptible
right '^ of every human group to attain independence,
and of every sovereign state to retain independence.
On the opposite side are the doctrinaire imperialists,
who maintain the equally imprescriptible right of their
particular nation to "vital expansion" regardless of
injuries thereby injMcted upon other nations.

Now I submit that both these assumptions are un-
warranted. There is no "imprescriptible right" to
either independence or empire. It depends on the
realities of each particular case. The extreme cases
at either end of the scale can be adjudged offhand by
ordinary common sense. No one except a doctrinaire
liberal would be likely to assert that the Andaman
Islanders had an imprescriptible right to independence,
or that Haiti, which owed its independence only to a
turn in European politics,^ should forever remain a
sovereign — international nuisance. On the other hand,
the whole world (with the exception of Teutonic im-
perialists) denounced Germany's attempt to swallow

1 Despite the legends which have grown up about the gaining of
Haitian independence, such is the fact. Despite the handicap of yellow
fever, the French were on the point of stamping out the negro insurgents
when the renewal of war with England, in 1803, cut off the French sea-
communications. The story of Haiti offers many interesting and in-
structive points to the student of race-questions. It was the first real
shock between the ideals of white supremacy and race-equality; a
prologue to the mighty drama of our own day. It also shows what real
race-war means. To the historical student I cite my "French Revolu-
tion in San Domingo" (Boston, 1914), wherein the entire revolutionary
cycle between 1789 and 1804 is described, based largely upon hitherto
unexploited archival material.

228 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

highly civilized Belgium as a crime against human-
ity.

In other words: realities, not abstract theories,
decide. That does not please the doctrinaires, who
insist on setting up Procrustean beds of theory on which
reahties should be racked or crammed. It does, how-
ever, conform to the dictates of nature, which decree
that what is attuned shall live while the disharmonic
and degenerate shall pass away. And nature usually
has the last word.

Surveying the regions of white political control over
non-white peoples in this realistic way, thereby avoid-
ing the pitfalls of doctrinaire theory and blind prej-
udice, we may arrive at a series of conclusions which,
though lacking the trim symmetry of the idealogue,
will correspond to the facts in the various cases.

One thing is certain: the white man will have to
recognize that the practically absolute world-dominion
which he exercised during the nineteenth century can
no longer be maintained. Largely because of that
very dominion, colored races have been drawn out of
their traditional isolation and have been quickened
by white ideas, while the life-conserving nature of
white rule has everywhere favored colored multiplica-
tion. These factors have combined to produce a wide-
spread ferment which has been clearly visible for the
past two decades, and which is destined to grow more
acute in the near future.

This ferment would have developed even if the Great
War had never occurred. However, the white world^s
weakening through Armageddon has immensely ac-

MEDITERRANEANS

THE OUTER DIKES 229

celerated the process and has opened up the possibility
of violent "short cuts" which would have mutually
disastrous consequences. Especially has it evoked in
bellicose and fanatical minds the vision of a "Pan-
Colored" alliance for the universal overthrow of white
hegemony at a single stroke — a dream which would tmn
into a nightmare of race-war beside which the late
struggle in Europe would seem the veriest child^s
play.

The effective centres of colored unrest are the brown
and yellow worlds of Asia. Both those worlds are not
merely in negative opposition to white hegemony, but
are experiencing a real renaissance whose genuineness
is best attested by the fact that it is a faithful replica
of similar movements in past times. White men must
get out of their heads the idea that Asiatics are neces-
sarily "inferior." As a matter of fact, while Asiatics
do not seem to possess that sustained constructive
power with which the whites, particularly the Nordics,
are endowed, the browns and yellows are yet gifted
peoples who have profoundly influenced human prog-
ress in the past and who imdoubtedly will contribute
much to world-civilization. The Asiatics have by
their own efforts built up admirable cultiu-es rooted in
remote antiquity and worthy of all respect. They
are to-day once more displaying their innate capacity
by not merely adopting, but adapting, white ideas
and methods. That this profoimd Asiatic renaissance
will eventually result in the substantial elimination of
white political control from Anatolia to the Philippines
is as natural as it is inevitable.

230 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

This does not mean a precipitate white '^scuttle*'
from Asia. Far from it. It does mean, however, a
candid facing of realities and a basing of policy on
realities rather than on prepossessions or prejudices.
Unless the white man does this, he will injure himself
more than any one else. If Asia is to-day really
renascent, Asia will ultimately reap the political fruits.
Men worthy of independence will sooner or later get
independence. This is as certain as is the converse
truth that men unworthy of independence, though
they cry for it never so loudly, will either remain
subject or will quickly relapse into subjection should
they by some lucky circumstance obtain what they
could only misuse.

If, then, Asia deserves to be free, she will' be free.
The only question is, how she will attain her freedom.
Shall it be an evolutionary process, in the main peace-
ful, based upon mutual respect, with mutual recogni-
tion of both increasing Asiatic fitness and white vested
interests? Or shall it come through cataclysmic rev-
olution? This is the dilemma which those imperial-
ists should ponder who object to any relaxation of white
poHtical control over Asia because of the " value '^ of
the subject regions. That white control over Asiatic
lands has been, and still is, immensely profitable, can-
not be denied. But what basis for this value is there
except lack of effective opposition? If real, sustained
opposition now develops, if subject Asia becomes
chronically rebellious, if its peoples resolutely boy-
cott white goods — as China and India have shown

THE OUTER DIKES 231

Asiatics capable of doing, will not white control be
transformed from an asset into a liability ? Above all,
let us remember that no race-values are involved. No
white race-areas would have to be abandoned to non-
white domination. White control over Asia is poHti-
cal, and can thus be judged by the criteria of material
interest undisturbed by the categorical imperative of
race-duty.

The need for sympathetic open-mindedness toward
awakening Asia if cataclysmic disasters are to be
averted becomes all the clearer when we realize that
on important issues lying outside Asia the white world
must resolutely oppose Asiatic desires. We whites
should be the more generous in our attitude toward
Asia because imperative reasons of self-protection re-
quire us to deny to Asiatics some of their best oppor-
tunities in the outer world.

In my opening chapters I discussed the rapid growth
of Asiatic populations and the resultant steadily aug-
menting outward thrust of surplus Asiatics (princi-
pally yellow men, but also in lesser degree brown men)
from overcrowded homelands toward the less-crowded
regions of the earth. It is, in fact, Asiatics, and above
all Mongolian Asiatics, who form the first waves of the
rising tide of color. Unfortunately, the white world
cannot permit this rising tide free scope. White men
cannot, imder peril of their very race-existence, allow
wholesale Asiatic immigration into white race-areas.
This prohibition, which will be discussed in the next
chapter, is already a serious blow to Asiatic aspirations.

232 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

But the matter does not end there. The white
world also cannot permit with safety to itself whole-
sale Asiatic penetration of non-Asiatic colored regions
like black Africa and tropical Latin America. To per-
mit Asiatic colonization aad ultimate control of these
vast territories with their incalculable resources would
be to overturn in favor of Asia the political, the eco-
nomic, and eventually the racial balance of power in
the world. At present the white man controls these
regions. And he must stand fast. No other course
is possible. Neither black Africa nor mongrel-ruled
tropical America can stand alone. If the white man
goes, the Asiatic comes — ^browns to Africa, yellows to
Latin America. And there is no reason under heaven
why we whites should dehberately present Asia with
the richest regions of the tropics, to our own impover-
ishment and probable undoing.

Our race-duty is therefore clear. We must resolutely
oppose both Asiatic permeation of white race-areas
and Asiatic inimdation of those non-white, but equally
non-Asiatic, regions inhabited by the really inferior
races. But we should also recognize that by taking
this attitude we debar Asiatics from golden opportuni-
ties and render impossible the reahzation of aspirations
intrinsically just as normal and laudable as our own.
And, having closed in their faces so many doors of
hope, can we refuse to discuss with gifted and capable
Asiatics the problem of turning over to them the keys
of their own house without causing festering hatreds

THE OUTER DIKES 233

whose poison may spread far beyond Asia into other
colored lands and possibly into white lands as well?
Neither a Pan-Colored nor a Colored-Bolshevist alliance
are impossibilities, far-fetched though these terms
may sound.

The fact is, we whites are in no position to indulge
in the luxury of Bourbonism. Weakened by Arma-
geddon, hampered by Versailles, and harassed by
Bolshevism, the white world can ill afford to flout
legitimate Asiatic aspirations to independence. Our
imperialists may argue that this means abandoning
'^ outer dikes," but I contend that white positions in
Asia are not protective dikes but strategic block-
houses, built upon the sands during the long Asiatic
ebb-tide, and which the now rising Asiatic waves must
ultimately enguK. Is it not the part of wisdom to
quit these outposts before they collapse into the swirl-
ing waters? Our true "outer dikes" stand, not in
Asia, but in Africa and Latin America. Let us not
exhaust ourselves by stubborn resistance in Asia which
in the end must prove futile. Let us conserve our
strength, remembering that by the time Asia has been
submerged the flood should have lost much of its pent-
up power.

Particularly should this be true of the moral "im-
ponderables." By taking a reasonable, conciliatory
attitude toward Asiatic aspirations to independence
we would thereby eliminate the moral factors in Asians
present hostility toward ourselves. Many Asiatics

234 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

would still be our foes from resentment at balked ex-
pansion, but we should have separated the sheep from
the goats.

And the sheep are the more nimierous. There are
of course irreconeilables like Japanese imperialists and
Pan-Islamic fanatics who would like to upset the whole
world. However, taken by and large, Asia is peopled
neither by fire-eating jingoes nor howling dervishes.
The average Asiatic is by nature less restless, less am-
bitious, and consequently less aggressive than our-
selves. To-day Asiatics are everywhere aroused by a
whole complex of stimuH like overcrowding, white
domination, and white denial of nationaUstic aspira-
tions, to an access of hatred and fury. Those last-
mentioned stimuli to anti-white hostility we can re-
move. The first-mentioned cause of hostility — over-
population— ^we cannot remove. Only the Asiatic
himself can do that by controlling his reckless procrea-
tion. Of course over-population is of itself a suffi-
ciently serious provoker of trouble. There is no more
certain breeder of strife than the expansive urge of a
fast-breeding people. Nevertheless, this hostile stimu-
lus appHes primarily to yellow Asia. Brown Asia,
once free or clearly on the road to freedom, would be
either satisfied or engrossed in its intestine broils.
At any rate, the twin spectres of a Pan-Asian or a
Pan-Colored alliance would probably vanish like a
mirage of the desert, and the white world would be far
better able to deal with yellow pressure on its race-

THE OUTER DIKES 235

frontiers — ^no light task, weakened and distracted as
the white world finds itself to-day.

Unfortunately, no such wise foresight seems to have
been vouchsafed our statesmen. Imperialistic secret
treaties formed the basis for Versailles's treatment of
Asiatic questions, and those treaties were drawn pre-
cisely as though Armageddon were a skirmish and
Asia the sleeping giant of a century ago. Upon the
brown world, in particular, white domination was
riveted rather than relaxed.

This amazing disregard of present-day realities au-
gurs ill for the futiu-e. Indeed, its evil first-fruits are
already apparent. The brown world, convinced that
its aspirations can be realized only by force, turns to
the yellow world and listens to Bolshevik propaganda,
while Pan-Islamism redoubles its efforts in Africa.

Thus is once more manifest the diplomatic bank-
ruptcy of Versailles. The white man, like King
Canute, seats himseK upon the tidal sands and bids
the waves be stayed. He will be lucky if he escapes
merely with wet shoes.

CHAPTER XI

THE INNER DIKES

We come now to the frontiers of the white world —
to its true frontiers, marked, not by boundary-stones,
but by flesh and blood. These frontiers are not con-
tinuous: far from the European homeland, some run
in remote quarters of the earth, sundered by vast
stretches of ocean and connected only by the slate-
gray thread of sea-power — the master-talisman which
the white man still grasps firmly in his hand.

But against these race-frontiers — these '^ inner dikes"
— the rising tide of color has for decades been beating,
and will beat yet more fiercely as congesting population,
quickened self-consciousness, and heightened sense of
power impel the colored world to expansion and do-
minion. Above the eastern horizon the dark storm-
clouds lower, and the weakened, distracted white world
must soon face a colored peril threatening its integrity
and perhaps its existence. This colored peril has three
facets: the peril of arms, the peril of markets, and the
peril of migration. All three contain ominous potenti-
ahties, both singly and in combination. Let us review
them in turn, to appraise their dynamic possibiHties.

First, the peril of arms. The military potencies of
the colored races have been the subject of earnest, and
frequently alarmist, speculation for the past twenty

236

THE INNER DIKES 237

years, particularly since the Russo-Japanese War.
The exciting effects of Pan-Islamism upon the warlike
peoples of Asia and Africa have been frequently dis-
cussed, while the "Yellow Peril'' has long been a
journalistic commonplace.

How shall we appraise the colored peril of arms ? On
the whole, it would appear as though the colored mili-
tary danger, in its isolated, purely aggressive aspect,
had been exaggerated. Visions of a united Asia, ris-
ing suddenly in fanatic frenzy and hiu-hng brown and
yellow myriads upon the white West seem to be the
products of superheated imaginations. I say "seem,"
because there are unquestionably mysterious emotional
depths in the Asiatic soul which may yet justify the
prophets of cataclysmic war. As Hyndman says:
"With all the facts before us, and with prejudice
thrown aside, we are still unable to lay bare the causes
of the gigantic Asian movements of the past. They
were certainly not all economic in their origin, unless
we stretch the boundaries of theory^ so far as to include
the massacre of whole populations and the destruction
of their wealth within the Kmits of the invaders' desire
for material gain. And, whether these movements
arose from material or emotional causes, they have
been before, and they may occm- again. Forecast here
is impossible. A new Mohammed is quite as likely to
make his appearance as a new Buddha, a reborn Con-
fucius, or a modern Christ. . . . Asia raided and
scourged Europe for more than a thousand years.
Now, for five hundred years, the coimter-attack of

238 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

Europe upon Asia has been steadily going on^ and it
may be that the land of long memories will cherish some
desire to avenge this period of wrong and rapine in
turn. The seed of hatred has already been but too
well sown/'^

Of course, on this particular point, forecast is, in-
deed, impossible. Nevertheless, the point should be
noted, for Asiatic war-fever may appear, if not in
isolation, then in conjunction with other stimuh to
warlike action, like population-pressiu-e or imperiahstic
ambition, which to-day exist and whose amplitude can
be approximately gauged. We have already analyzed
the military potencies of Pan-Islamism and Japan, and
China also should not be forgotten. Pacifist though
China has long been, she has had her bellicose moments
in the past and may have them in the future. Should
this occur, China, as the world^s greatest reservoir of
intelligent man-power, would be immensely formidable.
Pearson visuahzes a China "become an aggressive
military power, sending out her armies in millions to
cross the Himalayas and traverse the Steppes, or
occupying the islands and the northern parts of Aus-
tralia, by pouring in immigrants protected by fleets.
Luther's old name for the Turks, that they were 'the
people of the wrath of God,' may receive a new and
terrible application.''^

Granted that the Chinese will never become the

iH. M. Hyndman, "The Awakening of Asia," pp. 267-8. (New
York, 1919).

2 Pearson, pp. 140-1.

THE INNER DIKES 239

fighting equals of the world's warrior races, their in-
credible numbers combined with their tenacious vital-
ity might overcome opponents individually their su-
periors. Says Professor Ross: "To the West the
toughness of the Chinese physique may have a sinister
military significance. Nobody fears lest in a stand-up
fight Chinese troops could whip an equal number of
well-conditioned white troops. But few battles are
fought by men fresh from tent and mess. In the course
of a prolonged campaign involving irregular provision-
ing, bad drinking-water, lying out, loss of sleep, ex-
hausting marches, exposure, excitement, and anxiety,
it may be that the white soldiers would be worn down
worse than the yellow soldiers. In that case the har-
dier men with less of the martial spirit might in the
closing grapple beat the better fighters with the less
endurance.''^

The potentiaKties of the Chinese soldier would ac-
quire vastly greater significance if China should be
thoroughly subjugated by, or sohdly leagued to, ambi-
tious and mihtaristic Japan. The combined military
energies of the Far East, welded into an aggressive
unity, would be a weapon of tremendous striking-power.

The colored peril of arms may thus be summarized:
The brown and yellow races possess great military po-
tentialities. These (barring the action of certain ill-
understood emotional stimuK) are unlikely to flame
out in spontaneous fanaticism; but, on the other hand,

* Edward Alsworth Ross, "The Changing Chinese,", pp. 46-47 (New
York, 1911).

240 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

they are very likely to be mobilized for political rea-
sons like revolt against white dominion or for social
reasons like over-population. The black race offers no
real danger except as the tool of Pan-Islamism. As
for the red men of the Americas, they are of merely
local significance.

We are now ready to examine the economic facet of
the colored peril: the industrial-mercantile phase.
In the second part of this volume I showed the pro-
found effect of the "industrial revolution" in fiu"thering
white world-supremacy, and I pointed out the tremen-
dous advantages accruing to the white world from ex-
ploitation of xmdeveloped colored lands and from ex-
ports of manufactured goods to colored markets. The
prodigious wealth thereby amassed has been a prime
cause of white prosperity, has buttressed the main-
tenance of white world-hegemony, and has made
possible much of the prodigious increase of white popu-
lation.

We httle reahze what the loss of these advantages
would mean. As a matter of fact, it would mean
throughout the white world diminished prosperity,
lessened poHtical and military strength, and such rela-
tive economic and social stagnation as would depress
national vigor and check population. It is even possi-
ble to visualize a white world reverting to the condition
of Europe in the fifteenth century — ^thrown back upon
itself, on the defensive, and with a static rather than
a progressive civilization. Such conditions could of
course occur only as the result of colored military and

THE INNER DIKES 241

industrial triumphs of the most sweeping character.
But the possibiHty exists, nevertheless, as I shall en-
deavor to show.

Down to the close of the nineteenth centiuy white
supremacy was as absolute in industry as it was in
poHtics and war. Even the civilized brown and yellow
peoples were negligible from the industrial point of
view. Asia was economically on an agricultural basis.
Such industries as she possessed were still in the "house-
industry^' stage, and her products, while often exquisite
in quality, were produced by such slow, antiquated
methods that their quantity was Kmited and their
market-price relatively high. Despite very low wages,
Asiatic products not only could not compete in the
world-market with European and American machine-
made, mass-produced articles, but were hard hit in
their home-markets as well. The way in which an
ancient Asiatic handicraft like the Indian textiles was
literally annihilated by the destructive competition of
Lancashire cottons is only one of many similar instances.

With the beginning of the twentieth century, how-
ever, Asia began to show signs of an economic activity
as striking in its way as the activity which Asia was
displa3dng in idealistic and poHtical fields. Japan had
already laid the foundations of her flourishing indus-
trial life based on the most up-to-date Western models,
while in other Asiatic lands, notably in China and
India, the whir of ixiachinery and the smoke of tall
factory chimneys proclaimed that the East was fathom-
ing the industrial secrets of the West.

242 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

What Asiatics were seeking in their industrial re-
vival was well expressed a decade ago by a Hindu,
who wrote in a leading Indian periodical: ^'In one
respect the Orient is really menacing the West, and
so earnest and open-minded is Asia that no pretense
or apology whatever is made about it. The Easterner
has. thrown down the industrial gantlet, and from
now on Asia is destined to witness a progressively in-
tense trade warfare, the Occidental scrambling to re-
tain his hold on the markets of the East, and the Orien-
tal endeavoring to beat him in a battle in which here-
tofore he has been an easy victor. ... In competing
with the Occidental commercialists, the Oriental has
awakened to a dynamic realization of the futility of
pitting unimproved machinery and methods against
modern methods and appliances. Casting aside his
former sense of self-complacency, he is studying the
sciences and arts that have given the West its material
prosperity. He is putting the results of his investi-
gations to practical use, as a rule, recasting the Occi-
dental methods and tools to suit his pecuHar needs,
and in some instances improving upon them."^

The accuracy of this Hindu statement of Asians in-
dustrial awakening is indorsed by the statements of
white observers. At the very moment when the above
article was penned, an American economic writer, Clar-
ence Poe, was making a study tour of the Orient, from
which he brought back the following report: "The

^ The Literary Digest, November 5, 1910, p. 786 (from The Indian
Review, Madras).

THE INNER DIKES 243

real cause of Asians poverty lies in just two things:
the failure of Asiatic governments to educate their
people, and the failure of the people to increase their
productive capacity by the use of machinery. Igno-
rance and lack of machinery are responsible for Asia's
poverty; knowledge and modern tools are responsible
for America's prosperity/' But, continues Mr. Poe,
we must watch out. Asia now realizes these things
and is doing much to remedy the situation. Hence,
"we must face in ever-increasing degree the rivalry
of awakening peoples who are strong with the strength
that comes from struggle with poverty and hardship,
and who have set themselves to master and apply all
our secrets in the coming world-struggle for industrial
supremacy and for racial readjustment."^ And more
recently another American observer of Asiatic eco-
nomic conditions reports : "All Asia is being permeated
with modern industry and present-day mechanical
progress." 2

Take, for example, the momentous possibilities in-
volved in the industrial awakening of China. China
is not merely the most populous of lands, containing
as it does nearly one-fourth of all the human beings
on earth, but it is also dowered with immense natural
resources, notably coal and iron — the prime requisites
of modern industrial life. Hitherto China has been
on an agricultural basis, with virtually no exploitation

1 Clarence Poe, "What the Orient Can Teach Us," World's Work,
July, 1911.

1 Clayton S. Cooper, "The Modernizing of the Orient," p. 5 (New
York, 1914).

244 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

of her mineral wealth and with no industry in the mod-
ern sense. But the day when any considerable frac-
tion of China^s laborious milHons turn from the plough
and handicrafts to the factory must see a portentous
reaction in the most distant markets.

Thirty years ago, Professor Pearson forecast China's
imminent industrial transformation. "Does any one
doubt;" he asks, 'Hhat the day is at hand when China
will have cheap fuel from her coal-mines, cheap trans-
port by railways and steamers, and will have foimded
technical schools to develop her industries? When-
ever that day comes, she may wrest the control of the
world's markets, especially throughout Asia, from
England and Germany.''^

Much of what Professor Pearson prophesied has
already come to pass, for China to-day has the begin-
nings of a promising industrial life. Even a decade
ago Professor Ross wrote of industrial conditions there:

'^Assuredly the cheapness of Chinese labor is some-
thing to make a factory owner's mouth water. The
women reelers in the silk filatures of Shanghai get from
eight to eleven cents for eleven hours of work. But
Shanghai is dear; and, besides, everybody there com-
plains that the laborers are knowing and spoiled. In
the steel works at Hanyang common labor gets three
dollars a month, just a tenth of what raw Slavs com-
mand in the South Chicago iron-works. Skilled me-
chanics get from eight to twelve dollars. In a coal-
mine near Ichang a thousand miles up the Yangtse

' Pearson, p. 133.

THE INNER DIKES 245

the coolie receives one cent for carrying a 400-pound
load of coal on his back down to the river a mile and
a half away. He averages ten loads a day but must
rest every other week. The miners get seven cents a
day and found; that is, a cent's worth of rice and meal.
They work eleven hours a day up to their knees in
water, and all have swollen legs. After a week of it
they have to lie off a couple of days. No wonder the
cost of this coal (semi-bituminous) at the pit's mouth
is only thirty-five cents a ton. At Chengtu servants
get a dollar and a half a month and find themselves.
Across Szechuan lusty cooHes were glad to carry our
chairs half a day for four cents each. In Sianfu the
common cooHe gets three cents a day and feeds him-
self, or eighty cents a month. Through Shansi roving
harvesters were earning from foiu- to twelve cents a
day, and farm-hands got five or six dollars a year and
their keep. Speaking broadly, in any part of the em-
pire, willing laborers of fair intelligence may be had
in any number at from eight to fifteen cents a day.

"With an ocean of such labor power to draw on,
China would appear to be on the eve of a manufac-
turing development that will act Hke a continental
upheaval in changing the trade map of the world. The
impression is deepened by the tale of industries that
have already sprung up."^

Of course there is another side to the story. Low
wages alone do not insure cheap production. As Pro-
fessor Ross remarks: "For all his native capacity, the

iRoss, pp. 117-118.

246 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

coolie will need a long course of schooling, industrial
training, and factory atmosphere before he inches up
abreast of the German or American working man."^
In the technical and directing staffs there is the same
absence of the modern industrial spirit, resulting in
chronic mismanagement, while Chinese industry is
further handicapped by traditional evils like "squeeze,'^
nepotism, lust for quick profits, and incapacity for
sustained business team-play. These failings are not
peculiar to China; they hamper the industrial develop-
ment of other Asiatic countries, notably India. Still,
the way in which Japanese industry, with all its faults,
is perfecting both its technic and its methods shows
that these failings will be gradually overcome and in-
dicates that within a generation Asiatic industry will
probably be sufficiently advanced to supply at least
the Asiatic home-markets with most of the staple
manufactures.

Thus it looks as though white manufactures will
tend to be progressively eliminated from Asiatic mar-
kets, even under conditions of absolutely free com-
petition. But it is a very moot point whether com-
petition will remain free — whether, on the contrary,
white wares will not be increasingly penalized. The
Asiatic takes a keen interest in his industrial develop-
ment and consciously favors it even where whites are
in political control. The "swadeshi^^ movement in
India is a good example, while the Chinese and Egyp-
tian boycotts of foreign as against native goods are

1 Ross, p. 119.

THE INNER DIKES 247

further instances in point. The Japanese have sup-
plemented these spontaneous popular movements by
systematic governmental discrimination in favor of
Japanese products and the elimination of white com-
petition from Japan and its dependencies. This Japa-
nese poHcy has been markedly successful, and should
Japan^s present hegemony over China be perpetuated
the white man may soon find himself economically as
well as politically expelled from the whole Far East.

A decade ago Putnam Weale wrote warningly: "If
China is forced; owing to the short-sighted diplomacy
of those for whom the question has really supreme
importance, to make common cause with Japan as a
pis aller, then it may be accepted as inevitable that
in the course of time there wiU be created a mare
clausum, which will extend from the island of SaghaHen
down to Cochin-China and Siam, including all the
island-groupS; and the shores of which will be openly
hostile to the white man. . . .

'^And since there will be no danger from the compe-
tition of white workmen, but rather from the white
man's ships, the white man's merchants, his inven-
tions, his produce — ^it will be these which will be sub-
jected to humiliating conditions. ... It is not a
very far cry from tariffs on goods to tariffs and re-
strictions on foreign shipping, on foreign merchants,
on everything foreign — restrictions which by impos-
ing vast and unequal burdens on the acti\dties of
aliens will soon totally destroy such activities. . . .
What can very easily happen is that the federation

248 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

of eastern Asia and the yellow races will be finally
arranged in such a manner as to exclude the white
man and his commerce more completely than any
one yet dreams of." ^

This latter jnisf ortune may be averted by concerted
white action^ but it is difficult to see how the gradual
elimination of white goods from Asiatic markets as
the result of successful Asiatic competition can be
averted. Certainly the stubborn maintenance of white
poHtical domination over a rebellious Asia would be
no remedy. That would merely intensify swadeshi
boycotts in the subject regions, while in the lands freed
from white political control it would further Japan^s
poHcy of excluding everything white. If Asiatics re-
solve to buy their own products instead of ours we
may as well reconcile ourselves to the loss. Here again
frank recognition of the inevitable will enable us to
take a much stronger and more justifiable position
on the larger world-aspects of the problem.

For Asians industrial transformation is destined to
cause momentous reactions in other parts of the globe.
If Asiatic industry really does get on an efficient basis,
its potentialities are so tremendous that it must pres-
ently not only monopolize the home-markets but also
seek to invade white markets as well, thus presenting
the white world with commercial and economic prob-
lems as unwelcome as they will be novel.

Again, industrialization will in some respects ag-
gravate Asiatic longings for migration and dominion.

1 B. L. Putnam Weale, "The Conflict of Color," pp. 179-181.

THE INNER DIKES 249

In my opening pages I mentioned industrialization as
a probable reliever of population-pressure in Asiatic
countries by affording new livelihoods to the congested
masses. This is true. But, looking a trifle farther,
we can also see that industrialization would stimulate
a further prodigious increase of population. Consider
the growth of Europe's population during the nine-
teenth century under the stimulus of the industrial
revolution, making possible the existence in our in-
dustrialized Europe of three times as many people
as existed in the agricultural Europe of a hundred
years ago. Why should not a similar development
occur in Asia ? To-day Asia, though still upon a basis
as agricultural as eighteenth-century Europe, contains
fully 900,000,000 people. That even a partially in-
dustriaHzed Asia might support twice that number
would (judging by the European precedent) be far
from improbable.

But this would mean vastly increased incentives
to expansion — commercial, poHtical, racial — ^beyond
the bounds of Asia. It would mean intensified en-
croachments, not only upon areas of white settlement,
but perhaps even more upon non-Asiatic colored regions
of white political control like Africa and tropical Amer-
ica. Here again we see why the white man, however
conciliatory in Asia, must stand like flint in Africa
and Latin America. To allow the whole tropic belt
clear round the world to pass into Asiatic hands would
practically spell white race-suicide.

Professor Pearson paints a truly terrible picture

250 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

of the stagnation and hopelessness which would ensue.
"Let us conceive/' he writes, "the leading European
nations to be stationary, while the black and yellow
belt, including China, Malaysia, India, central Africa,
and tropical America, is aU teeming with life, developed
by industrial enterprise, fairly well administered by
native governments, and owning the better part of
the carrying trade of the world. Can any one suppose
that, in such a condition of poHtical society, the habitual
temper of mind in Europe would not be profoimdly
changed? Depression, hopelessness, a disregard of
invention and improvement, would replace the sanguine
confidence of races that at present are always panting
for new worlds to conquer. Here and there, it may be,
the more adventurous would profit by the traditions
of old supremacy to get their services accepted in the
new nations, but as a rule there would be no outlet
for energy, no future for statesmanship. The despon-
dency of the EngHsh people, when their dream of con-
quest in France was dissipated, was attended with a
complete decay of thought, with civil war, and with
a standing still, or perhaps a decline of population, and
to a less degree of wealth. ... It is conceivable that
our later world may find itself deprived of all that is
valued on earthy of the pageantry of subject provinces
and the reality of ccnnmerce, while it has neither a
disinterred literature to amuse it nor a vitalized religion
to give it spiritual strength." ^
To sum up : The economic phase of the colored peril,

1 Pearson, pp. 138, 139.

THE INNER DIKES 251

though not yet a major factor, must still be seriously
reckoned with by forward-looking statesmanship as
something which wiU increasingly comphcate the re-
lations of the white and non-white worlds. In fact,
even to-day it tends to intensify Asiatic desires for
expansion, and thus exacerbates the third, or migra-
tory, phase of the colored peril, which is already upon
us.

The question of Asiatic immigration is incomparably
the greatest external problem which faces the white
world. Supreme phase of the colored peril, it already
presses, and is destined to press harder in the near
future. It infinitely transcends the peril of arms or
markets, since it threatens not merely our supremacy
or prosperity but our very race-existence, the well-
springs of being, the sacred heritage of our children.

That this is no overstatement of the issue, a bare
recital of a few biological axioms will show. We have
already seen that nothing is more unstable than the
racial make-up of a people, while, conversely, nothing
is more unchanging than the racial divisions of man-
kind. We have seen that true amalgamation is pos-
sible only between members of the same race-stock,
while iQ crossings between stocks even as relatively
near together as the main divisions of the white species,
the race-characters do not really fuse but remain dis-
tinct in the mixed offspring and tend constantly to
resort themselves as pure types by MendeHan inheri-
tance. Thus a country inhabited by a mixed popula-
tion is really inhabited by different races, one of which

252 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

always tends to dominate and breed the other out —
the outbred strains being lost to the world forever.

Now, since the various human stocks differ widely
in genetic worth, nothing should be more carefully
studied than the relative values of the different strains
in a population, and nothing should be more rigidly
scrutinized than new strains seeking to add themselves
to a population, because such new strains may hold
simply incalculable potentiaHties for good or for evil.
The potential reproductive powers of any stock are
almost unlimited. Therefore the introduction of even
a small group of prolific and adaptable but racially un-
desirable ahens may result in their subsequent prodi-
gious multipUcation, thereby either replacing better
native stocks or degrading these by the injection of
inferior blood.

The admission of ahens should, indeed, be regarded
just as solemnly as the begetting of children, for the
racial effect is essentially the same. There is no more
damning indictment of our lopsided, materialistic
civilization than the way in which, throughout the
nineteenth century, immigration was almost univer-
sally regarded, not from the racial, but from the ma-
terial point of view, the immigrant being viewed not
as a creator of race-values but as a mere vocal tool
for the production of material wealth.

Imnaigration is thus, from the racial standpoint, a
form of procreation, and like the more immediate form
of procreation it may be either the greatest blessing
or the greatest curse. Human history is largely the

THE INNER DIKES 253

story of migrations, making now, for good and now
for ill. Migration peopled Em'ope with superior white
stocks displacing ape-like aborigines, and settled North
America with Nordics instead of nomad redskins. But
migration also bastardized the Roman world with
Levantine mongrels, drowned the West Indies imder
a black tide, and is filling oiu- own land with the sweep-
ings of the European east and south.

Migration, like other natural movements, is of itself
a blind force. It is man's divine privilege as well as
duty, having been vouchsafed knowledge of the laws
of life, to direct these blind forces, rejecting the bad
and selecting the good for the evolution of higher and
nobler destinies.

Colored immigration is merely the most extreme
phase of a phenomenon which has already moulded
prodigiously the development of the white world. In
fact, before discussing the specific problems of colored
immigration, it would be well to sm^ey the effects of
the immigration of various white stocks. When we
have grasped the momentous changes wrought by the
introduction of even relatively near-related and hence
relatively assimilable strains, we will be better able to
realize the far more momentous consequences which the
introduction of colored stocks into white lands would
entail.

The racial effects of immigration are ably summarized
by that lifelong student of immigration problems,
Prescott F. Hall. These effects are, he truly remarks,
"more far-reaching and potent than all others. The

254 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

government; the state, society, industry, the poHtical
party, social and political ideals, all are concepts and
conventions created by individual men; and when
individuals change these change with them. Recent
discoveries in biology show that in the long run hered-
ity is far more important than environment or educa-
tion; for though the latter can develop, it cannot
create. They also show what can be done in a few
years in altering species, and in producing new ones
with quahties hitherto imknown, or imknown in com-
bination." ^

The way in which admixture of alien blood can
modify or even destroy the very soul of a people have
been fully analyzed both by biologists and by social
psychologists like Doctor Gustave Le Bon.^ The way
in which wholesale immigration, even though mainly
white, has already profoundly modified American na-
tional character is succinctly stated by Mr. Eliot
Norton. "If," he writes, "one considers the American
people from, say, 1775 to 1860, it is clear that a well-
defined national character was in process of formation.
What variations there were, were all of the same type,
and these variations would have slowly grown less and
less marked. It needs little study to see of what great
value to any body of men, women, and children a
national or racial type is. It furnishes a standard of
conduct by which any one can set his course. The
world is a difficult place in which to live, and to es-

1 Prescott F. Hall, "Immigration," p. 99 (New York, 1907).

2 See especially his "Psychology of Peoples" (London, 1898, EngUsh
translation).

THE INNER DIKES 255

tablish moral standards has been one of the chief occu-
pations of mankind. Without such standards, man
feels as a mariner without a compass. Religions, rules,
laws, and customs are only the national character in
the form of standards of conduct. Now national char-
acter can be formed only in a population which is
stable. The repeated introduction into a body of men
of other men of different type or types cannot but tend
to prevent its formation. Thus the 19,000,000 of im-
migrants that have landed have tended to break up
the type which was forming, and to make the forma-
tion of any other type difficult. Every million more
will only intensify this result, and the absence of a
national character is a loss to every man, woman, and
child. It wiU show itself in our religions, rules of con-
duct, in our laws, in our customs.'^ ^

The vital necessity of restriction and selection in
immigration to conserve and build race-values is thus
set forth by Mr. Hall:

"There is one aspect of immigration restriction in
the various countries which does not often receive much
attention; namely, the possibility of its use as a method
of world-eugenics. Most persons think of migration
in terms of space — as the moving of a certain nimiber
of people from one part of the earth's surface to an-
other. Whereas the much more important aspect of
it is that of a functioning in time.

1 Eliot Norton, in Annals of the American Academy of Political and
Social Science, vol. XXIV, p. 163, July, 1904. Of course, since Mr. N'or-
ton wrote, millions more aliens have entered the United States, 'and the
situation is much worse.

256 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

"This comes from two facts. The first is that the
vacumn left in any coimtry by emigration is rapidly
filled up tlirough a rise in the birth-rate. . . . The sec-
ond fact is that immigration to any comitry of a given
stratmn of population tends to sterilize all strata of
higher social and economic levels already in that coun-
try. So true is this that nearly all students of the mat-
ter are agreed that the United States would have a
larger population to-day if there had been no immi-
gration since 1820, and, it is needless to add, a much
more homogeneous population. As long as the people
of any commimity are relatively homogeneous, what
differences of wealth and social position there may be
do not affect the birth-rate, or do so only after a con-
siderable time. But put into that community a num-
ber of immigrants, inferior mentally, socially, and
economically, and the natives are unwilling to have
their children associate with them in work or social
life. They then hmit the nimaber of their children in
order to give them the capital or education to enter
occupations in which they will not be brought into
contact with the new arrivals. This result is quite
apparent in New England, where successive waves of
immigration from lower and lower levels have been
coming in for eighty years. In the West, the same
New England stock has a much higher birth-rate,
showing that its fertility is in no way diminished. In
the South, where until very recently there was no immi-
gration at all, and the only socially inferior race was
clearly separated by the accident of color, the birth-

THE INNER DIKES 257

rate has remained veiy high, and the very large fami-
lies of the colonial period are even now not miconmion.

"This is not to say that other causes do not contrib-
ute to lower the birth-rate of a country, for that is an
almost world-wide phenomenon. But the desire to
be separated from inferiors is as strong a motive to
birth-control as the desire for luxury or to ape one's
economic superiors. Races follow Gresham's law as
to money: the poorer of two kinds in the same place
tends to supplant the better. Mark you, supplant, not
drive out. One of the most common fallacies is the
idea that the natives whose places are taken by the
lower immigrants are 'driven up' to more responsible
positions. A few may be pushed up ; more are driven
to a new locality, as happened in the mining regions;
hut most are prevented from coming into existence at all.

"What is the result, then, of the migration of
1,000,000 persons of lower level into a country where
the average is of a higher level? Considering the
world as a whole, there are, after a few years, 2,000,000
persons of the lower type in the world, and probably
from 500,000 to 1,000,000 less of the higher type. The
proportion of lower to higher in the country from
which the migration goes may remain the same; but
in the country receiving it, it has risen. Is the world
as a whole the gainer?

"Of course the euthenist^ says at once that these
immigrants are improved. We may grant that, al-

1 /. e., ja person believing in the preponderance of environment rather
than heredity

258 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

though the improvement is probably much exag-
gerated. You camiot make bad stock into good by
changing its meridian, any more than you can turn a
cart-horse into a hunter by putting it into a fine stable,
or make a mongrel into a fine dog by teaching it tricks.
But such improvement as there is involves time, ex-
pense, and trouble; and, when it is done, has any-
thing been gained? Will any one say that the races
that have supplanted the old Nordic stock in New
England are any better, or as good, as the descendants
of that stock would have been if their birth-rate had
not been lowered ?

'^Further, in addition to the purely biological aspects
of the matter, there are certain psychological ones.
Although a cosmopoHtan atmosphere furnishes a cer-
tain freedom in which strong congenital talents can
develop, it is a question whether as many are not in-
jured as helped by this. Indeed, there is considerable
evidence to show that for the production of great men,
a certain homogeneity of environment is necessary.
The reason of this is very simple. In a homogeneous
community, opinions on a large number of matters
are fixed. The individual does not have to attend to
such things, but is free to go ahead on some special
line of his own, to concentrate to his limit on his work,
even though that work be fighting the common opin-
ions.

^^But in a community of many races, there is
either cross-breeding or there is not. If there is, the
children of such cross-breeding are liable to irherit

THE INNER DIKES 259

two soulS; two temperaments; two sets of opinions,
with the result in many cases that they are unable to
think or act strongly and consistently in any direction.
The classic examples are Cuba, Mexico, and Brazil.
On the other hand, if there is no cross-breeding, the
diversity exists in the original races, and in a com-
munity full of diverse ideals of all kinds much of the
energy of the higher type of man is dissipated in two
ways. First, in the intellectual field there is much
more doubt about everything, and he tends to weigh,
discuss, and agitate many more subjects, in order to
arrive at a conclusion amid the opposing views. Sec-
ond, in practical affairs, much time and strength have
to be devoted to keeping things going along old lines,
which could have been spent in new research and de-
velopment. In how many of oiu* large cities to-day
are men of the highest type spending their whole time
fighting, often in vain, to maintain standards of hon-
esty, decency, and order, and in trying to compose the
various ethnic elements, who should be free to build
new structures upon the old !

"The moral seems to be this: Eugenics among in-
dividuals is encouraging the propagation of the fit,
and limiting or preventing the multiplication of the
unfit. World-eugenics is doing precisely the same
thing as to races considered as wholes. Immigration
restriction is a species of segregation on a large scale,
by which inferior stocks can be prevented from both
diluting and supplanting good stocks. Just as we
isolate bacterial invasions, and starve out the bacteria

260 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

by limiting the area and amount of their food-supply,
so we can compel an inferior race to remain in its na-
tive habitat, where its own multiplication in a limited
area will, as with all organisms, eventually limit its
numbers and therefore its influence. On the other
hand, the superior races, more self-limiting than the
others, with the benefits of more space and nourish-
ment will tend to stiU higher levels.

"This result is not merely a selfish benefit to the
higher races, but a good to the world as a whole. The
object is to produce the greatest number of those fittest
not 'for survival^ merely, but fittest for all purposes.
The lower types among men progress, so far as their
racial inheritance allows them to, chiefly by imitation
and emulation. The presence of the highest develop-
ment and the highest institutions among any race is
a distinct benefit to all the others. It is a gift of psy-
chological environment to any one capable of apprecia-
tion." ^

The impossibility of any advanced and prosperous
community maintaining its social standards and hand-
ing them down to its posterity in these days of cheap
and rapid transportation except by restrictions upon
immigrations is thus explained by Professor Ross:
" Now that cheap travel stirs the social deeps and far-
beckoning opportunity fills the steerage, immigration
becomes ever more serious to the people that hopes
to rid itself at least of slums, 'masses,' and 'sub-

iPrescott F. Hall, "Immigration Restriction and World Eugenics,"
The Jourv<tl 9/ Heredity, March, 1919.

THE INNER DIKES 261

merged.' What is the good of practising prudence
in the family if hungry strangers may crowd in and
occupy at the banquet table of life the places reserved
for its children ? Shall it, in order to reheve the teem-
ing lands of their unemployed, abide in the pit of wolfish
competition and renounce the fair prospect of grov/th
in suavity, comfort, and refinement ? If not, then the
low-pressure society must not only slam its doors upon
the indraft, but must double-lock them with forts
and iron-clads, lest they be burst open by assault from
some quarter where 'cannon food' is cheap." ^

These admirable summaries of the immigration
problem in its worl3-aspect are strikingly illustrated
by our own country^ which may be considered as the
leading, if not the "horrible," example. Probably few
persons fuUy appreciate what magnificent racial trea-
sures America possessed at the beginning of the nine-
teenth century. The colonial stock was perhaps the
finest that nature had evolved since the classic Greeks.
It was the very pick of the Nordics of the British Isles
and adjacent regions of the European continent —
picked at a time when those countries were more Nor-
dic than now, since the industrial revolution had not
yet begun and the consequent resurgence of the Medi-
terranean and Alpine elements had not taken place.

The immigrants of colonial times were largely exiles
for conscience's sake, while the very process of migra-
tion was so difficult and hazardous that only persons

1 Edward Alsworth Ross, "Changing America," PD. 45-46 ''New
York, 1912).

262 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

of courage, initiative, and strong will-power would
voluntarily face the long voyage overseas to a life of
struggle in an untamed wilderness haunted by ferocious
savages.

Thus the entire process of colonial settlement was
one continuous, drastic cycle of eugenic selection. Only
the racially fit ordinarily came, while the few unfit
who did come were mostly weeded out by the exacting
requirements of early American life.

The eugenic results were magnificent. As Madison
Grant well says: "Nature had vouchsafed to the Amer-
icans of a centiuy ago the greatest opportunity ia re-
corded history to produce in the isolation of a contiuent
a powerful and racially homogeneous people, and had
provided for the experiment a pure race of one of the
most gifted and vigorous stocks on earth, a stock free
from the diseases, physical and moral, which have
again and again sapped the vigor of the older lands.
Our grandfathers threw away this opportunity in the
blissful ignorance of national childhood and inexperi-
ence.'^ ^ The number of great names which America
produced at the beginning of its national life shows
the high level of abihty possessed by this relatively
small people (only about 3,000,000 whites in 1790).
With our himdred-odd millions we have no such out-
put of genius to-day.

The opening decades of the nineteenth century
seemed to portend for America the most glorious of
futures. For nearly seventy years after the Revolu-

1 Madison Grant, "The Passing of the Great Race," p. 90.

THE INNER DIKES 263

tion, immigration was small, and during that long
period of ethnic isolation the colonial stock, imper-
turbed by ahen influences, adjusted its cultural differ-
ences and began to display the traits of a genuine new
type, harmonious in basic homogeneity and incalcu-
lably rich in racial promise. The general level of ability
continued high and the output of talent remained ex-
traordinarily large. Perhaps the best feature of the
nascent ^'native American'' race was its strong ideal-
ism. Despite the materiahstic blight which was then
creeping over the white world, the native American
displayed characteristics more reminiscent of his Eliza-
bethan forebears than of the materialistic Hanoverian
Enghshman. It was a wonderful time — ^and it was
only the dawn !

But the full day of that wondrous dawning never
came. In the late forties of the nineteenth century
the first waves of the modem immigrant tide began
breaking on our shores, and the tide swelled to a veri-
table deluge which never slackened till temporarily
restrained by the late war. This immigration, to be
sure, first came mainly from northern Europe, was
thus largely composed of kindred stocks, and con-
tributed many valuable elements. Only during the
last thirty years have we been deluged by the truly
ahen hordes of the European east and south. But,
even at its best, the immigrant tide could not measure
up to the colonial stock which it displaced, not rein-
forced, while latterly it became a menace to the very
existence of our race, ideals, and institutions. All our

264 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

slowly acquired balance — ^physical, mental, and spiri-
tual— has been upset, and we to-day flounder in a
veritable Serbonian bog, painfully trying to regain the
solid ground on which our grandsires confidently stood.

The dangerous fallacy in that short-sighted idealism
which seeks to make America the haven of refuge for
the poor and oppressed of all lands, and its evil effects
not only on America but on the rest of the world as
well, has been convincingly exposed by Professor Ross.
He has scant patience with those social "upHfters"
whose sympathy with the visible aUen at the gate is
so keen that they have no feeling for the invisible chil-
dren of our poor who wiU find the chances gone, nor
for those at the gate of the to-be, who might have been
bom, but will not be.

"I am not of those," he writes, "who consider hu-
manity and forget the nation, who pity the living but
not the unborn. To me, those who are to come after
us stretch forth beseeching hands as well as do the
masses on the other side of the globe. Nor do I re-
gard America as something to be spent quickly and
cheerfully for the benefit of pent-up millions in the
backward lands. What if we become crowded with-
out their ceasing to be so ? I regard it (America) as a
nation whose future may be of unspeakable value to
the rest of mankind, provided that the easier condi-
tions of life here be made permanent by high standards
of living, institutions, and ideals, which finally may be
appropriated by all men. We could have helped the
Chinese a little by letting their surplus millions swarm

THE INNER DIKES 265

in upon us a generation ago; but we have helped them
infinitely more by protecting our standards and having
something worth their cop3dng when the time came." ^

The perturbing influence of recent immigration
must vex American life for many decades. Even if
laws are passed to-morrow so drastic as to shut out
permanently the influx of imdesirable elements, it
will yet take several generations before the combined
action of assimilation and elinaination shall have re-
stabilized our population and evolved a new type-
norm approaching in fixity that which was on the point
of crystallizing three-quarters of a century ago.

The biologist Humphrey thus punctures the " melt-
ing-pot" delusion: "Our 'melting-pot/" he writes,
"would not give us in a thousand years what enthu-
siasts expect of it — Si fusing of aU our various racial
elements into a new type which shall be the true
American. It will give us for many generations a per-
plexing diversity in ancestry, and since oiu* successors
must reach back into their ancestry for characteristics,
this diversity will increase the uncertainty of their
inheritances. They will inherit no stable blended char-
acter, because there is no such thing. They will in-
herit from a mixture of unlike characteristics contrib-
uted by imlike peoples, and in their inheritance they
will have certain of these characteristics in fuU identity,
while certain others they wiU not have at aU." ^

1 Edward Alsworth Ross, "The Old World in the New," Preface, p. 2
(New York, 1914).

2 S. K. Humphrey, "Mankind: Racial Values and the Racial Pros-
pect," p. 155.

266 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

ThuS; under even the most favorable circumstances,
we are in for generations of racial readjustment — an
immense travail, essentially needless, since the final
product wiU probably not measure up to the colonial
standard. We will probably never (unless we adopt
positive eugenic measures) be the race we might have
been if America had been reserved for the descendants
of the picked Nordics of colonial times.

But that is no reason for folding our hands in despair-
ing inaction. On the contrary, we should be up and
doing, for though some of our race-heritage has been
lost, more yet remains. We can still be a very great
people — if we will it so. Heaven be praised, the co-
lonial stock was immensely proUfic before the ahen
tide wrought its sterilizing havoc. Even to-day nearly
one-half of our population is of the old blood, while
many millions of the immigrant stock are sound in
quality and assimilable in kind. Only — ^the immi-
grant tide must at all costs be stopped and America
given a chance to stabilize her ethnic being. It is the
old story of the sibylline books. Some, to be sure,
are ashes of the dead past; all the more should we
conserve the precious volumes which remain.

One fact should be clearly understood: If America
is not true to her own race-soul, she will inevitably lose
it, and the brightest star that has appeared since Hellas
will fall like a meteor from the human sky, its brilliant
radiance fading into the night. " We Americans," says
Madison Grant, "must reaUze that the altruistic ideals
which have controlled our social development during

THE INNER DIKES 267

the past century and the maudlin sentimentahsm that
has made America ^an asylum for the oppressed/ are
sweeping the nation toward a racial abyss. If the melt-
ing-pot is allowed to boil without control and we con-
tinue to follow our national motto and deliberately
bHnd ourselves to ^all distinctions of race, creed, or
color/ the type of native American of colonial descent
will become as extinct as the Athenian of the age of
Pericles and the Viking of the days of RoUo." ^

And let us not lay any sacrificial unction to our souls.
If we cheat our country and the world of the splendid
promise of American life, we shall have no one to blame
but ourselves, and we shall deserve, not pity, but con-
tempt. As Professor Ross well puts it: ^^A people
that has no more respect for its ancestors and no more
pride of race than this deserves the extinction that
surely awaits it." ^

This extended discussion of the evil effects of even
white immigration has, in my opinion, been necessary
in order to get a proper perspective for viewing the
problem of colored immigration. For it is perfectly
obvious that if the influx of inferior kindred stocks
is bad, the influx of wholly aHen stocks is infinitely
worse. When we see the damage wrought in America,
for example, by the coming of persons who, after all,
belong mostly to branches of the white race and who
nearly all possess the basic ideals of white civilization,
we can grasp the incalculably greater damage which
would be wrought by the coming of persons whollj'"

» Grant, p. 263. « Ross, "The Old World in the New," p. 304.

268 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

alien iii blood and possessed of ideaHstie and cultural
backgrounds absolutely different from ours. If the
white inamigrant can gravely disorder the national Hfe,
it is not too much to say that the colored immigrant
would doom it to certain death.

This doom would be all the more certain because of
the enormous potential volume of colored immigra-
tion. Beside it; the white immigrant tide of the past
century would pale into insignilBcance. Leaving all
other parts of the colored world out of the present
discussion, three Asiatic countries — China, Japan, and
India — together have a population of nearly 800,-
000,000. That is practically twice the population of
Europe — the source of white immigration. And the
vast majority of these 800,000,000 Asiatics are poten-
tial immigrants into white territories. Their standards
of living are so inconceivably low, their congestion is
so painful, and their consequent desire for relief so
keen that the high-standard, relatively empty white
world seems to them a perfect paradise. Only the
barrier of the white man^s veto has prevented a per-
fect deluge of colored men into white lands, and even
as it is the desperate seekers after fuller Hfe have crept
and crawled through every crevice in that barrier,
until even these advance-guards to-day constitute
serious local problems along the white world's race-
frontiers.

The simple truth of the matter is this: A mighty
problem — a planet-wide problem — confronts us to-
day and will increasingly confront us in the days to

THE INNER DIKES 269

come. Says Putnam Weale: '^A struggle has begun
between the white man and all the other men of the
world to decide whether non-white men — ^that is,
yellow men, or brown men, or black men — ^may or
may not invade the white man^s countries in order there
to gain their Hvelihood. The standard of Hving being
low in the lands of colored men and high in the lands
of the white man, it has naturally followed that it has
been in the highest degree attractive for men of color
during the past few decades to proceed to regions where
their labor is rewarded on a scale far above their actual
requirements — ^that is, on the white man's scale. This
simple economic truth creates the inevitable contest
which has for years filled all the countries bordering
on the Pacific with great dread; and which, in spite of
the temporary truce which the so-caUed 'Exclusion
Policy' has now enforced, will go much farther than
it has yet gone." ^

The world-wide significance of colored immigration
and the momentous conflicts which it will probably
provoke are ably visuaUzed by Professor Ross.

"The rush of developments," he writes, "makes it
certain that the vision of a globe 'lapped in universal
law' is premature. E the seers of the mid-century
who looked for the speedy triumph of free trade had
read their Malthus aright, they might have antici-
pated the tariff barriers that have arisen on all hands
within the last thirty years. So, to-day one needs no
prophet's mantle to foresee that presently the world

1 Putioam Weale, "The Conflict of Color," pp. 98-99.

270 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

will be cut up with immigration barriers which will
never be levelled until the intelligent accommodation
of numbers to resources has greatly equalized popula-
tion-pressure all over the globe. . . . Dams against the
color raceS; with spillways of course for students, mer-
chants, and travellers, will presently enclose the white
man's world. Within this area minor dams wiU pro-
tect the high wages of the less prolific peoples against
the surplus labor of the more prolific.

''Assuredly, every small-family nation will try to
raise such a dam, and every big-family nation will
try to break it down. The outlook for peace and dis-
armament is, therefore, far from bright. One needs
but compare the population-pressures in France, Ger-
many, Russia, and Japan to realize that, even to-day,
the real enemy of the dove of peace is not the eagle of
pride or the vulture of greed, but the stork !

"The great point of doubt iq birth restriction is the
ability of the Western nations to retain control of the
vast African, Australasian, and South American areas
they have staked out as preserves to be peopled at
their leisure with the diminishing overflow of their
population. If underbreeding should leave them with-
out the military strength that alone can defend their
far-flung frontiers in the southern hemisphere, those
huge underdeveloped regions will assuredly ^be filled
with the children of the brown and the yellow races." ^

Thus, white men, of whatever country and however
far removed from personal contact with colored com-

iRoss, ''Changing America," pp. 46-48.

THE INNER DIKES 271

petitors, must realize that the question of colored
immigration vitally concerns every white man, woman,
and child; because nowhere — absolutely nowhere — can
white labor compete on equal terms with colored im-
migrant labor. The grim truth is that there are enough
hard-working colored men to swamp the whole white
world.

No palliatives will serve to mitigate the ultimate
issue, for if the white race should to-day siu-render
enough of its frontiers to ease the existing colored pop-
ulation-pressure, so quickly would these surrendered
regions be swamped, and so rapidly would the fast-
breeding colored races fiH the homeland gaps, that in
a very short time the diminished white world would be
faced with an even louder colored clamor for admit-
tance— ^backed by an increased power to enforce the
colored will.

The profoundly destructive effects of colored com-
petition upon white standards of labor and Hving has
long been admitted by all candid students of the prob-
lem. So warm a champion of Asiatics as Mr. Hynd-
man acknowledges that 'Hhe white workers cannot
hold their own permanently against Chinese com-
petition in the labor market. The lower standard of
life, the greater persistence, the superior education of
the Chinese will beat them, and will continue to beat
them.'^i

Wherever the white man has been exposed to col-
ored competition, particularly Asiatic competition, the

^ Hyndman, "The Awakening of Asia/' p. 180.

272 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

story is the same. Says the Australian Professor Pear-
son: "No one in California or AiistraKa; where the
effects of Chinese competition have been studied, has,
I beUeve; the smallest doubt that Chinese laborers,
if allowed to come in freely, could starve all the white
men in either country out of it, or force them to sub-
mit to harder work and a much lower standard of
wages. '^*

And a South African, writing of the effects of Hindu
immigration into Natal, remarks in similar vein:
"The condition of South Africa — especially of Natal
— ^is a warning to other lands to bar Asiatic immi-
grants. . . . Both economically and socially the pres-
ence of a large Oriental population is bad. The Asiatics
either force out the white workers, or compel the latter
to live down to the Asiatic level. There must be a
marked deterioration amongst the white working
classes, which renders useless a great deal of the effort
made in educational work. The white population is
educated and trained according to the best ideas of
the highest form of Western civilization — and has to
compete for a Hvelihood against Asiatics! In South
Africa this competition is driving out the white work-
ing class, because the average European cannot live
down to the Asiatic level — and if it is essential that
the European must do so, for the sake of his own hap-
piness, do not educate him up to better things. If
cheapness is the only consideration, if low wages are
to come before everything else, then it is not only waste

1 Pearson, p. 132.

THE INNER DIKES 273

of money, but absolute cruelty, to inspire in the white
working classes tastes and aspirations which it is im-
possible for them to reahze. To meet Asiatic com-
petition squarely, it would be necessary to train the
white children to be Asiatics. Even the pro-Orientals
would hardly advocate this.'^^

The lines just quoted squarely counter the ^'sur-
vival of the fittest ^' plea so often made by Asiatic propa-
gandists for colored immigration. The argument runs
that, since the Oriental laborer is able to imderbid the
white laborer, the Oriental is the ''fittest and should
therefore be allowed to supplant the white man in
the interests of human progress. This is of course
merely clever use of the well-known fallacy which
confuses the terms "fittest and "best." The idea
that, because a certain human type "fits" in certain
ways a particular environment (often an imhealthy,
man-made social environment), it should be allowed
to drive out another type endowed with much richer
potentiaHties for the highest forms of human evolution,
is a sophistry as absurd as it is dangerous.

Professor Ross puts the matter very aptly when he
remarks concerning Chinese immigration: "The com-
petition of white laborer and yellow is not so simple
a test of human worth as some may imagine. Under
good conditions the white man can best the yellow
man in turning off work. But under bad conditions

^L. E. Neame, "Oriental Labor in South Africa," Annals of the
American Academy of Political and Social Science, vol. XXXIV, pp.
179-180, September, 1909.

274 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

the yellow man can best the white man, because he
can better endure spoiled food, poor clothing, foul
air, noise, heat, dirt, discomfort, and microbes. Reilly
can outdo Ah-San, but Ah-San can underlive Reilly.
Ah-San cannot take away Reilly^s job as being a better
workman; but because he can Hve and do some work
at a wage on which Reilly cannot keep himself fit to
work at all, three or four Ah-Sans can take Reilly's
job from him. And they will do it, too, unless they
are barred out of the market where Reilly is selling
his labor. Reilly^s endeavor to exclude Ah-San from
his labor market is not the case of a man dreading to
pit himself on equal terms against a better man. In-
deed, it is not quite so simple and selfish and narrow-
minded as all that. It is a case of a man fitted to get
the most out of good conditions refusing to yield his
place to a weaker man able to withstand bad condi-
tions.'^i

All this is no disparagement of the Asiatic. He is
perfectly justified in trying to win broader opportuni-
ties in white lands. But we whites are equally justi-
fied in keeping these opportunities for ourselves and
our children. The hard facts are that there is not
enough for both; that when the enormous outward
thrust of colored population-pressure bursts into a
white land it cannot let live, but automatically crushes
the white man out — ^first the white laborer, then the
white merchant, lastly the white aristocrat; until every
vestige of white has gone from that land forever.

1 Ross, "The Changing Chinese," pp. 47-48.

THE INNER DIKES 275

This inexorable process is thus described by an Aus-
tralian: "The colored races become agencies of eco-
nomic disturbance and social degradation. They sap
and destroy the upward tendencies of the poorer whites.
The latter, instead of always having something better
to look at and strive after, have a lower standard of
Hving, health, and cleanliness set before them, and the
results are disastrous. They sink to the lower level
of the Asiatics, and the degrading tendency proceeds
upward by saturation, affecting several grades of soci-
ety. . . . There is an insidious, yet irresistible, proc-
ess of social degradation. The colored race does not
intentionally, or even consciously, lower the European;
it simply happens so, by virtue of a natural law which
neither race can control. As debased coinage will drive
out good cxu-rency, so a lowered standard of Kving will
inexorably spread until its effects are universally felt.'' ^

It aU comes down to a question of self-preservation.
And, despite what sentimentahsts may say, self-pres-
ervation is the first law of nature. To love one's cul-
tural, ideaHstic, and racial heritage; to swear to pass
that heritage unimpaired to one's children; to fight,
and, if need be, to die in its defense: all this is eternally
right and proper, and no amount of casuistry or senti-
mentahty can alter that unalterable truth. An Eng-
lishman put the thing in a nutshell when he wrote:
"Asiatic immigration is not a question of sentiment,
but of sheer existence. The whole problem is simimed

1 J. Liddell Kelly, "What Is the Matter with the Asiatic?" West-
minster RevieWf September, 1910.

276 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

up in Lafcadio Hearn's pregnant phrase: 'The East
can underlive the West.' "^

Rigorous exclusion of colored immigrants is thus
vitally necessary for the white peoples. Unfortunately,
this exclusion policy will not be easily maintained.
Colored population-pressure is insistent and increasing,
while the matter is still further compHcated by the
fact that, while no white community can gain by colored
immigration, white individuals — employers of labor —
may be great gainers and hence often tend to put private
interest above racial duty. Barring a handful of sin-
cere but misguided cosmopolitan enthusiasts, it is
imscrupulous. business interests which are behind every
white proposal to relax the exclusion laws protecting
white areas.

In fairness to these business interests, however, let
us realize their great temptations. To the average
employer, especially in the newer areas of white settle-
ment where white labor is scarce and dictatorial, what
could be more enticing than the vision of a boundless
supply of cheap and eager colored labor?

Consider this Californian appraisement of the Chi-
nese coolie: "The Chinese coolie is the ideal industrial
machine, the perfect human ox. He will transform less
food into more work, with less administrative friction,
than any other creature. Even now, when the scarcity
of Chinese labor and the consequent rise in wages
have eliminated the question of cheapness, the Chinese

*From an article in The PaU-MaU Gazette (London). Quoted in
The Literary Digest, May 31, 1913, pp. 1215-16.

THE INNER DIKES 277

have still the advantage over all other servile labor
in convenience and efficiency. They are patient, docile,
industrious, and above aU 'honest' in the business
sense that they keep their contracts. Also, they cost
nothing but money. Any other sort of labor costs
human effort and worry, in addition to the money.
But Chinese labor can be bought like any other com-
modity, at so much a dozen or a hundred. The Chinese
contractor dehvers the agreed number of men, at the
agreed time and place, for the agreed price, and if any
one should drop out he finds another in his place. The
men board and lodge themselves, and when the work
is done they disappear from the employer's ken until
again needed. The entire transaction consists in pay-
ing the Chinese contractor an agreed number of dollars
for an agreed result. This ehmination of the human
element reduces the labor problem to something the
employer can understand. The Chinese labor-ma-
chine, from his standpoint, is perfect." ^

What is true of the Chinese is true to a somewhat
lesser extent of all "coohe" labor. Hence, once in-
troduced into a white country, it becomes immensely
popular — among employers. How it was working out
in South Africa, before the exclusion acts there, is clearly
explained in the following lines: ''The experience of
South Africa is that when once Asiatic labor is admitted,
the tendency is for it to grow. One manufacturer
secures it and is able to cut prices to such an extent

* Chester H. Rowell, "Chinese and Japanese Immigrants," Annah
of the American Academy, vol. XXXIV, p. 4, September, 1909.

278 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

that the other manufacturers are forced either to em-
ploy Asiatics also or to reduce white wages to the Asiatic
level. Oriental labor is something which does not
stand still. The taste for it grows. A party springs
up financially interested in increasing it. In Natal
to-day the suggestion that Indian labor should no
longer be imported is met by an outcry from the plant-
ers, the farmers, and landowners, and a certain num-
ber of manufacturers, that industries and agriculture
will be ruined. So the coolie ships continue to arrive
at Durban, and Natal becomes more and more a land
of black and brown people and less a land of white
people. Instead of becoming a Canada or New Zea-
land, it is becoming a Trinidad or Cuba. Instead of
white settlers, there are brown settlers. . . . The
working-class white population has to go, as it is going
in Natal. The country becomes a country of white
landlords and supervisors controlling a horde of Asiatics.
It does not produce a nation or a free people. It be-
comes what in the old days of English colonization was
called a ^plantation.' "^

All this gives a clearer idea of the difficulties involved
in a successful guarding of the gates. But it also con-
firms the conviction that the gates must be strictly
guarded. If anything further were needed to rein-
force that conviction it should be the present state
of those white outposts where the gates have been left
ajar.

* Neame, "Oriental Labor in South Africa," Annals of the American
Academy, vol. XXXIV, p. 181.

THE INNER DIKES 279

Hawaii is a good example. This mid-Pacific archi-
pelago was brought mider white control by masterful
American Nordics, who established Anglo-Saxon in-
stitutions and taught the natives the rudiments of
Anglo-Saxon civilization. The native Hawaiians, like
the other Polynesian races, could not stand the pres-
sure of white civilization, and withered away. But
the white oUgarchy which controlled the islands de-
termined to turn their marvellous fertility to imme-
diate profit. Labor was imported from the ends of
the earth, the sole test being working ability without
regard to race or color. There followed a great in-
flux of Asiatic labor — at first Chinese until annexation
to the United States brought Hawaii under our Chinese
exclusion laws; later on Filipinos, Koreans, and, above
all, Japanese.

The results are highly instructive. These Asiatics
arrived as agricultural laborers to work on the plan-
tations. But they did not stay there. Saving their
wages, they pushed vigorously into all the middle walks
of life. The Hawaiian fisherman and the American
artisan or shopkeeper were alike ousted by ruthless
undercutting. To-day the American mechanic, the
American storekeeper, the American farmer, even the
American contractor, is a rare bird indeed, while Japa-
nese corporations are buying up the finest plantations
and growing the finest pineapples and sugar. Fully
half the population of the islands is Japanese, while
the Americans are being literally encysted as a small
and dwindling aristocracy. In 1917 the births of the

280 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

two races were: American, 295; Japanese, 5,000!
Comment is superfluous.

Clear round the globe, the island of Mauritius, the
half-way house between Asia and Africa, tells the same
tale. Originally settled by Em*opeans, mostly French,
Mauritius imported negroes from Africa to work its
rich soil. This at once made impossible the existence
of a white laboring class, though the upper, middle,
and artisan classes remained imaffected by the eco-
nomically backward blacks. A hundi^ed years ago one-
third of the population were whites. But after the
abolition of slavery the negroes quit work, and Asi-
atics were imported to take their place. The upshot
was that the whites were presently swamped beneath
the Asiatic tide — here mostly Hindus. To-day the
Hindus alone form more than two-thirds of the whole
population, the whites numbering less than one-tenth.
Indeed, the very outward aspect of the island is chang-
ing. The old French landmarks are going, and the
fabled land of ^Taul and Virginia '^ is becoming a bit
of Hindustan, with a Chinese fringe. Even Port
Louis, the capital town, has mostly passed from white
to Indian or Chinese hands.

Now what do these two world-sundered cases mean?
They mean, as an EngHsh writer justly remarks,
"that under the British flag Mauritius has become an
outpost of Asia, just as Hawaii is another such and
under the Stars and Stripes." ^ And, of course, there is
Natal, already mentioned, which, at the moment when

* Viator, "Asia contra Mundum," Fortnightly Review^ February, 1908.

THE INNER DIKES 281

the recent South African Exclusion Act stayed the
Hindu tide, had not only been partially transformed
into an Asiatic land, but was fast becoming a centre
of Asiatic radiation all over South Africa.

With such grim warnings before their eyes, it is not
strange that the lusty young Anglo-Saxon communities
bordering the Pacific — ^Australia, New Zealand, British
Columbia, and our own "coast" — have one and all
set their faces like flint against the Oriental and have
emblazoned across their portals the legend: "All
White/' Nothing is more striking than the instinctive
and instantaneous soHdarity which binds together
AustraHans and Afrikanders, Californians and Cana-
dians, into a "sacred union'' at the mere whisper of
Asiatic immigration.

Everywhere the slogan is the same. "The 'White
Austraha' idea," cries an antipodean writer, "is not a
political theory. It is a gospel. It counts for more
than rehgion; for more than flag, because the flag
waves over all kmds of aces; for more than the em-
pire, for the empire is mostly black, or brown or yellow;
is largely heathen, largely polygamous, partly canni-
bal. In fact, the White AustraHa doctrine is based
on the necessity for choosing between national existence
and national suicide."* "White Australia!" writes
another Australian in similar vein. "AustraHans of
all classes and poHtical affiliations regard the poHcy
much as Americans regard the Constitution. It is

1 Quoted by J. F. Abbott, "Japanese Expansion and American PoK-
cies." p. 154 (New York, 1916).

282 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

their most articulate article of faith. The reason is
not far to seek. . . . Australian civilization is little
more than a partial fringe round the continental coast-
line of 12^210 miles. The coast and its hinterlands are
settled and developed, although not completely for
the entire circumference; in the centre of the coimtry
lie the apparently illimitable wastes of the Never-
Never Land, occupied entirely by scrub, snakes, sand,
and blackfellows. The almost manless regions of the
island-continent are a terrible menace. It is impossible
to poHce at all adequately such an enormous area.
And the peoples of Asia, beating at the bars that con-
fine them, rousing at last from their age-long slumber,
are chafing at the restraints imposed upon their free
entry into and settlement of such uninhabited, unde-
veloped lands. ^'^

So the AustraHans, 5,000,000 whites in a far-off
continent as large as the United States, defy clamoring
Asia and swear to keep Australia a white man's land.
Says Professor Pearson: "We are guarding the last
part of the world in which the higher races can increase
and live freely, for the higher civihzation. We are
den^dng the yellow race nothing but what it can find
in the home of its birth, or in coimtries like the Indian
Archipelago, where the white man can never live except
as an exotic.'' ^

So Australia has raised drastic immigration bar-

* H. C. Douglas, "What May Happen in the Pacific," American Re-
view of Reviews, April, 1917.
^ Pearson, p. 17.

THE INNER DIKES 283

riers conceived on the lines laid down by Sir Henry
Parkes many years ago: ''It is our duty to preserve
the type of the British nation, and we ought not for
any consideration whatever to admit any element
that would detract from, or in any appreciable de-
gree'lower, that admirable type of nationahty. We
should not encourage or admit amongst us any class
of persons whatever whom we are not prepared to ad-
vance to all our franchises, to all our privileges as citi-
zens, and all our social rights, including the right of
marriage. I maintain that no class of persons should
be admitted here who cannot come amongst us, take
up aU our rights, perform on a groimd of equality all
oiu" duties, and share in our august and lofty work of
founding a free nation." ^

From Canada rises an equally uncompromising de-
termination. Listen to Mr. Vrooman, a high official
of British Columbia : '' Our province is becoming Orien-
taHzed, and one of our most important questions is
whether it is to remain a British province or become an
Oriental colony — ^for we have three races demanding
seats in our drawing-room, as well as places at our
board — the Japanese, Chinese, and East Indian.'' ^
And a well-known Canadian writer. Miss Laut, thus
defines the issue: "If the resident Hindu had a vote —
and as a British subject, why not? — and if he could
break down the immigration exclusion act, he could

^Neame, op. cU., Annals of the American Academy, vol. XXXIV,
pp. 181-2.

2 Quoted by Archibald Hurd, "The Racial War in the Pacific," Fort-
nightly Review, June, 1913.

284 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

outvote the native-born Canadian in ten years. In
Canada are 5,500;000 native-born, 2,000,000 aliens.
In India are hundreds of millions breaking the dikes
of their own natural barriers and ready to flood any
open land. Take down the barriers on the Pacific
coast, and there would be 10,000,000 Hindus in Canada
in ten years. '^ ^

Our Pacific coast takes precisely the same attitude.
Says Chester H. Rowell, a California writer: "There is
no right way to solve a race problem except to stop it
before it begins. . . . The Pacific coast is the frontier
of the white man's world, the culmination of the west-
ward migration which is the white man's whole his-
tory. It will remain the frontier so long as we regard
it as such; no longer. Unless it is maintained there,
there is no other line at which it can be maintained
without more effort than American government and
American civilization are able to sustain. The multi-
tudes of Asia are awake, after their long sleep, as the
multitudes of Europe were when oiu- present flood of
immigration began. We know what could happen, on
the Asiatic side, by what did happen and is happen-
ing on the Em-opean side. On that side we have sur-
vived. . . . But against Asiatic immigration we could
not survive. The numbers who would come would be
greater than we could encyst, and the races who would
come are those which we could never absorb. The
permanence not merely of American civilization, but
of the white race on this continent, depends on our

'^ Agnes C. Laut, "The Canadian Commonwealth," p. 146 (In-
dmnapolis, 1915).

THE INNER DIKES 285

not doing on the Pacific side what we have done on
the Atlantic coast." ^

Says another Cahfornian, Justice Burnett: "The
Pacific States comprise an empire of vast potentiaHties
and capable of supporting a population of many mil-
hons. Those now living there propose that it shall
continue to be a home for them and their children; and
that they shall not be overwhelmed and driven east-
ward by an ever-increasing yellow and brown flood." ^

All "economic" argimients are summarily put aside.
"They say/' writes another Calif ornian, "that our
fruit-orchards, mineS; and seed-farms cannot be worked
without them (Oriental laborers). It were better that
they never be developed than that our white laborers
be degraded and driven from the soil. The same argu-
ments were used a century and more ago to justify the
importation of African labor. ... As it is now, no self-
respecting white laborer will work beside the MongoHan
upon any terms. The proposition, whether we shaU
have white or yellow labor on the Pacific coast, must
soon be settled, for we cannot have both. If the Mon-
golian is permitted to occupy the land, the white
laborer from east of the Rockies wiU not come here —
he will shim California as he would a pestilence. And
who can blame him?"^

The middle as well as the working class is imperilled

^ Rowell, op. cit., Annals of the American Academy, vol. XXXIV,
p. 10.

2 Honorable A. G. Burnett, "Misunderstanding of Eastern and West-
em States Regarding Oriental Immigration," Annals of the American
Academy, vol. XXXIV, p. 41.

5 A. E. Yoell, "Oriental versus American Labor," Annals of the Amer-
ican Academy, vol. XXXIV, p. 36.

286 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

by any large niunber of Orientals^ for "The presence
of the Japanese trader means that the white man must
either go out of business or abandon his standard of
comfort and sink to the level of the Asiatic, who will
sleep under his counter and subsist upon food that
would mean starvation to his white rival.'' *

Indeed, Californian assertions that Oriental immi-
gration menaces, not merely the coast, but the whole
continent, seem well taken. This view was officially
indorsed by Mr. Caminetti, Commissioner-General of
Immigration, who testified before a Congressional
committee some years ago: "Asiatic immigration is a
menace to the whole country, and particularly to the
Pacific coast. The danger is general. No part of
the United States is immune. The Chinese are now
spread over the entire country, and the Japanese want
to encroach. The Chinese have become so acclimated
that they can prosper in any part of our country. . . .
I would have a law to register the Asiatic laborers who
come into the coimtry. It is impossible to protect
ourselves from persons who come in surreptitiously."^

Fortunately, the majority of thinking Americans are
to-day convinced that Oriental inamigration must not
be tolerated. Most of our leading men have so ex-
pressed themselves. For example, Woodrow Wilson,
during his first presidential campaign, declared on
May 3, 1912: "In the matter of Chinese and Japanese

^ S. G. P. Coryn, "The Japanese Problem in California," Annals of the
American Academy, vol. XXXIV, pp. 43-44.

2 Quoted by J. D. Whelpley, "Japan and the United States," Fori-
nightly Review, May, 1914.

THE INNER DIKES 287

coolie immigration, I stand for the national policy of
exclusion. The whole question is one of assimilation
of diverse races. We cannot make a homogeneous
population of a people who do not blend with the Cau-
casian race. Their lower standard of Hving as laborers
will crowd out the white agriculturist and is in other
fields a most serious industrial menace. The success
of free democratic institutions demands of our people
education, intelligence, and patriotism, and the State
should protect them against unjust and impossible
competition. Remimerative labor is the basis of con-
tentment. Democracy rests on the equahty of the
citizen. Oriental cooheism will give us another race-
problem to solve and surely we have had our lesson." ^

The necessity for rigid Oriental exclusion is nowhere
better exemplified than by the alarm felt to-day in
California by the extraordinarily high birth-rate of its
Japanese residents. There are probably not over
150,000 Japanese in the whole United States, their
numbers being kept down by the "Gentlemen's Agree-
ment" entered into by the Japanese and American
Governments. But, few though they are, they bring
in their women — and these women bring many children
into the world. The California Japanese settle in
compact agricultural colonies, which so teem with
babies that a leading California organ, the Los Angeles
Times J thus seriously discusses the matter:

"There may have been a time when an anti-Japanese

* Quoted by Montaville Flowers, "The Japanese ConQuest of Ameri-
can Opinion," p. 23 (New York, 1917).

288 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

land bill would have limited Japanese immigration.
But such a law would be impotent now to keep native
Japanese from possessing themselves of the choicest
agricultural and horticultural land in California. For
there are now more than 36,000 children in the State of
Japanese parentage, native-bom; they possess all the
rights of leasing and ownership held by white children
bom here. . . . The birth statistics seem to prove that
the danger is not from the Japanese soldiers, but from
the picture brides. The fmitfulness of those brides is
almost imcanny. . . . Here is a Japanese problem of
suflScient gravity to merit serious consideration. We
are threatened with an over-production of Japanese
children. First come the men, then the pictiu-e brides,
then the families. If California is to be preserved for
the next generation as a 'white man's country' there
must be some movement started that will restrict the
Japanese birth-rate in California. When a condition
is reached in which two children of Japanese parentage
are bom in some districts for every white child, it is
about time something else was done than making
speeches about it in the American Senate. ... If the
same present birth-ratio were maintained for the next
ten years, there would be 150,000 children of Japanese
descent bom in California in 1929 and but 40,000 white
children. And in 1949 the majority of the population
of California would be Japanese, ruling the State." ^

The alarm of oiu* California contemporary may, in
this particular instance, be exaggerated. Neverthe-

1 The Literary Digest, August 9, 1919, p. 53.

THE INNER DIKES 289

less, when we remember the practically unlimited ex-
pansive possibiHties of even small hmnan groups imder
favorable conditions, the picture drawn contains no
features inherently impossible of reahzation. What
is absolutely certain is that any wholesale Oriental
influx would inevitably doom the whites, first of the
Pacific coast, and later of the whole United States,
to social sterilization and ultimate racial extinction.

Thus all those newer regions of the white world won
by the white expansion of the last four centiuies are
alike menaced by the colored migration peril; whether
these regions be under-developed, under-populated
frontier marches like AustraUa and British Columbia,
or older and better-populated countries like the United
States.

And let not Europe, the white brood-land, the heart
of the white world, think itself immune. In the last
analysis, the self-same peril menaces it too. This
has long been recognized by far-sighted men. For
many years economists and sociologists have dis-
cussed the possibility of Asiatic immigration into
Europe. Low as wages and living standards are in
many European coimtries, they are yet far higher
than in the congested East, while the rapid progress
of social betterment throughout Europe must further
widen the gap and make the white continent seem a
more and more desirable haven for the swarming,
black-haired bread-seekers of China, India, and Japan.

Indeed, a few observers of modem conditions have
come to the conclusion that this invasion of Europe

290 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

by Asiatic labor is unescapable, and they have drawn
the most pessimistic conclusions. For example, more
than a decade ago an EngHsh writer asserted gloomily:
"No level-headed thinker can imagine that it will al-
ways be possible to prevent the free migration of in-
telligent races, representing in the aggregate half the
peoples of the world, should those peoples actively
conceive that their welfare demands that they should
seek employment in Europe. In these days of rapid
transit, of aviation, such a measure of repression is
impossible. . . . We shall not be destroyed, perhaps,
by the sudden onrush of invaders, as Rome was over-
whehned by the northern hordes; we shall be gradually
subdued and absorbed by the 'peaceful penetration' of
more virile races.'' ^

Now, mark you ! AH that I have thus far written
concerning colored immigration has been written with-
out reference to the late war. In other words, the
colored-migration peril would have been just as grave
as I have described it even if the white world were
still as strong as in the years before 1914.

But the war has of course immensely aggravated an
already critical situation. The war has shaken both
the material and psychological bases of white resistance
to colored infiltration, while it has correspondingly
strengthened Asiatic hopes and hardened Asiatic de-
termination to break down the barriers debarring
colored men from white lands.

» J. S. Little, "The Doom of Western Civilization," pp. 56 and 63
(London, 1907).

THE INNER DIKES 291

Asia's perception of what the war signified in this
respect was instantaneous. The war was not a month
old before Japanese journals were suggesting a relaxa-
tion of Asiatic exclusion laws in the British colonies as
a natural corollary to the Anglo-Japanese Alliance
and Anglo-Japanese comradeship in arms. Said the
Tokio Mainichi Deupo in August, 1914: "We are con-
vinced that it is a matter of the utmost importance
that Britons beyond the seas should make a better at-
tempt at fraternizing with Japan, as better relations
between the English-speaking races and Japan will
have a vital bearing on the destiny of the empire.
There is no reason why the British colonies fronting on
the Pacific should not actively participate in the Anglo-
Japanese Alliance. Britain needs population for her
surplus land and Japan needs land for her surplus
population. This fact alone should draw the two races
closer together. Moreover, the British people have
ample capital but deficiency of labor, while it is the
reverse with Japan. . . . The harmonious co-operation
of Britain and her colonies with Japan insures safety
to British and Japanese interests alike. Without such
co-operation, Japan and Great Britain are both un-
safe." ^

What this "co-operation" implies was very frankly
stated by The Japan Magazine at about the same date:
"There is nothing that would do so much to bind East
and West firmly together as ihe opening of the British
colonies to Japanese immigration. Then, indeed,

» The Literary Digest, August 29, 1914, p. 337.

292 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

Britain would be a lion endowed with wings. Large
numbers of Japanese in the British colonies would
mean that Britain would have the assistance of Japan
in the protection of her colonies. But if an anti-Japa-
nese agitation is permitted, both countries will be
making the worst instead of the best of the Anglo-
Japanese Alliance. Thus it would be allowed to make
Japan an enemy instead of a friend. It seems that
the British people both at home and in the colonies
are not yet ahve to the importance of the policy sug-
gested; and it is, therefore, pointed out and emphasized
before it is too late.'' ^

The covert threat embodied in those last lines was
a forerunner of the storm of anti-white abuse which
rose from the more bellicose sections of the Japanese
press as soon as it became evident that neither the
British Dominions nor the United States were going
to relax their immigration laws. Some of this anti-
white comment, directed particularly against the Anglo-
Saxon peoples, I have akeady noted in the second
chapter of this book, but such comment as bears di-
rectly on immigration matters I have reserved for
discussion at this point.

For example, the Tokio Yorodzu wrote early in 1916:
"Japan has been most faithful to the requirements of
the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, and yet the treatment
meted out to our countrjmien in Canada, AustraHa, and
other British colonies has been a glaring insult to us."^

1 The Literary Digest, August 29, 1914, pp. 337-8.

2 lUd., April 22, 1916, p. 1138.

THE INNER DIKES 293

A year later a writer in The Japan Magazine declared :
"The agitation against Japanese in foreign countries
must cease, even if Japan has to take up arms to stop
it. She should not allow her immigration to be treated
as a race-question." 1 And in 1919 the Yorodm
thus paid its respects to the exclusionist activity of
our Pacific coast States: "Whatever may be their
object, their actions are more despicable than those
of the Germans whose barbarities they attacked as
worthy of Hims. At least, these Americans are bar-
barians who are on a lower plane of civilization than
the Japanese.'' ^

The war produced no letting down of immigration
barriers along the white world's exposed frontiers,
where men are fully alive to the peril. But the war
did produce temporary waverings of sentiment in the
United States, while in Europe colored labor was im-
ported wholesale in ways which may have ominous
consequences.

Our own acute labor shortage during the war, par-
ticularly in agriculture, led many Americans, espe-
cially employers, to cast longing eyes at the tempting
reservoirs of Asia. Typical of this attitude is an ar-
ticle by Hudson Maxim in the spring of 1918. Mr.
Maxim urged the importation of a million Chinese
to solve our farming and domestic-service problems.

"If it is possible," he wrote, "by the employment
of Chinese methods of intensive farming, to increase

* Quoted in The Review of Reviews (London), February, 1917, p. 174.

* The Literary Digest, July 5, 1919, p. 31.

294 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

the production of our lands to such an extent, how
stupendous would be the benefit of wide introduction
of such methods. The exhausted lands of New Eng-
land could be made to produce like a tropical garden.
The vast areas of the great West that are to-day not
producing 10 per cent of what they ought to produce
could be made to produce the other 90 per cent by
the introduction of Chinese labor. . . . The average
American does not like farmiug. The sons of the
prosperous farmers do not take kindly to the tilling
of the soil wilh their own hands. They prefer the
excitement and the diversions and stimulus of the life
of city and town, and they leave the farm for the office
and factory. . . .

"Chinese, imported as agricultural laborers and
household servants, would solve the agricultural labor
problem and the servant problem, and we should have
the best agricultural workers in the world and the
best household servants in the world, in unlimited
numbers." *

Now I submit that such arguments, however well-
intentioned, are nothing short of race-treason. If
there be one truth which history has proved, it is the
solemii truth that those who work the land will ulti-
mately own the land.

Furthermore, the coimtryside is the seed-bed from
which the city populations are normally recruited.
The one bright spot in our otherwise dubious ethnic
future is the fact that most of our unassimilable aliens

1 Leslie's Weekly, May 4, 1918.

THE INNER DIKES 295

have stopped in the towns, while many of the most
assimilable immigrants have settled in the coimtry,
thus reinforcing rather than replacing our native
American rural population. Any suggestion which ad-
vocates the settlement of our coimtryside by Asiatics
and the deliberate driving of our native stocks to the
towns, there to be sterilized and ehminated, is simply
unspeakable.

Fortimately, such fatal counsels were with us never
acted upon, albeit they should be remembered as lurk-
ing perils which wiU probably be urged again in future
times of stress. But dining Europe's war-agony, yel-
low, brown, and black men were imported wholesale,
not only for the armies, but also for the factories and
fields. These colored aliens have mostly been shipped
back to their homes. Nevertheless, they have carried
with them vivid recollections of the marvellous West,
and the tale will spread to the remotest corners of the
colored world, stirring hard-pressed colored bread-
seekers to distant ventures. Furthermore, Europe
has had a practical demonstration of the colored alien's
manifold usefuhaess, and if Europe's troubles are pro-
longed, the colored man may be increasingly employed
there both in peace and war.

Even diUTQg the war the French and English working
classes felt the pressure of colored competition. Race-
feeling grew strained, and presently both England and
France witnessed the (to them) unwonted spectacles
of race-riots in their port-towns where the colored
aliens were most thickly gathered. An American ob-

296 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

server thus describes the ^^ breaking of the exclusion
walls erected against the Chinese '^

"In London, one Wednesday evening, twenty-four
months ago (i. e., in 1916), there was a mass-meeting
held on the comer of Piggot Street, Limehouse, to pro-
test against the influx of John Chinaman into bonny old
England. . . . The London navvies that night heard
a protest against 'the Chinese invasion' of Britain.
They knew that down on the London docks there were
two Chinamen to every white man since the coming
of war. They knew that many of these yellow aliens
were married. They knew, too, that a big Chinese
restaurant had just opened down the West India Dock
Road.

"The Sailors' and Firemen's Union — one of the
most powerful in England — earned the protest into
the Trades-Union Congress held at Birmingham.
There, alarm was voiced at the steady increase in the
number of Chinese hands on Britain's ships. It was
an increase, true, since the stress of war-times had be-
gun to try Britain. But what England's sons of the
seven seas wanted to know was: when is 'this Orien-
tahzing ' of the British marine to stop ? . . . The sea-
men's unions were willing to do their bit for John Bull,
but they wondered what was going to happen after the
coming of peace. Would the Chinese continue to man
John Bull's ships? . . .

"Such is one manifestation of the decisive lifting
of gates and barriers that has taken place since the
white world went to war. To-day the Chinese — ^for

THE INNER DIKES 297

decades finding a wall in every white man's country —
are numbered by the tens of thousands ia the service
of the AUies. They have made good. They are a
war-factor. ... All told, 200,000 Chinese are 'carry-
ing on' in the war-zone, laboring behind the Unes, in
munition-works and factories, manning ships. . . .

"What will happen when peace comes upon this
red world — a world turned topsyturvy by the white
man's Great War, which has taken John Chinaman
from Shantung, Chihli, and Kwangtung to that battle-
ground in France? . . . That makes the drafting of
China's man-power one of the most supremely impor-
tant events in the Great War. The family of nations is
taking on a new meaning — ^John Chinaman overseas" has
a place in it. As Itahan harvest-labor before the war
went to and from Argentina for a few months' work,
so the Chinese have gone to Europe under contract
and go home again. Perhaps this action will have a
bearing on the solution of the Far West's agricultural
labor problem.

"Do not believe for a moment that the armies of
Chinese in Europe will forget the lessons taught them
in the West. When these sons of Han come home,
the Great War will be found to have given birth to a
new East."^

So ends our survey. It has girdled the globe. And
the lesson is always the same: Colored migration is a
universal peril, menacing every part of the white world.

' G. C. Hodgea in The Sunset Magazine. Quoted by The Literary
Digest, September 14, 1918, pp. 40-42.

298 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

Nowhere can the white man endure colored compeii-
tion; everywhere "the East can underlive the West."
The grim truth of the matter is this: The whole white
race is exposed, immediately or ultimately, to the
possibility of social sterilization and final replacement
or absorption by the teeming colored races.

What this unspeakable catastrophe would mean for
the future of the planet, and how the peril may be
averted, will form the subject of my concluding pages.

CHAPTER XII

THE CRISIS OF THE AGES

Ours is a solemn moment. We stand at a crisis — ^the
supreme crisis of the ages. For mmumbered millenni-
ums man has toiled upward from the dank jungles of
savagery toward glorious heights which his mental and
spiritual potentialities give promise that he shall at-
tain. His path has been slow and wavering. Time
and again he has lost his way aad plunged into deep
valleys. Man's trail is littered with the wrecks of
dead civihzations and dotted with the graves of promis-
ing peoples stricken by an imtimely end.

Humanity has thus suffered many a disaster. Yet
none of these disasters were fatal, because they were
merely local. Those wrecked civihzations and blighted
peoples were only parts of a larger whole. Always
some strong barbarians, endowed with rich, unspoiled
heredities, caught the falling torch and bore it on-
ward flaming high once more.

Out of the prehistoric shadows the white races
pressed to the front and proved in a myriad ways their
fitness for the hegemony of mankind. Gradually they
forged a common civilization; then, when vouchsafed
their imique opportunity of oceanic mastery four cen-
turies ago, they spread over the earth, filling its empty
spaces with their superior breeds and assuring to them-

299

300 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

selves an unparalleled paramountcy of numbers and
dominion.

Three centuries later the whites took a fresh leap
forward. The nineteenth century was a new age of
discovery — ^this time into the realms of science. The
hidden powers of nature were unveiled, incalculable
energies were tamed to human use, terrestrial distance
was abridged, and at last the planet was integrated
under the hegemony of a single race with a common
civilization.

The prospects were magnificent, the potentialities
of progress apparently unlimited. Yet there were
commensurate perils. Towering heights mean abys-
mal depths, while the very possibihty of supreme suc-
cess implies the possibility of supreme failure. All
these marvellous achievements were due solely to
superior heredity, and the mere maintenance of what
had been won depended absolutely upon the prior
maintenance of race-values. Civilization of itself
means nothing. It is merely an effect, whose cause
is the creative urge of superior germ-plasm. Civihza-
tion is the body; the race is the soul. Let the soul
vanish, and the body moulders into the inanimate
dust from which it came.

Two things are necessary for the continued exist-
ence of a race : it must remain itself, and it must breed
its best. Every race is the result of ages of develop-
ment which evolves specialized capacities that make
the race what it is and render it capable of creative
achievement. These specialized capacities (which

THE CRISIS OF THE AGES 301

particularly mark the superior races), being relatively
recent developments, are highly unstable. They are
what biologists call "recessive" characters; that is,
they are not nearly so "dominant" as the older, gen-
erafeed characters which races inherit from remote
ages and which have therefore been more firmly stamped
upon the germ-plasm. Hence, when a highly special-
ized stock interbreeds with a different stock, the newer,
less stable, specialized characters are bred out, the
variation, no matter how great its potential value to
human evolution, being irretrievably lost. This occurs
even in the mating of two superior stocks if these
stocks are widely dissimilar in character. The valu-
able specializations of both breeds cancel out, and the
mixed offspring tend strongly to revert to generalized
mediocrity.

And, of course, the more primitive a tj^e is, the more
prepotent it is. This is why crossings with the negro
are uniformly fatal. Whites, Amerindians, or Asiat-
ics— all are alike vanquished by the invincible pre-
potency of the more primitive, generalized, and lower
negro blood.

There is no immediate danger of the world being
swamped by black blood. But there is a very im-
minent danger that the white stocks may be swamped
by Asiatic blood.

The white man's veiy triumphs have evoked this
daager. His virtual aboHtion of distance has de-
stroyed the protection which nature once conferred.
Formerly manldnd dwelt in such dispersed isolation

302 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

that wholesale contact of distant, diverse stocks was
practically impossible. But with the development of
cheap and rapid transportation, nature's barriers are
down. Unless man erects and maintains artificial
barriers the various races will increasingly mingle, and
the inevitable result will be the supplanting or absorp-
tion of the higher by the lower types.

We can see this process working out in almost
every phase of modem migration. The white immi-
gration into Latin America is the exception which
proves the rule. That particular migration is, of course,
beneficent, since it means the influx of relatively high
types into undeveloped lands, sparsely populated by
types either no higher or much lower than the new
arrivals. But almost everywhere else, whether we
consider interwhite migrations or colored encroach-
ments on white lands, the net result is an expansion
of lower and a contraction of higher stocks, the process
being thus a disgenic one. Even in Asia the evils of
modem migration are beginning to show. The Japa-
nese Government has been obliged to prohibit the in-
flux of Chinese and Korean coolies who were under-
cutting Japanese labor and thus undermining the eco-
nomic bases of Japanese IJfe.

Furthermore, modem migration is itself only one
aspect of a still more fundamental disgenic trend. The
whole course of modem urban and industrial life is
disgenic. Over and above immigration, the tendency
is toward a replacement of the more valuable by the
less valuable elements of the population. All over

THE CRISIS OF THE AGES 303

the civilized world racial values are diminishing, and
the logical end of this disgenic process is racial bank-
ruptcy and the collapse of civiKzation.

Now why is all this? It is primarily because we
have not yet adjusted ourselves to the radically new
environment into which our epochal scientific dis-
coveries led us a century ago. Such adaptation as we
have effected has been almost wholly on the material
side. The no less sweeping ideahstic adaptations which
the situation calls for have not been made. Hence,
modem civilization has been one-sided, abnormal,
unhealthy — ^and nature is exacting penalties which
will increase in severity until we either fully adapt or
finally "perish,

''Finally perish!" That is the exact alternative
which confronts the white race. For white civilization
is to-day conterminous with the white race. The civili-
zations of the past were local. They were confined
to a particular people or group of peoples. If they
failed, there were always some unspoiled, well-endowed
barbarians to step forward and "carry on." But to-
day there are no more white barbarians. The earth has
grown small, and men are everywhere in close touch.
If white civilization goes down, the white race is irre-
trievably ruined. It will be swamped by the trium-
phant colored races, who will obliterate the white man
by elimination or absorption. What has taken place
in Central Asia, once a white and now a brown or yeUow
land, will take place in Australasia, Europe, and Amer-
ica. Not to-day, nor yet to-morrow; perhaps not for

304 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

generations; but surely in the end. If the present
drift be not changed, we whites are all ultimately
doomed. Unless we set our house in order, the doom
wiU sooner or later overtake us all.

And that would mean that the race obviously en-
dowed with the greatest creative abihty, the race
which had achieved most in the past and which gave
the richer promise for the future, had passed away,
carrying with it to the grave those potencies upon
which the realization of man's highest hopes depends.
A million years of human evolution might go un-
crowned, and earth's supreme life-product, man, might
never fulfil his potential destiny. This is why we to-
day face "The Crisis of the Ages."

To many minds the mere possibility of such a catas-
trophe may seem unthinkable. Yet a dispassionate
survey of the past shows that it is not only possible
but probable if present conditions go on imchanged.
The whole history of life, both human and subhuman,
teaches us that nature wiU not condone disobedience;
that, as I have already phrased it, "no Hving being
stands above her law, and protozoon or demigod, if
they transgress, alike must die."

Now we have transgressed; grievously transgressed
— ^and we are suffering grievous penalties. But pain
is really kind. Pain is the importxmate tocsin which
rouses to dangerous reahties and spurs to the seeking
of a cure.

As a matter of fact we are confusedly aware of our
evil pHght, and legion are the remedies to-day pro-

THE CRISIS OF THE AGES 305

posed. Some of these are mere quack nostrums. Others
contain valuable remedial properties. To be sure^ there
is probably no one curative agent, since our troubles
are complex and magic elixirs heal only in the realm
of dreams. But one element should be fimdamental
to all the compoundings of the social pharmacopoeia.
That element is hlood.

It is clean, virile, genius-bearing blood, streaming
down the ages through the unerring action of heredity,
which, in anything like a favorable environment, will
multiply itself, solve our problems, and sweep us on
to higher and nobler destinies. What we to-day need
above all else is a changed attitude of mind — a recog-
nition of the supreme importance of heredity, not
merely in scientific treatises but in the practical order-
ing of the world's affairs. We are where we are to-
day primarily because we have neglected this vital
principle; because we have concerned ourselves with
dead things instead of with living beings.

This disregard of heredity is perhaps not strange.
It is barely a generation since its fimdamental im-
portance was scientifically established, and the world's
conversion to even the most vital truth takes time.
In fact, we also have much to unlearn. A Httle while
ago we were taught that all men were equal and that
good conditions could, of themselves, quickly perfect
mankind. The seductive charm of these dangerous
fallacies lingers and makes us loath to put them reso-
lutely aside.

Fortimately, we now know the truth. At last we

306 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

have been vouchsafed clear insight into the laws of
life. We now know that men are not, and never will
be, equal. We know that environment and education
can develop only what heredity brings. We know
that the acquirements of individuals are either not
inherited at all or are inherited in so slight a degree
as to make no perceptible difference from generation
to generation. In other words: we now know that
heredity is paramoimt in human evolution, all other
things being secondary factors.

This basic truth is already accepted by large num-
bers of thinking men and women all over the civiHzed
world, and if it becomes firmly fixed in the popular
consciousness it will work nothing short of a revolution
in the ordering of the world's affairs.

For race-betterment is such an intensely practical
matter ! When peoples come to realize that the quality
of the population is the source of all their prosperity,
progress, security, and even existence; when they real-
ize that a single genius may be worth more in actual
dollars than a dozen gold-mines, while, conversely, ra-
cial decline spells material impoverishment and decay;
when such things are really behoved, we shall see much-
abused "eugenics" actually moulding social pro-
grammes and pohtical pohcies. Were the white world
to-day really convinced of the supreme importance of
race-values, how long would it take to stop debasing
immigration, reform social abuses that are killing out
the fittest strains, and put an end to the feuds which

THE CRISIS OF THE AGES 307

have just sent us through heU and threaten to send us
promptly back again ?

Well; perhaps our change of heart may come sooner
than now appears. The horrors of the war, the disap-
pointment of the peace, the terror of Bolshevism,
and the rising tide of color have knocked a good deal
of the nonsense out of us, and have given multitudes
a hunger for reahties who were before content mth
a diet of phrases. Said wise old Benjamin Franklin:
"Dame Experience sets a dear school, but fools will
have no other." Our course at the dame^s school is
already well under way and promises to be exceeding
dear.

Only, it is to be hoped our education will be rapid,
for time presses and the hour is grave. If certain les-
sons are not learned and acted upon shortly, we may
be overwhelmed by irreparable disasters and all our
dear schooling will go for naught.

What are the things we must do promptly if we would
avert the worst? This "irreducible minimum" runs
about as follows:

First and foremost, the wretched Versailles busi-
ness will have to be thoroughly revised. As it stands,
dragon's teeth have been sown over both Europe and
Asia, and unless they be plucked up they will pres-
ently grow a crop of cataclysms which wiU seal the
white world's doom.

Secondly, some sort of provisional understanding
must be arrived at between the white world and renas-

308 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

cent Asia. We whites wiU have to abandon our tacit
assumption of permanent domination over Asia, while
Asiatics will have to forego their dreams of migration
to white lands and penetration of Africa and Latin
America. Unless some such understanding is arrived
at, the world will drift into a gigantic race-war — ^and
genuine race-war means war to the knife. Such a
hideous catastrophe should be abhorrent to both sides.
Nevertheless, Asia should be given clearly to under-
stand that we cannot pennit either migration to white
lands or penetration of the non-Asiatic tropics, and
that for these matters we prefer to fight to a finish
rather than jdeld to a finish — ^because oiu* "finish"
is precisely what surrender on these points would
mean.

Thirdly, even within the white world, migrations of
lower human types like those which have worked such
havoc in the United States must be rigorously cur-
tailed. Such migrations upset standards, sterilize
better stocks, increase low types, and compromise
national futures more than war, revolutions, or native
deterioration.

Such are the things which simply must be done if
we are to get through the next few decades without
convulsions which may render impossible the white
world's recovery.

These things will not bring in the millennium. Far
from it. Our ills are so deep-seated that in nearly
every civilized country racial values would continue
to depreciate even if aU three were carried into effect.

THE CRISIS OF THE AGES 309

But they will at least give our wounds a chance to
heal, and they will give the new biological revelation
time to permeate the popular consciousness and trans-
fuse with a new idealism our materiahstic age. As
the years pass, the supreme importance of heredity
and the supreme value of superior stocks wiU sink into
our being, and we will acquire a true mce-conscious-
ness (as opposed to national or cultural consciousness)
which will bridge pohtical gulfs, remedy social abuses,
and exorcise the lurking spectre of miscegenation.

In those better days, we or the next generation will
take in hand the problem of race-depreciation, and
segregation of defectives and aboHtion of handicaps
penahzing the better stocks will put an end to our
present racial decline. By that time biological knowl-
edge will have so increased and the popular philosophy
of life will have been so idealized that it will be pos-
sible to inaugurate positive measures of race-better-
ment which will imquestionably yield the most won-
derful results.

Those splendid tasks are probably not ours. They
are for our successors in a happier age. But we have
our task, and God knows it is a hard one — ^the salvage
of a shipwrecked world ! Ours it is to make possible
that happier age, whose full-fruits we shall never see.

Well, what of it ? Does not the new idealism teach
us that we are links in a vital chain, charged with high
duties both to the dead and the unborn? In very
truth we are at once sons of sires who sleep in calm
assurance that we will not betray the trust they con-

310 THE RISING TIDE OF COLOR

fided to our hands, and sires of sons who in the Be-
yond wait confident that we shall not cheat them of
their birthright.

Let us, then, act in the spirit of Kipling's iminortal
lines:

"Our Fathers in a wondrous age.
Ere yet the Earth was small,
Ensured to us an heritage,
And doubted not at all
That we, the children of their heart.
Which then did beat so high.
In later time should play like part
For our posterity.
*******

Then, fretful, murmur not they gave

So great a charge to keep,

Nor dream that awestruck Time shall save

Their labor while we sleep.

Dear-bought and clear, a thousand year

Our fathers' title runs.

Make we likewise their sacrifice,

Defrauding not our sons. " ^

^Rudyard Kaplingj "The Heritage." Dedicatory poem to the
volume entitled " The Empire and the Century " (London, 1905), the
volume being a collaboration by prominent British writers.

INDEX

INDEX

Abd-el-Wahab, 58
Abyssinia, 4, 89

Afghanistan, independence of, 4, 66;
Germany's relations with, 212;
Bolshevik propaganda in, 220
Africa, 3, 5 ; effect of Russo-Japanese
War on, 12, 15; partition of, 24,
89, 149 #., 152; European con-
quests in, 70; growth of Moham-
medanism in, 65; 67; Germany in,
204

North, brown race in, 7; 57, 68,
83#., 199; Bolshevik agitators
in, 220 ; brown power in, 93 ff. ;
spread of Arab blood in, 93;
native white blood in, 93#.;
rule of Islam in, 94, 101, 235,
142, 147
South, 10, 84; home of black
race, 7, 54, 87 ff. ; white coloni-
zation of, 89; wealth of, 89
ff. ; result of white rule in, 91,
92; spread of Islam in, 94#.,
235 ; Christianity in, 95# . ; anti-
white sentiment in, 97 #. ; up-
rising of 1915, 99; situation
of, 100 #.; white settlement
in, 225 ; danger of Asiatic pene-
tration into, 232, 249; results
of Asiatic penetration into,
272 #., 277; Exclusion Act in,
281, 308; result of Asiatic
labor in, 278, 280; Mauritius
settled from, 280
Algeria, 67; riots in, 77, 82; white

blood in, 93 ff.
Allies of the Great War, 40, 214
Al Mowwayad, 71
Alpine race, 162 ff., 165, and the war,

183; 202, 261
America, 4; black race in, 7, 87#.,
99; race prejudice in, 11; 36; mili-
tary preparations in, 39; Japan's
attitude toward, 51 #. ; red man in,
104; discovery of, 147; settlement
of, 149; cost of war in, 177; tri-
umph of, 214; danger to white race
in, 303

Central, white civilization in,
113; race-mixture in, 128 #.;
Japanese in, 131, 138 if.

Latin, red man in, 7, 104; Japa-
nese in, 48, 131 #.; evolution
of, 105; mixed blood in, 106 #.,
llQff., 124, 128 #., 166; revo-
lution in, 108 #.; results of
revolution in, 110 #.; oligar-
chies in, 110 ff.; immigration
into, 114; loss of white su-
premacy in, 115; anarchy in,
120 #. ; inability of, to rule self,
128 Jf.; Asiaticsin, 130 #., 308;
anti- Americanism la, 136; at-
titude of, toward yellow race,
137 ff. ', pressure of yellow race
on, 139; present situation in,
140 #.; future of, 141 #.; Bol-
shevik agitation in, 220; danger
of Asiatic penetration of,
232 #., 249 #., 303; white mi-
gration into, 302
North, white man's land, 3, 5,
104, 225; attitude of Japs
toward, 52; Japs in, 131;
Nordics in, 253 ; result of im-
migration on, 254 #., 261 #.;
need for prohibiting immigra-
tion into, 266 #.; a frontier
against Asia, 284
South, colonization of, 3; white
man's country, 5, 104; colored
man's country, 6; half-caste
in, 117; need for white immi-
gration into, 118; "Indlanista"
movement, 124; Japs in, 131,
139. See also Latin America
American Indian, home of, 104; num-
ber of, 104; Spanish Conquest of,
104 #.; racial mixtures of, lOQff.,
116 #., 119 #., 128, 301; relations
with Spaniards, 107; in Chile,
111#.; in Peru, 113; in Colombia,
113; in Costa Rica, 113; in Argen-
tina, 114; in Uruguay, 114; in
northern Brazil, 115; anti- white
sentiment among, 124 #.; ancient
civilizations among, 126; capabiUty
of, 126 #.; influence of Spaniards
on, 127; "Indlanista" movement,
129; Japanese relations with, 137
ff., 146
Ameriadian. See American Indian

313

314

INDEX

Amoor, 199

Anatolia, 211, 229

Andaman Islanders, 227

Anglo-French agreement, 70

Anglo-Japanese Alliance, 291 ff.

Anglo-Oriental College, 60

Anglo-Saxons, Japanese agitation
against, 50, 292; race-growth of,
155 #. ; " sacred union ' ' of, 281

Annamites, 17

Arab-negroid, 94

Arabia, location of, 57; Senussi in,
67; nationalist movements in, 77

Arabistan, definition of, 57; popula-
tion of, 57

Arabs, 88#.. 92#., 102, 146

Araucania, 111

Argentina, white man in, 105; pop-
ulation of, 114; agricultural devel-
opment of, 114; immigration into,
115; Japanese immigration into,
138

Aryan race, 23, 200

Asia, 3, 4; home-land of white race,
5 ; of yellow race, 7 ; of brown race,
7; black race in, 7; antagonism
toward white continents, il#., 15,
22; Japan in, 43, 48, 52. 71; Euro-
pean conquests in, 70" renaissaneto
in, 100; Latin America invaded by,
130, 138, 142; Europe sissailed by,
146 Jf., 237; white man in, 149 #.,
237 jf.; anti-white sentiment in,
171, 237; Russia in, 203, 205 #.;
Bolshevik agitators in, 220; centre
of colored imrest, 229 #.; non-
Asiatic lands penetrated by, 232;
independence of, 232 ff. ; economic
activity in, 241 ff., 244, 248; causes
of poverty in, 243; population of,
249; Hawaii penetrated by, 279;
Mauritius settled by, 280; Pacific
coast settled by, 284; need in U. S.
for laborers from, 293; evils of mod-
ern migration in, 302 ; white world's
need for xmderstandhig with, 307 ff.

Asia Minor, 57

Asturians, 111

Australasia, 5, 6, 48, 87, 303

Aiistralia, 10; Japanese desire for, 21,
52; Chinese need for land in, 46;
80; black race in, 87; settlement
of, 149; 225;'tChinese invasion of,
238, 272; "White Australia" doc-
trine in, 281 ff. ; niunber of white
in, 282; immigration menace to,
289; Japanese in, 292 ■

Austria, 22

Aztec civilization, 126, 297

Bagdad, 61

Balkans, 50

Balkans, war, 72

Basques, 111

Basra, 61

Behring Strait. 138

Belgium, 82

Bengal lancers, 209

Berbers, white blood of, 93; accep-
tance of French rule, 94; European
intermarriage with, 94

Birmingham, 296

Black Death, 146

Black race, 5; numbers of, 7, 87;
home of, 7, 87#.; Mohammedan-
ism in, 65, 69; brown race's rela-
tions with, 85#., 88, 92 #.; white
race's relations with, 88 ff., 91, 149;
character of, 90, 100 ff. ; other races
compared with, 91 ^. ; influence of
other rajies on, 92; spread of Islam
in, ibff., 235, 240; spread of Chris-
tianity in, 97#.; anti- white senti-
ments of, 97; "Ethiopian Church"
movement and, 98 Jf.; in Latin
America, 110, 116 #., 141 #.; race-
mixtures with, 116 #., 126, 128, 142,
301; Germany's relations with,
204; France's relations with, 204;
in European War, 206, 209 #., 295;
white lands entered by, 269

Boer War, 2C8

Bolivar, 108 #.

Bolivia, mixed blood in, 119; need of
immigration in, 119; Indian rising
in, 124 #.; Japanese immigration
into. 138

Bolsheviki, 50

Bolshevism, 191, 214, 218; tenets of,
218 #.; menace to white race,
220 #., 233

Bombay, 61

Brahman. See Hindu

Brazil, 103; Bolshevik propaganda
in, 220; Portugal's neglect of, 115;
immigration into, 115; white man
in, 115; Indians in, 115; result of
race-mixtures in, 120, 259

British Columbia, exclusion policy of,
281, 283 ; colored immigration men-
ace against, 289

British Dominion. See British Em-
pire

British Empire, 4; Japan's rela-
tions with, 32; India's relations
ndth, 32; Egypt's relations with,
78; war losses of, 177; immigra-
^oii laws of, 292. See England and
Great Britain

British Straits Settlements, 46

INDEX

315

Brown race, 5*, ntimb^^ of, 7, 54;
home of, 7, 54; 12, 17, 22; types of,
54#.; unity of, 55; white race's
relations with, 50#., 149; group-
ings of, 57; Islam's relations with,
58#.; unrest under whxte rule,
83#., 229, 234; possibihty of
brown-yellow alliance, 85 ff. ; black
race's relations with, 88, 91, 92 Jf.,
100 ff.; Europe assailed by, 146,
148; Germany's relations with,
204; France's relations with, 204;
Italy's relations with, 204; in Euro-
pean War, 208 #., 295; Africa col-
onized by, 232; mihtary potency
of, 237 ff. ; industrial conditions of,
241; white lands penetrated by,
269; Mauritius settled by, 280;
South Africa penetrated by, 277 ff. ;
Central Asia taken by, 303

Bryce, Lord, 124, 127

Buddhism, 23. 73, 228

Buenos Aires, 114

Cau-o, 61, 62, 78

Calcutta, 61

California, result of Chinese labor in,
272; exclusion policy of, 285; Japa-
nese in, 287 ff.

Cambodians, 17

Canada, desire of yellow race for, 10;
80 ; fear of Asiatic immigration into,
84; white man's country, 104; 278;
exclusion policy of, 281, 283; pop-
ulation of, 284; Nordics in, 163;
danger of Hindu immigration into,
283 ff.; Caribbean, 121; CaroUne
Islands, 36; Carranza, 136; Cape
Horn, 105, 138; Castro of Vene-
zuela, 122; Caucasian, 200

Chengtu, 245

Chile, 110; Nordic colonists of. 111;
race-mixture in, 111; stabilization
of, 112; characteristics of, 112;
progress of, 113; Japanese irami-
gration into, 138; Bolshevik propa-"
ganda in, 220

Chllembwe, John, 99

China, white control of, 4; indepen-
dence of, 8; yellow world centred
in, 17, 18; population of. 18; exclu-
sion policy, 18; Japanese war with,
20#., 23#.; revolution in, 23 Jf.,
73; partition of, 23 ; Boxer War in,
24; Japan's relations with, 2Gff.,
30#., 34. 38#., 42, 43, 50#., 58,
207, 239, 247, 302 ; " Young China "
movement in, 26; economic efiS-
ciency of, 28#.; population of, 44;
colonizing possibihties of, 45#.;

Mohammedans in, 73 ; effect of war
on, 77; congestion in, 84; Latin
America penetrated by, 131, 140;
"break-up" of, 151, 199; Russia's
relations with, 203 ; Germany's re-
lations with, 212; Bolshevik propa-
ganda in, 220; white goods boy-
cotted by, 230, 246 #.; military
potency of, 238 #.; industrial life
of, 241, 243 #., 250; labor condi-
tions in, 244 ff., 268, 273 ff., 276 ff. ;
Hawaii settled by, 279; British
Coltunbia penetrated by, 283;
United States settled by, 286;
Europe penetrated by, 289; U. S.
need for, 293 #.; England settled
by, 296; in war zone, 297

Christianity, in Africa, 92, 95 ff.; in
Latin America, 137

Civitas Dei, 170

Cochin-China, 247

Colombia, settlement of, 107, 113;
revolution in, 113; anti- American
sentiment in, 136

Ctolored-Bolshevist alliance, 233

Columbus, Christopher, 103, 145, 147

Confucius, 24; followers of, 73

Congo, 101, 142

Conquistador es, 105 ff., 126, 140

Constantmople, 57, 61, 72, 212

Constantinople Tanine, 13

Contemporary Review, 25

Cortez, 106

Costa Rica, 113

Creoles, 107 and n.; degeneracy of,
107 ff. ; anti-Spain revolt of, 108 ff. ;
"democracy" of, 109; status of,
116

Crusades, 146, 209

Cuba, 125, 139; cross-breeding In,
259, 278

Cuzco, 125

"Dark Continent," 88 ff., 97, 102
de Gama, Vasco, 147
de la Barra, Senor, 134
Diaz, Porflrio, 110
Dillon, Doctor E. J., 10, 25, 217
Durban, 278

Dutch Indies, 20, 34, 46; colonization
of, 47; population of, 47, 82

Ecuador, mixed blood in, 118; need
for immigration into, 119

Egypt, taken by England, 70, 76#.;
1914 revolt in, 74; nationalist
movement in, 77 ff. ; effect of Ver-
sailles Conference on, 78; insurrec-
tion in, 78#.; imrest in, 83, 84;
Islam's ascendancy in, 93 ; Bolshe-

316

INDEX

vik propaganda in, 220; white
products boycotted in, 246 ff.

El Mercurio (Chile), 138

England, India's relations with, 32,
79 ff. ; Japan's relations with, 35 ff.,
50 ff., 71; Islamite appeal to, 73;
Egypt's relations with, 77 ff. ; Chile
compared with, 112; 1480 popula-
tion of, 146, 155 ff. ; race-stocks in,
166; beginning of war in, 176, 180;
cost of war to, 192, 194, 199; Rus-
sia's threat against, 203 ; Japan al-
lied with, 203 #.; China's indus-
trial rivalry with, 244; colored
labor in, 295 #.; race-riots in. 296 #.

English Civil Service, 80

"Ethiopian Church," 96; founding
of, 98; anti-white teachings of, 98;
Zulu rebellion caused by, 98

Ethiopianism, 99

Europe, 3, 5, 6, 11; Asia's hostiUty
toward, 11; 46, 52; Moslem East
attacked by, 58; relations with
Islam, 61 ; height attained by, 62 ff„
89 ; Argentine and Uruguay settled
by, 114, 142; Black Death in, 146;
expansion attempted by, 146;
Asia's attacks on, 146 #.; results
of discovery of America in, 147;
results of Asian conflicts on, 148,
151 #.; industrial revolution in,
157 #., 161, 164; Nordic ranks in.
163; results of Russo-Jap War In,
171^.; results of Versailles Con-
ference on, 216, 218, 307; Bolshev-
ism's menace to, 220 ff. ; effect of
colored migration on, 253; 268;
danger of Oriental immigration
into, 289 ff. ; colored labor imported
into, 293, 295 #. See also Euro-
pean War

"European Concert," 170

European War, 4, 11. 13#., 25, 33,
36, 39#.; Germany's collapse in,
40; end of, 42; prophecy of, 62;
Islam at beginning of, 73; Egypt
at beginning of, 76; East affected
by, 77; India In, 80; U. 3. hi, 133,
134, 136, 169, 175, 176; cost of,
176 #.; in civil life, 178 Jf., 181 #.;
results of, 187 #., 190 #., 206;
"hate Uterature" of, 207; use of
colored troops in, 208 #., 214, 220,
290; Asia's attitude affected by,
290 #.; colored labor in, 293 #.

"Exclusion Policy," 269

Far East. See China, Japan

Fatima, 67

FiUpinos in Hawaii, 279

Fisher, H. A. L.; 182

Formosa, 20#., 30, 43, 47

France, birth-rate of, 8, 46; Japan's
attitude toward, 50#., 83#., 103;
cost of war in, 177, 179 #.; con-
scription in, 181, 194; Nordics in,
202. 204, 250, 270; colored labor in,
296 ff. ; race-riots in, 296

"Gentlemen's Agreement," 287

Germany, Chinese interests of, 36;
Japan's relations with, 36, 39,
212 ff. ; Asiatic expidsion of, 36 ff. ;
Bolshevism's aid to, 40; coUapse
of, 40, 50 ff. ; Islam's relations with,
75; South American immigrations
of. 111, 115; Mexico's relations
with, 136; cost of war in, 177, 180;
conscription in, 181 ; Russia's rela-
tions with, 187 ; Nordic race in, 201 ;
Alpine race in, 202; population of.
202; in central Africa, 204; Bel-
gium invaded by, 228; Chinese in-
dustrial rivalry with, 244, 270

Grand Alliance, 39

Grant, Madison, 115, 162. 169, 183,
262

Great Britain, 36 ff.; Japan's rela-
tions with, 38, 291 ff. See also Eng-
land and British Empire

Great War. See Eiiropean War

Greece, 72, 196, 199

Guinea, 142

Gurkhas, 209

"Habl-ul-Matin," 66 #.

Haiti, 4, 100, 142, 227 and n.

"Hajj," 66 ff.

Han, Prescott F., 253, 255

Hangkow, 43

Hanyang, 244

Hawaii, 136; white rule in, 279;
Asiatic labor in, 279 #.; U. S. an-
nexation of, 279; Americans in,
279 ff.

Hedjaz Kingdom, 66

Himalayans, 55, 238

Hindustan, Islam's relations with, 73 ;
England's relations with. 79; Mau-
ritius a part of, 280

Hokkaido, 44, 47 #.

HoUand, 20, 46

Huns, 17, 146

Ichang, 244

Incas, 125 ff.

India, Japanese relations with, 31 ff.;
EngUsh relations with, 32, 80; pop-
ulation of, 32, 57; wealth of, 33;
Russian menace to, 38, 203; 47, 52;

INDEX

317

southern, 55; brown world centred
in, 57; revolt in Northwest, 74;
unrest in, 79 ; government of, 80 ff. ;
congestion in, 84#., 250, 268;
"Negritos" in, 87, 147, 199; Bol-
shevik propaganda in, 220, 225;
foreign goods boycotted by, 230;
industrial growth of, 241; handi-
caps to, 246; "Swadeshi" move-
ment, 246, 248; in South Africa,
278; in British Columbia, 283; in
Europe, 289

Indian Archipelago, 282

"Indianista" movement, 124, 129,
132 ; Japanese support of, 134, 137,
140

Indians of America. See American
Indians

Indo-China, population of, 18; ex-
clusion policy of, 18, 23; revolu-
tions in, 33#., 46, 87

Indo-Japanese Association, 32

Iran, population of, 57; influence oi,
57

Islam, brown race united by, 55; in
India, 55, 73, 79, 85; 57; power of,
58#.; revival of, 58; progress of,
60, 64#.; commimication in, 61;
numerical strength of, 61, 64; Eu-
ropean relations with, 62 ff. ; prose-
lytizing power of, 65;^' the Senussi
in, 67 ff. ; effect of Russo-Japanese
War on, 70; Japanese relations
with, 70#.; TripoU taken from,
71#., 204; effect of Balkan War
on, 72; England's relations with,
73; in China, 73; in the European
War, 74; Versailles Conference and,
75 ff.', black race's relations with,
86, 92, 94; South African progress
of, 94#.. 102

Italy, 60; Tripoli seized by, 71 ff.,
205; South American immigration
from, 114 #.; conditions in, 176

Japan, independence of, 4, 8; effect
of white civilization on, 9, 12;
Russian war with, 12, 20 ff., 17;
population of, 18, 44; exclusion
policy of, 18; Western civilization
in, 20; Chinese war with, 20#.;
imperialism in, 21 ; European War
and, 25, 39, 41 ; Chinese subjection
to, 23. 26#., 30, 37, 247; white
race expelled from Asia by, 31;
Asia influenced by, 31, 33, 43; Eng-
land's relations with, 35, 203 #.,
291 #.; Germany's relations with,
36, 212 #.; Russian understanding
with, ^8; in Siberia, 40; Versailles

Conference and, 42; colonizing
possibihties of, 45 ; climatic require-
ments of, 47 ff. ; militarism of, 49 ff. ;
Islam's relations with, l\ff.; Latin
America's relations with, 130 #.,
137; American relations with, 132,
136, 286 #.; Mexican relations
with, 132 #.; Indians affected by,
140; power of, 172, 238; Russian
prisoners in, 205 Jf.; Bolshevik
propaganda in, 220; industrial con-
ditions in, 241, 246^.; excess pop-
ulation in, 268, 270; Hawaii settled
by, 279 #.; British Colmnbia set-
tled by, 283 ; Chinese excluded by,
302; Koreans excluded by, 302
Japan Magazine, 35, 291, 293
Japanese Colonial Journal, 37
Java, 84; Bolshevik propaganda in,

220
Jerusalem, 72
Jews in America, 165

Kamchatka, 43

Kechua republic, possibility of, 125

Kerbela, 61

Kiang Su, province of, 27

Kiaochow Bay, Germany's lease of,
36; Germany driven from, 36, 39,
213

E[itchener, Lord, 78

Kobe, 206

Korea, population of, 17; exclusion
policy in, 18; Japanese possession
of, 30, 43; colonization in, 45;
Hawaii settled by, 279; Japanese
exclusion policy against, 302

Lake Baikal, 40

Lake Chad, 68

League of Nations, 218

Lenine, 219 Jf.

Levantines in U. S., 165; in Rome,

253
Liberia, 4, 89, 100
Lima, 125
Limehouse, 296
London, 72, 296
London Nation, 207
London Saturday Review, 186
Los Angeles Times, 287
Lybia, NationaUst movement in, 77

Madero, Francisco, 135

Malaysia, 250

Manchuria, Japanese threat against,

40, 43; colonization in, 45
Manchus, 17, 24
Marianne Islands, 36
Marshall Islands, 36

318

INDEX

Matabele, 96

Mauritius, French in, 280; importa-
tion of blacks into, 280; importa-
tion of Asiatics into, 280; present
conditions in, 280

Maya civilization, 126

Mecca, 66

Mediterranean race, 162 #., 165; in
U. S., 165; in England, 166 #.; in
war, 183, 261

Mediterranean Sea, 57, 77, 82, 88, 93,,
101

Melbourne Argus, 21

Mesopotamia, 57, 84, 211

Mexican War, 133

Mexico, conquest of, 104 j^., 107;
dictatorship in, 110; unrest in, 116;
Indian rising in, 124; Aztec civili-
zation in, 126; Japanese relations
with, 132, 134 #.; anti- American
feeling in, 132 #., 136; "Plan of
San Diego" plotted in, 133; Bol-
shevik propaganda in, 220; cross-
breeding in, 259

Mexico City, 135

"Middle Kingdom," 17

Miranda, 108

Mohammedan Revival, 56, 58 #.

Mohammedanism. See Islam

Mohammerah, 61

MongoUa, Russia in, 38; colonization
of, 45

MongoUans, 17, 23, 130, 137, 139,
146, 285

Monroe Doctrine, 129, 132, 138

"Monroe Doctrine for Far East," 23,
30

Montevideo, 114

Moors, 65, 147

Morocco, Senussi order in, 68; French
possession of, 76; riots in, 77, 82 ff.,
93

Moslem. See Islam

Napoleonic Wars, 58

Natal, revolt in, 98; Asian immigra-
tion into, 272 #., 278; South Afri-
can exclusion act in, 280 #.

Near and Middle East, brown man's
land, 54^.; European domination
of, 75 #.

"Negritos," 87

Negro. See Black Race

Netherlands, a Nordic country, 202

New England, 256, 258, 294

New Guinea, 99

New Zealand, 278; exclusion policy
of. 281

Nicaragua, 122

Niger, 101

Nigeria, 210

Nile, 88, 101

Nordic race, lllj^., 162; decreasing
birth-rate of, 163; character of,
163; effect of industrial revolution
on, 164; in U. S., 165, 258, 261,
266; in England, 166 #.; cost of
war to, 183; worth of, 199 #.; in
Germany, 201 Jf. ; constructive
power of, 229

North Borneo, 46

Nyassaland, Mohammedanism in,
95 ff. ; rebellion in, 99

Okuma, Count, 31^., 50, 131, 138
Ottoman Empire, partition of, 75;

cost of war to, 177 #.
Ottoman Turk, 55, 57, 146

Pacific Ocean Society, 32

Pan- African Congress, 99 #

Pan-America, 130, 138

Pan- Asia AlUance, 234

Pan- Asia Holy War, 11

Pan- Asian Railroad, 212

Pan-Asiatic Association, 31

"Pan-Colored" alliance, 70, 229,
233 #.

Pan-Germanism, 169, 201 ff.

Pan-Islam Holy War, 11, 70

Pan-Islamism, driving power of, 66 ff. ;
progress toward, 69 ; result of Peace
Conference on, 75, 79, 94 ; the negro
the tool of, 97, TOO, 102, 237; in the
European War, 205 #., 234 Jf.;
Asia affected by, 237 ; military po-
tency of, 238, 240

Pan-MongoUsm, 28

Pan-Nordic union, 200

Pan-Slavism, 169, 201, 203

Paraguay, 110

Paris, 99, 122, 216

Pax Americana, 4

Pax Bomana, 170

Peace Conference- See Versailles
Conference

Pechili Strait, 43

Peking, 43, 212

Pelew Islands, 36

Peloponnesian War, 173 #„ 196

Persia, 4; Russian menace to, 38; in-
dependence of, 56; Japan's rela-
tions with, 70#.; in war, 74; Eng-
land the protector of, 76, 84; Ger-
many's relations with, 212

Peru, conquest of, 104 ff. , 107 ; settle-
ment of, 113; revolution in, 113;
politics of, 125; Incas in, 126;
Chinese in, 131 ; Japanese in, 138

Peshawar, 61

INDEX

319

Philippines, independence movement

in, 34. 43, 46, 83, 87, 137, 229
Pizarro, 105

"Plan of San Diego," 133
Poland, cost of war in, 178
Port Arthur, 153
Port Louis, 280
Port Said, 61
Portugal, 18, 115

Rangoon, 23

Red race, 5; number of, 7, 104; home
of, 7, 104 #.; cross-breeding with,
106 #., 116 #., 119, 128; anti-Spain
revolution of, 108 ff. ; in Chile, 111 ;
in Peru, 113; in Colombia, 113;
in Argentine, 114; in Uruguay, 114;
in northern BrazU, 115; anti- white
sentiment of, 124 #. ; character of,
126 #, ; yellow race's relations with,
131 tf; 138, 140; effect of Spaniards
on, 141; future of, 141 J^.

Rhodes, Cecil, 200

Rio Grande, 5, 7, 103, 105

Roman Empire, 116; fall of, 146

Rome, 50, 146, 199, 290

Ross, Professor B. A., 112, 118, 125,
131, 139, 140. 244^., 260, 264, 267,
269, 273

Russia, Japanese war with, 12, 20#.,
31, 205; Japan's relations with,
35#., 38, 151; revolution in, 39,
214; Bolshevism in, 40, 50#., 219;
Persia's relations with, 74; white
race tu, 145; and European War,
176; cost of war in, 177 #.; Ger-
many's relations with, 187. 189,
194; Nordics in, 202; as part of
Asia, 203 ff. , 270

Russo-Japanese War. 12; Japan's
strength revealed by, 21#., 171;
23; effect on Islam, 70; African
results of, 97, 149, 153; effect on
white race, 203, 205, 237

Saar, 215

Saghalien, Island of, 247

Sahara Desert, 7, 57, 67; Senussi
control of, 68, 87#., 93

Sailors' and Firemen's Union, 296

San Martin, 108

Santiago College, 112

Scandinavia, 145, 202

Senegalese, 209 ff.

Senussiyah, history of, 67; organiza-
tion of, 67; stronghcdd of, 67 if.;
European relations with, 68; pro-
gramme of, 69, 94

Serbia, cost of war in, 178

Seyyid. Mohammed ben Senussi, 67 ff.

Shanghai, 244

Shansi, 245

Shantimg, Germany in, 36; Japan in,
43, 215, 297

Siam, 4, 17, 23; Japan's relation with,
31, 45, 247

Sianfu, 245

Siberia, 6, 15, 18, 34; danger of Bol-
shevism to, 40; Japanese army in,
40; colonized by Chinese, 48; col-
onized by Japanese, 48; settlement
of, 149; Russia in, 151

Siddyk, Yahya, 62

Singapore, 29

Somaliland, 68

South African Union, 96; white pop-
ulation of, 98

Spain, the Moors in, 65, 147; in Latin
America, 106, 108, HI, 114. 118;
Argentina settled by, 114; Uruguay
settled by, 114

Spanish Conquest, 105

Steppes, 238

Sudan, 79, 93

Sudanese, in war, 210

Suez, 77, 103

"Survival of Fittest," 23. 150, 273

Syria, 57

Szechuan, 245

Tartars, 17, 57

Teheran. 61, 71

Teutonic Powers, 78

Texas, 133

Thibet, 29; as Chinese colony, 45

Thirty Years' War, 202

Toldo, 22, 39#., 134

Tokio Economist, 131

Tokio Hochi, 50

Tokio Maini'-hi Deupo, 291

Tokio Universe, 37

Tokio Yamato, 38

Tokio Yorodzu, 292 ff.

Trades Union Congress, 296

Transcaucasia, 57

Trinidad, 278

TripoU, seized by Italy, 11 ff.'. In re-
volt, 74, 77, 204

Tunis, 82, 94

"Turanians," 57

Turkestan, 38; Chinese section of, 48;
colonization possibiUties in, 45

Turkestan, composition of, 57; pop-
ulation of, 57

Turkey, 4; independence of, 56;
Tripoli taken from, 71; Balkan
War losses to, 72; in Em-opean
War, 74, 78, 209; war losses of, 178;
German alliance with, 211 #.

Turkomans, 57

320

INDEX

Uganda, Christianity in, 96

United States, 4, 10, 37; in war, 39,
46; Japanese relations with, 48,
99, 103, 132; settlement of, 104,
121, 125, 129, 132; Mexican rela-
tions with, 132 #.; Mexican plot
against, 133; Mexican-Japanese
alliance against, 132, 135; Latin
American hostility toward, 135 #.;
Latin American ties with, 137, 139 ;
Nordic race in, 165; Bolshevik
propaganda in, 220; effect of im-
migration in, 256; Hawaiian rela-
tions with, 279 #., 282; immigra-
tion menace to, 286, 289; Chinese
in, 286, 293 ff. ; Japanese In, 286 ff. ;
Japanese excluded from, 292 #.;
immigration laws in, 308

Uruguay, 105; population of, 114;
agricultural development of, 114;
European immigration into, 114 if.

Valparaiso, 112; English character

of, 112
Venezuela, 122; Indians in, 128;

anti-American sentiment in, 136
Versailles Peace Conference, 42, 50;

Islam and, 75#., 187; failure of,

215 ff., 233, 235, 307

Wahabees, 58, 67

Wars of Roses, 155

West African Guinea, Christian mis-
sions in, 96

West Indian Islands, 103, 253

White race, 3, 4, 5, 8jf.; 21, 34. 151;
numbers of, 6, 155; 8 #., 21; expul-
sion from Far East, 28, 31, 44; Asia
controlled by, 46, 47#., 53; brown
race's relation with, 55#., 146, 148;
62 #., 70; India's relation with, 82
ff., 124 ff.; brown-yellow alliance
against, 85; black race ruled by,
89, 91#., 102 #.; in Northeast
Africa, 93#.; African hostihty
toward, ^1 ff.; in Africa, 98, 249;
in North America, 104 ff. ; in Latin
America. 104 #., 110 #., 118 #.,
123, 141 #., 249. 302; Indian race-

mixture with, 106 #., 116^.; Mex-
ican hostility toward, 132 #.; yel-
low race's relations with, 137 #.,
141, 146, 148, 151 #.; expansion
of, 145; original location of. 145;
original area of, 145 #.; original
number of, 146; effect of fifteenth-
century discoveries on, 147; prog-
ress of, 148 ff., 153 ; effect of Russo-
Japanese War on, 154, 171 #., 203;
effect of industrial revolution on,
156 #.; birth-rate of, 162; division
of, 162; solidarity of, 169 #., 199 #.,
204 #., 306 #.; in European War,
175 #., 196, 199; Bolshevik menace
to, 219 ff. ; danger to, 228 ff., 289 ff.,
297 #.,301, 303 ; effect of immigra-
tion on, 251if., 278 #.; exclusion
poUcy of, 269 #., 281 #.; rise of,
299 #.

Yangtse River, 43, 244

Yellow Peril, 85, 139. 172, 213, 237

Yellow race, 5; nimibers of, 7; home
of, 7, 10, 12, 17 ff. ; Russo-Japanese
War triumph of, 21, 22; expansion
of, 28, 46#., 55; white aggression
resisted by, 56; brown race's rela-
tions with, 85, 91, 100; Americas
penetrated by, 130 #., 232; Latin
American attitude toward, 137,
139, 141 ff. ; white race 's relations
with, 146, 148, 151 #., 234 #., 269,
272 #.; in France, 204; in war,
207 #., 296; Germany's relations
with, 213; military potency of,
238 #.; industrial conditions in,
241, 112 ff.; in Hawaii, 279; in
Australia, 281; in British Colum-
bia, 283; in Central Asia, 303

Yemenite Arabs, 55

Yucatan, ancient civilization in, 126

Zambezi, 95 ff.
Zanzibar Arabs, 95
Zawias. See Senussi
Zelaya of Nicaragua, 122
Zulus, 96. 190; revolt of, 98

Date Due

Demco 293-5

LIBRARY RULES

This book may be kept .^..V^.l^rr: weeks.

' A fine of rwe* cents -will be charged for each day
books or magazines are kept overtime.

Two books may be borrowed from the Library at
one time.

Any book injured or lost shall be paid for by the
person to whom it is charged.

No member shall transfer his right to use the
Library to any other person.

ino

NORTHEASTERN UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES

iiiippii
P I i

:i

ill