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THE 



HISTORY 



O V 



THE DECLINE AND FALL 



OF THE 



ROMAN EMPIRE. 



-EDWARD GIBBON, ESQ. 



Will) 



BY THE REV. H. H. MILMAN, 

PBEBENDARJ" OP ST. PETER S, AND RECTOR OF ST. MARGARET S, 

WESTMINSTER. 



HUftfon, 

TO WHICH IS ADDED 

A COMPLETE INDEX OF THE WHOLE WORK. 



IN 8 I VOLUMES, 

VOL. VI. 



BOSTON: 

PHILLIPS, SAMPSON, AND COMPANY, 

1854 . 



CONTENTS 



OF THE SIXTH VOLUME 



CHAPTER LIX. 

PRESERVATION OP THE GREEK EMPIRE. NUMBERS, PASSAGE, AND 
EVENT, OF THE SECOND AND THIRD CRUSADES. ST. BERNARD. 
HEIGN OF 8ALADIN IN EGYPT AND SYRIA. HIS CONQUESTS OP 
JERUSALEM. NAVAL CRUSADES. RICHARD THE FIRST OF ENG 
LAND. POPE INNOCENT THE THIRD ; AND THE FOURTH AND FIFTH 
CRUSADES. THE EMPEROR FREDERIC THE SECOND. LOUIS THE 
NINTH OF FRANCE ; AND THE TWO LAST CRUSADES. EXPULSION 
OF THE LATINS OR FRANKS BY THE MAMALUKES. 

A. D. PAGE. 

10971118. Success of Alexius, 1 

Expeditions by Land, 4 

1101. Thefirst Crusade, 4 

1147. The second, of Conrad III. and Louis VII., 4 

1189. The third, of Frederic I., 4 

Their Numbers, 5 

Passage through the Greek Empire, 6 

Turkish Warfare, 9 

Obstinacy of the Enthusiasm of the Crusades, 11 

1091 1153. Character and Mission of St. Bernard, 12 

Progress of the Mahometans, 15 

The Attabeks of Syria, 16 

11271145. Zenghi, 16 

11451174. Noureddin, 16 

11631169. Conquest of Egypt by the Turks 17 

1171. End of the Fatimite Caliphs, 20 

11711193. Reign and Character of Saladin 20 

1187. His Conquest of the Kingdom, 24 

And City of Jerusalem, 26 

1188. The third Crusade, by Sea, 28 

11891191. Siege of Acre, 30 

1191, 1192. Richard of England in Palestine, 81 

1192, His Treaty and Departure, 34 



IV CONTENTS. 

4. D. PAGE. 

1193. Death of Saladin, 35 

11981216. Innocent III., 36 

1203. The fourth Crusade, 37 

1218. The fifth Crusade, 37 

1228. The Einperor Frederic II. in Palestine, . 38 

1243. Invasion of the Carizmians, . 40 

1248 1254. St. Louis and the sixth Crusade,- \ 40 

1249. He takes Damietta, . 42 

1250. His Captivity in Egypt, 43 

1270. His Death before Tunis, in the seventh Crusade, 44 

12501517. The Mamalukes of Egypt, 44 

1268. Loss of Antioch, 45 

1291. The Loss of Acre and the Holy Land, 47 



CHAPTER LX. 

SCHISM OP THE GREEKS AND LATINS. STATE OF CONSTANTINOPLE. 
REVOLT OF THE BULGARIANS. ISAAC ANGELUS DETHRONED BY HIS 
BROTHER ALEXIUS. ORIGIN OF THE FOURTH CRUSADE. ALLIANCE 
OF THE FRENCH AND VENETIANS WITH THE SON OF ISAAC. THEIR 
NAVAL EXPEDITION TO CONSTANTINOPLE. THE TWO SIEGES AND 
FINAL CONQUEST OF THE CITY BY THE LATINS. 

Schism of the Greeks, 48 

Their Aversion to the Latins, . ; 48 

Procession of the Holy Ghost, 49 

Variety of Ecclesiastical Discipline, 50 

857 886. Ambitious Quarrels of Photius, Patriarch of Constantinople, 

with the Popes, 51 

1054. The Popes excommunicate the Patriarch of Constantinople and 

the Greeks, 52 

11001200. Enmity of the Greeks and Latins, 53 

The Latins at Constantinople, 54 

1183. Their Massacre, 55 

1185 1195. Reign and Character of Isaac Angelus, 56 

1186. Revolt of the Bulgarians, 57 

11951203. Usurpation and Character of Alexius Angelus, 58 

1198. The fourth Crusade, 59 

Embraced by the Barons of France, 61 

6971200. State of the Venetians, 62 

1201. Alliance of the French and Venetians, 64 

1202. Assembly and Departure of the Crusade from Venice, 67 

Siege of Zara, 68 

Alliance of the Crusaders with the Greek Prince, the young Alex 
ius, 69 

1208. Voyage from Zara to Constantinople, , 7J 



CONTENTS. V 

A. D. PAGE. 

Fruitless Negotiation of the Emperor, ........................ 74 

Passage of the Bosphorus, , 75 

First Siege and Conquest of Constantinople by the Latins, 77 

Restoration of the Emperor Isaac Angelus, and his Son Alex 
ius, 80 

Quarrel of the Greeks and Latins, 82 

1204. The War renewed 84 

Alexius and his Father deposed by Mourzoufle, 85 

Second Siege, 85 

Pillage of Constantinople, 88 

Division of the Spoil, 90 

Misery of the Greeks, 91 

Sacrilege and Mockery, 92 

Destruction of the Statues, ...........93 



CHAPTER LXI. 

PARTITION OF THE EMPIRE BY THE FRENCH AND VENETIANS. FIVB 
LATIN EMPERORS OF THE HOUSES OF FLANDERS AND COURTENAY. 
THEIR WARS AGAINST THE BULGARIANS AND GREEKS. WEAKNESS 
AND POVERTY OF THE LATIN EMPIRE. RECOVERY OF CONSTANTI 
NOPLE BY THE GREEKS. GENERAL CONSEQUENCES OF THE CRXJ* 
8ADES. 

1204. Election of the Emperor Baldwin!., 97 

Division of the Greek Empire, 100 

Revolt of the Greeks, 103 

12041222. Theodore Lascaris, Emperor of Nice, 104 

The Dukes and Emperors of Trebizond, 105 

The Despots of Epirus, 106 

1205. The Bulgarian War, 107 

Defeat and Captivity of Baldwin, 109 

Retreat of the Latins, 109 

Death of the Emperor, 110 

12061216. Reign and Character of Henry, Ill 

1217. Peter of Courtenay, Emperor of Constantinople, 114 

12171219. His Captivity and Death, 115 

12211228. Robert, Emperor of Constantinople, 116 

12281237. Baldwin II. and John of Brienne, Emperors of Constan 
tinople, 118 

12371261. Baldwin II 119 

The Holy Crown of Thorns, 121 

12371261. Progress of the Greeks, 123 

1259. Michael Palseologus, the Greek Emperor, 124 



VI CONTENTS. 

A. O. FA OB. 

1261. Constantinople recovered by the Greeks, 125 

General Consequences of the Crusades, 127 

DIGRESSION ON THE FAMILY OF COURTENAY. 

1020. Origin of the Family of Courtenay, 132 

llfl 1152. I. The Counts of Edessa, 132 

II. The Courtenays of France, 134 

? 150. Their Alliance with the Royal Family, 134 

III. The Courtenays of England, 137 

The Earls of Devonshire, 138 



CHAPTER LXII 

THE GREEK EMPERORS OF NICE AND CONSTANTINOPLE. ELEVATION 
AND REIGN OF MICHAEL PALJEOLOGUS. HIS FALSE UNION WITH 
THE POPE AND THE LATIN CHURCH. HOSTILE DESIGNS OF CHARLES 
OF ANJOU. REVOLT OF SICILY. WAR OF THE CATALANS IN ASIA 
AND GREECE. REVOLUTIONS AND PRESENT STATE OF ATHENS. 

Restoration of the Greek Empire, 141 

12041222. Theodore Lascaris, 141 

12221255. John Ducas Vataces, ". 141 

12551259. Theodore Lascaris II., 143 

1259. Minority of John Lascaris, 145 

Family and Character of Michael Palseologus, 145 

His Elevation to the Throne, 147 

1260. Michael Palseologus Emperor, 150 

1261. Recovery of Constantinople, 150 

Return of the Greek Emperor, 151 

Palseologus blinds and banishes the young Emperor, 152 

1262 1268. Is excommunicated by the Patriarch Arsenius, 153 

12661312. Schism of the Arsenites, 154 

12591282. Reign of Michael Palrcologus. 155 

12731332. Reign of Andronicus the Elder 155 

12741277. His Union with the Latin Church, 156 

12771282. His Persecution of the Greeks, 158 

1283. The Union dissolved, 160 

1266. Charles of Anjou subdues Naples and Sicily, 160 

1270. Threatens the Greek Empire, 162 

1280. Palceologus instigates the Revolt of Sicily, 163 

J282. The Sicilian Vespers, . 164 

Defeat of Charles, 165 

13031307. The Service and War of the Catalans in the Greek Em 
pire, 



CONTENTS. VH 

i 

t. D. PAGB. 

12041459. Revolutions of Athens, 170 

Present State of Athens, ........ t . ...... ............ ....... 172 



CHAPTER LXIII. 

CIVIL WARS, AND RUIN OP THE GREEK EMPIRE. REIGNS OF ANDEO- 
NICUS, THE ELDER AND YOUNGER, AND JOHN PALJEOLOGUS. RE 
GENCY, REVOLT, REIGN, AND ABDICATION OF JOHN CANTACUZENE. 
ESTABLISHMENT OF A GENOESE COLONY AT PERA OR GALATA. 
THEIR WARS WITH THE EMPIRE AND CITY OF CONSTANTINOPLE. 

1282 1320. Superstition of Andronicus and the Times, , 174 

1320. First Disputes between the elder and younger Andronicus,.... 176 

13211328. Three Civil Wars between the two Emperors, 178 

1325. Coronation of the younger Andronicus, 179 

1328. The elder Andronicus abdicates the Government, 180 

1332. His Death, 181 

13281341. Reign of Andronicus the Younger, 181 

His two Wives, 182 

13411391. Reign of John Palaeologus, 183 

Fortune of John Cantacuzene, 183 

He is left Regent of the Empire, 184 

1341. His Regency is attacked, 184 

By Apocaucus, the Empress Anne of Savoy, and the Patriarch, 185 

Cantacuzene assumes the Purple, 186 

13411347. The Civil War, 188 

Victory of Cantacuzene, 188 

1347. He refinters Constantinople, 190 

1347 1355. Reign of John Cantacuzene, 191 

1353. John Palaeologus takes up Arms against him, 192 

1355. Abdication of Cantacuzene, 193 

13411351. Dispute concerning the Light of Mount Thabor, 193 

12811347. Establishment of the Genoese at Pera or Galata, 195 

Their Trade and Insolence, ... 197 

1348. Their War with the Emperor Cantacuzene, 198 

1349. Destruction of his Fleet, 199 

1352. Victory of the Genoese over the Venetians and Greeks, 200 

Their Treaty with the Empire, 201 



CHAPTER LXIV. 

CONQUESTS OF ZINGIS KHAN AND THE MOGULS FROM CHINA TO POLAND. 
ESCAPE OF CONSTANTINOPLE AND THE GREEKS. ORIGIN OF THB 
OTTOMAN TURKS IN BITHYNIA. REIGNS AND VICTORIES OF OTHMAJf , 



Vlli CONTENTS. 

ORCHAN, AMURATH THE FIRST, AND BAJAZET THE FIRST. FOUNDA 
TION AND PROGRESS OF THE TURKISH MONARCHY IN ASIA AND EV- 
ROPE. DANGER OF CONSTANTINOPLE AND THE GREEK EMPIRE. 

*. D. FACE. 

12061227. Zingis Khan, first Emperor of the Moguls and Tartars,.. 203 

His Laws, 205 

12101214. His Invasion of China, 209 

12181224. Of Carisme, Transoxiana, and Persia, 210 

1227. His Death, 212 

1227 1295. Conquests of the Moguls under the Successors of Zingis, 212 

1234. Of the Northern Empire of China, 213 

1279. Of the Southern, 214 

1258. Of Persia, and the Empire of the Caliphs, 215 

12421272. Of Anatolia, 216 

12351245. Of Kipzak, Russia, Poland, Hungary, &c., 217 

1242. Of Siberia, 220 

122712-59- The Successors of Zingis, 220 

12591368. Adopt the Manners of China, 221 

12401300. Division of the Mogul Empire, 222 

1240 1304. Escape of Constantinople and the Greek Empire from the 

Moguls, 223 

1304. Decline of the Mogul Khans of Persia 225 

1240. Origin of the Ottomans, 225 

12991326. Reign of Othman, 226 

13261360. Reign of Orchan, 227 

13261339. His Conquest of Bithynia, , 228 

1300. Division of Anatolia among the Turkish Emirs, 228 

1312. Loss of the Asiatic Provinces, 229 

13101523. The Knights of Rhodes, 229 

13411347. First Passage of the Turks into Europe, 230 

1346. Marriage of Orchan with a Greek Princess, 231 

1353. Establishment of the Ottomans in Europe, 232 

Death of Orchan and his Son Soliman, 234 

13601389. The Reign and European Conquests of Amurath I., 234 

The Janizaries, 235 

13891403. The Reign of Bajazet I. Ilderim, 236 

His Conquests from the Euphrates to the Danube, ............ 236 

1396. Battle of Nicopolis, 238 

1396 1398. Crusade and Captivity of the French Princes, 238 

13551391. The Emperor John Palaeologus, 241 

Discord of the Greeks, 242 

13911425. The Emperor Manuel, 243 

13951402. Distress of Constantinople,... 243 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER LXV. 

ELEVATION 0V TIMOUR OR TAMERLANE TO THE THRONE OP SAMARA 
CAND. HIS CONQUESTS IN PERSIA, GEORGIA, TARTARY, RUSSIA, 
INDIA, SYRIA, AND ANATOLIA. HIS TURKISH WAR. DEFEAT AND 
CAPTIVITY OF BAJAZET. DEATH OF TIMOUR. CIVIL WAR OF THE 
SONS OF BAJAZET. RESTORATION OF THE TURKISH MONARCHY BY 
MAHOMET THE FIRST. SIEGE OF CONSTANTINOPLE BY AMURATH 
THE SECOND. 

A. D. PACK. 

HISTORIES OF TIMOUR, or Tamerlane, 246 

13611370. His first Adventures, 249 

1370. He ascends the Throne of Zagatai, 251 

13701400. His Conquests, 251 

13801393. I. OfPersia, 251 

13701383. II. OfTurkestan, 253 

13901396. Of Kipzak, Russia, &c., 253 

1398,1399. III. Of Hindostan, 255 

1400. His War against Sultan Bajazet, 257 

Timour invades Syria, 260 

Sacks Aleppo, 261 

1401. Damascus, 262 

And Bagdad, 263 

1402. Invades Anatolia, 263 

Battle of Angora, 264 

Defeat and Captivity of Bajazet, 266 

The Story of his Iron Cage disproved by the Persian Historian 

of Timour, 267 

Attested, 1. by the French, 268 

, 2. by the Italians, 268 

, 3. by the Arabs, 269 

, 4. by the Greeks, 270 

, 5. by the Turks, 270 

Probable Conclusion, 270 

1403 Death of Bajazet, 271 

Term of the Conquests of Timour, 271 

1404, 1405. Triumph of Timour at Samarcand, 273 

1405. His Death on the Road to China, 275 

Character and Merits of Timour, 275 

1403- 1421. Civil Wars of the Sons of Bajazet, 278 

1. Mustapha, . . . ,, 278 

2. Isa, 279 

1403-1410. 3. Soliman, 279 

1410. 4. Mousa, *. 280 

14131421. 5. Mahomet I., 280 

1421-1451. Reign of Amurath II., , 281 



X ONTENTS. 

A. D. PAGE. 

1421. Reunion of the Ottoman Empire, 281 

14021425. State of the Greek Empire, 282 

1422. Siege of Constantinople by Amurath II., 284 

14251448. The Emperor John Palgeologus II., 285 

Hereditary Succession and Merit of the Ottomans, 285 

Education and Discipline of the Turks, 286 

Invention and Use of Gunpowder, 288 



CHAPTER LXVI. 

APPLICATIONS OP THE EASTERN EMPERORS TO THE POPES. VISITS TO 
THE WEST, OF JOHN THE FIRST, MANUEL, AND JOHN THE SECOND, 
PAL^OLOGUS. UNION OF THE GREEK AND LATIN CHURCHES, PRO 
MOTED BY THE COUNCIL OF BASIL, AND CONCLUDED AT FERRARA 
AND FLORENCE. STATE OF LITERATURE AT CONSTANTINOPLE. ITS 
REVIVAL IN ITALY BY THE GREEK FUGITIVES. CURIOSITY AND 
EMULATION OF THE LATINS. 

1339. Embassy of the younger Andronicus to Pope Benedict XII.,.. 291 

The Arguments for a Crusade and Union, 292 

1348. Negotiation of Can tacuzene with Clement VI., 294 

1355. Treaty of John Palseologus I. with Innocent VI., 295 

1369. Visit of John Palceologus to Urban V. at Rome, 297 

1370. His Return to Constantinople, 299 

Visit of the Emperor Manuel, 299 

1400. To the Court of France, 300 

Of England, 300 

1402. His Return to Greece, 301 

Greek Knowledge and Descriptions, 302 

Of Germany, 302 

Of France, 303 

Of England, 303 

14021417. Indifference of Manuel towards the Latins, 305 

14171425. His Negotiations, 305 

His private Motives, .., 30G 

His Death, 307 

14251437. Zeal of John Pahcologus II., 308 

Corruption of the Latin Church, 308 

13771429. Schism, 309 

1409. Council of Pisa, 309 

14141418. Of Constance, 309 

14311443. Of Basil, 309 

Their Opposition to Eugenius IV., 310 

14341437. Negotiations with the Greeks, 310 

1437. John Palseologus embarks in the Pope s Galleys, 311 



CONTENTS. XI 

/ 

4. 9 PAGE. 

1438. His triumphal Entry at Venice, 314 

His triumphal Entry into Ferrara, 315 

1438, 1439. Council of the Greeks and Latins at Ferrara and Flor 
ence, 316 

Negotiations with the Greeks, 320 

1438. Eugenius deposed at Basil, 322 

Reunion of the Greeks at Florence, 322 

1444. Their Return to Constantinople, 323 

1449. Final Peace of the Church,. 323 

1300 1453. State of the Greek Language at Constantinople, 324 

Comparison of the Greeks and Latins, 326 

Revival of the Greek Learning in Italy, 327 

1339. Lessons of Barlaam, 328 

13391374. Studies of Petrarch, 328 

1360. Of Boccace, 330 

1360 1363. Leo Pilatus, first Greek Professor at Florence, and in the 

West, -330 

1390 1415. Foundation of the Greek Language in Italy by Manuel 

Chrysoloras, 331 

14001500. The Greeks in Italy, 333 

Cardinal Bessarion, &c. , . 334 

Their Faults and Merits, 334 

The Platonic Philosophy, 336 

Emulation and Progress of the Latins, 337 

1447_1455. Nicholas V., 337 

14281492. Cosmo and Lorenzo of Medicis 338 

Use and Abuse of ancient Learning, 340 



CHAPTER LXVII. 

SCHISM OF THE GREEKS AND LATINS. REIGN AND CHARACTER OF 
AMURATH THE SECOND. CRUSADE OF LADISLAUS KING OF HUNGA 
RY. HIS DEFEAT AND DEATH. JOHN HUNIADES. 8CANDERBEG. 
CONSTANTINE PAL.^OLOGUS, LAST EMPEROR OF THE EAST. 

Comparison of Rome and Constantinople 342 

1440 1448. The Greek Schism after the Council of Florence, 344 

Zeal of the Orientals and Russians, 341 

14211451. Reign and Character of Amurath II., 348 

14421444. His double Abdication, 349 

1443. Eugenius forms a League against the Turks, 350 

Ladislaus, King of Poland and Hungary, marches against 

them, 352 

The Turkish Peace, 353 

1444. Violation of the Peace, , u . 353 



Xll CONTENTS. 

A. D PACK 

Battle of Warna, 355 

Death of Ladislaus, . 356 

The Cardinal Julian, 357 

John Corvinus Huniades, 358 

1456. His Defence of Belgrade, and Death, 359 

1404 1413. Birth and Education of Scanderbeg, Prince of Albania,. . 360 

1443. His Revolt from the Turks, 36$ 

Valor of Scanderbeg, v 362 

1467. And Death, 364 

1448 1453. Constantine, the last of the Roman or Greek Emperors, 365 

14501452. Embassies of Phranza, 366 

State of the Byzantine Court, 368 



CHAPTER LXVIII. 

REIGN AND CHARACTER OF MAHOMET THE SECOND. SIEGE, ASSAULT, 
AND FINAL CONQUEST OF CONSTANTINOPLE BY THE TURKS. DEATH 
OF CONSTANTINE PAL^EOLOGUS. SERVITUDE OF THE GREEKS. 
EXTINCTION OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE IN THE EAST. CONSTERNA 
TION OF EUROPE. CONQUESTS AND DEATH OF MAHOMET THE 
SECOND. 

Character of Mahomet II., 369 

14511481. His Reign, 371 

1451. Hostile Intentions of Mahomet, 373 

1452. He builds a Fortress on* the Bosphorus, . 376 

The [Turkish War, 377 

1452, 1453. Preparations for the Siege of Constantinople, 378 

The Great Cannon of Mahomet, 379 

1453. Mahomet II. forms the Siege of Constantinople, 381 

Forces of the Turks, 382 

Forces of the Greeks, 383 

14-52 False Union of the Two Churches, 384 

Obstinacy and Fanaticism of the Greeks, 385 

1453. Siege of Constantinople by Mahomet II., 387 

Attack and Defence, 389 

Succor and Victory of four Ships, 391 

Mahomet transports his Navy over Land, 393 

Distress of the City, 395 

Preparations of the Turks for the general Assault, 396 

Last Farewell of the Emperor and the Greeks, 398 

The general Assault, 399 

Death of the Emperor Constantine Palaeologus, 402 

Loss of the City and Empire, 403 

The Turks enter and pillage Constantinople, 403 



CONTENTS. Xlll 

4. D. PAGB. 

Captivity of the Greeks, 404 

Amount of the Spoil, 406 

Mahomet II. visits the City, St. Sophia, the Palace, &c........ 408 

His Behavior to the Greeks, . . 409 

He repeoples and adorns Constantinople, 410 

Extinction of the Imperial Families of Comnenus and Palseol- 

ogus 413 

1460. Loss of the Morea, 414 

1461. Loss of Trebizond, 414 

1453. Grief and Terror of Europe, 416 

148L Death of Mahomet II., 418 



CHAPTER LXIX. 

STATE OF ROME FROM THE TWELFTH CENTURY. TEMPORAL DOMINION 
OF THE POPES. SEDITIONS OF THE CITY. POLITICAL HERESY OB 
ARNOLD OF BRESCIA. RESTORATION OF THE REPUBLIC. THE SEN 
ATORS. PRIDE OF THE ROMANS. THEIR WARS. THEY ARE DE 
PRIVED OF THE ELECTION AND PRESENCE OF THE POPES, WHO 
RETIRE TO AVIGNON. THE JUBILEE. NOBLE FAMILIES OF ROME. 
FEUD OF THE COLONNA AND URSINI. 

11001500. State and Revolutions of Rome, 420 

8001100. The French and German Emperors of Rome, 421 

Authority of the Popes in Rome, 422 

From Affection, 423 

From Right, 423 

From Virtue, 423 

From Benefits, 424 

Inconstancy of Superstition, 425 

Seditions of Rome against the Popes, 425 

10061305. Successors of Gregory VII., 426 

10991118. Paschal II., 427 

1118,1119. Gelasius II., 427 

1144, 1145. Lucius II., 428 

11811185. Lucius III., 428 

1191124. Calistus II., . 429 

71301143. Innocent II., 429 

Character of the Romans by St. Bernard, 429 

1140. Political Heresy of Arnold of Brescia, 430 

1144 1154. He exhorts the Romans to restore the Republic, 432 

1165. His Execution, 433 

1144. Restoration of the Senate, 434 

The Capitol, , 436 

VOL. VI. I 



XIV CONTENTS. 

A. D 

The Coin, 437 

The Prsefect of the City 438 

11981216. Number and Choice of the Senate, ... 438 

The Office of Senator, 439 

12521258. Brancaleone, 440 

12651278. Charles of Anjou, 441 

1281. Pope Martin IV., 442 

1328. The Emperor Lewis of Bavaria, 44,2 

Addresses of Rome to the Emperors, * 443 

1144. Conrad III., * 443 

1155. Frederic!., \ 444 

Wars of the Romans against the neighboring Cities, 446 

1167. Battle of Tusculum, 448 

1234. Battle of Viterbo, 448 

The Election of the Popes, 449 

1179, Right of the Cardinals established by Alexander III., 450 

1274. Institution of the Conclave by Gregory X., 450 

Absence of the Popes from Rome, 452 

12941303. Boniface VIIL, 453 

1309. Translation of the Holy See to Avignon, 454 

1300. Institution of the Jubilee, or Holy Year, 456 

1350. The Second Jubilee, 458 

The Nobles or Barons of Rome, 458 

Family of Leo the Jew, 459 

The Colonna, 461 

AndUrsini 463 

Their hereditary Feuds, 464 



CHAPTER LXX. 

CHARACTER AND CORONATION OF PETRARCH. RESTORATION OF THB 
FREEDOM AND GOVERNMENT OF ROME BY THE TRIBUNE RIENZI. 
HIS VIRTUES AND VICES, HIS EXPULSION AND DEATH. RETURN OP 
THE POPES FROM AVIGNON. GREAT SCHISM OF THE WEST. RE 
UNION OF THE LATIN CHURCH. LAST STRUGGLES OF ROMAN LIB 
ERTY. STATUTES OF ROME. FINAL SETTLEMENT OF THE ECCLESI 
ASTICAL STATE. 

13041374. Petrarch, 4G 

1341. His poetic Coronation at Rome, 

Birth, Character, and patriotic Designs of Rienzi, 471 

1347, He assumes the Government of Rome, 474 

With the Title and Office of Tribune, 475 

Laws of the Good Estate, * 



CONTENTS. XV 

* D. PAGB 

Freedom and Prosperity of the Roman Republic, 477 

The Tribune is respected in Italy, &c., 478 

And celebrated by Petrarch, 480 

His Vices and Follies, 480 

The Pomp of his Knighthood, 482 

And Coronation, 483 

Fear and Hatred of the Nobles of Rome, 484 

They oppose Rienzi in Arms,. 486 

Defeat and Death of the Colonna, 486 

Fall and Flight of the Tribune Rienzi, 488 

13471354. Revolutions of Rome, ". 489 

Adventures of Rienzi, , 490 

13-51. A Prisoner at Avignon, 490 

1354. Rienzi, Senator of Rome, 491 

His Death, 493 

1355. Petrarch invites and upbraids the Emperor Charles IV., 493 

He solicits the Popes of Avignon to fix their Residence at 

Rome, 494 

13671370. Return of Urban V., 495 

1377. Final Return of Gregory XL, 495 

1378. His Death, 497 

Election of Urban VI., 497 

Election of Clement VII., . 497 

13781418. Great Schism of the West, 499 

Calamities of Rome, 499 

13921407. Negotiations for Peace and Union, 500 

1409. Council of Pisa, 501 

14141418. Council of Constance, 502 

Election of Martin V., 503 

1417. Martin V., /. 503 

1431. Eugenius IV., 504 

1447. Nicholas V., 504 

1434. Last Revolt of Rome, 504 

1452*1 Last Coronation of a German Emperor, Frederic III., 505 

The Statutes and Government of Rome, 505 

1453. Conspiracy of Porcaro, 507 

Last Disorders of the Nobles of Rome, 509 

1500. The Popes acquire the Absolute Dominion of Rome, 510 

The Ecclesiastical Government, 512 

15851590 SixtusV., ,613 



XVI CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER LXXI. 

PROSPECT OF THE RUINS OF ROME IN THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY. FOUR 
CAUSES OF DECAY AND DESTRUCTION. EXAMPLE OF THE COLISEUM. 
RENOVATION OF THE CITY. CONCLUSION OF THE WHOLE "WORK. 

A. D PAGE. 

1430. View and Discourse of Poggius from the Capitoline Hill, 616 

His Description of the Ruins, 517 

Gradual Decay of Home....... 618 

Four Causes of Destruction, 619 

I. The Injuries of Nature, 519 

Hurricanes and Earthquakes, 520 

Fires, 520 

Inundations, ... 521 

II V The hostile Attacks of the Barbarians and Christians, .... 523 

III. The Use and Abuse of the Materials, 525 

IV. The Domestic Quarrels of the Romans, 529 

The Coliseum or Amphitheatre of Titus, . 532 

Games of Rome, 534 

1332. A Bull-Feast in the Coliseum, 534 

Injuries, 536 

And Consecration of the Coliseum, 537 

Ignorance and Barbarism of the Romans, - 637 

1420 Restoration and Ornaments of the City, t 539 

Final Conclusion 542 



QXKERAL INDEX, .>... ....tt**. *** *.. 043 



THE 

HISTORY 



THE DECLINE AND FALL 



OF THB 



ROMAN EMPIRE. 



CHAPTER LIX. 

PRESERVATION OF THE GREEK EMPIRE. NUMBERS, PASSAGE., 

AND EVENT, OF THE SECOND AND THIRD CRUSADES. ST. 

BERNARD, REIGN OF SALADIN IN EGYPT AND SYRIA. 

HIS CONQUEST OF JERUSALEM. -- NAVAL CRUSADES. RICH 
ARD THE FIRST OF ENGLAND. POPE INNOCENT THE THIRD; 

AND THE FOURTH AND FIFTH CRUSADES. THE EMPEROR 

* 

FREDERIC THE SECOND. LOUIS THE NINTH OF FRANCE; 

AND THE TWO LAST CRUSADES. - - EXPULSION OF THE LAT 
INS OR FRANKS BY THE MAMELUKES. 

IN a style less grave than that of history, I should perhaps 
compare the emperor Alexius l to the jackal, who is said to 
follow the steps, and to devour the leavings, of the lion. 
Whatever had been his fears and toils in the passage of the 
first crusade;, they were amply recompensed by the subse 
quent benefits which he derived from the exploits of the 

Anna Comnena relates her father s conquests in Asia Minor, 
Alexiad, 1. xi. p. 321 325, 1. xiv. p. 419; his Cilician war against 
Taucred and Bohemond, p. 328 342 ; the war of Epirus, with tedious 
prolixity, 1. xii. xiii. p. 345 405 ; the death of Bohemond, 1. xiv 
p. 419. 

VOL. VI. 1 



2 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

Franks. His dexterity and vigilance secured their first con 
quest of Nice ; and from this threatening station the Turks 
were compelled to evacuate the neighborhood of Constanti 
nople. While the crusaders, with blind valor, advanced into 
the midland countries of Asia, the crafty Greek improved the 
favorable occasion when the emirs of the sea-coast were re 
called to the standard of the sultan. The Turks were driven 
from the Isles of Rhodes and Chios : the cities of Ephesus 
and Smyrna, of Sardes, Philadelphia, and Laodicea, wero re 
stored to the empire, which Alexius enlarged from the Hel 
lespont to the banks of the Maeander, and the rocky shores of 
Pamphylia. The churches resumed their splendor : the towns 
were rebuilt and fortified ; and the desert country was peopled 
with colonies of Christians, who were gently removed from 
the more distant and dangerous frontier. In these paternal 
cares, "we may forgive Alexius, if he forgot the deliverance 
of the holy sepulchre ; but, by the Latins, he was stigmatized 
with the foul reproach of treason and desertion. They had 
sworn fidelity and obedience to his throne ; but he had prom- 
iscd to assist their enterprise in person, or, at least, with his 
troops and treasures : his base retreat dissolved their obliga 
tions ; and the sword, which had been the instrument of their 
victory, was the pledge and title of their just indepenoe-ice. 
It does not appear that the emperor attempted to revive his 
obsolete claims over the kingdom of Jerusalem ; 2 but the bor 
ders of Cilicia and Syria were more recent in his possession, 
and more accessible to his arms. The great army of the 
crusaders was annihilated or dispersed; the principality of 
Antioch was left without a head, by the surprise and captivity 
of Bohemond : his ransom had oppressed him with heavy 
debt ; and his Norman followers were insufficient to repel the 
hostilities of the Greeks and Turks. In this distress, Bohe 
mond embraced a magnanimous resolution, of leaving the 
defence of Antioch to his kinsman, the faithful Tancred ; of 
arming the West against the Byzantine empire ; and of ex 
ecuting the design which he inherited from the lessons and 
example of his father Guiscard. His embarkation was clan 



3 The kings of Jerusalem submitted, however, to a nominal depend 
ence, and in the dates of their inscriptions, (one is still legible in thfc, 
church of Bethlem,) they respectfully placed before their own thw 
name of the reigning emperor, (Ducange, Dissertations sur Jomviilw, 
xxvii. p. 319.) 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 3 

destine : and, if we may credit a tale of the princess Anne, 
he passed the hostile sea closely secreted in a coffin. 3 But 
his reception in France was dignified by the public applause, 
and his marriage with the king s daughter : his return was 
glorio.us, since the bravest spirits of the age enlisted under his 
veteran command ; and he repassed the Adriatic at the head 
of five thousand horse and forty thousand foot, assembled 
from the most remote climates of Europe. 4 The strength of 
Durazzo, and prudence of Alexius, the progress of famine, 
and approach of winter, eluded his ambitious hopes ; and the 
venal confederates were seduced from his standard. A treaty 
of peace 5 suspended the fears of the Greeks ; and they were 
finally delivered by the death of an adversary, whom neither 
oaths could bind, nor dangers could appal, nor prosperity could 
satiate. His children succeeded to the principality of Antioch ; 
but the boundaries were strictly defined, the homage was clear- 

*/ 7 O 

Iy stipulated, and the cities of Tarsus and Malmistra were re 
stored to the Byzantine emperors. Of the coast of Anatolia, 
they possessed the entire circuit from Trebizond to the Syrian 
gates. The Seljukian dynasty of Roum 6 was separated on 
all sides from the sea and their Mussulman brethren ; the 
power of the sultan was shaken by the victories and even the 
defeats of the Franks; and after the loss of Nice, they re 
moved their throne to Cogni or Iconium, an obscure and in- 



8 Anna Comncna adds, that, to complete the imitation, he was shut 
up with a dead cock ; and condescends to wonder how the Barbarian 
could endure the confinement and putrefaction. This absurd tale is 
unknown to the Latins.* 

4 "ATCQ Oi lt]g, in the Byzantine geography, must mean England; 
yet we are more credibly informed, that our Henry I. would not suf 
fer him to levy any troops in his kingdom, (Ducange, Not. ad Alexiad. 
p. 41.) 

The copy of the treaty (Alexiad. 1. xiii. p. 406 416) is an origi 
nal and curious piece, which would require, and might afford, a good 
map of the principality of Antioch. 

6 See, in the learned work of M. De Guignes, (torn. ii. part ii.,) tho 
history of the Seljukians of Iconium, Aleppo, and Damascus, as far 
as it may be collected from the Greeks, Latins, and Arabians. The 
last are ignorant or regardless of the affairs of Roum. 



* The Greek writers, in general, Zonaras, p. 2, 303, and Glycas, p. 334 
agree in this story with the princess Anne, except in the absurd addition, 
of the dead cock. Ducange has already quoted some instances where a 
similar stratagem had been adopted by Norman princes. On this author 
ity Wilken inclines to believe the fact. Appendix to vol. ii. p. 14. M, 



4 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

land town above three hundred miles from Constantinople. 7 
Instead of trembling for their capital, the Comnenian princes 
wan-ed an offensive war against the Turks, and the first cru 
sade prevented the fall of the declining empire. 

In the twelfth century, three great emigrations marched by 
land from the West to the relief of Palestine. The soldiers 
and pilgrims of Lombardy, France, and Germany were ex 
cited by the example and success of the first crusade. 8 Forty- 
eight years after the deliverance of the holy sepulchre, the 
emperor, and the French king, Conrad .the Third and Louis 
the Seventh, undertook the second crusade to support the fall 
ing fortunes of the Latins. 9 A grand -division of the third 
crusade was led by the emperor Frederic Barbarossa, 10 who 
sympathized with his brothers of France and England in the 
common loss of Jerusalem. These three expeditions may be 
compared in their resemblance of "the greatness of numbers, 
their passage through the Greek empire, and the nature and 
event of their Turkish warfare, and a brief parallel may save 
the repetition of a tedious narrative. However splendid it 
may seem, a regular story of the crusades would exhibit the 
perpetual return of the same causes and effects ; and the 
frequent attempts for the defence or recovery of the Holy 
Land would appear so many faint and unsuccessful copies 



of the original. 



7 Iconium is mentioned as a station by Xenophon, and by Strabo, 
with the ambiguous title of Koyionoltg, (Cellarius, torn. ii. p. 121.) 
Yet St. Paul found in that place a multitude (nAfjfot) of Jews and 
Gentiles. Under the corrupt name of Kunijah, it is described as a 
great city, with a river and gardens, three leagues from the mountains, 
and decorated (I know not why) with Plato s tomb, (Abulfeda, tabul. 
xvii. p. 3T33, vers. Reiske ; and" the Index Geographicus of Schultens 
from Ibn Said.) 

8 For this supplement to the first crusade, see Anna Comnena, 
Alexias, 1. xi. p. 381, &c., and the viiith book of Albert Aquensis.) 

9 For the second crusade, of Conrad III. and Louis VII., see 
William of Tyre, (1. xvi. c. 1829,) Otho of Frisingen, (1. i. c. 3445, 
59, 60,) Matthew Paris, (Hist. Major, p. 68,) Struvius, (Corpus Hist. 
Germanics, p. 372, 373,) Scriptores Rerum Francicarum a Duchesne, 
torn. iv. ; Nicetas, in Vit. Manuel, 1. i. c. 4, 5, 6, p. 4148 ; Cinna- 
mus, 1. ii. p. 41 49. 

10 For the third crusade, of Frederic Barbarossa, see .Nicetas m 
Isaac. Angel. 1. ii. c. 38, p. 257266. Struv. (Corpus. Hist. Germ, 
p. 414,) and two historians, who probably were spectators, Tagmo, 
(in Scriptor. Freher. torn. i. p. 406416, edit. Struv.,) and the Anon- 
ymus de Expeditione Asiatica Fred. I. (in Canisii Antiq. Lection, 
torn. iii. p. ii. p. 498 526, edit. Basnage.) 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 5 

L Of the swarms that so closely trod in the footsteps of the 
first, pilgrims, the chiefs were equal in rank, though unequal 
in fame and merit, to Godfrey of Bouillon and his fellow- 
adventurers. At their head were displayed the banners of the 
dukes of Burgundy, Bavaria, and Aquitain ; the first a descend 
ant of Hugh Capet, the second, a father of the Brunswick 
line : the archbishop of Milan, a temporal prince, transported, 
for the benefit of the Turks, the treasures and ornaments 
of his church and palace ; and the veteran crusaders, Hugh 
the Great and Stephen of Chartres, returned to consummate 
their unfinished vow. The huge and disorderly bodies of their 
followers moved forward in two columns ; and if the first con 
sisted of two hundred and sixty thousand persons, the second 
might possibly amount to sixty thousand horse and one hun 
dred thousand foot. 11 * The armies of the second crusade 
might have claimed the conquest of Asia ; the nobles of France 
and Germany were animated by the presence of their sover 
eigns ; and both the rank and personal characters of Conrad 
and Louis gave a dignity to their cause, and a discipline to 
their force, which might be vainly expected from the feuda 
tory chiefs. The cavalry of the emperor, and that of the 
king, was each composed of seventy thousand knights, and their 
immediate attendants in the field ; 12 and if the light-armed 
troops, the peasant infantry, the women and children, the 
priests and monks, be rigorously excluded, the full account 
will scarcely be satisfied with four hundred thousand souls. 
The West, from Rome to Britain, was called into action ; the 
kings of Poland and Bohemia obeyed the summons of Conrad ; 
and it is affirmed by the Greeks and Latins, that, in the pas 
sage of a strait or river, the Byzantine agents, after a tale 
of nine hundred thousand, desisted from the endless and for- 



11 Anne, who states these later swarms at 40,000 horse and 100,000 
foot, calls them Normans, and places at their head two brothers of 
Flanders. The Greeks were strangely ignorant of the names, families, 
and possessions of the Latin princes. 

12 William of Tyre, and Matthew Paris, reckon 70,000 loricati in 
each of the armies. 



* It was this army of pilgrims, the first body of which was headed by 
the archbishop of Milan and Count Albert of Blandras, which seHbrth on 
the wild, yet, with a more disciplined army, not impolitic, enterprise of 
striking at the heart of the Mohometan power, by attacking the sultan in 
Bagdad. For their adventures and fate, see Wilken, vol. ii. p. 120 be ar 
Michaud, book iv. M. 

* 



THE DECLINE AND FALL 



midable computation. 13 In the third crusade, as the French 
and English preferred the navigation of the Mediterranean, 
the host of Frederic Barbarossa was less numerous. Fifteen 
thousand knights, and as many squires, were the flower of the 
German chivalry: sixty thousand horse, and one hundred 
thousand foot, were mustered by the emperor in the plains 
of Hungary ; and after such repetitions, we shall no longer 
be startled at the six hundred thousand pilgrims, which credu 
lity has ascribed to this last emigration. 14 Such extravagant 
reckonings prove only the astonishment of contemporaries ; 
but their astonishment most strongly bears testimony to th 
existence of an enormous, though indefinite, multitude. 
Greeks misht applaud their superior knowledge of the arts 
and stratagems of war, but they confessed the strength and 
courao-e of the French cavalry, and the infantry of the bei> 
mans? 15 and the strangers are described as an iron race, of 
gigantic stature, who darted fire from their eyes, and spi 
blood like water on the ground. Under the banners of 
rad a troop of females rode in the attitude and armor of men; 
and the chief of these Amazons, from her gilt spurs and 
buskins, obtained the epithet of the Golden-footed Dame. 

Ii The numbers and character of the strangers was an 
obiect of terror to the effeminate Greeks, and the sentiment 
of J fear is nearly allied to that of hatred. This aversion was 

The imperfect enumeration is mentioned by Cinnamus, (^ r 
mawSSS - d confirmed; by OcTo de DiogJo -EiT 
Cinnamum, with the more precise sum oi 900,oo6. \\ hy mu >t theie 
fore the version mid comment suppose the modest and insufficient 
reckomng of 90,000 r Does not Godfrey of Yiterbo (Pantheon, p. *. 
in Muratori, torn. vii. p. 462) exclaim ? 

. _ Numenim si poscere quseras, 
Millia. niillena militis agmen en.t. 

i4 This extravagant account is given by Albert of Stade (apud 
Struvium, P . 414 ;) my calculation is borrowed irom ^^ f 1 
nn Arnold of lAibeck, apud eundem, and Bernard 
TsaiT The original writcrs are silent , The Mahometans gave him 

^Zns ; ind Kta the ^nch that he reserves the ancient appel, 
lation of Germans. Ho likewise names the B C .TTIO, or 

* He names both -Bftmot re KM Botravoi . -M 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE, 



suspended or softened by the apprehension of the Turkish 
power ; and the invectives of the Latins will not bias our 
more candid belief, that the emperor Alexius dissembled their 
insolence, eluded their hostilities, counselled their rashness, 
and opened to their ardor the road of pilgrimage and con 
quest. But when the Turks had been driven from Nice and 
the sea-coast, when the Byzantine princes no longer dreaded 
the distant sultans of Cogui, they felt with purer indignation 
the free and frequent passage of the western Barbarians, who 
violated the majesty, and endangered the safety, of the em 
pire. The second and third crusades were undertaken under 
the rcimi of Manuel Comnenus and Isaac Angelus. Of the 

o o 

former, the passions were always impetuous, and often mal 
evolent ; and the natural union of a cowardly and a mischiev 
ous temper was exemplified in the latter, who, without merit 
or mercy, could punish a tyrant, and occupy his throne. It 
was secretly, and perhaps tacitly, resolved by the prince and 
people to destroy, or at least to discourage, the pilgrims, by 
every species of injury and oppression ; and their want of 
prudence and discipline continually afforded the pretence or 
the opportunity. The Western monarchs had stipulated a 
safe passage and fair market in the country of their Christian 
brethren ; the treaty had been ratified by oaths and hostages ; 
and the poorest soldier of Frederic s army was furnished 
with three marks of silver to defray his expenses on the 
road. But every engagement was violated by treachery and 
injustice; and the complaints of the Latins are attested by 
the honest confession of a Greek historian, who has dared to 
prefer truth to his country. 16 Instead of a hospitable re 
ception, the gates of the cities, both in Europe and Asia, were 
closely barred against the crusaders ; and the scanty pittance 
of food was let down in baskets from the walls. Experience 
or foresight might excuse this timid jealousy ; but the com 
mon duties of humanity prohibited the mixture of chalk, or 
other poisonous ingredients, in the bread ; and should Manuel 
be acquitted of any foul connivance, he is guilty of coining 
base money for the purpose of trading with the pilgrims. In 
every step of their march they were stopped or misled : the 
governors had private orders to fortify the passes and break 



13 Nicetas was a child at the second crusade, but in the third he 
commanded against the Franks the important post of Philippopolis. 
Cinnamus is infected with national prejudice and pride. 



8 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

down the bridges against them : the stragglers were pillaged! 
and murdered : the soldiers and horses were pierced in the 
woods by arrows from an invisible hand ; the sick were burnt 
in their beds ; and the dead bodies were hung on gibbets 
along the highways. These injuries exasperated the cham 
pions of the cross, who were not endowed with evangelical 
patience ; and the Byzantine princes, who had provoked the 
unequal conflict, promoted the embarkation and march of 
these formidable guests. On the verge of the Turkish fron 
tier Barbarossa spared the guilty Philadelphia, 17 rewarded 
the hospitable Laodicea, and deplored the hard necessity 
that had stained his sword with any drops of Christian blood. 
In their intercourse with the monarchs of Germany and 
France, the pride of the Greeks was exposed to an anxious 
trial. They might boast that on the first interview the seat 
of Louis was a low stool, beside the throne of Manuel ; 18 but 
no sooner had the French king transported his army beyond 
the Bosphqrus, than he refused the offer of a second confer 
ence, unless his brother would meet him on equal terms, 
either on the sea or land. With Conrad and Frederic, the 
ceremonial was still nicer and more difficult : like the suc 
cessors of Constantine, they styled themselves emperors of 
the Romans; 19 and firmly maintained the purity of their 
title and dignity. The first of these representatives of 
Charlemagne would only converse with Manuel on horseback 
in the open field; the second, by passing the Hellespont 
rather than the Bosphorus, declined the view of Constantino 
ple and its sovereign. An emperor, who had been crowned 
at Rome, was reduced in the Greek epistles to the humble 
appellation of Rep, or prince, of the Alemanni ; and the 



17 The conduct of the Philadelphians is blamed by Nicetas, whilo 
the anonymous Gorman accn-ses the rudeness of his countrymen, 
(culp& nos-tra.) History would be pleasant, if we were embarrassed 
only by such contradictions. It is likewise from Nicetas, that we 
learn the pious and humane sorrow of Frederic. 

18 X0(tfiu/.t] atyu, which Cinnamns translates into Latin by the 
word SiMttfiv. Ducange works very hard to save his king and coun 
try from such ignominy, (sur Joinville, dissertat. xxvii. p. 317 320.) 
Louis afterwards insisted on a meeting in mari ex sequo, not ex equo, 
according to the laughable readings of some MSS. 

19 Ego RomanoTuni imperator sum, ille liomaniorum, (Anonym. 
Canis. p. 512.) The public and historical style of the Greeks was 
Pi . . .princops. Yet Cinnamus owns, that IfiTis^urwQ is synony 
mous to 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 9 

vain and feeble Angelus affected to be ignorant of the name 
of one of the greatest men and monarchs of the age. While 
they viewed with hatred and suspicion the Latin pilgrims, 
the Greek emperors maintained a strict, though secret, alli 
ance with the Turks and Saracens. Isaac Angelus com- 

O 

plained, that by his friendship for the great. Saladin he had 
incurred the enmity of the Franks ; and a mosque was found 
ed at Constantinople for the public exercise of the religion 
of Mahomet. 20 

III. The swarms that followed the first crusade were de 
stroyed in Anatolia by famine, pestilence, and the Turkish 
arrows ; and the princes only escaped with some squadrons 
of horse to accomplish their lamentable pilgrimage. A just 
opinion may be formed of their knowledge and humanity ; of 
their knowledge, from the design of subduing Persia and 
Chorasan in their way to Jerusalem ; * of their humanity, from 
the massacre of the Christian people, a friendly city, who 
came out to meet them with palms and crosses in their hands. 
The arms of Conrad and Louis were less cruel and impru 
dent ; but the event of the second crusade was still more 
ruinous to Christendom ; and the Greek Manuel is accused by 
his own subjects of giving seasonable intelligence to the sultan, 
and treacherous guides to the Latin princes. Instead of 
crushing the common foe, by a double attack at the same 
time but on different sides, the Germans were urged by emu 
lation, and the French were retarded by jealousy. Louis had 
scarcely passed the Bosphorus when he was met by the return 
ing emperor, who had lost the greater part of his army in 
glorious, but unsuccessful, actions on the banks of the Maun 
der. The contrast of the pomp of his rival hastened the 
retreat of Conrad : f the desertion of his independent vassals 

In the Epistles of Innocent III., (xiii. p. 184,) and the History of 
Bohadin, (p. 129, 130,) see the views of a pope and f> Bacilli on this 
singular toleration. 



This was the design of the pilgrims under the archbishop of Milan. 
See note, p. 102. M. 

f Conrad had advanced with part of his army along a central road, be 
tween that on the coast and that which led to Iconium. He had been 
betrayed^ by the Greeks, his army destroyed without a battle. AVilken, vol. 
iii. p. ICvl. Michaud, vol. ii. p. 1-53. Conrad advanced again with Louis as 
far as Kphesus, and from thence, at the invitation of Manuel, returned to 
Constantinople. It w as Louis who, at the passage of the Manmder, was 
engaged in a "glorious action." Wilken, vol. iii. p. 1J9. Michaud, vol. 
ii. p. ICO. Gibbon followed Nice-tas. M. 



10 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

reduced him to his hereditary troops ; and he borrowed some 
Greek vessels to execute by sea the. pilgrimage of Palestine. 
Without studying the lessons of experience, or the nature of 
the war, the king of France advanced through the same 
country to a similar fate. The vanguard, which bore the royal 
banner and the oriflamme of St. Denys, 21 had doubled their 
march with rash and inconsiderate speed ; and the rear, which 
the king commanded in person, no longer found their com 
panions in the evening camp. In darkness and disorder, they 
were encompassed, assaulted, and overwhelmed, by the 
innumerable host of Turks, who, in the art of war, were su 
perior to the Christians of the twelfth century.* Louis, who 
climbed a tree in the general discomfiture, was saved by his 
ov/n valor and the ignorance of his adversaries ; and with the 
dawn of day he escaped alive, but almost alone, to the camp 
of the vanguard. But instead of pursuing his expedition by 
land, he was rejoiced to shelter the relics of his army in the 
friendly seaport of Satalia. From thence he embarked for 
Antioch ; but so penurious was the supply of Greek vessels, 
that they could only afford room for his knights and nobles ; 
and the plebeian crowd of infantry was left to perish at the 
foot of the Parnphylian hills. The emperor and the king 
embraced and wept at Jerusalem ; their martial trains, the 
remnant of mighty armies; were joined to the Christian pow 
ers of Syria, and a fruitless siege of Damascus was the final 
effort of the second crusade. Conrad and Louis embarked 
for Europe with the personal fame of piety and courage ; but 
the Orientals had braved these potent monarchs of the Franks, 
with whose names and military forces they had been so often 

21 As counts of Vexin, the kings of France were the vassals and 
advocates of the monastery of St. Denys. The saint s peculiar banner, 
which they received from the abbot, was of a square form, and a 
red or flaming color. The oriflammc appeared at the head of the 
French armies from the xiith to the xvth century, (Ducange sur 
Joinville, Dissert, xviii. p. 244 253.) 



* They descended the heights to a beautiful valley which lay beneath 
them. The Turks seized the heights which separated the two divisions 
of the array. The modern historians represent differently the act to which 
Louis owed his safety, which Gibbon has described by the undignified 
phrase, "he climbed a tree." According to Michaud, vol. 11. p. 164 the 
kino- got upon a rock, with his back against a tree ; according to NVilken, 
vol^iii., he dragged himself up to the top of the rock by the roots ot a 
tree, and continued to defend himself till nightfall. M. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 11 

threatened. 23 Perhaps they had still more to fear from the 
veteran genius of Frederic the First, who in his youth had 
served in Asia under his uncle Conrad. Forty campaigns in 
Germany and Italy had taught Barbarossa to command ; and 
his soldiers, even the princes of the empire, were accustomed 
under his reign to obey. As soon as he lost sight of Philadel 
phia and Laodicea, the last cities of the Greek frontier, he 
plunged into the salt and barren desert, a land (says the his 
torian) of horror and tribulation. 23 During twenty days, every 
step of his fainting and sickly march was besieged by the in 
numerable hordes of Turkmans, 24 whose numbers and fury 
seemed after each defeat to multiply and inflame. The em 
peror continued to struggle and to suffer ; and such was the 
measure of his calamities, that when, he reached the gates of 
Iconium, no more than one thousand knights were able to serve 
on horseback. By a sudden and resolute assault he defeated 
the guards, and stormed the capital of the sultan, 25 who hum 
bly sued for pardon and peace. The road was now open, 
and Frederic advanced in a career of triumph, till he was 
unfortunately drowned in a petty torrent of Cilicla. 26 The 
remainder of his Germans was consumed by sickness and de 
sertion ; and the emperor s son expired with the greatest part 
of his Swabian vassals at the siege of Acre. Among the 
Latin heroes, Godfrey of Bouillon and Frederic Barbarossa 



22 The original French histories of the second crusade are the Gesta 
Ludovici VII. published in the ivth volume of Duchesne s collection. 
The same volume contains many original letters of the king, of Suger 
his minister, &c., the best documents of authentic history. 

! Terrain horroris et salsuginis, terram sic cam. sterilem, inamocnam. 
Anonym. Canis. p. 517. The emphatic language of a sufferer. 

24 Gens innumera, sylvestris, indomita, pnedones sine ductore. The 
sultan of Cogni might sincerely rejoice in their defeat. Anonym. 
Canis. p. 517, 518. 

25 See, in the anonymous writer in the Collection of Canisiiis> 
Tagino, and Bohadin, (Vit. Saladin. p. 119, 120,) the ambiguous con 
duct of Kilidge Arslan, sultan of Cogni, who hated and feared both 
Saladin and Frederic. 

The desire of comparing two great men has tempted many wri 
ters to drown Frederic in the Hirer Cydnus, in which Alexander so 
imprudently bathed, (Q. Curt. 1. iii. c/4, 5.) But, from the inarch of 
the emperor, I rather judge, that his Saleph is the Calycadnus, a 
stream of less fame, but of a longer course.* 



* It is now called the Girama : its course is described hi M- Donald Kitt- 
neir s Travels.- M. 



12 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

could only achieve the passage of the Lesser Asia ; yet even 
their success was a warning ; and in the last and most expe 
rienced age of the crusades, every nation preferred the sea to 
the toils and perils of an inland expedition. 27 

The enthusiasm of the first crusade is a natural and simple 
event, while hope was fresh, clanger untried, and enterprise 
congenial to the spirit of the times. But the obstinate perse 
verance of Europe may indeed excite our pity and admi 
ration ; that no instruction should have been drawn from 
constant and adverse experience ; that the same confidence 
should have repeatedly grown from the same failures ; that 
six succeeding generations should have rushed headlong down 
the precipice that was open before them ; and that men of 
every condition should have staked their public and private 
fortunes on the desperate adventure of possessing or recover 
ing a tombstone two thousand miles from their country. In 
a period of two centuries after the council of Clermont, each 
spring and summer produced a new emigration of pilgrim 
warriors for the defence of the Holy Land ; but the seven 
great armaments or crusades were excited by some impend 
ing or recent calamity : the nations were moved by the 
authority of their pontiffs, and the example of their kings : 
their zeal was kindled, and their reason was silenced, by the 
voice of their holy orators; and among these, Bernard, 28 the 
monk, or the saint, may claim the most honorable place.* 
About eight years before tbe first conquest of Jerusalem, he 
was born of a noble family in Burgundy ; at the age of three- 



27 Marirms Sanutus, A. I). 1321, lays it down as a precept, Quod 
stolus eeclesia? per terrain nullatenus cst ducenda. He resolves, by 
the divine aid, the objection, or rather exception, of the first crusade, 
(Sccreta Fidelium Crucis, 1. ii. pars ii. c. i. p. 37.) 

2d The most authentic information of St. Bernard must be drawn 
from his own writings, published in a correct edition by Fere Ma- 
billon, and reprinted at Venice, 17f50, in six volumes in folio. What 
ever friendship could recollect, or superstition could add, is contained 
in the two lives, by his disciples, in, the vith volume : whatever 
learning and criticism could ascertain, may be found in. the prefaces 
of the Benedictine editor. 



* Gibbon, whose account of the crusades is perhaps the least accurate 
r.nd satisfactory chapter in his History, has here failed in that lucid ar- 
rungoment, which in general gives perspicuity to In s most condensed and 
crowded narratives, lie has unaccountably, and to the great perplexity 
of the reader, placed the preaching of St. Bernard after the second cru 
sade, to which it led. M. 



V 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 13 

and-twenty he buried himself in the monastery of Citeaux, 
then in the primitive fervor of the institution ;"at the end of 
two years he led forth her third colony, or daughter, to the 
valley of Clairvaux 29 in Champagne ; and was content, till 
*the hour of his death, with the humble station of abbot of his 
own community. A philosophic age has abolished, with too 
liberal and indiscriminate disdain, the honors of these spirit 
ual heroes. The meanest among them are distinguished by 
some energies of the mind ; they were at least superior to 
their votaries and disciples ; and, in the race of superstition, 
they attained the prize for which such numbers contended. 
In speech, in writing, in action, Bernard stood high above his 
rivals and contemporaries ; his compositions are not devoid 
of wit and eloquence ; and he seems to have preserved as 
much reason and humanity as may be reconciled with the 
character of a saint. In a secular life, he would have shared 
the seventh part of a private inheritance ; by a vow of pov 
erty and penance, by closing his eyes against the visible 
world, 30 by the refusal of all ecclesiastical dignities, the abbot 
of Clairvaux became the oracle of Europe, and the founder 
of one hundred and sixty convents. Princes and pontiffs 
trembled at the freedom of his apostolical censures : France, 
England, and Milan, consulted and obeyed his judgment in a 
schism of the church : the debt was repaid by the gratitude 
of Innocent the Second ; and his successor, Eugcnius the 
Third, was the friend and disciple of the holy Bernard. It 
was in the proclamation of the second crusade that he shone 
as the missionary and prophet of God, who called the nations 



a9 Clairvaux, surnamcd the Valley of Absynth, is situate among the 
woods near Ear sur Aubo in Champagne. St. Bernard would blush 
at the pomp of the church and monastery ; he would ask for the 
library, and I know not whether he would be much edified by a tun 
of SCO muids, (911 1-7 hogsheads,) which almost rivals that of Hei 
delberg, (Melanges tires d une Grande Bibliotheque, torn. xlvi. n. 
1520.) 

~ 10 The disciples of the saint* (Tit. i, 1. Hi. c . 2, p. 12-32. Tit. ii ^, 
c. 16, No. 45, p. 1383) record a marvellous example of his pious apa 
thy. Juxtu lactim etiam Lausannensem totius dici itinere pergens, 
penitus non attcndit aut sc vidcre non vidit. Cum ejiim vespere 
i acto de eodem lac ft socii colloquercutur, interrogabat cos ubi lacus 
ille esset ; et mirati sunt univcrsi. To admire or despise St. Bernard 
as he ought, the reader, like myself, should have before the windows 
of his library the beauties of that incomparable landscape. 
VOL. VI. 2 



14 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

to the defence of his holy sepulchre. 31 At the parliament of 
Vezelay he spoke before the king ; and Louis the Seventh, 
with his nobles, received their crosses from his hand. The 
abbot of Clairvaux then marched to the less easy conquest of 
the emperor Conrad : * a phlegmatic people, ignorant of his - 
language, was transported by the pathetic vehemence of his 
tone and gestures ; and his progress, from Constance to 
Cologne, was the triumph of eloquence and zeal. Bernard 
applauds his own success in the depopulation of Europe ; 
affirms that cities and castles were emptied of their inhab 
itants ; and computes, that only one man was left behind for 
the consolation of seven widows. 3 2 The blind fanatics were 
desirous of electing him for their general ; but the example 
of the hermit Peter was before his eyes ; and while he assured 
the crusaders of the divine favor, he prudently declined a 
military command, in which failure and victory would have 
been almost equally disgraceful to his character. 33 Yet, after 
the calamitous" event, the abbot of Clairvaux was loudly ac 
cused as a false prophet, the author of the public and private 
mourning ; his enemies exulted, his friends blushed, and his 
apology was slow and unsatisfactory. He justifies his obedi 
ence to the commands of the pope ; expatiates on the myste 
rious ways of Providence ; imputes the misfortunes of the 
pilgrims to their own sins ; and modestly insinuates, that his 
mission had been approved by signs and wonders. 34 Had the 

31 Otho Prising. 1. i. c. 4. Bernard. Epist. 363, ad Francos Orien- 
tales. Opp. torn. i. p. 328. Vit. i" ia , 1. iii. c. 4, torn. vi. p. 1235. 

3a Mandastis et obedivi .... multiplicati sunt super numerum ; 
vacuantur urbes et castella; et pene jam non invenivmt quern appre- 
hcndant septem mulieres unum virum; adeo ubique viduee vivis 
remanent viris. Bernard. Epist. p. 247. We must be careful not to 
construe pene as a substantive. 

33 Quis ego sum ut disponam acies, ut egrediar ante fades arnia- 
torum, aut quid tarn remotum a profcssione mea, si vires, si peritia, 
&c. Epist. 256, torn. i. p. 259. He speaks with contempt of the 
hermit Peter, vir quidam, Epist. 363. 

34 Sic dicunt ibrsitan isti, unde scimus quod a Domino sermo 



* Bernard had a nobler object in his expedition into Germany to ar 
rest the fierce and merciless persecution of the Jews, which was preparing, 
under the monk Radulph, to renew the frightful scenes which had pre 
ceded the first crusade, in the nourishing cities on the banks of the Ithine. 
The Jews acknowledge the Christian intervention of St. Bernard, bee 
the curious extract from the History of Joseph ben Meir. Wilken, vol. in. 
p. 1, and p. 63. M. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 15 



fact been certain, the argument would be decisive ; and his 
/aithful disciples, who enumerate twenty or thirty miracles in 
a day , appeal to the public assemblies of France and Ger 
many, in which they were performed. 35 At the present hour, 
such prodigies will not obtain credit beyond the precincts of 
Clairvaux ; but in the preternatural cures of the blind, the 
lame, and the sick, who were presented to the man of God, 
it is impossible for us to ascertain the separate shares of acci 
dent, of fancy, of imposture, and of fiction. 

Omnipotence itself cannot escape the murmurs of its dis 
cordant votaries ; since the same dispensation which was 
applauded as a deliverance in Europe, was deplored, and 
perhaps arraigned, as a calamity in Asia. After the loss of 
Jerusalem, the Syrian fugitives diffused their consternation 
and sorrow ; Bagdad mourned in the dust ; the cadhi Zeined- 
din of Damascus tore his beard in the caliph s presence ; and 
the whole divan shed tears at his melancholy tale. 33 But the 
commanders of the faithful could only weep ; they were 
themselves captives in the hands of the Turks : some tempo 
ral power was restored to the last age of the Abbassides ; but 
their humble ambition was confined to Bagdad and the adja 
cent province. Their tyrants, the Seljukian sultans, had 
followed the common law of the Asiatic dynasties, the un 
ceasing round of valor, greatness, discord, degeneracy, and 
decay ; their spirit and power were unequal to the defence 
of religion ; and, in his distant realm of Persia, the Christians 
were strangers to the name and the arms of Sangiar, the last 
hero of his race. 37 While the sultans were involved in the 



egressus sit ? Quse signa tu facis ut crcdamus tibi ? "Non est quod 
ad ista ipse respondeam; parcendum verecundue meae, responde tu 
pro me, et pro te ipso, secundum qua? vidisti et audisti, et sccundum. 
quod te inspiraverit Deus. Consolat. 1. ii. c. 1. Opp. torn. ii. r>. 4?1 
423. 

35 See the testimonies in Vita i mi , 1. iv. c. 5, 6. Opp. torn. vi. p. 
12581261, 1. vi. c. 117, p. 12861314. 

36 Abulmahasen apud de Guignes, Hist, des Huns, torn. ii. p. ii. 
p. 99. 

37 See his article in the Bibliothequc Orientale of D Herbelot, and 
De Guignes, torn. ii. p. i. p. 230261. Such was his valor, that he 
was styled the second Alexander ; and such the extravagant love of 
his subjects, that they prayed for the sultan a year after his decease. 
Yet Sangiar might have been made prisoner by the Franks, as well 
as by the Uzes. He reigned near fifty years, (A. D. 11031152,) and 
was a munificent patron of Persian poetry. 



THE DECLINE AND FALL 



silken web of the harem, the pious task was undertaken by 
their slaves, the Atabeks, 38 a Turkish name, which, like the 
Byzantine patricians, may be translated by Father of the 
Prince. Ascansar, a valiant Turk, had been the favorite of 
Malek Shaw, from whom he received the privilege of stand- 
ino- on the right hand of the throne ; but, in the civil wars 
that ensued on the monarch s death, he lost his head and the 
government of Aleppo. His domestic emirs persevered m 
their attachment to his son Zenghi, who proved his first arms 
against the Franks in the defeat, of Antioch : thirty campaigns 
i^ the service of the caliph and sultan established his military 
fame ; and he was invested with the command of Mosul, as 
the only champion that could avenge the cause of the prophet. 
The public hope was not disappointed : after a siege of 
twenty-five days, he stormed the city of Edessa, and recov 
ered from the Franks their conquests beyond the Euphrates : 
the martial tribes of Curdistan were subdued by the inde 
pendent sovereign of Mosul and Aleppo : his soldiers were 
taught to behold the camp as their only country ; they trusted 
to his liberality for their rewards ; and their absent es 

were protected by the vigilance of Zenghi. At the head 1 oi 
these veterans, his son Noureddin gradually united the 
hometan powers ; * added the kingdom of Damascus to 
of Aleppo, and waged a long and successful war against the 
Christians of Syria; he spread his ample reign from the li- 
gris to the Nile, and the Abbassides rewarded their faithful 
servant with all the titles and prerogatives of royalty. 
Latins themselves were compelled to own the wisdom 
courage, and even the justice and piety, of this implacable 
idversary. 40 . In his life and government the holy war: 

See the Chronology of the Atabeks of Irak and Syria, in Do 
fluignes, torn. i. p. 25*1 and the reigns of Zenghi aud Noureddin m 
; he lame writer (torn. ii. p. ii. p. 147-221.) who r^cs the Arao c te, 
of Bciiclathir, Ben Schouna and Abulfcda ; the BibHotheque Ori< 
tale, under the articles Atabeks and Noureddin, and the Dynas 
Abulpharagius, p. 250267, vcrs. Pocock. 

39 WUliam of Tyre (1. xvi. c. 4, 5, 7) describes the loss of Edessa, 
and the death of Zcn<?M. The corruption of his name into Sangutn, 
afforded the Latins a comfortable allusion to his sanguinary c 
ind end, fit sanguine sanguinoleiitus . 

Noradinus (says William of Tyre, 1. xx. 33) masimus nomi.us et 

* On Noureddin s conquest of Damascus sec extracts from Arabian 
writers prefixed to the second part of the third volume of \\ ilkea. - 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 17 

revived the zeal and simplicity of the first caliphs. Gold and 
silk were .banished from his palace ; the use of wine from his 
dominions ; the public revenue was scrupulously applied to 
the public service ; and the frugal household of Noureddin 
was maintained from his legitimate share of the spoil which 
he vested in the purchase of a private estate. His favorite 
sultana sighed for some female object of expense. " Alas," 
replied the king, " I fear God, and am no more than the 
treasurer of the Moslems. Their property I cannot alienate > 
but I still possess three shops in the city of Hems : these you 
may take ; and these alone can I bestow." His chamber of 
justice was the terror of the great and the refuge of the poor. 
Some years after the sultan s death, an oppressed subject 
called aloud in the streets of Damascus, " O Noureddin, 
Noureddin, where art thou now ? Arise, arise, to pity and 
protect us ! A tumult was apprehended, and a living ty 
rant blushed or trembled at the name of a departed monarch. 
By the arms of the Turks and Franks, the Fatirnites had 
been deprived of Syria. In Egypt the decay of their char 
acter and influence was still more essential. Yet they were 
still revered as the descendants and successors of the prophet ; 
they maintained their invisible state in the palace of Cairo 
and their person was seldom violated by the profane eyes of 
subjects or strangers. The Latin ambassadors 41 have describe 
their own introduction, through a series of gloomy passages, 
and glittering porticos : the scene was enlivened by the 
warbling of birds and the murmur of fountains: it was en 
riched by a display of rich furniture and rare animals ; of the 
Imperial treasures, something was shown, and much was sup 
posed ; and the long order of unfolding doors was guarded by 
black soldiers and domestic eunuchs. The sanctuary of the 
presence chamber was veiled with a curtain ; and the vizier, 



fidei Christianae persecutor; princeps tamen jiistus, vafer, providus, 
ct secundum gontis suic traditiones rcligiosus. To this Catholic wit 
ness we may add the primate of the Jacobites, (Abulpharag. p. 267,) 
quo non alter erat inter regcs vitre ratione magis laudablli, aut qiue 
pluribus justitiae experhncntis abundaret. The true praise of kings is 
after their death, and from the mouth of their enemies. 

41 From "the ambassador, William of Tyre (1. xix. c. 17, 18,) de 
scribes the palace of Cairo. In the caliph s treasure were found a 
pearl as large as a pigeon s egg, a ruby weighing seventeen Egyptian 
drams, an emerald a palm and a half in length, and many A ases of 
crystal and porcelain of China, (Ileiiaudot, p. 536.) 



18 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

who conducted the ambassadors, laid aside his cimeter, and 
prostrated himself three times on the ground ; the veil was 
then removed ; and they beheld the commander of the faith 
ful, who signified his pleasure to the first slave of the throne. 
But this slave was his master : the viziers or sultans had 
usurped the supreme administration of Egypt; the claims 
of the rival candidates were decided by arms ; and the name 
of the most worthy, of the strongest, was inserted in the royal 
patent of command. The factions of Dargham and Shawer 
alternately expelled each other from the capital and country ; 
and the weaker side implored the dangerous protection of the 
suUan of Damascus, or the king of Jerusalem, the perpetual 
enemies of the sect and monarchy of the Fatimites. By his 
arms and religion the Turk was most formidable ; but the 
Frank, in an easy, direct march, could advance from Gaza to the 
Nile ; while the intermediate situation of his realm compelled 
the troops of Noureddin to wheel round the skirts of Arabia, 
a long and painful circuit, which exposed them to , thirst, 
fatigue, and the burning winds of the desert, The secret 
zeal and ambition of the Turkish prince aspired to reign_ in 
Egypt under the name of the Abbassidcs ; but the restoration 
of the suppliant Shawer was the ostensible motive of _ the first 
expedition ; and the success was intrusted to the emir Shira- 
couh, a valiant and veteran commander. Dargham was op 
pressed and slain ; but the ingratitude, the jealousy, the just 
apprehensions, of his more_ fortunate rival, soon provoked him 
to invite the king of Jerusalem to deliver Egypt from his in 
solent benefactors. To this union the forces of Shiracouh 
were unequal : he relinquished the premature conquest ; and 
the evacuation of Belbeis or Pelusium was the condition of 
his safe retreat. As the Turks defiled before the enemy, and 
their general closed the rear, with a vigilant eye, and a batte- 
axe in his hand, a Frank presumed to ask him if he were not 
afraid of an attack. " It is doubtless in your power to begin 
the attack," replied the intrepid emir ; " but rest assured, that 
not one of my soldiers will go to paradise till he has sent an 
infidel to hell." His report of the riches of the land, the 
effeminacy of the natives, and the disorders of the govern 
ment, revived the hopes of Noureddin : the caliph of Bagdad 
applauded the pious design ; and Shiracouh descended 
Eo Tp t a second time with twelve thousand Turks and eleven 
thousand Arabs. Yet his forces were still inferior to the con 
federate armies of the Franks and Saracens ; and I can dis- 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 19 

cern an unusual degree of military art, in his passage of the 
Nile, his retreat into Thebais, his masterly evolutions in the 
battle of Babain, the surprise of Alexandria, and his marches 
and countermarches in the flats and valley of Egypt, from 
the tropic to the sea. His conduct was seconded by the cour 
age of his troops, and on the eve of action a Mamaluke 42 
exclaimed, " If we cannot wrest Egypt from the Christian 
dogs, why do we not renounce the honors and rewards 
of the sultan, and retire to labor with the peasants, or to 
spin with the females of the harem? Yet, after all his 
efforts in the field," 43 after the obstinate defence of Alex 
andria 44 by his nephew Saladin, an honorable capitula 
tion and retreat* concluded the second enterprise of Shi- 
racouh ; and Noureddin reserved his abilities for a third and 
more propitious occasion. It was soon offered by the ambition 
and avarice of Amalric or Amaury, king of Jerusalem, who 
had imbibed the pernicious maxim, that no faith should be 
kept with the enemies of God. t A religious warrior, the great 
master of the hospital, encouraged him to proceed ; the em 
peror of Constantinople either gave, or promised, a fleet to 
act with the armies of Syria; and the perfidious Christian, 
unsatisfied with spoil and subsidy, aspired to the conquest of 
Egypt. In this emergency, the Moslems turned their eyes 
towards the sultan of Damascus ; the vizier, whom danger 
encompassed on all sides, yielded to their unanimous wishes, 
and Noureddin seemed to be tempted by the fair offer of one 



42 Mamluc, plur. Mamalic, is defined by Pocock, (Prolegom. ad 
Abulpharag. p. 7,) and D Hcrbclot, (p. 545,) servum emptitium, seu 
qui prctio numerate in domini possessioiiem cedit. They frequently 
occur in the wars of Saladin, (Bohadin, p. 236, &c. ;) and it was only 
the Bahartie Mamalukes that were iirst introduced into Egypt by his 
descendants. 

43 Jacobus a Yitriaco (p. 1116} gives the king of Jerusalem no 
more than 374 knights. Both the Franks and the Moslems report the 
superior numbers of the enemy ; a difference which may be solved by 
counting or omitting the unwaiiike Egyptians. 

44 It was the Alexandria of the Arabs, a middle term in extent and 
riches between the period of the Greeks and llomans, and that of the 
Turks, (Savary, Lettres sur 1 Egypte, torn. i. p. 25, 26.) 

* The treaty stipulated that both the Christians and the Arabs should 
withdraw from Egypt. Wilken, vol. iii. part ii. p. 113. M. 

f The Knights Templars, abhorring the perfidious breach of treaty, 
partly, perhaps, out of jealousy of the Hospitallers, refused to join ;n this* 
enterprise. Will. Tyr. c. xx. p. 5. Wilken, vol. iii. partii. p. 117.- M. 



20 THE DECLINE AND F-iiLL 

third of the revenue of the kingdom. The Franks were 
already at the gates of Cairo ; but the suburbs, the old city, 
were burnt on their approach ; they were deceived by an in 
sidious negotiation, and their vessels were unable to surmount 
the barriers of the Nile. They prudently declined a contest 
with the Turks in the midst of a hostile country.; and Amaury 
retired into Palestine with the shame and reproach that always 
adhere to unsuccessful injustice. After this deliverance, Shi- 
racouh was invested with a robe of honor, which lie soon 
stained with the blood of the unfortunate Shawer. For a 
while, the Turkish emirs condescended to hold the office of 
vizier ; but this foreign conquest precipitated the fall of the 
Fatimites themselves ; and the bloodless change was accom 
plished by a message and a word. The caliphs had been 
degraded by their own weakness and the tyranny of the 
viziers : their subjects blushed, when the descendant and suc 
cessor of the prophet presented his naked hand to the rude 
gripe of a Latin ambassador ; they wept when he sent the 
hair of his women, a sad emblem of their grief and terror, to 
excite the pity of the sultan of Damascus. By the command 
of Noureddin, and the sentence of the doctors, the holy names 
of Abubeker, Omar, and Othman, were solemnly restored : the 
caliph Mosthadi, of Bagdad, was acknowledged in the public 
prayers as the true commander of the faithful ; and the green 
livery of the sons of Ali was exchanged for the black color 
of the Abbassides. The last of his race, the caliph Adhed, 
who survived only ten days, expired in happy ignorance of his 
fate ; his treasures secured the loyalty of the soldiers, and 
silenced the murmurs of the sectaries ; and in all subsequent 
revolutions, Egypt has never departed from the orthodox tra 
dition of the Moslems. 45 

The hilly country beyond the Tigris is occupied by the 
pastoral tribes of the Curds ; 4S a people hardy, strong, savage, 



45 For this groat revolution of Egypt, see "William of Tyre, (1. xix, 
5, 6, 7, 1231, xx. 512,) Bohadin, (in Vit. Saladin, p. 3039,) 
AJtmlfeda, (in Excerpt. Schultcns, p. 1 12,) D Herbclot, (Bibliot. 
Orient. Adhcd, Fathcmah, but very incorrect,) Rcnaudot, (Hist. Patri 
arch. Alex. p. 522525, 532537,) Vertot, (Hist, des Chevaliers de 
Malthc, torn. i. p. 141 163, in 4to.,) and M. de Guigncs, (torn. ii. p. 
185215.) 

46 For the Curds, see De Guignes, torn. ii. p. 41G, 417, the Index 
Geographicus of Schultens and Tavernier, Voyages, p. i. p. 308, 309. 
The Avoubitcs descended from the tribe of the liawadieei, one of the- 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. "21 

impatient of the yoke, addicted to rapine, and tenacious of the 
government of their national chiefs. The resemblance of 
name, situation, and manners, seems to identify them with the 
Carduchians of the Greeks ; 47 and they still defend against 
the Ottoman Porte the antique freedom which they asserted 
against the successors of Cyrus. Poverty and ambition 
prompted them to embrace the profession of mercenary sol 
diers : the service of his father and uncle prepared the reign 
of the great Saladin ; 48 and the son of Job or Ayud, a simple 
Curd, magnanimously smiled at his pedigree, which flattery 
deduced from the Arabian caliphs. 49 So unconscious was 
Noureddin of the impending ruin of his house, that he con 
strained the reluctant youth to follow his uncle Shiracouh into 
Egypt : his military character was established by the defence 
of Alexandria; and, if we may believe the Latins, he solicited 
and obtained from the Christian general the profane honors 
of knighthood. 50 On the death of Shiracouh, the office of 
grand vizier was bestowed on Saladin, as the youngest and 
least powerful of the emirs ; but with the advice of his father, 
whom he invited to Cairo, his genius obtained the ascendant 
over his equals, and attached the army to his person and in 
terest. While Noureddin lived, these ambitious Curds were 
the most humble of his slaves ; and the indiscreet murmurs 
of the divan were silenced by the prudent Ayub, who loudly 
protested that at the command of the sultan he himself would 
Jead his sons in chains to the foot of the throne. " Such Ian- 



noblest ; but as they were infected with, the heresy of the Metempsy 
chosis, the orthodox sultans insinuated that their descent was only 
on the mother s side, and that their ancestor was a stranger who 
s^".od among the Curds. 

47 See the ivth book of the Anabasis of Xenophon. The ten thou 
sand suffered more from the arrows of the free Carduchians, than 
from the splendid weakness of the great king. 

4S We are indebted to the professor Schultens (Ltigd. Bat. 1755, in 
folio) for the richest and most authentic materials, a life of Saladin 
by his friend and minister the Cadhi Bohadin, and copious extracts 
from the history of his kinsman the prince Abulfeda of Hamah. To 
these we may add, the article of Xalaheddin in the Bibliotheque Orien- 
tale, and all that may be gleaned from the Dynasties of Abulpharagius. 

49 Since Abulfeda was himself an Ayoubite, he may share the 
praise, for imitating, at least tacitly, the modesty of the founder. 

: Hist. Hierosol. in the Gcsta Dei per Francos, p. 1152. A similar 
example may be found in Joinville, (p. 42, edition du Louvre ;) but 
the pious St. Louis refused to dignify infidels with the order of 
Christian knighthood, (Ducange, Observations, p. 70.) 



THE DECLINE AND FALL 

guagc," be added in private, " was prudent and proper in an 
assembly of your rivals ; but we are now above fear and 
obedience; and tbe threats of Npureddin shall not extort the 
tribute of a sugar-cane." His seasonable death relieved them 
from the odious and doubtful conflict: his son, a minor of 
eleven years of age, was left for a while to the emirs of Da 
mascus ; and the new lord of Egypt was decorated by the 
caliph with every title 51 that could sanctify his usurpation in 
the eyes of the people. Nor was Saladin long content with 
the possession of Egypt ; he despoiled the Christians of Jeru 
salem, and the Atabeks of Damascus, Aleppo, and Diarbekir: 
Mecca and Medina acknowledged him for their temporal pro 
tector : his brother subdued the distant regions of Yemen, or 
the happy Arabia ; and at the hour of his death, his empire 
was spread from the African Tripoli to the Tigris, and from 
the Indian. Ocean to the mountains of Armenia. In the judg 
ment of his character, the reproaches of treason and ingrati 
tude strike forcibly on our minds, impressed, as they are 
with the principle and experience of law and loyalty. But his 
ambition may in some measure be excused by the revolutions 
of Asia, 52 which had erased every notion of legitimate suc 
cession ; by the recent example of the Atabeks themselves ; 
by his reverence to the son of his benefactor ; his humane 
and generous behavior to the collateral branches ; by their 
incapacity and his merit ; by the approbation of the caliph, 
the sole source of all legitimate power; and, above all, by the 
wishes and interest of the people, whose happiness is the first 
object of government. In his virtues, and in those of his 
patron, they admired the singular union of the hero and the 
saint ; for both Noureddin and Saladin are ranked among the 
Mahometan saints ; and the constant meditation of the holy 
war appears to have shed a serious and sober color over their 
lives and actions. The youth of the latter 53 was addicted to 



61 In these Arabic titles, reliyionis must always be understood ; 
Nonrcddln, lumen r. ; Ezzodin, decus ; Amadoddin, columen : our 
hero s proper name was Joseph, and he was styled Salxhoddin, salus ; 
Al Matichus, Al Nasincs, rex defensor ; Abu Modaffer, pater victorioe, 
Schultens, Praefat. 

6 - Abuli eda, who descended from a brother of Saladin, observes, 
from many examples, that the founders of dynasties took the guilt fox 
themselves, and left the reward to their innocent collaterals, (ExcerpS 
p. 10.) 

See his life and character in Renaudot, p. 537 515. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 23 

wine and women ; but his aspiring spirit soon renounced the 
temptations of pleasure for the graver follies of fame and do 
minion : the garment of Saladin was of coarse woollen ; water 
was his only drink; and, while he emulated the temperance, 
he surpassed the chastity, of his Arabian prophet. Both in 
faith and practice he was a rigid Mussulman : he ever deplored 
that the defence of religion had not allowed him to accomplish 
the pilgrimage of Mecca; but at the stated hours, five times 
each day, the sultan devoutly prayed with his brethren : the 
involuntary omission of .fasting was scrupulously repaid; and 
his peruso. of the Koran, on horseback between the approach 
ing armies, may be quoted as a proof, however ostentatious, 
of piety and courage. 54 The superstitious doctrine of the 
sect of Shafei was the only study that he deigned to encour 
age : the poets were safe in his contempt ; but all profane sci 
ence was the object of his aversion ; and a philosopher, who had 
invented some speculative novelties, was seized and strangled 
by the command of the royal saint. The justice of his divan 
was accessible to the meanest suppliant against himself and 
his ministers ; and it was only for a kingdom that Saladin 
would deviate from the rule oif equity. While the descend 
ants of Seljuk and Zenghi held his stirrup and smoothed his 
garments, he was affable and patient with the- meanest of his 
servants. So boundless was his liberality, that he distributed 
twelve thousand horses at the siege of Acre ; and, at the time 
of his death, no more than forty-seven drains of silver and 
one piece of gold coin were found in the treasury ; yet, in a 
martial reign, the tributes were diminished, and the wealthy 
citizens enjoyed, without fear or danger, the fruits of their 
industry. Egypt, Syria, and Arabia, were adorned by the 
royal foundations of hospitals, colleges, and mosques ; and 
Cairo was fortified with a wall and citadel ; but his works 
were consecrated to public use : 55 nor did the sultan in 
dulge himself in a garden or palace of private luxury. In a 
fanatic age, himself a fanatic, the genuine virtues of Saladin 
commanded the esteem of the Christians ; the emperor of 
Germany gloried in his friendship ; 5G the Greek emperor so 

; His civil and religious virtues are celebrated in the first cliaptei 
of Bohadin, (p. 4 30,) himself an. eye-witness, and an honest bi^ot. 

65 In many works, particularly Joseph s well in the castle of Cairo 
the Sultan and the Patriarch have been confounded by the igiioranc< 
of natives and travellers. 

56 Anonym. Caraui, torn, iii. p. ii. p. 504. 



24 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

licited bis alliance ; 57 and the conquest of Jerusalem diffused, 
and perhaps magnified, his fame both in the East and West. 
During his short existence, the kingdom of Jerusalem 58 was 
supported by the discord of the Turks and Saracens ; and 
both the Fatimite caliphs and the sultans of Damascus were 
tempted to sacrifice the cause of their religion to the meaner 
considerations of private and present advantage. But the 
powers of Egypt, Syria, and Arabia, were now united by a 
hero, whom nature and fortune had armed against the Chris 
tians. All without now bore the most threatening aspect ; 
and all was feeble and hollow in the internal state of Jerusa 
lem. After the two first Baldwins, the brother and cousin of 
Godfrey of Bouillon, the sceptre devolved by female succes 
sion to Melisenda, daughter of the second Baldwin, and her 
husband Fulk, count of Anjou, the father, by a former mar 
riage, of our English Plantagenets. Their two sons, Baldwin 
the Third, and Amaury, waged a strenuous, and not unsuc 
cessful, war against the infidels; but the son of Amaury, 
Baldwin the Fourth, was deprived, by the leprosy, a gift of 
the crusades, of the faculties both of mind and body. His 
sister Sybilla, the mother of Baldwin the Fifth, was his natural 
heiress : after the suspicious death of her child, she crowned 
her second husband, Guy of Lusignan, a prince of a hand 
some person, but of such base renown, that his own brother 
Jeffrey was heard to exclaim, u Since they have made him a 
king, surely they would have made me a god ! The choice 
was generally blamed ; and the most powerful vassal, Ray 
mond count of Tripoli, who had been excluded from the suc 
cession and regency, entertained an implacable hatred against 
the king, and exposed his honor and conscience to the temp 
tations of the sultan. Such were the guardians of the holy 
city ; a leper, a child, a woman, a coward, and a traitor : yet 
its fate was delayed twelve years bv some supplies from Eu 
rope, by the valor of the military orders, and by the distant 
or domestic avocations of their great enemy. At length, on 
every side, the sinking state was encircled and pressed by a 
hostile line : and the truce was violated by the Franks, whose 
existence it protected. A soldier of fortune, Reginald of Cha- 



Bohadin, p. 129, 130. 

58 For the Latin kingdom of Jerusalem, sec William of Tyre, from 
tlic ixth to the xxiid book. Jacob a Vitriaco, Hist. Hierosolem. 1. i., 
and Sanutus, Seercta Fidelium Crucis, 1. iii. p. vi. vii. viii. ix. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 25 

tillon, had seized a fortress on the edge of the desert, from 
whence he pillaged the caravans, insulted Mahomet, and 
threatened the cities of Mecca ard Medina. Saladin con 
descended to complain ; rejoiced in the denial of justice, and 
at the head of fourscore thousand horse and foot invaded the 
Holy Land. The choice of Tiberias for his first siege was 
suggested by the count of Tripoli, to whom it belonged ; and 
the king of Jerusalem was persuaded to drain his garrisons, 
and to arm his people, for the relief of that important place. 59 
By the advice of the perfidious Raymond, the Christians were 
betrayed into a camp destitute of water : he fled on the first 
onset, with the curses of both nations : 60 Lusignan was over 
thrown, with the loss of thirty thousand men ; and the wood 
of the true cross (a dire misfortune !) was left in the power of 
the infidels.* The royal captive was conducted to the tent 
of Saladin ; and as he fainted with thirst and terror, the gen 
erous victor presented him with a cup of sherbet, cooled in 

53 Templarii ut apes bombabant et Hospitalarii ut venti stridebant, 
et baroncs se exitio offerebant, ct Turcopuli (the Christian light 
troops) semet ipsi in igncm. injiciebant, (Ispahani de Expugnatione 
Kudsitica, p. 18, apud Schultens;) a specimen of Arabian eloquence, 
somewhat different from, the style of Xenophou ! 

Cu The Latins affirm, the Arabians insinuate, the treason of Ray 
mond ; but had he really embraced their religion, he would have 
been a saint and a hero in the eyes of the latter. 



* Raymond s advice would have prevented the abandonment of a secure 
camp abounding with water near Sepphoris. The rash and insolent valor 
of the master of the order of Knights Templars, which had before ex 
posed the Christians to a fatal defeat at the brook Kishon, forced the 
feeble king to annul the determination of a council of war, and advance 
to a camp in an enclosed valley among the mountains, near Hittin, with 
out water. Raymond did not fly till the battle was irretrievably lost, and 
then the Saracens seem to have opened their ranks to allow him free pas 
sage. The charge of suggesting the siege of Tiberias appears ungrounded. 
Ravmond, no doubt, played a double part: he was a man of strong sa 
gacity, who foresaw the desperate nature of the contest with Saladin, 
endeavored by every means to maintain the treaty, and, though he joined 
both his arms and his still more valuable counsels to the Christian army, 
yet kept up a kind of amicable correspondence with the Mahometans. 
See Wilken, vol. iii. part ii. p. 276, et seq. Michaud, vol. ii. p. 278, et seq. 
M. Michaud is still more friendly than Wilken to the memory of Count 
Raymond, who died suddenly, shortly after the battle of Hittin. He 
quotes a letter written in the name of Saladin by the caliph Alfdel, to 
show that Raymond was considered by the Mahometans their most dan 
gerous and detested enemy. " No person of distinction among the 
Christians escaped, except the count, (of Tripoli,) whom God curse. God 
made him die shortly afterwards, and sent him from the kingdom of death 
to hell." M. 

VOL. VI. 3 



26 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

snow, without suffering his companion, Reginald of Chatillon, 
to partake of this pledge of hospitality and pardon. " The 
person and dignity of a king," said the sultan, " are sacred ; 
but this impious robber must instantly acknowledge the 
prophet, whom he has blasphemed, or meet the death which 
he has so often deserved." On the proud or conscientious 
refusal of the Christian warrior, Saladin struck him on the 
head with his cimeter, and Reginald was despatched by the 
guards. 61 The trembling Lusignan was sent to Damascus, to 
an honorable prison and speedy ransom ; but the victory was 
stained by the execution of two hundred and thirty knights of 
the hospital, the intrepid champions and martyrs of their faith. 
The kingdom was left without a head ; and of the two grand 
masters of the military orders, the one was slain and the other 
was a prisoner. From all the cities, both of the sea-coast and 
the inland country, the garrisons had been drawn away for 
this fatal field : Tyre and Tripoli alone could escape the rapid 
inroad of Saladin ; and three months after the battle of Ti 
berias, he appeared in arms before the gates of Jerusalem. 62 
He might expect that the siege of a city so veaerable on 
earth and in heaven, so interesting to Europe and Asia, would 
rekindle the last sparks of enthusiasm ; and that, of sixty 
thousand Christians, every man would be a soldier, and every 
soldier a candidate for martyrdom. But Queen Sybilla trem 
bled for herself and her captive husband ; and the barons and 
knights, who had escaped from the sword and chains of the 
Turks, displayed the same factious and selfish spirit in the 
public ruin. The most numerous portion of the inhabitants 
was composed of the Greek and Oriental Christians, whom 
experience had taught to prefer the Mahometan before the 
Latin yoke ; G3 and the holy sepulchre attracted a base and 
needy crowd, without arms or courage, who subsisted only 

61 Benaud, Reginald, or Arnold de Chatillon, is celebrated by the 
Latins in his life and death ; but the circumstances of the latter are 
more distinctly related by Bohadin and Abulfeda ; and Joinville 
(Hist, de St. Louis, p. 70) alludes to the practice of Saladin, of never 
putting to death a prisoner who had tasted his bread and salt. Some 
of the companions of Arnold had been slaughtered, and almost sacri 
ficed, in a valley of Mecca, ubi sacrificia mactautur, (Abulfeda, p. 
p. 32.) 

62 Vertot, who well describes the loss of the kingdom and city, 
(Hist, des Chevaliers de Malthe, torn. i. 1. ii. p. 226278,) inserts 
two original epistles of a Knight Templar. 

63 Benaudot, Hist. 1 atr.arch. Alex. p. 515. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 2* 

on the chanty of the pilgrims. Some feeble and hasty efforts 
were made for the defence of Jerusalem : but in the space 
of fourteen days, a victorious army drove back the sallies of 
the besieged, planted their engines, opened the wall to the 
breadth of fifteen cubits, applied their scaling-ladders, and 
erected on the breach twelve banners of the prophet and the 
sultan. It was in vain that a barefoot procession of the queen, 
the women, and the monks, implored the Son of God to save 
his tomb and his inheritance from impious violation. Their 
sole hope was in the mercy of the conqueror, and to their first 
suppliant deputation that mercy was sternly denied. " He 
had sworn to avenge the patience and long-suffering of the 
Moslems ; the hour of forgiveness was elapsed, and the mo 
ment was now arrived to expiate, in blood, the innocent blood 
which had been spilt by Godfrey and the first crusaders." 
But a desperate and successful struggle of the Franks admon 
ished the sultan that his triumph was not yet secure ; he 
listened with reverence to a solemn adjuration in the name of 
the common Father of mankind ; and a sentiment of human 
sympathy mollified the rigor of fanaticism and conquest. He 
consented to accept the city, and to spare the inhabitants. The 
Greek and Oriental Christians were permitted to live under 
his dominion, but it was stipulated, that in forty days all the 
Franks and Latins should evacuate Jerusalem, and be safely 
conducted to the seaports of Syria and Egypt ; that ten pieces 
of gold should be paid for each man, five for each woman, 
and one for every child ; and that those who were unable to 
purchase their freedom should be detained in perpetual 
slavery. Of some writers it is a favorite and invidious theme 
to compare the humanity of Saladin with the massacre of the 
first crusade. The difference would be merely personal ; 
but we should not forget that the Christians had offered to 
capitulate, and that the Mahometans of Jerusalem sustained 
the last extremities of an assault and storm. Justice is indeed 
due to the fidelity with which the Turkish conqueror fulfilled, 
the conditions of the treaty; and he may be deservedly 
praised for the glance of pity which he cast on the misery of 
the vanquished. Instead of a rigorous exaction of his debt, 
he accepted a sum of thirty thousand byzants, for the ransom 
of seven thousand poor ; two or three thousand more were 
dismissed by his gratuitous clemency ; and the number of 
slaves was reduced to eleven or fourteen thousand persons. 
In his interview with the queen, his words, and even his tears, 



28 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

suggested the kindest consolations ; his liberal alms were dis 
tributed among those who had been made orphans or widow* 
by the fortune of war ; and while the knights of the hospital 
were in arms against him, he allowed their more pious breth 
ren to continue, during the term of a year, the care and 
service of the sick. In these acts of mercy the virtue of 
Saladin deserves our admiration and love : he was above the 
necessity of dissimulation, and his stern fanaticism would 
have prompted him to dissemble, rather than to affect, this 
profane compassion for the enemies of the Koran. After 
Jerusalem had been delivered from the presence of the stran 
gers, the sultan made his triumphal entry, his banners waving 
in the wind, and to the harmony of martial music. The great 
mosque of Omar, which had been converted into a church, 
was again consecrated to one God and his prophet Mahomet : 
the walls and pavement were purified vvith rose-water ; and 
a pulpit, the labor of Noureddin, was erected in the sanctuary. 
But when the golden cross that glittered on the dome was 
cast down, and dragged through the streets, the Christians of 
every sect uttered a lamentable groan, which was answered 
by the joyful shouts of the Moslems. In four ivory chests the 
patriarch had collected the crosses, the images, the vases, 
and the relics of the holy place ; they were seized by the 
conqueror, who was desirous of presenting the caliph with 
the trophies of Christian idolatry. He was persuaded, how 
ever, to intrust them to the patriarch and prince of Antioch : 
and the pious pledge was redeemed by Richard of England, 
at the expense of fifty-two thousand byzants of gold. 04 

The nations might fear and hope the immediate and final 
expulsion of the Latins from Syria ; which was yet delayed 
above a century after the death of Saladin. 65 In the career 
of victory, he was first checked by the resistance of Tyre ; 
the troops and garrisons, which had capitulated, were impru 
dently conducted to the same port : their numbers were ade 
quate to the defence of the place ; and the arrival of Conrad 

64 For the conquest of Jerusalem, Bohadin (p. 67 75) and Abul- 
feda (p. 40 43) are our Moslem witnesses. Of the Christian, Bernard 
Thesaurarius (c. 151 367) is the most copious and authentic; see 
likewise Matthew Paris, (p. 120 124.) 

C3 The sieges of Tyre and Acre are most copiously described by 
Bernard Thesaurarius, (de Acquisitione Terra? Sanclse, c. 167 179,) 
the author of the Historia Hierosolymitana, (p. 1150 1172, in Bon- 
garsius,) Abulfeda, (p. 4350,) and Bohadin, (p. 75179.) 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 

t/r Movilfe*rU inspired the disorderly crowd with confidence 
a;ri uwon. His father, a venerable pilgrim, had been made 
piisoner in the bctttle of Tiberias ; but that disaster was un 
known in Italy and Greece, when the son was urged by am 
bition and piety to visit the inheritance of his royal nephew, 
the infant Baldwin. The view of the Turkish banners warned 
him from the hostile coast of Jaffa ; and Conrad was unani 
mously hailed as the prince and champion of Tyre, which 
was already besieged by the conqueror of Jerusalem. The 
firmness of his zeal, and perhaps his knowledge of a gener 
ous foe, enabled him to brave the threats of the sultan, and to 
declare, -that should his aged parent be exposed before the 
walls, he himself would discharge the first arrow, and glory 
in his descent from a Christian martyr. 66 The Egyptian fleet 
was allowed to enter the harbor of Tyre ; but" the chain was 
suddenly drawn, and five galleys were either sunk or taken : 
a thousand Turks were slain in a sally ; and Saladin, after 
burning his engines, concluded a glorious campaign by a dis 
graceful retreat to Damascus. He was soon assailed by a 
more formidable tempest. The pathetic narratives, and even 
the pictures, that represented in lively colors the servitude 
and profanation of Jerusalem, awakened the torpid sensibility 
of Europe : the emperor Frederic Barbarossa, and the kings 
of France and England, assumed the cross ; and the tardy 
magnitude of their armaments was anticipated by the mari 
time states of the Mediterranean and the Ocean. The skilful 
and provident Italians first embarked in the ships of Genoa, 
Pisa, and Venice. They wci^ speedily followed by the most 
eager pilgrims of France, Normandy, and the Western Isles. 
The powerful succor of Flanders!, Frise, and Denmark, filled 
near a hundred vessels : and the Northern warriors were 
distinguished in the field by a lofty stature and a ponderous 
battle-axe. 67 Their increasing multitudes could no longer be 
confined within the walls of Tyre, or remain obedient to the 
voice of Conrad. They pitied the misj/oi tunes, and revered 
the dignity, of Lusignan, who was released from prison, per- 

66 I have followed a moderate and probable representation of the 
fact : by Vertot, who adopts withoxit reluctance a romantic tale, the 
old marquis is actually exposed to the darts of the besieged. 

87 Northmanni et Gothi, et caeteri populi ins alarum qucc inter occi- 
dentem et septentrionem sitce sunt, gontes bellicosa?, corporis proceri, 
mortis intrepid, bipennibus annatce, navibus rotundis, cruse Ysnachias 
dicuntur, advectoe. 

3* 



30 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

haps, to divide the army of the Franks. He proposed the 
recovery of Ptolemais, or Acre, thirty miles to the south of 
Tyre ; and the place was first invested by two thousand horse 
and thirty thousand foot under his nominal command. I shall 
not expatiate on the story of this memorable- siege ; which 
lasted near two years, and consumed, in a narrow space, the 
forces of Europe and Asia. Never did the flame of enthu 
siasm burn with fiercer and more destructive rage ; nor could 
the true believers, a common appellation, who consecrated 
their own martyrs, refuse some applause to the mistaken zeal 
and courage of their adversaries. At the sound of the holy 
trumpet, the Moslems of Egypt, Syria, Arabia, and the Ori 
ental provinces, assembled under the servant of the prophet : 6 
his camp was pitched and removed within a few miles of 
Acre ; and he labored, night and day, for the relief of his 
brethren and the annoyance of the Franks. Nine battles, 
not unworthy of the name, were fought in the neighborhood 
of Mount Carmel, with such vicissitude of fortune, that in one 
attack, the sultan forced his way into the city ; that in one 
sally, the Christians penetrated to the royal tent. By the 
means of divers and pigeons, a regular correspondence was 
maintained with the besieged; and, as often as the sea was 
left open, the exhausted garrison was withdrawn, and a fresh 
supply was poured into the place. The Latin camp was 
thinned by famine, the sword, and the climate ; but the tents 
of the dead were replenished with new pilgrims, who exag 
gerated the strength and speed of their approaching country 
men. The vulgar was astonished by the report, that the 
pope himself, with an innumerable crusade, was advanced as 
for as Constantinople. The march of the emperor filled the 
East with more serious alarms : the obstacles which he en 
countered in Asia, and perhaps in Greece, were raised by the 
policy of Saladin : his joy on the death of Barbarossa was 
measured by his esteem ; and the Christians were rather dis 
mayed than encouraged at the sight of the duke of Swabia 
and his way-worn remnant of five thousand Germans. At 
length, in the spring of the second year, the royal fleets of 
France and England cast anchor in the Bay of Acre, and the 
sies;e was more vigorously prosecuted by the youthful emula- 

08 The historian of Jerusalem (p. 1108) adds the nations of the East 
from the Tigris to India, and the swarthy tribes of Moors and Getu- 
lians, so that Asia and Africa fought against Europe. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. Si 

tion of the two kings, Philip Augustus and "Richard Planfage- 
net. After every resource had been tried, and every hope 
was exhausted, the defenders of Acre submitted to their fate ; 
a capitulation was granted, but their lives and liberties were 
ta^ed at the hard conditions of a ransom of two hundred 
thousand pieces of gold, the deliverance of one hundred no 
bles, and fifteen hundred inferior captives, and the restoration 
of the wood of the holy cross. Some doubts in the agree 
ment, and some delay in the execution, rekindled the fury of 
the Franks, and three thousand Moslems, almost in the sul 
tan s view, were beheaded by the command of the sanguinary 
Kichard.^ 3 By the conquest of Acre, the Latin powers 
acquired a strong town and a convenient harbor ; but the 
advantage was most dearly purchased. The minister and his 
torian of Salad in computes, from the report of the enemy, 
that their numbers, at different periods, amounted to five or 
six hundred thousand ; that more than one hundred thousand 
Christians were slain ; that a far greater number was lost by 
disease or shipwreck ; and that a small portion of this mighty 
host could return in safety to their native countries. 70 

Philip Augustus, and Richard the First, are the only kings 
of France and England who have fought under the same 
banners ; but the holy service in which they were enlisted 
was incessantly disturbed by their national jealousy ; and the 
two factions, which they protected in Palestine, were more 
averse to each other than to the common enemy. In the 
eyes of the Orientals, the French monarch was superior in 
dignity and power ; and, in the emperor s absence, the Latins 
revered him as their temporal chief. 71 His exploits were not 



69 Bohadin, p. 180 ; and this massacre is neither denied nor blamed 
by the Christian historians. Akicriter jussa complentes, (the English 
soldiers,) says Galfridus a Vinesauf, (1. iv. c. 4, p. 346,) who fixes at 
2700 the number of victims ; who are multiplied to 5000 by Roger 
Hoveden, (p. 697, 698.) The humanity or avarice of Philip Augustus 
was persuaded to ransom his prisoners, (Jacob, a Yitriaco, 1. i. c. 98, 
p. 1122.) 

70 Bohadin, p. 1-1. He quotes the judgment of Balianus, and the 
prince of Sidon, and adds, ex illo inundo quasi hominum paucissimi 
redierunt. Among the Christians who died before St. John d Acre, 
I find the English names of De Ferrers earl of Derby, (Dugdale, 
Baronage, part i. p. 260,) Mowbray, (idem, p. 124,) De Maiidevil, 
De Fiermes, St. John, Scrope, Bigot," Talbot, &c. 

Magnus hie apud eos, interque reges eorum turn virtute, turn 
majestate emineas .... summus rerum arbiter, (Bohadin, j>. 159.) 



32 , THE DECLINE AND FALL 

adequate to his fame. Philip was brave, hut the statesman 
predominated in his character ; he was soon weary of sac 
rificing his health and interest on a barren coast : the surren 
der of Acre became tho signal of his departure ;. nor could 
he justify this unpopular desertion, by leaving the duke of 
Burgundy with five hundred knights and ten thousand foot, 
for the service of the Holy Land. The king of England*, 
though inferior in dignity, surpassed his rival in wealth and 
military renown ; 72 and if heroism be confined to brutal and 
ferocious valor, Richard Plantagenet will stand high among 
the heroes of the age. The memory of Cceur de Lion, of 
the lion-hearted prince, was long dear and glorious to his 
English subjects ; and, at the distance of sixty years, it was 
celebrated in proverbial sayings by the grandsons of the 
Turks and Saracens, against whom he had fought : his tre 
mendous name was employed by the Syrian mothers to si 
lence their infants ; and if a horse suddenly started from the 
way, his rider was wont to exclaim, tfc Dost thou think King 
Richard is in that bush ? " 73 His cruelty to the Mahometans 
was the effect of temper and zeal ; but I cannot believe that 
a soldier, so free and fearless in the use of his lance, would 
have descended to whet a dagger against his valiant brother 
Conrad of Montferrat, who was slain at Tyre by some secret 
assassins. 74 After the surrender of Acre, and the departure 



He does not seera to have known the names either of Philip or 
Richard. 

72 Hex Anglian, prcestrentms .... rege Galloram minor apud eos 
eensebatur ratione regni atque dignitatis ; sed turn divitiis florentior, 
turn bellica virtute multo erat celcbrior, (Bohadin, p. 161.) A 
stranger might admire those riches ; the national historians will tell 
with what lawless and wasteful oppression they were collected. 

73 Joinville, p. 17. Cuides-tu que ce soit le roi Rich art? 

74 Yet he was guilty in the opinion of the Moslems, who attest the 
confession of the assassins, that they were sent by the king of Eng 
land, (Bohadin, p. 225 ;) and his only defence is an absurd and pal 
pable forgery, (Hist, de 1 Academic des Inscriptions, torn. xv. p. 155. 
163,) a pretended letter from the prince of the assassins, the Sheich, 
or old man of the mountain, who justified Richard, by assuming to 
himself the guilt or merit of the murder.* 



* Von Hammer (Geschichte tier Assassinen, p. 202) sums up against 
Richard ; Wilken (vol. iv. p. 48-5) as strongly for acquittal. Michaud 
(vol. ii. p. 420) delivers no decided opinion. This crime was also attributed 
to Saladin, who is said, by an Oriental authority, (the continuator of Ta- 
bari,) to have employed the assassins to murder both Conrad and Richard. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 33 

of Philip, the king of England led the crusaders to the re 
covery of the sea-coast ; and the cities of Ccesarea and Jaffa 
were added to the fragments of the kingdom of Lusignan. 
A march of one hundred miles from Acre to Ascalon was a 
great and perpetual battle of eleven days. In the disorder 
of his troops, Saiadin remained on the field with seventeen 
guards, without lowering his standard, or suspending the 
sound of his brazen kettle-drum : he again rallied and re 
newed the charge ; and his preachers or heralds called aloud 
on the Unitarians, manfully to stand up against the Christian 
idolaters. But the progress of these idolaters was irresisti 
ble ; and it was only by demolishing the walls and buildings 
of Ascalon, that the sultan could prevent them from occupy 
ing an important fortress on the confines of Egypt. During 
a severe winter, the armies slept ; but in the spring, the 
Franks advanced within a day s march of Jerusalem, under 
the leading standard of the English king ; and his active 
spirit intercepted a convoy, or caravan, of seven thousand 
camels. Saiadin 75 had fixed his station in the holy city ; but 
the city was struck with consternation and discord : he 
fasted; he prayed; he preached; he offered to share tho 
dangers of the siege ; but his Mamalukes, who remembered 
the fate of their companions at Acre, pressed the sultan with 
loyal or seditious clamors, to reserve Ids person and their 
courage for the future defence of the religion and empire. 76 
The Moslems were delivered by the sudden, or, as they 
deemed, the miraculous, retreat of the Christians ; 77 and the 

tl- I -T.TT - - _ . - - - L,,.-._u .__.---. 

75 See the distress and pious firmness of Saiadin, as they are de 
scribed by Bohadin, (p. 70, 285237,) who himself harangued the 
defenders of Jerusalem ; their fears were not unknown to the enemy, 
(Jacob, a Vitriaco, 1. i. c. 100, p. 1123. Vinisauf, 1. v. c. 50, p. 399.) 

76 Yet unless the sultan, or an Ayoubite prince, remained in Jeru 
salem, nee Curcli Turcis, nee Turci esscnt obtemperaturi Curdis, 

/Till* fli\S*\.~T-ri 




. 

Vitriaco observes, that in. his impatience to depart, in altcrum virum 
mutatus est, (p. 1123.) Yet Joinville, a French knight, accuses the 
envy of Hugh duke of Burgundy, (p. 116,) without supposing, like 
Matthew Paris, that he was bribed by Saiadin. 



It is a melancholy admission, but it must be acknowledged, that such an 
act would be less inconsistent with the character of the Christian than of 
the Mahometan king. M. 



84 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

laurels of Richard were blasted by the prudence, or envy, of 
his companions. The hero, ascending a hill, and veiling his 
face, exclaimed with an indignant voice, " Those who are 
unwilling to rescue, are unworthy to view, the sepulchre of 
Christ ! " After his return to Acre, on the news that Jaffa 
was surprised by the sultan, he sailed with some merchant 
vessels, and leaped foremost on the beach : the castle was 
relieved by his presence ; and sixty thousand Turks and 
Saracens fled before his arms. The discovery of his weak 
ness provoked them to return in the morning ; and they found 
him carelessly encamped -before the gates with only seventeen 
knights and three hundred archers. Without counting their 
numbers, he sustained their charge ; and we learn from the 
evidence of his enemies, that the king of England, grasping 
his lance, rode furiously along their front, from the right to 
the left wing, without meeting an adversary who dared to 
encounter his career. 78 Am I writing the history of Orlando 
or A mad is? 

During. these hostilities, a languid and tedious negotiation 7 
between the Franks and Moslems was started, and continued, 
and broken, and again resumed, and again broken. Some 
acts of royal courtesy, the gift of snow and fruit, the ex 
change of Norway hawks and Arabian horses, softened the 
asperity of religious war : from the vicissitude of success, the 
monarchs might learn to suspect that Heaven was neutral in 
the quarrel ; nor, after the trial of each other, could either 
hope for a decisive victory. 80 The health both of Richard 

73 The expeditions to Ascalon, Jerusalem, and Jaffa, are related by 
Bohadin (p. 184249) and Abulfeda, (p. 51, 52.) The author of the 
Itinerary, or the monk of St. Alban s, cannot exaggerate the cadi 
account of the prowess of Itichard, (Vinisauf, 1. vi. c. 14 !4, p. 4 
421. Hist. Major, p. 137143 ;) and on the whole of this Avar, t 
is a marvellous agreement between the Christian and Mahometan 
writers, who mutually praise the virtues of their enemies. 

79 See the progress of negotiation <md hostility in. Bohadin, (p. ^ 

960 ) who was himself an actor in the treaty, llic-hard declared 
his intention of returning with new armies to the conquest of 
Holy Land ; and Saladin answered the menace with a civil compl: 
merit, (Vinisauf, 1. vi. c. 28, p. 423.) 

80 The most copious and original account of this holy war is 
fridi a Vinisauf, Itinerarium liegis Anglorum Richardi et Chorum in 
Terram Hierosolymorum, in six books, published in the iid volume 
of Gale s Scriptores Hist. Anglicanse, (p. 247-429.) lloger Hoveaen 
and Matthew Paris afford likewise many valuable materials ; and t 
former describes, with accuracy, the discipline and navigation t 
English fleet. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 35 

and Saladin appeared to be in a declining state ; and they 
respectively suffered the evils of distant and domestic war 
fare : Plantagenet was impatient to punish a perfidious rival 
who had invaded Normandy in his absence ; and the inde 
fatigable sultan was subdued by the cries of the people, who 
was the victim, and of the soldiers, who were the instruments, 
of his martial zeal. The first demands of the king of Eng 
land were the restitution of Jerusalem, Palestine, and the 
true cross ; and he firmly declared, that himself and his 
brother pilgrims would end their lives in the pious labor, 
rather than return to Europe with ignominy and remorse. 
But the conscience of Saladin refused, without some weighty 
compensation, to restore the idols, or promote the idolatry, of 
the Christians ; he asserted, with equal firmness, his religious 
and civil claim to the sovereignty of Palestine ; descanted on 
the importance and sanctity of Jerusalem ; and rejected all 
terms of the establishment, or partition of the Latins. The 
marriage which Richard proposed, of his sister with the sul 
tan s brother, was defeated by the difference of faith : the 
princess abhorred the embraces of a Turk ; and Adel, or 
Saphadin, would not easily renounce a plurality of wives. 
A personal interview was declined by Saladin, who alleged 
their mutual ignorance of each other s language ; and the 
negotiation was managed with much art and delay by their 
interpreters and envoys. The final agreement was equally 
disapproved by the zealots of both parties, by the Roman 
pontiff and the caliph of Bagdad. It was stipulated that 
Jerusalem and the holy sepulchre should be open, without 
tribute or vexation, to the pilgrimage of the Latin Christians ; 
that, after the demolition of Ascalon, they should inclusively 
possess the sea-coast from Jaffa to Tyre ; that the count of 
Tripoli and the prince of Antioch should be comprised in 
the truce ; and that, during three years and three months, 
all hostilities should c.ease. The principal chiefs of the two 
armies swore to the observance of the treaty ; but the mon- 
archs were satisfied with giving their word and their right, 
hand ; and the royal majesty was excused from an oath, 
which always implies some suspicion of falsehood and dis 
honor. Richard embarked for Europe, to seek a long cap 
tivity and a premature grave ; and the space of a few months 
concluded the life and glories of Saladin. The Orientals 
describe his edifying death, which happened at Damascus ; 
but they seem ignorant of the equal distribution of his alma 



36 THE DECLINE -A KB I ALL 

among the three religions, 81 or of the display of a shroud, 
instead of a standard, to admonish the East of the instability 
of human greatness. The unity of empire was dissolved by 
his death ; his Sons were oppressed by the stronger arm of 
their uncle Saphadin ; the hostile interests of the sultans of 
Egypt, Damascus, and Aleppo, 82 were again revived ; and 
the Franks or Latins stood, and breathed, and hoped, in their 
fortresse S along the Syrian coast. 

The noblest monument of a conqueror s fame, and of the 
terror which he inspired, is the Saladine tenth, a general tax, 
which was imposed on the laky, and even the clergy, of the 
Latin church, for the service of the holy war. The practice 
was too lucrative to expire with the occasion : and this tribute 
because the foundation of all the tithes and tenths on ecclesi 
astical benefices, which have been granted by the Roman 
pontiffs to Catho-lic sovereigns, or reserved for the immediate 
use of the apostolic see. 83 This pecuniar} emolument must 
have tended to increase the interest of the popes in the recov 
ery of Palestine : after the death of Saladin, they preached 
the crusade, by their epistles, their legates, and their mission 
aries ; and the accomplishment of the pious work might have 
been expected from the zeal and talents of Innocent the 
Third. 84 Under that young and ambitious priest, the succes 
sors of St. Peter attained the full meridian of their greatness : 
and in a reign of eighteen years, he exercised a despotic 
command over the emperors and kings, whom he raised and 
deposed ; over the nations, whom an interdict of months or 
years deprived, for the offence of their rulers, of the exercise 
of Christian worship. In the council of the Lateran he acted 
as the ecclesiastical, almost as the temporal, sovereign of the 
East and West. It was at the feet of his legate that John of 
England surrendered his crown ; and Innocent may boast of 

81 Even Vcrtot (torn. i. p. 251) adopts the foolish notion of the 
indifference of Saladin, who professed the Koran with his last breath. 

s>t See the succession of the Ayoubitcs, in Abulphaiagius, (Dynast, 
p. 277, &c.,) and the tables of M. De Gnigncs, 1 Art de Verifier les 
Dates, and the Bibliothcque Orientale. 

8 J Thoaiassm (Discipline de 1 Eglisc, torn. iii. p. 31137-1) has 
copiously treated of the origin, abuses, and restrictions of these tenths. 
A theory was started, but not pursued, that they were rightfully due 
to the pope, n tenth of the Lcvitc a tenth to the high priest, (Selderi 
on Tithes ; see his Works, vol. iii. p. ii. P- 1083.) 

84 See the Gesta Innoeeutii III. in Murat. Script. Her. Ital., (toni. 
iii p. 486~-SG8.) 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 

the two most signal triumphs over sense and humanity, the 
establishment of transubstantiation, and the origin of the in 
quisition. At his voice, two -crusades, the fourth and the 
fifth, were undertaken ; but, except a king of Hungary, the 
princes of the second order were at the head of the pilgrims: 
the forces were inadequate to the design; nor did the effects 
correspond with the hopes and wishes of the pope and the 
people. The fourth crusade was diverted from Syria to Con 
stantinople ; and the conquest of the Greek or Roman empire 
by the Latins will form the proper and important subject of 
the next chapter. In the fifth, 85 two hundred thousand Franks 
were landed at the eastern mouth of the Nile. They reason 
ably hoped that Palestine must be subdued in Egypt, the seat 
and storehouse of the sultan; and, after a. siege of sixteen 
months, the Moslems deplored the loss of Damietta. But the 
Christian army was ruined by the pride and insolence of the 
legate Pelagius, who, in the pope s name, assumed the char 
acter of general : the sickly Franks were encompassed by 
the waters of the Nile and the Oriental forces ; and it was by 
the evacuation of Damietta that they obtained a safe retreat, 
some concessions for the pilgrims, and the tardy restitution 
of the doubtful relic of the true cross. The failure may in 
some measure be ascribed to the abuse and multiplication of 
the crusades, which were preached at the same time against 
the Pagans of Livonia, the Moors of Spain, the Albigeois of 
France, and the kings of Sicily of the Imperial family. 86 In 
these meritorious services, the volunteers might acquire at 
home the same spiritual indulgence, and a larger measure of 
temporal rewards ; and even the popes, in their zeal against 
a domestic enemy, were sometimes tempted to forget the dis 
tress of their Syrian brethren. From the last age of the cru 
sades they derived the occasional command of an army and 

85 See the vth crusade, and the siege of Damietta, in Jacobus a. 
Yitriaco, (1. iii. p. 112-5 11-19, in the Gesta Dei of Bongarsius,) an 
eye-witness, Bernard Thcsaurarius, (in Script. Muratori, torn. vii. p. 
82-3 816, c. 190--207,) a contemporary, and Sanutus, (Secreta Fidel, 
Crucis, 1. iii. p. xi. c. 4 9,) a diligent compiler ; and of the Arabians, 
Abulpharagius, (Dynast, p. 294,) and the Extracts at the end of 
Joinville, (p. 533, 537, 540, 547, &c.) 

86 To those who took the cross against Mainfroy, the pope (A. D. 
1255) granted plcnissimam peccatorum remissionem. Pideies mira- 
bantur quod tantxim eis promitteret pro sanguine Christianorum 
cftundcndo quantum pro cruore inndelium aliquando, (Matthew 
2 fail*, p. 785.) A high flight for the reason of the xiiith 

VOL. VI. 4 



38 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

revenue ; and some deep reasoners have suspected that the 
whole enterprise, from the first synod of Placentia, was con 
trived and executed by the policy of Rome. The suspicion 
is not founded, either in nature or in fact. The successors 
of St. Peter appear to have followed, rather than guided, the 
impulse of manners and prejudice ; without much foresight 
of the seasons, or cultivation of the soil, they gathered the 
ripe and spontaneous fruits of the superstition of the times. 
They gathered these fruits without toil or personal danger : 
in the council of the Lateran, Innocent the Third declared an 
ambiguous resolution of animating the crusaders by his ex 
ample ; but the pilot of the sacred vessel could not abandon 
the helm ; nor was Palestine ever blessed with the presence 
of a Roman pontiff. 87 

The persons, the families, and estates of the pilgrims, were 
under the immediate protection of the popes ; and these 
spiritual patrons soon claimed the prerogative of directing 
their operations, and enforcing, by commands and censures, 
the accomplishment of their vow. Frederic the Second, 88 
the grandson of Barbarossa, was successively the pupil, the 
enemy, and the victim of the church. At the age of twenty- 
one years, and in obedience to his guardian Innocent the 
Third, he assumed the cross ; the same promise was repeated 
at his royal and imperial coronations ; and his marriage with 
the heiress of Jerusalem forever bound him to defend the 
kino-dom of his son Conrad. But as Frederic advanced in 
age^and authority, he repented of the rash engagements of his 
youth: his liberal sense and knowledge taught him to despise 
the phantoms of superstition and the crowns of Asia : he no 
longer entertained the same reverence for the successors of 
Innocent : and his ambition was occupied by the restoration 
of the Italian monarchy from Sicily to the Alps. But the 
s access of this project would have reduced the popes to their 

87 This simple idea is agreeable to the good sense of Mosheim, 
(Institut. Hist. Ecelcs. p. 332,) and the fine philosophy of Hume, 
(Hist, of England, vol. i. p. 330.) 

b8 The original materials for the crusade of Frederic LI. may be 
drawn from llichard do St. Germano (in Muratori, Script. Ilerum 
Ital torn. vii. p. 10021013) and Matthew Paris, (p. 286, 291, 300, 
302, 304.) The most rational moderns are Fleury, (Hist. Eccles. torn, 
xvi.,) Vertot, (Chevaliers de Malthe, torn. i. 1. iii.,) Giaimone, (Istoria 
Civile di Napoli, torn. ii. 1. xvi.,) and Muratori, (Annali d Italia, 
torn, x.) 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 39 

primitive simplicity ; and, after the delays and excuses of 
twelve years, they urged the emperor, with entreaties and 
threats, to fix the time and place of his departure for Pales 
tine. In the harbors of Sicily and Apulia, he prepared a fleet 
of one hundred galleys, and of one hundred vessels, that were 
framed to transport and land two thousand five hundred 
knights, with their horses and attendants ; his vassals of Na 
ples and Germany formed a powerful army ; and the num 
ber of English crusaders was magnified to sixty thousand by 
the report of fame. But the inevitable or affected slowness 
of these rgighty preparations consumed the strength and pro 
visions of the more indigent pilgrims: the multitude was 
thinned by sickness and desertion ; and the sultry summer of 
Calabria anticipated the mischiefs of a Syrian campaign. At 
length the emperor hoisted sail at Brundusium, with a fleet 
and army of forty thousand men : but he kept the sea no 
more than three days ; and his hasty retreat, which was as 
cribed by his friends to a grievous indisposition, was accused 
by his enemies as a voluntary and obstinate disobedience. 
For suspending his vow was Frederic excommunicated 
by Gregory the Ninth ; for presuming, the next year, to ac 
complish his vow, he was again excommunicated by the 
same pope. 89 While he served under the banner of the 
cross, a crusade was preached against him in Italy ; and after 
his return he was compelled to ask pardon for the injuries 
which he had suffered. The clergy and military orders of 
Palestine were previously instructed to renounce his com 
munion and dispute his commands ; and in his own kingdom, 
the emperor was forced to consent that the orders of the 
camp should be issued in the name of God and of the Chris 
tian republic. Frederic entered Jerusalem in triumph ; and 
with his own hands (for no priest would perform the office) he 
took the crown from the altar of the holy sepulchre. But the 
patriarch cast- an interdict on the church which his presence 
had profaned ; and the knights of the hospital and temple in 
formed the sultan how easily he might be surprised and slain 
in his unguarded visit to the River Jordan. In such a state of 
fanaticism and faction, victory was hopeless, and defence was 
difficult; but the conclusion of an advantageous peace may be 
imputed to the discord of the Mahometans, and their personal 
esteem for the character of Frederic. The enemy of the 

89 Poor Muratori knows what to think, but knows not what ta 

""" 



40 THE DECLINE AND FALL 



church is accused of maintaining with the miscreants an in 
tercourse of hospitality and friendship unworthy of a Chris 
tian ; of despising the barrenness of the land ; and of indulging 
a profane thought, that if Jehovah had seen the kingdom of 
Naples he never would have selected Palestine for the inherit 
ance of his chosen people. Yet Frederic obtained from the 
sultan the restitution of Jerusalem, of Bethlem and Nazareth, 
of Tyre and Sidon ; the Latins were allowed to inhabit and 
fortify the city ; an equal code of civil and religious freedom 
was ratified for the sectaries of Jesus and those of Mahomet , 
and, while the former worshipped at the holy sepulchre, the 
latter might pray and preach in the mosque of the temple, 90 
from whence the prophet undertook his nocturnal journey to 
heaven. The clergy deplored this scandalous toleration ; and 
the weaker Moslems were gradually expelled ; but every ra 
tional object of the crusades was accomplished without blood 
shed ; the churches were restored, the monasteries were 
replenished ; and, in the space of fifteen years, the Latins of 
Jerusalem exceeded the number of six thousand. This peace 
and prosperity, for which they were ungrateful to their bene 
factor, was terminated by the irruption of the strange and 
savage hordes of Carizmians. 91 Flying from the arms of the 

Cj v CJ 

Moguls, those shepherds * of the Caspian rolled headlong on 
Syria ; and the union of the Franks with the suhans of Aleppo, 
Hems, and Damascus, was insufficient to stem the violence of 
the torrent. Whatever stood against them was cut off by the 
sword, or dragged into captivity : the military orders were 
almost exterminated in a single battle ; and in the pillage of 
the city, in the profanation of the holy sepulchre, the Latins 
confess and regret the modesty and discipline of the Turks 
and Saracens. 

Of the seven crusades, the two last were undertaken by 
Louis the Ninth, king of France ; who lost his liberty in 
Egypt, and his life on the coast of Africa. Twenty-eight 
years after his death, he was canonized at Rome ; and sixty- 

90 The clergy artfully confounded the mosque or church of the 
temple with the holy sepulchre, and their wilful error has deceived 
both Vcrtot and Muratori. 

ai The irruption of the Carizmians, or Corasmins, is related by 
Matthew Paris, (p. 546, 547,) and by Joinville, Nangis, and the 
Arabians, (p. Ill, 112, 191, 192, 528, 530.) 



* They wore in rlliance with Eyub, sultan of Sy j,. Wilkcn, voL vi. p- 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 41 

five miracles were readily found, and solemnly attested, to 
justify the claim of the royal saint. 92 The voice of history 
renders a more honorable testimony, that he united the vir 
tues of a king, a hero, and a man ; that his martial spirit was 
tempered by the love of private and public justice ; and that 
Louis was the father of his people, the friend of his neigh 
bors, and the terror of the infidels. Superstition alone, in all 
the extent of her baleful influence, 93 corrupted his understand 
ing and his heart : his devotion stooped to admire and imitate 
the begging friars of Francis and Dominic : he pursued, with 
blind arid cruel zeal the enemies of the faith ; and the best 
of kings twice descended from his throne to seek the adven 
tures of a spiritual knight-errant. A monkish historian would 
have been content to applaud the most despicable part of his 
character ; but the noble and gallant Joinville, 94 who shared 
the friendship and captivity of Louis, has traced with the 
pencil of nature the free portrait of his virtues as well as of 
his failings. From this intimate knowledge we may learn to 
suspect the political views of depressing their great vassals, 
which are so often imputed to the royal authors of the cru 
sades. Above all the princes of the middle ages, Louis the 
Ninth successfully labored to restore the prerogatives of the 
crown ; but it was at home, and not in the East, that he ac 
quired for himself and his posterity : his vow was the result 
of enthusiasm and sickness ; and if he were the promoter, he 
was likewise the victim, of this hoty madness. For the in 
vasion of Egypt, France was exhausted of her troops and 
treasures ; he covered the sea of Cyprus with eighteen hun 
dred sails ; the most modest enumeration amounts to fifty 



92 Read, if you can, the Life and Miracles of St. Louis, by the con 
fessor of Queen Margaret, (p. 291 523. Joinville, du Louvre.) 

93 He believed all that mother church taught, (Joinville, p. 10,) but 
he cautioned Joinville against disputing with infidels. "L omme lay 
(said he in his old language) quand il ot medire de la loi Crestienne, 
ne doit pas deffendre la loi Crestienne ne niais quo de 1 espee, dequoi 
il doit donner parmi le ventre dedens, tant comme clle y peut entrer," 
(p. 12.) 

1 I have two editions of Joinville, the one (Paris, 1-66S) most valu 
able for the observations of Ducange ; the other (Paris, au Louvre, 
1761) most precious for the pure and authentic text, a MS. of which 
has been recently discovered. The last editor proves that the history 
of St. Louis was finished A. D. 1309, without explaining, or even, 
admiring, the age of the author, which must have exceeded ninety 
years, (Preface, p. xi. Observations de Ducange, p. 17.) 

4 * 



42 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

thousand men ; and, if we might trust his own confession, as 
it is reported by Oriental vanity, he disembarked nine thou 
sand five hundred horse, and one hundred and thirty thousand 
foot, who performed their pilgrimage under the shadow of his 
power. 90 

In complete armor, the oriflamme waving before him, 
Louis leaped foremost on the beach ; and the strong city 
of Dainietta, which had cost his predecessors a siege of six 
teen months, was abandoned on the first assault by the trem- 
blino- Moslems. But Damietta was the first and the last of his 

J_5 

conquests ; and in the fifth and sixth crusades, the same 
causes, almost on the same ground, were productive of simi 
lar calamities. 95 After a ruinous delay, which introduced 
into the camp the seeds of .an epidemical disease, the Franks 
advanced -from the sea-coast towards the capital of Egypt, 
and strove to surmount the unseasonable inundation of the 
Nile, which opposed their progress. Under the eye of their 
intrepid monarch, the barons and knights of France displayed 
their invincible contempt of danger and discipline : his brother, 
the count of Artois, stormed with inconsiderate valor the 
town of Massoura ; and the carrier pigeons announced to the 
inhabitants of Cairo tnat all was lost. But a soldier, who 
afterwards usurped the sceotre, rallied the flying troops : the 
main body cf the Christians was far behind their vanguard 
and Artois was overpowered and slain. A shower of Greek 
fire was incessantly poured on the invaders ; the Nile was 
commanded by the Egyptian galleys, the open country by the 
Arabs ; all provisions were intercepted ; each day aggravated 
the sickness and famine ; and about the same time a retreat 
was found to be necessary and impracticable. The Oriental 
writers confess, that Louis might have escaped, if he would 
have deserted his subjects ; he was made prisoner, with the 
greatest part of his nobles ; all who could not redeem their 
lives by service or ransom were inhumanly massacred ; and 

95 Joinville, p. 32. Arabic Extracts, p. 549.* 

96 The last editors have enriched their Joinville with large and 
curious extracts from the Arabic historians, Macrixi, Abulfeda, &c. 
See likewise Abulpharagius, (Dynast, p. 322 325,) who calls him by 
the corrupt name of licdefrans. Matthew Paris (p. 683, 684) has 
described the rival folly of the French and English who fought and 
fell at Massoura. 

* Compare "VYilkcn, vol. vii. p. 94. M. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 43 

the walls of Cairo were decorated with a circle of Christian 
heads. 97 The king of France was loaded with chains ; but 
the generous victor, a great-grandson of the brother of Sa- 
Jadin, sent a robe of honor to his royal captive, and his de 
liverance, with that of his soldiers, was obtained by the resti 
tution of Damietta 98 and the payment of four hundred 
thousand pieces of gold. In a soft and luxurious climate, the 
degenerate children of the companions of Nourcddin and 
Saladin were incapable of resisting the flower of European 
chivalry : they triumphed by the arms of their slaves or 
Mamalukes, the hardy natives of Tartary, who at a tender 
age had been purchased of the Syrian merchants, and were 
educated in the camp and palace of the sultan. But Egypt 
soon afforded a new. example of the danger of praetorian 
bands ; and the rage of these ferocious animals, who had 
been let loose on the strangers, was provoked to devour their 
benefactor. In the pride of conquest, Touran Shaw, the last 
of his race, was murdered by his Mamalukes ; and the most 
daring of the assassins entered the chamber of the captive 
king, with drawn cimeters, and their hands imbrued in the 
blood of their sultan. The firmness of Louis commanded 
their respect ; " their avarice prevailed over cruelty and zeal ; 
the treaty was accomplished ; and the king of France, with 
the lelics of his army, was permitted to embark for Palestine. 
He wasted four years within the walls of Acre, unable to visit 
Jerusalem, and unwilling to return without glory to his native 
country. 

97 Savary, in his agreeable Lettres sur I Egyptc, has given a de 
scription of Damietta, (torn. i. lettre xxiii. p. 274 290,) and a narra 
tive of the expedition of St. Louis, (xxv. p. 308 350.) 

93 For the ransom of St. Louis, a million of byzants \vas asked and 
granted ; but the sultan s generosity reduced that sum to 800,000 
byzants, which are valued by Joinville at 400,000 French livres of 
his own time, and expressed by Matthew Paris by 100,000 marks of 
silver, (Ducange, Dissertation xx. sur Joinviile.) 

09 The idea of the emirs to choose Louis for their sultan is seriously 
attested by Joinville, (p. 77, 73,) and does not appear to me so absurd 
as to M. de Voltaire, (Hist. Generale, torn. ii. p. 886, 387.) The 
Mamalukes themselves were strangers, rebels, and eqxials : they had 
felt his valor, they hoped his conversion; and such a motion, which 
was not seconded, might be made perhaps by a secret Christian in 
their tumultu-.s assembly.* 





* TVilkcn, vol. vii. p. 257> thinks the proposition could not have beeu 

aria in oovnncf _ AT 



made in earnest. M. 



44 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

The memory of his defeat excited Louis, after sixteen years 
of wisdom and repose, to undertake the seventh and last of 
the crusades. His finances were restored, his kingdom wag 
enlarged ; a new generation of warriors had arisen, and he 
embarked with fresh confidence at the head of six thousand 
horse and thirty thousand foot. The loss of Antioch had pro 
voked the enterprise ; a wild hope of baptizing the king of 
Tunis tempted him to steer for the African coast ; and the 
report of an immense treasure reconciled his troops to the 
delay of their voyage to the Holy Land. Instead of a proselyte, 
he found a siege : the French panted and died on the burning 
sands : St. Louis expired in his tent ; and no sooner had he 
closed his eyes, than his son and successor gave the signal 
of the retreat. 100 " It is thus," says a lively writer, " that a 
Christian king died near the ruins of Carthage, waging war 
against the sectaries of Mahomet, in a land to which Dido had 
introduced the deities of Syria." 101 

A more unjust and absurd constitution cannot be devised 
than that which condemns the natives of a country to perpet 
ual servitude, under the arbitrary dominion of strangers and 
slaves. Yet such has been the state of Egypt above five 
hundred years. The most illustrious sultans of the Baharite 
and Borgite dynasties 102 were themselves promoted from the 
Tartar and Circassian bands ; and the four-and-twenty beys, 
or military chiefs, have ever been succeeded, not by their 
sons, but by their servants. They produce the great charter 
of their liberties, the treaty of Selim the First with the repub 
lic ; 103 and the Othman emperor still accepts from Egypt a 

100 See the expedition in the annals of St. Louis, by William de 
Nangia, p. 270287; and the Arabic Extracts, p. 545, 555, of the 
Louvre edition of Joinville. 

Voltaire, Hist. Gencrale, torn. ii. p. 391. 

The chronology of the two dynasties of Mamalukee, the Baha- 
rites, Turks or Tartars of Kipzak, and the Borgites, Circassians, is 
given by Pocock (Prolegom. ad Abulpharag. p. 6 31) and De 
Guignes, (torn. i. p. 264270 ;) their history from Abulfeda, Macrizi, 
c., to the beginning of the xvth century, by the same M. De 
Guignes, (torn. iv. p. 110 328.) 

103 Savary, Lettrcs sur I Egyptc, torn. ii. lettre xv. p. 189208. 
I much question the authenticity of this copy ; yet it is true, that 
Sultan Selim concluded a treaty with the Circassians or Mamalukes 
f Egypt, and left them in possession of arms, riches, and power. 
See a new Abrege de 1 Histoire Ottomane, composed in Egypt, and 
translated by M. Digeon, (torn. i. p. 5558, Parin, 1781,) a curious, 
authentic, and national history. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 45 

slight acknowledgment of tribute and subjection. With some 
breathing intervals of peace and order, the two dynasties are 
marked as a period of rapine and bloodshed : 104 but their 
throne, however shaken, reposed on the two pillars of disci 
pline and valor : their sway extended over Egypt, Nubia, 
Arabia, and Syria: their Mamalukes were multiplied from 
eight hundred to twenty-five thousand horse ; and their num 
bers were increased by a provincial militia of one hundred 
and seven thousand foot, and the occasional aid of sixty-six 
thousand Arabs. 105 Princes of such power and spirit could 
not long endure on their coast a hostile and independent na 
tion ; and if the ruin of the Franks was postponed about 
forty years, they were indebted to the cares of an unsettled 
reign, to the invasion of the Moguls, and to the occasional 
aid of some warlike pilgrims. Among these, the English 
reader will observe the name of our first Edward, who as 
sumed the cross in the lifetime of his father Henry. At the 
head of a thousand soldiers the future conqueror of Wales 
and Scotland delivered Acre from a siege ; marched as far as 
Nazareth with an army of nine thousand men ; emulated the 
fame of his uncle Richard; extorted, by his valor, a ten 
years truce ;* and escaped, with a dangerous wound, from 
the dagger of a fanatic assassin. 103 1 Antioch, 107 whose situ 
ation had been less exposed to the calamities of the holy war, 

104 Si totum quo regnum oceuparunt tempus respicias, proesertim. 
quod fini propius, reperies illud bellis, pugnis, injuriis, ac rapinis 
refertum, (Al Jannabi, apud Pocock, p. 31.) The reign of Mohammed 
(A. D. 1311 1341) affords a happy exception, (De Guignes, torn. iv. 
p. 208210.) 

105 They are now reduced to 8500 : but the expense of each Mama- 
1 .,ce may be rated at a hundred louis : and Egypt groans under the 
avarice and insolence of these strangers, (Voyages de Volney, torn. i. 
p. 89187.) 

106 See Carte s History of England, vol. ii. p. 165175, and his 
original authors, Thomas Wikes and Walter Hemingford, (1. iii. c. 34, 
35,) in Gale s Collection, torn. ii. p. 97, 589592.) They are both 
ignorant of the princess Eleanor s piety in sucking the poisoned 
wound, and saving her husband at the risk of her own life. 

107 Sanutus, Secret. Fidelium Crucis, 1. iii. p. xii. c. 9, and De 
Guignes, Hist, des Huns, torn. iv. p. 143, from the Arabic historians. 



* Gibbon colors rather highly the success of Edward. Waken is more 
accurate, vol. vii. p. 593, &c. M. 

f The sultan Bibars was concerned in this attempt at assassination. 
Wilken, vol. vii. p. 602. Ptolemaeus Lucensis is the earliest authority for 
the devotion of Eleanors, Ibid, 605. M. 



46 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

was finally occupied and ruined by Bondocdar, or Bibars, 
sultan of Egypt and Syria ; the Latin principality was ex 
tinguished ; and the first seat of the Christian name was dis 
peopled by the slaughter of seventeen, and the captivity of 
one hundred, thousand of her inhabitants. The maritime 
towns of Laodicea, Gabala, Tripoli, Berytus, Sidon, Tyre, 
and Jaffa, and the stronger castles of the Hospitallers and 
Templars, successively fell ; and the whole existence of the 
Franks was confined to the city and colony of St. John of 
Acre, which is sometimes described by the more classic title 
of Ptolemais. 

After the loss of Jerusalem, Acre, 108 which is distant about 
seventy miles, became the metropolis of the Latin Christians, 
and was adorned with strong and stately buildings, with aque 
ducts, an artificial port, and a double wall. The population 
was increased by the incessant streams of pilgrims and fugi 
tives : in the pauses of hostility the trade of the East and 
West was attracted to this convenient station ; and the market 
could offer the produce of every clime and the interpreters 
of every tongue. But in this conflux of nations, every vice 
was propagated and practised : of all the disciples of Jesus 
and Mahomet, the male and female inhabitants of Acre were 
esteemed the most corrupt ; nor could the abuse of religion 
be corrected by the discipline of law. The city had many 
sovereigns, and no government. The kings of Jerusalem 
and Cyprus, of the house of Lusignan, the princes of Anti- 
och, the counts of Tripoli and Sidon, the great masters of the 
hospital, the temple, and the Teutonic order, the republics of 
Venice, Genoa, and Pisa, the pope s legate, the kings of 
France and England, assumed an independent command : 
seventeen tribunals exercised the power of life and death ; 
every criminal was protected in the adjacent quarter ; and the 
perpetual jealousy of the nations often burst forth in acts 
of violence and blood. Some adventurers, who disgraced 
the ensign of the cross, compensated their want of pay by 
the plunder of the Mahometan villages : nineteen Syrian 
merchants, who traded under the public faith, were despoiled 
and hanged by the Christians ; and the denial of satisfaction 
justified the arms of the sultan Khalil. He marched against 



108 The state of Acre is represented in all the chronicles of the 
times, and most accurately in John Villani, 1. vii. c. 144, in Ivluratori, 
Scriptorcs Herum Italicarum, torn. xiii. p. 337, 338. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 47 

Acre, at the head of sixty thousand horse and one hundred 
and forty thousand foot : his train of artillery (if I may use 
the word) was numerous and weighty : the separate timbers 
of a single engine were transported in one hundred wagons; 
and the royal historian Abulfeda, who served with the troops 
of Hamah, was himself a spectator of the holy war. What 
ever might be the vices of the Franks, their courage was 
rekindled by enthusiasm and despair ; but they were torn by 
the discord of seventeen chiefs, and overwhelmed on all 
sides by the powers of the sultan. After a siege of thirty- 
three days, the double wall wets forced by the Moslems ; the 
principal tower yielded to their engines ; the Mamalukes 
made a general assault ; the city was stormed ; and death or 
slavery was the lot of sixty thousand Christians. The con 
vent, or rather fortress, of the Templars resisted three days 
longer ; but the great master was pierced with an arrow ; 
and, of five hundred knights, only ten were left alive, less 
happy than the victims of the sword, if they lived to suffer 
on a scaffold, in the unjust and cruel proscription of the 
whole order. The king of Jerusalem, the patriarch, and the 
great master of the hospital, effected their retreat to the 
shore ; but the sea was rough, the vessels were insufficient ; 
and great numbers of the fugitives were drowned before they 
could reach the Isle of Cyprus, which might comfort Lusig- 
nan for the loss of Palestine. By the command of the sul 
tan, the churches and fortifications of the Latin cities were 
demolished : a motive of avarice or fear still opened the holy 
sepulchre to some devout and defenceless pilgrims ; and a 
mournful and solitary silence prevailed along the coast which 
had so long resounded with the WORLD S DEBATE. 109 



109 See the final expulsion of the Franks, in Sanutus, 1. iii. p. xii. 
c. 11 22 ; Abulfeda, Macrizi, c., in Do Guignes, torn. iv. p. 16.2, 
164, and Yertot, torn. i. 1. iii. p. 407428.* 



* After these chapters of Gibbon, the masterly prize composition, 
"Essai sur 1 Influence des Croisades sur 1 Europe, par A. H. L, Heeren : 
traduit de 1 Allcmand par Charles Villars, Paris, 1808," or the original 
German, in Heeren s " Vermischte Schriften," may be read with great 
advantage. M. 



48 THE DECLINE AND FALL 



CHAPTER IX. 

SCHISM OF THE GREEKS AND LATINS. STATE OF CONSTANTI 
NOPLE. REVOLT OF THE BULGARIANS. ISAAC ANGELUS 

DETHRONED BY HIS BROTHER ALEXIUS. ORIGIN OF THE 

FOURTH CRUSADE. ALLIANCE OF THE FRENCH AND VENE 
TIANS WITH THE SON OF ISAAC. THEIR NAVAL EXPEDITION 

TO CONSTANTINOPLE. THE TWO SIEGES AND FINAL CON 
QUEST OF THE CITY BY THE LATINS. 

THE restoration of the Western empire by Charlemagne 
was speedily followed by the separation of the Greek and 
Latin churches. 1 A religious and national animosity still 
divides the two largest communions of the Christian world ; 
and the schism of Constantinople, by alienating her most use 
ful allies, and provoking her most dangerous enemies, has 
precipitated the decline and fall of the Roman empire in the 
East. 

In the course of the present History, the aversion of the 
Greeks for the Latins has been often visible and conspicuous. 
It was originally derived from the disdain of servitude, in 
flamed, after the time of Constantine, by the pride of equality 
or dominion ; and finally exasperated by the preference 
which their rebellious subjects had given to the alliance of 
the Franks. In every age the Greeks were proud of their 
superiority in profane and religious knowledge : they had 
first received the light of Christianity ; they had pronounced 
the decrees of the seven general councils ; they alone pos 
sessed the language of Scripture and philosophy ; nor should 
the Barbarians, immersed in the darkness of the West, 2 pre 
sume to argue on the high and mysterious questions of theo- 



1 In the successive centuries, from the ixth to the xviiith, Mosheim 
traces the schism of the Greeks with learning, clearness, and imparti 
ality ; the jilioque, (Institut. Hist. Eccles. p. 277,) Leo III. p. 303. 
Photius, p. 307, 308. Michael Cerularius, p. 370, 371, &c. 

2 ""AvdQf? dvoafpfig y.ul anoTQonuioi, urdotg ix oy.utov? arudvrrec, Tije 
yuo EontQiov ^IOIQUJ; vnijQx*" yi 1 < V aTW (-Phot;. Epist. p. 47, edit. Mon- 
tacut.) The Oriental patriarch continues to apply the images of 
thuuder, earthquake, hail, wild boar, precursors of Antichrist, &c., &c, 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 49 

logical science. Those Barbarians despised in their turn the 
restless and subtile levity of the Orientals, the authors of 
every heresy ; and blessed their own simplicity, which was 
content to hold the tradition of the apostolic church. Yet in 
the seventh centuiy, the synods of Spain, and afterwards of 
France, improved or corrupted the Nicene creed, on the mys 
terious subject of the third person of the Trinity. 3 In the 
long controversies of the East, the nature and generation of 
the Christ had been scrupulously defined ; and the well-known 
relation of father and son seemed to convey a faint image to 
the human mind. The idea of birth was less analogous to 
the Holy Spirit, who, instead of a divine gift or attribute, was 
considered by the Catholics as a substance, a person, a god ; 
he was not begotten, but in the orthodox style he proceeded. 
Did he proceed from the Father alone, perhaps by the Son ? 
or from the Father and the Son ? The first of these opinions 
was asserted by the Greeks, the second by the Latins ; and the 
addition to the Nicene creed of the word filioque, kindled the 
flame of discord between the Oriental and the Gallic churches. 
In the origin of the disputes the Roman pontiffs affected a 
character of neutrality and moderation : 4 they condemned 
the innovation, but they acquiesced in the sentiment, of their 
Transalpine brethren : they seemed desirous of casting a veil 
of silence and charity over the superfluous research ; and in 
the correspondence of Charlemagne and Leo the Third, the 
pope assumes the liberality of a statesman, and the prince 
descends to the passions and prejudices of a priest. 5 But the 
orthodoxy of Rome spontaneously obeyed the impulse of her 
temporal policy ; and ihejilioque, which Leo wished to erase, 

3 The mysterious subject of the procession of the Holy Ghost is 
discussed in the historical, theological, and controversial sense, or 
nonsense, by the Jesuit Pctavius. (Dogmata Theologica, torn. ii. 1. 
vii. p. 362440.) 

4 Before the shrine of St. Peter he placed two shields of the weight 
of 94 pounds of pure silver ; on which he inscribed the text of both 
creeds, (utroque symbolo,) pro amore et cauteld orthodox^ fidei, 
(Anastas- in Leon. III. in Muratori, torn. iii. pars i. p. 208.) His lan 
guage most clearly proves, that neither the Jilioque, nor the Athana- 
sian creed were received at Rome about the year 830. 

6 Tht; Missi of Charlemagne pressed him to declare, that all who 
rejected the Jilioque, or at least the doctrine, must be damned. All, 
replies the pope, are not capable of reaching the altiora mysteria ; qui 
potuerit, et non voluerit, salvus esse non potest, (Collect. Concil. torn. 
ix. p. 277 286.) The potuerit would leave a large loophole of salva 
tion ! 

VOL. VI. 5 



50 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

was transcribed in the symbol and chanted in the liturgy of 
the Vatican. The Nicene and Athanasian creeds are held 
as the Catholic faith, without which none can be saved ; and 
both Papists and Protestants must now sustain and return the 
anathemas of the Greeks, who deny the procession of the 
Holy Ghost from the Son, as well as from the Father. Such 
articles of faith are not susceptible of treaty ; but the rules of 
discipline will vary in remote and independent churches ; and 
the reason, even of divines, might allow, that the difference is 
inevitable and harmless. The craft or superstition of Rome 
has imposed on her priests and deacons the rigid obligation 
of celibacy ; among the Greeks it is confined to the bishops ; 
the loss is compensated by dignity or annihilated by age ; and 
the parochial clergy, the papas, enjoy the conjugal society 
of the wives whom they have married before their entrance 
into holy orders. A question concerning the Azyms was 
fiercely debated in the eleventh century, and the essence of 
the Eucharist was supposed in the East and West to depend 
on the use of leavened or unleavened bread. Shall I mention 
in a serious history the furious reproaches that were urged 
against the Latins, who for a long while remained on the de 
fensive ? They neglected to abstain, according to the apos 
tolical decree, from things strangled, and from blood : they 
fasted (a Jewish observance !) on the Saturday of each week : 
during the first week of Lent they permitted the use of milk 
and cheese ; 6 their infirm monks were indulged in the taste 
of flesh ; and animal grease was substituted for the want of 
vegetable oil : the holy chrism or unction in baptism was 
reserved to the episcopal order : the bishops, as the bride 
grooms of their churches, were decorated with rings ; their 
priests shaved their faces, and baptized by a single immersion. 
Such were the crimes which provoked the zeal of the patri 
archs of Constantinople ; and which were justified with 
zeal by the doctors of the Latin church. 7 



6 In France, after some harsher laws, the ecclesiastical discipline ia 
now relaxed : milk, cheese, and butter, are become a perpetual, and 
eggs an annual, indulgence in Lent, (Yie privee dcs Francois, torn 
ii. p. 2738.) 

7 The original monuments of the schism, of the charges of thf 
Greeks against the Latins, are deposited in the epistles of Photius, 
(Epist. Encyclica, ii. p. 47 61,) and of Michael Ccrularius, (Canisi* 
Antiq. Lectiones, torn. iii. p. i. p. 281 324, edit. Basnage, with th.6 
prolix answer of Cardinal Humbert.) 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 51 

Bigotry and national aversion are powerful magnifiers of 
every object of dispute ; but the immediate cause of the 
schism of the Greeks may be traced in the emulation of the 
leading prelates, who maintained, the supremacy of the old 
metropolis superior to all, and of the reigning capital, inferior 
to none, in the Christian world. About the middle of the 
ninth century, Photius, 8 an ambitious layman, the captain of 
the guards and principal secretary, was promoted by merit 
and favor to the more desirable office of patriarch of Constan 
tinople. In science, even ecclesiastical science, he surpassed 
the clergy of the age ; and the purity of his morals has never 
been impeached : but his ordination- was hasty, his rise was 
irregular ; and Ignatius, his abdicated predecessor, was yet 
supported by the public compassion and the obstinacy of his 
adherents. They appealed to the tribunal of Nicholas the 
First, one of the proudest and most aspiring of the Roman 
pontiffs, who embraced the welcome opportunity of judging 
and condemning his rival of the East. Their quarrel was 
imbittered by a conflict of jurisdiction over the king and 
nation of the Bulgarians ; nor was their recent conversion to 
Christianity of much avail to either prelate, unless he could 
number the proselytes among the subjects of his power. 
With the aid of his court the Greek patriarch was victorious; 
but in the furious contest he deposed in his turn the successor 
of St. Peter, and involved the Latin church in the reproach 
of heresy and schism. Photius sacrificed the peace of the 
world to a short and precarious reign : he fell with his patron, 
the Ccesar Bardas ; and Basil the Macedonian performed an 
act of justice in the restoration of Ignatius, whose age and 
dignity had not been sufficiently respected. From his mon 
astery, or prison, Photius solicited the favor of the emperor 
by pathetic complaints and artful flattery ; and the eyes of 
his rival were scarcely closed, when he was again restored to 
the throne of Constantinople. After the death of Basil he 
experienced the vicissitudes of courts and the ingratitude of a 
royal pupil: the patriarch was again deposed, and in" his last 
solitary hours he might regret the freedom of a secular and 
studious life. In each revolution, the breath, the nod, of the 
sovereign had been accepted by a submissive clergy ; and a 



8 The xth volume of the Venice edition of the Councils contains all 
the acts of the synods, and history of Photius : they are abridged, with 
a faint tinge of prejudice or prudence, by Dupin and Fleury. 



52 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

synod of three hundred bishops was always prepared to hail 
the triumph, or to stigmatize the fall, of the holy, or the 
execrable, Photius. 9 By a delusive promise of succor or re 
ward, the popes were tempted to countenance these various 
proceec ngs; and the synods of Constantinople were ratified 
by their epistles or legates. But the court and the people, 
Ignatius and Photius, were equally adverse to their claims ; 
their ministers were insulted or imprisoned ; the procession 
of the Holy Ghost was forgotten ; Bulgaria was forever an 
nexed to the Byzantine throne ; and the schism was prolonged 
by their rigid censure of all the multiplied ordinations of an 
irregular patriarch. The darkness and corruption of the 
tenth century suspended the intercourse, without reconciling 
the minds, of the two nations. But when the Norman sword 
restored the churches of Apulia to the jurisdiction of Rome, 
the departing flock was warned, by a petulant epistle of the 
Greek patriarch, to avoid and abhor the errors of the Latins. 
The rising majesty of Rome could no longer brook the inso 
lence of a rebel ; and Michael Cerularius was excommuni 
cated in the heart of Constantinople by the pope s legates. 
Shaking the dust from their feet, they deposited on the altar 
of St. "Sophia a direful anathema, 10 which enumerates the 
seven mortal heresies of the Greeks, and devotes the guilty 
teachers, and their unhappy sectaries, to the eternal society 
of the devil and his angels. According to the emergencies 
of the church and state, a friendly correspondence was some 
times resumed ; the language of charity and concord was 
sometimes affected ; but the Greeks have never recanted their 
errors ; the popes have never repealed their sentence ; and 
from this thunderbolt we may date the consummation of the 
schism. It was enlarged by each ambitious step of the 
Roman pontiffs : the emperors blushed and trembled at the 
ignominious fate of their royal brethren of Germany ; and 
the people were scandalized by the temporal power and mili 
tary life of the Latin clergy. 11 

9 The synod of Constantinople, held in the year 869, is the viiith of 
the general councils, the last assembly of tht East which is recognized 
by the Koman church. She rejects the synods of Constantinople of 
the years 867 and 879, which were, howe ver, equally numerous and 
noisy ; but they were favorable to Photius. 

10 See this anathema in the Councils, torn. xi. p. 1457 1460. 

11 Anna Comnena (Alexiad, 1. i. p. 3133) represents the abhorrence, 
not only of the church, but of the palace, for Gregory VII.., the popes, 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 53 

The aversion of the Greeks and Latins was nourished and 
manifested in the three first expeditions to the Holy Land. 
Alexius Comnenus contrived the absence at least of the for 
midable pilgrims : his successors, Manuel and Isaac Angelus, 
conspired with the Moslems for the ruin of the greatest 
princes of the Franks ; and their crooked and malignant 
policy was seconded by the active and voluntary obedience 
of every order of their subjects. Of this hostile temper, a 
large portion may doubtless be ascribed to the difference of 
language, dress, and manners, which severs and alienates the 

O O 

nations of the globe. The pride, as well as the prudence, 
of the sovereign was deeply wounded by the intrusion of for 
eign armies, that claimed a right of traversing his dominions, 
and passing under the walls of his capital : his subjects were 
insulted and plundered by the rude strangers of the West : 
and the hatred of the pusillanimous Greeks was sharpened 
by secret envy of the bold and pious enterprises of the 
Franks. But these profane causes of national enmity were 
fortified and inflamed by the venom of religious zeal. In 
stead of a kind embrace, a hospitable reception from their 
Christian brethren of the East, every tongue was taught to 
repeat the names of schismatic and heretic, more odious to 
an orthodox ear than those of pagan and infidel : instead of 
being loved for the general conformity of faith and worship, 
they were abhorred for some rules of discipline, some ques 
tions of theology, in which themselves or their teachers might 
differ from the Oriental church. In the crusade of Louis the 
Seventh, the Greek clergy washed and purified the altars 
which had been defiled by the sacrifice of a French priest. 
The companions of Frederic Barbarossa deplore the injuries 
which they endured, both in word and deed, from the pecu 
liar rancor of the bishops and monks. Their prayers and 
sermons excited the people against the impious Barbarians ; 
and the patriarch is accused of declaring, that the faithful 
might obtain the redemption of all their sins by the extirpa 
tion of the schismatics. 12 An enthusiast, named Dorotheus, 

nnd the Latin communion. The style of Cinnamus and Nicetas is still 
more vehement. Yet how calm is the voice of history compared with 
that of polemics ! 

12 His anonymous historian (cle Expcdit. Asiat. Fred. I. in Canisii 
Lection. Antiq. torn. iii. pars ii. p. 511, edit. Basnage) mentions the 
termons of the Greek patriarch, quomodo Grcecis inj mixer at in 
fenaissionem peccatorum peregrines occidere et delere dc terra. Tagii?-* 

5* 



54 THE DECLINE AND FALT 

alarmed the fears, and restored the confidence, of the em 
peror. by a prophetic assurance, that the German heretic, 
after assaulting the gate of Blachernes, would be made a 
signal example of the divine vengeance. The passage of 
these mighty armies were rare and perilous events ; but the 
crusades introduced a frequent and familiar intercourse be 
tween the two nations, which enlarged their knowledge with 
out abating their prejudices. The wealth and luxury of Con 
stantinople demanded the productions of every climate 
these imports were balanced by the art and labor of her 
numerous inhabitants; her situation invites the commerce 
of the world ; and, in every period of her existence, that 
commerce has been in the hands of foreigners. After the 
decline of Amalphi, the Venetians, Pisans, and Genoese, 
introduced their factories and settlements into the capital of 
the empire : their services were rewarded with honors and 
immunities ; they acquired the possession of lands and houses ; 
their families were multiplied by marriages with the natives ; 
and, after the toleration of a Mahometan mosque, it was im 
possible to interdict the churches of the Roman rite. 1 * 
two wives of Manuel Comnenus 14 were of the race of 
Franks : the first, a sister-in-law of the emperor Conrad ; the 
second, a daughter of the prince pf Antioch : he obtained 
for his son Alexius a daughter -of Philip Augustus, king of 
France ; and he bestowed his own daughter on a marquis of 
Montferrat, who was educated and dignified in the palace of 
Constantinople. The Greek encountered the arms, and as 
pired to the empire, of the West : he esteemed the valor, 
and trusted the fidelity, of the Franks ; 1 their military tal 

observes, (in Scriptorcs Freher. torn. i. p. 409, edit. Struv.,) Greed 
haoreticos nos appellant : clerici ct monachi dictis et iactis persequ" 
tur. We may add the declaration of the emperor Baldwin hit 
years afterwards : Haec est (gens} qua? Latinos omiies non homim 
nomine, sed canum digiiabatur ; quorum sanguincm effundere pen 
inter merita reputabant, (Gesta Innocent. III. c. 92. in Muraton, 
Script. Kerum Italicarum, torn. iii. pars i. p. 536.) Lhere may b 
some exaggeration, but it was as effectual for the action and reaction 



ee Anna Comnena, (Alexiad, 1. vi. p. 161. 162,) and a remark- 
ible passage of Nicctas, (in Manuel, 1. v. c. 9,) who observes ot the 
Venetians, xTd ou< i v, l y.ml y.ouTjj/us rl t v Kwaruvrirov n^iv r>,? *io 

jAJUc-uvTo, &C. 

14 Ducange, Fam. Byzant. p. 186, 187. 

15 Nicetas in Manuel. 1. vii. c. 2. Kegnante emm (Mamiele) ..,* 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE, 55 

ents were unfitly recompensed by the lucrative offices of 
judges paid treasurers ; the policy of Manuel had solicited 
the alliance of the pope ; and the popular voice accused him 
of a partial bias to the nation and religion o.f the Latins, 15 
During his reign, and that of his successor Alexius, they were 
exposed at Constantinople to the reproach of foreigners, her 
etics, and favorites ; and this triple guilt was severely expi 
ated in the tumult, which announced the return and elevation 
of Andronicus. 17 The people rose in arms : from the Asiatic 
shore the tyrant despatched his troops and galleys to assist 
the national revenge ; and the hopeless resistance of the 
strangers served only to justify the rage, and sharpen the 
daggers, of the assassins. Neither age, nor sex, nor the ties 
of friendship or .kindred, could save the victims of national 
hatred, and avarice, and religious zeal ; the Latins were 
slaughtered in their houses and in the streets ; their quarter 
was reduced to ashes ; the clergy were burnt in their churches, 
and the sick in their hospitals ; and some estimate may be 
formed of the slain from the clemency v/hich sold above four 
thousand Christians in perpetual slavery to the Turks. The 
priests and monks were the loudest and most active in the 
destruction of the schismatics ; and they chanted a thanks 
giving to the Lord, when the head of a Roman cardinal, the 
pope s legate, was severed from his body, fastened to the tail 
of a dog, and dragged, with savage "mockery, through the 
city. The more diligent of the strangers had retreated, on 
the first alarm, to their vessels, and escaped through the Hel 
lespont from the scene of blood. In their flight, they burnt 
and ravaged two hundred miles of the sea-coast ; inflicted a 
severe revenge on the guiltless subjects of the empire ; 
marked the priests and monks as their peculiar enemies ; and 

apud cum tantam Latimis populus repererat gratiam ut neglectis 
Gneculis suis tanquam viris rn.olli.bus et eifoeminatis, .... soils La- 
tinis grandia committeret ncgotia .... erga cos profus liberalitate 
abundabat .... ex onini orbe ad eum tanquam ad benefactorem 
nobiles et ignobiles eoncurrcbant. Willelm. Tyr. xxii. c. 10. 

16 The suspicions of the Greeks would have been confirmed, if they 
had seen the political epistles of Manuel to Pope Alexander III., the 
enemy of his enemy Frederic I., in which the emperor declares his 
wish of uniting the Greeks and Latins as one flock under one shep 
herd, &c. (See Fleury, Hist. Eccles. torn. xv. p. 187, 213, 243.) 

17 See the Greek and Latin narratives in Nicetas (in Alexio Com- 
neno, c. 10) and William of Tyre, (1. xxii. c. 10, 11, 12, 13 ;) the fust 
soft and concise, the second loud, copious, and tragical. 



56> THE DECLINE AND FAL 

compensated 1 , by the accumulation of plunder, the loss o/ 
their property and friends. On their return, they exposed tr 
Italy and Europe the wealth and weakness, the perfidy and 
malice, of the Greeks, whose vices were painted as the gen 
uine characters of heresy and schism. The scruples of the 
first crusaders had neglected the fairest opportunities of secur 
ing, by the possession of Constantinople, the way to the Holy 
Land : a domestic revolution invited, and almost compelled, 
the French and Venetians to achieve the conquest of the 
Roman empire of the East 

In the series of the Byzantine princes, I have exhibited the 
hypocrisy and ambition, the tyranny and fall, of Andronicus, 
the last male of the Comnenian family who reigned at Con 
stantinople. The revolution, which cast him headlong from 
the throne, saved and exalted Isaac Angelus, 18 who descend 
ed by the females from the same Imperial dynasty. The 
successor of a second Nero might have found it an easy task 
to deserve the esteem and affection of his subjects; they 
sometimes had reason to regret the administration of Andro 
nicus. The sound and vigorous mind of the tyrant was capa 
ble of discerning the connection between his own and the 
public interest ; and while he was feared by all who could 
inspire him with fear, the unsuspected people, and the remote 
provinces, might bless Jhe inexorable justice of their master. 
But his successor was vam and jealous of the supreme power, 
which he wanted courage and abilities to exercise : his vices 
were pernicious, his virtues (if he possessed any virtues) were 
useless, to mankind ; and the Greeks, who imputed their ca 
lamities to his negligence, denied him the merit of any tran 
sient or accidental benefits of the times. Isaac slept on the 
throne, and was awakened only by the sound of pleasure : 
his vacant hours were amused by comedians and buffoons, 
and even to these buffoons the emperor was an abject of con 
tempt : his feasts and buildings exceeded the examples of 
royal luxury : the number of his eunuchs and domestics 
amounted to twenty thousand; and a daily sum of four thou 
sand pounds of silver would s-well to four millions sterling the 
annual expense of his household and table. His poverty was 

18 The history of the reign of Isaac Angelas is composed, in three 
books, by the senator Nicetas, (p. 228 290 ;) and his offices of logo- 
thet/j, or principal secretary, and judge of the veil or palace, could not 
ll\e impartiality of the historian. He wrote, it is true, after the 
death *f his benefactor. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 57 

relieved by oppression ; and the public .discontent was in 
flamed by equal abuses in the collection, and the application 
of the revenue. While the Greeks numbered the days of 
their servitude, a flattering prophet, whom he rewarded with 
the dignity of patriarch, assured him of a long and victori 
ous reign of thirty-two years ; during which he should ex 
tend his sway to Mount Libanus, and his conquests beyond 
the Euphrates. But his only step towards the accomplish 
ment of the prediction was a splendid and scandalous embas 
sy to Saladin, 19 to demand the restitution of the holy sepul 
chre, and to propose an offensive and defensive league with 
the enemy of the Christian name. In these umvortfiy hands, 
of Isaac and his brother, the remains of the Greek empire 
crumbled into dust. The Island of Cyprus, whose name ex 
cites the ideas of elegance and pleasure, was usurped by his 
namesake, a Comnenian prince ; and by a strange concate 
nation of events, the sword of our English Richard bestowed 
that kingdom on the house of Lusignan, a rich compensation 
for the loss of Jerusalem. 

The honor of the monarchy and the safety of the capital 
were deeply wounded by the revolt of the Bulgarians an 1 
Waiachians. Since the victory of the second Basil, they had 
supported, above a hundred and seventy years, the loose 
dominion of the Byzantine princes; but no effectual measures 
had been adopted to impose the yoke of laws and manners 
on these savage tribes. By the command of Isaac, their sole 
means of subsistence, their flocks and herds, were driven 
away, to contribute towards the pomp of the royal nuptials ; 
and their fierce warriors were exasperated by the denial of 
equal rank and pay in the military service. Peter and Asan, 
two powerful chiefs, of the race of the ancient kings, 20 
asserted their own rights and the national freedom ; their 
doemoniac impostors proclaimed to the crowd, that their glo 
rious patron St. Demetrius had forever deserted the cause 
of the Greeks ; and the conflagration spread from the banks 

19 See Bohadin, Vit. Saladin. p. 129131, 226, vers. Sehultens. 
The ambassador of Isaac was equally versed in the Greek, French, and 
Arabic languages ; a rare instance in those times. His embassies wore 
received with honor, dismissed without effect, and reported with scan 
dal in the West. 

Ducange, Familiae Dalmaticae, p. 318, 319, 320. The original 
correspondence of the Bulgarian king and the Roman pontiff id in 
scribed in the Gesta Innocent. III. c. 66 82, p. 513 525. 



THE DECLINE AND FALL 



of the Danube to the hills oT Macedonia and Thrace. After 
some faint efforts, Isaac Angelus and his brother acquiesced 
in their independence ; and the Imperial troops were soon 
discouraged by the bones of their fellow-soldiers, that were 
scattered along the passes of Mount Haemus. By the arms 
and policy of John or Joannices, the second kingdom of Bul 
garia was firmly established. The subtle Barbarian sent an 
embassy to Innocent the Third, to acknowledge himself a 
genuine son of Rome in descent and religion, 21 and humbly 
received from the pope the license of coming money, the 
royal title, and a Latin archbishop or patriarch. The Vatican 
exulted irt the spiritual conquest of Bulgaria, the first object 
of the schism ; and if the Greeks could have preserved the 
prerogatives of the church, they would gladly have resigned 
the rights of the . monarchy. 

The Bulgarians were malicious enough to pray for the long 
life of Isaac Angelus, the surest pledge of their freedom and 
prosperity. Yet their chiefs could involve in the same indis 
criminate contempt the family and nation of the emperor. 
" In all the Greeks," said Asan to his troops, " the same cli 
mate, and character, and education, will be productive of the 
same fruits. Behold my lance," continued the warrior, "and 
the long streamers that float in the wind. They differ only 
in color ; they are formed of the same silk, and fashioned by 
the same workman ; nor has the stripe that is stained in pur 
ple any superior price or value above its fellows." 22 Several 
of these candidates for the purple successively rose and fell 
under the empire of Isaac ; a general, who had repelled the 
fleets of Sicily," was driven to revolt and ruin by the ingrati 
tude of the prince ; and his luxurious repose was disturbed 
by secret conspiracies and popular insurrections. The em 
peror was saved by accident, or the merit of his servants : 
he was at length oppressed by an ambitious brother, who, for 

81 The pope acknowledges his pedigree, a nobili urbis Romae prosa- 
pia gcnitores tui originem traxerunt. This tradition, and the strong 
resemblance of the Latin and Walachian idioms, is explained by M 
D Anville, (Etats dc 1 Europc, p. 258262.) The Italian colonies of 
the Dacia of Trajan were swept away by the tide of emigration from 
the Danube to the Volga, and brought back by another wave from the 
Volga to the Danube. Possible, but strange ! 

; This parable is in the best savage style ; but I wish the "Walaoh. 
had not introduced the classic name of Mysians, the experiment of the 
magnet or loadstono, and the passage of an old comic poet, (Nicety, 
in Alex. Comneno, 1. i. p. 299, 300.) 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE, 59 



the hope of a precarious diadem, forgot the obligations of 
nature, of loyalty, and of friendship. 23 While Isaac in the 
Thracian valleys pursued the idle and solitary pleasures of the 
chase, his brother, Alexius Angelus, was invested with the 
purple, by the unanimous suffrage of the camp ; the capital 
and the clergy subscribed to their choice ; and the vanity of 
the new sovereign rejected the name of his fathers for the 
lofty and royal appellation of the Comnenian race. On the 
despicable character of Isaac I have exhausted the language 
of contempt, and can only add, that, in a reign of eight years, 
the baser Alexius 24 was supported by the masculine vices of 
his wife Euphrosync. The first intelligence of his fall was 
conveyed to the late emperor by the hostile aspect and pursuit, 
of the guards, no longer his own : he fled before them above 
fifty miles, as far as Stagyra, in Macedonia ; but the fugitive, 
without an object or a follower, was arrested, brought back to 
Constantinople, deprived of his eyes, and confined in a lonesome 
tower, on a scanty allowance of bread and water. At the mo 
ment of the revolution, his son Alexius, whom he educated in 
the hope of empire, was twelve years of age. He was spared 
by the usurper, and reduced to attend his triumph both in peace 
and war ; but as the army was encamped on the sea-shore, an 
Italian vessel facilitated the escape of the royal youth ; and, 
in the disguise of a common sailor, he eluded the search of his 
enemies, passed the Hellespont, and found a secure refuge in 
the Isle of Sicily. After saluting the threshold of the apos 
tles, and imploring the protection of Pope Innocent the Third, 
Alexius accepted the kind invitation of his sister Irene, the 
wife of Philip of Swabia, king of the Romans. But in his 
passage through Italy, he heard that the flower of Western 
chivalry was assembled at Venice for the deliverance of the 
Holy Land ; and a ray of hope was kindled in his bosom, 
that their invincible swords might be employed in his father s 
restoration. 

About ten or twelve years after the loss of Jerusalem, the 
nobles of France were again summoned to the holy war by 
the voice of a third prophet, less extravagant, perhaps, than 
Peter the hermit, but far below St. Bernard in the merit of 

23 The Latins aggravate the ingratitude of Alexius, by supposing 
that he had been released by his brother Isaac from Turkish captivity. 
This pathetic tale had doubtless been repeated at Venice and Zara ; 
but I do not readily discover its grounds in the Greek historians. 

24 See the reign of Alexius Angelus, or Comnenus, in the three 
books of Nicetas, p. 291 352. 



60 THE MCLINS AND FALL 

an o -stor ami a statesman. An illiterate priest of the neigh 
borhxvxi of Paris* Fulk of Neuilly, 25 forsook his parochial 
duty, ^0 assume the more flattering character of a popular 
and itinerant missionary. The fame of his sanctity and mir 
acles was spread over the land ; he declaimed, with severity 
and vehemence* against the vices of the age ; and his sermons-, 
which he preached in the streets of Paris, converted the rob 
bers, the usurers, the prostitutes T and even the doctors and 
scholars of the university. No sooner did Innocent the Third 
ascend the chair of. St. Peter, than he proclaimed in Italy, 
Germany, and France, the obligation of a new crusade, 26 
The eloquent pontiff described the ruin of Jerusalem, the 
triumph of the Pagans, and the shame of Christendom ; his 
liberality proposed the redemption of sins, a plenary indul 
gence to all who should serve in Palestine, either a year in 
person, or two years by a substitute ; 27 and among his leg 
ates and orators who blew the sacred trumpet,. Fulk of 
Neuiiiy was the loudest and most successful. The situation 
of the principal monarchs was averse to the pious summons. 
The emperor Frederic the Second was a child ; and his king 
dom of Germany was disputed by the rival houses of Bruns 
wick and Swabia, the memorable factions of the Guelphs and 
Ghibelines. Philip Augustus of France had performed, and 
could not be persuaded to renew, the perilous vow ; but as he 
was not less ambitious of praise than of power, he cheerfully 
instituted a perpetual fund for the defence of the Holy Land. 
Richard of England was satiated with the glory and misfor 
tunes of his first adventure ; and he presumed to deride the 
exhortations of Fulk of Neuilly, who was not abashed in the 
presence of kings. " You advise me," said Plantagenet, " to 
dismiss my three daughters, pride, avarice, and incontinence : 
I bequeath them to the most deserving ; my pride to the 



K See Floury, Hist. Ecclcs. torn. xvi. p. 26, &c., and Villehardouin, 
No. 1, with the observations of Ducange, which I always mean to 
quote with the original text. 

26 The contemporary lit c of Pope Innocent III., publish cd_by Baluze 
and Muratori, (Scriptorcs llerum Italicarum, torn. iii. pars i. p. 486 
068,) is most valuable for the important and original documents 
which are inserted in the text. The bull of the crusade may be read, 
c. 84, 85. 

27 Por-ce quo cil pardon, fut issi gran, si s en esmcurent mult li 
cucrs dcs gen/, ct mult s en. croisierent, porce que li pardons ere ^ si 
gran. Yillehardouin, No. 1. Our philosophers may refine on tho 
causes of the crusades, but such were the genuine feelings of aFrenct 
knight. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 6V 

knights templars, my avarice to the monks of Ciste< <x, and 
my incontinence to the prelates." But the preac, jr was 
heard and obeyed by the great vassals, the prince, of the 
second order; and Theobald, or Thibaut, count o\. Cham 
pagne, was the foremost in the holy race. The valiai, youth, 
at the age of twenty-two years, was encouraged by the do 
mestic examples of his father, who marched in the second 
crusade, and of his elder brother, who had ended his ofays in 
Palestine with the title of King of Jerusalem ; two thousand 
two hundred knights owed service and homage to his peer 
age ; 28 the nobles of Champagne excelled in all the exei 
cises of war; 29 and, by his marriage with the heiress of 
Navarre, Thibaut could draw a band of hardy Gascons from 
either side of the Pyreiicean mountains. His companion in 
arms was Louis, count of Blois and Chartres ; like himself 
of regal lineage, for both the princes were nephews, at the 
same time, of the kings of France and England. In a crowd 
of prelates and barons, who imitated their zeal, I distinguish 
the birth and merit of Matthew of Montmorency ; the famous 
Simon of Montfort, the scourge of the Albigeois ; and a val 
iant noble, Jeffrey of Villehardouin, 30 marshal of Champagne, 31 
who has condescended, in the rude idiom of his age and coun 
try, 32 to write or dictate 33 an original narrative of the councils 

za This number of fiefs (of which 1800 owed liege homage) was en 
rolled in the church of St. Stephen at Troves, and attested A. D. 
1213, by the marshal and butler of Champagne, (Ducange, Observ. p. 
25i.) 

29 Campania .... militia; privilegio singularius excellifc .... in 
tyrociniis .... prolusione armorum, c., Ducange, p. 219, from the 
old Chronicle of Jerusalem, A. D. 11771199. 

30 The name of Villehardouin was taken from a village and castle 
in the diocese of Troycs, near the Kivcr Aube, between Bar and Arcis. 
The family was ancient and noble ; the elder branch of our historian 
existed afteu the year 1100, the younger, which acquired the princi 
pality of Achaia, merged in the house of Savoy, (Ducange, p. 235 
245.) 

31 This office was held by his father and his descendants ; but Du 
cange has not hunted it with his usual sagacity. I find that, in the 
year 1350, it was in the family of ConfLms ; but these provincial have 
been long since eclipsed by the national marshals oi France. 

This language, of which I shall produce some specimens, is ex 
plained by Vigcnere and Ducange, in a version and glossary. Tbo 
president De.s Brosses (Mechanisme des Langucs, torn. ii. p. 83) givrs 
it as the example of a language which has ceased to be French, and is 
understood only by grammarians. 

33 His age, and his own expression, moi qui cestc ceuvre dicta, (No. 
VOL. VI. 6 



62 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

and actions in which he bore a memorable part. At the same 
time, Baldwin, count of Flanders, who had married the sister 
of Thibaut, assumed the cross at Bruges, with his brother 
Henry, and the principal knights and citizens of that rich and 
industrious province. 34 The vow which the chiefs had pro 
nounced in churches, they ratified in tournaments ; the oper 
ations of the war were debated in full and frequent assem 
blies ; and it was resolved to seek the deliverance of Palestine 
in Egypt, a country, since Saladin s death, which was almost 
ruined by famine and civil war. But the fate of so many 
royal armies displayed the toils and perils of a land expedi 
tion ; and if the Flemings dwelt along the ocean, the French 
barons were destitute of ships and ignorant of navigation. 
They embraced the wise resolution of choosing six deputies 
or representatives, of whom Villehardouin was one, with a 
discretionary trust to direct the motions, and to pledge the 
faith, of the whole confederacy. The maritime states of 
Italy were alone possessed of the means of transporting the 
holy warriors with their arms and horses ; and the six deputies 
proceeded to Venice, to solicit, on motives of piety or interest, 
the aid of that powerful republic. 

In the invasion of Italy by Attila, I have mentioned 35 the 
flight of the Venetians from the fallen cities of the continent, 
and their obscure shelter in the chain of islands that line the 
extremity of the Adriatic Gulf. In the midst of the waters, 
free, indigent, laborious, and inaccessible, they gradually coal 
esced into a republic : the first foundations of Venice were laid 
in the Island of Rialto ; and the annual election of the twelve 
tribunes was superseded by the permanent office of a duke or 
doge. On the verge of the two empires, the Venetians exult 
in the belief of primitive and perpetual independence.^ 
Against the Latins, their antique freedom has been asserted 

62, &c.,) may justify the suspicion (more probable than Mr. "Wood s 
on Homer) that he could neither read nor write. Yet Champagne 
may boast of the two first historians, the noble authors of French 
prose, Villeh ardouin and Jomville. 

34 The crusade and reigns of the counts of Flanders, Baldwin and 
his brother Henry, are the subject of a particular history by the Jesuit 
Poutrcmens, (Constantinopolis Belgica ; Turnaci, 1638, in 4to.,) which 
I have only seen with the eyes of Ducange. 

35 History, &c., vol. iii. p. 446, 447. 

36 The foundation and independence of Venice, and Pepm s inva 
sion, are discussed by Pagi (Critica, torn. iii. A. D. 810, No. 4, &o.) 
and Beretti, (Dissert.* Chorograph. Italise Medii ^Evi, ia Muratori, 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 63 

by the sword, and may be justified by the pen. Charlemagne 
himself resigned all claims of sovereignty to the islands of the 
Adriatic Gulf: his son Pepin was repulsed in the attacks of 
the lagunas or canals, too deep for the cavalry, and too shal 
low for the vessels ; and in every age, under the German 
Caesars, the lands of the republic have been clearly distin 
guished from the kingdom of Italy. But the inhabitants of 
Venice were considered by themselves, by strangers, and by 
their sovereigns, as an inalienable portion of the Greek em 
pire : 37 in the ninth and tenth centuries, the proofs of their 
subjection are numerous and unquestionable ; and the vain 
titles, the servile honors, of the Byzantine court, so ambitiously 
solicited by their dukes, would have degraded the magistrates 
of a free people. But the bands of this dependence, which 
was never absolute or rigid, were imperceptibly relaxed by 
the ambition of Venice and the weakness of Constantinople. 
Obedience was softened into respect, privilege ripened into 
prerogative, and the freedom of domestic government was 
fortified by the independence of foreign dominion. The mar 
itime cities of Istria and Dalmatia bowed to the sovereigns 
of the Adriatic ; and when they armed against the Normans 
in the cause of Alexius, the emperor applied," not to the duty 
of his subjects, but to the gratitude and generosity of his 
faithful allies. The sea was their patrimony : 38 the western 
parts of the Mediterranean, from Tuscany to Gibraltar, were 
indeed abandoned to their rivals of Pisa and Genoa ; but the 
Venetians acquired an early and lucrative share of the corn- 



Script, torn. x. p. 153.) The two critics have a slight bias, the French 
man adverse, the Italian favorable, to the republic. 

37 When the son of Charlemagne asserted his right of sovereignty, 
he was answered by the loyal Venetians, on ,," duvs.oi -&t/iousv strut 
TOV r Ptauuiv)v (?aaiP.foc, (Constantin. Porphyrogcnit. de Adniinistrat. 
Imperil, pars ii. c. 28, p. 85 ;) and the report of the ixth establishes 
the fact of the xth century, which is confirmed by the embassy of . 
Lintprand of Cremona. The annual tribute, which the emperor 
allows them to pay to the king of Italy, alleviates, by doubling, their 
servitude; but the hateful word <Joi/Aoi must be translated, as in the 
charter of 827, (Laugier, Hist, de Venice, torn. i. p. 67, &c.,) by the 
softer appellation of subditi, or fideles. 

88 See the xxvth and xxxth dissertations of the Antiquitatcs Medii 
JEvi of Muratori. From Anderson s History of Commerce, I under 
stand that the Venetians did not trade to England before the year 
1323: The most flourishing state of their wealth and commerce, in the 
beginning of the xvth century, is agreeably described by the AbbQ 
Dubos, (Hist, de la Ligue de Cambray, torn. ii. p. 443 480.) 



t)4 THE DECLINE AND F.ALL 

merce of Greece and Egypt. Their riches increased with 
the increasing demand of Europe ; their manufactures of 
silk and glass, perhaps the institution of their bank, are of 
high antiquity ; and they enjoyed the fruits of their industry 
in the magnificence of public and private life. To assert her 
flag, to avenge her injuries, to protect the freedom of naviga 
tion, the republic could launch and man a fleet of a hundred 
galleys ; and the Greeks, the Saracens, and the Normans, 
were encountered by her naval arms. The Franks of Syria 
were assisted by the Venetians in the reduction of the sea- 
coast ; but their zeal was neither blind nor disinterested ; and 
in the conquest of Tyre, they shared the sovereignty of a city, 
the first seat of the commerce of the world. The policy of 
Venice was marked by the avarice of a trading, and the inso 
lence of a maritime, power ; yet her ambition was prudent : 
nor did she often forget that if armed galleys were the effect 
and safeguard, merchant vessels were the cause and supply, 
of her greatness. In her religion, she avoided the schism of 
the Greeks, without yielding a servile obedience to the Roman 
pontiff; and a free intercourse with the infidels of every clime 
appears to have allayed betimes the fever of superstition. 
Her primitive government was a loose mixture of democracy 
and monarchy ; the doge was elected by the votes of the gen 
eral assembly ; as long as he was popular and successful, he 
reigned with the pomp and authority of a prince; but in the 
frequent revolutions of the state, he was deposed, or banished, 
or slain, by the justice or injustice of the multitude. The 
twelfth century produced the first rudiments of the wise and 
jealous aristocracy, which has reduced the doge to a pageant, 
and the people to a cipher. 39 

When the six ambassadors of the French pilgrims arrived 

39 The Venetians have been slow in writing and publishing their 
history. Their most ancient monuments are, 1. The rude Chronicle 
(perhaps) of John Sagorninus, (Venezia, 1705, in octavo,) which 
represents the state and manners of Venice in the year 1008. 2. The 
larger history of the doge, (13421354,) Andrew Dandolo, published 
few the first time in the xiith torn, of Muratori, A. D. 1728. The His 
tory of Venice by the Abbe Laugier, (Paris, 1728,) is a work of some- 
merit, which I have chiefly used for the constitutional part.* 

* It is scarcely necessary to mention the valuable work of Count Daru, 
"History de Venise," of which I hear that an Italian translation has been 
published, with notes defensive of the ancient republic. I have not yet 
seen this work. M. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 65 

at Venice, they were hospitably entertained in the palace of 
St. Mark, by the reigning duke : his name was Henry Dan- 
dolo ; 40 and he shone in the last period of human life as one 
of the most illustrious characters of the. times. Under the 
weight of years, and after the loss of his eyes, 41 Dandolo re 
tained a sound understanding and a manly courage : the spirit 
of a hero, ambitious to signalize his reign by some memo 
rable exploits ; and the wisdom of a patriot, anxious to build 
his fame on the glory and advantage of his country. He 
praised the bold enthusiasm and liberal confidence of the 
barons and their deputies : in such a cause, and with such 
associates, he should aspire, were he a private man, to ter 
minate his life ; but he was the servant of the republic, and 
some delay was requisite to consult, on this arduous business, 
the judgment of his colleagues. The proposal of the French 
was first debated by the six sages who had been recently 
appointed to control the administration of the doge : it was 
next disclosed to the forty members of the council of state ; 
and finally communicated to the legislative assembly of four 
hundred and fifty representatives, who were annually chosen in 
the six quarters of the city. In peace and war, the doge was 
still the chief of the republic ; his legal authority was supported 
by the personal reputation of Dandolo : his arguments of pub 
lic interest were balanced and approved ; and he was author 
ized to inform the ambassadors of the following conditions of 



40 Henry Dandolo was eighty-four at his election, (A. D. 1192,) and 
ninety-seven at his death, (A. D. 1205.) See the Observations of 
Ducange sur Villehardouin, No. 204. But this extraordinary longevity 
is not observed by the original writer s, nor does there exist another 
example of a hero near a hundred years of age. Theophrastus 
might afford an instance of a writer of ninety-nine ; but instead of 
ivvsvi^.oi Tct, (Prooem. ad Character.,) I am much inclined to read 
IpSopilxorTa, with his last editor Fischer, and the first thoughts of 
Casaubon. It is scarcely possible that the powers of the mind and 
body should support themselves till such a period of life. 

41 The modern Venetians (Laugier, torn. ii. p. 119) accuse the 
emperor Manuel ; but the calumny is refuted by Villehardo jdn anC2 
the older writers, who suppose that Dandolo lost his eyes by & ivound, 
(No. 34, and Ducange.)* 



* The accounts differ, both as to the extent and the cause of Ms blind 
ness. According to Villehardouin and others, the sight was to >ily lost ; 
according to the Chronicle of Andrew Dandolo, (Murat. torn. 1,1. p. 322, ) 
he was visu debilis. See Wilken, voL v. p. 143. -M. 

6* 



66 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

the treaty. 43 It was proposed that the crusaders should assenv 
ble at Venice, on the feast of St. John of the ensuing year ; 
that flat-bottomed vessels should be prepared for four thou 
sand five hundred horses, and nine thousand squires, with a 
number of ships sufficient for the embarkation of four thou 
sand five hundred knights, and twenty thousand foot ; that 
during a term of nine months they should be supplied with 
provisions, and transported to whatsoever coast the service of 
God and Christendom should require ; and that the republic 
should join the armament with a squadron of fifty galleys. It 
was required, that the pilgrims should pay, before their de 
parture, a sum of eighty-five thousand marks of silver ; and 
that all conquests, by sea and land, should be equally divided 
between the confederates. The terms were hard ; but the 
emergency was pressing, and the French barons were not less 
profuse of money than of blood. A general assembly was 
convened to ratify the treaty : the stately chapel and place 
of St. Mark were filled with ten thousand citizens ; and the 
noble deputies were taught a new lesson of humbling them 
selves before the majesty of the people. " Illustrious Vene 
tians," said the marshal of Champagne, " we are sent by the 
greatest and most powerful barons of France to implore the 
aid of the masters of the sea for the deliverance of Jerusa 
lem. They have enjoined us to fall prostrate at your feet ; 
nor will we rise from the ground till you have promised to 
avenge with us the injuries of Christ." The eloquence of 
their words and tears, 43 their martial aspect, and suppliant 
attitude, were applauded by a universal shout; as it were, 
says Jeffrey, by the sound of an earthquake. The venerable 
doge ascended the pulpit to. urge their request by those mo 
tives of honor and virtue, which alone can be offered to a 
popular assembly : the treaty was transcribed on parchment, 
attested with oaths and seals, mutually accepted by the weep 
ing and joyful representatives of France and Venice ; and 
despatched to Rome for the approbation of Pope Innocent the 

42 See the original treaty in the Chronicle of Andrew Dandolo, p. 
323326. 

43 A reader of Villehardouin must observe the frequent tears of the 
marshal and his brother knights. Sachiez quo la ot mainte lerme 
ploree de pitie, (No. 17 ;) mult plorant, (ibid.;) mainte lerme plorce, 
(No. 34 ;) si orent mult pitie et plorerent mult durement, (No. 60 ;) i 
ot mainte lerme ploree de pitie, (No. 202.) They weep on every oc 
casion of grief, joy, or devotion. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 67 

Third. Two thousand marks were borrowed of the mer 
chants for the first expenses of the armament. Of the six 
deputies, two repassed the Alps to announce their success, 
while their four companions made a fruitless trial of the zeal 
and emulation of the republics of Genoa and Pisa. 

The execution of the treaty was still opposed by unfore 
seen difficulties and delays. The marshal, on his return to 
Troyes, was embraced and approved by Thibaut count of 
Champagne, who had been unanimously chosen general of 
the confederates. But the health of that valiant youth already 
declined, and soon became hopeless ; and he deplored the 
untimely fate, which condemned him to expire, not in a field 
of battle, but on a bed of sickness. To his brave and nu 
merous vassals, the dying prince distributed his treasures: 
they swore in his presence to accomplish his vow and their 
own ; but some there were, says the marshal, who accepted 
his gifts and forfeited their word. The more resolute cham 
pions of the cross held a parliament at Soissons for the elec 
tion of a new general ; but such was the incapacity, or jeal 
ousy, or reluctance, of the princes of France, that none could 
be found both able and willing to assume the conduct of the 
enterprise. They acquiesced in the choice of a stranger, of 
Boniface marquis of Montferrat, descended of a race of 
heroes, and himself of conspicuous fame in the wars and nego 
tiations of the times ; 44 nor could the piety or ambition of the 
Italian chief decline this honorable invitation. After visiting 
the French court, where he was received as a friend and 
kinsman, the marquis, in the church of Soissons, was invested 
with the cross of a pilgrim and the staff of a general ; and 
immediately repassed the Alps, to prepare for the distant ex 
pedition of the East. About the festival of the Pentecost he 
displayed his banner, and marched towards Venice at the 
head of the Italians : he was preceded or followed by the 
counts of Flanders and Blois, and the most respectable barons 
of France ; and their numbers were swelled by the pilgrims 
of Germany, 45 whose object and motives were similar to their 

44 By S victory (A. D. 1191) over the citizens of Asti, by a crusade 
to Palestine, and by an embassy from the pope to the German princes, 
(Muratori, Annali d Italia, torn. x. p. 163, 202.) 

45 See the crusade of the Germans in the Historia C. P. of Gunther, 
(Canisii Antiq. Lect. torn. iv. p. v. viii.,) who celebrates the pilgrim 
age of his abbot Martin, one of the preaching rivals of Fulk of Neuilly. 
His monastery, of the Cistercian order, was situate in the diocese of 
Basil* 



68 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

own. The Venetians had fulfilled, and even surpassed, their 
engagements : stables were constructed for the horses, and 
barracks for the troops : the magazines were abundantly re 
plenished with forage and provisions ; and the fleet of trans 
ports, ships, and galleys, was ready to hoist sail, as soon as 
the republic had received the price of the freight and arma 
ment. But that price far exceeded the wealth of the crusa 
ders who were assembled at Venice. The Flemings, whose 
obedience to their count was voluntary and precarious, had 
embarked in their vessels for the long navigation of the ocean 
and Mediterranean ; and many of the French and Italians had 
preferred a cheaper and more convenient passage from Mar 
seilles and Apulia to the Holy Land. Each pilgrim might 
complain, that after he had furnished his own contribution, 
he was made responsible for the deficiency of his absent 
brethren : the gold and silver plate of the chiefs, which thev 
freely delivered to the treasury of St. Mark, was a generous 
but inadequate sacrifice ; and after all their efforts, thirty-four 
thousand marks were still wanting to complete the stipulated 
sum. The obstacle was removed by the policy and patriot 
ism of the doge, who proposed to the barons, that if they 
would join their arms in reducing some revolted cities of Dal- 
matia, he would expose his person in the holy war, and obtain 
from the republic a long indulgence, till some wealthy con 
quest should afford the means of satisfying the debt. After 
much scruple and hesitation, they chose rather to accept the 
offer than to relinquish the enterprise ; and the first hostilities 
of the fleet and army were directed against Zara, 46 a strong 
city of the Sclavonian coast, which had renounced its alle 
giance to Venice, and implored the protection of the king of 
Hungary. 47 The crusaders burst the chain or boom of the 

40 Jadera, now Zara, was a Roman colony, which, acknowledged 
Augustus for its parent. It is now only two miles round, and contains 
five or six thousand inhabitants ; but the fortifications are strong, and 
it is joined to the main land by a bridge. See the travels of the two 
companions, Spon and Wheeler, (Voyage de Dalmatic, de Grece, &c., 
torn. i. p. 64 70. Journey into Greece, p. 8 14 ;) the last of whom, 
by mistaking Sestertia for Sestertii, values an arch with statues and 
columns at twelve pounds. If, in his time, there were no trees near 
Zara, the cherry-trees were not yet planted which produce our incom 
parable marasquin. 

47 Katona (Hist. Critic a Reg. Hungarise, Stirpis Arpad. torn. iv. p. 
536 558) collects all the facts and testimonies most adverse to the 
conquerors of Zara. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 69 

harbor ; landed their horses, troops, and military engines ; 
and compelled the inhabitants, after a defence of five days, 
to surrender at discretion : their lives were spared, but the 
revolt was punished by the pillage of their houses and the 
demolition of their walls. The season was far advanced ; the 
French and Venetians resolved to pass the winter in a secure 
harbor and plentiful country ; but their repose was disturbed 
by national and tumultuous quarrels of the soldiers and mari 
ners. The conquest of Zara had scattered the seeds of discord 
and scandal : the arms of the allies had been stained in their 
outset with the blood, not of infidels, but of Christians : the 
king of Hungary and his new subjects were themselves en 
listed under the banner of the cross ; and the scruples of the 
devout were magnified by the fear or lassitude of the reluc 
tant pilgrims. The pope had excommunicated the false 
crusaders who had pillaged and massacred their brethren, 48 
and only the marquis Boniface and Simon of Montfort * 
escaped these spiritual thunders ; the one by his absence from 
the siege, the other by his final departure from the camp. In 
nocent might absolve the simple and submissive penitents of 
France ; but he was provoked by the stubborn reason of the 
Venetians, who refused to confess their guilt, to accept their 
pardon, or to allow, in their temporal concerns, the interposi 
tion of a priest. 

The assembly of such formidable powers by sea and land 
had revived the hopes of young 49 Alexius ; and both at Ven 
ice and Zara, he solicited the arms of the crusaders, for his 
own restoration and his father s 5iJ deliverance. The royal 

48 See the whole transaction, and the sentiments of the pope, in tho 
Epistles of Innocent III. Gesta, c. 86, 87, 88. 

49 A modern reader is surprised to hear of the valet de Constanti 
nople, as applied to young Alexius, on account of his youth, like tho 
infants of Spain, and the nobilissimus puer of the Romans. The pages 
and valets of the knights were as noble as themselves, ( Villehardouin 
and Ducange, No. 36.) 

50 The emperor Isaac is styled by Ti^ehardouin, Sursac, (No. 35, 
&c.,) which may be derived from the French Sire, or the Greek TCvo 

melted into his proper name ; the further corruptions of Tur- 



* Montfort protested against the siege. Gu:do, the abbot of Vaux de 
Sernay, in the name of the pope, interdicted the attack on a Christian 
city ; and the immediate surrender of the town was thus delayed for \ 6 
days of fruitless resistance. Wilken, vol. v. p, lf>7. See likewise i 
length, the history of the interdict issued by the pope. Ibid. M. 



70 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

youth was recommended by Philip king of Germany : his 
prayers and presence excited the compassion of the camp ; 
and his cause was embraced and pleaded by the marquis of 
Montferrat and the doge of Venice. A double alliance, and 
the dignity of Caesar, had connected with the Imperial family 
the two elder brothers of Boniface : 51 he expected to derive 
a kingdom from the important service ; and the more gener 
ous ambition of Dandolo was eager to secure the inestimable 
benefits of trade and dominion that might accrue to his coun 
try. 5 3 Their influence procured a favorable audience for the 
ambassadors of Alexius ; and if the magnitude of his offers 
excited some suspicion, the motives and rewards which he 
displayed might justify the delay and diversion of those forces 
which had been consecrated. to the deliverance of Jerusalem. 
He promised in his own and his father s name, that as soon 
/AS they should be seated on the throne of Constantinople, they 
would terminate the long schism of the Greeks, and submit 
themselves and their people to the lawful supremacy of the 
Roman church. He engaged to recompense the labors and 
merits of the crusaders, by the immediate payment of two 
hundred thousand marks of silver ; to accompany them in 
person to Egypt ; or, if it should be judged more ad van- 
tageous, to maintain, during a year, ten thousand men, and, 
during his life, five hundred knights, for the service of the 
Holy Laad. These tempting conditions were accepted by 
the republic of Venice ; and the eloquence of the doge and 
marquis persuaded the counts of Flanders, Blois, and St. Pol, 
with eight barons of France, to join in the glorious enterprise. 

sac and Conscrac will instruct us what license may have been used in 
the old dynasties of Assyria and Egypt. 

51 Reiriier and Conrad : the former married Maria, daughter of the 
emperor Manuel Comnerms ; the latter was the husband of Theodora 
Angela, sister of the emperors Isaac and Alexius. Conrad abandoned 
the Greek court and princess for the glory of defending Tyre against 
Saladin, (Ducange, Fam. Byzant. p. 187, 203.) 

52 Nicetas (in Alexio Comneno, 1. iii. c. 9) accuses the doge and 
Venetians as the first authors of the war against Constantinople, and 
considers only as a xvua ini y.ruan, the arrival and shameful offers of 
the royal exile.* 

* He admits, however, that the Angeli had committed depredations on 
the Venetian trade ; and the emperor himself had refused the payment 
of part of a stipulated compensation for the seizure of the Venetian mer- 
*handise by the emperor Manuel. Nicetas, in loc. M. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 71 

A treaty of offensive and defensive alliance was confirmed by 
their oaths and seals ; and each individual, according to his 
situation and character, was swayed by the hope of public or 
private advantage ; by the honor of restoring an exiled mon 
arch ; or by the sincere and probable opinion, that their efforts 
in Palestine would be fruitless and unavailing, and that the 
acquisition of Constantinople must precede and prepare the 
recovery of Jerusalem. But they were the chiefs or equals 
of a valiant band of freemen and volunteers, who thought and 
acted for themselves: the soldiers and clergy were divided ; 
and, if a large majority subscribed to the alliance, the num 
bers and arguments of the dissidents were strong and respec 
table. 53 The boldest hearts were appalled by the report of 
the naval power and impregnable strength of Constantinople ; 
and their apprehensions were- disguised to the world, and per 
haps to themselves, by the more decent objections of religion 
and duty. They alleged the sanctity of a vow, which had 
drawn them from their families and homes to the rescue of 
the holy sepulchre; nor should the dark and crooked counsels 
of human policy divert them from a pursuit, the event of 
which was in the hands of the Almighty. Their first offence, 

O * 

the attack of Zara; had been severely punished by the re 
proach of their conscience and the censures of the pope ; nor 
would they again imbrue their hands in the blood of their 
fellow-Christians. The apostle of Rome had pronounced ; nor 
would they usurp the right of avenging with the sword the 
schism of the Greeks and the doubtful usurpation of the By 
zantine monarch. On these principles or pretences, many 
pilgrims, the most distinguished for their valor and piety, 
withdrew from the camp ; and their retreat was less per 
nicious than the open or secret opposition of a discontented 
party, that labored, on every occasion, to separate the army 
and disappoint the enterprise. 

Notwithstanding this defection, the departure of the fleet 
and army was vigorously pressed by the Venetians, whose 
zeal for the service of the royal youth concealed a just resent 
ment to his nation and family. They wore mortified by the 
recent preference which had been given to Pisa, the riv.-jj of 

63 Villehardouin and Gunther represent the sentiments of the two 
parties. The abbot Martin left the army at Zara, proceeded to Pales 
tine, was sent ambassador to Constantinople, and became a reluctant 
witness of the second siege. 



72 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

their trade ; they had a long arrear of debt and injury to 
liquidate with the Byzantine court ; and Dandolo might not 
discourage the popular tale, that he had been deprived of his 
eyes by the emperor Manuel, who perfidiously violated the 
sanctity of an ambassador. A similar armament, for ages, 
had not rode the Adriatic: it was composed of one hundred 
and twenty flat-bottomed vessels or palanders for the horses ; 
two hundred and forty transports filled with men and arms; 
seventy store ships laden with provisions ; and fifty stout gal 
leys, well prepared for the encounter of an enemy. 64 While 
the wind was favorable, the sky serene, and the water smooth, 
every eye was fixed with wonder and delight on the scene of 
military and naval pomp which overspread the sea.* The 
shields of the knights and squires, at once an ornament and a 
defence, were arranged on either side of the ships ; the ban 
ners of the nations and families were displayed from the 
stern ; our modern artillery was supplied by three hundred 
engines for casting stones and darts : the fatigues of the way 
were cheered with the sound of music ; and the spirits of the 
adventurers were raised by the mutual assurance, that forty 
thousand Christian heroes were equal to the conquest of the 
world. 55 In the navigation 56 from Venice and Zara, the fleet 
was successfully steered by the skill and experience of the 
Venetian pilots : at Durazzo, the confederates first landed 
on the territories of the Greek empire : the Isle of Corfu 
afforded a station and repose ; they doubled, without accident, 
the perilous cape of Malea, the southern point of Peloponne 
sus or the Morea ; made a descent in the islands of Negro- 
i . 

54 The birth and digni-ty of Andrew Dandolo gave him the motive 
and the means of searching in the archives of Venice the memorable 
story of his ancestor. His brevity seems to accuse the copious and 
more recent narratives of Sanudo, (in Muratori, Script. Rerum Itali- 
carum, torn, xxii.,) Blondus, Sabellicus, and Rhanmusius. 

55 Villehardouin, No. 62. His feelings and expressions are original ; 
he often weeps, but he rejoices in the glories and perils of war with ft 
spirit unknown to a sedentary writer. 

56 In this voyage, almost all the geographical names are corrupted 
by the Latins. * The modern appellation of Chalcis, and all Euboea, is 
derived from its Euripiis, Evripo, Ncgri-po, Negropont, which dishonors 
our maps, (D Anville, Geographic Ancienne, torn. i. p. 263.) 



* This description rather belongs to the first setting sail of the expedi 
tion from Venice, before the siege of Zara. The armament did not return 
to Venice. M. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 73 

and Andros ; and cast anchor at Abydus on the Asiatic 
side of the Hellespont. These preludes of conquest were 
easy and bloodless : the Greeks of the provinces, without 
patriotism or courage, were crushed by an irresistible force : 
the presence of the lawful heir might justify their obedience ; 
and it was rewarded by the modesty and discipline of the 
Latins. As they penetrated through the Hellespont, the 
magnitude of their navy was compressed in a narrow channel, 
and the face of the waters was darkened with innumerable 
sails. They again expanded in the basin of the Propontis, 
and traversed that placid sea, till they approached the Euro 
pean shore, at the abbey of St. Stephen, three leagues to the 
west of Constantinople. The prudent doge dissuaded them 
from dispersing themselves in a populous and hostile land ; 
and, as their stock of provisions was reduced, it was resolved, 
tn the season of harvest, to replenish their store-ships in the 
fertile islands of the Propontis. With this resolution, they 
directed their course : but a strong gale, and their own im 
patience, drove them to the eastward ; and so near did they 
run to the shore and the city, that some volleys of stones and 
darts were exchanged between the ships and the rampart. 
As they passed along, they gazed with admiration on the 
capital of the East, or, as it should seem, of the earth ; rising 
from her seven hills, and towering over the continents of Eu 
rope and Asia. The swelling domes and lofty spires of five 
hundred palaces and churches were gilded by the sun and 
reflected in the waters : the walls were crowded with soldiers 
and spectators, whose numbers they beheld, of whose temper 
they were ignorant ; and each heart was chilled by the re 
flection, that, since the beginning of the world, such an enter 
prise had never been undertaken by such a handful of warriors. 
But the momentary apprehension was dispelled by hope and 
valor ; and every man, says the marshal of Champagne, 
glanced his eye on the sword or lance which he must speedily 
use in the glorious conflict. 57 The Latins cast anchor before 
Chalcedon ; the mariners only were left in the vessels : the 
soldiers, horses, and arms, were safely landed ; and, in the 
luxury of an Imperial palace, the barons tasted the first fruits 
of their success. On the third day, the fleet and army moved 

T - - * -" " 

67 Et sachiey. <jue il ni ot si hardi cui le cucr ne fremist, (c. 6G.) . . 
Cliascuns regardoit ses armes .... que par terns en arous mestier, (c. 
67.) Such is the honesty of courage. 
VOL. VI. 7 



74 THE DECLINE AND FALT, 

towards Scutari, the Asiatic suburb of Constantinople: a 
detachment of five hundred Greek horse was surprised and 
defeated by fourscore French knights ; and in a halt of nine 
days, the camp was plentifully supplied with forage and 
provisions. 

In relating the invasion of a great empire, it may seem 
strange that I have not described the obstacles which should 
have "checked the progress of the strangers. The Greeks, in 
truth, were an unwarlike people ; but they were rich, indus 
trious, and subject to the will of a single man : had that man 
been capable of fear, when his enemies were at a distance, 
or of courage, when they approached his person. The first 
rumor of his nephew s alliance with the French and Venetians 
was despised by the usurper Alexius : his flatterers persuaded 
him, that in this contempt he was bold and sincere ; and each 
evening, in the close of the banquet, he thrice discomfited 
the Barbarians of the West. These Barbarians had been 
justly terrified by the report of his naval power ; and the 
sixteen hundred fishing boats of Constantinople 58 could have 
manned a fleet, to sink them in the Adriatic, or stop their 
entrance in the mouth of the Hellespont. But all force may 
be annihilated by the negligence of the prince and the venal 
ity of his ministers. The great duke, or admiral, made a 
scandalous, almost a public, auction of the sails, the masts, 
and the rigging : the royal forests were reserved for the more 
important purpose of the chase ; and the trees, says Nicetas, 
were guarded by the eunuchs, like the groves of religious 
worship. 59 From his dream of pride, Alexius was awakened 
by the siege of Zara, and the rapid advances of the Latins ; 
as soon as he saw the danger was real, he thought it inevita 
ble, and his vain presumption was lost in abject despondency 
and despair. He suffered these contemptible Barbarians to 
pitch their camp in the sight of the palace ; and his appre 
hensions were thinly disguised by the pomp and menace of a 
suppliant embassy. The sovereign of the llomans was aston 
ished (his ambassadors were instructed to say) at the hostile 
appearance of the strangers. If these pilgrims were sincere 

fty Eandem urbem plus in soils navibus piscatorum abundare, quam 
illos iu toto navigio. Habebat cnim mille ct sexcentas piscatorias 

naves Eeilicas autcm sive mercatorias liabebant infinitffi mul- 

titudinis et portum tutissimum. Gunther, Hist. C. P. c. 8, p. 10. 

** KaQunen t Vi,>~>v aAoecar, tlnuv 8e xui. 9to<pvTtyruv naQadeiauir i< 
iovro TovTwrt . Nicetas in Alex. Comneno, 1. iii. c. 9, p. 348. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 75 

in their vow for the deliverance of Jerusalem, his voice must 
applaud, and his treasures should assist, their pious design ; 
but should they dare to invade the sanctuary of empire, their 
numbers, were they ten times more considerable, should not 
protect them from his just resentment. The answer of the 
doge and barons was simple and magnanimous. " In the 
cause of honor and justice," they said, " we despise the 
usurper of Greece, his threats, and his offers. Our friend 
ship and his allegiance are due to the lawful heir, to the 
young prince, who is seated among us, and to his father the 
emperor Isaac, who has been deprived of his sceptre, his free 
dom, and his eyes, by the crime of an ungrateful brother. 
Let that brother confess his guilt, and implore forgiveness, 
and we ourselves will intercede, that he may be permitted to 
live in affluence and security. But let him not insult us by a 
second message ; our reply will be made in arms, in the pal 
ace of Constantinople." 

On the tenth day of their encampment at Scutari, the cru 
saders prepared themselves, as soldiers and as Catholics, for 
the passage of the Bosphorus. Perilous indeed was the 
adventure ; the stream was broad and rapid : in a calm the 
current of the Euxine might drive clown the liquid and unex- 
tinguishable fires of the Greeks ; and the opposite shores of 
Europe were defended by seventy thousand horse and foot 
in formidable array. On this memorable day, which hap 
pened to be bright and pleasant, the Latins were distributed 
in six battles or divisions ; the first, or vanguard, was led by 
the count of Flanders, one of the most powerful of the 
Christian princes in the skill and number of his crossbows. 
The four successive battles of the French were commanded 
by his brother Henry, the counts of St. Pol and Blois, and 
Matthew of Montmorency ; the last of whom was honored 
by the voluntary service of the marshal and nobles of Cham 
pagne. The sixth division, the rear-guard and reserve of 
the army, was conducted by the marquis of Montferrat, at 
the head of the Germans and Lombards. The chargers, 
saddled, with their long caparisons dragging on the ground, 
were embarked in the flat pcdanders ; G0 and the knights stood 



From the version of Vignerc I adopt the \vell-soiinding word 
palander, which is still used, I believe, in the Mediterranean. But 
had I written in French, I should have preferred the original and ex 
pressive denomination of venters or /mV^ crs, from the Aim, or door. 



76 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

by the side of their horses, >n complete armor, their helmets, 
laced, and their lances in their hands. Their numerous train 
of sergeants 61 and archers occupied the transports; and 
ejach transport was towed by the strength and swiftness of a 
galley. The six divisions traversed the Bosphorus, without 
encountering an enemy or an obstacle : to land the foremost 
was the wish, to conquer or die was the resolution, of every 
division and of every soldier. Jealous of the preeminence 
of danger, the knights in their heavy armor leaped into 
the sea, when it rose as high as their girdle ; the sergeants 
and archers were animated by their valor ; and the squires, 
letting down the draw-bridges of the palanders, led the horses 
to the shore. Before their squadrons could mount, and form, 
and couch their lances, the seventy thousand Greeks had 
vanished from their sight : the timid Alexius gave the exam 
ple to his troops ; and it was only by the plunder of his rich 
pavilions that the Latins were informed that they had fought 
against an emperor. In the first consternation of the flying 
enemy, they resolved, by a double attack, to open the en 
trance of the harbor. The tower of Galata, 62 in the suburb 
of Pera, was attacked and stormed by the French, while the 
Venetians assumed the more difficult task of forcing the boom 
or chain that was stretched from that tower to the Byzantine 
shore. After some fruitless attempts, their intrepid persever 
ance prevailed : twenty ships of war, the relics of the Gre 
cian navy, were either sunk or taken : the enormous and 
massy links of iron were cut asunder by the shears, or bro 
ken by the weight, of the galleys ; 63 and the Venetian fleet, 

which was let down as a draw-bridge ; but which, at sea, was closed 
into the side of the ship, (see Ducange au Yillehardouin, No. 14, and 
Joinville, p. 27, 28, edit. du Louvre.) 

61 To avoid the vague expressions of followers, &c., I use, after Yil 
lehardouin, the word sergeants for all horsemen who were not knights. 
There were sergeants at arms, and sergeants at law ; and if we visit 
the parade and Westminster Hall, we may observe the strange result 
of the distinction, (Ducange, Glossar. Latin, Scrvientes, &c., torn. vi. p. 
226-231.) 

62 It is needless to observe, that on the subject of Galata, the chain, 
&c., Ducange is accurate and full. Consult likewise the proper chap 
ters of the C. P. Christiana of the same author. The inhabitants of 
Galata were so vain and ignorant, that they applied to themselves St. 
Paul s Epistle to the Galatians. 

63 The vessel that broke the chain was named the Eagle, Aquila, 
(Dandolo, Chronicon, p. 322,) which Blondus (de Gestis Venet.) has 
changed into Aquilo, the north wind. Ducange (Observations, No. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 77 

safe and triumphant, rode at anchor in the port of Constant! 
nople. By these daring achievements, a remnant of twenty 
thousand Latins solicited the license of besieging a capital 
which contained above four hundred thousand inhabitants, 64 
able, though not. willing, to bear arms in defence of their 
country. Such an account would indeed suppose a population 
of .near two millions ; but whatever abatement may be re 
quired in the numbers of the Greeks, the belief of those 
numbers will equally exalt the fearless spirit of their assail 
ants. 

In the choice of the attack, the French and Venetians 
were divided by their habits of life and warfare. The former 
affirmed" with truth, that Constantinople was most accessible 
on the side of the sea and the harbor. The latter might 
assert with honor, that they had long enough trusted their 
liyes and fortunes to a frail bark and a precarious element, 
and loudly demanded a trial of knighthood, a firm ground, 
and a close onset, either on foot or on horseback. After a 
prudent compromise, of employing the two nations by sea 
and land, in the service best suited to their character, the 
fleet covering the army, they both proceeded from the en 
trance to the extremity of the harbor : the stone bridge of 
the river was hastily repaired ; and the six battles of the 
French formed their encampment against the front of the 
capital, the basis of the triangle which runs about four miles 
from the port to the Propontis. 05 On the edge of a broad ditch, 
at the foot of a lofty rampart, they had leisure to contemplate 

83) maintains the latter reading ; but he had not seen the respectable 
text of Dandolo, nor did he enough consider the topography of the 
harbor. The south-east would have been a more effectual wind. 
[Note to Wilken, vol. v. p. 215.] 

64 Quatre cens mil homes ou plus, (Yillehardouin, No. 134,) must 
be understood of men of a military age. Le Beau (Hist, du Bas Em 
pire, torn. xx. p. 417) allows Constantinople a million of inhabitants, 
of whom 60,000 horse, and an infinite number of foot-soldiers. In its 
present decay, the capital of the Ottoman empire may contain 400,000 
souls, (Bell s Travels, vol. ii. p. 401, 402 ;) but as the Turks keep no 
registers, and as circumstances are fallacious, it is impossible to ascer 
tain (Niebuhr, Voyage en Arabic, torn. i. p. 18, 19) the real populous- 
ness of their cities. 

65 On the most correct plans of Constantinople, I know not how to 
measure more than 4000 paces. Yet Villehardouin computes the 
space at three leagues, (No. 86.) If his eye were not deceived, he 
must reckon by the old Gallic league of 1500 paces, which might still 
be used in Champagne. 



78 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

the difficulties of their enterprise. The gates to the right 
and left of their narrow camp p*oured forth frequent sallies 
of cavalry and light-infantry, which cut off their stragglers, 
swept the country of" provisions, sounded the alarm five or 
six times in the course of each day, and compelled them to 
plant a palisade, and sink an intrenchment, for their imme 
diate safety. In the supplies and convoys the Venetians had 
been too sparing, or the Franks too voracious : the usual com 
plaints of hunger and scarcity were heard, and perhaps felt : 
their stock of flour would be exhausted in three weeks ; and 
their disgust of salt meat tempted them to taste the flesh of 
their horses. The trembling usurper was supported by 
Theodore Lascaris, his son-in-law, a valiant youth, who as 
pired to save and to rule his country ; the Greeks, regardless of 
that country, were awakened to the defence of their religion ; 
but their firmest hope was in the strength and spirit of the 
Varangian guards, of the Danes and English, as they are 
named in the writers of the times. 60 After ten days inces 
sant labor, the ground was levelled, the ditch filled, the 
approaches of the besiegers were regularly made, and two 
hundred and fifty engines of assault exercised their various 
powers to clear the rampart, to batter the walls, and to sap 
the foundations. On the first appearance of a breach, the 
scaling-ladders were applied : the numbers that defended the 
vantage ground repulsed and oppressed the adventurous 
Latins ; but they admired the resolution of fifteen knights 
and sergeants, who had gained the ascent, and maintained 
their perilous station till they were precipitated or made pris 
oners by the Imperial guards. On the side of the harbor 
the naval attack was more successfully conducted by the 
Venetians ; and that industrious people employed every re- 
source that was known and practised before the invention of 
gunpowder. A double line, three bow-shots in front, was 
formed by the galleys and ships ; and the swift motion of the 
former was supported by the weight and loftiness of the lat 
ter, whose decks, and poops, and turret, were the platforms 
of military engines, that discharged their shot over the heads 
of the first line. The soldiers, who leaped from the galleys 



6a The guards, the Varangi, are styled by Villehardouin, (No. 89, 
95, Sec.,) Englois et Danois avec leurs haches. Whatever had been 
their origin, a French pilgrim could not be mistaken in the nations Af 
which they were at that time composed. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE, 79 

rm shore, immediately planted and ascended their scaling- 
ladders, while the large ships, advancing more slowly into the 
intervals, and lowering a draw-bridge, opened a way through 
the air from their masts to the rampart. In the midst of the 
conflict, the doge, a venerable and conspicuous form, stood 
aloft in complete armor on the prow of his galley. The 
great standard of St. Mark was displayed before him ; his 
threats, promises, and exhortations, urged the diligence of 
the rowers ; his vessel was the first that struck ; and Dandolo 
was the first warrior on the shore. The nations admired the 
magnanimity of the blind old man, without reflecting that hia 
age and infirmities diminished the price of life, and enhanced 
the value of immortal glory. On a sudden, by an invisible 
hand, (for the standard-bearer was probably slain,) the bannei 
of the republic was fixed on the rampart : twenty-five towers 
were rapidly occupied; and, by the cruel expedient of fire, 
the Greeks were driven from the adjacent quarter. The 
doge had despatched the intelligence of his success, when 
he was checked by the danger of his confederates. Nobly 
declaring that he would rather die with the pilgrims than 
gain a victory by their destruction, Dandolo relinquished his 
advantage, recalled his troops, and hastened to the scene of 
action. He found the six weary diminutive battles of the 
French encompassed by sixty squadrons of the Greek caval 
ry, the least of which was more numerous than the largest 
of their divisions. Shame and despair had provoked Alexius 
to the last effort of a general sally ; but he was awed by the 
firm order and manly aspect of the Latins ; and, after 
skirmishing at a distance, withdrew his troops in the close of 
the evening. The silence or tumult of the night exasperated 
his fears ; and the timid usurper, collecting a treasure of ten 
thousand pounds of gold, basely deserted his wife, his people, 
and his fortune ; threw himself into a bark ; stole through 
the Bosphorus ; and landed in shameful safety in an obscure 
harbor of Thrace. As soon as they were apprised of his 
flight, the Greek nobles sought pardon and peace in the dun 
geon where the blind Isaac expected each hour the visit of 
the executioner. Again saved and exalted by the vicissitudes 
of fortune, the captive in his Imperial robes was replaced on 
the throne, and surrounded with prostrate slaves, whose real 
terror and affected joy he was incapable of discerning. At 
the dawn of day, hostilities were suspended, and the Latin 
chiefs were surprised by a message from the lawful and 



80 THE -DECLINE AND FALL 

reigning emperor, who was impatient to embrace his son, and 
Jo reward his generous deliverers. 67 

But these generous deliverers were unwilling to release 
their hostage, till they had obtained from his father the pay 
ment, or at least the promise, of their recompense. They 
chose four ambassadors, Matthew of Montmorency, our his 
torian the marshal of Champagne, and two Venetians, to con 
gratulate the emperor. The gates were thrown open on their 
approach, the streets on both sides were lined with the battle- 
axes of the Danish and English guard : the presence-chamber 
glittered with gold and jewels, the false substitutes of virtue 
and power : by the side of the blind Isaac his wife was seated, 
the sister of the king of Hungary : and by her appearance, 
the noble matrons of Greece were drawn from their domestic 
retirement, and mingled with the circle of senators and 
soldiers. The Latins, by the mouth of the marshal, sp.oke 
like men conscious of their merits, but who respected the 
work of their own hands ; and the emperor clearly understood, 
that his son s engagements with Venice and the pilgrims must 
be ratified without hesitation or delay. Withdrawing into a 
private chamber with the empress, a chamberlain, an inter 
preter, and the" four ambassadors, the father of young Alexius 
inquired with some anxiety into the nature of his stipulations. 
The submission of the Eastern empire to the pope, the suc 
cor of the Holy Land, and a present contribution of two 
hundred thousand marks of silver. "These conditions are 
weighty," was his prudent reply : " they are hard to accept, 
and difficult to perform. But no conditions can exceed the 
measure of your services and deserts." After this satisfac 
tory assurance, the barons mounted on horseback, and intro 
duced the heir of Constantinople to the city and palace : his 
youth and marvellous adventures engaged every heart in his 
favor, and Alexius was solemnly crowned with his father in 
the dome of St. Sophia. In the first days of his reign, the 
people, already blessed with the restoration of plenty and 
peace, was delighted by the joyful catastrophe of the tragedy ; 

67 For the first siege and conquest of Constantinople, we may read 
the original letter of the crusaders to Innocent III., Gesta, c. 91, p 
533, 534. Villehardouin, No. 75 99. Nicetas, in Alexio Comnen. 1. 
iii. c. 10, p. 349 352. Dandolo, in Chron. p. 322. Gunther, and 
his abbot Martin, were not yet returned from their obstinate pilgrim 
age to Jerusalem, or St. John d Acre, where the greatest part of the 
company had died of the plague. 



Of THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 81 

<uii the discontent of the nobles^ their regret, and their fears, 
were covered by the polished surface of pleasure and loyalty. 
The mixture of two discordant nations in the same capital 
might have been pregnant with mischief and danger ; and the 
suburb of Galata, or Pera, was assigned for the quarters of 
the French and Venetians. But the liberty of trade and 

/ 

familiar intercourse was allowed between the friendly na 
tions : and each day the pilgrims were tempted by devotion 
or curiosity to visit the churches and palaces of Constantino 
ple. Their rude minds, insensible perhaps of the finer arts, 
were astonished by the magnificent scenery : and the poverty 
of their native towns enhanced the populousness and riches of 
the first metropolis of Christendom. 68 Descend ing ,from his 
state, young Alexius was prompted by interest and gratitude to 
repeat his frequent and familiar visits to his Latin allies ; and 
in the freedom of the table, the gay petulance of the French 
sometimes forgot the emperor of the East. 69 In their most 
serious conferences, it was agreed, that the reunion of the 
two churches must be the result of patience and time ; but 
avarice was less tractable than zeal ; and a large sum was 
instantly disbursed to appease the wants, and silence the im 
portunity, of the crusaders. 70 Alexius was alarmed by the 
approaching hour of their departure : their absence might have 
relieved, him from the engagement which he was yet inca 
pable of performing ; but his friends would have left him, 
naked and alone, to the caprice and prejudice of a perfidious 
nation. He wished to bribe their stay, the delay of a year, 
by undertaking to defray their expense, and to satisfy, in their 
name, the freight of the Venetian vessels. The offer was 

"S Compare, in the rude energy of Villehardouin, (No. 06, 100,) the 
inside and outside views of Constantinople, and their impression on 
the minds of the pilgrims : cette ville (says he) que de toutes les 
autres 6re souveraine. See the parallel passages of Fulchcrius Carno 
tensis, Hist. Hicrosol. 1. i. c. 4, and Will. Tyr. ii. 3, xx. 26. 

1 As they played at dice, the Latins took off his diadem, and 
clapped on his head a woollen or hairy cap, TO ueyalonyfnt? xal nuy 
KAf- urror xaregijilnaivtv 6xu/a, (Nicetus, p. 358.) If these merry com 
panions were Venetians, it was the insolence of trade and a com 
monwealth. 

Villehardouin, No. 101. Dandolo, p. 322. The doge affirms, 
that the Venetians were paid more slowly than the French ; but he 
owns, that the histories of the two nations differed on that subject; 
T lad he read Villehardouin ? The Greeks complained, however, quad 
totius Grteciae opes transtulisset, (Gunther, Hist. C. P. c. 13.) Seo 
idle lamentations and invectives of Nicetas, (p. 355.) 



82 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

agitated in the council of the barons ; and, after a repetition 
of their debates and scruples, a majority of votes again ac 
quiesced in the advice of the doge and the prayer of the 
young emperor. At the price of sixteen hundred pounds of 
gold, he prevailed on the marquis of Montferrat to lead him 
with an army round the provinces of Europe ; to establish his 
authority, and pursue his uncle, while Constantinople was 
awed by the presence of Baldwin and his confederates of 
France and Flanders. The expedition was successful : the 
blind emperor exulted in the success of his arms, and listened 
to "the predictions of his flatterers, that the same Providence 
which had raised him from the dungeon to the throne, would 
heal his gout, restore his sight, and watch over the long pros 
perity of his reign. Yet the mind of the suspicious old man 
was tormented by the rising glories of his son ; nor could 
his pride conceal from his envy, that, while his own name 
was pronounced in faint and reluctant acclamations, the royal 
youth was the theme of spontaneous and universal praise. 71 

By the recent invasion, the Greeks were awakened from a 
dream of nine centuries ; from the vain presumption that the 
capital of the Roman empire was impregnable to foreign 
arms. The strangers of the West had violated the city, and 
bestowed the sceptre, of Constantine : their Imperial clients 
soon became as unpopular as themselves : the well-known 
vices of Isaac were rendered still more contemptible by his 
infirmities, and the young Alexius was hated as an apostate, 
who had renounced the manners and religion of his coun 
try. His secret covenant with the Latins was divulged or 
suspected ; the people, and especially the clergy, were de 
voutly attached to their faith and superstition ; and every 
convent, and every shop, resounded with the danger of the 
church and the tyranny of the pope. 72 An empty treasury 
could ill supply the demands of regal luxury and foreign 
extortion : the Greeks refused to avert, by a general tax, 

71 The reign of Alexius Comnenus occupies three books in Nicetas, 

p. 291 352. The short restoration of Isaac and his son is despatched 

in five chapters, p. 352 362. 

72 When Nicetas reproaches Alexius for his impious league, he 
bestows the harshest names on the pope s new religion, ptiLov xal 
aronw-tarov . . . nuQsxTQonifV nitntw? . . . T> rov J/u /ra nqovofiifov 
xaivioiwr, . . . ^erix&taiv re xat utrairoir^iv TMV nalwiov Piofictiote 
t6mv t (p. 348.) Such was the sincere language of every Greek to the 
last gasp of the empire. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 83 

the impending evils of servitude and pillage ; the oppres 
sion of the rich excited a more dangerous and personal resent 
ment ; and if the emperor melted the plate, and despoiled the 
images, of the sanctuary, he seemed to justify the complaints 
of heresy and sacrilege. During the absence of Marquis 
Boniface and his Imperial pupil, Constantinople was visited 
with a calamity which might be justly imputed to the zeal and 
indiscretion of the Flemish pilgrims. 73 In one of their visits 
to the city, they were scandalized by the aspect of a mosque 
or synagogue, in which one God was worshipped, without a 
partner or a son. Their effectual mode of controversy was 
to attack the infidels with the sword, and their habitation with 
fire : but the infidels, and some Christian neighbors, presumed 
to defend their lives and properties ; and the flames which 
bigotry had kindled, consumed the most orthodox and inno 
cent structures. During eight days and nights, the conflagra 
tion spread above a league in front, from the harbor to the 
Propontis, over the thickest and most populous regions of the 
city. It is not easy to count the stately churches and palaces 
that were reduced to a smoking ruin, to value the merchan 
dise that perished in the trading streets, or to number the fam 
ilies that were involved in the common destruction. By this 
outrage, which the doge and the barons in vain affected to dis- 

O o 

claim, the name of the Latins became still more unpopular ; 
and the colony of that nation, above fifteen thousand persons, 
consulted their safety in a hasty retreat from the city to the 
protection of their standard in the suburb of Pera. The em 
peror returned in triumph ; but the firmest and most dexterous 
policy would have been insufficient to steer him through the 
tempest, which overwhelmed the person and government of 
that unhappy youth. His own inclination, and his father s 
advice, attached him to his benefactors ; but Alexius hesitated 
between gratitude and patriotism, between the fear of his 
subjects and of his allies. 74 By his feeble and fluctuating 
conduct he lost the esteem and confidence of both ; and, while 



73 Nicetas (p. 355) is positive in the charge, and specifies the 
Flemings, (<>7.tu ovjc, though he is wrong in supposing it an ancient 
name. Villehardouin (No. 107) exculpates the barons, and is igno 
rant (perhaps affectedly ignorant) of the names of the guilty. 

74 Compare the suspicions and complaints of Nicetas (p. 359 362) 
with the blunt charges of Baldwin of Flanders, (Gesta Innocent III. 
c. 02, p. 534,) cum patriarcha ct mole nobilinm, nobis premisses per* 
jurus et mendax. 



84 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

he invited the marquis of Monferrat to occupy the palace, lie 
suffered the nobles to conspire, and the people to arm, for the 
deliverance of their country. Regardless of his painful situa 
tion, the Latin chiefs repeated their demands, resented his 
delays, suspected his intentions, and exacted a decisive an 
swer of peace or war. The haughty summons was delivered 
by three French knights and three Venetian deputies, who 
girded their swords, mounted their horses, pierced through the 
angry multitude, and entered, with a fearless countenance, the 
palace and presence of the Greek emperor. In a peremptory 
tone, they recapitulated their services and his engagements ; 
and boldly declared, that unless their just claims were fully 
and immediately satisfied, they should no longer hold him 
either as a sovereign or a friend. After this defiance, the 
first that had ever wounded an Imperial ear, they departed 
without betraying any symptoms of fear ; but their escape 
from a servile palace and a furious city astonished the ambas 
sadors themselves ; and their return to the camp was the 
signal of mutual hostility. 

Among the Greeks, all authority and wisdom were over 
borne by the impetuous multitude, who mistook their rage for 
valor, their numbers for strength, and their fanaticism for the 
support and inspiration of Heaven. In the eyes of both na 
tions Alexius was false and contemptible ; the base and spuri 
ous race of the Angeli was rejected with clamorous disdain ; 
and the people of Constantinople encompassed the senate, to 
demand at their hands a more worthy emperor. To every 
senator, conspicuous by his birth or dignity, they successively 
presented the purple : by each senator the deadly garment 
was repulsed : the contest lasted three days ; and we may 
learn from the historian Nicetas, one of the members of the 
assembly, that fear and weaknesses were the guardians of 
their loyalty. A phantom, who vanished in oblivion, was 
forcibly proclaimed by the crowd : 75 but the author of the 
tumult, and the leader of the war, was a prince of the house 
of Ducas ; and his common appellation of Alexius must be 
discriminated by the epithet of Mourzoufle, 76 which in the 

75 His name was Nicholas Canabus : he deserved the praise of Nice 
tas and the vengeance of Mourzoufle, (p. 362.) 

* Villehardouin (No. 116) speaks of him as a favorite, without 
knowing that he was a prince of the blood, Angelus and Ducas. Du- 
cange, who pries into every corner, believes him to be the son of Isaac 
Ducas Sebastocrutor, and second cousin of young Alexius. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 85 

vulgar idiom expressed the close junction of his black and 
shaggy eyebrows. At once a patriot and a courtier, the per 
fidious Mourzoufle, who was not destitute of cunning and 
courage, opposed the Latins both in speech and action, 
inflamed the passions and prejudices of the Greeks, and 
insinuated himself into the favor and confidence of Alexius, 
who trusted him with the office of great chamberlain, and 
tinged his buskins with the colors of royalty. At the dead 
of night, he rushed into the bed-chamber with an affrighted 
aspect, exclaiming, that the palace was attacked by the peo 
ple and betrayed by the guards. Starting from his couch, 
the unsuspecting prince threw himself into the arms of his 
enemy, who had contrived his escape by a private staircase. 
But that staircase terminated in a prison : Alexius was seized, 
stripped, and loaded with chains ; and, after tasting some 
days the bitterness of death, he was poisoned, or strangled, 
or beaten with clubs, at the command, or in the presence, of 
the tyrant. The emperor Isaac Angelus soon followed his 
son to the grave ; and Mourzoufle, perhaps, might spare the 
superfluous crime of hastening the extinction of impotence 
and blindness. 

The death of the emperors, and the usurpation of Mour 
zoufle, had changed the nature of the quarrel. It was no 
longer the disagreement of! allies who overvalued their ser 
vices, or neglected their obligations : the French and Vene 
tians forgot their complaints against Alexius, dropped a tear 
on the untimely fate of their companion, and swore revenge 
against the perfidious nation who had crowned bis assassin. 
Yet the prudent doge was still inclined to negotiate : he asked 
as a debt, a subsidy ,"or a fine, fifty thousand pounds of gold, 
about two millions sterling ; nor would the conference have 
been abruptly broken, if the zal, or policy, of Mourzoufle 
had not refused to sacrifice the Greek church to the safety 
of the state. 77 Amidst the invectives of his foreign and 
domestic enemies, we may discern, that he was not unworthy 
of the character which he had assumed, of the public cham 
pion : the second siege of Constantinople was far more 



77 This negotiation, probable in itself, and attested by Nicetas, 
(p. 365,) is omitted as scandalous by the delicacy of Dandolo and 
Villehardouin.* 



* "VVilken places it before the death of Alexius, vol. v. p. 276. M. 
VOL. VI. 8 



86 THE DECLINE AND FALI 

laborious than the first ; the treasury was replenished, and 
discipline was restored, by a severe inquisition into the abuses 
of the former reign ; and Mourzoufle, an irou mace in his 
hand, visiting the posts, and affecting the port and aspect of a 
warrior, was an object of terror to his soldiers, at least, and 
to his kinsmen. Before and after the death of Alexius, the 
Greeks made two vigorous and well-conducted attempts to 
burn the navy in the harbor ; but the skill and courage of the 
Venetians repulsed the fire-ships ; and the vagrant flames 
wasted themselves without injury in the sea. 78 In a nocturnal 
sally the Greek emperor was vanquished by Henry, brother 
of the count of Flanders : the advantages of number and 
surprise aggravated the shame of his defeat : his buckler was 
found on the field of battle ; and the Imperial standard, 79 a 
divine image of the Virgin, was presented, as a trophy and a 
relic, to the Cistercian monks, the disciples of St. Bernard 
Near three months, without excepting the holy season of 
Lent, were consumed in skirmishes and preparations, before 
the Latins were ready or resolved for a general assault. The 
land fortifications had been found impregnable ; and the 
Venetian pilots represented, that, on the shore of the Prepon- 
tis, the anchorage was unsafe, and the ships must be driven 
by the current far away to the straits of the Hellespont ; a 
prospect not unpleasing to the reluctant pilgrims, who sought 
every opportunity of breaking the army. From the harbor, 
therefore, the assault was determined by the assailants, and 
expected by the besieged ; and the emperor had placed his 
scarlet pavilions on a neighboring height, to direct and ani 
mate the efforts of his troops. A fearless spectator, whose 
mind could entertain the ideas of pomp and pleasure, might 
have admired the long array of two embattled armies, which 
extended above half a league, the one on the ships and gal 
leys, the other on the walls and towers raised above the ordi 
nary level by several stages of wooden turrets. Their first 
fury was spent in the discharge of darts, stones, and fire, from 

78 Baldwin mentions both attempts to fire the fleet, (Gest. c. 92, 
p. 534, 535;) Villehardouin, (No. 113 115) only describes the first. 
It is remarkable that neither of these warriors observes any peculiar 
properties in the Greek fire. 

79 Ducange (No. 119) pours forth a torrent of learning or* the Gon- 
fanon Imperial. This banner of the Virgin is shown at Venice as a 
trophy and relic : if it be genuine, the pious doge must have cheated 
the monks of Citeaux. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 87 

the engines ; but the water was deep ; the French were bold ; 
the Venetians were skilful ; they approached the walls ; and 
a desperate conflict of swords, spears, and battle-axes, was 
fought on the trembling bridges that grappled the floating, to 
the stable, batteries. In more than a hundred places, the 
assault was urged, and the defence was sustained ; till the 
superiority of ground and numbers finally prevailed, and the 
Latin trumpets sounded a retreat. On the ensuing days, the 
attack was renewed with equal vigor, and a similar event ; 
and, in the night, the doge and the barons held a council t 
apprehensive only for the public danger : not a voice pro 
nounced the words of escape or treaty ; and each warrior, 
according to his temper, embraced the hope of victory, or 
the assurance of a glorious death. 80 By the experience of 
the former siege, the Greeks were instructed, but the Latins 
were animated ; and the knowledge that Constantinople might 
be taken, was of more avail than the local precautions which 
that knowledge had inspired for its defence. In the third 
assault, two ships we e linked together to double their 
strength ; a strong north wind drove them on the shore ; the 
bishops of Troyes and Soissons led the van ; and the auspi- 
cious names of the pilgrim and the paradise resounded along 
the line. 81 The episcopal banners were displayed on the 
walls ; a hundred marks of silver had been promised to the 
first adventurers ; and if their reward was intercepted by 
death, their names have been immortalized by fame.* Four 
towers were scaled ; three gates were burst open ; and the 
French knights, who might tremble on the waves, felt them 
selves invincible on horseback on the solid ground. Shall 1 
relate that the thousands who guarded the emperor s person 
fled on the approach, and before the lance, of a single war 
rior ? Their ignominious flight is attested by their country 
man Nicetas : an army of phantoms marched with the French 
nero, and he was magnified to a giant in the eyes of the 



80 Villehardouin (No. 126) confesses, that mult ere grant peril ; 
and Guntherus (Hist. C. P. c. 13) affirms, that rmlla spcs victoria* ar- 
ridere poterat. Yet the knight despises those who thoughi of flight, 
and the monk praises his countrymen who were resolved on death. 

81 Baldwin, and all the writers, honor the names of these two 
galleys, felici auspicio. 

* Pietro Alberti, a Venetian noble, and Andrew d Amboise, a French 
knight. M. 



88 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

Greeks. 82 While the fugitives deserted their posts and cast 
away their arms, the Latins entered the city under the ban 
ners of their leaders : the streets and gates opened for their 
passage ; and either design or accident kindled a third con 
flagration, which consumed in a few hours the measure of 
three of the largest cities of France. 83 In the close of 
evening, the barons checked their troops and fortified their 
stations : they were awed by the extent and populousness 
of the capital, which might yet require the labor of a month, 
if the churches and palaces were conscious of their internal 
strength. But in the morning, a suppliant procession, with 
crosses and images, announced the submission of the Greeks, 
and deprecated the wrath of the conquerors : the usurper 
escaped through the golden gate : the palaces of Blacherna:! 
and Boucoleon were occupied by the count of Flanders and 
the marquis of Montferrat ; and the empire, which still bore 
the name of Constantine, and the title of Roman, was sub 
verted by the arms of the Latin pilgrims. 84 

Constantinople had been taken by storm ; and no restraints, 
except those of religion and humanity, were imposed on the 
conquerors by the laws of war. Boniface, marquis of Mont 
ferrat, still acted as their general ; and the Greeks, who revered 
his name as that of their future sovereign, were heard to 
exclaim in a lamentable tone, " Holy marquis-king, have 
mercy upon us ! : His prudence or compassion opened the 
gates of the city to the fugitives ; and he exhorted the soldiers 
of the cross to spare the lives of their fellow-Christians. The 

82 With, an allusion to Homer, Nicctas calls him jsvrfiiQY V10 ?^ nine 
orgyse, or eighteen yards high, a stature which would, indeed, have 
excused the terror of the Greek. On this occasion, the historian 
seems fonder of the marvellous, than of his country, or perhaps of 
truth. Baldwin exclaims in the words of the psalmist, persequitur 
unus ex nobis centum alienos. 

83 Villehardouin (No. 130) is again ignorant of the authors of this 
more legitimate fire, which is ascribed by Gunther to a quidam 
comes Teutonicus, (c. 1-1.^ They seem ashamed, the incendiaries ! 

84 For the second siege and conquest of Constantinople, see Yille- 
hardouin, (No. 113 132,) Baldwin s iid Epistle to Innocent III., 
(Gesta, c. 92, p. 534 537,) with the whole reign of Mourzoufle, in 
Nicetas, (p. 363 375 ;) and borrow some hints from Dandolo (Chron. 
Venet. p. 323330) and Gunther, (Hist. C. P. c. 1418.) who add 
the decorations of prophecy and vision. The former produces an ora 
cle of the Erythrtean sibyl, of a great armament on the Adriatic, 
under a blind chief, against Byzantium, &c. Curious enough, were 
the prediction anterior to the fact. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 89 

streams of blood that flowed down the pages of Nicctas may 
be reduced to the slaughter of two thousand of his unresisting 
countrymen; 85 and the greater part was massacred, not by 
the strangers, but by the Latins, who had been driven from 
the city, and who exercised the revenge of a triumphant fac 
tion. Yet of these exiles, some were less mindful of injuries 
than of benefits ; and Nicetas himself was indebted for his 
safety to the generosity of a Venetian merchant. Pope Inno 
cent the Third accuses the pilgrims of respecting, in their 
lust, neither age nor sex, nor religious profession ; and bitterly 
laments that the deeds of darkness, fornication, adultery, and 
incest, were perpetrated in open d? j ; and that noble matrons 
and holy nuns were polluted by th3 grooms and peasants of 
the Catholic camp. 86 It is indeed probable that the license 
of victory prompted and covered a multitude of sins : but it is 
certain, that the capital of the East contained a stock of venal 
or willing beauty, sufficient to satiate the desires of twenty 
thousand pilgrims ; and female prisoners were no longer sub 
ject to the right or abuse of domestic slavery. The marquis 
of Montferrat was the patron of discipline and decency ; the 
count of Flanders was the mirror of chastity : they had for 
bidden, under pain of death, the rape of married women, or 
virgins, or nuns ; and the proclamation was sometimes invoked 
by the vanquished 87 and respected by the victors. Their 
cruelty and lust were moderated by the authority of the chiefs, 
and feelings of the soldiers ; for we are no longer describing 
an irruption of the northern savages ; and however ferocious 
they might still appear, time, policy, and religion had civilized 
the manners of the French, and still more of the Italians. But 
a free scope was allowed to their avarice, which was glutted, 
even in the holy week, by the pillage of Constantinople. The 
right of victory, unshackled by any promise or treaty, had 



85 Ceciderunt tamen ea die civium quasi duo millia, &c., (Gunther, 
c. 18.) Arithmetic is an excellent touchstone .to try the amplifica 
tions of passion and rhetoric. 

86 Quidam (says Innocent III., Gesta, c. 9-1, p. 538) nee religioni, 

nee setati, nee sexui pepercerunt : sed fornicationes, adultcria, et in- 

cestus in oculis omnium cxercentes, non soltim maritatas et viduas, sed 

et matronas et virgines Deoque dicatas, exposucrunt spurcitiis garci- 

anum. Villehardouin takes no notice of these common incidents. 

87 Nicetas saved, mid afterwards married, a noble virgin, (p. 380,) 
ivhoni a soldier, in uuorvot no/Hoig orr,Suv impQiudiusvos, had almost 
fiolated in spite of the i rroAai, tvTaAitara tv 

8* 



90 TIIR DECLINE AND FALL 

confiscated the public and private wealth of the Greeks ; arxi 
every hand, according to its size and strength, might lawfully 
execute the sentence and seize the forfeiture. A portable and 
universal standard of exchange was found in the coined and 
uncoined metals of gold and silver, which each captor, at 
home or abroad, might convert into the possessions most 
suitable to his temper and situation. Of the treasures, which 
trade and luxury had accumulated, the silks, velvets, furs, the 
gems, spices, and rich movables, were the most precious, as 
they could not be procured for money in the ruder countries 
of Europe. An order of rapine was instituted ; nor was the 
share of each individual abandoned to industry or chance. 
Under the tremendous penalties of perjury, excommunication, 
and death, the Latins were bound to deliver their plunder into 
the common stock : three churches were selected for the 
deposit and distribution of the spoil : a single share was 
allotted to a foot-soldier ; two for a sergeant on horseback ; 
four to a knight ; and larger proportions according to the rank 
and merit of the barons and princes. For violating this sacred 
engagement, a knight belonging to the count of St. Paul was 
hanged with his shield and coat of arms round his neck ; his 
example might render similar offenders more artful and dis 
creet ; but avarice was more powerful than fear ; and it is 
generally believed, that the secret far exceeded the acknowl 
edged plunder. Yet the magnitude of the prize surpassed the 
largest scale of experience or expectation. 8 ^ After the whole 
had been equally divided between the French and Venetians, 
fifty thousand marks were deducted to satisfy the debts of the 
former and the demands of the latter. The residue of the 
French amounted to four hundred thousand marks of silver, 89 
about eight hundred thousand pounds sterling ; nor can I 
better appreciate^- the value of that sum in the public and 



8S Of the general mass of wealth, Gunther observes, ut do pauperi- 
bus et advenis cives ditissimi redclerentur, (Hist. C. P. c. 18 ;) Vil- 
lehardouin, (No. 132,) that since the creation, ne fu tant gaaignie dans 
une ville ; Baldwin, (Gesta, c. 92,) ut tantum tota non videatur pos- 
sidere Latinitas. 

89 Villehardouin, No. 133135. Instead of 400,000, there is a 
various reading of 500,000. The Venetians had offered to take the 
whole booty, and to give 400 marks to each knight, 200 to each priest 
and horseman, and 100 to each foot-soldier : they would have been 
great losers, (Le Beau, Hist, du Bas Empire, torn. xx. p. 506. 1 
know not from whence.) 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 91 

private transactions of the age, than by defining it as seven 
times the annual revenue of the kingdom of England. 90 

In this great revolution we enjoy the singular felicity of 
comparing the narratives of Villehardouin and Nicetas, the 
opposite feelings of the marshal of Champagne and the Byzan 
tine senator. 91 At the first view it should seem that the wealth 
of Constantinople was only transferred from one nation to 
another ; and that the loss and sorrow of the Greeks is exactly 
balanced by the joy and advantage of the Latins. But in the 
miserable account of war, the gain is never equivalent to the 
loss, the pleasure to the pain ; the smiles of the Latins were 
transient and fallacious ; the Greeks forever wept over the 
ruins of their country ; and their real calamities were aggra 
vated by sacrilege and mockery. What benefits accrued to 
the conquerors from the three fires which annihilated so vast 
a portion of the buildings and riches of the city ? What a 
stock of such things, as could neither be used nor transported, 
was maliciously or wantonly destroyed ! How much treasure 
was idly wasted in gaming, -debauchery, and riot ! And what 
precious objects were bartered for a vile price by the impa 
tience or ignorance of the soldiers, whose reward was stolen 
by the base industry of the last of the Greeks ! These alone, 
who had nothing to lose, might derive some profit from the 
revolution ; but the misery of the upper ranks of society is 
strongly painted in the personal adventures of Nicetas himself. 
His stately palace had been reduced to ashes in the second 
conflagration ; and the senator, with his family and friends, 
found an obscure shelter in another house which he possessed 
near the church of St. Sophia. It was the door of this mean 
habitation that his friend, the Venetian merchant, guarded in 
the disguise of a soldier, till Nicetas could save, by a precipi 
tate flight, the relics of his fortune and <the chastity of his 
daughter. In a cold, wintry season, these fugitives, nursed in 
the lap of prosperity, departed on foot ; his wife was with 



90 At the council of Lyons (A. D. 1245) the English ambassadors 
stated the revenue of the crown as below that of the foreign clergy, 
which amounted to 60,000 marks a year, (Matthew Paris, p. 451. 
Hume s Hist, of England, vol. ii. p. 170.) 

91 The disorders of the sack of Constantinople, and his own adven 
tures, are feelingly described by Nicetas, p. 367 369, and in the Sta 
tus TJrb. C. P. p. 375 384. His complaints, even of sacrilege, are 
justified by Innocent III., (Gesta, c. 92 ;) but Villehardouin does not 
betray a symptom of pity or remorse. 



THE DECLINE AND 

child ; the desertion of their slaves compelled them to carry 
their baggage on their own shoulders ; and their women, whom 
they placed in the centre, were exhorted to conceal their 
beauty with dirt, instead of adorning it with paint and jewels. 
Every step was exposed to insult and danger : the threats of 
the strangers were less painful than the taunts of the plebeians, 
with whom they were now levelled ; nor did the exiles breathe 
in safety till their mournful pilgrimage was concluded at 
Selymbria, above forty miles from the capital. On the way 
they overtook the patriarch, without attendance and almost 
without apparel, riding on an ass, and reduced to a state of 
apostolical poverty, which, had it been voluntary, might per 
haps have been meritorious. In the mean while, his desolate 
churches \vere profaned by the licentiousness and party zeal 
of the Latins. After stripping the gems and pearls, they con 
verted the chalices into drinking- cups ; their tables, on which 
they gamed and feasted, were covered with the pictures of 
Christ and the saints ; and they trampled under foot the most 
venerable objects of the Christian worship. In the cathedral 
of St. Sophia, the ample veil of the sanctuary was rent asun 
der for the sake of the golden fringe ; and the altar, a monu 
ment of art and riches, was broken in pieces and shared 
among the captors. Their mules and horses were laden with 
the wrought silver and gilt carvings, which they tore down 
from the doors and pulpit ; and if the beasts stumbled under 
the burden, they were stabbed by their impatient drivers, and 
the holy pavement streamed with their impure blood. A 
prostitute was seated on the throne of the patriarch ; and that 
daughter of Belial, as she is styled, sung and danced in the 
church, to ridicule the hymns and processions of the Orientals. 
Nor were the repositories of the royal dead secure from 
violation : in the church of the Apostles, the tombs of the 
emperors were rifled ; and it is said, that after six centuries 
the corpse of Justinian was found without any signs of decay 
or putrefaction. In the streets, the French and Flemings 
clothed themselves and their horses in painted robes and flow 
ing head-dresses of linen ; and the coarse intemperance of 
their feasts 92 insulted the splendid sobriety of the East. To 
expose the arms of a people of scribes and scholars, they 

92 If I rightly apprehend the Greek of Nicetas s receipts, their favor 
ite dishes were boiled buttocks of beef, salt pork and peas, and soup 
made of garlic and sharp or sour herbs, (p. 382.) 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 93 

Affected to display a pen, an inkhorn, and a sheet of paper, 
without discerning that the instruments of science and valor 
were alike feeble and useless in the hands of the modern 
Greeks. 

Their reputation and their language encouraged them, how 
ever, to despise the ignorance and to overlook the progress 
of the Latins. 93 In the love of the arts, the national differ 
ence was still more obvious and real ; the Greeks preserved 
with reverence the works of their ancestors, which they could 
not imitate ; and, in the destruction of the statues of Con 
stantinople, we are provoked to join in the complaints and 
invectives of the Byzantine historian. 94 We have seen how 
the rising city was adorned by the vanity and despotism of 
the Imperial founder : in the ruins of paganism, some gods 
and heroes were saved from the axe of superstition ; and the 
Forum and hippodrome were dignified with the relics of a 
Detter age. Several of these are described by Nicetas, 95 in 
a florid and affected style ; and from his descriptions I shall 
telect some interesting particulars. 1. The victorious char- 
oteers were cast in bronze, at their own or the public charge, 
md htly placed in the hippodrome : they stood aloft in their 
/:he.riots, wheeling round the goal : the spectators could ad 
mire their attitude, and judge of the resemblance ; and of 
1 hese figures, the most perfect might have been transported 
from the Olympic stadium. 2. The sphinx, river-horse, and 
crocodile, denote the climate and manufacture of Egypt and 
the spoils of that ancient province. 3. The she-wolf suc 
kling Romulus and Remus, a subject alike pleasing to the old 



93 Nicetas uses very hau*li expressions, nan" 

y-. <. rtlfov &vai(fu^ijrotf t (Fragment, aptad Fabric. Bibliot. Grsec. torn. vi. 
p. 414.) This reproach, it ieti 10, applies most strongly to their igno 
rance of Greek and of Homer. In their own language, the Latins of 
the xiith and xiiith centuries were not destitute of literature. See 
Harris s Philological Inquiries, p. iii. c. 9, 10, 11. 

94 Nicetas was of Chonse in Phrygia, (the old Colossse of St. Paul : 
he raised himself to the honors of senator, judge of the veil, and great 
logothetc; beheld the fall of the empire, retired to Nice, and com 
posed an elaborate history from the death of Alexius Comnenus to the 
reign of Henry. 

95 A manuscript of Nicetas in the Bodleian library contains this 
curious fragment on the statues of Constantinople, which fraud, or 
shame, or rather carelessness, has dropped in the common editions. It 
is published by Fabricius, (Bibliot. Grsec. torn. vi. p. 405 416,) and 
immoderately praised by the late ingenious Mr. Harris of Salisbury. 
Philological Inquiries, p. iii. c. 5, p. 301 312.) 



94 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

and the new Romans, but which could really be treated before 
the decline of the Greek sculpture. 4. An eagle holding 
and tearing a serpent in his talons, a domestic monument, of 
the Byzantines, which they ascribed, not. to a human artist, 
Out to the magic power of the philosopher Apollonius, who, 
by this talisman, delivered the city from such venomous rep* 
tiles. 5. An ass and his driver, which were erected by Au 
gustus in his colony of Nicopolis, to commemorate a verbal 
omen of the victory of Actium. 6. An equestrian statue, 
which passed, in the vulgar opinion, for Joshua, the Jewish 
conqueror, stretching out his hand to stop the course of the 
descending sun. A more classical tradition recognized the 
figures of Bellerophon and Pegasus ; and the free attitude of 
the steed seemed to mark that he trod on air, rather than on 
the earth. 7. A square and lofty obelisk of brass; the sides 
were embossed with a variety of picturesque and rural scenes : 
birds singing ; rustics laboring, or playing on their pipes ; 
sheep bleating ; lambs skipping ; the sea, and a scene of fish 
and fishing ; little naked cupids laughing, playing, and pelt 
ing each other with apples ; and, on the summit, a female 
figure, turning with the slightest breath, and thence denomi 
nated the winces attendant. 8. The Phrygian shepherd pre 
senting to Venus the prize of beauty, the apple of discord. 
9. The incomparable statue of Helen, which is delineated 
by Nicetas in the words of admiration and love : her well- 
turned feet, snowy arms, rosy lips, bewitching smiles, swim 
ming eyes, arched eyebrows, the harmony of her shape, the 
lightness of her drapery, and her flowing locks that waved in 
the wind ; a beauty that might have moved her Barbarian 
destroyers to pity and remorse. 10. The manly or divine 
form of Hercules, 96 as he was restored to life by the master- 
hand of Lysippus ; of such magnitude, that his thumb was 
equal to the waist, his leg to the stature, of a common man : 97 
his chest ample, his shoulders broad, his limbs strong and 
muscular, his hair curled, his aspect commanding. Without 
his bow, or quiver, or club, his lion s skin carelessly thrown 

96 To illustrate the statue of Hercules, Mr. Harris quotes a Greek 
epigram, and engraves a beautiful gem, which does not, however, copy 
the attitude of the statue : in the latter, Hercules had not his club, 
and his right leg and arm were extended. 

97 I transcribe these proportions, which appear to me inconsistent 
with each other ; and may possibly show, that the boasted taste of 
Nicetas was no more than affectation and vanity. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 95 

over him, he was seated on an osier basket, his right leg and 
arm stretched to the utmost, his left knee bent, and support 
ing his elbow, his head reclining on his left hand, his coun 
tenance indignant and pensive. 11. A colossal statue of 
Juno, which had once adorned her temple of Samos, the enor 
mous head by four yoke of oxen was laboriously drawn to 
the palace. 12. Another colossus, of Pallas or Minerva, 
thirty feet in height, and representing with admirable spirit 
the attributes and character of the martial maid. Before we 
accuse the Latins, it is just to remark, that this Pallas was 
destroyed after the first siege, by the fear and superstition of 
the Greeks themselves. 98 The other statues of brass which 
I have enumerated were broken and melted by the unfeeling 
avarice of the crusaders : the cost and labor were consumed 
in a moment; the soul of genius evaporated "in smoke ; and 
the remnant of base metal was coined into money for the 
payment of the troops. Bronze is not the most durable of 
27ionuments : from the marble forms of Phidias and Praxiteles, 
the Latins might turn aside with stupid contempt ;" but unless 
they were crushed by some accidental injury, those useless 
stones stood secure on their pedestals. 100 The most enlight 
ened of the strangers, above the gross and sensual pursuits 
of their countrymen, more piously exercised the right of 
conquest in the search and seizure of the relics of the saints. 101 
Immense was the supply of heads and bones, crosses and im 
ages, that were scattered by this revolution over the churches 
of Europe ; and such was the increase of pilgrimage and 
oblation, that no branch, perhaps, of more lucrative plunder 
was imported from the East. 10 - Of the writings of antiquity, 

93 Nicolas in Isaaco Angelo ot Alcxio, c. 3, p. 359. The Latin 
editor very properly observes, that the historian, in his bombast style, 
produces ex pulice elcphantcm. 

99 In two passages of Nicetas (edit. Paris, p. 360. Fabric, p. 408) 
the Latins are branded with the lively reproach of ol TOV xa/ou avt- 
Quarot paopuoot, and their avarice of brass is clearly expressed. Yet 
the Venetians had the merit of removing four bronze horses from Con 
stantinople to the place of St. Mark, (Sanuto, Vite del Dogi, in 
Muratori, Script. Iterum Italicaruin, torn. xxii. p. 534.) 

100 Winckelman, Hist, de 1 Art, torn. iii. p. 269, 270. 

101 See the pious robbery of the abbot Martin, who transferred a 
rich cargo to his monastery of Paris, diocese of Basil, (Gunther, Hist. 
C. P. c. 19, 23, 24.) Yet in secreting this boot}-, the saint incurred an 
excommunication, and perhaps broke his oath. [Compare Wilken, 
vol. v. p. 308. M.] 

iu2 Floury, Hist. Eccles. torn. xvi. p. 139145. 



96 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

many that still existed in the twelfth century are now lost. 
But the pilgrims were not solicitous to save or transport the 
volumes of an unknown tongue : the perishable substance of 
paper or parchment can only be preserved by the multiplicity 
of copies ; the literature of the Greeks had almost centred 
in the metropolis ; and, without computing the extent of our 
loss, we may drop a tear over the libraries that have perished 
in the triple fire of Constantinople. 103 

l03 I shall conclude this chapter with the notice of a modern his 
tory, which illustrates the taking of Constantinople by the Latins ; 
but which has fallen somewhat late into my hands. Paolo Ramusio, 
the son of the compiler of Voyages, was directed by the senate of 
Venice to write the history of the conquest : and this order, which he 
received in his youth, he executed in a mature age, by an elegant 
Latin work, de Bcllo Constantinopolitano et Imperatoribus Comnenis 
per Gallos et Venetos restitutis, (Venet. 1635, in folio.) Kamusio, or 
Rhamnusus, transcribes and translates, sequitur ad unguem, a MS. of 
Villehardouin, which he possessed ; but he enriches his narrative with 
Greek and Latin materials, and we are indebted to him for a correct 
state of the fleet, the names of the fifty Venetian nobles who com 
manded the galleys of the republic, and the patriot opposition of 
Pantaleon Barbus to the choice of the doge for emperor 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 9? 



CHAPTER LXI. 

PARTITION OF THE EMPIRE BY THE FRENCH AND VENETIANS. 

FIVE LATIN EMPERORS OF THE HOUSES OF FLANDERS 

AND COURTENAY. THEIR WARS AGAINST THE BULGARIANS 

AND GREEKS. WEAKNESS AND POVERTY OF THE LATIN 

EMPIRE. RECOVERY OF CONSTANTINOPLE BY THE GREEKS. 

GENERAL CONSEQUENCES OF THE CRUSADES. 

AFTER the death of the lawful princes, the French and 
Venetians, confident of justice and victory, agreed to divide 
and regulate their future possessions. 1 It was stipulated 
by treaty, that twelve electors, six of either nation, should be 
nominated ; that a majority should choose the emperor of the 
East ; and that, if the votes were equal, the decision of chance 
should ascertain the successful candidate. To him, with all 
the titles and prerogatives of the Byzantine throne, they as 
signed the two palaces of Boucoleon and Blachernse, with a 
fourth part of the Greek monarchy. It was denned that the 
three remaining portions should be equally shared between 
the republic of Venice and the barons of France ; that each 
feudatory, with an honorable exception for the doge, should 
acknov/ledge and perform the duties of homage and military 
service to the supreme head of the empire ; that the nation 
which gave an emperor, should resign to their brethren the 
choice of a patriarch ; and that the pilgrims, whatever might 
be their impatience to visit the Holy Land, should devote 
another year to the conquest and defence of the Greek prov 
inces. After the conquest of Constantinople by the Latins, 
the treaty was confirmed and executed ; and the first and 
most important step was the creation of an emperor. The 
six electors of the French nation were all ecclesiastics, the 
abbot of Loces, the archbishop elect of Acre in Palestine, and 
the bishops of Troyes, Soissons, Halberstadt, and Bethlehem, 



1 See tho original treaty of partition, in the Venetian Chronicle of 

Andrew I)?.ndolo, p. 326330, and the subsequent election in Ville- 

hardouin, No. 136140, with Ducange in his Observations, and the 

1st book of his Kistoire de Constantinople sous 1 Empire des Francois* 

VOL. Tl 9 



98 THE DECLINE AZID FALL 

the last of whom exercised in the camp the office of pope s 
legate : their profession and knowledge were respectable ; 
and as. they could not be the objects, they were best qualified 
to be the authors, of the choice. The six Venetians were 
the principal servants of the state, and in this list the noble 
families of Querini and Contarini are still proud to discovei 
their ancestors. The twelve assembled in the chapel of the 
palace ; and after the solemn invocation of the Holy Ghost, 
they proceeded to deliberate and vote. A just impulse of 
respect and gratitude prompted them to crown the virtues of 
the doge ; his- wisdom had inspired their enterprise ; and tho 
most youthful knights might envy and applaud the exploits 
of blindness and age. But the patriot Dandolo was devoid 
of all personal ambition, and fully satisfied that he had been 
judged worthy to reign. His nomination was overruled by 
the Venetians themselves : his countrymen, and perhaps his 
friends, 2 represented, with the eloquence of truth, the mis 
chiefs that might arise to national freedom and the common 
cause, from the union of two incompatible characters, of the 
first magistrate of a republic and the emperor of the East. 
The exclusion of the doge left room for the more equal mer 
its of Boniface and Baldwin ; and at their names all meaner 
candidates respectfully withdrew. The marquis of Montfer- 
rat was recommended by his mature age and fair reputation, 
by the choice of the adventurers, and the wishes of 
Greeks; nor can 1 believe that Venice, the mistress of the 
sea, could be seriously apprehensive of a petty lord at the 
foot of the Alps. 3 But the count of Flanders was the chief 
of a wealthy and warlike people : he was valiant, pious, and 
chaste ; in the prime of life, since he was only thirty-two 
years of age ; a descendant of Charlemagne, a cousin of the 
king of France, and a compeer of the prelates and. barons 
who had yielded with reluctance to the command of a for 
eigner. Without the chapel, these barons, with the doge and 
marquis at their head, expected the decision of the twelve 

2 After mentioning the nomination of the dogo by a Trench elector, 
his "kinsman Andrew Dandolo approves his exclusion, quidam V ene- 
torum fidelis et nobilis eenex, usus oratione satis probabih, &c., which 
has been embroidered by modern writers from Blondus to Le 

3 Nicetas, (p. 384,) with the vain ignorance of a Greek, descril 
marquis of Montferrat as a maritime power. Jaun^oSiuv ft olxtiaBat 
nuQ^iov. Was he deceived by the Byzantine theme of Lombavdy, 
which extended along the coast of Calabria ? 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 99 

electors. It was announced by the bishop of Soissons, in the 
name of his colleagues ; u Ye have sworn to obey the prince 
whom we should choose : by our unanimous suffrage, Bald 
win count of Flanders and Hainault is now your sovereign, 
and the emperor of the East." He was saluted with loud ap 
plause, and the proclamation was reechoed through the city 
by the joy of the Latins, and the trembling adulation of the 
Greeks. Boniface was the first to kiss the hand of his rival, 
and to raise him on the buckler ; and Baldwin was transport 
ed to the cathedra^ and solemnly invested with the purple 
buskins. At the end of three weeks he was crowned by the 
legate, in the vacancy of the patriarch ; but the Venetian 
clergy soon filled the chapter of St. Sophia, seated Thomas 
Morosini on the ecclesiastical throne, and employed every art 
to perpetuate in their own nation the honors and benefices of 
the Greek church. 4 Without delay the successor of Con- 
stantine instructed Palestine, France, and Rome, of this mem 
orable revolution. To Palestine he sent, as a trophy, the 
gates of Constantinople, and the chain of the harbor; 5 and 
adopted, from the Assise of Jerusalem, the laws or customs 
best adapted to a French colony and conquest in the East. 
In his epistles, the natives of France are encouraged to swell 
that colony, and to secure that conquest, to people a magnifi 
cent city and a fertile land, which will reward the labors both 
of the priest and the soldier. He congratulates the Roman 
pontiff on the restoration of his authority in the East ; in 
vites him to extinguish the Greek schism by his presence in 
a general council; and implores his blessing. and forgiveness 
for the disobedient pilgrims. Prudence and dignity are 
blended in the answer of Innocent. 6 In the subversion of the 
Byzantine empire, he arraigns the vices of man, and adores 
the providence of God ; the conquerors will be absolved or 
condemned by their future conduct ; the validity of their 

4 They exacted an oath from Thomas Morosini to appoint no canons 
of St. Sophia the lawful electors, except Venetians who had lived ten 
years at Venice, c. But the foreign clergy was envious, the pope 
disapproved this, national monopoly, and of the six Latin patriarchs of 
Constantinople, only the first and the last were Venetians. 

5 Nicetas, p. 383. 

6 The Epistles of Innocent III. are a rich fund for the ecclesiasti 
cal and civil institution of the Latin empire of Constantinople ; and 
the most important of these epistles (of which the collection in 2 vols. 
in folio is published by Stephen Baluze) arc inserted in his Gesta, in 
Muratori, Script. Ilerum Italicarum, torn. iii. p. 1, c. 94 10-5. 



100 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

treaty depends on the judgment of St. Peter; but he incul 
cates their most sacred duty of establishing a just subordina 
tion of obedience and tribute, from the Greeks to the Latins, 
from the magistrate to the clergy, and from the clergy to the 
pope. 

In the division of the Greek provinces, 7 the share of the 
Venetians was more ample than that of the Latin emperor. 
No more than one fourth was appropriated to his domain ; a 
clear moiety of the remainder was reserved for Venice ; and 
the other moiety was distributed among the adventurers of 
France and Lombardy. The venerable Dandolo was pro 
claimed despot of Romania, and invested after the Greek 
fashion with the purple buskins. He ended at Constantinople 
his long and glorious life ; and if the prerogative was per 
sonal, the title was used by his successors till the middle of^ 
the fourteenth century, with the singular, though true, addi 
tion of lords of one fourth and a half of the Roman empire. 8 
The doge, a slave of state, was seldom permitted to depart 
from the helm of the republic ; but his place was supplied 
by the ball, or regent, who exercised a supreme jurisdiction 
over the colony of Venetians : they possessed three of the 
eight quarters of the city ; and his independent tribunal was 
composed of six judges, four counsellors, two chamberlains, 
two fiscal advocates, and a constable. Their long- experience 
of tho Eastern trade enabled them to select their portion with 
discernment: they had rashly accepted the dominion and de 
fence of Adrianople ; but it was the more reasonable aim of 
their policy to .form a chain of factories, and cities, and 
islands, along the maritime coast, from the neighborhood of 
Ragusa to the Hellespont and the Bosphorus. The labor and 
cost of such extensive conquests exhausted their treasury : 
they abandoned their maxims of government, adopted a 
feudal system, and contented themselves with the homage of 
their nobles, 9 for the possessions which these private vassals 



7 In the treaty of partition, most of the names are cornipted by the 
scribes : they might be restored, and a good map, suited to the last age 
of the Byzantine empire, would be an improvement of geography. 
But, alas *! D Anville is no more ! 

8 Their style was dominus quartse partis et dimidise imperil 
Roznani, till Giovanni Dolfmo.who was elected doge in the year 1356, 
(Sanuto, p. 530, 641.) For the government of Constantinople, see 
Ducange, Histoire de C. P. i. 37. 

Ducange (Hist, de 0. P. ii. 6^ has marked the conquests made by 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 101 

undertook to reduce and maintain. And thus it was that the 
family of Sanut acquired the duchy of Naxos, which involved 
the greatest part of the archipelagQ. For the price of ten 
thousand marks, the republic purchased of the marquis of 
Montferrat the fertile Island of Crete or Candia, with the ruins 
of a hundred cities; 10 but its improvement was stinted by 
the proud an4 narrow spirit of an aristocracy ; u and the 
wisest senators would confess that the sea, not the land, was. 
the treasury of St. Mark. In the moiety of the adventurer?, 
the marquis Boniface might claim the most liberal reward ; 
and, besides the Isle of Crete, his exclusion from the throne 
was compensated by the royal title and the provinces beyond 
the Hellespont. But he prudently exchanged that distant 
and difficult conquest for the kingdom of Thessalonica Mace 
donia, twelve days journey from the capital, where he might 
be supported by the neighboring powers of his brother-in-law 
the king of Hungary. His progress was hailed by the vol 
untary or reluctant acclamations of the natives ; and Greece, 
the proper and ancient Greece, again received a Latin con 
queror, 12 who trod with indifference that classic ground. He 
viewed with a careless eye the beauties of the valley of 
Tempe ; traversed with a cautious step the straits of Ther- 
mopylaB ; occupied the unknown cities of Thebes, Athens, 
and Argos ; and assaulted the fortifications of Corinth and 



the state or nobles of Venice of the Islands of Candia, Corfu, Cepha- 
lonia, Zante, Naxos, Paros, Melos, Andros, Mycone, Syro, Cea, and 
Lemnos. 

10 Boniface sold the Isle of Candia, August 12, A. D. 1204. See 
the act in Sanuto, p. 533 : but I cannot understand how it could be 
his mother s portion, or how she could be the daughter of an emperoi 
Alexius. 

In the year 1212, the doge Peter Zani sent a colony to Candia, 
drawn from every*uarter of Venice. But in their savage manners 
and frequent rebellions, the Caiidiots may be compared to the Corsi- 
cans under the yoke of Genoa ; and when I compare the accounts of 
Belon and Tournefort, I cannot discern much difference between the 
Venetian and the Turkish island. 

Villehardouin (No. 159, 160, 173177) and Nicetas (p. 387 
394) describe the expedition into Greece of the marquis Boniface. 
The Choniate might derive his information from his brother Michael, 
archbishop of Athens, whom he paints as an orator, a statesman, and 
a saint. His encomium of Athens, and the description of Tempe, 
should be published from the Bodleian MS. of Nicetas, (Fabric. Bib- 
liot. Graec. torn. vi. p. 405,) and would have deserved Mr- Harris s 
inquiries. 

9* 



102 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

i 

Napoli, 13 which resisted his arms. The lots of the Latin 
pilgrims were regulated by chance, or choice, or subsequent 
exchange ; and they abused, with intemperate joy, their tri 
umph over the lives and fortunes of a great people. After a 
minute survey of the provinces, they weighed in the scales 
of avarice the revenue of each district, the advantage of -the 
situation, and the ample or scanty supplies for the maintenance 
of soldiers and horses. Their presumption claimed and 
divided the long-lost dependencies of the Roman sceptre ^ the 
Nile and Euphrates rolled through their imaginary realms ; 
and happy was the warrior who drew for his prize the palace 
of the Turkish sultan of Iconium. 14 I shall not descend to 
the pedigree . of families and the rent-rojl of estates, but 1 
wish to specify that the counts of Blois and St. Pol were in 
vested with the duchy of Nice and the lordship of Demotica : 15 
the principal fiefs were held by the service of constable, 
chamberlain, cup-bearer, butler, and chief cook ; and our 
historian, Jeffrey of Villehardouin, obtained a fair establish 
ment on the banks of the Hebrus, and united the double 
office of marshal of Champagne and Romania. At the head 
of his knights and archers, each baron mounted on horseback 
to secure the possession of his share, and their first efforts 
were generally successful. But the public force was weak 
ened by their dispersion ; and a thousand quarrels must arise 
under a law, and among men, whose sole umpire was the 
sword. Within three months after the conquest of Constan 
tinople, the emperor and the king of Thessalonica drew their 
hostile followers into the field ; they were reconciled by the 
authority of the doge, the advice of the marshal, and the firm 
freedom of their peers. 16 

13 Napoli di Romania, or Nauplia, the ancient seaport of Argos, 
is still a place of strength and consideration, situate on a rocky penin 
sula, with a good harbor, (Chandler s Travels into Greece, p. 227.) 

14 I have softened the expression of Nicetas, who strives to expose 
the presumption of the Franks. See de Rebus post C. P. expugnatam, 

* I<5 A city surrounded by the River Hebrus, and six leagues to the 
south of Adrianople, received from its double wall the Greek name of 
Didvmoteichos, insensibly corrupted into Demotica and Dimot. I 
have preferred the more convenient and modern appellation of Demot- 
"ca. This place was the last Turkish residence of Charles XII. 

19 Their quarrel is told by Villehardouin (No. 146158) with the 
Bpirit of freedom. The merit and repxitation of the marshal are ac 
knowledged by the Greek historian (p. 387) fttya naQa rmg TUV Jan- 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 108 

Two fugitives, who had reigned at CoestttMuMifrie, still 
asserted the title ef emperor^ and the subjects of their fallen 
throne might fee moved to pity by the misfortwies of tie elder 
Alexiifis, er excited to revenge by the spirit of MoureQuffe, A 
domestic alliance, a coramen interest, a similar .gicilt, and the 
merit of extinguishing his enemies, a brother and a nephew, 
induced the more recent usurper to uaaite with the former the 
relics of his power. Mourzou.Se was received with smiles 
and honors in the -camp of his father Alexius ; but the wicked 
can never kve, and should rarely trust, their fellow-criminals: 
he was seized in the bath, deprived of his -eyes, stripped of 
his troops and treasures, and tmrned out to wander an object 
of horror and contempt to those who with more propriety 
could hate, and with more justice could punish, the assassin 
of tke emperor Isaac aud his son. As the tyrant, pursued 
by fear or remorse, was stealing over to Asia, he was seized 
by the Latins of Constantinople, and condemned, after an 
open trial, to an ignominious death. His judges debated the 
mode of his execution, the axe, the wheel, or the stake ; and 
it was resolved that MourEoufle 17 should ascend the Tfaeodo- 
sian column, a pillar of white marble of one hundred and 
forty-seven feet in height. 18 From the summit be was cast 



$vrafi*vov ffrgofet^uae-i : tanlikc some modern keroes, whose exploits 
are only visible in their own memoirs.* 

17 See the fate of Mourzouflc in Nicetas, (p. 393,) Villehardouin, 
/Xo. 141 14-5, 163,) and Guntharus, .{e. 20, 21.) Neither the marshal 
nor the monk afford a grain of pity for a tyrant or rebel, whose pun 
ishment, however, was more unexampled than his crime. 

! The column . of Arcadius, which represents in basso reSievo his 
victories, or those of his lather Thedosiu, is still extant at Constan 
tinople. It is described aud measured, Gylliua, (Topograph. iv. 7,) 
Banduri, (ad I. L Antiquit. C. P.. p. o@7, c~,) and T ournefort, {Voyage 
du levant, torn. ii. lettre xii. p, 23 L) [Compare Wilken, note, 
vol. v, p. 388, M.] 

* Wiliiam deChamplite, brother of the ceunt of DLJOE, assumed the 
title of Prince f Achaia : on the de*th of his brotker, he returned, with, 
regret, to France, to assume his paternal inkeritanee, and left Villehar- 
douin his " bctilU" oia condition that if he did not rtturu within a year, 
Villehardouin was -to retain th>e investiture. Brnsse-fs Add. to Le Leau, 
vol. xvii. p. 200. M. Brosset adds, from the Greek chronicler edited by 
M. Buchou, the somewhat unkiaightly trick by which Villehardouin dis 
embarrassed himself from the troublesome claim of Robert, the cousin of 
the count of Dijon, to tke succession. He contrived that Robert should 
arrive just fifteen days too late ; and with the general concurrence of the 
assembled knights was himself invested vfiih the principality. Ibid. n. 
M. 



* THE DECLINE AND FALL 

down headlong, and dashed in pieces on the pavement, in the 
presence of irmernerable spectators, who filled the forum of 
Taurus, and admired the accomplishment of an old prediction, 
which was explained by this singular event. 19 The fate of 
Alexius is less tragical : he was seat by the marquis a captive 
to Italy, and a gift to the king of the Romans ; but he had 
not much to applaud his fortune, if the sentence of imprison 
ment and exile were changed from a fortress in the Alps to a 
monastery in Asia, But. his daughter, before the national 
calamity, had been given in marriage to a young hero who 
continued the succession, and restored the throne, of the Greek 
princes. 2 * The valor of Theodore Lascaris was signalized in 
the two sieges of Constantinople. After the flight of Mour- 
zoufte, when the Latins were already in the city, he offered 
himself as their emperor to the soldiers and people ; and his 
ambition, which might be virtuous, was undoubtedly brave. 
Could he have infused a soul into the multitude, they might 
have crushed the strangers under their feet : their abject de 
spair refused his aid ; and Theodore retired to breathe the air 
of freedom in Anatolia, beyond the immediate view and pur 
suit of the conquerors. Under the title, at first of despot, and 
afterwards of emperor, he drew to his standard the bolder 
spirits, who were fortified against slavery by the contempt of 
life ; and as eveiy means was lawful for the public safety, 
implored without scruple the alliance of the Turkish sultan. 



19 The nonsense of Gunthcr and the modern Greeks concerning this 
columna fatidica, is unworthy of notice ; but it is singular enough, 
that fifty years befcvre the Latin conquest, the poet Tz-etzes (Chiliad, 
ix. 277) relates the dreain of a matron, who saw an. army in the 
forum, and a man sitting on the column, clapping his hands, and ut 
tering a loud exclamation.* 

20 The dynasties of Nice, Trebizond, and Epiras (of- which Nicetas 
saw the origin without much pleasure or hope) are learnedly ex 
plored, and clearly represented, in the Familise Byzantinae of Du- 
cange. 



* We read in the " Chronicle of the Conquest of Cons San tinople, and 
of the Establishment of the French in the Morea," translated by J. A. 
Buchon, Paris, 1&25, p. 64, that Leo VI., calied the Philosopher, had 
prophesied that a perfidious emperor should be pjecipitated from the top 
of this column. The crusaders considered themselves under an obligation 
to fulfil this prophecy. Brosset, note on Le Beau, vol. xvii. p. 180. M. 
Brosset announces that a complete edition of -this work, of which the 
original Greek of the first book on)y has been published by M. Buchon, is 
in preparation, to form part of the new series of the Byzantine historians. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 105 

Nice, where Theodore established his residence, Prusa and 
Philadelphia, Smyrna and Ephesus, opened their gates to 
their deliverer : he derived strength and reputation from his 
victories, and even from his defeats ; and the successor of 
Constantino preserved a fragment of the empire from the 
banks of the Mseander to the suburbs of Nicomedia, and at 
length of Constantinople. Another portion, distant and ob 
scure, was possessed by the lineal heir of the Comneni, a son 
of the virtuous Manuel, a grandson of the Tyrant Andronicus. 
His name was Alexius ; and the epithet of great* was applied 
perhaps to his stature, rather than to his exploits. By the 
indulgence of the Angeli, he was appointed governor or duke 
of Trebizond : & 1 f his birth gave him ambition, the revolution 
independence ; and, without changing his title, he reigned in 
peace from Sinope to the Phasis, along the coast of the Black 
Sea. His nameless son and successor is described as the 



Except some facts in Pachymer and Nicephorus Grcgoras, which. 
will hfteafter be used, the Byzantine writers disdain to speak of the 
empire of Trebizond, or principality of the Lazi ; and among the 
Latins, it is conspicuous only in the romances of the xivth or xvth 
centuries. Yet the indefatigable Ducange has dug out (Fain. Byz, 
p. 192) two authentic- passages in Vincent of Beauvais (1. xxxi. 
c. U4) and the prothonotary Ogerius, (apud Wading, A. D. 1279, 

* This was a title, not a personal appellation. Joinville speaks of the 
Grant Comneme, et sire de Traffezzontes." Fallmerayer, p. 82. M 
t On the revolutions of Trebizond under the later empire down to this 
period, see Fallmerayer, Geschichte des Kaiserthums von Trapezunt, ch 
the wife ot Manuel fled with her infant sons and her treasure from 
the relentless enmity of Isaac Angelus. Fallmerayer conjectures that 
her arrival enabled the Greeks of that region to make head against the 
formidable Lhamar, the Georgian queen of Tefiis, p. 42. They gradually 
mned a dominion on the banks of the Phasis, which the distracted gov 
ernment of the Angeli neglected or were unable to suppress. On the cap 
ture of Constantinople by the Latins, Alexius was joined by many noble 
fugitives from Constantinople. He had always retained the names of Co;*ar 
and BamXevs. He now fixed the seat of his empire at Trebizond; but he 
had never abandoned his pretensions to the Byzantine throne ch iii 
tallmerayer appears to make out a triumphant case as to the assumption 
the royal title by Alexius the First. Since the publication of M Fall- 
merayer s work, (Munchen, 1327,) M. Tafel has published, at the end of 
the. opuscula of Eustathius, a curious chronicle of Trebizond by Michael 
fanaretas, (Frankfort, 1832.) It gives the succession of the emperors, 
and some other curious circumstances of their wars with the several Ma 
hometan powers. M. 

J The successor of Alexius was his son-in-law Adronicus L, of the Com- 
iieman family, surnamed Gidon. There were five successions between 
Alexius and John, according to Fallmerayer, p. 103. The troops of Treb 
izond fought in the army of Dschelaleddin, the Karismian, against Ala*. 



106 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

vassal of the sultan, whom he served with two hundred lances : 
that Comnenian prince was no more than duke of Trebizond, 
and the title of emperor was first assumed by the pride and 
envy of the grandson of Alexius. In the West, a third frag 
ment was saved from the common shipwreck by Michael, a 
bastard of the house of Angeli, who, before the revolution, 
had been known as a hostage, a soldier, and a rebel. His 
flight from the camp of the marquis Boniface secured his 
freedom ; by his marriage with the governor s daughter, he 
commanded the important place of Durazzo, assumed the title 
of despot, and founded a strong and conspicuous principality 
in Epirus, /Etolia, and Thessaly, which have ever been peo 
pled by a warlike race. The Greeks, who had offered their 
service to their new sovereigns, were excluded by the haughty 
Latins 22 from all civil and military honors, as a nation born 
to tremble and obey. Their resentment prompted them to 
show that they might. have been useful friends, since they could 
be dangerous enemies : their nerves were braced by adversity : 
whatever was learned or holy, whatever was noble or^aliant, 
rolled away into the independent states of Trebizond, Epirus, 
and Nice -/and a single patrician is marked by the ambiguous 
praise of attachment and loyalty to the Franks. The vulgar 
herd of the cities and the country would have gladly submit 
ted to a mild and regular servitude ; and the transient disor 
ders of war would have been obliterated by some years of in 
dustry and peace. But peace was banished, and industry was 
crushed, in the disorders of the feudal system. Tho Roman 
emperors of Constantinople, if they were endowed with abili 
ties, were armed with power for the protection of their sub 
jects : their laws were wise, and their administration was 
simple. The Latin throne was filled by a titular prince, the 
chief, and often the servant, of his licentious confederates ; 



22 The portrait of the French Latins is drawn in Nicetas by the 

1 f* _ 1 _ _J1 J A. _ . .-? S * .. _.**-. ^. . ^ .._. 2/i^.-"X *.*/ y^ /) g Q 



xui tltv /<Uov ei /ov rov Aoyou 




(pt tJtV t OCtl 

Ed. Bek.] 



sddin, the Scljukian sultan of Roum, but as allies rather than vassals, p. 
107. It was after the defeat of Dschelaleddin that they furnished their 
eontingrnt to Alai-eddin. Fallmerayer struggles in vain to mitigate this 
mark of the subjection of the Comneni to the sultan, p. 116. M. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE, 107 

the fiefs of the empire, from a kingdom to a castle, were held 
and ruled by the sword of the barons ; and their discord, pov 
erty, and ignorance, extended the ramifications of tyranny to 
the most sequestered villages. The Greeks were oppressed 
by the double weight of the priest, who was invested with 
temporal power, and of the soldier, who was inflamed by 
fanatic hatred ; and the insuperable bar of religion and lan 
guage forever separated the stranger and the native. As 
long as the crusaders were united at Constantinople, the 
memory of their conquest, and the terror of their arms, im 
posed silence on the captive land : their dispersion betrayed 
the smallness of their numbers and the defects of their disci 
pline ; and some failures and mischances revealed the secret, 
that they were not invincible. As the fear of the Greeks 
abated, their hatred increased. They murdered ; they con 
spired ; and before a year of slavery had elapsed, they im 
plored, or accepted, the succor of a Barbarian, whose power 
they had felt, and whose gratitude they trusted, 23 

The Latin conquerors had been saluted with a solemn and 
early embassy from John, or Joannice, or Calo-John, the 
revolted chief of the Bulgarians and Walachians. He deemed 
himself their brother, as the votary of the Roman pontiff, 
from whom he had received the regal title and a holy ban 
ner ; and in the subversion of the Greek monarchy, he might 
acpire to the name of their friend and accomplice. But Calo- 
John was astonished to find, that the count of Flanders had 
assumed the pomp and pride of the successors of Constantino ; 
and his ambassadors were dismissed with a haughty message, 
that the rebel must deserve a pardon, by touching with his 
forehead the footstool of the Imperial throne. His resent 
ment 24 would have exhaled in acts of violence and blood: 
his cooler policy watched the rising discontent of the Greeks ; 
affected a tender concern for their sufferings ; and promised, 
that their first struggles for freedom should be supported by 
his person and kingdom. The conspiracy was propagated 
by national hatred, the firmest band of association and secre- 

23 I here begin to use, with, freedom, and confidence, the eight books 
of the Histoire de C. P. sous 1 Empire des Francois, which Ducange 
has given as a supplement to Yillehardoum ; and which, in a barba 
rous style, deserves the praise of an original and classic work. 

24 In Calo-John s answer to the pope we may find his claims and 
complaints, (Gesta Innocent III. c. 108, 109 :) he was cherished at 
Rome as the prodigal son. 



108 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

cy : the Greeks were impatient to sheathe their daggers m 
the breasts of the victorious strangers ; but the execution wag 
prudently delayed, till Henry, the emperor s brother, had 
transported the flower of his troops beyond the Hellespont. 
Most of the towns and villages of Thrace were true to the 
moment and the signal ; and the Latins, without arms or sus 
picion, were slaughtered by the vile and merciless revenge 
of their slaves. From Demotica, the first scene of the massa 
cre, the surviving vassals of the count of St. Pol escaped to 
Adrianople ; but the French and Venetians, who occupied 
that city, were slain or expelled by the furious multitude : 
the garrisons that could effect their retreat fell back on each 
other towards the metropolis ; and the fortresses, that sepa 
rately stood against the rebels, were ignorant of each other s 
and of their sovereign s fate. The voice of fame and fear 
announced the revolt of the Greeks and the rapid approach of 
their Bulgarian ally ; and Calo-John, not depending on the 
forces of his own kingdom, had drawn from the Scythian 
wilderness a body of fourteen thousand Comans, who drank, 
as it was said, the blood of their captives, and sacrificed the 
Christians on the altars of their gods. 25 

Alarmed by this sudden and growing danger, the emperor 
despatched a swift messenger to recall Count Henry and his 
troops ; and had Baldwin expected the return of his gallant 
brother, with a supply of twenty thousand Armenians, he 
might have encountered the invader with equal numbers and 
a decisive superiority of arms and discipline. But the spirit 
of chivalry could seldom discriminate caution from cowardice ; 
and the emperor took the field with a hundred and forty 
knights, and their train of archers and sergeants. The mar 
shal, who dissuaded and obeyed, led the vanguard in their 
march to Adrianople ; the main body was commanded by the 
count of Blois ; the aged doge of Venice followed with the 
rear ; and their scanty numbers were increased from all sides 
by the fugitive Latins. They undertook to besiege the rebels 
of Adrianople ; and such was the pious tendency of the cru 
sades that they employed the holy week in pillaging the 



* 5 The Comans were a Tartar or Turkman horde, which encamped 
in the xiith and xiiith centuries on the verge of Moldavia. L he 
greater part were pagans, but some were Mahometans, and the wholo 
Horde was converted to Christianity (A D. 1370) by Lewis, king of 
Hungary. 



OF THE ROHAN EMPIRE. 109 

\ 

country for their subsistence, and in framing engines for the 
destruction of their fellow-Christians. But the Latins were 
soon interrupted and alarmed by the light cavalry of the Co- 
mans, who boldly skirmished to the edge of their imperfect 
lines: and a proclamation was issued. by the marshal of Ro 
mania, that, on the trumpet s sound, the cavalry should mount 
and form ; but that none, under pain of death, should abar 
don themselves to a desultory and dangerous pursuit. This 
wise injunction was first disobeyed by the count of Blois, who 
involved the emperor in his rashness and ruin. The Comans, 
of the Parthian or Tartar school, fled before their first charge ; 
but after a career of two leagues, when the knights and their 
horses were almost breathless, they suddenly turned, rallied, 
and encompassed the heavy squadrons of the Franks. The 
count was slain on the field ; the emperor was made prisoner; 
and if the one disdained to fly, if the other refused to yield, 
their personal bravery made a poor atonement for their igno 
rance, or neglect, of the duties of a general. 2 

Proud of his victory and his royal prize, the Bulgarian 
advanced to relieve Adrianople and achieve the destruction 
of the Latins. They must inevitably have been destroyed, 
if the marshal of Romania had not displayed a cool courage 
and consummate skill ; uncommon in all ages, but most un 
common in those times, when war was a passion, rather than 
a science. His grief and fears were poured into the firm and 
faithful bosom of the doge ; but in the camp he diffused an 
assurance of safety, which could only be realized by the 
general belief. All day he maintained his perilous station 
between the city and the Barbarians : Villeharclouin decamped 
in silence at the dead of night ; and his masterly retreat of 
three days would have deserved the praise of Xenophon and 
the ten thousand. In the rear, the marshal supported the 
weight of the pursuit ; in the front, he moderated the impa- 

26 Xicetas, from ignorance or malice, imputes the defeat to the cow 
ardice of Dandolo, (p. 383 ;) but Villeharclouin shares his own glory 
with his venerable friend, qui viels home ere et goto ne veoit, mais 
mult ere sages et prcus et vigueros, (No. 193.)* 



* Gibbon appears to me to have misapprehended the passage of Nicetas. 

He says, " that principal and subtlest mischief, that primary cause of all 
the horrible miseries suffered by the Romans," i. c. the Byzantines. It is 
an effusion of malicious triumph against the Venetians," to whom he al 
ways ascribes the capture of Constantinople. M. 
VOL. VI. 10 



110 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

tience of the fugitives ; and wherever the Comans ap 
preached, they were repelled by a line of impenetrable spears, 
On the third day, the weary troops beheld the sea, the solitary 
town of Rodosto, 27 and their friends, who had landed from 
the Asiatic shore. They embraced, they wept ; but they 
united their arms and counsels ; and in his brother s absence, 
Count Henry assumed the regency of the empire, at once in 
a state of childhood and caducity. 28 If the Comans with 
drew from the summer heats, seven thousand Latins, in the 
hour of danger, deserted Constantinople, their brethren, and 
their vows. Some partial success was overbalanced by the 
loss of one hundred and twenty knights in the field of Rusiurn ; 
and of the Imperial domain, no more was left than the capital, 
with two or three adjacent fortresses on the shores of Europe 
and Asia. The king of Bulgaria was resistless and inexora 
ble ; and Calo-John respectfully eluded the demands of the 
pope, who conjured his new proselyte to restore peace and 
the emperor to the afflicted Latins. The deliverance of 
Baldwin was no longer, he said, in the power of man : that 
prince had died in prison ; and the manner of his death is 
variously related by ignorance and credulity. The lovers of 
a tragic legend will be pleased to hear, that the royal captive 
was tempted by the amorous queen of the Bulgarians ; that 
his chaste refusal exposed him to the falsehood of a woman 
and the jealousy of a savage ; that his hands and feet were 
severed from his body ; that his bleeding trunk was cast 
among the carcasses of dogs and horses ; and that he breathed 
three days, before he was devoured by the birds of prey. 29 

27 The truth of geography, and the original text of Villehardouin, 
(No. 194,) place Rodosto three days journey (trois jornees) from 
Adrianople : but Vigenere. in his version, has most absurdly substi 
tuted trois heures ; and this error, which is not corrected by Ducange, 
has entrapped several moderns, whose names I shall spare. 

2S The reign and end of Baldwin are related by Villehardouin and 
Nieetas, (p. 386 416 ;) and their omissions are supplied by Ducange 
in his Observations, and to the end of his first book. 

} After brushing away all doubtful and improbable circumstances, 
we may prove the death of Baldwin, 1. By the firm belief of the 
French barons, (Villehardouin, No. 230.) 2. By the declaration of 
Calo-John himself, who excuses his not releasing the captive emperor, 
quia debitum carnis exsolvcrat cum carcerC teneretur, (Gesta Innocent 
III. c. 109.)* 

* Compare Von Raumer, Geschichte der Hohenstaufen, vol. iii. p. 237 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. Ill 

v 

About twenty years afterwards, in a wood of the Netherlands, 
a hermit announced himself as the true Baldwin, the emperor 
of Constantinople, and lawful sovereign of Flanders. He 
related the wonders of his escape, his adventures, and his 
penance, among a people prone to believe and to rebel ; and, 
in the first transport, Flanders acknowledged her long-lost 
sovereign. A short examination before the French court 
detected the impostor, who was punished with an ignomini 
ous death ; but the Flemings still adhered to the pleasing 
error ; and the countess Jane is accused by the gravest his 
torians of sacrificing to her ambition the life of an unfortunate 
father. 30 

In all civilized hostility, a treaty is established for the ex 
change or ransom of prisoners ; and if their captivity be 
prolonged, their condition is known, and they are treated 
according to their rank with humanity or honor. But the 
savage Bulgarian was a stranger to the laws of war : his 
prisons were involved in darkness and silence ; and above a 
year elapsed before the Latins could be assured of the death 
of Baldwin, before his brother, the regent Henry, would con 
sent to assume the title of emperor. His moderation was 
applauded by the Greeks as an act of rare and inimitable 
virtue. Their light and perfidious ambition was eager to seize 
or anticipate the moment of a vacancy, while a law of suc 
cession, the guardian both of the prince and people, was 
gradually defined and confirmed in the hereditary monarchies 
of Europe. In the support of the Eastern empire, Henry 
was gradually left without an associate, as the heroes of the 
crusade retired from the world or from the war. The doge 
of Venice, the venerable Dandolo, in the fulness of years 
and glory, sunk into the grav^e. The marquis of Montferrat 
was slowly recalled from the Peloponnesian war to the re 
venge of Baldwin and the defence of Thessalonica. Some 
nice disputes of feudal homage and service were reconciled 
in a personal interview between the emperor and the king ; 

30 See the story of this impostor from the French and Flemish 
writers in Ducange, Hist, de C. P. iii. 9 ; and the ridiculous fables that 
were believed by the monks of St. Alban s, in Matthew Paris, Hist. 
Major, p. 271, 272. 

M. Petitot, in his preface to Villehardouin in the Collection des Memoires, 
relatifs a 1 Histoire de France, torn. i. p. 85, expresses -his belief in. the 
first part of the " tragic legend." M. 



112 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

they were firmly united by mutual esteem and the common 
danger ; and their alliance was sealed by the nuptials of 
Henry with the daughter of the Italian prince. He soon de 
plored the loss of his friend and father. At the persuasion of 
some faithful Greeks, Boniface made a bold and successful 
inroad among the hills of Rhodope : the Bulgarians fled on 
liis approach ; they assembled to harass his retreat. On the 
intelligence that his rear was attacked, without waiting for 
any defensive armor, he leaped on horseback, couched his 
lance, and drove the enemies before him ; but in the rash 
pursuit he was pierced with a mortal wound ; and the head 
of the king of Thessalonica was presented to Calo-John, who 
enjoyed the honors, without the merit, of victory. It is here, 
at this melancholy event, that the pen or the voice of Jeffrey 
of Villehardouin seems to drop or to expire ; 31 and if he still 
exercised his military office of marshal of Romania, his sub 
sequent exploits are buried in oblivion. 32 The character of 
Henry was not unequal to his arduous situation : in the siege 
of Constantinople, and beyond the Hellespont, he had deserved 
the fame of a valiant knight and a skilful commander ; and 
his courage was tempered with a degree of prudence and 
mildness unknown to his impetuous brother. In the double 
war against the Greeks of Asia and the Bulgarians of Europe, 
he was ever the foremost on shipboard or on horseback ; and 
though he cautiously provided for the success of his arms, 
the drooping Latins were often roused by his example to save 
and to second their fearless emperor. But such efforts, and 
some supplies of men and money from France, were of less 
avail than the errors, the cruelty, and death, of their most 
formidable adversary. When the despair of the Greek sub 
jects invited Calo-John as theirdelivcrer, they hoped that he 
would protect their liberty and adopt their laws : they were 
soon taught to compare -the degrees of national ferocity, and 
to execrate the savage conqueror, who no longer dissembled 



31 Yillchardouin, No. 257. I quote, with regret, this lamentable 
conclusion, where we lose at once the original history, and the rich 
illustrations of Ducange. The last pages may derive some light from 
Henry s two epistles to Innocent III., (Gcsta, c. 106, 107.) 

32 The marshal was alive in 1212, but he probably died soon after 
wards, without returning to France. (Ducange, Observations sur Ville- 
hardouin, p. 238.) His fief of Messinople, the gift of Boniface, was 
the ancient Maximianopolis, which flourished in the time of Ammia- 
nus Marcellinus, among the cities of Thrace, (No> HI.) 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 113 

his intention of dispeopling Thrace, of demolishing the cities, 
and of transplanting the inhabitants beyond the Danube. 
Many towns and villages of Thrace were already evacuated : 
a heap of ruins marked the place of Philippopolis, and a 
similar calamity was expected at Demotica and Adrianople, 
by the first authors of the revolt. They raised a cry of grief 
and repentance to the throne of Henry ; the emperor alone 
had the magnanimity to forgive and trust them. No more 
than four hundred knights, with their sergeants and archers, 
could be assembled under his banner ; and with this slender 
force he fought* and repulsed the Bulgarian, who, besides 
his infantry, was at the head of forty thousand horse. In 
this expedition, Henry felt the difference between a hostile 
and a friendly country : the remaining cities were preserved 
by his arms ; and the savage, with shame and loss, was com 
pelled to relinquish his prey. The siege of Thessalonica was 
the last of the evils which Calo-John inflicted or suffered : he 
was stabbed in the night in his tent ; and the general, perhaps 
the assassin, who found him weltering in his blood, ascribed 
the blow, with general applause, to the lance of St. Deme 
trius. 33 After several victories, the prudence of Henry con 
cluded an honorable peace with the successor of the tyrant, 
and with the Greek princes of Nice and Epirus. If he ceded 
some doubtful limits, an ample kingdom was reserved for 
himself and his feudatories ; and his reign, which lasted only 
ten years, afforded a short interval of prosperity and peace. 
Far above the narrow policy of Baldwin and Boniface, he 
freely intrusted to the Greeks the most important offices of 
the state and army ; and this liberality of sentiment and prac 
tice was the more seasonable, as the princes of Nice and 
Epirus had already learned to seduce and employ the mer 
cenary valor of the Latins. It was the aim of Henry to 
unite and reward his deserving subjects, of every nation and 

33 The church of this patron of Thessalonica -\vas served by the 
canons of the holy sepulchre, and contained a divine ointment which 
distilled daily and stupendous miracles, (Ducaiige, Hist, de C. P. 
ii. 4.) 

* There was no battle. On the advance of the Latins, John suddenly 
broke up his camp and retreated. The Latins considered this unexpected 
deliverance almost a miracle. Le Beau suggests the probability that the 
defection of the Comans, who usually quitted the camp during the heats 
of summer, may have caused the flight of the Bulgarians. Nicetas, c. 8. 
Villehardouin, c. 225. Le Beau, vol. xvii. p. 2i2. M. 

10* 



114 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

language ; but he appeared less solicitous to accomplish tne 
impracticable union of the two churches. Pelagius, the pope s 
legate, who acted as the sovereign of Constantinople, had in 
terdicted the worship of the Greeks, and sternly imposed the 
payment of tithes, the double procession of the Holy Ghost, 
and a blind obedience to the Roman pontiff. As the weaker 
party, they pleaded the duties of conscience, and implored 
the rights of toleration : " Our bodies," they said, " are 
Caesar s, but our souls belong only to God." The persecu 
tion was checked by the firmness of the emperor : 34 and if 
we can believe that the same prince was poisoned by the 
Greeks themselves, we must entertain a contemptible idea of 
the sense and gratitude of mankind. His valor was a vulgar 
attribute, which he shared with ten thousand knights ; but 
Henry possessed the superior oourage to oppose, in a super 
stitious age, the pride and avarice of the clergy. In the 
cathedral of St. Sophia he presumed to place his throne on 
the right hand of the patriarch ; and this presumption excited 
the sharpest censure of Pope Innocent the Third. By a sal 
utary edict, one of the first examples of the laws of mort 
main, he prohibited the alienation of fiefs : many of the 
Latins, desirous of returning to Europe, resigned their estates 
to the church for a spiritual or temporal reward ; these holy 
lands were immediately discharged from military service, and 
a colony of soldiers would have been gradually transformed 
into a college of priests. 35 

The virtuous Henry died at Thessalonica, in the defence 
of that kingdom, and of an infant, the son of his friend 
Boniface. In the two first emperors of Constantinople the 
male line of the counts of Flanders was extinct. But their 
sister Yolande was the wife of a French prince, the mother 
of a numerous progeny ; and one of her daughters had 
married Andrew king of Hungary, a brave and pious cham 
pion of the cross. By seating him on the Byzantine throne, 

34 Acropolita (c. 17) observes the persecution of the legate, and the 
toleration of Henry, ( r Enr lt * as he calls him,) xlvdwa xursffTojjEo-e. 

35 See the reign of HKNHY, in Ducange, (Hist, de C. P. 1. i. c. 35 
41, 1. ii. c. 1 22,) who is much indebted to the Epistles of the Popes. 
Le licau (Hist, du Bas Empire, torn. xxi. p. 120 122) has found, 
perhaps in Doutreman, some laws of Henry, which determined the 
service of fiefs, and the prerogatives of the emperor. 



* Or rather Epp/?j. M. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. i 15 

the barons of Romania would have acquired the forces of 
a neighboring and warlike kingdom ; but the prudent Andrew 
revered the laws of succession ; and the princess Yolande, 
with her husband Peter of Courtenay, count of Auxerre, was 
invited by the Latins to assume the empire of the East. The 
royal birth of his .father, the noble origin of his mother, 
recommended to the barons of France the first cousin of their 
king. His reputation was fair, his possessions were ample, 
and" in the bloody crusade against the Albigeois, the soldiers 
and the priests had been abundantly satisfied of his zeal and 
valor. Vanity might applaud the elevation of a French em 
peror of Constantinople ; but prudence must pity, rather than 
envy, his treacherous and imaginary greatness. To assert 
and adorn his title, he was reduced to sell or mortgage the 
best of his patrimony. By these expedients, the liberality 
of .his royal kinsman Philip Augustus, and the national spirit 
of chivalry, he was enabled to pass the Alps at the head of 
one hundred and forty knights, and five thousand five hun 
dred sergeants and archers. After some hesitation, Pope 
Honorius the Third was persuaded to crown the successor 
of Constantine : but he performed the ceremony in a church 
without the walls, lest he should seem to imply or to bestow 
any right of sovereignty over the ancient capital of the em 
pire. The Venetians had engaged to transport Peter and 
his forces beyond the Adriatic, and the empress, with her 
four children, to the Byzantine palace ; but they required, 
as the price of their service, that he. should recover Durazzo 
from the despot of Epirus. Michael Angelus, or Comnenus, 
the first of his dynasty, had bequeathed the succession of h 3 
power and ambition to Theodore, his legitimate brother, who 
already threatened and invaded the establishments of the 
Latins. After discharging his debt by a fruitless assault, the 
emperor raised the siege to prosecute a long and perilous 
journey over land from Durazzo to Thessalonica. He was 
soon lost in the mountains of Epirus : the passes were forti 
fied ;. his provisions exhausted ; he was delayed and deceived 
by a treacherous negotiation ; and, after Peter of Courtenay 
and the Roman legate had been arrested in a banquet, the 
French troops, without leaders or hopes, were eager to ex 
change their arms for the delusive promise of mercy and 
oread. The Vatican thundered ; and the impious Theodore 
was threatened with the vengeance of earth and heaven ; but 
the captive emperor and his soldiers were forgotten, and the 



116 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

reproaches of the pope are confined to the imprisonment of 
his legate. No sooner was he satisfied by the deliverance 
of the priest and a promise of spiritual obedience, than he 
pardoned and protected the despot of Epirus. His peremp 
tory commands suspended the ardor of the Venetians and 
the king of Hungary ; and it was only by a natural or un 
timely death 36 that Peter of Courtenay was released from 
his hopeless captivity. 37 

The long ignorance of his fate, and the presence of the 
lawful sovereign, of Yolande, his wife or widow, delayed 
the proclamation of a new emperor. Before her death, and 
in the midst of her grief, she was delivered of a son, who 
was named Baldwin, . the last and most unfortunate of the 
Latin princes of Constantinople. His birth endeared him to 
the barons of Romania ; but his childhood would have pro 
longed tke troubles of a minority, and his claims were super 
seded by the elder claims of his brethren. The first of these, 
Philip of Courtenay, who derived from his mother the in 
heritance of Namur, had the wisdom to prefer the substance 
of a marquisate to the shadow of an empire ; and on his 
refusal, Robert, the second of the sons of Peter and Yolande, 
was called to the throne of Constantinople. Warned by his 
father s mischance, he pursued his slow and secure journey 
through Germany and along the Danube : a passage was 
opened by his sister s marriage with the king of Hungary ; 
and the emperor Robert was crowned by the patriarch in 
the cathedral of St. Sophia. But his reign was an rera of 
calamity and disgrace ; and the colony, as it was styled, of 
NEW FRANCE yielded on all sides to the Greeks of Nice and 
Epirus. After a victory, which he owed to his perfidy rather 
than his courage, Theodore Angelas entered the kingdom 
of Thessalonica, expelled the feeble Demetrius, the son of 

36 Acropolita (c. 14) affirms, that Peter of Courtenay died by the 
sword, (tyyor naxatQug V tvi tt But ;) but from his dark expressions, I 
should conclude a previous captivity, <u$ TIUITU? cfyr 8e<ipd>Tae nvn^aai 
MV Ttaat axtreai.* The Chronicle of Auxcrre delays the emperor s 
death till the year 1219 ; and Auxerre is in the neighborhood of 

Courtenav. 

37 See the reign and death of Peter of Courtenay, in Jhicange, 
(Hist, de C. P. 1. ii. c. 2228,) who feebly strives to excuse the neg 
lect of the emperor by H.onorius III. 

* Whatever may bave been the fact, this can hardly be made out from 
the expressions of Acropolita. M. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 117 

the marquis Boniface, erected his standard on the walls of 
Adrianople ; and added, by his vanity, a third or a fourth 
name to the list of rival emperors. The relics of the Asiatic 
province were swept away by John Vataces, the son-in-law 
and successor of Theodore Lascaris, and who, in a trium 
phant reign of thirty-three years, displayed the virtues both 
of peace and war. Under his discipline, the swords of the 
French mercenaries wee the most effectual instrument of 
his conquests, and their desertion from the service of their 
country was at once a symptom and a cause of the rising 
ascendant of the Greeks. By the construction of a fleet, he 
obtained the command oY the Hellespont, reduced the islands 
of Lesbos and Rhodes, attacked the Venetians of Candia, 
and intercepted the rare and parsimonious succors of the 
West. Once, and once only, the Latin emperor sent an 
army against Vataces ; and in the defeat of that army, the 
veteran knights, the last of the original conquerors, were 
left, on the field of battle. But the success of a foreign 
enemy was less painful to the pusillanimous Robert than 
the insolence of his Latin subjects, who confounded the 
weakness of the emperor and of the empire. His personal 
misfortunes will prove the anarchy of the government and 
the ferociousness of the times. The amorous youth had 
neglected his Greek bride, the daughter of Vataces, to intro 
duce into the palace a beautiful maid, of a private, though 
noble, family of Artois ; and her mother had been tempted 
by the lustre of the purple to forfeit her engagements with a 
gentleman of Burgundy. His love was converted into rage ; 
he assembled his friends, forced the palace gates, threw the 
mother into the sea, and inhumanly cut off the nose and lips 
o^ the wife or concubine of the emperor. Instead of punish 
ing the offender, the borons avowed and applauded the sav 
age deed, 38 which, as a prince and as a man, it was impossi 
ble that Robert should forgive. He escaped from the guilty 
city to implore the justice or compassion of the pope : the 
emperor was coolly exhorted to return to his station ; before 
he could obey, he sunk under the weight of grief, shame, 
and impotent resentment. 39 



38 Marinus Sanutus (Secreta Fidclium Crucis, 1. ii. p. 4, c. 18, 
p. 73) is so much delighted with this bloody deed, that he has tran 
scribed it in. his margin as a bonum exemplum. Yet he acknowledges 
the damsel for the lawful wife of Robert. 

See the reign of Robert, in Ducange, (Hist, de C. P. 1. iii. c. 1 
12.) 



118 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

It was only in the age of chivalry, that valor could ascend 
from a private station to the thrones of Jerusalem and Con 
stantinople. The titular kingdom of Jerusalem had devolved 
to Mary, the daughter of Isabella and Conrad of Montferrat, 
and the granddaughter of Almeric or Amaury. She was 
given to John of Brienne, of a noble family in Champagne, by 
the public voice, and the judgment of Philip Augustus, who 
named him as the most worthy champion of the Holy Land. 40 
In the fifth crusade, he led a hundred thousand Latins to 
the conquest of Egypt : by him the siege of Damietta was 
achieved ; and the subsequent failure was justly ascribed to 
the pride and avarice of the legate. After the marriage of 
his daughter with Frederic the Second, 41 he was provoked by 
the emperor s ingratitude to accept the command of the army 
of the church ; and though advanced in life, and despoiled of 
royalty, the sword and spirit of John of Brienne were still 
ready for the service of Christendom. In the seven years of 
his brother s reign, Baldwin of Courtenay had not emerged 
from a state of childhood, and the barons of Romania felt the 
strong necessity of placing the sceptre in the hands of a man 
and a hero. The veteran king of Jerusalem might have dis 
dained the name and office of regent ; they agreed to invest him 
for his life with the title and prerogatives of emperor, on the 
sole condition, that Baldwin should marry his second daughter, 
and succeed at a mature age to the throne of Constantinople. 
The expectation, both of the Greeks and Latins, was kindled 
by the renown, the choice, and the presence of John of 
Brienne ; and they admired his martial aspect, his green and 
vigorous age of more than fourscore years, and his size 
and stature, which surpassed the common measure of man 
kind. 42 But avarice, and the love of ease, appear to have 

40 Bex igitur Francia?, deliberatione habita, respondit nuntiis, se 
daturum hominem Syrise partibus aptum ; in armis probum (preux) 
in bellis securum, in agendis providum, Johannem comitem Brennen- 
sem. Sanut. Secret. Fidelium, 1. iii. p. xi. c. 4, p. 205. Matthew 
Paris, p. 159. 

41 Giannone (Istoria Civile, torn. ii. 1. xvi. p. 380 385) discusses 
the marriage of Frederic II. with the daughter of John of Brienne, 
and the double union of the crowns of Naples and Jerusalem. 

42 Acropolita, c. 27. The historian was at that time a boy, and 
educated at Constantinople. In 1233, when he was eleven years old, 
his father broke the Latin chain, left a splendid fortune, and escaped 
to the Greek court of Nice, where his son \vas raised to the highest 
honors. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 119 

chilled the ardor of enterprise : * his troops were disbanded, 
and two years rolled away without action or honor, till he was 
awakened by the dangerous alliance of Vataces emperor of 
Nice, and of Azan king of Bulgaria. They besieged Constan 
tinople by sea and land, with an army of one hundred thou 
sand men, and a fleet of three hundred ships of war; while 
the entire force of the Latin emperor was reduced to one hun 
dred and sixty knights, and a small addition of sergeants and 
archers. I tremble to relate, that instead of defending the 
city, the hero made a sally at the head of his cavalry ; and 
that of forty-eight squadrons of the enemy, no more than 
three escaped from the edge of his invincible sword. Fired 
by his example, the infantry and the citizens boarded the ves 
sels that anchored close to the walls ; and twenty-five were 
dragged in triumph into the harbor of Constantinople. At the 
summons of the emperor, the vassals and allies armed in her 
defence ; broke through every obstacle that opposed their 
passage ; and, in the succeeding year, obtained a second vic 
tory over the same enemies. By the rude poets of the age, 
John of Brienne is compared to Hector, Roland, and Judas 
Machabseus : 43 but their credit, and his glory, receive some 
abatement from the silence of the Greeks. The empire was 
soon deprived of the last of her champions ; and the dying 
monarch was ambitious to enter paradise in the habit of a 
Franciscan friar. 44 

In the double victory of John of Brienne, I cannot discover 
the name or exploits of his pupil Baldwin, who had attained 

43 Philip Mouskes, bishop of Tournay, (A. D. 12741282,) has 
composed a poem, or rather a string- of verses, in bad old Flemish 
French, on the Latin emperors of Constantinople, which Ducange has 
published at the end of Villehardouin ; see p. 38, for the prowess of 
John of Brienne. 

N Aio, Ector, Roll ne Ogiers 
Ne Judas Ma< hubeus li tiers 
Taut tie tit. d iirmcs en tutors 
Coin fi.-it li Hois .lehans eel jors 
Et il duf ors ct il dedans 
La puru sa force ct scs sons 
Et li hardimeut qu il avoit. 

44 See the reign of John de Brienne, in Ducange, Hist, de C. P. 
1. iii. c. 1326. 



* John de Brienne, elected emperor 1229, wasted two years in prepara 
tions, and did not arrive at Constantinople till 1231. Two years more 
glided away in inglorious inaction : he then made some ineffective warlike 
expediti >ns. Constantinople was not besieged till 1234. M. 



120 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

the age of military service, and who succeeded to the Im 
perial dignity on the decease of his adoptive father. 45 * The 
royal youth was employed on a commission more suitable to 
his temper ; he was sent to visit the Western courts, of the 
pope more especially, and of the king of France ; to excite 
their pity by the view of his innocence and distress; and to ob 
tain some supplies of men or money for the relief of the sinking 
empire. He thrice repeated these mendicant visits, in which 
he seemed to prolong his stay, and postpone his return ; of 
the five-and-twenty years of his reign, a greater number were 
spent abroad than at home ; and in no place did the emperor 
deem himself less free and secure than in his native country 
and his capital. On some public occasions, hrs vanity might 
be soothed by the title of Augustus, and by the honors of the 
purple ; and at the general council of Lyons, when Frederic 
the Second was excommunicated and deposed, his Oriental 
colleague was enthroned on the right hand of the pope. Bu\. 
how often was the exile, the vagrant, the Imperial beggar, 
humbled with scorn, insulted with pity, and degraded in his 
own eyes and those of the nations ! In his first visit to Eng 
land, he was stopped at Dover by a severe reprimand, that 
he should presume, without leave, to enter an independent 
kingdom. After some delay, Baldwin, however, was permit- 
ed to pursue his journey, was entertained with cold civility, 
and thankfully departed with a present of seven hundred 
marks. 46 From the avarice of Rome he could only obtain 
the proclamation of a crusade, and a treasure of indulgences ; 
a coin whose, currency was depreciated by too frequent and 
indiscriminate abuse. His birth and misfortunes recom 
mended him to the generosity of his cousin Louis the Ninth; 
but the martial zeal of the saint was diverted from Constanti 
nople to Egypt and Palestine ; and the public and private 
poverty of Baldwin was alleviated, for a moment, by the 
alienation of the marquisate of Namur and the lordship of 
Courtenay, the last remains of his inheritance. 47 By such 

45 See the reign of Baldwin II. till his expulsion from Constanti 
nople, in Ducange, Hist, de C. P. 1. iv. c. 13-1, the end 1. v. c. 1- 

46 Matthew Paris relates the two visits of Baldwin II. to the 

lish court, p. 396, 637 ; his return to Greece armatA manft, p. 407 ; 
his letters of his nomen formidable, &c., p. 481, (a passage which had 
escaped Ducange ;) his expulsion, p. 850. 

47 Louis IX. disapproved and stopped the alienation of Courtenay, 
(Ducange, 1. iv. c. 23.) It is now annexed to the royal demesne, 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 

ehameful or ruinous expedients, he once more returned to 
Romaflia, with an army of thirty thousand soldiers, whose 
numbers were doubled in the apprehension of the Greeks. 
JHis first despatches to France and England announced his 
victories and his hopes : he had reduced the country round 
the capital to the distance of three days journey ; and if he 
succeeded against an important, though nameless, city, (most 
probably Chiorli,) the frontier would be safe and the passage 
accessible. But these expectations (if Baldwin was sincere) 
quickly vanished like a dream : the troops and treasures of 
France melted away in his unskilful hands ; and the throne 
of the Latin emperor was protected by a dishonorable alli 
ance with the Turks and Comans. To secure the former, he 
consented to bestow his niece on the unbelieving sultan of 
Cogni ; to please the latter, he complied with their Pagan 
rites ; a dog was sacrificed between the two armies ; and the 
contracting parties tasted each other s blood^ as a pledge of 
their fidelity. 48 In the palace, or prison, of Constantinople, 
the successor of Augustus demolished the vacant houses for 
winter fuel, and stripped the lead from the churches for the 
daily expense of his family. Some usurious loans were 
dealt with a scanty hand by the merchants of Italy ; and 
Philip, his son and heir, was pawned at Venice as the security 
for a debt. 49 Thirst, hunger, and nakedness, are positive evils : 
but wealth is relative ; and a prince who would be rich in a 
private station, may be exposed by the increase of his wants 
to all the anxiety and bitterness of poverty. 

But in this abject distress, the emperor and empire were 
still possessed of an ideal treasure, which drew its fantastic 
value from the superstition of the Christian world. The merit 
of the true cross was somewhat impaired by its frequent divis 
ion ; and a long captivity among the infidels might shed some 
suspicion on the fragments that were produced in the East 
and West. But another relic of the Passion was preserved 
in the Imperial chapel of Constantinople ; and the crown of 

but granted for a term (engayA) to the family of Boulainvilliers. 
Cour .enay, in the election of Nemours in the Isle de France, is a 
to\vn of 900 inhabitants, with the remains of a castle, (Melanges tires 
d un Grande Bibliothtbque, torn. xlv. p. 74 77.) 

Joinville, p. 10 i, edit, da Louvre. A Coman prince, who died 
vvvtlout baptism, \va:; buried at the gates of Constantinople with a 
livi; retinue of slaves and horses. 

* Samit. Secret. Fidel. Crucis, 1. ii. p. iv. c. 18, p. 73. 
VOL. VI. 11 



THE DECLINE AND FAL1, 

thorns which liai been placed on the head of Christ was 
equally precious and authentic. It had formerly been the 
practice of the Egyptian debtors to deposit, as a security, the 
mummies of ti eir parents ; and both their honor and religion 
were bound for the redemption of the pledge. In the same 
manner, and in the absence of the emperor, the barons of 
Romania borrowed the sum of thirteen thousand one hundred 
and thirty-four pieces of gold 50 on the credit of the holy 
crown : they failed in the performance of their contract ; and 
a rich Venetian; Nicholas Querini, undertook to satisfy their 
impatient creditors, on condition that the relic should be lodged 
at Venice, to become his absolute property, if it were not 
redeemed within a short and definite term. The barons ap 
prised their sovereign of the hard treaty and impending loss ; 
and as the empire could not afford a ransom of seven thou 
sand pounds sterling, Baldwin was. anxious to snatch the prize 
from the Venetians, and to vest it with more honor and emol 
ument in the hands of the most Christian king. 51 Yet the 
negotiation was attended with some delicacy. In the purchase 
of relics, the saint would have started at the guilt of simony ; 
but if the mode of expression were changed, he might law 
fully repay the debt, accept the gift, and acknowledge the 
obligation. His ambassadors, two Dominicans, were de 
spatched to Venice to redeem and receive the holy crown, 
which had escaped the dangers of the sea and the galleys of 
Vataces. On opening a wooden box, they recognized the 
seals of the doge and barons, which were applied on a shrine 
of silver ; and within this shrine the monument of the Pas 
sion was enclosed in a golden vase. The reluctant Venetians 
yielded to justice and power: the emperor Frederic granted 
a free and honorable passage ; the court of France advanced 
as far as Troves in Champagne, to meet with devotion this 
inestimable relic: it was borne in triumph through, Paris by 
the king himself, barefoot, and in his shirt ; and a free gift 
of ten thousand marks of silver reconciled Baldwin to his 

50 Under the words Ferparus> Pcrpera, Hyperperum, Ducange is 
short and vague : Monetee genus. From a corrupt passage of Quii- 
therus, (Hist. C. P. c. 8, p. 10,) I guess that the Perpera was the 
nummus aureus, the fourth part of a mark of silver, or about ten 
shillings sterling in value. In lead it would be too contemptible. 

51 For the translation of the holy crown, &c., from Constantinople 
to Paris, see Ducange (Hist, de C. P. 1. iv. c. 1114, 24, 35) and 
Yleury, (Hist. Eccles. tern. xvii. p. 201 204.) 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 123 

loss. The success of .this transaction tempted the Latin em 
peror to offer with the same generosity the remaining furniture 
of his chapel ; 52 a large and authentic portion of the true 
cross ; the baby-linen of the Son of God, the lance, the sponge, 
and the chain, of his Passion ; the rod of Moses, and part of 
the skull of St. John the Baptist. For the reception of these 
spiritual treasures, twenty thousand marks were expended by 
St. Louis on a stately foundation, the holy chapel of Paris, on 
which the muse of Boileau has bestowed a comic immortality. 
The truth of such remote and ancient relics, which cannot be 
proved by any human testimony, must be admitted by those 
who believe in the miracles which they have performed. 
About the middle of the last age, an inveterate ulcer was 
touched and cured by a holy prickle of the holy crown : 53 the 
prodigy is attested by the most pious and enlightened Christians 
of France ; nor will the fact be easily disproved, except by 
those who are armed with a general antidote against religious 

17 , C 4 ^ O 

credulity. 04 

The Latins of Constantinople 55 were on all sides encom 
passed and pressed ; their sole hope, the last delay of their 
ruin, was in the division of their Greek and Bulgarian ene 
mies ; and of this hope they were deprived by the superior 
arms and policy of Vataces, emperor of Nice. From the 
Propontis to the rocky coast of Pamphylia, Asia was peaceful 
and prosperous under his reign ; ajid the events of every 

; Melanges tires d une Grande Bibliotheque, torn, xliii. p. 201 
205. The Lutriii of Boileau exhibits the inside, the soul and manners 
of the Sainte Chapelle ; and many facts relative to the institution are 
collected and explained by his commentators, Brosset and De St. 
Marc. 

1 It was performed A. D. 1656, March 24, on the niece of Pascal; 

that superior genius, \vith Arnauld, Nicole, &c., were on the spot, 

to believe and attest a miracle which confounded the Jesuits, and 

saved Port Royal, (CEuvres de Racine, torn. vi. p. 176187, in his 

eloquent History of Port Royal.) 

Voltaire (Siecle de Louis XIV. c. 37, CEuvres, torn. ix. p. 178, 
179) strives to invalidate the fact: but Hume, (Essays, vol. ii. p. 483, 
48-1,) with more skill and success, seizes the batterv, and turns the 
cannon against his enemies. 

The gradual losses of the Latins may bo traced in the third, 
fourth, and fifth books of the compilation" of Ducango : but of the 
jrreek conquests he has dropped many circumstances, which may be 
recovered from the larger history of George Acropolita, and the three 
first books of Nicephorus Gregoras, two writers of the Byzantine 
series, who have had the good fortune to meet with learned editors, 
Leo Allatius at Rom?, and John Boivin in the I nv of 

tions of Paris. 



THE DECLINE JVND FALL 

campaign extended his influence in Europe. The strong 
cities of the hills of Macedonia and Thrace were rescued 
from the Bulgarians ; and their kingdom was circumscribed 
by its present and proper limits, along the southern banks of 
the Danube, The sole emperor of the .Romans could no 
longer brook that a lord of Epirus, a Comnenian prince of 
the West, should presume to dispute or share the honors of 
the purple ; and the humble Demetrius changed the color of 
his buskins, and accepted with gratitude the appellation of 
despot. His own subjects were exasperated by his baseness 
and incapacity ; they implored the protection of their supreme 
lord. After some . resistance, the kingdom of Thessalonica 
was united to the empire of Nice ; and Vataces reigned 
without a competitor from the Turkish borders to the Adriatic 
Gulf. The princes of Europe revered his merit and power ; 
and had he subscribed an orthodox creed, it should seem that 
the pope would have abandoned without reluctance the Latin 
throne of Constantinople. But the death of Vataces, the 
short and busy reign of Theodore his son, and the helpless 
infancy of his grandson John, suspended the restoration of 
the Greeks. In the next chapter, I shall explain their domes 
tic revolutions ; in this place, it will be sufficient to observe, 
that the young prince was oppressed by the ambition of his 
guardian and colleague, Michael Palosologus, who displayed 
the virtues and vices that^ belong to the founder of a new dy 
nasty. The emperor Baldwin had flattered himself, that he 
might recover some provinces or cities by an impotent nego 
tiation. His ambassadors were dismissed from Nice with 
mocker) 7 " and contempt. At every place which they named, 
Palseologus alleged some special reason, which -rendered it 
dear and valuable in his eyes : in the one he was born ; in 
another he had been first promoted to military command ; 
and in a third he had enjoyed, and hoped long to enjoy, the 
pleasures of the chase. " And what then do you propose to 
give us? " said the astonished deputies, " Nothing," replied 
the Greek, u not a foot of land. If your master be desirous 
of peace, let him pay me, as an annual tribute, the sum 
which he receives from the trade and customs of Constan 
tinople. On these terms, I may allow him to reign. If he 
refuses, it is war. I am not ignorant of the art of war, and I 
trust the event to God and my sword." 56 An expedition 

88 George Acropolita, c, 78, p. 89, 90, edit. Paris. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 125 

against the despot of Epirus was the first prelude of his arms. 
If a victory was followed by a defeat ; if the race of the 
Comneni or Angeli survived in those mouLtains his efforts 
and his reign ; the captivity of Villehardouin, prince of 
Achaia, deprived the Latins of the most active and powerful 
vassal of their expiring monarchy. The republics of Venice 
and Genoa disputed, in the first of their naval wars, the com 
mand of the sea and the commerce of the East. Pride 
and interest attached the Venetians to the defence of Con 
stantinople ; their rivals were tempted to promote the designs 
of her enemies, and the alliance of the Genoese with the 
schismatic conqueror provoked the indignation of the Latin 
church. 57 

Intent on his great object, the emperor Michael visited in 
person and strengthened the troops and fortifications of 
Thrace. The remains of the Latins were driven from their 
last possessions : he assaulted without success the suburb of 
Galata ; and corresponded with a perfidious baron, who proved 
unwilling, or unable, to open the gates of the metropolis. 
The next spring, his favorite general, Alexius Strategopulus, 
whom he had decorated with the title of Caesar, passed the 
Hellespont with eight hundred horse and some infantry, 58 on 
a secret expedition. His instructions enjoined him to ap 
proach, to listen, to watch, but not to risk any doubtful or 
dangerous enterprise against the city. The adjacent territory 
between the Propontis and the Black Sea was cultivated by a 
hardy race of peasants and outlaws, exercised in arms, un 
certain in their allegiance, but inclined by language, religion, 
and present advantage, to the party of the Greeks. They 
were styled the volunteers ; 59 and by their free service the 
army of Alexius, with the regulars of Thrace and the Coman 

57 The Greeks, ashamed of any foreign aid, disguise the alliance 
and succor of the Genoese ; but the fact is proved by the testimony 
of J. Villani (Chron. 1. vi. c. 71, in Muratori, Script. Rerum ItaUca- 
rum, torn. xiii. p. 202, 203.) and William de Nangis, (Annales de St. 
Louis, p. 248, in the Louvre Joinville,) two impartial foreigners; and 
Urban IV. threatened to deprive Genoa of her archbishop. 

58 Some precautions must be used in reconciling the discordant 
numbers ; the 800 soldiers of Nicetas, the 25,000 of Spandugino, (apud 
Ducange, 1. v. c. 24 ;) the Greeks and Scythians of Acropolita ; and 
the numerous army of Michael, in the Epistles of Pope Urban IV.. 
(i. 129.) 

69 Oe^uTuQiot. They are described and named by Pachymer, 
a ii. c. 14.) 

11* 



126 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

auxiliaries, 60 was augmented to the number of five-and-twenty 
thousand men. By the ardor of the volunteers, and by his 
own ambition, the Csesar was stimulated to disobey the precise 
orders of his master, in the just confidence that success 
would plead his pardon and reward. The weakness of Con 
stantinople, and the distress and terror of the Latins, were 
familiar to the observation of the volunteers ; and they repre 
sented the present moment as the most propitious to surprise 
and conquest. A rash youth, the new governor of the Ve 
netian colony, had sailed away with thirty galleys, and the 
best of the French knights, o.n a wild expedition to Daphnu- 
sia, a town on the Black Sea, at the distance of forty leagues;* 
and the remaining Latins were without strength or suspicion. 
They were informed that Alexius had passed the Hellespont ; 
but their apprehensions were lulled by the smallness of his 
original numbers ; and their imprudence had not watched 
the subsequent increase of his army. If he left his main 
body to second and support his operations, he might advance 
unperceived in the night with a chosen detachment. While 
some applied scaling-ladders to the lowest part of the walls, 
they were secure -of an old Greek, who would introduce their 
companions through a subterraneous passage into his house ; 
they could soon on the inside break an entrance through the 
golden gate, which had been long obstructed ; and the con 
queror would be in the heart of the city before the Latins 
were conscious of their danger. After some debate, the 
Csssar resigned himself to the faith of the volunteers ; they 
were trusty, bold, and successful ; and in describing the plan, 
I have already related the execution and success. 61 But no 
sooner had Alexius passed the threshold of the golden gate, 
than he trembled at his own rashness ; he paused, he delib- 

60 It is needless to seek these Comans in the deserts of Tartary, or 
even of Moldavia. A part of the horde had submitted to John Yata- 
ces, and was probably settled as a nursery of soldiers on some waste 
lands of Thrace, (Cantacuzen. 1. i. c. 2.) 

61 The loss of Constantinople is briefly told by the Latins : the con 
quest is described with more satisfaction by the Greeks ; by Acropoli- 
ta, (c. 85,) Fachymcr, (1. ii. c. 26, 27,) Nicephorus Gregoras, (I, iv. 
c. 1, 2.) See Ducange, Hist, de C. P. 1. v. c. 1927. 



* According to several authorities, particularly Abulfaradj. Chron. Arab. 
p 336, this was a stratagem on the part of the Greeks to weaken the gar 
rison of Constantinople. The Greek commander offered to sui render th 
town on the appearance of tho Venetians. M. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 12? 

erated ; till the desperate volunteers urged him forwards, by 
the assurance that in retreat lay the greatest and most inev 
itable danger. Whilst the Csesar kept his regulars in firm 
array, the Comans dispersed themselves on all sides ; an 
alarm was sounded, and the threats of fire and pillage com 
pelled the citizens to a decisive resolution. The Greeks of 
Constantinople remembered their native sovereigns ; the Gen 
oese merchants their recent alliance and Venetian foes ; 
every quarter was in arms ; and the air resounded with a 
general acclamation of " Long life and victory to Michael 
and John, the august emperors of the Romans ! Their 
rival, Baldwin, was awakened by the sound ; but the most 
pressing danger could not prompt him to draw his sword in 
the defence of a city which he deserted, perhaps, with more 
pleasure than regret : he fied from the palace to the sea 
shore, where he descried the welcome sails of the fleet re 
turning from the vain and fruitless attempt on Daphnusia. 
Constantinople was irrecoverably lost ; but the Latin emperor 
and the principal families embarked on board the Venetian 
galleys, and steered for the Isle of Eubcea, and afterwards 
for Italy, where the royal fugitive was entertained by the 
pope and Sicilian king with a mixture of contempt and pity. 
From the loss of Constantinople to his death, he consumed 
thirteen years, soliciting the Catholic powers to join in his 
restoration : the lesson had been familiar to his youth ; nor 
was his last exile more indigent or shameful than his three 
former pilgrimages to the courts of Europe. His son Philip 
was the heir of an ideal empire ; and the pretensions of his 
daughter Catherine were transported by her marriage to 
Charles of Valois, the brother of Philip the Fair, king of 
France. The house of Courtenay was represented in the 
female line by successive alliances, till the title of emperor 
of Constantinople, too bulky and sonorous for a private name, 
modestly expired in silence and oblivion. 62 

After this narrative of the expeditions of the Latins to Pal 
estine and Constantinople, I cannot dismiss the subject without 
revolving the general consequences on the countries that 

62 See the three last books (1. v. viii.) and the genealogical tables 
of Duoange. In the year 1382, the titular emperor of Constantinople 
was James de Baux, duke of Andria in the kingdom of Naples, the son. 
of Margaret, daughter of Catherine de Valois, daughter of Catherine, 
daughter of Philip, son of Baldwin II., (Ducange, 1. viii. c. 37, 38.) 
It is uncertain whether he left any posterity. 



128 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

were the scene, and on the nations that were the actors, of 
these memorable crusades. 63 As soon as the arms of the 
Franks were withdrawn, the impression, though not the mem 
ory, was erased in the Mahometan realms of Egypt and 
Syria. The faithful disciples of the prophet we re never 
tempted by a profane desire to study the laws or language of 
the idolaters ; nor did the simplicity of their primitive man 
ners receive the slightest alteration from their intercourse in 
peace and war with the unknown strangers of the West. 
The Greeks, who thought themselves proud, but who were 
only vain, showed a disposition somewhat less inflexible. In 
the efforts for the recovery of their empire, they emulated 
the valor, discipline, and tactics of their antagonists. The 
modem literature of the West they might justly despise ; but 
its free spirit would instruct them in the rights of man ; and 
some institutions of public and private life were adopted from 
the French. The correspondence of Constantinople and 
Italy diffused the knowledge .of the Latin tongue ; and several 
of the fathers and classics were at length honored with a 
Greek version. 64 But the national and religious prejudices 
of the Orientals were inflamed by persecution, and the 
reign of the Latins confirmed the separation of the two 
churches. 

If we compare the sera of the crusades, the Latins of Eu 
rope with the Greeks and Arabians, their respective degrees 
of knowledge, industry, and art, our rude ancestors must be 
content with the third rank in the scale of nations. Their 
successive improvement and present superiority may be 
ascribed to a peculiar energy of character, to an active and 
imitative spirit, unknown to their more polished rivals, who at 
that time were in a stationary or retrograde state. With such 
a disposition, the Latins should have derived the most early 



5 Abulfeda, who saw the conclusion of the crusades, speaks of the 
kingdoms of the Franks, and those of the Negroes, as equally un 
known, (Prolegom. ad Geograph.) Had he not disdained the Latin 
language, how easily might the Syrian prince have found books and 
interpreters ! 

64 A short and superficial account of these versions from Latin into 
Greek is given by Huet, (de Interpretatione et de Claris Interpretibus, 
p. 131 135.) Maximus Planudes, a monk of Constantinople, (A. D. 
1327 1353) has translated Caesar s Commentaries, the Somniura 
Scipionis, the Metamorphoses and Heroidcs of Ovid, &c., (Fabric. Bib 
Grcec. torn. x. p. 533.) 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 129 

and essential benefits from a series of events which opened 
to their eyes the prospect of the world, and introduced them 
to a long and frequent intercourse with the more cultivated 
regions of the East. The first and most obvious progress 
was in trade and manufactures, in the arts which are strongly 
prompted^by the thirst of wealth, the calls of necessity, and 
the gratification of the sense or vanity. Among the crowd 
of unthinking fanatics, a captive or a pilgrim might some 
times observe the superior refinements of Cairo and Constan 
tinople : the first importer of windmills 65 was the benefactor 
of nations ; and if such blessings are enjoyed without any 
grateful remembrance, history has condescended to notice the 
more apparent luxuries of silk and sugar, which were trans 
ported into Italy from Greece and Egypt. But the intellectu 
al wants of the Latins were more slowly felt and supplied ; 
the ardor of studious curiosity was awakened in Europe by 
different causes and more recent events ; and, in the age of 
the crusades, they viewed with careless indifference the liter- 

* ./ 

ature of the Greeks and Arabians. Some rudiments of 
mathematical and medicinal knowledge might be imparted in 
practice and in figures ; necessity might produce some inter 
preters for the grosser business of merchants and soldiers ; 
but the commerce of the Orientals had not diffused the study 
and knowledge of their languages in the schools of Europe. 60 
If a similar principle of religion repulsed the idiom of the 
Koran, it should have excited their patience and curiosity to 
understand the original text of the gospel ; and the same 
grammar would have unfolded the sense of Plato and the 
beauties of Homer. Yet in a reign of sixty years, the Latins 
of Constantinople disdained the speech and learning of their 
subjects ; and the manuscripts were the only treasures which 
the natives might enjoy without rapine or envy. Aristotle 
was indeed the oracle of the Western universities, but it was 
a barbarous Aristotle ; and, instead of ascending to the foun 
tain head, his Latin votaries humbly accepted a corrupt and 
remote version from the Jews and Moors of Andalusia. The 

66 Windmills, first invented in the dry country of Asia Minor, were 
used in Normandy as early as the year 1105, (Vie privee des Fran- 
<jois, torn. i. p. 42, 43. Ducange, Gloss. Latin, torn. iv. p. 474.) 

66 See the complaints of Roger Bacon, (Biographia Britannica, vol. i. 
p. 418, Kippis s edition.) If Bacon himself, or Gerbert, understood 
some Greek, they were prodigies, and owed nothing to the commerce 
of the East. 



130 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

principle of the crusades was a savage fanaticism ; and the 
most important effects were analogous to the cause. Each 
pilgrim was ambitious to return with his sacred spoils, the 
relics of Greece and. Palestine ; 67 and each relic was preced 
ed and followed by a train of miracles and visions. The 
belief of the Catholics was corrupted by new legends, their 
practice by new superstitions ; and the establishment of the 
inquisition, the mendicant orders of monks and friars, the 
last abuse of indulgences, and the final progress of idolatry, 
flowed from the baleful fountain of the holy war. The active 
spirit of the Latins preyed on the vitals of their reason and 
religion ; and if the ninth and tenth centuries were the times 
of darkness, the thirteenth and fourteenth were the age of 
absurdity and fable. 

In the profession of Christianity, in the- cultivation of a fer 
tile land, the northern conquerors of the Roman empire insen 
sibly mingled with the provincials, and rekindled the embers 
of the arts of antiquity. Their settlements about the age of 
Charlemagne had acquired some degree of order and stabil 
ity, when they were overwhelmed by new swarms of inva 
ders, the Normans, Saracens, 68 and Hungarians, who re- 
plunged the western countries of Europe into their former 
state of anarchy and barbarism. About the eleventh century, 
the second tempest had subsided by the expulsion or conver 
sion of the enemies of Christendom : the tide of civilization, 
which had so long ebbed, began to flow with a steady and 
accelerated course ; and a fairer prospect was opened to the 
hopes and efforts of the rising generations. Great was the 
increase, and rapid the progress, during the two hundred 
years of the crusades ; and some philosophers have applauded 
the propitious influence of these holy wars, which appear to 
me to have checked rather than forwarded the maturity of 
Europe. 63 The lives and labors of millions, which were 

J Such was the opinion of the great Leibnitz, (CEuvres de Fonte- 
nelle, torn. v. p. 458,) a master of the history of the middle ages. I 
shall only instance the pedigree of the Carmelites, and the flight of 
the house of Loretto, which were both derived from Palestine. 

* If I rank the Saracens with the Barbarians, it is only relative to 
their wars, or rather inroads, in Italy and France, where their sole 
purpose was to plunder and destroy. 

* On this interesting subject, the progress of society in Europe, a 
strong ray of philosophical light has broke from Scotland in our own 
times ; and it is with private, as well as public regard, that I repeat 
the names of Hume, Robertson, and Adam Smith. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 131 

buried in the East, would have been more profitably em 
ployed in the improvement of their native country : the ac 
cumulated stock of industry and wealth would have over 
flowed in navigation and trade ; and the Latins would have 
been enriched and enlightened by a pure and friendly corre 
spondence with the climates of the East. In one respect I can 
indeed perceive the accidental operation of the crusades, not 
so much in producing a benefit as in removing an evil. The 
larger portion of the inhabitants of Europe was chained to the 
soil, without freedom, or property, or knowledge ; and the 
two orders of ecclesiastics and nobles, whose numbers were 
comparatively small, alone deserved the name of citizens and 
men. This oppressive system was supported by the acts of 
the clergy and the swords of the barons. The authority of 
the priests operated in the darker ages as a salutary antidote : 
they prevented the total extinction of letters, mitigated the 
fierceness of the times, sheltered the poor and defenceless, 
and preserved or revived the peace and order of civil society. 
But the independence, rapine, and discord of the feudal lords 
were unmixed with any semblance of good ; and every hope 
of industry and improvement was crushed by the iron weight 
of the martial aristocracy. Among the causes that under 
mined that Gothic edifice, a conspicuous place must be al 
lowed to the crusades. The estates of the barons were 
dissipated, and their race was often extinguished, in these 
costly and perilous expeditions. Their poverty extorted from 
their pride those charters of freedom which unlocked the 
fetters of the slave, secured the farm of the peasant and the 
shop of the artificer, arid gradually restored a substance and a 
soul to the most numerous and useful part of the community. 
The conflagration which destroyed the tall and barren trees 
of the forest gave air and -scope to the vegetation of the 
smaller and nutritive plants of the soil.* 

* On the consequences of the crusades, compare the valu-ibk* F^<ny 
Ileeren, that of M. Choiseul d Aillecourt, and a el; 

" Mahometanism Unveiled." I may admire tir.> pvarleui ;n s I<-;UTU;. 
and industry, without pledging myself to his wild theory of 
interpretation. M. 



132 THE DECLINE AND FALL 



Digression on the Family of Courtenay. 

THE purple of three emperors, who have reigned at Con 
stantinople, will authorize or excuse a digression on the origin 
and singular fortunes of the house of CouRTENAY, 70 in the 
three principal branches : I. Of Edessa ; II. Of France ; and 
III. Of England ; of which the last only has survived the rev 
olutions of eight hundred years. 

I. Before the introduction of trade, which scatters riches, 
and of knowledge, which dispels prejudice, the prerogative 
of birth is most strongly felt and most humbly acknowledged. 
In every age, the laws and manners of the Germans have 
discriminated the ranks of society : the dukes and counts, who 
shared the empire of Charlemagne, converted their office to 
an inheritance ; and to his children, each feudal lord be 
queathed his honor and his sword. The proudest families are 
content to lose, in the darkness of the middle ages, the tree 
of their pedigree, which, however deep and lofty, must ulti 
mately rise from a plebeian root ; and their historians must 
descend ten centuries below the Christian cera, before they 
can ascertain any lineal succession by the evidence of sur 
names, of arms, and of authentic records. With the first 
rays of light, 71 we discern the nobility and opulence of Atho, 
a French knight ; his nobility, in the rank and title of a name 
less father ; his opulence, in the foundation of the castle of 
Courtenay in the district of Gatinois, about fifty-six miles to 
the south of Paris. From the reign of Robert, the son of 
Hugh Capet, the barons of Courtenay are conspicuous among 
the immediate vassals of the crown ; and Joscelin, the . giand- 
son of Atho and a noble dame, is enrolled among the heroes 
of the first crusade. A domestic alliance (their mothers 
were sisters) attached him to the standard of Baldwin of 

70 I have applied, but not confined, myself to A genealogical History 
of the noble and illustrious Family of Courtenay, by Ezra Cleaveland, 
Tutor to Sir William Courtenay, and Rector of Honiton ; Exon. 1735, in 
folio. The first part is extracted from William of Tyre ; the second 
from Bouchet s Trench history ; and the third from various memo 
rials, public, provincial, and private, of the Courtenay s of Devonshire. 
The rector of Honiton has more gratitude than industry, and more 
industry than criticism. 

71 The primitive record of the family is a passage of the continua- 
tor of Aimoin, a monk of Fleury, who wrote in the xiith century. 
See his Chronicle, in the Historians of Prance, (torn. xi. p. 276.) 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE, 133 

Bruges, the second count of Edessa ; a princely fief, which 
he was worthy to receive, and able to maintain, announces 
the number of his martial followers; and after the departure 
of his cousin, Joscelin himself was invested with the county 
of Edessa on both sides of the Euphrates. By economy in 
peace, his territories were replenished with Latin and Syrian 
subjects ; his magazines with corn, wine, and oil ; his castles 
with gold and silver, with arms and horses. In a holy war 
fare of thirty years, he was alternately a conqueror and a 
captive : but he died like a soldier, in a horse litter at the 
head of his troops ; and his last glance beheld the flight of 
the Turkish invaders who had presumed on his age and infirm 
ities. His son and successor, of the same name, was less 
deficient in valor than in vigilance ; but he sometimes forgot 
that dominion is acquired and maintained by the same arts. 
He challenged the hostility of the Turks, without securing 
the friendship of the prince of Antioch ; and, amidst the 
peaceful luxury of Turbessel, in Syria, 72 Joscelin neglected 
the defence of the Christian frontier beyond the Euphrates. 
In his absence, Zenghi, the first of the Atabeks, besieged and 
stormed his capital, Edessa, which was feebly defended by a 
timorous and disloyal crowd of Orientals : the Franks were 
oppressed in a bold attempt for its recovery, and Courtenay 
ended his days in the prison of Aleppo. He still left a fair 
and ample patrimony. But the victorious Turks oppressed on 
ail sides the weakness of a widow and orphan ; and, for the 
equivalent of an annual pension, they resigned to the Greek 
emperor the charge of defending, and the shame of losing, 
the last relics of the Latin conquest. The countess-dowager 
of Edessa retired to Jerusalem with her two children ; the 
daughter, Agnes, became the wife and mother of a king ; the 
son, Joscelin the Third, accepted the office of seneschal, the 
first of the kingdom, and held his new estates in Palestine by 
the service of fifty knights. His name appears with honor in 
all the transactions of peace and war ; but he finally vanishes 
in the fall of Jerusalem ; and the name of Courtenay, in this 
branch of Edessa, was lost by the marriage of his two daugh 
ters with a French and a German baron. 73 

ri Turbessel, or, as it is now styled, Telbcsher, is fixed by D An- 
ville four-and-twenty miles from the great passage over the Euphrates 
at Zeugma. 

73 His possessions are distinguished in the Assises of Jerusalem 
fc, 326) among the feudal tenures of the kingdom, which nrnst there- 
VOL. VI. 12 



134 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

II. While Joscelin reigned beyond the Euphrates, his elder 
brother Milo, the son of Joscelin, the son of Atho, continued, 
near the Seine, to possess the castle of their fathers, which 
was at length inherited by Rainaud, or Reginald, the youngest 
of his three sons. Examples of genius or virtue must be rare 
in the annals of the oldest families ; and, in a remote age, 
their pride will embrace a deed of rapine and violence ; such, 
however, as could not be perpetrated without some superior 
ity of courage, or, at least, of .power. A descendant of 
Reginald of Courtenay may blush for the public robber, who 
stripped and imprisoned several merchants, after they had 
satisfied the king s duties at Sens and Orleans. He will glory 
in the offence, since the bold offender could not be compelled 
to obedience and restitution, till the regent and the count of 
Champagne prepared to march against him at the head of an 
army. 74 Reginald bestowed his estates on his eldest daugh 
ter, and his daughter on the seventh son of King Louis the 
Fat ; and their marriage was crowned with a numerous off 
spring. We might expect that a private should have merged 
in a royal name ; and that the descendants of Peter of France 
and Elizabeth of Courtenay would have enjoyed the title and 
honors of princes of the blood. But this legitimate claim was 
long neglected, and finally denied ; and the causes of their 
disgrace will represent the story of this second branch. 
1. Of all the families now extant, the most ancient, doubtless, 
and the most illustrious, is the house of France, which has 
occupied the same throne above eight hundred years, and de 
scends, in a clear and lineal series of males, from the middle 
of the ninth century. 75 In the age of the crusades, it was 
already revered both in the East and West. But from Hugh 
Capet to the marriage of Peter, no more than five reigns or 
generations had elapsed ; and so precarious was their title, 
that the eldest sons, as a necessary .precaution, were previ 
ously crowned during the lifetime of their fathers. The 

fore have been collected between the years 1153 and 1187. His pedi 
gree may be found in the Lignages d Outremer, c. 16. 

?4 The rapine and satisfaction of Reginald de Courtenay, are pre 
posterously arranged in the Epistles of the abbot and regent Sugcr, 
(cxiv. cxvi.,) the best memorials of the age, (Duchesne, Scriptores 
Hist. Franc, torn. iv. p. 530.) 

75 In the beginning of the xith century, after naming the fatl 
and grandfather of Hugh Capet, the monk Glaber is obliged to add, 
cujus genus valde in-ante reperitur obscurum. Yet we are assured 
that the great-grandfather of Hugh Capet was Robert the Strong, 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 135 

peers of France have long maintained their precedency be 
fore the younger branches of the royal line, nor had the 
princes of the blood, in the twelfth century, acquired that 
hereditary lustre which is now diffused over the most remote 
candidates for the succession. 2. The barons of Courtenay 
must have stood high in their own estimation, and in that of 
the -world, since they could impose on the son of a king the 
obligation of adopting for himself and all his descendants the 
name and arms of their daughter and his wife. In the mar 
riage of an heiress with her inferior or her equal, such ex 
change was often required and allowed : but as they continued 
to diverge from the regal stem, the sons of Louis the Fat 
were insensibly confounded with their maternal ancestors ; 
and the new Courtenays might deserve to forfeit the honors 
of their birth, which a motive of interest had tempted them 
to renounce. 3. The shame was far more permanent than 
the reward, and a momentary blaze was followed by a lone- 
darkness. The eldest son of these nuptials, Peter of Courte^ 
nay, had married, as I have already mentioned, the sister of 
the counts of Flanders, the two first emperors of Constanti 
nople : he rashly accepted the invitation of the barons of 
Romania ; his two sons, Robert and Baldwin, successively held 
and lost the remains of the Latin empire in the East, and 
the granddaughter of Baldwin the Second again mingled her 
blood with the blood of France and of Valois. To support 
the expenses of a troubled and transitory reign, their patri 
monial estates were mortgaged or sold ; and the last emper 
ors of Constantinople depended on the annual charity of Rome 
and Naples. 

While the elder brothers dissipated their wealth in romantic 
adventures, and the castle of Courtenay was profaned by a 
plebeian owner, the younger branches of that adopted name 

count of Anjou, (A. D. 863873,) a noble Frank of Neustria, Neu- 
stncus . . . generosse stirpis, who was slain in the defence of his coun 
try against the Normans, dum patriae fines. tuebatur. Beyond Robert, 
all is conjecture or fable. It is a probable conjecture, that the third 
race descended from the second by Childebrand, the brother of Charles 
MarteL It is an absurd fable, that the second was allied to the first 
by the marriage of Ansbert, a Itoman senator and the ancestor of St. 
^rnoul, with Blitilde, a daughter of Clotaire I. The Saxon origin 
of the house of France is an ancient but incredible opinion. See a 
judicious memoir of M. Foncemagne, (Memoires de 1 Academie des 
Inscriptions, torn. xx. p. 548579.) He had promised to declare his 
own opinion in a second memoir, which has never appeared. 



136 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

were propagated and multiplied. But their splendor was 
clouded by poverty and time : after the decease of Robert, 
great butler of France, they descended from princes to 
barons ; the next generations were confounded with the sim 
ple gentry ; the descendants of Hugh Capet could no longer 
be visible in the rural lords of Tanlay and of Champignelles. 
The more adventurous embraced without dishonor the pro 
fession of a soldier : the least active and opulent might sink, 
like their cousins of the branch of Dreux, into the condition 
of peasants. Their royal descent, in a dark period of foui 
hundred years, became each day more obsolete and ambigu 
ous ; and their pedigree, instead of being enrolled in the 
annals of the kingdom, must be painfully searched by the 
minute diligence of heralds and genealogists. It was not till 
the end of the sixteenth century, on the accession of a family 
almost as remote as their own, that the princely spirit of the 
Courtenays again revived ; and the question of the nobility 
provoked them to ascertain the royalty of their blood. They 
appealed to the justice and compassion of Henry the Fourth ; 
obtained a favorable opinion from twenty lawyers of Italy 
and Germany, and modestly compared themselves to the de 
scendants of King David, whose prerogatives were not im 
paired by the lapse of ages or the trade of a carpenter. 7t 
But every ear was deaf, and every circumstance was adverse, 
to their lawful claims. The Bourbon kings were justified by 
the neglect of the Valois ; the princes of the blood, more 
recent and lofty, disdained the alliance of this humble kin 
dred : the parliament, without denying their proofs, eluded a 
dangerous precedent by an arbitrary distinction, and estab 
lished St. Louis as the first father of the royal line. 7 A 

76 Of the various petitions, apologies, &c., published by the princes 
of Courtenay, I have seen the three following, all m octavo : 
Stirpe et Origine Domus de Courtenay : addita sunt Responsa cell 
berrimorum Europe Jurisconsultorum ; Paris, 1607. 2. Representa 
tion du Procede tenft a 1 instance faicte clevant le Roi, par Messieurs 
de Courtenay, pour la conservation de 1 Honneur et Digmte de leur 
Maison, branche de la royalle Maison de France ; a Paris, 

3- Representation du subject qui a porte Messieurs de Salles e 
Fraville, de la Maison de Courtenay, a se retirer hors du Royaume, 
1614. It was a homicide, for which the Courtenays expected to be 
pardoned, or tried, as princes of the blood. 

77 The sense of the parliaments is thus expressed by 
Principis nomen nusquam in Gallia tributum, nisi iis qui per mar 
regibus nostris originem repetunt ; qui nunc tantum a Ludovic< 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 137 

repetition of complaints and protests was repeatedly disre 
garded ; and the hopeless pursuit was terminated in the 
present century by the death of the last male of the family. 7& 
Their painful and anxious situation was alleviated by the pride 
of conscious virtue : they sternly rejected the temptations of 
fortune and favor ; and a dying Courtenay would have sacri 
ficed his son, if the youth could have renounced, for any 
temporal interest, the right and title of a legitimate prince of 
the blood of France. 79 

III. According to the old register of Ford Abbey, the Cour- 
tenays of Devonshire are descended from Prince Florus, the 
second son of Peter, and the grandson of Louis the Fat. 80 
This fable of the grateful or venal monks was too respectfully 
entertained by our antiquaries, Cambden 81 and Dugdale : 82 
but it is so clearly repugnant to truth and time, that the ra 
tional pride of the family now refuses to accept this imaginary 
founder. Their most faithful historians believe, that, after 
giving his daughter to the king s son, Reginald of Courtenay 
abandoned his possessions in France, and obtained from the 

beatse memorise numerantur ; nam Cortinai et Drocenses, a Ludovico 
crasso genus ducentes, hodie inter eos minim e recensentur. A dis 
tinction of expediency rather than justice. The sanctity of Louis IX. 
could not invest him with any special prerogative, and all the de 
scendants of Hugh Capet must be included in his original compact 
with the French nation. 

78 The last male of the Courtenays was Charles Roger, who died in 
the year 1730, without leaving any sons. The last female was Helene 
de Courtenay, who married Louis de Beaufremont. Her title of 
Princesse du Sang Royal de France was suppressed (February 7th, 
1737) by an arr&t of the parliament of Paris. 

79 The singular anecdote to which I allude is related in the Recueil 
des Pieces interessantes et peu connues, (Maastricht, 1786, in 4 vols. 
12mo. ;) and the unknown editor quotes his author, who had received 
it from Helene de Courtenay, marquise dc Beaufremont. 

80 Dugdale, Monasticon Anglicanum, vol. i. p. 786. Yet this fable 
must have been invented before the reign of Edward III. The pro 
fuse devotion of the three first generations to Ford Abbey was fol 
lowed by oppression on one side and ingratitude on the other ; and in 
the sixth generation, the monks ceased to register the births, actions, 
and deaths of their patrons. 

81 In his Britannia, in the list of the earls of Devonshire. His 
expression, e regio sanguine ortos credunt, betrays, however, some 
doubt or suspicion. 

82 In his Baronage, P. i. p. 634, he refers to his own Monasticon. 
Should he not have corrected the register of Ford Abbey, and annihi 
lated the phantom Florus, by the unquestionable evidence of the 
French historians ? 

12* 



138 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

English monarch a second wife and a new inheritance. It is 
certain, at least, that Henry the Second distinguished in his 
camps and councils a Reginald, of the name and arms, and, 
as it may be fairly presumed, of" the genuine race, of the 
Courtenays of France. The right of wardship enabled a 
feudal lord to reward his vassal with the marriage and estate 
of a noble heiress ; and Reginald of Courtenay acquired a 
fair establishment in Devonshire, where his posterity has been 
seated above six hundred years. 83 From a Norman baron, 
Baldwin de Brioniis, who had been invested by the Conqueror, 
Hawise, the wife of Reginald, derived the honor of Oke- 
hampton, which was held by the service of ninety-three 
knights ; and a female might claim the manly offices of 
hereditary viscount or sheriff, and of captain of the royal 
castle of Exeter. Their son Robert married the sister of the 
earl of Devon : at the end of a century, on the failure of the 
family of Rivers, 84 his great-grandson, Hugh the Second, 
succeeded to a title which was still considered as a territorial 
dignity ; and twelve earls of Devonshire, of the name of 
Courtenay, have flourished in a period of two hundred and 
twenty years. They were ranked among the chief of the 
barons of the realm ; nor was it till after a strenuous dispute, 
that they yielded to the fief of Arundel the first place in the 
parliament of England : their alliances were contracted with 
the noblest families, the Veres, Despensers, St. Johns, Talbots, 
Bohuns, and even the Plantagenets themselves ; and in a con 
test with John of Lancaster, a Courtenay, bishop of London, 
and afterwards archbishop of Canterbury, might be accused 
of profane confidence in the strength and number of his kin 
dred. In peace, the earls of Devon resided in their numerous 
castles and manors of the west ; their ample revenue was 
appropriated to devotion and hospitality ;. and the epitaph of 
Edward, surnamed from his misfortune, the blind, from his 
virtues, the good, earl, inculcates with much ingenuity a moral 
sentence, which may, however, be abused by thoughtless 
generosity. After a grateful commemoration of the fifty-five 

83 Besides the third and most valuable book of Cleaveland s His 
tory, I have consulted Dugdale, the father of our genealogical science, 
(Baronage, P. i. p. 634643.) 

84 This great family, de Ripuariis, de Redvers, de Rivers, ended, in 
Edward the Fifth s time, in Isabella de Fortibus, a famous and potent 
dowager, who long survived her brother and husband, (Dugdale, Bar 
onage, P. i. p. 254257.) 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 139 

years of union and happiness which he enjoyed with Mabel 
his wife, the good earl thus speaks from the tomb : 

" What we gave, we have ; 
What we spent, we had ; 
What we left, we lost." 85 

* 

But tneir losses, in this sense, were far superior to their gifts* 
and expenses ; and their heirs, not Jess than the poor, were 
the objects of their paternal care. The sums which they 
paid for livery and seizin attest the greatness of their posses 
sions ; and several estates have remained in their family 
since the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. In war, the 
Courtenays of England fulfilled the duties, and deserved the 
honors, of chivalry. They were often intrusted. to levy and 
command the militia of Devonshire and Cornwall ; they often 
attended their supreme lord to the borders of Scotland ; and 
in foreign service, for a stipulated price, they sometimes 
maintained fourscore men-at-arms and as many archers. By 
sea and land they fought under the standard of the Edwards 
and Henries : their names are conspicuous in battles, in tour 
naments, and in the original list of the Order of the Garter ; 
three brothers shared the Spanish victory of the Black Prince ; 
and in the lapse of six generations, the English Courtenays 
had learned to despise the nation and country from which 
they derived their origin. In the quarrel of the two roses, 
the earls of Devon adhered to the house of Lancaster ; and 
three brothers successively died either in the field or on the 
scaffold. Their honors and estates were restored by Henry 
the Seventh ; a daughter of Edward the Fourth was not dis 
graced by the nuptials of a Courtenay ; their son, who was 
created marquis of Exeter, enjoyed the favor of his cousin 
Henry the Eighth ; and in the camp of Cloth of Gold, he 
broke a lance against the French monarch. But the favor of 
Henry was the prelude of disgrace; his disgrace was the 
signal of death ; and of the victims - of the jealous tyrant, the 
marquis of Exeter is one of the most noble and guiltless. 
His son Edward lived a prisoner in the Tower, and died in 
exile at Padua ; and the secret love of Queen Mary, whom 
he slighted, perhaps for the princess Elizabeth, has shed a 



83 Cleaveland, p. 142. By some it is assigned to a Rivers earl of 
Devon ; but the English denotes the xvth, rather than the xiiith, 
century. 



140 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

romantic color on the story of this beautiful youth. The 
relics of his patrimony were conveyed into strange families 
by the marriages of his four aunts ; and his personal honors, 
as if they had been legally extinct, were revived by the patents 
of succeeding princes. But there still survived a lineal de 
scendant of Hugh, the first earl of Devon, a younger branch 
of the Conrtenays, who have been seated at Powderham 
Castle above four h-undred years, from the reign of Edward 
the Third to the present hour. Their estates have been in 
creased by the grant and improvement of lands in Ireland, 
and they have been recently restored to the honors of the 
peerage. Yet the Courtenays still retain the plafntive motto, 
which asserts the innocence, and deplores the fall, of their 
ancient house. 86 While they sigh for past greatness, they 
are doubtless sensible of present blessings : in the long series 
of the Courtenay annals, the most splendid sera is likewise 
the most unfortunate ; nor can an opulent peer of Britain be 
inclined to envy the emperors of Constantinople, who wan 
dered over Europe to solicit alms for the support of their 
dignity and the defence of their capital. 

86 Ubi lapsus ! Quid fed ? a motto which was probably adopted by 
the Powderham branch, after the loss of the earldom of Devonshire, 
&c. The primitive arms of the Coxirtenays were, Or, three torteaux, 
Gules, which seem to denote their affinity with Godfrey of Bouillon, 
and the ancient counts of Boulogne. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 141 



CHAPTER LXI1. 

THE GREEK EMPERORS OF NICE AND CONSTANTINOPLE. - 

ELEVATION AND REIGN OF MICHAEL PAL^EOLOGUS. HIS 

FALSE UNION WITH THE POPE AND THE LATIN CHURCH. 

HOSTILE DESIGNS OF CHARLES OF ANJOU. REVOLT OF 

SICILY. WAR OF THE CATALANS IN ASIA AND GREECE. 

REVOLUTIONS AND PRESENT STATE OF ATHENS. 

THE loss of Constantinople restored a momentary vigor 
to the Greeks. From their palaces, the princes and nobles 
were driven into the field ; and the fragments of the falling 
monarchy were grasped by the hands of the most vigorous or 
the most skilful candidates. In the long and barren pages of 
the Byzantine annals, 1 it would not be an easy task to equal 
the two characters of Theodore Lascaris and John Ducas 
Vataces, 2 who replanted and upheld the Roman standard at 
Nice in Bithynia. The difference of their virtues was happily 
suited to the diversity of their situation. In his first efforts, 
the fugitive Lascaris commanded only three cities and two 
thousand soldiers : his reign was the season of generous and 
active despair : in every military operation he staked his life 
and crown ; and his enemies, of the Hellespont and the Mas- 
ander, were surprised by his celerity and subdued by his 
boldness. A victorious reign of eighteen years expanded the 
principality of Nice to the magnitude of an empire. The 
fr^ one of his successor and son-in-law Vataces was founded 
on a more solid basis, a larger scope, and more plentiful 



1 For the reigns of the Nicene emperors, more especially of John 
Vataces and his son, their minister, George Acropolita, is the only 
genuine contemporary ; but George Pachymer returned to Constanti 
nople with the Greeks at the age of nineteen, (Hanckius do Script. 
Byzant. c. 33, 34, p. 564 578. Fabric. Bibliot. Graec. torn. vi. p. 
448 460.) Yet the history of Nicephorus Gregoras, though of the 
xivth century, is a valuable narrative from the taking of Constantino 
ple by the Latins. 

2 Nicephorus Gregoras (1. ii. c. 1) distinguishes between the 6ifa 
oQpij of Lascaris, and the tuoraduu of Vataces. The two portraits are 
in a very good style. 



THE DECLINE AND FALL 

resources ; and it was the temper, as well as the interest, of 
Vataces to calculate the risk, to expect the moment, and to 
insure the success, of his ambitious designs. In the decline 
of the Latins, I have briefly exposed the progress of the 
Greeks ; the prudent and gradual advances of a conqueror, 
who, in a reign of thirty-three years, rescued the provinces 
from national and foreign usurpers, till he pressed on all sides 
the Imperial city, a leafless and sapless trunk, which must 
fall at the first stroke of the axe. But his interior and peace 
ful administration is still more deserving of notice and praise. 3 
The calamities of the times had wasted the numbers and the 
substance of the Greeks ; the motives and the means of agri 
culture were extirpated ; and the most fertile lands were left 
without cultivation or inhabitants. A portion of this vacant 
property was occupied and improved by the command, and 
for the benefit, of the emperor : a powerful hand and a vigi 
lant eye supplied and surpassed, by a skilful management, 
the minute diligence of a private farmer : the royal domain 
became the garden and granary of Asia ; and without impov 
erishing the people, the sovereign acquired a fund of innocent 
and productive wealth. According to the nature of the soil, 
his lands were sown with corn or planted with vines ; the 
pastures were filled with horses and oxen, with sheep and 
hogs ; and when Vataces presented to the empress a crown 
of diamonds and pearls, he informed her, with a smile, that 
this precious ornament arose from the sale of the eggs of his 
innumerable poultry. The produce of his domain was applied 
to the maintenance of his palace and hospitals, the calls of 
dignity and benevolence : the lesson was still more useful 
than the revenue : the plough was restored to its ancient secu 
rity and honor ; and the nobles were taught to seek a sure 
and independent revenue from their estates, instead of adorn 
ing their splendid beggary by the oppression of the people, 
or (what is almost the same) by the favors of the court. The 
superfluous stock of corn and cattle was eagerly purchased 
by the Turks, with whom Vataces preserved a strict and sin 
cere alliance ; but he discouraged the importation of foreign 
manufactures, the costly silks of the East, and the curious 
labors of the Italian looms. " The demands of nature and 

3 Pachymer, 1. i. c. 23, 24. Nic. Greg. 1. ii. c. 6. The reader of 
the Byzantines must observe how rarely we are indulged with sucl 
precious details. 



OF THE ROMAN EMFIKE. 143 

necessity, 1 was he accustomed to say, " are indispensable ; 
but the influence of fashion may rise and sink at the breath 
of a monarch ; " and both his precept and example recom 
mended simplicity of manners and the use of domestic indus 
try. The education of youth and the revival of learning were 
the most serious objects of his care ; and, without deciding 
the precedency, he pronounced with truth, that a prince and 
a philosopher 4 are the two most eminent characters of human 
society. His first wife was Irene, the daughter of Theodore 
Lascaris, a woman more illustrious by her personal merit, the 
milder virtues of her sex, than by the blood of the Angeli and 
Comneni, that flowed in her veins, and transmitted the in 
heritance of the empire. After her death he was contracted 
to Anne, or Constance, a natural daughter of the emperor 
Frederic * the Second ; but as the bride had not attained the 
years of puberty, Vataces placed in his solitary bed an Italian 
damsel of her train ; and his amorous weakness bestowed 
on the concubine the honors, though not the title, of lawful 
empress. His frailty was censured as a flagitious and dam 
nable sin by the monks ; and their rude invectives exercised 
and displayed the patience of the royal lover. A philosophic 
age may excuse a single vice, which was redeemed by a 
crowd of virtues ; and in the review of his faults, and the more 
intemperate passions of Lascaris, the judgment of their con 
temporaries was softened by gratitude to the second founders 
of the empire. 5 The slaves of the Latins, without law or 
peace, applauded the happiness of their brethren who had 
resumed their national freedom ; and Vataces employed the 
laudable policy of convincing the Greeks of every dominion 
that it was their interest to be enrolled in the number of his 
subjects. 

A strong shade of degeneracy is visible between John 
Vataces and his son Theodore ; between the founder who 
sustained the weight, and the heir who enjoyed the splendor, 
of the Imperial crown. 6 Yet the character of Theodore was 



4 AZoi ot yi<o 7CcaTo>v urbnt oTtuiv ovouafiTuraToi fiurtiAtiic xal 

(Greg. AcropoL c. 32.) The emperor, in a familiar conversation, 
examined and encouraged the studies of his future logothete. 

5 Compare Acropolita, (c. 18, 52,) and the two first books of Niceph- 
orus Gregoras. 

} A Persian saying, that Cyrus was the father, and Darius the 



* Sister of Manfred, afterwards king of Naples Nic. Greg, p, 45. M. 



J44 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

not devoid of energy ; he had been educated in the school 
of his father, in the exercise of war and hunting ; Constanti 
nople was yet spared ; but in the three years of a short reign, 
he thrice led his armies into the heart of Bulgaria. His vir 
tues were sullied by a choleric and suspicious temper : the 
first of these may be ascribed to the ignorance of control ; 
and the second might naturally arise from a dark and im 
perfect view of the corruption of mankind. On a march in 
Bulgaria, he consulted on a question of policy his principal 
ministers ; and the Greek logothete, George Acropolita, pre 
sumed to offend him by the declaration of a free and honest 
opinion. The emperor half unsheathed his cimeter ; but his 
more deliberate rage reserved Acropolita for a baser punish 
ment. One of the first officers of the empire was ordered to 
dismount, stripped of his robes, and extended on the ground 
in the presence of the prince and army. In this posture he 
was chastised with so many and such heavy blows from the 
clubs of two guards or executioners, that when Theodore 
commanded them to cease, the great logothete was scarcely 
able to rise and crawl away to his tent. After a seclusion of 
some days, he was recalled by a peremptory mandate to his 
seat in council ; and so dead were the Greeks to the sense of 
honor and shame, that it is from the narrative of the sufferer 
himself that we acquire the knowledge of his disgrace. 7 The 
cruelty of the emperor was exasperated by the pangs of sick 
ness, the approach of a premature end, and the suspicion of 
poison and magic. The lives and fortunes, the eyes and 
limbs, of his kinsmen and nobles, were sacrificed to each 
sally of passion ; and before he died, the son of Vataces 
might deserve from the people, or at least from the court, 
the appellation of tyrant. A matron of the family of the 
Palasologi had provoked his anger by refusing to bestow her 
beauteous daughter on the vile plebeian who was recommend 
ed by his caprice. Without regard to her birth or age, her 

master, of his subjects, was applied to Vataces and his son. But Pa- 
chymer (1. i. c. 23) has mistaken the mild Darius for the cruel Cara- 
byses, despot or tyrant of his people. By the institution of taxes, 
Darius had incurred the less odious, but more contemptible, name of 
7Cu7i> ; A,;c, merchant or broker, (Herodotus, iii. 80.) 

7 Acropolita (c. 63) seems to admire his own firmness, in sustaining 
a beating, and not returning to council till he was called. He relates 
the exploits of Theodore, and his own services, from c. 53 to c. 74 
of his history. See the third book of Nicephorus Gregoras. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 145 

body, as high as the neck, was enclosed in a sack with several 
cats, who were -pricked with pins to irritate their fury against 
their unfortunate fellow-captive. In his last hours the em 
peror testified a wish to forgive and be forgiven, a just anxiety 
for the fate of John his son and successor, who, at the age of 
eight years, was condemned to the dangers of a long minority. 
His last choice intrusted the office of guardian to the sanctity 
of the patriarch Arsenius, and to the courage of George 
Muzalon, the great domestic, who was equally distinguished 
by the royal favor and the public hatred. Since their con 
nection with the Latins, the names and privileges of heredi 
tary rank had insinuated themselves into the Greek monarchy ; 
and the noble families 8 were provoked by the elevation of a 
worthless favorite, to whose influence they imputed the errors 
and calamities of the late reign. In the first council, after 
the emperor s death, Muzalon, from a lofty throne, pronounced 
a labored apology of his conduct and intentions : his modes 
ty was subdued by a unanimous assurance of esteem and 
fidelity ; and his most inveterate enemies were the loudest to 
salute him as the guardian and savior of the Romans. Eight 
days were sufficient to prepare the execution of the conspira 
cy. On the ninth, the obsequies of the deceased monarch 
were solemnized in the cathedral of Magnesia, 9 an Asiatic 
city, where he expired, on the banks of the Hermus, and at 
the foot of Mount Sipylus. The holy rites were interrupted 
by a sedition of the guards ; Muzalon, his brothers, and his 
adherents, were massacred at the foot of the altar ; and the 
absent patriarch was associated with a new colleague, with 
Michael Palseologus, the most illustrious, in birth and merit, 
of the Greek nobles. 10 

Of those who are proud of their ancestors, the far greater 

8 Pachymer (1. i. c. 21) names and discriminates fifteen or twenty 
Greek families, y.ai <jaoi aAAoi, o tg i t tityu^oyfr^g OSIQU xai XQvaij ovy- 
xf XOOTJ-/TO. Does he mean, by this decoration, a figurative, or a real 
golden chain r Perhaps, both. 

1 The old geographers, with Cellarius and D Anville, and our trav 
ellers, particularly Pocock and Chandler, will teach us to distinguish 
the two Magnesias of Asia Minor, of the Mseander and of Sipylu*. 
The latter, our present object, is still flourishing foy a Turkish ci 
and lio> c-i-^ht hours, or leagues, to the north-east of Smyrna, (Tourn 
fort, Voyage du Levant, torn. iii. lettre xxii. p. 365 370. CbandU 
Travels inn Asia Minor, p. 2 \7 .} 

See Acropolita, (c. 75, 76, &c.,) who lived too near the times ; 
Pachymer, (1. i. c. 1325,) Gregoras, (1. iii. c. 3, 4, 5.) 
VOL. VI. 13 



146 THE DECLINE A^D FALL 

part must be content with local or domestic renown ; and few 
there are who dare trust the memorials of their family to the 
public annals of their country. As early as the middle of the 
eleventh century, the noble race of the Palseologi n stands 
high and conspicuous in the Byzantine history : it was the 
valiant George Palseologus who placed the father of the 
Comnqni on the throne ; and his kinsmen or descendants con 
tinue, in each generation, to lead the armies and councils of 
the state. The purple was not dishonored by their alliance 
and had the law of succession, and female succession, been 
strictly observed, the wife of Theodore Lascaris must have 
yielded to her elder sister, the mother of Michael Pateologus, 
who afterwards raised his family to the throne. In his person, 
the splendor of birth was dignified by the merit of the soldier 
and statesman : in his early youth he was promoted to ^the 
office of constable, or commander of the French mercenaries ; 
the private expense of a day never exceeded three pieces of 
gold ; but his ambition was rapacious and profuse ; and his 
gifts were doubled by the graces of his conversation and 
manners. The love of the soldiers and people excited the 
jealousy of the court ; and Michael thrice escaped from the 
dangers in which he was involved by his own imprudence or 
that of his friends. I. Under the reign of Justice and Vataces, 
a dispute arose 12 between two officers, one of whom accused 
the other of maintaining the hereditary right of the PalaeologL 
The cause was decided, according to the new jurisprudence 
of the Latins, by single combat : the defendant was over 
thrown; but he persisted in declaring that himself alone was 
guilty; and that he had uttered these rash or treasonable 
speeches without the approbation or knowledge of his patron. 
Yet a cloud of suspicion hung over the innocence of the con 
stable : he was still pursued by the whispers of malevolence ; 
md a subtle courtier, the archbishop of Philadelphia, urged 
him to accept the judgment of God in the fiery proof of the 
ordeal. 13 Three days before the trial, the patient s arm was 

11 The uedigreo of Palaeologus is explained by Ducangc, (Famil. 
Byzant. p^ 230, &c. :) the events of his private life are related by 
Pachymer (1. i. c. 712) and Gregoras (1. ii. 8, 1. m. 2, 4, 1. iv. 1) 
with visible favor to the father of the reigning dynasty. 

12 Acropolita (c. 50) relates the circumstances of this curious ad 
venture, which seem to have escaped the more recent writers. 

ia Pachymer, (1. i. c. 12, ) who speaks with proper contempt of 
tvarbarou3 trial, affirms, that he had seen iu his youth many persons 



OF Tiyj ROMAN EMPIRE. . 147 



enclosed in a bag, and secured by the royal signet ; and it 
was incumbent on him to bear a red-hot ball of iron three 
times from the altar to the rails of the sanctuary, without 
artifice and without injury. Palseologus eluded the dangerous 
experiment with sense and pleasantry. " I am a soldier," 
said he, " and will boldly enter the lists with my accusers ; 
but a layman, a sinner like myself, is not endowed with the 
gift of miracles. Your piety, most holy prelate, may deserve 
the interposition of Heaven, and from your hands I will receive 
the fiery globe, the pledge of my innocence." The arch 
bishop started ; the emperor smiled ; and the absolution or 
pardon of Michael was approved by new rewards and new 
services. II. In the succeeding reign, as he held the govern 
ment of Nice, he was secretly informed, that the mind of the 
absent prince was poisoned with jealousy ; and that death, or 
blindness, would be his final reward. Instead of awaiting the 
return and sentence of Theodore, the constable, with some 
followers, escaped from the city and the empire ; and though 
he was plundered by the Turkmans of the desert, he found a 
hospitable refuge in the court of the sultan. In the ambiguous 
state of an exile, Michael reconciled the duties of gratitude 
and loyalty : drawing his sword against the Tartars ; admon 
ishing the garrisons of the Roman limit ; and promoting, by 
his influence, the restoration of peace, in which his pardon 
and recall were honorably included. III. While he guarded 
the West against the despot of Epirus, Michael was again 
suspected and condemned in the palace ; and such was his 
loyalty or weakness, that he submitted to be led in chains 
above six hundred miles from Durazzo to Nice. The civility 
of the messenger alleviated his disgrace ; the emperor s sick 
ness dispelled his danger ; and the last breath of Theodore, 
which recommended his infant son, at once acknowledged the 
innocence arid the power of Pala?ologus. 

But his innocence had been too unworthily treated, and his 



power was too strongly felt, to curb an aspiring subject in the 
fair field that was opened to his ambition. 14 In the council, 



who had sustained, without injury, the fiery ordeal. As a Greek, he 
is credu ous; but the ingenuity of the Greeks might furnish some 
remedies of art or fraud against their own superstition, or that of their 
tyrant. 

14 Without comparing Pachymer to Thucydides or Tacitus, I will 
praise his narrative. (1. i. c. 13 32, 1. ii. c. 1 9,) which pursues tha 



148 THE DECLINE AND*FALL 

after the death of Theodore, he was the first to pronounce, 
and the first to violate, the oath of allegiance to Muzalon ; and 
so dexterous was his conduct, that he reaped the benefit, with 
out incurring the guilt, or at least the reproach, of the subse 
quent massacre. In the choice of a regent, he balanced the 
interests and passions of the candidates ; turned their envy 
and hatred from himself against each other, and forced every 
competitor to own, that, after his own claims, those of 
Palseologus were best entitled to the preference. Under the 
title of great duke, he accepted or assumed, during a long 
minority, the active powers of government ; the patriarch was 
ft venerable name ; and the factious nobles were seduced, or 
oppressed, by the ascendant of his genius. The fruits of the 
economy of Vataces were deposited in a strong castle on the 
banks of the Hermus, in the custody of the faithful Varan 
gians : the constable retained his command or influence over 
the foreign troops ; he employed the guards to possess the 
treasure, and the treasure to corrupt the guards ; and what 
soever might be the abuse of the public money, his character 
was above the suspicion of private avarice. By himself, or 
by his emissaries, he strove to persuade every rank of sub 
jects, that their own prosperity would rise in just proportion 
to the establishment of his authority. The weight of taxes 
was suspended, the perpetual theme of popular complaint ; 
and he prohibited the trials by the ordeal and judicial combat. 
These Barbaric institutions were already abolished or under 
mined in France 15 and England ; 16 and the appeal to the 
sword offended the sense of a civilized, 17 and the temper of 



ascent of Pakeologus with eloquence, perspicuity, and tolerable free 
dom. Acropolita is more cautious, and Gregoras more concise. 

15 The judicial combat was abolished by St. Louis in his own terri 
tories ; and his example and authority were at length prevalent in 
France, (Esprit des Loix, 1. xxviii. c. 29.) 

16 In civil cases Henry II. gave an option to the defendant : Glan- 
ville prefers the proof by evidence ; and that by judicial combat is 
reprobated in the Fleta. Yet .the trial by battle has never been abro 
gated in the English law, and it was ordered by the judges as late as 
the beginning of the last century.* 

17 Yet an ingenious friend has urged to me in mitigation of this 
practice, 1. That in nations emerging from barbarism, it moderates 
the license of private war and arbitrary revenge. 2. That it is lesa 
absurd than the trials by the ordeal, or boiling water, or the cross, 



* And even demanded in the present. M 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 149 

an unwarlike, people. For the future maintenance of their 
wives and children, the veterans were grateful : the priest and 
the philosopher applauded his ardent zeal for the advancement 
of religion and learning ; and his vague promise of reward 
ing merit was applied by every candidate to his own hopes. 
Conscious of the influence of the clergy, Michael successfully 
labored to secure the suffrage "of that powerful order. Their 
expensive journey from Nice to Magnesia, afforded a decent 
and ample pretence : the leading prelates were tempted by 
the liberality of his nocturnal visits ; and the incorruptible 
patriarch was flattered by the homage of his new colleague, 
who led his mule by the bridle into the town, and removed to 
a respectful distance the importunity of the crowd. Without 
renouncing his title by royal descent, Palaeologus encouraged 
a free discussion into the advantages of elective monarchy ; 
and his adherents asked, with the insolence of triumph, what 
patient would trust his health, or what merchant would 
abandon his vessel, to the hereditary skill of a physician or a 
pilot ? The youth of the ernperor, and the impending dangers 
of a minority, required the support of a mature and experi 
enced guardian ; of an associate raised above the envy of his 
equals, and invested with the name and prerogatives of 
royalty. For the interest of the prince and people, without 
any selfish views for himself or his family, the great duke 
consented to guard and instruct the son of Theodore ; but he 
sighed for the happy moment when he might restore to his 
firmer hands the administration of his patrimony, and enjoy 
the blessings of a private station. He was first invested with 
the title and prerogatives of despot, which bestowed the purple 
ornaments and the second place in the Roman monarchy. It 
was afterwards agreed that John and Michael should be pro 
claimed as joint emperors, and raised on the buckler, but that 
the preeminence should be reserved for the birthright of the 
former. A mutual league of amity was pledged between the 
royal partners ; and in case of a rupture, the subjects were 
bound, by their oath of allegiance, to declare themselves 

which it has contributed to abolish. 3. That it served at least as a 
test of personal courage ; a quality so seldom united with a base dis 
position, that the danger of a trial might be some check to a malicious 
prosecutor, and a useful barrier against injustice supported by power. 
The gallant and unfortunate earl of Surrey might probably have 
escaped his unmerited fate, had not his demand of the combat 
against hia accuser been overruled. 

13* 



150 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

against the aggressor; an ambiguous name, the seedofdis 
cord and civil war. Paleeologus was content ; but, on the da\ 
of the coronation, and in the cathedral of Nice, his zealous 
adherents most vehemently urged the just priority of his age 
and merit. The unseasonable dispute was eluded by post 
poning to a more convenient opportunity the coronation of 
John Lascaris ; and he walked with a slight diadem in the 
train of his guardian, who alone received the Imperial crown 
from the hands of the patriarch. It was not without extreme 
reluctance that Arsenius abandoned the cause of his pupil ; 
but the Varangians brandished their battle-axes ; a sign of 
assent was extorted from the trembling youth ; and some 
voices were heard, that the life of a child should no longer 
impede the settlement of the nation. A full harvest of honors 
and employments was distributed among his friends by the 
grateful Palseologus. In his own family he created a despot 
and two sebastocrators ; Alexius Strategopulus was decorated 
with the title of Ceesar ; and that veteran commander soon 
repaid the obligation, by restoring Constantinople to the Greek 
emperor. . 

It was in the second year of his reign, while he resided m 
the palace and gardens of Nymphseum, 18 near Smyrna, that 
the first messenger arrived at the dead of night; and the stu 
pendous intelligence was imparted to Michael, after he had 
neen gently waked by the tender precaution of his sister 
Eulogia. The man was unknown or obscure ; he produced 
no letters from the victorious Caesar ; nor could it easily be 
credited, after the defeat of Vataces and the recent failure of 
Palseologus himself, that the capital had been surprised by a 
detachment of eight hundred soldiers. As a hostage, the 
doubtful author was confined, with the assurance of death or 
an ample recompense ; and the court was left some hours in 
the anxiety of hope and fear, till the messengers of Alexius 
arrived with the authentic intelligence, and displayed the tro 
phies of the conquest, the sword and sceptre, 19 the buskins 

18 The site of Nymphajum is not clearly defined in ancient dr 
modern "eographv. But from the last hours of Vataces, (Acropolita, 
c 5-> ) it is evident the palace and gardens of his favorite residence 
were in the neighborhood of Smyrna. Nymphicum might be loosely 
placed in Lydia, (Gregoras, 1. vi. 0.) 

19 This pceptrc, the emblem of justice and power, was a long start, 
such ns was used by the heroes in Homer. By the latter 

was named Dicanici*, and the Imperial sceptre was distinguished as 
usual by the red or purple color. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 151 

and bonnet, 20 of the usurper Baldwin, which he had dropped 
in his precipitate flight A general assembly of the bishops, 
senators, arid nobles, was immediately convened, and never 
perhaps was an event received with m.ore heartfelt and 
universal joy.- In a studied oration, the new sovereign of 
Constantinople congratulated his own and the public fortune. 
" There was a time," said he, " a far distant time, when the 
Roman empire extended to the Adriatic, the Tigris, and the 
confines of ^Ethiopia. After the loss of the provinces, our 
capital itself, in these last and calamitous days, has been 
wrested from our hands by the Barbarians of the West. 
From the lowest ebb, the tide of prosperity has again returned 
in our favor ; but our prosperity was that of fugitives and 
exiles : and when we were asked, Which was the country of the 
Romans, we indicated with a blush the climate of the globe, 
and the quarter of the heavens. The divine Providence has 
now restored to our arms the city of Constantino, the sacred 
seat of religion and empire ; and it will depend on our valor 
and conduct to render this important acquisition the pledge 
and omen of future victories." So eager was the impatience 
of -the prince and people, that Michael made his triumphal 
entry into Constantinople only twenty days after the expul 
sion of the Latins. The golden gate was thrown open at his 
approach ; the devout conqueror dismounted from his horse.; 
and a miraculous image of Mary the Conductress was borne 
before him, that the divine Virgin in person might appear to 
conduct him to the temple of her Son, the cathedral of St. 
Sophia. But after the first transport of devotion and pride, 
he sighed at the dreary prospect of solitude and ruin. The 
palace was defiled with smoke ai_,i dirt, and the gross intem 
perance of the Franks ; whole streets had been consumed by 
nre, or were decayed by the injuries of time ; the sacred and 
profane edifices were stripped of their ornaments : arid, as if 
they were conscious of their approaching exile, the industry 
of the Latins had been confined to the work of pillage and 
destruction. Trade had expired under the pressure of anar 
chy and distress, and the numbers of inhabitants had de 
creased with the opulence of the city. It was the first care 



Acropolita affirms, (c. 87,) that this bonnet was after the French 
fashion. ; but from the ruby at the point or summit, Ducange (Hist, de 
C. P. 1. v. c. 28, 29) believes that it was the high-crowned hat of the 
Greeks. Could Acropolita mistake the dress of his own court ? 



152 THE DECL2NE AND F/1LL 

of the Greek monarch to reinstate the nobles in the palaces 
of their fathers ; and the houses or the ground which they 
occupied were restored to the families that could exhibit a 
legal right of inheritance. But the far greater part w.as ex 
tinct or lost ; the vacant property had devolved to the lord ; 
he repeopled Constantinople by a liberal invitation to the 
provinces ; and the brave volunteers were seated in the cap 
ital which had been recovered by their arms. The French 
barons and the principal families had retired with their em 
peror ; but the patient and humble crowd of Latins was 
attached to the country, and indifferent to the change of mas 
ters. Instead of banishing the factories of the Pisans, Vene 
tians, and Genoese, the prudent conqueror accepted their 
oaths of allegiance, encouraged their industry, confirmed 
their privileges, and allowed them to live under the jurisdic 
tion of their proper magistrates. Of these nations, the Pisans 
and Venetians preserved their respective quarters in the city ; 
but the services and power of the Genoese deserved at the 
same time the gratitude and the jealousy of the Greeks. 
Their independent colony was first planted at the seaport 
town of Heraclea in Thrace. They were speedily recalled, 
and settled in the exclusive possession of the suburb of Galata, 
an advantageous post, in which they revived the commerce, 
and insulted the majesty, of the Byzantine empire. 21 

The recovery of Constantinople was celebrated as the sera 
of a new empire : the conqueror, alone, and by the right of 
the sword, renewed his coronation in the church of St. 
Sophia ; and the name and honors of John Lascaris, his pupil 
and lawful sovereign, were insensibly abolished. But his 
claims still lived in the minds of the people ; and the royal 
youth must speedily attain the years of manhood and ambi 
tion. By fear or conscience, Palaeologus was restrained from 
dipping his hands in innocent and royal blood ; but the 
anxiety of a usurper and a parent urged him to secure 
his throne by one of those imperfect crimes so familiar to 
the modern Greeks. The loss of sight incapacitated the 
young prince for the active business of the world ; instead 
of the brutal violence of tearing out his eyes, the visual 
nerve was destroyed by the intense glare of a red-hot basin, 22 

21 See Pachymer, (1. ii. c. 28 33,) Acropolita, (c. 88,) Nicephorus 
Gregoras, (1. iv. 7,) and for the treatment of the subject Latins, 
Ducange, (1. v. c. 30, 31.) 

K This milder invention for extinguishing the sight, was tried by 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 153 

\ 

and John Lascaris was removed to a distant castle, where he 
spent many years in privacy and oblivion. Such cool and 
deliberate guilt may seem incompatible with remorse ; but 
if Michael could trust the mercy of Heaven, he was not 
inaccessible to the reproaches and vengeance of mankind, 
which he had provoked by cruelty and treason. His cruelty 
imposed on a servile court the duties of applause or silence ; 
but the clergy had a right to speak in the name of their in 
visible Master ; and their holy legions were led by a prelate, 
whose character was above the temptations of hope or fear. 
After a short abdication of his dignity, Arsenius 23 had con 
sented to ascend the ecclesiastical throne of Constantinople, 
and to preside in the restoration of the church. His pious 
simplicity was long deceived by the arts of Palseologus ; and 
his patience and submission might soothe the usurper, and pro 
tect the safety, of the young prince. On the news of hi? 
inhuman treatment, the patriarch unsheathed the spiritual 
sword ; and superstition, on this occasion, was enlisted in the 
cause of humanity and justice. In a synod of bishops, who 
were stimulated by the example of his zeal, the patriarch 
pronounced a sentence of excommunication ; though hi.* 
prudence still repeated the name of Michael in the public 
prayers. The Eastern prelates had not adopted the danger 
ous maxims of ancient Rome ; nor did they presume to en 
force their censures, by deposing princes, or absolving na 
tions, from their oaths of allegiance. But the Christian, who 
had been separated from God and the church, became an 
object of horror: and, in a turbulent and fanatic capital, that 
horror might arm the hand of an assassin, or inflame a sedi 
tion of the people. Palceologus felt his danger, confessed 
his guilt, and deprecated his judge : the act was irretrievable ; 
the prize was obtained ; and the most rigorous penance, 
which he solicited, would have raised the sinner to the repu- 

the- philosopher Democritus on himself, when he sought to withdraw 
his mind from the visible world : a foolish story ! The word abaci/tare, 
in Latin and Italian, has furnished Ducange (Gloss. Lat.) with an 
opportunity to review the various modes of blinding : the more vio 
lent were scooping, burning with an iron, or hot vinegar, and binding 
the head with a strong cord till the eyes burst from their sockets. 
Ingenious tyrants ! 

** See the first retreat and restoration of Arsenius, in Pachymer 
(1. ii. c. 15, 1. iii. c. 1, 2) and Nicephorus Grcgoras, (1. iii. c. 1, 1. iv. 
c. 1.) Posterity justly accused the aq.i/.tta and qa&vpia of Arsenius, 
the virtues of a hermit, the vieos of a minister, ( 1. xii. c. 2.) 



154 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

tation of a saint. The unrelenting patriarch refused tc an. 
nounce any means of atonement or any hopes of mercy , 
and condescended only to pronounce, that for so great a 
crime, great indeed must be the satisfaction. " Do you re 
quire," said Michael, " that I should abdicate the empire ? 
and at these words, he offered, or seemed to offer, the sword 
of state. Arsenius eagerly grasped this pledge of sovereign 
ty ; but when he perceived that the emperor was unwilling 
to purchase absolution at so dear a rate, he indignantly 
escaped to his cell, and left the royal sinner kneeling and 
weeping before the door. 24 

The danger and scandal of this excommunication subsisted 
above three years, till the popular clamor was assauged by 
time and repentance ; till the brethren of Arsenius con 
demned his inflexible spirit, so repugnant to the unbounded 
forgiveness of the gospel. The emperor had artfully insin 
uated, that, if he were still rejected at home, he might seek, 
in the Roman pontiff, a more indulgent judge ; but it was far 
more easy and effectual to find or to place that judge at tho 
head of the Byzantine church. Arsenius was involved in a 
vague rumor of conspiracy and disaffection;* some irregular 
steps in his ordination and government were liable to censure ; 
a synod deposed him from the episcopal office ; and he was 
transported under a guard of soldiers to a small island of the 
Propontis. Before his exile, he sullenly requested that a 
strict account might be taken of the treasures of the church ; 
boasted, that his sole riches, three pieces of gold, had been 
earned by transcribing the psalms ; continued to assert the 
freedom of his mind ; and denied, with his last breath, the 
pardon which was implored by the royal sinner. 25 After 

24 The crime and excommunication of Michael are fairly told by 
Pachymer (1. iii. c. 10, 14, 19, &c.) and Gregoras, (I. iv. c. 4.) His 
confession and penance restored their freedom. 

25 Pachymer relates the exile of Arsenius, (1. iv. c. 1 16 :) he was 
one of the commissaries who visited him in the desert island. The 
last testament of the unforgiving patriarch is still extant, (Dupin, 
Bibliotheque Ecclesiastique, torn. x. p. 95.) 



* Except the omission of a prayer for the emperor, the charges against 
Arsenius were of a different nature : he was accused of having allowed the 
sultan of Iconium to bathe in vessels signed with the cross, and to have 
admitted him to the church, though unbaptized, during the service. It 
was pleaded, in favor of Arsenius, among other proofs of the sultan jj 
Christianity, that he had offered To eat ham. Pachymer, 1. iv. c. 4, p. 235. 
It was after his exile that he was involved in a charge of conspiracy. M 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 155 

some delay, Gregory,* bishop of Adrianople, was translate- 
to the Byzantine throne ; but his authority was found insuffi 
cient to support the absolution of the emperor ; and Joseph, 
a reverend monk, was substituted to that important function. 
This edifying scene was represented in the presence of the 
senate and the people ; at the end of six years the humble 
penitent was restored to the communion of the faithful ; and 
humanity will rejoice, that a milder treatment of the captive 
Lascaris was stipulated as a proof of his remorse. But the 
spirit of Arsenius still survived in a powerful faction of the 
monks and clergy, who persevered above forty-eight years in 
an obstinate schism. Their scruples were treated with 
tenderness and respect by Michael and his son ; and the rec 
onciliation of the Arsenites was the serious labor of the 
church and state. In the confidence of fanaticism, they had 
proposed to try their cause by a miracle ; and when the two 
papers, that contained their wn and the adverse cause, were 
cast into a fiery brasier, they expected that the Catholic verity 
would be respected by the flames. Alas ! the two papers 
were indiscriminately consumed, and this unforeseen accident 
produced the union of a day, and renewed the quarrel of an 
age. 26 The final treaty displayed the victory of the Arse 
nites : the clergy abstained during forty days from all ecclesi 
astical functions ; a slight penance was imposed on the laity ; 
the body of Arsenius was deposited in the sanctuary ; and, in 
the name of the departed saint, the prince and people were 
released from the sins of their fathers. 27 

The establishment of his family was the motive, or at least 

/ 

the pretence, of the crime of Pakeologus ; and he was impa 
tient to confirm the succession, by sharing with his eldest son 
the honors of the purple. Andronicus, afterwards surnamed 
the Elder, was proclaimed and crowned emperor of the Ro- 

26 Pachymer (1. vii. c. 22) relates this miraculous trial like a philos 
opher, and treats with similar contempt a plot of the Arsenites, to 
hide a revelation in the coffin of, some old saint, (1. vii. c. 13.) He 
compensates this incredulity by an image that weeps, another that 
bleeds, (1. vii. c. 30,) and the miraculous cures of a deaf and a mute 
patient, (1. xi. c. 32.) 

27 The story of the Arsenites is spread through the thirteen books 
of Pachymer. Their union and triumph are reserved for Nicephorus 
Gregoras, (1. vii. c. 9,) who neither loves nor esteems these sectaries. 



Pachymer calls him Germanus. M. 



156 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

mans, in the fifteenth year of his age ; and, from the first cera 
of a prolix and inglorious reign, he held that august title nine 
years as the colleague, and fifty as the successor, of his father. 
Michael himself, had he died in a private station, would have 
been thought more worthy of the empire ; and the assaults 
of his temporal and spiritual enemies left him few moments 
to labor for his own fame or the happiness of his subjects. 
He wrested from the Franks several of the noblest islands 
of the Archipelago, Lesbos, Chios, and Rhodes : his brother 
Constantine was sent to command in Malvasia and Sparta ; 
and the eastern side of the Morea, from Argos and Napoli to 
Cape Tsenarus, was repossessed by the Greeks. This effu 
sion of Christian blood was loudly condemned by the patri 
arch ; and the insolent priest presumed to interpose his fears 
and scruples between the arms of princes. But in the prose 
cution of these western conquests, the countries beyond the 
Hellespont were left naked to the Turks ; and their depreda 
tions verified the prophecy of a dying senator, that the recov 
ery of Constantinople would be the ruin of Asia. The vic 
tories of Michael were achieved bv his lieutenants : his sword 

*/ 

rusted in the palace ; and, in the transactions of the emperor 
with the popes and the king of Naples, his political acts were 
stained with cruelty and fraud. 28 

I. The Vatican was the most natural refuge of a Latin 
emperor, who had been driven from his throne ; and Pope 
Urban the Fourth appeared to pity the misfortunes, and vin 
dicate the cause, of the fugitive Baldwin. A crusade, with 
plenary indulgence, was preached by his command against 
the schismatic Greeks : he excommunicated their allies and 
adherents ; solicited Louis the Ninth in favor of his kinsman ; 
and demanded a tenth of the ecclesiastical revenues of France 
and England for the service of the holy war. 29 The subtle 
Greek, who watched the rising tempest of the West, attempt 
ed to suspend or soothe the hostility of the pope, by suppliant, 
embassies and respectful letters ; but he insinuated that the 
establishment of peace must prepare the reconciliation and 

28 Of the xiii. books of Pachymor, the first six (as the ivtli and vth 
of Nicephorus Gregoras) contain the reign of Michael, at the time of 
whose death he was forty years of age. Instead of breaking, like his 
editor the Pore Poussin, his history into two parts, I follow Dxicange 
and Cousin, who number the xiii. books in one series. 

29 Ducange, Hist, dc C. P 1. v. c. 33, &c., from the Epistles of Ur 
ban IV. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. ]57 

obedience of the Eastern church. The Roman court could 
not be deceived by so gross an artifice ; and Michael was ad 
monished, that the repentance of the son should precede the 
forgiveness of the father ; and that faith (an ambiguous word) 
was the only basis of friendship and alliance. . After a long 
and affected delay, the approach of danger, and the impor 
tunity of Gregory the Tenth, compelled him to enter on a 
more serious negotiation : he alleged the example of the 
great Vataces ; and the Greek clergy, who understood the 
intentions of their prince, .were not alarmed by the first steps 
of reconciliation and respect. But when he pressed the con 
clusion of the treaty, they strenuously declared, that the Latins, 
though not in name, were heretics in fact, and that they de 
spised those strangers as the vilest and most despicable por 
tion of the human race. 33 It was the task of the emperor to 
persuade, to corrupt, to intimidate the most popular ecclesias 
tics, to gain the vote of each individual, and alternately to 
urge the arguments of Christian charity and the public wel 
fare. The texts of the fathers and the arms of the Franks 
were balanced in the theological and political scale ; and 
without approving the addition to the Nicenc creed, the most 
moderate were taught to confess, that the two hostile propo 
sitions of proceeding from the Father BY the Son, and of pro 
ceeding from the Father AND the Son, might be reduced to a 
safe and Catholic sense. 31 The supremacy of the pope was 
a doctrine more easy to conceive, but more painful to ac 
knowledge ; yet Michael represented to his monks and prel 
ates, that they might submit to name the Roman bishop as 
the first of the patriarchs ; and that their distance and discre 
tion would guard the liberties of the Eastern church from the 
mischievous consequences of the right of appeal. He pro 
tested that he would sacrifice his life and empire rather than 
yield the smallest point of orthodox faith or national inde 
pendence ; and this declaration was sealed and ratified by a 



30 From their mercantile intercourse with, the Venetians and Geno 
ese, they branded the Latins as x,-,7t,/.<u and .furuurro/, (Pachymer, 1. v. 
c. 10.) " Some are heretics in name ; others, like the Latins, in fact," 
said the learned Veccus, (1. v. c. 12,) who soon afterwards became a 
convert (c. 15, 16) and a patriarch, (c. 24.) 

In this class we may place Pachymer himself, whose copious and 
candid narrative occupies the vth and vith books of his history. Yet 
the Greek is silent on the council of Lyons, and seems to believe that 
the popes always resided in Home and Italy, (1. v. c. 17, 21.) 
VOL. VI, 14 



158 THE DECLINE AJND FALL 

golden bull. The patriarch Joseph withdrew to a monastery 
to resign or resume his throne, according to the event of the 
treaty : the letters of union and obedience were subscribed 
by the emperor, his son Andronicus, and thirty-five arch 
bishops and metropolitans, with their respective synods ; and 
the episcopal list was multiplied by many dioceses which 
were annihilated under the yoke of the infidels. An embassy 
was composed of some trusty ministers and prelates : they 
embarked for Italy, with rich ornaments and rare perfumes 
for the altar of St. Peter ; and their secret orders authorized 
and recommended a boundless compliance. They were re 
ceived in the general council of Lyons, by Pope Gregory 
the Tenth, at the head of five hundred bishops. 3 He em 
braced with tears his long-lost and repentant children ; ac 
cepted the oath of the ambassadors, who abjured the schism 
in the name of the two emperors ; adorned the prelates with 
the ring and mitre ; chanted in Greek and Latin the Nicene 
creed with the addition of flioque ; and rejoiced in the union 
of the East and West, which had been reserved for his reign. 
To consummate this pious work, the Byzantine deputies were 
speedily followed by the pope s nuncios ; and their instruc 
tion discloses the policy of the Vatican, which could not be 
satisfied with the vain title of supremacy. After viewing the 
temper of the prince and people, they were enjoined to ab 
solve the schismatic clergy, who should subscribe and swear 
their abjuration and obedience ; to establish in all the churches 
the use of the perfect creed ; to prepare the entrance of 
a cardinal legate, with the full powers and dignity of his 
office ; and ,o instruct the emperor in the advantages which 
he might derive from the temporal protection of the Roman 
pontiff. 33 

But they found a country without a friend, a naUjn in 
which the names of Rome and Union were pronounced with 
abhorrence. The patriarch Joseph was indeed removed : his 
place was filled by Veccus, an ecclesiastic of learning and 
moderation ; and the emperor was still urged by the same 

32 See the acts of the council of Lyons in the year 1274. Fleury 
Hist. Ecelesiastique, torn, xviii. p. 181 199. Dupin, Biblrot. Ecclcs 
torn. x. p. 13o. 

33 This curious instruction, which has been drawn with more or less 
honesty by Wading and Leo Allatius from the archives of the Vati 
can, is given ir. an abstract or version by Fleury, (torn, xviii. p. 252 

-25 S.) 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 159 

motives, to persevere in the same professions. But in hi? 
private language Palseologus affected to deplore the pride, and 
to blame the innovations, of the Latins ; and while he debased 
his character by this double hypocrisy, he justified and pun 
ished the opposition of his subjects. By the joint suffrage of 
the new and the ancient Rome, a sentence of excommunica 
tion was pronounced against the obstinate schismatics ; the cen 
sures of the church were executed by the sword of Michael ; 
on the failure of persuasion, he tried the arguments of prison 
and exile, of whipping and mutilation ; those touchstones, 
says an historian, of cowards and the brave. Two Greeks 
still reigned in ^Etolia, Epirus, and Thessaly, with the appel 
lation of despots : they had yielded to the sovereign of Con 
stantinople, but they rejected the chains of the Roman pontiff, 
and supported their refusal by successful arms. Under their 
protection, the fugitive monks and bishops assembled in hos 
tile synods ; and retorted the name of heretic with the galling 
addition of apostate : the prince of Trebizond was tempted 
to assume the forfeit title of emperor ; * and even the Latins 
of Negropont, Thebes, Athens, and the Morea, forgot the 
merits of the convert, to join, with open or clandestine aid, 
the enemies of Palseologus. His favorite generals, of his 
own blood and family, successively deserted, or betrayed, 
the sacrilegious trust. His sister Eulogia, a niece, and twc 
female cousins, conspired against him ; another niece, Mary 
queen of Bulgaria, negotiated his ruin with the sultan of 
Egypt ; and, in the public eye, their treason was consecrated 
as the most sublime virtue. 34 To the pope s nuncios, who 
urged the consummation of the work, Palseologus exposed a 
naked recital of all that he had done and suffered for their 
sake. They were assured that the guilty sectaries, of both 
sexes and every rank, had been deprived of their honors, 
their fortunes, and their liberty ; a spreading list of confisca 
tion and punishment, which involved many persons, the dear 
est to the emperor, or the best deserving of his favor. They 

34 This frank and authentic confession of Michael s distress is 
exhibited in barbarous Latin by Ogerius, who signs himself Protono- 
tarius Intcrpretum, and transcribed by Wading from the MSS. of the 
Vatican, (A. D. 1278, No. 3.) His annals of the Franciscan order, the 
Fratres Minores, in xvii. volumes in folio, (Rome, 1741,) I have now 
accidentally seen among the waste paper of a bookseller. 



* According to Fallmarayer he had always maintained this title-. M. 



160 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

were conducted to the prison, to behold four princes of the 
royal blood chained in the four corners, and shaking their 

/ o 

fetters in an agony of grief and rage. Two of these cap 
tives were afterwards released ; the one by submission, the 
other by death : but. the obstinacy of their two companions 
was chastised by the loss of their eyes ; and the Greeks, the 
least adverse to the union, deplore that cruel and inauspicious 
tragedy. 35 Persecutors must expect the hatred of those whom 
they oppress; but they commonly find some consolation in 
the testimony of their conscience, the applause of their party, 
and, perhaps, the success of their undertaking. But the 
hypocrisy of Michael, which was prompted only by political 
motives, must have forced him to hate himself, to despise his 
followers, and to esteem .and envy the rebel champions by 
whom he was detested and despised. While his violence was 
abhorred at Constantinople, at Rome his slowness was ar 
raigned, and his sincerity suspected ; till at length Pope Mar 
tin the Fourth excluded the Greek emperor from the pale of 
a church, into which he was striving to reduce a schismatic 
people. No sooner had the tyrant expired, than the union 
was dissolved, and abjured by unanimous consent ; the 
churches were purified ; the penitents were reconciled ; and 
his son Andronicus, after weeping the sins and errors of his 
youth, most piously denied his father the burial of a prince 
and a Christian. 36 

II. In the distress of the Latins, the walls and towers of 
Constantinople had fallen to decay : they were restored and 
fortified by the policy of Michael, who deposited a plenteous 
store of corn and salt provisions, to sustain the siege which 
he might hourly expect from the resentment of the Western 
powers. Of these, the sovereign of the Two Sicilies was the 
most formidable neighbor : but as long as they were possessed 
by Mainfroy, the bastard of Frederic the Second, his mon 
archy was the bulwark, rather than the annoyance, of the 
Eastern empire. The usurper, though a brave and active 
prince, was sufficiently employed in the defence of his 

35 See the vith book of Pachymcr, particularly the chapters 1, 11, 
16, 18, 24 27- He is the more credible, as he speaks of this persecu 
tion with less anger than sorrow. 

3b> Pachymer, 1. vii. c. 1 ii. 17. The speech of Andronicus the 
Elder (lib. xii. c. 2) is a curious record, which proves, that if the 
Greeks were the slaves of the emperor, the emperor was not less the 
of superstition and the 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 161 

throne : his proscription by successive popes nad separated 
Mainfroy from the common cause of the Latins ; and the 
forces that might have besieged Constantinople were detained 
in a crusade against the domestic enemy of Rome. The 
prize of her avenger, the crown of the Two Sicilies, was 
won and worn by the brother of St. Louis, by Charles count 
of Anjou and Provence, who led the chivalry of France on 
this holy expedition. 37 The disaffection of his Christian sub 
jects compelled Mainfroy to enlist a colony of Saracens whom 
his father had planted in Apulia ; and this odious succor will 
explain the defiance of the Catholic hero, who rejected all 
terms of accommodation. " Bear this message," said Charles, 
" to the sultan of Nocera, that God and the sword are umpire 
between us ; and that he shall either send me to paradise, or 
I will send him to the pit of hell." The armies met : and 
though I am ignorant of Mainfroy s doom in the other world, 
in this he lost his friends, his kingdom, and his life, in the 
bloody battle of Benevento. Naples and Sicily were imme 
diately peopled with a warlike race of French nobles ; and 
their aspiring leader embraced the future conquest of Africa, 
Greece, and Palestine. The most specious reasons might 
point his first arms against the Byzantine empire : and Palse- 
ologus, diffident of his own strength, repeatedly appealed 
from the ambition of Charles to the humanity of St. Louis, 
who still preserved a just ascendant over the mind of his fe 
rocious brother. For a while the attention of that brother 
was confined at home by the invasion of Conradin, the last 
heir of the Imperial house of Swabia ; but the hapless boy 
sunk in the unequal conflict ; and his execution on a public 
scaffold taught the rivals of Charles to tremble for their heads 
as well as their dominions. A second respite was obtained 
by the last crusade of St. Louis to the African coast ; and the 
double motive of interest and duty urged the king of Naples 
to assist, with his powers and his presence, the holy en 
terprise. The death of St. Louis released him from the 



37 The best accounts, the nearest the time, the most full and enter 
taining, of the conquest of Naples by Charles of Anjou, may be found 
in the Florentine Chronicles of liicordano Malespina, (c. 175 193,) 
and Giovanni Villani, (1. vii. c. 1 10, 25 30,) which are published 
by Muratori in. the viiith and xiiith volumes of the Historians of Italy. 
In his Annals (torn. xi. p. 56 72) he has abridged these great events, 
which are likewise described in the Istoria Civile of Giannone, torn, 
ii. 1. xix. torn. iii. 1. xx. 

14* 



162 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

importunity of a virtuous censor: the king of Tunis con 
fessed himself the tributary and vassal of the crown of 
Sicily ; and the boldest of the French knights were free to 
enlist under his banner against the Greek empire. A treaty 
and a marriage united his interest with the house of Courte- 
nay; his daughter Beatrice was promised to Philip, son and 
heir of the emperor Baldwin; a pension of six. hundred 
ounces of gold was allowed for his maintenance ; and his 
generous father distributed among his allies the kingdoms and 
provinces of the East, reserving only Constantinople, and one 
day s journey round the city, for the Imperial domain. 3 In 
this perilous moment Palrcologus was the most eager to sub 
scribe the creed, and implore the protection, of the Roman 
pontiff, who assumed, with propriety and weight, the charac 
ter of an angel of peace, the common father of the Christians. 
By his voice, the sword of Charles was chained in the scab 
bard ; and the Greek ambassadors beheld him, in the pope s 
antechamber, biting his ivory sceptre in a transport of fury, 
and deeply resenting the refusal to enfranchise and consecrate 
his arms. He appears to have respected the disinterested 
mediation of Gregory the Tenth ; but Charles was insensibly 
disgusted by, the pride and partiality of Nicholas the Third ; 
and his attachment to his kindred, the Ursini family, alienated 
the most strenuous champion from the service of the church. 
The hostile league against the Greeks, of Philip the Latin 
emperor, the king of the Two Sicilies, and the republic of 
Venice, was ripened into execution ; arfii the election of Mar 
tin the Fourth, a French pope, gave a sanction to the cause. 
Of the allies, Philip supplied his name; Martin, a bull of ex 
communication ; the Venetians, a squadron of forty galleys 
and the formidable powers of Charles consisted of forty 
counts, ten thousand men at arms, a numerous body of in 
fantry, and a fleet of more than three hundred ships and 
transports. A distant day was appointed for assembling this 
mighty force in the harbor of Brindisi ; and a previous at 
tempt was risked with a detachment of three hundred knights, 
who invaded Albania, and besieged the fortress of Belgrade. 
Their defeat might amuse with a triumph the vanity of Con 
stantinople ; but the more sagacious Michael, despairing of 

3 * Ducanse, Hist, de C. P. 1. v. c. 4956, 1. vi. c. 1 13. See 
Pachymer, 1. iv. c. 29, 1. v. c. 710, 25, 1. vi. c. 30, 32, 33, andNiceph- 
orus Gregoras, 1. iv. 5, 1. v. 1, 6. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 163 

his arms, depended on the effects of a conspiracy ; on the 
secret workings of a rat, who gnawed the bowstring 39 of the 
Sicilian tyrant. 

Among the proscribed adherents of the house of Swabia, 
John of Procida forfeited a small island of that name in the 
9ay of Naples. His birth was noble, but his education was 
learned ; and in the poverty of exile, he was relieved by the 
practice of physic, which he had studied in the school of 
Salerno. Fortune had left him nothing to lose, except life ; 
and to despise life is the first qualification of a rebel. Proci 
da was endowed with the art of negotiation, to enforce his 
reasons and disguise his motives ; and in his various transac 
tions with nations and men, he could persuade each party 
that he labored solely for their interest. The new kingdoms 
of Charles were afflicted by every species of fiscal and mili 
tary oppression ; 40 and the lives and fortunes of his Italian 
subjects were sacrificed to the greatness of their master and 
the licentiousness of his followers. The hatred of Naples 
was repressed by his presence ; but the looser government 
of his vicegerents excited the contempt, as well as the aver 
sion, of the Sicilians : the island was roused to a sense of 
freedom by the eloquence of Procida ; and he displayed to 
every baron his private interest in the common cause. In the 
confidence of foreign aid, he successively visited the courts 
of the Greek emperor, and of Peter kjng of Arragon, 41 who 
possessed the maritime countries of Valentia and Catalonia. 
To the ambitious Peter a crown was presented, which he 
might justly claim by his marriage with the sister* of Main- 
froy, and by the dying voice of Conradin, who from the scaf- 

The reader of Herodotus will recollect how miraculously thf 
Assyrian host of Sennacherib was disarmed and destroyed, (1. ii. c, 
HI.) 

40 According to Sabas Malaspina, (Hist. Sicula, 1. iii. c. 16, in Mu- 
ratori, torn. viii. p. 832,) a zealous Guelph, the subjects of Charles, 
who had reviled Mainfroy as a wolf, began to regret him as a lamb ; 
and he justifies their discontent by the oppressions of the French 
government, (1. vi. c. 2, 7.) See the Sicilian manifesto in Nicholas 
Specialist, (1. i. c. 11, in Muratori, torn. x. p. 930.) 

1 See the character and counsels of Peter, king of Arragon, in 
Mariana, (Hist. Hispan. 1. xiv. c. 6, torn. ii. p. 133.) The reader for 
gives the Jesuit s defects, in favor, always of his style, and often of 
his sense. 



Daughter. See Hallam s Middle Ages, vol. i. p. 517. M. 



164 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

fold had cast a ring to his heir and avenger. Palseologus was 
easily persuaded to divert his enemy from a foreign war by a 
rebel iion at home ; and a Greek subsidy of twenty-five thousand 
ounces of gold was most profitably applied to arm a Catalan 
fleet, which sailed under a holy banner to the specious attack 
of the Saracens of Africa, In the disguise of a monitor 
beggar, the indefatigable missionary of revolt flew from Con 
stantinople to Rome, and from Sicily to Saragossa : the treaty 
was sealed with the signet of Pope Nicholas himself, the 
enemy of Charles ; and his deed of gift transferred the fiefs 
of St. Peter from the house of Anjou to that of Arragon. So 
widely diffused and so freely circulated, the secret was preserved 
above two years with impenetrable discretion ; and each of 
the conspirators imbibed the maxim of Peter, who declared 
that he would cut off his left hand if it were conscious of the 
intentions of his right. The mine was prepared with deep 
and dangerous artifice ; but it may be questioned, whether 
the instant explosion of Palermo were the effect of accident 
or design. 

On the vigil of Easter, a procession of the disarmed citi 
zens visited a church without the walls ; and a noble damsel 
was rudely insulted by a French soldier. 42 The ravisher was 
instantly punished with death ; "and if the people was at first 
scattered by a military force, their numbers and fury pre 
vailed : the conspirators seized the opportunity ; the flame 
spread over the island ; and eight thousaxid French were ex 
terminated in a promiscuous massacre, which has obtained 
the name of -the SICILIAN VESPERS. 43 From every city the 
banners of freedom and the church were displayed : the re 
volt was inspired by the presence or the soul of Procida ; 
and Peter of Arragon, who sailed from the African coast to 
Palermo, was saluted as the king and savior of the isle. By 
the rebellion of a people on whom he had so long trampled 
with impunity, Charles was astonished and confounded ; and 

42 After enumerating the sufferings of his country, Nicholas Speci- 
alis adds, in the true spirit of Italian jealousy, Quae omnia et graviora 
quidem, ut arbitror, patienti animo Siculi tolerassent, nisi (quod 
primum cunctis dominantibus cavendum est) alienas fceminas inva- 
sissent, (1. i. c. 2, p. 924.) 

43 The French were long taught to remember this bloody lesson : 
" If I am provoked, (said Henry the Fourth,) I will breakfast at Milan, 
and dine at Naples." " Your majesty (replied the Spanish ambassa 
dor) may perhaps arrive in Sicily for vespers." 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 165 

in the first agony of grief and devotion, he was heard to ex 
claim, " O God ! if thou hast decreed to humble me, grant 
me at least a gentle and gradual descent from the .pinnacle 
of greatness ! His fleet and army, which already filled the 
seaports of Italy, were hastily recalled from the service of 
the Grecian war ; and the situation of Messina exposed that 
town to the first storm of his revenge. Feeble in themselves, 
and yet hopeless of foreign succor, the citizens would have 
repented, and submitted on the assurance of full pardon and 
their ancient privileges. But the pride of the monarch was 
already rekindled ; and the most fervent entreaties of the 
legate could extort no more than a promise, that he would 
forgive the remainder, after a chosen list of eight hundred 
rebels had been yielded to his discretion. The despair of 
the Messinese renewed their courage : Peter of Arragon ap 
proached to their relief; 44 and his rival was driven back by 
the failure of provision and the terrors of the equinox to the 
Calabrian shore. At the same moment, the Catalan admiral, 
the famous Roger de Loria, swept the channel with an invin 
cible squadron : the French fleet, more numerous in trans 
ports than in galleys, was either burnt or destroyed ; and the 
same blow assured the independence of Sicily and the safety 
of the Greek empire. A few days before his death, the em 
peror Michael rejoiced in the fall of an enemy whom he hated 
and esteemed ; and perhaps he might be content with the 
popular judgment, that had they not been matched with each 
other, Constantinople and Italy must speedily have obeyed 
the same master. 45 From this disastrous moment, the life of 
Charles was a series of misfortunes : his capital was insulted, 
his son was made prisoner, and he sunk into the grave with 
out recovering the Isle of Sicily, which, after a war of twenty 
years, was finally severed from the throne of Naples, and 



44 This revolt, with the subsequent -victory, are related by two 
national writers, Bartholemy a Neocastro (in Muratori, torn, xiii.,) 
and Nicholas Specialis (in Muratori, torn, x.,) the one a contem 
porary, the other of the next century. The patriot Specialis disclaims 
the name of rebellion, and all previous correspondence with Peter of 
Arragon, (nullo communicate consilio,) who happened to be with a 
fleet and army on the African coast, (1. i. c. 4, 9.) 

45 Nicephorus Gregoras (1. v. c. 6) admires the wisdom of Provi 
dence in this equal balance of states and princes. For the honor of 
Palaeologus, I had rather this balance had been observed by an Italian 
writer. 



166 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

transferred, as an independent kingdom, to a younger branch 
of the house of Arragon. 46 

I shall not^ I trust, be accused of superstition ; but I must 
remark, that, even in this world, the natural order of events 
will sometimes afford the strong appearances of moral retribu 
tion. The first Palreologus had saved his empire by involv 
ing the kingdoms of the West in rebellion and blood ; and 
from these scenes of discord uprose a generation of iron men, 
who assaulted and endangered the empire of his son. In 
modern times, our debts and taxes are the secret poison which 
still corrodes the bosom of peace : but in the weak and dis 
orderly government of the middle ages, it was agitated by 
the present evil of the disbanded armies. Too idle to work, 
too proud to beg, the mercenaries were accustomed to a life 
of rapine : they could rob with more dignity and effect under 
a banner and a chief; and the sovereign, to whom their ser 
vice was useless, and their presence importunate, endeavored 
to discharge the torrent on some neighboring countries. After 
the peace of Sicily, many thousands of Genoese, Catalans^" 1 
&c., who had fought, by sea and land, under the standard of 
Anjou or Arragon, were blended into one nation -by the resem 
blance of their manners and interest. They heard- that the 
Greek provinces of Asia were invaded by the Turks : they 
resolved to share the harvest of pay and plunder ; and Fred 
eric king of Sicily most liberally contributed the means of 
their departure. In a warfare of twenty years, a ship, or a 
camp, was become their country ; arms were their sole pro 
fession and property ; valor was the only virtue which they 
knew ; their women had imbibed the fearless temper of their 
lovers and husbands: it was reported, that, with a stroke of 
their broadsword, the Catalans could cleave a horseman and 
a horse ; and the report itself was a powerful weapon. Roger 
de Flor * was the most popular of their chiefs ; and his per- 

46 See the Chronicle of Villani, the xith volume of the Annali 
d Italia of Muratori, and the xxth and xxist books of the Istoria 
Civile of Giannone. 

47 In this motley multitude, the Catalans and Spaniards, the bravest 
of the soldiery, were styled by themselves and the Greeks Amogavares. 
Moncada derives their origin from the Goths, and Pachymer (1. xi. c. 
22) from the Arabs ; and in spite of national and religious pride, I am 
afraid the latter is in the right. 



* On Roger de Flor and his companions, see an historical fragment, de 
tailed and interesting, entitled " The Spaniards of the Fourteenth Centu 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 167 

sonal merit overshadowed the dignity of his prouder rivals 
of Arragon. The offspring of a marriage between a German 
gentleman of the court of Frederic the Second and a damsel 
of Brindisi, Roger was successively a templar, an apostate, 
a pirate, and at length the richest and most powerful 
admiral of the Mediterranean. He sailed from Messina to 
Constantinople, with eighteen galleys, four great ships, and 
eight thousand adventurers ; * and his previous treaty was 
faithfully accomplished by Andronicus the elder, who ac 
cepted with joy and terror this formidable succor. A palace 
was allotted for his reception, and a niece of the emperor was 
given in marriage to the valiant stranger, who was immedi 
ately created great duke or admiral of Romania. After a 
decent repose, he transported his troops over the Propontis, 
and boldly led them against the Turks : in two bloody battles 
thirty thousand of the Moslems were slain : he raised the siege 
of Philadelphia, and deserved the name of the deliverer of 
Asia. But after a short season of prosperity, the cloud of 
slavery and ruin again burst on that unhappy province. The 
inhabitants escaped (says a Greek historian) from the smoke 
into the flames ; and the hostility of the Turks was less per 
nicious than the friendship of the Catalans.! The lives and 
fortunes which they had rescued they considered as their own : 
the willing or reluctant maid was saved from the race of circum 
cision for the embraces of a Christian soldier : the exaction 
of fines and supplies was enforced by licentious rapine and 
arbitrary executions ; and, on the resistance of Magnesia, the 
great duke besieged a city of the Roman empire. 48 These 
disorders he excused by the wrongs and passions of a victo 
rious army ; nor would his own authority or person have 
been safe, had he dared to punish his faithful followers, who 



48 Some idea may be formed of the population of these cities, from 
the 36,000 inhabitants of Trailes, which, in the preceding reign, was 
rebuilt by the emperor, and ruined by the Turks. (Pachvmer, 1. vi. 
c. 20, 21.) 

ry," and inserted in "L Espagne en 1808," a work translated from the 
German, vol. ii. p. 167. This narrative enables us to detect some slight 
errors which have crept into that of Gibbon. G. 

* The troops of Roger de Flor, according to his companion Ramon de 
Montaner, were 1500 men at arms, 4000 Almogavares, and 1000 other foot, 
besides the sailors and mariners, vol. ii. p. 137. M. 

f Ramon de Montaner suppresses the cruelties and oppressions of th* 
Catalans, in which, perhaps, he shared. M, 



168 HE DECLINE AND FALL 

were defrauded of the just and covenanted price of their 
services. The threats and complaints of Andronicus dis 
closed the nakedness of the empire. His golden bull had 
invited no more than five hundred horse and a thousand foot 
soldiers; yet the crowds of volunteers, who migrated , to the 
East, had been enlisted and fed by his spontaneous bounty. 
While his bravest allies were content with three byzants or 
pieces of gold, foa their monthly pay, an ounce, or even two 
ounces, of gold were assigned to the Catalans, whose annual 
pension would thus amount to near a hundred pounds 
sterling : one of their chiefs had modestly rated at three 
hundred thousand crowns the value of his future merits ; and 
above a million had been issued from the treasury for the 
maintenance of these costly mercenaries. A cruel tax had 
been imposed on the corn of the husbandman : one third was 
retrenched from the salaries of the public officers ; and the 
standard of the coin was so shamefully debased, that of the 
four-and-twenty parts only five were of pure gold. 4 At the 
summons of the emperor, Roger evacuated a province which 
no longer supplied the materials of rapine ; * but he refused 
to disperse his troops : and while his style was respectful, his 
conduct was independent and hostile. He protested, that if 
the emperor should march against him, he would advance 
forty paces to kiss the ground before him ; but in rising from 
this prostrate attitude Roger had a life and sword at the ser 
vice of his friends. The great duke of Romania conde 
scended to accept the title and ornaments of Caesar ; but he 

49 I have collected these pecuniary circumstances from Pachymer, 
(1. xi. c. 21, 1. xii. c. 4, 5, 8, 14, 19,) who describes the progressive 
degradation of the gold coin. Even in the prosperous times of John 
Ducas Vataces, the byzants were composed in equal proportions oi the 
pure and the baser metal. The poverty of Michael Palseologus com 
pelled him to strike a new coin, with nine parts, or carats, of gold, 
and fifteen of copper alloy. After his death, the standard rose to ten 
carats, till in the public distress it was reduced to the moiety. The 
prince was relieved for a moment, while credit and commerce were 
forever blasted. In France, the gold coin is of twenty-two carats, 
(one twelfth alloy,) and the standard of England and Holland is still 
higher. 

* Ro-rer de Flor, according to Ramon dc Montaner, was recalled from 
Natolia, on account of the war which had avist-n on the death ot Aftan, 
king of liulcuria. Aiidrumcus claimed the kingdom for his nephews, the 
sons of Asan by his sister. Roger de Flor turned the tide of success in 
favor of the emperor of Constantinople, and made peace. M. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 169 

rejected the new proposal of the government of Asia with a 
subsidy of corn and money,* on condition tiat he should 
reduce his troops to the harmless number of three thousand 
men. Assassination is the last resource of cowards. The 
Csesar was tempted to visit the royal residence of Adrianople 
in the apartment, arid before the eyes, of the empress he was 
stabbed by the Alani guards ; and though the deed was im 
puted to their private revenge.f his countrymen, who dwelt 
at Constantinople in the security of peace, were involved in 
the same proscription by the prince or people. The loss of 
their loadei intimidated the crowd of adventurers, who hoisted 
the sails of flight, ajid were soon scattered round the coasts 
of the Mediterranean. But a veteran band of fifteen hun 
dred Catalans, or French, stood firm in the strong fortress of 
Gallipoli on the Hellespont, displayed the banners of Arra- 
gon, and offered to revenge and justify their chief, by an 
equal combat of ten or a hundred warriors. Instead of 
accepting this bold defiance, the emperor Michael, the son 
and colleague of Andronicus, resolved to oppress them with 
the weight of multitudes : every nerve was strained to form 
an army of thirteen thousand horse and thirty thousand foot ; 
and the Propontis was covered with the ships of the Greeks 
and Genoese. In two battles by sea and land, these mighty 
forces were encountered and overthrown by the despair and 
discipline of the Catalans : the young emperor fled to the 
palace ; and an insufficient guard of light-horse was left for 
the protection of the open country. Victory renewed the 
hopes and numbers of the adventurers : every natron was 
blended under the name and standard of the great company ; 
and three thousand Turkish proselytes deserted from the 
Imperial service to join this military association. In the pos 
session of Gallipoli,! the Catalans intercepted the trade of 

* Andronicus paid the Catalans in the debased money, much to their 
indignation. M. 

f According to Ramon de Montaner, he was murdered by order of Kyr 
(KI>P<CK) Michael, son of the emperor, p. 170. M. 

| Ramon de Montaner describes his sojourn at Gallipoli : Nous (Hions 
si riches, que nous ne semions, ni ne labourions, ni ne faisions enver des 
vins, ni ne cultivions les vignes : et cependant tous les ans nous reeueil- 
lions tout ce qu il nous fallait, en vin, froment et avoine. p. 193. This 
tasted foi five merry years. Ramon de Montaner is high authority, for he 
<vas " chaticelier et maitre rational de 1 armee," (commissary of rations.) 
He was left governor; all the scribes of the army remained with him, and 
with their aid he kept the books in which were registered the number of 
hcrse and foot employed on each expedition. According to this book the 
tv under was shared, of which he h,i d a fifth for his trouble, p. .197. M. 
VOL. VI. 15 



170 THE DECLINE ASJ) FALL 

Constantinople and the Black Sea, while they spread their 
devastations on either side of the Hellespont over the confines 
of Europe and Asia, To prevent their approach, the great 
est part of the Byzantine territory was laid waste by the 
Greeks themselves : the peasants and their cattle retired into 
the city ; and myriads of sheep and oxen, for which neither 
p.ace nor food could be procured, were unprofitably slaugh 
tered on the same day. Four times the emperor Andronicus 
sued for peace, and four times he was inflexibly repulsed, till 
the want of provisions, and the discord of the chiefs, com 
pelled the Catalans to evacuate the banks of the Hellespont 
and the neighborhood of the capital. After their separation 
from the Turks, the remains of the great company pursued 
their march through Macedonia and Thessaly, to seek a new 
establishment in. the heart of Greece. 50 

After some ?iges of oblivion, Greece was awakened to new 
misfortunes by the arms of the Latins. In the two hundred 
and fifty years between the first and the last conquest of Con 
stantinople, that venerable land was disputed by a multitude 
of petty tyrants ; without the comforts of freedom and genius, 
her ancient cities were again plunged in foreign and intestine 
war; and, if servitude be preferable to anarchy, they might 
repose with joy under the Turkish yoke. I shall not pursue 
the obscure and various dynasties, that rose and fell on the 

50 The Catalan war is most copiously related by Pachymer, in the 
xith, xiith, and xiiith books, till he breaks off in the year 1308. 
Kicephorus Gregoras (1. vii. 36) is more concise and complete. 
Ducan^e, who adopts these adventurers as French, has hunted their 
footsteps with his usual diligence, (Hist, cle C. P.I. vi. c. 22-46.) He 
quotes an Arragonese history, which I have read with pleasure, and 
which the Spaniards extol as a model of style and composition, (Bac- 
pedicion de los Catalanes y Arragoneses contra Turcos y ariegos : 
Barcelona, lfi2S, in ciuarto : Madrid, 1777, in octavo.) Don Iran- 
ci.seo de Moncada, Condc de Ossona, may imitate Casar or bail 
he may transcribe the Greek or Italian contemporaries : but he never 
quotes his authorities, and I cannot discern any national records Ot 
the exploits of his countrymen.* 



* Ramon de Montaner, one of the Catalans, who accompanied^ Roger de 
JFlor, and who was governor of Gallipoli, has written, in Spanish, the his 
torv of this band of adventurers, to which he belonged, and from whica 
he separated when it left the Thracian Chersonese to penetrate into Mace 
donia and Greece. G. ,1- I 1 T71 ,,,-U 

The autobiography of Ramon de Montaner has been published in 1 rencfx 
Y M. Buchon, in the great collection of Memoires relatifa a 1 Histoire d 



Franco. I quote this edition. M. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 171 

continent or in the isles ; but our silence on the fate of ATH 
ENS 51 would argue a strange ingratitude to the first and purest 
school of liberal science and amusement. In the partition of 
the empire, ;he principality of Athens and Thebes was as 
signed to Otho de la Roche, a noble warrior of Burgundy, 52 
with the title of great duke, 53 which the Latins understood in 
their own sense, and the Greeks more foolishly derived from 
the age of Constantine. 54 Otho followed the standard of the 
marquis of Montferrat : the ample state which he acquired by 
a miracle of conduct or fortune, 55 was peaceably inherited By 
his son and two grandsons, till the family, though not the na 
tion, was changed, by the marriage of an heiress into the 
elder branch of the house of Brienne. The son of that, mar 
riage, Walter de Brienne, succeeded to the duchy of Athens ; 
and, with the aid of some Catalan mercenaries, whom he 
invested with fiefs, reduced above thirty castles of the vassal 
or neighboring lords. But when he was informed of the ap 
proach and ambition of tne great company, he collected a 
force of seven hundred knights, six thousand four hundred 
horse, and eight thousand foot, and boldly met them on the 
banks of the River Cephisus in Boeotia. The Catalans 
amounted to no more than three thousand five hundred horse, 
and four thousand foot ; but the deficiency of numbers was 

51 See the laborious history of Ducange, whose accurate table of the 
French dynasties recapitulates the thirty-live passages, in which he 
mentions the dukes of Athens. 

He is twice mentioned by Villehardouin with honor, (No. 151, 
235 ;) and under the first passage, Ducange observes all that can lie 
known of his person and family. 

From these Latin princes of the xivth century, Boccace, Chaucer, 
and Shakspeare, have borrowed their Theseus duke of Athens. An 
ignorant age transfers its own language and manners to the most dis 
tant times. 

04 The same Constantine gave to Sicily a king, to Russia the may- 
mis dapifer of the empire, to Thebes the print iccrius ; and these absurd 
fables are properly lashed by Ducange, (ad Nieephor. Greg. 1. vii. c. 
5.) By the Latins, the lord of Thebes was styled, by corruption, the 
Mcgas Kurios, or Grand Sire ! 

Quod-am miraculo, says Alberic. lie was probably received by 
Michael Choniates, the archbishop who haO defended Athens against 
the tyrant Leo Sgurus, (Nicetas urbs capta, p. 805, cd. Bek.) Michael 
was the brother of the historian Nicetas ; and his encomium of Athens 
is still extant in MS. in the Bodleian library, :. Inbliot. Graec. 

torn. vi. p. 405.)* 



* Nicetas says expressly that Michnel aurrcmloretl the Acropolis to th 
marquis. M. 



172 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

compensated by stratagem and order. They formed rpunJ 
their camp an artificial inundation; the duke and his knights 
advanced without fear or precaution on the verdant ^meadow ; 
their horses plunged into the bog ; and he was cut in pieces, 
with the greatest part of the French cavalry. His family 
and nation were expelled ; and his son Walter de Brienne, 
the titular duke of Athens, the tyrant of Florence, and the 
constable of France, lost his life in the field of Poitiers. 
Attica and Bceotia- were the rewards of the victorious Cata 
kins ; they married the widows and daughters of the slam ; 
and during fourteen years, the great company was, the terror 
of the Grecian states. Their factions drove them to acknowl 
edge the sovereignty of the house of Arragon ; and during 
the remainder of the fourteenth century, Athens, as a govern 
ment or an appanage, was successively bestowed by the kings 
of Sicily. After the French and Catalans, the third dynasty 
was that of the Accaioli, a family, plebeian at Florence, 
potent at Naples, and sovereign in Greece. Athens, which 
they embellished with new buildings, became the capital of a 
state, that extended over Thebes, Argos, Corinth, Delphi, and 
a part of Thessaly ; and their reign was finally determined 
by Mahomet the Second, who strangled the last duke, and 
educated his sons in the discipline and religion of the seraglio. 
Athens, 56 though no more than the shadow of her former 
self, still contains about eight or ten thousand inhabitants ; of 
these, three fourths are Greeks in religion and language ; and 
the Turks, who compose the remainder, have relaxed, in their 
intercourse with the citizens, somewhat of the pride and grav 
ity of their national character. The olive-tree, the gift of 
Minerva, flourishes in Attica ; nor has the honey of Mount 
Hymettus lost any part of its exquisite flavor : r>7 but the lan ; 
rn.iid trade is monopolized by strangers, and the agriculture 
of a barren land is abandoned to the vagrant Walachians. 



50 The modem account of Athens, and the Athenians, is extracted 
from Spon, (Voyage en Grece, torn. ii. p. 70199,) and Wheeler, 
(Travels into Greece, p. 337414,) Stuart, (Antiquities of Athens, 
passim,) and Chandler, (Travels into Greece, p. 23172.) The first 
of the-" 1 travellers visited Greece in the year 1676; the last, It 60; 
and ninety ye had not produced much difference in the tranquil 

67 The undents, or at least the Athenians, believed that all the beca 
ai the world had been propagated from Mount Hymettus. They 
-awrht, that health might be preserved, and life prolonged, by the 
external use of oil, and the internal use of honey, (Geopomca, L xv. c. 
7 ;-k 10891091. eclir IS"h? ) 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 173 

The Athenians are still distinguished by the subtlety and 
acuteness of their understandings ; but these qualities, unless 
ennobled by freedom, and enlightened by study, will degen 
erate into a low and selfish cunning : and it is a proverbial 
saying of the country, " From, the Jews of Thessalonica, the 
Turks of Negropont, and the Greeks of Athens, good Lord 
deliver us ! This artful people has eluded the tyranny of 
the Turkish bashaws, by an expedient which alleviates their 
servitude and aggravates their shame. About the middle of 
the last century, the Athenians chose for their protector the 
Kislar Aga, or chief black eunuch of the seraglio. This 
^Ethiopian slave, who possesses the sultan s ear, condescends 
to accept the tribute of thirty thousand crowns : his lieutenant, 
the Waywode, whom he annually confirms, may reserve for 
his own about live or six thousand more ; and such is the pol 
icy of the citizens, that they seldom fail to remove and pun 
ish an oppressive governor. Their private differences are 
decided by the archbishop, one of the richest prelates of the 
Greek church, since he possesses a revenue of one thousand 
pounds sterling ; and by a tribunal of the eight geronti or 
elders, chosen in the eight quarters of the city : the noble 
families cannot, trace their pedigree above three hundred 
years ; but their principal members are distinguished by a 
grave demeanor, a fur cap, and the lofty appellation of archon. 
By some, who delight in the contrast, the modern language 
of Athens is represented as the most corrupt and barbarous of 
the seventy dialects of the vulgar Greek : 58 this picture is 
too darkly colored : but it would not be easy, in the country 
of Plato and Demosthenes, to find a reader or a copy of their 
works. The Athenians walk with supine indifference among 
the glorious ruins of antiquity ; and such is the debasement 
of their character, that they are incapable of admiring the 
genius of their predecessors. 59 

^ BS Ducange, Glossar. Grsec. Prsefat. p. 8, who quotes for his author 
Thcodosius Zygomalas, a modern grammarian. Yet Spon (torn. ii. p. 
194) and Wheeler, (p. 355,) no incompetent judges, entertain a more 
favorable opinion of the Attic dialect. 

Yet we must not accuse them of corrupting the name of Athens, 
which they still call Athini. From the ft; T,V ^di w, we have 
formed our own barbarism of Setines.* 



* Gibbon did not foresee a Bavarian prince on the throne of Greece 
with Athens as his capital. M. 

15* 



174 THE DECLINE AND FALL 



CHAPTER IXIII. 

SIVIL WARS, AND RUIN OF THE GREEK EMPIRE. REIGNS OF 

ANDRONICUS, THE ELDER AND YOUNGER, AND JOHN PALJE 

OLOGUS. REGENCY, REVOLT, REIGN, AND ABDICATION OF 

JOHN CANTACUZENE. ESTABLISHMENT OF A GENOESE COL 
ONY AT PERA OR GALATA. THEIR WARS WITH THE EMPIRE 

AND CITY OF CONSTANTINOPLE. 

THE long reign of Andronicus l the elder is chiefly mem- 
orable by the disputes of the Greek church, the invasion of 
the Catalans, and the rise of the Ottoman power. He is cel 
ebrated as the most learned and virtuous prince of the age ; 
but such virtue, and such learning, contributed neither to the 
perfection of the individual, nor to the happiness of society. 
A slave of the most abject superstition, he was surrounded on 
all sides by visible and invisible enemies ; nor were the flames 
of hell less dreadful to his fancy, than those of a Catalan or 
Turkish war. Under the reign" of the Palreologi, the choice 
of the patriarch was the most important business of the state ; 
the heads of the Greek church were ambitious and fanatic 
monks ; and their vices or virtues, their learning or ignorance, 
were equally mischievous or contemptible. By his intem 
perate discipline, the patriarch Athanasius 2 excited^the hatred 
of the clergy and people : he was heard to declare, that the 
sinner should swallow the last dregs of the cup of penance ; 
and the foolish tale was propagated- of his punishing a sacri 
legious ass that had tasted the lettuce of a convent garden. 
Driven from the throne by the universal clamor, Athanasius 
composed before his retreat two papers of a very opposite 



1 Adronicus himself will justify our freedom in the invective, 
(Nicephorus Gregoras, 1. i. c. i.,) which he pronounced against his 
toric falsehood. It is true, that his censure is more pointedly urged 
against calumny than against adulation. 

2 For the anathema in the pigeon s nest, see Pachymer, (1. ix. c. 24,) 
-who relates the general history of Athanasius, (1. via. c. 13 16, 20, 
24, 1. x. c. 2729, 3136, 1. xi. c. 13, 5, 6, 1. xiii. c. 8, 10, 23, 35,) 
and is followed by Nicephorus Gregoras, (1. vi. c. 5, 7, 1. vii. c. 1, 9^ 
who includes the second retreat of this second Chrysostom. 



OF THE ROHAN EMPIRE. 175 

cast. His public testament was in the tone of charity and 
resignation ; the private codicil breathed the direst anathemas 
against the authors of his disgrace, whom he excluded forever 

O O 

from the communion of the holy trinity, the angels, and the 
saints. This last paper he enclosed in an earthen pot, which 
was placed, by his order, on the top of one of the pillars, in 
the dome of St. Sophia, in the distant hope of discovery and 
revenge. At the end of four years, some youths, climbing 
by a ladder in search of pigeons 1 nests, detected the fatal 
secret ; and, as Andronicus felt himself touched and bound 
by the excommunication, he trembled on the brink of the 
abyss which had been so treacherously dug und-er his feet. 
A synod of bishops was instantly convened to debate this 
important question : the rashness of these clandestine anathe 
mas was generally condemned ; but as the knot could be 
untied only by the same hand, as that hand was now deprived 
of the crosier, it appeared that this posthumous decree was 
irrevocable by any earthly power. Some faint testimonies of 
repentance and pardon were extorted from the author of the 
mischief ; but the conscience of the emperor wa.s still wound 
ed, and he desired, with no less ardor than Athanasius himself, 
the restoration of a patriarch, by whom alone he could be 
healed. At the dead of night, a monk rudely knocked at the 
door of the royal bed-chamber, announcing a revelation of 
plague and famine, of inundations and earthquakes. An 
dronicus started from his bed, and spent the night in prayer, 
till he felt, or thought that he felt, a slight motion of the earth. 
The emperor on foot led the bishops and monks to the cell 
of Athanasius ; and, after a proper resistance, the saint, from 
whom this message had been sent, consented to absolve the 
prince, and govern the church of Constantinople. Untamed 
by disgrace, and hardened by solitude, the shepherd was 
again odious to the flock, and his enemies contrived a singu 
lar, and, as it proved, a successful, mode of revenge. In the 
night, they stole away the foot-stool or foot-cloth of his throne, 
which they secretly replaced with the decoration of a satirical 
picture. The emperor was painted with a bridle in his mouth, 
and Athanasius leading the tractable beast to the feet of Christ. 
The authors of the libel were detected and punished ; but as 
their lives had been spared, the Christian priest in sullen in 
dignation retired to his cell ; and the eyes of Andronicus, 
which had been opened for a moment, were again closed by 
his successor. 



176 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

If this transaction be one of the most curious and important 
of a reign of fifty years, I cannot at least accuse the brevity 
of my materials, since I reduce into some few pages the 
enormous folios of Pachymer, 3 Cantacuzene, 4 and iNicepho- 
rus Gregoras, 5 who have composed the prolix and languid 
story of the times. The name and situation of the emperor 
John Cantacuzene might inspire the most lively curiosity. 
His memorials of forty years extend from the revolt of the 
younger Andronicus to his own abdication of the empire ; 
and it is observed, that, like Moses and Csesar, he was the 
principal actor in the scenes which he describes. But in this 
eloquent work we should vainly seek the sincerity of a boro 
or a penitent. Retired in a cloister from the vices and pos- 
sions of the world, he presents not a confession, but an apol 
ogy, of the life of an ambitious statesman. Instead of un 
folding the true counsels and characters of men, he displays 
the smooth and specious surface of events, highly varnished 
with his own praises and those of his friends. Their motives 
are always pure ; their ends always legitimate : they conspire 
and rebel without any views of interest ; and the violence 
which they inflict or suffer is celebrated as the spontaneous 
effect of reason and virtue. 

After the example of the first of the Palseologi, the elder 
Andronicus associated his son Michael to the honors of the 
purple ; and from the age of eighteen to his premature death, 
that prince was acknowledged, above twenty-five years, as the 
second emperor of the Greeks. 6 At the head of an army, 



3 . Pach ymer, in seven books, 377 folio pages, describes the first 
twenty-six years of Andronicus the Elder ; .and marks the date of his 
composition by the current news or lie of the day, (A. I). 1308.) 
Either death or disgust prevented him from resuming the pen. 

4 After an interval of twelre years, from the conclusion of Pachy 
mer, Cantacuzenus takes up the pen ; and his first book (c. 1 59, p. 
9 150) relates the civil war, and the eight last years of the elder 
Andronicus. The ingenious comparison with Moses and Caesar is 
fancied by his French translator, the president Cousin. 

5 Nicephorus Gregoras more briefly includes the entire life and 
reign of Andronicus the elder, (1. vi. c. 1, p. 96 291.) This is the 
part of which Cantacuzene complains as a false and malicious repre 
sentation of his conduct. 

6 He was crowned May 21st, 1295, and- died October 12th, 1320, 
(Ducange, Fara. Byz. p. 239.) His brother Theodore, by a second 
marriage, inherited the marquisate of Montferrat, apostatized to the 
religion and manners of the Latins, (on xal yra j^*/ xnl niorti xal o%\- 

xui yereiwv xovya xai Tiaotv %&e0iv JUTITOS tjV uxQaKpvilf. ISic. 



OF THE HOMAN EMPIRE. 17? 

he excited neither the fears of the enemy, nor the jealousy 
of the court ; his modesty and patience were never tempted 
to compute the years of his father; nor was that father com 
pelled to repent of his liberality either by the virtues or vices 
of his son. The son of Michael was named And ronicus from 
his grandfather, to whose early favor he was introduced by 
that nominal resemblance. The blossoms of wit and beauty 
increased the fondness of the elder Andronicus ; and, with 
the common vanity of age, he expected to realize in the 
second, the hope which had been disappointed in the first, 
generation. The boy was educated in the palace as an heir 
and a favorite ; and in the oaths and acclamations of the peo 
ple, the august triad was formed by the names of the father, 
the son, and the grandson. But the younger Andronicus was 
speedily corrupted by his infant greatness, while he beheld 
with puerile impatience the double obstacle that hung, and 
might long hang, over his rising ambition. It was not to ac- 
auire fame, or to diffuse happiness, that he so eagerly aspired : 
wealth and impunity were in his eyes the most precious attri 
butes of a monarch ; and his first indiscreet demand was the 
sovereignty of some rich and fertile island, where he might 
lead a life of independence and pleasure. The emperor was 
offended by the loud and frequent intemperance which dis 
turbed his capital ; the sums which his parsimony denied 
were supplied by the Genoese usurers of Pera ; and the op 
pressive debt, which consolidated the interest of a faction, 
could be discharged only by a revolution. A beautiful fe 
male, a matron in rank, a prostitute in manners, had instructed 
the younger Andronicus in the rudiments of love ; but he had 
reason to suspect the nocturnal visits of a rival ; and a stranger 
passing through the street was pierced by the arrows of his 
guards, who were placed in ambush at her door. That stran 
ger was his brother, Prince Manuel, who languished and died 
of his wound ; and the emperor Michael, their common father, 
whose health was in a declining slate, expired on the eighth 
day, lamenting the loss of both his children. 7 However 
guiltless in his intention, the younger Andronicus might im- 

Greg. 1. ix. c. 1,) and founded a dynasty of Italian princes, which, was 
extinguished A. D. 1533, (Ducange, Fam. ByZ. p. 249 253.) 

7 We are indebted to Nicephorus Gregoras (1. viii. c. 1) for the 
knowledge of this tragic adventure ; while Cantacuzenc more dis 
creetly, conceals the vices of Andronicus the Younger, of which he 
was the witness, and perhaps the associate, (1. i. c. 1, &c.) 



178 THE DECLINE AXD FALL 

pute a brother s and a father s death to the consequence of 
his own vices ; and deep was the sigh of thinking and feeling 
men, when they perceived, instead of sorrow and repentance, 
his ill-dissembled joy on the removal of two odious competi 
tors. By these melancholy events, and the increase of his 
disorders, the mind of the elder emperor was gradually alien 
ated ; and, after many fruitless reproofs, he transferred on 
another grandson 8 his hopes and affection. The change was 
announced by the new oath of allegiance to the reigning 
sovereign, and the person whom he should appoint for his 
successor ; and the acknowledged heir, after a repetition of 
insults and complaints, was exposed to the indignity of a pub 
lic trial. Before the sentence, which would probably have 
condemned him to a dungeon or a cell, the emperor was in 
formed that the palace courts were filled with the armed fol 
lowers of his grandson ; the judgment was softened to a 
treaty of reconciliation ; and the triumphant escape of the 
prince encouraged the ardor of the younger faction. 

Yet the capital, the clergy, and the senate, adhered to the 
person, or at least to the government, of the old emperor ; and 
it was only in the provinces, by flight, and revolt, and foreign 
succor, that the malecontents could hope to vindicate their 
cause and subvert his throne. The soul of the enterprise was 
the great domestic John Cantacuzene : the sally from Con 
stantinople is the first date of his actions and memorials ; and 
if his own pen be most descriptive of his patriotism, an 
unfriendly historian has not refused to celebrate the zeal 
and ability which he displayed in the service of the young 
emperor.* That, prince escaped from the capital under the 
pretence of hunting ; erected his standard at Adrianople ; 
and, in a few days, assembled fifty thousand horse and foot, 
whom neither honor nor duty could have armed against the 
Barbarians. Such a force might have saved or commanded 

8 His destined heir was Michael Catharus, the bastard of Constan- 
tine his second son. In this project of excluding his grandson An- 
dronicus, Nicephorus Gregoras (1. viii. c. 3) agrees with Caiitacuzene, 
(1. i. c. 1, 2.) 

* The conduct of Cantacuzene, by Iris own showing, was inexplicable. 
He was unwilling to dethrone the old emperor, and dissuaded the imme 
diate march on Constantinople. The young Andronicus, he says, entered 
into his views, and wrote to warn the emperor of his danger when the 
inarch was determined. -Cantacuzenus, in Nov. Byz. Hist. Collect, vol. I. 
p. 104, &c. M. 



OF THE ROMAN EMl IKE, 179 

the empire ; but their counsels were discordant, their motions 
were slow and doubtful, and their progress was checked by 
intrigue and negotiation. The quarrel of the two Andro- 
nici was protracted, and suspended, and renewed, during a 
ruinous period of seven years. In the first treaty, the relics 
of the Greek empire were divided : Constantinople, Thessa- 
lonica, and the islands, were left to the elder, while the 
younger acquired the sovereignty of the greatest part of 
Thrace, from Philippi to the Byzantine limit. By the second 
treaty, he stipulated the payment of his troops, his immediate 
coronation, and an adequate share of the power and revenue 
of the state. The third civil war was terminated by the sur 
prise of Constantinople, the final retreat of the old emperor 
and the sole reign of his victorious grandson.. The reasons 
of this delay may be found in the characters of the men and 
of the times. When the heir of the monarchy first pleaded 
his wrongs and his apprehensions, he was heard with pity and 
applause : and his adherents repeated on all sides the incon 
sistent promise, that he would increase the pay of the soldiers 
and alleviate the burdens of the people. The grievances of 
forty years were mingled in his revolt ; and the rising 
generation was fatigued by the endless prospect of a reign, 
whose favorites and maxims were of other times. The youth 
of Andronicus had been without spirit, his age was without 
reverence : his taxes produced an annual revenue of five 
hundred thousand pounds ; yet the richest of the sovereigns 
of Christendom was incapable of maintaining three thousand 
horse and twenty galleys, to resist the destructive progress of 
the Turks. 9 u How different," said the younger Andronicus, 
" is my situation from that of the son of Philip ! Alexander 
might complain, that his father would leave him nothing to 
conquer : alas ! my grandsire will leave me nothing to lose." 
But the Greeks were soon admonished, that the public dis 
orders could not be healed by a civil war ; and that their 
young favorite was not destined to be the savior of a falling 
empire. On the first repulse, his party was broken by his 
own levity, their intestine discord, and the intrigues of the 



9 See Nicephorus Gregoras, 1. via. c. 6. The younger Andronicus 
complained, that in four years and four months a sum of 350,000 
hyzants of gold was due to him for the expenses of his household, 
(Cantacuzen. 1. i. c. 48.) Yet he would have remitted the debt, if he 
might have been allowed to squeeze the farmers of the revenue. 



180 THE DECLINE AXV FALL 

ancient court, which tempted each malecontent to desert or 
betray the cause of rebellion. Andronicus the younger was 
touched with remorse, or fatigued with business, or deceived 
by negotiation : pleasure rather than power was his aim ; and 
the license of maintaining a thousand hounds, a thousand 
hawks, and a thousand huntsmen, was sufficient to sully his 
fame and disarm his ambition. 

Let us now survey the catastrophe of this busy plot, and 
the final situation of the principal actors. 10 The age of 
Andronicus was consumed in civil discord ; and, amidst the 
events of war and treaty, his power and reputation continually 
decayed, till the fatal night in which the gates of the city 
and palace were opened without resistance to his grandson. 
His principal -commander scorned the repeated warnings of 
danger ; and retiring to rest in the vain security of ignorance, 
abandoned the feeble monarch, with some priests and pages, 
to the terrors of a sleepless night. These terrors were quickly 
realized by the hostile shouts, which proclaimed the titles and 
victory of Andronicus the younger ; and the aged emperor, 
falling prostrate before an image of the Virgin, despatched a 
suppliant message to resign the sceptre, and to obtain his life 
at the hands of the conqueror. The answer of his grandson 
was decent and pious ; at the prayer of his friends, the younger 
Andronicus assumed the sole administration ; but the elder 
still enjoyed the name and preeminence of the first emperor, 
the use of the great palace, and a pension of twenty-four 
thousand pieces of gold, one half of which was assigned on 
the royal treasury, and the other on the fishery of Constanti 
nople. But his impotence was soon exposed to contempt and 
oblivion ; the vast silence of the palace was disturbed only by 
the cattle and poultry of the neighborhood,* which roved with 
impunity through the solitary courts; and a reduced allowance 
of ten thousand pieces of gold n was all that he could ask, and 

I follow the chronology of Nicephorus Gregoras, who is remark 
ably exact. It is proved th*t Cantacxizcne has mistaken the dates of 
his own actions, or rather that his text has been corrupted by ignorant 
transcribers. 

11 I have endeavored to reconcile the 21,000 pieces of Cantacuzene 
(!. ii. c. 1) with the 10,000 of Nicephorus Gregoras, (1. ix. c. 2 ;) the 
>ne of whom wished to soften, the other to magnify, the hardships of 
ihe old emperor. 

* And the washerwomen, according to Nic. Gregoras, p. 431. M. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 181 

more than he could hope. His calamities were imbittered by 
the gradual extinction of sight ; his confinement was rendered 
each day more rigorous ; and during the absence and sickness 
of his grandson, his inhuman keepers, by the threats of instant 
death, compelled him to exchange the purple for the monastic 
habit and profession. The monk Antony had renounced the 
pomp of the world : yet he had occasion for a coarse fur in 
the winter season, and as wine was forbidden by his confessor, 
and water by his physician, the sherbet of Egypt was his 
common drink. It was riot without difficulty that the late 
emperor could procure three or four pieces to satisfy these 
simple wants ; and if he bestowed the gold to relieve the 
more painful distress of a friend, tbe sacrifice is of some 
weight in the scale of humanity and religion. Four years 
after his abdication, Andronicus or Antony expired in a cell, 
in the seventy-fourth year of his age : and the last strain of 
adulation could only promise a more splendid crown of glory 
in heaven than he had enjoyed upon earth. 12 

Nor was the reign of the younger, more glorious or fortu 
nate than that of the elder, Andronicus. 13 He gathered the 
fruits of ambition ; but the taste was transient and bitter : in 
the supreme station he lost the remains of his early popularity; 
and the defects of his character became still more conspicuous 
to the world. The public reproach urged him to march in 
person against the Turks ; nor did his courage fail in the hour 
of trial ; but a defeat and a wound were the only trophies of 
his expedition in Asia, which confirmed the establishment of 
the Ottoman monarchy. The abuses of the civil government 
attained their full maturity and perfection : his neglect of 
forms, and the confusion of national dresses, are deplored by 

12 Sec Nicephorus Gregoras, (1. ix. 6, 7, 8, 10, 14, 1. x. c. 1.) The 
historian had tasted of the prosperity, and shared the retreat, of his 
benefactor ; and that friendship which " waits or to the scaffold or tha 
cell," should not lightly be accused as a hireling, a prostitute to 
praise." * 

13 The sole reign of Andronicus the younger is described by Can- 
tacuzene (1. ii. c. 1 40, p. 191 339) and Nicephorus Grcgoras, (1. ix. 
c. 71. xi. c. 11, p. 262361.) 



* Prodigies (according to Nic. Gregoras, p. 460) announced the depart 
ure of the old and imbecile Imperial Monk from his earthly prison. M. 

t But it may be accused of unparalleled absurdity. He compares the 
extinction of the feeble old man to that of the sun : his coffin is to be 
floated, like Noah s ark, by a deluge of tears. M. 

VOL. VI. 16 



182 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

the Greeks as the fatal symptoms of the decay of the empire. 
Andronicus was old before his time ; the intemperance "of 
youth had accelerated the infirmities of age ; and after being 
rescued from a dangerous malady by nature, or physic, or the 
Virgin, he was snatched away before he had accomplished his 
forty-fifth year. He was twice married ; and, as the progress 
of the Latins in arms and arts had softened the prejudices of 
the Byzantine court, his two wives were chosen in the princely 
houses of Germany and Italy. The first, Agnes at home, 
Irene in Greece, was daughter of the duke of Brunswick. 
Her father 14 was a petty lord 15 in the poor and savage regions 
of the north of Germany: 16 yet he derived some revenue 
from his silver mines ; n and his family is celebrated by the 

14 Agnes, of Irene, was the daughter of Duke Henry the Wonder 
ful, the chief of the house of Brunswick, and the fourth in descent 
from the famous Henry the Lion, duke of Saxony and Bavaria, and 
conqueror of the Sclavi on the Baltic coast. Her brother Henry was 
surnamed the Greek, from his two journeys into the East : but these 
journeys were subsequent to his sister s marriage ; and I am ignorant 
how Agnes was discovered in the heart of Germany, and recommended 
to the Byzantine court. (Rimius, Memoirs of the House of Bruns 
wick, p. 126137.) 

15 Henry the Wonderful was the founder of the branch of Gruben- 
hagen, extinct in the year 1596, (Rimius, p. 287.) He resided in the 
castle of Wolfenbuttel, and possessed no more than a sixth part of 
the allodial estates of Brunswick and Luneburgh, which the Guelph 
family had saved from the confiscation of their great fiefs. The fre 
quent partitions among brothers had almost ruined the princely houses 
of Germany, till that just, but pernicious, law was slowly superseded 
by the right of primogeniture. The principality of Grubenhagen, one 
of the last remains of the Hercynian forest, is a woody, mountainous, 
and barren tract, (Busching s Geography, vol. vi. p. 270286, Eng 
lish translation.) 

1G The voyal author of the Memoirs of Brandenburgh will teach us, 
how justly, in a much later period, the north of Germany deserved 
the epithets of poor and barbarous. (Essai sur les Mceurs, &c.) In the 
year 1306, in the woods of Luneburgh, some wild people of the Veiie< 
race were allowed to bury alive their infirm and useless parents. 
(Rimius, p. 136.) 

17 The assertion of Tacitus, that Germany was destitute oi 
precious metals, must be taken, even in his own time, with some 
limitation, (Germania, c. 5. Annal. xi. 20.) According to Spener, 
Hist. GermaniEe Pragmatica, torn. i. p. 351,) Arffentifoditue in Hercy- 
niis montibus, imperantc Othone magno (A. D. 968) primum apertas, 
largam etiam opes augendi dederunt copiam : but Rimius (p. 258, 
259) defers till the year 1016 the discovery of the silver mines of 
Grubenhagen, or the Upper Hartz, which were productive in the be 
ginning of the xivth century, and which still yield a considerable 
revenue to the house of Brunswick 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 183 

Greeks as the most ancient and noble of the Teutonic name. 18 
After the death of this childish princess, Andronicus sought 
in marriage Jane, the sister of the count of Savoy ; 19 and his 
suit was preferred to that of the French king. 20 The count 
respected in his sister the superior majesty of a Roman 
empress : her retinue was composed of knights and ladies ; 
she was regenerated and crowned in St. Sophia, under the 
more orthodox appellation of Anne ; and, at the nuptial feast, 
the Greeks and Italians vied with each other in the martial 
exercises of tilts and tournaments. 

The empress Anne of Savoy survived her husband : their 
son, John Palseologus, was left an orphan and an emperor in 
the. ninth year of his age ; and his weakness was protected 
by the first and most deserving of the Greeks. The long and 
cordial friendship of his father for John Cantacuzene is alike 
honorable to the prince and the subject. It had been formed 
amidst the pleasures of their youth : their families were 
almost equally noble ; 21 and the recent lustre of the purple 
was amply compensated by the energy of a private education. 
We have seen that the young emperor was saved by Canta 
cuzene from the power of his grandfather; and, after six 
years of civil war, the same favorite brought him back in 
triumph to the palace of Constantinople. Under the reign of 
Andronicus the younger, the great domestic ruled the emperor 
and the empire ; and it was by his valor and conduct that the 
Isle of Lesbos and the principality of yEtolia were restored to 
their ancient allegiance. His enemies confess, that, among 

fa i .... , -..-_-.-. ... . i i _ -- - LJ, -- 

18 Cantacuzene has given a most honorable testimony, ^v $ IK 
2~"enuarMv uvii] ^vyaTJfg dovy.bg rri MJIQUVLOV^X, (the modern Greeks 
employ the TT for the ti, and the un for the /?, and the whole will read 
in the Italian idiom di Brunzuic,) -rot? naq avroig intwavtar^rov, xai 
J.auTC{>oTT]Ti nuvTag TOU? 6fiOtfvi<tVf Tntf)fiuJ.).ovTog TOV yivovs- The praise 
is just in itself, and pleasing to an English ear. 

19 Anne, or Jane, was one of the four daughters of Amedee thfc 
Great, by a second marriage, and half-sister of his successor Edward 
count of Savoy. (Anderson s Tables, p. 650. See Cantacuzene, (1. i. 
c. 4042.) 

2U That king, if the fact be true, must have been Charles the Fair, 
who in five years (13211326) was married to three wives, (Ander 
son, p. 628.) Anne of Savoy arrived at Constantinople in February, 
1326. 

21 The noble race of the Cantacuzeni (illustrious from the xith cen 
tury in the Byzantine annals) was drawn from the Paladins of France, 
the heroes of those romances which, in the xiiith century, were trans 
lated and read by the Greeks, (Ducange, Fam. Byzant. p. 258.) 



184 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

the public robbers, Cantacuzene alone was moderate and ab 
stemious ; and the free and voluntary account which he pro 
duces of his own wealth 22 may sustain the presumption that it 
was devolved by inheritance, and not accumulated by rapine. 
He does not indeed specify the value of his money, plate, and 
jewels ; yet, after a voluntary gift of two hundred vases of 
silver, after much had been secreted by his friends and plun 
dered by his foes, his forfeit treasures were sufficient for the 
equipment of a fleet of seventy galleys. He does not meas 
ure the size and number of his estates ; but his granaries 
were heaped with an incredible store of wheat and barley ; 
and the labor of a thousand yoke of oxen might cultivate, 
according to the practice of antiquity, about sixty-two thou 
sand live hundred acres of arable land. 23 His pastures were 
stocked with two thousand five hundred brood mares, two 
hundred camels, three hundred mules, five hundred asses, 
five thousand horned cattle, fifty thousand hogs, and seventy* 
thousand sheep : 24 a precious record of rural opulence, in 
the last period of the empire, and in a land, most probably in 
Thrace, so repeatedly wasted by foreign arid domestic hos 
tility. The favor of Cantacuzene was above his fortune. In 
the moments of familiarity, in the hour of sickness, the em 
peror was desirous to level the distance between them, and 
pressed his friend to accept the diadem and purple. The 
virtue of the great domestic, which is attested by his own pen, 
resisted the dangerous proposal ; but the last testament of 
Andronicus the younger named him the guardian of his son 
and the regent of the empire. 

Had the regent found a suitable return of obedience and 



22 See Cantacuzene, (l.-iii. c. 24, 30, 36.) 

23 Saserna, in Gaul, and Columella, in Italy or Spain, allow two 
yoke of oxen, two drivers, and six laborers, for two hundred jugera 
(125 English acres) of arable land, and three more men must be added 
if there be much underwood, (Columella de lie liustica, 1. ii. c. 13, p. 
441, edit. Gesner.) 

21 In this enumeration (1. iii. c. 30) the French translation of the 
president Cousin is blotted with three palpable and essential errors. 
1. He omits the 1000 yoke of working oxen. 2. He interprets the 
ntrruy.uamt 71^05 dm/i/.mic, by the number of fifteen hundred.* 3. 
He confounds myriads with chiliads, and gives Cantacuzene no more 
than 5000 hogs. Put not your trust in translations ! 



* There seems to be another reading, ^Xiai?. Tsiebuhr s edit, in loc. 
M. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIR . 185 

gratitude, perhaps he would have acted with pure and zealous 
fidelity in the service of his pupil. 25 A guard of five hundred 
soldiers watched ove-r his person and the palace ; the funeral 
of the late emperor was decently performed ; the capital was 
silent and submissive ; and five hundred letters, which Can- 
tacuzene despatched in the first month, informed the provinces 
of their loss and their duty. The prospect of a tranquil mi 
nority was blasted by the great duke or admiral Apocaucus ; 
and to exaggerate his perfidy, the Imperial historian is pleased 
to magnify his own imprudence, in raising him to that office 
against the advice of his more sagacious sovereign. Bold 
and subtle, rapacious and profuse, the avarice and ambition 
of Apocaucus were by turns subservient to each other ; and 
his talents were applied to the ruin of his country. His arro 
gance was heightened by the command of a naval force and 
an impregnable castle, and under the mask of oaths and 
flattery he secretly conspired against his benefactor. The 
female court of the empress was bribed and directed ; he en 
couraged Anne of Savoy to assert, by the law of nature, the 
tutelage of her son ; the love of power was disguised by 
the anxiety of maternal tenderness : and the founder of the 
Palseologi had instructed his posterity to dread the example 
of a perfidious guardian. The patriarch John of Apri was 
a proud and feeble old man, encompassed by a numerous and 
hungry kindred. He produced an obsolete epistle of An* 
dronicus, which bequeathed the prince and people to his 
pious care : the fate of his predecessor Arsenius prompted 
him to prevent, rather than punish, the crimes of a usurper; 
and Apocaucus smiled at the success of his own flattery, 
when he beheld the Byzantine priest assuming the state and 
temporal claims of the Roman pontiff. 26 Between three per 
sons so different in their situation and character, a private 
league was concluded : a shadow of authority was restored 
Co the senate ; and the people was tempted by the name of 

25 See the regency and reign of John Ca7itacuzenus, and the whole 
progress of the civil war, in his own history, (1. iii. c. 1 100, p. 348 
7 00.) and in that of Nicephorus Gregoras, (1. xii. c. 1 1. xv. c. 9, p. 
5 3 492.) 

26 He assumed the royal privilege of red shoes or buskins ; placed 
on his head a mitre of silk and gold ; subscribed his epistles with 
"hyacinth or green ink, and claimed for the new, whatever Constantino 
had given to the ancient, Home, (Cantacuzcn. 1. iii. c. 36. Nic. Gre- 
l. xiv. fl. 3.) 

16* 



186 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

freedom. By this powerful confederacy, the great domestic 
was assaulted at first with clandestine, at length with open, 
arms. His prerogatives were disputed ; his opinions slighted ; 
his friends persecuted ; and his safety was threatened both in 
the camp and city. In his absence on the public service, he 
was accused of ^treason; proscribed as an enemy of the 
church and state ; and delivered, with all his adherents, to 
the sword of justice, the vengeance of- the people, and the 
power of the devil ; his fortunes were confiscated ; his aged 
mother was cast into prison;* all his past services were 
buried in oblivion ; and he was driven by injustice to perpe 
trate the crime of which he was accused. 27 From the review 
of his preceding conduct, Cantacuzene appears to have been 
guiltless of any treasonable designs ; and the only suspicion 
of his innocence must arise from the vehemence of his protes 
tations, and the sublime purity which he ascribes to his own 
virtue. While the empress and the patriarch still affected 
the appearances of harmony, he repeatedly solicited the per 
mission of retiring to a private, and even a monastic, life. 
After he had been declared a public enemy, it was his fervent 
wish to throw himself at the feet of the young emperor, and 
to receive without a murmur the stroke of the executioner : 
it was not without reluctance that he listened to the voice of 
reason, which inculcated the sacred duty of saving his family 
and friends, and proved that he could only save them by 
drawing the sword and assuming the Imperial title. 

In the strong city of Demotica, his peculiar domain, the 
emperor John Cantacuzenus was invested with the purple 
buskins : his right leg was clothed by his noble kinsmen, the 
left by the Latin chiefs, on whom he conferred the order of 
knighthood. But even in this act of revolt, he was still 
studious of loyalty ; and the titles of John Paloeologus and 
Anne of Savoy were proclaimed before his own name and 
that of his wife Irene. Such vain ceremony is a thin dis- 

" 7 Nic. Gregoras (1. xii. c. 5) confesses the innocence and virtues of 
Cantacuzenus, the guilt and flagitious vices of Apocaucus ; nor does 
he dissemble the motive of his personal and religious enmity to the 
former; vvv tie dtu xuxiar uAAwr, at-uog 6 nouorurog rf t g ru>v o/wv 6<Jo|< 
itvui ,6o()ct$. f 



* She died there through persecution and neglect. M. 

f The aAXot were the religious enemies and persecutors of IXicephoru* 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 187 

guise of rebellion, nor are there perhaps any personal wrongs 
that can authorize a subject to take arms against his sov 
ereign : but the want of preparation and success may confirm 
the assurance of the usurper, that this decisive step was the 
effect of necessity rather than of choice. Constantinople 
adhrred to the young emperor ; the king of Bulgaria was 
invited to the relief of Adrianople : the principal cities of 
Thrace and Macedonia, after some hesitation, renounced their 
obedience to the great domestic ; and the leaders of the 
troops and provinces were induced, by their private interest, 
to prefer the loose dominion of a woman and a priest.* The 
army of Cantacuzene, in sixteen divisions, was stationed on 
the banks of the Melas to tempt or to intimidate the capital : 
it was dispersed by treachery or fear ; and the officers, more 
especially the mercenary .Latins, accepted the bribes, and 
embraced the service, of the Byzantine court. After this 
loss, the rebel emperor (he fluctuated between the two 
characters) took the road of Thessalonica with a chosen rem 
nant ; but he failed in his enterprise on that important place , 
and he was closely pursued by the great duke, his enemy 
Apocaucus, at the head of a superior power by sea and land. 
Driven from the coast, in his march, or rather flight, into the 
mountains of Servia, Cantacuzene assembled his troops to 
scrutinize those who were worthy and willing to accompany 
his broken foi tunes. A base majority bowed and retired ; 
and his trusty band was diminished to two thousand, and at 
last to fWe hundred, volunteers. The cral^ 8 or despot of the 
Servians, received him with general hospitality ; but the ally 
was insensibly degraded to a suppliant, a hostage, a captive : 

* 

The princes of Servia (Ducange, FamiL Dalmaticae, &c., c. 2, 3 
4, 9) were , styled Despots in Greek, and Oral in their native idiom 
(Ducange, Gloss. Grsec. p. 751.) That title, the equivalent of king 
appears to be of Sclavonic origin, from whence it has been borrowed 
by the Hungarians, the modern Greeks, and even by the Turks, 
(Leunclavius, Pandect. Turc. p. 422,) who reserve the name of 
Padishah for the emperor. To obtain the latter instead of the former 
is the ambition of the French at Constantinople, (Aversissement i 
1 IIisloirc de Timur Bee, p. 39.) 



* Cantacuzene asserts, that in all the cities, the populace were on. tht 
side of the emperor, the aristocracy on his. The populace took the op 
portunity of rising and plundering the wealthy as Cantacuzenites, vol. iii. 
c. 29. _ Ages of common oppression and ruin had not extinguished thest 
republican factions. M. 



188 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

and in this miserable dependence, he waited at the door of 
the Barbarian, who could dispose of the life and liberty of a 
Roman emperor. The most tempting offers could not per 
suade the cral to violate his trust ; but he soon inclined to the 
stronger side ; and his friend was dismissed without injury to 
a new vicissitude of hopes and perils. Near six years the 
flame of discord burnt with various success and unabated 
rage : the cities were distracted by the faction of the nobles 
and the plebeians ; the Cantacuzeni and Palseologi : and the 
Bulgarians, the Servians, and the Turks, were invoked on 
both sides as the instruments of private ambition and the 
common ruin. The regent deplored the calamities, of which 
he was the author and victim : and his own experience might 
dictate a just and lively remark on the different nature of 
foreign and civil war. " The former,"" said he, " is the ex 
ternal warmth of summer, always tolerable, and often bene 
ficial ; the latter is ihe deadly heat of a fever, which con 
sumes without a remedy the vitals of the constitution." 29 

The introduction of barbarians and savages into the con 
tests of civilized nations, is a measure pregnant with shame 
and mischief; which the interest of the moment may com 
pel, but which is reprobated by the best, principles of human 
ity and reason. It is the practice of both sides to accuse 
their enemies of the guilt of the first alliances ; and those 
who fail in their negotiations, are loudest in their censure 
of the example which they envy, and would gladly imitate. 
The Turks of Asia were less barbarous perhaps than the 
shepherds of Bulgaria and Servia ; but their religion rendered 
them implacable foes of Rome and Christianity. To acquire 
the friendship of their emirs, the two factions vied with each 
other in baseness and profusion: the dexterity of Cantacu- 
zene obtained the preference : but the succor a,nd victory 
were dearly purchased by the marriage of his daughter with 
an infidel, the captivity of many thousand Christians, and the 
passage of the Ottomans into Europe, the last and fatal stroke 
in the fall of the Roman empire. The inclining scale was 
decided in his favor by the death of Apocaucus, the just 
though singular retribution of his crimes. A crowd of nobles 
or plebeians, whom he feared or hated, had been seized by 
his orders in the capital and the provinces ; and the old pal- 

29 Nic. Gregoras, 1. xii. c. 14. It is surprising that Cantacuzeiie 
has not inserted this just and lively image in his own writings. 



OP THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 189 

ace of Constantine was assigned for the place of their con 
finement. Some alterations in raising the walls, and narrow 

O 7 

ing the cells, had been ingeniously contrived to prevent theii 
escape, and aggravate their misery ; and the work was inces 
santly pressed by the daily visits of the tyrant. His guards 
watched at the gate, and as he stood in the inner court to 
overlook the architects, without fear or suspicion, he was 
assaulted and laid breathless on the ground, by two * resolute 
prisoners of the Palrcblogian race, 30 who were armed with 
sticks, and animated by despair. On the rumor of revenge 
and liberty, the captive multitude broke their fetters, fortified 
their prison, and exposed from the battlements the tyrant s 
head, nresuming on the favor of the people and the clem 
ency of the empress. Anne of Savoy might rejoice in the 
fall of a haughty and ambitious minister, but while she 
delayed to resolve or to act, the populace, more especially 
(he mariners, were excited by the widow of the great duke 
to a sedition, an assault, and a massacre. The prisoners (of 
whom the far greater part were guiltless or inglorious of the 
deed) escaped to a neighboring church : they were slaugh 
tered at the foot of the altar ; and in his death the monster 
was not less bloody and venomous than in his life. Yet his 
talents alone upheld the cause of the young emperor ; and 
his surviving associates, suspicious of each other, abandoned 
me conduct of the war, and rejected the fairest terms of 
accommodation. In the beginning of the dispute, the 
empress felt, and complained, that she was deceived by the 
enemies of Cantacuzene : the patriarch was employed to 
oreach against the forgiveness of injuries ; and her promise 
of immortal hatred was sealed by an oath, under the penalty 
of excommunication. 31 But Anne soon learned to hate 
without a teacher : she beheld the misfortunes of the empire 
with the indifference of a stranger : her jealousy was exas- 

* - -_.._.._. i ._..__ .j_ . , , ^ 

30 The two avengers were both Palseologi, who might resent, with 
ryal indignation, the shame of their chains. The tragedy of Apo- 
caucus may deserve a peculiar reference to Cantacuzene (1. iii. c. 86) 
and Nic. Gregoras, (1. xiv. c. 10.) 

1 Cantacuzene accuses the patriarch, and spares the empress, the 
mother of his sovereign, (1. iii. 33, 34,) against whom Nic. Gregoraa 
expresses a particular animosity, (1. xiv. 10, 11, xv. 5.) ]t is true 
that they do not speak exactly of the same time. 



* Nicephorus says four, p. 734. 



190 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

perated by the competition of a rival empress ; and on the 
first symptoms of a more yielding temper, she threatened the 
patriarch to convene a synod, and degrade him from his 
office. Their incapacity and discord would have afforded 
the most decisive advantage ; but the civil war was protract 
ed by the weakness of both parties ; and the moderation of 
Oaniaeuzerie has not escaped the reproach of timidity and 
indolence. He successively recovered the provinces and 
cities ; and the realm of his pupil was measured by the 
walls of Constantinople ; but the metropolis alone counter 
balanced the rest of the empire ; nor could he attempt that 
important conquest till he had secured in his favor the public 
voice and a private correspondence. An Italian, of the name 
of Facciolati, 32 had succeeded to the office of great duke : 
the ships, the guards, and the golden gate, w^ere subject to his 
command ; but his humble ambition was bribed to become the 
instrument of treachery ; and the revolution was accomplished 
without danger or bloodshed. Destitute of the powers of 
resistance or the hope of relief, the inflexible Anne would 
have still defended the palace, and have smiled to behold 
the capital in flames, rather than in the possession of a rival. 
She yielded to the prayers of her friends and enemies ; and 
the treaty was dictated by the conqueror, who professed a 
loyal and zealous attachment to the son of his benefactor. 
The marriage of his daughter with John Palasologus was 
at length consummated : the hereditary right of the pupil 
was acknowledged ; but the sole administration during ten 
years was vested in the guardian. Two emperors and three 
empresses were seated on the Byzantine throne ; and a gen 
eral amnesty quieted the apprehensions, .and confirmed the 
property, of the most guilty subjects. The festival of the 
coronation and nuptials was celebrated with the appearances 
of concord and magnificence, and both were equally falla 
cious. During the late troubles, the treasures of the state, 
and even the furniture of the palace, had been alienated or 
embezzled ; the royal banquet was served in pewter or 
earthenware ; and such was the proud poverty of the times, 
that the absence of gold and jewels was supplied by the 
paltry artifices of glass and gilt-leather. 33 

32 The traitor and treason are revealed by Nic. Gregoras, (1. xv. c. 8 ;) 
Lut the name is more discreetly suppressed by his great accomplice, 
(Cantacuzen. 1. iii. c. 99.) 

33 Nic. Greg. 1. xv. 11. There were, however, some true pearls, but 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 191 

I hasten to conclude the personal history of John Canta- 
cuzene. 34 He triumphed and reigned; but his reign and 
triumph were clouded by the discontent of his own and the 
adverse faction. His followers might style the general am 
nesty an act of pardon for his enemies, arid of oblivion for 
his friends : 35 in his cause their estates had been forfeited or 
plundered ; and as they wandered naked and hungry through 
the streets, they cursed the selfish, generosity of a leader, 
who, on the throne of the empire, might relinquish without 
merit his private inheritance. The adherents of the empress 
blushed to hold their lives and fortunes by the precarious 
favor of a usurper ; and the thirst of revenge was concealed 
bv a tender concern for the succession, and even the safety, 

> */ * 

of her son. They were justly alarmed by a petition of the 
friends of Cantacuzene, that they might be released from their 
oath of allegiance to the PalaDologi, and intrusted with the 
defence of some cautionary towns ; a measure supported with 
argument and eloquence ; and which was rejected (says the Im 
perial historian) ;t by my sublime, and almost incredible virtue." 
His repose was disturbed by the sound of plots and seditions ; 
and he trembled lest the lawful prince should be stolen away 
by some foreign or domestic enemy, who would inscribe his 
name and his wrongs in the banners of rebellion. As the son 
of Andronicus advanced in the years of manhood, he began to 
feel and to act for himself; and his rising ambition was rather 
stimulated than checked by the imitation of his father s vices. 
If we may trust his own professions, Cantacuzene labored with 
honest industry to correct these sordid- and sensual appetites, 
and to raise the mind of the young prince to a level with his 
fortune. In the Servian expedition, the two emperors showed 
themselves in cordial harmony to the troops and provinces ; 



very thinly sprinkled. The rest of the stones had only 
XQOI UV 7i(><)g TO Stuvytg, 

34 From liis return to Constantinople, Catactizene continues his his 
tory and that of the empire, one year beyond the abdication of his 
son Matthew, A. D. 1357, (1. iv. c. 1 50, p. 705r-911.) Nicephorus 
(jregoras ends with the synod of Constantinople, in the year 1351, 
(1. xxii. c. 3, p. 630 ; the rest, to the conclusion of the xxivth book, 
p. 71-7, is all controversy;) and his fourteen last books are still MSS. 
in the king of Prance s library. 

The emperor (Cantacuzen, 1. iv. c. 1) represents his own virtues, 
and Nic. Gregoras (1. xv. c. 11) the complaints of his friends, who 
suffered by its effects. I have lent them the words of our poor cava 
liers after the llestoration. 



192 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

and the younger colleague was initiated by the elder in the 
rnvsteries of war and government. After the conclusion of 
the peace, Palaeologus was left at Thessalonica, a royal resi 
dence, und a frontier station, to secure by his absence the 
peace of Constantinople, and to withdraw his youth from the 
temptations of a luxurious capital. But the distance weak 
ened the powers of control, and the son of Andronicus was 
surrounded with artful or unthinking companions, who taught 
him to hate his guardian, to deplore his exile, and to vindi 
cate his rights. A private treaty with the oral or despot of 
Servia was soon followed by an open revolt ; and Cantacu- 
zene, on the throne of the elder Andronicus, defended the 
cause of age and prerogative, which in his youth he had so 
vigorously attacked. At his request the empress-mother 
undertook the voyage of Thessalonica, and the office of me 
diation : she returned without success ; and unless Anne of 
Savoy was instructed by adversity, we may doubt the sincer 
ity, or at least the fervor, of her zeal. While the regent 
grasped the sceptre with a firm and vigorous hand, she had 
been instructed to declare, that the ten years of his legal 
administration would soon elapse ; and that, after a full trial 
of the vanity of the world, the emperor Cantacuzene sighed 
for the repose of a cloister, and was ambitious only of a 
heavenly crown. Had these sentiments been genuine, his 
voluntary abdication would have restored the peace of the 
empire, and his conscience -would have been relieved by an 
act of justice. Palaeologus alone was responsible for his fu 
ture government ; and whatever might be his vices, they were 
surely less formidable than the calamities of a civil war, in 
which the Barbarians and infidels were again invited to assist 
the Greeks in their mutual destruction. By the arms of the 
Turks, who now struck a deep and everlasting root in Europe, 
Cantacuzene prevailed in the third contest in which he had 
been involved ; and the young emperor, driven from the sea 
ami land, was compelled to take shelter among the Latins of 
the Isle of Tenedos. His insolence and obstinacy provoked 
the victor to a step which must render the quarrel irrecon 
cilable ; and the association of his son Matthew, whom he 
invested with the purple, established the succession in the 
family of the Cantacuzeni. But Constantinople was still at 
tached to the blood of her ancient princes ; and this last injury 
accelerated the restoration of the rightful heir. A noble Gen- 
*se espoused the cause of Palffiblogus, obtained a promise 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE, 

of his sister, and achieved the revolution with two galleys and 
two thousand five hundred auxiliaries. Under the pretence 
of distress, they were admitted into the lesser port ; a gate 
was opened, and the Latin shout of, " Long life and victory 
to the emperor, John Palseologtis ! " was answered by a gen 
eral rising in his favor. A numerous and loyal party yet 
adhered to the standard of Cantacuzene : but he asserts in his 
history (does he hope for belief?) that his tender conscience 
rejected the assurance of conquest ; that, in free obedience to 
the voice of religion and philosophy, he descended from the 
throne, and embraced with pleasure the monastic habit and 
profession. 36 So soon as he ceased to be a prince, his suc 
cessor was not unwilling that he should be a saint : the re 
mainder of his life was devoted to piety and learning; in the 
cells of Constantinople and Mount Athos, the monk Joasaph 
was respected as the temporal and spiritual father of the 
emperor; and if he issued from his retreat, it was as the 
minister of peace, to subdue the obstinacy, and solicit the 
pardon, of his rebellious son. 37 

Yet in the cloister, the mind of Cantacuzene was still exer 
cised by theological war. He sharpened a controversial pen 
against the Jews and Mahometans ; 38 and in every state he 
defended with equal zeal the divine light of Mount Thabor, a 
memorable question which consummates the religious follies 
of the Greeks. The fakirs of India, 39 and the monks of the 
Oriental church, were alike persuaded, that in total abstrac 



36 The awkward apology of Catacuzene, (1. iv. c. 39 42,) who 
relates, with visible confusion, his own downfall, may be supplied 
by the less accurate, but more honest, narratives of Matthew Villani 
(1. iv. c. 43, in the Script. Ilerum. Ital. torn. xiv. p. 268) arid Ducas, 
(c. 10, 11.) 

37 Cantacuzene, in the year 1375, was honored with a letter from 
the pope, (Fleury, Hist. Eccles. torn. xx. p. 250.) His death is placed 
by a respectable authority on the 20th of November, 1411, (Ducange, 
Fam. Byzant. p. 260.) But if he were of the age of his companion 
Andronicus the Younger, he must have lived 116 years; a rare in 
stance of longevity, which in so illustrious a person would have 
attracted universal notice. 

3d His four discourses, or books, were printed at Basil, 1543, (Fabric. 
Bibliot. Grace, torn. vi. p. 473.) He composed them to satisfy a prose 
lyte who was assaulted with letters from his friends of Ispahan. Can 
tacuzene had read the Koran :.but I understand from Maracci, that 
he adopts the vulgar prejudices and fables against Mahomet and Mi 
religion. 

39 See the Voyages de Bernier, torn. i. p. 127. 
VOL. VI. 17 



194 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

lion of the faculties of the mind and body, the purer spirit 
may ascend to the enjoyment and vision of the Deity. The 
opinion and practice of the monasteries of Mount Athos 40 
will be best represented in the words of an abbot, who flour 
ished in the eleventh century. " When thou art alone in thy 
cell," says the ascetic teacher, " shut thy door, and seat thy 
self in a corner: raise thy mind above all things vain and 
transitory ; recline thy beard and chin on thy breast ; turn 
thy eyes and thy thought towards the middle of thy belly, the 
region of the navel ; and search the place of the heart, the 
seat of the soul. At iirst, all will be dark and comfortless ; 
but if you persevere day and night, you will feel an ineffable 
joy ; and no sooner has the soul discovered the place of the 
heart, than it is involved in a mystic and ethereal light." 
This light, the production of a distempered fancy, the crea 
ture of an empty stomach and an empty brain, was adored 
by the Quietists as the pure and perfect essence of God him 
self; and as long as the folly was confined to Mount Athos, 
the simple solitaries were not inquisitive how the divine 
essence could be a material substance, or how an immaterial 
substance could be perceived by the eyes of the body. But 
in the reign of the younger Andronicus, these monasteries 
were visited by Barlaam, 41 a Calabrian monk, who was 
equally skilled in philosophy and theology ; who possessed 
the languages of the Greeks and Latins ; and whose versatile 
genius could maintain their, opposite creeds, according to the 
interest of the moment. The indiscretion of an ascetic re 
vealed to the curious traveller the secrets of mental prayer ; 
and Barlaam embraced the opportunity of ridiculing the Qui 
etists, who placed the soul in the navel ; of accusing the 
monks of Mount Athos of heresy and blasphemy. His at 
tack compelled the more learned to renounce or dissemble 
the simple devotion of their brethren ; and Gregory Palamas 
introduced a scholastic distinction between the essence and 
operation of God. His inaccessible essence dwells in the 



4J Mosheim, Institut. Hist. Ecclos. p. 522, 523. Fleury, Hist 
Eccles. torn. xx. p. 22, 24, 107 114, &c. The former unfolds the 
causes with the judgment of a philosopher, the latter transcribes and 
translates with the prejudices of a Catholic priest. 

41 Basnage (in Canisii Antiq. Lectiones, torn. iv. p. 363 368) has in 
vestigated the character and story of Barlaam. The duplicity of his 
opinions had inspired some doubts of the identity of his person. Sea 
likewise Fabricixis, (Bibliot. Grace, torn. x. p. 427 432.) 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 191 

midst of an uncreated and eternal light ; and this beatific 
vision of the saints had been manifested to the disciples on 
Mount Thabor, in the transfiguration of Christ. Yet this dis 
tinction could not escape the reproach of polytheism ; the 
eternity of the light of Thabor was fiercely denied ; and Bar- 
laam still charged the Palamites with holding two eternal 
substances, a visible and an invisible God. From the rage 
of the monks of Mount Athos, who threatened his life, the 
Calabrian retired to Constantinople, where his smooth and 
specious manners introduced him to the favor of the great 
domestic and the emperor. The court and the city were in 
volved in this theological dispute, which flamed amidst the 
civil war ; but the doctrine of Barlaam was disgraced by his 
flight and apostasy : the Palamites triumphed ; and their ad 
versary, the patriarch John of Apri, was deposed by the con 
sent of the adverse factions of the state. In the character of 
emperor and theologian, Cantacuzene presided in the synod 
of the Greek church, which established, as an article of faith, 
the uncreated light of Mount Thabor ; and, after so many 
insults, the reason of mankind was slightly wounded by the 
addition of a single absurdity. Many rolls of paper or parch 
ment have been blotted ; and the impenitent sectaries, who 
refused to subscribe the orthodox creed, were deprived of the 
honors of Christian burial ; but in the next age the question 
was forgotten ; nor can I learn that the axe or the fagot were 
employed for the extirpation of the Baiiaamite heresy. 42 

For the conclusion of this chapter, I have reserved the 
Genoese war, which shook the throne of Cantacuzene, and 
betrayed the debility of the Greek empire. The Genoese, 
who, after the recovery of Constantinople, were seated in the 
suburb of Pera or Galata, received that honorable fief from 
the bounty of the emperor. They were indulged in the use 
of their laws and magistrates ; but they submitted to the 
duties of vassals and subjects : the forcible word of liegemen 43 



42 See Cantacuzene (1. ii. c. 39, -10, 1. iv. c. 3, 23, 24, 25) and Nic. 
Gregoras, (1. xi. c. 10, 1. xv. 3, 7, &c.,) whoso last books, from tho 
xixth to the xxivth, are almost confined to a subject so interesting to 
the authors. Boivin, (in Vit. Nic. Grcgoroe,) from the unpublished 
books, and Fabricius, (Bibliot. Greec. torn. x. p. 462173,) or rather 
Montfaucon, from the MSS. of the Coislin library, have added somo 
facts and documents. 

43 Pachymer (1. v. c. 10) very properly explains AI :IOV? (lifjios) by 
Wove. The use of these words in the Greek and Latin of the feudal 



196 THE DECLINE AND FALt 

was borrowed from the Latin jurisprudence ; and their podesla 
or chief, before he entered on his office, saluted the emperor 
with loyal acclamations and vows of fidelity. Genoa sealed 
a firm alliance with the Greeks ; and, in case of a defensive 
war, a supply of fifty empty galleys and a succor of fifty 
galleys, . completely armed" and manned, was promised 
by the republic to the empire. In the revival of a naval 
force, it was the aim of Michael Palseologus to deliver him 
self from a foreign aid ; and his vigorous government con 
tained the Genoese of Galata within those limits which the 
insolence of wealth and freedom provoked them to exceed. 
A. sailor threatened that they should soon be masters of Con 
stantinople, and slew the Greek who resented this national 
affront; and an armed vessel, after refusing to salute the 
palace, was guilty of some acts of piracy in the Black Sea. 
Their countrymen threatened to support their cause ; but the 
long and open village of Galata was instantly surrounded by 
the Imperial troops ; till, in the moment of the assault, the 
prostrate Genoese implored the clemency of their sovereign. 
The defenceless situation which secured their obedience 
exposed them to the attack of their Venetian rivals, who, m 
the reign of the elder Andronicus, presumed to violate the 
majesty of the throne. On the approach of their fleets, the 
Genoese, with their families and effects, retired into the city : 
their empty habitations were reduced to ashes ; and the feeble 
prince, who had viewed the destruction of his suburb, ex 
pressed his resentment, not by arms, but by ambassadors. 
This misfortune, however, was advantageous to the Genoese, 
who obtained, and imperceptibly abused, the dangerous li 
cense of surrounding Galata with a strong wall ; of introducing 
into the ditch the waters of the sea ; of erecting lofty turrets ; 
and of mounting a train of military engines on the rampart. 
The narrow bounds in which they had been circumscribed 
were insufficient for the growing colony ; each day they 
acquired some addition of landed property; and the adjacent 
hills were covered with their villas and castles, which they 
joined and protected by new fortifications. ^ The navigation 



times may be amply understood from the Glossaries of Ducange, 
(Grace, p. 811. 812. Latin, torn. iv. p. 109111.) 

V _. A 1 * 4-V, n II 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 

and trade of the Euxine was the patrimony of the Greek 
emperors, who commanded the narrow entrance, the gates^ 
as it were, of that inland sea. In the reign of Michael False- 
ologus, their prerogative was acknowledged by the sultan of 
Egypt, who solicited and obtained the liberty of sending an 
annual ship for the purchase of slaves in Circassia and the 
Lesser Tartary : a liberty pregnant with mischief to the 
Christian cause ; since these youths were transformed by 
education and discipline into the formidable Mamalukes. 45 
From the colony of Pera, the Genoese engaged with superior 
advantage in the lucrative trade of the Black Sea ; and their 
industry supplied the Greeks witn fish and corn; two articles 
of food almost equally important to a superstitious people. 
The spontaneous bounty of nature appears to have bestowed 
the harvests of the Ukraine, the produce of a rude and sav 
age husbandry ; and the endless exportation of salt fish and 
caviare is annually renewed by the enormous sturgeons that 
are caught at the mouth of the Don or Tanais, in their last 
station of the rich rnud and shallow water of the Maeotis. 45 
The waters of the Oxus, the Caspian, the Volga, and the 
Don, opened a rare and laborious passage for the gems and 
spices of India ; and after three months march the caravans 
of Carizme met the Italian vessels in the harbors of Crimasa. 47 
These various branches of trade were monopolized by the 
diligence and power of the Genoese. Their rivals of Venice 
and Pisa were forcibly expelled ; the natives were awed by 
the castles and cities, which arose on the foundations of their 



1. xii. 6, 9,) Nicephorus Gregoras, (1. v. c. 4, 1. vi. c. 11, 1. ix. c. 5, 1. 
ix. c. 1, 1. xv. c. 1, 6,) and Cantacuzene, (1. i. c. 12, 1. ii. c. 29, &c.) 

45 Both Pachymer (1. iii. c. 3, 4, 5) and Nic. Greg. (1. iv. c. 7) under 
stand and deplore the eft ects of this dangerous indulgence. Bibars, 
sultan of Egypt, himself a Tartar, but a devout Mussulman, obtained 
from the children of Zingis the permission to build a stately mosque 
in the capital of Crimea, (De Guignes, Hist, des Huns, * torn. iii. 
p. 343.) 

46 Chardin (Voyages en Perse, torn. i. p. 48) was assured at Caffa, 
that these fishes were sometimes twenty-four or twenty-six feet long, 
weighed eight or nine hundred pounds, and yielded three or four 
quintals of caviare. The corn of the .Bosphorus had supplied the 
Athenians in the time of Demosthenes. 

47 De Guignes, Hist, des Huns, torn. iii. p. 343, 314. Viaggi di 
Jlamusio, torn. i. fol. 400. But this land or water carriage could only 
be practicable when. Tartary was united under a wise and powerful 
monarch. 

17* 



198 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

humble factories ; and their principal establishment of Caffa 4 
was besieged without effect by the Tartar powers. Destitute 
of a navy, the Greeks were oppressed by these haughty mer 
chants, who fed, or famished. Constantinople, according to 
their interest. They proceeded to usurp the customs, the 
fishery, and even the toll, of the Bosphorus ; and while they 
derived from these objects a revenue of two hundred thousand 
pieces of gold, a remnant of thirty thousand was reluctantly 
allowed to the emperor. 49 The colony of Pera or Galata 
acted, in peace and war, as an independent state ; and, as 
will happen in distant settlements, the Genoese podesta too 
often forgot that he was the servant of his own masters. 

These usurpations were encouraged by the weakness of 
the elder Andronicus, and by the civil wars that afflicted his 
age and the minority of his grandson. The talents of 
cuzene were employed to the ruin, rather than the restora- 
tion, of the empire ; and after his domestic victory, he was 
condemned to an ignominious trial, whether the Greeks or 
the Genoese should reign in Constantinople. The merchants 
of Pera were offended by his refusal of some contiguous 
lands, some commanding heights, which they propoi 
cover with new fortifications ; and in the absence of 
peror, who was detained at Demotica by sickness, they ven 
tured to brave the debility of a female reign. A Byzantine 
vessel, which had presumed to fish at the mouth of the harbor, 
was sunk by these audacious strangers ; the fishermen were 
murdered. Instead of suing for pardon, the Genoese 
manded satisfaction; required, in a haughty strain, that 
Greeks should renounce the exercise of navigation; and 
encountered with regular arms the first sallies of the popular 
indignation. They instantly occupied the debatable land ; 
and by the labor of a whole people, of either sex and of 
every age, the wall was raised, and the ditch was sunk, witl 
incredible speed. At the same time, they attacked and burnt 
two Byzantine galleys ; while the three others, the remainder 
of the Imperial navy, -escaped from their hands : the habita 
tions without the gates,_or along the shore, were pillaged and 

Nic Grezoras (1. xiii. c. 12) is judicious and well informed on 
the trade and colonies of the Black Sea. Chardin dcscnbes th e pres 
ent, ruins of Caffa, where, in forty days, he saw above 40 ) sail em 
ployed in the corn and fish trade, (\oyages en Perse, torn. i. p. 



-48.) 
49 See Nic. Gregoras, 1. xvu. c. I. 



F THE ROMAN EM?. RE. 

destroyed ; and the care of the regent, of the empress Irene, 
\vas confined to the preservation of the city. The return of 
Cantacuzene dispelled the public consternation : the emperor 
inclined to peace ful counsels ; but he yielded to the obstinacy 
of his enemies, who rejected all reasonable terms, and to the 
ardor of his subjects, who threatened, in the style of Scrip 
ture, to break them in pieces like a potter s vessel. Yet they 
reluctantly paid the taxes, that he imposed for the construc 
tion of ships, and the expenses of the war ; and as the two 
nations were masters, the one of the land, the other of the 
sea, Constantinople and Pera were pressed by the evils of a 
mutual siege. The merchants of the colony, who had be 
lieved that a few days would terminate the war, already 
murmured at their losses : the succors from their mother- 
country were delayed by the factions of Genoa ; and the 
most cautious embraced tlie opportunity of a Rhodian vessel 
to remove their families and effects from the scene of hostility. 
In the spring, the Byzantine fleet, seven galleys and a train 
of smaller vessels, issued from the mouth of the harbor, and 
steered in a single line along the shore of Pera ; unskilfully 
presenting their sides to the beaks of the adverse squadron. 
The crews were composed of peasants and mechanics ; nor 
was their ignorance compensated by the native courage of 
Barbarians : the wind was strong, the waves were rough ; 
and no sooner did the Greeks perceive a distant and inactive 
enemy, than they leaped headlong into the sea, from a 
doubtful, to an inevitable, peril. The troops that marched to 
the attack of the lines of Pera were struck at the same mo 
ment with a similar panic ; and the Genoese were astonished, 
and almost ashamed, at their double victory. Their trium 
phant vessels, crowned with flowers, and dragging after them 
the captive galleys, repeatedly passed and repassed before the 
palace : the only virtue of the emperor was patience ; and the 
hope of revenge his sole consolation. Yet the distress of 
both parties interposed a temporary agreement; and the 
shame of the empire was disguised by a thin veil of dignity 
and power. Summoning the chiefs of the colony, Cantacu 
zene affected to despise the trivial object of the debate ; and, 
after a mild reproof, most liberally granted the lands, which 
had been previously resigned to the seeming custody of hit: 
officers. 50 

J The events of this wax are related by Cantacuzene (t iv. c. ID 



THE DECLINE AIVD FALL 



But the emperor was soon solicited to violate the treaty, 
and to join his arms with the Venetians, the perpetual enemies 
of Genoa and her colonies. While he compared the reasons 
of peace and war, his moderation was provoked by a wanton 
insult of the inhabitants of Pera, who discharged from their 
rampart a large stone that fell in the midst of Constantinople, 
On his just complaint, they coldly blamed the imprudence of 
their engineer ; but the next day the insult Was repeated ; and 
they exulted in a second proof that the royal city was riot 
beyond the reach of their artillery. Cantacuzene instantly 
signed his treaty with the Venetians ; but the weight of the 
Roman empire was scarcely felt in the balance of these 
opulent and powerful republics. 51 From the Straits of Gib 
raltar to the mouth of the Tanais, their fleets encountered 
each other with various success ; and a memorable battle was 
fought in the narrow sea, under the walls of Constantinople. 
It would not be an easy task to reconcile the accounts of the 
Greeks, the Venetians, and the Genoese -, 52 and while I depend 
on the narrative of an impartial historian, 53 I shall borrow 
from each nation the facts that redound to their own disgrace, 
and the honor of their foes. The Venetians, with their allies 
the Catalans, had the advantage of number ; and their fleet, 
with the poor addition of eight Byzantine galleys, amounted 
to seventy-five sail : the Genoese did not exceed sixty-four ; 
but in those times their ships of war were distinguished by the 

-with obscurity and confusion, and by Nic. Gregoras (1. xvii. c. 1 7) 
in a clear and honest narrative. The priest was less responsible than 
the prince for the defeat of the fleet. 

&1 The second war is darkly told by Cantacuzene, (1. iv. c. 18, p. 
24, 25, 2832,) who wishes to disguise what he dares not deny. I 
regret this part of Nic. Gregoras, which is still in MS. at Paris.* 

53 Muratori (Aimali d Italia, torn. xii. p. 144) refers to the most 
ancient Chronicles of Venice (Caresinus, the continuator of Andrew 
Dandulus, torn. xii. p. 421, 422) and Genoa, (George Stella, Annales 
Genuenses, torn. xvii. p. 1091, 1092 ;) both which I have diligently 
consulted in his great Collection of the Historians of Italy. 

53 See the Chronicle of Matteo Villani of Florence, 1. ii. c. 59, 60, 
p. 145147, c. 74, 75, p. 156, 157, in Muratori s Collection, torn. xiv. 

* This part of Nicephorus Gregoras has not been printed in the neyr 
edition of the Byzantine Historians. The editor expresses a hope that it 
may be undertaken by Hase. I should join in the regret of Gibbon, if 
these books contain any historical information : if they are but a continu 
ation of the controversies which fill the last books in our present copies, 
lh.ey may as well sleep their eternal sleep in MS. as in print. M. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 201 

superiority of their size and strength. The names and families 
of their naval commanders, Pisani and Doria, are illustrious 
in the annals of their country ; but the personal merit of the 
former was eclipsed by the fame and abilities of his rival. 
They engaged in tempestuous weather ; and the tumultuary 
conflict was continued from the dawn to the extinction of 
light. The enemies of the Genoese applaud their prowess ; 
the friends of the Venetians are dissatisfied with their behavior; 
but all parties agree in praising the skill and boldness of the 
Catalans,* who, with many wounds, sustained the brunt of the 
action. On the separation of the fleets, the event might 
appear doubtful ; but the thirteen Genoese galleys, that had 
been sunk or taken, were compensated by a double loss of the 
allies ; of fourteen Venetians, ten Catalans, and two Greeks ; t 
and even the grief of the conquerors expressed the assurance 
and habit of more decisive victories. Pisani confessed his 
defeat, by retiring into a fortified harbor, from whence, under 
the pretext of the orders of the senate, he steered with a 
broken and flying squadron for the Isle of Candia, and aban 
doned to his rivals the sovereignty of the sea. In a public 
epistle, 54 addressed to the. doge and senate, Petrarch employs 
his. eloquence to reconcile the maritime powers, the two 
luminaries of Italy. The orator celebrates the valor and 
victory of the Genoese, the first of men in the exercise of 
naval war: he drops a tear on the misfortunes of their Vene 
tian brethren ; but he exhorts them to pursue with fire and 
sword the base and perfidious Greeks ; to purge the metropolis 
of the East from the heresy with which it was infected. 
Deserted by their friends, the Greeks were incapable of resist 
ance ; and three months after the battle, the emperor Canta- 

64 The Abbe do Sacle (Memoires sur la Vie de Petrarque, torn. iii. 
p. 257 263) translates this letter, which he copied from a MS. in the 
king of France s library. Though a servant of the duke of Milan, 
Petrarch pours forth his astonishment and grief at the defeat and 
despair of the Genoese in the following year, (p. 323 332.) 

* Cantacuzene praises their bravery, but imputes their losses to their 
ignorance of the seas : they suffered more by the breakers than by the 
enemy, vol. iii. p. 224. M. 

t Cantacuzene says that the Genoese lost twenty-eight ships with their 
crews, aiiruvSpoi ; the Venetians and Catalans sixteen, "the Imperials, none. 
Cantacuzene accuses Pisani of cowardice, in not following up the victory, 
and destroying the Genoese. But Pisani s conduct, and indeed Cantacu- 
zene s account of the battle, betray the superiority of the Genoese. M 



202 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

cuzene solicited and subscribed a treaty, which forever 
banished the Venetians and Catalans, and granted to the 
Genoese a monopoly of trade, and almost a right of dominion. 
The Roman empire (I smile in transcribing the name) might 
soon have sunk into a province of Genoa, if the ambition of 
the republic had not been checked by the ruin of her freedom 
and naval power. A long contest of one hundred and thirty 
years was determined by the triumph of Venice ; and the 
factions of the Genoese compelled them to seek for domestic 
peace under the protection of a foreign lord, the duke of 
Milan, or the French king. Yet the spirit of commerce sur 
vived that of conquest ; and the colony of Pera still awed the 
capital and navigated the Euxine, till it was involved by the 
Turks in the final servitude of Constantinople itself. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 203 



CHAPTER LXIV. 

CONQUESTS OF ZING-IS KHAN AND THE MOGULS FROM . "1NA TO 

POLAND. ESCAPE OF CONSTANTINOPLE AND THJb jREEKii. 

ORIGIN OF THE OTTOMAN TURKS IN BITHYNIA. - -REIGIW 

AND VICTORIES OF OTHMAN, ORCHAN, AMURATH TkE FIRSi, 
AND BAJAZET THE FIRST. -FOUNDATION AND PROGRESS Of 

THE TURKISH MONARCHY IN ASIA AND EUROPE, DANGn-ix 

OF CONSTANTINOPLE AND THE GREEK EMPIRE. 

FROM the petty quarrels of a city and her suburbs, from th<j 
cowardice and discord of the failing Greeks, I shall now 
ascend to the victorious Turks ; whose domestic slavery was 
ennobled by*nartial discipline, religious enthusiasm, and tne 
energy of the national character. The rise and progress of 
the Ottomans, the present sovereigns of Constantinople, are 
connected with the most important scenes of modern history ; 
but they are founded on a previous knowledge of the great 
eruption of the Moguls* and Tartars; whose rapid conquests 
may be compared with the primitive convulsions of nature, 
which have agitated and altered the surface of the globe. I 
have long since asserted my claim to introduce the nations, 
the immediate or remote authors of the fall of the Roman 
empire ; nor can I refuse myself to those events, which, from 
their uncommon magnitude, will interest- a philosophic mind 
in the history of blood. 1 

From the spacious highlands between China, Siberia, and 
the Caspian Sea, the tide of emigration and war has repeatedly 
been poured. These ancient seats of the Huns and Turks 



1 The reader is invited to review chapters xxii. to xxvi., and xxiii. 
to xxxviii., the manners of pastoral nations, the conquests of Attila 
and the Huns, which were composed at a time when I entertained the 
wish, rather than the hope, of concluding my history. 



* Mongol seems to approach the nearest to the proper name of this 
race. The Chinese call them Mong-kou ; the Mondchoux, their neighbors, 
Monggo or Monggoit. They called themselves also Beda. This fact 
seems to have been proved by M. Schmidt against the French Orientalists, 
ore De Brosset, Note on Le Beau, torn. xxii. p. 402. 



204 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

were occupied in the twelfth century by many pastoral tribes, 
of the same descent and similar manners, which were united 
and led to conquest by the formidable Zingis.* In his ascent 
to greatness, that Barbarian (whose private appellation was 
Temugin) had trampled on the necks of his equals. His birth 
was noble ; but it was in the pride of victory, that the prince 
or peaple deduced his seventh ancestor from the immaculate 
conception of a virgin. His father had reigned over thirteen 
hordes, which composed about thirty or forty thousand families : 
above two thirds refused to pay tithes or obedience to his 
infant son ; and at the age of thirteen, Temugin fought a battle 
against his rebellious subjects. The future conqueror of Asia 
was reduced to fly and to obey; but he rose superior to. his 
fortune, and in his fortieth year he had established his fame 
and dominion over the circumjacent tribes. In a state of 
society, in which policy is rude and valor is universal, the 
ascendant of one man must be founded on his power and 
resolution to punish his enemies and recompense his friends. 
His first military league was ratified by the simple rites of 
sacrificing a horse and tasting of a running stream : Temugin 
pledged himself to divide with his followers the sweets and 
the bitters of life ; and when he had shared among them his 
horses and apparel, he was rich in their gratitude and his own 
hopes. After his first victory, he placed seventy caldrons on 
the fire, and seventy 6f the most guilty rebels were cast head 
long into the boiling water. The sphere of his attraction was 
continually enlarged by the ruin of the proud and the sub 
mission of the prudent ; and the boldest chieftains might 
tremble, when they beheld, enchased in silver, the skull of the 
khan of the Keraites; 2 who, under the name of Prester John, 
had corresponded with the Rorrmn pontiff and the princes of 
Europe. The ambition of Temugin condescended to employ 
the arts of superstition ; and it was from a naked prophet, 

2 The khans of the Karaites were most probably incapable of read 
ing the pompous epistles composed in their name by the Nestorian 
missionaries, who endowed them with the fabulous wonders of an 
Indian kingdom. Perhaps these Tartars (the Presbyter or Priest 
John) had submitted to the rites of baptism and ordination, (Asseman.- 
Bibliot. Orient, torn. iii. p. ii. p. 487 503.) 

* On the traditions of the early life of Zingis, see D Ohson, Hist, dea 
Mongols ; Histoire dcs Mongols, Paris, 1824. Schmidt, Geschichte dor 
Ost-Mongolen, p. 66, &c., and. Notes. M. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 205 

who could ascend to heaven on a white horse, that he accepted 
the title of Zingis, 3 the most great ; and a divine right to the 
conquest and dominion of the earth. In a general couroultai, 
or diet, he was seated on a felt, which was long afterwards 
revered .as a relic, and solemnly proclaimed great khari, or 
emperor, of the Moguls 4 and Tartars. 5 Of these kindred, 
though rival, names, the former had given birth to the impe 
rial race ; and the latter has been extended by accident or 
error over the spacious wilderness of the north. 

The code of laws which Zingis dictated to his subjects was 
adapted to the preservation of domestic peace, and the exer 
cise of foreign hostility. The punishment of death was in 
flicted on the crimes of adultery, murder, perjury, and the 
capital thefts of a horse or ox ; and the fiercest of men were 
mild and just in their intercourse with each other. The fu 
ture election of the great khan was vested in the princes of 
his family and the heads of the tribes ; and the regulations 
of the chas were essential to the pleasures and plenty of a 
Tartar camp. The victorious nation was held sacred from 
all servile labors, which were abandoned to slaves and stran 
gers ; and every labor was servile except the profession of 

1 Since the history and tragedy of Voltaire, Gengis, at least in 
French, seems to be the more fashionable spelling ; but Abulghazi 
Khan must have known the true name of his ancestor. His ety- 

w 

mology appears just : Zin, in the Mogul tongue, signifies great, and 
gis is the superlative termination, (Hist. Genealogique des Tatars, 
part. iii. p. 194, 195.) From the same idea of magnitude, the appella 
tion of Zingis is bestowed on the ocean. 

4 The name of Moguls has prevailed among the Orientals, and still 
adheres to the titular sovereign, the Great Mogul of Hindostan,* 

5 The Tartars (more properly Tatars) were descended from Tatar 
Khan, the brother of Mogul Khan, (see Abulghazi, part i. and ii.,) 
and once formed a horde of 70,000 families on the borders of Kitay, 
(p. 103112.) In the great invasion of Europe (A. D. 1238) they 
seem to have led the vanguard ; and the similitude of the name of 
Tartarci, recommended that of Tartars to the Latins, (Matt Paris, 
p. 398, &c.)f 

* M. Ilcmusat (sur les Langues Tart-ares, p. 233) justly observes, that 
Timour was a Turk, not a Mogul, and, p. 2i2, that probably there was not 
a Mogul in the army of Baber, who established the Indian throne of the 
" Great Mogul." M. 

t This relationship, according to M. Klaproth, is fabulous, and invented 
by the Mahometan writers, who, from religious zeal, endeavored to connect 
the traditions of the nomads of Central Asia with those of the Old Testa 
ment, as preserved in the Koran. There is no trace of it in the Chinese 
writers, Tabl. de 1 Asic, p. 156. M. 

VOL. VI. 18 



206 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

arms. The service and discipline of the troops, who were 
armed with bows, cimeters, and iron maces, and divided by 
hundreds, thousands, and ten thousands, were the institutions 
of a veteran commander. Each officer and soldier was made 
responsible, under pain of death, for the safety and honor of 
his companions ; and the spirit of conquest breathed in the 
law, that peace should never be granted unless to a vanquished 
and suppliant enemy. But it is the religion of Zingis that 
best deserves our wonder and applause.* The Catholic in 
quisitors of Europe, who defended nonsense by cruelty, might 
have been confounded by the example of a Barbarian, who 
anticipated the lessons of philosophy, 6 and established by his 
laws a system of pure theism and perfect toleration. His 
first and only article of faith was the existence of one God, 
the Author of all good ; who fills by his presence the heavens 
and earth, which he has created by his power. The Tartars 
and Moguls were addicted to the idols of their peculiar tribes ; 
and many of them had been converted by the foreign mis 
sionaries to the religions of Moses, of Mahomet, and of Christ. 
These various systems in freedom and concord were taught 
and practised within the precincts of the same camp ; and 
the Bonze, the Imam, the Rabbi, the Nestorian, and the Latin 
priest, enjoyed the same honorable exemption from service 

6 A singular conformity may be fcmnd between the religious laws 
of Zingis Khan and of Mr. Locke, (Constitutions of Carolina, in his 
works, vol. iv. p. 535, 4to. edition, 1777.) 



* Before his armies entered Thibet, he sent an embassy to Bogdosott- 
nam-Dsimmo, a Lama high priest, with a letter to this effect : [ have 
chosen thee as high priest for myself and my empire. Repair then to me, 
and promote the present and future happiness of man : 1 will be thy sup 
porter and protector : let us establish a system of religion, and unite it 
with the monarchy," &c. The high priest accepted the invitation ; and 
the Mongol history literally terms this step > the period oj the first respect for 
religion; because the monarch, by his public profession, made it the reli 
gion of the state. Klaproth, " Travels in Caucasus," ch. 7, Eng. Irans. p. 
92. Neither Dshingis nor his son and successor Oegodah had, on account 
of their continual wars, much leisure for the propagation of the religion 
of the Lama. By religion they understand a distinct, independent, sacred 
moral code, which has but one origin, one source, and one object. I his 
notion they universally propagate, and even believe that the brutes, and 
all cieated beings, have a religion adapted to their sphere of action. Lhe 
different forms of the various religions they ascribe to the difference of in 
dividuals, nations, and legislators. Never do you hear of their inveighing 
against any creed, even against the obviously absurd Schaman paganism, 
or of their persecuting others on that account. They themselves, on the 
other hand, endure every hardship, and even persecutions, with perfect 
resignation, and indulgently excuse the follies of others, nay, consider 
them as a motive for increased ardor in prayer, ch. ix. p. 1 )9. M. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 207 

and tribute : in the mosque of Bochara, the insolent victor 
might trample the Ko^an under his horse s feet, but the calm 
legislator respected the prophets and pontiffs of the most hos 
tile sects. The reason of Zingis was not informed by books : 
the khan could neither read nor write ; arid, except the tribe 
of the Igours, the greatest part of the Moguls and Tartars 
were as illiterate as their sovereign.* The memory of 
their exploits was preserved by tradition : sixty-eight years 
after the death of Zingis, these traditions were collected 
and transcribed ; 7 the brevity of their domestic annals may 
be supplied by the Chinese, 8 Persians, 9 Armenians, 10 Syr- 

7 In the year 1294, by the command of Cazan, khan of Persia, the 
fourth in descent from Zingis. From these traditions, his vizier Fad- 
lallah composed a Mogul history in the Persian language, which has 
been used by Petit de la Croix, (Hist, de Genghizcan, p. 537 539.) 
The Histoire Gcncalogique des Tatars (a Leyde, 1726, in 12mo., 
2 tomes) was translated by the Swedish prisoners in Siberia from the 
Mogul MS. of Abulgasi Bahadur Khan, a descendant of Zingis, who 
reigned over the Usbeks of Charasm, or Carizme, (A. D. 1644 1663.) 
He is of most value and credit for the names, pedigrees, and manners 
of his nation. Of his nine parts, the ist descends from Adam to Mogul 
Khan ; the iid, from Mogul to Zingis ; the iiid is the life of Zingis ; 
the ivth, vth, vith, and viith, the general history of his four sons and 
their posterity ; the viiith and ixth, the particular history of the 
descendants of Sheibani Khan, who reigned in Maurenahar and 
Charasm. 

8 Histoire de Gentchiscan, et de toute la Dinastie des Mongous ses 
Successeurs, Conquerans de la Chine ; tiree de FHistoire de la Chine 
par le R. P. Gaubil, de la Societc de Jesus, Missionaire a Peking ; a. 
Paris, 1739, in 4to. This translation is stamped with the Chinese 
character of domestic accuracy and foreign ignorance. 

9 See the Histoire du Grand Genghizcan, premier Empereur des 
Moguls et Tartares, par M. Petit de la Croix, a Paris, 1710, in 12mo. ; 
a work of ten years labor, chiefly drawn from the Persian writers, 
among whom Nisavi, the secretary of Sultan Gclaleddin, has the merit 
and prejudices of a contemporary. A slight air of romance is the 
fault of the originals, or the compiler. See likewise the articles of 
Genghizcan, Mohammed, Gelaleddin, c., in the Bibliotheque Orientale 
of D Herbelot.f 

10 Haithonus, or Aithonus, an Armenian prince, and afterwards a 



* See the notice on Tha-tha-toung-o, the Ouogour minister of Tchingis, 
in Abel Iterausat s 2d series of llecherch. Asiat. \ 7 ol. ii. p. 61. He 
taught the son of Tchingis to write: " He was the instructor of the Mo 
guls in writing, of which they were before ignorant ; " and hence the ap 
plication of the Ouigour characters to the Mogul language cannot be 
placed earlier than the year 1204 or 1205, nor so late as the time of Pa-sse- 
pa, who lived under Khubilai. A new alphabet, approaching to that of 
Thibet, was introduced under Khubilai. M. 

f The preface to the Hist, des Mongols (Paris, 1824) gives a catalogue 
Of the Arabic and Persian authorities. M. 



208 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

ians, 11 Arabians, 12 Greeks, 13 Russians, 14 Poles, 15 Hungarians, 16 
and Latins ; 17 and each nation will deserve credit in the rela 
tion of their own disasters and defeats. 18 



monk of Premontre, (Fabric. Bibliot. Lat. Medii yEvi, torn. i. p. 34,) 
dictated in the French language, his book de Tartar is, his old fellow- 
soldiers. It was immediately translated into Latin, and is inserted in 
the Novus Orbis of Simon Grynaeus, (Basil, 1555, in folio. )* 

11 Zingis Khan, and his first successors, occupy the conclusion of 
the ixth Dynasty of Abulpharagius, (vers. Pocock, Oxon. 1663, in 
4to. ;) and his xth Dynasty is that, of the Moguls of Persia. Asse- 
mannus (Bibliot. Orient, torn, ii.) has extracted some facts from his 
Syriac writings, and the lives of the Jacobite maphrians, or primates 
of the East. 

12 Among the Arabians, in language and religion, we may distin 
guish Abulfeda, sultan of Hamah in Syria, who fought in person, 
under the Mamaluke standard, against the Moguls. 

13 Nicephorus Gregoras (1. ii. c. 5, 6) has felt the necessity of con 
necting the Scythian and Byzantine histories. He describes with truth 
and elegance the settlement and manners of the Moguls of Persia, but 
he is ignorant of their origin, and corrupts the names of Zingis and his 
sons. 

14 M. Levesque (Histoire de Russie, torn, ii.) has described the 
conquest of Russia by the Tartars, from the patriarch Nicon, and the 
old chronicles. 

15 For Poland, I am content with the Sarmatia Asiatica et Europrea 
of Matthew a Micbou, or ,De Michovia, a canon and physician of 
Cracow, (A. D. 1506,) inserted in the Novus Orbis of Gryneeus. 
Fabric. Bibliot. Latin. Media? et Infimae J5tatis, torn. v. p. 56. 

16 I should quote Thuroczius, the oldest general historian (pars ii. 
c. 74-, p. 150) in the 1st volume of the Scriptores Rerum Hungarica- 
rum, did not the same volume contain the original narrative of a 
contemporary, an eye-witness, and a sufferer, (M. Rogerii, Hungari, 
Varadiensis Capituli Canonici, Carmen miserabile, sou Historia super 
Destruction Regni Hungaria3 Temporibus Belse IV. Regis per Tar- 
taros facta, p. 292321 ;) the best picture that I have ever seen of all 
the circumstances of a Barbaric invasion. 

17 Matthew Paris has represented, from authentic documents, the 
clanger and distress of Europe, (consult the word Tartar i in his 
copious Index.) From motives of zeal and curiosity, the court of 
the great khan in the xiiith century was visited by two friars, John de 
Piano Carpini, and William Rubruquis, and by Marco Polo, a Vene 
tian gentleman. The Latin relations of the two former are inserted in 
the 1st volume of Hackluyt ; the Italian original or version of the 
third (Fabric. Bibliot. Latin. Medii JEvi, torn. ii. p. 198, torn. v. p. 25) 
may be found in the second tome of Ramusio. 

18 In his great History of the Huns, M. dc Guigncs has most amply 
treated of Zingis Khan and his successors. See torn. iii. 1. xv. xix., 



* A precis at the end of the new edition of Le Beau, Hist, des Empc 
rcurs, vol. xvii., by M. Brosset, gives large extracts from the accounts of 
the Armenian historians relating to the Mogul congests. M. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 209 

The arms of Zingis and his lieutenants successively re 
duced the hordes of the desert, who pitched their tents be 
tween the wall of China and the Volga ; and the Mogul 

C^ * * 

emperor became the monarch of the pastoral world, the lord 
of many millions of shepherds and soldiers, who felt their 
united strength, and were impatient to rush on the mild and 
wealthy climates of the south. His ancestors had been the 
tributaries of the Chinese emperors; and Temugin himself 
had been disgraced by a title of honor and servitude. The 
court of Pekin was astonished by an embassy from its former 
vassal, who, in the tone of the king of nations, exacted the 
tribute and obedience which he had paid, and who affected to 
treat the son of heaven as the most contemptible of mankind. 
A haughty answer disguised their secret apprehensions ; and 
their fears were soon justified by the march of innumerable 
squadrons, who pierced on all sides the feeble rampart of the 
great wall. Ninety cities were stormed, or starved, by the 
Moguls ; ten only escaped ; and Zingis, from a knowledge 
of the filial piety of the Chinese, covered his vanguard with 
their captive parents ; an unworthy, and by degrees a fruit 
less, abuse of the virtue of his enemies. His invasion was 
supported by the revolt of a hundred thousand Khitans, who 
guarded the frontier: yet he listened to a treaty; and a 
princess of China, three thousand horses, five hundred youths, 
and as many virgins, and a tribute of gold and silk, were the 
price of his retreat. In his second expedition, he compelled 
the Chinese emperor to retire beyond the yellow river to a 
more southern residence. The siege of Pekin 19 was long 

and in the collateral articles of the Scljukians of Roum, torn. ii. 1. xi., 
the Cari/mians, 1. xiv., and the Mamalukes, torn. iv. 1. xxi. ; consult 
likewise the tables of the 1st volume. He is ever learned and accu 
rate ; yet I am only indebted to him for a general view, and some 
passages of Abulfeda, which are still latent in the Arabic text.* 

More properly Yen-king, an ancient city, whose ruins still appear 
some furlongs to the south-east of the modern Pekin, which was built 



* To this catalogue of the historians of the Moguls may be added 
D Ohson, Histoire des Mongols ; Histoire des Mongols, (from Arabic arid 
Persian authorities,) Paris, 182i. Schmidt, Geschichte derOst Mongolen, 
St. Petersburgh, 1829. This curious work, by Ssanang Ssetsen Chung- 
taidschi, published in the original Mongol, was written after the conver 
sion of the nation to Buddhism : it is enriched with "very valuable notes by 
the editor and translator; but, unfortunately, is very barren of information 
about the European, and even the western Asiatic conquests of the Mon 
gols. M. 

18* 



210 TIIE DECLINE AlfD FALL 

and laborious : the inhabitants were reduced by famine to 
decimate and devour their fellow-citizens ; when their am 
munition was spent, they discharged ingots of gold and silver 
from their engines ; but the Moguls introduced a mine to the 
centre of the capital ; and the conflagration of the palace 
burnt above thirty days. China was desolated by Tartar war 
and domestic faction ; and the five northern provinces were 
added to the empire of Zingis. 

In the West, he touched the dominions of Mohammed, sul 
tan of Carizmc, who reigned from the Persian Gulf to the 
borders of India and Turkestan ; and who, in the proud imi 
tation of Alexander the Great, forgot the servitude and in 
gratitude of his fathers to the house of Seljuk. It was the 
wish of Zingis to establish a friendly and Commercial inter 
course with the most powerful of the Moslem princes ; nor 
could he be tempted by the secret solicitations of the caliph 
of Bagdad, who sacrificed to his personal wrongs the safety 
of the church and state. A rash and inhuman deed provoked 
and justified the Tartar arms in the invasion of the southern 
Asia!t A caravan of three ambassadors and one hundred 
and fifty merchants was arrested and murdered at Otrar, by 
the command of Mohammed ; nor was it till after a demand 
and denial of justice, till he had prayed and fasted three 
nights on a mountain, that the Mogul emperor appealed to the 
judgment of God and his sword. Our European battles, says 
a philosophic writer, 20 are petty skirmishes, if compared to 
the numbers that have fought and fallen in the fields of Asia. 
Seven hundred thousand Moguls and Tartars are said to have 
marched under the standard of Zingis and his four sons. In 
the vast plains that extend to the north of the Sihon or Jax- 
artes, they were encountered by four hundred thousand sol 
diers of the sultan ; and in the first battle, which was suspend- 
by Cublai Khan, (Gaubel, p. 146.) Pe-king and Nan-king are vague 
titles, the courts of the north and of the south. The identity and 
change of names perplex the most skilful readers of the Chinese 
creocraphy, (p. 177.)* 

20 M. de Voltaire, Essai sur 1 Histoire Generale, torn, iii. c. 60, p. 8. 
His account of Zingis and the Moguls contains, as usual, much general 
sense and truth, with some particular errors. 

* And likewise in Chinese history see Abel Remusat, Mel. Asiat. 2d 

ser. torn. ii. p. 5. M. . 

f See the particular account of this transaction, from the Kholaussut el 

Akbaur, in Price, vol ii. p, 402. M, 



OP 1HE KOMAK EMPIRE. 

ed by the night, one hundred and sixty thousand Carizmians 
were slain. Mohammed was astonished by the multitude and 
valor of his enemies: he withdrew from the scene of danger, 
and distributed his troops in the frontier towns ; trusting that 
the Barbarians, invincible in the field, would be repulsed by 
the length and difficulty of so many regular sieges. But the 
prudence of Zingis had formed a body of Chinese engineers, 
skilled in the mechanic arts ; informed perhaps of the secret 
of gunpowder, and capable, under his discipline, of attacking 
a foreign country with more vigor and success than they had 
defended their own. The Persian historians will relate the 
sieges and reduction of Otrar, Cogende, Bochara, Samarcand, 
Carizme, Herat, Merou, Nisabour, Balch, and Candahar ; and 
the conquest of the rich and populous countries of Transox- 
:ana, Carizme, and Chorazan.* The destructive hostilities 
of Attila and the Huns have long since been elucidated by 
the example of Zingis and the Moguls; and in this more 
proper place I shall be content to observe, that, from the Cas 
pian to the Indus, they ruined a tract of many hundred miles, 
which was adorned with the habitations and labors of man 
kind, and that five centuries have not been sufficient to repair 
the ravages of four years. The Mogul emperor encouraged 
or indulged the fury of his troops : the hope of future pos 
session was lost in the ardor of rapine and slaughter ; and 
the cause of the war exasperated their native fierceness by 
the pretence of justice and revenge. The downfall and death 
of the sultan Mohammed, who expired, unpitied and alone, 
in a desert island of the Caspian Sea, is a poor atonement for 
the calamities of which he was the author. Could the Cariz- 
mran empire have been saved by a single hero, it would have 
been saved by his son Gelaleddin, whose active valor repeat 
edly checked the "Moguls in the career of victory. Retreat 
ing, as he fought, to the banks of the Indus, he was oppressed 
by their innumerable host, till, in the last moment of despair, 
Gelaleddin spurred his horse into the waves, swam one of the 
broadest and most rapid rivers of Asia, and extorted the ad 
miration and applause of Zingis himself. It was in this camp 
that the Mogul conqueror yielded with reluctance to the mur 
murs of his weary and wealthy troops, who sighed for the 
enjoyment of their native land. Encumbered with the spoils 



* Every where they massacred all classes, except the artisans, whom 
they made slaves. Hist, des Mongols. M. 



21: THE DECLINE AND RALL 

of Asia, he slowly measured back his footsteps, betrayed 
some pity for the misery of the vanquished, and declared his 
intention of rebuilding the cities which had been swept away 
by tiie tempest of his arms. After he had re passed the Oxus 
and Jaxartes, he was joined by two generals, whom he had 
detached with thirty thousand horse, to subdue the western 
provinces of Persia. They had trampled on the nations which 
opposed their passage, penetrated through the gates of Der- 
bent, traversed the Volga and the desert, and accomplished 
the circuit of the Caspian Sea, by an expedition which had 
never been attempted, and has never been repeated. The 
return of Zingis was signalized by .the overthrow of the re 
bellious or independent kingdoms of Tartary ; and he died 
in the fulness of years and glory, with his last breath ex 
horting and instructing his sons to achieve the conquest of the 
Chinese empire.* 

The harem of Zingis was composed of five hundred wives 
and concubines ; and of his numerous progeny, foiir sons, 
illustrious by their birth and merit, exercised under their father 
the principal offices of peace and war. Toushi was his great 
huntsman, Zagatai 21 his judge, Octal his minister, and Tuli 
his general ; and their names and actions are often conspicu 
ous in the history of his conquests. Firmly united for their 
own and the public interest, the three brothers and their fami 
lies were content with dependent sceptres ; and Octai, by 
general consent, was proclaimed great khan, ci emperor of 
the Moguls and Tartars. He was succeeded by his son 
Gayuk, after whose death the empire devolved to his cousins 
Mangou and Cublai, the sons of Tuli, and the grandsons of 
Zingis. In the sixty-eight years of his four first successors, 
the Mogul subdued almost all Asia, and a large portion of 
Europe. Without confining myself to the order of time, 
without expatiating on the detail of events, I shall present a 



21 Zagatai gave his name to his dominions of Maurenahar, or Tran- 
soxiana ; and the Moguls of Hindostan, who emigrated from that coun 
try, are styled Zagatais by the Persians. This certain etymology, and 
the similar example of Uzbek, Nogai, &c., may warn us not absolutely 
to reject the derivations of a national, from a personal, name.f 



* Their first duty, which he bequeathed to them, was to massacre the 
king of Tangcoute and all the inhabitants of Ninhia, the surrender of the 
city being already agreed upon, Hist, des Mongols, vol. i. p. 286. M. 

t See a carious anecdote of Tschagatai, Hist, des Mongols, p. 370. Mt 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 213 

general picture of the progress of their arms ; I. In the East ; 
II. In the South ; III. In the West ; and IV. In the North. 

I. Before the invasion of Zingis, China was divided into 
two empires or dynasties of the North and South ; 22 and the 
difference of origin and interest was smoothed by a general 
conformity of laws, language, and national manners. The 
Northern empire, which had been dismembered by Zingis, 
was finally subdued seven years after his death. After the 
loss of Pekin, the emperor had fixed his residence at Kalfong, 
a city many leagues in circumference, and which contained, 
according to the Chinese annals, fourteen hundred thousand 
families of inhabitants and, fugitives. He escaped from thence 
with only seven horsemen, and made his last stand in a third 
capital, till at length the hopeless monarch, protesting his inno 
cence and accusing his fortune, ascended a funeral pile, and 
gave orders, that, as soon as he had stabbed himself, the fire 
should be kindled by his attendants.. The dynasty of the 
Song, the native and ancient sovereigns of the whole em 
pire, survived a"bout forty-five years the fall of the Northern 
usurpers ; and the perfect conquest was reserved for the 
arms of Cublai. During this interval, the Moguls were often 
diverted by foreign wars ; and, if the Chinese seldom dared 
to meet their victors in the field, their passive courage pre 
sented an endless succession of cities to storm and of millions 
to slaughter. In the attack and defence of places, the engines 
of antiquity and the Greek fire were alternately employed : 
the use of gunpowder in cannon and bombs appears as a 
familiar practice ; 23 and the sieges were conducted by the 

22 In Marco Polo, and the Oriental geographers, the names of 
Cathay and Mangi distinguish the northern and southern empires, 
which, from A. D. 1234 to 1279, were those of the great khan, and 
of the Chinese. The search of Cathay, after China had been found, 
excited and misled our navigators of the sixteenth century, in their 
attempts to discover the north-cast passage. 

23 I depend on the knowledge and fidelity of the Pere Gaubil, who 
translates the Chinese text of the annals of the Moguls or Yuen, (p. 71, 
93, 153 ;) but I am ignorant at Avhat time these annals were composed 
and published. The two uncles of Marco Polo, who served as engi 
neers at the siege of Siengyangfou,* (1. ii. c. 61, in Ramusio, torn. ii. 
See Gaubil, p. 155, 157) must have felt and related the effects of this 
destructive powder, and their silence is a weighty, and almost deci 
sive objection. I entertain a suspicion, that the recent discovery was 



* Sou-houng-kian-lou. Abel Remusat. M. 



THE DECLINE AND FALL 

* 

Mahometans and Franks, who had been liberally invited into 
the service of Cublai. After passing the great river, the 
troops and artillery were conveyed along a series of canals. 
till they invested the royal residence of Hamcheu, or Quin 
say, in the country of silk, the most delicious climate of 
China. The emperor, a defenceless youth, surrendered his 
person and sceptre ; and before he was sent in exile into Tar- 
tary, he struck nine times the ground with his forehead, to 
adore in prayer or thanksgiving the mercy of the great khan. 
Yet the war (it was now styled a rebellion) was still main 
tained in the southern provinces from Hamcheu to Canton , 
and the obstinate remnant of independence and hostility was 
transported from the land to the sea. But when the fleet of 
the Song was surrounded and oppressed by a superior arma 
ment, their last champion leaped into the waves with his infant 
emperor in his arms. " It is more glorious," he cried, 4 to 
die a prince, than to live a slave." A hundred thousand 
Chinese imitated his example ; arid the whole empire, from 
Tonkin to the great wall, submitted to the dominion of Cu 
blai. His boundless ambition aspired to the conquest of- 
Japan : his fleet was twice shipwrecked ; and the lives of a 
hundred thousand Moguls and Chinese were sacrificed in the 
fruitless expedition. But the circumjacent kingdoms, Corea 
Tonkin, Cochinchina, Pegu, Bengal, and Thibet, were reduced 
in different degrees of tribute- and obedience by the effort or 
terror of his arms. He explored the Indian Ocean with a 
fleet of a thousand ships : they sailed in sixty-eight days, 
most probably to the Isle of Borneo, under the equinoctial 
line ; and though they returned not without spoil or glory, the 
emperor was dissatisfied that the savage king had escaped 
from their hands. 

carried from Europe to China by the caravans of the xvth century, 
and falsely adopted as an old national discovery before the arrival of 
the Portuguese and Jesuits in the xvith. Yet the Pore Gaubil affirms, 
that the use of gunpowder has been known to the Chinese above 
1600 years.* 

* La poudre a canon et d autres compositions inflammantes, dont ils se 
servent pour construire des pieces d artificc d un ciTet suprenant, Icur 
etaient connues depuis tris long-temps, et Ton croit que des bombardes et 
des pierricrs, dont ils avaient cnseigne I usage aux Tartares, ont pu donner 
en Europe 1 idee d artillerie, quoique la forme des fusils et des canons dont 
ils se servent actuellement, leur ait etc apportee par les Francs, ainsi que 
Vattestent les noms memes qu ils donnent a ces sortes d armes. Ahel 
Renmsat, Melanges Asiat. 2d ser. torn. i. p. 23. M. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 215 

II. The conquest of Hindostan by the Moguls was reserved 
in a later period for the house of Timour ; but that of Iran, 01 
Persia, was achieved by Holagou Khan,* the grandson of 
Zingis, the brother and lieutenant of the two successive em- 
perors, Mangou and Cublai. I shall not enumerate the crowd 
of sultans, emirs, and atabeks, whom he trampled into dust ; but 
the extirpation of the Assassins, or Ismaelians 24 of Persia, 
may be considered as a service to mankind. Among the hills 
to the south of the Caspian, these odious sectaries had reigned 
with impunity above a hundred and sixty years ; and their 
prince, or Imam, established his lieutenant to lead and govern 
the colony of Mount Libanus, so famous and formidable in the 
history of the cvusades. 25 With the fanaticism of the Koran 
the Ismaelians had blended the Indian transmigration, and the 
visions of their own prophets ; and it was their first duty to 
devote their souls and Bodies in blind obedience to the vicar 
of God. The daggers of his missionaries were felt both in 
the East and West : the Christians and the Moslems enumer 
ate, and persons multiply, the illustrious victims that were 
sacrificed to the zeal, avarice, or resentment of the old man 
(as he was corruptly styled) of Ike movMain. But these dag 
gers, his only arms, were broken by the sword of Holagou, 
and not a vestige is left of the enemies of mankind, except 
the word assassin, which, in the most odious sense, has been 
adopted in the languages of Europe. The extinction of Ab- 
bassides cannot be indifferent to the spectators of their great 
ness and decline. Since the fall of their Seljukian tyrants, 
the caliphs had recovered their lawful dominion of Bagdad 
and the Arabian Irak ; but the city was distracted by theologi 
cal factions, and the commander of the faithful was lost in a 
harem of seven hundred concubines. The invasion of the 



24 All that can be known of the Assassins of Persia and Syria is 
poured from the copious, and even profuse, erudition of M. Falconet, 
in two Me moires read before the Academy of Inscriptions, (torn. xvii. 
p. 127 I70.)t 

25 The Ismaelians of Syria, 40,000 Assassins, had acquired or 
founded ten castles in the hills above Tortosa. About the year 1280, 
they were extirpated by the Mamalukcs. 



* See the curious account of the expedition of Holagou, translated from 
the Chinese, by M. Abel llemusat, Melanges Asiut. 2d ser. torn. i. p. 171. 

f Von Hammer s History of the Assassins has now thrown Falconet s 
Dissertation into the shade. M 



216 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

Moguls he encountered with feeble arms and haughty em 
bassies. " On the divine decree," said the caliph Mostasem 
" is founded the throne of the sons of Abbas : and their foes 
shall surely be destroyed in this world and in the next. Who 
is this Holagou that dares to rise against them ? If he be 
desirous of peace, let him instantly depart from the sacred 
territory ; and perhaps he may obtain from our clemency the 
pardon of his fault." This presumption was cherished by a 
perfidious vizier, who assured his master, that, even if the Bar 
barians had entered the city, the women and children, from 
the terraces, would be sufficient to overwhelm them with 
stones. But when Holagou touched the phantom, it instantly 
vanished into smoke. After a siege of two months, Bagdad 
was stormed and sacked by the Moguls;* and their savage 
commander pronounced the death of the caliph Mostasem, 
the last of the temporal successor? of Mahomet ; whose 
noble kinsmen, of the rac e of Abbas, had reigned in Asia 
above five hundred years. Whatever might oe the designs 
of the conqueror, the holy cities of Mecca and Medina 2 were 
protected by the Arabian desert ; but the Moguls spread be 
yond the Tigris and Euphrates, pillaged Aleppo and Damas 
cus, and threatened to join the Franks in the deliverance of 
Jerusalem. Egypt was lost, had she been defended only by 
her feeble offspring ; but the Mamalukes had breathed in their 
infancy the keenness of a Scythian air : equal in valor, su 
perior in discipline, they met the Moguls in many a well- 
fought field ; and drove back the stream of hostility to the 
eastward of the Euphrates. t But it overflowed with resist- 
less violence the kingdoms of Armenia \ and Anatolia, of 
which the former was possessed by the Christians, and the 
latter by the Turks. The sultans of Iconium opposed some 
resistance to the Mogul arms, till Azzaclin sought a refuge 

M As a proof of the ignorance of the Chinese in foreign transac 
tions, I must observe, that some of their historians extend the con 
quest of Zingis himself to Medina, the country of Mahomet, (Gaubil, 
P- 42.) 

* Compare Von Hammer, Geschichte der Assassinen, p. 283, 307. Wil- 
ken, Geschichte der Kreuzztisfe, vol. vii. p. 406. Price, Chronological Ret 
rospect, vol. ii. p. 217 223. M. 

t Compare Wilken, vol. vii. p. 410, 416. - - M. 

On the friendly relations of the Armenians with the. Mongols, see 
Wilken, Geschichte der KreuzzUge, vol. vii. p. 402. They eagerly desired 
an alliance against the Mahometan powers. M. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE, 217 

among the Greeks of Constantinople, and his feeble succes 
sors, the last of the Seljukian dynasty, were finally extirpated 
by the khans of Persia.* 

III. No sooner had Octai subverted the northern empire 
of China, than he resolved to visit with his arms the most 
remote countries of the West. Fifteen hundred thousand 
Moguls and Tartars were inscribed on the military roll : of 

V 

these the great khan selected a third, which he intrusted to 
the command of his nephew Batou, the son of Tuli ; who 
reigned over his father s conquests to the north of the Caspian 
Sea.t After a festival of forty days, Batou set forwards on 
this great expedition ; and such was the speed and ardor of 
his innumerable squadrons, that in less than six years they had 
measured a line of ninety degrees of longitude, a fourth part 
of the circumference of the globe. The great rivers of Asia 
and Europe, the Volga and Kama, the Don and Borysthenes, 
the Vistula and Danube, they either swam with their horses 
or passed on the ice, or traversed in Jeathern boats, which 
followed the camp, and transported their wagons and artillery. 
By the first victories of Batou, the remains of national freedom 
were eradicated in the immense plains of Turkestan and Kip- 
zak. 27 In his rapid progress, he overran the kingdoms, as 
they are now styled, of Astracan and Cazan ; and the troops 
which he detached towards Mount Caucasus explored the 
most secret recesses of Georgia and Circassia. The civil dis 
cord of the great dukes, or princes, of Russia, betrayed their 
country to the Tartars. They spread from Livonia to the 
Black Sea, and both Moscow and Kiow, the modern and the 
ancient capitals, were reduced to ashes ; a temporary ruin, less 
fatal than the deep, and perhaps indelible, mark, which a ser 
vitude of two hundred years has imprinted on the character of 
the Russians. The Tartars ravaged with equal fury the coun 
tries which they hoped to possess, and those which they were 



87 The DasJdi Kipzak, or plain of Kipzak, extends on either side 
of the Volga, in a boundless space towards the Jaik and Borysthenes, 
and is supposed to contain the primitive name and nation of the 
Cosacks. 



* Trebizond escaped, apparently by the dexterous politics of the sover 
eign, but it acknowledged the Mogul supremacy. Falmerayer, p. 127. 
M. 

f See the curious extracts from the Mahometan writers, Hist, des Mon 
gols, p. 707. M. 

VOL. VI. 19 



2 IB THE DtCLIA E AXD FALL 

hastening to leave. From the permanent conquest of Russia, 
they made a deadly, though transient, inroad into the heart of 
Poland, and as far as the borders of Germany. The cities of 
Lublin and Cracow were obliterated : * they approached the 
shores of the Baltic ; and in the battle of Lignitz they defeated 
the dukes of Silesia, the Polish palatines, and the great master of 
the Teutonic order, and filled nine sacks with the right ears of 
the slain. From Lignitz, the extreme point of their western 
march, they turned aside to the invasion of Hungary ; and the 
presence or spirit of Batou inspired the host of five hundred 
thousand men : the Carpathian hills could not be long imper 
vious to tbeir divided columns ; and their approach had been 
fondly disbelieved till it was irresistibly felt. The king, Bela 
the Fourth, assembled the military force of his counts and 
bishops ; but he had alienated the nation by adopting a vagrant 
horde of forty thousand families of Comans, and these savage 
guests were provoked. to revolt by the suspicion of treachery 
and the murder of their prince. The whole country north 
of the Danube was lost in a day, and depopulated in a sum 
mer ; and the ruins of cities and churches were overspread 
with the bones of the natives, who expiated the sins of their 
Turkish ancestors. An eccles iwstic, who fled from the sack 
of Waradin, describes the calamities which he had seen, or 
suffered ; and the sanguinary rage of sloges and battles is far 
less atrocious than the treatment of the fugitives, who had been 
allured from the woods under a promise of pe<xee and pardon, 
and who were coolly slaughtered as soon as ttray had per 
formed the labors of the harvest and vintage. In the winter, 
the Tartars passed the Danube on the ice, and advanced to 
Gran or Strigonium, a German colony, and the metropolis of 
the kingdom. Thirty engines were planted against the walls ; 
the ditches were tilled with sacks of earth and dead bodies ; 
and after a promiscuous massacre, three hundred noble ma 
trons were slain in the presence of the khan. Of all the 
cities and fortresses of Hungary, three alone survived the 
Tartar invasion, and the unfortunate Bata hid his head among 
the islands of the Adriatic. 

The Latin world was darkened by this cloud of savage 
hostility : a Russian, fugitive carried the alarm to Sweden ; 
and the remote nations of the Baltic and the ocean trembled 



* Olmutz was gallantly and successfully defended by Stenberg, Hist, des 
Mongols, p. 396. M. 



OF THE UOIvfAN EMI IRE. 219 

at the approach of the Tartars, 28 whom their fear and igno 
rance were inclined to separate from the human species. 
Since the invasion of the Arabs in the eighth century, Europe 
had never been exposed to a similar- calamity : and if the 
disciples of Mahomet would have oppressed her religion and 
liberty, it might be apprehended that the shepherds of Scythia 
would extinguish her cities, her arts, and ail the institutions 
of civil society. The Roman pontiff attempted to appease and 
convert these invincible Pagans by a mission of Franciscan 
and Dominican friars ; but he was astonished by the reply of 
the khan, that the sons of God and of Zingis were invested with 
a divine power to subdue or extirpate the nations ; and that 
the pope would be involved in the universal destruction, unless 
he visited in person, and as a suppliant, the royal horde. The 
emperor Frederic the Second embraced a more generous 
mode of defence ; and his letters to the kings of France and 
England, and the princes of Germany, represented the com 
mon danger, and urged them to arm their vassals in this just 
and rational crusade. 29 The Tartars themselves were awed 
by the fame and valor of the Franks ; the town of Newstadt 
in Austria was bravely defended against them by fifty knights 
and twenty crossbows ; and they raised the siege on the ap 
pearance of a German army; After wasting the adjacent 
kingdoms of Servia, Bosnia, and Bulgaria, Batou slowly re 
treated .from the Danube to the Volga to enjoy the rewards 
of victory in the city and palace of Serai, which started at his 
command from the midst of the desert.*. 



" 8 In the year 1238, the inhabitants of Gothia (Sweden ) and Frise 
were prevented, by their fear of the Tartars, from sending, as usual, 
their ships to the herring fishery on the coast of England ; and as 
there -was no exportation, forty or fifty of these fish were sold for a 
shilling, (Matthew Paris, p. 396.) It is whimsical enough, that the 
orders of a Mogul khan, who reigned on the borders of China, should 
have lowered the price of herrings in the English market. 

"* I shall copy his characteristic or flattering epithets of the differ 
ent countries of Europe : Furens ac fervens ad anna Germanic, 
strenuse militias genitrix et alumna Francia, bcliicosa et audax His- 
pania, virtuosa viris et classe munita fertilis Anglia, irnpetuosis bella- 
toribus referta Alemannia, navalis Dacia, indomita Italia, pacis ignara 
Burgundia, inquieta Apulia, cum maris Grueci, Adriatic! et Tyrrhen; 
insulis pyraticis et invictis, Cycta, Cypro, Sinilia, cum Oceano center - 
terminia insulis, et regionibus, cruenta Hybcrnia, cum agili Wallia, 



* He was recalled by the death of Octai. M. 



220 Tin: DECLINE AND FALL 

IV. Even the poor and frozen regions of the north attract 
ed the arms of the Moguls : Sheibani khan, the brother of 
the great Batou, led a horde of fifteen thousand families into 
the wilds of Siberia; and his descendants reigned at Tobol- 
skoi above three centuries, till the Russian conquest. The 
spirit of enterprise which pursued the course of the Oby and 
Yenisei must have led to the discovery of the icy sea. After 
brushing away the monstrous fables, of men with dogs heads 
and cloven feet, we shall find, that, fifteen years after the 
death of Zingis, the Moguls were informed of the name and 
manners of the Samoyedes in the neighborhood of the polar 
circle, who dwelt in subterraneous huts, and derived their furs 
and their food from the sole occupation of hunting. 30 

While China, Syria, and Poland, were invaded at the same 
time by the Moguls and Tartars, the authors of the mighty 
mischief were content with the knowledge and declaration, 
that their word was the sword of death. Like the first ca 
liphs, the first successors of Zingis seldom appeared in person 
at the head of their victorious armies. On the banks of the 
Onon and Selinga, the royal or golden horde exhibited the 
contrast of simplicity and greatness ; of the roasted sheep and 
mare s milk which composed their banquets ; and of a dis 
tribution in one day of five hundred wagons of gold and 
silver. The ambassadors and princes of Europe and Asia 
were compelled to undertake this distant and laborious pilgrim 
age ; and the life and reign of the great dukes of Russia, the 
kings of Georgia and Armenia, the sultans of Iconium, and 
the emirs of Persia, were decided by the frown or smile of 
the great khan. The sons and grandsons of Zingis had been 
accustomed to the pastoral life ; but the village of Caraco- 
rum 31 was gradually ennobled by their election and residence. 



palustris Scotia, glacialis Norwegia, suam electam militiam sub vex- 
illo Crucis destinabunt, &c. (Matthew Paris, p. 498.) 

3U See Carpin s relation in Hackluyt, vol. i. p. SO. The pedigree pi 
the khans of Siberia is given by Abulghazi, (part viii. p. 485 495. ) 
Have the Russians found no Tartar chronicles at Tobolskoi r 

3i The Map of D Anville and the Chinese Itineraries (De Guignes, 
torn. i. part ii. p. 57) seem to mark the position of Holin, or Caraco- 
rum, about six hundred miles to the north-west of Pekm. I he dis- 



* See the account of the Mongol library in Bergman, *.omadische Streif- 
ereyen, vol. iii. p. 185, 205, and Kemusat, Hist, des Langues Tartares, p. 
227, and preface to Schmidt, Geschichte d&r (M-Mongolen. - 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 221 

A. change of manners is implied in the removal of Octai and 
Mangou from a tent to a house ; and their example was imi 
tated by the princes of their family and the great officers of 
the empire. Instead of the boundless forest, the enclosure of 
a park afforded the more indolent pleasures of the chase ^ 
their new habitations were decorated with painting and sculp, 
ture ; their superfluous treasures were cast in fountains, and 
basins, and statues of massy silver ; and the artists of China 

/ 

and Paris vied with each other in the service of the great 
khan. 32 Caracorum contained two streets, the one of Chinese 
mechanics, the other of Mahometan traders ; and the places 
of religious worship, one Nestorian church, two mosques, and 
twelve temples of various idols, may represent in some degree 
the number and division of inhabitants. Yet a French mis 
sionary declares, that the town of St. Denys, near Paris, was 
more considerable than the Tartar capital ; and that the whole 
palace of Mangou was scarcely equal to a tenth part of that 
Benedictine abbey. The conquests of Russia and Syria might 
urnuse the vanity of the great khans ; but they were seated 
on the borders of China ; the acquisition of that empire was 
the nearest and most interesting object ; and they might learn 
from their pastoral economy, that it is for the advantage of 
the shepherd to protect and propagate his flock. I have 
already celebrated the wisdom and virtue of a Mandarin 
who prevented the desolation of five populous and cultivated 
provinces. In a spotless administration of thirty years, this 
friend of -his country and of mankind continually labored to 
mitigate, or suspend, the havoc of war ; to save the monu 
ments, and to rekindle the flame, of science ; to restrain the 
military commander by the restoration of civil magistrates; 
and to instil the love of peace and justice into the minds of 
the Moguls. He struggled with the barbarism of the first 
conquerors ; but his salutary lessons produced a rich harvest 
in the second generation.* The northern, and by degrees 

tance between Selinginsky and Pekin is near 2000 Russian versts, 
between 1300 and HOO English miles, (Bell s Travels, vol. ii. p. 67.) 
32 llubruquis found at Caracorum his countryman Guittaumi 
Boucher, orfevre do Paris, who had executed for the khan a silver tree, 
supported hy four lions, and ejecting four different liquors. AbuL 
ghazi (part iv. p. 366) mentions the painters of Kitay or China. 

* See the interesting sketch of the life of this minister (Yelin-Thsotf 
thsai) in the second volume of the second series of Recherches Asiatiquei< 
par A. Remusat, p. 61. M. 

19* 



THE DECLINE AND FALL 



the southern, empire acquiesced in the government of Cublai, 
the lieutenant, and afterwards the successor, of Mangou ; and 
the natron was loyal to a prince who had been educated in 
the manners of China. He restored the forms of her vener 
able constitution ; and the victors submitted to the laws, the 
fashions, and even the prejudices, of the vanquished people. 
This peaceful triumph, which has been more than once 
repeated, may be ascribed, in a great measure, to the numbers 
and servitude of the Chinese. The Mogul army was dissolved 
in a vast and populous country ; and their emperors adopted 
with pleasure a political system, which gives to the pnnc 
the solid substance of despotism, and leaves to the subject 
empty names of philosophy, freedom, and filial obedience. 
Under the reign of Cublai, letters and commerce, peace and 
justice, were restored ; the great canal, of five hundred miles, 
was opened from Nankin to the capital : he fixed his resi 
dence at Pekin ; and displayed in his court the magnificence 
of the greatest monarch of Asia. Yet this learned prince de 
clined from the pure and simple religion of his great ancestor : 
he sacrificed. to the idol Fo ; and his blind attachment to the 
lamas of Thibet and the bonzes of China 3 provoked the cen 
sure of the disciples of Confucius. His successors poll 
the palace with a crowd of eunuchs, physicians, and astro 
gers while thirteen millions of their subjects were consume 
in the provinces by famine. One hundred and forty years 
after the death of Zingis, his degenerate race, the dynasty 
the Yuen, was expelled by a revolt of the native Chinese ; and 
the Mosul emperors were lost in the oblivion of the desert. 
Before mis revolution, they had forfeited their supremacy over 
the dependent branches of their house, the khans of apzak 
and Russia, the khans of Zagatai, or Transoxiana, and 1 
khans of Iran or Persia. By their distance and power, these 
royal lieutenants had soon been released from the 
obedience ; and after the death of Cublai, they scorne 

33 The attachment of the khans, and the hatred of the mandarins, 
to the bonzes and lamas (Duhaldc, Hist, de la Chme, torn. i. p. 602, 



gradually dispel. 



* Compare Hist, des Mongols, p. 616. M. 



OF TEE ROMAN EMPIRE, 223 

accept a sceptre or a title from his unworthy successors. Ac 
cording to their respective situation, they maintained the 
simplicity of the pastoral life, or assumed the luxury of the 
cities of Asia ; but the princes and their hordes were alike 
disposed for the reception of a foreign worship; After some 
hesitation between the Gospel and the Koran, they conformed 
to the religion of Mahomet ; and while they adopted for their 
brethren the Arabs aod Persians, .they renounced all inter 
course with the ancient Moguls, the idolaters of China. 

In this shipwreck of nations, some surprise may be excited 
by the escape of the Reman empire, whose relics, at the time 
of the Mogul invasion, were dismembered by the Greeks and 
Latins. Less potent than Alexander, they were pressed, like 
the Macedonian, both in Europe and Asia, by the shepherds 
of Scythia; and had the Tartars undertaken the siege, Con 
stantinople must have yielded to the fate of Pekin, Samar 
kand, and Bagdad. The glorious and voluntary retreat of 
Baton from the Danube was insulted by the vain triumph of 
the Franks and Greeks ; 34 and in a second expedition death 
surprised him in full march to attack the capital of the C^sars. 
His brother Borga carried the Tartar arms into Bulgaria and 
Thrace ; but he was diverted from the Byzantine war by a 
visit to Novogorod, in the fifty-seventh degree of latitude, 
where lie numbered the inhabitants and regulated the tributes 
of Russia. The Mogul khan formed an alliance with the 
Mamalukes against his brethren of Persia : three hundred 
thousand horse penetrated through the gates of DerJbend ; and 
the Greeks might rejoice in the first, example of domestic 
war. After the recovery of Constantinople, Michael Palae- 
ologus, 35 at a distance from his court and array, was surprised 
and surrounded in a Thraclan castle, by twenty thousand 
Tartars. But the object of their march was a private inter 
est : they came to the deliverance of Azzadin, the Turkish 
sultan ; and were content with his person and the treasure of 
the emperor. Their general Noga, whose name is perpetu 
ated in the hordes of Astracan, raised a formidable rebellion 

34 Some repulse of the Moguls- in Hungary (Matthew Paris, p. 545, 
>46) might propagate and color the report of the union and victory of 
the kings of the Pranks on the confines of Bulgaria. Abulpharagiu 
(Dynast, p, 310) after forty years, beyond the Tigris, might be easily 
deceived. 

85 See Pachymer, 1. iii. c. 25, and L ix. c. 26, 27 ; and the falsa 
.larm at Nice, 1. iii. c. 27. Nicephorus Gregoras, 1. iv. c. 6. 



224 THE DECLlttE AND FALL 

against Men-go Timour, the third of the khans of Kipzak ; 
obtained in marriage Maria,. the natural daughter of Palas- 
ologus ; and guarded the dominions of his friend and father. 
The subsequent invasions of a Scythian cast were those of 
outlaws and fugitives : and some thousands of Alani and Co- 
mans, who had been driven from their native seats, were re 
claimed from a vagrant life, and enlisted m the service of the 
empire. Such was the influence in Europe of the invasion 
of the Moguls. The first terror of their arms secured, rather 
than disturbed, the peace of the Roman Asia. The sultan 
of Iconium solicited a personal interview with John Yataces ; 
and his artful policy encouraged the Turks to defend their 
barrier against the common enemy. 35 That barrier indeed 
was soon overthrown ; and the servitude and ruin of the Sel- 
jukians exposed the nakedness of the Greeks. The formida 
ble Holagou threatened to march to Constantinople at the 
head of four hundred thousand men ; and the groundless panic 
of the citizens of Nice will present an image of the terror 
which he had inspired. The accident of a procession, and 
the sound of a doleful litany, " From the fury of the Tartars, 
good Lord, deliver us," had scattered the hasty report of an 
assault and massacre. In the blind credulity of fear, the 
streets of Nice were crowded with thousands of both sexes, 
who knew not from what or to whom they fled ; and some 
hours elapsed before the firmness of the military officers 
could relieve the city from this imaginary foe. Bat the ambi 
tion of Holagou and his successors was fortunately diverted 
by the conquest of Bagdad, and a long vicissitude of Syrian 
ware ; their hostility to the Moslems inclined them to unite 
with the Greeks and Franks ; a7 and their generosity or con 
tempt had offered the kingdom of Anatolia as the reward of 
an Armenian vassal. The fragments of the Seljukian mon 
archy were disputed by the emirs who had occupied the cities 
or the mountains ; but they all confessed the supremacy of 
the khans of Persia ; and he often interposed his authority, 
and sometimes his arms, to check their depredations, and to 
preserve the peace and balance of his Turkish frontier. The 

36 G. Acropolita, p. 36, 37. Nic. Greg. 1. ii. c. 6, 1. iv. c. 5. 

37 Abulpharagius, who \vrote in the year 1284, declares that the 
Moguls, since the fabulous defeat of Batou, had not attacked either 
the Franks or Greeks ; and of this he is a competent witness. Hay- 
ton likewise, the Armenian prince, celebrates their friendship for hiro- 
eelf and his nation. 



OF THE ROJIAN EMPIRE. 

death of Cazari, 38 one of the greatest and most accomplished 
princes of the house of Zingis, removed this salutary control ; 
and the decline of the Moguls gave a free scope to the rise 
and progress of the OTTOMAN EMPIRE. 39 

After the retreat of Zingis, the sultan Gelaleddin of Cariz- 
me had returned from India to the possession and defence 
of his Persian kingdoms. In the space of eleven years, that 
hero fought in person fourteen battles ; and such was his ac 
tivity, that he led his cavalry in seventeen days from Teflis 
to Kerman, a march of a thousand miles. Yet he was op 
pressed by the jealousy of the Moslem princes, and the innu 
merable armies of the Moguls; and after his last defeat, 
Gelaleddin perished ignobly in the mountains of Curdistan. 
His death dissolved a veteran and adventurous army, which 
included under the name of Carizmians or Corasmins many 
Turkman hordes, that had attached themselves to the sultan s 
fortune. The bolder and more powerful chiefs invaded 
Syria, and violated the holy sepulchre of Jerusalem : the 
more humble engaged in the service of Atadin, sultan of 
Iconium ; and among these were the obscure fathers of the 
Ottoman line. They had formerly pitched their tents near 
the southern banks of the Oxus, in the plains of Mahan and 
Nesa ; and it is somewhat remarkable, that the same spot 
should have produced the first authors of the Parthian and 
Turkish empires. At the head, or in the rear, of a Carizmian. 
army, Solirnan Shah was drowned in the passage of the Eu 
phrates : his son Orthogrul became the soldier and subject of 
Aladin, and established at Surgut, on the banks of the Sangar, 
a camp of four hundred families or tents, whom he governed 
fifty-two years both in peace and war. He was the father of 
Thaman, or Athman, whose Turkish name has been melted 

1 Pachymer gives a splendid character of Ca/an Khan, the rival 
of Cyrus and Alexander, (1. xii. c. 1.) In the conclusion of his his 
tory (1. xiii. c. 36) he hopes much from the arrival of 30,000 Tochars, 
or Tartars, who were ordered by the successor of Cazan to restrain the 
Turks of Bithynia, A. D. 1308. 

39 The origin of the Ottoman dynasty is illustrated by the critical 
learning of MM. De Guignes (Hist, des Huns, torn, iv. p. 329337) 
and D Anville, (Empire Turc, p. 1422,) two inhabitants of Paris, 
from whom the Orientals may learn the history and geography of 
their own country.* 

They may be still more enlightened by the Geschichte des Osman 
ischen Ileiches, by M. von Hammer Purgstall of Vienna. M. 



226 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

into the appellation of the caliph Oth man ; and if we describe 
that pastoral chief as a shepherd and a robber, we must sep 
arate from those characters all idea of ignominy and baseness. 
Othman possessed, and perhaps surpassed, the ordinary vir 
tues of a soldier ; and the circumstances of time and place 
were propitious to his independence and success. The Sel- 
jukian dynasty was no more ; and the distance and decline 
of the Mogul khans soon enfranchised him from the control 
of a superior. He was situate on the verge of the Greek 
empire : the Koran sanctified his gazi, or holy war, against 
the infidels ; and their political errors unlocked the passes 
of Mount Olympus, and invited him to descend into the plains 
of Bithynia. Till the reign of Palaologus, these passes had 
been vigilantly guarded by the militia of the country, who 
were repaid by their own safety and an exemption from taxes. 
The emperor abolished their privilege and assumed their 
office ; but th tribute was rigorously collected, the custody 
of the passes was neglected, and the hardy mountaineers de 
generated into a trembling crowd of peasants without spirit 
or discipline. It was on the twenty-seventh of July, in the 
year twelve hundred and ninety-nine of the Christian sera, 
that Othman first invaded the territory of Nicomedia ; 40 and 
the singular accuracy of the date seems to disclose some 
foresight of the rapid and destructive growth of the monster. 
The annals of the twenty-seven years of his reign would 
exhibit a repetition of the same inroads ; and his hereditary 
troops were multiplied in each campaign by the accession of 
captives and volunteers. Instead of retreating to the hills, 
he maintained the most useful and defensive posts ; fortified 
the towns and castles which he had first pillaged ; and re 
nounced the pastoral life for the baths and palaces of his 
infant capitals. But it was not till Othman was oppressed by 
age and infirmities, that he received the welcome news of 
the conquest of Prusa, which had been surrendered by famine 
or treachery to the arms of his son Orchan. The glory of 
Othman is chiefly founded on that of his descendants ; but 
the Turks have transcribed or composed a royal testament of 
his last counsels of justice and moderation. 41 



40 See Pachymer, 1. x. c. 25, 26, 1. xiii. c. 33, 34, 36 ; and concern- 

Hg the guard of the mountains, 1. i. c. 3 6 ; Nicephorus Gregoras, 

rii. c. 1., and the first book of Laonicus Chalcondyles, the Athenian. 

* l J am ignorant whether the Turks have any writers older thaa 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 227 

From the conquest of Prusa, we may date the true aera of 
the Ottoman empire. The lives and possessions of the 
Christian subjects were redeemed by a tribute or ransom of 
thirty thousand crowns of gold ; and the city, by the labors 
of Orchan, assumed the aspect of a Mahometan capital ; 
Prusa was decorated with a mosque, a college, and a hospi 
tal, of royal foundation ; the Seljukian coin was changed for 
the name and impression of the new dynasty : and the most 
skilful professors, of human and divine knowledge, attracted 
the Persian and Arabian students from the ancient schools of 
Oriental learning. The office of vizier was instituted for 



Mahomet II.,* nor can I reach beyond a meagre chronicle (Annales 
Turcici ad Annum 1550) translated by John Gaudier, and published 
by Leunclavius, (ad calcem Laonic, Chalcoiid. p. 311 350,) with 
copious pandects, or commentaries. The history of the Growth and 
Decay (A. D. 1300 16S3) of the Othman empire was translated into 
English from the Latin "MS. of Demetrius Cantemir, prince of Mol 
davia, (London, 1734, in folio.) The author is guilty of strange- 
blunders in Oriental history ; but he was conversant with the lan 
guage, the annals, and institutions of the Turks. Cantemir partly 
draws his materials from the Synopsis of Saadi Effendi of Larissa, 
dedicated in the year 1696 to Sultan Mustapha, and a valuable 
abridgment of the original historians. In one of the Ramblers, Dr. 
Johnson praises Knolles (a General History of the Turks to the pres 
ent Year. London, 1603) as the first of historians, unhappy only in. 
the choice of his subject. Yet I much doubt whether a partial and 
verbose compilation from Latin -writers, thirteen hundred folio pages 
of speeches and battles, can either instruct or amuse an enlightened 
age, which requires from the historian some tincture of philosophy 
and criticism. 



* We could have wished that M. von Hammer had given a more clear 
and distinct reply to this question of Gibbon. In a note, vol. i. p. 630, M. 
von Hammer shows that they had not only sheiks (religious writers) and 
learned lawyers, but poets and, authors on medicine. But the inquiry of 
Gibbon obviously refers to historians. The oldest of their historical works, 
of which V. Hammer makes use, is the " Tarichi Aaschik Paschasade," 
e. e. the History of the Great Grandson of Aaschik Pasha, who was a 
clervis and celebrated ascetic poet in the reign of Murad (Amurath) I. 
Ahmed, the author of the work, lived during the reign of Bajazet IT., but, 
he says, derived much information, from the book of Scheik Jachshi, the 
son of Elias, who was Imatim to Sultan Orchan, (the second Ottoman 
king,) and who related, from the lips of his father, the circumst inces of ihe 
earliest Ottoman history. This book (having searched for it in vain fur 
five-and-twerity years) our author found at length in the Vatican. All the 
other Turkish histories on his list, as indeed this, were written during the 
reign of Mahomet II. It docs not appear whether any of the rest citfl 
earlier authorities of equal value with that claimed by the " Tarichi Aas 
chik Paschasade." M. fin Quarterly Review, vol. xlix. p. 292.) 



228 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

Aladin, the brother of Orchan ; * and a different habit dis 
tinguished the citizens from the peasants, the Moslems from 
the infidels. All the troops of Othman had consisted of loose 
squadrons of Turkman cavalry ; who served without pay and 
fought without discipline : bjt a regular body of infantry was 
first established and trained by the prudence of his son. A 
great number of volunteers was enrolled with a small stipend, 
but with the permission of living at home, unless they were 
summoned to the field : their rude manners, and seditious 
temper, disposed Orchan to educate his young captives as 
his soldiers and those of the prophet ; but the Turkish peas 
ants were still allowed to mount on horseback, and follow 
his standard, with the appellation and the hopes of free- 
looters.i By these arts he formed an army of twenty-five 
thousand Moslems: a train of battering engines was framed 
for the use of sieges ; and the first successful experiment was 
made on the cities of Nice and Nicomedia. Orchan granted 
a safe-conduct to all who were desirous of departing with 
their families and effects ; but the widows of the slain were 
given in marriage to the conquerors ; and the sacrilegious 
plunder, the books, the vases, and the images, were sold or 
ransomed at Constantinople. The emperor Andronicus the 
Younger was vanquished and wounded by the son of Oth 
man : 42 1 he subdued the whole province or kingdom of 
Bithynia, as far as the shores of the Bosphorus and Helles 
pont ; and the Christians confessed the justice and clemency 
of a reign which claimed the voluntary attachment of the 
Turks of Asia. Yet Orchan was content with the modest 
title of emir ; and in the list of his compeers, the princes of 
Roum or Anatolia, 43 his military forces were surpassed by the 

42 Cantacuzene, though he relates the battle and heroic flight of 
the younger Andronicus, (1. ii. c. 6, 7, 8,) dissembles by his silence 
the loss of Prusa, Nice, and Nicomedia, which are fairly confessed by 
Nicephorus Gregoras, (1. viii. 15, ix. 9, 13, xi. 6.) It appears that 
Nice was taken by Orchan in 1330, and Nicomedia in 1339, which 
are somewhat different from the Turkish dates. 

43 The partition of the Turkish emirs is extracted from two eon- 
temporaries, the Greek Nicephorus Gregoras (1. vii. 1) and the Ara 
bian Marakcschi, (De Guignes, torn. ii. P. ii. p. 76, 77.) See likewise 
the first book of Laonicus Chalcondyles. 

* Von Hammer, Osm. Geschichte, vol. i. p. 82. M. 
f Ibid. p. 91. M. 

% For the conquests of Orchan over the ten pachahks, or kingdom! of 
the Seljukians, in Asia Minor, sec V. Hammer, vol. i. p. 112. M. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 229 

ernirs of Ghermian and Cararaania, each of whom could 
bring into the field an army of forty thousand men. Their 
dominions were situate in the heart of the Seljukian king 
dom-: but the holy warriors, though of inferior note, who 
formed new principalities on the Greek empire, are more 
conspicuous in the light of history. The maritime country 
from the Propontis to the Mneander and the Isle of Rhodes, 
so long threatened and so often pillaged, was finally lost 
about "the thirtieth year of Andronicus the Elder. 44 Two 
Turkish chieftains, Sarukhan and Aidin, left their names to 
their conquests, and their conquests to their posterity. The 
captivity or ruin of the secen churches, of Asia was consum 
mated ; and the barbarous lords of Ionia and Lydia still 
trample on the monuments of classic and Christian antiquity. 
In the loss of Ephesus, the Christians deplored the fall of the 
first angel, the extinction of the first candlestick, of the 
Revelations; 45 the desolation is complete; and the temple 
of Diana, or the church of Mary, will equally elude the 
search of the curious traveller. The circus and three stately 
theatres of Laodicea are now peopled with wolves and foxes ; 
Sardes is reduced to a miserable village ; the God of Ma 
homet, without a rival or a son, is invoked in the mosques 
of Thyatira and Pergamus ; and the populousness of Smyrna 
is supported by the foreign trade of the Franks and Arme 
nians. Philadelphia alone has been saved by prophecy, or 
courage. At a distance from the sea, forgotten by the 
emperors, encompassed on all sides by the Turks, her valiant 
citizens defended their religion and freedom above fourscore 
years ; and at length capitulated with the proudest of the 
Ottomans. Among the Greek colonies and churches of Asia, 
Philadelphia is still erect; a column in a .scene of ruins; a 
pleasing example, that the paths of honor and safety may 
sometimes be the same. The servitude of Rhodes was de 
layed about two centuries by the establishment of the knights 
of St. John of Jerusalem : 4G under the discipline of the 



44 Pachymer, 1. xiii. c. 13. 

45 See the Travels of Wheeler and Spon, of Pocock and Chandler, 
and more particularly Smith s Survey of the Seven Churches of Asia, 
p. 205 276. The more pious antiquaries labor to reconcile the prom 
ises and threats of the axithor of the Revelations with the present 
state of the seven cities. Perhaps it would be more prudent to con 
fine his predictions to the characters and events of his own times. 

4B Consult the ivth book of the Histoire de 1 Ordre de Malthe, pa* 
VOL. VI. 20 



230 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

order, that island emerged into fame and opulence ; the 
noble and warlike monks were renowned by land and sea ; 
and the bulwark of Christendom provoked, and repelled, the 
arms of the Turks and Saracens. 

The Greeks, by their intestine divisions, were the authors 
of their final ruin. During the civil wars of the elder and 
younger Andronicus, the son of Oh man achieved, almost 
without resistance, the conquest of Bithynia ; and the same 
disorders encouraged the Turkish emirs of Lydia and Ionia 
to build a fleet, and to pillage the adjacent islands and the 
sea-coast of Europe. In the defence of his life and honor, 
Cantacuzene was tempted to prevent, or imitate, his adver 
saries, by calling to his aid the public enemies of his religion 
and country. Amir, the son of Aidin, concealed under a 
Turkish garb the humanity and politeness of a Greek ; he 
was united with the great domestic by mutual esteem and 
reciprocal services ; and their friendship is compared, in the 
vain rhetoric of the times, to the perfect union of Orestes and 
Pylades. 47 On the report of the danger of his friend, who 
was persecuted by an ungrateful court, the prince of Ionia 
assembled at Smyrna a fleet of three hundred vessels, with 
an army of twenty-nine thousand men ; sailed in the depth 
of winter, and cast anchor at the mouth of the Hebrus. From 
thence, with a chosen band of two thousand Turks, he marched 
along the banks of the river, and rescued the empress, who 
was besieged in Demotica by the wild Bulgarians. At that 
disastrous moment, the life or death of his beloved Cantacu 
zene was concealed by his flight into Servia : but the grateful 
Irene, impatient to behold her deliverer, invited him to enter 
the city, and accompanied her message with a present of rich 
apparel, and a hundred horses. By a peculiar strain of deli 
cacy, the Gentle Barbarian refused, in the absence of an 
unfortunate friend, to visit his wife, or to taste the luxuries of 
the palace ; sustained in his tent the rigor of the winter ; and 



1 Abbc de Vcrtot. That pleasing writer betrays his ignorance, in sup- 
p asing that Othman, a freebooter of the Bithynian hills, could besiege 
Rhodes by sea and land. 

47 Nicephorus Gregoras has expatiated with pleasure on this amia 
ble character, (1. xii. 7, xiii. 4, 10, xiv. 1, 9, xvi. 6.) Cantacuzene 
speaks with honor and esteem of his ally, (1. iii. c. 56, 57, 63, 64, 66, 
67, 68, 86, 89, 95, 96 ;) but he seems ignorant of his own sentimental 
passion for the Turk, and indirectly denies the possibility of such 
unnatural friendship, (1. iv. c. 40.) 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 



rejected the hospitable gift, that he might share the hardships 
of two thousand companions, all as deserving as himself of that 
honor and distinction. Necessity and revenge might justify 
his predatory excursions by sea and land : he left nine thou 
sand five hundred men for the guard of his fleet ; and perse 
vered in the fruitless search of Cantacuzene, till his embarka 
tion was hastened by a fictitious letter, the seventy of the 
season, the clamors of. his independent troops, and the weight 
of his spoil and captives. In the prosecution of the civil 
war, the prince of Ionia twice returned to Europe ; joined his 
arms with those of the emperor ; besieged Thessalonica, and 
threatened Constantinople. Calumny might affix some re 
proach on his imperfect aid, his hasty departure, and a bribe 
of ten thousand crowns, which he accepted from the Byzan 
tine court ; but his friend was satisfied ; and the conduct of 
Amir is excused by the more sacred duty of defending against 
the Latins his hereditary dominions. The maritime power 
of the Turks had united the pope, the king of Cyprus, the 
republic of Venice, and the order of St. John, in a laudable 
crusade ; their galleys invaded the coast of Ionia ; and Amir 
was slain with an arrow, in the attempt to wrest from the 
Rhodian knights the citadel of Smyrna. 48 Before his death, 
he generously recommended another ally of his own nation ; 
not more sincere or zealous than himself, but more able to 
afford a prompt and powerful succor, by his situation along 
the Propontis and in the front of Constantinople. By the 
prospect of a more advantageous treaty, the Turkish prince 
of Bithynia was detached from his engagements with Anne 
of Savoy ; and the pride of Orchan dictated the most solemn 
protestations, that if he could obtain the daughter of Canta 
cuzene, he would invariably fulfil the duties of a subject and 
a son. Parental tenderness was silenced by the voice of 
ambition : the Greek clergy connived at the marriage of a 
Christian princess with a sectary of Mahomet ; and the father 
of Theodora describes, with shameful satisfaction, the dis 
honor of the purple. 49 A body of Turkish cavalry attended 

48 After the conquest of Smyrna by the Latins, the defence of this 
fortress was imposed by Pope Gregory XI. on the knights of Rhodes, 
(see Vertot, 1. v.) 

49 See Cantacuzenus, 1. iii. c. 9-5. Nicephorus Gregoras, who, for 
the light of Mount Thabor, brands the emperor with the names of 
tyrant and Herod, excuses, rather than blames, this Turkish marriage, 
and alleges the passion and power of Orchan, fy/i : nmc, xui T] 



232 TELE HECL1NE AND FALL 

the ambassadors, who disembarked from thirty vessels, before 
his camp of Selybria. A stately pavilion was erected, in 
which the empress Irene passed the night with her daughters. 
In the morning, Theodora ascended a throne, which was sur 
rounded with curtains of silk and gold : the troops were undei 
arms ; but the emperor alone was on horseback. At a signal 
the curtains were suddenly withdrawn, to disclose the bride, 
or the victim, encircled by kneeling eunuchs and hymeneal 
torches : the sound of flutes and trumpets proclaimed the joy 
ful event ; and her pretended happiness was the theme of the 
nuptial song, which was chanted by such poets as the age 
could produce. Without the rites of the church, Theodora 
was delivered to her barbarous lord : but it had been stipu 
lated, that she should preserve her religion in the harem of 
Bursu ; and her father celebrates her charity and devotion in 
this ambiguous situation. After his peaceful establishment 
on the throne of Constantinople, the Greek emperor visited 
his Turkish ally, who with four sons, by various wives, ex 
pected him at Scutari, on the Asiatic shore. The two princes 
partook, with seeming cordiality, -of the pleasures of the ban 
quet and the chase; "and Theodora was permitted to repass 
the Bosphorus, and to enjoy some days in the society of her 
mother. But the friendship of Orchan was subservient to his 
religion and interest ; and in the Genoese war he joined with 
out a blush the enemies of Cantacuzene. 

In the treaty with the empress Anne, the Ottoman prince 
had inserted a singular condition, that it should be lawful for 
him to sell his prisoners at Constantinople, or transport them 
into Asia. A naked crowd of Christians of both sexes and 
every age, of priests and monks, of matrons and virgins, was 
exposed in the public market ; the whip was frequently used 
to quicken the charity of redemption ; and the indigent 
Greeks deplored the fate of their brethren, who were led 
away to the worst evils of temporal and spiritual bondage . 51 
Cantacuzene was reduced to subscribe the same Jerms ; and 
their execution must have been still more pernicious to the 
empire : a body of ten thousand Turks had been detached 

Tore xur arruv ?<<ty 77"tf,xorc ( Turkish} rntQai jw 2itTouJias, (1. XV. 5.) 
He afterwards celebrates his kingdom and armies. See his reign in 

Cantemir, p. 24 30. , 

50 The most lively and concise picture of this captivity may 
found in the history of Ducas, (c. 8,) who fairly describes what Car 
tacuzene confesses with a guilty blush ! 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 

to the assistance of the empress Anne ; but the entire forces 
of Orchan were exerted in the service of his father. Yet 
these calamities were of a transient nature ; as soon as the 
storm had passed away, the fugitives might return to their 
habitations ; and at the conclusion of the civil and foreign 
wars,. Europe \vas completely evacuated by the Moslems of 
Asia. It was in his last quarrel with his pupil that Cantacu- 
zene inflicted the deep and deadly wound, which could never 
be healed by his successors, arid which is poorly expiated by 
his theological dialogues against the prophet Mahomet. Ig 
norant of their own history, the modern Turks confound 
their first and their final passage of the Hellespont, 51 . and 
describe the son of Orchan as a nocturnal robber, who, with 
eighty companions, explores by stratagem a hostile and 
unknown shore. Soliinan, at the head of ten thousand horse, 
was transported in the vessels, and entertained as the friend, 
of the Greek emperor. In the civil wars of Romania, he 
performed some service and perpetrated more mischief; but 
the Chersonesus was insensibly filled with a Turkish colony ; 
and the Byzantine court solicited in vain the restitution of the 
fortresses of Thrace. After some artful delays between the 
Ottoman prince and his son, their ransom was valued at sixty 
thousand crowns, and the first payment had been made when 
an earthquake shook the walls and cities of the provinces ; 
the dismantled places were occupied by the Turks ; and 
Gallipoli, the key of the Hellespont, was rebuilt and re- 
peopled by the policy of Soliman. The abdication of Can- 
tacuzene dissolved the feeble bands of domestic alliance ; and 
his last advice admonished his countrymen to decline a rash 

51 In this passage, and the first conquests in Europe, Cantcmir (p. 
27. &c.) gives a miserable idea of his Turkish guides ; nor am I much 
better satisiied with Chalcondylea, (1. i. p. 12, &c.) They forget to 
consult the most authentic record, the ivth book of Cantacuzene. I 
likewise regret the last books, which are still manuscript, of Nicepho- 
rus Gregoras.* 

* Yon Hammer excuses the silence with which the Turkish historians 
pass over tho earlier intercourse of the Ottomans with the European conti 
nent, of which he enumerates sixteen different occasions, as if they dis 
dained those peaceful incursions by which they gained no conquest, and 
established no permanent footing on the Byzantine territory. Of the ro 
mantic account of SolimuTi s first expedition, lie says, "As yet the prose 
of history had not asserted its right over the poetry of tradition." This 
defence would scarcely be accepted as satisfactory by the historian of the 
Decline and Fall. M. (in Quarterly Review, vol. xlix. p. 293.) 

20* 



234 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

contest, and to compare their own weakness with the num 
bers and valor, the discipline and enthusiasm, of the Moslems. 
His prudent counsels were despised by the headstrong vanity 
of youth, and soon justified by the victories of the Ottomans. 
But as he practised in the field the exercise of the jerid, 
Soliman was killed by a fall from his horse ; and the aged 
Orchan wept and expired on the tomb of his valiant son.* 

But the Greeks had not time to rejoice in the death of their 
enemies ; and the Turkish cimeter was wielded with the 
same spirit by Amurath the First, the son of Orchan, and the 
brother of Soliman. By the pale and fainting light of the 
Byzantine annals, 52 we can discern, that he subdued without 
resistance the whole province of Romania or Thrace, from 
the Hellespont to Mount Hsemus, and the verge of the capi 
tal ; and that Adrianople was chosen for the royal seat of his 
government and religion in Europe. Constantinople, whose 
decline is almost coeval with her foundation, had often, in the 
lapse of a thousand years, been assaulted by the Barbarians 
of the East and West ; but never till this fatal hour had the 
Greeks been surrounded, both in Asia and Europe, by the 
arms of the same hostile monarchy. Yet the prudence or 
generosity of Amurath postponed for a while this easy con 
quest ; and his pride was satisfied with the frequent and hum 
ble attendance of the emperor John Palseologus and his four 
sons, who followed at his summons the court and camp of the 
Ottoman prince. He marched against the Sclavonian nations 
between the Danube and the Adriatic, the Bulgarians, Ser 
vians, Bosnians, and Albanians; and these warlike tribes, who 
had --0 often insulted the majesty of the empire, were repeat 
edly broken by his destructive inroads. Their countries did 
not abound either in gold or silver ; nor were their rustic, 
hamlets and townships enriched by commerce or decorated 
by the arts of luxury. But the natives of the soil have been 
distinguished in every age by their hardiness of mind and 
body ; and they were converted by a prudent institution into 
the firmest and most faithful supporters of the Ottoman great- 

52 After the conclusion of Cantacuzene and Gregoras, there follows 
a dark interval of a hundred years. George Phraiiza, Michael Ducas, 
and Laonicus Chalcondytes, all three wrote after the taking of Con 
stantinople. 

* In the 73th year of his age, the 35th of his reign. V. Hammer. M. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 

ness. 53 The vizier of Araurath reminded his sovereign that 
according to the Mahometan law, he was entitled to a fifth 
part of the spoil and captives ; and that the duty might easily 
be levied, if vigilant officers were stationed at Gallipoli, to 
watch the passage, and to select for his use the stoutest and 
most beautiful of the Christian youth. The advice was fol 
lowed : the edict was proclaimed ; many thousands of the 
European captives were educated in religion and arms ; and 
the new militia was consecrated and named by a celebrated 
dervis. Standing in the front of their ranks, he stretched 
the sleeve of his gown over the head of the foremost soldier, 
and his blessing was delivered in these words : " Let them 
be called Janizaries, (Yengi cheri, or new soldiers;) may 
their countenance be ever bright ! their hand victorious ! their 
sword keen ! may their spear always hang over the heads of 
their enemies ! and wheresoever they go, may they return 
with a white face ! " 54 * Such was the origin of these haugh 
ty troops, the terror of the nations, and sometimes of the sul 
tans themselves. Their valor has declined, their discipline ii 1 
relaxed, and their tumultuary -array is incapable of contend 
ing with the order and weapons of modern tactics ; but at the 
time of their institution, they possessed a decisive superiority 
in war ; since a regular body of infantry, in constant exercise 
and pay, was not maintained by any of the princes of Chris 
tendom. The Janizaries fought with the zeal of proselytes 
against their idolatrous countrymen ; and in the battle of 
Cossova, the league and independence of the Sclavonian 
tribes was finally crushed. As the conqueror walked over 
the field, he observed that the greatest part of the slain con 
sisted of beardless youths ; and listened to the flattering reply 
of his vizier, that age and wisdom would have taught them 
not to oppose his irresistible arms. But the sword of his 
Janizaries could not defend him from the dagger of despair ; 
a Servian soldier started from the crowd of dead bodies, and 



63 



See Cantemir, p. 37 41, with, his own large and curious annota 
tions. 

54 White and black face are common and proverbial expressions of 
praise and reproach in the Turkish language. Hie niycr est, hune tu 
Komane eaveto, was likewise a Latin sentence. 



* According to Von Hammer, vol. i. p. 90, Gibbon and the European 
writers assign too late a date to this enrolment of the Janizaries. It took 
place not in the reign of Amurath, but in that of his predecessor Orchan. 
M. 



236 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

Amurath was pierced in the belly with a mortal wound.* 
The grandson of Othman was mild in his temper, modest in 
his apparel, and a lover of learning and virtue ; but the Mos 
lems were scandalized at his absence from public worship ; 
and he was corrected by the firmness of the mufti, who dared 
to reject his testimony in a civil cause : a mixture of servi 
tude and freedom not unfrequent in Oriental history. 55 

The character of Bajazet, the son and successor of Amu- 
rath, is strongly expressed in his surname of Ild&rim, or the 
lightning ; and he might glory in an epithet, which was drawn 
from the fiery energy of his soul and the rapidity of his de 
structive march. In the fourteen years of his reign, 55 he 
incessantly moved at the head of his armies, from Boursa to 
Adrianople, from the Danube to the Euphrates ; and, though 
he strenuously labored for the propagation of the law, he in 
vaded, with impartial ambition, the Christian and Mahometan 
princes of Europe and Asia. From Angora to Amasia and 
Erzeroum, the northern regions of Anatolia were reduced to 
his obedience : he stripped of their hereditary possessions his 
brother emirs of Ghermian and Caramania, of Aidin and Sa- 
rukhan ; and after the conquest of Iconium the ancient kingdom 
of the Seljukians again revived in the Ottoman dynasty. Nor 
were the conquests of >ajazet less rapid or important in Eu- 

55 See the life and death of Morad, or Amurath I., in Cantemir, (p. 
33 45,) the ist book of Chalcondyles, and the Annales Turcici of 
Leunc.lavius. According to another story, the sultan was stabbed by 
a Croat in his tent; and this accident was alleged to Busbequius 
(Epist. i. p. 98) as an excuse for the unworthy precaution of pinion 
ing, as it were, between two attendants, an ambassador s arms, when 
he is introduced to the royal presence. 

56 The reign of Bajazet I., or Ilclerim Bayazid, is contained in Can 
temir, (p. 46^,) the iid book of Chalcondyles, and the Annales Turcici. 
The surname of Ildcrim, or lightning, is an example, that the con 
querors and poets of every age have felt the truth of a system which 
derives the sublime from the principle of terror. 



* Ducas has related this as a deliberate act of self-devotion on the part 
of a Servian noble who pretended to desert, and stabbed Amurath during 
a conference which he had requested. The Italian translator of Ducas, 
published by Bekker in the new edition of the Byzantines, has still fur 
ther heightened the romance. See likewise in Yon Hammer (Osmanische 
Geschiciite, vol. i. p. 138) the popular Servian account, which resembles 
that of Ducas, and may have been the source of that of his Italian trans 
lator. The Turkish account agrees more nearly with Gibbon ; but the 
Servian, (Milosch Kobilovisch,)" while he lay among the heap of the dead, 
pretended to have some secret to impart to Amurath, and stabbed him 
while he leaned over to listen. M. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 237 

rope. No sooner had he imposed a regular form of servitude 
on the Servians and Bulgarians, than he passed the Danube to 
seek new enemies and new subjects in the heart of Moldavia. 57 
Whatever yet adhered to the Greek empire in Thrace, Mace 
donia, and Thessaly, acknowledged a Turkish master : an ob 
sequious bishop led him through the gates of Thermopylae into 
Greece ; and we may observe, as a singular fact, that the widow 
of a Spanish chief, who possessed the ancient seat of the oracle 
of Delphi, deserved his favor by the sacrifice of a beauteous 
daughter." The Turkish communication between Europe and 
Asia had been dangerous and doubtful, till he stationed at 
Gallipoli a fleet of galleys, to command the Hellespont and 
intercept the Latin succors of Constantinople. While the 
monarch indulged his passions in a boundless range of injus 
tice and cruelty, he imposed on his soldiers the most rigid 
laws of modesty and abstinence ; and the harvest was peace 
ably reaped and sold within the precincts of his camp. Pro 
voked by the loose and corrupt administration of justice, he 
collected in a house the judges and lawyers of his dominions, 
who expected that in a few moments the fire would be kin 
dled to reduce them to ashes. His ministers trembled in 
silence : but an ^Ethiopian buffoon presumed to insinuate the 
true cause of the evil ; and future venality was left without 
excuse, by annexing an adequate salary to the office of cad hi. 58 
The humble title of emir was no longer suitable to the Otto 
man greatness ; and Bajazet condescended to accept a patent 
of sultan from the caliphs who served in Egypt under the 
yoke of the Mamalukes : 59 a last and frivolous homage that 
was yielded by force to opinion ; by the Turkish conquerors 
to the house of Abbas and the successors of the Arabian 
r/ophet. The ambition of the sultan was inflamed by the 
obligation of deserving this august title ; and he turned his 
arms against the kingdom of Hungary, the perpetual theatre 



67 Cantemir, who celebrates the victories of the great Stephen over 
the Turks, (j. 47,) had composed the ancient and modern state of his 
principality of Moldavia, which has been long promised, and is still 
unpublished. 

58 Leunclav. Annal. Turcici, p. 318, 319. The venality of the cadhis 
has long been an object of scandal and satire ; and if we distrust the 
observations of our travellers, we may consult the feeling of the Turks 
themselves, (D Herbelot, Bibliot. Orientale, p. 216, 217, 229, 230.) 

59 The fact, which is attested by the Arabic history of Ben Schounah, 
a contemporary Syrian, (De Guignes, Hist, des Huns, torn. iv. p. 336,) 



1238 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

of the Turkish victories and defeats. Sigismond, the Hun 
garian king, was the son and brother of the emperors of the 
West : his cause was that of Europe and the church ; and 
on the report of his danger, the bravest knights of France and 
Germany were eager to march under his standard and that 
of the cross. In the battle of Nicopolis, Bajazet defeated a 
confederate army of a hundred thousand Christians, who had 
proudly boasted, that if the sky should fall, they could uphold 
it on their lances. The far greater part were slain or driven 
into the Danube; and Sigismond, escaping to Constantinople 
by the river and the Black Sea, returned after a long circuit 
to his exhausted kingdom. 60 In the pride of victory, Bajazet 
threatened that he would besiege Buda ; that he would sub 
due the adjacent countries of Germany and Italy ; and that 
he would feed his horse with a bushel of oats on the altar of 
St. Peter at Rome. His progress was checked, not by the 
miraculous interposition of the apostle, not by a crusade of 
the Christian powers, but by a long and painful fit of the gout. 
The disorders of the moral, are sometimes corrected-by those 
of the physical, world ; and an acrimonious humor falling on 
a single fibre of one man, may prevent or suspend the misery 
of nations. 

Such is the general idea of the Hungarian war ; but the 
disastrous adventure of the French has procured us some 
memorials which illustrate the victory and character of 
Bajazet. 61 The duke of Burgundy, sovereign of Flanders, 
and uncle of Charles the Sixth, yielded to the ardor of his 
son, John count of Nevcrs ; and the fearless youth was ac 
companied by four princes, Ms cousins, and those of the 
French monarch. Their inexperience was guided by the 
Sire de Coucy, one of the best and oldest captains of Chris- 

_ _. -_ - --u . -i - - - - - - - J 

destroys the testimony of Saad Effcndi and Cantemir, (p. H, 15,) of 
the election of Othman to the dignity of sultan. 

6U See the Decades lierum Hungaricarum (Dec. iii. 1. ii. p. 379) of 
Bonfinius, an Italian, who, in the xvth century, was invited into Hun 
gary to compose an eloquent history of that kingdom. Yet, if it be 
extant and accessible, I should give the preference to some homely 
chronicle of the time and country. 

61 I should not complain of the labor of this work, if my materials 
were always derived from such books as the chronicle of honest 
Froissard, (vol. iv. c. 67, 69, 72, 7-4, 7983, 85, 87, 89.) who read 
little, inquired much, and believed all. The original Memoires of the 
Marechal de Boucicault (Partie i. c. 2228) add some facts, but they 
are dry and deficient, if compared with the pleasant garrulity of 
Froissard. 



OF Tim HOMA2S OII IIIE. 239 

tendom ; G2 but the constable, admiral, and marshal of 
I 7 ranee 63 commanded an army which did not exceed the num 
ber of a 1 thousand knights and squires.* These splendid names 
were the source of presumption and the bane of discipline. 
So many might aspire to command, that none were willing to 
obey ; their national spirit despised both their enemies and 
their allies ; and in the persuasion that Bajazet would fly, or 
must fall, they began to compute how soon they should visit 
Constantinople and deliver the holy sepulchre. When their 
scouts announced the approach of the Turks, the gay and 
thoughtless youths were at table, already heated with wine : 
they instantly clasped their armor, mounted their horses, rode 
full speed to the vanguard, and resented as an affront the ad 
vice of Sigismond, which would have deprived them of the 
right and honor of the foremost attack. The battle of Ni- 
copolis would not have been lost, if the French would have 
obeyed the prudence of the Hungarians ; but it might have 
been gloriously won, had the Hungarians imitated the valor 
of the French. They dispersed the first line, consisting of 
the troops of Asia ; forced a rampart of stakes, which had 
been planted against the cavalry ; broke, after a bloody con 
flict, the Janizaries themselves ; and were at length over 
whelmed by the numerous squadrons that issued from the 
woods, and charged on all sides this handful of intrepid war 
riors. In the speed and secrecy of his march, in the order 

62 An accurate Memoir on the Life of Enguerrand VII., Sire de 
Coucy, has been given by the Baron de Zurlauben, (Hist, de 1 Acade- 
mie des Inscriptions, torn, xxv.) His rank and possessions were equally 
considerable in France and England ; and, in 1375, he led an army of 
adventurers into Switzerland, to recover a large patrimony which he 
claimed in right of his grandmother, the daughter of the emperor 
Albert I. of Austria, (Sinner, Voyage dans la Suisse Occideutale, torn, 
i. p. 118124.) 

63 That military office, so respectable at present, was still more con 
spicuous when it was divided between two persons, (Daniel, Hist, do 
la Milice Framboise, torn. ii. p. o.) One of these, the marshal of the 
crusade, was the famous Boucicault, who afterwards defended Con 
stantinople, governed Genoa, invaded the coast of Asia, and died in 
the field of Azincour. 



* Dam, Hist, de Venice, vol. ii. p. 104, makes the whole French army 
amount to 10,000 men, of whom 1000 were knights. The curious volume 
of Schiltberger, a German of Munich, who was taken prisoner in the bat 
tle, (edit. Munich, 1813,) and which V. Hammer receives as authentic, 
gives the whole number at 6000. See Schiltberger, Reise in dem Orient, 
and V. Hammer, note, p. 610. M. 



240 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

and evolutions of the battle, his enemies felt and admired the 
military talents of Bajazet. They accuse his cruelty in the 
use of victory. After reserving the count of Nevers, and 
four-and-t\venty lords,* whose birth and riches were attested 
by his Latin interpreters, the remainder of the French cap 
tives, who had survived the slaughter of the day, were led 
before his throne ; and, as they refused to abjure their faith, 
were successively beheaded in his presence. The sultan was 
exasperated by the loss of his bravest Janizaries ; and if it be 
true, that, on the eve of the engagement, the French had 
massacred their Turkish prisoners/ 14 they might impute to 
themselves the consequences of a just retaliation. t A knight, 
whose life had been spared, was permitted to return to Paris, 
that he might relate the deplorable tale, and solicit the ransom 
of the noble captives. In the mean while, the count of Nevers, 
with the princes and barons of France, were dragged along 
in the marches of the Turkish camp, exposed as a grateful 
trophy to the Moslems of Europe and Asia, and strictly con 
fined at Boursa, as often as Bajazet resided in his capital. 
The sultan was pressed each day to expiate with their blood 
the blood of his martyrs; but he had pronounced that they 
should live, and either for mercy or destruction his word was 
irrevocable. He was assured of their value and importance 
by the return of the messenger, and the gifts and intercessions 
of the kings of France and of Cyprus. Lusignan presented 
him with a gold saltcellar of curious workmanship, and of 
the price of ten thousand ducats; and Charles the Sixth 
despatched by the way of Hungary a cast of Norwegian 
hawks, and six horse-loads of scarlet cloth, of fine linen of 
Rheims, and of Arras tapestry, representing the battles of the 

04 For this odious fact, the Abbe do Yertot quotes the Hist. Ano- 
nyme de St. Denys, 1. xvi. c. 10, 11. (Ordre de Malthe, torn. ii. p. 
310.) 

* According to Schiltberger there were only twelve French lords granted 
to the prayer of the "duke of Burgundy," and " Herr Stephan Synther, 
and Johann von Bodem." Schiltberger, p. 13. - -M. 

f See Schiltberger s very graphic account of the massacre, 
out to be slaughtered in cold blood with the rest, of the Christian prison 
ers, amounting to 10,000. He was spared, at the intercession of the sou 
of Bajazet. with a few others, on account of their extreme youth. Iso 
cne under 20 years of age was put to death. The/ duke of Burgundy 
was obliged to be a spectator of this butchery, whicn lasted from early in 
the morning till four o clock, P. M. It ceased only at the supplication ot 
the leaders of Bajazet s army. Schiltberger, p. 14. M. 



OF THE KGISAN EMPIRE. 241 



great Alexander. After much dela}^ the effect of distance 
rather than of art, Bajazet agreed to accept a ransom of two 
hundred thousand ducats for the count of Nevers and the 
surviving princes and barons: the marshal Boucicault, a fa 
mous warrior, was of the number of the fortunate ; but the 
admiral of France had been slain in battle ; and the constable, 
with the Sire de Coucy, died in the prison of Boursa. This 
heavy demand, which was doubled by incidental" costs, fell 
chiefly on the duke of Burgundy, or rather on his Flemish 
subjects, who were bound by the feudal laws to contribute for 
the knighthood and captivity of the eldest son of their lord. 
For the faithful discharge of the debt, some merchants of 

O 

Genoa gave security to the amount of five times the sum ; a 
lesson to -/se warlike times, that commerce and credit are 
the links of the society of nations. It had been stipulated in. 
the treaty, that the French captives should swear never to 
bear arms against the person of their conqueror ; but the un 
generous restraint was abolished by Bajazet himself. 4< I 
despise," said he to the heir of Burgundy, " thy oaths and 
thy arms. Thou art young, and mayest be ambitious of 
effacing the disgrace or misfortune of thy first chivalry. 
Assemble thy powers, proclaim thy design, and be assured 
that Bajazet will rejoice to meet thee a second time in a field 
of battle." Before their departure, they were indulged in 
the freedom and hospitality of the court of Boursa. The 
French princes admired the magnificence of the Ottoman, 
whose hunting and hawking equipage was composed of seven 
thousand huntsmen and seven thousand falconers. 65 In their 
presence, and at his command, the belly of one of his cham 
berlains was cut open, on a complaint against him for drink 
ing the goat s milk of a poor woman. The strangers were 
astonished by this act of justice , but it was the justice of a 
sultan who disdains to balance the weight of evidence, or to 
measure the degrees of guilt. 

After his enfranchisement from an oppressive guardian, 
John Pala3ologus remained thirty-six years, the helpless, and, 

65 Sherefeddin All (Hist, de Timour Bee, 1. v. c. 13) allows Bajazet 
a round number of 12,000 officers and servants of the chase. A part 
of his spoils was afterwards displayed in a hunting-match of Timour : 
1. hounds with satin housings ; 2. leopards with collars set with 
jewels ; 3. Greciaa greyhounds ; and 4, dogs from Europe, as strong 
as African lions, (idem, 1. vi. c. L5.) Bajazet was particularly fond 
of flying his hawks at cranes, (Chalcondyles, 1. ii. p. 35.) 
VOL. VI. 21 



242 THE DECLINE AND PALI. 

as it should seem, the careless spectator of the public ruin. 65 
Love, or rather lust, was his only vigorous passion ; and in 
the embraces of the wives and virgins of the city, the Turk 
ish slave forgot the dishonor of the emperor of the Romans 
Andronicus, his eldest son, had formed, at Adrianople, an in 
timate and guilty friendship with Sauzes.the son of Amurath ; 
and the two youths conspired against the authority and lives 
of their parents. The presence of Amurath in Europe soon 
discovered and dissipated their rash counsels ; and, after de 
priving Sauzes of his sight, the Ottoman threatened his vassal 
with the treatment of an accomplice and an enemy, unless he 
inflicted a similar punishment on his own son. Palseolpgus 
trembled and obeyed ; and a cruel precaution involved in the 
same sentence the childhood and innocence of John, the son 
of the criminal. But the operation was so mildly, or so un 
skilfully, performed, that the one retained the sight of an eye, 
and the other was afflicted only with the infirmity of squint 
ing. Thus excluded from the succession," the two princes 
were confined in the tower of Anema ; and the piety of Man 
uel, the second son of the reigning monarch, was rewarded 
with the gift of the Imperial crown. But at the end of two 
years, the turbulence of the Latins and the levity of the Greeks 
produced a revolution ; * and the two emperors were buried 
in the tower from whence the two prisoners were exalted to 
the throne. Another period of two years afforded Palseologus 
and Manuel the means of escape : it was contrived by the 
magic or subtlety of a monk, who was alternately named 
the angel or the devil : they fled to Scutari ; their adherents 
armed in their cause ; and the two Byzantine factions dis 
played the ambition and animosity with which Csesar and 
Pompey haft disputed the empire of the world. The Roman 
world was now contracted to a corner of Thrace, between 
the Propontis and the Black Sea, about fifty miles in length 
and thirty in breadth ; a space of ground not more extensive 
than the lesser principalities of Germany or Italy, if the 

r ,_- _..!--_ --.--- .... . 

66 For the reigns of John Palacologus and his son Manuel, from 1354 
to 1402, see Ducas, c. 915, Phranza, 1. i. c. 1621, and the 1st and 
iid books of Chalcondyles, whose proper subject is drowned in a sea 
of episode. 

* According to Von Hammer it was the power of Bajazet, vol. i. p. 218 
M. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 243 

remains of Constantinople had not still represented the wealth 
and populousness of a kingdom; To restore the public peace, 
it was found necessary to divide this fragment of the empire ; 
and while Palseologus and Manuel were left in possession of 
the capital, almost all that lay without the walls was ceded to 
the blind princes, who fixed their residence at Rhodosto and 
Selybria. In the tranquil slumber of royalty, the passions of 
John Paloeologus survived his reason and his strength : he 
deprived his favorite and heir of a blooming princess of 
Trebizond ; and while the feeble emperor labored to consum 
mate his nuptials, Manuel, with a hundred of the noblest 
Greeks, was sent on a peremptory summons to the Ottoman 
porte. They served with honor in the wars of Bajazet ; but 
a plan of fortifying Constantinople excited his jealousy : he 
threatened their lives ; the new works were instantly demol 
ished ; and we shall bestow a praise, perhaps above the merit 
of PalsBologus, if we impute this last humiliation as the cause 
of his death. 

The earliest intelligence of that event was communicated 
to Manuel, who escaped with speed and secrecy from the 
palace of Boursa to the Byzantine throne. Bajazet affected 
a proud indifference at the loss of this valuable pledge ; and 
while he pursued his conquests in Europe and Asia, he left 
the emperor to struggle with his blind cousin John of Selybria, 
who, in eight years of civil war, asserted his right of primo 
geniture. At length, the ambition of the victorious sultan 
pointed ^to the conquest of Constantinople ; but he listened to 
the advice of his vizier, who represented that such an enter 
prise might unite the powers of Christendom in a second and 
more formidable crusade. His epistle to the emperor was 
conceived in these words : " By the divine clemency, our 
invincible cimeter has reduced to our obedience almost all 
Asia, with many and large countries in Europe, excepting 
only the city of Constantinople ; for beyond the walls thou 
hast nothing left. Resign that city ; stipulate thy reward ; or 
tremble, for thyself and thy unhappy people, at the conse 
quences of a rash refusal." But his ambassadors were in 
structed to_soften their tone, and to propose a treaty, which 
was subscribed with submission and gratitude. A truce of 
ten years was purchased by an annual tribute of thirty thou 
sand crowns of gold ; the Greeks deplored the public tolera 
tion of the law of Mahomet, and Bajazet enjoyed the glory 



>44 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

of establishing a Turkish cadhi, and founding a roya] mosque 
in the metropolis of the Eastern church. 67 let this truce 
was soon violated by. the restless sultan : in the cause of the 
prince of Selybria, the lawful emperor, an army of Dttomans 
again threatened Constantinople ; and the distress of Manuel 
implored the^protection of the king of France. 
embassy obtained much pity and some rebel ; and the .con 
duct of the succor was intrusted to the marshal Boucicault, bc 
whose religious chivalry was inflamed by the desire of re 
venging his captivity on the infidels. He sailed with four 
ships of war, from Aiguesmortes to the Hellespont ; forcec 
the passage, which was guarded by seventeen Turkish gal- 
leys ; landed at Constantinople a supply of six hundred men- 
at-arms and sixteen hundred archers ; and reviewed 
the adjacent plain, without condescending to number or array 
the multitude of Greeks. By his presence, the blockade was 
raised both by sea and land; the flying squadrons of Bajaze 
were driven to a more respectful distance ; and several cast 
m Europe and Asia were stormed by the emperor and tl 
marshal, who fought with equal valor by each other s side. 
But the Ottomans soon returned with an increase of num 
bers; and the intrepid Boucicault, after a year s struggle, 
resolved to evacuate a country which could no longer afford 
either pay or provisions for his soldiers. The marshal offered 
to conduct Manuel to the French court, where he might solicit 
in person a supply of men and money ; and advised, in 
mean while, that, to extinguish all domestic discord, he should 
leave his blind competitor on the throne. The proposal was 
embraced : the prince of Selybria was introduced to the cap 
ital : and such was the public -misery, that the lot of the exil 
seemed more fortunate than that of the sovereign. Instead 
of applauding the success of his vassal, the Turkish suit 
claimed the city as his own ; and on the refusal of 
peror John, Constantinople was more closely pressed 
calamities of war and famine. Against such an 
prayers and resistance were alike unavailing ; and 

ir p. 50 53. Of the Greeks, Ducas alone (c. 13, 15) 
the Turkish cadhi at Constantinople. Yet even Ducas 



Jean le Maingre, dit Boucicault, Mare- 
chal de France, partie i re , c. 30, 35. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 245 

would have devoured his prey, if, in the fatal moment, h<* had 
not been overthrown by another savage stronger than himself, 
By the victory of Timour or Tamerlane, the fall of Constar 
tinople was delayed about fifty years; and this important, 
though accidental, service may justly introduce the life an 
character of the Mogul conqueror. 



246 THE DECLINE AND FALL 



CHAPTER LXV. 

ELEVATION OF TIMOUR OR TAMERLANE TO THE THRONE OF 
SAMARCAND. - HIS CONQUESTS IN PERSIA, GEORGIA, TARTARY, 
RUSSIA, INDIA, SYRIA, AND ANATOLIA. - HIS TURKISH WAR. 
_ DEFEAT AND CAPTIVITY OF BAJAZET. - DEATH OF TIMOUR. 
_ CIVIL WAR OF THE SONS OF BAJAZET. - RESTORATION OF 
THE TURKISH MONARCHY BY MAHOMET THE FIRST. - SIEGE 
OF CONSTANTINOPLE BY AMURATH THE SECOND. 

THE conquest and monarchy of the world was the first 
object of the ambition of TIMOUR. To live in the memory 
and esteem- of future ages was the second wish of his mag 
nanimous spirit. All the civil and military transactions of his 
reign were diligently recorded in the journals of his secre 
taries : l the authentic narrative was revised by the persons 
best informed of each particular transaction ; and it is believed 
in the empire and family of Timour, that the monarch him 
self composed the commentaries 2 of his life, and the insti- 

1 These journals were communicated to Sherefeddin, or Cherefed- 
din All, a native of Yezd, who composed in the Persian language a 
history of Timour Beg, which has been translated into French by M. 
Petit de la Croix, (Paris, 1722, in 4 vols. 12mo.,) and has always been 
my faithful guide. His geography and chronology are wonderfully 
accurate ; and he may be trusted for public facts, though he servilely 
praises the virtue and fortune of the hero. Timour s attention to pro 
cure intelligence from his own and foreign countries may be seen m 



the Institutions, p. 215, 217, 349, 351. 

2 These Commentaries are yet unknown m Europe : but Mr. 
mves some hope that they may be imported and translated by his 
friend Major Davy, who had read in the East this minute and faith 
ful narrative of an interesting and eventful period." 

* The manuscript of Major Davy has been translated bv Major Stewart, 
and published by the Oriental Translation Committee of London It con 
tains the life of Timour, from his birth to his forty-first year ; but the last 
thirty Years of western war and conquest are wanting. Major Stewart in- 



ty of the Commentaries of the Caesar of the East. Major Stewart s worK 



OF THE ROMAN ?-fiSfc 47 

of his government. 4 But these cares we & ineffectual 
for the preservation of his fame,aiv:< these procu as memorials 
in the Mogul or Persian language were concealed from the 
world, or, at least, from the knowledge of Europe, The 
nations which he vanquished ex seised a base and impotent 
revenge ; and ignorance has k ag ropoated the tale of cal 
umny, 5 which had disfigured tie birth and character, the 
person, and even the name, of Tamer fane,* Yet his real 
merit would be enhanced, rat ; ei ih-an d : ebc,sed, by the eleva- 



3 I am ignorant whether the original instil ation, in the Turki or 
Mogul language, be still extant. The Persic version, with, an English 

.translation, and most valuable uidex, was pulJished (Oxford, 1783, in 
4to.) by the joint labors of Major Davy ar.d Mr. White, the Arabic 
professor. This work has bef-n since transit ted from the Persic into 
French, (Paris, 1787,) by M Langles, a learned (Orientalist, who has 
added the life of Tirnour, an 1 many- curious notes. 

4 Shaw Allum, the presei t Mogul, reads, values, but cannot imitate, 
the institutions of his grea 1 ancestor. The English translator relies on 
their internal evidence; I ut if any BUS] icions should arise of fraud 
and fiction, they will not oe dispelled I y Major Davy s letter. The 
Orientals have never cul .ivated the an of criticism ; the patronage of 
9. prince, less honorable perhaps, is not less lucrative than that of a 
bookseller ; nor can it Ve deemed in credible, that a Persian, the real 
author, should renoun e the credit, if raise the value atrd price, of the 
work. 

5 The original of t ^e tuie it- fcmn d in the following work, which is 
much esteemed for its florid elegance of style : Ahmed-is Arabsiadee 
(Ahmed Ebn Arabs Hah) Vita et fierum gestaru-m Timuri. Arabice et 
Latino. Edidit San-.uel Henrietta Manger. Franeque-rce, 1767, 2 torn, in 
4to. This Syrian -mthor is ever a malicious, and often an ignorant, 
enemy : the very titles of his chapters are injurious ; as how tho 
wicked, as how t.ie impious, as how the viper, &c. The copious article 
of TIMUK, in Bituotheque pritntale, is of a mixed nature, as D Her- 
belot indifferently draws his materials (p. 877 888) from Khondemir, 
Ebn Schounah and the Lebtfcrikli. 

6 Demir or Timour signifies, in the Turkish language, lien ; and 
Beg is the appellation of a lord or prince. By the change of a letter 
or accent, it is changed ir.tc Lenc, or Lame ; and a European corrup 
tion confounds th^ two words in the name of Tamerlane.* 



commences with the Book of Dreams and Omens a wild, but character 
istic, clronicle of Visions and Sortes Koraiiicse. Strange that a life of 
Timour should awaken a reminiscence of the diary of Archbishop Laud! 
The early dawn and the gradual expression of his not less splendid but 
more real visions of ambition are touched with the simplicity of truth and 
nature. But we long to escape from the petty feiids of the pastoral chief 
tain, to the triumphs and the legislation of the conqueror of the world 
M. 

* According to the memoirs he was so called by a Shaikh, who, when 
visited by his rsiother on his birth, was reading the verse of the Koran 



THE DECLINE ANI> FALI* 

tion of a peasant to the throne of Asia ; nor can his lameness 
be a thense of reproach, unless he bad the weakness to blush 
at a natural, or perhaps an honorable, infirmity.* 

In the eyes of the Moguls, who held the indefeasible suc 
cession of the holism of Zigis T he was doubtless a rebel sub 
ject ; yet he sprang from the noble tribe of Berlass : his fifth 
ancestor, Carashar Nevian,. had been the vizier f of Zagatai, 
in his new re-aim of Transoxiana ; and in the ascent of some 
generations, the branch of Timotsr is eonfoonded, at least by 
the females, 7 with the Imperial stem. 8 He was bora forty 
miles to the south of Samareand in the village of Sebzar, in 
the fruitful territory of Cash, of which his fathers were the 
hereditary chiefs, as well as of a toman of ten thousand horse. 9 
His birth 10 was cast on one of those periods of anarchy, which 
announce the fall of the Asiatic dynasties, and open a new 
field to adventurous ambition. The khans of Zagatai were 
extinct ; the emirs aspired to independence ; and their domes- 

7 After relating some false and foolish tales of Timour Lenc, Arab- 
ahah is compelled to speak truth, and to own him for a kinsman of 
Zingis, per mulieres, (as he peevishly adds,) laqueos Satanse, (pars L 
e. i. p. 25.) The testimony of Abulghazi Khan (P. ii. e. 5 P. v. c. 4) 
is clear, unquestionable, and decisive. 

8 According to one of the pedigrees, the fourth ancestor of Zingis, 
and the ninth of Timour, were brothers ; and they agreed, that the 
posterity. of the elder should succeed, to the dignity of khan, and that 
the descendants of the younger should fill the office of their minister 
and general. This tradition was at least convenient to justify the/rsl 
steps of Timour s ambition, (Institutions, p. 24, 25, from the MS. 
fragments of Timour s History.) 

* See the preface of Sherefeddsn, and Abulfeda s Geography, (Gho- 
Tasmiae, &c,, Descriptio, p. 60, 61,) in the iiid volume of Hudson s 
Minor Greek Geographers. 

i(> See his nativity in Dr. Hyde, (Syntagma Bissejtat. torn. ii. p. 
466,) as it was cast by the astrologers of his grandson XJlugh Beg. He 
was born, A. D. 1336, April 9, 11 57 . P. M., lat. 36. ! know not. 
whether they can prove the great conjunction of the planets from 
whence, like other conquerors and prophets, Timour derived the sur 
name of Saheb Reran, or master of the conj,unctions, (Bibliot. Orient, 
p. 878.) 

" Are y<m sure that he who dwelleth is heayen "will nat cause the earth to 
swallow you up, and behold it shall shake, Tamuru." The Shaikh then 
stopped and said, " We have named your son Timur,"-?. 21. M. 

* He was iamed by a wound at the siege of the capital of Sistan. Sherc- 
feddin, lib. hi. c. 17, p. 136. See Von Hammer, vol. i. p. 260. M. 

t In the memoirs, the title Gurgiin is in one place (p. 23) interpreted 
the son-in-law ; in another (p. 28) as Kurkan, great prince, generalissimo, 
and prime minister of Jagtai. M. 



OF TI*E ROMAN EMPIRE. 249 

tic feuds could only be suspended by the conquest and tyranny 
of the khans of Kashgar, who, with an army of Getes or Cal- 
mucks, 1 . 1 invaded the Transoxian kingdom. From the twelfth 
year of his age, Timour had entered the field of action ; in 
the twenty-fifth t he stood forth as the deliverer of his country ; 
and the eyes and wishes of the people were turned towards 
a -hero who suffered in their cause. The chiefs of the law 
and of the army had pledged their salvation to support him 
with their lives and fortunes ; but in the hour of danger they 
were silent and afraid ; and, after waiting seven days on trie 
hills. . of Samarcand, he retreated to the desert with only sixty 
horsemen. The fugitives were overtaken by a thousand Getes, 
whom he repulsed with incredible slaughter, and his enemies 
were forced to exclaim, u Timour is a wonderful man : for 
tune and the divine favor are with him." But- in this bloody 
action his own followers were reduced to ten, a number which 
was soon diminished by the -desertion of three Carizmians.J 
He wandered in the. desert with his wife, seven companions, 
and four horses ; and sixty-two days was he plunged in a 



u - In the Institutions of Timour, these subjects of the khan of Kash- 
gar are most improperly styled Ouzbegs, or Usbeks, a name which 
belongs to another branch and country of Tartars, (Abulghazi, P. v. c. 
v. P. vii. c. 5.) Could I be sure that this word is in the Turkish ori 
ginal, I would boldly pronounce, that the Institutions were framed a 
century after the death of Timour, since the establishment of the 
Qsbeks in Trarisoxiana. * 



* Col. Stewart observes, that the Persian translator lias sometimes 
made use of the name Uzbek by anticipation. He observes, likewise, that 
these Jits (Getes) are not to be confounded with the ancient Getoe : they 
were unconverted Turks. Col. Tod (History of Rajasthan, vol. i. p. 166) 
would identify the Jits with the ancient race. M. 

f He was twenty-seven before he served his first wars under the emir 
Houssein, who ruled over Khorasan and Mawerainnehr. Von Hammer, 
vol. i. p. 262; Neither of these statements agrees with the Memoirs. At 
twelve he was a boy. " I fancied that I perceived in myself all the signs 
of greatness and wisdom, and whoever came to visit me, I received with 
great hauteur and dignity." At seventeen he undertook the management 
of the nvic* s and herds of the family, (p. 24.) At nineteen he became 
religious, a id "left off playing chess,"^made a kind of Budhist vow never 
to injure li\ ; ng thing, and felt his foot paralyzed from having accidental!/ 
trod upon an ant, (p. 30.) At twenty, thoughts of rebellion and gieatness 
rose in his mind ; at twenty-one, he seems to have performed his first feat 
of arms. He was a practised warrior when he served, in his twenty- 
seventh year, under Emir Houssein. 

X Compare Memoirs, page 61. The imprisonment is there stated at 
fifty-three days. " At this time I made a vow to God that I would never 
keep any person, whether guilty or innocent, for any length of time in 
prison or in chains." p. 63. M. 



250 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

loathsome dungeon, from whence he escaped by his own 
courage and the remorse of the oppressor. After swimming 
the hroad and rapid stream of the Jihoon, or Oxus, he led, 
during some months, the life of a vagrant and outlaw, on the 
borders of the adjacent states. But his fame shone brighter 
in adversity; he learned to distinguis-h The friends of his per 
son, the associates of his fortune, and to apply the various 
characters of men for their advantage, and, above all, for 
his own. On his return to his native country, Timour was 
successively joined by the parties of his confederates, who 
anxiously sought him in the . desert ; nor can I refuse to 
describe, in his pathetic simplicity, one of their fortunate 
encounters. He presented himself as a guide to three chiefs, 
who were at the head of seventy horse. " When their eyes 
fell upon me," says Timour, " they were overwhelmed with 
joy ; and they alighted from their horses ; and they came and 
kneeled ; and they kissed my stirrup. I also came down from 
my horse, and took each of them in my arms. And I put my 
turban on the head of the first chief; and my girdle, rich in 
jewels and wrought with gold, I bound on the loins of the 
second ; and the third I clothed in my own coat. And they 
wept, and I wept also ; and the hour of prayer was arrived, 
and we prayed. And we mounted our horses, and came to 
my dwelling ; and I collected my people, and made a feast." 
His trusty bands were soon increased by the bravest of the 
tribes ; he led them against a superior foe ; and, after some 
vicissitudes of war, the Getes were finally driven from the 
kingdom of Transoxiana. He had done much for his own 
glory ; but much remained to be done, much art to be exerted, 
and some blood to be spilt, before he could teach his equals 
M obey him as their master. The birth and power of emir 
Houssein compelled him to accept a vicious and unworthy 
colleague, whose sister was the best beloved of his wives. 
Their union was short and jealous ; but the policy of Timour, 
in their frequent quarrels, exposed his rival to the reproach of 
injustice and perfidy ; and, after a final defeat, Houssein was 
slain by some sagacious friends, who presumed, for the last 
time, to disobey the commands of their lord.* At the age of 
* 

* Timour, on one occasion, s.ent him this message : " He who wishes to 
embrace the bride of royalty must kiss her across the edge of the sharp 
sword," p. 83. The scene of the trial of Houssein, the resistance of Ti 
mour gradually becoming more feeble, the vengeance of the chiefs bccom- 
ag propQst-~v,rb l y air determined, is strikingly portrayed. Mem. p. 
130. M. 



OF THfi ROMAN EMPIRE, 251 

thirty-four, 12 an<l iti a general diet or courouUai, he was 
invested with Imperial commatid, but he affected to revere 
the house ofZingis; and while the emir Tips our reigned .over 
Zagatai and the East, a iiominal khan served as a private 
officer in the armies of his servant, A fertile kingdom, five 
hundred miles in length and in breadth, might have satisfied 
the ambition of a subject ; but Timour aspired to the dominion 
of the world ; and -before his death, the crown of Zagatai was 
one of the twenty-seven crowns which he had placed on his 
head. Without expatiating on the victories of thirty-five 
campaigns ; without describing the lines of march, which he 
repeatedly traced over the continent of Asia ; I shall briefly 
represent his conquests in, I. Persia, IL Tartary, and, III. 
India, 13 and from thence proceed to the more interesting nar 
rative of his Ottoman war, 

I. For every war, a motive of safely or revenge, of honor 
or zeal, of right or convenience, may be readily found in the 
jurisprudence of conquerors. No sooner had Timour reunited 
to the patrimony of Zagatai the dependent countries of 
Carizme and Candahar, than he turned his eyes towards the 
kingdoms of Iran or Persia, From the Oxus to the Tigris, 
that extensive country was left without a lawful sovereign 
since the death of Abousaid, the last of the descendants of the 
great Holacou. Peace and justice had been banished from 
the land above forty years ; and the Mogul invader might 
seem to listen to the cries of an oppressed people. Their 
petty tyrants might have opposed him with confederate arms : 
they separately stood, and successively fell ; and the differ 
ence of their fate was only marked by the promptitude of 
submission or the obstinacy of resistance, Ibrahim, prince of 
Shirwan or Albania, kissed the footstool of the Imperial throne. 
His peace-offerings of silks, horses, and jewels, were com- 



18 The ist book of Sh.erefed.din is employed on the private life of 
the hero ; and he himself, or his secretary, (Institutions, p. 3 77,) 
enlarges with pleasure on the thirteen designs and enterprises which 
most truly constitute his personal merit. It even shines through tht 
dark coloring of Arabshah, (1*. i. c. I 12,) 

13 The conquests of Persia, Tartary, and India, are represented ir- 
the iid and iiid books of Sherefeddin, and by Arabshah, (c, 13 o5,} 
Consult the excellent Indexes to the Institutions.* 



* Compare the seventh book of Von Hammer, Gesduehte dcs Osinaa- 
ischen Keiches. M. 



252 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

posed, according to the Tartar fashion, each article of nine 
pieces ; but a critical spectator, observed, that there were only 
eight slaves. "I myself am the ninth," replied Ibrahim, who 
was prepared for the remark ; and his flattery was rewarded 
by the smile of Timour. 14 Shah Mansour, prince of Pars, or 
the proper Persia, was one of the least powerful, but most 
dangerous, of his enemies. In a battle under the walls of 
Shiraz, he broke, with three or four thousand soldiers, the 
coul or main body of thirty thousand horse, where the emperor 
fought in. person. No more than fourteen or fifteen guards 
remained near the standard of Timour : he stood firm as a 
rock, and received on his helmet two weighty strokes of a 
cimeter : 15 the Moguls rallied ; the head of Mansour was 
thrown at his feet; and he declared his esteem of the valor 
of a foe, by extirpating all the males of so intrepid a race, 
From Shiraz, his troops advanced to the Persian Gulf; and 
the richness and weakness of Ormuz 16 were displayed in an 
annual tribute of six hundred thousand dinars of gold. Bag 
dad was no longer the city of peace, the seat of the caliphs : 
but the noblest conquest of Holacou could not be overlooked 
by his ambitious successor. The whole course of the Tigris 
and Euphrates, from the mouth to the sources of those rivers, 
was reduced to his obedience : he entered Edessa ; and the 
Turkmans of the black sheep were chastised for the sacri 
legious pillage of a caravan of Mecca. In the mountains of 



14 The reverence of the Tartars for the mysterious number of nine 
is declared by Abulghazi Khan, who, for that reason, divides his 
Genealogical History into nine parts. 

15 According to Arabshah, (P. i. c. 28, p. 183,) the coward Timour 
ran away to his tent, and hid himself from the pursuit of Shah Man- 
Bour under the women s garments. Perhaps Sherefeddin (1. iii. c. 25) 
has magnified his courage. 

16 The history of Ormuz is not unlike that of Tyre. The old city, 
on the continent, was destroyed by the Tartars, and renewed in a 
neighboring island without fresh water or vegetation. The kings of 
Ormuz, rich in the Indian trade and the pearl fishery, possessed large 
territories both in Persia and Arabia ; but they were at first the tribu 
taries of the sultans of Ivcrman, and at last were delivered (A. D. 
1505) by the Portuguese tyrants from the tyranny of their own viziers, 
(Marco Polo, 1. i. c. 15, 16, fol. 7, 8. Abulfeda, Geograph. tabul. xi. p. 
261, 262, an original Chronicle of Ormuz, in Texeira, or Stevens s His 
tory of Persia, p. 376: 416, and the Itineraries inserted in the ist vol 
ume of liamusio, of Ludovico Barthema, (1503,) fol. 167, of Andrea 
Corsali, (1517,) fol. 202, 203, and of Odoardo Barbessa, (in 1516,)- fol. 
315318.) 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 253 

Georgia, the native Christians still braved the law and the 
sword of Mahomet ; by three expeditions he obtained the merit 
of the gazie, or holy war ; and the prjnce of Teflis became 
his proselyte and friend. 

II. A just retaliation might be urged for the invasion of 
Turkestan, or the Eastern Tartary. The dignity of Timour 
could not endure the impunity of the Getes : he passed the 
Sihoon, subdued the kingdom of Kashgar, and marched seven 
times into the heart of their country. His most distant camp 
was two months journey, or four hundred and eightyjeagues 
to the north-east of Samarcand ; and his emirs, who traversed 
the River Irtish, engraved in the forests of Siberia a rude 
memorial of their exploits. The conquest of Kipzak, or the 
Western Tartary, 17 was founded on the double motive of aid 
ing the distressed, and chastising the ungrateful. Toctamish, 
a fugitive prince, was entertained and protected in his court : 
the ambassadors of Auruss Khan were dismissed with a 
haughty denial, and followed on the same day by the armies 
of Zagatai ; and their success established Toctamish in the 
Mogul empire of the North. But, after a reign of ten years, 
the new khan forgot the merits and the strength of his bene 
factor ; the base usurper, as he deemed him, of the sacred 
rights of the house of Zingis. Through the gates of Der- 
bend, he entered Persia at the head of ninety thousand horse : 
with the innumerable forces of Kipzak, Bulgaria, Circassia, 
and Russia, he passed the Sihoon, burnt the palaces of 
Timour, and compelled him, amidst the winter snows, to con 
tend for Samarcand and his life. After a mild expostulation, 
and a glorious victory, the emperor resolved on revenge ; and 
by the east, and the west, of the Caspian, and the Volga, he 
twice invaded Kipzak with such mighty powers, that thirteen 
miles were measured from his right to his left wing. In a 
march of five months, they rarely beheld the footsteps of 
man ; and their daily subsistence was often trusted to the for 
tune of the chase. At length the armies encountered each 
other ; but the treachery of the standard-bearer, who, in the 
heat of action, reversed the Imperial standard of Kipzak, 
determined the victory of the Zagatais ; and Toctamish (I 
speak the language of the Institutions) gave the tribe of 

17 Arabshah had travelled into Kipzak, and acquired a singular 
knowledge of the geography, cities, and revolutions, of that northern 
region, (P. i. c. 45 49.) 

VOL. VI. 22 



254 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

Toushi to the wind of desolation. 18 He fled to the Chiistiar. 
duke of Lithuania ; again returned to the banks of the Volga ; 
and, after fifteen battles with a domestic rival, at last perished 
in the wilds of Siberia. The pursuit of a flying enemy car 
ried Tim our into the tributary provinces of Russia : a duke 
of the reigning family was made prisoner amidst the ruins 
of his capital ; and Yeletz, by the pride and ignorance of the 
Orientals, might easily be confounded with the genuine 
metropolis of the nation. Moscow trembled at the approach 
of the -Tartar, and the resistance would have been feeble, 
since the hopes of the Russians were placed in a miraculous 
image of the Virgin, to whose protection they ascribed the 
casual and voluntary retreat of the conqueror. Ambition and 
prudence recalled him to the South, the desolate country was 
exhausted, and the Mogul soldiers were enriched with an 
immense spoil of precious furs, of linen of Antioch, 19 and of 
ingots of gold and silver. 20 On the banks of the Don, or 
Tanais, he received an humble deputation from the consuls 
and merchants of Egypt, 21 Venice, Genoa, Catalonia, and 
Biscay, who occupied the commerce and city of Tana, or 
Azoph, at the mouth of the river. They offered their gifts, 
admired his magnificence, and trusted his royal word. But. 
the peaceful visit of an emir, who explored the state of the 
magazines and harbor, was speedily followed by the destruc 
tive presence of the Tartars. The city was reduced to ashes ; 
the Moslems were pillaged arid dismissed ; but all the Chris 
tians, who had not fled to their ships, were condemned either 

19 Institutions of Timour, p. 123, 125. Mr. White, the editor, 
bestows some animadversion on the superficial account of Sherefeddin, 
(1. iii. c. 12, 13, 14,) who was ignorant of the designs of Timour, and 
the true springs of action. 

19 The furs of Russia are more credible than the ingots. But the 
linen of Antioch has never been famous : and Antioch was in ruins. 
I suspect that it was some manufacture of Europe, which the Hanse 
merchants had imported by the way of Novogorod. 

20 M. Levesque (Hist, de Russie, torn. ii. p. 247. Vie de Timour, 
p. 64 67, before the French version of the Institutes) has corrected 
the error of Sherefeddin, and marked the true limit of Timour s con 
quests. His arguments are superfluous ; and a simple appeal to the 
Kussian annals is sufficient to prove that Moscow, which six years 
before had been taken by Toctamish, escaped the arms of a more 
formidable invader. 

21 An Egyptian consul from Grand Cairo is mentioned in Barbaro s 
voyage to Tana in 1136, after the city had been rebuilt, (Ramusio 
torn. ii. fol. 92.) 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 

to death or slavery. 22 Revenge prompted him to burn the 
cities of Serai and Astrachan, the monuments of rising Civil 
ization ; and his vanity proclaimed, that he had penetrated 
to the region of perpetual daylight, a strange phenomenon, 
which authorized his Mahometan doctors to dispense with the 
obligation of evening prayer. 23 

III. When Timour first proposed to his princes and emirs 
the invasion of India or Hindostan, 24 he was answered by a 
murmur of discontent : " The rivers ! and the mountains and 
deserts ! and the soldiers clad in armor ! and the elephants, 
destroyers of men ! But the displeasure of the emperor 
was more dreadful than all these terrors; and his superior 
reason was convinced, that an enterprise of such tremendous 
aspect was safe and easy in the execution. He was informed 
by his spies of the weakness and anarchy of Hindostan : the 
soubahs- of the provinces had -erected the standard of rebel 
lion ; and the perpetual infancy of Sultan Mahmoud was 
despised even in the harem of Delhi. The Mogul army moved 
in three great divisions ; and Tirnour observes with pleasure, 
that the ninety-two squadrons of a thousand horse most fortu 
nately corresponded with the ninety-two names or epithets of 
the prophet Mahomet.* Between the Jihoon and the Indus they 
crossed one of the ridges of mountains, which are styled by 

22 The sack of Azoph is described by Sherefeddiu, (1. iii. c. 55,) and 
much more particularly by the author of an Italian chronicle, (An 
dreas de Redusiis do Quero, in Chron. Tarvisiano, in Muratori, Script. 
Rerum Italicarum, torn. xix. p. 802 805.) He had conversed with 
the Mianis, two Venetian brothers, one of whom had been sent a 
deputy to the camp of Timour, and the other had lost at Azoph three 
sons and 12,000 ducats. 

{ Shercfeddin only says (1. iii. c. 13) that the rays of the setting, 
and those of the rising sun, were scarcely separated by any interval ; 
a problem which may be solved in the latitude of Moscow, (the 56th 
degree,) with the aid of the Aurora Borealis, and a long summer 
twilight. But a day of forty days (Khondemir apud D Herbelot, p. 
880) would rigorously confine us within the polar circle. 

24 For the Indian war, sec the Institutions, (p. 129 139,) the fourth 
book of Shercfeddin, and the history of Ferishta, (in Dow, vol. ii. p. 
1 20,) which throws a general light on the affairs of Hindostan. 



* Gibbon (observes M. von Hammer) is mistaken in the correspondence 
of the ninety-two squadrons of his army with the ninety-two names of 
God : the names of God are ninety-nine, and Allah is the hundredth, p. 
286, note. But Gibbon speaks of the names or epithets of Mahomet, not 
of God. M. 



256 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

the Arabian geographers The Stony Girdles of the Earth. 
The highland robbers were subdued or extirpated ; but great 
numbers of men and horses perished in the snow ; the em 
peror himself was let down a precipice on a portable scaffold 
the ropes were one hundred and fifty cubits in length; and 
before he could reach the bottom, this dangerous operation 
was five times repeated. Timour crossed the Indus at the 
ordinary passage of Attok ; and successively traversed, in the 
footsteps of Alexander, the kimjab, or five rivers, 25 that fall 
into the master stream. From Attok to Delhi, the high road 
measures no more than six hundred miles ; but the two con 
querors deviated to the south-east ; and the motive of Timour 
was to join his grandson, who had achieved by his command 
the conquest of Moultan. On the eastern bank of the Hy- 
phasis, on the edge of the desert, the Macedonian hero 
halted and wept : the Mogul entered the desert, reduced the 
fortress of Batmir, and stood in arms before the gates of 
Delhi, a great and flourishing city, which had subsisted three 
centuries under the dominion of the Mahometan kings. t The 
siege, more especially of the castle, might have been a work 
of time ; but he tempted, by the appearance of. weakness, 
the sultan Mahmoud and his vizier to descend into the plain, 
with ten thousand cuirassiers, forty thousand of his foot- 
guards, and one hundred and twenty elephants, whose tusks 
are said to have been armed with sharp and poisoned daggers. 
Against these monsters, or rather against the imagination of 
his troops, he condescended to use some extraordinary pre 
cautions of fire and a ditch, of iron spikes and a rampart of 
bucklers ; but the event taught the Moguls to smile at their 
own fears ; and as soon as these unwieldy animals were 
routed, the inferior species (the men of India) disappeared 
from the field. Timour made his triumphal entry into the 
capital of Hindostan ; and admired, with a view to imitate, 



25 The rivers of the Punjab, the five eastern branches of the Indus, 
have been laid down for the first time Avith truth and accuracy in 
Major Kennel s incomparable map of Hindostan. In his Critical Me 
moir he illustrates with judgment and learning the marches of Alex 
ander and Timour.* 



* See vol. i. ch. ii. note 1. M. 

f They took, on their march, 100,000 slaves, Gucbers : they were all 
murdered. V. Hammer, vol. i. p. 286. They are called idolaters. Brigg& s 
Ferishta, vol. i. p. 491. M. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 257 

the architecture of the stately mosque ; but the order or 
license of a general pillage and massacre polluted the festival 
of his victory. He resolved to purify his soldiers in the 
blood of the idolaters, or Gentoos, who still surpass, in the 
proportion of ten to one, the numbers of the Moslems.* In 
this pious design, he advanced one hundred miles to the 
north-east of Delhi, passed the Ganges, fought several battles 
by land and water, and penetrated to the famous rock of 
Coupele, the statue of the cow,t that seems to discharge the 
mighty river, whose source is far distant among the moun 
tains of Thibet. 26 His return was along the skirts of the 
northern hills ; nor could this rapid campaign of one year 
justify the strange foresight of his emirs, that their children 
in a warm climate would degenerate into a race of Hindoos. 
It was on the banks of the Ganges that Timour was in 
formed, by his speedy messengers, of the disturbances which 
had arisen on the confines of Georgia and Anatolia, of the 
revolt of the Christians, and the ambitious designs of the 
sultan Bajazet. His vigor of mind and body was not im 
paired by sixty-three years, and innumerable fatigues ; and, 
after enjoying some tranquil months in the palace of Samar- 
cand, he proclaimed a new expedition of seven years into 
the western countries of Asia. 27 To the soldiers who had 



! The two great rivers, the Ganges and Burrampoofc*r, rise in 
Thibet, from the opposite ridges of the same hills, separate r rom each 
other to the distance of 1200 miles, and, after a winding covse of 2000 
miles, again meet in one point near the Gulf of Bengal. \V* so capri 
cious is Fame, that the Burrampooter is a late discovery, \vhile his 
brother Ganges has been the theme of ancient and mot- >rn story. 
Coupele, the scene of Timour s last victory, must be situat* near Lol- 
dong, 1100. miles from Calcutta ; and in 17 74, a British cai-<p ! (Ken 
nel s Memoir, p. 7, 59, 90, 91, 99.) 

27 See the Institutions, p. 141, to the end of the ist booi nnd Sher- 
efeddin, (1. v. c. 1 16,) to the entrance of Timour into Sy .-,. 



* See a curious passage on the destruction of the Hindo- wlols, Me 
moirs, p. lo. M. 

t Consult the very striking description of the Cow s Mouth v- Captair. 
Hodgson, Asiat. lies. vol. xiv. p. II". " A most wonderful oce \^. The 
B hagiratha or Ganges issues from under a very low arch at the A; i l of the 
grand snow bed. My guide, an illiterate mountaineer, compared the 
pendent icicles to Mahodeva s hair." (Compare Poems, Qua r tor. i; Kev. 
vol. xiv. p. 37, and at the end of my translation of Nala.) " Hind, cc of 
research may formerly have been here ; and if so, I cannot think of any 
place to which they might more aptly give the name of a cow s mouiL 
than to this extraordinary debouche." M. 

* 



258 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

served in the Indian war he granted the choice of remaining 
at home, or following their prince ; but the troops of all the 
provinces and kingdoms of "Persia were commanded to 
assemble at Ispahan, and wait the arrival of the Imperial 
standard. It was. first directed against the Christians of 
Georgia, who were strong only in their rocks, their castles, 
and the winter season ; but these obstacles were overcome by 
the zeal and perseverance of Timour : the rebels submitted 
to the tribute- or the Koran ; and if both religions boasted of 
their martyrs, that name is more justly due to the Christian 
prisoners, who were offered the choice of abjuration or death. 
On his descent from the hills, the emperor gave audience to 
the first ambassadors of Bajazet, and opened the hostile cor 
respondence of complaints and menaces, which fermented 
two years before the final explosion. Between two jealous 
and haughty neighbors, the motives of quarrel will seldom 
be wanting. The Mogul and Ottoman conquests now touched 
each other in the neighborhood of Erzeroum, and the Eu 
phrates ; nor had the doubtful limit been ascertained by time 
and treaty. Each of these ambitious monarchs might accuse 
his rival of violating his territory, of threatening his vassals, 
and protecting his rebels; and, by the name of rebels, each 
understood the fugitive princes, whose kingdoms he had 
usurped, and whose life or liberty he implacably pursued. 
The re semblance of character was still more dangerous than 
the opposition of interest ; and in their victorious career, 
Timour was impatient of an equal, and Bajazet was ignorant 
of a superior. The first epistle ~ 8 of the Mogul emperor 
must have provoked, instead of reconciling, the Turkish sul 
tan, whose family and nation he affected to despise. 29 " Dost 

~ 3 ~\Ye have three copies of tliese hostile epistles in the Institutions, 
(p. 147,) in Sherefeddin, (1. v. c. 14,) and in Arabshah, (torn. ii. c. 19, 
p. 183 201 ;) which agree with each other in the spirit and substance 
rather than in the style. It is probable, that they have been translat 
ed, with various latitude, from the Turkish original into the Arabic 
and Persian tongues.* 

29 The Mogul emir distinguishes himself and his countrymen, by the 
name of Turks, and stigmatizes the race and nation of Bajazet with the 
less honorable epithet of Turkmans. Yet I do not understand how 
the Ottomans could be descended from a Turkman sailor ; those 



* Von Hammer considers the letter which Gibbon inserted in the text 
to be spurious. On the various copies of these letters, see his note, p. 
616. M. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 259 

thou not know, that the greatest part of Asia is subject to our 
arms and our laws ? that our invincible forces extend from 
one sea to the other ? that the potentates of the earth form 
a line before our gate ? and that we have compelled Fortune 
herself to watch over the prosperity of our empire. What 
is the foundation of thy insolence and folly ? Thou hast 
fought some battles in the woods of Anatolia ; contemptible 
trophies ! Thou hast obtained some victories over the Chris 
tians of Europe ; thy sword was blessed by the apostle of 
God ; and thy obedience to the precept of the Koran, in 
waging war against the infidels, is the sole consideration that 
prevents us from destroying thy country, the frontier and 
bulwark of the Moslem world. Be wise in time ; reflect; 
repent ; and avert the thunder of our vengeance, which is 
yet suspended over thy head. Thou art no more than a 
pismire ; why wilt thou seek to provoke the elephants ? 
Alas ! they will trample thee under their feet." In his 
replies, Bajazet poured forth the indignation of a soul which 
was deeply stung by such unusual contempt. After retorting 
the basest reproaches on the thief and rebel of the desert, 
the Ottoman recapitulates his boasted victories in Iran, Tou- 
ran, and the Indies ; and labors to prove, that Timour had 
never triumphed unless by his own perfidy and the vices of 
his foes. " Thy armies are innumerable : be they so ; but 
what are the arrows of the flying Tartar against the cim- 
eters and battle-axes of my firm and invincible Janizaries ? 
I will guard the princes who have implored my protection : 
seek them in my tents. The cities of Arzingan- and Erze- 
roum are mine ; and unless the tribute be duly paid, I will 
demand the arrears under the walls of Tauris and Sultania." 
The ungovernable rage of the sultan at length betrayed him 
to an insult of a more domestic kind. " If I fly from thy 
arms," said he, " may my wives be thrice divorced from my 
bed : but if thou hast not courage to meet me in the field, 
mayest thou again receive thy wives after they have thrice 
endured the embraces of a stranger." 30 Any violation by 

inland shepherds were so remote from the sea, and all maritime 
affairs.* 

According to the Koran, (c. ii. p. 27, and Sale s Discourses, p. 13-i,) 
a Mussulman who had thrice divorced his wile, (who had thrice 

* Price translates the word pilot, or boatman. M. 



260 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

word or deed of the secrecy of the harem is an unpardona- 
ble offence among the Turkish nations; 31 and the political 
quarrel of the two monarchs was imbittered by private and 
personal resentment. Yet in his first expedition, Timour was 
satisfied with the siege and destruction of Siwas or Sebaste, 
a strong city on the borders of Anatolia ; and he revenged 
the indiscretion of the Ottoman, on a garrison of four thou 
sand Armenians, who were buried alive for the brave and 
faithful discharge of their duty.t As a Mussulman, he seemed 
to respect the pious occupation of Bajazet, who was still 
engaged in the blockade of Constantinople ; and after this 
salutary lesson, the Mogul conqueror checked his pursuit, 
and turned aside to the invasion of Syria and Egypt. In 
these transactions, the Ottoman prince, by the Orientals, and 
even by Timour, is styled the Kaissar of Roum, the Csesar 
of the Romans : a title which, by a small anticipation, might 
be given to a monarch who possessed the provinces, and 
threatened the city, of the successors of Constantine. 32 

The military republic of the Mamalukes still reigned in 
Egypt and Syria : but the dynasty of the Turks was over 
thrown by that of the Circassians ; 33 and their favorite Bar- 
kok, from a slave and a prisoner, was raised and restored to 
the throne. In the. midst of rebellion and discord, he braved 
the menaces, corresponded with the enemies, and detained 



repeated the words of a divorce,) could not take her again, till after 
she had been married to, and repudiated by, another husband ; an 
ignominious "transaction, which it is needless to aggravate, by suppos 
ing that the first husband must see her enjoyed by a second before his 
face, (Rycaut s State of the Ottoman Empire, 1. ii. c. 21.) 

31 The common delicacy of the Orientals, in never speaking of their 
women, is ascribed in a much higher degree by Arabshah to the 
Turkish nations ; and it is remarkable enough, that Chalcondyles (1. 
ii. p.-oo) had some knowledge of the prejxidice and the insult.* 

3 - For the style of the Moguls, see the Institutions, (p. 131, 147,) 
and for the Persians, the Bibliotheque Orientale, (p. 882;) but I do 
not find that the title of Caesar has been applied by the Arabians, 
or assumed by the Ottomans themselves. 

33 See the reigns of Barkok and Pharadge, in M. De Guignes, (torn. 
iv. 1. x:di.,) who, from the Arabic texts of Aboulmahasen, Ebn. 
Schounah, and Aintabi, has added some facts to our common stock 
of materials. 



* See Von Hammer, p. 308, and note, p. 621. M. 

f Still worse barbarities were perpetrated on these brave men. Von 
Hammer, rol. i. p. 295. M. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 261 



the ambassadors, of the Mogul, who patiently expected his 
decease, to revenge the crimes of the father on "the feeble 
reign of his- son Farage. The Syrian emirs 34 were assem 
bled at Aleppo to repel the invasion : they confided in the 
fame and discipline of the Mamalukes, in the temper of their 
swords and lances of the purest steel of Damascus, "in the 
strength of their walled cities, and in the populousness of 
sixty thousand villages ; and instead of sustaining a siege, 
they threw open their gates, and arrayed their forces Tn the 
plain. But these forces were not cemented by virtue and 
union ; and some powerful emirs had been seduced to desert 
or betray their more loyal companions. Timour s front was 
covered with a line of Indian elephants, whose turrets were 
filled with archers and Greek fire : the rapid evolutions of 
his cavalry completed the dismay and disorder ; the Syrian 
crowds fell back on each other : many thousands were stifled 
or slaughtered in the entrance of the great street ; the Moguls 
entered with the fugitives ; and after a short defence, the 
citadel, the impregnable citadel of Aleppo, was surrendered 
by cowardice or treachery. Among the suppliants and cap 
tives, Timo ur distinguished the doctors of the law, whom he 
invited to the dangerous honor of a personal conference. 35 
The Mogul prince was a zealous Mussulman ; but his Persian 
schools had taught him to revere the memory of Ali and 
Hosein ; and he had imbibed a deep prejudice against the Syr 
ians, as the enemies of the son of the daughter of the apostle 
of God. To these doctors he proposed a captious question, 
which the casuists of Bochara, Samarcand, and Herat, were 
rncapable of resolving. " Who are the true martyrs, of those 
ivho are slain on my side, or on that of my enemies ? But 
he was silenced, or satisfied, by the dexterity of one of the 
cadhis of Aleppo, who replied in the words of Mahomet him 
self, that the motive, not the ensign, constitutes the martyr ; 



34 For these recent and domestic transactions, Arabshah, though a 
partial, is a credible, witness, (torn. i. c.- 64 68, torn. ii. c. 1 14.) 
rimour must have been odious to a Syrian ; but the notoriety of facts 
would have obliged him, in some measure, to respect his enemy and 
himself. His bitters may correct the luscious sweets of Sherefeddin, 
(1. v. c. 1729.) 

33 These interesting conversations appear to have been copied by 
Aj:abshah (torn. i. c. 68, p. 625 645) from the cadhi and historian 
Ebn Schounah, a principal actor. Yet how could he be alive seventy- 
fiva years afterwards ? (D Herbelot, p. 792.) 



262 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

_ 

and that the Moslems of either party, who fight only for the 
glory of God, may deserve that sacred appellation. The true 
succession of the caliphs was a controversy of a still more 
delicate nature ; and the frankness of a doctor, too honest for 
his situation, provoked the emperor to exclaim, " Ye are as 
false as those of Damascus: Moawiyah was a usurper, Yezid 
a tyrant, and Ali alone is the lawful successor of the prophet." 
A prudent explanation restored his tranquillity ; and he passed 
to a more familiar topic of conversation. " What is your 
age ? " said he to the cadhi. " Fifty years." " It would be 
the age of my eldest son : you see me here (continued Ti- 
mour) a poor lame, decrepit mortal* Yet by my arm has the 
Almighty been pleased to subdue the kingdoms of Iran, Tou- 
ran, and the Indies. I am not a man of blood ; and God is 
my witness, that in all my wars I have never been the aggres 
sor, and that my enemies have always been the authors of 
their own calamity." During this peaceful conversation the 
streets of Aleppo streamed with blood, and reechoed with the 
cries of mothers and children, with the shrieks of violated 
virgins. The rich plunder that was abandoned to his soldiers 
might stimulate their avarice ; but their cruelty was enforced 
by the peremptory command of producing an adequate num 
ber of heads, which, according to his custom, were curiously 
piled in columns and pyramids : the Moguls celebrated the 
feast of victory, while the surviving Moslems passed the night 
in tears and in chains. I shall not dwell on the march of the 
destroyer from Aleppo to Damascus, where he was rudely 
encountered, and almost overthrown, by the armies of Egypt. 
A retrograde motion was imputed to his distress arid despair : 
one of his nephews deserted to the enemy ; and Syria rejoiced 
in the tale of his defeat, when the sultan was driven by the 
revolt of the Mamalukes to escape with precipitation and 
shame to his palace of Cairo. Abandoned by their prince, 
the inhabitants of Damascus still defended their walls ; and 
Timour consented to raise the siege, if they would adorn his 
retreat with a gift or ransom ; each article of nine pieces. 
But no sooner had he introduced himself into the city, under 

v 

color of a truce, than he perfidiously violated the treaty ; im 
posed a contribution of ten millions of gold ; and animated his 
troops to chastise the posterity of those Syrians who had exe 
cuted, or approved, the murder of the grandson of Mahomet 
A family which had given honorable burial to the head of 
Hosein. and a colony of artificers, whom he sent to labor at 





OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 263 

Samarcand, were alone reserved in the general massacre ; 
and after a period of seven centuries, Damascus was reduced 
to ashes, because a Tartar was moved by religious zeal to 
avenge the blood of an Arab. The losses and fatigues of the 
campaign obliged Timour to renounce the conquest of Pales 
tine and Egypt ; but in his return to the Euphrates he delivered 
Aleppo to the flames ; and justified his pious motive by the 
pardon and reward of two thousand sectaries of AH, who were 
desirous to visit the tomb of his son. I have expatiated on 
the personal anecdotes which mark the character of the Mogul 
hero ; but I shall briefly mention," 36 that he erected on the 
ruins of Bagdad a pyramid of ninety thousand heads ; again 
visited Georgia ; encamped on the banks of Araxes ; and 
proclaimed his resolution of marching against the Ottoman 
emperor. Conscious of the importance of the waY, he col 
lected his forces from every province : eight hundred thou 
sand men were enrolled on his military list ; 37 but the splendid 
commands of five, and ten, thousand horse, may be rather 
expressive of the rank and pension of the chiefs, than of 
the genuine number of effective soldiers. 38 In the pillage of 
Syria, the Moguls had acquired immense riches : but the 
delivery of their pay and arrears for seven years more firmly 
attached them to the Imperial standard. 

During this diversion of the Mogul arms, Bajazet -had two 
years to collect his forces for a more serious encounter. 
They coasisted of four hundred thousand horse and foot, 39 

The marches and occupations of Timour between the Syrian and 
Ottoman wars are represented by Slierefeddin (1. v. c. 2943) and 
Arabshah, (torn. ii. c. 15 18.) 

37 This number of 800,000 was extracted by Arabshah, or rather by 
Ebn Schounah, ex rationario Timuri, on the faith of a Carizmian offi 
cer, (torn. i. c. 68, p. 617 ;) and it is remarkable enough, that a Greek 
historian (Phranza, 1. i. c. 29) adds no more than 20,000 men. Pog- 
gius reckons 1,000,000 ; another Latin contemporary (Chron. Tarvisi- 
anura, apud Muratori, torn. xix. p. 800) 1,100,000 ; and the enormous 
sum of 1,600,000 is attested by a German soldier, who was present at 
the battle of Angora, (Leunclav. ad Chalcondyl. 1. iii. p. 82.) Timour, 
in his Institutions, has not deigned to calculate his troops, his sub 
jects, or his revenues. 

38 A wide latitude of non-effectives was allowed by the Great 
Mogul for his own pride and the benefit of his officers. Bernier s 
patron was Penge-Hazari, commander of 5000 horse ; of which he 
maintained no more than 500, (Voyages, torn. i. p. 28S, 289.) 

. Timour himself iixes at 400,000 men the Ottoman army, (Institu 
tions, p. 153,) which is reduced to 150,000 by Phranza, (1. i. c. 29,) 



264 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

whoso merit and fidelity were of an unequal complexion 
We may discriminate the Janizaries, who have been gradually 
raised to an establishment of forty thousand men; a national 
cavalry, the Spahis of modern times ; twenty thousand cuiras 
siers of Europe, clad in black and impenetrable armor ; the 
troops of Anatolia, whose princes had taken refuge in^the 
camp of Timour, and a colony of Tartars, whom he had driven 
from Kipzak, and to whom Bajazet had assigned a settlement 
in the plains of Adrianople. The fearless confidence of the 
sultan urged him to meet his antagonist ; and, as if he had 
chosen that spot for revenge, he displayed his banners near 
the ruins of the unfortunate Suvas. In the mean while. 
Timour moved from the Araxes through the countries of Ar- 
mgnia and Anatolia : his boldness was secured by the wisest 
precautions ; his speed was guided by order and discipline 
and the woods, the mountains, and the rivers, were diligently 
explored by the flying squadrons, who marked his road and 
preceded his standard". Firm in his plan of fighting in the 
heart of the Ottoman kingdom, he avoided their camp ; dex 
terously inclined to the left; occupied Caesarea ; traversed 
the salt desert and the River Halys ; and invested Angora : 
while the sultan, immovable and ignorant in his post, com 
pared the Tartar swiftness to the crawling of a snail; 4 he 
returned on the wings of indignation to the relief of Angora : 
and as both generals were alike impatient for action, the plums 
round that city were the scene of- a memorable battle, which 
has immortalized the glory of Timour and the shame of Baja 
zet. For this signal victory the Mogul emperor was indebted 
to himself, to the genius of the moment, and the discipline .of 
thirty years. He had improved the tactics, without violating 
the manners, of his nation, 41 whose force still consisted in the 
missile weapons, and rapid evolutions, of a numerous cavalry. 
From a single troop to a great army, the mode of attack was 
the same : a foremost line first advanced to the charge, and 



and swelled by the German soldier to 1,400,000. It is evident that 
the Moguls were the more numerous. 

4 It may not be useless to mark the distances between Angora anc 
the neighboring cities, by the journeys of the caravans, each of twenty 
or twenty-five miles ; to Smyrna xx. f to Kiotahia x., to Boursa x., to 
Cfiesaroa, viii., to Sinope x., to Nicomedia ix., to Constantinople xu. 
or xiii., (soe Tournofort, Voyage au Levant, torn. 11. 1 

See the Systems of Tactics in the Institutions, which the fcngusli 
editors have illustrated with elaborate plens, (p. 373407^ 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE, 265 

was supported in a just order by the squadrons of the great 
vanguard. The general s eye watched over the field, and at 
his command the front and rear of the right and left wings 
successively moved forwards in their several divisions, and in 
a direct or oblique line : the enemy was pressed by eighteen 
or twenty attacks ; and each attack afforded a chance of vic 
tory. If they all proved fruitless or unsuccessful, the occasion. 
was worthy of the emperor himself, who gave the signal of 
advancing to the standard and main body, which he led in 
person. 42 But in the battle of Angora, the main body itself 
was supported, on the flanks and in the rear, by the bravest 
squadrons of the reserve, commanded by the sons and grand 
sons of Timour. The conqueror of Hindostan ostentatiously 
showed a line of elephants, the trophies, rather than the in 
struments, of victory ; the use of the Greek fire was familiar 
to the Moguls and Ottomans ; but had they borrowed from 
Europe the recent invention of gunpowder and cannon, the 
artificial thunder, in the hands of either nation, must have 
turned the fortune of the day. 43 In that day Bajazet displayed 
the qualities of a soldier and a chief : but his genius sunk 
under a stronger ascendant ; and, from various motives, the 
greatest part of his troops failed him in the decisive moment. 
His rigor and avarice * had provoked a mutiny among the 
Turks ; and even his son Soliman. too hastily withdrew from 
the field. The forces of Anatolia, loyal in their revolt, were 
drawn away to the banners of their lawful princes. His Tar 
tar allies had been tempted by the letters and emissaries of 
Timour ; 44 who reproached their ignoble servitude under the 
slaves of their fathers ; and offered to their hopes the domin- 

- - ....__--- ..- - - . -.- - --, , _ | | r _ < -. L ..---- ...J- -n_ 

The sultan himself (says Timour) must then iit the foot of 
courage into the stirrup of patience. A Tartar metaphor, which is 
lost in the English, but preserved in the French, version of the Insti 
tutes, (p. 156, 157.) 

43 The Greek lire, on Timour s side, is attested by Sherefeddin, (1. 
v. c. 47 ;) but Voltaire s strange suspicion, that some cannon, inscribed 
with _ strange characters, must have been sent by that monarch to 
Delhi, ^is refuted by the universal silence of contemporaries. 

^ Timour has dissembled this secret and important negotiation with 
the Tartars, which is indisputably proved by the joint evidence of the 
Arabian, (torn. i. c. 47, p. 391,) Turkish, (Annal. Lcunclav. p. 321,) 
und Persian historians, (Khondemir, apud D Herbelot, p. 882.) 



* See V. Hammer, vol. i. p. 310, for the singular hints which were COB 
veyed to him of the wisdom of unlocking his hoarded treasures. M 

VOL. vi. 23 



66 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

ion of their new, or the liberty of their ancient, country. In 
the right wing of Bajazet the cuirassiers of Europe charged, 
with faithful hearts and irresistible arms : but these men of 
iron were scon broken by an artful flight and headlong pur 
suit ; and the Janizaries, alone, without cavalry or missile 
weapons, were encompassed by- the circle of the Mogul hunt 
ers. Their valor was at length oppressed by heat, thirst, and 
the weight of numbers ; and the unfortunate sultan, afflicted 
with the goirt in his hands and feet, was transported from the 
field on the fleetest of his horses. He was pursued and taken 
by the titular khan of Zagatai : and, after his capture, and the 
defeat of the Ottoman powers, the kingdom of Anatolia submit 
ted to the conqueror, who planted his standard at Kiotahia, 
and dispersed on all sides the ministers of rapine and destruc 
tion. Mirza Mehemmed Sultan, the eldest and best beloved 
of his grandsons, was despatched to Boursa, with thirty thou 
sand horse ; and such was his youthful ardor, that he arrived 
with only four thousand at the gates of the capital, after 
performing in five days a march of two hundred and thirty 
miles. Yet fear is still more rapid in its course ; and Soli- 
man, the son of Bajazet, had already passed over to Europe 
with the royal treasure. The spoil, however, of the palace 
and city was immense : the inhabitants had escaped ; but the 
buildings, for the most part of wood, were reduced to ashes. 
From Boursa, the grandson of Timour advanced to Nice, even 
yet a fair and flourishing city ; and the Mogul squadrons were 
only stopped by the waves of the Propontis. The same success 
attended the other mirzas and emirs in their excursions ; and 
Smyrna, defended by the zeal and courage of the Rhodian 
knights, alone deserved the presence of the emperor himself. 
After an obstinate defence, the place was taken by storm : all 
that breathed .was put to the sword ; and the heads of the 
Christian heroes were launched from the engines, on board of 
two carracks, or great ships of Europe, that rode at anchor 
in the harbor. The Moslems of Asia rejoiced in their deliver 
ance from a dangerous and domestic foe ; and a parallel was 
drawn between the two rivals, by observing that Timour, in 
fourteen days, had reduced a fortress which had sustained 
seven years the siege, or at least the blockade, of Bajazet. 4f 

45 For the war of Anatolia or Roum, I add some hints in the Insti 
tutions, to the copious narratives of Sherefeddin (1. v. c. 4465) and 
Axabshah, (torn. ii. c. 2035.) On this part only of Timour s hist^y 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 267 

The iron cage in which Bajazet was imprisoned by Tamer 
lane, so long and so often repeated as a moral lesson, is now 
rejected as a fable by the modern writers, who smile at the 
vulgar credulity. 46 They appeal with confidence to the Per 
sian history of Sherefeddin Ali, which has been given to our 
curiosity in a French version, and from which I shall collect 
and abridge a more specious narrative of this memorable 
transaction. No sooner was Tirnour informed that the cap 
tive Ottoman was at the door of his tent, than he graciously 
stepped forwards to receive him, seated him by his side, and 
mingled with just reproaches a soothing pity for his rank and 
misfortune. " Alas ! " said the emperor, " the decree of 
fate is now accomplished by your own fault ; it is the web 
which you have woven, the thorns of the tree which yourself 
have planted. I wished to spare, and even to assist, the 
champion of the Moslems : you braved our threats ; you 
despised our friendship ; you forced us to enter your king 
dom with our invincible armies. Behold the event. Had 
you vanquished, I am not ignorant of the fate which you re 
served for myself and my troops. But I disdain to retaliate . 
your life and honor are secure ; and I shall express my grat 
itude to God by my clemency to man." The royal captiva 
showed some signs of repentance, accepted the humiliation 
of a robe of honor, and embraced with tears his son Mousa, 
who, at his request, was sought and found among the captives 
of the field. The Ottoman princes were lodged in a splen 
did pavilion ; and the respect of the guards could be sur 
passed only by their vigilance. On the arrival of the harem 
from Boursa, Tiniour restored the queen Despina and her 
daughter to their, father and husband ; but he piously required, 
that the Servian princess, who had hitherto been indulged in 
the profession of Christianity, should embracp without delay 
the religion of the prophet. In the feast of victory, to which 
Bajazet was invited, the Mogul emperor placed a crown on 
his head and a sceptre in his hand, with a solemn assurance 
of restoring him with an increase of glory to the throne of 



it is lawful to quote the Turks, (Cantemir, p. 53 55, Aimal. Leun- 
clav. p. 320 322,) and the Greeks, (Phranzu, 1. i. c. 59, Ducas, c. 15 
17, Chalcondyles, 1. iii.) 

46 The scepticism of Voltaire (Essai sur I llistoirc Generate, c. 88) 
is ready on this, as on every occasion, to reject a popular tale, and to 
diminish the magnitude of vico and virtue ; and on most occasions his 
incredulity i* reasonable. 



268 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

his ancestors. But the effect of this promise was disappointed 
by the sultan s untimely death .: amidst the care of the most 
skilful physicians, he expired of an apoplexy at Akshehr, the 
Antioch of Pisidia, about nine months after his defeat. The 
victor dropped a tear over his grave : his body, with royal 
pomp, was conveyed to the mausoleum which he had erected 
at Boursa ; and his son Mousa, after receiving a rich present 
of gold and jewels, of horses and arms, was invested by a 
patent in red ink with the kingdom of Anatolia. 

Such is the portrait of a generous conqueror, which has 
been extracted from his own memorials, and dedicated to his 
son and grandson, nineteen years after his decease ; 47 and, at 
a time when the truth was remembered by thousands, a man 
ifest falsehood would have implied a satire on his real con 
duct. Weighty indeed is this evidence, adopted by all the 
Persian histories ; 48 yet flattery, more especially in the East, 
is base and audacious ; and the harsh and ignominious treat 
ment of Bajazet is attested by a chain of witnesses, some of 
whom shall be produced in the order of their time and 
country. 1. The reader has not forgot the garrison of 
French, whom the marshal Boucicault left behind him for the 
defence of Constantinople. They were on the spot to receive 
the earliest and most faithful intelligence of the overthrow 
of their great adversary ; and it is more than probable, that 
some of them accompanied the Greek embassy to the camp 
of Tamerlane. From their account, the hardships of the 
prison and death of Bajazet are affirmed by the marshal s 
servant and historian, within the distance of seven years. 49 
2. The name of Poggius the Italian 50 is deservedly famous 



47 See the History of Sherefeddin, (1. v. c. 49, 52, 53, 59, 60.) This 
work was finished at Shiraz, in the year 1424, and dedicated to Sultan 
Ibrahim, the son of Sharokh, the son of Timour, who reigned in Far- 
sistan in his father s lifetime. 

48 After the perusal of Khondemir, Ebn Schounah, &c., the learned 
D Herbclot (Bibliot. Orientate, p. 882) may affirm, that this fable is 
not mentioned in the most authentic histories ; but his denial of the 
visible testimony of Arabshah leaves sonie room to suspect his accu 
racy. 

4 * Et fut lui-mcme (Bajazef) pris, et mene en prison, en laquelle 
inouxut de dure mort! Memoires de Boucicault, P. i. c. 37. These 
Memoirs were composed while the marshal was still governor of 
Genoa, from whence he was expelled in the year 1409, by a popular 
insurrection, (Muratori, Annali d Italia, torn. xii. p. 473, 474.) 

5U The reader will find a satisfactory account of the life and writings 



OF THE ROM IN EMPIRE. 269 

among the revivers of learning in the fifteenth century. His 
elegant dialogue on the vicissitudes of fortune 51 was composed 
in his fiftieth year, twenty-eight years after the Turkish 
victoiy of Tamerlane; 52 whom he celebrates as not inferior 
to the illustrious Barbarians of antiquity. Of his exploits 
and discipline Poggius was informed by several ocular wit 
nesses ; nor does he forget an example so apposite to his 
theme as the Ottoman monarch, whom the Scythian confined 
like a wild beast in an iron cage, and exhibited a spectacle to 
Asia. I might add the authority of two Italian chronicles, 
perhaps of an earlier date, which would prove at least that the 
same story, whether false or true, was imported into Europe 
with the first tidings of the revolution. 53 3. At the time 
when Poggius flourished at Rome, Ahmed Ebn Arabshah 
composed at Damascus the florid and malevolent .history of 
Timour, for which he had collected materials in his journeya 
over Turkey and Tartary. 54 Without any possible correspond 
ence between the Latin and the Arabian writer, they agree 
in the fact of the iron cage ; and their agreement is a striking 
proof of their common veracity. Ahmed Arabshah likewise 
relates another outrage, which Bajazet endured, of a more 
domestic and tender nature. His indiscreet mention of wo 
men and divorces was deeply resented by the jealous Tartar : 
in the feast of victory the wine was served by female cup 
bearers, and the sultan beheld his own concubines and wives 

of Poggius in the Poggiana, an entertaining work of M. Lenfant, and 
in the Bibliotheca Latina Medise et Inftmse JEtatis of Fabricius, (torn. 
v. p. 305 308.) Poggius was born in the year 1380, and. died in 
1459. 

The dialogue de Varietate Fortunse, (of which a complete and 
elegant edition has been published at Paris in 1723, in 4to.,) was 
composed a short time before the death of Pope Martin V., (p. 5,) 
and consequently about the end of the year 1430. 

See a splendid and eloquent encomium of Tamerlane, p. 3639, 
ipse cnim uovi (say* Poggius) qui fuere in cjus castris .... Kegem 
vivum eepit, cavcAque in modum ferae inclusum per omnem Asiam 
circumtulit egregium admirandurnque spectaculum fortune. 

The Chronicon Tarvisianum, (in Muratori, Script, J.erum Itali- 
carum,^tom. xix. p. 800,) and the Annales Estenses, < om. xviii. p. 
974.) The two authors, Andrea dc Redusiis de Quero, and James de 
Delayto, were both contemporaries, and both chancellors, the one of 
Trevigi, the other of Ferrara. The evidence of the former is the 
most positive. 

54 See Arabshah, torn. ii. c. 28, 34. He travelled in regionea Ru- 
niaeas, A. II. 839, (A. D. 1435, July 27,) torn. ii. c. 2. p. 13. 

23* 



270 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

confounded among the slaves, and exposed without a veil to 
the eyes of intemperance. To escape a similar indignity, it 
is said that his successors, except in a single instance, have 
abstained from legitimate nuptials ; and the Ottoman pract 
and belief, at least in the sixteenth century, is attested by 
observing Busbequius,^ ambassador from the court of Vi 
to the great Soliman. 4. Such is the separation of language, 
that the testimony of a Greek is not less independent than 
that of a Latin or an Arab. I suppress the names of Cnal- 
condyles and Ducas, who flourished in a latter period, i 
who speak in a less positive tone ; but more attention is < 
to George Phranza, 58 protovestiare of the last emperors, anc 
who was born a year before the battle of Angora. 
two years after that event, he was sent ambassador to 
Amurath the Second ; and the historian might converse with 
some veteran Janizaries, who had been made prisoners with 
the sultan, and had themselves seen him m his iron cage 
5. The last evidence, in every sense, is that of 
annals, which have been consulted or transcribed by Le 
clavius, Pocock, and Cantemir.* 7 They unanimously de 
plore the captivity of the iron cage ; and some credit may 
allowed to national historians, who cannot stigmatize 
Tartar . without uncovering the shame of 

C Trom these opposite premises, a fair and moderate Conclu 
sion may be deduced. I am satisfied that feherefeddm All 
has faithfully described the first ostentatious interview, m 
which the conqueror, whose spirits were harmonized by s 
cess, affected the character of generosity. But his mind** 
insensibly alienated by the unseasonable arrogance 
zet ; the complaints of his enemies, the Anatolian princes 
were just and vehement ; and Timour betrayed a design ot 
leading his royal captive in tri 






Dynast. Cantemir, p. 5o.* _ ^ 

* Von Hammer, p. 318, cites several authorities unknown to Gibbon, 
M. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE, 

attempt to Facilitate his escape, by digging a mine under the 
tent, provoked the Mogul emperor to impose a harsher re 
straint ; and in his perpetual marches, an iron cage on a 
wagon might be invented, not as a wanton insult, but as a 
n croreus precaution, Timour had read in some fabulous his 
tory a similar treatment of one of his predecessors, a king 
of Persia ; and Bajazet was condemned to represent the per 
son, and expiate the guilt, of the Roman Csssar. 58 * But the 
strength of his mind ad body fainted under the trial, and his 
premature death might, without injustice, be ascribed to the 
severity of Timour. lie warred Dot with the dead : a tear 
and a sepulchre were all -that lie could bestow on a captive 
who was delivered from his power, and if Mousa, the son of 
Bajazet, was permitted to reign over the ruins of Boursa, the 
greatest part of the province of Anatolia had been restored 
by the conqueror to their lawful sovereigns, 

From the Irtish and Volga to the Persian Gulf, and from 
the Ganges to Damascus and the Archipelago, Asia was in 
the hand of Timour: his armies were invincible, his ambition 
was boundless, and his zeal might aspire to conquer and con 
vert the Christian kingdoms of the West, which already trem 
bled at his name. He touched the utmost verge of the land ; 
but an insuperable, though narrow, sea rolled between the 
two continents of Europe and Asia ; 59 and tfee lord of so 



54 A Sapor, king of Persia, kad been made prisoner, and enclosed 
in the figure of a, cow s hide by Maximian er Galerius Caesar. Such 
is the fable related by Eutyehius, (Annal. torn, L p. 421, vers. Pocock.) 
The recollection of the true history (Decline and Fall, &c., vol. ii. p. 
140 152) will teach us to appreciate the knowledge of the Orientals 
of the ages which precede the Hegira. 

59 Arabshah (torn. ii. c. 25) describes, like a curious traveller, the 
Straits of Gallipoli and Constantinople. To acquire a just idea of 
these events, I have compared the narratives and prejudices of the 



* Von Hammer s explanation of this contested peint is both, simple and 
satisfactory. It originated in a mistake in the meaning of the Turkish 
word kafe, which means a covered litter or palanquin drawn by two horses, 
and is generally used to convey the harem of an Eastern monarch. In 
such a litter, with the lattice-work made of iron, Bajazet either chose or 
was constrained to travel. Tkis was either mistaken for, or transformed 
by, -gnorant relaters into a cage. The European Sefeiltberger, the two 
oldest of the Turkish historians, and the most valuable of the later com 
pilers, Seadeddin, describe this litter. Seadeddin discusses the question 
with some degree of historical criticism, and ascribes the choice of such a 
vehicle to the indignant state of Bajazet s mind, which would not brook 
the sight of his Tartar conquerors. Von Hammer, p. 320. M. 



THE DECLINE AND FALL 

many tomans, cor myriads, of horse, was not master of a sin 
gle galley. The two passages of the Bosphorus and Helles 
pont, of Constantinople and Gallipoli, were possessed, the one 
by the Christians, the other by the Turks. On this great 
occasion, they forgot the difference of religion, to act with 
union and firmness in the common cause : the double straits 
were guarded with ships and fortifications ; and they sepa 
rately withheld the transports which Tinaour demanded of 
either nation., under the pretence of attacking their enemy, 
At the same time, they soothed his pride with tributary gifts 
and suppliant embassies^ and prudently tempted him to retreal 
with the honors of victory. Soliman, the son of Bajazet, 
implored his clemency for his father and himself \ accepted, 
by a red patent, the investiture of the kingdom of Romania, 
which he already held by the sword \ and reiterated his 
ardent wish, of casting himself in person at the feet of the 
king of the world. The Greek emperor 60 (either John or 
Manuel) submitted to pay the same tribute which he had stip 
ulated with the Turkish sultan, and ratified the treaty by an 
oath of allegiance, from which he could absolve his conscience 
so soon as the Mogul arras had retired from Anatolia. Bui 
the fears and fancy of nations ascribed to the ambitious Tam 
erlane a new design of vast and romantic compass ; a design 
of subduing Egypt and Africa, marching from the Nile to 
the Atlantic Ocean, entering Europe by the Straits of Gibral 
tar, and, after imposing his yoke on the kingdoms of Chris 
tendom, of returning home by the deserts of Russia and Tar- 
tary. This remote, and perhaps imaginary, danger was 
averted by the submission of the sultan of Egypt : the hon 
ors of the prayer and the coin attested at Cairo the suprema 
cy of Timour ; and a rare gift of a giraffe, or eamelopard, 
and nine ostriches, represented at Samarcand the tribute of 
the African world. Our imagination is not less astonished by 
the portrait of a Mogul, who, in his camp before Smyrna, 
meditates, and almost accomplishes, the invasion of the Chi- 

Mogjols, Turks, Greeks, and Arabians. The Spanish ambassador 
mentions this hostile union of the Christians and Ottomans, (Vie de 
Tirnour, p. 96.) 

60 Since the name of Caesar had been transferred to the sultans of 
3lonm, the Greek princes of Constantinople (Sherefeddin, 1. v. c. 54) 
were confounded with the Christian lords of Gallipoli, Thessaionica, 
&c., under the title of Tckkur, which is derived by corruption from 
the genitive rov xvqlov, (Cantemir, p. 51.) 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 273 

nese empire. 61 Timour was urged to this enterprise by na 
tional honor and religious zeal. The torrents which he had 

O 

shed of Mussulman blood could be expiated only by an equal 
destruction of the infidels ; and as he now stood at the gates 
of paradise, he might best secure his glorious entrance by 
demolishing the idols of China, founding mosques in every 
city, and establishing the profession of faith in one God, and 
his prophet Mahomet. The recent expulsion of the house of 
Zingis was an insult on the Mogul name ; and the disorders 
of the empire afforded the fairest opportunity for revenge. 
The illustrious Hongvou, founder of the dynasty of Ming, 
died four years before the battle of Angora ; and his grand 
son, a weak and unfortunate youth, was burnt in his palace, 
after a million of Chinese had perished in the civil war. 62 
Before he evacuated Anatolia, Timour despatched beyond the 
Sihoon a numerous army, or rather colony, of his old and 
new subjects, to open the road, to subdue the Pagan Cal- 
mucks and Mungals, and to found cities and magazines in the 
desert ; and, by the diligence of his lieutenant, he soon 
received a perfect map and description of the unknown 
regions, from the source of the Irtish to the wall of China. 
During these preparations, the emperor achieved the final 
conquest of Georgia ; passed the winter on the banks of the 
Araxes ; appeased the troubles of Persia ; and slowly returned 
to his capital, after a campaign of four years and nine 
months. 

On the throne of Samarcand, 63 he displayed, in a short 
repose, his magnificence and power; listened to the com 
plaints of the people ; distributed a just measure of rewards 
and punishments ; employed his riches in the architecture of 
palaces and temples; and gave audience to the ambassadors 
of Egypt, Arabia, India, Tartary, Russia, and Spain, the last 
of whom presented a suit of tapestry which eclipsed the pen 
cil of the Oriental artists. The marriage of six of the em- 

1 See Slier efeddin, 1. v. c. 4, who marks, in a just itinerary, the 
road to China, which Arabshah (torn. ii. c. 33) paints in vague and 
rhetorical colors. 

"* .Synopsis Hist. Sinicrc, p. 7i 76, (in the ivth part of the Rela 
tions de Thevenot,) Duhalde, Hist, cle la Chine, (torn. i. p 507, 508, 
folio 3clition ;) and for the Chronology of the Chinese emperors, Do 
Ciuignes, Hist, des Huns, (torn. i. p. 71, 72.) 

} For the return, triumph, and death of Timour, gee Sherefeddin, 
(I. vi. c. 1 30) and Arabshah, (torn. ii. c. 35 17.) 



274 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

peror s grandsons was esteerr ed an act of religion as well a3 
of paternal tenderness ; and the pomp of the ancient caliphs 
was revived in their nuptials. They were celebrated in the 
gardens of Canighul, decorated with innumerable tents and 
pavilions, which displayed the luxury of a great city and the 
spoils of a victorious camp. Whole forests were cut down 
to supply fuel for the kitchens ; the plain was spread with 
pyramids of meat, and vases of every liquor, to which thou 
sands of guests were courteously invited : the orders of the 
state, and the nations of the earth, were marshalled at the 
royal banquet ; nor were the ambassadors of Europe (says 
the haughty Persian) excluded from the feast ; since even the 
casses, the smallest of fish, find their place in the ocean. 64 
The public joy was testified by illuminations and masquerades ; 
the trades of Samarcand passed in review ; and every trade 
was emulous to execute some quaint device, some marvellous 
pageant, with the materials of their peculiar art. After the 
marriage contracts had been ratified by the cadhis, the bride 
grooms and their brides retired to the nuptial chambers : nine 
times, according to the Asiatic fashion, they were dressed and 
undressed ; and at each change of apparel, pearls and rubies 
were showered on their heads, and contemptuously abandoned 
to their attendants. A general indulgence was proclaimed : 
every law was relaxed, every pleasure was allowed ; the peo 
ple was free, the sovereign was idle ; and the historian of 
Tiinour may remark, that, after devoting fifty years to the 
attainment of empire, the only happy period of his life were 
the two months in which he ceased to exercise his power. 
But he was soon awakened to the cares of government and 
war. The standard was unfurled for the invasion of China : 
the emirs made their report of two hundred thousand, the se 
lect and veteran soldiers of Iran and Touran : their baggage 
and provisions were transported by five hundred great wag 
ons, and an immense train of horses and camels ; and the 
troops might prepare for a long absence, since more than six 

64 Sherefeddin (1. vi. c. 24) mentions the ambassadors of one of the 
most potent sovereigns of Europe. We know that it was Henry III. 
king of Castile ; and the curious relation of his t\vo embassies is still 
extant, (Mariana, Hist. Ilispan. 1. xix. c. 11, torn. ii. p. 329, 330. 
Avertissement a 1 Hist. cle Timur Bee, p. 2833.) There appears 
likewise to have been some correspondence betAveen the Mogul em 
peror and the court of Charles VII. king of France, (Histoire de 
Trance, par Velly et Villarct, ton. xii. p. 336.) 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. x^I* 

months were employed in the tranquil journey of a caravan 
from Samarcand to Pekin, Neither age, nor the sevunty of 
the winter, could retard the impatience of Timour ; he mount 
ed on horseback, passed the Sihoon on the ice, marched 
seventy-six parasangs, three hundred miles, from his capital, 
and pitched his last camp in the neighborhood of Otrar, 
where he was expected by the angel of death. Fatigue, and 
the indiscreet use of iced water, accelerated the progress of 
his fever; and the conqueror of Asia expired in the seven 
tieth year of his age, thirty-five years- after he had ascended 
the throne ef Zagatai, His designs were lost ; his armies 
were disbanded ; China was saved ; and fourteen years aftei 
his decease, the most powerful of his children sont an em 
bassy of friendship and commerce to the court of Pekin. 65 

The fame of Timour has pervade-d the East and West : 
his posterity is still invested with the Imperial title ; and tht 
admiration of his subjects, who revered him almost as a deity, 
may be justified in some degree by the praise or confessior 
of his bitterest enemies, 66 Although he was lame of a 
hand and foot, his form and stature were not unworthy of 
his rank; and his vigorous health, so essential to himself arid 
to the world, was corroborated by temperance and exercise. 
In his familiar discourse he was grave and modest, and if he 
was ignorant of the Arabic language, he spoke with fluency 
and elegance the Persian and Turkish idioms. It was his 
delight to converse with the learned on topics of history and 
science ; and the amusement of his leisure hours was the 
game of chess, which he improved or corrupted with new 
refinements. 67 In his religion, he was a zealous, though not 
perhaps an orthodox, Mussulman ; ^ but his sound under- 

* See the translation of the Persian account of their embassy, a 
curious and original piece, (in the ivth part of the Relations de Theve- 
not.) They presented the emperor of China with an old horse which. 
Timour had formerly rode. It was in the year 1419 that they de 
parted from the court of Herat, to which place they returned in 
1422 from Pekin. 

r 6 From Arabshah, torn. ii. c. 96. The bright or softer colors are 
borrowed from Sherefeddin, D Herbelot, and the Institutions. 

67 His new system was multiplied from 32 pieces and 61 squares to 
56 pieces and 110 or 130 squares; but, except in his court, the old 
game has been thought sufficiently elaborate. The Mogul emperor 
was rather pleased than hurt with the victory of a subject : a chess 
player will teel the value of this encomium ! 

6 * See Sherefeddin, 1. v. c. 15, 25. Arabshah (torn, ii, c, 96, p. 801, 



276 THE DECLINE A*iD FALL 

tanding may tempt us to believe, that a superstitious rever 
ence for omens and prophecies, for saints and astrologers, 
was only affected as an instrument of policy. In the govern 
ment of a vast empire, he stood alone and absolute, without 
a rebel to oppose his power, a favorite to seduce his affections, 
or a minister to mislead his judgment. It was his firmest 
maxim, that whatever might be the consequence, the word of 
the prince should never be disputed or recalled ; but his foes 
have maliciously observed, that the commands of anger and 
destruction were more- strictly executed than those of benefi 
cence and favor. His sons and grandsons, of whom Timour 
left six-and -thirty at his decease, were his first and most 
submissive subjects ; and whenever they deviated from their 
duty, they were corrected, according to the laws of Zingis, 
with the bastinade, and afterwards restored to honor and 
command. Perhaps his heart was not devoid of the social 
virtues ; perhaps he was not incapable of loving his friends 
and pardoning his enemies ; but the rules of morality are 
founded on the public interest ; and it may be sufficient to 
applaud the wisdom of a monarch, for the liberality by which 
he is not impoverished, and for the justice by which he is 
strengthened and enriched. To maintain the harmony of 
authority and obedience, to chastise the proud, to protect the 
weak, to reward the deserving, to banish vice and idleness 
from his dominions, to secure the traveller asjd merchant, to 
restrain the depredations of the soldier, to cherish the labors 
of the husbandman, to encourage industry and learning, and, 
by an equal and moderate assessment, to increase the rev 
enue, without increasing the taxes, are indeed the duties of a 
prince ; but, in the discharge of these duties, he finds an 
ample and immediate recompense. Timour might boast, 
that, at his accession to the throne, Asia was the prey of 
anarchy and rapine, whilst under his prosperous monarchy a 
child, fearless and unhurt, might carry a purse of gold from 
the East to the West. Such was his confidence of merit, 
that from this reformation he derived an excuse for his vic 
tories, and a title to universal dominion. The four following 
observations will serve to appreciate his claim to the public 
gratitude ; and perhaps we shall conclude, that the Mogul 

803) reproves the impiety of Timour and the Moguls, who almost 
preferred to the Koran the Yacsa, or Law of Zingis, (cui Deus male- 
dicat;) nor will he believe that Sharokh ha l abolished the use aud 
authority of that Pagan code. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 277 

rmperor was rather the scourge than the benefactor of man- 
Kind. 1. If some partial disorders, some local oppressions, 
were healed by the sword of Timour, the remedy was far 
more pernicious than the disease. By their rapine, cruelty, 
and discord, the petty tyrants of Persia might afflict their 
subjects ; but whole nations were crushed under the footsteps 
of the reformer. The ground which had been occupied by 
flourishing cities was often marked by his abominable tro 
phies, by columns, or pyramids, of human heads. Astracan, 
Carizme, Delhi, Ispahan, Bagdad, Aleppo, Damascus, Boursa, 
Smyrna, and a thousand others, were sacked, or burnt, or 
utterly destroyed, in his presence, and by his troops : and 
perhaps his conscience would have been startled, if a priest 
or philosopher had dared to number the millions of victims 
whom he had sacrificed to the establishment of peace and 
order. 69 2. His most destructive wars were rather inroads 
than conquests. He invaded Turkestan, Kipzak, Russia, 
Hindostan, Syria, Anatolia, Armenia, and Georgia, without a 
hope or a desire of preserving those distant provinces. From 
thence he departed laden with spoil ; but he left behind him 
neither troops to awe the contumacious, nor magistrates to 
protect the obedient, natives. When he had broken the 
fabric of their ancient government, he abandoned them to 
the evils which his invasion had aggravated or caused ; nor 
were these evils^compensated by any present or possible ben 
efits. 3. The kingdoms of Transoxiana and Persia were the 
proper field which he labored to cultivate and adorn, as the 
perpetual inheritance of his family. But his peaceful labors 
were often interrupted, and sometimes blasted, by the ab 
sence of the conqueror. While he triumphed on the Volga 
or the Ganges, his servants, and even his sons, forgot their 
master and their duty. The public and private injuries were 
poorly redressed by the tardy rigor of inquiry and punish 
ment ; and we must be content to praise the Institutions 
of Timour, as the specious idea of a perfect monarchy. 
4. Whatsoever might be the blessings of his administra- 

69 Besides the bloody passages of this narrative, I must refer to an 
anticipation in the third volume of the Decline and Fall, which in a 
single note (p. 23-i, note 25) accumulates nearly 300,000 heads of the 
monuments of his cruelty. Except in Howe s play on the fifth of 
November, I did not expect to hear of Timour s amiable moderation, 
(White s preface, p. 7.) Yet I can excuso a generous enthusiasm in 
the reader, and still more in the editor, of the Institutions. 

VOL. vi. 24 



278 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

tiori, they evaporated with his life. To reign, rather than 
to govern, was the ambition of his children and grandchil 
dren ; 70 the enemies of each other arid of the people. 
A fragment of the empire was upheld with some glory by 
Sharokh, his -youngest son; but after his decease the scene 
was again involved in darkness and blood ; and before the 
end of a century, Transoxiana and Persia were trampled 
by the Uzbeks from the north, and the Turkmans- of the 
black and white sheep. The race of Timour would have 
been extinct, if a hero, his descendant in the fifth degree, 
had not fled before the Uzbek arms to the conquest of Hin- 
dostan. His successors (the great Moguls 71 ) extended their 
sway from the mountains of Cashmir to Cape Comorin, and 
from Candahar to the Gulf of Bengal. Since the reign of 
Aurungzebe, their empire has been dissolved ; their treasures 
of Delhi have been rifled by a Persian robber ; and the 
richest of their kingdoms is now possessed by a company of 
Christian merchants, of a remote island in the Northern 
Ocean. 

Far different was the fate of the Ottoman monarchy. The 
massy trunk was bent to the ground, but no sooner did the 
hurricane pass away, than it again rose with fresh vigor and 
more lively vegetation. When Timour, in every sense, had 
evacuated Anatolia, he left the cities without a palace, a 
treasure, or a king. The open country was % overspread with 
hordes of shepherds and robbers of Tartar or Turkman 
origin ; the recent conquests of Bajazet were restored to the 
emirs, one of whom, in base revenge, demolished his sepul 
chre ; and his five sons were eager, by civil discord, to con 
sume the remnant of their patrimony. I shall enumerate their 
names in the order of their age- and actions. 72 1. It is 
doubtful, whether I relate the story of the true Mustapha, or 

70 Consult the last chapters of Sherefedclin and Arabshah, and M. 
De Guignes, (Hist, des Huns, torn. iv. 1. xx.) Eraser s History of 
"Nadir Shah, (p. 1 62.) The story of Timour s descendants is imper 
fectly told ; and the second and third parts of Sherefeddin. are un 
known. 

71 Shah Allum, the present Mogul, is in the fourteenth degree from 
rimuur, by Miran Shah, his third son. See the second volume of 
Dow s History of Hindostan. 

" 3 The civil wars, from the death of Bajazet to that of Mustapha, 
ai ; related, according to the Turks, by Demetrius Cantemir, (p. 58 
82.) Of the Greeks, Chalcondyles, (1. iv. and v.,) Phran/a, (1. i. c. 30 
32,) and Ducas, (c. 18 27,) the last is the most copious and best 
informed. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 279 

of an impostor who personated that lost prince. He fought 
by his father s side in the battle of Angora : but when the 
captive sultan was permitted to inquire for his children, 
Mousa alone could be found ; and the Turkish historians, the 
slaves of the triumphant faction, are persuaded that his 
brother was confounded among the slain. If Mustapha es 
caped from that disastrous field, he was concealed twelve 
years from his friends and enemies ; till he emerged in 
Thessaly, and was hailed by a numerous party, as the son 
and successor of Bajazet. His. first defeat would have been 
his last, had not the true, or false, Mustapha been saved by 
the Greeks, and restored, after the decease of his brother 
Mahomet, to liberty and empire. A degenerate mind seemed 
to argue his spurious birth ; and if, on the throne of Adrian- 
ople, he was adored as the Ottoman sultan, his flight, his 
fetters, and an ignominious gibbet, delivered the impostor 
to popular contempt. A similar character and claim was 
asserted by several rival pretenders : thirty persons are said 
to have suffered under the name of Mustapha ; and these 
frequent executions may perhaps insinuate, that the Turkish 
court was not perfectly secure of the death of the lawful 
prince. 2. After his father s captivity, Isa 73 reigned for 
some time in the neighborhood of Angora, Sinope, and the 
Black Sea ; and his ambassadors were dismissed from the 
presence of Tim our with fair promises and honorable gifts. 
But their master was soon deprived of his province and life, 
by a jealous brother, the sovereign of Amasia ; and the final 
event suggested a pious allusion, that the law of Moses and 
Jesus, of Isa and Mousa, had been abrogated by the greater 
Ma/wmet. 3. Soliman is not numbered in the list of the 
Turkish emperors : yet he checked the victorious progress of 
the Moguls ; and after their departure, united for a while the 
thrones of Adrianople and Boursa. In war he was brave, 
active, and fortunate : his courage was softened by clemency ; 
but it was* likewise inflamed by presumption, and corrupted 
by intemperance and idleness. He relaxed the nerves of 
discipline, in a government where either the subject or the 
sovereign must continually tremble : his vices alienated the 
chiefs of the army and the law ; and his daily drunkenness, 

73 Arabshah, (torn. ii. c. 26,) whose testimony on this occasion is 
w* A ghty and valuable. The existence of Isa (unknown to the Turks) 
i? kewise confirmed by Shercieddin, (1. v. c. 57.) 



280 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

so contemptible in a prince and a man, was doubly odious in 
a disciple of the prophet. In the slumber of intoxication fie 
was surprised by i.is brother Mousa ; and as he fled from 
Adrianople towards the Byzantine capital, Soliman was over 
taken and slain in a bath,* after a reign of seven years and 
ten months. 4. The investiture of Mousa degraded him as 
the slave of the Moguls : his tributary kingdom of Anatolia 
was confined within a narrow limit, nor could his broken 
militia and empty treasury contend with the hardy and vet 
eran bands of the sovereign of Romania. Mousa fled in 
disguise from the palace of Boursa ; traversed the Propontis 
in an open boat ; wandered over the Walachian and Servian 
hills; and after some vain attempts, ascended the throne of 
Adrianople, so recently stained with the blood of Soliman. 
[n a reign of three years and a half, his troops were victo 
rious against the Christians of Hungary and the Morea ; but 
Mousa was ruined by his timorous disposition and unseason 
able clemency. After resigning the sovereignty of Anatolia, 
he fell a victim to the perfidy of his ministers, and the 
superior ascendant of his broiher Mahomet. 5. The final 
victory of Mahomet was the just recompense of his prudence 
and moderation. Before his father s captivity, the royal 
youth had been intrusted with the government of Amasia, 
thirty days journey from Constantinople, and the Turkish 
frontier against the Christians of Tvebizond and Georgia. 
The castle, in Asiatic warfare, was esteemed impregnable ; 
and the city of Amasia, 74 which is equally divided by the 
River Iris, rises on either side in the form of an amphitheatre, 
and represents on a smaller scale the image of Bagdad. In 
his rapid career, Tirnour appears to have overlooked this 
obscure and contumacious angle of Anatolia ; and Mahomet, 
without provoking the conqueror, maintained his silent inde 
pendence, and chased from the province the last stragglers 
of the Tartar host.* He relieved himself from the cLnger- 



74 Arabshah, loc. citat. Abulfcda, Gcograpli. tab. xvii. p. 302. 
Busbequius, epist. i. p. 96, 97, in Itincre C. P. et Amasiano. 



* He escaped from the bath, and fled towards Constantinople. Five 
brothers from a village, Dugundschi, whose inhabitants had suffered se 
verely from the exactions of his officers, recognized and followed him 
Soliman shot two of them, the others discharged their arrows in their turn, 
the sultan fell, and his head was cut off. V. Hammer, vol. i. p. 349. M 

f See his nine battles. Yon Hammer, p. 339. M. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 281 

ous neighborhood of Isa ; but in the contests of their more 
po\verful brethren his firm neutrality was respected ; till, 
after the triumph of Mousa, he stood forth the heir and 
avenger of the unfortunate Soliman. Mahomet obtained 

o 

Anatolia by treaty, and Romania by arms ; and the soldier 
who presented him with the head of Mousa was rewarded as 
the benefactor of his king and country. The eight years of 
his sole and peaceful reign were usefully employed in ban 
ishing the vices of civil discord, and restoring on a firmer 
basis the fabric of the Ottoman monarchy. His last care 
was the choice of two viziers, Bajazet and Ibrahim, 75 who 
might guide the youth of his son Amu rath ; and such was 
their union and prudence, that they concealed above forty 
days the emperor s death, till the arrival of his successor in 
the palace of Boursa. A new war was kindled in Europe 
by the prince, or impostor, Mustapha ; the first vizier lost his 
army and his head ; but the more fortunate Ibrahim, whose 
name and family are still revered, extinguished the last pre 
tender to the throne of Bajazet, and closed the scene of 
domestic hostility. 

In these conflicts, the wisest Turks, and indeed the body 
of the nation, were strongly attached to the unity of the em 
pire ; and Romania and Anatolia, so often torn asunder by 
private ambition, were animated by a strong and invincible 
tendency of cohesion. Their efforts might have instructed 
the Christian powers ; and Imd they occupied, with a confed 
erate fleet, the Straits of Gallipoli, the Ottomans, at least in 
Europe, must have been speedily annihilated. But the schism 
of the West, and the factions and wars of France and Eng 
land, diverted the Latins from this generous enterprise : they 
enjoyed the present respite, without a thought of futurity ; 
and were often tempted by a momentary interest to serve the 
common enemy of their religion. A colony of Genoese, 76 


76 The virtues of Ibrahim are praised by a contemporary Greek, 

(Ducas, c. 25.) His descendants arc the sole nobles in Turkey : they 
content themselves with the administration of his pious foundations, 
are excused from public offices, and receive two annual visits from the 
sultan, (Cantemir, p. 70.) 

76 See Pachymer, (1. v. c. 29,) Nicephorus Gregoras, (1. ii. c. 1,) 
Sherefeddin, (1. v. c. 57,) and l)ucas, (e. 25.) The last of these, a 
curious and careful observer, is entitled, from his birth and station, to 
particular credit in all that concerns Ionia and the islands. Among 
the nations that resorted to New Phocnea, lie mentions the English, 
oi;) an early evidence of Mediterranean trade. 
24* 



282 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

which had been planted at Phoccea 77 on the Ionian coast, was 
enriched by the lucrative monopoly of alum; 78 and their 
tranquillity, under the Turkish empire, was secured by the 
annual payment of tribute. In the last civil war of the Otto 
mans, the Genoese governor, Adorno, a bold and ambitious 
youth, embraced the party of Amurath ; and undertook, with 
seven stout galleys, to transport him from Asia to Europe. 
The sultan and five hundred guards embarked on board the 
admiral s ship ; which was manned by eight hundred of the 
bravest Franks. His life and liberty were in their hands; 
nor can we, without reluctance, applaud the fidelity of Adorno, 
who, in the midst of the passage, knelt before him, and grate 
fully accepted a discharge of his arrears of tribute. They 
landed in sight of Mustapha and Gallipoli ; two thousand Ital 
ians, armed with lances and battle-axes, attended Amurath to 
the conquest of Adrianople ; and this venal service was soon 
repaid by the ruin of the commerce and colony of Phocsea. 

If Timour had generously marched at the request, and to 
the relief, of the Greek emperor, he might be entitled to the 
praise and gratitude of the Christians. 79 But a Mussulman, 
who carried into Georgia the sword of persecution, and re 
spected the holy warfare of Bajazet, was not disposed to pity 
or succor the idolaters of Europe. The Tartar followed the 
impulse of ambition ; and the deliverance of Constantinople 
was the accidental consequence. When Manuel abdicated 
the government, it was his prayer, rather than his hope, that 
the ruin of the church and state might be delayed beyond his 
unhappy days ; and after his return from a western pilgrim- 

77 Tor the spirit of navigation, and freedom of ancient Phoceea, or 
rather of the Phocscans, consult the 1st book of Herodotus, and the 
Geographical Index of his last and learned French translator, M. 
Larcher, (torn. vii. p. 299.) 

78 Phocaea is not enumerated by Pliny (Hist. Xat. xxxv. 52) among 
the places productive of alum : he reckons Egypt as the first, and for 
the second the Isle of Melos, whose alum mines are described by 
Tournefort, (torn. i. lettre iv.,) a traveller and a naturalist. After the 
loss of Phocaea, the Genoese, in H59, found that useful mineral in the 
Isle of Ischia, (Ismael. Bouillaud, ad Ducam, c. 25.) 

79 The writer who has the most abused this fabulous generosity, is 
our ingenious Sir William Temple, (his Works, vol. iii. p. 349, 350, 
octavo edition,) that lover of exotic virtue. After the conquest of 
Kussia, &c., and the passage of the Danube, his Tartar hero relieves, 
visits, admires, and refuses the city of Constantino. His flattering 
pencil deviates in every line from, the truth of history; yet his pleas 
ing fictions are more excusable than the gross errors of Cantemir. 



OF THE ROMAN EMHRE. 283 

age, he expected every hour the news of the sad catastrophe. 
On a sudden, he was astonished and rejoiced by the intelli 
gence of the retreat, the overthrow, and the captivity of the 
Ottoman. Manuel 80 immediately sailed from Modon in the 
Morea ; ascended the throne of Constantinople, and dismissed 
his blind competitor to an easy exile in the Isle of Lesbos. 
The ambassadors of the son of Bajazet were soon introduced 
to his presence ; but their pride was fallen, their tone was 
modest : they were awed by the just apprehension, lest the 
Greeks should open to the Moguls the gates of Europe. ^ Soli- 
man saluted the emperor by the name of father ; solicited at 
his hands the government or gift of Romania ; and promised 
to deserve his favor by inviolable friendship, and the restitu 
tion of Thessalonica, with the most important places along the 
Strymon, the Propontis, and the Black Sea. The alliance of 
Soliman exposed the emperor to the enmity and revenge of 
Mousa : the Turks appeared in arms before the gates of Con 
stantinople ; but they were repulsed by sea and land ; and 
unless the city was guarded by some foreign mercenaries, 
the Greeks must have wondered at their own triumph. But, 
instead of prolonging the division of the Ottoman powers, the 
policy or passion of Manuel was tempted to assist the most 
formidable of the sons of Bajazet. He concluded a treaty 
with Mahomet, whose progress was checked by the insuper 
able barrier of Gallipoli : the sultan and his troops were trans 
ported over the Bosphorus ; he was hospitably entertained 
in the capital ; and his successful sally was the first step to 
the conquest of Romania. The ruin was suspended by the 
prudence and moderation of the conqueror : he faithfully dis 
charged his own obligations and those of Soliman, respected 
the laws of gratitude and peace ; and left the emperor guar 
dian of his two younger sons, in the vain hope of saving them 
from the jealous cruelty of their brother Amurath. But the 
execution of his last testament would have offended the na 
tional honor and religion ; and the divan unanimously pro 
nounced, that the royal youths should never be abandoned 
to the custody and education of a Christian dog. On this 
refusal, the Byzantine councils were divided ; but the age arid 
caution of Manuel yielded to the presumption of his son John , 



80 For the reigns of Manuel and John, of Mahomet I. and Amurath 
II., sec the Othman history of Cantemir, (p. 7095,) and the three 
Greeks, Chalchondylcs, Phranza, and Due as, who is still superior to 
his rivals. 



THE DECLINE AND FALL 

and they unsheathed a dangerous weapon of revenge, by dis. 
missing the true or false Mustapha, who had long been de 
tained as a captive and hostage, and for whose maintenance 
they received an annual pension of three hundred thousand 
aspers. 8] At the door of his prison, Mustapha subscribed to 
every proposal ; and the keys of Gallipoli, or rather of Eu 
rope, were stipulated as the price of his deliverance. But no 
sooner was he seated on the throne of Romania, than he dis 
missed the Greek ambassadors with a smile of contempt, 
declaring, in a pious tone, that, at the day of judgment, he 
would rather answer for the violation of an oath, than for the 
surrender of a Mussulman city into the hands of the infidels. 
The emperor was at once the enemy of the two rivals ; from 
whom he had sustained, and to whom he had offered, an inju 
ry ; and the victory of Amurath was followed, in the ensuing 
spring, by the siege of Constantinople. 8 2 

The religious merit of subduing the city of the Csesars 
attracted from Asia a crowd of volunteers, who aspired to the 
crown of martyrdom : their military ardor was inflamed by 
the promise of rich spoils and beautiful females ; and the 
sultan s ambition was consecrated by the presence and pre 
diction of Seid Bechar, a descendant of the prophet, 83 who 
arrived in the camp, on a mule, with a venerable train of five 
hundred disciples. But he might blush, if a fanatic could 
blush, at the failure of his assurances. The strength of the 
walls resisted an army of two hundred thousand Turks ; their 

The Turkish asper (from the Greek bandog) is, or was, a piece of 
white or silver money, at present much debased, but which was for 
merly equivalent to the 54th part, at least, of a Venetian ducat or 
sequin ; and the 300,000 aspers, a princely allowance or royal tribute, 
may be computed at 2500/. sterling, (Lcunclav. Pandect. Turc. p. 
406408.)* 

For the siege of Constantinople in 1422, see the particular and 
contemporary narrative of John Cananus, published by Leo Allatius, 
at the end of his edition of Acropolita, (p. 188199.) 

1 Cantemir, p. 80. Cananus, who describes Scid Bechar, without 
naming him, supposes that the friend of Mahomet assumed in his 
amours the privilege of a prophet, and that the fairest of the Greek 
nuns were promised to the saint and Jus disciples. 



* According to Von Hammer, tins calculation is much too low. The 
asper was, a century before the time of which Leunclavius writes, the 
tenth part of a ducat ; for the same tribute which the Byzantine writers 
state at 300,000 aspers the Ottomans state at 30,000 ducats, about 15,000^. 
Note, vol. i. p 636. M. " 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 285 

assaults were repelled by the sallies of the Greeks and their 
foreign mercenaries ; the old resources of defence were op 
posed to the new engines of attack ; and the enthusiasm of 
the dervis, who was snatched to heaven in visionary con 
verse with Mahomet^ was answered by the credulity of the 
Christians, who beheld the Virgin Mary, in a violet garment, 
walking on the rampart and animating their courage. 8 1 After 
a siege of two months, Amurath was recalled to Boursa by a 
domestic revolt, which had been kindled by Greek treachery, 
and was soon extinguished by the death of a guiltless brother. 
While he led his Janizaries to new conquests in Europe and 
Asia, the Byzantine empire was indulged in a servile and 
precarious respite of thirty years. Manuel sank in f o the 
grave ; and John Palreologus was permitted to reign, for an 
annual tribute of three hundred thousand aspers, and -the 
dereliction of almost all ihat he held beyond the suburbs of 
Constantinople. 

In the establishment and restoration of the Turkish empire, 
the first merit must doubtless be assigned to the personal 
qualities of the sultans ; since, in human life, the most im 
portant scenes will depend on the character of a single actor 
By some shades of wisdom and virtue, they may be discrimi 
nated from each other ; but, except in a single insrance, d 
period of nine reigns, and two hundred and sixty-five years, 
is occupied, from the Icyation of Othrnan to the death of 
S oilman, by a rare series of warlike and active princes, who 
impressed their subjects with obedience and their enemies 
with terror. Instead of the slothful luxury of the seraglio, 
the heirs of royalty were educated in the council and the field : 
from early youth they were intrusted by their fathers with 
the command of provinces and armies ; and this manly insti 
tution, which was often productive of civil war, must have 
essentially contributed to the discipline and vigor of the mon 
archy. The Ottomans cannot style themselves, like the 
Arabian caliphs, the descendants or successors of the apostle 
of God; and the kindred which they claim with the Tartar 
khans of the house of Zingis appears to be founded in flattery 
rather than in truth. 85 Their origin is obscure ; but their 

84 For this miraculous apparition, Canamis appeals to the Mussul 
man saint ; but who will bear testimony for Seid Bechar ? 

85 Sec Rieaut, (1. i. c. 13.) The Turkish sultans assume the title 
o[ khan. Yet Abulghazi is ignorant of his Ottoman cousins. 



286 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

sacred and indefeasible right, which no time can erase, and 
no violence can infringe, was soon and unalterably implanted 
in the minds of their subjects. A weak or vicious sultan may 
be deposed and strangled ; but his inheritance devolves to an 
infant or an idiot : nor has the most daring rebel presumed to 
ascend the throne of his lawful sovereign. 86 

While the transient dynasties of Asia have been continu 
ally subverted by a crafty vizier in the palace, or a victorious 
general in the camp, the Ottoman succession has been con 
firmed by the practice of five centuries, and is now incorpo 
rated with the vital principle of the Turkish nation. 

To the spirit and constitution of that nation, a strong and 
singular influence may, however, be ascribed. The primitive 
subjects of Othman were the four hundred families of wan 
dering Turkmans, who had followed his ancestors from the 
Oxus to the San gar ; and the plains of Anatolia are still 
covered with the white and black tents of their rustic breth 
ren. But this original drop was dissolved in the mass of 
voluntary and vanquished subjects, who, under the name of 
Turks, are united by the common ties of religion, language, 
and manners. In the cities, from Erzeroum to Belgrade, 
that national appellation is common to all the Moslems, the 
first and most honorable inhabitants ; but they have aban 
doned, at least in Romania, the villages, and the cultivation of 
the land, to the Christian peasants. In the vigorous age of 
the Ottoman government, the Turks were themselves ex 
cluded from all civil and military honors ; and a servile class, 
an artificial people, was raised by the discipline of education 
to obey, to conquer, and to command.^ 7 From the time of 
Orchan and the first Amurath, the sultans were persuaded 
that a government of the sword must be renewed in each 
generation with new soldiers ; and that such soldiers must 

The third grand vizier of the name of Kiuperli, who was slain at 
the battle of Salankanen in 1G91, (Cantemir, p. 382,) presumed to 
say, that all the successors of Soliman had been fools or tyrants, and 
that it was time to abolish the race, (Marsigli Stato Militaire, &c., p. 
28.) This political heretic was a good Whig, and justified against 
the French ambassador the revolution of England, (Mignot, Hist, des 
Ottomans, torn. iii. p. 434.) His presumption condemns the singular 
exception of continuing offices in the same family. 

87 Chalcondyles (1. v.) and Ducas (c. 23) exhibit the rude linea 
ments of the Ottoman policy, and the transmutation of Christian 
children into Turkish soldiers." 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 287 

be sought, not in effeminate Asia, but among the hardy and 
warlike natives of Europe. The provinces of Thrace, 
Macedonia, Albania, Bulgaria, and Servia, became the per 
petual seminary of the Turkish army ; and when the royal 
fifth of the captives was diminished by conquest, an inhuman 
tax of the fifth child, or of every fifth year, was rigorously 
levied on the Christian families. At the age of twelve or 
fourteen years, the most robust youths were torn from their 
parents ; their names were enrolled in a book ; and from 
that moment they were clothed, taught, and maintained, for 
the public service. According to the promise of their ap 
pearance, they were selected for the royal schools of Boursa, 
Pera, and Adrianople, intrusted to the care of the bashaws, 
or dispersed in the houses of the Anatolian peasantry. It 
was the first care of their masters to instruct them in the 
Turkish language : their bodies were exercised by every 
labor that could fortify their strength ; they learned to wres 
tle, to leap, to run, to shoot with the bow, and afterwards with 
the musket ; till they were drafted into the chambers and 
companies of the Janizaries, and severely trained in the mili 
tary or monastic discipline of the order. The youths most 
conspicuous for birth, talents, and beauty, were admitted into 
the inferior class of Agiamoglans, or the more liberal rank 
of Ichoglans, of whom the former were attached to the pal 
ace, and the latter to the person, of the prince. In four suc 
cessive schools, under the rod of the white eunuchs, the arts 
of horsemanship and of darting the javelin were their daily 
exercise, while those of a more studious cast applied them 
selves to the study of the Koran, and the knowledge of the 
Arabic and Persian tongues. As they advanced in seniority 
and merit, they were gradually dismissed to military, civil, 
and even ecclesiastical employments : the longer their stay, 
the higher was their expectation ; till, at a mature period, 
they were admitted into the number of the forty agas, who 
stood before the sultan, and were promoted by his choice to 
the government of provinces and the first honors of the 
empire. 88 Such a mode of institution was admirably adapted 
to the form and spirit of a despotic monarchy. TlYe minis- 



88 This sketch of the Turkish education and discipline is chiefly 
borrowed from Ricaut s State o the Ottoman Empire, the Stato Mili- 
taire del* Imperio Ottomano of Count Marsigli, (in Haya, 1732, in 
*blio,) and a Description of the Seraglio, approved by Mr. Greaves 



288 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

ters and generals were, in the strictest, sense, the slaves of 
the emperor, to whose bounty they were indebted for their 
instruction and support. When they left the seraglio, and 
su fib red their beards to grow as the symbol of enfranchise 
ment, they found themselves in an important office, without 
faction or friendship, without parents and without heirs, de 
pendent on the hand which had raised them from the dust, 
and which, on the slightest displeasure, could break in pieces 
these statues of glass, as they were aptly termed by the 
Turkish proverb. 8y In the slow and painful steps of educa 
tion, their characters and talents were unfolded to a djscern- 
ing eye : the mini, naked and alone, was reduced to the 
standard of his personal merit ; and, if the sovereign had 
wisdom to choose, be possessed a pure and boundless liberty 
of choice. The Ottoman candidates were trained by the 
virtues of abstinence to those of action ; by the habits of 
submission to those of command. A similar spirit was dif 
fused among the troops ; and their silence and sobriety, their 
patience and modesty, have extorted the reluctant praise of 
their Christian enemies. 90 Nor can the victory appear 
doubtful, if we compare the discipline and exercise of the 
Janizaries with the pride of birth, the independence of chiv 
alry, the ignorance of the new levies, the mutinous temper 
of the veterans, and the vices of intemperance and disorder, 
which so long contaminated the armies of Europe. 

The only hope of salvation for the Greek empire, and the 
adjacent kingdoms, would have been some more powerful 
weapon, some discovery in the art of war, that should give 
them a decisive superiority over their Turkish foes. Such 
a weapon was in their hands ; such a discovery had been 
made in the critical moment of their fate. The chemists of 
China or Europe had found, by casual or elaborate experi 
ments, that a mixture of saltpetre, sulphur, and charcoal, 
produces, with a spark of fire, a tremendous explosion. It 
was soon observed, that if the expansive force were com 
pressed in a strong tube, a ball of stone or iron might be ex 
pelled with irresistible and destructive velocity. The pre- 



himself, a curious traveller, and inserted in the second volume of his 
works. 

83 From the series of cxv. viziers, till the siege of Vienna, (Marsigli, 
p. 13,) their place may be valued at three years and a half purchase. 

60 See the entertaining and judicious letters of Busbcquius. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. S89 

sora of the invention and application of gunpowder 01 is 
involved in doubtful traditions and equivocal language ; yet 
we may clearly discern, that it was known before the middle 
of the fourteenth century ; and that before the end of the 
same, the use of artillery in battles and sieges, by sea and 
{and, was familiar to the states of Germany, Italy, Spain, 
France, and England- 92 The priority of nations is of small 
account ; none could derive any exclusive benefit from their 
previous or superiu-T knowledge ; and in the common improve 
ment, they stood on the same level of relative power and 
military science. Nor was it possible to circumscribe the 
secret within the pale of the church ; it was disclosed to the 
Turks by the treachery of apostates and the selfish policy of 
rivals ; and the sultans had sense to adopt, and wealth to re 
ward, the talents of a Christian engineer. The Genoese, 
who transported Amurath into Europe, must be accused as 
his preceptors ; and it was probably by their hands that his 
cannon was cast and directed at the siege of Constantinople. 93 
The first attempt was indeed unsuccessful ; but in the general 
warfare of the age, the advantage was on their side, whc 



91 The first and second volumes of Dr. Watson s Chemical Essays 
contain two valuable discourses on the discovery and composition of 
gunpowder. 

92 On this subject modern testimonies cannot be trusted. The origi 
nal passages arc collected by Ducange, (Gloss. Latin, torn. i. p. 675, 
Bombarda.) But in the early doubtful twilight, the name, sound, fire, 
and effect, that seem to express our artillery, may be fairly interpreted 
of the old engines and the Greek fire. For the English cannon at Crecy, 
the authority of John Villani (Chron. 1. xii. c. 65) must be weighed 
against the silence of Froissard. Yet Muratori (Antiquit. Italite 
Medii JEvi, torn. ii. Dissert, xxvi. p. 51-i, 515) has produced a decisive 
passage from Petrarch, (De Remediis utriusque Fortunse Dialog.,) 
who, before the year 1344, execrates this terrestrial thunder, nuper 
rara, mine communis.* 

93 The Turkish cannon, which Ducas (c. 30) first introduces before 
Belgrade, (A. D. H3;>,) is mentioned by Chalcondyles (1. v. p. 123) 
in 1122, at the siege of Constantinople. 



* Mr. Hallam makes the following observation on the objection thrown 
out by Gibbon : " The positive testimony of Villani, who died within two 
years afterwards, a;id had manifestly obtained much information as to the 
great events passing in France, cannot be rejected. He ascribes a mate 
rial effect to the cannon of Edward, Colpi delle bombarde, which I suspect, 
from his strong expressions, had not been employed before, except against 
stone walls. It seems, he says, aa if God thundered con grande uccisione 
di genti, e sfondamento di-cavalli." Middle Ages, v^l. i. p. 510. M. 
VOL. vi. 25 



290 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

were most commonly the assailants : for a while the pi*. 
portion of the attack and defence was suspended ; and 
thundering artillery was pointed against the walls and tow- 
ers which had been erected only to resist the less potent 
engines of antiquity. By the Venetians, the use of gun- 
powder was communicated without reproach to the sultans 
of Egypt and Persia, their allies against the Ottoman power ; 
the secret was soon propagated to the extremities of Asia ; 
and the advantage of the European was confined to his 
easy victories over the savages of the new world, 
trast the rapid progress of this mischievous discovery with the 
slow and laborious advances of reason, science, and he arts 
of peace, a philosopher, according to his temper, will 
or weep at the folly of mankind. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. .291 



CHAPTER LXVI. 

APPLICATIONS OF THE EASTERN EMPERORS TO THE POPES. 
VISITS TO THE WEST, OF JOHN THE FIRST, MANUEL, AND 

JOHN THE SECOND, PALJEOLOGUS. UNION OF THE GREEK 
AND LATIN CHURCHES, PROMOTED BY THE COUNCIL OF BASIL, 

AND CONCLUDED AT FERRARA AND FLORENCE. STATE OF 

LITERATURE AT CONSTANTINOPLE. ITS REVIVAL IN ITALY 

BY THE GREEK FUGITIVES. CURIOSITY AND EMULATION OF 

THE LATINS. 

IN the four last centuries of the Greek emperors, their 
friendly or hostile aspect towards the pope and the Latins 
may be observed as the thermometer of their prosperity or 
distress ; as the scale of the rise and fall of the Barbarian dy 
nasties. When the Turks of the house of Seljuk pervaded 
Asia, and threatened Constantinople, we have seen, at the 
council of PIace%itia, the suppliant ambassadors of Alexius 
imploring the protection of the common father of the Chris 
tians. No sooner had the arms of the French pilgrims 
removed the sultan from Nice to Iconium, than the Greek 
princes -resumed, or avowed, their genuine hatred and con 
tempt for the schismatics of the West, which precipitated the 
first downfall of their empire. The date of the Mogul inva 
sion is marked in the soft and charitable language of John 
Vataces. After the recovery of Constantinople, the throne 
of the first Pakeoiogus was encompassed by foreign and do 
mestic enemies : as Ions; as the sword of Charles was sus- 

o 

-ponded over his head, he basely courted the favor of the 
Roman pontiff; and sacrificed to the present danger his faith, 
his virtue, and the affection of his subjects. On the decease 
of Michael, the prince and people asserted the independence 
of their church, and the purity of their creed : the elder An- 
dronicus neither feared nor loved the Latins ; in his last dis 
tress, pride was the safeguard of superstition ; nor could he 
decently retract in his age the firm and orthodox declarations 
of his youth. His grandson, the younger Andronicus, was 
less a slave in his temper and situation ; and the conquest of 
Bithynia by the Turks admonished him to seek a temporal 



292 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

and spiritual alliance with the Western princes. After a sep 
aration and silence of fifty years, a secret agent, the monk 
Barlaam, was despatched to Pope Benedict the Twelfth ; and 
his artful instructions appear to have been drawn by the 
master-hand of the great domestic. 1 " Most holy father," 
was he commissioned to say, " the emperor is not less de- 
siro is than yourself of a union between the two churches : 
but in this delicate transaction, he is obliged to respect his 
own dignity and the prejudices of his subjects. ^The ways 
of union are twofold ; force and persuasion. Of force, the 
inefficacy has been already tried ; since the Latins have sub 
dued the empire, without subduing the minds, of the Greeks. 
The method of persuasion, though slow, is sure and perma 
nent. A deputation of thirty or forty of our doctors would 
probably agree with those of the Vatican, in the love of truth 
and the unity of belief ; but on their return, what would 
the use, the recompense, of such an agreement ? the scorn 
of their brethren, and the reproaches of a blind and obstinate 
nation. Yet that nation is accustomed to reverence the gen 
eral councils, which have fixed the articles of our faith ; and 
if they reprobate the decrees of Lyons, it is because the 
Eastern churches were neither heard nor represented in that 
arbitrary meeting. For this salutary end, it will he expedi 
ent, and even. necessary, that a well-chosen legate should be 
sent into Greece, x to convene the patriarchs of Constantino 
ple, Alexandria, Aritioch, and Jerusalem ; and, with their aid, 
to prepare a free and universal synod. But at this moment," 
continued the subtle agent, "the empire is assaulted and 
endangered by the Turks, who have occupied four of the 
greatest cities of Anatolia. The Christian inhabitants have 
expressed a wish of returning to their allegiance and religion ; 
but the forces and revenues of the emperor arc insufficient 
for their deliverance : and the Roman legate must be accom 
panied, or preceded, by an army of Franks, to expe 
iidels, and open a way to the holy sepulchre." 
uicious Latins should require some pledge, some pre\ 
effect of the sincerity of the Greeks, the answers of 

f : 

This curious instruction was transcribed (I believe) from the 
Vatican archives, hv Odoricus Raynaldus, in his Continuation of t] 
Annals of Baronius, (Romse, 1646-1677, in x. volumes in folio.) 
nW contented myself with the Abbe Fleury, (Hist. Ecc^si 
torn. xx. p. 1S.) whose abstracts I have always found to I 
.irate, and impartial. 



O* THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 293 

were perspicuous and rational. "LA general synod can 
alone consummate the union of .the churches ; nor can such 
a synod be held till the three Oriental patriarchs, and a great 
number of bishops, are enfranchised from the Mahometan 
yoke. 2. The Greeks are alienated by a long series of op 
pression and injury : they must be reconciled by some act of 
brotherly love, some effectual succor, which may fortify the 
authority and arguments of the emperor, and the friends of 
the union. 3. If some difference of faith or ceremonies 
should be found incurable, the Greeks, however, are the dis 
ciples of Christ ; and the Turks are the common enemies of 
the Christian name. The Armenians, Cyprians, and Rhodi- 
ans,.are- equally attacked ; and it will become the piety of 
the French princes to draw their swords in the general de 
fence of religion. 4. Should the subjects of Andronicus be 
treated as the worst of schismatics, of heretics, of pagans, a 
judicious policy may yet instruct the powers of the West to 
embrace a useful ally, to uphold a. sinking empire, to guard 
the confines of Europe ; and rather to join the Greeks against 
the Turks, than to expect the union of the Turkish arms with 
the troops and treasures of captive Greece." The reasons, 
the offers, and the demands, of Andronicus were eluded with 
cold and stately indifference. The kings of France and Na 
ples declined the dangers and glory of a crusade ; the pope 
refused to call a new synod to determine old articles of faith ; 
and his regard for the obsolete claims of the Latin emperor 
and clergy engaged him to use an offensive superscription, 
" To the moderator 2 of- the Greeks, and the persons who 
style themselves the patriarchs of the Eastern churches." 
For such an embassy, a time and character less propitious 
could not easily have been found. Benedict the Twelfth 3 
was a dull. peasant, perplexed with scruples, and immersed in 

The ambiguity of this title is happy or ingenious ; and moderator, 
as synonymous to rector, (jubernator, is a word of classical, and even 
Ciceronian, Latinity, which may be found, not in the Glossary of 
Ducange, but in the Thesaurus of Kobert Stephens. 

The first epistle (sine tituio) of Petrarch exposes the danger of 
the bitrk, and the incapacity of the piht. Huso inter, vino madidus, sevo 
porit cro roro peri usus, jam jam nutitat, dormitat, jam 
somno pnrcops, atque (utinam solus) r-uit .... Hcu quanto feliciua 
patrio terrain sulcasset aratro, quam scalmum piscatorium asccndissct ! 
This satire engages his biographer to weigh the virtues and vices of 
Benedict XII. which have been exaggerated by Guelphs and Ghibe- 
lines, by Papists and Protestants, (see M6moires sur la Vie do 

25* 



294 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

sloth and wine : his pride might enrich with a third crown 
the papal tiara, but he was alike unfit for the regal and the 
pastoral office. 

After the decease of Andronicus, while the Greeks were 
distracted by intestine war, they could not presume to agitate 
a general union of the Christians. But as soon as Cantacu- 
zene had subdued and pardoned his enemies, he was anxious 
to justify, or at least to extenuate, the introduction of the Turks 
into Europe, and the nuptials of his daughter with a Mussul 
man prince. Two officers of state, with a Latin interpreter, 
were sent in his name to the Roman court, which was trans 
planted to Avignon, on the banks of the Rhone, during a 
period of seventy years : they represented the hard necessity 
which had urged him to embrace the alliance of the miscre 
ants, and pronounced by his command the specious and edify 
ing sounds of union and crusade. Pope Clement the Sixth, 4 
the successor of Benedict, received them with hospitality and 
honor, acknowledged the innocence of their sovereign, excused 
his distress, applauded his magnanimity, and displayed a clear 
knowledge of the state and revolutions of the Greek empire, 
which he had imbibed from the honest accounts of a Savoyard 
lady, an attendant of the empress Anne. 5 If Clement was ill 
endowed with the virtues of a priest, he possessed, however, 
the spirit and magnificence of a prince, whose liberal hand 
distributed benefices and kingdoms with equal facility. Under 
his reign Avignon was the seat of pomp and pleasure : in his 
vouth he had surpassed the licentiousness of a baron ; and the 
palace, nay, the bed-chamber of the pope, was adorned, or 
polluted, by the visits of his female favorites. The wars of 
France and England were adverse to the holy enterprise^ but 
his vanity was amused by the splendid idea ; and the Greek 

Petrarque, torn. i. p. 259, ii. not. xv. p. 1316.) He gave occasion 
to the saying, Bibamus papalitor. 

4 See the original Lives of Clement VI. in Muratori, (Script, licrum 
Italicarum, torn. iii. P. ii. p. 550589 ;) Matteo ViUani, (Chron. 1. ill. 
c. 43, in Muratori, torn. xiv. p. 136,) who styles him, molto cavalla- 
resco, poco religioso ; Fleury, (Hist. Eccles. torn. xx. p. 

the Vie de Petrarque, (torn. ii. p. 4245.) The abbe de Sade treats 
him with the most indulgence ; but he is a gentleman as well as a 

priest. e , , 

5 Her name (most probably corrupted) was /ampea. 
accompanied, and alone remained with her mistress at Constantinople 
where her prudence, erudition, and politeness deserved the praxes o 
the Greeks themselves, (Cantacuzen. 1. i. c. 42.) 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE, 295 

ambassadors returned with two Latin bishops, the ministers of 
the pontiff. On their arrival at Constantinople, the emperor 
and the nuncios a<iraired each ether s piety and eloquence ; 
and their frequent conferences were filled with mutual praises 
and promises, by which both parties were amused, and neither 
could be deceived, " I am delighted," said the devout Canta- 
cuzene, " with the project of our holy war, which must 
redound to my personal glory, as well as to the public benefit 
of Christendom. My dominions will give a free passage to 
the armies of France : my troops, my galleys, my treasures, 
shall be consecrated to the common cause ; and happy would 
be my fate, could I deserve and obtain the crown of martyr 
dom. Words are insufficient to express the ardor with which 
I sigh for the reunion of the scattered members of Christ If 
my death could avail, I would giadly present my sword and 
my neck : if the spiritual phoenix could arise from my ashes, 
I would erect the pile, and kindle the flame with my own 
hands," Yet the Greek emperor presumed to observe, that 
the articles of faith which divided the two churches had been 
introduced by the pride and precipitation of the Latins : he 
disclaimed the servile and arbitrary steps of the first Palaeolo- 
gus ; and firmly declared, that he would never submit his 
conscience unless to the decrees of a free and universal synod. 
" The situation of the times," continued he, u will not allow 
the pope and myself to meet either at Rome or Constanti 
nople ; but some maritime city may be chosen on the verge 
of the two empires, to unite the bishops, and to instruct the 
faithful, of the East and West." The nuncios seemed con 
tent with the proposition ; and Cantacuzene affects to deplore 
the failure of his hopes, which were soon overthrown by the 
death of Clement, and the different temper of his successor. 
His own life was prolonged, but it was prolonged in a cloister ; 
and, except by his prayers, the humble monk was incapable 
of directing the counsels of his pupil or the state. 6 

Yet of all the Byzantine princes, that pupil, John PalaGolo- 
gus, was the best disposed to embrace, to believe, and to obey, 
the shepherd of the West. His mother, Anne of Savoy, was 
baptized in the bosom of the Latin church : her marriage with 
Andronicus imposed a change of name, of apparel, and of 

6 See this whole negotiation in Cantacuzene, (1. iv. c. 9,) wno, 
stmidst the praises and virtues which he bestows on himself, reveals 
the uneasiness of a guilty conscience. 



296 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

worship, but her heart was still faithful to her countiy and 
religion : she had formed the infancy of her son, and she 
governed the emperor, after his mind, or at least his stature, 
was enlarged to the size of man. In the first year of his 
deliverance and restoration, the Turks were still masters of 
the Hellespont ; the son of Cantacuzene was in arms at 
Adrianople ; and Palceologus could depend neither on him 
self nor on his people. By his mother s advice, and in the 
hope of foreign aid, he abjured the rights both of the church 
and state ; and the act of slavery, 7 subscribed in purple ink, 
and sealed with the golden bull, was privately intrusted to an 
Italian agent. The first article of the treaty is an oath of 
fidelity and obedience to Innocent the Sixth and his suc 
cessors, the supreme pontiffs of the Roman and Catholic 
church. The emperor promises to entertain with due rever 
ence their legates and nuncios ; to assign a palace for their 
residence, and a temple for their worship ; and to deliver his 
second son Manuel as the hostage of his faith. For these con 
descensions he requires a prompt succor of fifteen galleys, 
with five hundred men at arms, and a thousand archers, to 
serve against his Christian and Mussulman enemies. Pateolo- 
gus engages to impose on his .clergy and people the same 
spiritual yoke ; but as the resistance of the Greeks might be 
justly foreseen, he adopts the two effectual methods of corrup 
tion and education. The legate was empowered to distribute 
the vacant benefices among the ecclesiastics who should sub 
scribe the creed of the Vatican : three schools were instituted 
to instruct the youth of Constantinople in the language and 
doctrine of the Latins; and the name of Andronicus, the heir 
of the empire, was enrolled as the first student. Should he fail 
in the measures of persuasion or force, Palseologus declares 
himself unworthy to reign; transferred to the pope all regal 
and paternal authority ; and invests Innocent with full power 
to regulate the family, the government, and the marriage, of 
his son and successor. But this treaty was neither executed 
nor published: the, Roman galleys were as vain and imagi 
nary as the submission of the Greeks; and it was only by the 
secrecy that their sovereign escaped the dishonor of this fruit 
less humiliation. 



7 See this ignominious treaty in Fleury, (Hist. Eccles, p. 1513 
from Raynaldus, who drew it from the Vatican archives. It was . 
worth the trouble of a pious forgery. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 297 

The tempest of the Turkish arms soon burst on his head ; 
nnd after the loss of Adrianople and Romania, he was enclosed 
n his capital, the vassal of the haughty Amurath, with the 
miserable hope of being the last devoured by the savage. In 
this abject "state, Palceologus embraced the resolution of em 
barking for Venice, and casting himself at the feet of the 
pope : he was the first of the Byzantine princes who had ever 
visited the unknown regions of the West, yet in them alone 
he could seek consolation or relief; and with less violation of 
his dignity he might appear in the sacred college than at the 
Ottoman Porte. After a long absence, the Roman pontiffs 
were returning from Avignon to the banks of the Tyber : 
Urban the Fifth, 8 of a mild and virtuous character, encouraged 

* O 

or allowed the pilgrimage of the Greek prince; and, within 
the same year, enjoyed the glory of receiving in the Vatican 
the two Imperial shadows who represented the majesty of 
Constantine and Charlemagne. In this suppliant visit, the 
emperor of Constantinople, whose vanity was lost in his dis 
tress, gave more than could be expected of empty sounds and 
formal submissions. A previous trial was imposed ; and, in 
the presence of four cardinals, he acknowledged, as a true 
Catholic, the supremacy of the pope, and the double pro 
cession of the Holy Ghost. After this purification, he was 
introduced to a public audience in the church of St. Peter: 
Urban, in the midst of the cardinals, was seated on his throne ; 
the Greek monarch, after three genuflections, devoutly kissed 
the feet, the hands, and at length the mouth, of the holy 
father, who celebrated high mass in his presence, allowed him 
to. lead the bridle of his mule, and treated him with a sump 
tuous banquet in the Vatican. The entertainment of Palceolo 
gus was friendly and honorable ; yet some difference was 
observed between the emperors of the East and West; 9 nor 
could the former be entitled to the rare privilege of chanting 
the gospel in the rank of a deacon. 10 In favor of his prose- 

3 See the two first original Lives of Urban A r ., (in Muratori, Script. 
Kerum Italicarum, torn. iii. P. ii. p. (523, 635,) and the Ecclesiastical 
Annals of Spondanus, (torn. i. p. o73, A. 1). 1369, No. 7,) and Itay- 
naklus, (Floury, Hist. Eccles. torn. xx. p. 223, 224.) Yet, from some 
variations, I suspect the papal writers of slightly magnifying the 
genuflections of Palseologus. 

Paullo minus quam si fuisset Imperator liomanorum. Yet his 
title of Imperator Greecorum was no longer disputed, (Vit. Urban Y. 
V- 623.) 

} It was confined to the successors of Charlemagne, and to them 



298 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

lyte, Urban strove to rekindle the zeal of the French king 
and the other powers of the West ; but he found them cold it 
the general cause, and active only in their domestic quarrels 
The .last hope of the emperor was in an English mercenary 
John Hawkwood, 11 or Acuto, who, with a band of adventurers 
the white brotherhood, had ravaged Italy from the Alps to 
Calabria ; sold his services to the hostile states ; and incurred 
a just excommunication by shooting his arrows against the 
papal residence. A special license was granted to negotiate 
with the outlaw, but the forces, or the spirit, of Hawkwood 
were unequal to the enterprise : and it was for the advantage, 
perhaps, of Paleeologus to be disappointed of a succor, that 
must have been costly, that could not be effectual, and which 
might have been dangerous. 12 The disconsolate Greek 13 pre 
pared for his return, but even his return was impeded by a 
most ignominious obstacle. On his arrival at Venice, he had 
borrowed large sums at exorbitant usury ; but his coffers were 
empty, his creditors were impatient, and his person was 
detained as the best security for the payment. His eldest 
son, Andronicus, the regent of Constantinople, was repeatedly 



only on Christmas- day. On all other festivals these Imperial deacons 
were content to serve the pope, as he said mass, with, the book and 
the corporate. Yet the abbe de Sadc geneimisly thinks that the merits 
of Charles IV. might have entitled him, though not on the proper day, 
(A. I). 1338, November 1,) to the Avhole privilege. He seems to affix 
u just value on the privilege and the man, (Yic de Petrarque, torn. iii. 
p. 735.) 

11 Through some Italian corruptions, the etymology of Falcone m 
bosco, (Matteo Yillani, 1. xi. c. 79, in Muratori, torn. xv. p. 746,) sug 
gests -the English word Ilawkwood, the true name of our adventurous 
countryman, (Thomas Walsingham, Hist. Anglican, inter Scriptores 
Camdeni. p. 184.) After two-and-twcnty victories, and one defeat, 
he died, in 1394, general of the Florentines, and was buried with such 
honors as the republic has not paid to Dante or Petrarch, (Muratori, 
Annali d Italia, torn. xii. p. 212371.) 

la This torrent of English (by birth or service) overflowed from 
France into Italy after the peace of Bretigny in 1630. Yet the excla 
mation of Muratori (Annali, torn. xii. p. 197) is rather true than civil. 
Ci maneava ancor questo, che dopo esscre calpestrata . Italia da 
tanti masnadieri Tcdeschi ed Ungheri, venissero fin clall Inghliterra 
nuovi cani a finire di divorarla. 

13 Chalcondyles, 1. i. p. 25, 26. The Greek supposes his journey 
to the king of France, which is sufficiently refuted by the silence of 
the national historians. Nor am I much more inclined to believe, 
that Paloeologus departed from Italy, valde bene consolatus et con- 
tentus, (Vifc. Urban V. p. 023.) 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 299 

urged to exhaust every resource ; and even by stripping the 
churches, to extricate his father from captivity and disgrace. 
But the unnatural youth was insensible of the disgrace, and 
secretly pleased with the captivity of the emperor : the state 
was poor, the clergy were obstinate ; nor could some religious 
scruple be wanting to excuse the guilt of his indifference and 
delay. Such undutiful neglect was severely reproved by the 
piety of his brother Manuel, who instantly sold or mortgaged 
all that he possessed, embarked for Venice, relieved his father, 
and pledged his own freedom to be responsible for the debt. 
On his return to Constantinople, the parent and king distin 
guished his two sons with suitable rewards ; but the faith and 
manners of the slothful Palssologus had not been improved by 
iiis Roman pilgrimage ; and his apostasy or conversion, devoid 
of any spiritual or temporal effects, was speedily forgotten by 
the Greeks and Latins. 14 

Thirty years after the return of Palseologus, his son and 
successor, Manuel, from a similar motive, but on a larger 
scale, again visited the countries of the West. In a preceding 
chapter I have related his treaty with Bajazet, the violation 
of that treaty, the siege or blockade of Constantinople, and 
the French succor under the command of the gallant Bouci- 
cauit. 15 By his ambassadors, Manuel had solicited the Latin 
powers ; but it was thought that the presence of a distressed 
monarch would draw tears ana supplies from the hardest 
Barbarians ; 1G and the marshal who advised the journey pre 
pared the. reception of the Byzantine prince. The land was 
occupied by the Turks ; but the navigation of Venice was 
safe and open : Italy received him as the first, or, at least, as 
the second, of the Christian princes ; Manuel was pitied as 
the champion and confessor of the faith; and the dignity of 
his behavior prevented that pity from sinking into contempt. 
From Venice he proceeded to Padua and Pavia ; and even 
the duke of Milan, a secret ally of Bajazet, gave him safe and 
honorable conduct to the verge of his dominions. 17 On the 



14 His return in 1370, and the coronation of Manuel, Sept. 25, 1373, 
(Ducangc, Fam. Byzant. p. 241,) leaves some intermediate sera for the 
conspiracy and punishment of Andronicus. 

16 Memoires de Boucicault, P. i. c. 35, 33. 

18 His journey into the west of Europe is slightly, and 1 believe 
reluctantly, noticed by (Jhalcondyles (1. ii. c. 4-i 50) and Ducas, 
(c. 14.) 

17 Muratori, Annali d Italia, torn. xii. p. 40 G. John Galeazzo was 



300 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

confines of France 18 the royal officers undertook the care of 
his person, journey, and expenses ; and two thousand of the 
richest citizens, in arms and on horseback, came forth to meet 
him as far as Charenton in the neighborhood of the capital. 
At the gates of Paris, he was saluted by the chancellor and 
the parliament ; and Charles the Sixth, attended by his princes 
and nobles, welcomed his brother with a cordial embrace. 
The successor of Constantine was clothed in a robe of white 
silk, and mounted on a milk-white steed, a circumstance, in 
the French ceremonial, of singular importance : the white 
color is considered as the symbol of sovereignty ; and, in a 
late visit, the German emperor, after a haughty demand and 
a peevish refusal, had been reduced to content himself with a 
black courser. Manuel was lodged in the Louvre : a succes 
sion of feasts and balls, the pleasures of the banquet and the 
chase, were ingeniously varied by the politeness of the French, 
to display their magnificence, and amuse his grief: he was 
indulged in the liberty of his chapel ; and the doctors of the 
Sorbonne were astonished, and possibly scandalized, by the 
language, the rites, and the vestments, of his Greek clergy. 
But the slightest glance on the state -of the kingdom must 
teach him to despair of any effectual assistance. The unfor 
tunate Charles, though he enjoyed some lucid intervals, con 
tinually relapsed into furious or stupid insanity : the reins of 
government were alternately seized by his brother and uncle, 
the dukes of Orleans and Burgundy, whose factious competi 
tion prepared the miseries of civil war. The former was a 
gay youth, dissolved in luxury and love : the latter was the 
father of John count of Nevers, who Tiad so lately been ran 
somed from Turkish captivity ; and, if the fearless son was 
ardent to revenge his defeat, the more prudent Burgundy was 
content with the cost and peril of the first experiment. When 
Manuel had satiated the curiosity, and perhaps fatigued the 
patience, of the French, he resolved on a visit to the adjacent 
island. In his progress from Dover, he was entertained at 

the first and most powerful dtikc of Milan. His connection with 
Bajazet is attested by Froissard; and he contributed to save and de 
liver the French captives of Nicopolis. 

18 For the reception of Manuel at Paris, see Spondamis, (Annal. 
Eccles. torn. i. p. 676, 677, A. D. 1400, No. o,) who quotes Juvenal 
des Ursins, and the monk of St. Denys ; and Villaret, (Hist, de 
France, torn. xii. p. 331334,) who quotes nobody, according to the 
last fashion of the French writers. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 301 

Canterbury with due reverence by the prior and monks of St. 
Austin ; and, on Blackheath, King Henry the Fourth, with the 
English court, saluted the Greek hero, (I copy our old historian,) 
who, during many days, was lodged and treated in London as 
emperor of the East.^ But the state of England was still more 
adverse to the design of the holy war. In the same year, 
the hereditary sovereign had been deposed and murdered : 
the reigning prince was a successful usurper, whose ambition 
was punished by jealousy and remorse : nor could Henry of 
Lancaster withdraw his person or forces from the defence of 
a_ throne incessantly shaken by conspiracy and rebellion. He 
pitied, he praised, he feasted, the emperor of Constantinople ; 
but if the English monarch assumed the cross, it was only to 
appease his people, and perhaps his conscience, by the merit 
or semblance of this pious intention. 20 Satisfied, however, 
with gifts and honors, Manuel returned to Paris ; and, after a 
residence of two years in the West, shaped his course through 
Germany and Italy, embarked at Venice, and patiently ex 
pected, in the Morea, the moment of his ruin or deliverance. 
Yet he had escaped the ignominious necessity of offering his 
religion to public or private sale. The Latin church was dis 
tracted by the great schism ; the kings, the nations, the uni 
versities, of Europe were divided in their obedience between 
the popes of Rome and Avignon ; and the emperor, anxious 
to conciliate the friendship of both parties, abstained from 
any correspondence with the indigent and unpopular rivals. 
rlis journey coincided with the year of the jubilee ; but he 
passed through Italy without desiring, or deserving, the plen 
ary indulgence which abolished the guilt or penance of the 
sins of the faithful. The Roman. pope was offended by this 
neglect; accused him of irreverence to an image of Christ; 

1 A short note of Manuel in England is extracted by Dr. Hody 
from a MS. at Lambeth, (de Greeds illustribus, p. 14,) C/P. Impera- 
tor, dm variisque et horrendis Pa-aaorum insttltibus coarctatus, ut 
pro eisdem resistentiam triumphalcm perquircrct, Anj^lorum Ile-em 
visitare decrevit, & c . Hex (says Walsingham, p. 364) nobili apparaty 
. . suscepit (ut decuit) tantum Ilcroa, duxitquo Lomlonias, et pc/ 
multos dies cxhibuit glorio.so, pro cxpcn.sis ho.spitii sui solvens, et cum 
respiciens tanto fastigio donativis. lie repeats the same in his Upodi<* 
ma Neustrise, (p. f).5o.) 

Shakspeare begins and ends the play of Henry IV. with tha* 
nice s vow of a crusade, and his belief that he should die in Jeru- 



prmce 
Balem. 



VOL. VI. 26 



302 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

and exhorted the princes of Italy to reject and abandon the 
obstinate schismatic. 21 

During the period of the crusades, the Greeks beheld with 
astonishment and terror the perpetual stream of emigration 
that flowed, and continued to flow, from the unknown climates 
of their West. The visits of their last emperors removed the 
veil of separation, and they disclosed to their eyes the pow 
erful nations of Europe, whom they no longer presumed to 
brand with the name of Barbarians. The observations of 
Manuel, and his more inquisitive followers, have been pre 
served by a Byzantine historian of the times : 2 his scattered 
ideas I shall collect and abridge ; and it may be amusing 
enough, perhaps instructive, to contemplate the rude pictures 
of Germany, France, and England, whose -ancient and mod- 
ern state are so familiar to our rninds. I. GERMANY (says the 
Greek Chalcondyles) is of ample latitude from Vienna to the 
ocean ; and it stretches (a strange geography) from Prague 
in Bohemia to the River Tartessus, and the Pyrensean Moun 
tains. 23 The soil, except in figs and olives, is sufficiently 
fruitful ; the air is salubrious ; the bodies of the natives are 
robust and healthy ; and these cold regions are seldom visited 
with the calamities of pestilence, or earthquakes. Alter 1 le 
Scythians or Tartars, the Germans are the most numerous ot 
nations : they are brave and patient ; and were they united 
under a single head, their force would be irresistible, by the 

21 This fact is preserved in the Historia Politica, A. D. 13911478, 
published by Martin Crusius, (Turco Grsecia, p. 1-43.) Ihe image 
of Christ, which the Greek emperor refused to worship, was proba- 



e historv of Laonicus Chalcondyles ends 

with the winter of 1463 ; and the abrupt conclusion seems tc .mark 
that he laid down his pen in the same year. We know that he * as 
an Athenian, and that some contemporaries of the same name con- 
tributed to the revival of the Greek language in Italy. But in . 
numerous digressions, the modest historian has never introduced h 
self; and his editor Leunclavius, as well as Fabricms, (Bibliot. Gr*c. 
tom.vi P . 474,) seems ignorant of his life and char^t er lor ^ 
deseriptions of Germany, France, and England, see 1. n. p. 36, 37, 4 

~"M I shall not animadvert on the geographical errors of Chalcondy 
les In this instance, he perhaps followed, and mistook Herodotus, 
(1 ii. c. 33,) whose text may be explained (Herodote dc J Archer 
torn ii P 219, 220,) or whose ignorance may be excused. 

ks never read Strabo, or any of their lesser geographers ? 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 303 

gift of the pope, they have acquired the privilege of choosinn- 
the Roman emperor; 24 nor is any people more devom j 

:ached to the faith and obedience of the Latin patriarch The 
greatest part of the country is divided among the princes and 
prelates ; but Strasburg, Cologne, Hamburgh, and more than 
two hundred free cities, are governed by sage and equal laws, 
according to the will, and for the advantage, of the whole 
community. The use of duels, or single combats on foot 
3 among them in peace and war : their industry excels 
m all the mechanic arts ; and the Germans may boast of the 
invention of gunpowder and cannon, which is now diffused 
over the greatest part of the world. II. The kingdom of 
FRANCE is spread above fifteen or twenty days journey from 
^ermany to Spain, and from the Alps to the British Ocean 
ontaming many flourishing cities, and among these Paris, the 
seat of the lung, which surpasses the rest in riches and luxury 
Many princes and lords alternately wait in his palace, and 
acknowledge him as their sovereign : the most powerful are 
the dukes of Bretagne and Burgundy ; of whom the latter 
possesses the wealthy province of Flanders, whose harbors - 
are frequented by the ships and merchants of our own and 
the more remote, seas. The French are an ancient and 
opulent people ; and their language and manners, though 
somewhat different, are not dissimilar frm those of the Ital- 
Vam of the Imperial dignity of Charlemagne, of their 
victories over the Saracens, and of the exploits of their heroes, 
)hver and Rowland,^ tney esteem themselves the first of the 
OB nation*; but this foolish arrogance has been recently 
humbled by the unfortunate events of their wars against the 
English, the inhabitants of the British island. III. BRITAIN in 
the ocean, and opposite to the shores of Flanders, may be con- 
either as one, or as three islands ; but the whole is united 

[ A citizen of new Rome, while new Home survived, would have 
scorned to dinify the German Ptf w ith the titles of 



CbSSSt P ^T : i but ^ U Pride was extinct in the bosom of 
Chalcondyles ; and he describes the Byzantine prince, and his subject 
bythe proper, though humble, names of "Eu s and 



thC ld r " mances wcre translated in the xivth century 
H i Pr ? SC am V on becamc th e favorite amusement of the 
and ladies m the court of Charles VI. If a Greek believed 
m the exploits ot Holland and Oliver, he may surclv be 
since the monks of St. Denys, the national historians , have 
the tables of Archbishop Turpin in their Chronicles of France 



304 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

by a common interest, by the same manners, and by a similar 
government. The measure of its circumference is five thou 
sand stadia: the land is overspread with towns and villages: 
though destitute of wine, and not abounding in fruit-trees, it is 
fertile in wheat and barley ; in honey and wool ; and much 
cloth is manufactured by the inhabitants. In populousness 
and power, in riches and luxury, London, 26 the metropolis 
of the isle, may claim a preeminence over all the cities of 
the West. It is situate on the Thames, a broad and rapid 
river, which at the distance of thirty miles falls into -the Gallic 
Sea ; and the daily flow and ebb of the tide affords a safe 
entrance and departure to the vessels of commerce. The 
king is the head of a powerful and turbulent aristocracy : his 
principal vassals hold their estates by a free and unalterable 
tenure ; and the laws define the limits of his authority and 
their obedience. The kingdom has been often afflicted by 
foreign conquest and domestic sedition ; but the natives are 
bold and hardy, renowned in arms and victorious in war. 
The form of their shields or targets is derived from the Ital 
ians, that of their swords from the Greeks; the use of the 
long bow is the peculiar and decisive advantage of the 
lish. Their language bears no affinity to the idioms of the 
Continent: in the habits of domestic life, they are not easily 
distinguished from their neighbors of France: but the mos, 
sino-ular circumstance of their manners is their disregard of 
conjugal honor and of female chastity. In their mutual visits, 
as the first act of hospitality, the guest is welcomed in the 
embraces of their wives and daughters : among friends they 
are lent and borrowed without shame ; nor are the islanders 
offended at this strange commerce, and its inevitable conse 
quences. 27 Informed as we are of the customs of Old 

26 Jurtivn . . M Tt T/oA S (Wu.iisi re Tim^/m^a T>* tr Tj r, ,ay TrT|i 

< 



Ttaatv TTo^wv, o;>r f *, r^ a^n ercW - oiffcpicrC 7>>r n^ < 
JUmopJn,. Even since the time of Fitzstephen, (the xnth cen tury.1 
London appears to have maintained this preeminence oi we 
magnitude ; and her gradual increase has, at least, kept pac< 
the general improvement of Europe. 

"If the double sense of the verb KY. (osculor, and in utero pi- 
be equivocal, the context and pious horror of Chalcondyles can leave 
no doubt of his meaning and mistake, (p. 49.) * 



* I can discover no pious horror " in the plain TY 
ccmdyles relates this strange usage. He says, o* wtfvn 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 305 

land, and assured of the virtue of our mothers, we may smile 
at the credulity, or resent the injustice, of the Greek, who 
must have confounded a modest salute 28 with a criminal em 
brace. But his credulity and injustice may teach an impor 
tant lesson ; to distrust the accounts of foreign and remote 
nations, and to suspend our belief of every tale that deviates 
from the laws of nature and the character of man. 29 

After his return, and the victory of Timour, Manuel reigned 
many years in prosperity and peace. As long as the sons of 
Bajazet solicited his friendship and spared his dominions, he 
was satisfied with the national religion^ and his leisure was 
employed in composing twenty theological dialogues for its 
defence. The appearance of the Byzantine ambassadors at 
the council of Constance, 30 announces the restoration of the 
Turkish power, as well as of the Latin church : the conquest 
of the sultans, Mahomet and Amurath, reconciled the em 
peror to the Vatican ; and the siege of Constantinople almost 
tempted him to acquiesce in the double procession of the 
Holy Ghost. When Martin the Fifth ascended without a rival 
the chair of St. Peter, a friendly intercourse of letters and 
embassies was revived between the East and West. Am 
bition on one side, and distress or? the other, dictated the 
same decent language of charity and "peace : the artful 
Greek expressed a desire of marrying his six sons to Italian 
princesses ; and the Roman, not less artful, despatched the 
daughter of the marquis of Montferrat, with a company of 

23 Erasmus (Epist. Fausto Andrclino) has a pretty passage on the 
English fashion of kissing strangers on their arrival and departure, 
from whence, however, he draws no scandalous inferences. 

" 9 Perhaps we may apply this remark to the community of wives 
among the old Britons, as it is supposed by Caesar and Dion, (Dion 
Cassius, 1. Ixii. torn. ii. p. 1007,) with Kcimar s judicious annotation. 
The Arreoy of Otaheite, so certain at first, is become less visible and 
scandalous, in proportion as we have studied the manners of that 
gentle and amorous people. 

30 See Lenfant, Hist, du Concile de Constance, torn. ii. p. 576 ; and 
for the ecclesiastical history of the times, the Annals of Spondanus, 
the Bibliotheque of Dupin, torn, xii., and xxist and xxiid volumes of 
the History, or rather the Continuation, of Floury. 



KviaOai ra? ri yimiT/oi? avrtiv Kni ra? dvyartpat ; yet those fire exprr-s- 
sions beyond what would be used, if the ambiguous word KviaOm were taken 
in its more innocent sense. Nor can the phrase -a^i^ovrai raj tavr&v 
ywalieaf tv ro7$ tTur^ao:? well bear a less coarse interpretation. Gibbon is 
probably right as to the origin of this extraordinary mistake. M. 

26* 



306 THE DECLINE AND FALi* 

noble virgins, to soften, by their charms, the obstinacy of the 
schismatics. Yet under this mask of zeal, a discerning eye 
will perceive that all was hollow and insincere in the court 
and church of Constantinople. According to the vicissitudes 
of danger and repose, the emperor advanced or retreated; 
alternately instructed and disavowed his ministers ; and es 
caped from an importunate pressure by urging the duty of 
inquiry, the obligation of collecting the sense of his patriarchs 
and bishops, and the impossibility of convening them at a time 
when the Turkish arms were at the gates of his capital. 
From a review of the public transactions it will appear that 
the Greeks insisted on three successive measures, a succor, a 
council, and a final reunion, while the Latins eluded the 
second, and only promised the first, as a consequential and 
voluntary reward of the third. But we have an opportunity 
of unfolding the most secret intentions of Manuel, as he ex 
plained them in a private conversation without artifice or 
disguise. In his declining age, the emperor had associated 
John Palceologus, the second of the name, and the eldest of 
his sons, on whom lie devolved the greatest part ot 
authority and weight of government. One day, in the pres 
ence only of the historian Phranza,* 1 his favorite chamber 
lain, he opened to his colleague and successor the true 
principle of his negotiations with the pope. 3 - )ur last 

resource," said Manuel, against the Turks, "is their fear of 
our union with the Latins, of the warlike nations of the \\ est, 
who may arm for our relief and for their destruction. As 

3i From his carlv youth, George Phranza, or Phranzes was em 
ployed in the service of the state and palace ; and Hanckius (de bcript. 
Bvzant. P. i. c. 40) has collected his life from his own writing He 
wL no more than four-and-twcnty years of age at the < 
Manuel, who recommended him in the strongest terms to his succe 
Imprimis vero hunc Phranzen tibi commendo, qui mimstravit mihi 
fidcliter et diligenter, (Phranzes, 1. ii. e. i.) Yet the emperor John 
was cold, and he preferred the service of the despots of Peloponnesus 

- Sec Phranzes, 1. ii. c. 13. While so many manuscripts of t 
Greek original are extant in the libraries of Home M.Ian, the Escu- 
rial, &c., it is a matter of shame and reproach that we should De 
reduced to the Latin version, or abstract, of James Pontanus (ad 
calccm Theophvlact, Simocatt* : Ingolstadt, 1604,). * detent m 
accuracy and elegance, fabric. Bibliot. Grac. torn. TI. p. 615-620.) 

* The Greek text of Phranzes was edited by F. C .Alter, Tindobontf, 
1796 It has been re-edited by Bekkcr for the new ediUoa of the By*m- 
tines, Bonn, 1S3S. M. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 307 

often as you are threatened by the miscreants, present this 
danger before their eyes. Propose a council ; consult on the 
means ; but ever delay and avoid the convocation of an assem 
bly, which cannot tend either to our spiritual or temporal 
emolument. The Latins are proud ; the Greeks are obsti 
nate ; neither party will recede or retract ; and the attempt 
of a perfect union will confirm the schism, alienate the 
churches, and leave us, without hope or defence, at the mercy 
of the Barbarians." Impatient of this salutary lesson, the 
royal youth arose from his seat, and departed in silence ; and 
the wise monarch (continued Phranza) casting his eyes on me, 
thus resumed his discourse : "*My son deems himself a great 
and heroic prince ; but, alas ! our miserable age does not 
afford scope for heroism or greatness. His daring spirit 
might have suited the happier times of our ancestors ; but the 
present state requires not an emperor, but a cautious steward 
of the last relics of our fortunes. Well do I remember the 
lofty expectations which he built on our alliance with Musta- 
pha ; and much do I fear, that his rash courage will urge the 
ruin of our house, and that even religion may precipitate our 
downfall." Yet the experience and authority of Manuel 
preserved the peace, and eluded the council ; till, in the 
seventy-eighth year of his age, and in the habit of a monk, he 
terminated his career, dividing his precious movables among 
his children and the poor, his physicians and his favorite 
servants. Of his six sons, 33 Andronicus the Second was 
invested with the principality of Thessalonica, and died of a 
leprosy soon after the sale of that city to the Venetians and 
its final conquest by the Turks. Some fortunate incidents had 
restored Peloponnesus, or the Morea, to the empire ; and in 
his more prosperous days, Manuel had fortified the narrow 
isthmus of six miles 34 with a stone wall and one hundred and 
fifty-three towers. The wall was overthrown by the first blast 
of the Ottomans ; the fertile peninsula might have been suf 
ficient for the four younger brothers, Theodore and Constan- 
tine, Demetrius and Thomas ; but they wasted in domestic 

33 See Ducange, Fam. Byzant. p. 243248. 

34 The exact measure of the Hexamilion, from sea to sea, was 3800 
orgyice, or toises, of six Greek feet, (Phran/e.s, 1. i. c. 38,) which woulr" 
produce a Greek mile, still smaller than that of 660 French toises, 
which is assigned by D Anville, as still in use in Turkey. Five miles 
are commonly reckoned for the breadth of the isthmus. See the 
Travels of Spon, Wheeler, and Chandler. 



308 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

contests the remains of their strength ; and the least success 
ful of the rivals were reduced to a life of dependence in the 
Byzantine palace. 

The eldest of the sons of Manuel, John Palteologus the 
Second, was acknowledged, after his fathers death, as the 
sole emperor of the Greeks. He immediately proceeded to 
repudiate -his wife, and to contract a new marriage with the 
princess of Trebizond : beauty was in his eyes the first quali 
fication of an empress ; and the clergy had yielded to his firm 
assurance, that unless he might be indulged in a divorce, he 
would retire to a cloister, and leave the throne to his brother 
Constantino. The first, and in truth the only, victory of Pa- 
(aiologus, was over a Jew, 35 whom, after a long and learned 
dispute, he converted to the Christian faith ; and this moment 
ous conquest is carefully recorded in the history of the times. 
But he soon resumed the design of uniting the East and 
West ; and, regardless of his father s advice, listened, as it 
should seem with sincerity, to the proposal of meeting the 
pope in a general council beyond the Adriatic. This danger 
ous project was encouraged by Martin the Fifth, and coldly 
entertained by his successor Eugenius, till, after a tedious 
negotiation, the emperor received a summons from the Latin 
assembly of a new character, the independent prelates of 
Basil, who styled themselves the representatives and judges 
of the Catholic church. 

The Roman pontiff had fought and conquered in the cause 
of ecclesiastical freedom ; but the victorious clergy were soon 
exposed to the tyranny of their deliverer; and his sacred 
character was invulnerable to those arms which they found sc 
keen and effectual against the civil magistrate. Their great 
charter, the right of election, was annihilated by appeals, 
evaded by trusts or commendams, disappointed by reversion 
ary grants, and superseded by previous and arbitrary reserva 
tions. 36 A public auction was instituted in the court of Rome ; 

25 The first objection of the Jews is on the death of Christ : if it 
were voluntary, Christ was a suicide ; which the emperor parries with 
a mystery. They then dispute on the conception of the Virgin, the 
sense of the prophecies, &c., ^Phranzcs, 1. ii. c. 12, a whole chapter.) 

36 In the treatise dclle Materio Beneftciarie of Fra Paolo, (in the ivt] 
volume of the last, and best, edition of his works,) the papal system 
is deeply studied and freely described. Should Home and her religion 
be annihilated, this golden volume may still survive, a philosophical 
history, and a salutary warning. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 309 

the cardinals and favorites were enriched with the spoils of 
nations ; and every country might complain that the most im 
portant and valuable benefices were accumulated on the heads 
of aliens and absentees. During their residence at Avignon, 
the ambition of the popes subsided in the meaner passions of 
avarice 37 and luxury : they rigorously imposed on the clergy 
the tributes of first-fruits, and tenths ; but they freely tolerated 
the impunity of vice, disorder, and corruption. These man 
ifold scandals were, aggravated by the great schism of the 
West, which continued above fifty years. In the furious con 
flicts of Rome and . Avignon, the vices of the rivals were 
mutually exposed ; and their precarious situation degraded 
their authority, relaxed their discipline, and multiplied their 
wants and exactions. To heal the wounds, and restore the 
monarchy, of the church, the synods of Pisa and Constance 38 
were successively convened ; but these great assemblies, con 
scious of their strength, resolved to vindicate the privileges 
of the Christian aristocracy. From a personal sentence 
against two pontiffs, whom they rejected, and a third, their 
acknowledged sovereign, whom they deposed, the fathers of 
Constance proceeded to examine the nature and limits of the 
Roman supremacy ; nor did they separate till they had estab 
lished the authority, above the pope, of a general council. 
It was enacted, that, for the government and reformation of 
the church, such assemblies should be held at regular inter 
vals ; and that each synod, before its dissolution, should 
appoint the time and pface of the subsequent meeting. By 
the influence of the court of Rome, the next convocation at 
Sienna was easily eluded ; but the bold and vigorous proceed 
ings of the council of Basil 3 had almost been fatal to the 







^ John XXII. (in 133-1) left behind him, at Avignon, eighteen 

millions O A gold norms, and the value of seven millions more in plto 
and jewels. See the Chronicle of John Villani, (1. xi. c. 20, in Mura- 
tori s Collection, torn. xiii. p. 765,) whose brother received the account 
from the papal treasurers. A treasure of six or eight millions steriin- 
in the xivth century is enormous, and almost incredible. 

A learned and liberal Protestant, M. Lenfant, has given a fair 
ustory of the councils of Pisa, Constance, and Basil, in six volumes 
in quarto ; but the last part is the most liastv and imperfect, except 
in the account of the troubles of Bohemia. 

The original acts or minutes of the council of Basil arc preserved 
m the public library, in twelve volumes in folio. Basil was a free 
city, conveniently situate on the Rhine, and guarded by the arms of 
the neighboring and confederate Swiss. In U59, the university was 



310 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

reigning pontiff, Eugenius the Fourth. A just suspicion of 
his design prompted the fathers to hasten the promulgation 
of the first decree, that the representatives of the church- 
militant on earth were invested with a divine and spiritual 
jurisdiction over all Christians, without excepting the pope ; 
and that a general council could not be dissolved, prorogued 
or transferred, unless by their free d-eliberation and consent. 
On the notice that Eugenius had fulminated a bull for that 
purpose, they ventured to summon, to admonish, to threaten, 
to censure, the contumacious successor of St. Peter. After 
many delays, to allow time for repentance, they finally 
declared, that, unless he submitted within the term of sixty 
days, he was suspended from the exercise of all temporal and 
ecclesiastical authority. And to mark their jurisdiction over 
the prince as well as the priest, they assumed the government 
of Avignon, annulled the alienation of the sacred patrimony, 
and protected Rome from the imposition of new taxes. Their 
boldness was justified, not only by the general opinion of the 
clergy, but by the support and power of the first monarchs 
of Christendom : the emperor Sigismond declared himself 
the servant and protector of the synod ; Germany and France 
adhered to their cause ; the duke of Milan was the enemy of 
Eugenius ; and he was driven from the Vatican by an insur 
rection of the Roman people. Rejected at the same time by 
his temporal and spiritual subjects, submission was his only 
choice : by a most humiliating bull, the pope repealed his own 
acts, and ratified those of the council ; incorporated his legates 
and cardinals with that venerable body ; and seemed to resign 
himself to the decrees of the supreme legislature. Their 
fame pervaded the countries of the East : and it was in their 
presence that Sigismond received the ambassadors of the 
Turkish sultan, 40 who laid at his feet twelve large vases, 
filled with robes of silk and pieces of gold. The fathers of 
Basil aspired to the glory of reducing the Greeks, as well 
as the Bohemians, within the pale of the church ; and their 
deputies invited the emperor and patriarch of Constantinople 
to unite with an assembly which possessed the confidence of 



founded by Pope Pius II., (JSneas Sylvius,) who had been secretary 
to the council. But what is a council, or a university, to the presses 
of Frobcn and the studies of Erasmus ? 

40 This Turkish embassy, attested only by Oantzius, is related with 
some doubt by the annalist Spondanus, A. D. 1433, No. 25, torn. i. p. 
824. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 311 

the Western nations. Palseologus was not averse to the pro 
posal ; and his ambassadors were introduced with due honors 
into the Catholic senate. But the choice of the place ap 
peared to be an insuperable obstacle, since he refused to pass 
the Alps, or the Sea of Sicily, and positively required that the 
synod should be adjourned to some convenient city in Italy, 
or at least on the Danube. The other articles of this treaty 
were more readily stipulated : it was agreed to defray the 
travelling expenses of the emperor, with a train of seven hun 
dred persons, 41 to remit an immediate sum of eight thousand 
ducats 42 for the accommodation of the Greek clergy ; and in his 
absence to grant a supply of ten thousand ducats, with three 
hundred archers and some galleys, for the protection of Con 
stantinople. The city of Avignon advanced the funds for the 
preliminary expenses ; and the embarkation was prepared at 
Marseilles with some difficulty and delay. 

In his distress, the friendship of Palreologus was disputed 
by the ecclesiastical powers of the West ; but the dexterous 
activity of a monarch prevailed over the slow debates and in 
flexible temper of a republic. The decrees of Basil continu 
ally tended to circumscribe the despotism of the pope, and to 
erect a supreme and perpetual tribunal in the church. Eu- 
genius was impatient of the yoke ; and the union of the 
Greeks might afford a decent pretence for translating a rebel 
lious synod from the Rhine to the Po. The independence 
of the fathers was lost if they passed the Alps : Savoy or 
Avignon, to which they acceded with reluctance, were de 
scribed at Constantinople as situate far beyond the pillars of 
Hercules ; 43 the emperor and his clergy were apprehensive 

41 Syropuhis, p. 19. In this list, the Greeks appear to have ex 
ceeded the real numbers of the clergy and laity which afterwards 
attended the emperor and patriarch, but which are not clearly speci 
fied by the great ccclcsiarch. The 7-5,000 florins which they asked in 
this negotiation of the pope, (p. 9,) were more than they could hope 
or want. 

I use indifferently the words ducat and florin, which derive their 
names, the former from the dukes of Milan, the latter from the repub 
lic of Florence. These gold pieces, the first that were coined in Italy, 
perhaps in the Latin world, may be compared in weight and value to 
one third of the English guinea. 

At the end of the Latin version of Phranzcs, we read a Ion"- 
Greek epistle or declamation of George of Tftbizond, who advises the 
emperor to prefer Eugcnius and Italy. He treats with contempt the 
schismatic assembly of Basil, the Barbarians of Gaul and Germany, 
\vho had conspired to transport the chair of St. Peter beyond the 



312 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

of the clangors of a long navigation ; they were offended by 
a haughty declaration, that after suppressing the new heresy 
of the Bohemians, the council would soon eradicate the old 
heresy of the Greeks. 44 On the side of Eugenius, all was 
smooth, and yielding, and respectful ; and he invited the 
Byzantine monarch to heal by his presence the schism of 
Latin, as well as of the Eastern, church. Ferrara, near the 
coast of the Adriatic, was proposed for their amicable inter 
view ; and with some indulgence of forgery and theft, a sur 
reptitious decree was procured, which transferred the synod, 
with its own consent, to that Italian city. Nine galleys were 
equipped for this service at Venice, and in the Isle of Landia ; 
their diligence anticipated the slower vessels of Basil : 
man admiral was commissioned to burn, sink, and destroy; ^ 
and these priestly squadrons might have encountered each 
other in the same seas where Athens and Sparta ha 
merly contended for the preeminence of glory. Assault 
by the importunity of the factions, who were ready to hgn 
for the possession of his person, Palseologus hesitated before 
he left his palace and country on a perilous experiment. 
father s advice still dwelt on his memory ; and reason must 
suggest, that since the Latins were divided among themselves, 
they could never unite in a foreign cause. Sigismond dis 
suaded the unseasonable adventu/e ; his advice was impartial, 
since he adhered to the council; and it was enforced by the 
strange belief, that the German Caosar would nominate 
Greek his heir and successor in the empire of the West.** 
Even the Turkish sultan was a counsellor whom it might 
unsafe to trust, but whom it was dangerous to offend. Amu- 
rath was unskilled in the disputes, but he was appre 



yui TIT itsru aov (frroSov 



AT < ~<n few* >iM rtf yui TIT itsru aov (frroov f 

Alps ; ol SMioi (s he) a Constantinople unpro- 

x/Ltiwv oT/,Ati y.ai. :tf(iu 1 aoi^iav ^uuin 
vidcd with a map r . -, f1 t f 

Syropulus (p. 26-31) attests his own indignation, and tl 
his countrymen and the Basil deputies, who excused the lash 

-sr;:/^^ 

Tyn^d were less peremptory, and, till the hostile squadrons appeared, 
both parties tried to conceal their quarrel from the Greeks 

46 SvrcmulTJs mentions the hopes of Palaeoiogus, (p. 36,) and 
last advice of Sigismond, (p. 57.) At Corfu, the Greek emperor wa 
iSomcdof hi* Mend s death; had he known it sooner, he would 
have returned home, (p. 79.) 



^F THE ROMAN EMPIRE, 313 

of the union, of the Christians, From his owm treasures, he 
offered to relieve the wants of the Byzantine court; yet 
he declared with seeming magnanimity, that Constantinople 
should he secure and inviolate, in the absence of her sov 
ereign. 47 The resolution of Palseologus was decided by the 
most splendid gifts and the most specious promises : he wished 
to escape for a while from a scene of danger an-d distress ; 
and after dismissing with an ambiguous answer the messen 
gers of the council, he declared his intention of embarking hi 
She Roman galleys, Th-e age of the .patriarch Joseph was 
more susceptible of fear than of hope; he trembled at the 
perils of the sea^ arid expressed his apprehension-, that his 
ieeble voice, with thirty perhaps of his orthodox brethren, 
would be oppressed in a foreign land by the power and num 
bers of a Latin synod. He yielded lo the royal mandate, to 
the flattering assurance, that he would be heard as the oracle 
of nations, and to the secret wish of learning from his brother 
of the West, to deliver the church from the yoke of kings, 48 
The five cross-bearers, or dignitaries, of St. Sophia, were 
bound to attend his person-; and one of these, the great o 
clesiarch or preacher, Sylvester Syropulus, 49 has composed a 
free and curious history 5U of ike false union, 51 Of the clergy 

47 Phranzcs himself; though, from different motives, was of the 
advice of Amurath, (1, ii. c, 13.) Utinam ne syaodus ista unquam 
f uisset, si tants offensienes et detriment?, paritura erat. This Turkish 
embassy is likewise mentioned by Syropulus, (p. 58 ;) and Amurath 
kept his word. He might threaten, (p. 125, 219,) but he never 
attacked, the city. 

<s The reader will smile at the simplicity with which he imparted 
these hopes to his favorites : Toiuv*r t v Tc^oqpogtecv a % 



rov t 

vr*v 8uv3ieiug jiat* To6 pumliwc, (p. 92.) Yet it would have been 
difficult for him to have practised the lessons of Gregory VIL 

49 The Christian name of Sylvester is borrowed from the Latin cal 
endar. In modern Greek, TTOU/IOC, as a diminutive, is added to the 
end of words : nor can any reasoning of Creyghton, the editor, excuse 
his changing into -ty/wj-opulus, (Sguros, fuscus,) the Syropulus of Ms 
own manuscript, whose name is subscribed with his own hand in the 
acts of the council of Florence. Why might not the author be of 
Syrian extraction ? 

5I> From the conclusion of the history, I should fix the date to the 
year 1-H-1-, four years after the synod, when the great ecclesiarch had 
abdicated his office, (sectio xii. p. 330350.) His passions were 
cooled by time and retirement 4 and, although Syropulus is often par 
tial, he is Rever in.terc.per ate. 

M Vera historhi wiionis non verce inter Grcecos et Latinos, (Haga 

VOL. VI. 



314 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

tnat reluctantly obeyed the summons of the emperor and the 
patriarch, submission was the first duty, and patience the 
most useful virtue. In a chosen list of twenty bishops, we 
discover the metropolitan titles of Heraclese and Cyzicus, 
Nice and Nicomedia, Ephesus and Trebizond, and the per 
sonal merit of Mark and Bessarion, who, in the confidence of 
their learning and eloquence, were promoted to the episcopal 
rank. Some monks and philosophers were named to display 
the science and sanctity of the Greek church ; and the ser 
vice of the choir was performed by a select band of singers 
and musicians. The patriarchs of Alexandria, Antioch, and 
Jerusalem, appeared by their genuine or fictitious deputies ; 
the primate of Russia represented a national church, and the 
Greeks might contend with the Latins in the extent of their 
spiritual empire. The precious vases of St. Sophia were 
exposed to the winds and waves, that the patriarch might 
officiate with becoming splendor : whatever gold the emperor 
could procure, was expended in the massy ornaments of his 
bed and chariot ; 52 and while they affected to maintain the 
prosperity of their ancient fortune, they quarrelled for the 
division of fifteen thousand ducats, the first alms of the Ro 
man pontiff. After the necessary preparations, John Palse- 
ologus, with a numerous train, accompanied by his brother 
Demetrius, and the most respectable persons of the church 
and state, embarked in eight vessels with sails and oars, 
which steered through the Turkish Straits of Gallipoli to the 
Archipelago, the Morca, and the Adriatic Gulf. 53 

After a tedious and troublesome navigation of seventy-seven 

Comitis, 1660, in folio,) was first published with a loose and florid 
version, by Robert Creyghton, chaplain to Charles II. in his exile. 
The zeal of the editor has prefixed a polemic title, for the beginning 
of the original is wanting. Syropulus may be ranked with the best 
of the Byzantine writers for the merit of his narration, and even of 
his style ; but he is excluded from the orthodox collections of the 
councils. 

sz Syropulus (p. G3) simply expresses his intention ir OVTW TTO.U- 

yruon- ir JruJloif ftfyuc pamfarg TIUO izen-t~>v roiiiunTo ; and the Latin 

of Creyghton may afford a specimen of his florid paraphrase. Ut 

pompa circumductus noster Imperator Italiae populis aliquis deauratus 

Jupiter crederetur, aut Croesus ex opulenta Lydia. 

53 Although I cannot stop to quote Syropulus for every fact, I will 
observe that the navigation of the Greeks from Constantinople to 
Venice and Ferrara is contained in the ivth section, (p. 67 100,) and 
that the historian has the uncommon talent of placing cash scene be 
fore the reader s eve. 



OF THE .ROMAN EMPIRE. 315 

days, this religious squadron cast anchor before Venice ; and 
their reception proclaimed the joy and magnificence of that 
powerful republic. In the command of the world, the modest 
Augustus had "never claimed such honors from his subjects 
as were paid to his feeble successor by an independent state. 
Seated on the poop on a lofty throne, he received the visit, 
or, in the Greek style, the adoration of the doge and sena 
tors. 54 They sailed in the Bucentuur, which was accompa 
nied by twelve stately galleys : the sea was overspread with 
innumerable gondolas of pomp and pleasure ; the air resound 
ed with music and acclamations ; the mariners, and even the 
vessels, were dressed in silk and gold ; and in all the emblems 
and pageants, the Roman eagles were blended with the lions 
of St. Mark. The triumphal procession, ascending the great 
canal, passed under the bridge of the liialto ; and the Eastern 
strangers gazed with admiration on the palaces, the churches, 
and the populousness of a city, tjir.t seems to float on the 
bosom of the waves. 55 They sighed to behold the spoils and 
trophies with which it had. been decorated after the sack of 
Constantinople. After a hospitable c linment of fifteen 

days, Palseologus pursued his journey by land and water from 
Venice to Ferrara ; and on this occasion the pride of the 
Vatican was tempered by policy to indulge the ancient dimity 
of the emperor of the East. He made his entry on a alack 
horse ; but a milk-white steed, whoso trappings were em 
broidered with golden eagles, was led .before him ; and the 
canopy was borne over his head by the princes of Este, the 
sons or kinsmen of Nicholas, marquis of the city, and a sov 
ereign more powerful than himself.- Palsgologus did not 
alight till he reached the bottom of the staircase : the pope 



54 At the time of the synod, Phranzes was in Peloponnesus : but he 
received from the despot Demetrius a faithful account of the honorable 
reception of the emperor and patriarch both afc Venice and Ferrara, 
(Dux .... sedentem Impcratorcm adjrai,) which are more slightly 
mentioned by the Latins, (1. ii. c. 14, 15, 16.) 

55 The astonishment of a Greek prince and a French ambassador, 
(Memoires de Philippe do Comines, 1. vii. c. 18,) at the sight of Venice, 
abundantly proves, that in the xvth century it was the iircst and most 
splendid of the Christian cities. For the spoils of Constantinople at 
Venice, see Syropulus, (p. 87.) 

66 Nicholas III. of Este reigned forty-eight years, (A. D. 1393 
1441,) and was lord of Ferrara, Modena, Keggio, Parma, Ilovigo, and 
Coramachio. See his Life hi Miratori, (Autichita E? tense, torn. ii. p. 
159201.) 



316 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

advanced to the door of the apartment ; refused his proffered 
genuflection; and, after a paternal embrace, conducted the 
emperor to a seat on his left hand. Nor would the patriarch 
descend from his galley, till a ceremony, almost equal, had 
been stipulated between the bishops of Rome and Constanti 
nople. The latter was saluted by his brother with a kiss of 
union and charitv : nor would any of the Greek ecclesiastics 

/ *> 

submit to kiss the feet of the Western primate. On the open- 
ing of the synod, the place of honor in the centre was claimed 
by the temporal an d ecclesiastical chiefs ; and it was only by 
alleging that his predecessors had not assisted in person at 
Nice or Chalcedon, that Eugcnius could evade the ancient 
precedents of Constantine and Marcian. After much debate, 
it was agreed that the right and left sides of the church should 
be occupied by the two nations ; that the solitary chair of St. 
Peter should be raised the first of the Latin line ; and that 
the throne of the Greek emperor, at the head of his clergy, 
should be equal and opposite to the second place, the vacant 
seat of the emperor of the West. 57 

But as soon as festivity and form had given place to a more 
serious treaty, the Greeks were dissatisfied with their journey, 
with themselves, and with the pope. The artful pencil of his 
emissaries had painted him in a prosperous state ; at the head 
of the princes and prelates of Europe, obedient at his voice, 
to believe and to arm. The thin appearance of the universal 
synod of Fcrrara betrayed his weakness ; and the Latins 
opened the first session with only five archbishops, eighteen 
bishops, and ten abbots, the greatest part of whom were the 
subjects or countrymen of the Italian pontiff. Except the 
duke ef Burgundy, none of the potentates of the West con 
descend 3d to appear in person, or by their ambassadors; nor 
was it possible to suppress the judicial acts of Basil against 
the dignity and person of Eugenius, which were finally con 
cluded by a new election. Under these circumstances, a truce 
or delay was asked and granted, till Pafeologus could expect 
from the consent of the Latins some temporal reward for an 

57 The Latin vulgar \vas provoked to laughter at the strange dresses 
of the Greeks, and especially the length of their garments, their 
sleeves, and their beards ; nor was the emperor distinguished, except 
by the purple color, and his diadem or tiara with a jewel on the top, 
(Hody de Graecis Illustrious, p. 31.) Yet another spectator coniesses, 
that the Greek fashion, was piu grave e piu degna than the Italian, 
, in Vit. Eugen. IV. in Mm-atcri, torn. xxv. p. 2G1.) 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 317 

unpopular union ; and, after the first session, the public pro 
ceedings were adjourned above six months. The emperor, 
with a chosen band of his favorites and Janizaries, fixed his 
summer residence at a pl-easant, spacious monastery, six miles 
from Ferrara ; forgot, in the pleasures of the chase, the dis 
tress of the church and state ; and persisted in destroying the 
game, without listening to the just complaints of the marquis 
or the husbandman.- 58 In the mean while, his unfortunate 
Greeks were exposed to all the miseries of exile and poverty ; 
for the. support of each stranger, a monthly allowance was 
assigned of three or four gold florins; and although the entire 
sum did not amount to seven hundred florins, a long.arrear 
was repeatedly incurred by the indigence or policy of the 
Roman court. 59 They sighed for a speedy deliverance, but 
their escape was prevented by a triple chain : a passport from 
their superiors was required at the gates of Ferrara ; the gov 
ernment of Venice had engaged to arrest and send back the 
fugitives; and inevitable punishment awaited them at Con- 
stantinople ; excommunication, fines, and a sentence, which 
did not respect the sacerdotal dignity, that they should be 
stripped naked and publicly whipped. 80 It was only by the 
alternative of hunger or dispute that the Greeks could be per- 
suaded to open the first conference ; and they yielded with 
extreme reluctance to attend from Ferrara to Florence the 
rear of a flying synod. This "new translation was i./r-d by 
inevitable necessity: the city was visited by the plague ; the 
fidelity of the marquis might be suspected ; the mercenary 

For the emperor s hunting, see Sympulus, (p. 113, U4, 191.) 
L he pope had sent him eleven miserable hacks ; but he biught * 
strong and swift horse that came from Russia. The name of J ..nharies 
may surprise ; but the name, rather than the institution, had passed 
troin the ( Htoman, to the Byzantine, court, and is often used in the 
last age of the empire. 

The Greeks obtained, with much difficulty, that instead of pro 
visions, money should be distributed, four florins per month to the 
persons of honorable rank, and three florins to their servants, with an 
addition of thirty more to the emperor, twenty-rive to the patriarch, 
and twenty to the prince, or despot, Demetrius. The payment of the 
t month amounted to 691 florins, a sum which will not allow us to 
reckon above 200 Greeks of every condition, (Svropulus, p. 104, 105.) 
>th October, 1438, there was an arrow of four months ; in 

union f ] 7 ^ - - ^ f & ^ * hdf in July at th timc of the 

6U Syropulusjp. lil, M2, 204, 221) deplores the imprisonment of 
the Greeks, and the tyranny of the emperor and patriarch. 

27* 



318 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

troops of the duke of Milan were at the gates; and as they 
occupied Romagna, it was not without difficulty and danger 
that the pone, the emperor, and the bishops, explored their 
way through the unfrequented paths of the Apeiipine. 81 

Yet all. these obstacles were surmounted by time and pol 
icy. The violence \ithers of Basil rather promoted 
than injured the cause i genius; the nations of Europe 
abhorred the schism, and disowned the election, of Felix the 
Fifth, who was successively a duke of Savoy, a hermit, and 
-a pope ; and the great princes were gradually reclaimed by 
his competitor to a favorable neutrality and a firm attachment. 
The legates, with some respectable members, deserted to the 
Roman army, which insensibly rose in numbers and reputa 
tion ; the council of Basil was reduced to thirty-nine bishops, 
and three hundred of the inferior clergy; 62 while the Latins 
of Florence could produce the subscriptions of the pope him 
self, eight cardinals, two patriarchs, eight archbishops, fifty- 
two bishops, and forty-live abbots, or chiefs of religious 
orders. After the labor of nine months, and the debates of 
twenty-five sessions, they attained the advantage and glory 
of the reunion of the Greeks. Four principal questions had 
been agitated between the two churches ; 1. The use of un 
leavened bread in the communion of Christ s body. 2. The 
nature of purgatory. 3. The supremacy of the pope. And, 
4. The single or double procession of the Holy Ghost, "he 
cause of either nation was managed by ten theological cham 
pions : the Latins were supported by the inexhaustible elo 
quence of Cardinal Julian ; and Mark of Ephesus and Bessa- 
rion of Nice were the bold and able leaders of the Greek 
forces. We may bestow some praise on the progress of 
human reason, by observing that the first of these ^ questions 
was now treated as an immaterial rite, which might innocently 
vary with the fashion of the age and country. With regard 

61 The wars of Italy are most clearly represented in the xiiith vol. 
of the Annals of Mil: The schismatic Greek, Syropulus, (p. 

145,) appears to have i d. the fear and disorder of the pope in 

his retreat from Form, < jrcnce, which is proved by the acts to 

have been somewhat more decent and deliberate. 

y2 Syropulus is pleased to reckon seven hundred prelates in ^the 
council of Basil. The error is manifest, and perhaps voluntary ._ . 
extravagant number could not be supplied by all the ecclesiastics of 
every degree who were present at the council, nor by all the absent 
bishops of the West, who, expressly or tacitly, might adhere to its 
decrees. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 319 

le the second, both parties were agreed in the belief of an 
intermediate state of purgation for the venial sins of the faith 
ful ; and whether their .souls were purified by elemental fire 
was a doubtful point, which in a few years might be conve 
niently settled on the spot by the disputants. The claims of 
supremacy appeared of a more weighty and substantial kind; 
yet by the Orientals the Roman bishop had ever been 
respected as the first of the five patriarchs ; nor did they 
scruple to admit, that his. jurisdiction should be exercised 
agreeably to the holy canons ; a vague allowance, which might 
be defined or eluded by occasional convenience. The pro 
cession of the Holy Ghost from the Father alone, or from the 
Father and the Son, was an article of faith which had sunk 
much deeper into the minds of men ; and in the sessions of 
Ferrara and Florence, the Latin addition of filioque was sub 
divided into two questions, whether it were legal, and whether 
it were orthodox. Perhaps it may not be necessary to boast 
on this subject of my own impartial indifference ; but I must 
think that the Greeks were strongly supported by the prohibi 
tion of the council of Chalcedon, against adding any article 
whatsoever to the creed of Nice, or rather of Constantinople. 63 
In earthly aifairs, it is not easy to conceive how an assembly 
of legislators can bind their successors invested with powers 
equal to their own. But the dictates of inspiration must be 
true and unchangeable ; nor should a private bishop, or a 
provincial synod, have presumed to innovate against the judg 
ment of the Catholic church. On the substance of the doc 
trine, the controversy^was equal and endless : reason is con 
founded by the procession of a deity : the gospel, which lay 
on the altar, was silent ; the various texts of the fathers might 
be corrupted by fraud or entangled by sophistry ; and the 
Greeks were ignorant of the characters and writings of the 
Latin saints. 154 Of this at least we may be sure, that neither 
side could be convinced by the arguments of their opponents. 
Prejudice may be enlightened by reason, and a superficial 



63 The Greeks, who disliked the union, \vere unwilling to sally from 
this strong fortress, (p. 178, 193, 195, 202, of Syropulus.) The shame 
of the Latins -was aggravated by their producing an old MS. of the 
second council of Nice, -svith^tor/ue in the Nicenc creed. A palpablo 
forgery ! (p. 173.) 

64 r il$ ?yw (said an eminent Greek) 6rav tig vuov tiai^oj darlvwr 
ov nonoy.uvM nra TMV txttrtt uyi wv, en.i ovds yvwnitw rtva, (SyropuhlS, 

p. 109.) See the perplexity of the Greeks, (p. 217, 218, 252, 253, 273.) 



THE PECL-1NS AND FALL, 

glance may be rectified by a clear and more perfect view of 
an object adapted to our faculties. But the bishops and 
monks bad been tau>g!it from their infancy to repeat a form 
of mysterious word s- : their national a;rwi personal honor de 
pended on the repetition of the sam-e sounds ; and their nar 
row minds- were hardened a&d inflamed by the acrimony of a 
public dispute, 

While they were- lost m a cloud of dust and darkness, the 
pope and emperor were desirous- of a seeming union, which 
could alone accomplish the purposes of their interview ; and 
the obstinacy of public dispute was softened by the arts of 
private and personal negotiation. The patriarch Joseph had 
sunk under the weight of age and infirmities ; his dying 
voice breathed the counsels of charity and concord, and his 
vacant benefice, might tempt the hopes of the ambitious 
clergy. The ready and active obedience of the archbishops 
of Russia ar^d Nice, of Isidore and Bessarion, was prompted 
and recompensed by their speedy promotion to the dignity of 
cardinals. Bessarion, in the first debates, had stood forth the 
most strenuous and eloquent champion of the Greek church ; 
and if the apostate, the bastard, was reprobated by his coun 
try, 65 he appears in ecclesiastical story a rare example of a 
patriot who was recommended to court favor by loud opposi 
tion and well-timed compliance. With the aid of his two. 
spiritual! coadjutors, the emperor applied his arguments to the 
general situation and personal characters of the bishops, and 
each was successively moved by authority and example. 
Their revenues were in the hands of the Turks, their persons 
in those of the Latins : an episcopal treasure, three robes and 
forty du-eats, was soon exhausted : 66 the hopes of their return 
still depended on the ships of Venice and the alms of Rome ; 
and such was their indigence, that their arrears, the payment 
of a debt, would be accepted as a favor, and might operate 
as a bribe. 67 The clanger and relief of Constantinople might 

* 5 See the polite altercation of Marc and Bessarion in Syropulus, (p 
257,) who never dissembles the vices of his own party, and fairly 
praises the virtues of the Latins. 

6S For the poverty of the Greek bishops, see a remarkable passage 
ef Ducas, (c. SI.) One had possessed, for liis whole property, three 
old gowns, &c. By teaching cne-and-twenty years in his monastery, 
Bcssaridn himself had collected forty gold liorins ; but of these, the 
archbishop had expended twenty- eight in his voyage from Pelopon 
nesus, and the remainder at Constantinople, (Syropulus, p. 127.) 

57 Syropulus denies that the Greeks received any money before they 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 321 

excuse some prudent and pious dissimulation ; and it was 
insinuated, that the obstinate heretics who should resist the 
consent of the East and West would be abandoned in a hos 
tile land to the revenge or justice of the Roman pontiff. 68 
In the first private assembly of the Greeks, the formulary of 
union was approved by twenty-four, and rejected by twelve, 
members ; but the five cross-bearers of St. Sophia, who as 
pired to represent the patriarch, were disqualified by ancient 
discipline ; and their right of voting was transferred to an 
obsequious train of monks, grammarians, and profane lay 
men. The will of the monarch produced a false and servile 
unanimity, and no more than two patriots had courage to 
speak their own sentiments and those? of their country. De- 
me. rius, the emperor s brother, retired to Venice, "that he 
might not be witness of the union ; and Mark of Ephesus, 
mistaking perhaps his pride for his conscience, disclaimed all 
communion with the Latin heretics, and avowed himself the 
champion and confessor of the orthodox creed, In the 
treaty between the two nations, several forms of consent 
were proposed, such as might satisfy the Latins,: without dis 
honoring the Greeks; and they weighed the scruples of 
words and syllables, till the theological balance trembled with 
a slight preponderance in favor of the Vatican. It was 
agreed (I must entreat the attention of the reader) that the 
.loly Ghost proceeds from the Father and the Son, as from 
one principle and one substance ; that he proceeds by the Son, 
being of the same nature and substance, and that he pro ;eeds 
from the Father and the Son, by one spiration and p jduc- 
,JOQ. It is less difficult to understand the articles of the pre- 
iminary treaty ; that the pope should defray all the expenses 
>f the Greeks in their return home ; that he should annually 
maintain two galleys and three hundred soldiers for the de- 
had subscribed the act of union, (p. 283 :) yet he relates some sus 
picious circumstances ; and their bribery and corruption are positively 
affinhed by the historian Ducus. 

The Greeks most piteously express their own fears of exile and 
perpetual slavery, (Syronul. p. 196.;) and they were strongly moved 
by the emperor s threats, (p. 260.) 

1 I had forgot another popular and orthodox protester : a fa\c_ ito 
hound, who usually lay quiet on the foot-cloth of the emperor s 
throne; but who barked most furiously while the act of union was 
reading, without being silenced by the soothing or the lashes of the 
royal attendants, (Syropul. p. 2Qd", 266.) 



322 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

fence of Constantinople : that all the ships r vhich transport / 
pilgrims to Jerusalem should be obliged to it :oh at that p.^il 
thai as often as they were required, the popr nhould fumrtk 
ten galleys for a year, or twenty for six mor \s; and thot ht 
should powerfully solicit the princes of Eu ^e, if the ern 
peror had occasion for land forces. 

The same year, and almost the same day, ve marked by 
the deposition of Eugenius at Basil ; and, at J Vnence, by hi* 
reunion of the Greeks and Latins. In the farmer synod 
(which he styled indeed an assembly of desire rv,) the popi 
was branded with the guilt of simony, perjury, ty rtnay, heresy 
and schism; 70 and declared to be incorrigible h. his vices* 
unworthy of any title, end incapable of holding \r:v ecclesl 
astical office. In the latter, he was revered as tfie v rue am 
holy vicar of Christ, who, after a separation of six hundreo 
years, had reconciled the Catholics of the East and West in 
one fold, and under one shepherd. The act of union was, 
subscribed by the pope, the emperor, and the principal mem^ 
hers of both churches ; even by those who, like Syropulus, 71 
had been deprived of the right of voting. Two copies migl.i 
have sufficed for the East and West ; but Eugenius was no- 
satisfied, unless four authentic and similar transcripts wen 
signed and attested as the monuments of his victory. 7 - On 5 
memorable day, the sixth of July, the successors of St. Pete 
and Constantino ascended their thrones : the two nation 1 
assembled in the cathedral of Florence ; their representatives 
Cardinal Julian and Bessarion archbishop of Nice, appeared h 
the pulpit, and, after reading in their respective tongues th< 

70 From the original Lives of the Popes, in Muratori s Collection, 
(torn. iii. p. ii. torn, xxv.,) the manners of Eugenius IV. appear to 
have been decent, and even exemplary. His situation, exposed to tne 
world and to his enemies, was a restraint, and is a pledge. 

71 Syropulus, rather than subscribe, would have assisted, as the 
least evil, at the ceremony of the union. He was compelled to do 
both ; and the great ceclcsiarch poorly excuses his submission to the 
emperor, (p. 290292.) 

r2 None of these original acts of union can at present be produced. 
Of the ten MSS. that are preserved, (five at Home, and the remainder 
at Florence, Bologna, Venice, Paris, and London,) nine have been 
examined by an accurate critic, (M. de Brequigny,) who condemns 
their for the variety and imperfections of the Greek signatures. \ et 
seve-xl of these may be esteemed as authentic copies, which wcro 
subawibed at Florence, before (26th of August, 1439) the final sepa 
ration of the pope and emperor, (M&noires cle 1 Academic dcs Inscrip 
tion^ torn, xliii. p. 287 311.) 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 323 

act of union, they mutually embraced, in the name and the 
presence of their applauding brethren. The pope and his 
ministers then officiated according to the Roman liturgy ; rM 
creed was chanted with the addition of filioque ; the acG K 
escence of the Greeks was poorly excused by their ignorano 
of the harmonious, but inarticulate, sounds ; 73 and the mop. 
scrupulous Latins refused any public celebration of the Byzan 
tine rite. Yet the emperor and his clergy were not totallj 
unmindful of national honor. The treaty was ratified by theii 
consent : it was tacitly agreed that no innovation should be 
attempted in their creed or ceremonies : they spared, and 
secretly respected, the generous firmness of Mark of Ephesus ; 
and, on the decease of the patriarch, they refused to elect his 
successor, except in the cathedral of St. Sophia. In the dis 
tribution of public and private rewards, the liberal pontiff 
exceeded their hopes and his promises: the Greeks, with less 
pomp and pride, returned by the same road of Ferrara and 
Venice ; and their reception at Constantinople was such, as 
will be described in the following chapter. 74 The success of 
the first trial encouraged Eugenius to repeat the same edify 
ing scenes ; and the deputies of the Armenians, the Maronites, 
the Jacobites of Syria and Egypt, the Nestorians and the 
^Ethiopians, were successively introduced, to kiss the feet of 
the Roman pontiff, and to announce the obedience and the 
orthodoxy of the East. Thece Oriental embassies, unknown 
in countries which they presumed to represent, 75 diffused over 
the West the fame of Eugenius; and a clamor was artfully 
propagated against the remnant of a schism in Switzerland 
and Savoy, which alone impeded the harmony of the Christian 
world. The vigor of opposition was succeeded by the lassi 
tude of despair : the council of Basil was silently dissolved ; 
and Felix, renouncing the tiara, again withdrew to the devout 
or delicious hermitage of Ripaille. 70 A general peace was 

"flu iv J* wg u<ri t uot tdoxuvv tpwvai, (Syropul. p. 297.) 
In their return, the Greeks conversed at" Bologna with the am 
bassadors of England : and after some questions and answers, these 
impartial strangers laughed at the pretended union of Florence, (Sy 
ropul. p. 307.) 

So nugatory, or rather so fabulous, are these reunions of the 
Nestorians, Jacobites, &e., that I have turned over, without success, 
the Bibliotheca Orientalis of Assemannus, a faithful slave of the Vat 
ican. 

1 Ripaille is situate near Thorion in Savoy, on the southern side of 
the Lake of Geneva. It is now a Carthusian abbey ; and Mr. Addisoa 



324 THS DECLINE 

secured by mutual acts of oblivion and indemnity : all ictaas 
of reformation subsided ; the popes continued to exercise and 
abuse their ecclesiastical despotism ; nor has Rome been 
since disturbed by the mischiefs. of a contested election. 77 

The journeys of three emperors were unavailing for their 
temporal, or perhaps their spiritual, salvation ; but they were 
productive of a beneficial consequence the revival of the 
Greek learning in Italy, from whence it was propagated to the 
last nations of the West and North. In their lowest servitude 
and depression, the subjects of the Byzantine throne were still 
possessed of a golden key that could unlock the treasures of 
antiquity ; of a musical and prolific language, that gives a 
soul to- the objects of sense, and a body to the abstractions of 
philosophy. Since the barriers of the monarchy, and even of 
the capital, had been trampled under foot, the various Barba 
rians had doubtless corrupted the form and substance of the 
national dialect ; and ample glossaries have been composed, 
to interpret a multitude of words, of Arabic, Turkish, Selavo- 
nian, Latin, or French origin. 78 But a purer idiom was 
spoken in the court and taught in the college ; and the flour 
ishing state of the language is described, and perhaps embel 
lished, by a learned Italian, 79 who, by a long residence and 



(Travels into Italy,, vol. ii. p. 147, 148, of Baskerville s edition of hia 
works) has celebrated the place and thg founder. ./Eneas Sylvius, 
and the fathers of Basil, applaud the austere life of the ducal hermit ; 
but the French and Italian proverbs must unluckily attest the popular 
opinion of hiy luxury. 

77 In this account of the councils of Basil, Ferrara, and Florence, I 
have consulted the original acts, which fill the xviith and xviiith 
tomes of the edition of Venice, and are closed by the perspicuous, 
though partial, history of Augustin Patricius, an Italian of the xvth 
century. They are digested and abridged by Dupin, (Blbliothcque 
Eccles. torn, xii.,) and the continuator of Fleury, (torn. xxii. ;) and 
the respect of the Gallican church for the adverse parties confines 
their members to an awkward moderation. 

78 In the first attempt, Meursius collected 3600 Grfeco-barbarous 
words, to which, in a second edition, he subjoined 1800 more ; yet 
what plenteous gleanings did he leave to Portlus, Ducarige, Fabrotti, 
the Bollandists, &c. ! (Fabric. Bibliot. Grcec. torn. x. p. 101, &c.) Some 
Persic words may be found in Xenophpn, and some Latin ones in Plu 
tarch ; and such is the inevitable effect of war and commerce ; biit 
the form and substance of the language were not affected by this slight 
alloy. 

79 The life of Francis Philelphus, a sophist, proud, restless, and 
rapacious, has been diligently composed by Lancelot (Alemoires de 
VAcademie des Inscription*, torn. x. p. 691 751) and Tiraboschi, 



OF THE KOMAN EMPIRE. 325 

noble marriage, 80 was naturalized at Constantinople about 
thirty years before the Turkish conquest. " The vulgar 
speech," says Philelphus, 81 " has been depraved by the 
people, and infected by the multitude of strangers and mer 
chants, who every day flock to the city and .mingle with the 
inhabitants. It is from the disciples of such a school that the 
Latin language received the versions of Aristotle and Plato ; 
so obscure in sense, and in spirit so poor. But the Greeks 
who have escaped the contagion, are those whom we follow ; 
and they alone are worthy of our imitation. In familiar dis 
course, they still speak the tongue of Aristophanes and 
Euripides, of the historians and philosophers of Athens ; and 
Jie style of their writings is still more elaborate and correct. 
The persons who, by their birth and offices, are attached to 
the Byzantine court, are those who maintain, with the least 
alloy, the ancient standard of elegance and purity ; and the 
native graces of language most conspicuously shine among 
the noble matrons, who are excluded from all intercourse with 
foreigners. With foreigners do I say ? They live retired and 
sequestered from the eyes of their fellow-citizens. Seldom are 
they seen in the streets ; and when they leave their houses, it 
is in the dusk of evening, on visits to the churches and their 
nearest kindred. On these occasions, they are on horseback, 
covered with a veil, and encompassed by their parents, their 
husbands, or their servants." 82 

(Istoria dclla Lctteratura Italiana, torn. vii. p. 282291,) for the most 
part from his own letters. Ilia elaborate writings, and those of his 
contemporaries, are forgotten: but their familiar epistles still describe 
the men and the times. 

lie married, and had perhaps debauched, the daughter of John 
and the granddaughter of Manuel Chrysoloras. She was youn", 
beautiful, and wealthy ; and her noble family was allied to the Doriaa 
ol Genoa and the emperors of Constantinople. 

1 Graeciquibus lingua depravatanon sit. . . . ita loquuntur vuVo 
line etiam tempcstatc ut Aristophanes comicus, aut Euripides tra<ncus, 

ut oratores omnes, ut historiographi, ut philosophi litterati 

autcm homines et doctius ct cmendatius .... Xam viri aulici vete- 

rem sermonis dignitatem atqtie cleg.int.iam rctincbant in primisque 

; nobiles mulieres; quibus cum nullum c.ssct omnino cum viria 

peregrmia commercium, mcrus ille ac purus Graicorum scrmo acrva- 

batur mtactus, (Philelph. Epiat. ad ann. Uol, apucV Ilodium, p. 188. 

E observes in another passage, uxor ilia me a Theodora locu- 

tione erat admodum moderatft et suavi et maxime Attica. 

Philelphus, absurdly enough, derives this Greek or Oriental 
Jealousy from the manners of ancient Home. 

VOL. vi, 28 



326 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

Among the Greeks a numerous and opulent clergy was 
dedicated to the service of religion : their monks and bishops 
have ever been distinguished by the gravity and austerity of 
their manners ; nor were they diverted, like the Latin priests, 
by the pursuits and pleasures of a secular, and even military, 
life. After a large deduction for the time and talents that 
were lost in the devotion, the laziness, and the discord, of the 
church and cloister, the more inquisitive and ambitious minds 
would explore the sacred and profane erudition of their native 
language. The ecclesiastics presided over the education of 
youth ; the schools of philosophy and eloquence were per- 
petuated till the fall of the empire ; and it may be affirmed, 
that more books and more knowledge were included within 
the walls of Constantinople, than could be dispersed over the 
extensive countries of the West. 83 But an important distinc 
tion has been already noticed : the Greeks were stationary or 
retrograde, while the Latins were advancing with a rapid and 
progressive motion. The nations were excited by the spirit 
of independence and emulation ; and even the little world of 
the Italian states contained more people and industry than the 
decreasing circle of the Byzantine empire. In Europe, the 
lower ranks of society were relieved from the yoke of feudal 
servitude ; and freedom is the first step to curiosity and 
knowledge. The use, however rude and corrupt, of the Latin 
tongue had been preserved by superstition ; the universities, 
from Bologna to Oxford, 84 were peopled with thousands of 
scholars ; and their misguided ardor might be directed to more 
liberal and manly studies. In the resurrection of science, 
Italy was the first that cast away her shroud ; and the eloquent 
Petrarch, by his lessons and his example, may justly be ap 
plauded as the first harbinger of day. A. purer style of com 
position, a more generous and rational strain of sentiment, 

83 See the state of learning in the xiiitli and xivth centuries, in the 
learned and judicious Mosheim, (Instit. Hist. Eccles. p. 434440, 4 



6 At the end of the xvth century, there existed in Europe about 




the university. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 327 

flowed from the study and imitation of the writers of ancient 
Rome ; and the disciples of Cicero &nd Virgil approached, 
with reverence and love, the sanctuary of their Grecian mas 
ters. In the sack of Constantinople, the French, and even the 
Venetians, had despised and destroyed the works of Lysippus 
and Homer: the monuments of art may be annihilated by a 
single blow; but the immortal mind is renewed and multiplied 
by the copies of the pen ; and such copies it was the ambition 
of Petrarch and his friends to possess and understand. The 
arms of the Turks undoubtedly pressed the flight of the 
Muses; yet we may tremble at the thought, that Greece 
might have been overwhelmed, with her schools and libraries, 
before Europe had emerged from the deluge of barbarism ; 
that the seeds of science might have been scattered by the 
winds, before the Italian soil was prepared for their culti 
vation. 

The most learned Italians of the fifteenth century have 
confessed and applauded the restoration of Greek literature, 
after a long oblivion of many hundred years." 5 Yet in that 
country, and beyond the Alps, some names are quoted ; some 
profound scholars, who in the darker ages were honorably 
distinguished by their knowledge of the Greek tongue ; and 
national vanity has been loud" in the praise of such rare 
examples of erudition. Without scrutinizing the merit of 
individuals, truth must observe, that their science is without a 
cause, and without an effect; that it was easy for them to 
satisfy themselves and their more ignorant contemporaries; 
and that the idiom, which they had so marvellously acquired, 
was transcribed in few manuscripts, and was not taught in any 
university of the West. In a corner of Italy, it faintly existed 
as the popular, or at least as the ecclesiastical, dialect. 80 The 
first impression of the Doric and Ionic colonies has never 

1 Of those writers who professedly treat of the restoration of the 

Greek learning in Italy, the two principal are Ilodius, Dr. Humphrey 

liocly, (de Grsecis Illustribus, Lingua) Graecue Literarumque humani- 

orum Instauratoribus ; Londini, 1742, in large octavo,) and Tiraboschi, 

lla Letteratura Italians, torn. v. p. 364377, torn. vii. p. 112 

143.) The Oxford professor is a laborious scholar, but the librarian 

8 T * Cnj ys tho superiority of a modern and national historian. 

In Calabria quoc olim magna Griucia dicebatur, coloniis Gratis 

ta, remansit qusedam linguae vetcris cognitio, (Ilodius, p. 2.) If 

3 eradicated by the Romans, it was revived and perpetuated by 

the monks of St. Basil, who possessed seven convents at Kossano 

alone, (Giannone, Istorisv di Napoli, torn. i. p. 520.) 



328 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

been completely erased : the Calabrian churches were long 
attached to the throne of Constantinople ; and the monks of 
St. Basil pursued their studies in Mount Athos and the schools 
of the East. Calabria was the native country of Barlaam, 
who has already appeared as a sectary and an ambassador; 
and Barlaam was the first who revived, beyond the Alps, the 
memory, or at least the writings of Homer. 87 He is described, 
by Petrarch and Boccace, 88 as a man of a diminutive stature, 
though truly great in the measure of learning and genius ; of 
a piercing discernment, though of a slow and painful elocu 
tion. For many a gee (as they affirm) Greece had not pro 
duced his equal in the knowledge of history, grammar, and 
philosophy ; and his merit was celebrated in the attestations 
of the princes and doctors of Constantinople. One of these 
attestations is still extant; and the emperor Cantacuzene, the 
protector of his adversaries, is forced to allow, that Euclid, 
Aristotle, and Plato, were familiar to that profound and subtle 
logician. 89 In the court of Avignon, he formed an intimate 
connection with Petrarch, 90 the first of the Latin scholars ; and 
the desire of mutual instruction was the principle of their 
literary commerce. The Tuscan applied himself with eager 
curiosity and assiduous diligence to the study of the Greek 
language ; and in a laborious struggle with the dryness and 
difficulty of the first rudiments, he began to reach the sense, 
and to feel the spirit, of poets and philosophers, whose minds 
were congenial to his own. But he was soon deprived of the 
society and lessons of this useful assistant: Barlaam relin 
quished his fruitless embassy ; and, on his return to Greece, he 
rashly provoked the swarms of fanatic monks, by attempting 
to substitute the light of reason to that of their navel. After 
a separation of three years, the two friends again met in the 
court of Naples : but the generous pupil renounced the fairest 
occasion of improvement* and by his recommendation Bar 
laam was finally settled in a small bishopric of his native 

87 Ii Barbari (says Petrarch, the French and Germans) vix, non 
dicam libros sed no-men Ilomori audivcruut. Perhaps, in that respect, 
the xiiith century was less happy than the ago of Charlemagne. 

03 See the character of Barlaam, in Boccace de Gcnealog. JJeorum, 

,. xv. c. 6. 

89 Cantacuzen. 1. ii. c. 36. 

90 For the connection of Petrarch and Barlaam, and the two inter 
views at Avignon in 1339, and at Naples in 1342, see the excellent 
Memoires sur la Yio de Pctrarquc, torn, i p. 406410, torn u. p. f6 

77. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 329 

Calabria. 91 The manifold avocations of Petrarch, love and 
friendship, his various correspondence and frequent journeys, 
the Roman laurel, and his elaborate compositions in prose and 
verse, in Latin and Italian, diverted him from a foreign idiom ; 
and as he advanced in life, the attainment of the Greek 
language was the object of his wishes rather than of his hopes. 
When he was about fifty years of age, a Byzantine ambassa 
dor, his friend, and a master of both tongues, presented him 
with a copy of Homer ; and the answer of Petrarch is at once 
expressive of his eloquence, gratitude, and regret. After 
celebrating the generosity of the donor, and the value of a 
gift more precious in his estimation than gold or rubies, he 
thus proceeds : " Your present of the genuine and original 
text of the divine poet, the fountain of all invention, is worthy 
of yourself and of me : you have fulfilled your promise, and 
satisfied my desires. Yet your liberality is still imperfect : 
with Homer you should have given me yourself; a guide, 
who could lead me into the fields of light, and disclose to 
my wondering eyes the specious miracles of the Iliad and 
Odyssey. But, alas! Homer is dumb, or I am deaf; nor is 
it in my power to enjoy the beauty which 1 possess. I have 
seated him by the side of Plato,, the prince of poets near the 
prince of philosophers; and I glory in the sight of my illus 
trious guests. Of their immortal writings, whatever had been 
translated into the Latin idiom, I had already acquired ; but, 
there be no profit, there is some pleasure, in beholding 
these venerable Greeks in their proper and national habit. I 
am delighted with the aspect of Homer; and as often as I 
embrace the silent, volume, I exclaim with a sigh, Illustrious 
bard ! with what pleasure should I listen to thy song, if my 
sense of hearing were not obstructed and lost by the death of 
one friend, and in the much-lamented absence of another. 
Nor do I yet despair ; and the example of Cato suggests some 
comfort and hope, since it was in the last period of age that 
he attained the knowledge of the Greek letters." 92 

The bishopric to which Barlaara. retired, was the old Locri, in the 

He ages. Seta. Cyriaca, and by corruption Ilicracium, Gerace, 

(lh! ert Uiorographica Italiae Medii JEvi, p. :U2.) The dives opum 

the Norman times soon lapsed into poverty, since even the church 

was poor : yet the town still contains a 000 inhabitants, (Swinburne, 

P. OiO.J 

[will transcribe a passage from this epistle of Petrarch, (Famil. 
ix. w ;) Donasti Homerum non in alienum scrmonem violento alveo 

28* 



330 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

The puze which eluded the efforts of Petrarch, was ^ 
tained by the fortune and industry of his friend Boccace, 92 
the father cf the Tuscan prose. That popular writer, who 
derives his reputation from the Decameron, a hundred nov 
els of pleasantry and love, may aspire to the more serious 
praise of restoring in Italy the study of the Greek language. 
In the year one thousand three hundred and sixty, a disciple 
of Barlaam, whose name was Leo, or Leontius Pilatus, was 
detained in his way to Avignon by the advice and hospitality 
of Boccace, who lodged the stranger in his house, prevailed 
on the republic of Florence to allow him. an annual stipend, 
and devoted his leisure- to the first Greek professor, who taught 
that language in the Western countries of Europe. ^ The 
appearance of Leo might disgust the most eager disciple / 
he was clothed in the mantle of a philosopher, or a mendi 
cant ; his countenance was hideous ; his face was over 
shadowed with black hair ; his beard long and uncombed ; 
his deportment rustic ; his temper gloomy and inconstant ; 
nor could he grace his discourse with the ornaments, or even 
the perspicuity, of Latin elocution. But his mind was stored 
with a treasure of Greek learning : history and fable, philoso 
phy and grammar, were alike at his command ; and he read 
the poems of Homer in the schools of Florence. It was 
from his explanation that Boccace composed * and transcribed 
a literal prose version of the Iliad, and Odyssey, which satis 
fied the thirst of his friend Petrarch, and which, perhaps, in 
the succeeding century, was clandestinely used by Laurenfius 
Valla, the Latin interpreter. It was from his narratives that 
the same Boccace collected the materials for his treatise on 
the genealogy of the heathen gods, a work, in that age, of 

dcrivatum, sed ex ipsis Grseci eloqxui scatebris, ct qualis divino illi 
profluxit ingcnio .... Sine tua voce Homerus tuus apud me mutus, 
immo vcro ego apud ilium surdus sum. Gaudeo tamcn vel adspectft 
solo, ac ssepc ilium amplexus atque suspirans dico, O magne vir, &c. 

93 For the life and writings of Boccace, who was born in 1313, and 
died in 1375, Fabricius (Bibliot. Latin. Medii -<Evi, torn. i. p. 248, &c.) 
and Tiraboschi (torn. v. p. 83, 439451) may be consulted. ^ The 
editions, versions, imitations of his novels, are innumerable. Yet he 
was ashamed to communicate that trilling, and perhaps scandalous, 
work to Petrarch, his respectable friend, iu whose letters and memoirs 
he conspicuously appears. 

* This translation of Homer was by Pilatus, not by Boccacio. See 
Hallam, Hist, of Lit. vol. i. p. 132. M. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 331 

stupendous erudition, and which he ostentatiously sprinkled 
with Greek characters and passages, to excite the wonder 
and applause of his more ignorant readers. 94 The first steps 
of learning are slow and laborious ; no more than ten vota 
ries of Homer could be enumerated in all Italy ; and neither 
Rome, nor Venice, nor Naples, could add a single name to 
this studious catalogue. But their numbers would have mul 
tiplied, their progpess would have been accelerated, if the 
inconstant Leo, at the end of three years, had not relinquished 
an honorable and beneficial station. In his passage, Petrarch 
entertained him at Padua a short, time : he enjoyed the 
scholar, but was justly offended with the gloomy and un 
social temper of the man. Discontented with the world and 
with himself, Leo depreciated his present enjoyments, while 
absent persons and objects were dear to his imagination. In 
Italy he was a Thessalian, in Greece a native of Calabria : in 
the company of the Latins he disdained their language, re 
ligion, and manners : no sooner was 1 he landed at Constanti 
nople, than he again sighed for the wealth of Venice and the 
elegance of Florence. His Italian friends were deaf to his 
importunity : he depended on their curiosity and indulgence, 
and embarked on a second voyage ; but on his entrance 
into the Adriatic, the ship was assailed by a tempest, and 
the unfortunate teacher, who like Ulysses had fastened him 
self to the mast, was struqk dead by a flash of lightning. 
The humane Petrarch dropped a tear on his disaster " but he 
was most anxious to learn whether some copy of Euripides or 
Sophocles might not be saved from the hands of the mari 
ners. 95 

Rut the faint rudiments of Greek learning, which Petrarch 
had encouraged and Boccace had planted, soon withered 
and expired. The succeeding generation was content for a 
while with the improvement of Latin eloquence ; nor was it 



94 Boccace indulges an honest vanity: Ostentationis causa Grceca 
carmina aclscripsi .... jure utor meo ; meum est hoc decus, mca 
gloria scilicet inter Etruscos Grsecis uti carminibus. Nonne ego i ui 
qmLeontlum Pilatum, &c., (de Gcnealogia Deorum, 1. xv. c. 7, a work 
which, though now forgotten, has run through thirteen or fourteen 
editions.) 

Lcontius, or Leo Pilatus, is sufficiently made known by Hocly, 
(p. 2 11,) and the abbe de Sade, (Yie de Petrarque, torn. iii. p. 625- 
631, 670 G73,) who has very happily caught the lively and dramatis 
manner of his original. 



332 THE DECLINE AN FALL 

before the end of the fourteenth century that a new and per 
petual flame was rekindled in Italy." Previous 1o his o\vn 
journey, the emperor Manuel despatched his envoys and ora 
tors to implore the compassion of the Western princes. Of 
these envoys, the most conspicuous, or the most learned, 
was Manuel Chrysoloras, 97 of noble birth, and whose .Roman 
ancestors are supposed to have migrated with the great Con- 
stantine. After visiting the courts of France and England, 

O o ^ > 

where he obtained some contributions and more promises, 
the envoy was invited to assume the office of a professor ; 
and Florence had again the honor of this second invitation. 
By his knowledge, not only of the Greek, but of the Latin 
tongue, Chrysoloras deserved the stipend, and surpassed the 
expectation, of the republic. His school was frequented by 
a crowd of disciples of every rank and age ; and one of 
these, in a general history, has described his motives and his 
success. "At that time," says Leonard Are tin, 98 " I was a 
student of the civil law ; but my soul was inflamed with the 
love of letters ; and I bestowed some application on the 
sciences of losric and rhetoric. On the arrival of Manuel, 

O 

I hesitated whether I should desert my legal studies, or relin 
quish this golden opportunity ; and thus, in the ardor of 
youth, I communed with my own mind Wilt thou be want 
ing to thyself and thy fortune ? Wilt thou refuse to be intro 
duced to a familiar converse with Homer, Plato, and Demos 
thenes ? with those poets, philosophers, and orators, of whom 



90 Dr. Ilody (p. 5-4) is angry with Leonard Aretin, Guarinus, Paulus 
Jovius, &c., for affirming, that the Greek letters were re.-.toml in 
Italy post septingcntos an-uus ; as if, says he, they had flourished till the 
end of the viith century. These writers most probably reckoned from 
the last period of the exarchate ; and the presence of the Greek magis 
trates and troops at Itavenna and Home must have preserved, in some 
degree, the use of their native tongue. 

97 See the article of Emanucl, or Manuel Chrysoloras, in Ilody (p. 
12 54) and Tiraboschi, (torn. vii. p. 113 118.) The precise date of 
his arrival floats between the years 1390 and 1-100 , and is only con 
fined b} r the reign of Boniface IX. 

98 The name of Arstinua has been assumed by five or six natives of 
Arezzo in Tuscany, of whom the most famous and the most worthlo,-;;} 
lived in the xvith century. Leonardus Brutms Arctinu.s, the disciple 
of Chrysoloras, v/as a linguist, an orator, and an historian, the secre 
tary of four successive popes, and the chancellor of the republic of 
Florence, where he died A. D. 1444, at the age of seventy-live, (Fa 
bric. Bibliot. Medii yEvi, t^m. i. p. 190, &c. Tiraboschi, torn. vii. p. 
3338.) 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 333 

such wonders are related, and who are celebrated by every 
age as the great masters of human science? Of professors 
and scholars in civil law, a sufficient supply will always be 
found m our universities ; but a teacher, and such a teacher, 
the jreek language, if he once be suffered to escape, may 
never afterwards be retrieved. Convinced by these reasons, 
1 gave myself to Chrysoloras ; and so strong was my passion, 
that the lessons which I had imbibed in the day were the con 
stunt subject of my nightly dreams." At the same time and 
place, the Latin classics were explained by John of Ravenna 
the domestic pupil of Petrarch : wo the Italians, who illus 
trated their age and country, were formed in this double 
school ; and Florence became the fruitful seminary of Greek 
Roman erudition. 10 The presence of the emperor re 
called Chrysoloras from the college to the court; but he 
afterwards taught at Pavia and Rome with equal industry and 
applause. The remainder of his life, about fifteen years, was 
divided between Italy and Constantinople, between embassies 
lessons. In the noble office of enlightening a foreign 
nation, the grammarian was not unmindful of a more sacred 
duty to his prince and country ; and Emanuel Chrysoioras 
died at Constance on a public mission from the emperor to 
the council. 

After his example, the restoration of the Greek letters in 
Italy was prosecuted by a series of emigrants, who were des 
titute of fortune, and endowed with learning, or at least with 
language. From the terror or oppression of the Turkish 
arms the natives of Thessalonica and Constantinople escaped 
to a land of freedom, curiosity, and wealth. The synod in- 
troduc-ed into Florence the lights of the Greek church, and 

99 See the passage in Aretin. Cominentario Rerum suo Tompore in 
Italia gestarum, apud Hoclium, p. 2830. 

I 1 " thi j ? mestic discipline, Petrarch, who loved the youth often 
complains of the eager curiosity, restless temper, and proud feeUnZ 



Hiiic Groecae Latimequc scholar cxortae sunt, Guarino Philclpho 
Leonardo Aret.no Caroloque, ac plerisque aliis tanqunm ex equo 
. aiio prodeuntibus, quorum emulatione multa in-enia dehu-cps ad 
laudcm cxcitata sunt, (Platina in Bonifacio IX.) Anotho j 
writer adds the na, 1C s of Paulus Petrus Vcrgeri^ Omnibonus 
s. Poggius, Franciscxxs Barbaras, &o. 

allow ChrWlora. 



334 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

the oracles of the Platonic philosophy ; and the fugitives w.i i 
adhered to the union, had the double merit of renouncing 
their country, not only for the Christian, but for the catholic 
cause. A patriot, who sacrifices his party and conscience to 
the allurements of favor, may be possessed, however, of the 
private and social virtues : he no longer hears the reproach 
ful epithets of slave and apostate ; and the consideration 
which he acquires among his new associates will restore in 
his own eyes the dignity of his character. The prudent 
conformity of Bessarion was rewarded with the Roman pur 
ple : he fixed his residence in Italy ; and the Greek cardinal, 
the titular patriarch of Constantinople, was respected as the 
chief and protector of his nation : 10 - his abilities were exer 
cised in the legations of Bologna, Venice, Germany, and 
France ; and his election to the chair of St. Peter floated for 
a moment on the uncertain breath of a conclave. 103 His 
ecclesiastical honors diffused a splendor and preeminence 
over his literary merit and service : his palace was a school ; 
as often as the cardinal visited the Vatican, he was attended 
by a learned train of both nations ; 104 of men applauded by 
themselves and the public ; and whose writings, now over 
spread with dust, were popular and useful in their own times. 
I shall not attempt to enumerate the restorers of Grecian 
literature in the fifteenth century ; and it may be sufficient 
to mention with gratitude the names of Theodore Gaza, of 
George of Trebizond, of John Argyropulus, and Demetrius 
Chalcocondyles, .who taught their native language in the 
schools of Florence arid Rome. Their labors were not infe 
rior to those of Bessarion, whose purple they revered, and 



loa See in Hody the article of Bessarion, (p. 130177.) Theodore 
Gaza, George of Trebizond, and the rest of the Greeks whom I have 
named or omitted, are inserted in their proper chapters of his learned 
work. See likewise Tiraboschi, in the 1st and 2d parts of the vith 
tome. 

103 The cardinals knocked at his door, but his conclavist refused to 
interrupt the studies of Bessarion : " Nicholas," said he, " thy respect 
has cost thee a hat, and me the tiara." 

104 Such as George of Trebizond, Theodore Gaza, Argyropulus, 
Andronicus of Thessalouica, Philelphus, Poggius, Bloiidus, Nicholas 
Perrot, Valla, Carapanus, Platina, &c. Yiri (says Hody, with ths 
pious zeal of a scholar) nulio a^vo pcritmi, (p. loo.) 



* Hoscoe (Life of Lorenzo d? Medici, vol. i. p. 75) considers that Hody 
has refuted this " idle talc." M. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 335 

whose fortune was the secret object of their envy. But the 
lives of these grammarians were humble and obscure : they 
had declined the lucrative paths of the church ; their dress 
and manners secluded them from the commerce of the world ; 
and since they were confined to the merit, they might be con 
tent with the rewards, of learning. From this character, 
Janus Lascaris 105 will deserve an exception. His eloquence, 
politeness, and Imperial descent, recommended him to the 
French monarchs ; and in the same cities he was alternately 
employed to teach and to negotiate. Duty and interest 
prompted them to cultivate the study of the Latin language ; 
and the most successful attained the faculty of writing and 
speaking with fluency and elegance in a foreign idiom. But 
they ever retained the inveterate vanity of their country : 
their praise, or at least their esteem, was reserved for the 
national writers, to whom they owed their fame and subsist 
ence ; and they sometimes betrayed their contempt in licen 
tious criticism or satire on Virgil s poetry, and the oratory of 
Tully." The superiority of these masters arose from the 
familiar use of a living language ; and their first disciples 
were incapable of discerning how far they had degenerated 
from the knowledge, and even the practice, of their ancestors. 
A vicious pronunciation, 107 which they introduced, was ban- 
He was born before the taking of Constantinople, but his hon 
orable life was stretched far into the xvith century, (A. D. 153.}.) 
Leo X. and Francis I. were his noblest patrons, under whose auspices 
he founded the Greek colleges of Homo and Paris, (Hody, p. 247 
275.) EIc left posterity in France ; but the counts cle Vintimillc, and 
their numerous branches, derive the name of Las-aris from a doubtful 
marriage in the xiiith century with the daughter of a Greek em, eror, 
(Ducange, Fam. Uyzant. p. 224230.) 

Two of his epigrams against Virgil, and tWo against Tullv, are 
preserved and refuted by Franeiscus Fiondus, who can find no better 
names than Graectilus ineptus et impudcns, (Hody, p. 27 i.) In ouy 
own times, an English critic has accused the . Eneid of containing 
multa languida, nugatoria, spiritik et majestate carminis heroic! de- 
a ; many such verses as he, the said Jeremiah Markland, would 
have been ashamed of owning, (prcefat. ad Statii Sylvas, p. 21, 22.) 

Emanuel Chrysoloras, and his colleagues, are accused of io-no- 
w, envy, or avarice, (Sylloge, &c., torn. ii. p. 235.) The modern 
UreeXs pronounce the /* as a V consonant, and confound three vowels, 
v- i t several diphthongs. Such was the vulgar pronunciation 
;ern Gardiner maintained by penal statutes in the univer 
sity of Cambridge : but the monosyllable fa represented tc an Attic 
the bleating of sheep, and a bellwether is better evidence than a 
bishop or a chancellor. The treatises of those scholars, particularly 



THE DECLINE AND FALL 



Hied from the schools by the reason of the succeeding age, 
Of the power of the Greek accents they were ignorant ; and 
those musical notes, which, from an Attic tongue, and to an 
Attic ear, must have been the secret soul of harmony, were 
to their eyes, as to our own, no more than minute and un- 
meanincr marks, in prose superfluous and troublesome m 
verse. "The art of grammar they truly possessed ; the valu 
able fragments of Apolloriius and Herodian were transfused 
into their lessons ; and their treatises of syntax and etymolo 
gy thoucrh devoid of philosophic spirit, are still useful to the 
Greek student, In the shipwreck of the Byzantine libraries, 
each furtive seized a fragment of treasure, a copy of some 
author, who without his industry might have perished : 
transcripts were multiplied by an assiduous and sometimes an 
elegant pen; and the text was corrected and explained by 
thcfr own comments, or those of the elder scholiasts. . 
sense, though not the spirit, of the Greek classics, was inter- 
preted to the Latin world : the beauties of style evaporate ir 
a version ; but the judgment of Theodore Gaza selected the 
more solid works of Aristotle and Theophrastus and theu 
natural histories of animals and plants opened a rich fund 
Genuine and experimental science. 

Yet the fleeting shadows of metaphysics were pursued 
with more curiosity and ardor. After a long oblivion, Plate 
was revived in Italy by a venerable Greek. 08 who taught m 
the house of Cosmo of Medicis. While the synod of Hor- 
ence was involved in theological debate, some beneficial con- 
sequences might flow from the study of his elegant philos- 
ophy : his style is the purest standard of the Attic dialect ; 
and his sublime thoughts are sometimes adapted to familial 
conversation, and sometimes adorned with the richest colors 
of poetry and eloquence. The dialogues of Plato are a 
dramatic picture of the life and death of a sage-, and, as 

Erasmus, whTasserted a more classical pronunciation are Collected in 
the Sylloo-e of Ilavercamp, (2 vola. in octave, Lugd Bat. 1,36 , 1, 10 
but it is difficult to paint sounds by words : and m then- reference to 
lern u tthev can be understood only by their respective .country- 
men We may observe, that our peculiar pronunciation of the 6, th t 

U-pgJ auminou. writer, tne 

, t( .. n, and ail the ^ of the I _ He visited 

U-lv in hi* old age and soon n d his days m i elo^n- 

netus! See theVuriouB Diatribe of Leo ; AliaUus do George m 
Fabricius, (Bibliot. Grojc. torn. x. p. 73 J 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIE.E, 337 

often as he descends from the clouds, his moral system incul 
cates the love of truth, of our country, and of mankind. 
The precept and example of Socrates recommended a mod 
est doubt and liberal inquiry ; and if the Platonists, with 
blind devotion, adored the visions and errors of their divine 
master, their enthusiasm might correct the dry, dogmatic 
method of the Peripatetic school. So equal, yet so opposite, 
are the merits of Plato and Aristotle, that they may be 
balanced in endless controversy; but some spark of freedom 
may be produced by the collision of adverse servitude. The 
modern Greeks were divided between the two sects : with 
more fury than skill they fought under the banner of their 
leaders ; and the field of battle was removed in their flight 
from Constantinople to Rome, But this philosophical debate 
soon degenerated into an angry and personal quarrel of 
grammarians; and Bessarion, though an advocate for Plato, 
protected the national honor, by interposing the advice and 
authority of a mediator. In the gardens of the Medici, the 
academical doctrine was enjoyed by the polite and learned : 
but their philosophic society was quickly dissolved ; and if 
the writings of the Attic sage were perused in the closet, the 
more powerful Stagyrite continued to reign, the oracle of the 
church and school. 109 

I have fairly represented the literary merits of the Greeks ; 
yet it must be confessed, that they were seconded and sur 
passed by the ardor of the Latins. Italy was divided into 
many independent states ; and at that time it was the ambition 
of princes and republics to vie with each other in the encour 
agement and reward of literature. The fame of Nicholas 
the Fifth 110 has not been adequate to his merits. From a 
plebeian origin he raised himself by his virtue and learning : 
the character of the man prevailed over the interest of the 
pope ; and he sharpened those weapons which were soon 
pointed against the Roman church. 111 He had been the 

109 The state of the Platonic philosophy in Italy is illustrated by 
Boivin, (Mem. de 1 Acad. des Inscriptions, torn. ii. p. 715 729,) and 
Tiraboschi, (torn. vi. P. i. p. 25$ 288.) 

110 See the Life of Nicholas V. by two contemporary authors, Ja- 
nottus Manettus, (torn. iii. P. ii. p. 905 9G2,) and Vespasian of 
Florence, (torn. xxv. p. 267 290,) in the collection of Muratori ; and 
consult Tiraboschi, (torn. Vi. P. i. p. 46 52, 109,) and Hody in the 
articles of Theodore Gaza, George of Trebizond, &c. 

111 Lord Bolingbroke observes, with truth and spirit, that the popes, 
VOL. vi. 29 



338 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

friend of the most eminent scholars of the age : he became 
their patron ; and such was the humility of his manners, that 
the change was scarcely discernible either to them or to him 
self. If he pressed the acceptance of a liberal gift, it was 
not as the measure of desert, but as the proof of benevolence ; 
and when modest merit declined his bounty, " Accept it," 
would he say, with a consciousness of his own worth : 
4< ye will not always have a Nicholas among you." The 
influence of the holy see pervaded Christendom ; and he 
exerted that influence in the search, not of benefices, but of 
books. From the ruins of the Byzantine libraries, from the 
darkest monasteries of Germany and Britain, he collected the 
dusty manuscripts of the writers of antiquity ; and wherever 
the original could not be removed, a faithful copy was trans 
cribed and transmitted for his use. The Vatican, the old 
repository for bulls and legends, for superstition and forgery, 
was daily replenished with more precious furniture ; and such 
was the industry of Nicholas, that in a reign of eight years 
he formed a library of five thousand volumes. To his 
munificence the Latin world was indebted for the versions of 
Xenophon, Diodorus, Polybius, Thucydides, Herodotus, and 
Appian ; of Strabo s Geography, of" the Iliad, of the most 
valuable works of Plato and Aristotle, of Ptolemy arid Theo- 
phrastus, and of the fathers of the Greek church. The 
example of the Roman pontiff was preceded or imitated by 
a Florentine merchant, who governed the republic without 
arms and without a title. Cosmo of Medicis 112 was the 
father of a line of princes, whose name and age are almost 
synonymous with the restoration of learning : his credit was 
ennobled into fame ; his riches were dedicated to the service 
of mankind ; he corresponded At once with Cairo and Lon 
don : and a cargo of Indian spices and Greek books was 
often imported in the same vessel. The genius and educa 
tion of his grandson Lorenzo rendered him not only a patron, 

in this instance, were worse politicians than the muftis, and that the 
charm which had bound mankind for so many ages was broken by 
the magicians themselves, (Letters on the Study of History, 1. vi. 
p. 165, 166, octavo edition, 17790 

118 See the literary history of Cosmo and Lorenzo of Medicis, in 
Tiraboschi, (torn. vi. P. i. 1. i*. c. 2,) who bestows a due measure of 
praise on Alphonso of Arragon, king of Naples, the dukes of Milan, 
Perrara, Urbino, &c. The republic of Venice has deserved the least 
from the gratitude of scholars. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 339 

but a judge and candidate, in the literary race. In his pal 
ace, distress was entitled to relief, and merit to reward : his 
leisure hours were delightfully spent in the Platonic academy : 
he encouraged the emulation of Demetrius Chalcocondyles 
and Angelo Politian ; and his active missionary Janus Las- 
caris returned from the East with a treasure of two hundred 
manuscripts, fourscore of which were as yet unknown in the 
libraries of Europe. 113 The rest of Italy was animated by a 
similar spirit, and the progress of the nation repaid the lib 
erality of their princes. The Latins held the exclusive 
property of their own literature ; and these disciples of 
Greece were soon capable of transmitting and improving the 
lessons which they had imbibed. After a short succession of 
foreign teachers, the tide of emigration subsided ; but the 
language of Constantinople was spread beyond the Alps ; 
and the natives of France, Germany, and England, 114 im 
parted to their country the sacred fire which they had kindled 
in the schools of Florence and Rome. 115 In the productions 
of the mind, as in those of the soil, the gifts of nature are 
excelled by industry and skill : the Greek authors, forgotten 
on the banks of the Ilissus, have been illustrated on those of 
the Elbe and the Thames : and Bessarion or Gaza might 
have envied the superior science of the Barbarians ; the 
accuracy of Budasus, the taste of Erasmus, the copiousness 
of Stephens, the erudition of Scaliger, the discernment of 
Keiske, or of Bentley. On the side of the Latins, the dis- 

113 Tiraboscld, (torn. vi. P. i. p. 104,) from the preface of Janus 
Lascaris to the Greek Anthology, printed at Florence, 1494. Latebant 
(says Aldus in his preface to the Greek orators, apud Ilodium, p. 249) 
in Atho Thraciae monte. Eas Lascaris .... in Italian! reportavit. 
Mu-erat enim ipsum Laurentius ille Medices in Grseciam ad inquiren- 
do.s shruil, et quantovis erneudos pretio boiios libros. It is remarkable 
enough, that the research was facilitated by Sultan Eajazet II. 

114 The Greek language was introduced into the university of Ox 
ford in the last years of the xvth century, by Grocyn, Linacer, and 
Latimer, who had all studied at Florence under Demetrius Chalco 
condyles. See Dr. Knight s curious Life of Erasmus. Although a 
stout academical patriot, he is forced to acknowledge that Erasmus 
learried Greek at Oxford, and taught it at Cambridge. 

The jealous Italians wore desirous of keeping a monopoly of 
Greek learning. "When Aldus was about to publish the Greek 
scholiasts on Sophocles and Euripides, Cave, (said they,) cave hoc 
facias, nc Barbari istis adjuti domi maneant, et paxiciores in Italiam 
ventiterit, (Dr. Knight, in his Life of Erasmus, p. 365, from Beatua 
Rhemanus.) 



340 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

covery of printing was a casual advantage : but this useful 
art has been applied by Aldus, and his innumerable suc 
cessors, to perpetuate and multiply the works of antiquity. 116 
A single manuscript imported from Greece is revived in ten 
thousand copies ; and each copy is fairer than the original. 
In this form, Homer and Plato would peruse with more satis 
faction their own writings ; and their scholiasts must resign 
the prize to the labors of our Western editors. 

Before the revival of classic literature, the Barbarians in 
Europe were immersed in ignorance ; and their vulgar tongues 
were marked with the rudeness and poverty of their manners. 
The students of the more perfect idioms of Rome and Greece 
were introduced to a new world of light and science ; to the 
society of the free and polished nations of antiquity ; and to 
a familiar converse wkh those immortal men who spoke the 
sublime language of eloquence and reason. Such an inter 
course must tend to refine the taste, and to elevate the genius, 
of the moderns ; and yet, from the first experiments, it might 
appear that the study of the ancients had given fetters, rather 
than wings, to the human mind. However laudable, the 
spirit of imitation is of a servile cast ; and the first disciples 
of the Greeks and Romans were a colony of strangers in the 
midst of their age and country. The minute and laborious 
diligence which explored the antiquities of remote times 
might have improved or adorned the present state of society ; 
the critic and metaphysician were the slaves of Aristotle ; the 
poets, historians, and orators, were proud to repeat the thoughts 
and words of the Augustan age : the works of nature were 
observed with the eyes of Pliny and Theophrastus ; and some 
Pagan votaries professed a secret devotion to the gods of 
Homer and Plato. 117 The Italians were oppressed by the 

116 The press of Aldus Manutius, a Koman, was established at 
Venice about the year 1494 : he printed above sixty considerable 
works of Greek literature, almost all for the first time ; several con 
taining different treatises and authors, and of several authors, two 
three, or four editions, (Fabric. Bibliot. Greee. torn. xiii. p. 605, &c.) 
Yet his glory must not tempt us to forget, that the first Greek book, 
the Grammar of Constantino Lascaris, -was printed at Milan in 1476 ; 
and that the Florence Homer of 1488 displays all the luxury of the 
typographical art. See the Ann ales Typographic! of Mattaire, and 
the Bibliographic Instructive of De Bure, a knowing bookseller of 
Paris. 

n ? I will select three singular examples of this classic enthusiasm. 
1. At the synod of Florence, Gemistua Pletho said, in familiar con 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 341 

strength and number of their ancient auxiliaries : the century 
after the deaths of Petrarch and Boccace was filled with a 
crowd of Latin imitators, who decently repose on our shelves; 
but in that osra of learning it will not be easy to discern a real 
discovery of science, a work of invention or eloquence, in the 
popular language of the country. 118 But as soon as it had 
been deeply saturated with the celestial dew, the soil was 
quickened into vegetation and life; the modern idioms were 
refined ; the classics of Athens and Rome inspired a pure 
taste and a generous emulation ; and in Italy, as afterwards 
in France and England, the pleasing reign of poetry and fic 
tion was succeeded by the light of speculative and experi 
mental philosophy. Genius may anticipate the season of 
maturity ; but in the education of a people, as in that of an 
individual, memory must be exercised, before the powers of 
reasort and fancy can be expanded : nor may the artist hope 
to equal or surpass, till he has learned to imitate, the works 
of his predecessors. 

versation to George of Trebizoncl, that in a short time mankind would 
unanimously renounce the Gospel and the Koran, for a religion 
similar to that of the Gentiles, (Leo Allatius, apud Fabricium, torn. 
x. p. 751.) 2. Paul II. persecuted the Roman academy, which had 
been founded by Pomponius L;etus ; and the principal members were 
accused of heresy, impiety, *nd jfttyafiwm, (Tiraboschi, torn. vi. P. i. p. 
il, 82.) 3. In the next century, some scholars and poets in France 
celebrated the success of Jodelle s tragedy of Cleopatra, by a festival 
of Bacchus, and, as it is said, by the sacrifice of a goat, (Baylc, Dic- 
tionnaire, JODELLK. Fontenelle, torn. iii. p. 5361.) Yet the spirit of 
bigotry might often discern a serious impiety in the sportive play of 
fancy and learning. 

The survivor Boccace died in the year 1375 ; and we cannot 
place before 1480 the composition of the Morgante Maggiore of Pulci, 
and the Orlando Innamorato of Boyardo, (Tiraboschi, torn. vi. P. ii.p. 

17 / *j 

29* 



342 THE DECLINE AND FALL 



CHAPTER IXVII. 

SCHISM OF THE GREEKS AND LATINS. REIGN AND CHARAC 
TER OF AMURATH THE SECOND. CRUSADE OF LADISLAUS, 

KING OF HUNGARY. HIS DEFEAT AND DEATH. JOHN 

HUNIADES._ SCANDERBEG. CONSTANTINE PALJ30LOGUS, 

LAST EMPEROR OF THE EAST. 

THE respective merits of Rome and Constantinople are 
compared and celebrated by an eloquent Greek, the father of 
the Italian schools. 1 The view of the ancient capital, the 
seat of his ancestors, surpassed the most sanguine expecta 
tions of Emanuel Chrysoloras ; and he no longer blamed the 
exclamation of an old sophist, that Rome was the habitation, 
not of men, but of gods. Those gods, and those men, had 
long since vanished ; but to the eye of liberal enthusiasm, the 
majesty of ruin restored the image of her ancient prosperity. 
The monuments of the consuls and Caesars, of the martyrs 
and apostles, engaged on all sides the curiosity of the philos 
opher and the Christian ; and he confessed that in every age 
the arms and the religion of Rome were, destined to reign 
over the earth. While Chrysoloras admired the venerable 
beauties of the mother, he was not forgetful of his native 
country, her fairest daughter, her Imperial colony ; and the 
Byzantine patriot expatiates with zeal and truth on the eternal 
advantages of nature, and the more transitory glories of art 
and dominion, which adorned, or had adorned, the city of 
Constanti ne. Yet the perfection of the copy still redounds 
(as he modestly observes) to the honor of the original, and 
parents are delighted to bo renewed, and even excelled, by 
the superior merit of their children. " Constantinople," says 

1 The epistle of Emanuel Chrysoloras to the emperor John Paloeol- 
o^us will not offend the eye or car of a classical student, (ad calrem 
Codini de Antiquitatibus C. P. p. 107 120.) The superscription 
su^e-sts a chronological remark, that John Paltcologus II. was asso 
ciated in the empire before the year 1414, the date of Chrysoloras s 
death. A still earlier date, at least 1408, is deduced from the age of 
his youngest sons, Demetrius and Thomas, who were both Porphyro- 
geniti, (Ducange, Fam. Byzant. p. 244, 247.) 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 343 

the orator, " is situate on a commanding point, between Eu 
rope and Asia, between the Archipelago and the Euxine. By 
her interposition, the two seas, and the two continents, are 
united for the common benefit of nations ; and the gates of 
commerce may be shut or opened at her command. The 
harbor, encompassed on all sides by the sea, and the continent, 
is the most secure and capacious in the world. The walls 
and gates of Constantinople may be compared with those of 
Babylon : the towers many ; each tower is a solid and lofty 
structure ; and the second wali, the outer fortification, would 
be sufficient for the defence and dignity of an ordinary capital. 
A broad and rapid stream may be introduced into the ditches ; 
and the artificial island may be encompassed, like Athens, 2 
by land or water." Two strong and natural causes are 
alleged for the perfection of the model of new Home. The 
royal founder reigned over the most illustrious nations of the 
globe ; and in the accomplishment of his designs, the power 
of the Romans was combined with the art and science of the 
Greeks. Other cities have .been reared to maturity by acci 
dent and time : their beauties are mingled with disorder and 
deformity ; and the inhabitants, unwilling to remove from their 
natal spot, are incapable of correcting the errors of their ances 
tors, and the original vices of situation or climate. But the free 
idea of Constantinople was formed and executed by a single 
mind ; and the primitive model was improved by the obedient 
zeal of the subjects and successors of the first monarch. The 
adjacent isles were stored with an inexhaustible supply of mar 
ble ; but the various materials were transported from the. most 
remote shores of Europe and Asia ; and the public and private 
buildings, the palaces, churches, aqueducts, cisterns, porti 
cos, columns, baths, and hippodromes, were adapted to the 
greatness of the capital of the East. The superfluity of 
wealth was spread along the shores of Europe and Asia ; and 
the Byzantine territory, as far as the Euxine, the Hellespont, 
and the long wall, might be considered as a populous suburb 
and a perpetual garden. In this flattering picture, the past 
and the present, the times of prosperity and decay, are art 
fully confounded ; but a sigh and a confession escape, from 

2 Somebody observed that the city of Athens might be circumnavi 
gated, (TI$ si /rev TJ^V noliv nov A&ipa iwv St ranAai xai nano.n%iiv xal 



Exit what may be true in a rhetorical sense of Constan 
tinople, cannot be applied to the situation of Athens, five miles from 
the sea, and not intersected or surrounded by any navigable streams. 



344 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

the orator, that his wretched country was the shadow and 
sepulchre of its former self. The works of ancient sculpture 
had been defaced by Christian zeal OF Barbaric violence ; the 
fairest structures were demolished ; and the marbles of Paros 
or Numidia were burnt for lime, or applied to the meanest 
uses. Of many a statue, the place was marked by an empty 
pedestal ; of many a column, the size was determined by a 
broken capital ; the tombs of the emperors were scattered on 
the ground ; the stroke of time was accelerated by storms 
and earthquakes ; and the vacant space was adorned, by vul 
gar tradition, with fabulous monuments of gol d and silver. 
From these wonders, which lived only in memory or belief, 
he distinguishes, however, the porphyry pillar, the column and 
colossus of Justinian, 3 and the church, more especially the 
dome, of St. Sophia ; the best conclusion, since it could not 
be described according to its merits, and after it no other 

(^ 

object could deserve to be mentioned. But he forgets that, 
a century before, the trembling fabrics of the colossus and the 
church had been saved and supported by the timely care of 
Androiiicus the Elder. Thirty years after the emperor had 
fortified St. Sophia with two new buttresses or pyramids, the 
eastern hemisphere suddenly gave way : and the images, the 
altars, and the sanctuary, were crushed by the falling ruin. 
The mischief indeed was speedily repaired ; the rubbish was 
cleared by the incessant labor of every rank and age ; and 
the poor remains of riches and industry were consecrated by 
the Greeks to the most stately and venerable temple of the 
East . 4 

The last hope of the falling city and empire was placed in 
the harmony of the mother and daughter, in the maternal 
tenderness of Rome, and the filial obedience of Constantino 
ple. In the synod of Florence, the Greeks and Latins had 

3 Nicephorus Gregoras has described the Colossus of Justinian, 
(1. vii. 12 :) but his measures are false and inconsistent. The editor 
Boivin consulted his friend Girardon ; and the sculptor gave him the 
true proportions of an equestrian statue. That of Justinian was still 
visible to Peter Gyllius, not on the column, but in the outward court 
of the seraglio ; and he was at Constantinople \vhen it was melted 
down, and cast into a brass cannon, (de Topograph. C. P. 1. ii. c. 17.) 

* See the decay and repairs of St. Sophia, in Nicephorus Gregoras, 
(1. vii. 12, 1. xv. 2.) The building was propped by Andronieus in 
1317, the eastern hemisphere fell in 1345. The Greeks, in their 
pompous rhetoric, exalt the beauty and holiness of the church, an 
earthly heaven, the abode of angels, and of God himself, &c. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 345 

embraced, and subscribed, and promised ; but these signs of 
friendship were perfidious or fruitless ; 5 and the baseless fab 
ric of the union vanished like a dream. 6 The emperor and 
his prelates returned home in the Venetian galleys ; but as 
they touched at the Morea and the Isles of Corfu and Lesbos, 
the subjects of the Latins complained that the pretended union 
would be an instrument of oppression. No sooner did they 
land on the Byzantine shore, than they were saluted, or rath 
er assailed, with a general murmur of zeal and discontent. 
During their absence, above two years, the capital had been 
deprived of its civil and ecclesiastical rulers ; fanaticism fer 
mented in anarchy ; the most furious monks reigned over the 
conscience of women and bigots ; and the hatred of the Latin 
name was the first principle of nature and religion. Before 
his departure for Italy, the emperor had flattered the city with 
the assurance of a prompt relief and a powerful succor ; and 
the clergy, confident in their orthodoxy and science, had 
promised themselves and their flocks an easy victory over the 
blind shepherds of the West. The doubla disappointment 
exasperated the Greeks ; the conscience of the subscribing 
prelates was awakened ; the hour of temptation was pasl ; 
and they had more to dread from the public resentment, than 
they could hope from the favor of the emperor or the pope. 
Instead of justifying their conduct, they deplored their weak 
ness, professed their contrition, and cast themselves on the 
mercy of God and of their brethren. To the reproachful 
question, what had been the event or the use of their Italian 
synod? they answered with sighs and tears, "Alas! we have 
made a new faith; we have exchanged piety for impiety; we 
have betrayed the immaculate sacrifice ; and we are become 
Azy miles" (The Azymites were those who celebrated the 
communion with unleavened bread; and I must retract or 
qualify the praise which I have bestowed on the growing 



6 The genuine and original narrative of Syropulus (p. 312 351) 
opens the schism from the first oj/ice of the Greeks at Venice to the 
general opposition at Constantinople of the clergy and people. 

On the schism of Constantinople, see Phranza, (1. ii. c. 17,) La- 
onicus Chalcpndyles, (1. vi. p. loo, 1.5 ?,) and Dncas, (c. 31 ;) the last 
of whom write., with truth and free loin. Among the moderns we 
may distinguish the continuator of Floury, (turn. xxii. p. 338, &c., 
401, 420, &c.,) and Spondanus, (A. L>. 144060.) The sense of tho 
latter is drowned in prejudice and passion, as soon, as liomo and re 
ligion are concerned. 



346 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

philosophy of the times.) "Alas! we have been seduced by 
distress, by fraud, and by the hopes and fears of a transitory 
life. The hand that has signed the union should be cut off; 
and the tongue that has pronounced the Latin creed deserves 
to be torn from the root." The best proof of their repentance 
was an increase of zeal for the most trivial rites and the most 
incomprehensible doctrines; and an absolute separation from 
all, without excepting their prince, who preserved some re 
gard for honor and consistency. After the decease of the 
patriarch Joseph, the archbishops of Heraclea and Trebizond 
had courage to refuse the vacant office; and Cardinal Bes- 
sarion preferred the warm and comfortable shelter of the 
Vatican. The choice of the emperor and his clergy was 
confined to Metrophanes o Cyzicus : he was consecrated in 
St. Sophia, but the temple was vacant. The cross-bearers 
abdicated their service ; the infection spread from the city to 
the villages ; and Metrophanes discharged, without effect, 
some ecclesiastical thunders against a nation of schismatics. 
The eyes of the Greeks were directed to Mark of Ephesus, 
the champion of his country ; and the sufferings of the -holy 
confessor were repaid with a tribute of admiration and ap 
plause. His example and writings propagated the flame of 
religious discord ; age and infirmity soon removed him from 
the world ; but the gospel of Mark was not a law of forgive 
ness ; and he requested with his dying breath, that none of 
the adherents of Rome might attend his obsequies or pray for 
his soul. 

The schism was not confined to the narrow limits of the 
Byzantine empire. Secure under the Mamaluke sceptre, the 
three patriarchs of Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem, as 
sembled a numerous synod ; disowned their representatives 
at Ferrara and Florence ; condemned the creed and council 
of the Latins ; and threatened the emperor of Constantinople 
with the censures of the Eastern church. Of the sectaries of 
the Greek communion, the Russians were the most powerful, 
ignorant, and superstitious. Their primate, the cardinal Isi 
dore, hastened from Florence to Moscow, 7 to reduce the 



7 Isidore was metropolitan of Kiow, but the Greeks subject to 
Poland have removed that sec from the ruins of Kiow to Lcmbcrg, or 
Leopold, (Ilerbestcin, in Kamusio, torn. ii. p. 127.) On the other 
hand, the Russians transferred their spiritual obedience to the arch, 
bishop, who became, in 1588. the patriarch, of Moscow- ll** - - 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 347 

independent nation under the Roman yoke. But the Russian 
bishops had been educated at Mount Athos ; and the prince 
and people embraced the theology of their priests. They 
were scandalized by the title, the pomp, the Latin cross of 
the legate, the friend of those impious men who shaved their 
beards, and performed the divine office with gloves on their 
hands and rings on their fingers : Isidore was condemned by 
a synod ; his person was imprisoned in a monastery ; and it 
was with extreme difficulty, that, the cardinal could escape 
from the hands of a fierce and fanatic people. 8 The Russians 
refused a passage to the missionaries of Rome who aspired 
to convert the Pagans beyond the Tanais ; 9 and their refusal 
was justified by the maxim, that the guilt of idolatry is less 
damnable than that of schism. The errors of the Bohemians 
were excused by their abhorrence for the pope ; and a depu 
tation of the Greek clergy solicited the friendship of those 
sanguinary enthusiasts. 10 While Eugenius triumphed in the 
union and orthodoxy of the Greeks, his party was contracted 
to the walls, or rather to the palace, of Constantinople. The 
zeal of Palseologus had been excited by interest; it was. soon 
cooled by opposition : an attempt to violate the national be 
lief might endanger his life and crown ; nor could the pious 
rebels be destitute of foreign and domestic aid. The sword 
of his brother Demetrius, who in Italy had maintained a pru 
dent and popular silence, was half unsheathed in the cause of 
religion ; and Amurath, the Turkish sultan, was displeased 

Hist, de Paissie, torn. iii. p. 188, 190, from a Greek MS. at Turin, Iter 
et labores Archicpiscopi Arsenii.) 

The curious narrative of Levesquc (Hist, de Paissie, torn. ii. p. 
242 217) is extracted from the patriarchal archives. The scenes of 
Ferrara and Florence are described by ignorance and passion ; but 
the Kussians are credible in the account of their own prejudices. 

The Shamanism, the ancient religion of the Samanaeans and 
Gymribsbphists, has been driven by the more popular Bramins from. 
India into the northern deserts : the naked philosophers were com 
pelled to wrap themselves in fur; but they insensibly sunk into 
wizards and physicians. The Mordvans and Tcheremissea in the 
European Itussia adhere to this religion, which is formed on the 
earthly model of one king or God, his ministers or angch, and the 
rebellious spirits who oppose his government. As these tribes of the 
Volga have no images, they might more justly retort on the Latin 
missionaries the name of idolaters, (Levcsquc, Hist, des Peuples sou- 
mis a la Domination des Ilusses, torn. i. p. 194237, 423460.) 

Spondanus, Annal. Eccles. torn. ii. A. L>. 1451, No. 13. Tha 
epistle of the Greeks with a Latin version, is extant in the college 
library at Prague. 



348 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

and alarmed by the seeming friendship of the Greeks and 
Latins. 

44 Sultan Murad, or Amurath, lived forty-nine, and reigned 
thirty years, six months, and eight days. He was a just and 
valiant prince, of a great soul, patient of labors, learned, mer 
ciful, religious, charitable ; a lover and enc ourager of the 
studious, and of all who excelled in any art or science ; a 
good emperor and a great general. No man obtained more 
or greater victories than Amurath ; Belgrade alone withstood 
his attacks.* Under his reign, the soldier was ever victori 
ous, the citizen rich and secure. If he subdued any country, 
his first care was to build mosques and caravansaras, hos 
pitals, and colleges. Every year he gave a thousand pieces 
of gold to the sons of the Prophet ; and sent two thousand 
five hundred to ihe religious persons of Mecca, Medina, ana 
Jerusalem." n This portrait is transcribed from the his 
torian of the Othman empire : but the applause of a servile 
and superstitious people has been lavished on the worst of 
tyrants ; and the virtues of a sultan are often the vices most 
useful to himself, or most agreeable to his subjects. A nation 
ignorant of the equal benefits of liberty and law, must be 
awed by the flashes of arbitrary power : the cruelty of a 
despot will assume the character of justice ; his profusion, of 
liberality ; his obstinacy, of firmness. If the most reasonable 
excuse be rejected, few acts of obedience will be found im 
possible ; and guilt must tremble, where innocence cannot 
always be secure. The tranquillity of the people, and the 
discipline of the troops, were best maintained by perpetual 
action in the field ; war was the trade of the Janizaries ; and 
those who served the peril, and divided the spoil, applauded 
the generous ambition of their sovereign. To propagate the 
true religion, was the duty of a faithful Mussulman: the un 
believers were his enemies, and those of the Prophet; and, 
in the hands of the Turks, the cimeter was the only instru 
ment of conversion. Under these circumstances, however, 
the justice and moderation of Amurath are attested by his con 
duct, and acknowledged by the Christians themselves ; who 



11 See Cantemir, History of the Othman Empire, p. 9-1. Murad, or 
Morad, may be more correct : but I have preferred the popular name 
to that obscure diligence which is rarely successful in translating an 
Oriental, into the Horn an, alphabet. 



* See the siege and massacre at Thessalonica. Yon Hammer vol i. p 
433. M. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 349 

consider a prosperous reign and a peaceful death as the reward 
of his singular merits. In the vigor of his age and military 
power, he seldom engaged in war till he was justified by a 
previous and adequate provocation : the victorious sultan was 
disarmed by submission ; and in the observance of treaties, 
his word was inviolate and sacred. 12 The Hungarians were 
commonly the aggressors ; he was provoked by the*revolt of 
Scunderbeg ; and the perfidious Caramanian was twice van 
quished, and twice pardoned, by the Ottoman monarch. Be 
fore he invaded the Morea, Thebes had been surprised by 
the despot : in the conquest of Thessalonica, the grandson of 
Bajazet might dispute the recent purch.ase of the Venetians , 
and after the first siege of Constantinople, the sultan was 
never tempted, by the distress, the absence, or the injuries of 
Palneologus, to extinguish the dying light of the Byzantine 
empire. 

But the most striking feature in the life and character of 
Amurath is the double abdication of the Turkish throne ; and, 
were not his motives debased by an alloy of superstition, we 
must praise the royal philosopher, 13 who at the age of forty 
could discern the vanity of human greatness. Resigning the 
sceptre to his son, he retired to the pleasant residence of 
Magnesia ; but he retired to the society of saints and hermits. 
It was not till the fourth century of the Ilegira, that the re 
ligion of Mahomet had been corrupted by an institution so 
adverse to his genius ; but in the age of the crusades, the 
various orders of Dervises were multiplied by the example of 
the Christian, and even the Latin, monks. 14 The lord of 
nations submitted to fast, and pray, and turn round * in end- 



12 See Chalcondyles, (1. vii. p. 186, 198.) Ducas, (c. 33,) and Mari- 
nus Bulletins, (in Vit. Scanderbeg, p. 145, 146.) In his good faith 
towards the garrison of Sfetigrade, he was a lesson and example to his 
son Mahomet. 

13 Voltaire (Essai sur 1 Histoire G6nerale, c. 89, p. 283, 284) ad 
mires la Philosophe Two: would he have bestowed the same praise ou 
a Christian prince for retiring to a monastery ? In his way, Voltaire 
was a bigot, an intolerant bigot. 

1 Sec the articles Dervische, Fakir, Nasser, Rohbaniat, in D Herbe- 
lot s Bibliothequc Orientnle. Yet the subject is superficially treated 
from the Persian and Arabian writers. It is among the Turks that 
these orders have principally flourished. 



* Gibbon has fallen into a remarkable error. Tlie unmonastic retreat 
of Amurath was that of an epicurean rather than of a dervis j more like 
VOL. VL 30 



350 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

less rotation with the fanatics, who. mistook the giddiness of 
the head for the illumination of the spirit. 15 But he was soon 
awakened from this dream of enthusiasm by the Hungarian 
invasion ; and his obedient son was the foremost to urge tho 
public danger and the wishes of the people. Under th& 
banner of their veteran leader, the Janizaries fought and con 
quered ; but he withdrew from the field of Varna, again to. 
pray, to fast, and to turn round with his Magnesian brethren. 
These pious occupations were again interrupted by the danger 
of the state. A victorious army disdained the inexperience 
of their youthful ruler : the city of Adrianople was abandoned 
to rapine and slaughter ; and the unanimous divan implored 
his presence to appease the tumult, and prevent the rebellion, 
of the Janizaries. At the well-known voice of their master, 
they trembled and obeyed ; and the reluctant sultan was com 
pelled to support his splendid servitude, till at the end of four 
years, he was relieved by the angel of death. Age or dis 
ease, misfortune or caprice, have tempted several princes to 
descend from the throne ; and they have had leisure to repent 
of their irretrievable step. But Amurath alone, in the full 
liberty of choice, after the trial of empire and solitude, has 
repeated his preference of a private life. 

After the departure of his Oreek brethren, Eugenius had 
not been unmindful of their temporal interest ; and his tender 
regard for the Byzantine empire was animated by a just ap 
prehension of the Turks, who approached, and might soon 
invade, the borders of Italy. But the spirit of the crusades 
had expired ; and the coldness of the Franks was not less 
unreasonable than their headlong passion. In the eleventh 
century, a fanatic monk could precipitate Europe on Asia for 
the recovery of the holy sepulchre ; but in the fifteenth, the 
most pressing motives of religion and policy were insufficient 
to unite the Latins in the defence of Christendom. Germany 

15 Ricaut (in the Present State of the Ottoman Empire, p. 242 
268) affords much information, which he drew from his personal 
conversation with the heads of the dervises, most of whom ascribed 
the ir origin to the time of Orchan. He does not mention the Zichidcs 
of Chalcondyles, (1. vii. p. 286,) among whom Amurath retired : the 
Seids of that author are the descendants of Mahomet. 



that of Sardanapalus than of Charles the Fifth. Profane, not divine, love 
was its chief occupation : the only dance, that described by Horace as 
belonging to the country, inotus doceri gaudct lonicos. See Yon Ham 
mer, no .c, p. 652. M. " 



OF TI-IJS ROMAN EMPIRE. 351 

was an inexhaustible storehouse of men and arms : 16 but that 
complex and languid body required the impulse of a vigorous 
hand ; and Frederic the Third was alike impotent in his pei- 
sonal character and his Imperial dignity. A long war had 
impaired the strength, without satiating the animosity, of 
France and England : 17 but Philip duke of Burgundy was a 
vain and magnificent prince ; and he enjoyed, without danger 
or expense, the adventurous piety of his subjects, who sailed, 
in a gallant fleet, from the coast of Flanders to the Helles 
pont. The maritime republics of Venice and Genoa were 
less remote from the scene of action ; and their hostile fleets 
were associated under the standard of St. Peter. The king 
doms of Hungary and Poland, which covered as it were the 
interior pale of the Latin church, were the most nearly con 
cerned to oppose the progress of the Turks. Arms were the 
patrimony of the Scythians and Sarmatians ; and these na 
tions might appear equal to the contest, could they point, 
against the Common foe, those swords that were so wantonly 
drawn in bloody and domestic quarrels. But the same spirit 
was adverse to concord and obedience : a poor country and a 
limited monarch are incapable of maintaining a standing 
force ; and the loose bodies of Polish and Hungarian horse 
were not armed with the sentiments and weapons which, on 
some occasions, have given irresistible weight to the French 
chivalry. Yet, on this side, the designs of the Roman pon 
tiff, and the eloquence of Cardinal Julian, his legate, were 
promoted by the circumstances of the times : 18 by the union 

; In the year 1431, Germany raised 40,000 horse, men-at-arms, 
against the Hussites of Bohemia, (Lenfant, Hist, du ConcUe de Basle, 
torn. i. p. 318.) At the siege of Xuys, on the Rhine, in 1474, the 
princes, prelates, and cities, sent their respective quotas ; and the 
bishop of Munster (qui n est pas des plus grands) furnished 1400 
horse, 6000 foot, all in green, with 1200 wagons. The united armies 
Of the king ol England and the duke of Burgundy scarcely equalled 
one third of this German host, (Memoires de Philippe de Comines, 
1. iv. c. 2.) 8 At present, six or seven hundred thousand men are 
maintained in constant pay and admirable discipline by the powers of 
Germany. 

It was not till the year 1444, that France and England could 
agree on a truce of some months. (See Rvmer s Fcedera, and the 
chronicles of both nations.) 

1 In the Hungarian crusade, Spondanus (Annal. Ecclos. A. I). 

t3, 1444) has been my leading guide. He has diligently read, and 
critically compared, the Greek and Turkish materials, the historians 
oi Hungary, Poland, and the West. His narrative is perspicuous 



352 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

of the two crowns on the head of Ladislaus, 19 a young ana 
ambitious soldier; by the valor of a hero, whose name, the 
name of John Huniades, was already popular among the 
Christians, arid formidable to the Turks, An endless treasure 
of pardons and indulgences was scattered by the legate ; 
many private warriors of France and Germany enlisted 
under the holy banner ; and the crusade derived some 
strength, or at least some reputation, from the new allies both 
of Europe arid Asia. A fugitive despot of Servia exaggerated 
the distress and ardor of the Christians beyond the Danube, 
who would unanimously rise to vindicate their religion and 
liberty. The Greek emperor, 20 with a spirit unknown to his 
fathers, engaged to guard the Bosphorus, and to sally from 
Constantinople at the head of his national and mercenary 
troops. The sultan of Caramania 21 announced the retreat of 
Amurath, and a powerful diversion in the heart of Anatolia; 
and if the fleets of the West could occupy at the same mo 
ment the Straits of the Hellespont, the Ottoman monarchy 
would be dissevered and destroyed. Heaven and earth must 
rejoice in the perdition of the miscreants ; and the legate, 
with prudent ambiguity, instilled the opinion of the invisible, 
perhaps the visible, aid of the Son of God, and his divine 
mother. 

Of the Polish and Hungarian diets, a religious war was the 
unanimous cry ; and Ladislaus, after passing the Danube, led 
an army of his confederate subjects as far as Sophia, the cap 
ital of the Bulgarian kingdom. In this expedition they ob 
tained two signal victories, which were justly ascribed to the 
valor and conduct of Huniades. In the first, with a vanguard 

and where he can be free from a religious bias, the judgment of Spon- 
danus is not contemptible. 

19 I have curtailed the harsh letter (AVladislaus) which most writers 
affix to his name, either in compliance with the Polish pronunciation, 
or to distinguish him from his rival the infant Ladislaus of Austria. 
Their competition for the crown of Hungary is described by Callima- 
chus, (1. i. ii. p. 447 48G,) Uoniiniiis, (Decad. iii. 1. iv.,) Spondanus, 
and Lenfant. 

Z J The Greek historians, 1 hranzn, Chalcondyles, and Ducas, do not 
ascribe to their prince a very active part in this crusade, which he 
seems to have promoted by his wishes, and injured by his fears. 

21 Cantemir (p. 88) ascribes to his policy the original,, plan, and 
transcribes his animating epi.stle to the king of Hungary. But the 
Mahometan powers are seldom informed of the state of Christendom ; 
and the situation and correspondence of the knights of Rhodes must 
connect them with the sultan of Caramania. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 353 

of ten thousand men, he surprised the Turkish camp ; in the 
second, he vanquished and made prisoner the most renowned 
of their generals, who possessed the double advantage of 
ground and numbers. The approach of winter, and the nat 
ural and artificial obstacles of Mount Hsemus, arrested the 
progress of the hero, who measured a narrow interval of six 
days march from the foot of the mountains to the hostile 
towers of Aclrianople, and the friendly capital of the Greek 
empire. The retreat was undisturbed ; and the entrance into 
Buda was at once a military and religious triumph. An 
ecclesiastical procession was followed by the king and his 
warriors on foot : he nicely balanced the merits and rewards 
of the two nations ; and the pride of conquest was blended 
with the humble temper of Christianity. Thirteen bashaws, 
nine standards, and four thousand captives, were unquestion 
able trophies ; and as all were willing to believe, and none 
were present to contradict, the crusaders multiplied, with 
unblushing confidence, the myriads of Turks whom they had 
left on the field of battle. 22 The most solid proof, and the 
most salutary consequence, of victory, was a deputation from 
the divan to solicit peace, to restore Servia, to ransom the 
prisoners, and to evacuate the Hungarian frontier. By thb 
treaty, the rational objects of the war were obtained : the 
king, the despot, and Huniades himself, in the diet of Sege- 
din, were satisfied with public and private emolument ; a 
truce of ten years was concluded ; and the followers of Jesus 
and Mahomet, who swore on the Gospel and the Koran, 
attested the word of God as the guardian of truth and the 
avenger of perfidy. In the place of the Gospel, the Turkish 
ministers had proposed to substitute the Eucharist, the real 
presence of the Catholic deity ; but the Christians refused to 
profane their holy mysteries ; and a superstitious conscience 
is less forcibly bound by the spiritual energy, than by the out 
ward and visible symbols of an oath. 23 

During the whole transaction, the cardinal legate had 

1 In their letters to the emperor Frederic III. the Hungarians 
slay 30,000 Turks in one battle ; but the modest Julian reduces the 
slaughter to 6000 or even 2000 infidels, (JEiieas Sylvius in Europ. 
c. 5, and epist. 44, 81, apucl Spondanum.) 

See the origin of the Turkish Avar, and the first expedition of 
Ladislaus, in the vth and vith books of the iiid decad of Bonfinius, 
who, in his division and style, copies Livy with tolerable success. 
Callimachus (1. ii. p. 487498) is still more pure and authentic. 

30* 



354 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

observed a sullen silence, unwilling to approve, and unable to 
oppose, the consent of the king and people. But the diet 
was not dissolved before Julian was fortified by the welcome 
intelligence, that Anatolia was invaded by the Caramanian, 
and Thrace by the Greek emperor ; that the fleets of Genoa, 
Venice, and Burgundy, were masters of the Hellespont ; and 
that the allies, informed of the victory, and ignorant of the 
treaty, of Ladislaus, impatiently waited for the return of his 
victorious army. "And is it thus," exclaimed the cardinal, 24 
u that you will desert their expectations and your own for 
tune ? It is to them, to your God, and your fellow-Christians, 
that you have pledged your faith ; and that prior obligation 
annihilates a rash and sacrilegious oath to the enemies of 
Christ. His vicar on earth is the Roman pontiff; without 
whose sanction you can neither promise nor perform. In his 
name I absolve your perjury and sanctify your arms : follow 
my footsteps in the paths of glory and salvation ; and if still 
}^e have scruples, devolve on my head the punishment and 
the sin." This mischievous casuistry was seconded by his 
respectable character, and the levity of popular assemblies : 
war was resolved, on the same spot where peace had so lately 
been sworn ; and, in the execution of the treaty, the Turks 
were assaulted by the Christians; to whom, with some rea 
son, they might apply the epithet of Infidels. The falsehood 
of Ladislaus to his word and oath was palliated by the 
religion of the times : the most perfect, or at least the most 
popular, excuse would have been the success of his arms and 
the deliverance of the Eastern church. But the same treaty 
which should have bound his conscience had diminished his 
strength. On the proclamation of the peace, the French and 
German volunteers departed with indignant murmurs : the 
Poles were exhausted by distant warfare, and perhaps dis 
gusted with foreign command ; and their palatines accepted 
the first license, and hastily retired to their provinces and cas 
tles. Even Hungary was divided by faction, or restrained 

24 I do not pretend to warrant the literal accuracy of Julian s 
speech, which is variously worded by Callimachus, (1. iii. p. 505 507,) 
Bonfinius, (dec. iii. 1. vi. p. 457, 458,) and other historians, who. might 
indulge their own eloquence, Avhile they represent one of the orators 
of the age. But they all agree in the advice and arguments for per 
jury, which in the field of controversy are fiercely attacked by tho 
Protestants, and feebly defended by the Catholics. The latter 
discouraged by the misfortune of Warna. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 355 

by a laudable scruple ; and the relics of the crusade that 
marched in the second expedition were reduced to an inade 
quate force of twenty thousand men. A Walachian chief, 
who joined the royal standard with his vassals, presumed to 
remark that their numbers did not exceed the hunting retinue 
that sometimes attended the sultan ; and the gift of two horses 
of matchless speed might admonish Ladislaus of his secret 
foresight of the event. But the despot of Servia, after the 
restoration of his country and children, was tempted by the 
promise of new realms ; and the inexperience of the king, 
the enthusiasm of the legate, and the martial presumption of 
Huniades himself, were persuaded that every obstacle must 
yield to the invincible virtue of the sword and the cross. 
After the passage of the Danube, two roads might lead to 
Constantinople and the Hellespont ; the one direct, abrupt, 
and difficult, through the mountains of Hasmus ; the other 
more tedious and secure, over a level country, and along the 
shores of the Euxine ; in which their flanks, according to 
the Scythian discipline, might always be covered by a mova 
ble fortification of wagons. The latter was judiciously pre 
ferred : the Catholics marched through the plains of Bulga 
ria, burning, with wanton cruelty, the churches and villages 
of the Christian natives; and their last station was at Warna, 
near the sea-shore ; on which the defeat and death of Ladis 
laus have bestowed a memorable name. 23 

It was on this fatal spot, that, instead of finding a confeder 
ate fleet to second their operations, they were alarmed by the 
approach of Amurath himself, who had issued from his Mag- 
nesian solitude, and transported the forces of Asia to the 
defence of Europe. According to some writers, the Greek 
emperor had been awed, or seduced, to grant the passage of 
the Bosphorus ; and an indelible stain of corruption is fixed 
on the Genoese, or the pope s nephew, the Catholic admiral, 
whose mercenary connivance betrayed the guard of the 
Hellespont. From Adrianople, the sultan advanced by hasty 
marches, at the head of sixty thousand men ; and when the 

Warna, under the Grecian name of Odcssus, was a colony of the 
Milesians, which they denominated from the hero Uh-sscs, (Ccllarius, 
torn. i. p. 07-t. D Anvillc, torn. i. p. 312.) According to Arrian s 
Periplus of the Euxine, (p. 24, 25, in the first volume of Hudson s 
Geographers,) it was situate 1740 stadia, or furlongs, from the mouth 
of the Danube, 2140 from Byzantium, and 360 to the north of a ridge 
or promontory of Mount Haemus, which advances into the sea. 



356 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

cardinal and Huniades, had taken a nearer survey of the 
numbers and order of the Turks, these ardent warriors pro 
posed the tardy and impracticable measure of a retreat. The 
king alone was resolved to conquer or die ; and his resolution 
had almost been crowned with a glorious and salutary victory. 
The princes were opposite to each other in the centre ; and 
the Beglerbegs, or generals of Anatolia and Romania, com 
manded on the right and left, against the adverse divisions of 
the despot and Huniades. The Turkish wings were broken 
on the first onset : but the advantage was fatal ; and the rash 
victors, in the heat of the pursuit, were carried away far from 
the annoyance of the enemy, or the support of their friends. 
When Amurath beheld the flight of his squadrons, he de 
spaired of his fortune and that of the empire : a veteran Jan 
izary seized his horse s bridle ; and he had magnanimity to 
pardon and reward the soldier who dared to perceive the ter 
ror, and arrest the flight, of his sovereign. A copy of the 
treaty, the monument of Christian perfidy, had been displayed 
in the front of battle ; and it is said, that the sultan in his 
distress, lifting his eyes and his hands to heaven, implored 
the protection of the God of truth ; and called on the prophet 
Jesus himself to avenge the impious mockery of his name 
and religion. 26 With inferior numbers and disordered ranks, 
the king of Hungary rushed forwards in the confidence of 
victory, till his career was stopped by the impenetrable pha 
lanx of the Janizaries. If we may credit the Ottoman annals, 
his horse was pierced by the javelin of Amurath; 27 he fell 
among the spears of the infantry ; and a Turkish soldier pro- 
claimed-with a loud voice, " Hungarians, behold the head of 
your king ! " The death of Ladislaus was the signal of their 
defeat. On his return from an intemperate pursuit, Huniades 
deplored his error and the public loss : he strove to rescue 
the royal body, till he was overwhelmed by the tumultuous 



5:6 Some Christian writers affirm, that he drew from his bosom the 
host or wafer on which the treaty had not been sworn. The Moslems 
suppose, with more simplicity, "an appeal to God and his prophet 
Jesus, which is likewise insinuated by Callimachus, (1. iii. p. 516. 
Spondan. A. D. 1-144, Xo. 8.) 

~ 7 A critic will always distrust these spolia opima of a victorious 
general, so difficult for valor to obtain, so easy for flattery to invent, 
(Cantemir, p. 90, 91.) Callimachus (1. iii. p. 517) more simply and 
probably affirms, supervenitibus Janizaris, telorum multitudine, non 
jam confossus cst, cpuam obrutus. 



THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 357 

crowd of the victors and vanquished ; and the last efforts of 
his courage and conduct were exerted to save the remnant of 
his Walachian cavalry. Ten thousand Christians were slain 
in the disastrous battle of Warna : the loss of the Turks, more 
considerable in numbers, bore a smaller proportion to their 
total strength ; yet the philosophic sultan was not ashamed to 
confess, that his ruin must be the consequence of a second 
and similar victory.* At his command a column was erected 
on the spot where Ladislaus had fallen ; but the modest in 
scription, instead of accusing the rashness, recorded the valor, 
and bewailed the misfortune, of the Hungarian youth. 28 

Before I lose sight of the field of Warna, I am tempted to 
pause on the character and story of two principal actors, the 
cardinal Julian and John Huniadeg. Julian 29 Ceesarini was 
born of a noble family of Rome : his studies had embraced 
both the Latin and Greek learning, both the sciences of divin 
ity and law ; and his versatile genius was equally adapted to 
the schools, the camp, and the court. No sooner had he been 
invested with the Roman purple, than he was sent into Ger 
many to arm the empire against the rebels and heretics of 
Bohemia. The spirit of persecution is unworthy of a Chris 
tian ; the military profession ill becomes a priest ; but the 
former is excused by the times ; and the latter was ennobled 
by the courage of Julian, who stood dauntless and alone in 
the disgraceful flight of the German host. As the pope s 
legate, he opened the council of Basil ; but the president soon 
appeared the most strenuous champion of ecclesiastical free- 

1 Besides some valuable hints from ./Eneas Sylvius, which are dili 
gently collected by Spondanus, our best authorities are three his 
torians of the xvt h century, Philippus Callimachus, (do Itebus a 
Vladislao Polonorum atque Hungarorum liege gestis, libri iii. in Eel. 
Script, lierum Hungaricaxum, torn. i. p. 433518,) Bonfinius, (deca,l. 
iii. 1. v. p. 460467,) and Chalcondyles, (1. vii. p. 165 -179.) The 
two first were Italians, but they passed their lives in Poland and 
Hungary, (Fabric. Bibliot. Lathi. Mod. et Intimje /Etatis, torn. i. p. 
321. Vossius, de Hist. Latin. 1. iii. c. 8, 11. Bayle, Dictionnaire, 
BONFINIUS.) A small tract of Fa?lix Petancius, chancellor of Segnia, 
(ad calcein Cuspinian. de Csesaribus, p. 716 722,) represents tho 
theatre of the war in the xvth century. 

M. Lenfant has described the origin (Hist, du Concile de Basle, 
torn. i. p. 247, &c.) and Bohemian campaign (p. 315, &c.) of Cardinal 
Julian. His services at Basil and Ferrara, and his unfortunate end, 
are occasionally related by Spondanus, and the continuator of Fieury. 



Compare Von Hammer, p. 4(?3. M. 



358 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

dom ; and an opposition of seven years was conducted by his 
ability and zeal. After promoting the strongest measures 
against the authority and person of Eu genius, some secret 
motive of interest or conscience engaged him to desert on a 
sudden the popular party. The cardinal withdrew himself 
from Ba-sil to Ferrara ; and, in the debates of the Greeks and 
Latins, the two nations admired the dexterity of his argu 
ments and the depth of his theological erudition. 30 In his 
Hungarian embassy, we have already seen the mischievous- 
effects of his sophistry and eloquence, of which Julian him 
self was the first victim. The cardinal, who performed the 
duties of a priest and a soldier, was lost in the defeat of 
Warna. The circumstances of his death are variously relat 
ed ; but it is believed, that a weighty encumbrance of gold 
impeded his flight, and tempted the cruel avarice of some 
Christian fugitives. 

From an humble, or at least a doubtful, origin, the merit 
of John Huniades promoted him to the command of the Hun 
garian armies. His father was a Walachian, his mother a 
Greek : her unknown race might possibly ascend to the em 
perors of Constantinople ; and .the claims of the Walachians, 
with the surname of Corvinus, from the place of his nativity, 
might suggest a thin pretence for mingling his blood with 
the patricians of ancient Rome. 31 In his youth he served in 
the wars of Italy, and was retained, with twelve horsemen, by 
the bishop of Zagrab : the valor of the white, knight ^ was 
soon conspicuous ; he increased his fortunes by a noble and 
wealthy marriage ; and in the defence of the Hungarian bor 
ders he won in the same year three battles against the Turks. 
By his influence, Ladislaus of Poland obtained the crown of 
Hungary ; and the important service was rewarded by the 

Syropulus honorably praises the talents of an enemy, (p. 117 :) 
ToiuvTu ma <"//*) o loviiavoy n s.i /.^ivoiiirvig uyuv XU.L /.oyixvx;, y.ai /itr 
r 



t 

_ 31 See Bontinius, decad. iii.-L iv. p. 423. Could the Italian histo 
rian pronounce, or the king of Hungary hear, without a blush, the 
absurd flattery which confounded the name of a Walachian village 
with the casual, though glorious, epithet of a single branch of the 
Valerian family at Rome : 

Philip de Comines, (Memoires, 1. vi. c. 13,) from the tradition of 
the times, mentions him with high encomiums, but under the whim 
sical name of the Chevalier Blanc de Valaigne, (Valachia.) The 
Greek Chalcondyles, and the Turkish annals of Leunclavius, presume 
to accuse his fidelity or valor. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 359 

title and office of Waived of Transylvania. The first of 
Julian s crusades added two Turkish laurels on his brow ; and 
in the public distress the fatal errors of Warna wore forgot 
ten. During the absence and minority of Ladislaus of Aus 
tria, the titular king, Huniades was elected supreme captain 
and governor of Hungary ; and if envy at first was silenced 
by terror, a reign of twelve years supposes the arts of policy 
as well as of war. Yet the idea of a consummate general is 
not delineated in his campaigns ; the white knight fought with 
the hand rather than the head, as the chief of desultory Bar 
barians, who attack without fear and fly without shame ; and 
his military life is composed of a romantic alternative of vic 
tories and escapes. By the Turks, who employed his name 
to frighten their perverse children, he was corruptly denomi 
nated Jancus Lain, or the Wicked : their hatred is the proof 
of their esteem ; the kingdom which he guarded was inacces 
sible to their arms ; and they felt him most daring and formi 
dable, when they fondly believed the captain and his country 
irrecoverably lost. Instead of confining himself to a defensive 
war, four years after the defeat of Warna he again penetrated 
into the heart of Bulgaria, and in the plain of Cossova, sus 
tained, till the third day, the shock of the Ottoman army, four 
times more numerous than his own. As he fled alone through 
the woods of Walachia, the hero was surprised by two rob 
bers ; but while they disputed a gold chain that hung at his 
neck, he recovered his sword, slew the one, terrified the other, 
and, after new perils of captivity or death, consoled by his 
presence an afflicted kingdom. But the last and most glori 
ous action of his life was the defence of Belgrade against the 
powers of Mahomet the Second in person. After a siege of 
forty days, the Turks, who had already entered the town, 
were compelled to retreat ; and the joyful nations celebrated 
Huniades and Belgrade as the bulwarks of Christendom. 33 
About a month after this great deliverance, the champion 
expired ; and his most splendid epitaph is the regret of the 
Ottoman prince, who sighed that he could no longer hope for 
revenge against the single antagonist who had triumphed 
over his arms. On the first vacancy of the throne, Matthias 
Corvinus, a youth of eighteen years of age, was elected and 

5 See Bonfinius (decad. iii. 1. viii. p. 492) and Spondanus, (A. D. 
1456, No. 17.) Huniades shared the glory of the defence of Bel 
grade with Capistran, a Franciscan friar ; and in their respective 
narratives, neither the saint nor the her condescend to take notice 
of his rival s merit. 



360 THE DECLINE AND- FALL 

crowned by the grateful Hungarians. His reign was pros 
perous and long : Matthias aspired to the glory of a conqueror 
and a saint but his purest merit is the encouragement of 
learning ; and the Latin orators and historians, who were 
invited "from Italy by the son, have shed the lustre of their 
eloquence on the father s character. 34 

In the list of heroes, John Huniades and Scanderbcg are 
commonly associated ; 35 and they are both entitled to our 
notice, since their occupation of the Ottoman arms delayed the 
ruin of the Greek empire. John Castriot, the father of Scan- 
derbeg, 36 was the hereditary prince of a small district of 
Epirus or Albania, between the mountains and the Adriatic 
Sea. Unable to contend with the sultan s power, Castriot 
submitted to the hard conditions of peace and tribute : he de 
livered his four sons as the pledges of his fidelity ; and the 
Christian youths, after receiving the mark of circumcision, 
were instructed in the Mahometan religion, and trained in the 
arms and arts of Turkish policy. 37 The three eider brothers 
were confounded in the crowd of slaves ; and the poison to 
which their deaths are ascribed cannot be verified or disproved 
by any positive evidence. Yet the suspicion is in a great 
measure removed by the kind and paternal treatment *of 

34 See Bonfinius, decad. iii. 1. viii. decad. iv. 1. viii. The observa 
tions of Spondanus on the life and character of Matthias Corvinus are 
curious and critical, (A. D. 1464, No. 1, 1475, No. 6, 1476, No. 14 
16, 1490, No. 4, 5.) Italian fame was the object of his vanity, 
actions are celebrated in the Epitome Rerum Hungaricarum (p. 322 
412) of Peter Ranzanus, a Sicilian.. His wise and facetious sayings 
are registered by Galestus Martins of Narni, (528568,) and we have 
a particular narrative of his wedding and coronation. These three 
tracts are all contained in the first vol. of Bel s Scriptores Rerum 
Hungaricarum. 

35 They are ranked by Sir William Temple, in his pleasing Essay 
on Heroic Virtue, (Works, vol. iii. p. 385,) among the seven chiefs 
who have deserved, without wearing, a royal crown ; Belisarius, Nur 
ses, Gonsalvo of Cordova, William first prince of Orange, Alexander 
duke of Parma, John Huniades, and George Castriot, or Scandcrbeg. 

36 I could wish for some simple authentic memoirs of a friend of 
Scanderbeg, which would introduce me to the man, the time, and the 
place. Inthe old and national history of Marinus Barletius, a priest 
of Scoclra, (de Vita, Moribus, ct Rebus gestis Georgii Castrioti, &c., 
libri xiii. p. 367. Argcutorat. 15o7, in lol.,) his gaudy and cumber 
some rolv are stuck with many i uloc jewel*, bee likewise Chiucon- 
dylcs, 1. vii. p. 185, 1. viii. p. 229. 

37 His circumcision, education, &c., are marked by Mannua 
brevity and reluctance, (1. i. p. 6, 7.) 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 361 

George Castrict, the fourth brother, who, from his tender 
youth, displayed the strength and spirit of a soldier. The 
successive overthrow of a Tartar and two Persians, who car 
ried a proud defiance to the Turkish court, recommended him 
to the favor of Amurath, and his Turkish appellation of Scan- 
derbeg, (Iskender beg,) or the lord Alexander, is an indelible 
memorial of his glory and servitude. His father s principality 
was reduced into a province; but the loss was compensated 
by the rank and title of Saojiak, a command of five thousand 
borse, and the prospect of the first dignities of the empire. 
He served with honor in the wars of Europe aad Asia; and 
we may smile at the art or credulity of the historian, who 
supposes, that in every encounter he spared the Christians, 
while he fell with a thundering arm on his Mussulman foes. 
The glory of Huniades is without reproach : he fought in the 
defence of his religion and country ; but the enemies who 
applaud the patriot, have branded his rival with the name of 
traitor and apostate. In the eyes of the Christians, the rebel 
lion of Scanderbeg is justified by his father s wrongs, the 
ambiguous death of his three brothers, his own degradation, 
and the slavery of his country ; and they adore the generous, 
though tardy, zeal, with which he asserted the faith and in 
dependence of his ancestors. But he had imbibed from his 
ninth year the doctrines of the Koran ; he was ignorant of 
the Gospel ; the religion of a soldier is determined by authori 
ty and habit ; nor is it easy to conceive what new illumination 
at the age of forty 3S could be poured into his soul. His mo 
tives would be less exposed to the suspicion of interest or 
revenge, had he broken his chain from the moment that he 
was sensible of its weight : but a long oblivion had surely 
impaired his original right ; and every year of obedience 
and reward had cemented the mutual bond of the sultan and 
his subject. If Scanderbeg had long harbored the belief of 
Christianity and the intention of revolt, a worthy mind must 
condemn the base dissimulation, that could serve only to 
betray, that could promise only to be forsworn, that could 

38 Since Scanderbeg died A. D. 1466, in the Ixiiid year of his age, 
(Marinas, 1. xiii. p. 370,) he was born in 1403 ; since he was torn from 
his parents by the Turks, when he was novennis, (Marinus, 1. i. p. 
1, 6,) that event must have happened in 1412, nine years before the 
accession of Amurath II., who must have inherited, not acquired, the 
Albanian slave. Spondanus has remarked this inconsistency, A. D. 
1431, No. 31, 1443, No. 14. 

VOL. VI. 31 



362 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

actively join in the temporal and spiritual perditiun of so 
many thousands of his unhappy brethren. Shall we praise a 
secret correspondence with Huniades, while he commanded 
the vanguard of the Turkish army ? shall we excuse the de 
sertion of his standard, a treacherous desertion which aban 
doned the victory to the enemies of his benefactor ? In the 
confusion of a defeat, the eye of Scanderbeg was fixed on the 
Reis Effendi or principal secretary : with the dagger at his 
breast, he extorted a firman or patent for the government of 
Albania ; and the murder of the guiltless scribe and his train 
prevented the consequences of an immediate discovery. With 
some bold companions, to whom he had revealed his design, 
he escaped in the night, by rapid marches, from the field of 
battle to his paternal mountains. The gates of Croya were 
opened to the royal mandate ; and no sooner did he command 
the fortress, than George Castriot dropped the mask of dis 
simulation ; abjured the prophet and the sultan, and pro 
claimed himself the avenger of his family and country. The 
names of religion and liberty provoked a general revolt : the 
Albanians, a martial race, were unanimous to live and die 
with their hereditary prince ; and the Ottoman garrisons were 
indulged in the choice of martyrdom or baptism. In the 
assembly of the states of Epirus, i^canderbeg was elected 
general of the Turkish war ; and each of the allies engaged 
to furnish his respective proportion of men and money. From 
these contributions, from his patrimonial estate, and from the 
valuable salt-pits of Selina, he drew an annual revenue of two 
hundred thousand ducats ; 39 and the entire sum, exempt from 
the demands of luxury, was strictly appropriated to the public 
use. His manners were popular ; but his discipline was 
severe ; and every superfluous vice was banished from his 
camp : his example strengthened his command ; and under 
his conduct, the Albanians were invincible in their own opin 
ion and that of their enemies. The bravest adventurers of 
France and Germany were allured by his fame and /etained 
in his service : his standing militia consisted of eight thou 
sand horse and seven thousand foot; the horses were small, 
the men were active ; but he viewed with a discerning eye 
the difficulties and resources of the mountains ; and, at the 
blaze of the beacons, the whole nation was distributed in the 
strongest posts. With such unequal arms Scanderbeg resisted 

** His revenuo and forces are luckily given by Marinus, (1. ii. p. 44.) 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 363 

twenty-three years the powers of the Ottoman empire ; and 
two conquerors, Amurath the Second, and his greater son, 
were repeatedly -baffled by a rebel, whom they pursued with 
seeming contempt and implacable resentment. At the head 
of sixty thousand horse and forty thousand Janizaries, Amu- 
rath entered Albania: he might ravage the open country, 
occupy the defenceless towns, convert the churches into 
mosques, circumcise the Christian youths, and punish with 
death his adult and obstinate captives : but the conquests of 
the sultan were confined to the petty fortress of Sfetigrade ; 
and the garrison, invincible to his arms, was oppressed by a 
paltry artifice and a superstitious scruple. 40 Amurath retired 
with shame and loss from the walls of Croya, the castle and 
residence of the Castriots ; the march, the siege, the retreat, 
were harassed by a vexatious, and almost invisible, adver 
sary ; 41 and the disappointment might tend to imbitter, per 
haps to shorten, the last days of the sultan. 42 In the fulness 
of conquest, Mahomet the Second still felt at his bosom this 
domestic thorn : his lieutenants were permitted to negotiate a 
truce ; and the Albanian prince may justly be praised as a 
firm and able champion of his national independence. The 
enthusiasm of chivalry and religion has ranked him with the 

/ o 

names of Alexander and Pyrrhus ; nor would they blush to 
acknowledge their intrepid countryman : but his narrow 
dominion, and slender powers, must leave him at an humble 
distance below the heroes of antiquity, who triumphed over 
the East and the lloman legions. His splendid achievements, 
the bashaws whom he encountered, the armies that he discom 
fited, and the three thousand Turks who were slain by his 
single hand, must be weighed in the scales of suspicious criti 
cism. Against an illiterate enemy, and in the dark solitude 



40 There were two Dibras, the upper and lower, the Bulgarian and 
Albanian : the former, 70 miles from Croya, (1. i. p. 17,) was contigu 
ous to the fortress of Sfetigrade, whose inhabitants refused to drink 
from a well into which a dead dog had traitorously been cast, (1. v. 
p. 139, 140.) We want a good map of Epirus. 

41 Compare the Turkish narrative of Cantcmir (p. 92) with the 
pompous and prolix declamation in the ivth, vth, and vith books of 
the Albanian priest, who has been copied by the tribe of strangers and 
moderns. 

42 In honor of his hero, Barlctius (1. vi. p. 188192) kills the sultan 
by disease indeed, under the walls of Croya. But this audacious 
notion is disproved by the Greeks and Turks, who agree in the time 
and manner of Amurath s death at Adrianople. 



364 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

of Epirus, his partial biographers may safely indulge the 
latitude of romance : but their fictions are exposed by the 
light of Italian history ; and they afford a strong presumption 
against their own truth, by a fabulous tale of his exploits, 
when he passed the Adriatic with eight hundred horse to the 
succor of the king of Naples. 43 Without disparagement to 
his fame, they might have owned, that he was finally op 
pressed by the Ottoman powers : in his extreme danger he 
applied to Pope Pius the Second for a refuge in the ecclesi 
astical state ; and his^ resources were almost exhausted, since 
Scanderbeg died a fugitive at Lissus, on the Venetian terri 
tory. 44 His sepulchre was soon violated by the Turkish con 
querors ; but the Janizaries, who wore his bones enchased in 
a bracelet, declared by this superstitious amulet their involun 
tary reverence for his valor. The instant ruin of his country 
may redound to the hero s glory ; yet, had he balanced the 
consequences of submission and resistance, a patriot perhaps 
would have declined the unequal contest which must depend 
on the life and genius of one man. Scanderbeg might indeed 
be supported by the rational, though fallacious, hope, that 
the pope, the king of Naples, and the Venetian republic, 
would join in the defence of a free and Christian people, who 
guarded the sea-coast of the Adriatic, and the narrow passage 
from Greece to Italy. His infant son was saved from the 
national shipwreck ; the Cast riots 45 were invested with a 
Neapolitan dukedom, and their blood continues to flow in the 
noblest families of the realm. A colony of Albanian fugitives 
obtained a settlement in Calabria, and they preserve at this 
day the language and manners of their ancestors. 46 

43 See the marvels of his Oalabrian expedition in the ixth and xth 
books of Marinus Barletius, which may be rectified by the testimony 
or silence of Muratori, (Ann all d Italia, torn. xiii. p. 291,) and his 
original authors, (Joh. Simonetta de Rebus Francisci Sibrtise, in 
Muratori, Script. Ecrum Ital. torn. xxi. p. 728, et alios.) Tine Alba 
nian cavalry, under the name of Stradiots, soon became famous in the 
wars of Italy, (Memoires de Comines, 1. viii. c. o.) 

44 Spondanus, from the best evidence, and the most rational criti 
cism, has reduced the giant Scanderbeg to the human size, (A. D 
1461, No. 20, 1463, No. 9, 1465, No. 12, 13, 1467, No. 1.) His own 
letter to the pope, and the testimony of Phranza, (1. iii. c. 28,) a refu 
gee in the neighboring isle of Corfu, demonstrate his last distress, 
which is awkwardly concealed by Marinus Barletius, (1. x.) 

45 See the family of the Castriots, in Ducangc, (Fam. Dalmaticse, 
&c. xviii. p. 348 350.) 

43 This colony of Albanese is mentioned by Mr. Swinburne, (Trav 
els into the Two Sicilies, vol. i. p. 350354.) 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. SG5 

fn the long career of the decline and fall of the Reman 
empire, I have reached at length the last reign of the princes 
of Constantinople, who so feebly sustained the name and 
majesty of the Csesars. On the decease of John Palasologus, 
who survived about four years the Hungarian crusade, 47 the 
royal family, by the death of Andronicus and the monastic 
profession of Isidore, was reduced to three princes, Constan 
tino, Demetrius, and Thomas, the surviving sons of the 
emperor Manuel. Of these the first and the last were far 
distant in the Morea ; but Demetrius,, who possessed the 
domain of Selybria, was in the suburbs, at the head of a 
party : his ambition was not chilled by the public distress ; 
and his conspiracy with the Turks and the schismatics had 
already disturbed the peace of his country. The funeral of 
the late emperor was accelerated with singular and even sus 
picious haste : the claim of Demetrius to the vacant throne 
was justified by a trite and flimsy sophism, that he was born 
in the purple, the eldest son of his father s reign. But the 
.empress-mother, the senate and soldiers, the clergy and 
people, were unanimous in the cause of the lawful successor: 
and the despot Thomas, who, ignorant of the change, acci 
dentally returned to the capital, asserted with becoming zeal 
the interest of his absent brother. An ambassador, the his 
torian Phranza, was immediately despatched to the court of 
Adrianpple. Amurath received him with honor and dis 
missed him with gifts ; but the gracious approbation of the 
Turkish sultan announced his supremacy, and the approach 
ing downfall of the Eastern empire. By the hands of two 
illustrious deputies, the Imperial crown was placed at Sparta 
on the head of Constantino. In ther spring he sailed from the 
Morea, escaped the encounter of a Turkish squadron, en 
joyed the acclamations of his subjects, celebrated the festival 
of a new reign, and exhausted by his donatives the treasure, 
or rathe* the indigence, of the state. The emperor immedi 
ately resigned to his brothers the possession of the Morea ; 
and the brittle friendship of the two princes, Demetrius and 
Thomas, was confirmed in their mother s presence by the 

The Chronology of Phranza is clear and authentic; but instead 
of four years and seven months, Sponclanufj (A. 1). lii-5, No. 7) 
assigns seven or eight years to the, reign of the last Constantino, 
Which he deduces from a spurious epistle of Eugcnius IV to the kin" 
Of ./Ethiopia. 

31* 



366 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

frail security of oaths and embraces. His next occupation 
was the choice of a consort. A daughter of the doge of 
Venice had been proposed ; but the Byzantine nobles ob 
jected the distance between an hereditary monarch and an 
elective magistrate ; and in their subsequent distress, the 
chief of that powerful republic was not unmindful of the 
affront. Constantino afterwards hesitated between the royal 
families of Trebizoncl and Georgia ; and the embassy of 
Phranza represents in his public and private life the last days 
of the Byzantine empire. 48 

The protovestiare, or great chamberlain, Phranza sailed 
from Constantinople as the minister of a bridegroom ; and 
the relics of wealth atid. luxury were applied to his pompous 
appearance. His numerous retinue consisted of nobles and 
guards, of physicians and monks : he was attended by a band 
of music; and the term of his costly embassy was pro 
tracted above two years. On his arrival in Georgia or Iberia, 
the natives from the towns and villages flocked around the 
strangers ; and such was their simplicity, that they were 
delighted with the effects, without understanding the cause, 
of musical harmony. Among the crowd was an old man, 
above a hundred years of age, who had formerly been car 
ried away a captive by the Barbarians, 49 and who amused his 
hearers with a tale of the wonders of India, 50 from whence 
he had returned to Portugal by an unknown sea. 51 From 
this hospitable land, Phranza proceeded to the court of Trehi- 
zond, where he was informed by the Greek prince of the 
recent decease of Amurath. Instead of rejoicing in the 

48 Phranza (1. iii. c. 1 0) deserves credit and esteem. 

49 Suppose him to have been captured in 1391, in Timour s first war 
in Georgia, (Sherefeddin, 1. iii. c. .50 ;) he might follow his Tartar 
master into Ilindostan in 1398, and from thence sail to the spice 
islands. 

50 The happy and pious Indians lived a hundred and fifty years, 
and enjoyed the most perfect productions of the vegetable and min 
eral kingdoms. The animals were on a large scale : dragons seventy 
cubits, ants (the formica ludim} nine inches long, sheep like elephants, 
elephants like sheep. Quicllibet audendi, &c. 

51 He sailed in a country vessel from the spice islands to one of the 
ports of the exterior India"; it-.venitque navcm grandem Ibi-ricam, qui 
in Portuyafliam est delatus. This passage, composed in 1477, (Phran 
za, 1. iii! c. 30,) twenty years before the discovery of the Cape of 
Good Hope, is spurious or wonderful. But this new geography is 
sullied by the old and incompatible error which places the source of 
tfie Nile in India. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPfRE. 3G7 

deliverance, the experienced statesman expressed his appre 
hension, that an ambitious youth would not long adhere to 
the sage and pacific system of his father. After the sultan s 
decease, his Christian wife, Maria, 52 the daughter of the 
Servian despot, had been honorably restored fc. her parents ; 
on the fame of l*er beauty*nd merit, she was recommended 
by the ambassador as the most worthy object of the royal 
choice ; and Phranza recapitulates and refutes the specious 
objections that might be raised against the proposal. The 
majesty of the purple would ennoble an unequal alliance ; 
*he bar of affinity might be removed by liberal alms and the 
dispensation of the church ; the disgrace of Turkish nuptials 
had been repeatedly overlooked ; and, though the fair Maria 
was near fifty years of age, she might yet hope to give an 
heir to the empire. Constantino listened to the advice, which 
was transmitted in the first ship that sailed from Trebizond ; 
but the factions of the court opposed his marriage ; and it 
was finally prevented by the pious vow of the sultana, who 
ended her days in the monastic profession. Reduced to the 
first alternative, the choice of Phranza was decided in favor 
of a Georgian princess ; and the vanity of her father was 
dazzled by the glorious alliance. Instead of demanding, 
according to the primitive and national custom, a price for 
his daughter, 53 he offered a portion of fifty -six thousand, with 
an annual pension of five thousand, ducats ; and the services 
of the ambassador were repaid by an assurance, that, as his 
son had been adopted in baptism by the emperor, the estab 
lishment, of his daughter should be the peculiar care of the 
empress of Constantinople. On the return of Phranza, the 
treaty was ratified by the Greek monarch, who with his own 
hand impressed three vermilion crosses on the golden bull, 
and assured the Georgian envoy that in the spring his galleys 
should conduct the bride to her Imperial palace. But Con- 
stantine embraced his faithful servant, not with the cold 
approbation of a sovereign, but with the warm confidence of 



52 Cantemir, (p. 83,) who styles her the daughter of Lazarus Ogli, 
and the Helen of the Servians, places her marriage with Amurath in 
the year 1424. It will not easily be believed, that in six-and-twenty 
years cohabitation, the sultan corpus ejus non tetigit. After the 
taking of Constantinople, she fled to Mahomet II., (Phranza, 1. iiL 
c. 22.) 

63 The classical reader will recollect the offers of Agamemnon, 
Iliad, i. v. 144,) and the general practice of antiquity. 



368 



THE DECLINE AND 



a friend 1 , who-, s*fter a long- absence, is impatient to por*r his 
secrets into the bosom of his friend. u Since the death of 
my mother a ; Bd of Cantacwzene, whp alone advised me 
without interest or passion, 54 I am surrounded," said the em 
peror, " by men whe-m I can ^either love nor trust, nor 
esteem. You are not a stranger to Lucas- Notaras, the great 
admiral ; obstinately attae-hed to his own sentiments, he 
declares, both in prfrate and public, that his sentiments are 
the absolute measure of my thoughts and actions. The rest 
of the courtiers are swayed by their -personal or factions 
yiews ; and how can I consult the monks on questions of 
policy and marriage ? I have yet much employment for 
your diligence and fidelity. Jh the spring you shall engage 
n of my brothers to- solicit the succor of the Western 
powers ; from the Morea yon shall sail to Cyprus on a par 
ticular commission ; and from thence proceed to Georgia to 
receive and conduct the future empress." " Your com 
mands," replied Phranza, "-are irresistible ; but deign, great 
sir," he added, with a serious smile, " to consider, that if I 
am thus perpetually absent from my family, my wife may be 
tempted either to seek another husband, or to .throw herself 
into a monastery." After laughing at his apprehensions, the 
emperor more gravely consoled him by the pleasing assur 
ance that this should be his last service abroad, and that he 
destined for his son a wealthy and noble heiress ; for him 
self, the important office of great logothete, or principal min 
ister of state. The marriage was immediately stipulated : 
but the office, however incompatible with his own, had been 
usurped by the ambition of the admiral. Some delay was 
requisite to negotiate a consent and an equivalent ; and the 
nomination of Phranza was half declared, and half sup 
pressed, lest it might be displeasing to an insolent and pow 
erful favorite. The winter was spent in the preparations of 
his embassy ; and Phranza had resolved, that the youth his 
son should embrace this opportunity of foreign tiavel, and be 
left, on the appearance of danger, with his maternal kindred 
of the Morea. Such were the private and public designs, 
which were interrupted by a Turkish war, and finally buried 
in the reins of the empire. 



54 Cantacnzene (I am Ignorant of his relation to the emperor of that 
name) was great domestic, a firm assertor of the Greek creed, and a 
brother of the queen of Servia, whom he visited with the character of 
ambassador, (Syropultts, p. 37, 38, 45.) 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. . 369 



CHAPTER LXVIII. 

REIGN AND CHARACTER OF MAHOMET THE SECOND. SIEGE, 

ASSAULT, AND FINAL CONQUEST, OF CONSTANTINOPLE BY 

THE TURKS. DEATH OF CONSTANTINE PAL^EOLOGUS. 

SERVITUDE OF THE GREEKS. EXTINCTION OF THE ROMAN 

EMPIRE IN THE EAST. CONSTERNATION OF EUROPE. 

CONQUESTS AND DEATH OF MAHOMET THE SECOND. 

THE siege of Constantinople by the Turks attracts our 
first attention to the person and character of the great de 
stroyer. Mahomet the Second 1 was the son of the second 
Amurath ; and though his mother has been decorated with the 
titles of Christian and princess, she is more probably con 
founded with the numerous concubines who peopled from 
every climate the harem of the sultan. His first education 
and sentiments were those of a devout Mussulman ; and a? 
often as he conversed with an infidel, he purified his hands 
and face by the legal rites of ablution. Age and empire ap 
pear to have relaxed this narrow bigotry : his aspiring genius 
disdained to acknowledge a power above his own ; and^in his 
looser hours he presumed (it is said) to brand the prophet of 
Mecca as a robber and impostor. Yet the sultan persevered 
in a decent -reverence for the doctrine and discipline of the 
Koran : 2 his private indiscretion must have been sacred from 
the vulgar ear ; and we should suspect the credulity of 
strangers and sectaries, so prone to believe that a mind which 
is hardened against truth must be armed with superior con 
tempt for absurdity and error. Under the tuition of the most 



For the character of Mahomet II. it is dangerous to trust either 
the Turks or the Christians. The most moderate picture appears to 
be drawn by Phranza, (U i. c. 33,) whose resentment had cooled in 
age a;ul solitude; see likewise Spondanus, (A. D. 1451, No. 11,) and 
the ccmtinuator of Floury, (torn. xxii. p. 5.~y>.) the Eh.-jia of Paulua 
uovius, (I. ui. p. 164166,) and the Dictionnaire de 13ayle, (torn. iii. 
p. 272279.) 

1 Cantemir, (p. 11,5,) and the mosques which he founded, attest his 
public regard for religion. Mahomet freely disputed with the patri 
arch Gennadiua on the two religions, (Spond. A. 1). 1453, No. 22.) 



370 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

skilful masters, -Mahomet advanced with an early and rapid 
progress in the paths of knowledge ; and besides his native 
tongue it is affirmed that he spoke or understood five lan 
guages, 3 the Arabic, the Persian, the ChaldaBan or Hebrew, 
the Latin, and the Greek. The Persian might indeed con 
tribute to his amusement, and the Arabic to his edification ; 
and such studies are familiar to the Oriental youth. In the 
intercourse of the Greeks and Turks, a conqueror might 
wish to converse with the people over which he was 
ambitious to reign : his own praises in Latin poetry 4 or 
prose 5 - might find a passage to the royal ear ; but what use 
or merit could recommend to the statesman or the scholar 
the uncouth dialect of his Hebrew slaves? The history and 
geography of the world were familiar to his memory : the 
lives of the heroes of the East, perhaps of the West, 6 excited 
his emulation : his skill in astrology is excused by the folly 
of the times, and supposes some rudiments of mathematical 

3 Quinque linguas praetor suam novcrat, Grajcam, Latinam, Chal- 
daicam, Persicara. The Latin translator of Phranza has dropped the 
Arabic, which the Koran must reeominned to every Mussulman.* 

4 Philelphus, by a Latin ode, requested and obtained the liberty 
of his wife s mother and sisters from the conqueror of Constantinople. 
It was delivered into the sultan s hands by the envoys of the duke of 
Milan. Philelphus himself was suspected of a design of retiring to 
Constantinople ; yet the orator often sounded the trumpet of holy 
war, (see his Life by M. Lancelot, in the Memoires de 1 Academic des 
Inscriptions, torn. x. p. 718, 72-i, &c.) 

5 Ilobert Valturio published at Verona, in 1483, his xii. books de Re 
Militari, in which he iirst mentions the use of bombs. -By his patron 
Sigismund Malatesta, prince of ilimini, it had been addressed with a 
Latin epistle to Mahomet II. 

6 According to Phranza, he assiduously studied the lives and ac 
tions of Alexander, Augustus, Constantine, and Theodosius. I have 
read somewhere, that Plutarch s Lives were translated by his orders 
into the Turkish language. If the sultan himself understood Greek, 
it must have been for the benefit of his subjects. Yet these lives are 
a school of freedom as well as of valor. f 



* It appears in the original Greek text, p. 9-5, edit. Bonn. M. 

f Von Hammer disdainfully rejects this fable of Mahomet s knowledge 
of languages. Knolles adds, that he delighted in reading the history of 
Alexander the Great, and of Julius Caesar. The former, no doubt, was 
the Persian legend, which, it is remarkable, came back to Europe, and was 
popular throughout the middle ages as the " Romaurit of Alexander." 
The founder of the Imperial dynasty of Rome, according to M. Von Ham 
mer, is altogether unknown in the East. Mahomet was a great patron of 
Turkish literature : the romantic poems of Persia were translated, or imi 
tated, under his patronage. Von Hammer, vol. ii. p. 208. M. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 371 

science ; and a profane taste for the arts is betrayed in his 
liberal invitation and reward of the painters of Italy. 7 But 
the influence of religion and learning were employed without 
effect on his savage and licentious nature. I will not tran 
scribe, nor do I firmly believe, the stories of his fourteen, 
pages, whose bellies were ripped open in search of a stolen 
melon ; or of the beauteous slave, whose head he severed 
from her body, to convince the Janizaries that their master 
was not the votary of love.* His sobriety is attested by the 
silence of the Turkish annals, which accuse three, and 
three only, of the Ottoman line of the vice of drunkenness. 8 
But it cannot be denied that his pas.sions were at once furious 
and inexorable ; that in the palace, as in the field, a torrent 
of blood was spilt on the slightest provocation ; and that the 
noblest of the captive youth were often dishonored by his 
unnatural lust. In the Albanian war he studied the lessons, 
and soon surpassed the example, of his father ; and the con 
quest of two empires, twelve kingdoms, and two hundred 
cities, a vain and flattering account, is ascribed to his invin 
cible sword. He was doubtless a soldier, and possibly a 
general ; Constantinople has sealed his glory ; but if we 
compare the means, the obstacles, and the achievements, 
Mahomet the Second must blush to sustain a parallel with 
Alexander or Timour. Under his command, the Ottoman 
forces were always more numerous than their enemies ; yet 
their progress was bounded by the Euphrates and the Adri 
atic ; and his arms were checked by H unlades and Scander- 
beg, by the Rhodian knights and by the Persian king. 

In the reign of Amurath, he twice tasted of royalty, and 
twice descended from the throne : his tender age was inca 
pable of opposing his father s restoration, but never could he 
forgive the viziers who had recommended that salutary meas- 

7 The famous Gentile Bellino, whom he had invited from Venice, 
was dismissed with a chain and collar of gold, and a purse of 3000 
ducats. With Voltaire I laugh at the foolish story of a slave pur 
posely beheaded, to instruct the painter in the action of the muscles*. 

8 These Imperial drunkards were Soliman I., Sclim II., and Amu- 
rath IV., (Cantemir, p. 61.) The sophis of Persia can produce a 
more regular succession ; and in the last age, our European travellers 
were the witnesses and companions of their revels. 



* This story, the subject of Johnson s Irene, is rejected by M. "Von 
Hammer, vol. ii. p. 208. The German historian s general estimate of Ma 
homet s character agrees in its more marked features ivith Gibbon s. M, 



B72 HIE DECLINE AND FALL 

jre. His nuptials were celebrated with the daughter of a 
Turkman emir ; and, after a festival of two months, he de 
parted from Adrianople with his bride, to reside in the gov 
ernment of Magnesia, Before the end of six weeks, he was 
recalled by a sudden message from the divan, which an 
nounced the decease of Amurath, and the mutinous spirit of 
the Janizaries. His speed and vigor commanded their 
obedience : he passed the Hellespont with a chosen guard : 
and at the distance of a mile from Adrianople, the viziers and 
emirs, the imams and cadhis, the soldiers and the people, 
fell prostrate before the new sultan. They affected to weep, 
they affected to rejoice : he ascended the throne at the age 
of twenty-one years, and removed the cause of sedition by 
the death, the inevitable death, of his infant brothers. 9 * The 
ambassadors of Europe and Asia soon appeared to congrat 
ulate his accession and solicit his friendship ; and to all he 
spoke the language of moderation and peace. The confi 
dence of the Greek emperor was revived by the solemn oaths 
and fair assurances with which he sealed the ratification of 
the treaty : and a rich domain on the banks of the Strymon 
was assigned for the annual payment of three hundred thousand 
aspers, the pension of an Ottoman prince, who was detained 
at his request in the Byzantine court. Yet the neighbors of 
Mahomet might tremble at the severity with which a youthful 
monarch reformed the pomp of his father s household : the 
expenses of luxury were applied to those of ambition, and 
a useless train of seven thousand falconers was either dis 
missed from his service, or enlisted in his troops. t In the 
first summer of his reign, he visited with an army the Asiatic 
provinces ; but after humbling the pride, Mahomet accepted 
the submission, of the Caramanian, that he might not be 
diverted by the smallest obstacle from the execution of his 
great design. 10 

Calapin, one of these royal infants, was saved from his cruel 
brother, and baptized at Rome under the name of Callistus Othoman- 
mis. The emperor Frederic III. presented him with an estate in 
Austria, where he ended his life ; and Cuspinian, who in his youth 
conversed with the aged prince at Vienna, applauds his piety and 
wisdom, (de Ceesaribus, p. 672, 673.) 

10 See the accession of Mahomet II. in Ducas, (c. 33,) Phranza, (1. i. 
c. 33, 1. iii. c 2,) Chalcondyles, (1. vii. p. 199,) and Cantemir, (p. 96.) 

* Ahmed, the son of a Greek princess, was the object of his especial 
jealousy. Von Hammer, p. 501. M. 

t The Janizaries obtained, for the first time, a gift on the accession of a 
new sovereign, p. 504. M. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 373 

The Mahometan, and more especially the Turkish casuists, 
have pronounced that no promise can bind the faithful against 
the interest and duty of their religion ; and that the sultan 
may abrogate his own treaties and those of his predecessors. 
The justice and magnanimity of Amurath had scorned this 
immoral privilege ; but his son, though the proudest of men, 
could stoop from ambition to the basest arts of dissimulation 
and deceit. Peace was on his lips, while war was in his 
heart : he incessantly sighed for the possession of Constanti 
nople ; and the Greeks, by their own indiscretion, afforded 
the first pretence of the fatal rupture. 11 Instead of laboring 
to be forgotten, their ambassadors pursued his camp, to de 
mand the payment, and even the increase, of their annual 
stipend : the divan was importuned by their complaints, and 
the vizier, a secret friend of the Christians, was constrained to 
deliver the sense of his brethren. " Ye foolish and miserable 
Romans," said Calil, " we know your devices, and ye are 
ignorant of your own danger ! The scrupulous Amurath is no 
more ; his throne is occupied by a young conqueror, whom no 
laws can bind, and no obstacles can resist : and if you escape 



11 Before I enter on the siege of Constantinople, I shall observe, 
that except the short hints of Cantemir and Leunclavius, I have not 
been able to obtain any Turkish account of this conquest ; such an 
account as we possess of the siege of Rhodes by Soliman II., (Me- 
moires de 1 Academic des Inscriptions, torn. xxvi. p. 723 769.) I 
must therefore depend on the Greeks, whose prejudices, in some 
degree, are subdued by th.eir distress. Our standard texts are those 
of Ducas, (c. 3442,) Phranza, (1. iii. c. 720,) Chalcondyles, (1. viii. 
p. 201214,) and Leonardos Chiensis, (Historia C. P. a Turco expug- 
natfe. Norimberghae, 1544, in 4to., 20 leaves.) The last,of these narra 
tives is the earliest in date, since it was composed in the Isle of Chios, 
the 16th of August, 1453, only seventy-nine days after the loss of the 
city, and in the first confusion of ideas and passions. Some hints 
may be added from an epistle of Cardinal Isidore (in Farragine Rerum 
Turcicarum, ad calcem Chalcondyl. Clauseri, Basil, 1556) to Pope 
Nicholas V., and a tract of Theodosius Zygomala, which he addressed 
in the year 1581 to Martin Crucius, (Turco- Grsccia, 1. i. p. 7498, 
Basil, 1584.) The various facts and materials are briefly, though 
critically, reviewed by Spondanus, (A. D. 1453, No. 1 27.) The 
hearsay relations of Monstrelet and the distant Latins I shall take 
leave to disregard.* 



D 



* M. Von Hammer has added little new information on the siege of 
Constantinople, and, by his general agreement, has borne an honorable 
testimony to the truth, and by his close imitation to the graphic spirit and 
Ugliness, of Gibbon. M. 

VOL. vi. 32 



374 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

f 

from his hands, give praise to the divine clemency, which yet 
delays the chastisement of your sins. Why do ye seek to 
affright us by vain and indirect menaces? Release the fugi 
tive Orchan; crown him sultan of Romania ; call the Hunga 
rians from beyond the -Danube ; arm against us the nations of 
the West; and be assured, that you will only provoke and 
precipitate your ruin." But if the fears of the ambassadors 
were alarmed by-the stern language of the vizier, they were 
soothed by the courteous audience and friendly speeches of 
the Ottoman prince ; and Mahomet assured them that on his 
return to Adrianople he would redress the grievances, and 
consult the true interests, of the Greeks. No sooner had he 
repassed the Hellespont, thaa he issued a mandate to suppress 
their pension, and to expel their officers from the banks of the 
Strymon : in this measure he betrayed a hostile mind ; and 
the second order announced, and in some degree commenced, 
the siege of Constantinople. In the narrow pass of the Bos- 
phorus, an Asiatic fortress had formerly been raised by his 
grandfather ; in the opposite situation, on the European side, 
he resolved to erect a more formidable castle ; and a thousand 
masons were commanded to assemble in the spring on a spot 
named Asomaton, about five miles from the Greek metropo 
lis. 12 Persuasion is the resource of the feeble ; and the 
feeble can seldom persuade : the ambassadors of the emperor 
attempted i without success, to divert Mahomet from the exe 
cution of his design. They represented, that his grandfather 
had solicited the permission of Manuel to build a castle on his 
own territories ; but that this double fortification, which would 
command the strait, could only tend to violate the alliance of 
the nations to intercept the Latins who traded in the Black 
Sea, and perhaps to annihilate the subsistence of the city. " I 
form no enterprise," replied the perfidious sultan, " against 
the city ; but. the empire of Constantinople is measured by 
her walls. Have you forgot the distress to which my father 
was reduced when you formed a league with the Hungarians ; 
when they invaded. our country by land, and the Hellespont 
was occupied by the French galleys ? Amurath was com- 

" The situation of the fortress, and the topography of the Bospho- 
rus, are best learned from Peter Gyllius, (de Bosphoro Thracio, 1. ii. 
c. 13,) Leunclavius, (Pandect, p. 445,) and Tournefort, (Voyage dans 
le Levant, torn. ii. lettre xv. p. 443, 444 ;) but I must regret the map 
or plan -which Tournefort sent to the French minister of the marine. 
The reader may turn back to chap. xvii. of this History. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 375 

polled to force the passage of the Bosphorus; and your 
strength was not equal to your malevolence. I was then a 
child at Adrianople ; the Moslems trembled ; and, for a while, 
the Gabours 13 insulted our disgrace. But when my father 
had triumphed in the field of Warna, he vowed to erect a fort 
on the western shore, and that vow it is my duty to accom 
plish. Have ye the right, have ye the power, to control my 
actions on my own ground ? For that ground is my own : 
as far as the shores of the Bosphorus, Asia is inhabited by 
the Turks, and Europe is deserted by the Romans. Return, 
and inform your king, that the present Ottoman is far dif 
ferent from his predecessors ; that his resolutions surpass 
their wishes; and that he performs more than they could 
resolve. Return in safety but the next who delivers a 
similar message may expect to be flayed alive." After this 
declaration, Constantino, the first of the Greeks in spirit as in 
rank, 14 had determined to unsheathe the sword, and to resist 
the approach and establishment of the Turks on the Bos 
phorus. He was disarmed by the advice of his civil and 
ecclesiastical ministers, who recommended a system less 
generous, and even less prudent, than his own, to approve 
their patience and long-suffering, to brand the Ottoman with 
the name and guilt of an aggressor, and to depend on chance 
and time for their own safety, and the destruction of a fort 
which could not long be maintained in the neighborhood of a 
great and populous city. Amidst hope and fear, the fears of 
the wise, and the hopes of the credulous, the winter rolled 
away; the proper business of each man, and each hour, was 
postponed ; and the Greeks shut their eyes against the im 
pending danger, till the arrival of the spring and the sultan 
decide the assurance of their ruin. 



13 I 



The opprobrious name which the Turks bestow on the infidels, is 
expressed KupuvQ by Ducas, and Giaour by Leunclavius and the 
moderns. Hie former term is derived by Ducange (Gloss. Gnec. 
torn. i. p. 530) from Kafiovoor, in vulgar Greek, a tortoise, as denoting 
a retrograde motion from the faith. But alas ! Gabour is no more 
than Gheber, which was transferred from the Persian to the Turkish 
language, from the worshippers of fire to those of the crucifix, 
(D Herbelot, Bibliot. Orient, p. 375.) 

Phranza does justice to his master s sense and courage. Callidi- 
tatem hoinmis non ignorans Imperator prior anna movcre constituit, 
and stigmatizes the folly of the cum sacri turn profani proceres, which 
he had heard; amentes spe vrai;\ pasci. Ducas was not a privy- 
counsellor. J 



376 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

Of a master who never forgives, the orders are seldom dis 
obeyed. On the twenty-sixth of March, the appointed spot 
of Asomaton was covered with an active swarm of Turkish 
artificers ; and the materials by sea and land were diligently 
transported from Europe and AsiaJ 5 The lime had been 
burnt in Cataphrygia ; the timber was cut down in the woods 
of Heraclea and Nicomedia ; and the stones were dug from 
the Anatolian quarries. Each of the thousand masons was 
assisted by two workmen ; and a measure of two cubits was 
marked for their daily task. The fortress 16 was built in a 
triangular form ; each angle was flanked by a strong and 
massy tower ; one on the declivity of the hill, two along the 
sea-shore : a thickness of twenty-two feet was assigned for 
the walls, thirty for the towers; and the whole building was 
covered with a solid platform of lead. Mahomet himself 
pressed and directed the work with indefatigable ardor : his 
three viziers claimed the honor of finishing their respective 
towers ; the zeal of the cadhis emulated that of the Janizaries ; 
the meanest labor was ennobled by the service of God and 
the sultan ; and the diligence of the multitude was quickened 
by the eye of a despot, whose smile was the hope of fortune, 
and whose frown was the messenger of death. The Greek 
emperor beheld with terror the irresistible progress of the 
work ; and vainly strove, by flattery and gifts, to assuage an 
implacable foe, who sought, and secretly fomented, the slight 
est occasion of a quarrel. Such occasions must soon ond 
inevitably be found. The ruins of stately churches, and even 
the marble columns which had been consecrated to Saint 
Michael the archangel, were employed without scruple by the 
profane and rapacious Moslems ; and some Christians, who 
presumed to oppose the removal, received from their hands 
the crown of martyrdom. Constantine had solicited a Turk 
ish guard to protect the fields and harvests of his subjects: 
the guard was fixed ; but their first order was 1o allow free 
pasture to the mules and horses of the camp, and to defend 

15 Instead of this clear and consistent accotint, the Turkish Annals 
(Cantemir, p. 97) revived the foolish tale of the ox s hide, and Dido s 
stratagem in the foundation of Carthage . These annals (unless we 
are swayed by an ant i- Christian, prejudice) are far less valuable than 
the Greek historians. 

16 In the dimensions of this fortress, the old castle of Europe, 
Phranza does not exactly agree with Chalcondyles, -whose description 
has been verified on the spot by his editor Leunclavius. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 377 

their brethren if they should be molested by the natives. The 
retinue of an. Ottoman chief had left their horses to pass the 
night among the ripe corn : the damage was felt ; the insult 
was resented; and several of both nations were slain in a 
tumultuous conflict. Mahomet listened with joy to the com 
plaint ; and a detachment was commanded to exterminate the 
guilty village : the guilty had fled ; but forty innocent and 
unsuspecting reapers were massacred by the soldiers. Till 
this provocation, Constantinople had been open to the visits 
of commerce and curiosity : on the first alarm, the gates were 
shut ; but the emperor, still anxious for peace, released on 
the third day his Turkish captives ; 17 and expressed, in a last 
message, the firm resignation of a Christian and a soldier. 
" Since neither oaths, nor treaty, nor submission, can secure 
peace, pursue," said he to Mahomet, " your impious warfare. 
My trust is in God alone ; if it should please him to mollify 
your heart, I shall rejoice in the happy change ; if he delivers 
the city into your hands, I submit without a murmur to his 
holy will. But until ihe Judge of the earth shall pronounce 
between us, it is my duty to live and die in the defence of my 
people. 1 The sultan s answer was hostile and decisive : his 
fortifications were completed ; and before his departure for 
Adrianople, he stationed a vigilant Aga and four hundred 
Tanizaries, to levy a tribute on the ships of every nation that 
should pass within the reach of their cannon. A Venetian 
essel, refusing obedience to the new lords of the Bosphorus, 
was sunk with a single bullet.* The master and thirty sailors 
scaped in the boat; but they were dragged in chains to the 
Port.e : the chief was impaled ; his companions were be 
headed ; and the historian Ducas 18 beheld, at Dernotica, their 
bodies exposed to the wild beasts. The siege of Constanti 
nople was deferred till the ensuing spring ; but an Ottoman 
army marched into the Morea to divert^ the force of the 
brothers of Coftstantine. At this a3ra of calamity, one of 

Among these were some pa^cs of Mahomet, so conscious of his in 
exorable ri ror, that they begged to lose their heads in the city unless 
they could return before suaset. 

Ducas, c. oo. Phran/a, (1. iii. c. 3,) v.-ho had sailed in his vessel, 
commemorates the Venetian pilot as a martyr. 



* This was from a model cannon cast by Urban the Hungarian. See p 
879. Von Hammer, p. 510. M. 

32* 



378 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

these princes, the despot Thomas, was blessed or afflicted 
with the birth of a son ; " the last heir," says the plaintive 
Phninza, " of the last spark of the "Roman empire."" iy 

The Greeks and the Turks passed an anxious and sleepless 
winter : the former were kept awake by their fears, the latter 
by their hopes ; both by the preparations of defence and 
attack ; and the two emperors, who had the most to lose or 
to gain, were the most deeply affected by the national senti 
ment. In Mahomet, that sentiment was inflamed by the ardor 
of his youth and temper : he amused his leisure with building 
at Adrianople 20 the lofty palace of Jehan Numa, (the watch- 
tower of the world ;) but his serious thoughts were irrevocably 
bent on the conquest of the city of Ccesar. At the dead of 
night, about the -second watch, he started from his bed, and 
commanded the instant attendance of his prime vizier. The 
message, the hour, the prince, and his own situation, alamied 
the guilty conscience of Calil Basha ; who had possessed the 
confidence, and advised the restoration, of Amurath. On the 
accession of the son, the vizier was confirmed in his office and 
the appearances of favor ; but the veteran statesman was_not 
insensible that he trod on a thin and slippery ice, which might 
break under his footsteps, and plunge him in the abyss. His 
friendship for the Christians, which might be innocent under 
the late reign, had stigmatized him. with the name of Gabour- 
Ortachi, or foster-brother of the infidels; 21 and his avarice 
entertained a venal and treasonable correspondence, which 
was detected and punished after the conclusion of the war. 
On receiving the royal mandate, he embraced, perhaps for 
the last time, his wife and children ; filled a cup with pieces 
of gold, hastened to the palace, adored the sultan, and offered, 
according to the Oriental custom, the slight tribute of his duty 
and gratitude. 22 "It is not my wish," said Mahomet, "to 

19 Auctum est Paleeologorum genus, et Impcrii successor, parvae- 
que Ilomanorum scintillas hseres natus, Andreas, &c., (Phranza, 1. m. 
c. 7.) The strong expression was inspired by his feelings. 

20 Cantcmir, p. 97, 98. The sultan was either doubtful of his con 
quest, or io-norant of the superior merits of Constantinople. A city 
or a kingdom may sometimes be ruined by the Imperial fortune ot 
their sovereign. 

2i v,,,.roo(W>c, by the president Cousin, is translated pere nourri- 
cier most" correctly indeed from the Latin version ; but in his haste 
he has overlooked the note by which Ishmael Boillaud (ad Ducam, 
c. 35) acknowledges and rectifies his own error. 

52 The Oriental custom of never appearing without gilt 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 379 

resume my gifts, but rather to heap and multiply- them on thy 
head. In my turn I ask a present far more valuable and 
important; Constantinople." As soon as the vizier had 
recovered from his surprise, " The same God," said he, " who 
has already given thee so large a portion of the Roman em 
pire, will not deny the remnant, and the capital. His provi 
dence, and thy power, assure thy success ; and myself, with 
the rest of thy faithful slaves, will sacrifice our lives and for 
tunes." " Lala," ~ 3 . (or preceptor.) continued the sultan, 
4 do you see this pillow ? All the night, in my agitation, I have 
pulled it on one side and the other ; I have risen from my bed, 
again have I lain down ; yet sleep has not visited these weary 
eyes. Beware of the gold and silver of the .Romans : in arms 
we are superior ; and with the aid of God, and the prayers 
of the prophet, we shall speedily become masters of Constan 
tinople." To sound the disposition of his soldiers, he often 
wandered through the streets alone, and in disguise ; and it 
was fatal to discover the sultan, when he wished to escape 
from the vulgar eye. His hours were spent in delineating 
the plan of the hostile city ; in debating with his generals and 
engineers, on what spot he should erect his batteries ; on 
which side he should assault the walls ; where he should 
spring his mines; to what place he should apply his Dealing- 
ladders : and the exercises of the day repeated and proved 
the lucubrations of the night. 

Among the implements of destruction, he studied with 
peculiar care the recent and tremendous discovery of the 
Latins ; and his artillery surpassed whatever had yet appeared 
in the world. A founder of cannon, a Dane* or Hungarian, 
who had been almost starved in the Greek service, deserted 
to the Moslems, and was liberally entertained by the Turkish 

sovereign or a superior is of high, antiquity, and seems analogous 
with the idea of sacriiice, still more ancient and universal. See the 
examples of such Persian gifts, ./Elian, Hist. Var. 1. i. c. 31, 32, 33. 

The Lala of the. Turks (Cantemir, p. 34) and the Tata of the 
Greeks (Ducas, c. 3o) are derived from the natural language of chil 
dren ; and it may be observed, that all such primitive words which 
denote their parents, are the simple repetition of one syllable, com 
posed of a labial or a dental consonant and an open vowel, (Des 
Brosses, Mechanisme des Langues, torn. i. p. 231 2 



* Gibbon has written Dane by mistake for Dace, or Dacian. Aa rd 
Chalcondyles, Von Hammer, p. 510. M. 



380 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

sultan. Matiomet was satisfied with the answer to his first 
question, which he eagerly pressed on the artist. "Am 
able to cast, a cannon capable of throwing a ball or stone of 
sufficient size to batter the walls of Constantinople ? I am 
not ignorant of their strength ; but were they more solid than 
those of Babylon, I could oppose an engine of superior power : 
the position and management of that engine must be left to 
your engineers." On this assurance, a foundery was estab 
lished at Adrianople : the metal was prepared ; and at the 
end of three months, Urban produced a piece of brass ord 
nance of stupendous, and almost incredible magnitude ; a 
measure of twelve palms is assigned to the bore ; and the 
stone bullet weighed above six hundred pounds.- 4 * A vacant 
place before the new palace was chosen for the first experi 
ment ; but to prevent the sudden and mischievous effects of 
astonishment and fear, a proclamation was issued, that the 
cannon would be discharged the ensuing day. The explosion 
was felt or heard in a circuit of a hundred furlongs : the ball, 
by the force of gunpowder, was driven above a mile ; and on 
the spot where it fell, it buried itself a fathom deep in the 
ground. For the conveyance of this destructive engine, a 
frame or carriage of thirty wagons was linked together and 
drawn along by a team of sixty oxen: two hundred men on 
both sides were stationed, to poise and support the rolling 
weight; two hundred and fifty workmen marched before to 
smooth the way and repair the bridges ; and near two months 
were employed in a laborious journey of one hundred and 
fifty miles. A lively philosopher 25 derides on this occasion 
the credulity of the Greeks, and observes, with much reason 
that we should always distrust the exaggerations of a van- 

24 The Attic talent weighed about sixty minse, or avoirdupois pounds, 
(sec Hooper on Ancient Weights, Measures, &c. ;) but among the mod 
ern Greeks, that classic appellation was extended to a weight of one 
hundred, or one hundred and twenty-five pounds, (Ducangc, r.lAu.- 
iov.) Leonardus Chiensis measured the ball or stone of the second 
cannon : Lapidem, qui palm is umlecim ex meis ambibat in gyro. 

25 Sec Voltaire, (Hist. Generale, e, xci. p. 294, 295.) He was am 
bitious of universal monarchy ; and the poet frequently aspires to 
the name and style of an astronomer, a chemist, &c. 

* 1200, according to Leonardus Chiensis. Ton Hammer states that he 
had himself seen the great cannon of the Dardanelles, in which a tailor, 
who had run away from his creditors, had concealed himself several days. 
Von Hammer had measured halls twelve spans round. Note, p. 6ob. n\L 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 381 

> lished people. He calculates, that a ball, even 6f two bun- 
d/ed pounds, would require a charge of one hundred and fifty 
pour.ds of powder ; and that the stroke would be feeble and 
impotent, since not a fifteenth part of the mass could be 
inflamed at the same moment. A stranger as I am to the 
art of destruction, 1 can discern that the modern improve 
ments of artillery prefer the number of pieces to the weight 
of metal ; the quickness of the fire to the sound, or even the 
consequence, of a single explosion. Yet I dare not reject the 
positive and unanimous evidence of contemporary writers ; 
nor can it seem improbable, that the first artists, in their rude 
and ambitious efforts, should have transgressed the standard 
of moderation. A Turkish cannon, more enormous than that 
of Mahomet, still guards the entrance of the Dardanelles ; and 
the use be inconvenient, it has been found on a late trial 
that the effect was far from contemptible. A stone bullet of 
eleven hundred pounds weight was once discharged with three 
hundred and thirty pounds of powder : at the distance of six 
hundred yards it shivered into three rocky fragments ; trav 
ersed the strait; and, leaving the waters in a foam, again rose 
and bounded against the opposite hill. 23 

While Mahomet threatened the capital of the East, the 
Greek emperor implored with fervent prayers the assistance 
of earth and heaven. But the invisible powers were deaf to 
his supplications ; and Christendom beheld with indifference 
the fall of Constantinople, while she derived at least some 
promise of supply from the jealous and temporal policy of the 
sultan of Egypt. Some states were too weak, and others too 
remote ; by some the danger was considered as imaginary 
by others as inevitable : the Western princes were involved in 
their endless and domestic quarrels; and the Roman pontiff 
was exasperated by the falsehood or obstinacy of the Greeks. 
Instead of employing in their favor the arms and treasures 
of Italy, Nicholas the Fifth had foretold their approaching 
rum ; and his honor was engaged in the accomplishment of 
his prophecy.* Perhaps he was softened by the last extrem- 

Thc Baron de Tott, (torn. iii. p. 8589,) who fortified the Dar- 

les against the Russians, describes in a lively, and even comic, 

rain his own prowess, and the consternation of the Turks. J5ut that 

adventurous traveller does not possess the art of gamin- our co ti- 

dence. 

* See the curious Christian and Mahometan predictions of the fall of 
Constantinople, Ton Hammer, p. 518. M. 



382 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

ity of their distress ; but his compassion was tardy ; his efforts 
were faint and unavailing ; and Constantinople had fallen, 
before the squadrons of Genoa and Venice could sail from 
their harbors. 27 Even the princes of the Morea and of the 
Greek islands affected a cold neutrality : the Genoese colony 
of Galata negotiated a private treaty ; and the sultan indulged 
them in the delusive hope, that by his clemency they might 
survive the ruin of the empire. A plebeian crowd, and some 
Byzantine nobles, basely withdrew from the danger of their 
country ; and the avarice of the rich denied the emperor, and 
reserved for the Turks, the secret treasures which might have 
raised in their defence whole armies of mercenaries. 28 The 
indigent and solitary prince prepared, however, to sustain his 
formidable adversary ; but if his courage were equal to the 
peril, his strength was inadequate to the contest. In the 
beginning of the spring, the Turkish vanguard swept the 
towns and villages as far as the gates of Constantinople : sub 
mission was spared and protected ; whatever presumed to 
resist was exterminated with fire and sword. The Greek 
places on the Black Sea, Mesembria, Achcloum, and Bizon, 
surrendered on the first summons ; Selybria alone deserved 
the honors of a siege or blockade ; and the bold inhabitants, 
while they were invested by land, launched their boats, pil 
laged the "opposite coast" of Cyzicus, and sold their captives in 
the public market. But on the approach of Mahomet himself 
all was silent and prostrate : he first halted at the distance of 
five miles ; and from thence advancing in battle array, planted 
before the gate of St. Romanus the Imperial standard ; and 
on the sixth day of April formed the memorable siege of Con 
stantinople. 

The troops of Asia and Europe extended on the right and 
left from the Propontis to the harbor ; the Janizaries in the 



27 Non audivit, indignum ducens, says the honest Antoninus ; but as 
the lloman court was afterwards grieved and ashamed, we find the 
more courtly expression of Platina, in ammo fuisse pontifici juvare 
Graecos, and the positive assertion of JEneas Sylvius, structam clas- 
sem, &c. (Spond. A. D. 1453, No. 3.) 

28 Antonin. in Proem. Epist. Cardinal. Isidor. apud Sponoanum; 



ji. - - .. - . 

and Dr. Johnson, in the tragedy of Irene, has happily seized this 
characteristic circumstance : 

The groaning Greeks dig up the golden caverns, 
The accumulated wealth of hoarding ages ; 
That wealth which, granted to their weeping prince, 
Had ranged eir.battJed nations atthoir gates. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 383 

front were stationed before the sultan s tent ; the Ottoman 
line was covered by a deep intrenohment ; and a subordinate 
army enclosed the suburb of Galata, and watched the doubt 
ful faith of the Genoese, The inquisitive Philelphus, who re 
sided in Greece about thirty years before the siege, is con 
fident, that all the Turkish forces of any name or value could 
not exceed the number of sixty thousand horse and twenty 
thousand foot ; and he upbraids the pusillanimity of the na 
tions, who had tamely yielded to a handful of Barbarians. 
Such indeed might be the regular establishment of the Ca- 
piculi^ the troops of the Porte who marched with the 
prince, and. were paid from his royal treasury. But the 
bashaws, in their respective governments, maintained or levied 
a provincial militia ; many lands were held by a military 
tenure : many volunteers were attracted by the hope of spoil"; 
and the sound of the holy trumpet invited a swarm of hungry 
and fearless fanatics, who might contribute at least to multi 
ply the terrors, and in a first attack to blunt the swords, of 
the Christians. The whole mass of the Turkish powers is 
magnified by Ducas, Chalcondyles, and Leonard of Chios, to 
the amount of three or four hundred thousand men ; but 
Phranza was a less remote and more accurate judge ; and his 
precise definition of two hundred and fifty-eight thousand 
does not exceed the measure of experience and probability. 31 * 
The navy of the besiegers was less formidable : the Prop on- 
tis was overspread with three hundred and twenty sail ; but 
of these no more than eighteen could be rated as galleys of 
war ; and the far greater part must be degraded to the condi 
tion of store-ships and transports, which poured into the camp 
fresh supplies of men, ammunition, and provisions. In her 
last decay, Constantinople was still peopled with more than a 
hundred thousand inhabitants ; but these numbers are found 
in the accounts, not of war, but of captivity ; and they mostly 



1 ho palatine troops arc styled Capicull, the provincials, Sentteuli; 
and most of. the names and institutions of the Turkish militia cdsted 
before the Canon Name/i Solimau II., from which, and his own ex 
perience, Count MarsigU has composed his military state of the Otto 
man empire. 

The observation of Philelphiis is approved by Cuspinian in the 
year 1508, (do Csesaribus, in Epilog. de Militia "TurcicA, p. 697) 
Marsigh proves, that the effective armies of the Turks are much less 
numerous than they appear. In the army that besieged Constanti 
nople, Leonardos Chiensia reckons no more than 15,000 Janizaries. 



384 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

consisted of mechanics, of priests, of women, and of men 
devoid of that spirit which even women have some 
exerted for the common safety. I can suppose, I could almost 
excuse, the reluctance of subjects to serve on a distant iron- 
tier, at the will of a tyrant ; but the man who dares not expos. 
his life in the defence of his children and his property, has 
lost in society the first and most active energies of nati 
By the emperors command, a particular inquiry had I 
made through the streets and houses, how many of the 
izens, or even of the monks, were able and willing to bear 
arms for their country. The lists were intrusted to 1 hran- 
za - 31 and, after a diligent addition, he informed his master, 
with snef and surprise, that the national defence was reduce 
to four thousand nine hundred and seventy Romans. 
Constantine and his faithful minister this comfortless secret 
was preserved ; and a sufficient proportion of shields cross 
bows and muskets, was distributed from the arsenal to the 
city bands. They derived some accession from a body o 
two thousand strangers, under the command of John Ji 
niani, a noble Genoese ; a liberal donative was advanced to 
these auxiliaries ; and a princely recompense, the ,le ol 
Lemnos, was promised to the valor and victory -of their chie 
A stron" chain was drawn across the mouth of the harboi . 
was supported by some. Greek and Italian vessels of war an 
merchandise; and the ships of every Christian nation t 
successively arrived from Candia and the Black Sea, were 
detained for the public service. Against the powers of the 
Ottoman empire, a city of the extent of thirteen, perhaps of 
sixteen, miles was defended by a scanty garrison of 
eight thousand soldiers. Europe and Asia were open to t 
bes,egers ; but the strength and provisions of the Greet 
sustam a daily decrease ; nor could they indulge the expecta- 
tion of any foreign succor or supply. 

The primitive Romans would have drawn their swords in 
the resolution of death or conquest. The primitive Chris. 
tians might have embraced each other, and awaited ! in pa 
tience and charity the stroke of martyrdom But the 
Greeks of Constantinople were animated only by the spi 



extribui non absque dolorc ct 



ot only of pubUc facts, but of private coun- 
a more authentic mtneM f no* *> 

eels. 



THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 385 

that spirit was productive only of animosity and 
ariscord. Keiore fos death, the emperor John Palseologus had 
renounced trie unpopular measure of a union with the Latins ; 
nor was the i&ja revived, till the distress of his brother Con- 
stantine imposed a List trial of Mattery and dissimulation, 32 
With tho demand of temporal aid, his ambassadors were in 
structed to mingle the assurance of spiritual obedience : his 
neglect of the church was excused by the urgent cares of the 
state ; and his orthodox wishes solicited the presence of a 
Roman legate. The Vatican had been too often deluded ; 
yet the signs of repentance could not decently be overlooked ; 
* legate was more easily granted than an army ; and about 
-six months before the final destruction, the cardinal Isidore of 
&ussia appeared in that character with a retinue of priests 
and soldiers. The emperor saluted him as a friend and 
father ; respectfully listened to his public and private ser 
mons ; and with the most obsequious of the clergy and 
taymen subscribed the act of union, as it had been ratified in 
the council of Florence. On the twelfth of December, the two 
nations, in the church of St. Sophia, joined in the communion 
of sacrifice and prayer; .and the names of the two pontiffs 
were solemnly commemorated ; the names of Nicholas the 
Fifth, the vicar of Christ, and of the patriarch Gregory, who 
had been driven into exile by a rebellious people. 

But the dress and language of the Latin priest who offi 
ciated at the altar were an object of scandal ; and it was ob 
served with horror, that he consecrated a cake or wafer of 
unleavened bread, and poured cold water into the cup of the 
fiacrament. A national historian acknowledges with a blush, 
that none of his countrymen, not the emperor himself, were 
sincere in this occasional conformity. 33 Their hasty and 
unconditional submission was palliated by a promise of fu 
ture revisal ; but the best, or the worst, of their excuses 
was the confession of their own perjury. When they were 
Dressed by the reproaches of their honest brethren, " Have 



32 In Spondanus, the narrative of the union is not only partial, but 
imperfect. The bishop of Pamiers died in 1642, and the history of 
Ducas, which represents these scenes (c. 36, 37) with sxich truth and 
spirit, was not printed till the year 1649. 

33 Phranza, one of the conforming Greeks, acknowledges that the 
measure was adopted only propter spem auxilii ; he affirms with pleas 
ure, that those who refused to perform their devotions in St. Sophia, 
excra culpam et in pace esscnt, (1. iii. c. 20.) 

VOL. vi. 33 



386 THE DECLINE AIVD FALL 

patience, 7 they whispered, " have patience till God shai. 
have delivered the city from the great dragon who seeks to 
devour us. You shall then perceive whether we are truly 
reconciled with the Azymites." But patience is not the attri 
bute of zeal ; nor can the arts of a court be adapted to the 
freedom and violence of popular enthusiasm. From the 
dome of St. Sophia the inhabitants of either sex, and of ev 
ery degree, rushed in crowds to the cell of the monk Gen 
nadius, 34 to consult the oracle of the church. The holy man 
was invisible ; entranced, as it should seem, in deep medita 
tion, or divine rapture : but he had exposed on the door 
of his cell a speaking tablet ; and they successively with 
drew, after reading these tremendous words : " O miserable 
Romans, why will ye abandon the truth ? and why, instead 
of confiding in God, will ye put your trust in the Italians ? 
In losing your faith you will lose your city. Have mercy 
on me, O Lord ! I protest in thy presence that I am innocent 
of the crime. O miserable Romans, consider, pause, and 
repent. At the same moment that you renounce the religion 
of your fathers, by embracing impiety, you submit to a for 
eign servitude." According to the advice of Gennadius, the 
religious virgins, as pure as angels, and as proud as doemons, 
rejected the act of union, and abjured all communion with the 
present and future associates of the Latins ; and their exam 
ple was applauded and imitated by the greatest part of the 
clergy and people. From the monastery, the devout Greeks 
dispersed themselves in the taverns ; drank confusion to the 
slaves of the pope ; emptied their glasses in honor of the 
image of the holy Virgin; and besought her to defend 
against Mahomet the city which she had formerly saved from 
Chosroes and the Chagan. In the double intoxication of 
zeal and wine, . they valiantly exclaimed, " What occasion 
have we for succor, or union, or Latins ? Far from us be 
the worship of the Azymites ! During the winter that pre 
ceded the Turkish conquest, the nation was distracted by this 
epidemical frenzy; and the season of Lent, the approach 

34 His primitive and secular name was George Scholarius, which. 
he changed for that of Gennadius, cither when he became a monk or 
a patriarch. His defence, at Florence, of the same union, which lie 
so furiously attacked at Constantinople, has tempted Leo Allatms 
(Diatrib. de Georgiis, in Fabric. Bibliot. Grace, torn. x. p. 760786) 
to divide him int<j two men ; but Henaudot (p. 343-383) has restored 
the identity of his person and the dviplicity of his character. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 387 

of Easter, instead of breathing charity and love, served only 
to fortify the obstinacy and influence of the zealots. The 
confessors scrutinized and alarmed the conscience of their 
votaries, and a rigorous penance was imposed on those who 
had received the communion from a priest who had given an 
express or tacit consent to the union. His service at the altar 
propagated the infection to the mute and simple spectators of 
the ceremony : they forfeited, by the impure spectacle, the 
virtue of the sacerdotal character ; nor was it lawful, even in 
danger of sudden death, to invoke the assistance of their 
prayers or absolution. No sooner had the church of St. 
Sophia been polluted by the Latin sacrifice, than it was. de 
scried as a Jewish synagogue, or a heathen temple, by the 
clergy and people ; and a vast and gloomy silence prevailed 
in that venerable dome, which had so often smoked with a 
cloud of incense, blazed with innumerable lights, and re 
sounded with the voice of prayer and thanksgiving. The 
Latins were the most odious of heretics and infidels ; and 
the first minister of the empire, the great cluke, was heard 
to declare, that he had rather behold in Constantinople the 
turban of Mahomet, than the pope s tiara or a cardinal s 
hat. 35 A sentiment so unworthy of Christians and patriots 
was familiar and fatal to the Greeks : the emperor was de 
prived of the affection and support of his subjects ; and their 
native cowardice was sanctified by resignation to the divine 
decree, or the visionary hope of a miraculous deliverance. 

Of the triangle which composes the figure of Constanti 
nople, the two sides along the sea were made -inaccessible to 
an enemy ; the Propontis by nature, and the harbor by art. 
Between the two waters, the basis of the triangle, the land 
side was protected by a double wall, and a deep ditch of the 
depth of one hundred feet. Against this line of fortification, 
which Phranza, an eye-witness, prolongs to the measure of 
six miles, 36 the Ottomans directed their principal attack ; and 
the emperor, after distributing the service and command of 
the most perilous stations, undertook the defence of the ex 
ternal wall. In the first days of the siege the Greek soldiers 



33 tfraxiultor, x. -J.rmin?, may be fairly translated a cardinal s hat. 
The difference of the Greek and Latin* habits imbittered the schism. 

36 We are obliged to reduce the Greek miles to the smallest measure 
which is preserved in the worsts of Ilussia, of 547 French toises, and 
of 104f to a degree. The six miles of Phranza do not exceed four 
English miles, (D Anville, Mesures Itineraires, p. 61, 123, &c.) 



388 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

descended into the ditch, or sallied into the field ; but they 
soon discovered, that, in the proportion of their numbers, 
one Christian was of more value than twenty Turks : and, 
after these bold preludes, they were prudently content to 
maintain the rampart with their missile weapons. Nor 
should this prudence be accused of pusillanimity. The na 
tion was indeed pusillanimous and base ; but the last Constan 
tino deserves the name of a hero : his noble band of volun 
teers was inspired with Roman virtue ; and the foreign aux 
iliaries supported the honor of the Western chivalry. The 
incessant volleys of lances and arrows were accompanied 
with the smoke, the sound, and the fire, of their musketry 
and cannon. Their small arms discharged at the same time 
either five, or even ten, balls of lead, of the size of a walnut; 
and, according to the closeness of the ranks and the force 
of the powder, several breastplates and bodies were trans 
pierced by the same shot. But the Turkish approaches were 
soon sunk in trenches, or covered with ruins. Each day 
added to the science of the Christians ; but their inadequate 
stock of gunpowder was wasted in the operations of each 
day. Their ordnance was not powerful, either in size or 
number ; and if they possessed some heavy cannon, they 
feared to plant them on the walls, lest the aged structure 
should be shaken and overthrown by the explosion. 37 The 
same destructive secret had been revealed to the Moslems ; 
by whom it was employed with the superior energy of zeal, 
riches, and despotism. The great cannon of Mahomet has 
been separately noticed ; an important and visible object in 
the history of the times : but that enormous engine was 
flanked by two fellows almost of equal magnitude : 38 the 
long order of the Turkish artillery was pointed against the 

37 At indies doctiores nostri facti paravere contra hostes machina- 
menta, qua? tamen. avare dabantur. Pulvis erat nitri modica exigua : 
tela modica ; bombards, si aderant incommoditate loci prinrum hos 
tes offenders, maceriebus alveisque tectos, non poterant. Nam si qtuo 
magnse erant, ne murus concuteretur noster, quiescobant. This pas 
sage of Leonardus Chiensis is curious and important. 

:j8 According to Chalcondyles and Phranxa, the great cannon burst ; 
an incident which, according to Ducas, was prevented by the artist s 
skill. It is eyidcat that they do not speak of the same gun.* 



* They speak, Due of a Byzantine, one of a Turkish, gur Von Ham 
mer, note, p. 669, 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 3 






walls ; fourteen batteries thundered at once on the most ac 
cessible places ; and of one of these it is ambiguously ex 
pressed, that it was mounted with one hundred and thirty 
guns, or that it discharged one hundred and thirty bullets. 
Yet in the power and activity of the sultan, we may discern 
the infancy of the new science. Under a master who count 
ed the moments, the great cannon could be loaded and fired 
no more than seven times in one day. 39 The heated metal 
unfortunately burst ; several workmen were destroyed ; and 
the skill of an artist* was admired who bethought himself of 
preventing the danger and the accident, by pouring oil, after 
each explosion, into the mouth of the cannon. 

The first random shots were productive of more sound 
than effect ; and it was by the advice of "a Christian, that the 
engineers were taught to level their aim against the two oppo 
site sides of the salient angles of a bastion. However imper 
fect, the weight and repetition of the fire made some impres 
sion on the walls ; and the Turks, pushing their approaches to 
the edge of the ditch, attempted to fill the enormous chasm, 
and to build a road to the assault. 40 Innumerable fascines, and 
hogsheads,, and trunks of trees, were heaped on each other ; 
and such was the impetuosity of the throng, that the fore 
most and the weakest were pushed headlong down the preci 
pice, and instantly buried under the accumulated mass. To 
fill the ditch was the toil of the besiegers ; to clear away the 
rubbish was the safety of the besieged ; and after a long and 
bloody conflict, the web that had been woven in the day was 
still unravelled in the night. The next resource of Mahomet 
was the practice of mines ; but the soil was rocky ; in every 
attempt he was stopped and undermined by the Christian 
engineers ; nor had the art been yet invented of replenishing 
those subterraneous .passages with gunpowder, and blowing 



39 Near a hundred years after the siege of Constantinople, the 
French and English fleets in the Channel were proud of firing 300 
shot in an engagement of two hours, (Memoires de Martin du Bellay, 
1. x., in the Collection (jcnerale, torn. xxi. p. 239.) 

40 I have selected some curious facts, without striving to emulate 
the bloody and obstinate eloquence of the abbe de Vcrtot, in his pro 
lix descriptions of the sieges of Rhodes, Malta, &c. But that agreeable 
historian had a turn for romance ; and as he wrote to please the ordei 
he had adopted the same spirit of enthusiasm and chivalry. 



* The founder of the gun. Von Hammer, p. 526. 
33* 



THE DECLINE AND FALL 

whole towers and cities into the air. 41 A circumstance that 
distinguishes the siege of Constantinople is the reunion of 
the ancient and modem artillery. The cannon were inter- 
mingled with the mechanical engines for casting stones and 
darts ; the bullet and the battering-ram * were directed 
against the same walls : nor had the discovery of gunpowder 
superseded the use of the liquid and unextinguishable fire. 
A wooden turret of the largest size was advanced on rollers : 
this portable magazine of ammunition and fascines was pro 
tected by a threefold covering of bulls hides: incessant vol 
leys were securely discharged from the loop-holes ; in the 
front, three doors were contrived for the alternate sally and 
retreat of the soldiers and workmen. They ascended by a 
staircase to the upper platform, and, as high as the level of 
that platform, a scaling-ladder could be raised by pulleys to 
form a bridge, and grapple with the adverse rampart. By 
these various arts of annoyance, some as new as they were 
pernicious to the Greeks, the tower of St. Romanus was at 
length overturned : .after a severe struggle, the Turks were 
repulsed from the breach, and interrupted by darkness ; but 
they trusted that with the return of light they should renew 
the attack with fresh vigor and decisive success. Of this 
pause of action, this interval of hope, each moment was im 
proved, by the activity of the emperor and Jusliniani, who 
passed the night on the spot, and urged the labors which in 
volved the safety of the- church and city. At the dawn of 
day, the impatient sultan perceived, with astonishment and 
grief, that his wooden turret had been reduced to ashes : the 
ditch was cleared and restored ; and the tower of St. Ro- 
manus was again strong and entire. He deplored the failure 
of his design ; and uttered a profane exclamation, that the 
word of the thirty-seven thousand prophets should not have 
compelled him to believe that such a work, in so short a time, 
could have been accomplished by the infidels. 

The first theory of mines with, gunpowder appears in 1480, in a 
MS. of George of Sienna, (Tirabo.schi, torn. vi. P. i. p. 824.) They 
were first practised by Sar/anclla, in 1487 ; hut the honor and im- 
jirovctrifMit in 1503 is ascribed to Peter of Navarre, who used them 
with success in the wars of Italy, (Hist, de la Ligue do Cambray, 
torn. ii. p. 9397.) 

* The battering-ram, according to Yon Hammer, (p. 670,) was not used, 
M. 



OF THE ROJIAN EMPIRE, 391 

The generosity of the Christian princes was cold and 
tardy; but in the first apprehension of a siege, Constantino 
had negotiated, in the isles of the Archipelago, the Morea, 
and Sicily, the most indispensable supplies. As early as the 
beginning of April, five 42 great ships, equipped for merchan 
dise and war, would have sailed from the harbor of Chios, 
had not the wind blown obstinately from the north. 43 One 
of these ships bore the Imperial flag ; the remaining four 
belonged to the Genoese ; and they were laden with wheat 
and barley, with wine, oil, and vegetables, and, above all, 
with soldiers and mariners, for the service of the capital. 
After a tedious delay, a gentle breeze, and, on the second 
day, a strong gale from the south, carried them through the 
Hellespont and the Propontis : but the city was already 
invested by sea and land ; and the Turkish fleet, at the 
entrance of the Bosphorus, was stretched from shore to shore, 
in the form of a crescent, to intercept, or at least .to repel, 
these bold auxiliaries. The reader who has present to his 
mind the geographical picture of Constantinople, will con 
ceive and admire the greatness of the spectacle. The five 
Christian ships continued to advance with joyful shouts, and 
a full press both of sails and oars, against a hostile fleet of 
three hundred vessels ; and the rampart, the qamp, the coasts 
of Europe and Asia, were lined with innumerable spectators, 
who anxiously awaited the event of this momentous succor. 
At the first view that event could not appear doubtful ; the 
superiority of the Moslems was beyond all measure or ac 
count ; and, in a calm, their numbers and valor must inev 
itably have prevailed. But their hasty and imperfect navy 
had been created, not by the genius of the people, but by 
the will of the sultan : in the height of their prosperity, the 
Turks have acknowledged, that if God had given them the 
earth, he had left the sea to the infidels ; 44 and a series of 



45 It is singular that the Greeks should not agree in the number of 
these illustrious vessels ; the Jive of Ducas, the four of Phranza and 
Leonardus, and the two of Chalcondyles, must be extended to the 
smaller, or confined to larger, size. Voltaire, in giving one of these 
ships to Frederic III., confounds the emperors of the East and West. 

43 In bold defiance, or rather in gross ignorance, of language and 
geography, the president Cousin detains them in Chios with a south, 
and wafts them to Constantinople with a north, wind. 

44 The perpetual decay and weakness of the Turkish navy may 
be observed in liicaut, (State of the Ottoman Empire, p. 372- -378,) 



392 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

defeats, a rapid progress of decay, has estabtisiW the trutl 
of their modest confession. Except eighteen galleys of 
some force, the rest of their fleet consisted of opoix boats 
rudely constructed and awkwardly managed, crowded with 
troops, anel destitute of cannon ; and since courage arises 
in a great measure from the consciousness of strength, the 
bravest of the Janizaries might tremble on a new element, 
In the Christian squadron, five stout and lofty ships were 
guided by skilful pilots, and manned with the veterans of 
Italy and Greece, long practised in the arts and perils of the 
sea. Their weight was directed to sink or scatter the weak 
obstacles that impeded their passage : their artillery swept 
the waters- : their liquid fire was poured on the heads of the 
adversaries, who, with the design of boarding, presumed to 
approach them ; and the winds and waves are always on the 
side of the ablest navigators. In this conflict, the Imperial 
vessel, which bad been almost overpowered, was rescued by 
the Genoese ; but the Turks, in a, distant and a closer attack, 
were twice repulsed with considerable loss. Mahomet him 
self sat on horseback on the beach, to encourage their valor 
by his voice and presence, by the promise of reward, and by 
fear more potent than the fear of the enemy. The passions 
of his soul, and evert the gestures of his body, 45 seemed to 
imitate the actions of the combatants ; and, as if he had 
been the lord of nature, he spurred his horse with a fearless 
and impotent effort into the sea. His loud reproaches, and 
the clamore of the camp, urged the Ottomans to a third 
attack, more fatal and bloody than the two former ; and I 
must repeat, though I cannot credit, the evidence of Phranza, 
who affirms, from their own month, that they lost above 
hvelve thousand men in the slaughter of the day. They 
fled in disorder to the shores of Europe and Asia, while the 
Christian squadron, triumphant and unhurt, steered along the 
Bosphorus, and securely anchored within the chain of the 
harbor. In the confidence of victory, they boasted that the 
whole Turkish power must have yielded to their arms ; but 
the admiral, or captain, bashaw, found some consolation for a 

__. ,_ . _ . _ ..... . -- -ii-. - - . - - - - - -~ - * 

Thevenot, (Voyages, P. i. p. 229242, and Tott, (Mcm-oires, torn. iii. ;> 
the last of whom is always solicitous to amuse and amaze his reader. 
46 I must confess, that I have before my eyes the living picture 
which Thucydides (1. vii. c. 71) has drawn of the passions and ges 
tures of the Athenians in a naval engagement in the great harbor of 
Syracuse. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 393 



painful wound in his eye, by representing that accident as 
the cause of his defeat. Bajthi Ogli was a renegade of the 
race of the Bulgarian princes : his military character was 
tainted with the unpopular vice of avarice ; and under the 
despotism of the prince or people, misfortune is a sufficient 
evidence of guilt.* His rank and services were annihilated 
by the displeasure of Mahomet. In the royal presence, the 
captain bashaw was extended on the ground by four slaves, 
and received one hundred strokes with a golden rod : 4 6 fog 
death had been pronounced ; and he adored the clemency of 
the sultan, who was satisfied with the milder punishment of 
confiscation and exile. The introduction of this supply re 
vived the hopes of the Greeks, and accused the supineness 
of their Western allies. Amidst the deserts of Anatolia and 
the rocks of Palestine, the millions of the crusades had buried 
themselves in a voluntary and inevitable grave ; but the 
situation .of the Imperial city was strong against her enemies, 
and accessible to her friends ; and a rational and moderate 
armament of the maritime states might have saved the relics 
of the Roman name, and maintained a Christian fortress in 
the heart of the Ottoman empire. Yet this was the sole and 
feeble attempt for the deliverance of Constantinople: the 
more distant powers were insensible of its danger ; and the 
ambassador of Hungary, or at least of Huniades, resided in 
the Turkish camp, to remove the fears, and to direct the 
operations, of the sultan. 47 

It was difficult for the Greeks to penetrate the secret of 
the divan; yet the Greeks are persuaded, that a resistance, 
so obstinate and surprising, had fatigued the perseverance of 
Mahomet. He began to meditate a retreat ; and the siege 
would have been speedily raised, if the ambition and jeal- 

1 According to the exaggeration or corrupt text of Ducas, (c. 38,) 
this golden bar was of the enormous and incredible weight of 500 
libra?, or pounds. Bouillaud s reading of 500 drachms, or five pounds, 
is sufficient to exercise the arm of Mahomet, and bruise the back of 
his admiral. 

Ducas, who confesses himself ill informed of the affair? of Hun 
gary, assigns a motive of superstition, a fatal belief that Constanti 
nople would be the term of the Turkish conquests. See Phranza 
(1. m. c. 20) and Spoiidanus. 



* According to Ducas, one of the Afabi beat out his eye with a stone. 
Compare Von Hammer. M. 



394 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

ousy of the second vizier had not opposed the perfidious 
advice of Calil Bashaw, who still maintained a secret corre 
spondence with the Byzantine court. The reduction of the 
city appeared to be hopeless, unless a double attach could be 
made from the harbor as well as from the land ; but the har 
bor was inaccessible : an impenetrable chain was now de 
fended by eight large ships, more than twenty of a smaller 
size, with several galleys and sloops ; and, instead of forcing 
this barrier, the Turks might apprehend a naval sally, and a 
second encounter in the open sea. In this perplexity, the 
genius of Mahomet conceived and executed a plan of a bold 
and marvellous cast, of transporting by land his lighter ves 
sels and military stores from the Bosphorus into the higher 
part of the harbor. The distance is about ten * miles ; the 
ground is uneven, and was overspread with thickets ; and, as 
the road must be opened behind the suburb of Galata, their 
free passage or total destruction must depend on the option 
of the Genoese. But these selfish merchants were ambitious 
of the favor of being the last devoured ; and the deficiency 
of art was supplied by the strength of obedient myriads. A 
level way was covered with a broad platform of strong and 
solid planks ; and to render them more slippery and smooth,, 
they were anointed with the fat of sheep and oxen. Four, 
score light galleys and brigantines, of fifty and thirty oars, 
were disembarked on the Bosphorus shore ; arranged suc 
cessively on rollers; and drawn forwards by the power of 
men and pulleys. Two guides or pilots were stationed at the 
hekn, and the prow, of each vessel : the sails were unfurled 
to the winds ; and the labor was cheered by song and accla 
mation. In the course of a single night, this Turkish fleet 
painfully climbed the hill, steered over the plain, and was 
launched from the declivity into the shallow waters of the 
harbor, far above the molestation of the deeper vessels of 
the Greeks. The real importance of this operation was mag 
nified by the consternation and confidence which it inspired : 
but the notorious, unquestionable fact was displayed before 
the eyes, and is recorded by the pens, of the two nations. 48 



48 The unanimous testimony of the four Greeks is confirmed by 
Cantemir (p. 96) from the Turkish annals ; but I could wish to con 
tract the distance of ten * miles, and to prolong the term of one night. 



* Six miles. Von Hammer. M. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 

A similar stratagem had been repeatedly practised by the 
ancients ; 49 the Ottoman galleys (I must again repeat) should 
be considered as large boats ; and, if we compare the mag 
nitude and the distance, the obstacles and the means, the 
boasted miracle 50 has perhaps been equalled by the industry 
of our own times. 51 As soon as Mahomet had occupied the 
upper harbor with a fleet and army, he constructed, in the 
narrowest part, a bridge, or rather mole, of fifty cubits in 
breadth, and one hundred in length : it was formed of casks 
and hogsheads ; joined with rafters, linked with iron, and 
covered with a solid floor. On this floating battery he planted 
one of his largest cannon, while the fourscore galleys, with 
troops and scaling-ladders, approached the most accessible 
side, which had formerly been stormed by the Latin con 
querors. The indolence of the Christians has been accused 
for not destroying these unfinished works ; t but th.eir fire, by 
a superior fire, was controlled and silenced ; nor were they 
wanting in a nocturnal attempt to burn the vessels as well as 
the bridge of the sultan. His vigilance prevented their ap 
proach ; their foremost galiots were sunk or taken ; forty 
youths, the bravest of Italy and Greece, were inhumanly 
massacred at his command ; nor could the emperor s grief 
be assuaged by the just though cruel retaliation, of exposing 
from the walls the heads of two hundred and sixty Mussul 
man captives. After a siege of forty days, the fate of Constan 
tinople could no longer be averted. The diminutive garrison 
was exhausted by a double attack : the fortifications, which 



49 Phranza relates two examples of a similar transportation over 
the six miles of the Isthmus of Corinth ; the one fabulous, of Augus 
tus after the battle of Actium ; the other true, of Nicetas, a Greek 
general in the xth century. To these he might have added a bold 
enterprise of Hannibal, to introduce his vessels into the harbor of 
Tarentum, (Polybius, 1. viii. p. 749, edit. Gronov.*) 

J A Greek of Candia, who had served the Venetians in a similar 
undertaking, (Spond. A. D. 1438, No. 37,) might possibly be the ad 
viser and agent of Mahomet. 

51 I particularly allude to our own embarkations on the lakes of 
Canada in the years 1776 and 1777, so great in the labor, so fruitless 
in the evemt. 



* Von Hammer gives a longer list of such transportations, p. 533. Dion 
Cassius distinctly relates the occurrence treated as fabulous by Gibbon. 
M. 

t They were betrayed, according to some accounts, by the Genoeso of 
Galata. Von Hammer, p. 536. M. 



3W THE DECLINE AND FALL 

had s od for ages against hostile violence, were dismantled 
on all ides by the Ottoman cannon: many breaches were 
openet , and near the gate of St. Romanus, four towers had 
been It elled with the ground. For the payment of his fee 
ble and mutinous troops, Constantino was compelled to despoil 
the chuu-.hes with the promise of a fourfold restitution ; and 
his saorioge offered a new reproach to the enemies of the 
union. A spirit of discord impaired the remnant of the 
Christian strengih ; the Genoese and Venetian auxiliaries 
asserted the preeminence of their respective service ; and 
Justiniani anJ th > great duke, whose ambition was not extin 
guished by the common danger, accused each other of 
treachery and ccwardic^. 

During the siege of C\ Tistantinople, the words of peace 
and capitulation had bcfcn sometimes pronounced ; and sev 
eral embassies had passed between the camp and the city. 52 
The Greek emperor waa tumbled by adversity ; and would 
have yielded to any terms compatible with religion and roy 
alty. The Turkish sultan was desirous of sparing the blood 
of his soldiers ; still more desirous of securing for his own 
use the Byzantine treasures ; and he accomplished a sacred 
duty in presenting to the Galcurs the choice of circumcision, 
of tribute, or of death. The avarice of Mahomet might have 
been satisfied with an annual sum of one hundred thousand 
ducats ; but his ambition grasped the capital of the East : to 
the prince he offered a rich equivalent, to the people a free 
toleration, or a safe departure : but after some fruitless treaty, 
he declared his resolution of finding either a throne, or a 
grave, under the walls of Constantinople. A sense of honor 
and the fear of universal reproach, forbade Palasoiogus tc 
resign the city into the hands of the Ottomans ; and he deter 
mined to abide the last extremities of war. Several days 
were employed by the sultan in the preparations of the 
assault ; and a respite was granted by his favorite science for 
astrology, which had fixed on the twenty-ninth of May, as the 
fortunate and fatal hour. On the evening of the twenty- 
seventh, he issued his final orders ; assembled in his presence 
the military chiefs, and dispersed his heralds through the 
camp to proclaim the duty, and the motives, of the* perilous 

52 Chalconclyles and Ducas differ in the time and circumstances of 
the negotiation ; and as it was neither glorious nor salutary, the 
aithful Phranxa spares his prince even the thought of a surrender. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 397 

enterprise. Fear is the first principle of a Jespotic govern 
ment ; and his menaces were expressed in the Oriental style, 
that the fugitives and deserters, had they the wings of a bird, 53 
should not escape from his inexorable justice. The greatest 
part of his bashaws and Janizaries were the offspring of Chris 
tian parents : biit the glories of the Turkish name were per 
petuated by successive adoption ; and in the gradual change 
of individuals, the spirit of a legion, a regime tit, or an oda, is 
kept alive by imitation and discipline. In this holy warfare, 
the Moslems were exhorted to purify their minds with prayer, 
their bodies with seven ablutions ; and to abstain from food 
till the close of the ensuing day. A crowd of dervises visited 
the tents, to instil the desire of martyrdom, and the assurance 
of spending an immortal youth amidst the rivers and gardens 
of paradise, and in the embraces of the black-eyed virgins. 
Yet Mahomet principally trusted to the efficacy of temporal and 
visible rewards. A double pay was promised to the victorious 
troops : " The city and the buildings," said Mahomet, " are 
mine ; but I resign to your valor the captives and the spoil, the 
treasures of gold and beauty ; be rich and be happy. Many 
are the provinces of my empire : the intrepid soldier who first 
ascends the walls of Constantinople shall be rewarded with 
the government of the fairest and most wealthy ; and my 
gratitude shall accumulate his honors and fortunes above the 
measure of his own hopes." Such various and potent mo- 



53 These wings (Chalcondyles, 1. viii. p. 208) are no more than 
an Oriental figure : but in the tragedy of Irene, Mahomet s passion 
soars above sense and reason : 

Should the firrcc North, upon his frozen wings, 
) <!<ir him aloft :im:m;r tlin wondering clouds, 
And seat, him hi thy Pleiads guidon clmr-lot 
Then should my fury drug him down to torlurns. 

Besides the extravagance of the rant, I must observe, 1. That the 
operation of the winds must be confined to the loicer region of the 
air. 2. That the name, etymology, and fable of the Pleiads are 
purely Greek, (Scholiast ad Homer, 2. 686. Eudocia in Ionia, p. 399. 
Apollodor. 1. iii. c.-lO. Ileyne, p. 229, Not. 682,) and had no affinity 
with the astronomy of the East, (Hyde ad Ulugbeg, Tabul. in Syn 
tagma Dissert, torn. i. p. 40, 42. Goguct, Origine des Arts, &c., torn, 
vi. p. 73 78. Gebelin, Hist, du Calendrier, p. 73,) which Mahomet 
had studied. 3. The golden chariot does not exist either in science 
or fiction; but I much fear Dr. Johnson lias confounded the Pleiads 
with the great bear or wagon, the zodiac with a northern consteUa- 
.ioii ; 

"Ar>K-ov O 1 >}> Kui Ujna^av iif tK\T](riv Ka\iov<riv. II. 2. 487. 

VOL. vi. 34: 



398 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

tives diffused among the Turks a general ardor, regardless of 
life and impatient for action : the camp reechoed with the 
Moslem shouts of " God is God : there is but one God, and 
Mahomet is the apostle of God ; " 54 and the sea and land, from. 
Galata to the seven towers, were illuminated by the blaze of 
their nocturnal fires.* 

Far different was the state of the Christians ; who, with 
loud and impotent complaints, deplored the guilt, or the pun 
ishment, of their sins. The celestial image of the Virgin had 
been exposed in solemn procession ; but their divine patroness 
was deaf to their entreaties : they accused the obstinacy of 
the emperor for refusing a timely surrender ; anticipated the 
horrors of their fate ; and sighed for the repose and security 
of Turkish servitude. The noblest of the Greeks, and the 
bravest of the allies, were summoned to the palace, to prepare 
them, on the evening of the twenty-eighth, for the duties and 
dangers of the general assault. The last speech of Palecolo- 
gus was the funeral oration of the Roman empire : 55 he 
promised, he conjured, and he vainly attempted to infuse the 
hope which was extinguished in his own mind. In this world 
all was comfortless and gloomy ; and neither the gospel nor 
the church have proposed any conspicuous recompense to 
the heroes who fall in the service of their country. But the 
example of their prince, and the confinement of a siege, had 
armed these warriors with the courage of despair, and the 
pathetic scene is described by the feelings of the historian 
Phranza, who was himself present at this mournful assembly. 
They wept, they embraced ; regardless of their families and 
fortunes, they devoted their lives ; and each commander, de 
parting to his station, maintained all night a vigilant and. 
anxious watch on the rampart. The emperor, and some faith- 



54 Phranza quarrels with these Moslem acclamations, not for the 
name, of God, but for that of the prophet : the pious zeal of Voltaire 
is excessive, and even ridiculous. 

55 I am afraid that this discourse was composed by Phranza him 
self ; and it smells so grossly of the sermon and the convent, that J 
almost doubt whether it was pronounced by Constantino. Leonardus 
assigns him another speech, in which he addresses himself more 
respectfully to the Latin auxiliaries. 



* The picture is heightened oy the addition of the wailing cries oi Kyrie 
eleeson, which were heard from the dark interior of the city. Von Ham 
mer, p. 539. M. 



01 THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 399 

ful companions, entered the dome of St. Sophia, which in a 
few hours was to be converted into a mosque ; and devoutly 
received, with tears and prayers, the sacrament of the holy 
communion. He reposed some moments in the palace, which 
resounded with cries and lamentations ; solicited the pardon 
of all whom he might have injured ; 56 and mounted on horse 
back to visit the guards, and explore the motions of the ene 
my. The distress and fall of the last Constantine are more 
glorious than the long prosperity of the Byzantine Ccesars.* 

In the confusion of darkness, an assailant may sometimes 
succeed ; but in this great and general attack, the military 
judgment and astrological knowledge of Mahomet advised 
him to expect the morning, the memorable twenty-ninth of 
May, in the fourteen hundred and fifty-third year of the Chris 
tian cera. The preceding night had been strenuously em 
ployed : the troops, the cannons, and the fascines, were 
advanced to the edge of the ditch, which in many parts pre 
sented a smooth and level passage to the breach ; and his 
fourscore galleys almost touched, with the prows and their 
scaling ladders, the less defensible walls of the harbor. Un 
der pain of death, silence was enjoined : but the physical laws 
of motion and sound are not obedient to discipline or fear ; 
each individual might suppress his voice and measure his 
footsteps ; but the march and labor of thousands must inevi 
tably produce a strange confusion of dissonant clarmors. which 
reached the ears of the watchmen of the towers. At day 
break, without the customary signal of the morning gun, the 
Turks assaulted the city by sea and land ; and the similitude 
of a twined or twisted thread has been applied to the close 
ness and continuity of their line of attack. 57 The foremost 
ranks consisted of the refuse of the host, a voluntary crowd 

This abasement, which devotion has sometimes extorted from 
dying princes, is an improvement of the gospel doctrine of the for 
giveness of injuries : it is more easy to forgive -190 times, than once to 
ask pardon of an inferior. 

57 Besides the 10,000 guards, and the sailors arid the marines, Ducas 
numbers in this general assault 250,000 Turks, both horse and foot. 



* Compare the very curious Armenian elegy on the fall of Constantino 
ple, translated by M. Bore, in the Journal Asiatique for March, 1835 ; and 
by M. Brosset, in the new edition of Le Beau, (torn. xxi. p. 308.) The au 
thor thus ends his poem : " I, Abraham, loaded with sins, have composed 
this elegy with the most lively sorrow ; for I have seen Constantinople in 
the days of its glory." M. 



400 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

who fought without order or command ; of the feebleness of 
age or childhood, of peasants and vagrants, and of all who 
had joined the camp in the blind hope of plunder and martyr 
dom. The common impulse drove them onwards to the wall , 
the most audacious to climb were instantly precipitated ; and 
not a dart, not a bullet, of the Christians, was idly wasted on 
the accumulated throng. But their strength and ammuni 
tion were exhausted in this laborious defence : the ditch was 
filled with the bodies of the slain ; they supported the foot 
steps of their companions ; and of this devoted vanguard the 
death was more serviceable than the life. Under their re 
spective bashaws and sanjaks, the troops of Anatolia and 
Romania were successively led to the charge : their progress 
was various and doubtful ; but, after a conflict of two hours, 
the Greeks still maintained, and improved their advantage ; 
and the voice of the emperor was heard, encouraging his sol 
diers to achieve, by a last eifort, the .deliverance of their 
country. In that fatal moment, the Janizaries arose, fresh, 
vigorous, and invincible. The sultan himself on horseback, 
with an iron mace in his hand, was the spectator and judge 
of their vater : he was surrounded by ten thousand of his do 
mestic troops, whom he reserved for the decisive occasion ; 
and the tide of battle was directed and impelled by his voice 
and eye. His numerous ministers of justice were posted 
behind the line, to urge, to restrain, and to punish ; and if . 
danger was in the front, shame and inevitable death were in 
the rear, of the fugitives. The cries of fear and of pain were 
drowned in the martial music of drums, trumpets, and atta- 
balls ; and experience has proved, that the mechanical opera 
tion of sounds, by quickening the circulation of the blood and 
spirits, will act on the human machine more forcibly than the 
eloquence of reason and honor. From the lines, the galleys, 
and the bridge, the Ottoman artillery thundered on all sides ; 
and the camp and city, the Greeks and the Turks, were in 
volved in a cloud of smoke which could only be dispelled by 
the final deliverance or destruction of the Roman empire. 
The single combats of the heroes of history or fable amuse 
our fancy and engage our affections : the skilful evolutions 
of war may inform the mind, and improve a necessary, though 
pernicious," science. But in the uniform and odious pictures 
of a general assault, all is blood, and horror, and confusion ; 
nor shall I strive, at the distance of three centuries, and a 
thousand mites, to delineate a scene of whic\ there could be 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 401 

no spectators, and of which the actors themselves were inca 
pable of forming any just or adequate idea. 

The immediate loss of Constantinople may be ascribed to 
the bullet, or arrow, which pierced the gauntlet of John Jus- 
tiniam. The sight of his blood, and the exquisite pain, ap 
palled the courage of the chief, whose arms and counsels 
were the firmest rampart of the city. As he withdrew from 
Ins station in quest of a surgeon, his flight was perceived and 
stopped by the indefatigable emperor. " Your wound," ex 
claimed Palffiologtts, " is slight ; the danger is pressing : your 

presence is necessary ; and whither will you retire ? " "I 

will retire," said the trembling Genoese, " by the same road 
which God has opened to the Turks ; " and at these words he 
hastily passed through one of the breaches of the inner wall. 
By this pusillanimous act he stained the honors of a military 
life ; and the few days which he survived in Galata, or the 
Isle of Chios, were irnbittercd by his own and the public 
reproach. 5 * His example was imitated by the greatest part 
of the Latin auxiliaries, and the defence began to slacken 
when the attack was pressed with redoubled vigor. The num 
ber of the Ottomans was fifty, perhaps a hundred, times 
superior to that of the Christians ; the double walls were 
reduced by the cannon to a heap of ruins : in a circuit of sev 
eral miles, some places must be found more easy of access, 
pr more feebly guarded ; and if the besiegers could penetrate 
in a single point, the whole city was irrecoverably lost. The 
first who deserved the sultan s reward was Hassan the Jani 
zary, of gigantic stature and strength. With his cimeter in 
one hand and his buckler in the other, he ascended the out 
ward fortification : of the thirty Janizaries, who were emulous 
of his valor, eighteen perished in the bold adventure. Has 
san and his twelve companions had reached the summit : the 

58 In the severe censure of the flight of Justiniani, Phranza ex 
presses his own feelings and those of the public. For some private 
reasons he is treated with more lenity and respect bv Ducas ; but the 
words of Leonardus Chiensis express his strong and recent indi-na- 
tion, glorias salutis suique oblitus. In the whole series of their l&jt- 
Dften uilt * countl T mcn > the Genoese, were always suspected, and 

* M. Brossethas given some extracts from the Georgian account of the 
siege of Constantinople, in which Justinium s wound in the left foot 
represented as more serious. With charitable amb;>ity the chronicler 
adds, that his soldiers earned him away with them in their vessel. - M 

o l 



402 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

giant was precipitated from the rampart: he rose on one 
knee, and was again oppressed by a shower of darts and 
stones. But his success had proved that, the achievement was 
possible : the walls and towers were instantly covered with a 
swarm of Turks ; and the Greeks, now driven from the van 
tage ground, were overwhelmed by increasing multitudes. 
Amidst these multitudes, the emperor, 59 who accomplished all 
the duties of a general and a soldier, was long seen and 
finally lost, The nobles, who fought round his person, sus 
tained, till their last breath, the honorable names of Palseolo- 
eus and Cantacuzene : his mournful exclamation was heard, 
" Cannot there be found a Christian to cut off my head ? bl 
and his last fear was that of falling alive into the hands of the 
infidels. 51 The prudent despair of Constantino cast away the 
purple : amidst the tumult he fell by an unknown hand, and, 
his body was buried under a mountain of the slam. After 
his death, resistance and order were no more : the Greeks f 
towards the city ; and many were pressed and stifled m the 
narrow pass of the gate of St. Romanus. The victorious 
Turks rushed through the breaches of the inner wall ; and as 
thev advanced into the streets, they were soon joined by their 
brethren, who had forced the gate Phenar on the side of 
harbor f52 In the first heat of the pursuit, about two thousand 
Christians were put to the sword ; but avarice soon prevailed 
over cruelty ; and the victors acknowledged, that they 
immediately have given quarter if the valor of the emperor 
and his chosen bands had not prepared them for a similar 

w Ducas kills Mm with two blows of Turkish soldiers; Chalcon- 
dvles wounds him in the shoulder, and then tramples him m 
The grief of Phranza, carrying him among ^.JJf^Sg**.?^ 
the precise image of his death ; but we may, without flattery, apply 
these noble lines of Dryden : 

As to Sebastian, let them senreli the field ; 
And whore tir.-y find a mountain ot the slain, 
Send one to climb, and looking down beneath, 
There thev will find him at his manly Umgtb, 
With his face "V to heavon, in that red monument 
Which his good sword had digged. 

" Spondanus, (A. D. 1453, No. 10,) who has hopes of his salva 
tion wi< ies to absolve this demand from the guilt of suicide. 

6 ? l eonardus Chiensis very properly observes, that the Turks, had 
they kno^ the emperor, Wold have labored to save and secure a 



The cSSan ships in the mouth of the harbor 

Cad flanked and retarded this naval attack, 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 4Q3 

opposition in every part of the capital. It was thus, after a 
siege of fifty-three days, that Constantinople, which had defied 
the power of Chosroes, the Chagan, and the caliphs, was irre 
trievably subdued by the arms of Mahomet the Second. Her 
empire only had been subverted by the Latins : her religion 
was trampled in the dust by the Moslem conquerors. 63 

The tidings of misfortune fly with a rapid wing ; yet such 
was the extent of Constantinople, that the more distant quar 
ters might prolong, some moments, the happy ignorance of 
their ruin.* But in the general consternation, in the feelings 
of selfish or social anxiety, in the tumult and thunder of the 
assault, a sleepless night and morning * must have elapsed ; 
nor can I believe that many Grecian ladies were awakened by 
the Janizaries from a sound and tranquil slumber. On the 
assurance of the public calamity, the houses and convents 
were instantly deserted ; and the trembling inhabitants" flocked 
together in the streets, like a herd cf timid animals, as if 
accumulated weakness could be productive of strength, or in 
the vain hope, that amid the crowd each individual "might be 
safe and invisible. From every part of the capital, they 
flowed into the church of St. Sophia: in the space of an 
hour, the sanctuary, the choir, the nave, the upper and lower 
galleries, were filled with the multitudes of fathers and hus 
bands, of women and children, of priests, monks, and reli. 
gious virgins : the doors were barred on the inside, and they 
sought protection from the sacred dome, which they had -so 
lately abhorred as a profane and polluted edifice. Their con 
fidence was founded on the prophecy of an enthusiast or im 
postor ; that one day the Turks would enter Constantinople, 
and pursue the Romans as far as the column of Constantine 
m the square before St. Sophia : but that this would be the 

1 Chalcondyles most absurdly supposes, that Constantinople was 
by the Asiatics in revenge for the ancient calamities of Troy 
,he grammarians of the xvth century are huppy to melt down the 
uncouth appellation of Turks into the more classical name of Tea.-ri. 
\\hen Cyrus surprised Babylon during the celebration of a festi 
val, so vast was the city, and so careless were the inhabitants, that 
much tune elapsed before the distant quarters knew that they were 
captives.. Herodotus, (1. i. c. 191,) and Usher, (Annal. p. 78, ) who 
rom the prophet Jeremiah a passage of similar import. 

* This refers to an expression in Ducas, who, to heighten the effect of 
his description, speaks of the sweet morning sleep resting on the eves 
of youths and maidens," p. 283. Edit. Bekkerf-M 



404 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

term of their calamities: that an angel would descend from 
heaven, with a sword in his hand, and would deliver the 
empire, with that celestial weapon, to a poor man seated at 
the foot of the column. " Take this sword," would he say, 
<; and avenge the people of the Lord." At these animating 
words, the Turks would instantly fly, and the victorious 
Romans would drive .them from the West, and from all Ana 
tolia, as far as the frontiers of Persia. It is on this occasion 
that Ducas, with some fancy and much truth, upbraids the 
discord and obstinacy .of the Greeks. " Had that angel ap 
peared," exclaims the historian, " had he offered to extermi 
nate your foes if you would consent to the union of the 
church, even then, in that fatal moment, you would have 
rejected your safety, or have deceived your God." 65 

While they expected the descent of the tardy angel, the 
doors were broken with axes ; and as the Turks, encountered 
no resistance, their bloodless hands were employed in select 
ing and securing the multitude of their prisoners, louth, 
beauty, and the appearance of wealth, attracted their choice 
and the right of property was decided among themselves by a 
prior seizure, by personal strength, and by the authority of 
command. In the space of an hour, the male captives were 
bound with cords, the females with their veils and girdles. 
The senators were linked with their slaves ; the prelates, with 
the porters of the church ; and young men of a plebeian class 
with noble maids, whose faces had been invisible to the sun 
and their nearest kindred. In this common captivity, the 
ranks of society were confounded ; the ties of nature were 
cut asunder; and the inexorable soldier was careless of the 
father s groans, the tears of the mother, and the lamentations 
of the children. The loudest in their waitings were the nuns, 
who were torn from the altar with naked bosoms, outstretched 
hands, and dishevelled hair; and we should piously believe 
that few could be tempted to prefer the vigils of the harem to 
those of the monastery. Of these unfortunate Greeks, of 
these domestic animals, whole strings were rudely driven 
through the streets; and as the conquerors were eager to 


fc 3 This lively description is extracted from Ducas, (c. 39,) who two 
years afterwards was sent ambassador from the prince of Lesbos to 
the sultan, (c. 44.) Till Lesbos was subdued in 1463, (Phranza, 1. iii. 
c. 27,) that island must have been full of the fugitives of Constant! 
nople, who delighted to repeat, perhaps to adorn, the tale of thci/ 
misery. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 40O 

return for more prey, their trembling pace was quickened 
with menaces and blows. At the same hour, a similar rapine 
was exercised in all the churches and monasteries, in all the 
palaces and habitations, of the capital ; nor could any place, 
however sacred or sequestered, protect the persons or the 
property of the Greeks. Above sixty thousand of this devoted 
people were transported from the city to the camp and fleet ; 
exchanged or sold according to the caprice or interest of their 
masters, and dispersed in remote servitude through the prov 
inces of the Ottoman empire. Among" these we may notice 
some remarkable characters. The historian Phranza, first 
chamberlain and principal secretary, was involved with his 
family in the common lot. After suffering four months the 
hardships of slavery, he recovered his freedom : in the ensu 
ing winter he ventured to Adrianople, and ransomed his wife 
from the mir bashi, or master of the horse ; but his two chil 
dren, in the flower of youth and beauty, had been seized for 
the use of Mahomet himself. The daughter of Phranza died 
in the seraglio, perhaps a virgin : his son, in the fifteenth 
year of his age, preferred death to infamy, and was stabbed 
by the hand of the royal lover. 63 A deed thus inhuman can 
not surely be expiated by the taste and liberality with which 
he released a Grecian matron and her two daughters, on 
receiving a Latin ode from Philelphus, who had chosen a wife 
in that noble family. 67 The pride or cruelty of Mahomet 
would have been most sensibly gratified by the capture of a 
Roman legate ; but the dexterity of Cardinal Isidore eluded 
the search, and he escaped from Galata in a plebeian habit. 68 
The chain and entrance of the outward harbor was still occu 
pied by the Italian ships of merchandise and war. They had 

GG See Phranza, 1. in. c. 20, 21. His expressions are positive: 
Ameras sufi manti jugulavit .... volebat enim eo turpiter ct nefarie 
abuti. Me miserum ct infeliccm ! Yet lie could only learn from 
report the bloody or impure scenes that were acted in "the dark re 
cesses of the seraglio. 

67 Sec Tiraboschi (torn. vi. P. i. p. 290) and Lancelot, (M6m. de 
1 Academic dcs Inscriptions, torn. x. p. 718.) 1 should be curious to 
learn how he could praise the public enemy, whom he so often. 
reviles as the most corrupt and inhuman of tyrants. 

_The commentaries of Pius II. suppose that he craftily placed his 
cardinal s hat on the head of a corpse which was cut off and exposed 
in triumph, while the legate himself was bought and delivered as 
a, captive of no value. The great Belgic Chronicle adorns his escape 
with new adventures, which he suppressed (says Spondamis, A. D. 



406 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

signalized their valor in the siege : they embraced the mo 
ment of retreat, while the Turkish mariners were dissipated 
in the pillage of the city. When they hoisted sail, the beach 
was covered with a suppliant and lamentable crowd ; but the 
means of transportation were scanty : the Venetians aijcl Gen 
oese selected their countrymen ; and, notwithstanding the 
fairest promises of the sultan, the inhabitants of Galata evac 
uated their houses, and embarked with their most precious 
effects. 

In the fall and the sack of great cities, an historian is con 
demned to repeat the tale of uniform calamity : the same 
effects must be produced by the same passions ; and when 
those passions may be indulged without control, small, alas! 
is the difference between civilized and savage man. Amidst 
the vague exclamations of bigotry and hatred, the Turks are 
not accused of a wanton or immoderate effusion of Christian 
blood : but according to their maxims, (the maxims of anti 
quity,) the lives of the vanquished wre forfeited ; and the 
legitimate reward of the conqueror wa derived from the ser 
vice, the sale, or the ransom, of his captives of both sexes. 6 
The wealth of Constantinople had been graced by the sultan 
to his victorious troops ; and the rapine of an hour is more 
productive than the industry of years. But as no regulai 
division was attempted of the spoil, the respective shares were 
not determined by merit; and the rewards of valor were stolen 
away by the followers of the camp, who had declined the toil 
and danger of the battle. The narrative of their depredations 
could not afford either amusement or instruction : the total 
amount, in the last poverty of the empire, has been valued at 
four millions of ducats ; 7U " and of this sum a small part was 

1-153, No. 15) in his own letters, lest he should lose the merit and 
reward of suffering for Christ.* 

6a Busbequius expatiates with pleasure and applause on the rights 
of war, and the use of slavery, among the ancients and the Turks, (de 
Legat. Turcica, cpist. iii. p. 1 61.) 

70 This sum is speciiiecl in a marginal note of Leunclavius, (Cbal- 
condyles, 1. viii. p. 211,) but in the distribution to Venice, Genoa, 
Florence, and Ancona, of 50, 20, and 15,000 ducats, I suspect that a 
figure lias been dropped. Even with the restitution, the foreign prop 
erty would scarcely exceed one fourth. 



* He was sold as a slave in Galata, according to Von Hammer, p. 560. 
See the somewhat vague and declamatory letter of Cardinal Isidore, in the 
appendix to Clarke s Travels, vol. ii. p. 653. M. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIBJE. 407 

the property of the Venetians, the Genoese, the Florentines, 
and the merchants of Ancona. Of these foreigners, the stock 
was improved^ in quick and perpetual circulation: but the 
riches of the Greeks were displayed in the idle ostentation of 
palaces and wardrobes, or deeply buried in treasures of ingots 
and old coin, lest it should be demanded at their hands for the 
defence of their country. The profanation and plunder of 
the^ monasteries and churches excited the most tragic com 
plaints. The dome of St. Sophia itself, the earthly heaven, 
the second firmament, the vehicle of the cherubim, the throne 
of the glory of God,? was despoiled of the oblations of ages ; 
and the gold and silver, the pearls and jewels, the vases and 
sacerdotal ornaments, were most wickedly converted to the 
service of mankind. After the divine images had been 
stripped of all that could be valuable to a profane eye, the 
canvas, or the wood, was torn, or broken, or burnt, or trod 
under foot, or applied, in the stables or the kitchen, to the 
vilest uses. The example of sacrilege was imitated, how 
ever, from the Latin conquerors of Constantinople ; and the 
treatment which Christ, the Virgin, and the saints, had sus 
tained from the guilty Catholic, might be inflicted by the 
zealous Mussulman on the monuments of idolatry. Perhaps, 
instead of joining the public clamor, a philosopher will ob 
serve, that in the decline of the arts the workmanship could 
not be more valuable than the work, and that a fresh supply 
of visions and miracles would speedily be renewed by the 
craft of the priest and the credulity of the people. He will 
more seriously deplore the loss of the Byzantine libraries, 
which were destroyed or scattered in the general confusion : 
one hundred and twenty thousand manuscripts are said to 
have disappeared; 3 ten volumes might be purchased for a 
single ducat; and the same ignominious price, too high per 
haps for a shelf of theology, included the whole works of 
Aristotle and Homer, the noblest productions of the science 
and literature of ancient Greece. We may reflect with pleas 
ure, that an inestimable portion of our classic treasures was 
safely deposited in Italy; and that the mechanics of a German 



^See the enthusiastic praises and lamentations of Phranza, (I. iii 
c. I/.) 

Sec Ducas, (c. 43,) and an epistle, July 15th, 1153, from Laurus 
Qumnus to Pope Nicholas V., (Hody do (Jrox?is, p. 192, from a Mi? 
in the Cotton library. } 



408 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

town had invented an art which derides the havoc of time 
and barbarism. 

From the first hour 73 of the memorable twenty-ninth of 
May, disorder and rapine prevailed in Constantinople, till the 
eighth hour of the same day ; when the sultan himself passed 
in triumph through the gate of St. Romanus. He was at 
tended by his viziers, bashaws, and guards, each of whom 
(says a Byzantine historian) was robust as Hercules, dexter 
ous as Apollo, and equal in battle to any ten of the race of 
ordinary mortals. The Conqueror 74 gazed with satisfaction 
and wonder on the strange, though splendid, appearance of 
the domes and palaces, so dissimilar from the style of Oriental 
architecture. In the hippodrome, or atme.idan, his eye was 
attracted by the twisted column of the three serpents; and, 
as a trial of his strength, he shattered with his iron mace or 
battle-axe the under jaw of one of these monsters, 75 which in 
the eyes of the Turk s were the idols or talismans of the city.* 
At the principal door of St. Sophia, he alighted from his 
horse, and entered the dome ; and such was his jealous re 
gard for that monument of his glory, that on observing a 
zealous Mussulman in the act of breaking the marble pave 
ment, he admonished him with his cimeter, that, if the spoil 
and captives were granted to the soldiers, the public and 
private buildings had been reserved for the prince. By his 
command the metropolis of the Easiern church was trans 
formed into a mosque : the rich and portable instruments of 
superstition had been removed ; the crosses were thrown 
down ; and the walls, which were covered with images and 
mosaics, were washed and purified, and restored to a state of 
naked simplicity. On the same day, or on the ensuing Fri 
day, the muezin, or crier, ascended the most lofty turret, and 
proclaimed the ezan, or public invitation in the name of God 

73 The Jujian Calendar, which reckons the days and hours from 
midnight, was used at Constantinople. But Ducas seems to under 
stand the natural hours from sunrise. 

4 See the Turkish Annals, p. 329, and the Pandects of Leuncla- 

vius, p. 448. ,. 

75 I have had occasion (vol. ii. p. 100.) to mention this curious relic 

of Grecian antiquity. 

* Von Hammer passes over this circumstance, which is treated bv Dr. 
Clarke (Travels, vol. ii. p. 58, 4to. edit.) as a fiction of Ihevenot. Cfl 
hull states rtiat the monument was broken by some attendants < 
Polish ambassador. M 



OF THE KOMAN EMPIRE, 409 

and his prophet ; the imam preached ; and Mahomet the 
Second performed the namaz of prayer and thanksgiving on 
the great altar, where the Christian mysteries had so lately 
been celebrated before the last of the Ceesars, 76 From St. 
Sophia he proceeded to the august, but desolate, mansion of 
a hundred successors of the great Constantine, but which in 
a few hours had been stripped of the pomp of royalty. A 
melancholy reflection on the vicissitudes of human greatness 
forced itself on his mind ; and he repeated an elegant distich 
of Persian poetry : " The spider has wove his web in the 
Imperial palace ; and the owl hath sung her watch-song on 
the towers of Afrasiab." 77 

Yet his mind was not satisfied, nor did the victory seem 
complete, till he was informed of the fate of Constantine ; 
whether he had epcaped, or been made prisoner, or had fallen 
in the battle. Two Janizaries claimed the honor and reward 
of his death : the body, under a heap of slain, was discovered 
by the golden eagles embroidered on his shoes : the Greeks 
acknowledged, with tears, the head of their late emperor ; 
and, after exposing the bloody trophy, 78 Mahomet bestowed 
on his rival the honors of a decent funeral. After his decease, 
Lucas Notaras, great duke, 79 and first minister of the empire, 
was the most important prisoner. When he offered his person 
and his treasures at the foot of the throne, " And why," said 
the indignant sultan, " did you not employ these treasures in 
the defence of your prince and country ? " " They were 
yours," answered the slave ; " God had reserved them for 

7 * We are obliged to Cantemir (p. 102) for the Turkish account of 
the conversion of St. Sophia, so bitterly deplored by Phranza and 
Ducas. It is amusing enough to observe, in what opposite lights the 
same object appears to a Mussulman and a Christian eye. 

This distich, which Cantemir gives in the original, derives new 
beauties from the application. It was thus that Scipio repeated, in 
the sack of Carthage, the famous prophecy of Homer. The same 
generous feeling carried the mind of the conqueror to the past or the 
future. 

78 I cannot believe with Ducas (see Spondanus, A. D. 1453, No. 13) 
that Mahomet sent round Persia, Arabia, &c., the head of the Greek 
emperor : he would surely content himself with a trophy less in 
human. 

79 Phranza was the personal enemy of the great duke ; nor could 
time, or death, or his own retreat to a monastery, extort a feeling of 
sympathy or forgiveness. Ducas is inclined to praise and pity the 
martyr ; Chalcondyles is neuter, but we are indebted to him for the 
hint of the Greek conspiracy. 

VOL. vi. 35 



410 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

your hands." "If he reserved them for me," replied the 
despot, " how have you presumed to withhold them so long 
by a fruitless and fatal resistance ? " The great duke alleged 
the obstinacy of the strangers, and some secret encourage 
ment from the Turkish vizier ; and from this perilous inter 
view he was at length dismissed with the assurance of pardon 
and protection. Mahomet condescended to visit his wife, a 
venerable princess oppressed with sickness and grief; and his 
consolation for her misfortunes was in the most tender strain 
of humanity and filial reverence. A similar clemency was 
extended to the principal officers of state, of whom several 
were ransomed at his expense ; and during some days he 
declared himself the .friend and father of the vanquished 
people. But the scene was soon changed ; and before his 
departure, the hippodrome streamed with the blood of his 
noblest captives. His perfidious cruelty is execrated by the 
Christians : they adorn with the colors of heroic martyrdom 
the execution of the great duke. and his two sons; and his 
death 13 ascribed to the generous refusal of delivering his 
children to the tyrant s lust.* Yet a Byzantine historian has 
dropped an unguarded word of conspiracy, deliverance, and 
Italian succor: such treason maybe glorious; but the rebel 
who bravely ventures, has justly forfeited his life ; nor should 
we blame a conqueror for destroying the enemies whom he 
can no longer trust. On the eighteenth of June the victorious 
sultan returned to Adrianople ; and smiled at the base and 
hollow embassies of the Christian princes, who viewed their 
approaching ruin in the fall of the Eastern empire. 

Constantinople had been left naked and desolate, without a 
prince or a people. But she could not be despoiled of the 
incomparable situation which marks her for the metropolis of 
a great empire ; and the genius of the place will ever triumph 
over the accidents of time arid fortune. Boursa and Adriano 
ple, the ancient seats of the Ottomans, sunk into provincial 
towns ; and Mahomet the Second established his own resi 
dence, and that of his successors, on the same commanding 
spot which had been- chosen by Constantine. 80 The fortifica- 



80 For the restitution of Constantinople and the Turkish founda 
tions, see Cantemir, (p. 102 109,) Ducas, (c. 42,) with Thevenot, 



* "Vei Hammer relates this undoubtingly, and apparently on good aw 
thoritjr, p. 559. M. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 411 

tions of Galata, which might afford a shelter to the Latins, 
were prudently destroyed; but the damage of the Turkish 
cannon was soon repaired ; and before the month of August, 
great quantities of lime had been burnt for the restoration of 
the walls of the capital. As the entire property of the soil 
and buildings, whether public or private, or profane or sacred, 
was now transferred to the conqueror, he first separated a 
space of eight furlongs from the point of the triangle for the 
establishment of his seraglio or palace. It is here, in the 
bosom of luxury, that the Grand Signor (as he has been 
emphatically named by the Italians) appears to reign over 
Europe and Asia ; but his person on the shores of the Bos- 
phorus may not always be secure from the insults of a hostile 
navy. In the new character of a mosque, the cathedral of 
St. Sophia was endowed with an ample revenue, crowned 
with lofty minarets, and surrounded with groves and foun 
tains, for the devotion and refreshment of. the Moslems. The 
same model was imitated in the jami, or royal mosques ; and 
the first of these was built, by Mahomet himself, on the ruins 
of the church of the holy apostles, and the tombs of the Greek 
emperors. On the third day after the conquest, the grave of 
Abu Ayub, or Job, who had fallen in the first siege of the Arabs, 
was revealed in a vision ; and it is before the sepulchre of the 
martyr that the new sultans are girded with the sword of em 
pire. 8 ^ Constantinople no longer appertains to the Roman 
historian ; nor shall I enumerate the civil and religious edifices 
that were profaned or erected by its Turkish masters : the 
population was speedily renewed; and before the end of Sep 
tember, five thousand families of Anatolia and Romania had 
obeyed the royal mandate, which enjoined them, under pain of 
death, to occupy their new habitations in the capital. The 
throne of Mahomet was guarded by the numbers and fidelity of 
his Moslem subjects : but his rational policy aspired to collect 
the remnant of the Greeks ; and they returned in crowds, as soon 

Tournefort, and the rest of our modern travellers. From a gigantic 
picture of the greatness, population, &c., of Constantinople and the 
Ottoman empire, (Abrege de 1 Histoire Ottomane, torn. i. p. 1(321,) 
we may learn, that in the year 1586 the Moslems were less numerous 
in the^ capital than the Christians, or even the Jews. 

The TurU, or sepulchral monument of Abu Ayub, is described 
and engraved in the Tableau Generale de 1 Empire Ottoman, (Paris, 
1787, in large folio,) a work of less use, perhaps, than magnificence, 
torn. i. p. 305, 306.) 



412 THE DECLINE AN.) FALL 

as they were assured of their lives, their liberties, and the free 
exercise of their religion. In the election and investiture of 
a patriarch, the ceremonial of the Byzantine court was revived 
and imitated. With a mixture of satisfaction and horror, they 
beheld the sultan on his throne ; who delivered into the hands 
of Gennadius the crosier or pastoral staff, the symbol of his 
ecclesiastical office ; who conducted the patriarch to the gate 
of the seraglio, presented him with a horse richly caparisoned, 
and directed the viziers and bashaws to lead him to the palace 
which had been allotted for his residence. 82 The churches 
of Constantinople were shared between the two religions : 
their limits were marked ; and, till it was infringed by Selim, 
the grandson of Mahomet, the Greeks 83 enjoyed above sixty 
years the benefit of this equal partition. Encouraged by the 
ministers of the divan, who wished to elude the fanaticism of 
the sultan, the Christian advocates presumed to allege that this 
division had been an act, not of generosity, but of justice ; not 
a concession, but a compact ; and that if one half of the city 
had been taken by storm, the other moiety had surrendered 
on the faith of a sacred capitulation. The original grant had 
indeed been consumed by fire : but the loss was supplied by 
the testimony of three aged Janizaries who remembered the 
transaction ; and their venal oaths are of more weight in the 
opinion of Cantemir, than the positive and unanimous consent 
of the history of the times. 84 

82 Phranza (1. iii. c. 19) relates the ceremony, which, has possibly 
been adorned in the Greek reports to each other, and to the Latins. 
The fact is confirmed by Emanuel Malaxus, who wrote, in vulgar 
Greek, the History of the Patriarchs after the taking of Constantino 
ple, inserted in the Turco-Groecia of Crusius, (1. v. p. 106 184.) But 
the most patient reader will not believe that Mahomet adopted the 
Catholic form, " Sancta Trinitas quse mihi donavit imperium te in 
patriarcham nova? Romce deligit." 

s3 From the Turco-Grsecia of Crusius, &c. Spondanus (A. D. 
1453, No. 21, 1458, No. 16) describes the slavery and domestic quar 
rels of the Greek chtirch. The patriarch who succeeded Gennadius 
threw himself in despair into a well. 

84 Cantemir (p. 101 105) insists on the unanimous consent of the 
Turkish historians, ancient as well as modern, and argues, that they 
would not have violated the truth to diminish their national glory, 
since it is esteemed more honorable to take a city by force than by 
composition. But, 1. I doubt this consent, since he quotes no particu 
lar historian, and the Turkish Annals of Lcunclavius affirm, without 
exception, that Mahomet took Constantinople per vim, (p. 329.) 
2. The same argument may be turned in favor of the Greeks of the 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 413 

The remaining fragments of the Greek kingdom in Europe 
and Asia I shall abandon to the Turkish arms ; but the final 
extinction of the two last dynasties 85 which have reigned in 
Constantinople should terminate the decline and fall of the 
Roman empire in the East. The despots of the Morea, 
Demetrius and Thomas, 86 the two surviving brothers of the 
name of PALJSOLOGUS, were astonished by the death of the 
emperor Constantine, and the ruin of the monarchy. Hope 
less of defence, they prepared, with the noble Greeks who 
adhered to their fortune, to seek a refuge in Italy, beyond the 
reach of the Ottoman thunder. Their first apprehensions 
were dispelled by the victorious sultan, who contented him 
self with a tribute of twelve thousand ducats ; and while his 
ambition explored the continent and the islands, in search of 
prey, he indwlged the Morea in a respite of seven years. 
But this respite was a period of grief, discord, and misery. 
The hexamilion, the rampart of the Isthmus, so often raised 
and so often subverted, could not long be defended by three 
hundred Italian archers : the keys of Corinth were seized by 
the Turks : they returned from their summer excursions with 
a train of captives and spoil ; and the complaints of the 
injured Greeks were heard with indifference and disdain, 
"he Albanians, a vagrant tribe of shepherds and robbers, 
filled the peninsula with rapine and murder: the two despots 
implored the dangerous and humiliating aid of a neighboring 
bashaw ; and when he had quelled the revolt, his lessons 
inculcated the rule of their future conduct. Neither the ties 
of blood, nor the oaths which they repeatedly pledged in the 
communion and before the altar, nor the stronger pressure of 
necessity, could reconcile or suspend their domestic quarrels. 
They ravaged each other s patrimony with fire and sword : 
the alms and succors of the West were consumed in civil 
hostility ; and their power was only exerted in savage and 




. > r>j v- uiiiinjni ui. .1 J.UU16UHU, oeo 

)ucange, (Fara. Byzant. p. 195 ;) for the last Palceologi, the same accu- 
; antiquarian, (p. 244, 247, 248.) The Palieologi of Montfcrrat 
were not extinct till the next century ; but they had forgotten their 
Cjreek origin and kindred. 

In the worthless story of the disputes and misfortunes of the two 
brothers, Phranza (1. in. c . 2130) is too partial on the side of Thomas ; 
JJucas (c. 44, 45) is too brief, and Chalcondyles (1. via. ix. x.) too 
amuse and digressive. 

35* 



414 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

arbitrary executions. The distress and revenge of the weaker 
rival invoked their supreme lord ; and, in the season of ma 
turity and revenge, Mahomet declared himself the friend of 
Demetrius, and marched into the Morea with an irresistible 
force. When he had taken possession of Sparta, " You are 
too weak," said the sultan, " to control this turbulent province : 
I will take your daughter to my bed ; and you shall pass the 
remainder of your life in security and honor." Demetrius 
sighed and obeyed ; -surrendered his daughter and his castles ; 
followed to Adn anople his sovereign and son ; and received 
for his own maintenance, and that of his follovyers, a city in 
Thrace, and the adjacent isles of Imbros, Lemnos, and Samo- 
thrace. He was joined the next year by a companion * of 
misfortune, the last of the COMNENIAN race, who, after the 
taking of Constantinople by the Latins, had founded a new 
empire on the coast of the Black Sea, 87 In the progress of 
his Anatolian conquests, Mahomet invested with a fleet and 
army the capital of David, who presumed to style himself 
emperor of Trebizond ; 8S and the negotiation was comprised 
in a short and peremptory question, " Will you secure your 
life and treasures by resigning your kingdom ? or had you 
rather forfeit your kingdom, your treasures, and your life ? 
The feeble Comnenus was subdued by his own fears,t and 
the example of a Mussulman neighbor, the prince of Sinope, 88 

87 See the loss or conquest of Trebizond in Chalcondyles, (1. ix. 
p. 263 266,) Ducas, (c. 45,) Phranza, (1. iii. c. 27,) and Cantemir, 
(p. 107.) 

83 Though Tournefort (torn. iii. lettre xvii. p. 179) speaks of Trebi 
zond as mal peuplee, Peysonnel, the latest and most accurate observer, 
can find 100,000 inhabitants, (Commerce de la Mer Noire, torn. ii. p. 72, 
and for the province, p. 53 90.) Its prosperity and trade are per 
petually disturbed by the factious quarrels of two odas of Janizaries, 
in one of which 30,000 Lazi are commonly enrolled, (Memoires de 
Tott, torn. iii. p. 16, 17.) 

89 Ismael Beg, prince of Sinope or Sinople, was possessed (chiefly 



* Kalo-Johannes, the predecessor of David his brother, the last emperor 
of Trebizond, had attempted to organize a confederacy against Mahomet 
it comprehended Hassan BeL sultan of Mesopotamia, the Christian princes 
of Georgia and Iberia, the emir of Sinope, and the sultan of Caramania. 
The negotiations \vorc interrupted by his sudden death, A. D. 1458. Fall- 
meraver, p 257260. M. 

t According to the Georgian account of these transactions, (translated 
by M. Brosset, additions to Le Beau, vol. xxi. p. 325,) the emperor of 
Trebizond humbly entreated the sultan to have the goodness to marry on* 
of his daughters. M. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 415 

who, on a similar summons, had yielded a fortified city, with 
four hundred cannon and ten or twelve thousand soldiers. 
The capitulation of Trebizond was faithfully performed : * 
and the emperor, with his family, was transported to a castle 
in Romania ; but on a slight suspicion of corresponding with 
the Persian king, David, and the whole Comnenian race, were 
sacrificed to the jealousy or avarice of the conqueror, t Nor 
could the name of father long .protect the unfortunate Deme 
trius from exile and confiscation ; his abject submission moved 
the pity and contempt of the sultan ; his followers were 
transplanted to Constantinople ; and his poverty was allevi 
ated by a pension of fifty thousand aspers, till a monastic 
habit and a tardy death released Palccologus from an earthly 
master. It is not easy to pronounce whether the servitude of 
Demetrius, or the exile of his brother Thomas, 90 be the most 
inglorious. On the conquest of the Morea, the despot es 
caped to Corfu, and from thence to Italy, with some naked 
adherents : his name, his sufferings, and the head of the 
apostle St. Andrew, entitled him to the hospitality of the 
Vatican ; and his misery was prolonged by a pension of six 
thousand ducats from the pope and cardinals. His two sons, 
Andrew and Manuel, were educated in Italy ; but the eldest, 
contemptible to his enemies and burdensome to his friends, 
was degraded by the baseness of his life and marriage. A 
title was his sole inheritance ; and that inheritance he suc 
cessively sold to the kings of France and Arragon. 91 During 



from his copper mines) of a revenue of 200,000 ducats, (Chalcond. 1. 
ix. p. 258, 259.) Peysonnel (Commerce de la Mcr Noire, torn, ii. 
p. 100) ascribes to the modern city 60,000 inhabitants. This account 
seems enormous ; yet it is by trading Avith a people that we become 
acquainted with their wealth and numbers. 

90 Spondanus (from Gobelin Comment. Pii II. 1. v.) relates the ar 
rival and reception of the despot Thomas at Koine, (A. D. 1461, 
No. 3.) 

91 By an act dated A. D. 1494, Sept. G, and lately transmitted 
from the archives of the Capitol to the royal library of Paris, the des- 



* M. Boissonade has published, in the fifth volume of his Anecdota 
Grrcca, (p. 387, 401,) a very interesting letter from George Amiroutzes, 
protovestiarius of Trebizond, to Bessarion, describing the surrender of 
Trebizond, and the fate of its chief inhabitants. M. 

f See in Von Hammer, vol. ii. p. 60, the striking account of the mother, 
the empress Helena the Cantacuzene, who, in defiance of the edict, like 
that of Creon in the Greek tragedy, dug the grave for her murdered chil 
dren with her own hand, and sank into it herself, M. 



416 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

his transient prosperity, Charles the Eighth was ambitious of 
joining the empire of the East with the kingdom of Naples, 
in a public festival, he assumed the appellation and the purple 
of Augustus : the Greeks rejoiced, and the Ottoman already 
trembled, at the approach of the French chivalry. 92 Manuel 
Palseologus, the second son, was tempted to revisit his native 
country : his return might be grateful, and could not be dan 
gerous, to- the Po-rte : he was Hiaratameff at Constantinople in 
safety and ease ; and an honorable train of Christians and 
Moslems attended him to the grave. If there be some ani 
mals of so generous a nature that they refuse to propagate 
In a domestic state, the last of the Imperial race must be 
ascribed to an inferior kind : he accepted from the sultan s 
liberality two beautiful females; and his surviving son was 
lost in the habit and religion of a Turkish slave. 

The importance of Constantino-pie was felt and magnified 
in its loss : the pontificate of Nicholas the Fifth, however 
peaceful and prosperous, was dishonored by the fall of the 
Eastern empire ; and the grief and terror of the Latins re 
vived, o-r seemed to revive, the old enthusiasm of the cru 
sades. In one of the most distant countries of the West, 
Philip duke of Burgundy entertained, at Lisle in Flanders, an 
assembly of his nobles ; and the pompous pageants of the 
feast were skilfully adapted to their fancy and feelings. 93 In 
the midst of the banquet a gigantic Saracen entered the hall, 
leading a fictitious elephant with a castle on his back : a 
matron in a mourning robe, the symbol of religion, was seen 
to issue from the castle : she deplored her oppression, andf 
accused the slowness of her champions : the principal herald 



pot Andrew Palsedogtis, reserving the Morea, and stipulating some 
private advantages, conveys to Charles VIII., king of France, the 
empires of Constantinople and Trebizond, (Spondanus, A. D. 1495, 
No. 2.) M. I) Foncemagne (Mem. de 1 Academic des Inscriptions, 
torn. xvii. p. 539 578) has bestowed a dissertation on this national 
title, of which he had obtained a copy from Rome. 

92 Sec Philippe de Comines, (1. vii. c. 14,) who reckons \vith pleas 
ure the number of Greeks who were prepared to rise, 60 miles of ars 
easy navigation, eighteen days journey from Valona to Constantino 
ple, &e. On this occasion the Turkish empire was saved by the policy 
of Venice. 

93 See the original feast in Olivier de la M arc-he, (Memoires, P. L 
c. 29, 30,) -with the abstract and observations of M. de Ste. Palaye, 
(Memoires sur la Chevalerie, torn. i. P. iii. p. 182 185.) The pea 
cock and the pheasant were distinguished as royal birds. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 417 

of the golden fleece advanced, bearing on his fist a live pheas 
ant, which, according to the rites of chivalry, he presented 
to the duke. At this extraordinary summons, Philip, a wise 
and aged prince, engaged his person and powers in the holy 
war against the Turks : his example was imitated by the 
barons and knights of the assembly : they swore to God, the 
V irgin, the ladies and the pheasant ; and their particular vows 
were not less extravagant than the general sanction of their 
oath. But the performance was made to depend on some 
future and foreign contingency ; and during twelve years, till 
the last hour of his life, the duke of Burgundy might be scru 
pulously, and perhaps sincerely, on the ev<? of his- departure 
Had every breast glowed with the same ardor ; had the union 
Christians corresponded with their bravery ; had every 
country from Sweden ^ to Naples, supplied a just proportion 
t cavalry and infantry, of men and money, it is indeed prob 
able taat Constantinople would have been delivered, and that 
the Turks might have been chased beyond the Hellespont or 
Euphrates. -But the secretary of the emperor, who com 
posed every epistle, and attended every, meeting,- .Eneas 
byJvius,-*- a statesman and orator, describes from his own 
experience the repugnant state and spirit of Christendom. 
It is a body," says he, without a head ; a republic with- 
out laws or magistrates. The pope and the emperor may 
shine as lofty titles, as splendid images ; but they are unable 
to command, and none are willing to obey: every -state has a 
separate prince, and every prince has a separate interest. 
What eloquence could unite so many discordant and hostile 
powers under the same standard ? Could "they be assembled 
m arms, who would dare to assume the office of general ? 
VV hat order could be maintained ? what military discipline ? 
Who would undertake to feed such an enormous multitude ? 
ho would understand their various languages, or direct their 
and incompatible manners ? What mortal could 
>acile the English with the French, Genoa with Arragon, 



It was found by an actual 



tion, that Sweden Gothland 



valuable annaUst, and the Italian Muratori, will continue the 

of 



418 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

* 

the Germans with the natives of Hungary and Bohemia ? If 
a small number enlisted in the holy war, they must be over 
thrown by the - infidels ; if many, by their own weight and 
confusion." Yet the same ./Eneas, when he was raised to the 
papal throne, under the name of Pius the Second, devoted his 
life to the prosecution of the Turkish war. In the council of 
Mantua he excited some sparks of a false or feeble enthusiasm ; 
but when the pontiff appeared at Ancona,to embark in person 
with the troops, engagements vanished in excuses ; a precise 
day was adjourned to an indefinite term ; and his effective 
army consisted of some German pilgrims, whom he was 
obliged to disband with indulgences and arms. Regardless 
of futurity, his. successors and the powers of Italy were in 
volved in the schemes of present and domestic ambition ; and 
the distance or proximity of each object determined in their 
eyes its apparent magnitude. A more enlarged view of their 
interest would have taught them to maintain a defensive and 
naval war against the common enemy ; and the support of 
Scanderbeg and his brave Albanians might have prevented 
the subsequent invasion of the kingdom of Naples. The siege 
and sack of Otranto by the Turks diffused a general conster 
nation ; and Pope Sixtus was preparing to fly beyond the Alps, 
when the storm was instantly dispelled by the death of Ma 
homet the Second, in the fifty-first } r ear of his age. 96 His 
lofty genius aspired to the conquest of Italy : he was pos 
sessed of a strong city and a capacious harbor ; and the same 
reign might have been decorated with the trophies of the NEW 
and the ANCIENT RoME. 97 



93 Besides the two annalists, the reader may consult Giannone 
(Istoria Civile, torn. iii. p. 449 455) for the Turkish invasion of the 
kingdom of Naples. For the reign and conquests of Mahomet II. I 
have occasionally used the Memorie Istoriche de Monarch! Ottomanni 
di Giovanni Sagredo, (Yenezia, 1677, in 4to.) In peace and war, the 
Turks have ever engaged the attention of the republic of Venice. 
All her despatches and archives were open to a procurator of St 
Mark, and Sagredo is not contemptible either in sense or style. Yet 
he too bitterly hates the infidels : he is ignorant of their language and 
manners ; and his narrative, which allows only 70 pages to Mahomet 
II., (p. 69 140,) becomes more copious and authentic as he ap 
proaches the years 1640 and 1644, the term of the historic labors of 
John Sagredo. 

97 As I am now taking an everlasting farewell of the Greek empire, 
I shall briefly mention the great collection of Byzantine writers whose 
names and testimonies have been successively repeated in this work. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 419 

The Greek presses of Aldus and the Italians were confined to the 
classics of a better age ; and the first rude editions of Procopius, 
Agathias, Cedrenus, Zonaras, &c., were published- by the learned dili 
gence of the Germans. The whole Byzantine series (xxxvi. volumes 
in folio) has gradually issued (A. D. 1648, &c.) from the royal press of 
the Louvre, with some collateral aid from Rome and Leipsic ; but the 
Venetian edition, (A. D. 1729,) though cheaper and more copious, is 
not less inferior in correctness than in magnificence to that of Paris. 
The merits of the French editors are various ; but the value of Anna 
Comnena, Cinnamus, Villehardouin, &c., is enhanced by the historical 
notes of Charles de Fresne du Cange. His supplemental works, the 
Greek Glossary, the Constantinopolis Christiana, the Familiae Byzan- 
tinae, diffuse a steady light over the darkness of the Lower Empire.* 



* The new edition of the Byzantines, projected by Niebuhr, and con 
tinued under the patronage of the Prussian go /ernment, is the most con 
venient in size, and contains some authors (Leo Diaconus, Johannes Ly- 
dus, Corippus, the new fragments of Dexippus, Eunapius, &c., discovered 
by Mai) which could not be comprised in the former collections ; but the 
names of such editors as Bekker, the Bindorfs, &c., raised hopes of some 
thing more than the mere republication of the text, and the notes of 
former editors. Little, I regret to say, has been added of annotation, and, 
ia some cases, the old incorrect versions have been retained, M. 



420 THE DECLINE AND FALL 



CHAPTER LXIX. 

STATE OF ROME FROM THE TWELFTH CENTURY. TEMPORAL 

DOMINION OF THE POPES. SEDITIONS OF THE CITY. PO 
LITICAL HERESY OF ARNOLD OF BRESCIA. RESTORATION OF 

THE REPUBLIC. THE SENATORS. PRIDE OF THE ROMANS 

THEIR WARS, THEY ARE DEPRIVED OF THE ELECTION 

AND PRESENCE OF THE POPES, WHO RETIRE TO AVIGNON. 

THE JUBILEE. NOBLE FAMILIES OF ROME. FEUD OF THE 

COLONNA AND URSINI. 

IN the first ages of the decline and fall of the Roman em 
pire, our eye is invariably fixed on the royal city, which had 
given laws to the fairest portion of the globe. We contem 
plate her fortunes, at first with admiration, at length with 
pity, always with attention ; and when that attention is divert 
ed from the capital to the provinces, they are considered as 
so many branches which have been successively severed from 
the Imperial trunk. The foundation of a second Rome, on 
the shores of the Bosphorus, has compelled the historian to 
follow the successors of Constantino ; and our curiosity has 
been tempted to visit the most remote countries of Europe 
and Asia, to explore the causes and the authors of the long 
decay of the Byzantine monarchy. By the conquest of Jus 
tinian, we have been recalled to the banks of the Tyber, to 
the deliverance of the ancient metropolis ; but that deliver 
ance was a change, or perhaps an aggravation, of servitude. 
Rome had been already stripped of her trophies, her gods, 
and her Csssars ; nor was the Gothic dominion more inglori 
ous and oppressive than the tyranny of the Greeks. In the 
eighth century of the Christian sera, a religious quarrel, the 
worship of images, provoked the Romans to assert their inde 
pendence : their bishop became the temporal, as well as the 
spiritual, father of a free people ; and of the Western empire, 
which was restored by Charlemagne, the title and image still 
decorate the singular constitution of modern Germany. The 
name of Rome must yet command our involuntary respect : 
the climate (whatsoever may be its influence) was no longer 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 42 

the same : 1 the purity of blood had been contaminated 
through a thousand channels ; but the venerable aspect of her 
ruins, and the memory of past greatness, rekindled a spark 
of the national character. The darkness of the middle ages 
exhibits some scenes not unworthy of our notice. Nor shall 
I dismiss the present work till I have reviewed the state and 
revolutions of the ROMAN CITY, which acquiesced under the 
absolute dominion of the popes, about the same time that 
Constantinople was enslaved by the Turkish arms. 

In the beginning of the twelfth century, 2 the sera of the first 
crusade, Rome was revered by the Latins, as the metropolis 
of the world, as the throne of the pope and the emperor, who, 
from the eternal city, derived f heir title, their honors, and the 
right or exercise of temporal dominion. After so long an 
interruption, it may not be useless to repeat that the succes 
sors of Charlemagne and the Othos were chosen beyond the 
Rhine in a national diet ; but that these princes were content 
with the humble names of kings of Germany and Italy, till 
they had passed the Alps and the Apennine, to seek their 
Imperial crown on the banks of the Tyber. 3 At some dis 
tance from the city, their approach was saluted by a long 
procession of the clergy and people with palms and crosses ; 
and the terrific emblems of wolves and lions, of dragons and 
eagles, that floated in the military banners, represented the 
departed legions and cohorts of the republic. The royal 

1 The abbe Dubos, who, with less genius than his successor Mon 
tesquieu, has asserted and magnified the influence of climate, objects 
to himself the degeneracy of the Romans and Batavians. To the 
first of these examples he replies, 1. That the change is less real than 
apparent, and that the modern Romans prudently conceal in them 
selves the virtues of their ancestors. 2. That the air, the soil, and 
the climate of Rome have suffered a great and visible alteration, 
(Reflexions sur la Poo sie et sur la Feint ure, part ii. sect. 16.)* 

2 The reader has been so long absent from Rome, that I would ad 
vise him to recollect or review the xlixth chapter of this History. 

3 The coronation of the German emperors at Rome, more especially 
in the xith century, is best represented from the original monuments 
by Muratori (Antiquitat. Italiue Meclii yEvi, torn. i. dissert at. ii. p. 99, 
&c.) and Cenni, (Monument. Domin. Pontif. torn. ii. diss. vi. p. 281,) 
the latter of whom I only know from the copious extract of Schmidt, 
(Hist, des Allemands, torn. iii. p. 255 266.) 



* This question is discussed at considerable length in Dr. Arnold s 
History of Rome, ch. xxiii. See likewise Bunsen s Dissertation on the 
Aria Cattrva. Roms Beschreibung, pp. 82, 108. M. 

VOL. vi. 36 



422 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

oath to maintain the liberties of Rome was thrice reiterated, 
at the bridge, the gate, and on the stairs of the Vatican ; and 
the distribution of a customary donative feebly imitated the 
magnificence of the first Csesars. In the church of St. Peter, 
the coronation was performed by his successor : the voice of 
God was confounded with that of the people ; and the public 
consent was declared in the acclamations, of " Long life and 
victory to our lord the pope ! long life and victory to our lord 
the emperor ! long life and victory to the Roman and Teu 
tonic armies ! " 4 The names of Caesar and Augustus, the 
laws of Constantino and Justinian, the example of Charle 
magne and Otho, established the supreme dominion of the 
emperors : their title and image was engraved on the papal 
coins ; 5 and their jurisdiction was marked by the sword of 
justice, which they delivered to the preefect of the city. But 
every Roman prejudice was awakened by the name, the lan 
guage, and the manners, of a Barbarian lord. The Csesars of 
Saxony or Franconia were the chiefs of a feudal aristocracy ; 
nor could they exercise the discipline of civil and military 
power, which alone secures the obedience of a distant people, 
impatient of servitude, though perhaps incapable of freedom. 
Once, and once only, in his life, each emperor, with an army 
of Teutonic vassals, descended from the Alps. I have de 
scribed the peaceful order of his entry and coronation ; but 
that order was commonly disturbed by the clamor and sedition 
of the Romans, who encountered their sovereign as a foreign 
invader : his departure was always speedy, and often shame 
ful ; and, in the absence of a long reign, his authority was in 
sulted, and his name was forgotten. The progress of inde 
pendence in Germany and Italy undermined the foundations 
of the Imperial sovereignty, and the triumph of the popes was 
the deliverance of Rome. 

Of her two sovereigns, the emperor had precariously 
reigned by the right of conquest ; but the authority of the 
pope was founded on the soft, though more solid, basis of 



4 Exercitui Romano ct Teutonico ! The latter w.as both, seen and 
felt ; but the former was no more than magni nominis umbra. 

5 Muratori has given the series of the papal coins, (Antiquitat. 
torn. ii. diss. xxvii. p. 548 554.) He finds only two more early than 
the year 800 : fifty are still extant from Leo III. to Leo IX., with the 
addition of the reigning emperor ; none remain of Gregory VII. or 
Urban II. ; but in those of Paschal II. he seems to have renounced 
this badge of dependence. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 423 

opinion and habit. The removal of a foreign influence re 
stored and endeared the shepherd to his flock. Instead of the 
arbitrary or venal nomination of a German court, the vicar 
of Christ was freely chosen by the college of cardinals, most 
of whom were either natives or inhabitants of the city. The 
applause of the magistrates and people confirmed his elec 
tion, and the ecclesiastical power that was obeyed in Sweden 
and Britain had been ultimately derived from the suffrage of 
the Romans. The same suffrage gave a prince, as well as a 
pontiff, to the capital. It was universally believed, that Con 
stantino had invested the popes with the temporal dominion of 
Rome ; and the boldest civilians, the most profane sceptics, 
were satisfied with disputing the right of the emperor and the 
validity of his gift. The truth of the fact, the authenticity of 
his donation, was deeply rooted in the ignorance and tradition 
of four centuries ; and the fabulous origin was lost in the real 
and permanent effects. The name of Dominus or Lord was 
inscribed on the coin of the bishops : their title was acknowl 
edged by acclamations and oaths of allegiance, and with the 
free, or reluctant, consent of the German Caesars, they had 
long exercised a supreme or subordinate jurisdiction over the 
city and patrimony of St. Peter. The reign of the popes, 
which gratified the prejudices, was not incompatible with the 
liberties, of Rome ; and a more critical inquiry would have 
revealed a still nobler source of their power ; the gratitude 
of a nation, whom they had rescued from the heresy and 
oppression of the Greek tyrant. In an age of superstition, it 
should seem that the union of the royal and sacerdotal charac 
ters would mutually fortify each other ; and that the keys of 
Paradise would be the surest pledge of earthly obedience. 
The sanctity of the office might indeed be degraded by the 
personal vices of the man. But the scandals of the tenth 
century were obliterated by the austere and more dangerous 
virtues of Gregory the Seventh and his successors ; and in the 
ambitious contests which they maintained for the rights of 
the church, their sufferings or their success must equally tend 
to increase the popular veneration. They sometimes wan 
dered in poverty and exile, the victims of persecution ; and 
the apostolic zeal with which they offered themselves to mar 
tyrdom must engage the favor and sympathy of every Catho 
lic breast. And sometimes, thundering from the Vatican, 
they created, judged, and deposed the kings of the world ; noi 
could the proudest Roman be disgraced by submitting to a 



424 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

priest, whose feet were kissed, and whose stirrup was held, b} 
the successors of Charlemagne. 6 Even the temporal interes 
of the city should have protected in peace and honor the 
residence of the popes ; from whence a vain and lazy peo 
ple derived the greatest part of their subsistence and riches. 
The fixed revenue of the popes was probably impaired ; many 
of the old patrimonial estates, both in Italy and the provinces, 
had been invaded by sacrilegious hands ; nor could the loss 
be compensated by the claim, rather than the possession, of 
the more ample gifts of Pepin and his descendants. But the 
Vatican and Capitol were nourished by the incessant and in 
creasing swarms of pilgrims and suppliants : the pale of 
Christianity was enlarged, and the pope and cardinals were 
overwhelmed by the judgment of ecclesiastical and secular 
causes. A new jurisprudence had established in the Latin 
church the right and practice of appeals ; 7 and from the North 
and West the bishops and abbots were invited or summoned 
to solicit, to complain, to accuse, or to justify, before the 
threshold of the apostles. A rare prodigy is once recorded,, 
that two horses, belonging to the archbishops of Mentz and 
Cologne, repassed the Alps, yet laden with gold and silver : 8 
but it was soon understood, that the success, both of the pil 
grims and clients, depended much less on the justice of their 
cause than on the value of their offering. The wealth and 
piety of these strangers were ostentatiously displayed ; and 
their expenses, sacred or profane, circulated in various chan 
nels for the emolument of the Romans. 

Such powerful motives should ha^e firmly attached the 



J See Ducange, Gloss, mediae et infimse Latinitat. toin. vi. p. 364, 365, 
ST.VFFA. This homage was paid by kings to archbishops, and by vassals 
to their lords, (Schmidt, torn. iii. p. 262 ;) and it was the nicest policy 
of Rome to confound the marks of filial and of feudal subjection. 

7 The appeals from all the churches to the Roman pontiff are de 
plored by the zeal of St. Bernard (de Consideratione, 1. iii. torn. ii. 
p. 431 442, edit. Mabillon, Yenet. 1750) and the judgment of Fleury, 
(Discours sur 1 Hist. Ecclcsiastique, iv. et vii.) But the saint, who 
believed in the false decretals condemns only the abuse of these ap 
peals ; the more enlightened historian investigates the origin, and 
rejects the principles, of this new jurisprudence. 

8 Germanici .... summarii non levatis sarcinis onusti nihilo- 
minus repatriant inviti. Nova res ! quando hactenus aurum Roma 
refudit? Et nunc Romanorum consilio id usurpatum non credimus, 
(Bernard, de Consideratione, 1. iii. c. 3, p. 437.) The first words of 
the passage are obscure, and probably corrupt. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 425 

voluntary and pious obedience of tho Roman people to their 
spiritual and temporal father. But the operation of prejudice 
and interest is often disturbed by the sallies of ungovernable 
passion. The Indian who fells the tree, that he may gather 
the fruit, 9 and the Arab who plunders the caravans of com 
merce, are actuated by the same impulse of savage nature, 
which overlooks the future in the present, and relinquishes for 
momentary rapine the long and secure possession of the most 
important blessings. And it was thus, that, the shrine of St. 
Peter was profaned by the thoughtless Romans ; who pillaged 
the offerings, and wounded the pilgrims, without computing 
the number and .value of similar visits, which they prevented 
by their inhospitable sacrilege. Even the influence of super 
stition is fluctuating and precarious ; and the slave, whose 
reason is subdued, will often be delivered by his avarice or 
pride. A credulous devotion for the fables and oracles of the 
priesthood most powerfully acts on the mind of a Barbarian ; 
yet such a mind is the least capable of preferring; imagina 
tion to sense, of sacrificing to a distant motive, to an invisible, 
perhaps an ideal, object, the appetites and interests of the 
present world. In the vigor of health and youth, his practice 
will perpetually contradict his belief; till the pressure of age, 
or sickness, or calamity, awakens his terrors, and compels 
him to satisfy the double debt of piety and remorse. I have 
already observed, that the modern times of religious indif 
ference are the most favorable to the peace and security of 
the clergy. Under the reign of superstition, they had much 
to hope from the ignorance, and much to fear from the vio 
lence, of mankind. The wealth, whose constant increase 
must have rendered them the sole proprietors of the earth, 
was alternately bestowed by the repentant father and plun 
dered by the rapacious son : their persons were adored or 
violated ; and the same idol, by the hands of the same vota 
ries, was placed on the altar, or trampled in the dust. In the 
feudal system of Europe, arms were the title of distinction 
and the measure of allegiance ; and amidst their tumult, the 
still voice of law and reason was seldom heard or obeyed. 
The turbulent Romans disdained the yoke, and insulted the 



Quund Ics sauvagcs do la Louisiana vculont avoir du fruit, ils 
coxipent 1 arbre au pied et cucillent le fruit. Voila lo gouvernement 
despotique, (Esprit des Loix, 1. v. c. 13;) and passion and ignorance 
are always despotic. 

36* 



426 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

impotence, of their bishop : 10 nor would his education or 
character allow him to exercise, with decency or effect, the 
power of the sword. The motives of his election and the 
frailties of his life were exposed to their familiar observation 
and proximity must diminish the reverence which his name 
and his decrees impressed on a barbarous world. This differ 
ence has not escaped the notice of our philosophic historian : 
" Though the name and authority of the court of Rome were 
so terrible in the remote countries of Europe, which were 
sunk in profound ignorance, and were entirely unacquainted 
with its character and conduct, the pope was so little revered 
at home, that his inveterate enemies surrounded the gates of 
Rome itself, and even controlled his government in that city ; 
and the ambassadors, who, from a distant extremity of Europe, 
carried to him the humble, or rather abject, submissions of 
the greatest potentate of the age, found the utmost difficulty to 
make their way to him, and to throw themselves at his feet." n 
Since the primitive times, the wealth of the popes was 
exposed to envy, their power to opposition, and their persons 
to violence. But the long hostility of the mitre and the crown 

O *t 

increased the numbers, and inflamed the passions, of their 
enemies. The deadly factions of the Guelphs and Ghibelines, 
so fatal to Italy, could never be embraced with truth or con 
stancy by the Romans, the subjects and adversaries both of 
the bishop and emperor ; but their support was solicited by 
both parties, and they alternately displayed in their banners 
the keys of St. Peter and the German eagle. Gregory the 

10 In a free conversation with, his countryman Adrian IV., John of 
Salisbury accuses the avarice of the pope and clergy : Provinciarum 
diripiunt spolia,*ac si thesauros Crcesi studeant reparare. Sed recte 
cum eis agit Altissimus, qtioniam et ipsi aliis et saepe vilissimis homini- 
bus dati sunt in dircptionem, (de Nugis CuriaUum, 1. vi. c. 2-i, p. 387.) 
In the next page, he blames the rashness and infidelity of the Komans, 
-whom their bishops vainly strove to conciliate by gifts, instead of vir 
tues. It is pity that this miscellaneous writer has not giveir us less 
morality and erudition, and more pictures of himself and the times. 

11 Hume s History of England, vol. i. p. 419. The same writer has 
given ITS, from Fit/- Stephen, a singular act of cruelty perpetrated 
on the clergy by Geoffrey, the father of Henry II. " When he was 
master of Normandy, the chapter of Seez presumed, without his 
consent, to proceed to the election of a bishop : upon which he 
ordered all of them, with the bishop elect, to be castrated, and 
made all their testicles be brought him in a platter." Of the pain 
and danger they might justly complain ; yet since they had vowed 
chastity, he deprived them of a superfluous treasure. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 427 

Seventh, who may be adored or detested as the founder of the 
papal monarchy, was driven from Rome, and died in exile at 
Salerno. Six-and-thirty of his successors, 12 till their retreat 
to Avignon, maintained an unequal contest with the Romans : 
their age and dignity were often violated ; and the churches, 
in the solemn rites of religion, were polluted with sedition 
and murder. A repetition 13 of such capricious brutality, 
without connection or design, vyould be tedious and disgust 
ing ; and I shall content myself with some events of the 
twelfth century, which represent the state of the popes and 
the city. On Holy Thursday, while Paschal officiated before 
the altar, he was interrupted by the clamors of the multitude, 
who imperiously demanded the confirmation of a favorite 
magistrate. His silenc^ exasperated their fury : his pious 
refusal to mingle the affairs of earth and heaven was encoun 
tered with menaces, and oaths, that he should be the cause 
and the witness of the public ruin. During the festival of 
Easter, while the bishop and the clergy, barefoot and in pro 
cession, visited the tombs of the martyrs, they were twice 
assaulted, at the bridge of St. Angelo, and before the Capitol, 
with volleys of stones and darts. The houses of his adherents 
were levelled with the ground : Paschal escaped with diffi 
culty and danger ; he levied an army in the patrimony of 
St. Peter ; and his last days were imbittered by suffering and 
inflicting the calamities of civil war. The scenes that fol 
lowed the election of his successor Gelasius the Second were 
still more scandalous to the church and city. Cencio Fran- 
gipani, 14 a potent and factious baron, burst into the assembly 



12 From Leo IX. and Gregory VII. an authentic and contemporary 
series of the lives of the popes by the cardinal of Arragon, Pandulphus 
Pisanus v Bernard Guido, c., is inserted in the Italian Historians of Mu- 
ratori, (torn. iii. P. i. p. 277 685, ) and has been always before my eyes. 

13 The dates of years in. the contents may throughout this chapter 
be understood as tacit references to the Annals of Muratori, my ordi 
nary and excellent guide. He uses, and indeed quotes, with the 
freedom of a master, his great Collection of the Italian Historians, in 
xxviii. volumes ; and as that treasure is in my library, I have thought 
it an amusement, if not a duty, to consult the originals. 

14 I cannot retrain from transcribing the high-colored words of 
Pandulphus Pisanus, (p. 381.) Hoc audiens inimicus pacis atque tur- 
bator jam fatus Centius Frajapane, more draconis immanissimi sibilans, 
et ab irnis pectoribus trahens longa suspiria, accinctus retro gladio 
sine more cucurrit, valvas ac fores confregit. Ecclcsiara furibundus 
introiit, indc custode remote pap am. per gulam accepit, distraxit, 



THE DECLINE ANL- FALL 



furious and in arms : the cardinals were stripped, beaten, and 
trampled under foot ; and he seized, without pity or respect, 
the vicar of Christ by the throat. Gelasius was dragged by 
his hair along the ground, buffeted with blows, wounded with 
spurs, and bound with an iron chain in the house of his brutal 
tyrant. An insurrection of the people delivered their bishop : 
the rival families opposed the violence of the Frangipani ; 
and Cencio, who sued for pardon, repented of the failure, 
rather than of the guilt, of his enterprise. Not many days 
had elapsed, when the pope was again assaulted at the altar. 
While his friends and enemies were engaged in a bloody con 
test, he escaped in his sacerdotal garments. In this unworthy 
flight, which excited the compassion of the Roman matrons, 
his attendants were scattered or unhorsed ; and, in the fields 
behind the church of St. Peter, his successor was found alon3 
and half dead with fear and fatigue. Shaking the dust from 
his feet, the apostle withdrew from a city in which his dignity 
was insulted and his person was endangered ; and the vanity 
of sacerdotal ambition is revealed in the involuntary confes 
sion, that one emperor was more tolerable than twenty. 15 
These examples might suffice ; but I cannot forget the suffer 
ings of two pontiffs of the same age, the second and third of 
the name of Lucius. The former, as he ascended in battle 
array to assault the Capitol, was struck on the temple by a 
stone, and expired in a few days. The latter was severely 
wounded in the persons of his servants. In a civil commotion, 
several of his priests had been made prisoners ; and the 
inhuman Romans, reserving one as a guide for his brethren, 
put out their eyes, crowned them with ludicrous mitres, 
mounted them on asses with their face towards the tail, and 
extorted an oath, that, in this wretched condition, they should 
offer themselves as a lesson to the head of the church. 
Hope or fear, lassitude or remorse, the characters of the men, 
and the circumstances of the times, might sometimes obtain 
an interval of peace and obedience ; and the pope was m 
restored with joyful acclamations to the Lateran or Vatican, 
from whence he had been driven with threats and violence. 

pugnis calcibusque percussit, ct tanquam brutum animal intra limen 
ecclesire acritcr calcaribus cruentavit ; ct latro tantuni dominum per 
apillos ct brachia, Jesft bono interim dormicnte, detraxit, ad domum 
usque deduxit, inibi catenavit et inclusit. 

1 Ego coram Deo et Ecclcsia dico, si unquam possibile esset, mal- 
lem unum imperatorcm quam tot dominos, (Vit. Gelas. II. p. 393.) 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 429 

But the root of mischief was deep and perennial ; and a 
momentary calm was preceded and followed by such tempests 
as had almost sunk the bark of St. Peter. Rome continually 
presented the aspect dff war and discord : the churches and 
palaces were fortified and assaulted by the factions and fami 
lies ; and, after giv .g peace to Europe, Calistus the Second 
alone had resolution and power to prohibit the use of private 
arms in the metropolis. Among the nations who revered the 
apostolic throne, the tumults of Rome provoked a general 
indignation ; and, in a letter to his disciple Eugenius the 
Third, St." Bernard, with the sharpness of his wit and zeal, 
has stigmatized the vices of the rebellious people. 16 "Who 
is ignorant," says the monk of Clairvaux, " of the vanity and 
arrogance of the Romans ? a nation nursed in sedition, un- 
tractable, and scorning to obey, unless they are too feeble to 
resist. When they promise to serve, they aspire to reign ; 
if they swear allegiance, they watch the opportunity of re 
volt ; yet they vent their discontent in loud clamors, if your 
doors, or your counsels, are shut against them. Dexterous in 
mischief, they have never learnt the science of doing good. 
Odious to earth and heaven, impious to God, seditious among 
themselves, jealous of their neighbors, inhuman to strangers, 
they love no one, by no one are they beloved ; and while they 
wish to inspire fear, they live in base and continual apprehen 
sion. They will not submit; they know not how to govern; 
faithless to their superiors, intolerable to their equals, ungrate 
ful to their benefactors, and alike impudent in their demands 
and their refusals. Lofty in promise, poor in execution : 
adulation and calumny, perfidy and treason, are the familiar 
arts of their policy." Surely this dark portrait is not colored 
by the pencil of Christian charity ; 17 yet the features, how 
ever harsh or ugly, express a lively resemblance of the 
Romans of the twelfth century. 18 

Quid tarn notum seculis quam protervia et ccrvicositas Iloma- 
norura ? Gens insueta pac-i, tumultui a.ssucta, gens immitis et intrac- 
tabilis usque adhuc, subcli nescia, nisi cum non valet resistcre, (de 
Considerat^ 1. iv. c. 2, p. 441.) The saint takes breath, and then be 
gins again: Hi, invisi terroe et ccelo, utriuue injccere manus, &c., 
(p. 413.) 

As a Roman citizen, Petrarch takes leave to observe, that Ber 
nard, though a saint, was a man ; that he ini^ht be provoked by 
resentment, and possibly repent of his hasty passion, &c. (Mcmoires 
BUT la Vie de Petrarque, torn. i. p. 330.) 

1 Baronius, in his index to the xiith volume of his Aiioals, has 



430 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

The Jews had rejected the Christ when he appeared 
among them in a plebeian character ; arid the Romans might 
plead their ignorance of his vicar when he assumed the pomp 
and pride of a temporal sovereign. In the busy age of the 
crusades, some sparks of curiosity and reason were rekindled 
in the Western world : the heresy of Bulgaria, the Paulician 
sect, was successfully transplanted into the soil of Italy and 
France ; the Gnostic visions were mingled with the simplicity 
of the gospel ; and the enemies of the clergy reconciled 
their passions with their conscience, the desire of freedom 
with the profession of piety. 19 The trumpet of Roman lib 
erty was first sounded by Arnold of Brescia, 20 whose promo 
tion in the church was confined to the lowest rank, and who 
wore the monastic habit rather as a garb of poverty than as 
a uniform of obedience. His adversaries could not deny the 
wit and eloquence which they severely felt : they confess 
with reluctance the specious purity of his morals ; and his 
errors were recommended to the public by a mixture of im 
portant and beneficial truths. In his theological studies, he 
had been the disciple of the famous and unfortunate Abe- 
lard, 21 who was likewise involved in the suspicion of heresy: 
but the lover of Eloisa was of a soft and flexible nature ; and 



found a fair and easy excuse. He makes two heads, of Roman! 
Catholici and Schismatici : to the former he applies all the good, to the 
latter all the evil, that is told of the city. 

19 The heresies of the xiith century may be found in Mosheim, (In- 
ijtitut. Hist. Eccles. p. 419 427,) who entertains a favorable opinion 
of Arnold of Brescia. In the vth volume I have described the sect 
of the Paulicians, and followed their migration from Armenia to 
Thrace and Bulgaria, Italy and France. 

The original pictures of Arnold of Brescia are drawn by Otho, 
bishop of Frisingen, (Chron. 1. vii. c. 31, de Gestis Frederic! I. 1. i. 
c. 27, 1. ii. c. 21,) and in the iiid book of the Ligurinus, a poem of 
Gunthur, who flourished A. D. 1200, in the monastery of Paris near 
Basil, (Fabric. Bibliot. Latin. Med. et Infinite ./Etatis, torn. iii. p. 174, 
17o.) The long passage that relates to Arnold is produced by Guilli- 
man, (de Rebus Hclveticis, 1. iii. c. 5, p. 108.)* 

The wicked wit of Bayle was arrmsed in composing, with much 
levity and learning, the articles of ABELAKD, FOULKKS, HELOISE, in his 
Dictionnaire Critique. The dispute of Abelard and St. Bernard, of 
scholastic and positive divinity, is well understood by Mosheim, (In- 
stitut. Hist. Eccles. p. 412 415.) 



* Compare Franke, Arno J von Brescia und seine Zeit. Zurich, 1825. 
M. 



OF THE KOMAN EMPIRE. 431 

his ecclesiastic judges were edified and disarmed by the 
humility of his repentance. From this master, Arnold most 
probably imbibed some metaphysical definitions of the Trini 
ty, repugnant to the taste of the times : his ideas of baptism 
and the eucharist are loosely censured ; but a political heresy 
was the source of his fame and misfortunes. He presumed 
to ouote the declaration of Christ, that his kingdom is not of 
this world : he boldly maintained, that the sword and the 
sceptre were intrusted to the civil magistrate ; that temporal 
honors and possessions were lawfully vested in secular per 
sons ; that the abbots, the bishops, and the pope himself, 
must renounce either their state or their salvation ; and that 
after the loss of their revenues, the voluntary tithes and ob 
lations of the faithful would suffice, not indeed for luxury and 
avarice, but for a frugal life in the exercise of spiritual labors. 
During a short time, the preacher was revered as a patriot ; 
and the discontent, or revolt, of Brescia against her bishop, 
was the first fruits of his dangerous lessons. But the favor 
of the people is less permanent than the resentment of the 
priest ; and after the heresy of Arnold had been condemned 
by Innocent the Second, 23 in the general council of the Late- 
ran, the magistrates themselves were urged by prejudice and 
fear to execute the sentence of the church. Italy could no 
longer afford a refuge ; and the disciple of Abelard escaped 
beyond the Alps, till he found a safe and hospitable shelter 
in Zurich, now the first of the Swiss cantons. From a Io 
nian station, 23 a royal villa, a chapter of noble virgins, Zurich 
had gradually increased to a free and flourishing city ; where 
the appeals of the Milanese were sometimes tried by the Im 
perial commissaries, 24 In an age less ripe for reformation, 

Damnatus ab illo 

Prcesule, qui numeros vctitum contingere nostros 
Nomen ab innocud ducit laudabile vitii. 

We may applaud the dexterity and correctness of Ligurinus, who 
turns the unpoetical name of Innocent II. into a compliment. 

23 A Roman inscription of Static Turicensis has been found at 
Zurich, (D Anville, Notice de 1 ancienne Gaul, p. 6i2 614;) but it 
is -without sufficient warrant, that the city and canton have usurped, 
and even monopolized, the names of Tigurum and Pagits Tigurinus. 

24 Guillhnan (de liebus llclveticis, 1. iii. o.. ;j, p. 106) recapitulates 
the donation (A. D. 833) of the emperor Lewis the Pious to his daugh 
ter the abbess Hildegardis. Curtim nostram Turegum in ducatil 
Alamanniae in pago Durgaugensi, with villages, woods, meadows, 
waters, slaves, churches, c. ; a noble gift. Charles the Bald gave 



432 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

the precursor of Zuinglius was heard with applause : a brave 
and simple people imbibed, and long retained, the color of 
his opinions ; and his art, or merit, seduced the bishop of 
Constance, and even the pope s legate, who forgot, for his 
sake, the interest of their master and their order. Their 
tardy zeal was quickened by the fierce exhortations of St. 
Bernard ; 25 and the enemy of the church was driven by 
persecution to the desperate measure of erecting his standard 
in Rome itself, in the luce of the successor of St. Peter. 

Yet the courage of Arnold was riot devoid of discretion: 
he was protected, and had perhaps been invited, by the nobles 
and people ; and in the service of freedom, his eloquence 
thundered over the seven hills. Blending in the same dis 
course the texts of Livy and St. Paul, uniting the motives of 
gospel, and of classic, enthusiasm, he admonished the Ro 
mans, how strangely their patience and the vices of the clergy 
had degenerated from the primitive times of the church and 
the city. He exhorted them to assert the inalienable rights 
of men and Christians ; to restore the laws and magistrates of 
the republic ; to respect the name of the emperor ; but to con 
fine their shepherd to the spiritual government of his flock. 26 
Nor could his spiritual government escape the censure and 
control of the reformer ; and the inferior clergy were taught 
by his lessons to resist the cardinals, who had usurped a 
despotic command over the twenty-eight regions or parishes 
of Rome. 27 The revolution was not accomplished without 
rapine and violence, the effusion -of blood and the demolition 



the jus monetce, the city was walled under Otho I., and the line of 
t!ic bishop of Frisingen, 

Nohiki Tu return mult.irum oopia rennn, 

is repeated with pleasure by the antiquaries of Zurich. * 

25 Bernard, Epistol. cxcv. cxcvi. torn. i. p. 187 190. Amidst his 

invectives he drops a precious acknowledgment, qui, utinara quam 

sanse esset doctrinoe quam districta? cst vituc. He owns that Arnold 

would be a valuable acquisition for the church. 
20 He advised the Romans, 

Coasiliis anni*(|iie sua modor:n>)jn:i summa 
Ar iitrio tr ict ir;.- suo : nil juris in li&<- ro 
Po:ititi"i -iiiinnio, MIO licum conc e<t< re reiji 
Sii <ie itt |)ii|nilo. Sic laj-3. <tult .i* uiiS. |ue 
M jiisf.ito, r- inn goimnie se i eecrat. uuUu. 

Nor is thn poetry of Gunther different from the prose of Otho. 

* 7 See IJaronius (A. I). 11-18, No. 38, 39) from the Vatican MSS. 
He loudly condemns Arnold (A. D. llil, No. 3) as the father of 
the political heretics, whose influence then hurt him in France. 



( 
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE, 433 

of houses : the victorious faction was enriched with the spoils 
of the clergy and the adverse nobles, Arnold of Brescia 
enjoyed, or deplored, the effects of his mission : his reign 
continued above ten years, while two popes, Innocent tho 
Second and Anastasius the Fourth, either trembled in the 
Vatican, or wandered as exiles in the adjacent cities. They 
were succeeded by a more vigorous and fortunate pontiff, 
Adrian the Fourth, 28 the only Englishman who has ascended 
the throne of St. Peter ; and whose merit emerged from the 
mean condition of a monk, and alrtiost a beggar, in the monas 
tery of St. Ai bans. On the first provocation, of a cardinal 
killed or wounded in the streets, he cast an interdict on the 
guilty people ; and from Christmas to Easter, Rome was de 
prived of the real or imaginary comforts of religious worship. 
The Romans had despised their temporal prince : they submit 
ted with grief and terror to the censures of their spiritual fa 
ther : their guilt was expiated by penance, and. the banishment 
of the seditious preacher was the price of their absolution. But 
the revenge of Adrian was yet unsatisfied, and the approach 
ing coronation of Frederic Barbarossa was fatal to the bold 
reformei ( who had offended, though not in an equal degree, 
the heads if the church and state. In their interview at 
Viterbo, the pof>e represented to the emperor the furious, 
ungovernable spirit of the Romans ; the insults, the injuries, 
the fears, to which his person and his clergy were continual 
ly exposed ; and the pernicious tendency of the heresy of 
Arnold, which must subvert the principles of civil, as well 
as ecclesiastical, subordination. Frederic was convinced by 
these arguments, or tempted by the desire of the Imperial 
ciown : in the balance of ambition, the innocence or life of 
ai< individual is of small account ; and their common enemy 
was sacrificed to a moment of political concord. After his 
retreat from Rome, Arnold had been protected by the vis 
counts of Campania, from whom he was extorted by the pow- 
ei of Caasar : the prcefect of the city pronounced his sentence : 
the martyr of freedom was burnt alive in the presence of a 
careless and ungrateful people ; and his ashes were cast into 
the Tyber, lest the heretics should collect and worship the 



M The English reader may consult the Biographia Britannica, 
ADIUAN IV. ; but our own writers have added nothing to the fame or 
merits of their countryman. 
VOL. vi. 37 



434 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

relics of their master." The clergy triumphed in his deaib 
with his ashes, his sect was dispersed ; his memory still lived 
in the minds of the Homans. From his school they had 
probably derived a new article of faith, that the metropolis 
of the Catholic churcb is exempt from the penalties of ex 
communication and interdict. Their bishops might argue, 
that the supreme jurisdiction, which they exercised over kings 
and nations, more especially embraced the city and diocese 
of the prince of the apostles. But they preached to the 
winds, and the same principle that weakened the effect, must 
temper the abuse, of the thunders of the Vatican. 

The love of ancient freedom has encouraged a belief that 
as early as the tenth century, in their first struggles against 
the Saxon Othos, the commonwealth was vindicated and 
restored by the senate and people of Rome ; that two consuls 
were annually elected among the nobles, and that ten or 
twelve plebeian magistrates revived the name and office of 
the tribunes of the commons. 30 But this venerable structure 
disappears before the light of criticism. In the darkness of 
the middle ages, the appellations of senators, of consuls, of 
the sons of consuls, may sometimes be discovered. 31 They 
were bestowed by the emperors, or assumed by the most 
powerful citizens, to denote their rank, they* honors, 32 and 

29 Besides the historian and poet already quoted, the last adven 
tures of Arnold are related by the biographer of Adrian IV. (Muratori, 
Script. Rerum. Ital. torn. iii. P. i. p. 441, 442.) 

30 Ducange (Gloss. Latinitatis Mediae et Infimfe JEtatis, DECAR- 
CHONES, torn. ii. p. 726) gives me a quotation from Blendus, (Decad. 
ii. 1. ii. :) Duo consules ex nobilitate quotannis fiebant, qui ad vetus- 
tum consulum exemplar summoererum prceessent. And in Sigonius 
(de Regno Italise, 1. vi. Opp. torn. ii. p. 400) I read of the consuls and 
tribunes of the xth century. Both Blondus, and even Sigonius, too 
freely copied the classic method of supplying from reason or fancy the 
deficiency of records. 

31 In the panegyric of Berengarius (Muratori, Script. Her. Ital. 
torn. ii. P. i. p. 408) a Koman is mentioned as consulis natus in the 
beginning of the xth century. Muratori (Dissert, v.) discovers, in the 
years 952 and 956, Gratianus in Dei nomine consul et dux, Georgius 
consul et dux ; and in 1015, Romanus, brother of Gregory VIII., 
proudly, but vaguely, styles himself consul et dux et omnium Roma- 
riorum senator. . 

32 As late as the xth century, the Greek emperors conferred on the 
dukes of Venice, Naples, Amalphi, &c., the title of v/iarog or consuls, 
(See Chron. Sagornini, passim ;) and the successors of Charlemagne 
would not abdicate any of their prerogative. But in general the names 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 435 

perhaps the claim of a pure and patrician descent; but they 
float on the surface* without a series or a substance, the titles 
of men, not the orders of government ; 33 and it is only from 
the year of Christ one thousand one hundred and forty-four 
that the establishment of the senate is dated, as a glorious 
sera, in the acts of the city. A new constitution was hastily 
framed by private ambition or popular enthusiasm ; nor could 
Rome, in the twelfth century, produce an antiquary to explain, 
or a legislator to restore, the harmony and proportions of the 
ancient model. The assembly of a free, of ao armed, people, 
will ever speak in loud and weighty acclamations. But \ho 
regular distribution of the thirty-five tribes, the nice balance 
of the wealth and numbers of the centuries, the debates of the 
adverse orators, arid the slow operation of votes and ballots, 
could not easily be adapted by a blind multitude, ignorant of 
the arts, and insensible of the benefits, of legal government. 
It was proposed by Arnold to revive and discriminate the 
equestrian order ; but what could be the motive or measure 
of such distinction? 34 The pecuniary qualification of the 
knights must have been reduced to the poverty of the times : 
those times no longer required their civil functions of judges 
and farmers of the revenue ; and their primitive duty, their 
military service* on horseback, was more nobly supplied by 
feudal tenures and the spirit of chivalry. The jurisprudence 
of the republic was useless and unknown : the nations and 
families of Italy who lived under the Roman and Barbaric 
laws were insensibly mingled in a common mass; and some 
faint tradition, some imperfect fragments, preserved the 
memory of the Code and Pandects of Justinian. With their 

of consul and senator, which may be found among the French and 
Germans, signify no more than count and lord, (Signenr, Ducange, 
riossar.) The monkish writers are often ambitious of fine classic 
words. 

JJ The most constitutional form is a diploma of Otho III., (A. D. 

>8,) consulibus senat&s populique Homani ; but the act is probably 

spurious At the coronation of Henry L, A. D. 1014, the historian 

thmar (apud Muratori, Dissert, xxiii.) describes him, a senatoribus 
iuodecim rallatum, quorum sex rasi barba, alii prolixa, mvstice ince- 
clebant cum baculis. The senate is mentioned in the panegyric of 
Berenganus, (p. 406.) 

In ancient Rome the equestrian order was not ranked with the 
senate and people as a third branch of the republic till the consulship 

Ucero, who assumes the merit of the establishment, (Plin. Hist. 
Natur, xxxui. 3. Beaufort, IltSpubliquo llomaine, torn. i. p. 144 
loo. j 



486 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

liberty the Romans might doubtless have restored the appel 
lation and office of consuls ; had they net disdained a title so 
promiscuously adopted in the Italian cities, that it has finally 
settled on the humble station of the agents of commerce in a 
foreign land. But the rights of the tribunes, the formidable 
word that arrested the public counsels, suppose or must pro 
duce a legitimate democracy. The old patricians were the 
subjects, the modern barons the tyrants, of the state ; nor 
would the enemies of peace and order, who insulted the vicar 
of Christ, have Ipng respected the unarmed sanctity of a ple 
beian magistrate. 35 

In the revolution of the twelfth century, which gave a new 
existence and sera to Rome, we- may observe the real and 
important events that marked or confirmed her political inde 
pendence. I. The Capitoline hill, one of her seven emi 
nences, 35 is about four hundred yards in length, and two hun 
dred in breadth. A flight of a hundred steps led to the 
summit of the Tarpeian rock ; and far steeper was the 
ascent before the declivities had been smoothed and the. pre 
cipices filled by the ruins of fallen edifices. From the ear 
liest ages, the Capitol had been used as a temple in peace, a 
fortress in war : after the loss of the- city, it maintained a 
siege against the victorious Gauls, and the sanctuary of the 
empire was occupied, assaulted, and burnt, in the civil wars 
of Vitellius and Vespasian. 37 The temples of Jupiter and his 

35 The republican plan of Arnold of Brescia is thus stated by 

Gunther : 

Q,uin etiam titnlos urbis rcnovare vetustos ; 
Nomine plelteio secernere nonien eqin. stro, 
Jura tnlninormn, sanctum reparnre senaturn, 
Et aenio fijssas uuitasque ro pone re leges. 
Laps. i ruinosis, otadlinc pemleuti.i muria 
Keddere primagvo Cupitolia prisca nitori. 

But of these reformations, some were no rnose than ideas, others no- 
more than words. 

36 After many disputes among the antiquaries of Rome, it seems 
determined, that the summit of the Capitoline hill next the river is 
strictly the Mons Tarpeius, the Arx ; and that on the other summit, 
the church and convent of Araceli, the barefoot friars of St. Francis 
occupy the temple of Jupiter, (Nardini, Koma Autica, 1. v. c. 11 

16.*) 
3 Tacit. Hist, ui. 69, 70. 

* The authority of Nardini is now vigorously impugned, and the ques 
tion of the Arx and ths Temple of Jupiter revived, with new arguments, 
byNiebuhr and his accomplished follower, M. Bumea. Koms Uesctirei- 
bung, vol. iii. p. 12, et seqq. -M. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 437 

kindred deities had crumbled into dust ; their place was sup 
plied by monasteries and houses ; and. the solid walls, the 
long and shelving porticos, were* decayed or ruined by the 
lapse of time. It was the first act -of the Romans, an act of 
freedom, to restore the strength, though not the beauty, of the 
Capitol; to fortify the seat of. their arms and counsels; and 
as often as they ascencted the hill, the coldest minds must 
have glowed with the remembrance of their ancestors. 
II. Th^ first Cassars had been invested with the exclusive coin 
age of the gold and silver ; to the senate they abandoned the 
baser metal of bronze or copper :- 38 the emblems and legends 
were inscribed on a more ample field by the- genius of flat 
tery ; and the prince was relieved from the care of celebrat 
ing his own virtues. The successors of Diocletian despised 
even the flattery of the senate : their royal officers at Rome, 
and in the provinces, assumed the sole direction of the mint; 
and the same prerogative was inherited by the Gothic kings 
of Italy, and the long series of the Greek, the French, and 
the German dynasties. After an abdication of eight hundred 
years, the Roman senate asserted this honorable and lucrative 
privilege ; which was tacitly renounced by the popes, from 
Paschal the Second to the establishment of their residence 
beyond the Alps. Some of these republican coins of the 
twelfth and thirteenth centuries are shown in the cabinets of 
the curious. On one of these, a gold medal, Christ is depic 
tured holding in his left hand a book With this inscription : 
THE vow OF THE ROMAN SENATE AND PEOPLE : ROME THE 
CAPITAL. OF THE WORLD ; " on the reverse, St. Peter deliv 
ering a banner to a kneeling senator in his cap and gown, with 
the name and arms of his family impressed on a shield. 39 

This partition of the noble and baser metals between the em 
peror and senate must, however, be adopted, not as a positive fact, but 
as the probable opinion of the best antiquaries,* (see the Science des 
Medailles of the Fere Joubert, torn. ii. p. 203211, in the improved 
and scarce edition of the Baron de la Bastie.) 

In his xxviith dissertation on the Antiquities of Italy, (torn. ii. 
p. 559 569,) Muratori exhibits a series of the scnatorian coins, which 
bore the obscure names of Affartiati, L/fortiati, Proyisini, Paparini. 
During this period, all the popes, without excepting Boniface. VIII., 
abstained from the right of coining, which was resumed by his suc 
cessor Benedict XI., and regularly exercised in the court of Avignon. 

* Dr. Cardwell (Lecture on Ancient Coins, p. JO, et seq.) aligns con 
vincing reasons in support of this opinion. - 

37* 



438 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

III. With the empire, the preefect of the city had declined to 
a municipal officer ; yet he still exercised in the last appeal 
the civil and criminal jurisdiction ; and a drawn sword, which 
he received from the successors of Othc was the mode of 
his investiture and the emblem of his functions. 40 The dig 
nity was confined to the noble families of Rome : the choice 
of the people was ratified by the pope ; but a triple oath of 
fidelity must have often embarrassed the praefect in the con 
flict of adverse duties. 41 A servant, in whom they possessed 
but a third share, was dismissed by the independent Romans : 
in his place they elected a patrician ; but this title, which 
Charlemagne had not disdained, was too lofty for a citizen or 
a subject; and, after the first fervor of rebellion, they con 
sented without reluctance to the . restoration of the prsefect. 
About fifty years after this event, Innocent the Third, the 
most ambitious, or at least the most fortunate, of the Pontiffs, 
delivered the Romans and himself from this badge of foreign 
dominion : he invested the prcefect with a banner instead of 
a sword, and absolved him from all dependence of oaths or 
service to the German emperors. 42 In his place an ecclesias- 
tic, a present or future cardinal, was named by the pope to 
the civil government of Rome ; but his jurisdiction has been 
reduced to a narrow compass; and in the days of freedom, 
the right or exercise was derived from the senate and people., 

IV. After the revival of the senate, 43 the conscript fathers (if 



4U A German historian, Gerard of Beicherspeg (in Baluz. Miscell. 
torn. v. p. 64, apud Schmidt, Hist, des Allemands, torn. iii. p. 2G5) 
thus describes the constitution of Home in the xith century : Grandiora 
urbis et orbis negotia spectant ad liomanum pontilicem itemque ad 
Komanum Impcratorem, sive illius vicarium urbis praefcctum, qui do 
suA dignitate respicit utmmque, videlicet dominum pap am cui facit 
hominium, et dominum imperatorem a quo accipit suse potestatis in- 
signe, scilicet gladium excrtum. 

41 The words of a contemporary writer (Pandulph. Pisan. in Vit. 
Paschal. II. p. 3-57, 353) describe the election and oath of the prefect 
in 1118, inconsultis patribus .... loca praefeetoria .... Laudes 
pra:i ectorise .... comitiorum applausum .... jurat-arum populo 
in ambonem sublevant .... coniirmari cum in urbe praefectum. 
petunt. 

- Urbis prrcfecfum ad ligiam fidelitatcm recepit, et per mantum 
quocl illi donavit do praofcctura eum publice investivit, qui usque ad 
id tempus juramento fidelitatis imperatori fuit obligatus et ab eo prae- 
fecturae teuuit hxmorem, (Gesta Innocent. III. in Murarori, torn. iii. 
P.i. p. 487.) 

43 See Otho JVising. Chron. vii. 31, de Gest. Fre \eric. L, I. i- c. 27. 



OF THE RO&AN EMPIRE, 439 

may use the expression) were invested w ih the legislative 
and executive power ; but their views seldom reached beyond 
the present day ; and that day was most frequently disturbed 
by violence and tumult In its utmost plenitude, the order or 
assembly consisted of fifty-six senators, 44 the most eminent 
of whom were distinguished by the title of counsellors : they 
were nominated, perhaps annually, by the people *, and a pre 
vious choice of their electors, ten persons in each region, or 
parish, might afford a basis for a free and permanent, consti 
tution. The popes, who in this tempest submitted rather to 
bend than to break, confirmed by treaty the establishment and 
privileges of the senate, and expected from time, peace, and 
religion, the restoration of their government. The motives 
of public and private interest might sometimes draw from the 
Romans an occasional and temporary sacrifice of their claims ; 
and they renewed their oath of allegiance to the successor 
of St. Peter and Constantine, the lawful head of the church 
and the republic. 43 

The union and vigor of a public council was dissolved in a 
lawless cit}*; and the Romans soon adopted a more strong 
arid simple mode of administration. They condensed the 
name and authority of the senate in a single magistrate, or 
two ^colleagues ; and as they were changed at the end of a 
year, or of six months, the greatness of the trust was com 
pensated by the shortness of the term. But in this transient 
reign, the senators of Rome indulged their avarice and am 
bition : their justice was perverted by the interest of their 
family and faction ; and as they punished only their enemies, 
they were obeyed only by they- adherents. Anarchy, no 



44 Our countryman, Roger Hovedcn, speaks of the single senators, 
of the Capuzzi family, &c., quorum ternporibus rnelius regebatur lioma 
quara. mine (A. D. 1194) est temporibus Ivi. senatorum, (Ducange, 
Gloss, torn. vi. p. 191, SENATORES.) 

45 Muratori (dissert, xlii. torn. iii. p. 785 788) has published an 
original treaty : Concordia inter D. nostrum papam Clementem III. 
et senatores populi Itomani super regalibus et aliis dignitatibus urbis, 
c., anno 44 senates. The senate speaks, and speaks with authority: 
Beddimus acl proesens .... habebimus .... d&bitis presbetria 
.... jurabimus pacem et fidelitatem, &c. A chartula de Tenemen- 
tls T usculani, dated in the 47th year of the same sera, and confirmed 
decreto amplissimi ordinis senatiis, acclamatione P. R. publice Capi- 
toiio consistentis. It is there we find the difference of senatores 
consiliarii and simple senators, (Muratori, dissert xlii. tcra. iii. p. 787 
- 789.) 



440 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

longer tempered by the pastoral care of their bishop, adroon 
ished the Romans that they were incapable of governing 
themselves ; and they sought abroad those blessings which 
they were hopeless of finding at home. In the same" age> 
and from the same motives, most of the Italian republics were 
prompted to embrace a measure^ which, however strange it 
may seem, was adapted to their situation, and productive of 
the most salutary effects. 46 They chose, in some foreign but 
friendly city, an impartial magistrate of noble birth- and un 
blemished character, a soldier an-d a statesman, recommended 
by the voice of fame and his country, to whom they delegated 
lor a time the supreme administration of peace and war. The 
compact between the governor and the governed was scaled 
with oaths and subscriptions ; and the duration of his power, 
the measure of his stipend, the nature of their mutual obliga 
tions, were defined with scrupulous precision. They swore 
to obey him as their lawful superior: he pledged his faith to 
unite the indfiFerence of a stranger with the zeal of a patriot. 
At his choice, four or six knights and civilians, his assessors 
in arms and justice, attended the Podestaf 1 who maintained 
at his own expense a decent retinue of servants and horses : 
Jhis wife^ his son, his brother, who might bias the affections 
of the judge, were left behind : during the exercise of his 
office he was not permitted to purchase land, to contract an 
alliance, or even to accept an invitation in the house of a 
citizen ; nor could he honorably depart till he had satisfied the 
complaints that might be urged against his government. 

It was thus, about the middle of the thirteenth century, that 
the Romans called from Bologna the senator Brancaleone, 48 
whose fame and merit have been rescued from oblivion by 



48 Muratori (dissert, xlv. torn. iv. p. 64 92) has fully explained 
this mode of government ; and the Occulus Pastoralis, which, he has 
given at the end, is a treatise or sermon on the duties of these foreign 
magistrates. 

47 In the Latin writers, at least of the silver age, the title of Potes- 
ias was transferred from the office to the magistrate : 

Hujtjs qi trihitnr prastextam sumern mavis ; 
An Fidenarsam Gabiorumqae esse Potestas. 

Juvenal. Satir. x. 99-. 

48 See the life and death of Brancaleone, in the Historia Major of 
Matthew Paris, p. 741, 757, 792, 797, 799, 810, 823, 833, 836, 840. 
The multitude of pilgrims and suitors connected Home and St. 
Albans, and the resentment of the English clergy prompted them tt 
rejoice whenever the popes were humbled and oppressed. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE, 441 

the pen of an English historian. A just anxiety for his repu 
tation, a clear foresight of the difficulties^ of the task, had 
engaged him to refuse the honor of their choice : the statutes 
of Rome were suspended, and his office prolonged to the 
term of three years. By the guilty and licentious he was 
accused as cruel ; by the clergy he was suspected as partial ; 
but the friends of peace and order applauded the firm and 
upright magistrate by whom those blessings were restored. 
No criminals were so powerful as to brave, so obscure as to 
elude, the justice of the senator. By his sentence two nobles 
of the Annibaldi family were executed on a gibbet; and he 
inexorably demolished, in the city and neighborhood, one 
hundred and forty towers, the strong shelters of rapine and 
mischief. The bishop, as a simple bishop, was compelled to 
reside in his diocese ; and the standard of Brancaleone was 
displayed in the field with terror and effect. His services 
were repaid by {he ingratitude of a people unworthy of the 
happiness. which they enjoyed. By the public robbers, whom 
he had provoked for their sake, the Romans were excited to 
depose and imprison their benefactor ; nor would his life haVe 
been spared, if Bologna had not possessed a pledge for hn 
safety. Before his departure, the prudent senator had re 
quired the exchange of thirty hostages of the noblest families 
of Rome : on the news of his danger, and at the prayer of 
his wife, they were more strictly guarded ; and Bologna, in 
the cause of honor, sustained the thunders of a papal interdict. 
This generous resistance allowed the Romans to compare the 
present with the past ; and Brancaleone was conducted from 
the prison to the Capitol amidst the acclamations of a repent 
ant people. The remainder of iris government was firm and 
fortunate ; and as soon as envy was appeased by death, his 
head, enclosed in a precious vase, was deposited on a lofty 
column of marble. 49 

The impotence of reason and virtue recommended in Italy 
a more effectual choice : instead of a private citizen, to whom 



49 Matthew Paris thus ends his account : Caput vero ipsius Bran- 
caleonis in vase pretioso super marmorcam columnam collocatum, in 
signum sui valoris et probitatis, quasi rcliquias, superstitiose nimis et 
pompose sustulerunt. Fuerat cnina superborum potentum et male- 
factorum urbis malleus et xstirpator, et populi protector et defensor, 
veritatis et justitigc imitator et amator, (p. 840.) A biographer of In 
nocent IV. (Muratori, Script, torn. iii. P. i. p. 591, 592) draws a less 
favorable portrait of this Ghibeline senator. 



442 THE LEGLIKE AND FALL 

they yielded o voluntary and precarious obedience, the Ro 
mans elected Tor their senator some prince of independent 
power, who could defend them from their enemies and tnem- 
selves. Charles of Anjou. and Provence, the most ambitious 
and warlike monarch of the age, -accepted at the same time 
the kingdom of Naples from the pope, and the office of sena 
tor from the Roman people. 50 As he passed through the city, 
in his road to victory, he received their oath of allegiance, 
lodged in the Lateran palace, and smoothed in a short visit 
the harsh features of his despotic character. Yet even Charles 
was exposed to the inconstancy of the people, who saluted 
with the same acclamations the passage of his rival, the unfor 
tunate Conradin ; and a powerful avenger, who reigned in the 
Capitol, alarmed the fears and jealousy of the popes. The 
absolute term of his life was superseded by a renewal every 
third year; and the enmity of Nicholas the Third obliged the 
Sicilian king to abdicate the government of Rome. In his 
bull, a perpetual law, the imperious pontiff asserts, the truth, 
validity, and use of the donation of Constantine, not less 
essential to the peace of the city than to the independence of 
the church ; establishes the annual election of the senator ; 
and formally disqualifies all emperors, kings, princes, and 
persons of an eminent and conspicuous rank. 51 This prohibi 
tory clause was repealed in his own behalf by Martin the 
Fourth, who humbly solicited the suffrage of the Romans. In 
the presence, and by the authority, of the people, two electors 
conferred, not on the pope, but on the noble and faithfui 
Martin, the dignity of senator, and the supreme administration 
of the republic, 52 to hold during his natural life, and to exer 
cise at pleasure by himself or his deputies. About fifty years 
afterwards, the same title was granted to the ernperor Lewis 

60 The election of Charles of Anjou to the office of perpetual sena 
tor of Rome is mentioned by the historians in the viiith volume of the 
Collection of Muratori, by Nicholas de Janisilla, (p. 592,) the monk 
of Padua, (p. 724,) Sabas Malaspina, (1. ii. c. 9, p. 808,) and llicordano 
Malospini, (c. 177, p. 999.) 

31 The high-sounding bull of Nicholas III., which founds his tem 
poral sovereignty on the donation of Constantino, is still extant ; and 
as it has been inserted by Boniface VIII. in the Sexte of the Decretals, 
it nmst be received by the Catholics, or at least by the Papists, as a 
sacred and perpetual law. 

52 I am indebted to Fleury (Hist. Eccles. torn, xviii. p. 306) for an 
extract of this Roman act, which he has taken from the Ecclesiastical 
Annals of Odericu* Raynaldus, A. D. 1281, No. 14, 15. 



OP THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 443 

of Bavaria ; and the liberty of Rome was acknowledged by 
her_ two sovereigns, who accepted a municipal office in the 
government of their own metropolis. 

In the first moments of rebellion, when Arnold of Brescia 
had inflamed their minds against the church, the Romans 
artfully labored to conciliate the favor of the empire, and to 
recommend their merit and services in tire cause of Csesar. 
The style of their ambassadors to Conrad the Third and 
Frederic the First is a mixture of flattery and pride, the tra 
dition and the ignorance of their own history. 53 After some 
complaint of his silence and neglect, they exhort the former 
of these princes to pass the Alps, and assume from their hands 
the Imperial crown. " We beseech your majesty not to disdain 
the humility of your sons and vassals, not to listen to the 
accusations of our common enemies ; who calumniate the 
senate as hostile to your throne, who sow the seeds of discord, 
that they may reap the harvest of destruction. The pope and 
the Sicilian are united in an impious league to oppose our 
liberty and your coronation. With the blessing of God, our 
zeal and courage has hitherto defeated their attempts. Of 
their powerful and factious adherents, more especially the 
Frangipani, we have taken by assault the houses and turrets: 
some of these are occupied by our troops, and some are lev 
elled with the ground. The Milvian bridge, which they had 
broken, is restored and fortified for your safe passage ; and 
your army may enter the city without being afmoyed from the 
castle of St. Arigelo. All that we have done, and all that we 
design, is for your honor and service", in the loyal hope, that 
you will speedily appear in person, to vindicate those rights 
which have been invaded by the clergy, to revive the dignity 
of the empire, and to surpass the fame and glory of your 
predecessors. May you fix your residence in Rome, the 
capital of the world ; give laws to Italy, and the Teutonic 
kingdom ; and imitate the example of Constantine and Jus- 



53 These letters and speeches are preserved by Otho bishop of Fri- 
singen, (Fabric. Bibliot. Lat. Mod. et Iniim. torn. v. p. 186, 187,) 
perhaps the noblest of historians : he was son of Leopold marqiiis of 
Austria ; his mother, Agnes, was daughter of the emperor Henry IV M 
and he was half-brother and uncle to Conrad III. and Frederic I. 
He has left, in seven books, a Chronicle of the Times ; in two, the 
Gesta Frederici I., the last of which is inserted in the vith volume of 
Muratori s historians. 



444 THt DECLINE AND FALL 

tinian, 54 who, by the vigor of the senate and peof le, obtained 
the sceptre of the earth." 55 But these splendid and falla 
cious wishes were not cherished by Conrad the Francoman, 
whose eyes were fixed on the Holy Land, and who died with 
out visiting Rome soon after his return from the Holy Land. 
His nephew and successor, Frederic Barbarossa, was more 
ambitious of the Imperial crown ; nor had any of the succes 
sors of Otho acquired such absolute sway over the kingdom 
of Italy. Surrounded by his ecclesiastical and secular princes, 
he gave audience in his camp at Sutri to the ambassadors 
of Rome, who thus addressed him in a free and florid oration : 
4 Incline your ear to the queen of cities ; approach with a 
peaceful and friendly mind the precincts of Rome, which has 
cast away the yoke of the clergy, and is impatient to crown 
her legitimate emperor. Under your auspicious influence, 
may the primitive times be restored. Assert the prerogatives of 
the eternal city, and reduce under her monarchy the insolence 
of the world. You are not ignorant, that, in former ages, by 
the wisdom of the senate, by the valor and discipline of the 
equestrian order, she extended her victorious arms to the East 
and West, beyond the Alps, and over the islands of the oc ean. 
By our sins, in the absence of our princes, the noble institu 
tion of the senate has sunk in oblivion ; and with our pru 
dence, our strength has likewise decreased. We have 
revived the senate, and the equestrian order : the counsels 
of the one, th<^ arms of the other, will be devoted to your 
person and the service of the empire. Do you not hear the 
language of the Roman matron ? You were a guest, I have 
adopted you as a citizen ; a Transalpine stranger, I have 
elected you for my sovereign ; 5G and given you myself, and 
all that is mine. Your first and most sacred duty is to swear 
and subscribe, that you will shed your blood for the republic ; 
that you will maintain in peace and justice the laws of the 
city and the charters of your predecessors ; and that you will 
reward with five thousand pounds of silver the faithful sena 
tors who shall proclaim your titles in the Capitol. With the 
name, assume the character, of Augustus." The flowers of 

54 We desire (said the ignorant Ilomans) to restore the empire in 
eum statum, quo fuit tempore Constantini et Ju<?tiniani, qui totmn 
orbem vigore senatfts et populi lloraani suis tenuere manibus. 

1 Otho Prising, de Gestis Frederic! I. 1. i. c. 28, p. 662664. 

} Hospes eras, civem feci. Advcna fuisti ex Transalpinis partibus ; 
principem constitui. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 445 

rhetoric were not yet exhausted ; but Frederic, impa 
tient of* their vanity, interrupted the orators in the high tone 
of royalty and conquest. " Famous indeed have been the 
fortitude and wisdom of the ancient Romans ; but your speech 
is not seasoned with wisdom, and I could wish that fortitude 
were conspicuous in your actions. Like all sublunary things, 
Rome has felt the vicissitudes of time and fortune. Your 
noblest families were translated to the East, to the royal city 
of Constantirie ; and the remains of your strength and free 
dom have long since been exhausted by the Greeks and 
Franks. Are you desirous of beholding the ancient glory of 
Rome, the gravity of the senate, the spirit of the knights, the 
discipline of the camp, the valor of the legions ? you will find 
them in the German republic. It is not empire, naked and 
alone, the ornaments and virtues of empire have likewise 
migrated beyond the Alps to a more deserving people : 57 
they will be employed in your defence, but they claim your 
obedience. You pretend that myself or my predecessors 
have been invited by the Romans : you mistake the word; 
they were not invited, they were implored. From its foreign 
and domestic tyrants, the city was rescued by Charlemagne 
and Otho, whose ashes repose in our country ; and their 
dominion was the price of your deliverance. Fnder thai 
dominion your ancestors lived and died. I claim by the right 
of inheritance and possession, and who shal| dare to extort 
you from my hands ? Is the hand of the Franks 58 and Ger 
mans enfeebled by age ? Am 1 vanquished ? Am I a cap 
tive ? Am I not encompassed with the banners of a potent 
and invincible army ? You impose conditions on your mas 
ter ; you require oaths : if the conditions are just, an oath is 
superfluous ; if unjust, it is criminal. Can you doubt my 
equity ? It is extended to the meanest of my subjects. Will 
not my sword be unsheathed in the defence of the Capitol ? 
By that sword the northern kingdom of Denmark has been 
restored to tlie Roman empire. You prescribe the measure 



57 Non ccssit nobis nudum imperium, virtute sua amictum venit, 
ornamenta sxia secum traxit. Penes nos sunt consulcs tui, &c. Cicero 
or Livy would not have rejected these images, the eloquence of a Bar 
barian born and educated in the Ilercynian. forest. 

s Otho of Prisingen, who surely understood the language of the 
court and diet of Germany, speaks of the Pranks in the xiith century 
as the reigning nation, (Proceres Franci, equitcs Franci* xnanus Fran- 
corum :) he adds, however, the epithet of Teutonics. 
VOL. vi. 88 



446 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

and the objects of my bounty, which flows ;n a copious but a 
voluntary stream. All will be given to patient merit ; all will 
be denied to rude importunity." 59 Neither the emperor nor 
the senate could maintain these lofty pretensions of dominion 
and liberty. United with the pope, and suspicious of the Ro 
mans, Frederic continued his march to the Vatican ; his cor 
onation was disturbed by a sally from the Capitol ; and if the 
numbers and valor of the Germans prevailed in the bloody 
conflict, he could not safely encamp in the presence of a city 
of which he styled himself the sovereign. About twelve 
years afterwards, he besieged Rome, to seat an antipope in 
the chair of St. Peter ; and twelve Pisan galleys were intro 
duced into the Tyber : but the senate and people were saved 
by the arts of negotiation and the progress of disease ; nor 
did Frederic or his successors reiterate the hostile attempt. 
Their laborious reigns were exercised by the popes, the cru 
sades, and the independence of Lombardy and Germany : 
they courted the alliance of the Romans ; and Frederic the 
Second offered in the Capitol the great standard, the Caroccio 
of Milan. 60 After the extinction of the house of Swabia, they 
were banished beyond the Alps: and their last coronations 
betrayed the impotence and poverty of the Teutonic Caesars. 61 
Under the reign of Adrian, when the empire extended from 
the Euphrates to the ocean, from Mount Atlas to the Gram- 



59 Otho Frising. de Gestis Frederici I., 1. ii. c. 22, p. 720733. 
These original and authentic acts I have translated and abridged with 
freedom, yet with fidelity. 

60 From the Chronicles of Eicobaldo and Francis Pipin, Muratori 
(dissert, xxvi. torn. ii. p. 492) has transcribed this curious fact with 
the doggerel verses that accompanied the gift : 

Ave decus orbis, ave ! victus tibi dest.inor, ave I 
Currus rib Augusto Frederico Caesare justo. 
VIE Mcdioianurn ! jam s<;ntis speracre vunum 
Imperil vires, proprius tibi tollere vires. 
Ergo (riumphorum urbs potcs menior esse priorum 
Ciuos tibi mittebant roges qui bella gercbant. 

Ne si dee tacere (I now use the-Italian Dissertations, torn. i. p. 444) 
che nell anno 1727, una copia desso Caroccio in rr.&rmo dianzi ignoto 
si scopri, nel campidoglio, presso alle carcere di qucl luogo, dove Sislo 
V. 1 avea falto riiichiudcre. Stava esso posto sopra quatro colonne di 
marmo fino colla sequente inscrizione, &c. ; to the same purpose as 
the old inscription. 

61 The decline of the Imperial arms and authority in Italy is related 
with impartial, learning in the Annals of Muratori, (torn. x. xi. xii. ;) 
and the reader may compare his narrative with the Histoires des Alle- 
mands (torn. iii. iv.) by Schmidt, who has deserved the esteem of his 
countrvmen. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 447 

plan hills, a fanciful historian 62 amused the Romans with the 
picture of their infant wars. " There was a time," says 
Florus, " when Tibur and Prceneste, our summer retreats, 
were the objects of hostile vows in the Capitol, when we 
dreaded the shades of the Arician groves, when we could 
triumph without a blush over the nameless villages of the 
Sabines and Latins, and even Corioli could afford a title not 
unworthy of a victorious general." The pride of his con 
temporaries was gratified by the contrast of the past and the 
present : they would have been humbled by the prospect of 
futurity ; by the prediction, that after a thousand years, Rome, 
despoiled of empire and contracted to her primaeval limits, 
would renew the same hostilities, on the same ground which 
was then decorated with her villas and gardens. The adja 
cent territory on either side of the Tyber was always claimed, 
and sometimes possessed, as the patrimony of St. Peter; but 
the barons assumed a lawless independence, and the cities too 
faithfully copied the revolt and discord of the metropolis. In 
the twelfth and thirteenth centuries the Romans incessantly 
labored to reduce or destroy the contumacious vassals of the 
church and senate ; and if their headstrong and selfish .ambi 
tion was moderated by the pope, he often encouraged their 
zeal by the alliance of his spiritual arms. Their warfare was 
that of the first consuls and dictators, who were taken from 
the plough. They assembled in jyms at the foot of the Cap 
itol ; sallied from the gates, plundered or burnt the harvests 
of their neighbors, engaged in tumultuary conflict, and re 
turned home after an expedition of fifteen or twenty days. 
Their sieges were tedious and unskilful : in the use of victory, 
they indulged the meaner passions of jealousy and revenge ; 
and instead of adopting the valor, they trampled on the mis 
fortunes, of their adversaries. The captives, in their shirts, 
with a rope round their necks, solicited their pardon : the 
fortifications, and even the buildings, of the rival cities, were 
demolished, and the inhabitants were scattered in the adjacent 
villages. It was thus that the seats of the cardinal bishops. 
Porto, Ostia, Albanum, Tusculum, Preeneste, and Tibur or 
Tivoli, were successively overthrown by the ferocious hostility 



: Tibur nunc sxiburbanum, et aestivae Prseneste dcliciae, nuncupates 
in Capitolio votis petebantur. The whole passage of Florus (1. i. c. li) 
may be/ead with pleasure, and has deserved the praise of a man of 
genius, (QEuvres de Montesquieu, torn. iii. p. 634, 635, quarto edition.) 



448 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

of the Romans. 63 Of hese, 64 Porto and Ostia, the two keys 
of the Tyher, are still \acant and desolate : the marshy and 
unwholesome banks are peopled with herds of buffaloes, and 
the river is lost to every purpose of navigation and trade. 
The hills, which afford a shady retirement from the autumnal 
heats, have again smiled with the blessings of peace ; Fres- 
cati has arisen near the ruins of Tusculum ; Tibur or Tivoli 
has resumed the honors of a city, 65 and the meaner towns of 
Albano and Palestrina are decorated with the villas of the 
cardinals and princes of Home. In the work of destruction, 
the ambition of the Romans was often checked and repulsed 
by the neighboring cities and their allies : in the first siege 
of Tibur, they were driven from their camp ; and the battles 
of Tusculum 66 and Viterbo 67 might be compared in their 
relative state to the memorable fields of Thrasymene and 
Cannae. In the first of these petty wars, thirty thousand Ro 
mans were overthrown by a thousand German horse, whom 
Frederic Barbarossa had detached to the relief of Tusculum ; 
and if we number the slain at three, the prisoners at two, 
thousand, we shall embrace the most authentic and moderate 
account. Sixty-eight years afterwards/ they marched against 
Viterbo in the ecclesiastical state with the whole force of the 
city ; by a rare coalition the Teutonic eagle was blended, in 
the adverse banners, with the keys of St. Peter; and the 
pope s auxiliaries were commanded by a count of Thoulouse 

63 Ne a feritate Romanorum, sicut fucrant Hostienses, Portuenses, 
Tusculanenses, Albanenses, Labicenscs, et nuper Tiburtini dcstrueren- 
tur, (Matthew Paris, p. 757.) These events are marked in the Annals 
and Index (the xviiith volume) of Muratori. 

64 For the state or ruin of these suburban cities, the banks of the 
Tyber, &c., see the lively picture of the P. Labat, (Voyage en Espagne 
et en Italian,) who had long resided in the neighborhood of Home ; 
and the more accurate description of which P. Eschinard (Roma, 
1750, in octavo) has added to the topographical map of Cingolani. 

65 Labat (torn. iii. p. 233) mentions a recent decree of the Roman 
government, which has severely mortified the pride and poverty of 
Tivoli : in civitate Tiburtiria non vivitur civiliter. 

66 I depart from my usual method, of quoting only by the date 
the Annals of Muratori, in consideration of the critical balance in 
which he has weighed nine contemporary writers who mention the 
battle of Tusculnm, (torn. x. p. 42 44.) 

67 Matthew Paris, p. 345. This bishop of Winchester was Peter de 
Rupibxis, who occupied the see thirty-two years, (A. D. 1206 1238,) 
and is described, by the English historian, as a soldi?! 1 and a states 
man, (p. 178, 399.) 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 449 

and a bishop of Winchester. The Romans were discomfited 
with shame and slaughter : but the English prelate must have 
indulged the vanity of a pilgrim, if he multiplied their r-mi- 
bers to one hundred, and their loss in the field to thirty, tuou- 
sand men. Had the policy of the senate and the discipline 
of the legions been restored with the Capitol, the divided con 
dition of Italy would have offered the fairest opportunity of 
a second conquest. But in arms, the modern Romans were 
not above, and in arts, they were far beloiv, the common level 
of the neighboring republics. Nor was their warlike spirit 
of any long continuance : after some irregular sallies, they 
subsided in the national apathy, in the neglect of military 
institutions, and in the disgraceful and dangerous use of for 



eign mercenaries. 



Ambition is a weed of quick and early vegetation in the 
vineyard of Christ. Under the first Christian princes, the 
chair of St. Peter was disputed by the votes, the venality, the 
violence, of a popular election : the sanctuaries of Rome were 
polluted with blood ; and, from the third to the twelfth cen 
tury, the church was distracted by the mischief of frequent 
schisms. As long as the final appeal was determined by the 
civil magistrate, these mischiefs were transient and local : the 
merits we re tried by equity or favor; nor could the unsuc 
cessful competitor long disturb the triumph of his rival. But 
after the emperors had been divested of their prerogatives, 
after a maxim had been established that the vicar of Christ 
is amenable to no earthly tribunal, each vacancy of the holy 
see might involve Christendom in controversy and war. The 
claims of the cardinals and inferior clergy, of the nobles and 
people, were vague and litigious : the freedom of choice was 
overruled by the tumults of a city that no longer owned or 
obeyed a superior. On the decease of a pope, two factions 
proceeded in. different churches to a double election: the 
number and weight of votes, the priority of time, the merit 
of. the candidates, might balance each other: the most re 
spectable of the clergy were divided; and the distant princes, 
who bowed before the spiritual throne, could not distinguish 
the spurious, from the legitimate, idol. The emperors wore 
often the authors of the schism, from the political motive of 
opposing a friendly to a hosrilo pontiff; and each of the com 
petitors was reduced to suilbf the insults of his enemies, who 
were not awed by conscience, and to purchase the support 
of his adherents, who were instigated by avarice or ambition. 

38* 



450 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

A peaceful and perpetual succession was ascertained by 
Alexander the Third, 68 who finally abolished the tumultuary 
votes of the clergy and people, and defined the right of elec 
tion in the sole college of cardinals. 69 The three orders of 
bishops, priests, and deacons, were assimilated to each other 
by this important privilege ; the parochial clergy of Rome 
obtained the first rank in the hierarchy : they were indiffer 
ently chosen among the nations of Christendom ; and the 

* o * 

possession of the richest benefices, of the most important 
bishoprics, was not incompatible with their title and office. 
The senators of the Catholic church, the coadjutors and 
legates of the supreme pontiff, were robed in purple, the 
symbol of martyrdom or royalty ; they claimed a proud 
equality with kings ; and their dignity was enhanced by the 
smaliness of their number, which, till the reign of Leo the 
Tenth, seldom exceeded twenty or twenty-five persons. By 
this wise regulation, all doubt and scandal were removed, 
and the root of schism was so effectually destroyed, that in a 
period of six hundred years a double choice has only once 
divided the unity of the sacred college. But as the concur 
rence of two thirds of the votes had been made necessary, 
the election was often delayed by the private interest and 
passions of the cardinals ;. and while they prolonged their 
independent reign, the Christian world was left destitute of a 
head. A vacancy of almost three years had preceded the 
elevation of Gregory the Tenth, who resolved to prevent the 
future abuse ; and his bull, after some opposition, has been 
consecrated in the code of the canon law. 70 Nine days are 
allowed for the obsequies of the deceased pope, and the 
arrival of the absent cardinals ; on the tenth, they are irn- 



68 See Moshcim, Institut. Histor. Ecclesiast. p. 401, 403. Alexan 
der himself had nearly been the victim of a contested election ; and 
the doubtful merits of Innocent had only preponderated by the weight 
of genius and learning which St. Bernard cast into the scale, (see his 
life and writings.) 

69 The origin, titles, importance, dress, precedency, c., of the 
Roman cardinals, are very ably discussed by Thomassin, (Discipline 
cle 1 Eglise, torn. i. p. 12G2 1287 ;) but their purple is now much 
faded. The sacred college was raised to the definite number of 
seventy-two, to represent, under his vicar, the disciples of Christ. 

7U See the bull of Gregory X. approbante sacro concilio, in the Kexto 
of the Canon Lav/, (1. iptlt. 6, c. 3,) a supplement to the Decretals, 
which Boniface VIII. promulgated at Rome in 1298, and addressed to 
Mil the universities of Europe. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 451 

prisoned, each with one domestic, in a common apartment 
or conclave, without any separation of walls or curtains ; a 
small window is reserved for the introduction of necessaries ; 
but the door is locked on both sides, and guarded by the 
magistrates of the city, to seclude them from all cc/resjjGnd- 
ence with the world. If the election be not consummated in 
three days, the luxury of their table is contracted to a single 
dish at dinner and supper ; and after the eighth day, they are 
reduced to a scanty allowance of bread, water, and wine. 
During the vacancy of the holy see, the cardinals, are prohib 
ited from touching the revenues, or assuming, unless in some 
rare emergency, the government of the church : all agree 
ments and promises among the electors are formally an 
nulled ; and their integrity is fortified by their solemn oath 
and the prayers of the Catholics. Some articles of incon 
venient or superfluous rigor have been gradually relaxed, but 
the principle of confinement is vigorous and entire : they 
are. still urged, by the personal motives of health and freedom, 
to accelerate the moment of their deliverance ; and the im 
provement of ballot or secret votes has wrapped the struggles 
of the conclave 71 in the silky veil of charity and politeness. 72 
By these institutions the Romans were excluded from the 
election of their prince and bishop ; and in the fever of wild 
and precarious liberty, they seemed insensible of the loss of 
this inestimable privilege. The emperor Lewis of Bavaria 
revived the example of the great Otho. After some negotia 
tion with the magistrates, the Roman people were assembled 73 

71 The genius of Cardinal de Retz had a right to paint a conclave, 
(of 1655,) in which he was a spectator and an actor, (Mcmoires, torn. 
iv. p. 15 57 ;) but I am at a loss to appreciate the knowledge or 
authority of an anonymous Italian, whose history (Conclavi de Pon- 
tifici Romani, in 4to. 1607) has been continued since the reign of 
Alexander VII. The accidental form of the work furnishes a lesson, 
though not an antidote, to ambition. From a labyrinth of intrigues, 
we emerge to the adoration of the successful candidate ; but the next 
page opens with his funeral. 

72 The expressions of Cardinal de Retz are positive and picturesque : 
On y vecut toujours ensemble avec le meme respect, et la nuane 
civilit i que Ton observe dans le cabinet des rois, avec la meme poli- 
tesse qu ou avoit dans la cour de Henri III., avec la meme familiarito 
que Ton voit dans les colleges ; avec la meme modestie, qui se remarque 
dans les noviciats ; et avec la memo charite, du moins en apparence, 
qui pourroit etre entre des freres parfaitement unis. 

1 Richiesti per bundo (says John Villani) saiiatori di Roma, e 52 
del popolo, et capitani de 2-5/e consoli, (romoli /) et 13 I none Imo- 



452 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

in the square before St. Peter s : the pope of Avignon, John 
the Twenty-second, was deposed : the choice of his successor 
was ratified by their consent and applause. They freely 
voted for a new law, that their bishop should never be absent 
more than three months in the year, and two days journey 
from the city ; and that if he neglected to return on the third 
summons, the public servant should be degraded and dis 
missed. 74 But Lwis forgot his own debility and the preju 
dices of the times : beyond the precincts of a German camp, 
his useless phantom was rejected ; the Romans despised their 
own workmanship ; the antipope implored the mercy of his 
lawful sovereign; 75 and the exclusive right of the cardinals 
was more firmly established by this unreasonable attack. 

Had the election been always held in the Vatican, the 
rights of the senate and people would not have been violated 
with impunity. But the Romans forgot, and were forgotten, 
in the absence of the successors of Gregory the Seventh, wtoc 
did not keep as a divine precept their ordinary residence in 
the city, and diocese. The care of that diocese was less im 
portant than the government of the universal church ; nor 
could the popes delight in a city in which their authority 
was always opposed, and their person was often endangered. 
From the persecution of the emperors, and the wars of Italy 
they escaped beyond the Alps into the hospitable bosom of 
France ; from the tumults of Rome they prudently withdrew 
to live and die in the more tranquil stations of Anagni, Peru 
gia, Viterbo, and the adjacent cities. When the flock was 
offended or impoverished by the absence of the shepherd, 
they were recalled by a stern admonition, that St. Peter had 
fixed his chair, not in an obscure village, but in the capital 
of the world ; by a ferocious menace, that the Romans would 
march in arms to destroy the place and people that should 

mini, uno per rione. Our knowledge is too imperfect to pronounce, 
no\v much of this constitution was temporary, and how much ordinary 
and permanent. Yet it is faintly illustrated by the ancient statutes 
of Koine. 

74 Viilani (1. x. c. 68 71, in Muratori, Script, torn. xiii. p. 641 
645) relates this; law, and the whole transaction, with much less ab 
horrence than the prudent Muratori. Any one conversant -with the 
darker ages must have observed how much the sense (I mean the 
nonsense) of superstition is fluctuating and inconsistent. 

75 In the first volume of the Popes of Avignon, see the second ori 
ginal Life of John XXII. p. 142 145, the confession of the antipope, 
p. 145 152, and the laborious notes of Baluze, p. 714, 715. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 453 

dare to afford them a retreat. They returned with timorous 
obedience ; and were saluted with the account of a heavy 
debt, of all the losses which their desertion had occasioned, 
the hire of lodgings, the sale of provisions, and the various 
expenses of servants and strangers who attended the court. 78 
After a short interval of peace, and perhaps of authority, 
they were again banished by new tumults, and again sum 
moned by the imperious or respectful invitation of the senate. 
In these occasional retreats, the .exiles and fugitives of the 
Vatican were seldom long, or far, distant from the metropolis ; 
but in the beginning of the fourteenth century the apostolic 
throne was transported, as it might seem forever, from the 
Tyber to the Rhone ; and the cause of the transmigration 
may be deduced from the furious contest between Boniface 
the Eighth and the king of France. 77 The spiritual arms of 
excommunication and interdict were repulsed by the union 
of the three estates, and the privileges of the Gallican church ; 
but the pope was not prepared against the carnal weapons 
which Philip the Fair had courage to employ. As the pope 
resided at Anagni, without the suspicion of danger, his palace 
and "person were assaulted by three hundred horse, who had 
been secretly levied by William of Nogaret, a French minis 
ter, and Sciarra Colonna, of a noble but hostile family of 
Rome. The cardinals fled ; the inhabitants of Anagni were 
Beduced from their allegiance and gratitude ; but the daunt 
less Boniface, unarmed and alone, seated himself in his chair, 
and awaited, like the conscript fathers of old, the swords of the 
Gauls. Nogaret, a foreign adversary, was content to execute 
ihe orders of his master : by the domestic enmity of Colonna, 

; Roman! autcm non valentes nee volentes ultra suam celr.ro cu- 
piditatem gravissimam, contra papam movere cooperunt questioncm, 
exigentes ab eo urgentissime omnia quae subieraat per ejus absentiam 
flamna et jacturas, videlicet in hospitiis locandis, in mercimoniis, in 
nsuris, in redditibus, in provisionibus, et in aliis modis innumera- 
bilibus. Quod cum audisset papa, prsecordialitcr ingemuit, et se 
eomperiens muscipulatum, &c., Matt. Paris, p. 757. For the ordinary 
history of the popes, their life and death, their residence and absence, 
it is enough to refer to the ecclesiastical annalists, Spondanus arid 
Fleury. 

77 Besides the general historians of the church of Italy and of 
France, we possess a valuable treatise composed by a learned friend 
of Thuanus, which his last and best editors have published in the 
appendix, (Histoire particuliere du grand Differend entre Boniface 
VIII. et Philippe le Bel, par Pierre du Puis, torn. vii. P. xi. p. 61 



454 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

he was insulted with words and blows ; and during a confine 
ment of three days his life was threatened by the hardships 
which they inflicted on the obstinacy which they provoked. 
Their strange delay gave time and courage to the adherents 
of the church, who rescued him from sacrilegious violence ; 
but his imperious soul was wounded in a vital part ; and 
Boniface expired at Rome in a frenzy of rage and revenge. 
His memory is stained with the glaring vices of avarice and 
pride ; nor has the courage of a martyr promoted this eccle 
siastical champion to the honors of a saint ; a magnanimous 
sinner, (s ay the chronicles of the times,) who entered like a 
fox, reigned like a lion, and died like a dog. He was suc 
ceeded by Benedict the Eleventh, the mildest of mankind. 
Yet he excommunicated the impious emissaries of Philip, and 
devoted the city and people of Anagni by a tremendous curse, 
whose effects are still visible to the. eyes of superstition. 78 

After his decease, the tedious and equal suspense of the 
conclave was fixed by the dexterity of the French faction. 
A specious offer was made and accepted, that, in the term of 
forty days, they would elect one of the three candidates who 
should be named by their opponents. The archbishop of 
Bourdeaux, a furious enemy of his king and country, was the 
first on the list ; but his ambition was known ; and his con 
science obeyed the calls of fortune and the commands of a 
benefactor, who had been informed by a swift messenger 
that the choice of a pope was now in his hands. The terms 
were regulated in a private interview ; and with such speed 
and secrecy was the business transacted, that the unanimous 
conclave applauded the elevation of Clement the Fifth. 79 
The cardinals of both parties were soon astonished by a sum 
mons to attend him beyond the Alps ; from whence, as they 
soon discovered, they must never hope to return. He was 
engaged, by promise and affection, to prefer the residence of 
France ; and, after dragging his court through Poitou and 
Gascony, and devouring, by his expense, the cities and con- 



78 It is difficult to IcnoAv whether Labat (torn. iv. p. 53 57) bo in 
jest or in earnest, when he supposes that Anagni still feels the weight 
of this curse, and that the cornfields, or vineyards, or olive-trees, are 
annually blasted by Nature, the obsequious handmaid of the popes. 

1 See, in the Chronicle of Giovanni Villain, (1. viii. c. 63, 64, 80, in 
Muratori, torn, xiii.,) the imprisonment of Boniface VIII., and the 
election of Clement V., the last of which, like most anecdotes, is eni- 
barrassod with some difficulties. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 455 

vents -on the road, he finally reposed at Avignon, 80 which 
flourished above seventy years 81 the seat of the Roman pon 
tiff and the metropolis of Christendom. By land, by sea, by 
the Rhone, the position of Avignon was on all sides accessi 
ble ; the southern provinces of France do not yield to Italy 
itself ; new palaces arose for the accommodation of the pope 
and cardinals ; and the arts of luxury were soon attracted by 
the treasures of the church. They were already possessed 
of the adjacent territory, the Venaissin county, 82 a populous 
and fertile spot ; and the sovereignty of Avignon was after 
wards purchased from the youth and distress of Jane, the first 
queen of Naples and countess of Province, for the inadequate 
price of fourscore thousand florins. 83 Under the shadow of 
the French monarchy, amidst an obedient people, the popes 
enjoyed an honorable and tranquil state, to which they long 
had been strangers : but Italy, deplored their absence ; and 



80 The original lives of the eight popes of Avignon, Clement V., 
John XXII., Benedict XI., Clement VI., Innocent VI., Urban V., 
Gregory XI., and Clement VII., are published by Stephen Baluze, 
(Vitas Paparum Avcnionensium ; Paris, 1093,2 vols. in 4to.,) with, 
copious and elaborate notes, and a second volume of acts and docu 
ments. With the true zeal of an editor and a patriot, he devoutly 
justifies or excuses the characters of his countrymen. 

The exile of Avignon is compared by the Italians with Babylon, 
and the Babylonish captivity. Such furious metaphors, more suitable 
to the ardor of Petrarch than to the judgment of Muratori, are gravely 
refuted in Baluzc s prci ace. The abbe de Sade is distracted between 
the love of Petrarch and of his country. Yet he modestly pleads, 
that many of the local inconveniences of Avignon are now removed ; 
and many of the vices against which the poet declaims, had been, 
imported with the Ilomaii court by the strangers of Italy, (torn. i. p. 
2328.) 

82 The comtat Venaissin was ceded to the popes in 1273 by Philip 
III. king of France, after he had inherited the dominions, of the count 
of Thoulouse. Forty years before, the heresy of Count Raymond had 
given them a pretence of seizure, and they derived some obscure 
claim from the xith century to some lands citra Khodanum, (Valesii 
Notitia Galliarum, p. 495, 610. Longuerue, Description dc la France, 
torn. i. p. 376381.) 

M If a possession of four centuries were not itself a title, such ob 
jections might annul the bargain ; but the purchase money must be 
refunded, for indeed it was paid. Civitatem Avenionem emit .... 
per ejusmodi vcnditionem pecunia redundates, &c., (u lU Vita Clement. 
VI. in Baluz. torn. i. p. 272. Muratori, Script, torn. iii. P. ii. p. 565.) 
The only temptation for Jane and her second husband was ready 
money, and without it they could not have returned to the throne of 
Napleg, 



456 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

Rome, in solitude and poverty, might repent of the ungove rna- 
ble freedom which had driven from the Vatican the succes 
sor of St. Peter. Her repentance was tardy and fruitless : 
after the death of the old members, the sacred college was 
filled with French cardinals, 84 who beheld Rome and Italy 
with abhorrence and contempt, and perpetuated a series of 
national, and even provincial, popes, attached by the most 
indissoluble ties to their native country. 

The progress of industry had produced and enriched the 
Italian republics : the osra of their liberty is the most flourish 
ing period of population and agriculture, of manufactures and 
commerce ; and their mechanic labors were gradually refined 
into the arts of elegance, and genius. But the position of 
Rome was less favorable, the territory less fruitful : the char 
acter of the inhabitants was debased by indolence and elated 
by pride ; and they fondly conceived that the tribute of sub 
jects must forever nourish the metropolis of the church and 
empire. This prejudice was encouraged in some degree by 
the resort of pilgrims to the shrines of the apostles; and the 
last legacy of the popes, the institution of the HOLY YEAR, 85 
was not less beneficial to the people than to the clergy. 
Since the loss of Palestine, the gift of plenary indulgences, 
which had been applied to the crusades, remained without an 
object ; and the most valuable treasure of the church was 
sequestered above eight years from public circulation. A new 
channel was opened by the diligence of Boniface the Eighth, 
who reconciled the vices of ambition and avarice ; and the 
pope had sufficient learning to recollect and revive the secular 
gam PS which were celebrated in Rome at the conclusion of 
every century. To sound without danger the depth of popu 
lar credulity, a sermon was seasonably pronounced, a report 
was artfully scattered, some aged witnesses were produced ; 
and on the first of January of the year thirteen hundred, the 



84 Clement V. immediately promoted ten cardinals, nine French 
and one English, (Vita iv ta , p. 63, et Baluz. p. 625, &c.) In 1331, the 
pope refused two candidates recommended by the king of France, 
quod xx. Cardinales, de quibus xvii. de regno Francise originexn trax- 
Lsse noscuntur in memorato collegio existant, (Thomassin, Discipline 
de 1 Eglise, torn. i. p. 1281.) 

S5 Our primitive account is from Cardinal James Caictan, (Maxima 
Bibliot. Patrum, torn. xxv. ;) and I am at a loss to determine whether 
the nephew of Boniface VIII. be a fool or a knave : the uncle is a 
much clearer character. 



THE ROIKAN EMPIRE. 457 

church of St. Peter was crowded with the faithful, who de 
manded the customary indulgence of the holy time. The 
pontiff, who watched and irritated their devout impatience, 
was soon persuaded by ancient testimoiw of the justice of 
their claim ; and he proclaimed a plenary absolution to all 
Catholics who, in the course of that year, and at every simi 
lar period, should respectfully visit the apostolic churches of 
St. Peter and St. PauL The welcome sound was propagated 
through Christendom ; and at first from the nearest provinces 
of Italy, and at length from the remote kingdoms of H angary 
and Britain, the highways were thronged with a swarm of pil 
grims who sought to expiate their sins in a journey, however 
costly or laborious, which was exempt from the perils of mili 
tary service. All exceptions of rank or sex, of age or infirmity, 
^vere forgotten in the common transport ; and in the streets 
and churches many persons were trampled to death by the 
eagerness of devotion. The calculation of their numbers 
could not be easy nor accurate ; and they have probably been 
magnified by a dexterous clergy, well apprised of the conta 
gion of example : yet we are assured by a judicious historian, 
who assisted at the ceremony, that Home was never replen 
ished with less than, two hundred thousand strangers ; and 
another spectator has fixed at two millions the total concourse 
of the year. A trifling oblation from each individual would 
accumulate a royal treasure ; and two priests stood night and 
day, with Vakes in their hands, to collect, without counting, 
the heaps of gold and silver that were poured on the altar of 
St. Paul. 86 It was fortunately a season of peace and plenty ; 
and if forage was scarce, if inns and lodgings were extrava 
gantly dear, an inexhaustible supply of bread and wine, of 
meat and fish, was provided by the policy of Boniface and 
the venal hospitality of the Romans. From a city without 
trade or industry, all casual riches will speedily evaporate : 
but the avarice and envy of the next generation solicited 
Clement the Sixth 87 to anticipate the distant period of the 
century. The gracious pontiff complied with their wishes ; 

86 See John Villani (1. viii. c. 36) in the xiith, and the Chronicoa 
Astense, in the xith volume (p. 191, 192) of Muratori s Collection. 
Papa innumerabilem pecuniam ab eisdem acccpit, nam duo clerici, cum 
rastris, &c. 

87 The two bulls of Boniface VIII. and Clement VI. are inserted 
in the Corpus Juris Canouici, (Extravagant. Commun. 1. v. tit. ix. c. 
1,2.) 

VOL. VI. 



438 THE DECLINE AJVD FALL 



afforded Rome this poor consolation for his loss ; and justifii d 
the change by the name and practice of the Mosaic Jubilee.^* 8 
His summons was obeyed ; and the number, zeal, and liberai- 
ity of the pilgrims did not yield to the primitive festival. But 
they encountered the triple scourge of war, pestilence, and 
famine : man} - wives and virgins were violated in the castles 
of Italy ; and many strangers were pillaged or murdered by 
the savage Romans, no longer moderated by the presence 
of their bishop. 89 To the impatience of the popes we may 
ascribe the successive reduction to fifty, thirty-three, and 
twenty-five years ; although the second of these terms is 
commensurate with the life of Christ. The profusion of 
indulgences, the revolt of the Protestants, and the decline of 
superstition, have much diminished the value of the jubilee . 
yet even the nineteenth and last festival was a year of pleas-/ 
ure and profit to the Romans ; and a philosophic smile will 
not disturb the triumph of the priest or the happiness of the 
people. 90 

In the beginning of the eleventh century, Italy was exposed 
to the feudal tyranny, alike oppressive to the sovereign and 
the people. The rights of human nature were vindicated by 
her numerous republics, who soon extended their liberty and 
dominion from the city to the adjacent country. The sword 
of the nobles was broken ; their slaves were enfranchised 
their castles were demolished ; they assumed the_ habits of 
society and obedience ; their ambition was confined to muni 
cipal honors, and in the proudest aristocracy of Venice or 
Genoa, each patrician was subject to the laws. 1 * 1 But the fee- 

88 The sabbatic years and jubilees of the Mosaic law, (Car. Sigon. de 
Hepublica Hebrseorum, Opp. torn. iv. 1. iii. c. 14, 15, p. 151, 152,) the 
suspension of all care and labor, the periodical release of lands, debts, 
servitude, &c., may seem a noble idea, but the execution would be 
impracticable in a profane republic ; and I should be glad to learn 
that this ruinous festival was observed by the Jewish people. 

d9 See the Chronicle of Matteo Villani, (1. i. c. 56,) in thexivth vol. 
of Muratori, and the Memoires sur la Vie cle Pctrarque, torn. iii. p. 75 
89. 

90 The subject is exhausted by M. Chais, a French minister at the 
Hague, in his Lettres Historiqucs et Dogmatiques, sur les Jubiles et 
les Indulgences; la Hayc, 1751, 3 vol.s. in 12mo. ; an elaborate and 
pleasing work, had not the author preferred the character of a polemic 
to that of a philosopher. 

91 Muratori (Dissert, xlvii.) alleges the Annals of Florence, Padua, 
Genoa, &c., the analogy of the rest, the evidence of Otho of Frisingen, 
(de Gest. Ficd. I. 1. ii. c. 13,) and the submission of the marquis of 
Este. 



OF THE KOJIAN EMPIKE. 459 

b!e and disorderly government of Rome was unequal to the 
task of curbing her rebellious sons, who scorned the authority 
of the magistrate within and without the walls. It was no 
longer a civil contention between the nobles and plebeians 
for the government of the slate : the barons asserted in arms 
their personal independence ; their palaces and castles were 
fortified against a siege ; and their private quarrels were 
maintained by the numbers of their vassals and retainers. In 
origin and affection, they were aliens to their country : 92 and 
a genuine Roman, could such have been produced, might 
have renounced these haughty strangers, who disdained the 
appellation of citizens, and proudly styled themselves the 
princes, of Rome. 93 After a dark series of revolutions, all 
records of pedigree were lost ; the distinction of surnames 
was abolished ; the blood of the nations was mingled in a 
thousand channels ; and the Goths and Lombards, the Greeks 
and Franks, the Germans and Normans, had obtained the 
fairest possessions by royal bounty, or the prerogative of 
valor. These examples might be readily presumed ; but the 
elevation of a Hebrew race to the rank of senators and con- 
sals is an event without a parallel in the long captivity of 
these miserable exiles. 94 In the time of Leo the Ninth, a 
wealthy and learned Jew was converted to Christianity, and 
honored at his baptism with the name of his godfather, the 
reigning pope. The zeal and courage of Peter the son of 
Leo were signalized in the cause of Gregory the Seventh, 
who intrusted his faithful adherent with the government of 
Adrian s mole, the tower of Crescentius, or, as it is now 
called, the castle of St. Angelo. Both the father and the son 



9a As early as the year 824, the emperor Lothaire I. found it expe 
dient to interrogate the Roman people, to learn from each individual 
by what national law he chose t o be governed, (Muratori, Dissertat. 
xxii.) 

93 Petrarch, attacks these foreigners, the tyrants of Rome, in a dec 
lamation or epistle, full of bold truths and absurd pedantry, in which 
he applies the maxims, and even prejudices, of the old republic to the 
state of the xivth century, (Memoires, torn. iii. p. 157 169.) 

94 The origin and adventures of this Jewish family arc noticed by 
Pagi, (Critica, torn. iv. p. 435, A. D. 1124, No. 3, 4,) who draws his 
information from the Chronographus Maurigniacensis, and Arnulphua 
Sagiensis do Schismate, (in Muratori, Script. Ital. torn. iii. P. i. p. 423 
132.) The fact must in some degree be true; yet I could wish that 
it had been coolly related, before it was turned into a reproach against 
thf antipopo 



460 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

were the parents of a numerous progeny : their riches, the 
fruits of usury, were shared with the noblest families of the 
city; and so extensive was their alliance, that the grandson 
of the proselyte was exalted by the weight of his kindred to 
t3ie throne of St. Peter. A majority of the clergy and people 
supported his cause : he reigned several years in the Vatican ; 
and it is only the eloquence of St. Bernard, and the final tri 
umph of Innocent the Second, that has branded Anacletus 
with the epithet of antipope. After his defeat and death, the 
posterity of Leo is no longer conspicuous ; and none will be 
found of the modern nobles ambitious of descending from a 
Jewish stock. It is not my design to enumerate the Roman 
families which have failed at different periods, or those which 
are continued in different degrees of splendor to the present 
time. 95 The old consular line of the Frangipani discover 
their name in the generous act of breaking or dividing bread 
in a time of famine ; and such benevolence is more truly 
glorious than to have enclosed, with their allies the Corsi, a 
spacious quarter of the .city in the chains of their fortifica 
tions ; the Savetti, as it should seem a Sabine race, have 
maintained their original dignity ; the obsolete surname of the 
Capizucchi is inscribed on the coins of the first senators ; the 
Conti preserve the honor, without the estate, of the counts 
of Signia ; and the Annibahli must have been very ignorant, 
or very modest, if they had not descended from the Cartha- 
ginian hero. 96 

95 Muratori has given two dissertations (xli. and xlii.) to the names, 
surnames, and families of Italy. Some nobles, who glory in their 
domestic fables, may be offended with his firm and temperate criti 
cism ; yet surely some ounces of pure gold are of more value than 
many pounds of base metal.. 

96 The cardinal of St. George, in his poetical, or rather metrical, 
history of the election and coronation of Boniface VIII., (Muratori, 
Script. Ital. torn. iii. P. i. p. 641, &c.,) describes the state and families 
at Rome at the coronation of Boniface VIII., (A. D. 1295.) 

Intcre;> titulis redimiti sanguine et armis 
Illustrcsquo viri RomanS. <i stirpe trahentes 
Nomen in emeritos ttinise vimrtis honores 
Intulc.rant sese niedios lestumque cole mnt 
AunitS. fuiacnte toga,. so<;iante catervi. 
Ex ipsis devoid dotniw prsstantis ub C/rsS 
Ecclesiffi, vultumque gerons demissius altum 
Festa Columna jocis, n^cnon Sabellia mitis ; 
Stephanides senior, Curnites, Jtmibalica proles, 
Pra fectusque urbis magnum sine viribus nomen. 

(I. ii. c. 5, 100, p. 647, 648.) 

The ancient, statutes of Rome (I. iii- c- />9, p. 174, 175) distinguish 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 461 

But among, perhaps above, the peers and princes of the 
city, I distinguish the rival houses of COLONNA and URSINI, 
whose private story is an essential part of the annals of mod 
ern Rome. I. The name and arms of Colonna 97 have been 
the theme of much doubtful etymology ; nor have the orators 
and antiquarians overlooked either Trajan s pillar, or the 
columns of Hercules, or the pillar of Christ s flagellation, or 
the luminous column that guided the Israelites in the desert. 
Their first historical appearance in the year eleven hundred 
and four attests the power and antiquity, while it explains the 
simple meaning, of the name. By the usurpation of Cavse, 
the Colonna provoked the arms of Paschal the Second ; but 
they lawfully held in the Campagna of Rome the hereditary 
fiefs of Zagarola and Colonna ; and the latter of these towns 
was probably adorned with some lofty pillar, the relic of a 
villa or temple. 98 They likewise possessed one moiety of 
the neighboring city of Tusculum, a strong presumption of 
their descent from the counts of Tusculum, who in the tenth 
century were the tyrants of the apostolic see. According tc 
their own and the public opinion, the primitive and remote 
source was derived from the banks of the Rhine; 99 and th& 
sovereigns of Germany were not ashamed of a real or fabulous 
affinity with a noble race, which in the revolutions of seven 
hundred years has been often illustrated by merit and always 
by fortune. 100 About the end of the thirteenth century, the 

eleven families of barons, who are obliged to s-vvear in concilio coni- 
muni, before the senator, that they would not harbor or protect any 
malefactors, outlaws, &c. a feeble security ! 

97 It is pity that the Colonna themselves have not favored the 
world with a complete and critical history of their illustrious house. 
I adhere to Muratori, (Dissert, xlii. torn. iii. p. 647, 648.) 

Pandulph. Pisan. in Vit. Paschal. II. in Muratori, Script. Ital. 
torn. iii. P. i. p. 335. The family has still great possessions in the 
Campagna of Home ; but they have alienated to the Rospigliosi this 
original fief of Colonna, (Eschinard, p. 258, 259.) 

Te longinqua dcdit tellus et pascua Rheni, 

sirs Petrarch ; and, in 1417, a duke of Guelders and Juliers acknowl 
edges (Lenfant, Hist, du Concile do Constance, torn. ii. p. 539) his 
descent from the ancestors of Martin V., (Otho Colonna :) but the 
royal author of the Memoirs of Brandenburg observes, that the sceptre 
in his arms has been confounded with the column. To maintain the 
Roman origin of the Colouna, it was ingeniously supposed (Diario di 
Monaldcschi, in the Script. Ital. torn. xii. p. ,333) that a cousin of the 
emperor Nero escaped from the city, and founded Mentz in Germany. 
1 I cannot overlook the Roman triumph or ovation of Marco An- 
39* 



462 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

most powerful branch was composed of an uncle and six 
brothers, all conspicuous in arms, or in the honors of the 
church. Of these, Peter was elected senator of Rome, intro 
duced to the Capitol in a triumphant ear, and hailed in some 
vain acclamations with the title of Cassar ; while John and 
Stephen were declared marquis of Ancona and count of Ro- 
magna, by Nicholas the Fourth, a patron so partial to their 
family, that he has been delineated in satirical portraits, im 
prisoned as it were in a hollow pillar. 101 After his decease, 
their haughty behavior provoked the displeasure of the most 
implacable of mankind. The two cardinals, the uncle and 
the nephew, denied the election of Boniface the Eighth ; and 
the Colonna were oppressed for a moment by his temporal 
and spiritual arms. 102 He proclaimed a crusade against his 
personal enemies ; their estates were confiscated ; their for 
tresses on either side of the Tyber were besieged by the 
troops of St. Peter and those of the rival nobles ; and after 
the ruin of Palestrina or Praneste, their principal seat, the 
ground was marked with a ploughshare, the emblem of per 
petual desolation. Degraded, banished, proscribed, the six 
brothers, in disguise and danger, wandered over Europe with 
out renouncing the hope of deliverance and revenge. In this 
double hope, the French court was their surest asylum ; they 
prompted and directed the enterprise of Philip ; and 1 should 
praise their magnanimity, had they respected the misfortune 
and courage of the captive tyrant. His civil acts were an 
nulled by the Roman people, who restored the honors and 
possessions of the Colonna ; and some estimate may be formed 
of their wealth by their losses, of their losses by the damages 
of one hundred thousand gold florins which were granted 
them against the accomplices and heirs of the deceased pope. 
All the spiritual censures and disqualifications were abol- 

toiiio Colonna, who had commanded the pope s galleys at the naval 
victory of Lepanto, (Thuan. Hist. 1. 7, torn. iii. p. 55, 56. Muret 
Oratio x. Opp. torn. i. p. 180 190.) 

101 Muratori, Annali d Italia, torn. x. p. 216, 220. 

105 Petrarch s attachment to the Colonna has authorized the abb6 
de Sade to expatiate on the state of the family in the fourteenth cen 
tury, the persecxition of Boniface VIII., the character of Stephen arid 
his "sons, their quarrels Avith the Ursini, &c., (Memoires sur Petrarque, 
torn. i. p. 98110, 146 US, 174176, 222230, 275280.) His 
criticism often rectifies the hearsay stories of Yillani, and the errors 
of the less diligent moderns. I understand the branch of Stephen to 
W now extinct. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIB E. 

tshed 103 by his prudent successors ; and the fortune of the 
nouse was more firmly established by this transient huYricane. 
The boldness of Sciarra Colonna was signalized in the cap 
tivity of Boniface, and long afterwards in the coixmation of 
Lewis of Bavaria ; and by the gratitude of the emperor, the 
pillar in their arms was encircled with a royal crown. But 
the first of the family in fame and merit was the elder Ste 
phen, whom Petrarch loved and esteemed as a hero superior 
to his own times, and not unworthy of ancient Rome. Per 
secution and exile displayed to the nations his abilities in 
peace and war ; in his distress he was an object, not of pity, 
but of reverence ; the aspect of- danger provoked him to avow 
his name and country ; and when he was asked, " Where is 
now your fortress ? he laid his hand on his heart, and an 
swered, " Here." He supported with the same virtue the 
return of prosperity ; and, till the ruin of his declining age, 
the ancestors, the character, and the children of Stephen Go- 
lonna, exalted his dignity in the Roman republic, and at the 
court of Avignon. II. The Ursini migrated from Spoleto ; ]04 
the sons of Ursus, as they are styled in the twelfth century, 
from some eminent person, who is only known as the father 
of their race. But they were soon distinguished among the 
nobles of Rome, by the number and bravery of their kins 
men, the strength of their towers, the honors of the senate 
and sacred college, and the elevation of two popes, Celestiu 
the Third and Nicholas the Third, of their name and line 
age. 105 Their riches may be accused as an early abuse of 



103 Alexander III. had declared the Colonna who adhered to the 
emperor Frederic I. incapable of holding any ecclesiastical benefi.ce, 
(Villani, 1. v. c. 1 ;) and the last stains of annual excommunication 
were purified by Sixtus T., (Vita di Sisto V. torn. iii. p. 416.) 
Treason, sacrilege, and proscription are often the best titles of ancient 
nobility. 

Vallis te proxima misit, 

Appenninigenne qua prata virentia sylvae 
Spoletana metunt armentu gregesque protervi. 

Monaldesehi (torn. xii. Script. Ital. p. 533) gives the Uraini a French 
origin, which may be remotely true. 

1 In the metrical life of Cclcstine V. by the cardinal of St. George, 
(Muratori, torn. iii. P. i. p. 613, &c..) we find a luminous, and not in 
elegant, passage, (1. i. c. 3, p. 203, &e. :) 



gonmt quoin nobilis Ursae (C/rst?) 

Progenies, Romana donius, veterutaqua mugnib 
Faseibus in clero, pompa?que cxperta senat&s, 



464 THE DECLIFF. A^ D FALL 

nepotism : the estates of St, Peter were alienated in thei? 
favor by the liberal Celestin ; 10& and Nicholas was ambitious 
for their sake to solicit the alliance of monarchs ; to found 
new kingdoms in Lornbardy and Tuscany ; and to invest 
them with the perpetual office of senators of Rome, All that 
has been observed of the greatness of the Colonna will like 
wise redound to the glory of the Ursini, their constant and 
equal antagonists in the long hereditary feud, which distracted 
above two hundred and fifty years .the ecclesiastical state. 
The jealousy of preeminence and power was the true ground 
of their quarrel ; but as a specious badge of distinction, the 
Colonna embraced the name of Ghibelines and the party of 
the empire ; the Ursini espoused the title of Guelphs and 
the cause of the church. The eagle and the keys were dis 
played in their adverse banners ; and the two factions of 
Italy most furiously raged whop the origin and nature of the 
dispute were long since forgotten. 107 After the retreat of the 
popes to Avignon they disputed in arms the vacant republic ; 
and the mischiefs of discord were perpetuated by the wretch 
ed compromise of electing each year two rival senators. By 
their private hostilities the city and country were desolated, 
and the fluctuating balance inclined with their alternate suc 
cess. Bot none of either family had fallen by the sword, till 
ihe most renowned champion of the Ursini was surprised and 
slain by the younger Stephen Colonna. 108 His triumph is 
stained with the reproach of violating the truce ; their de 
feat was basely avenged by the assassination, before the 
church door, of an innocent boy and his two servants. Yet 

Sellorumque manu grandi stipata parentura 
Caroline 09 apices necnon fastigia dudutn 
Papatas iteraia tenens. 

Muratori (Dissert, xlii. torn, iii.) observes, that the first Ursini pontifi 
cate of Celestine III. was unknown : lie is inclined to read Ursi pro 
genies. 

lotf Filii Ursi, quondam Ceclestini papte nepotes, de bonis ecelesiae 
jRomance ditati, (Vit. Innocent. III. in Muratori, Script, torn. iii. P. i.) 
The partial prodigality of Nicholas III. is more conspicuous in Yillani 
and Muratori. Yet the Ur&ini would disdain the nephews of a modern 
pope. 

107 In his fifty-first Dissertation on the Italian Antiquities, Muratori 
explains the factions of the Guelphs and Ghibelines. 

108 Petrarch (torn. i. p. 222 230) has celebrated this victory ac 
cording to the Colonna ; but two contemporaries, a Florentine (Oio- 
ranni Yillani, 1. x. c. 220) and a Roman, (Ludovieo Monaldeschi, p. 
533, 534,) are less favorable to their arms. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 465 

the victorious Colonna, with an annual colleague, was de 
clared senator of Rome during the term of five years. And 
the rnuse of Petrarch inspired a wish, a hope, a prediction, 
that the generous youth, the son of his venerable hero, would 
restore Rome and Italy to their pristine glory ; that his 
justice would extirpate the wolves and lions, the serpents and 
bears, who labored to subvert the eternal basis of the marble 

COLUMN. 109 



109 The abbe de Sade (torn. i. Notes, p. 6166) has applied the 
vith Canzone of Petrarch, Spirto Gentil, &c., to Stephen Colonna the 
younger : 

Orsi, lupi, leoni, aquile e serpi 
Ad una gran marmorea colonna 
Funao noja sovente c 4 o dunno 



466 THE DECLINE AND FALL 



CHAPTER LXX. 

CHARACTER AND CORONATION OF PETRARCH. RESTORATION 

OF THE FREEDOM AND GOVERNMENT OF ROME BY THE 
TRIBUNE RIENZI. HIS VIRTUES AND VICES, HIS EXPUL 
SION AND DEATH. RETURN OF THE POPES FROM AVIG 

NON. GREAT SCHISM OF THE WEST. REUNION OF THE 

LATIN CHURCH. LAST STRUGGLES OF ROMAN LIBERTY. 

STATUTES OF ROME. FINAL SETTLEMENT OF THE ECCLE 
SIASTICAL STATE. 

IN the apprehension of modern times, Petrarch 1 is the 
Italian songster of Laura and love. _In the harmony of his 
Tuscan rhymes, Italy applauds, or rather adores, the father 
of her lyric poetry ; and his verse, or at least his name, is 
repeated by the enthusiasm, or affectation, of amorous sensi 
bility. Whatever may be the private taste of a stranger, his 
slight and superficial knowledge should humbly acquiesce in 
the judgment of a learned nation; yet I may hope or pre 
sume, that the Italians do not compare the tedious uniformity 
of sonnets and elegies with the sublime compositions of their 
epic muse, the original wildness of Dante, the regular beau 
ties of Tasso, and the boundless variety of the incomparable 
Ariosto. The merits of the lover I am still less qualified to 
appreciate : nor am I deeply interested in a metaphysical 
passion for a nymph so shadowy, that her existence has been 
questioned ; 2 for a matron so prolific, 3 that she was delivered 



1 The Memoires sur la Vie do Francois Pctrarque, (Amsterdam, 
1764, 1767, 3 vols. in 4to.,) form a copious, original, and entertaining 
work, a labor of love, composed from the accurate study of Petrarch 
and his contemporaries ; but the hero is too often lost in the general 
history of the age, and the author too often languishes in the affecta 
tion of politeness and gallantry. In the preface to his first volume, he 
enumerates and weighs twenty Italian biographers, who have profess 
edly treated of the same subject. 

2 The allegorical interpretation prevailed in the xvth century ; but 
the wise commentators were not agreed whether they should under 
stand by Laura, religion, or virtue, or the blessed virgin, or . 

See the prefaces to the first and second volume. 

3 Laure de 2s oves, born about the year 1307, was married in 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE, 467 

of deven legitimate children, 4 while her amorous swain s ghed 
and sung at the fountain of Vaucluse. 5 But in the eyes of 
Petrarch, and those of his graver contemporaries, his love 
was a sin, and Italian verse a frivolous amusement. His 
Latin works of philosophy, poetry, and eloquence, established 
his serious reputation, which was soon diffused from Avignon 
over France and Italy : his friends and disciples were multi 
plied in every city ; and if the ponderous volume of his writ 
ings 6 be now abandoned to a long repose, our gratitude must 
applaud the man, who by precept and example revived the 
spirit and study of the Augustan age. From his earliest 
youth, Petrarch aspired to the poetic crown. The academical 
honors of the three faculties had introduced a royal degree 
of master or doctor in the art of poetry ; 7 and the title of 
poet-laureate, which custom, rather than vanity, perpetuates 
in the English court, 8 was first invented by the Caesars of 

1325, to liugues de Sade, a noble citizen of Avignon, whose jealousy 
was not the effect of love, since he married a second wife within 
seven months of her death, which happened the 6th of April, 1348, pre 
cisely one-and-twenty years after Petrarch had seen and loved her. 

4 Corpus crebris partubus exhaustum ; from oue of these is issued., 
in the tenth degree, the abbe de Sade, the- fond and grateful biographer 
of Petrarch ; and this domestic motive most probably suggested the 
idea of his work, and urged him to inquire into every circumstance 
that could affect the history and character of his grandmother, (see 
particularly torn. i. p. 122 133, notes, p, 7 58, torn. ii. p, 455 -495, 
not. p. 7682,) 

6 Vaucluse, so familiar to our English travellers, is described from 
the writings of Petrarch, and the local knowledge of his biographer, 
(Memoires, torn. i. p. 340 359.) It was, in truth, the retreat of a her 
mit ; and the moderns are much mistaken, if they place Laura and a 
happy lover in the grotto. 

6 Of 1250 pages, in a close print, at Basil in the xvith century, but 
without the date of the year. The abbe de Sade calls aloud for a new 
edition of Petrarch s Latin works ; but I much doubt whether it would 
redound to the profit of the bookseller, or the amusement of the pubk c. 

7 Consult Selden s Titles of Honor, in his works, (vol. iii. p. 457 
466.) A hundred years before Petrarch, St. Francis received the 
visit of a poet, qui ab imperatore fucrat coronatus et exinde rex ver- 
suum dictus. 

8 From Augustus to Louis, the muse has too often been false and 
venal : but I much doubt whether any age or court can produce a 
similar establishment of a stipendiary poet, who in every reign, and at 
all events, is bound to furnish twice a year a measure of praise and 
verse, such as may be sung in the chapel, and, I believe, in the pres 
ence, of the sovereign I speak the more freely, as the bsst time for 
abolishing this ridiculous custom is while the prince is a man of vir 
tue, and the poet a man of genius. 



468 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

Germany. In the musical games of antiquity, a prize was 
bestowed on the victor : 9 the belief that Virgil and Horace 
had been crowned in the Capitol inflamed the emulation of a 
Latin bard ; 10 and the laurel u . was endeared to the lover by 
a verbal resemblance with the name of his mistress. The 
value of either object was enhanced by the difficulties of the 
pursuit ; and if the virtue or prudence of Laura was inexora 
ble, 12 he enjoyed, and might boast of enjoying, the nymph of 
poetry. His vanity was not of the most delicate kind, since 
he applauds the success of his own labors ; his name was 
popular ; his friends were active ; the open or secret opposi 
tion of envy and prejudice was surmounted by the dexterity 
of patient merit. In the thirty-sixth year of his age, he was 
solicited to accept the object of his wishes ; and on the same 
day, in the solitude of Vaucluse, he received a similar and 
solemn invitation from the senate of Rome and the university 
of Paris. The learning of a theological school, and the igno 
rance of a lawless city, were alike unqualified to bestow the 
ideal though immortal wreath which genius may obtain from 
the free applause of the public and of posterity : but the can 
didate dismissed this troublesome reflection ; and after some 



9 Isocrates (in Panegyrico, torn. i. p. 116, 117, edit. Battle, Cantab. 
1729) claims for his native Athens the glory of first instituting and 
recommending the uhmvag nai TU JtUa itfytcsra /to ; ,6vov Tu/ot>$ y.ai 
gwjio;?, a>Uu aat /.oj wf xai yrw^;$. The example of the Panathenzea 
was imitated at Delphi ; but the Olympic games were ignorant of a 
musical crown, till it was extorted by the vain tyranny of Nero, (Sue- 
ton, in Nerone, c. 23 ; Philostrat. apud Casauboii ad locum ; Dion 
Cassius, or Xiphilin, 1. Ixiii. p. 1032, 1041. Potter s Greek Antiqui 
ties, vol. i. p. 445, 450.) 

10 The Capitoline games (certamen quinqueiiale, musicum, equestre, 
gymnicum) were instituted by Domitian (Sueton. c. 4) in the year of 
Christ 86, (Censorin. de Die Natali, c. 18, p. 100, edit. Havercamp,) 
and were not abolished in the ivth century, (Ausonius cle Professori- 
bus Burdegal. Y.) If the crown were given to superior merit, the 
exclusion of Statius (Capitolia nostra3 inticiata lyrse, Sylv. 1. iii. v. 31) 
may do honor to the games of the Capitol ; but the Latin poets who 
lived before Domitian were crowned only in the public opinion. 

11 Petrarch and the senators of Komc were ignorant that the laurel 
%vas not the Capitoline, but the Delphic, crown, (Plin. Hist. Natur. 
xv. 39. Hist. Critique de la Republique des Lettres, torn. i. p. 150 
220.) The victors in the Capitol were crowned with a garland of oak 
leaves, (Martial, 1. iv. epigram 54.) 

12 The pious grandson of Laura has labored, and not without suc 
cess, to vindicate her immaculate chastity against the censures of the 

and the sneers of the profane, (torn, ii. notes, p. 76 82.) 



OF THE ROM IN EMPIRE. 469 

moments of complacency and suspense, preferred the sum 
mons of the metropolis of the world. 

The ceremony of his coronation ^ was performed in the 
Capitol, by his friend and patron the supreme magistrate of 
the republic. Twelve patrician youths were arrayed in soar- 
let ; six representatives of the most illustrious families, in 
green robes, with garlands of flowers, accompanied the pro- 
cession ; in the midst of the princes arid nobles, the senator, 
count of Anguillara, a kinsman of the Colonna, assumed his 
throne ; and at the voice of a herald Petrarch arose. After 
discoursing on a text of Virgil, and thrice repeating his vows 
for the prosperity of Rome, he knelt before the throne, and 
received from the senator a laurel crown, with a more precious 
declaration, l This is the reward of merit." The people 
shouted, " Long life to the Capitol and the poet ! " A sonnet 
in praise of Rome was accepted as the effusion of genius and 
gratitude ; and after the .whole procession had visited the Vat 
ican, the profane wreath was suspended before the shrine of 
St. Peter. In the act or diploma 14 which was presented to 
Petrarch, the title and prerogatives of poet-laureate are revived 
in the Capitol, after the lapse of thirteen hundred years ; and he 
receives the perpetual privilege of wearing, at his choice, a 
crown of laurel, ivy, or myrtle, of assuming the poetic habit, 
and of teaching, disputing, interpreting, and composing, in all 
places whatsoever, and on all subjects of literature. The 
grant was ratified by the authority of the senate and people ; 
and the character of citizen was the recompense of his affec 
tion for the Roman name. They did him honor, but they did 
him justice. In the familiar society of Cicero and Livy, he 
had imbibed the ideas of an ancient patriot; and his ardent 
fancy kindled every idea to a sentiment, and every sentiment 
to a passion. The aspect of the seven hills and their majestic 
ruins confirmed these lively impressions ; and he loved a 
country by whose liberal spirit he had been crowned and 
adopted. The poverty and debasement of Rome excited the 
indignation and pity of her grateful son ; he dissembled the 

The whole process of Petrarch s coronation is accurately described 
by the abbe de Sade, (torn. i. p. 425435, torn. ii. p. 1 6,"notes, p. 1 
13,) from his own writings, and the Roman diary of Ludovico Mo- 
naldeschi, without mixing in this authentic narrative the more recent 
fables ot Sannuccio Delbene. 

14 The original act is printed among the Pieces Justificatives in the 
Memoirea sur Petrarque, torn. iii. p. 5053. 
VOL. vr. 40 



470 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

faults of his fellow-citizens; applauded with p irtial fondness 
the last of their heroes and matrons ; and in the remembrance 
of the past, in the hopes, of the future, was pleased to forget 
the miseries of the present time. Rome was still the lawful 
mistress of the world : the pope and the emperor, the bishop 
and general, had abdicated their station by an inglorious re 
treat to the Rhone and the Danube ; but if she could resume 
her virtue, the republic might again vindicate her liberty and 
dominion. Amidst the indulgence of enthusiasm and elo 
quence, 15 Petrarch, Italy, and Europe, were astonished by 
a revolution which realized for a moment his most splendid 
visions. The rise and fall of the tribune Rienzi will occupy 
the following pages : 16 the subject is interesting, the materials 
are rich, and -the glance of a patriot bard. 17 will sometimes 
vivify the copious, but simple, narrative of the Florentine, 18 
and more especially of the Roman, 19 historian. 

In a quarter of the city which was inhabited only by me- 



15 To find the proofs of Ms enthusiasm for Rome, I need only 
request that the reader would open, by chance, either Petrarch, or his 
French biographer. The latter has described the poet s first visit to 
Home, (torn. i. p. 323 335.) But in the place of much idle rhetoric 
and morality, Petrarch might have amused the present and future age 
with an original account of the city and his coronation. 

16 It has been treated by the pen of a Jesuit, the P. de Cerceau, 
whose posthumous work (Conjuration de Nicolas Gabrini, dit de 
Rienzi, Tyran de Rome, en 1347) was published at Paris, 17^8, in 
12mo. I am indebted to him for some facts and documents in John 
Ilocsemius, canon of Liege, a contemporary historian, (Fabricius, 
Bibliot. Lat. Med. ^Evi, torn. iii. p. 273, torn. iv. p. 85.) 

17 The abbe de Sade, who so freely expatiates on the history of the 
xivth century, might treat, as his proper subject, a revolution in which 
the heart of Petrarch was so deeply engaged, (Memoires, torn. ii. p. 
50, 51,- 320117, notes, p. 7076, torn. iii. p. 221243, 366375.) 
Not an idea or a fact in the writings of Petrarch has probably escaped 
him. 

18 Giovanni Villani, 1. xii. c. 89, 104, in Muratori, Rerum Italicarum 
Scriptores, torn. xiii. p. 969, 970, 981983. 

19 In his third volume of Italian Antiquities, (p. 249 548,) Mura 
tori has inserted the Fragmenta Historian Romance ab Anno 1327, 
usque ad Annum 1354, in the original dialect of Rome or Naples in 
the xivth century, and a Latin version for the benefit of strangers. It 
contains the most particular and authentic life of Cola (Nicholas) di 
Rienzi ; which had been printed at Bracciano, 1627, in 4to., under the 
name of Tomaso Fortifiocca, who is only mentioned in this work as 
having been punished by the tribune for forgery. Human nature is 
scarcely capable of such sublime or stupid impartiality : but whoso 
ever is the author of these Fragments, he wrote on the spot and at the 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 471 

chanics and Jews, the marriage of an innkeeper and a washer 
woman produced the future deliverer of Rome. 20 t From 
such parents Nicholas Rienzi Gabrini could inherit neither 
dignity nor fortune ; and the gift of a liberal education, which 
they painfully bestowed, was the cause of his glory and 
untimely end. The study of history and eloquence, the 
writings of Cicero, Seneca, Livy, Caesar, and Valerius Max 
im us, elevated above his equals and contemporaries the 
gei ius of the young plebeian : he perused with indefati 
gable diligence the manuscripts and marbles of antiquity ; 
loved to ^dispense his knowledge in familiar language ; 
and was often provoked to exclaim, " Where are now these 
Romans ? their virtue, their justice, their power ? why was I 
not born in those happy times ? " 21 When the republic ad- 
time, and paints, without design or art, the manners of Rome and the 
character of the tribune.* 

2U The first and splendid period of Rienzi, his tribunitian govern 
ment, is contained in the xviiith chapter of the Fragments, (p. 399 
479,) which, in the new division, forms the iid book of the history in 
xxxviii. smaller chapters or sections. 

21 The reader may be pleased with a specimen of the original 
idiom : F6 da soa juventutine nutricato di latte de eloquentia, bono 
gramatico, megliore rettuorico, autorista bravo. Deh como et quanto 
era veloce leitore ! moito usava Tito Livio, Seneca, et Tullio, et Bale- 
rio Massimo, moito li clilettava le magnificentie di Julio Cesare rac- 
contare. Tutta la die se speculava negT intagli di marmo lequali 
iaccio intorno Roma. Non era altri che esso, che sapesse lejere li an- 
tichi pataffii. Tutte scritture antiche vulgarizzava ; quesse fiure di 
marmo justamente interpretava. Oh come spesso diceva, " Dove 
suono quelli buoni Romani ? dove ene loro somma justitia ? poleramme 
trovare in tempo che quessi nuriano ! " 



* Since the publication of my first edition of Gibbon, some new and 
very remarkable documents have been brought to light in a life of Nicolas 
Rienzi, Cola di Rienzo und seine Zeit, by Dr. Felix Papencordt. The 
most important of these documents are letters from Rienzi to Charles the 
Fourth, emperor and king of Bohemia, and to the archbishop of Prague ; 
they enter into the whole history of his adventurous career during its first 
period, and throw a strong light upon his extraordinary character. These 
documents were first discovered and made use of, to a certain extent, by 
Pelzel, the historian of Bohemia. The originals have disappeared, but a 
copy made by Pelzel for his own use is now in the library of Count Thun 
at Teschen. There seems no doubt of their authenticity. Dr. Papencordt 
has printed the whole in liis Urkunden, with the exception of one long 
theological paper. M. 18-io. 

f But see in Dr. Papencordt s work, and in Rienzi s own words, his 
claim to be a bastard son of the emperor Henry the Seventh, whose in 
trigue with his mother Rienzi relates with a sort of p"oud shamelessness. 
Compare account by the editor of Dr. Papencordt s w< <rk in Quarterly Re 
view, vol. Ixix. M. 1845. 



472 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

dressed to the throne of Avignon an embassy of the tkea 
orders, the spirit and eloquence of Rienzi recommended him 
to a place among the thirteen deputies of the commons. The 
orator had the honor of haranguing Pope Clement the Sixth, 
and the satisfaction of conversing with Petrarch, a congenial 
mind : but his aspiring hopes were chilled by disgrace and 
poverty ; and the patriot was reduced to a single garment 
and the charity of the hospital.* From this misery he was 
relieved by the sense of merit or the smile of favor ; and the 
employment of apostolic notary afforded him a daily stipend of 
five gold florins, a more honorable and extensive ^ connection, 
and the right of contrasting, both in words and actions, his 
own integrity with the vices of the state. The eloquence of 
Rienzi was prompt and persuasive : the multitude is always 
prone to envy and censure : he was stimulated by the loss of 
a brother and the impunity of the assassins ; nor was it possi 
ble to excuse or exaggerate the public calamities. The bless 
ings of peace and justice, for which civil society has been 
instituted, were banished from Rome : the jealous citizens, 
who might have endured every personal or pecuniary injury, 
"were most deeply wounded in the dishonor of their wives and 
daughters : 22 they were equally oppressed by the arrogance 
of the nobles and the corruption of- the magistrates ; t and 
the abuse of arms or of laws was the only circumstance that 
distinguished the lions from the dogs and serpents of the 
Capitol. These allegorical emblems were variously repeated 
in the pictures which Rienzi exhibited in the streets and 
churches ; and while the spectators gazed with curious won 
der, the bold and ready orator unfolded the meaning, applied 
the satire, inflamed their passions, and announced a distant 
hope of comfort and deliverance. The privileges of Rome, 
her eternal sovereignty over her princes and provinces, was 
the theme of his public and private discourse ; and a monu 



22 Petrarch, compares the jealousy of the Romany with, the easy 
temper of the husbands of Avignon, (Memo-ires, torn. i. p. 330.) 



* Sir J. Hobhouse published (in his Illustrations of Childe Harold) 
Rienzi s joyful letter to the people of Borne, on the apparently favorable 
termination of this mission. M. 184o. 

t All this Rienzi, writing at a later period to the archbishop of ie, 

attributed to the criminal abandonment of his flock by the supreme pon 
tiff. See Urkunde apud Papencordt, p. xliv. Quarterly Review, p. *>* 
M. 1845. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 473 

ment of servitude became in his hands a title and incentive 
of liberty. The decree of the senate, which granted the 
most ample prerogatives to the emperor Vespasian, had been 
inscribed on a copper -plate still extant in the choir of the 
church of St. John Lateran. 23 A numerous assembly of 
nobles and plebeians was invited to this political lecture, and 
a convenient theatre was erected for their reception. The 
notary appeared in a magnificent and mysterious habit, ex 
plained the inscription by a version and commentary, 24 and 
descanted with eloquence and zeal on the ancient glories of 
the senate and people, from whom all legal authority was de 
rived. The supine ignorance of the nobles was incapable 
of discerning the serious tendency of such representations : 
they might sometimes chastise with words and blows the 
plebeian reformer ; but he was often suffered in the Colonna 
palace to amuse the company with his threats and predic 
tions ; and the modern Brutus 25 was concealed under the 
mask of folly and the character of a buffoon. While they 
indulged their contempt, the restoration of the good estate, 
his favorite expression, was entertained among the people 
as a desirable, a possible, and at length as an approaching , 
event ; and while all had the disposition to applaud, some had 
the courage to assist, their promised deliverer. 

A prophecy, or rather a summons, affixed on the church 

23 The fragments of the Lex regia may be found in the Inscriptions 
of Grater, torn. i. p. 242, and at the end of the Tacitus of Ernesti, 
with some learned notes of the editor, torn. ii. 

24 I cannot overlook a stupendous and laughable blunder of Ricnzi. 
The Lex regia empowers Vespasian to enlarge the Pomcerium, a word 
familiar to every antiquary. It was not so to the tribune ; he confounds 
it with pomarium, an orchard, translates lo Jardino de lioma cioene 
Italia, and is copied by the less excusable ignorance of the Latin 
translator (p. 406) and the French historian, (p. 33.) Even the 
learning of Muratori has slumbered over the passage. 

25 Priori (Bnito) tamen similior, juvenis uterque, longe ingciiio 
quam cujus simulationem induerat, ut sub hoc obtentft liberator ille P. 
K. aperiretur tempore suo .... Ille regibus, hie tyrannis con temp - 
tus, (Opp. p. 536.)* 

* Fateor attampn quod nunc fatuum, mine hystrioncm, nunc gravem, 
mine simplicem, nunc aotutum, mi no. f ervidum, nunc timidum simulato- 
n i :n, et dissimuUtorem ncl hunc caritativnm iincin, qnom Jixi, constitui 
sepius memet ipsum. Writing to an archbishop, (of Prague,) Itienzi al 
leges scriptural examples. Sultutor corum archa David e i. is. . itis apparuit 
corain liege ; blanda, astuta, et tecta Judith astitit Ho ofenii ; et astut6 
Jacob meruit benedici, Urkun.de, xlix. M. 1845. 

40* 



474 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

door of St. George was the first public evidence of his 
designs ; a nocturnal assembly of a hundred citizens on 
Mount Aventine, the first step to their execution. After an 
oath of secrecy and aid, he represented to the conspirators 
the importance and facility of their enterprise ; that the no 
bles, without union or resources, were strong only in the fear 
of their imaginary strength ; that all power, as well as right 
was in the hands of the people ; that the revenues of the 
apostolical chamber might relieve the public distress ; and 
that the pope himself would approve their victory over the 
common enemies of government and freedom. After securing 
a faithful band to protect his first declaration, he proclaimed 
through the city, by sound of trumpet, that on the evening of 
the following day, all persons should assemble without arms be 
fore the church of St. Angelo, to provide for the reestablish- 
ment of the good estate. The whole night was employed in 
the celebration of thirty masses of the Holy Ghost ; and in the 
morning, Rienzi, bareheaded, but in complete armor, issued 
from the church, encompassed by the hundred conspirators. 
The pope s vicar, the simple bishop of Orvieto, who had been 
persuaded to sustain a part in this singular ceremony, marched 
on his right hand ; and three great standards were borne aloft 
as the emblems of their design. In the first, the banner of 
liberty, Rome was seated on two lions, with a palm in one hand 
and a globe in the other ; St. Paul, with a drawn sword, was 
delineated in the banner of justice ; and in the third, St. Peter 
held the keys of concord and peace. Rienzi was encouraged 
by the presence and applause of an innumerable crowd, 
who understood little, and hoped much ; and the procession 
slowly rolled forwards from the castle of St. Ano;elo to the 

./ , 

Capitol. His triumph was disturbed by some secret emotions 
which he labored to suppress : he ascended without opposi 
tion, and with seeming confidence, the citadel of the republic ; 
harangued the people from the balcony \ and received the 
most flattering confirmation of his acts and laws. The 
nobles, as if destitute of arms and counsels, beheld in silent 
consternation this strange revolution ; and the moment had 
been prudently chosen, when the most formidable, Stephen 
Colonna, was absent from the city. On the first rumor, he 
returned to his palace, affected to despise this plebeian tumult, 
and declared to the messenger of Rienzi, that at his leisure 
he would cast the madman from the windows of the Capitol. 
The great bell instantly rang an alarm, and so rapid was the 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 475 

* 

tide, so urgent was the danger, that Colonnt escaped with 
precipitation to the suburb of St. Laurence : from thence, 
after a moment s refreshment, he continued the same speedy 
career till he reached in safety his castle of Palestrina ; la 
menting his own imprudence, which had not trampled the 
spark of this mighty conflagration. A general and peremp 
tory order was issued from the Capitol to all the nobles, 
that they should peaceably retire to their estates : they 
obeyed ; and their departure secured the tranquillity of the 
free and obedient citizens of Rome. 

But such voluntary obedience evaporates with the first 
transports of zeal ; and Rienzi felt the importance of justify 
ing his usurpation by a regular form and a legal title. At his 
own choice, the Roman people would have displayed their 
attachment and authority, by lavishing on his head the names 
of senator or consul, of king or emperor: he preferred the 
ancient and modest appellation of tribune ;* the protection of 
the commons was the essence of that sacred office ; and they 
were ignorant, that it had never been invested with any share 
in the legislative or executive powers of the republic. In this 
character, and with the consent of the Romans, the tribune 
enacted the most salutary laws for the restoration .and main 
tenance of the good estate. By the first he fulfils the wish 
of .honesty and inexperience, that no civil suit should be pro 
tracted beyond the term of fifteen days. The clanger of 
frequent perjury might justify the pronouncing against a false 
accuser the same penalty which his evidence would have 
inflicted : the disorders of the times might compel the legis 
lator to punish every homicide with death, and every injury 
with equal retaliation. But the execution of justice was hope 
less till he had previously abolished the tyranny of the nobles. 
It was formally provided, that none, except the supreme 
magistrate, should possess or command the gates, bridges, or 
towers of the state ; that no private garrisons should be intro 
duced into the towns or castles of the Roman territory ; that 
none should bear arms, or presume to fortify their houses IP 
the city or country ; that the barons should be responsible for 

* Et ego, Deo semper auctore, ipsa die pristina (leg. prima) Tribunatus, 
qucs quidem dignitas a tempore dcflorati Imperil, et per annos V et 
ultra sub tyrannica oecupatione vacavit, ipsos omnes potentes indiiferenter 
Deum et justitiam odientes, a mea, ymo a Dei facie fugiendo vehement! 
Spiritu dissipavi, et nullo effuso cruore trementes expuli, sine ictu rema- 
nente Romane terre facie renovata. Libellus Tribuni ad Ciesareru, p. 
xxxiv. - -M. 1845. 



476 THE DECLINE AND 

the safety of the highways, and the free passage of provisions 
and that the protection of malefactors and robbers should be 
expiated by a fine of a thousand marks of silver. But these 
regulations would have been impotent and nugatory, had not 
the licentious nobles been awed by the sword of the civil 
power. A sudden alarm from the bell of the Capitol could 
still summon to the standard above twenty thousand volun 
teers : the support of the tribune and the laws required a more 
regular and permanent force. In each harbor of the coast a 
vessel was stationed for the assurance of commerce ; a stand 
ing militia of three hundred and sixty horse and thirteen 
hundred foot was levied, clothed, and paid in the thirteen 
quarters of the city : and the spirit of a commonwealth may 
be traced in the grateful allowance of one hundred florins, or 
pounds, to the heirs of every soldier who lost his life in the 
service of his country. For the maintenance of the public 
defence, for the establishment of granaries, for the relief of 
widows, orphans, and indigent convents, Rienzi applied, with 
out fear of sacrilege, the revenues of the apostolic chamber : 
the three branches of hearth-money, the salt-duty, and the 
customs, were each of the annual produce of one hundred 
thousand florins ; 2G and scandalous were the abuses, if in four 
or five months the amount of the salt-duty could be trebled by 
his judicious economy. After thus restoring the forces and 
finances of the republic, the tribune recalled the nobles from 
their solitary independence ; requ&ed their personal appear 
ance in the Capitol ; and imposed an oath of allegiance to the 
new government, and of submission to the laws of the good 
estate. Apprehensive for their safety, but still more appre 
hensive of the danger of a refusal, the princes and barons 
returned to their houses at Rome in the garb of simple and 
peaceful citizens : the Colonna and Ursini, the Savelli and 
Frangipani, were confounded before the tribunal of a ple 
beian, of the vile buffoon whom they had so often derided, 
and their disgrace was aggravated by the indignation which 
they vainly struggled to disguise. The same oath was suc 
cessively pronounced by the several orders of society, the 

irt In -one MS. I read (1. ii. c. 4, p. 409) pcrfumante quatro solli, in 
mother, quatro farmi, an important variety, since the florin was 
worth ten Roman solidi, (Muratori, dissert, xxviii.) The Icrruor read 
ing would give us a population of 25,000, the latter of 250,000 fami-- 
lies ; and I much fear, that the former is more consistent with the 
decay of Home and her territory. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 477 

clergy and gentlemen, the judges and notaries, the merchants 
and artisans, and the gradual descent was marked by the 
increase of sincerity and zeal. They swore to live and die 
with the republic and the church, whose interest was artfully 
united by the nominal association of the bishop of Orvieto, 
the pope s vicar, to. the office of tribune. It was the boast of 
Rienzi, that he had delivered the throne and patrimony of St. 
Peter from a rebellious aristocracy ; and Clement the Sixth, 
who rejoiced in its fall, affected to believe the professions, to 
applaud the merits, and to confirm the title, of his trusty ser 
vant. The speech, perhaps the mind, of the tribune, was 
inspired with a lively regard for the purity of the faith : he 
insinuated his claim to a supernatural mission from the Holy 
Ghost; enforced by a heavy forfeiture the annual duty of 
confession and communion ; and strictly guarded the spiritual 
as well as temporal welfare of his faithful people. 27 

Never perhaps has the energy and effect of a single mind 
been more remarkably felt than in the sudden, though tran 
sient, reformation of Rome by the tribune Rienzi. A den of 
robbers was converted to the discipline of a camp or convent : 
patient to hear, swift to redress, inexorable to punish, his 
tribunal was always accessible to the poor and stranger ; nor 
could birth, or dignity, or the immunities of the church, pro 
tect the offender or his accomplices. The privileged houses, 
the private sanctuaries in Rome, on which no officer of justice 
would presume to trespass, were abolished ; and lie applied 
the timber and iron of their barricades in the fortifications 
of the Capitol. The venerable father of the Colonna was ex 
posed in his own palace to the double shame of being desirous, 
and of being unable, to protect a criminal. A mule, with a 
jar of oil, had been stolen near Capranica ; and the lord of the 
ursini family was condemned to restore the damage, and to 
discharge a fine of four hundred florins for his negligence in 

O *- o 

guarding the highways. Nor were the persons of the barons 
more inviolate than their lands or houses ; and, either from 
accident or design, the same impartial rigor was exercised 
against the heads of the adverse factions. Peter Agapet 
Colonna, who had himself been senator of Rome, was arrested 
in the street for injury or debt ; and justice was appeased by 



27 Hocsemius, p. 498, apud du Cer^eau, Hist, de Rienzi, p. 194. 
The fifteen tribunitian laws may be found in the Roman historian 
(whom for Drevity I shall name) Fortifiocca, 1. ii. c. 4. 



478 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

the tardy execution ?f Martin Ursini, who, among his vaiious 
acts of violence and rapine, had pillaged a shipwrecked vessel 
at the mouth of the Tyber. 28 His name, the purple of two 
cardinals, his uncles, a recent marriage, and a mortal disease, 
were disregarded by the inflexible tribune, who had chosen 
his victim. The public officers dragged him from his palace 
and nuptial bed : his trial was short and satisfactory : the bell 
of the Capitol convened the people : stripped of his mantle, on 
his knees, with his hands bound behind his back, he heard 
the sentence of death ; and after a brief confession, Ursini was 
led away to the gallows. After such an example, none who 
were conscious of guilt could hope for impunity, and the flight 
of the wicked, the licentious, and the idle, soon purified the 
city and territory of Rome. In this time (says the historian,) 
the woods began to rejoice that they were no longer infested 
with robbers ; the oxen began to plough ; the pilgrims visited 
the ; sanctuaries ; the roads and inns were replenished with 
travellers ; trade, plenty, and good faith, were restored in the 
markets ; and a purse of gold might be exposed without dan 
ger in the midst of the highway. As soon as the life and 
property of the subject are secure, the labors and rewards of 
industry spontaneously revive : Rome was still the metropolis 
of the Christian world ; and the fame and fortunes of the 
tribune were diffused in every country by the strangers who 
had enjoyed the blessings of his government. 

The deliverance of his country inspired Rienzi with a vast, 
and perhaps visionary, idea of uniting Italy in a great federa 
tive republic of which Rome should be the ancient and lawful 
head, and the free cities and princes the members and asso 
ciates. His pen was not less eloquent than his tongue ; and 
his numerous epistles were delivered to swift and trusty mes 
sengers. On foot, with a white wand in their hand, they 

23 Fortifiocca, 1. ii. c. 11. From the account of this shipwreck, wo 
learn some circumstances of the trade and navigation of the age. 1. 
The ship was built and freighted at Naples for the ports of Marseilles 
and Avignon. 2. The sailors were of Naples and the Isle of (Enaria, 
less skilful than those of Sicily and Genoa. 3 The navigation from 
Marseilles was a coasting voyage to the mouth of the Tyber, where 
they took shelter in a storm ; but, instead of finding the cm-rent, un 
fortunately ran on a shoal : the vessel was stranded, the mariners 
escaped. 4. The cargo, which was pillaged, consisted of the revenue 
of Provence for the royal treasury, many hags of pepper and cinna 
mon, and bales of French cloth, to the value of 20,000 florins ; a rich 
prize. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 479 

traversed the forests and mountains ; enjoyed, in the most 
hostile states, the sacred security of ambassadors ; and re 
ported, in the style of flattery or truth, that the highways along 
their passage were lined with kneeling multitudes, who im 
plored Heaven for the success of their undertaking. Could 
passion have listened to reason ; could private interest have 
yielded to the public welfare ; the supreme tribunal and con 
federate union of the Italian republic might have healed their 
intestine discord, and closed the Alps against the Barbarians 
of the North. But the propitious season had elapsed ; and if 
Venice, Florence, Sienna, Perugia, and many inferior cities, 
offered their lives and fortunes to the good estate, the tyrants 
of Lombardy and Tuscany must despise, or hate, the-plebei-an 
author of a free constitution. From them, however, and from 
every part of Italy, the tribune received the most friendly and 
respectful answers : they were followed by the ambassadors 
of the princes and republics ; and in this foreign conflux, on 
all the occasions of pleasure or business, the low-born notary 
could assume the familiar or majestic courtesy of a sovereign. 29 
The most glorious circumstance of his reign was an appeal to 
his justice from Lewis, king of Hungary, who complained, 
that his brother and her husband had been perfidiously stran 
gled by Jane, queen of Naples : 30 her guilt or innocence was 
pleaded in a solemn trial at Rome ; but after hearing the 
advocates, 31 the tribune adjourned this weighty and invidious 
cause, which was soon determined by the sword of the 
Hungarian. Beyond the Alps, more especially at Avignon, 
the revolution was the theme of curiosity, wonder, and ap- 



29 It was thus that Oliver Cromwell s old acquaintance, who re 
membered his vulgar and ungracious entrance into the Ilouse of 
Commons, were astonished at the ease and majesty of the protector on 
his throne, (see Harris s Life of Cromwell, p. 27 34, from Clarendon, 
Warwick, Whitelocke, Waller, &c.) The consciousness of merit and 
power will sometimes elevate the manners to the station. 

cU See the causes, circumstances, and effects of the death of Andrew, 
in Giannone, (torn. iii. 1. xxiii. p. 220229,) and the Life of Petrarch, 
(Mempires, torn. ii. p. 143 148, 245 250, 375379, notes, p. 21- 
37.) The abbe de Sade wishes to extenuate her guilt. 

The advocate who pleaded against Jane could add nothing to the 
logical force and brevity of his master s epistle. Johanna ! iuordinata 
vita priEcedeiis, retentio potestatis in regiio, neglecta vindicta, vir alter 
susceptus, et excusatio subsequent, nccis vir i tui te probant fuisse 
participcm et consortem. Jane of Naples, and Mary of Scotland, have 
a singular conformity. 



480 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

plause.* Petrarch had been the private friend, perhaps tho 
secret counsellor, of Rienzi : his writings breathe the most 
ardent spirit of patriotism and joy ; and all respect for the 
pope, all gratitude for the Colorma, was lost in the supeiior 
duties of a Roman citizen. The poet-laureate of the Capitol 
maintains the act, applauds the hero, and mingles with some 
apprehension and advice the most lofty hopes of the perma 
nent and rising greatness of the republic/ 1 "- 2 

While Petrarch indulged these prophetic visions, the Ro 
man hero was fast declining from the meridian of fame and 
power ; and the people, who had gazed with astonishment on 
the ascending meteor, began to mark the irregularity of its 
course, and the vicissitudes of light and obscurity. More elo 
quent than judicious, more enterprising than resolute, the fac 
ulties of Rienzi were not balanced by cool and commanding 
reason : he magnified in a tenfold proportion the objects of 
hope and fear ; and prudence, which could not have erected, 
did not presume to fortify, his throne. In the blaze of pros- 

32 See the Epistola Hortatoria de Capessenda Republica, from Pe 
trarch to Nicholas Rienzi, (Opp. p. 535540,) and the vth eclogue or 
pastoral, a perpetual and obscure allegory. 



* In his letter to the archbishop of Prague, Rienzi thus describes the 
effect of his elevation on Italy and on the world : " Did I not restore real 
peace among the cities which were distracted by factions ? did I not cause 
all the citizens, exiled by party violence, with their wretched wives and 
children, to be readmitted ? had I not begun to extinguish the factious 
names (scismatica nomina) of Guelf and Ghihelline, for which countless 
thousands had perished body and soul, under the eyes of their pastors, by 
the reduction of the city of Home and all Italy into one amicable, peace 
ful, holy, and united confederacy ? the consecrated standards and banners 
having been by me collected and blended together, and, in witness to our 
holy association and perfect union, offered up in the presence of the am 
bassadors of all the cities of Italy, on the day of the assumption of our 
Blessed Lady." p. xlvii. 

In the Libellus ad Cacsarem : " I received the homage and submission 
of all the sovereigns of Apulia, the barons and counts, and almost all the 
people of Italy. I was honored by solemn embassies and letters by the 
emperor of Constantinople and the king of England. The queen of Na 
ples submitted herself and her kingdom to the protection of the tribune. 
The king of Hungary, by two solemn embassies, brought his cause against 
his queen and his nobles before my tribunal ; and I venture to say fur 
ther, that the fame of the tribune alarmed the soldan of Babylon. When 
the Christian pilgrims to the sepulchre of our Lord related to the Chris 
tian and Jewish inhabitants of Jerusalem all the yet unheard-of and won 
derful circumstances of the reformation in Home, both Jews and Chris 
tians celebrated the event with unusual festivities. When the soldan 
/nquired the cause of these rejoicings, and received this intelligence about 
Home, he ordered all the havens and cities on the coast to be fortified, and 
put in a state of defence." p. xxxv. M. 1845. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 481 

perity, his virtues were insensibly tinctured with the adjacent 
vices ; justice with cruelty, liberality with profusion, and the 
desire of fame with puerile and ostentatious vanity.* He 
might have learned, that the ancient tribunes, so strong and 
sacred in the public opinion, were not distinguished in style, 
habit, or appearance, from an ordinary plebeian ; ^ and that 
as often as they visited the city on foot, a single viator, or 
beadle, attended the exercise of their office. The Gracchi 
would have frowned or smiled, could they have read the sono 
rous titles and epithets of their successor, " NICHOLAS, SEVERE 

AND MERCIFUL ; DELIVERER OF ROME ; DEFENDER OF ITALY ; 34 
FRIEND OF MANKIND, AND OF LIBERTY, PEACE, AND JUSTICE ; 

TRIBUNE AUGUST : " his theatrical pageants had prepared the 
revolution ; but Rienzi abused, in luxury and pride, the politi 
cal maxim of speaking to the eyes, as well as the understand 
ing, of the multitude. From nature he had received the gift 
of a handsome person, 35 till it was swelled and disfigured by 
intemperance : and his propensity to laughter was corrected 
in the magistrate by the affectation of gravity and sternness. 
He was clothed, at least on public occasions, in a party-col 
ored robe of velvet or satin, lined with fur, and embroidered 



33 In his Roman Questions, Plutarch (OpuscuL torn. i. p. 505, 506, 
edit. Grsec. Hen. Steph.) states, on the most constitutional principles, 
the simple greatness of the tribunes, who were not properly magis 
trates, but a check on magistracy. It was their duty and interest 

xal (iruZy y.ul diaiTyroig IjtiTvyxatvovoi iwv noiiT&v 
Sif (a saying of C. Curio) xai pi] asurov ttvai TJ/ 
. . . otTetf de it(t}.f.<}v txTctTiEtrurTcu TW 0o),uaT/, 

roaotrv juaov uuifTat rT\ Swduei, &c. Ilienzi, and Petrarch himself, 
were incapable perhaps of reading a Greek philosopher; but they 
might have imbibed the same modest doctrines from their favorite 
Latins, Livy and Valerius Maximus. 

34 I could not express in English the forcible, though barbarous, 
title of Zelator Italiae, which Rienzi assumed. 

33 Era bell homo, (1. ii. c. 1, p. 399.) It is remarkable, that the 
riso sarcastico of the Bracciano edition is wanting in the Roman MS., 
from which Muratoii has given the text. In his second reign, when, 
he is painted almost as a monster, Rienzi travea una ventresca tonna 
trioufale, a modo de uno Abbate Asiano, or Asinino, (1. iii. c. 18, p. 
523.) 

* " An illustrious female writer has drawn, with a single stroke, tne 
character of Rienzi, Crescentius, and Arnold of Brescia, the fond restorers 
of Roman, liberty : Qui ont pris les souvenirs pour les esperances. Co- , 
rinne, torn. i. p. 159. Could Tacitus have excelled this ? " Hallam, vol 
i. p. 418. M. 

VOL. VI. 41 



482 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

with gold : the rod of justice, which he carried in his hand, 
was a sceptre of polished steel, crowned with a globe and 
cross of gold, and enclosing a small fragment of the true and 
holy wood. In his civil and religions processions through the 
city, he rode OH a white steed, the symbol of royalty : the 
great banner of the republic, a sun with a circle of stars, a 
dove with an olive branch, was displayed over his head ; a 
shower of gold and silver was scattered among the populace ; 
fifty guards with halberds encompassed his person ; a troop 
of horse preceded his march ; and their tymbals and trumpets 
were of massy silver. 

The ambition of the honors of chivalry 36 betrayed tue 
meanness of his birth, and degraded the importance of his 
office ; and the equestrian tribune was not less odious to the 
nobles, whom he adopted, than to the plebeians, whom he 
deserted. All that y et remained of treasure, or luxury, or 
art, was exhausted on that solemn day. Kienzi led the pro 
cession from the Capitol to the Lateran ; the tediousness of 
the way was relieved with decorations and games ; the eccle 
siastical, civil, and military orders marched under their vari 
ous banners ; the Roman ladies attended his wife ; and the 
ambassadors of Italy might loudly applaud or secretly deride 
the novelty of the pomp. In the evening, when they had 
reached the church and palace of Constantine, he thanked and 
dismissed the numerous assembly, with an invitation to the 
festival of the ensuing day. From the hands of a venerable 
knight he received the order of the Holy Ghost ; the purifica 
tion of the bath was a previous ceremony ; but in no step of 
his life did Rienzi excite such scandal and censure as by the 
profane use of the porphyry vase, in which Constantine (a 
foolish legend) had been healed of his leprosy by Pope Syl 
vester. 37 With equal presumption the tribune watched or 
reposed within the consecrated precincts of the baptistery ; 

36 Strann-e as it may seem, this festival was not without a precedent. 
In the year 1327, two barons, a Colonna and an TJrsini, the ustial bal 
ance, were created knights by the Roman people : their bath was of 
rose-water, their beds were decked with royal magnificence, and they 
were served at St. Maria of Araceli in the Capitol, by the twenty-eight 
buoni huommi. They afterwards received from Robert, king ot Na 
ples, the sword of chivalry, (Hist. Rom. 1. i. c. 2, p. 2o9.) 

37 All parties believed in the leprosy and bath of Constantine, ( 
trarch. Epist. Tamil, vi. 2,) and Rienzi justified his own conduct by 
observing to the court of Avignon, that a vase which had been used 
by a Pagan could not be profaned by a pious Jhiistian. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 483 

and the failure of his state-bed was interpreted as an omen 
of his approaching downfall. At the hour of worship, he 
showed himself to the returning crowds in a majestic attitude, 
with a robe of purple, his sword, and gilt spurs ; but the holy 
rites were soon interrupted by his levity and insolence. Ilising 
from his throne, and advancing towards the congregation, he 
proclaimed in a loud voice : " We summon to our tribunal 
Pope Clement ; and command him to reside in his diocese of 
Rome : we also summon the sacred college of cardinals. 38 
We again summon the two pretenders, Charles -of Bohemia 
and Lewis of Bavaria, who style themselves emperors: we 
likewise summon all the electors of Germany, to inform us 
on what pretence they have usurped the inalienable right of 
the Roman people, the ancient and lawful sovereigns of the 
empire." 39 Unsheathing his maiden sword, he thrice bran 
dished it to the three parts of the world, and thrice repeated 
the extravagant declaration, " And this too is mine ! The 
pope s vicar, the bishop of Orvieto, attempted to check this 
career of folly ; but his feeble protest was silenced by mar 
tial music ; and instead of withdrawing from the assembly, he 
consented to dine with his brother tribune, at a table which 
had hitherto been reserved for the supreme pontiff. A ban 
quet, such as the Ccesars had given, was prepared for the 
Romans. The apartments, porticos, and courts of the Lat- 
eran were spread with innumerable tables for either sex, and 
every condition ; a stream of wine flowed from the nostrils 
of Constantino s brazen horse ; no complaint, except of the 
scarcity of water, could be heard ; and the licentiousness of 
the multitude was curbed by discipline and fear. A subse 
quent day was appointed for the coronation of Rienzi ; 40 
seven crowns of different leaves or metals were successively 



crime is specified in the bull of excommunication, (Ilocsemius, apud 
du Cer^eau, p. 189, 190.) 

33 This verbal summons of Pope Clement VI., which rests on tho 
authority of the Roman historian and a Vatican MS., is disputed by the 
biographer of Petrarch, (torn. ii. not. p. 70 76,) with arguments 
rather of decency than of weight. The court of Avignon might not 
choose to agitaie this delicate question. 

J1 The summons of the two rival emperors, a monument of freedom 
and folly, is extant in Ilocsemius, (Cer^eau, p. 163 166.) 

40 It is singular, that the Ilomaii historian should have overlooked 
this sevenfold coronation, which is sufficiently proved by internal evi 
dence, and tL.e testimony of Ilocsemius, and even of llienxi, (Cer^eau, 
p. 167 1T.O, 229.) 



484 THE DECLINE AND PALL 

placed on his he id by the most eminent of the Roman clergy ; 
they represented ;he seven gifts of the Holy Ghost ; and he 
still professed to imitate the example of the ancient tribunes.* 
These extraordinary spectacles might deceive or flatter the 
people ; and their own vanity was gratified in the vanity of 
their leader. But in his private life he soon deviated from 
the strict rule of frugality and abstinence ; and the plebeians, 
who were awed by the splendor of the nobles, were provoked 
by the luxury of their equal. His wife, his son, his uncle. 
(a barber in name and profession,) exposed the contrast of 
vulgar manners and princely expense ; and without acquiring 
the majesty, Rienzi degenerated into the vices, of a king. 

A simple citizen describes with pity, or perhaps with pleas 
ure, the humiliation of the barons of Rome. " Bareheaded, 
their hands crossed on their breast, they stood with downcasi 
looks in the presence of the tribune ; and they trembled, 
good God, how they trembled ! " 41 As long as the yoke of 
Rienzi was that of justice and their country, their conscience 
forced them to esteem the man, whom pride and interest 
provoked them to hate : his extravagant conduct soon fortified 
their hatred by contempt ; and they conceived the hope of 
subverting a power which was no longer so deeply rooted in 
the public confidence. The old animosity of the Colonna 
and Ursini was suspended for a moment by their common 
disgrace : they associated their wishes, and perhaps their de- 

41 Puoi se faceva stare denante a se, mentre sedeva, li baroni tutti 
in piedi ritti co le vraccia piecate, c co li capucci tratti. Deh como 
stavaiio paurosi ! (Hist. Horn. 1. ii. c. 20, p. 439.) He saw them, and 
we see them. 



* It was on this occasion that he made the profane comparison between 
himself and our Lord ; and the striking circumstance took place which he 
relates in his letter to the archbishop of Prague. In the midst of all the 
wild and joyous exultation of the people, one of his most zealous sup 
porters, a monk, who was in high repute for his sanctity, stood apart in a 
corner of the church and wept bitterly! A domestic chaplain of Hienzi s 
inquired the cause of his grief. "Now," replied the man of God, " is thy 
master cast down from heaven never saw I man so proud. By the aid of 
the Holy Ghost he has driven the tj rants from the city without drawing a 
.sword ; the cities and the sovereigns of Italy have submitted to his power. 
Why is he so arrogant and ungrateful towards the Most High ? Why does 
he seek earthly and transitory rewards for his labors, and in his wanton 
speech liken himself to the Creator ? Tell thy master that he can only 
atone for this offence by tears of penitence." In the evening the chaplain 
communicated this solemn rebuke to the tribune : it appalled him for the 
time, tut was soon forgotten in the tumult and hurry of business, M. 
1845. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 485 

signs ; an assassin was seized and tortured he accused the 
nobles ; and as soon as Rienzi deserved the fate, he adopted 
the suspicions and maxims, of a tyrant. On the same day, 
under various pretences, he invited to the Capitol his principal 
enemies, among whom were five members of the Ursini and 
three of the Colonna name. But instead of a council or a 
banquet, they found themselves prisoners under the sword of 
despotism or justice ; and the consciousness of innocence or 
guilt might inspire them with equal apprehensions of danger. 
At the sound of the great bell the people assembled ; they 
were? arraigned for a conspiracy against the tribune s life ; 
and though some might sympathize in their distress, not a 
hand, nor a voice, was raised to rescue the first of the nobility 
from their impending doom. Their apparent boldness was 
prompted by despair ; they passed in separate chambers a 
sleepless and painful night ; and the venerable hero, Stephen 
Colonna, striking against the door of his prison, repeatedly 
urged his guards to deliver him by a speedy death from such 
ignominious servitude. In the morning they understood their 
sentence from the visit of a confessor and the tolling of the 
boll. The great hall of the Capilol had been decorated for 
the bloody scene with red and white hangings: the counte 
nance of the tribune was dark and severe ; the swords of the 
executioners were unsheathed ; and the barons were inter 
rupted in their dying speeches by the sound of trumpets. But 
in this decisive moment, Rienzi was not less anxious or appre 
hensive than his captives : he dreaded the splendor of their 
names, their surviving kinsmen, the inconstancy of the people, 
the reproaches of the world, and, after rashly offering a mor 
tal injury, lie vainly presumed that, if he could forgive,- he 
might himself be forgiven. His elaborate oration was that 
of a Christian and a suppliant ; and, as the humble minister 
of the commons, he entreated his masters to pardon these 
noble criminals, for whose repentance and future service he 
pledged his faith and r.uthority. " If you are spared," said 
the tribune, " by the mercy of the Romans, will you not 
promise to support the good estate with your lives and for 
tunes ? : Astonished by this marvellous clemency, the barons 
bowed their heads; and while they devoutly repeated the 
oath of allegiance, might whisper a secret, and more sincere, 
assurance of revenge. A priest, in the name of the people, 
pronounced their absolution : they received the communion 
with the tribune, assisted at the banquet, followed the proces- 

41 * 



486 THE DECLINE ANT) FALL 

sion ; and, after every spiritual and temporal sign of recon 
ciliation, were dismissed in safety to their respective homes, 
with the new honors and titles of generals, consuls, and 
patricians.* 2 

During some weeks they were checked by the memory of 
their danger, rathe.r than of their deliverance, till the most 
powerful of the Ursini, escaping with the Colonna from the 
city, erected at Marino the standard of rebellion. The forti 
fications of the castle were instantly restored ; the vassals 
attended their lord ; the outlaws armed against the magistrate ; 
the flocks and herds, -the harvests and vineyards, from Marino 
to the gates of Rome, were swept away or destroyed ; and the 
people arraigiled Rienzi as the author of the calamities which 
his government had taught them to forget. In the camp, 
Rienzi appeared to. less advantage than in the rostrum ; and 
he neglected the progress of the rebel barons till their num 
bers were strong, and their castles impregnable. From the 
pages of Livy he had not imbibed the art, or even the cour 
age, of a general : an army of. twenty thousand Romans 
returned without honor or effect from, the attack of Marino ; 
and his vengeance was amused by painting his enemies, their 
heads downwards, and drowning two dogs (at least they should 
have been bears) as the representatives of the Ursini. The be 
lief of his incapacity encouraged their operations : they were 
invited by their secret adherents ; and the barons attempted, 
with four thousand foot, and sixteen hundred horse, to enter 
Rome by force or surprise. The city was prepared for their 
reception; the- alarm-bell rung all night; the gates were 
strictly guarded, or insolently open ; and after some hesitation 
they sounded a retreat. The two first divisions had p issed 
along the walls, but the prospect of a free entrance tempted 
the headstrong valor of the nobles in the rear; and after a 
successful skirmish, they were overthrown and massacred 
without quarter by the crowds of the Roman people. Stephen 
Colonna the younger, the noble spirit to whom Petrarch 
ascribed the restoration of Italy, was preceded or accom 
panied in death by his son John, a gallant youth, by his brother 
Peter, who might regret the ease and honors of the church, 
by a nephew of legitimate birth, and by two bastards of the 

42 The original letter, in which Rienzi justifies his treatment of the 
Colonna, (Hocsemius, apud du Ccro,eau, p. 222229,) displays, ip 
genuine colors, the mixture of the knave and the madman. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 487 

Colonna race ; and the number of seven, the seven crowns, 
as Rienzi styled them, of the Holy Ghost, was completed by 
the agony of the deplorable parent, and the veteran chief, 
who had survived the hope and fortune of his house. The 
vision and prophecies of St. Martin and Pope Boniface had 
been used by the tribune to animate his troops : 43 he displayed, 
at least in the pursuit, the spirit of a hero ; but be forgot the 
maxims of the ancient Romans, who abhorred the triumphs of 
civil war. The conqueror ascended the Capitol ; deposited 
his crown and sceptre on the altar ; and boasted, with some 
truth, that he had cut off an ear, which neither pope nor em 
peror had been able to amputate, 44 His base and implacable 
revenge denied the honors of burial ; and the bodies of the 
Colonna, which he threatened to expose with those of the 
vilest malefactors, were secretly interred by the holy virgins 
of their name and family. 45 The people sympathized ia their 
grief, repented of their own, fury, and detested the indecent 
joy of Rienzi, who visited the spot where these illustrious vic 
tims had fallen. It was on that fatal spot that he conferred 
on his son the honor of knighthood : and the ceremony was 
accomplished by a slight blow from each of the horsemen of 
the guard, and by a ridiculous and inhuman ablution from a 
pool of water, which was yet polluted with patrician blood, 46 

43 Rienzi, in the above-mentioned letter, ascribes to St. Martin the 
tribune, Boniface VIII. the enemy of Colonna, himself, and the Roman 
people, the glory of the day, which Villani likewise (1. 12, c. 104) 
describes as a regular battle. The disorderly skirmish, the flight of 
the Romans, and the cowardice of Rienzi, are painted in the simple 
and minute narrative of Fortitioeca, or the anonymous citizen, (I. i. c. 

3437.) 

** In describing the fall of the Colonna, I speak only of the family 
of Stephen the elder, who is often confounded by the P. du Cer<jeau 
with his son. That family was extinguished, but the house has been 
perpetuated in the collateral branches, of which I have not a very 
accurate knowledge. Circumspice (says Petrarch) familiae tua? statum, 
Columniensium domos : solito paueiores habeat columnas. Quid ad 
ram ? modo fundamentum stabile, solidumquc permaneat. 

** The convent of St. Silvester was founded, endowed, and protected 
by the Colonna cardinals, for the daughters of the family who em 
braced a monastic life, and who, in the year 1318, were twelve in 
number. The others were allowed to marry with their kinsmen in the 
fourth degree, and the dispensation was justified by the small number 
and close alliaiaces of the noble families of Rome, (Memoires sur Pe- 
trarque, torn. i. p. 110, torn. ii. p. 401.) 

4 Petrarch wrote a stiff and pedantic letter of consolation, (Fam. I. 
Yii. epist. 13, p. 682, 683.) The friend was lost in t v > patriot.. Nulla 



THE BrECLINE AND FALL 



A short delay. would have saved the Colcmna, the delay of 
a single month, which elapsed between the triumph and the 
exile of Rienzi. In the pride of victory, he forfeited what 
yet remained of his civil virtues, without acquiring the fame 
of military prowess. A free and rigorous opposition was 
formed in th city ; and when the tribune proposed In the 
public counsel 4 to impose a new tax, and to regulate the 
government of Perugia, thirty-nine members voted against his 
measures ; repelled the injurious charge of treachery and 
corruption ; and urged him to prove, by their forcible exclu 
sion, that if the populace adhered to his cause,. it was already 
disclaimed by the most respectable citizens. The pope and 
the sacred college had never been dazzled by his specious 
professions; they were justly offended by the insolence of his 
conduct ; a cardinal legate was sent to Italy, and after some 
fruitless treaty, and two personal interviews, he fulminated a 
bull of excommunication, in which the tribune is degraded 
from his office, and branded with the guilt of rebellion, sacri 
lege, and heresy. 48 The surviving barons of Rome were now 
humbled to a sense of allegiance ; their interest and revenge 
engaged them In the service of the church ; but as the fate of 
the Colonna was before their eyes, they abandoned to a pri 
vate^ adventurer the peril aad glory of the revolution. John 
Pepin, count of Minorbino, 49 in the kingdom of Naples, had 
Ibeen condemned for his crimes, or his riches, to perpetual 
imprisonment ; and Petrarch, by soliciting his release, in 
directly contributed to the rum of his friend. At the head of 
one hundred and fifty soldiers, the count of Minorbino intro 
duced himself into Rome ; barricaded the quarter of the 



toto orbe prxncipmn familia carior; carior tamen respublica, c&rioy 
Roma, carior Italia. 

Je reiuls graces aux Dieux dc n &tre pas Remain. 

This council and opposition is obscurely mentioned by PoIIistore, 
a contemporary writer, who has preserved some curious and original 
facts, (Rer. Italicarum, torn. xxv. c. 31, p. 7$S 804.) 

48 The briefs and bulls of Clement VI. against Rierm are translated 
by the P. du Cerqeau, (p. 196, 232,) from the Ecclesiastical Annals of 
Odericua Raynaldus, (A. D. 1347, No. 15, 17, 21, &c.,) who found 
them in the archives of the Vatican. 

49 Matteo Villani describes the origin, character, and death of thi& 
count of Minorbino, a man da natura inconstante e senza fede, whose 
grandfather, a crafty notary, was enriched and ennobled by the spoils 
of the Saracens of Nocera, (L vii. c. 102, 103.) See his imprisonment, 
and the efforts of Petrarch, torn. ii. p. 149151. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 489 

Colonna ; and found the enterprise as easy as it had seemed 
impossible. From the first alarm, the bell of the Capitol in 
cessantly tolled ; but, instead of repairing to the well-known 
sound, the people were silent and inactive ; and the pusil 
lanimous Rienzi, deploring their ingratitude with sighs and 
tears, abdicated the government and palace of the republic. 

Without drawing his sword, Count Pepin restored the aris 
tocracy and the church ; three senators were chosen, and the 
legate, assuming the first rank, accepted his two colleagues 
from the rival families of Colonna and Ursini. The acts of 
the tribune were abolished, his head was proscribed ; yet 
such was the terror of his name, that, the barons hesitated 
three days before they would trust themselves in the city, 
and Rienzi was left above a month in the castle of St. 
Angelo, from whence he peaceably withdrew, after laboring, 
without effect, to revive the affection and courage of the 
Romans. The vision of freedom and empire had vanished : 
their fallen spirit would have acquiesced in servitude, had it 
seen smoothed by tranquillity and order; and it was scarcely 
observed, that the new senators derived their authority from 
the Apostolic See ; that four cardinals were appointed to re 
form, with dictatorial power, the state of the republic. Rome 
was again agitated by the bloody feuds of the barons, who 
detested each other, and despised the commons : their hostile 
fortresses, both in town and country, again rose, and were 
again demolished : and the peaceful citizens, a flock of 
sheep, were devoured, says the Florentine historian, by these 
rapacious wolves. But when their pride and avarice had 
exhausted the patience of the Romans, a confraternity of the 
Virgin Mary protected or avenged the republic: the bell of 
the Capitol was again tolled, the nobles in arms trembled in 
the presence of an unarmed multitude ; and of the two sena 
tors, Colonna escaped from the window of the palace, and 
Ursini was stoned at the foot of th.c altar. The dangerous 
office of tribune was successively occupied by two plebeians, 
Cerroni and Baroncelli. The mildness of Cerroni was un 
equal to the times ; and after a faint struggle, he retired with 
a fair reputation and a decent fortune to the comforts of rural 
life. Devoid of eloquence or genius, Baroncelli was distin 
guished by a resolute spirit : he spoke the language of a 
patriot, and trod in the footsteps of tyrants ; his suspicion was 
a sentence of death, and his own death was the reward of his 
cruelties. Amidst the public misfcirtunes, the faults of Rienzi 



490 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

were forgotten ; and the Romans sighed for the peace anc 
prosperity of the good estate. 50 

After an exile of seven years, the first deliverer was again 
restored to his country. In the disguise of a monk or a pil 
grim, he escaped from the castle of St. Angelo, implored the 
friendship of the king of Hungary at Naples, tempted the 
ambition of every bold adventurer, mingled at Rome with the 
pilgrims of the jubilee, lay concealed among the hermits of 
the Apennine, and wandered through the cities of Italy, Ger 
many, and Bohemia. His person was invisible, his name was 
yet formidable ; and the anxiety of the court of Avignon sup 
poses, and even magnifies, his personal merit. The emperor 
Charles the Fourth gave audience to a stranger, who frankly 
revealed himself as the tribune of the republic ; and aston 
ished an assembly of ambassadors and princes, by the elo 
quence of a patriot and the visions of a prophet, the downfall 
of tyranny and the kingdom of the Holy Ghost. 51 Whatever 
had been his hopes, Rienzi found himself a captive ; but he 
supported a character of independence and dignity, and 
obeyed, as his own choice, the irresistible summons of the 
supreme pontiff. The zeal of Petrarch, which had been 
cooled by the unworthy conduct, was rekindled by the suffer 
ings and the presence, of his friend ; and he boldly complains 
of the times, in which the savior of Rome was delivered by 
her emperor into the hands of her bishop. Rienzi was trans 
ported slowly, but in safe custody, from Prague to Avignon : 
his entrance into the city was that of a malefactor ; in his 

5 .The troubles of Rome, from the departure to the return of Rienzi, 
are related by Mattco Villani (1. ii. c. 47, 1. iii. c. 33, 57, 78) and 
Thomas Ffcrtifiocca, (1. iii. c. 1 4.) I have slightly passed over these 
secondary characters, who imitated the original tribune. 

These visions, of which the friends and enemies of Rienzi seem 
alike ignorant, are surely magnified^)) the zeal of Pollistore, a Domin 
ican inquisitor, (Rer. Itai. torn. xxv. c. 36, p. 819.) Had the tribune 
taught, that Christ was succeeded by the Holy Ghost, that the tyran 
ny of the pope would be abolished, he might have been convicted of 
heresy and treason, without offending the lloman people.* 



* So far from having magnified these visions, Pollistore is more than 
confirmed by the documents published by Papencordt. The adoption of all 
the wild doctrines of the Fratricelli, the Spirituals, in which, fur the time 
at least, Ilienzi appears to have been in earnest ; his magnificent offers to 
the emperor, and the whole history of his life, from his first escape from 
Home to his imprisonment at Avignon, arc among the most curious chap 
ters of his eventful life. M. 1845. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 49 

prison he was chained by the leg ; and four cardinals were 
named to inquire into the crimes of heresy and rebellion. 
But his trial and condemnation would have involved some 
questions, which it was more prudent to leave under the veil 
of mystery : the temporal supremacy of the popes ; the duty 
of residence ; the civil and ecclesiastical privileges o the 
clergy and people of Rome, The reigning pontiff well de 
served the appellation of Clement : the strange vicissitudes 
and magnanimous spirit of the captive excited his pity and 
esteem. ; and, Petrarch believes that he respected in the hero 
the name and sacred character of a poet. 52 Rienzi was in 
dulged with an easy confinement and the use of books ; and 
in the assiduous study of Livy and the Bible, he sought the 
cause and the consolation of his misfortunes 

The succeeding pontificate of Innocenc the Sixth opened a 
new prospect of his deliverance and restoration ; and the 
court of Avignon was persuaded, that the successful rebel 
could alone appease and reform the anarchy of the metrop 
olis. After a solemn profession of fidelity, the Roman trib 
une was sent into Italy, with the title of senator; but the 
death of Baroncelli appeared to supersede the use of his 
mission ; and the legate, Cardinal Aibornoz, 53 a consummate 
statesman, allowed him with reluctance, and without aid, to 
undertake the perilous experiment. His first reception was 
equal to his wishes : the day of his entrance was a public 
festival ; and his eloquence and authority revived the laws 
of the good estate. But this momentary sunshine was soon 
clouded by his own vices and those of the people : in the 
Capitol, he might often regret the prison of Avignon ; and 
after a second administration of four - months, Rienzi was 
massacred in a tumult which had been fomented by the 
Roman barons. In the society of the Germans and Bohemi 
ans, he is said to have contracted the habits of intemperance 

62 The astonishment, the envy almost, of Petrarch is a proof, if not 
of the truth of this incredible fact, at least of his own veracity. The 
abbe do Sade (Memoires, torn. iii. p. 242) quotes the vith epistle of the 
xiiith book of I*etrarch, but it is of the royal MS. which he consulted, 
and not of the ordinary Basil edition, (p. 920.) 

63 ./Egidius, or Giles Aibornoz, a noble Spaniard, archbishop of To 
ledo, and cardinal legate in Italy, (A. D. 1353 1367,) restored, by his 
arms and counsels, the temporal dominion of the popes. His life has 
been separately written by Sepulveda ;- but Dryclen could not reason 
ably suppose, that his name, or that of Wolsey, had reached the 

of the Mufti in Don Sebastian. 



492 THE DECLINE AND 1 AlrL 

and cruelty : adversity had chilled his enthusiasm, without 
fortifying his reason or virtu6 ; and that youthful hope, that 
lively assurance, which is the pledge of success, was now 
succeeded by the cold impotence of distrust and despair 
The tribune had reigned with absolute dominion, by the 
choice, and in the hearts, of the Romans : the senator waa 
the servile minister of a foreign court ; and . while he was 
suspected by the people, he -was abandoned by the prince. 
The legate Albornoz, who seemed desirous of his rain, in 
flexibly refused all supplies of men and money ; a faithful 
subject could no longer presume to touch the revenues of the 
apostolical chamber ; and the first idea of a tax was the sig 
nal of clamor and sedition. Even his justice was tainted with 
the guilt or reproach of selfish cruelty : the most virtuous 
citizen of Rome was sacrificed to his jealousy ; and in the 
execution of a public robber, from whose purse he had been 
assisted, the magistrate too much forgot, or too much remem- 

O O 

bered, the obligations of the debtor. 5 1 A civil war exhausted 
his treasures, and the patience of the city : the Colonna 
maintained their hostile station at Palestrina ; and his mer 
cenaries soon despised a leader whose ignorance and fear 
were envious of all subordinate merit. In the death, as in 
ihe life, of Rienzi, the hero and the coward were strangely 
mingled. When the Capitol was invested by a furious mul 
titude, when he was basely deserted by his civil and military 
servants, the intrepid senator, waving the banner of liberty, 
^resented himself on the balcony, addressed his eloquence to 
the various passions of the Romans, and labored to persuade 
them, that in the same cause himself and the republic must 
either stand or fall. His oration was interrupted by a volley 
Df imprecations and stones; and after an arrow had trans 
pierced his hand, he sunk into abject despair, and fled weep 
ing to the inner chambers, from whence he was let down by 
a sheet before the windows of the prison. Destitute of aid 
or hope, he was besieged till the evening: the doors of the 
Capitol were destroyed with axes and fire ; and while the 
senator attempted to escape in a plebeian habit, he was dis- 



w Prom Mattco Villani and Fortifiocca, the P. du Cer<jcau (p. 344 
-394) has extracted the life and death of the chevalier Montreal, the 
ife of a robber and the death of a hero. At the head of a free com- 
any, the first that desolated Italy, he became rich and formidable : 
had money in all the banks, 60,000 ducats in Padua alone. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 493 

coveted and dragged to the platform of the palace, the fatal 
scene of his judgments and executions. A whole hour, with 
out voice or motion, he stood amidst the multitude half naked 
and half dead : their rage was hushed into curiosity and 
wonder the last feelings of reverence and compassion yet 
struggled in his favor ; and they might have prevailed, if a 
bold assassin had not plunged a dagger in his breast. He 
fell senseless with the first stroke : the impotent revenge of 
his enemies inflicted a thousand wounds : and the senator s 
body was abandoned to the dogs, to the Jews, and to the 
flames. Posterity will compare the virtues and failings of 
this extraordinary man ; but in a long period of anarchy and 
servitude, the name of Rienzi has often been celebrated as 
the deliverer of his country, and the last of the Roman 
patriots. 55 

The first and most generous wish of Petrarch was the res 
toration of a free republic ; but after the exile and death of 
his plebeian hero, he turned his eyes from the tribune, to the 
king, of the Romans. The Capitol was yet stained with the 
blood of Rienzi, when Charles the Fourth descended from 
the Alps to obtain the Italian and Imperial crowns. In his 
passage through Milan he received the visit, and repaid the 
flattery, of the poet-laureate ; accepted a medal of Augustus ; 
and promised, without a smile, to imitate the founder of the 
Roman monarchy. A false application of the names and 
maxims of antiquity was the source of the hopes and disap 
pointments of Petrarch ; yet he could not overlook the dif 
ference of times and characters; the immeasurable distance 
between the first Ccesars and a Bohemian prince, who by the 
favor of the clergy had been elected the titular head of the 
German aristocracy. Instead of restoring to Rome her glory 
and her provinces, he had bound himself by a secret treaty 
with the pope, to evacuate the city on the day of his coro 
nation ; and his shameful retreat was pursued by the re 
proaches of the patriot bard. 56 

The exile, second government, and death of Bienzi, are minutely 
related by the anonymous Roman, who appears neither his friend nor 
his enemy, (1. iii. c. 1215.) Petrarch, who loved the tribune,. was 
indifferent to the fate of the senator. 

The hopes and the disappointment of Petrarch are agreeably 
described in his own words by the French biographer, (M6moires, torn, 
iii. p. 375413 ;) but the deep, though secret, wound was the coro 
nation of Zanubi, the poet-laureate, by Charles IV. 
VOL. vi. 42 



494 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

After the loss of liberty and empire, his third and more 
humble wish was to reconcile the shepherd with his flock ; to 
recall the Roman bishop to his ancient and peculiar diocese. 
In the fervor of youth, with the authority of age,. Petrarch ad 
dressed his exhortations to five successive popes, and his 
eloquence was always inspired by the enthusiasm of senti 
ment and the freedom of language. 57 The son of a citizen 
of Florence invariably prefeired the country of his birth to 
that of his education , and Italy, in his eyes, was the queen 
and garden of the world. Amidst her domestic factions, she 
was doubtless superior to France both in art and science, in 
wealth and politeness ; but the difference could scarcely sup 
port the epithet of barbarous, which he promiscuously bestows 
on the countries beyond the Alps. Avignon, the mystic Bab 
ylon, the sink of vice and corruption, was the object of his 
hatred and contempt ; but he forgets that her scandalous vices 
were not the growth of the soil, and that in every residence 
they would adhere to the power and luxury of the papal court. 
He confesses that the successor of St. Peter is the bishop of 
the universal church ; yet it was not on the banks of the 
Rhone, but of the Tyber, that the apostle had fixed his ever 
lasting throne : and while every city in the Christian world 
was blessed with a bishop, the metropolis alone was desolate 
and forlorn. Since the removal of the Holy See, the sacred 
buildings of the Lateran ancl the Vatican, their altars and their 
saints, were left -in a state of poverty and decay ; and Rome 
was often painted under the image of a disconsolate matron, as 
if the wandering husband could be reclaimed by the homely 
portrait of the age and infirmities of his weeping spouse. 58 



57 See, in his accurate and amusing biographer, the application of 
Petrarch and Rome to Benedict XII. in the year 1334, (Memoires, 
torn. i. p. 261265,) to Clement VI. in 1342, (torn. ii. p. 4547,) and 
to Urban V. in 1366, (torn. iii. p. 677 691 :) his praise (p. 711 715) 
and excuse (p. 771) of the last of these pontiffs. His angry contro 
versy on the respective merits of France and Italy may be found Opp. 
p. 10681085. 

Squalida sed quoniam facies, neglectaque cultii 
Caesaries ; multisque rnalis lassata sencctus 
Eripuit solitam efngiem : vetus accipe noinen ; 
llorna vocor. (Carm. 1. 2, p. 77.) 

He spins this allegory beyond all measure or patience. The Epistles 
to Urban V. in prose are mo-re simple and persuasive, (Senilium, 1. vii. 
p. 811827, 1. ix. epist. i. p. 844854.) 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 495 

But the cloud which hung over the seven hills would be dis 
pelled by the presence of their lawful sovereign : eternal 
fame, the prosperity of Rome, and the peace of Italy, would 
a>e the recompense of the pope who should dare to embrace 
this generous resolution. Of the five whom Petrarch exhort 
ed, the three first, John the Twenty-second, Benedict the 
Twelfth, and Clement the Sixth, were importuned or amused 
by the boldness of the orator ; but the memorable change 
which had been attempted by Urban the Fifth was finally 
accomplished by Gregory the Eleventh. The execution of 
their design was opposed by weighty and almost insuperable 
obstacles. A king of France, who has deserved the epithet 
of wise, was unwilling to release them from a local depend 
ence : the cardinals, for the most part his subjects, were 
attached to the language, manners, and climate of Avignon ; 
to their stately palaces ; above all, to the wines of Burgundy. 
In their eyes, Italy w r as foreign or hostile ; and they reluc 
tantly embarked at Marseilles, as if they had been sold or 
banished into the land of the Saracens. Urban the Fifth 
.resided three years in the Vatican with safety and honor : his 
sanctity was protected by a guard of two thousand horse ; and 
the king of Cyprus, the queen of Naples, and the emperors 
of the East and West, devoutly saluted their common father 
in the chair of St. Peter. But the joy of Petrarch and the 
Italians was soon turned into grief and indignation. Some 
reasons of public or private moment, his own impatience or 
the prayers of the cardinals, recalled Urban to France ; and 
the approaching election was saved from the* tyrannic patriot 
ism of the Romans. The powers of heaven were interested 
in their cause : Bridget of Sweden, a saint and pilgrim, disap 
proved the return, and foretold the death, of Urban the Fifth : 
the migration of Gregory the Eleventh was encouraged by 
St. Catharine of Sienna, the spouse of Christ and ambassa 
dress of the Florentines ; and the popes themselves, the great 
masters of human credulity, appear to have listened to these 
visionary females. 59 Yet those celestial admonitions were 



58 I have not leisure to expatiate on the legends of St. Bridget or 
St. Catharine, the last of which might furnish some amusing stojies. 
Their effect on the mind of Gregory XI. is attested by the last solemn 
words of the dying pope, who admonished the assistants, ut caverent 
ah hominibus, sive viris, sive mulieribus, sub specie religionis loquen- 
tibus visioiies sui capitis, quiaper tales ipse seductus, &c., (Baluz. Not. 
ad Yit. Pap. Avenionensium, torn. i. p. 1224.) 



I i96 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

supported by some arguments of temporal policy. The 
residence of Avignon had" been invaded by hostile violence : 
at the head of thirty thousand robbers, a hero had extorted 
ransom and absolution from the vicar of Christ and the sacred 
college ; and the maxim of the French warriors, to spare the 
people and plunder the church, was a new heresy of the most 
dangerous import. 60 While the pope was driven from Av 
ignon, he was strenuously invited to Rome. The senate and 
people acknowledged him as their lawful sovereign, and laid 
at his feet the keys of the gates, the bridges, and the for 
tresses ; of the quarter at least beyond the Tyber. 61 But this 
loyal offer was accompanied by a declaration, that they could 
no longer suffer the scandal and calamity of his absence ; and 
that his obstinacy would finally provoke them to revive and 
assert the primitive right of election. The abbot of Mount 
Cassin had been consulted, whether he would accept -the triple 
crown 62 from the clergy and people : " I am a citizen of 
Rome," G3 replied that venerable ecclesiastic, " and my first 
law is, the voice of my country." G4 

This predatory expedition is related by Froissard, (Chronique, 
torn. i. p. 230,) and in the life of Du Guesclin, (Collection Generate 
des Memoires Historiques. torn. iv. c. 16, p. 107 113.) As early as 
the year 1361, the court of Avignon had been molested by similar free 
booters, who afterwards passed the Alps, (Memoires sur Petrarque, 
torn. iii. p. 563 5 69.) 

Fleury alleges, from the annals of Odericus Raynaldus, the ori 
ginal treaty which was signed the 21st of December, 1376, between 
Gregory XL and the Romans, (Hist. Eccles. torn. xx. p. 275.) 

The first crown or regnum (Ducange, Gloss. Latin, torn. v. p. 
702) on the episcopal mitre of the popes, is ascribed to the gift of Con- 
stantine, or Clovis. The second was added by Boniface VIII., as the 
emblem not only of a spiritual, but of a temporal, kingdom. The three 
states of the church are represented by the triple crown which was 
introduced by John XXII. or Benedict XII., (Memoires sur Petrarque, 
torn. i. p. 258, 259.) 

1 Baluze (Not. ad Pap. Avenion. torn. i. p. 1194, 1195) produces the 
original evidence which attests the threats of the Roman ambassadors, 
and the resignation of the abbot of Mount Cassin, qui, ultro se offe- 
rens, respondit se civem Romanum csse, ct illucl velle quod ipsi vellent. 

The return of the popes from Avignon to Rome, and their recep- 




712.) In the disputes of the schism, every circumstance was severely, 
though partially, scrutinized ; more especially in the great inquest, 
which decided the obedience of Castile, and to which Baluze, in his 
notes, so often and so largely appeals from a MS. volume in the Har- 
lev librarv, (p. 1211- &c.") 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 49 1 ? 

If superstition will interpret an untimely death, 65 if the 
merit of counsels be judged from the event, the heavens may 
seem to frown on a measure of such apparent season and 
propriety. Gregory the Eleventh did not survive above four 
teen months his return to the Vatican ; and his decease was 
followed by the great schism of the West, which distracted 
the Latin church above forty years. The sacred college was 
then composed of twenty-two cardinals : six of these had 
remained at Avignon ; eleven Frenchman, one Spaniard, and 
four Italians, entered the conclave in the usual form. Their 
choice was not yet limited to the purple ; and their unanimous 
votes acquiesced in the archbishop of Bari, a subject of Na 
ples, conspicuous for his zeal and learning, who ascended the 
throne of St. Peter under the name of Urban the Sixth. The 
epistle of the sacred college affirms his free, and regular, 
election ; which had been inspired, as usual, by the Holy 
Ghost; he was adored, invested, and crowned, with the cus 
tomary rites ; his temporal authority was obeyed at Rome 
and Avignon, and his ecclesiastical supremacy was acknowl 
edged in the Latin world. During several weeks, the cardi 
nals attended their new master with the fairest professions of 
attachment and loyalty; till the summer heats permitted a 
decent escape from the city. But as soon as they were united 
at Anagni and Fundi, in a place of security, they cast aside 
the mask, accused their own falsehood and hypocrisy, excom 
municated the apostate and antichrist of Rome, and proceeded 
to a new election" of Robert of geneva, Clement the Seventh, 
whom they announced to the nations as the true and rightful 
vicar of Christ. Their first choice, an involuntary arid illegal 
act, was annulled by the fear of death and the menaces of the 
Romans ; and their complaint is justified by the strong evi 
dence of probability arid fact. The twelve French cardinals, 
above two thirds of the votes, were masters of the election ; 
and whatever might be their provincial jealousies, it canriot 
fairly be presumed that they would have sacrificed their right 
and interest to a foreign candidate, who would never restore 
them to their native country. In the various, and often incon- 

Can the death of a good man be esteemed a punishment by those 
who belicve^in the immortality of the soul ? They betray the insta 
bility of their faith. Yet as a mere philosopher, I cannot agree -with 
the Greeks, ov oi Sim yilwaiv a.iuQvi .axt-i r* og, (Biunrk, Toeta; Ono- 
mici, p. 231.) See in Herodotus (1. i. c. 31) the moral and pleasing 
tale of the Argive youths. 

42* 



498 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

sistent, narratives, 66 the shades of popular violence are more 
darkly or faintly colored : but the licentiousness of the sedi 
tious Romans was inflamed by a sense of their privileges, and 
the danger of a second emigration. The conclave was in 
timidated by the shouts, and encompassed fcy the arms, of 
thirty thousand rebels ; the bells of the Capitol and St. Peter s 
rang an alarm : " Death, or an Italian pope ! " was the um 
versal cry : the same threat was repeated by the twelve ban 
nerets or chiefs of the quarters, in the form of charitable 
advice ; some preparations were made for burning the obsti 
nate cardinals ; and had they chosen a Transalpine subject, it is 
probable that they would never have departed alive from the 
Vatican. The same constraint imposed the necessity of dis 
sembling in the eyes of Rome and of the world ; the pride and 
cruelty of Urban presented a more inevitable danger ; and 
they soon discovered the features of the tyrant, who could 
walk in his garden and recite his breviary, while he heard 
from an adjacent chamber six cardinals groaning on the rack. 
His inflexible zeal, which loudly censured their luxury and 
vice, would have attached them to the stations and duties of 
their parishes at Rome ; and had he not fatally delayed a new 
promotion, the French cardinals would have been reduced to 
a helpless minority in the sacred college. For these reasons, 
and the hope of repassing the Alps, they rashly violated the 
peace and unity of the church ; and the merits of their double 
choice are yet agitated in the Catholic schools. 67 The vanity, 
rather than the interest, of <the nation determined the court 
and clergy of France. 68 The states of Savoy, Sicily, Cyprus, 

66 In the first book of the Ilistoire du Concile de Pise, M. Lenfant 
has abridged and compared the original narratives of the adherents of 
Urban and Clement, of the Italians and Germans, the French and 
Spaniards. The latter appear to be the most active and loquacious, 
and every fact and word in the original lives of Gregory XI. and 
Clement VII. are supported in the notes of their editor Baluze. 

67 The ordinal numbers of the popes seem to decide the question 
against Clement VII. and Benedict XIII., who are boldly stigmatized 
as antipopes by the Italians, -while the French are content with 
authorities and reasons to plead the cause of doubt and toleration, 
(Baluz. in Prsefat.) It is singular, or rather it is not singular, that 
saints, visions, and miracles should be common to both parties. 

68 Baluze strenuously labors (Not. p. 12711280) to justify the 
pure and pious motives of Charles V. king of France : he refused to 
Lear the arguments of Urban; but were not the Urbanists equally 
deaf to the reasons of Clement, &c. r 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 499 

Irragon, Castille, Navarre, and Scotland were inclined by 
heir example and authority to the obedience of Clement the 
Seventh, and after his decease, of Benedict the Thirteenth. 
Rome and the principal states of Italy, Germany, Portugal, 
England, 69 the Low Countries, and the kingdoms of the North, 
adhered to the prior election of Urban the Sixth, who was 
succeeded by Boniface the Ninth, Innocent the Seventh, and 
Gregory the Twelfth. 

From the banks of the Tyber and the Rhone, the hostile 
pontiffs encountered each other with the pen and the sword : 
the civil and ecclesiastical order of society was disturbed ; 
and the Romans had their full share of the mischiefs of which 
they may be arraigned as the primary authors. 70 They had 
vainly flattered themselves with the hope of restoring the seat 
of the ecclesiastical monarchy, and of relieving their poverty 
with the tributes and offerings of the nations ; but the separa 
tion of France and Spain diverted the stream of lucrative 
devotion ; nor could the loss be compensated by the two 
jubilees whjph were crowded into the space of ten years. By 
the avocations of the schism, by foreign arms, and popular 
tumults, Urban the Sixth and his three successors were often 
compelled to interrupt their residence in the Vatican. The 
Colonna and Ursini still exercised their deadly feuds : the 
bannerets of Rome asserted and abused the privileges of a 
republic : the vicars of Christ, who had levied a military force, 
chaslised their rebellion with the gibbet, the sword, and the 
dagger ; and, in a friendly conference, eleven deputies of the 
people were perfidiously murdered and cast into the street. 
Since the invasion of Robert the Norman, the Romans had 
pursued their domestic quarrels without the dangerous inter 
position of a stranger. But in the disorders of the schism, an 
aspiring neighbor, Ladislaus king of Naples, alternately sup 
ported and betrayed the pope and the people ; by the former 
he was declared gonfalonier, or general, of the church, while 
the latter submitted to his choice the nomination of their 



69 An epistle, or declamation, in the name of Edward III., (Balux. 
Vit. Pap. Avenion. torn. i. p. 553,) displays the zeal of the English 
nation against the Clementines. Nor was their zeal confined to 
words : the bishop of Norwich led a crusade of 60,000 bigots beyond 
sea, (Hume s History, vol. iii. p. 57, 58.) 

1 Besides the general historians, the Diaries of Dclphinus Gentilis, 
Peter Antonius, and Stephen Infessura, in the great Collection of 
Muratori, represent the state and misfortunes of Rome. 



*SOO THE DECLINE AND FALL 

magistrates. Besieging Rome by land and water, he tnrice 
entered the gates as a Barbarian conqueror ; profaned the 
altars, violated the virgins, pillaged the merchants, performed 
his devotions at St. Peter s, and left a garrison in the castle 
of St. Angelo. His arms were sometimes unfortunate, and to 
a delay of three days he was indebted for his life and crown : 
but Ladislaus triumphed in his turn ; paid it was only his pre 
mature death that could save the metropolis and the eccle 
siastical state from the ambitious conqueror, who had assumed 
the title, or at least the powers, of king of Rome. 71 

I have not undertaken the ecclesiastical history of the 
schism ; but Rome, the object of these last chapters, is deeply 
interested in the disputed succession of her sovereigns. The 
first counsels for the peace and union of Christendom arose 
from the university of Paris, from the faculty of the Sorbonne, 
whose doctors were esteemed, at least in the Gallican church, 
as the most consummate masters of theological science. 72 
Prudently waiving all invidious inquiry into the origin and 
merits of the dispute, they proposed, as a healing measure, 
that the two pretenders of Rome and Avignon should abdicate 
at the same time, after qualifying the cardinals of the adverse 
factions to join in a legitimate election ; and that the nations 
should subtract 12 their obedience, if either of the competitors 
preferred his own interest to that of the public. At each 
vacancy, these physicians of the church deprecated the mis 
chiefs of a hasty choice ; but the policy of the conclave and 
ihe ambition of its members were deaf to reason and entrea 
ties ; and whatsoever promises were made, the pope could 
.never be bound by the oaths of the cardinal. During fifteen 



71 It is supposed by Giannone (torn. iii. p. 292) that he styled him 
self Rex Romse, a title unknown to the world since the expulsion of 
Tarquin. But a nearer inspection has justified the reading of Ilex 
Ramse, of Rama, an obscure kingdom annexed to the crown of Hun 
gary. 

~ 2 The leading and decisive part which France assumed in the 
schism is stated by Peter du Puis in a separate history, extracted from 
authentic records, and inserted in the seventh volume of the last and 
best edition of his friend Thuanus, (P. xi. p. 110 184.) 

7:J Of this measure, John Gerson, a stout doctor, was the author or 
the champion. The proceedings of the university of Paris and the 
Gallican churca were often prompted by his advice, and are copiously 
displayed in his theological writings, of which Le Clerc (Bibliotheque 
Choisie, torn. x. p. 1 78) has given a valuable extract. John Gerson 
acted an important part in the councils of Pisa and Constance. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 501 

3r*>ars, the pacific designs of the university were eluded by 
tke arts of the rival pontiffs, the scruples or passions of their 
adherents, and the vicissitudes of French factions, that ruled 
the insanity of Charles the Sixth. At length a vigorous reso 
lution Was embraced ; and a solemn embassy, of the titular 
patriarch of Alexandria, two archbishops, five bishops, five 
abbots, three knights, and twenty doctors, was sent to the 
courts of Avignon and Rome, to require, in the name of the 
church arid king, the abdication of the two pretenders, of 
Peter de Luna, who styled himself Benedict the Thirteenth, 
and of Angelo Corrario, who assumed the name of Gregory 
the Twelfth. For the ancient honor of Rome, and the suc 
cess of their commission, the ambassadors solicited a confer 
ence with the magistrates of the city, whom they gratified by 
a positive declaration, that the most Christian king did not 
entertain a wish of transporting the holy see from the Vati 
can, which he considered as the genuine and proper seat of 
the successor of St. Peter. In the name of the senate- and 
people, an eloquent Roman asserted their desire to cooperate 
in the union of the church, deplored the temporal and spirit 
ual calamities of the long schism, and requested the protec 
tion of France against the arms of the king of Naples. The 
answers of Benedict and Gregory were alike edifying and 
alike deceitful ; and, in evading the demand of their abdica 
tion, the two rivals were animated by a common spirit. They 
agreed on the necessity of a previous interview ; but the 
time, the place, and the manner, could never be ascertained 
by mutual consent. " If the one advances," says a servant 
of Gregory, " the other retreats ; the one appears an animal 
fearful of the land, the other a creature apprehensive of tHe 
water. And thus, for a short remnant of life and power, will 
these aged priests endanger the peace and salvation of the 
Christian world." 74 

The Christian world was at length provoked by their obsti 
nacy and fraud : they were deserted by their cardinals, who 
embraced each other as friends and colleagues ; and their 

O 

revolt was supported by a numerous assembly of prelates and 
ambassadors. With equal justice, the council of Pisa deposed 

/__ . 

74 Leonardus Brunus Aretinus, one of the revivers of classic learn 
ing in Italy, who, after serving many* years as secretary in the Roman 
court, retired to the honorable office of chancellor of the republic of 
Florence, (Fabric. Bibliot. Medii yEvi, torn. i. p. 290.) Lenfant has 
given the version of this curious epistle, (Concile de Pise, torn. i. p, 
192 



502 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

the popes of Rome and Avignon ; the conclave was unani 
mous in the choice of Alexander the Fifth, and his vacant 
seat was soon filled by a similar election of John the Twenty- 
third, the most profligate of mankind. But instead of extin- 
o-uishin^ the schism, the rashness of the French and Italians 

T5 tJ 

had given a third pretender to the chair of St. Peter. Such 
new claims of the synod and conclave were disputed ; three 
kings, of Germany, Hungary, and Naples, adhered to the 
cause of Gregory the Twelfth ; and Benedict the Thirteenth, 
himself a Spaniard, was acknowledged by the devotion and 
patriotism of that powerful nation. The rash proceed ings of 
Pisa were corrected by the council of Constance ; the em 
peror Sigismond acted a conspicuous part as the advocate or 
protector of the Catholic church ; and the number and weight 
of civil and ecclesiastical members might seem to constitute 
the states-general of Europe. Of the three popes, John the 
Twenty-third was the first victim : he fled and was brought 
back, a prisoner: the most scandalous charges were sup 
pressed; the vicar of Christ was only accused of piracy, 
murder, rape, sodomy, and incest ; and after subscribing his 
own condemnation, he expiated in prison the imprudence of 
trusting his person to a free city beyond the Alps. Gregory 
the Twelfth, whose obedience was reduced to the narrow pre 
cincts of Rimini, descended with more honor from the throne ; 
and his ambassador convened the session, in which he re 
nounced the title and authority of lawful pope. To vanquish 
the obstinacy of Benedict the Thirteenth or his adherents, the 
emperor in person undertook a journey from Constance to 
Perpignan. The kings of Castillo, Arragon, Navarre, and 
Scotland, obtained an equal and honorable treaty : with the 
concurrence of the Spaniards, Benedict was deposed by the 
council ; but the harmless old man was left in a solitary cas 
tle to excommunicate twice each day the rebel kingdoms 
which had deserted his cause. After thus eradicating the 
remains of the schism, the synod of Constance proceeded 
with slow and cautious steps to elect the sovereign of Rome 
and the head of the church. On this momentous occasion, 
the college of twenty-three cardinals was fortified with thirty 
deputies ; six of whom were chosen in each of the five great 
nations of Christendom,- - the Italian, the German, the 
French, the Spanish, and the English : 75 the interference 

7 * I earmot overlook this great national cause, which was vigorously 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 

of strangers was softened by their generous preference of an 
Italian and a Roman ; and the hereditary, as well as personal, 
merit of Otho Colonna recommended him to the conclave. 
Rome accepted with joy and obedience the noblest of her 
sons ; the ecclesiastical state was defended by his powerful 
family ; and the elevation of Martin the Fifth is the asra of 
the restoration and establishment of the popes in the Vat 
ican. 76 

The royal prerogative of coming money, which had been 
exercised near three hundred years by the senate, was first 
resumed by Martin the Fifth, 77 and his image and superscrip- 



maiutained by the English, ambassadors against those of France. The 
latter contended, that Christendom was essentially distributed into the 
four great nations and votes, of Italy, Germany, France, and Spain ; 
and that the lesser kingdoms (such as England, Denmark, Portugal, 
c.) were comprehended under one or other of these great divisions. 
The English asserted, that the British islands, of which they were the 
head, should be considered as a fifth and coordinate nation, with an 
equal vote ; and every argument of truth or fable was introduced to 
exalt the dignity of their country. Including England, Scotland, 
Wales, the four kingdoms of Ireland, and the Orkneys,, the British 
Islands are decorated with eight royal crowns, and discriminated by 
four or live languages, English, Welsh, Cornish, Scotch, Irish, &c. 
The greater island from north to south measures 800 miles, or 40 
lays journey ; and England alone contains 32 counties and 52,000 
parish churches, (a bold account !) besides cathedrals, colleges, priories, 
and hospitals. They celebrate .the mission of St. Joseph of Arima- 
thea, the birth of Constantino, "and the legatinc powers of the two 
primates, without forgetting the testimony of Bartholomey de Glan- 
ville, (A. D. 1360,) who reckons only four Christian kingdoms, 1. of 
liome, 2. of Constantinople, 3. of Ireland, which had been transferred 
to the English monarchs, and, 4. of Spain. Our countrymen prevailed 
in the council, but the victories of Henry V. added much weight to 
their arguments. The adverse pleadings were found at Constance by 
Sir Robert Wingneld, ambassador from Henry VIII. to the emperor 
Maximilian L, and by him printed in 1517 at Louvain. From a Leip- 
sic MS. they are more correctly published in the Collection of Von 
der Ilardt, torn. v. ; but I have only seen Lenfant s abstract of these 
acts, (Concile de Constance, torn. ii. p. 447, 453, &c.) 

76 The histories of the three successive councils, Pisa, Constance, 
Old Basil, have been written with a tolerable degree of candor, indus 
try, and elegance, by a Protestant minister, M. Lenfant, who retired 
from .France to Berlin. They form six volumes in quarto ; and as 
Basil is the worst, so Constance is the best, part of the Collection. 

77 See the xxviith Dissertation of the Antiquities of Muratori, and 
the 1st Instruction of the Science des Medailles of the Pere Joubert 
and the Baron de la B as tie. The Metallic History of Martin V. and 
his successors has been I ^iposed by two monks, Moulinet, a French- 



504 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

tion introduce the series of the papal medals Of his two 
immediate successors, Eugenius the Fourth was the last pope 
expelled by the tumults of the Roman people, 78 and Nicholas 
the Fifth, the last who w r as importuned by the presence of a 
Roman emperor. 79 I. The conflict of Eugenius with the 
fathers of Basil, and the weight or apprehension of a new 
excise, emboldened and provoked the Romans to usurp the 
temporal government of the city. They rose in arms, elected 
seven governors of the republic, and a constable of the Capi 
tol ; imprisoned the pope s nephew ; besieged his person ki 
the palace ; and shot volleys of arrows into his bark as he 
escaped down the Tyber in the habit of a monk. But he still 
possessed in the castle of St. Angelo a faithful garrison and a 
train of artillery : their batteries incessantly thundered on the 
city, and a bullet more dexterously pointed broke down the 
barricade of the bridge, and scattered with a single shot the 
heroes of the republic. Their constancy was exhausted by a 
rebellion of five months. Under the tyranny of the Ghibeline 
nobles, the wisest patriots regretted the dominion of the 
church ; and their repentance \vas unanimous and effectual. 
The troops of St. Peter again occupied tlie Capitol ; the magis 
trates departed to their homes ; the most guilty were executed 
or exiled ; and the legate, at the head of two thousand foot 
and four thousand horse, was saluted as the father of the city. 
The synods of Ferrara and Florence, the fear or resentment 
of Eugenius, prolonged his absence : he was received by a 
submissive people ; but the pontiff understood from the accla 
mations of his triumphal entry, that to secure their loyalty 
and his own repose, he must grant without delay the abolition 
of the odious excise. II. Rome was restored, adorned, and 
enlightened, by the peaceful reign of Nicholas the Fifth. In 
the midst of these laudable occupations, the pope was alarmed 
by the approach of Frederic the Third of Austria ; though his 

man, and Bonaiini. an Italian : but I understand, that the first part of 
the series is restored from more recent coins. 

78 Besides the Lives of Eugenius IV., (Rerum Italic, torn. iii. P. i. p. 
869, and torn. xxv. p. 256,) the Diaries of Paul Petroni and Stephen 
Infessura are the best original evidence for the revolt of the Komans 
against Eugenius IV. The former, who lived at the time and on the 
spot, speaks the language of a citizen, equally afraid, of priestly and 
popular tyranny. 

79 The coronation of Frederic III. is described byLenfant, (Concile 
de Basle, torn. ii. p. 276 288,) from ./Eneas Sylvius, a spectator and 
actor in that splendid scone. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 505 

fears could not be justified by the character or the power of 
the Imperial candidate. After drawing his military force to 
the metropolis, and imposing the best security of oaths 80 and 
treaties, Nicholas received with a smiling countenance the 
. aithful advocate and vassal of the church. So tame were 
the times, se feeble was the Austrian, that the pomp of his 
coronation was accomplished with order and harmony : but 
the superfluous honor was so disgraceful to an independent 
nation, that his successors have excused themselves from the 
toilsome pilgrimage to the Vatican ; and rest their Imperial 
title on the choice of the electors of Germany. 

A citizen has remarked, with pride and pleasure, that the 
king of the Romans, after passing with a slight salute the 
cardinals and prelates who met him at the gate, distinguished 
the dress and person of the senator of Rome ; and in this last 
farewell, the pageants of the empire and the republic were 
clasped in a friendly embrace. 81 According to the laws of 
Rome, 82 her first magistrate was required to be a doctor of 
Jaws, an alien, of a place at least forty miles from the city; 
with whose inhabitants he must not be connected in the third 
canonical degree of blood or alliance. The election was 
annual: a severe scrutiny was irtstituted into the conduct of 
the departing senator; nor could he be recalled to the some 
office till after the expiration of two years. A liberal salary 
of three thousand florins was assigned for his expense and 
reward ; and his public appearance represented the majesty 
of the republic. His robes were of gold brocade or crimson 
velvet, or in the summer season of a lighter silk: he bore in 



80 The oath of fidelity imposed on the em,e o. b\ the pope is re 
corded and sanctified in the Clementines, (1. ii. tit. ix. ;) and ^Eueas 
Sylvius, who objects to this new demand, could not foresee, that in a 
few years he should ascend the throne, and imbibe the maxims, of 
Boniface VIII. 

Lo senatore di Koma, vestito di brocarto con quella beretta, e con 
quelle maniche, et ornamenti di pelle, co quali va alle feste di Tes- 
taccio e Nagone, might escape the eye of yEneas Sylvius, but he is 
viewed with admiration and complacency by the lioman citizen, 
(Diario di Stephano Infessura, p. 1133.) 

2 See, in the statutes of Rome, the senator and three jurlqea^ (1. i. c. 3 
14,) the conservators, (1. i. c. 15, l >, 17, 1. iii c, i. 

C- 18, 1. iii- c. 8,) the oil, (1. iii. < ~. iii. 

I-.. 3.) The title oi J. , ic.,issj uu,i 

many a chapter (^c. 1-i iUj ojt tne second, book. 
VOL. vi. 43 



506 HE DECLINE AND FALL 

his hand an ivory sceptre ; the sound of trumpets announced 
his approach ; and his solemn steps were preceded at least by 
four lictors or attendants, whose red wands were enveloped 
with bands or streamers of the golden color or livery of the 
city. His oath in the Capitol proclaims his right and duty to 
observe and assert the laws, to control the proud, to protect 
the poor, and to exercise justice and mercy within the extent 
of his jurisdiction. In these useful functions he was assisted 
by three learned strangers ; the two collaterals , and the judge 
of criminal appeals : their frequent trials of robberies, rapes, 
and murders, are attested by the laws ; and the weakness of 
these laws connives at the licentiousness of private feuds and 
armed associations for mutual defence. But the senator was 
confined to the administration of justice : the Capitol, the 
treasury, and the government of the city and its territory, 
were intrusted to the three conservators, who were changed 
four times in each year : the militia of the thirteen regions 
assembled under the banners of their respective chiefs, or 
taporioni ; and the first of these was distinguished by the 
name and dignity of the prior. The popular legislature con 
sisted of the secret and the common councils of the Romans. 
The former was composed of the magistrates and their imme 
diate predecessors, with some fiscal and legal officers, and 
three classes of thirteen, twenty-six, and forty, counsellors ; 
amounting in the whole to about one hundred and twenty 
persons. In the common council all male citizens had a 
right to vote ; and the value of their privilege was enhanced 
by the care with which any foreigners were prevented from 
usurping the title and character of Romans. The tumult of 
a democracy was checked by -wise and jealous precautions : 
except the magistrates, none could propose a question ; none 
were permitted to speak, except from an open pulpit or tribu 
nal ; all disorderly acclamations were suppressed ; the sense 
of the majority was decided by a secret ballot ; and their 
decrees were promulgated in the venerable name of the Ro 
man senate and people. It would not be easy to assign a 
period in which this theory of government has been reduced 
to accurate and constant practice, since the establishment of 
order has been gradually connected with the decay of liberty. 
But in the year one thousand five hundred and eighty, the 
ancient statutes were collected, methodized in three books, 
and adapted to present use, under the pontificate, and will 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 507 

the approbation, of Gregory the Thirteenth : 83 this civil and 
criminal code is the modern law of the city ; and, if the popu 
lar assemblies have been abolished, a foreign senator, with 
the three conservators, still resides in the palace of the Capi 
tol. 8 ^ The poi.icy of the Caesars has been repeated by the 
popes ; and the bishop of Rome affected to maintain the form 
of a republic, while he reigned with the absolute powers of a 
temporal, as well as a spiritual, monarch. 

It is an obvious truth, that the times must be suited to extra 
ordinary characters, and that the genius of Cromwell or Retz 
might now expire in obscurity. The political enthusiasm of 
Rienzi had exalted him to a throne ; the same enthusiasm, in 
the next century, conducted his imitator to the gallows. The 
birth of Stephen Porcaro was noble, his reputation spotless : 
his tongue was armed with eloquence, his mind was enlight 
ened with learning ; and he aspired, beyond the aim of vul 
gar ambition, to free his country and immortalize his name. 
The dominion of priests is most odious to a liberal spirit : 
every scruple was removed by the recent knowledge of the 
fable and forgery of Constantino s donation ; Petrarch was 
now the oracle of the Italians ; and as often as Porcaro 
Devolved the ode which describes the patriot arid hero of 
Rome, he applied to himself the visions of the prophetic bard. 
His first trial of the popular feelings was at the funeral of 
Eugenius the Fourth : in an elaborate speech he called the 
Romans to liberty and arms ; and they listened with apparent 
pleasure, till Porcaro was interrupted and answered by a 
grave advocate, who pleaded for the church and state. By 
every law the seditious orator was guilty of treason ; but the 
benevolence of the new pontiff, who viewed his character with 
pity and esteem, attempted by an honorable office to convert 
the patriot into a friend. The inflexible Roman returned 
from Anagni with an increase of reputation and zeal ; and, on 

Statuta almco Ut-bis Ro-wee Auctot ,tate S. D. N. G/vporiiXIII. Pont. 
Max. a Senatu Popuhque Rom. rvformata ct vdita. Romas, 1580, in folio. 
Lhe obsolete, repugnant statutes of antiquity were confounded in five 
books, and Lucas Paetus, a lawyer and antiquarian, was appointed to 
act as the modem Tribonian. Yet I regret the old code, with the 
rugged crust of freedom and barbarism. 

In my time (1.765) and in M. Urosley s, (Observations surTItalie, 
torn. u. p. 361,) the senator of Home was M. Bielke, a noble Swede 
and a proselyte to .he Catholic faith. The pope s right to appoint 
the senator and the conservator is implied, rather than affirmed, in the 
statutes. 



508 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

the first opportunity, the games of the place Navona, he tried 
to inflame the casual dispute of some boys and mechanics into 
a general rising of the people. Yet the humane Nicholas was 
still averse to accept the forfeit of his life ; and the traitor 
was removed from, the scene of temptation to Bologna, with 
a liberal allowance for his support, and the easy obligation of 
presenting himself each day before the governor of the city. 
But Porcaro had learned from the younger Brutus, that with 
tyrants no faith or gratitude should be observed : the exile 
declaimed against the arbitrary sentence ; a party and a con 
spiracy were gradually formed : his nephew, a daring youth, 
assembled a band of volunteers ; and on the appointed even 
ing a feast was prepared at his house for the friends of the 
republic. Their leader, who had escaped from Bologna, ap 
peared among them in a robe of purple and gold : his voice, 
his countenance, his gestures, bespoke the man who had de 
voted his life or death to the glorious cause. In a studied 
oration, he expatiated on the motives and the means of their 
enterprise ; the name and liberties of Rome ; the sloth and 
pride of their ecclesiastical tyrants ; the active or passive 
consent of their fellow-citizens ; three hundred soldiers, and 
four hundred exiles, long exercised in arms or in wrongs ; 
the license of revenge to edge their swords, and a million of 
ducats to reward their victory. It would be easy, (he said,) 
on the next day, the festival of the Epiphany, to seize the 
pope and his cardinals, before the doors, or at the altar, of 
St. Peter s ; to lead them in chains under the walls of St. 
Angelo ; to extort by the threat of their instant death a sur 
render of the castle ; to ascend the vacant Capitol ; to ring 
the alarm-bell ; and to restore in a popular assembly the an 
cient republic of Rome. While he triumphed, he was already 
betrayed. The senator, with a strong guard, invested the 
house : the nephew of Porcaro cut his way through the crowd ; 
but the unfortunate Stephen was drawn from a chest, lament 
ing that his enemies had anticipated by three hours the exe 
cution of his design. After such manifest and repeated guilt, 
even the mercy of Nicholas was silent. Porcaro, and nine 
of his accomplices, were hanged without the benefit of the 
sacraments; and, amidst the fears and invectives of the papal 
court, the Romans pitied, and almost applauded, these mar 
tyrs of their country. 85 But their applause was mute, their 

Besides the citrious, though concise, narrative of Macliiavel, (Isto- 



OF THE ROMAN EMI IRE. 509 

pity ineffectual, their liberty forever extinct ; and, if they have 
since risen in a vacancy of the throne or a scarcity of bread, 
such accidental tumults may be found in the bosom of the 
most abject servitude. 

But the independence of the nobles, wjiich was fomented 
by discord, survived the freedom of the commons, which 
must be founded in union. A privilege of rapine and op- 
pression was long maintained by the barons of Rome ; their 
houses were a fortress and a sanctuary : and the ferocious 
train of banditti and criminals whom they protected from the 
law, repaid the hospitality with the service of their swords 
and daggers. The private interest of the pontiffs, or their 
nephews, sometimes involved them in these domestic feuds. 
Under the reign of Sixtus the Fourth, Some was distracted 
by the battles and sieges of the rival houses : after the con- 
flagration of his palace, the prothonotary Colorma was tor 
tured and beheaded ; and Savelli, his captive friend, was 
murdered on the spot, for refusing to join in the acclamations 
of the victorious Ursini.86 But the popes no longer trem 
bled in the Vatican : they had strength to command, if they 
had resolution to claim, the obedience of their subjects ; and 
the strangers, who observed these partial disorders, admired 
the easy taxes and wise administration of the ecclesiastical 
state. 87 

ria Florentina, 1. vi. Opere, torn. i. p. 210, 211, edit. Lonclra, 1747, in 
tto.) the f orcanan conspiracy is related in the Diary of Stephen Infes- 
sura, (Her. ItaL torn. iii. p. ii. p . n; Uf 1135j) aild in a separate tract 
by Leo Baptista Alberti, (Her. Ital. torn. xxv. p. 609614.) It is 
amusing to compare the style and sentiments of the courtier and citi 
zen. Facinus profecto quo .... neque periculo horribilius, neque 
audacia detestabilms, neque crudelitate tctrius, a quonuam perditis- 
simo uspiam excogitatum sit .... 1 erdettc la vita quell huonio da 
bene, e amatorc dello bone e liberta di Roma. 

The disorders of Rome, which were much inflamed by the par- 
; iality of Sixtus IV. and exposed in the Diaries of two spectators, 

ien Intessura, and an anonymous citizen. See the troubles of the 
year 484, and the death of the prothonotary Colonna, in torn. iii. P. ii. 
p. IQoo, 1158. 

Est toute la tcrre de 1 e gli^e trouble pour cettc partialite (des 

Uolonnes et des Ursins) come nous dirions Luce et Grammont, ou en 

Kouc et Caballan ; et quand co nc seroit cc diffcrcnd la 

crre do I cghse seroit ]$ plus heurousc habitation pour les suicts 

qu .it clans toute le mondc, (car ils ne payent ni tailles ni trucres 

itres choses,) ct seroient toujours bien conduits, (car toujours les 

papes sont sages et bien consellies ;) mais tres souvcnt en advient da 

grands et cruela meurtres et pilleries. 

43* 



510 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

The spiritual thunders of the Vatican depend on the force 
of opinion ; and if that opinion be supplanted by reason or 
passion, the sound may idly waste itself in the air ; and the 
helpless priest is exposed to the brutal violence of a noble or 
a plebeian adversary. But after their return from Avignon, 
the keys of St. Peter were guarded by the sword of St. Paul. 
Rome was commanded by an impregnable citadel : the use 
of cannon is a powerful engine against popular seditions : a 
regular force of cavalry and infantry was enlisted under the 
banners of the pope : his ample revenues supplied the re 
sources of war : and, from the extent of his domain, he 
could bring down on a rebellious city an army of hostile 
neighbors and loyal subjects. 88 Since the union of the duchies 
of Ferrara and Urbino, the ecclesiastical state extends from 
the Mediterranean to the Adriatic, and from the confines of 
Naples to the banks of the Po ; and as early as the sixteenth 
century, the greater part of that spacious and fruitful country 
acknowledged the lawful claims and temporal sovereignty of 
the Roman pontiffs. Their claims were readily deduced from 
the genuine, or fabulous, donations of the darker ages : the 
successive steps of their final settlement would engage us 
too far in the transactions of Italy, and even of Europe ; the 
crimes of Alexander the Sixth, the martial operations of 
Julius the Second, and the liberal policy of Leo the Tenth, 
a theme which has been adorned by the pens of the noblest 
historians of the times. 89 In the first period of their con 
quests, till the expedition of Charles the Eighth, the popes 
might successfully wrestle with the adjacent princes and 

88 By the ceconomy of Sixtus.V. the revenue of the ecclesiastical 
state was raised to two millions and a half of Roman crowns, (Vita, 
torn. ii. p. 291296 ;) and so regular was the military establishment, 
that in one month Clement VIII. could invade the duchy of Ferrara 
with three thousand horse and twenty thousand foot, (torn. 111. p. C 
Since that time (A. D. 1597) the papal arms are happily rusted : but 
the revenue must have gained some nominal increase.* 

89 More especially by Guicciardini and Machiavel ; in the general 
history of the former, in the Florentine history, the Prince, and the 
political discourses of the latter. These, with their worthy successors, 
Fra Paolo and Davila, were justly esteemed the first historians of 
modern languages, till, in the present age, Scotland arose, to dispute 
the prize with Italy herself. 

* On the financial measures of Sextus V. see Ranke, Die Rflmischen 
Piipste, i. p. 459. M. 






OF THE HOMAN EMPIRE. 511 



states, whose military force was equal, or inferior, to their 
own. But as soon as the monarchs of France, Germany, 
and Spain, contended with gigantic arms for the dominion of 
Italy, they supplied with art the deficiency of strength ; and 
concealed, in a labyrinth of wars and treaties, their aspiring 
views, and the immortal hope of chasing the Barbarians be 
yond the Alps. The nice balance of the Vatican was often 
subverted by the soldiers of the North and West, who were 
united under the standard of Charles the Fifth : the feeble 
and fluctuating policy of Clement the Seventh exposed his 
person and dominions to the conqueror ; and Rome was 
abandoned seven months to a lawless army, more cruel and 
"apacious than the Goths and Vandals. 90 After this severe 
lesson, the popes contracted their ambition, which was almost 
satisfied, resumed the character of a common parent, and 
abstained from all offensive hostilities, except in a hasty quar 
rel, when the vicar of Christ and the Turkish sultan were 
armed at the same time against the kingdom of Naples. 91 
The French and Germans at length withdrew from the field 
of battle : Milan, Naples, Sicily, Sardinia, and the sea-coast 
of Tuscany, were firmly possessed by the Spaniards; and it 
became their interest to maintain the peace and dependence 
of Italy, which continued almost without disturbance from 
the middle of the sixteenth to the opening of the eighteenth 
century. The Vatican was swayed and protected fay the re 
ligious policy of the Catholic king: his prejudice and interest 
disposed him in every dispute to support the prince against 
the people ; and instead of the encouragement, the aid, and 
the asylum, which they obtained from the adjacent states, the 
friends of liberty, or the enemies of law, were enclosed on 



3 In the history of the Gothic siege, I have compared the Barba 
rians -with the subjects of Charles V., (vol. iii. p. 289, 290 ;) an anti 
cipation, which, like that of the Tartar conquests, I indulged with 
the less scruple, as I could scarcely hope to reach the conclusion of 
my work. 

91 The ambitious and feeble hostilities of the Caraffa pope, Paul IV., 
may be seen in Thuanus (1. xvi. xviiL) and Giaiinone, (torn. iv. 
p. HO 163.) Those Catholic bigots, Philip II. and the duke of 
Alva, presumed to separate the Roman prince from the vicar of 
Christ ; yet the holy character, which would have sanctified his 
victory, was decently applied to protect his defeat.* 



But compare Kanke, Die Romischen PUpste, i. p. 29. < M 



512 THE DECLINE AND TALI. 



all sides within the iron circle of despotism. The long habit* 
of obedience and education subdued the turbulent spirit of 
the nobles and commons of Rome. The barons forgot the 
arms and factions of their ancestors, and insensibly became 
the servants of luxury and government. Instead of main 
taining a crowd of tenants and followers, the produce of their 
estates was consumed in the private expenses which multiply 
the pleasures, and diminish the power, of the lord. 92 The 
Colonna and Ursini vied with each other in the decoration of 
their palaces and chapels ; and their antique splendor was 
rivalled or surpassed by the sudden opulence of the papal 
families. In Rome the voice of freedom and discord is no 
longer heard ; and, instead of the foaming torrent, a smooth 
and stagnant lake reflects the image of idleness and servi 
tude. 

A Christian, a philosopher, 93 and a patriot, will be equally 
scandalized by the temporal kingdom of the clergy ; and 
the local majesty of Rome, the remembrance of her consuls 
and triumphs, may seem to imbitter the sense, and aggravate 
the shame, of her slavery. If we calmly weigh the merits 
and defects of the ecclesiastical government, it may be 
praised in its present state, as a mild, decent, and tranquil 
system, exempt from the. dangers of a minority, the sallies of 
youth, the expenses of luxury, and the calamities of war. 
But these advantages are overbalanced by a frequent, per 
haps a septennial, election of a sovereign, who is seldom a 
native of the country ; .the reign of a young statesman of 
threescore, in the decline of his life and abilities, without 
hope to accomplish, and without children to inherit, the la 
bors of his transitory reign. The successful candidate is 
drawn from the church, and even the convent ; from the 
mode of education and life the most adverse to reason, hu 
manity, and freedom. In the trammels of servile faith, he 
has learned to believe because it is absurd, to revere all that 
is contemptible, and to despise whatever might deserve the 



82 This gradual change of manners and expense is admirably ex 
plained by Dr. Adam Smith, (Wealth of Nations, vol. i. p. 49-5 504,) 
who proves, perhaps too severely, that the most salutary effects have 
flowed from the meanest and most selfish causes. 

93 Mr. Hume (Hist, of England, vol. i. p. 389) too hastily concludes 
that if the civil and ecclesiastical powers be united in the same per 
son, it is of little moment whether he be styled prince or prelate, since 
the temporal character will always predominate. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 513 

esteem of a rational being ; to punish error as a crime, to 
reward mortification and celibacy as the first of virtues ; to 
place the saints of the calendar 94 above the heroes of Rome 
and the sages of Athens; and to consider the missal, or the 
crucifix, as more useful instruments than the plough or the 
loom. In the office of nuncio, or the rank of cardinal, he may 
acquire some knowledge of the world, but the primitive stain 
will adhere to his mind and manners: from study and expe 
rience he may suspect the mystery of his profession ; but the 
sacerdotal artist will imbibe some portion of the bigotry which 
he irculcates. The genius of Sixtus the Fifth 95 burst from 
Ihe gloom of a Franciscan cloister. In a reign of five years, 
he exterminated the outlaws and banditti, abolished the pro 
fane sanctuaries of Rome, 96 formed a naval and military 
force, restored and emulated the monuments of antiquity, and 
after a liberal use and large increase of the revenue, left five 
millions of crowns in the castle of St. Angelo. But his jus 
tice was sullied wrth cruelty, his activity was prompted by 
the ambition of conquest : after his decease the abuses re 
vived ; the treasure was dissipated ; he entailed on posterity 

94 A Protestant may disdain the unworthy preference of St. Francis 
?r St. Dominic, but he will not rashly condemn the zeal or judgment 
if Sixtus V., who placed the statues of the apostles St. Peter and St. 
<?aul on the vacant columns of Trajan and Antonine. 

96 A wandering Italian, Gregorio Lcti, has given the Vita di Sisto- 
Quinto, (Amstel. 1721,, 3 vols. in 12aao.,) a copious and amusing 
jvork, but which does not command our absolute confidence. Yet the 
Character of the man, and the principal facts, are supported by the 
Annals of Spondanus and &f uratori, (A. D. 1585 1590,) and the con- 
emporaxy history of the great Thuanus, (1. Ixxxii. c. 1, 2, 1. Ixxxiv. 
\ 10, 1. c". c. 8.)* 

96 These privileged places, the quartieri or franc/tises, were adopted 
rom the Roman nobles by the foreign ministers. Julius II. had once 
tbolished the aboininandum et detestandum franchitiarum hujusmodi 
\omen : and after Sixtus Y. they again revived. I cannot discern 
either the justice or magnanimity of Louis XIY., who, in 1G87, sent 
*iis ambassador, the marquis de Lavardin, to Rome, with an armed 
force of a thousand officers, guards* and domestics, to maintain this 
iniquitous claim, and insult Pope Innocent XI. in the heart of his 
capital, (Vita di Sisto V. torn. iii. p. 2GO 278. Muratori, Annali 
d Italia, torn. xv. -p. 494496, and Voltaire, Siecle de Louis XIV. torn. 
ii. c. 14, p. 58, 59.) 

* The industry of M. Ranke has discovered the document, a kind of 
scandalous chronicle of the time, from which Lcti wrought up his amusing 
romances. See also M. Ranke s observations on the Life of Sixtus, by 
Tempesti, b. iii. p. 317, 324. M. 



THE DECLINE AND FALL 



thirty-five new taxes and the venality of offices ; and, after 
his death, his statue was demolished by an ungrateful, or an 
injured, people. 97 The wild and original character of Sixtus 
the Fifth stands alone in the series of the pontiffs ; the max 
ims and effects of their temporal government may be col 
lected from the positive and comparative view of the arts and 
philosophy, the agriculture and trade, the wealth and popula 
tion, of the ecclesiastical state. For myself, it is my wish to 
depart in charity with all mankind, nor am I willing, in these 
moments, to offend even the pope an d clergy of Rome. 98 



This outrage produced a decree, which was inscribed on marble, 
and placed in the Capitol. It is expressed in a style of manly 9 : *a- 
plioity and freedom : Si quis, sive privatus, sive magistratuin gerens 
de collocanda vivo pontifici statua mentionem. facere ausit, legitimo 
S. P. Q. It. decreto in perpetuum infamis et publicorum muncrum 
expers esto. MDXC. inense Augusto, (Vita di Sisto V. torn, iii, 
p. 469.) I believe that this decree is still observed, and I know that 
every monarch who deserves a statue should himself impose the pro 
hibition. 

1 The histories of the church, Italy, and Christendom, have con 
tributed to the chapter which I now conclude. In the original Lives 
of the Popes, we often discover the city and republic of Rome : and 
the events of the xivth and xvth centuries are preserved in the rude 
and domestic chronicles which I have carefully inspected, and shall 
recapitulate in the order of time. 

1. Monaldeschi (LudoviciBoncomitis) Fragmenta Annalium Roman. 
A. D. 1328, in the Scriptores Rerum Italicarum of Muratori, torn. 
xii. p. 525. N. 13. The credit of this fragment is somewhat hurt 
by a singular interpolation, in which, the author relates his own 
death at the age of 115 years. 

2. Fragmenta Historise Romance (vulgo Thomas Fortifioccse) in Ro- 
mana Dialecto vulgari, (A. D. 1327 1354, in Muratori, Antiquitat. 
Medii ^Evi Italia?, torn. iii. p. 247 548 ;) the authentic groundwork 
of the history of Rien/d. 

3. Delphini (Gentilis) Diarium Romanum, (A. D. 1370 1410,) in the 
Rerum Italicarum, torn. iii. P. ii. p. 846. 

4. Antonii (Petri) Diarium Rom., (A. D. 14041417,) torn, xxiv 
p. 699. 

5. Petroni (Pauli) Miscellanea Historica Romana, (A. D. 1433 
1446,) torn. xxiv. p. 1101. 

6. Volaterrani (Jacob.) Diarium Rom., (A. D. 1472 1484,) torn. 
xxiii. p. 81. 

7. Anonymi Diarium Urbis Romse, (A. D. 148J 1492,) torn. iii. 
P. ii. p. 1069. 

8. Infessurae (Stephani) Diarium Romanum, (A. D. 1294, or 1378 
1494,) torn. iii. P. ii. p. 1109. 

9. Historia Arcana Alexandri VI. sive Exccrpta ex Diario Joh. Bur- 
cardi, (A. D. 1492 1503, edita a Godefr. Gulielm. Leibnizio, Hano 
ver, 697, in 14to. The large and valuable Journal of Burcard might 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 515 

be completed from the MSS. in different libraries of Italy and France, 
(M. de Foncemagne, in the Memoires de 1 Acad. des Inscrip. torn, 
xvii. p. 597606.) 

Except the last, all these fragments and diaries are inserted in the Col 
lections of Muratori, my guide and master in the history of Italy. 
His country, and the public, are indebted to him for the following 
works on that subject : 1. Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, (A. D. 600 
1500,) quorum patissima pars nuncprimumin lucem prodit, &c., xxviii. 
vols. in folio, Milan, 1723 1738, 1751. A volume of chronological 
and alphabetical tables is still wanting as a key to this great work, 
which is yet in a disorderly and defective state. 2. Antiquitates 
Italia Medii JEm, vi. vols. in folio, Milan, 1738 1743, in Ixxv. curious 
dissertations, on the manners, government, religion, &c., of the Italians 
of the darker ages, with a large supplement of charters, chronicles, &c. 
3. Dissertazioni sopra le Antiquita Italiane, iii. vols. in 4to., Milano, 
1751, a free version by the author, which may be quoted with the 
same confidence as the Latin text of the Antiquities. Annali d" Italia t 
xviii. vols. in octavo, Milan, 1753 1756, a dry, though accurate and 
useful, abridgment of the history of Italy, from the birth of Christ 
to the middle of the xviiith century. 5. Dell Antichita Estense ed 
Italiane, ii. vols. in folio, Modena, 1717, 1740. In the history of this 
illustrious race, the parent of our Brunswick kings, the critic is not 
seduced by the loyalty or gratitude of the subject. In all his works, 
Muratori approves himself a diligent and laborious writer, who aspires 
above the prejudices of a Catholic priest. He was born in the year 
1672, and died in the year 1750, after passing near 60 years in the 
libraries of Milan and Modena, (Vita del Proposto Ludovico Antonio 
Muratori, by his nephew and successor Gian. Francesco Soli Muratori* 
Venesia, 1756, in 4to.) 



THE DECLINE AND FALL 



CHAPTER IXXI. 

PROSPECT OF THE RUINS OF ROME IN 1HE FIITEENTH CEN 
TURY. FOUR CAUSES OF DECAY AND DESTRUCTION. 

EXAMPLE OF THE COLISEUM. RENOVATION OF THE CITY. 

CONCLUSION OF THE WHOLE WORK. 

^ IN the last days of Pope Eugenius the Fourth,* two of 
his servants, the learned Poggius l and a friend, ascended the 
Capitoline hill ; reposed themselves among the ruins of col 
umns and temples; and viewed from that commanding spot 
the wide and various prospect of desolation. 2 The place 
and the object gave ample scope for moralizing on the vicis 
situdes of fortune, which spares neither man nor the proudest 
of his works, which buries empires and cities in a common 
grave ; and it was agreed, that in proportion to her former 
greatness, the fall of Rome was the more awfal and deplora 
ble. " Her primeval state, such as she might appear in a 
remote age, when Evander entertained the stranger of Troy, 3 
has been delineated by the fancy of Virgil. This Tarpeian 
rock was then a savage and solitary thicket : in the time of 
the poet, it was crowned with the golden roofs of a temple ; 
the temple is overthrown, the gold has been pillaged, the 
wheel of fortune has accomplished her revolution, and the 
sacred ground is again disfigured with thorns and brambles. 
The hill of the Capitol, on which we sit, was formerly the 
head of the Roman empire, the citadel of the earth, the ter- 

I have already (notes 50, 51, on chap. Ixv.) mentioned the age, 
character, and writings of Poggius ; and particularly noticed the date 
of this elegant moral lecture on the varieties of fortune. 

1 Consedimus in ipsis Tarpeise arcis ruinis, ponoingcns portae cujus- 
dam, ut puto, templi, marraoreum limen, plurimasque passim confrac- 
tas columnas, unde magna ex partc prospectus urbis patet, (p. 5.) 

3 JEneid viii. 97 369. This ancient picture, so artfully introduced, 
and so exquisitely finished, must have been highly interesting to an 
inhabitant of Rome ; and oiir early studies allow us to sympathize i* 
the feelings of a Roman. 



* It should be Pope Martin the Fifth. See Gibbon s own note, ch. IXT. 
note 51 ; and Hobhouse, Illustrations of Childe Harold, p. 155. M. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 517 

/or of kings ; illustrated by the footsteps of so many triumphs, 
enriched with the spoils and tributes of so many nations. 
This spectacle of the world, how is it fallen! how changed ! 
how defaced ! The path of victory is obliterated by vines, and 
the benches of the senators are concealed by a dunghill. 
Cast your eyes on the Palatine hill, and seek among the 
shapeless and enormous fragments the marble theatre 3 , the 
obelisks, the colossal statues, the porticos of Nero s palace : 
survey the other hills of the city, the vacant space is inter 
rupted only by ruins and gardens. The forum of the Ro 
man people, where they assembled to enact their laws and 
elect their magistrates, is now enclosed for the cultivation of 
pot-herbs, or^ thrown open for the reception of swine and 
buffaloes. The public and private edifices, that were found 
ed for eternity, lie prostrate, naked, and broken, like the 
limbs of a mighty giant ; and the ruin is the more visible, 
from the stupendous relics that have survived the injuries of 
time and fortune." 4 

These relics are minutely described by Poggius, one of 
the first who raised his eyes from the monuments of legend 
ary, to those of classic, superstition. 5 1. Besides a bridge, 
an arch, a sepulchre, and the pyramid of Cestius, he could 
discern, of the age of the republic, a double row of vaults, 
in the . salt-office of the Capitol, which were inscribed with 
the name and munificence of Catulus. 2. Eleven temples 
were visible in some degree, from the perfect form of the 
Pantheon, to the three arches and a marble column of the 
temple of Peace, which Vespasian erected after the civil wars 
and the Jewish triumph. 3. Of the number, which he rashly 
defines, of seven thenna, or public baths, none were sufficient 
ly entire to represent the use and distribution of the several 
parts: but those of Diocletian and Antoninus Caracal la still 
retained the titles of the founders, and astonished the curi- 
ous spectator, who, in observing their solidity and extent, the 
variety of marbles, the size and multitude of the columns, 
compared the labor and expense with the use and impor- 
tance. Of the baths of Constantino, of Alexander, of Domi- 

4 Capitoliumadeo .... imrautatum ut vinooe in scnatorum sub- 
iiia successmnt, stercorum ac purgamentorura rcccptaculum factum 
Kespice ad Palatinum montcm .... vasta rutlera .... caeteros 
CoUes pcrlustra omnia vacua roclificiis, minis vincisquc opplcta con- 
spicies, (Poggius, de Varictat. Fortuna?, p. 21.) 
See Poggius, p. 8 22. 

VOL. VI. 41 



518 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

tian, or rather of Titus, some vestige might yet be found. 
4. The triumphal arches of Titus, Severus, and Constantine, 
were entire, both the structure and the inscriptions ; a falling 
fragment was honored with the name of Trajan ; and two 
arches, then extant, in the Flaminian way, have been ascribed 
to the baser memory of Faustina and Gallienus.* 5. After 
the wonder of the Coliseum, Poggius might have overlooked 
a small amphitheatre of brick, most probably for the use of 
the prcetorian camp : the theatres of Marcellus and Pompey 
were occupied in a great measure by public and private build 
ings ; and in the Circus, Agonalis and Maximus, little more 
than the situation and the form could be investigated. 6. The 
columns of Trajan and Antonine were still erect ; but the 
Egyptian obelisks were broken or buried. A people of gods 
and heroes, the workmanship of art, was reduced to one 
equestrian figure of gilt brass, and to five marble statues, of 
which the most conspicuous were the two horses of Phidias 
and Praxiteles. 7. The two mausoleums or sepulchres of 
Augustus and Hadrian could not totally be lost : out the for 
mer was only visible as a mound of earth ; and the latter, the 
castle of St. Angelo, had acquired the name and appearance 
of a modern fortress. With the addition of some separate 
and nameless columns, such were the remains of the ancient 
city ; for the marks of a more recent structure might be 
detected in the walls, which formed a circumference of ten 
miles, included three hundred and seventy -nine turrets, and 
opened into the country by thirteen gates. 

This melancholy picture was drawn above nine hundred 
years after the fall of the Western empire, and even of the 
Gothic kingdom of Italy. A long period of distress and an 
archy, in which empire,- and arts, and riches had migrated 
from the banks of the Tyber, was incapable of restoring or 
adorning the city ; and, as all that is human must retrograde 
if it do not advance, every successive age must have hastened 
the ruin of the works of antiquity. To measure the progress 
of decay, and to ascertain, at each cera, the state of each edi 
fice, would be an endless and a useless labor; and I shall 
content myself with two observations, which will introduce a 
short inquiry into the general causes and effects. 1. Two 

* One was in the Via Nomentana ; est alter prrcterea Gallieno principi 
dicatus, ut superscriptio indicat, Via Nomentand. Hobhouse, p. 154. 
Poggio likewise mentions the building which Gibbon ambiguously says 
be " might have overlooked." M. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 519 

hundred years before the eloquent Qpmplaint of Poggius, an 
anonymous writer composed a description of Rome. 6 His 
ignorance may repeat the same objects under strange and 
fabulous names. Yet this barbarous topographer had eyes 
and ears ; he could observe the visible remains ; he could 
listen to the tradition of the people ; and he distinctly enu 
merates seven theatres, eleven baths, twelve arches, and 
eighteen palaces, of which many had disappeared before the 
time of Poggius. It is apparent, that many stately monu 
ments of antiquity survived till a late period, 7 and that the 
principles of destruction acted with vigorous and increasing 
energy in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. 2. The 
same reflection must be applied to the three last ages ; and 
we should vainly seek the Septizonium of Severus; 8 which 
is celebrated by Petrarch and the antiquarians of the sixteenth 
century. While the Roman edifices were still entire, the 
first blows, however weighty and impetuous, were resisted by 
the solidity of the mass and the harmony of the parts ; but 
the slightest touch would precipitate the fragments of arches 
and columns, that already nodded to their fall. 

After a diligent inquiry, I can discern four principal causes 
of the ruin of Rome, which continued to operate in a period 
of more than a thousand years. I. The injuries of time and 
nature. II. The hostile attacks of the Barbarians and Chris 
tians. III. The use and abuse of the materials. And, IV. 
The domestic quarrels of the Romans. 

I. The art of man is able to construct monuments far more 
permanent than the narrow span of his own existence ; yet 
these monuments, like himself, are perishable and frail ; and 



6 Liber do Mirabilibus lionise, ex Registro Nicolai Cardinalis de 
Arragonia, in Bibliotheca St. Isidori Armario IV., No. 69. This trea 
tise, with some short but pertinent notes, has been published by 
Montfaucon, (Diarium Italicum, p. 283 301,) who thus delivers his 
own critical opinion : Scriptor xiiimi. circitcr saeculi, ut ibidem nota- 
tur ; antiquarian rci imperitus ct, ut ab illo sevo, nugis et anilibus 
fabellis refertus : sed, quia monumcnta, quse iis temporibus Roma 
supererant pro modulo recenset, non parum inde lucis mutuabitur 
qxii Romania antiquitatibus indagandis operam navabit, (p. 283.) 

7 The Pere Mabillon (Analccta, torn. iv. p. 502) has published an 
anonymous pilgrixn of the ixth century, who, in his visit round the 
churches and holy places of Home, touches on several buildings, espe 
cially porticos, which had disappeared before the xiiith century. 

On the Septizonium, see the Memoires sur Petrarque, (torn. I. 
p. 325,) Donatus, (p. 338,) and Nardini, (p. 117, 414. ) 



520 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

in the boundless annals of time, his life and his labors must. 
equally be measured as a fleeting moment. Of a simple and 
solid edifice, it is not easy, however, to circumscribe the dura 
tion. As the wonders of ancient days, the pyramids 9 attract 
ed the curiosity of the ancients : a hundred generations, the 
leaves of autumn, 10 have dropped into the grave ; and after 
the fall of the Pharaohs and Ptolemies, the Csesars and caliphs, 
the same pyramids stand erect and unshaken above the floods 
of the Nile. A complex figure of various and minute parts 
is more accessible lo injury and decay ; and the silent lapse 
of time is often accelerated by hurricanes and earthquakes, 
by fires and inundations. The air and earth have doubtless 
been shaken ; and the lofty turrets of Rome have tottered 
from their foundations ; but the seven hills do not appear to 
be placed on the great cavities of the globe ; nor has the city, 
in any age, been exposed to the convulsions of nature, which, 
in the climate of Antioch, Lisbon, or Lima, have crumbled in 
a few moments the works of ages into dust. Fire is the most 
powerful agent of life and death : the rapid mischief may be 
kindled and propagated by the industry or negligence of 
mankind ; and every period of the Roman annals is marked 
by the repetition of similar calamities. A memorable con 
flagration, the guilt or misfortune of Nero s reign, continued, 
though with unequal fury, either six or nine days. 1] Innu 
merable buildings, crowded in close and crooked streets, 
supplied perpetual fuel for .the flames ; and when they ceased, 
four only of the fourteen regions were left entire ; three were 
totally destroyed, and seven were deformed by the relics of 
smoking and lacerated edifices. 12 In the full meridian of 

9 The age of the pyramids is remote and unknown, since Diodorus 
Siculus (torn. i. 1. i. c. 44, p. 72) is unable to decide whether they 
were constructed 1000, or 3400, years before the clxxxth Olympiad. 
Sir John Marsham s contracted scale of the Egyptian dynasties would 
fix them about 2000 years before Christ, (Canon. Chronicus, p. 47.) 

10 See the speech of Glaucus in the Iliad, (Z. 146.) This natural 
but melancholy image is familiar to Homer. 

11 The learning and criticism of M. des Yignoles (Histoire Critique 
de la liepublique des Lettres, torn. viii. p. 47118, ix. p. 172187) 
dates the fire of Rome from A. D. 64, July 19, and the subsequent 
persecution of the Christians from November 15 of the same year. 

l 2 Quippe in regiones quatuordccim lloma dividitur, quariEn qua- 
tuor Integra manebant, trcs solo tcnus dejectae : septem reliquis pauca 
tectorum vestigia supcrerant, lacera et semiusta. Among the old relics 
that were irreparably lost, Tacitus enumerates the temple of the moon 
of Servius Tullius ; the fane and altar consecrated by Evander prae- 



Cf THE ROMAN EMPIRE 521 

empire, the metropo.is arose with fresh beauty from her ashes , 
yet the memory of the old deplored their irreparable losses, 
the arts of Greece, the trophies of victory, the monuments of 
primitive or fabulous antiquity. In the days of distress and 
anarchy, every wound is mortal, every fall irretrievable ; nor 
can the damage be restored either by the; public care of gov 
ernment, or the activity of private interest. Yet two causes 
may be alleged, which render the calamity of fire more de 
structive to a flourishing than a decayed city. 1. The more 
combustible materials of brick, timber, and metals, are first 
melted or consumed ; but the flames may play without injury 
or effect on the naked walls, and massy arches, that have 
been despoiled of their ornaments. 2. It is among the com 
mon and plebeian habitations, that a mischievous spark is 
most easily blown to a conflagration ; but as soon as they are 
devoured, the greater edifices, which have resisted or escaped, 
are left as so many islands in a state of solitude and safety. 
From her situation, Rome is exposed to the danger of fre 
quent inundations. Without excepting the Tyber, the rivers 
that descend from either side of the Apennine have a short 
and irregular course ; a shallow stream in the summer heats ; 
an impetuous torrent, when it is swelled in the spring or 
winter, by the fall of rain, and the melting of the snows. 
When the current is repelled from the sea by adverse winds, 
when the ordinary bed is inadequate to the weight of waters, 
they rise above the banks, and overspread, without limits or 
control, the plains and cities of the adjacent country. Soon 
after the triumph of the first Punic war, the Tyber was in 
creased by unusual rains ; and the inundation, surpassing all 
former measure of time and place, destroyed all the buildings 
that were situate below the hills of Rome. According to the 
.variety of ground, the same mischief was produced by differ 
ent means; and the edifices were either swept away by the 
sudden impulse, or dissolved and undermined by the long 
continuance, of the flood. 13 Under the reign of Augustus, 



senti Herculi ; the temple of Jupiter Stator, a vow of Romulus ; the 
palace of Numa ; the temple of Vesta cum Penatibus populi Itomani. 
He then deplores the opes tot victoriis qu-oositie ct Graccarum artium 
decora .... multa qua? seiiiorcs meminerant, quie reparari nequi- 
bant, (Annal. xv. 40, 41.) 

13 A. U. C. 507, repentina subvcrsio ipsius Romse preevcnit tri- 
umphum llomanorum .... diversae iguium aquarumque claries 
pene absumsere urbem. Nam Tiberis insolitis auctus imbribus et 

44* 



522 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

the same calamity was renewed : the lawless river overturned 
the palaces and temples on its banks ; }4 - and, after the labors 
of the emperor in cleansing and widening the bed that was 
encumbered with ruins, 15 the vigilance of his successors was 
exercised by similar dangers and designs. The project of 
diverting into new channels the Tyber itself, or some of the 
dependent streams, was long opposed by superstition and 
iocal interests ; 1(j nor did the use compensate the toil and 
cost of the tardy and imperfect execution. The servitude of 
rivers is the noblest and most important victory which man has 
obtained over the licentiousness of nature ; 17 and if such were 
the ravages of the Tj^ber under a firm and active government, 
what could oppose, or who can enumerate, the injuries of the 
city, after the fall of the Western empire ? A remedy was 
at length produced by the evil itself: the accumulation of rub 
bish and the earth, that has been washed down from the hills, 
is supposed to have elevated the plain of Rome, fourteen or 



ultra opinionem, vcl diuturnitate vel magmtudine redundans, omnia 
Ilomae aediiicia in piano posita delevit. Diversae qualitates locorum. 
ad unam couveriere perniciem : quoniam et quse segnior inundatio 
tenuit madefacta dissolvit, et quoa cursus torrentis invenit impulsa 
dejecit, (Orosius, Hist. 1. iv. c. 11, p. 244, edit. Havercamp.) Yet we 
may observe, that it is the plan and study of the Christian apologist to 
magnify the calamities of the Pagan world. 

14 Vidimus flavum Tiberim, retortis 
Littore Etrusco violenter undis, 
Ire dejectum monumenta Regis 

Templaque Vestas. (Horat. Carm. I. 2.) 

If the palace of Numa and temple of Vesta were thrown down in 
Horace s time, what was consumed of those buildings by Nero s fire 
could hardly deserve the epithets of vetustissima or incorrupta. 

15 Ad cocrcendas inundationes alveum Tiberis laxavit, ac repurga- 
vit, completum olim ruderibus, et sedificiorum prolapsionibus coarcta- 
turn, (Suetonius in Augusto, c. SO.) 

16 Tacitus (Annal. i. 79) reports the petitions of the different towns 
of Italy to the senate against the measure ; and we may applaud the 
progress of reason. On a similar occasion, local interests would un 
doubtedly be consulted : but an English House of Commons would 
reject with contempt the arguments of superstition, "that nature had 
assigned to the rivers their proper course," &c. 

17 See the Epoqucs de la Nature of the eloquent and philosophic 
Buffon. His picture of Guyana, in South America, is that of a new 
and savage land, in which the w r aters are abandoned to themselves, 
xvithout being regulated by human, industry, (p. 212, 561, quarto 
edition.) 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 523 

fifteen feet, perhaps, above the ancient level ; ]S and the mod 
ern city is less accessible to the attacks of the river. 19 

II. The crowd of writers of every nation, who impute the 
destruction of the Roman monuments to the Goths and the 
Christians, have neglected to inquire how far they were ani* 
mated by a hostile principle, and how far they possessed the 
means and the leisure to satiate their enmity. In the preced 
ing volumes of this History, I have described the triumph of 
barbarism and religion; and I can only resume, in a few 
words, their real or imaginary connection with the ruin of 
ancient Rome. Our fancy may create, or adopt, a pleas 
ing romance, that the Goths and Vandals sallied from Scan 
dinavia, ardent to avenge the flight of Odin ; 20 to break the 
chains, and to chastise the oppressors, of mankind ; that they 
wished to burn the records of classic literature, .and to found 
their national architecture on the broken members of the 
Tuscan and Corinthian orders. But in simple truth, the north 
ern conquerors were neither sufficiently savage, nor suffi 
ciently refined, to entertain such aspiring ideas of destruction 
and revenge. The shepherds of Scythia and Germany had 
been educated in the armies of the empire, whose discipline 
they acquired, and whose weakness they invaded : with the 
familiar use of the Latin tongue, they had learned to rever 
ence the name and titles of Rome ; and, though incapable of 
emulating, they were more inclined to admire, than to abolish,, 
the arts and studies of a brighter period. In the transient 
possession of a rich and unresisting capital, the soldiers of 
Alaric and Genseric were stimulated by the passions of a 

18 In his travels in Italy, Mr. Addison (his works, vol. ii. p. 98, 
Baskorville s edition) has observed this curious and unquestionable 
fact. 

19 Yet in modern times, the Tyber has sometimes damaged the city, 
and in the years 1530, 1557, 159S , the Annals of Muratoii record three 
mischievous and memorable inundations, (torn. xiv. p. 268, 429, torn. 
xv. p. 99, &c.)* 

} I take this opportunity of declaring, that in the course of twelve 
years, I have forgotten, or renounced, the flight of Odin from Azoph 
to Sweden, which I never very seriously believed, (vol. i. p. 283.) 
The Goths are apparently Germany : but all beyond Cnesar and Tacitus 
is darkness or fable, in the antiquities of Germany. 



* The level of the Tyber was at one time supposed to be considerably 
raised: recent investigations seem to be conclusive against this supposi 
tion. See a brief, but satisfactory, statement of the question in Bunseu 
and Platnor, Roins Beschrcibung, vol. i. p. 29. - -M. 



524 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

victorious army ; amidst the wanton indulgence of lust OP 
cruelty, portable wealth was the object of their search ; nor 
could they derive either pride or pleasure from the unprofit 
able reflection, that they had battered to the ground the works 
of the consuls and Csesars. Their moments were indeed 
precious ; the Goths evacuated Rome on the sixth, 21 the Van 
dals on the -fifteenth, day : 22 and, though it be far more diffi 
cult to build than to destroy, their hasty assi ult would have 
made a slight impression on the solid piles of antiquity. We 
may remember, that both Alaric and Genseric affected to 
spare the buildings of the city ; that they subsisted in strength 
and beauty under the auspicious government of Theodoric ; 23 
and that the momentary resentment of Totila 24 was disarmed 
by his own temper and the advice of his friends and enemies. 
From these, innocent Barbarians, the reproach may be trans 
ferred to the^Catholics of Rome. The statues, altars, and 
houses, of the daemons, were an abomination in their eyes ; 
and in the absolute command of the city, they might labor 
with zeal and perseverance to erase the idolatry of their an 
cestors. The demolition of the temples in the East 25 affords 
to them an example of conduct, and to us an argument of 
belief; and it is probable, that a portion of guilt or merit may 
be imputed with justice to the Roman proselytes. Yet their 
abhorrence was confined to the monuments of heathen super 
stition ; and the civil structures that were dedicated to the 
business or pleasure of society might be preserved without 
injury or scandal. The change of religion was accomplished, 
not by a popular tumult, but by the decrees of the emperors, 
of the senate, and of time. Of the Christian hierarchy, the 
bishops of .Rome were commonly the most prudent and least 
fanatic ; nor can any positive charge be opposed to the meri 
torious act of saving and converting the majestic structure of 
the Pantheon. 26 * 

21 History of the Decline, &c., vol. iii. p. 291. 

vol. iii. p. 464. 

vol. iv. p. 23 25. 

24 vol. iv. p. 253. 

y/>l. iii. c. xxviii. p. 139 148. 
26 Eodem tempore petiit a Phocate principe templum, quod appel- 



* The popes, under the dominion of the emperor and of the exarchs, 
according to Feas s just observation, did not possess the power of dis 
posing of the buildings and monuments of the city according to their own 
will. Bunsen and Platner, vol. i. p. 241. M. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 525 

III. The value of any object that supplies the wants or 
pleasures of mankind is compounded of its substance and its 
form, of the materials and the manufacture. Its price must 
depend on the number of persons by whom it may be ac 
quired and used ; on the extent of the market ; and conse 
quently on the ease or difficulty of remote exportation, 
according .to the nature of the commodity, its local situation, 
and the temporary circumstances of the world. The Barba 
rian conquerors of Rome usurped in a moment the toil and 
treasure of successive ages ; but, except the luxuries of 
immediate consumption, they must view without desire all 
that could not be removed from the city in the Gothic wagons 
or the fleet of the Vandals. 27 Gold and silver were the first 
objects of their avarice ; as in every country, and in the 
smallest compass, they represent the most ample command 
of the industry and possessions of mankind A vase or a 
statue of those precious metals might tempt the vanity of 
some Barbarian chief; but the grosser multitude, regardless 
of the form, was tenacious only of the substance ; and the 
melted ingots might be readily divided and stamped into the 
current coin of the empire. The less active or less fortunate 
robbers were reduced to the baser plunder of brass, lead, iron, 
and copper : whatever had escaped the Goths and Vandals 
was pillaged by the Greek tyrants ; and the emperor Con- 
stans, in his rapacious visit, stripped the bronze tiles from the 
roof of the Pantheon. 28 The edifices of Rome might be con 
sidered as a vast and various mine ; the first labor of extract- 

latur Pantheon, in quo fecit ccclesiam SanctoG Marias semper Virginis, 
et omnium martyrum ; in qua ecclcsia3 princeps multa bona obtulit, 
( Anastasius vel potius Liber Pontificalia in Bonifacio IV., in Muratori, 
Script. Rerum Italicarum, torn. iii. P. i. p. 135.) According to the 
anonymous writer in Montfaucon, the Pantheon had been vowed by 
Agrippa to Cybele and Neptune, and was dedicated by Boniface IV., 
on the calends of November, to the Virgin, qusc est mater omnium 
sanctorum, (p. 297, 298.) 

27 Flaminius Vacca (apui Monfaucon, p. 155, 156. His memoir is 
likewise printed, p. 21, at the end of the Roman Antica of Nardini) 
and several Romans, doctrina graves, were persuaded that the Goths 
buried their treasures at Rome, and bequeathed the secret marks filiis 
nepotibusque. He relates some anecdotes to prove, that, in his own 
tune, these places were visited and rifled by the Transalpine pilgrims, 
the heirs of the Gothic conquerors. 

23 Omnia quse erant in sere ad ornaturr. civitatis deposuit ; sed et 
ecclesiam B. Maricc ad martyres quce dc tcgulis sereis cooperta dis- 
cooperuit, (Anast. in Vitalian. p. 141.) The base and sacrilegious 



526 



THE DECLINE AND FALL 



mg the materials was already performed ; the metals were 
purified and cast ; the marbles were hewn and- polished ; and 
after foreign and domestic rapine had been satiated, the 
remains of the city, could a purchaser have been found, were 
still venal. The monuments of antiquity had been left naked 
of their precious ornaments; but the Romans would demolish 
with their own hands the arches and walls, if the, hope of 
profit could surpass the cost of the labor and exportation. If 
Charlemagne had fixed in Italy the seat of the Western em- 
pire, his genius would have aspired to restore, rather than to 
violate, the works of the Ccesars ; but policy confined the 
French monarch to the forests of Germany ; his taste could 
be gratified only by destruction; and the new palace of Aix 
la .-hapelle was decorated with the marbles of Ravenna ^ 
and Rome. 3 Five hundred years after Charlemagne, a king 
of Sicily, Robert, the wisest and most liberal sovereign of 
the age, was supplied with the same materials by the easy 
navigation of the Tyber and the sea ; and Petrarch sighs an 
indignant complaint, that the ancient capital of the world 
should adorn from her own bowels the slothful luxury of 
Naples. 31 But these examples of plunder or purchase were 

Greek had not even the poor pretence of plundering a heathen tern- 
pie ; the Pantheon was already a Catholic church. 

_ For the spoils of Kavenna (musiva atque marmora) see the 
original grant of Pope Adrian I. to Charlemagne, (Codex Carolin. 
epist. Ixvii. in Muratori, Script. Ital. torn. iii. P. ii. p. 223.) 

I shall quote the authentic testimony of the Saxon poet, (A. D. 
887899,) de Rebus gcstis Caroli magni, 1. v. 437440, in the His 
torians of France, (torn. v. p. 180 :) 

Ad qua marmoreas prajstivbat ROMA columnas, 

Quondam praecipuas pulchra. Ravenna dedit. 
De tarn longinqua potent regione vetustas 

Illius ornutum, Francia, ferro tiLii. 

And I shall add from the Chronicle of Sigebert, (Historians of France, 
torn. y. p. 378,) extruxit etiam Aquisgrani basilicam plurimse pulchri- 
tudinis, ad cujus structuram a ROMA et Itavcnna columnas et marmora 
devehi fecit. 

I cannot refuse to transcribe a long passage of Petrarch (Opp. 
p. 536, 537) in Epistola. hortatoria ad Nicolaum Laurentium ; it is so 
strong and full to the point : IS ec pudor ant pietas continuit quomi- 
nus impii spoliata Dei templa, occupatas arces, opes publicas, regiones 
urbis, atque honores magistratdum inter se divisos ; (habeant ?) *quam 
xina in re, turbulent! ac seditiosi homines et totius reliquze vitas con- 
siliis et rationibus discordes, inhuman! fcederis stupenda societate 
convenirent, in pontes et mcenia atque immeritos lapides dessevirent. 
Denique post vi vcl senio collapsa palatia, quae quondam ingerites 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 527 

rare in the darker ages ; and the Romans, alone and unen- 
vied, might have applied to their private or public use the 
remaining structures of antiquity, if in their present form and 
situation they had not been useless in a great measure to the 
city and its inhabitants. The walls still described the old cir 
cumference, but the city had descended from the seven hills 
into the Campus Martins ; and some of the noblest monuments 
which had braved the injuries of time were left in a desert, 
far remote from the habitations of mankind. The palaces of 
the senators were no longer adapted to the manners or for 
tunes of their indigent successors : the use of baths 32 and 

o 

porticos was forgotten : in the sixth century, the games of 
the theatre, amphitheatre, and circus, had been interrupted : 
some temples were devoted to the prevailing worship ; but 
the Christian churches preferred the holy figure of the cross; 
and fashion, or reason, had distributed after a peculiar model 
the cells and offices of the cloister. Under the ecclesiastical 
reign, the number of these pious foundations was enormously 
multiplied ; and the city was crowded with forty monasteries 
of men, twenty of women, and sixty chapters and colleges 
of canons and priests, 33 who aggravated, instead of relieving, 
the depopulation of the tenth century. But if the forms of 
ancient architecture were disregarded by a people insensible 
of their use and beauty, the plentiful materials were applied 
to every call of necessity or superstition ; till the fairest col 
umns of the Ionic and Corinthian orders, the richest marbles 
of Paros and Numidia, were degraded, perhaps to the support 
of a convent or a stable. The daily havoc which is perpe 
trated by the Turks in the cities of Greece and Asia may 

tenuerunt viri, post diruptos arcus triumphales, (unde majores horum 
forsitan. corrucrunt,) de ipsius vetustatis ac proprire impiotatis frag- 
minibus vilem quacstum turpi mercimonio captarc non pucluit. Itaque 
mine, heu dolor ! heu scelus indignum ! de vestris marinoreis corum- 
nis, de liminibus templorum, (ad quae nupcr ex orbe toto concursus 
devotissimus fiebat,) de imaginibus sepulchrorum sub quibus patrum 
vestrorum venerabilis civis (cinia ?) erat, ut rcliquas sileam, desidiosa 
Neapolis adornatur. Sic paullatiin ruinae ipsse clefi.ciu.nt. Yet King 
Robert was the friend of Petrarch. 

3i Yet Charlemagne washed and swam at Aix la Chapelle with a 
hundred of his courtiers, (Eginhart, c. 22, p. 108, 109,) and Muratori 
describes, as late as the year 814, the public baths which were built at 
Spoleto in Italy, (Annali, torn. vi. p. 416.) 

33 See the Annals of Italy, A. D. 988. For this and the preceding 
fact, Muratori himself is indebted to the Benedictine history of Pero 
Mabillon. 



528 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

afford a melancholy example ; and in the gradual destruction 
of the monuments of Rome, Sixtus the Fifth may alone be 
excused for employing the stones of the Septizonium in the 
glorious edifice of St. Peter s. 34 A fragment, a ruin, how 
soever mangled or profaned, may be viewed with pleasure 
and regret ; but the greater part of the marble was deprived 
of substance, as well as of place and proportion ; it was burnt 
to lime for the purpose of cement.* Since the arrival of 
Poggius, the temple of Concord, 35 and many capital struc 
tures, had vanished from his eyes ; and an epigram of the 
same age expresses a just and pious fear, that the continuance 
of this practice would finally annihilate all the monuments of 
antiquity. 36 The smallness of their numbers was the sole 
check on the demands and depredations of the Romans. The 
imagination of Petrarch might create the presence of a mighty 
people ; 37 and I hesitate to believe, that, even in the four 
teenth century, they could be 1 reduced to a contemptible list 
of thirty-three thousand inhabitants. From that period to the 
reign of Leo the Tenth, if they multiplied to the amount of 



34 Vita di Sisto Quiiito, da Gregorio Leti, torn. iii. p. 50. 

35 Porticus aedis Concordise, quam cum primura ad urbcra access! 
vidi fere integram opere marmoreo admodum specioso : Roman! post- 
modurn ad calcem axiom totam et porticus partQjd disjectis columnis 
sunt demoliti, (p. 12.) The temple of Concord was therefore not 
destroyed by a sedition in the xiiith century, as I have read in a MS. 
treatise del Governo civile di Rome, lent me formerly at Rome, and 
ascribed (I believe falsely) to the celebrated Gravina. Poggius like 
wise affirms that the sepulchre of Csccilia Metella was burnt for lime, 
(p. 19, 20.) 

36 Composed by JEneas Sylvius, afterwards Pope Pius II., and pub 
lished by Mabillon, from a MS. of the queen of Sweden, (Musaeum 
Italicurn, torn i. p. 97.) 

Oblectat me, Roma, tuas spec-tare ruinas : 

Ex cujus lapsu gloria prisea patet. 
Seel Urns liic populus muri.s deibssa vetustis 

Colds in obsequium marmora dura coquit. 
Impiii tercentuin si sic gens egerit annos 

Nullurn hinc indicium nobililatis erit. 

37 Vagabamur pariter in ilia urbe tarn magna ; quee, cum propter 
spatium vacua videretur, populum habet immensum, (Opp. p. 605, 
Epist. Familiares, ii. 14.) 

* From the quotations in Bunscn s Dissertation, it may be suspected 
that this slow but continual process of destruction was the most fatal. 
Ancient Rome was considered a quarry from which the church, the castl* 
cf the baron, or even the hovel of the peasant, might be repaired. M. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 529 

eighty-five thousand, 38 the increase of citizens was in some 
degree pernicious, to the ancient city. 

IV. I have reserved for the last, the most potent and forci 
ble cause of destruction, the domestic hostilities of the Ro 
mans themselves. Under the dominion of the Greek and 
French emperors, the peace of the city was disturbed by ac 
cidental, though frequent, seditions : it is from the decline of 
the latter, from the beginning of the tenth century, that we 
may date the licentiousness of private war, which violated 
with impunity the laws of the Code and the Gospel, without 
respecting the majesty of the absent sovereign, or the pres 
ence and person of the vicar of Christ. In a dark period of 
five hundred years, Rome was perpetually afflicted by the 
sanguinary quarrels of the nobles and the people, the Guelphs 
and Ghibelines, the Colonna and Ursini; and if much has 
escaped the knowledge, and much is unworthy of the notice, 
of history, I have exposed in the two preceding chapters the 
causes and effects of the public disorders. At such a time, 
when every quarrel was decided by the sword, and none 
could trust their lives or properties to the impotence of law, 
the powerful citizens were armed for safety, or offence, 
against the domestic enemies whom they feared or hated. 
Except Venice alone, the same dangers and designs were 
common to all the free republics of Italy ; and the nobles 
usurped the prerogative of fortifying their houses, and erect 
ing strong towers,-^ that were capable of resisting a sudden 
attack. The cities were filled with these hostile edifices ; 
and the example of Lucca, which contained three hundred 
towers ; her law, which confined their height to the measure 
of fourscore feet, may be extended with suitable latitude to the 
more opulent and populous states. The first step of the sena 
tor Brancaleone in the establishment of peace and justice, was 
to demolish (as we have already seen) one hundred and forty 
of the towers of Rome ; and, in the last days of anarchy and 
discord, as late as the reign of Martin the Fifth, forty-four 

33 These states of the population of Rome at different periods are 
derived from an ingenious treatise of the physician Lancisi, de Roir.ani 
Coeli Qualitatibus, (p. 122.) 

All the facts that relate to the towers at Rome, and in other frea 
cities of Italy, may be found iu the laborious and entertaining com 
pilation of Muratori, Antiquitates . Italia? Medii JEvi, dissertat. xxvi., 
(torn. ii. p. 493 496, of the Latin, torn. i. p. 446, of the Italian 
Work.) 

VOL. vi. 45 



530 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

till stood in one of the thirteen or fourteen regions of the city. 
To this mischievous purpose the remains of antiquity were 
most readily adapted : the temples and arches afforded a broad 
and solid basis for the new structures of brick and stone ; and 
we can name the modern turrets that were raised on the tri 
umphal monuments of Julius Cseisar, Titus, and the Anto- 
nines. 40 With some slight alterations, a theatre, an amphi 
theatre, a mausoleum, was transformed into a strong and 
spacious citadel. I need not repeat, that the mole of Adrian 
has assumed the title and form of the castle of St. Angelo ; 41 
the Septizonium of Severus was capable of standing against 
a royal army ; 42 the sepulchre of Metella has slink under its 
outworks ; 43 * the theatres of Pompey and Marcellus were 
occupied by the Savelli and Ursini families; 44 and the rough 
fortress has been gradually softened to the splendor and ele 
gance of an Italian palace. Even the churches were encom 
passed with arms and bulwarks, and the military engines on 
the roof of St. Peter s were the terror of the Vatican and the 
scandal of the Christian world. Whatever is fortified will 



40 As for instance, templum Jani nunc dicitur, turris Centii Fraii- 
gipanis ; et sane Jano impositse turris lateriti<e conspicua hodieque 
vestigia supersunt, (Montfaucon Diarium Italicum, p. 186.) The anon 
ymous writer (p. 285) enumerates, arcus Titi, turris Cartularia ; arcus 
Julii Caisaris et Senatorum, turres de Bratis ; arcus Antonini, turris 
de Cosectis, &c. 

41 Hadriani molem .... magna ex parte Romanorum injmia .... 
disturbavit ; quod certe funditus evertisscnt, si eorum manibus pervia, 
absumptis grandibus saxis, reliqua moles exstisset, (. Poggius de Varie- 
tate Fortunee, p. 12.) 

. 4a Against the emperor Henry IV., (Muratori, Annali d Italia, torn. 
ix. p. 147.) 

43 I must copy an important passage of Montfaucon : Tunis ingens 
rotunda .... Cseciliae Metellse .... sepulchrum erat, cujus muri 
tarn solidi, ut spatium perquam minimum intus vacuum supersit ; et 
Torre di Bove dicitur, a bourn capitibus muro inscriptis. Huic sequi- 
ori sevo, tempore intestinorum bellorum, ceu urbecula adjuncta i uit, 
cujus mcenia et turres etiamnum visuntur ; ita ut sepulchrum Metellce 
quasi arx oppiduli fuerit. Ferventibus in urbe partibus, cum Ursini 
atque Columnenses mutuis cladibus perniciem ini errent civitati, in 
utriusve partis ditionem cederet magni momenti erat, (p. 142.) 

44 See the testimonies of Donatus, Nardini, and Montfaucon. In 
the Savelli palace, the remains of the theatre of Marcellus are still 
great and conspicuous. 

* This is inaccurately expressed. The sepulchre is still standing. See 
Hobhouse, p. 204 M. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 531 

be attacked ; and whatever is attacked may be destroyed. 
Could the Romans have wrested from the popes the castle of 
St. Angelo, they had resolved by a public decree to annihilate 
that monument of servitude. Every building of defence was 
exposed to a siege ; and in every siege the arts and engines 
of destruction were laboriously employed. After the death 
of Nicholas the Fourth, Rome, without a sovereign or a sen 
ate, was abandoned six months to the fury of civil war. 
" The houses," says- a cardinal and poet of the times, 45 
"were crushed by the weight., and velocity of enormous 
stones ; 4G the walls were perforated by the strokes of the 
battering-ram ; the towers were involved in fire and smoke ; 
and the assailants were stimulated by rapine and revenge." 
The work was consummated by the tyranny of the laws ; and 
the factions of Italy alternately exercised a blind and thought 
less vengeance on their adversaries, whose houses and castles 
they razed to the ground. 47 In comparing the days of for 
eign, with the ages of domestic, hostility, we must pronounce, 
that the latter have been far more ruinous to the city ; and 
our opinion is confirmed by the evidence 6f Petrarch. " Be 
hold," says the laureate, " the relics of Rome, the image of 
her pristine greatness ! neither time nor the Barbarian can 
boast the merit of this stupendous destruction : it was per 
petrated by her own citizens, by the most illustrious of her 
sons ; and your ancestors (he writes to a noble Annabaldi) 
have done with battering- rain what the Punic hero could not 
accomplish with the sword." 48 The influence of the two 

45 James, cardinal of St. George, ad velum aureum, in his metrical 
life of Pope Celcstin V., (Muratori, Script. Ital. torn. i. P. iii. p. 621, 
i. i. c. 1, ver. 132, &c.) 

Hocdixisse sat est, Rotnam caruisse Senatft 
Mensibus exactis hen sex ; belloque vocatum ( rosatosjj 
In scelus, in socios frateroaque vulnera patres ; 
Tortnentifl jecisso viros immania saxa ; 
P0rfodis.se doimis trabibu.s, tocisso rtiinas 
Jgnilms ; inccn.-ms turrets, obscuraque fuino 
Lumiaa vicino, quo sit spoliata supellex. 

48 Muratori (Dissertazione sopra le Aiitiquita Italiane, torn. *i. p. 
427 431) finds that stone bullets of two or three hundred pounds 
weight were not uncommon ; and they are sometimes computed at 
xii. or xviii. eantari of Genoa, each cantaro weighing 150 pounds. 

47 The vith law of the Viscouti prohibits this common and mis 
chievous practice ; and strictly enjoins, that the houses of banished 
citizens should be preserved pro communi utilitate, (Gualvaneus do 
la Flamma, in Muratori, Script. Rerum Italicarum, torn. xii. p. 1041.) 

43 Petrarch thus addresses his friend, who, with shame and tears, 



THE DECLINE AND FALL 

last principles of decay must in some degree be multiplied 
by each other ; since the houses and towers, which were 
subverted by civil war, required a new and perpetual supply 
from the monuments of antiquity.* 

These general observations may be separately applied to 
the amphitheatre of Titus, which has obtained the name of 
the CoLisEUM, 49 either from its magnitude; or from Nero s 
colossal statue ; an edifice, had it been left to time and na 
ture, which might perhaps have claimed an eternal duration. 
The curious antiquaries, who have computed the numbers 
and seats, are disposed to believe, that above the upper row 
of stone steps the amphitheatre was encircled and elevated 
with several stages of wooden galleries, which were repeat 
edly consumed by fire, and restored by the emperors. What 
ever was precious, or portable, or profane, the statues of gods 
and heroes, and the costly ornaments of sculpture which 
were cast in brass, or overspread with leaves of silver and 
gold, became the first prey of conquest or fanaticism, of the 
avarice of the Barbarians or the Christians. In the massy 
stones of the Coliseum, many holes are discerned ; and the 
two most probable conjectures represent the various accident?) 
of its decay. These stones were connected by solid links, of 
brass or iron, nor had the eye of rapine overlooked the value 



liad shown him the mcenia, lacerse specimen miserabile Pvomse-, and 
declared his own intention of restoring them, (Carmina Latina, 1. il. 
epist. Paulo Annibalensi, xii. p. 97, 98.) 

Nee te parva manet servatis fama ruini-s 
Quanta quod integrae fuit olim gloria llomffi 
Reliquiae testauttrr adliuc ; quits iongior cetas 
France-re iioit valuit-; non vis ant ira cruenti 
Hostis, ab egrogiis tYanguntur civibus, lieu ! lieu I 

Quod illc nequivit (Hannibal.) 

Perficit hie aries, 

49 The fourth part of the Verona Illnstrata of the marquis Maifei 
\ rofessedly treats of amphitheatres, particularly those of Home and 
Verona, of their dimensions, wooden galleries, &c. It is from magni 
tude that he derives the name of Colosseum, or Coliseum ; since the same 
appellation was applied to the amphitheatre of Capua, without the aid 
af a colossal statue ; since that of Nero was erected in the court (in 
utrio) of his palace, and not in the Coliseum, (P. iv. p. 15 19> Li. c. 4.) 



* Bunsen has shown that the hostile attacks of the emperor Henry the 
Fourth, but more particularly that of Robert Guiscard, who burned down 
whole districts, inflicted the worst damage on the ancient city. Vol. i. p. 
247. M. 



OF TPIE ROMAN EMPIRE. 533 

of the baser metals ; 50 the vacant space was converted into a 
fair or market ; the artisans of the Coliseum are mentioned in 
an ancient survey ; and the chasms were perforated or enlarged 
to receive the poles that supported the shops or tents of the 
mechanic trades. 51 Reduced to its naked majesty, the Flavian 
amphitheatre was contemplated with awe and admiration by 
the pilgrims of the North ; and their rude enthusiasm broke 
forth in a sublime proverbial expression, which is recorded in 
the eighth century, in the fragments of the venerable Bede : 
" As lono- as the Coliseum stands, Rome shall stand : when 

O 

the Coliseum falls, Rome will fall ; when Rome falls, the 
world will fall." 52 In the modern system of war, a situation 
commanded bv three hills would not be chosen for a fortress : 

j 

but the strength of the walls and arches could resist the 
engines of assault ; a numerous garrison might be lodged in 
the enclosure ; and while one faction occupied the Vatican 
and the Capitol, the other was intrenched in the Late ran and 
the Coliseum. 53 



60 Joseph Maria Suares, a learned bishop, and the author of a his 
tory of Praeneste, has composed a separate dissertation on the seven 
or eight probable causes of these holes, which has been since reprinted 
in the Roman Thesaurus of Sallengre. Montfaucon (Diarium, p. 233) 
pronounces the rapine of the Barbarians to be the-unam germanam-* 
que causam foraminum.* 

51 Donatus, Roma Vetus et Nova, p. 285. t 

53 Quamdiu stabit Colyseus, stabit et Roma ; quando cadet Coly- 
seus, cadet Roma ; quando cadet Roma, cadet et mundus, (Beda in 
Excerptis seu Collectaneis apud Ducange Grlossar. Med. et Inrirme 
Latinitatis, torn. ii. p. 407, edit. Basil.) This saying must be ascribed 
to the Anglo-Saxon pilgrims who visited Rome before the year 735, 
the sera of Bede s death ; for I do not believe that our venerable 
monk ever passed the sea. 

53 I cannot recover, in Muratori s origin al Lives of the Popes, (Script. 
Rerum Italicarum, torn. iii. P. i.,) the passage that attests this hostile 
partition, which must be upplied to the end of the xith or the begin 
ning of the xiith century. 



* The improbability of this theory is shown by Bunsen, vol. i. p. 239. 
M. 

f Gibbon has followed Donatus, who supposes that a silk manufactory 
was established in the xiith century in the Coliseum. The Bandonarii, or 
Bandeverii, were the officers who carried the standards of their school be 
fore the pope. Hobnouse, p. 269. M. 

^ l The division -is mentioned in Vit. Innocent. Pap. II. ex Cardinale 
Aragonio, (Script. Her. Ital. vol. iii. P. i. p. 43.3,) and Gibbon might have 
found frequent other records of it at other dates." Hobhouse s Illustra 
tions of Childe Harold, p. 130. M. 

45* 



534 THE DECLINE AND FALL 



The abolition at Rome of the ancient games must be under 
stood with some latitude ; and the carnival sports, of the Tes- 
tacean mount and the Circus Agonalis, 54 were regulated by the 
law 55 or custom of the city. The senator presided with dig 
nity and pomp to adjudge. and distribute the prizes, the gold 
ring, or the pallium^ as it was styled, of cloth or silk. A trib 
ute on the Jews supplied the annual expense ; 57 and the races, 
on foot, on horseback, or in chariots, were ennobled by a tilt 
and tournament of seventy-two of the Roman youth. In the 
year one thousand three hundred and thirty-two, a bull-feast, 
after the fashion of the Moors and Spaniards, was celebrated 
in the Coliseum itself; and the living manners are painted in 
a diary .of the times. 58 A convenient order of benches was 
restored ; and a general proclamation, as far as Rimini and 
Ravenna, invited the nobles to exercise their skill and cour 
age in this perilous adventure. The Roman, ladies were 
marshalled in three squadrons, and seated in three balco 
nies, which, on this day, the third of September, were lined 
with scarlet cloth. The fair Jacova di Rovere led the ma 
trons from beyond the Tyber, a pure and native race, who 

54 Although the structure of the circus Agonalis be destroyed, it 
still retains its form and name, (Agona, Nagona, Navona ;) and the 
interior space affords a sufficient level for the purpose of racing. But 
the Monte Testacco, that strange pile of broken pottery, seems only 
adapted for the annual practice of Imrling from top to bottom some 
wagon-loads of live hogs for the diversion of the populace, (Statuta 
Urbis Ilomae, p. 186.) 

55 See the Statuta Urbis Romse, 1. iii. c. 87, 88, 89, p. 185, 186. I 
have already given an idea of this municipal code. The races of Na 
gona and Monte Testaceo are likewise mentioned in the Diary of 
Peter Antonius from 1404 to 1417, (Muratori, Script. Kerum litali- 
carum, torn. xxiv. p. 1124.) 

86 The Pallium, which Menage so foolishly derives from Palmarium, 
is an easy extension of the idea and the words, from the robe or cloak, 
to the materials, and from thence to their application as a prize, 
(Muratori, dissert, xxxiii.) 

57 For these expenses, the Jews of Rome paid each year 1130 
florins, of which the odd thirty represented the pieces of silver fo^ 
which Judas had betrayed his Master to their ancestors. There was 
a foot-race of Jewish as well as of Christian youths, (Statuta Urbis, 
ibidem.) 

53 This extraordinary bull-feast in the Coliseum is described, from 
tradition rather than memory, by Ludovico Baonconte Monaldesco, 
in the most ancient fragments of Iloman annals, (Muraton, Script. 
Rerum Italicarum, torn. xii. p. 535, 536 ;) and however fancifwJ *.hey 
may seem, they are deeply marked with the colors oi trui*> 
nature. 



OF THE ROM. AN EMPIRE, 535 

still represent the features and character of antiquity. The 
remainder of the city was divided as usual between the Co- 
lonna and Ursiai : the two factions were proud of the number 
and beauty of their female bands : the cliarnis of Savella 
Urshii are mentioned with praise ; and the Colonna regretted 
the absence of the youngest of their house., who had sprained 
her ankle in the garden of Nero s tower. The lots of the 
champions were drawn by an old and respectable .citizen ; 
and they descended into the arena, or pit, to encounter the 
wild bulls, on foot as it should seena, with a single spear. 
Amidst the crowd, our annalist has selected the names, col 
ors, and devices, of twenty of the most conspicuous knights. 
Several of the names are the most illustrious of Rome and 
the ecclesiastical state : Malatesta, Polenta, della Valle, Cafa- 
rello, Savelli, Capoccio, Conti, Annibaldi, Altieri, Corsi : the 
colors were adapted to their taste and situation; the devices 
are expressive of hope or despair, and breathe the spirit of 
gallantry and arms. * 4 I am alone, like the youngest of the 
Horatii," the confidence of an intrepid stranger: " I live dis 
consolate.," a weeping widower : u I burn under the ashes," 
a discreet lover : " I adore Lavinia, or Lucretia," the am 
biguous declaration of a modern passion: * My faith is -as 
pure," the motto of a white hvery: u Who is stronger than 
myself? " of a lion s hide : u If I ana drowned in blood., what 
a pleasant death ! " the wish of ferocious courage. The 
pride or prudence of the Ursini restrained them from the 
field, which was occupied by three of their hereditary rivals, 
whose inscriptions denoted the lofty greatness of the Co- 
lonna name : u Though sad, I am strong : " " Strong as I 
am great : " " If I Tall," addressing himself to the specta 
tors, " you fail with me ; " intimating (says the contem 
porary writer) that while the other families were the subjects 
of the Vatican, they alone were the supporters of the Capi 
tol. The combats of the amphitheatre were dangerous and 
Bloody. Every champion successively encountered a wild 
bull ; and the victory may be ascribed to the quadrupeds, 
since no more than eleven were left on the field, with the loss 
of nine wounded and eighteen killed on the sid-e of their ad 
versaries. Some of the noblest families might mourn, but 
the pomp of the funerals, in the churches of St. John Lateraa 
and St. Maria Maggiore, afforded a second holiday to the 
people. Doubtless it was not in such conflicts that the blood 
of the Romans should have been shed ; }>-et, in blaming their 



536 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

rashness, we are compelled to applaud their gallantry ; and 
the noble volunteers, who display their magnificence, and 
risk their lives, under the balconies of the fair, excite a more 
generous sympathy than the thousands of captives and male 
factors who were reluctantly dragged to the scene of slaugh 
ter.^ 

This use of the amphitheatre was a rare, perhaps a singu 
lar, festival : the demand fo"r the materials was a daify and con 
tinual warit which the citizens could gratify without restraint 
or remorse. In the fourteenth century, a scandalous act of 1 
concord secured to both factions the privilege of extracting 
stones from the free and common quarry of the Coliseum ; 6() 
and Poggius laments, that the greater- part of these stones 
had -been burnt to lime by the folly of the Romans. 61 To 
cheek this abuse, and to prevent the nocturnal crimes that 
might be perpetrated fn the vast and gloomy recess, Euge- 
nius the Fourth surrounded it with a wall ; and, by a charter 
)ong extant, granted both the ground and edifice to the monks 
of an adjacent convent. 62 After his death> the wall was 
overthrown in a tumult of the people ; and had they them 
selves respected the noblest monument of their fathers, they 
might have justified the resolve that it should never be de 
graded to private property. The inside was damaged : but 
in the middle of the sixteenth century, an a3ra of taste and 
learning, the exterior circumference of one thousand six hun 
dred and twelve feet was still entire and inviolate ; a triple 
elevation of fourscore arches, which rose to the height of 
one hundred and eight feet. Of the present ruin, the 
nephews of Paul the Third are the guilty agents ; and every 
traveller who views the Faroese palace may curse the sac- 

59 Muratori has given a separate dissertation (the xxixth) to tha 
game& of the Italians in the Middle Ages. 

60 In a concise but instructive memoir, the abbe Barthelemy (Me- 
moires de 1 Academic des Inscriptions, torn, xxviii. p. 585) has men 
tioned this agreement of the factions of the xivth century de Tiburtino 
faciendo in the Coliseum, from an original act in the archives of 

Home. 

61 Coliseum . . . , ob stultitiam PtOinanorum majori ex parte ad cal- 
cem deletum, says the indignant Poggius, (p. 17 :) but his expression, 
too strong for the present age, must be very tenderly applied to the 
xvth century. 

* a Of the Olivetan monks. Montfaucon (p. 142) affirms this fact 
from the memorials of Flaminius Vacca, (No. 72.) They still hoped, 
on some future occasion, to revive and vindicate their grant. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 537 

rilege and luxury of these upstart princes. 63 A similar re 
proach is applied to the Barberini; and the repetition of inju 
ry might be dreaded from every reign, till the Coliseum was 
placed under the safeguard of religion by the most liberal 
of the pontiffs, Benedict the Fourteenth, who consecrated a 
spot which persecution and fable had stained with the blood 
of so many Christian martyrs. 04 

"When Petrarch first gratified his eyes with a view of those 
monuments, whose scattered fragments so far surpass the 
most eloquent descriptions, he was astonished at the supine 
indifference 65 of the Romans themselves; 66 he was humbled 
rather than elated by the discovery, that, except his friend 
Rienzi, and one of the Colonna, a stranger of the Rhone was 
more conversant with these antiquities than the nobles and 
natives of the metropolis. 07 The ignorance and credulity of 
the Romans are elaborately displayed in the old survey of the 
city which was composed about the beginning of the thirteenth 
century ; and, without dwelling on the manifold errors of 
name and place, the legend of the Capitol 8 may provoke a 

63 After measuring the priscus amphitheatri gyrus, Montfaucoii 
(p. 142) only adds that it was entire under Paul III. ; tacendo clamat. 
Muratori (Annali d Italia, torn. xiv. p. 371) more freely reports tho 
guilt of the Farnese pope, and the indignation of the Roman people. 
Against the nephews of Urban VIII. I have no other evidence than 
the vulgar saying, "Quod iioh fecervnt Barbari, fecere Barberini," 
which was perhaps suggested by the resemblance of the. words. 

64 As an antiquarian and a priest, Montfaucoii thus deprecates 
the ruin of the Coliscaim : Quod si non suopte merito atque pulchri- 
tftdiiic riignum f uisaet quod improbas arceret manus, indigna res 
utique in locum tot martyrum cruore sacriim tantopcrc sscvitum esse. 

65 Yet the statutes of Rome (1. iii. c. 81, p. 182) impose a line of 
500 aurei on whosoever shall demolish any ancient edifice, ne minis 
civitas deformetur, et ut antiqua a^diricia decorem urbis perpetuo 
representent. 

63 In his rirst visit to Rome (A. D. 1337. See Memoires sur Pe- 
trarque, torn i. p. 322, &c.) Petrarch is struck mute miraculo rerum 
tantarum, et stuporis mole obrutus .... Prresentia vero, mirum dictu, 
nih.il immmuit : vere major fuit Roma majorcsque sunt reliquiae quam 
rebar. Jam non orbcm ab hac urbe domitum, sed tarn sero domitum, 
miror, (Opp. p. GOo, Familiares, ii. 14, Joanni Columnae.) 

67 He excepts and praises the rare knowledge of John Colonna. 
Qui enim hodie magis ignari rcrum Romanarum, qxiam Komani cives ? 
Invitus dico, nusquam minus Itoma cognoscitur quain lionise. 

63 After the description of the Capitol, he adds, stature erant quot 
sunt mundi provincial ; et habebat quselibet tintiimabulum ad collum. 
Et erant ita per magicam artem dispositse, ut quando aliqua regio 
Romano Imperio rebellis erat, statim imago illius provinciee vertebat 



538 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

smile of contempt and indignation. "The Capitol," says the 
anonymous writer, " is so named as being the head of the 
world ; where the consuls and senators formerly resided for 
the government of the city and the globe. The strong and 
lofty walls were covered with glass and gold, and crowned 
with a roof of the richest and most curious carving. Below 
the citadel stood a palace, of gold for the greatest part, dec 
orated with precious .stones, and whose value might be es 
teemed at one third of the world itself. The statues of all 
the provinces were arranged in order, each with a small bell 
suspended from its neck ; and such was the contrivance of 
art magic, 69 that if the province rebelled against -Rome, the 
statue turned -round to thai quarter of the heavens, the bell 
rang, the prophet of the Capitol reported the prodigy, and the 
senate was admonished of the impending danger." A second 
example, of less importance, though of equal absurdity, may 
be drawn from the two marble horses, led by two naked 
youths, which have since been transported from the baths of 
Constantine to the Quirinal hill. The groundless application 
of the names of Phidias and Praxiteles may perhaps be ex 
cused ; but these Grecian sculptors should not have been 
removed above four hundred years from the age of Pericles 
to that of Tiberius ; they should not have been transformed 
into two philosophers or magicians, whose nakedness was the 
symbol of truth or knowledge, who revealed to the emperor 
his most secret actions ; and, after refusing all pecuniary 
recompense, solicited the honor of leaving this eternal monu 
ment of themselves. 70 Thus awake to the power of magic, 

se contra illam ; uncle tintinnabulum resonabat quod pendebat ad 
collum ; tuncquc- vates Capitolii qui erant custodes senatui, &c. He 
mentions an example of the Saxons and Suevi, who, after they had 
been subdued by Agrippa, again rebelled : tintinnabulum sonuit ; 
saeerdos qui erat in speculo in hebdomada senatoribus nuntiavit : 
Agrippa marched back and reduced the - - Persians, (Anonym, in 
Montiaucon, p. 297, 298.) 

The same -writer affirms, that Yirgil captus a Romania invisibili- 
ter exiit, ivitque Neapolim. A lloman magician, in the xith century, 
is introduced by William of Malmsbury, (do Gestis Regum Anglo- 
rum, 1. ii. p. 86 ;) and in the time of Flaminius Vacca (No. 81, 103) 
it -was the vulgar belief that the strangers (the Goths) invoked the 
daemons for the discovery of hidden treasures. 

70 Anonym, p. 289. Montfaucon (p. 191) justly observes, that if 
Alexander be represented, these statues cannot be the work of 
Phidias (Olympiad Ixxxiii.) or Praxiteles, (Olympiad civ.,) who lived 
before that conqueror (Plin. Hist. Natur. xxxiv. 19.) 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE, 539 

the Romans were insensible to the beauties of art : no more 
than five statues were visible to the eyes of Poggius ; and of 
the multitudes which chance or design had buried under the 
ruins, the resurrection was fortunately delayed till a safer 
and more enlightened age. 71 The Nile which now adorns 
the Vatican, had been explored by some laborers in digging 
a vineyard near the temple, or convent, of the Minerva ; but 
the impatient proprietor, who was tormented by some visits 
of curiosity, restored the unprofitable marble to its former 
grave. 72 The discovery of a statue of Pompey, ten feet in 
length, was the occasion of a lawsuit. It had been found 
under a partition wall : the equitable judge had pronounced, 
that the head should be separated from the body to satisfy the 
claims of the contiguous owners ; and the sentence would 
have been executed, if the intercession of a cardinal, and the 
liberality of a pope, had not rescued the Roman hero from 
the hands of his barbarous countrymen, 73 

But the clouds of barbarism were gradually dispelled ; and 
the peaceful authority of Martin the Fifth and his successors 
restored the ornaments of the city as well as the order of the 
ecclesiastical state. The improvements of Rome, since the 
fifteenth century, have not been the spontaneous produce of 
freedom and industry. The first and most natural root of a 
great city is the labor and populousness of the adjacent coun 
try, which supplies the materials of subsistence, of manufac 
tures, and of foreign trade. But the greater part of the 
Campagna of Rome is reduced to a dreary and desolate 
wilderness : the overgrown estates of the princes and the 
clergy are cultivated by the lazy hands of indigent and hope- 



71 William of Malmsbury (1. ii. p. 86, 87) relates a marvellous dis 
covery (A. D. 1046) of Pallas the son of Evander, who had been 
slain by Turnus ; the perpetual light in his sepulchre, a Latin epitaph, 
fche corpse, yet entire, of a young giant, the enormous wound in his 
breast, (pectus perforat ingens,) &c. If this fable rests on the slight 
est foundation, we may pity the bodies, as well as the statues, that 
were exposed to the air in a barbarous age. 

72 Prope porticum Minervse, statua est recubantis, cujus caput in- 
tegra effigie tantas magnitudinis, ut signa omnia excedat. Quidam 
ad plantandas arbores scrobes faciens detexit. Ad hoc visendum cum. 
plures in dies magis concurrerent, strepitum adeuentium fastidiurnque 
pertaesus, horti patronus congesta humo texit, (Poggius de Varietate 
Fortunae, p. 12.) 

73 See the Memorials of Flaminius Vacca, No. 57, p. 11, 12, at tho 
end of the Roma Antica of Nardini, (1704, in 4to.) 



640 THE DECLINE AND FALL 

less vassals ; and the scanty harvests are confined or exported 
for the benefit of a monopoly. A second and more artificial 
cause of the growth of a metropolis is the residence of a 
monarch, the expense of a luxurious court, and the tiibutes 
of dependent provinces. Those provinces and tributes had 
been lost in the fall of the -empire ; and if some streams of 
the silver of Peru and the gold of Brazil have beei. attracted 
by the Vatican, the revenues of the cardinals, the fees of 
office, the oblations of pilgrims and clients, and the remnant 
of ecclesiastical taxes, afford a poor and precarious supply, 
which maintains, however, the idleness of the court and city. 
The population of Rome, far below the measure of the great 
capitals of Europe, does not exceed one hundred and seventy 
thousand inhabitants ; 74 and within the spacious enclosure of 
the walls, the largest portion of the seven hills is overspread 
with vineyards and ruins. The beauty and splendor of the 
modern city may be ascribed to the abuses of the government, 
to the influence of superstition. Each reign (the exceptions 
are rare) has been marked by the rapid elevation of a new 
family, enriched by the childish pontiff at the expense of the 
church and country. The palaces of these fortunate nephews 
are the most costly monuments of elegance and servitude : 
the perfect arts of architecture, painting, and sculpture, have 
been prostituted in their service ; and their galleries and gar 
dens are decorated with the most precious works of antiquity, 
which taste or vanity has prompted them to collect. The 
ecclesiasticeil revenues were more decently employed by the 
popes themselves in the pomp of the Catholic worship ; but it 
is superfluous to enumerate their pious foundations of altars, 
chapels, and churches, since these lesser stars are eclipsed by 
the sun of the Vatican, by the dome of St. Peter, the most 
glorious structure that ever has been applied to the use of 
religion. The fame of Julius the Second, Leo the Tenth, 
and Sixtus the Fifth, is accompanied by the superior merit of 
P>rarnante and Fontana, of Raphael and Michael Angelo ; and 
the same munificence which had been displayed in palaces 
and temples was directed with equal zeal to revive and emu- 

74 In the year 1709, the inhabitants of Rome (without including 
eight or ten thousand Jews) amounted to 138,568 souls, (Labat, 
Voyages en Espagne et en Italic, torn. iii. p. -217, 218.) In 1740, they 
had increased to 146,080 ; and in 1765, 1 left them, without the Jews, 
161,899. I am ignorant whether they have since contb ued in a pro 
gressive state. 



OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 541 



late the labors of antiquity. Prostrate obelisks were raised 
from the ground, and erected in the most conspicuous places; 
of the eleven aqueducts of ihe Caesars and consuls, three were 
restored ; the artificial rivers were conducted over a long 
series of old, or of new arches, to discharge into marble basins 
a flood of salubrious and refreshing waters : and the specta 
tor, impatient to ascend the steps of St. Peter s, is detained 
by a column of Egyptian granite, which rises between two 
lofty and perpetual fountains, to the height of one hundred 
and twenty feet. The map, the description, the monuments 
of ancient Rome, have been elucidated by the diligence of 
the antiquarian and the student : 75 and the footsteps of he 
roes, the relics, not of superstition, but of empire, are devoutly 
visited by a new race of pilgrims from the remote, and once 
savage, countries of the North. 



Of these pilgrims, and of every reader, the attention will 
be excited by a History of the Decline and Fall of the Ro 
man Empire; the greatest, perhaps, and most awful scene in 
the history of mankind. The various causes and progressive 
effects are connected with many of the events most interest 
ing in human annals : the artful policy of the Ccesars, who 
long maintained the name and image of a free republic ; the 

75 The Pere Montfaucon distributes his own observations into 
twenty days : he should have- styled them weeks, or months, of his 
visits to the different parts of the city, (Diarium Italicum, c. 8 20, 
p. 104 301.) That learned Benedictine reviews the topographers of 
ancient Home ; the first efforts of Blondus, Fulvius, Martianus, and 
Faunas, the superior labors of Pyrrhus Ligorius, had his learning 
been equal to his labors ; the writings of Onuphrius Panvinius, qui 
omncs obscuravit, and the recent but imperfect books of Donatus and 
Nardini. Yet Montfaucon still sighs for a more complete plan and 
description of the old city, Avhich must be attained by the three fol 
lowing methods : 1. The measurement of the space and intervals of 
the ruins. 2. The study of inscriptions, and the places where they 
were found. 3. The investigation of all the acts, charters, diaries 
of the middle ages, which name any spot or building of Home. The 
laborious work, such as Montfaucon desired, must be promoted by 
princely or public munificence : but the great modern plan of Nolli 
(A. D. 1748) would furnish a solid and accurate basis for the ancient 
topography of Home. 

VOL. vi. 46 



542 DECLINE AND FALL OF THE UOM.AN EMPIRE. 

disorders of military despotism ; the rise, establishment, and 
sects of Christianity ; the foundation of Constantinople ; the 
division of the monarchy ; the invasion and settlements of 
the Barbarians of Germany and Scythia ; the institutions of 
the civil law; the character and religion of Mahomet; the 
temporal sovereignty of the. popes ; the restoration and decay 
of the Western empire of Charlemagne ; the crusades of the 
Latins in the East ; the conquests of the Saracens and Turks ; 
the ruin of the Greek empire ; the state and revolutions of 
Rome in the middle age. The historian may applaud the 
importance and variety of his subject ; -but while he is con 
scious of his own imperfections, he must often accuse the 
deficiency of his materials. It was among the ruins ^ of the 
Capitol that I first conceived the idea of a work which has 
amused and exercised near twenty years of my life, and 
which, however inadequate to my own wishes, I finally deliv 
er to the curiosity and candor of the public. 

-LAUSANNE, June 27, 1787. 



I 



GENERAL INDEX 



N. B, The Roman numerals refer to the volume, and the figures to the page* 

A. 

ABAX, the Saracen, heroism of his widow, v. 197. 

Abassides, elevation, of the house of, to the office of caliph of the Sara 
cens, v. 292 295. 

Abdallah, the Saracen, his excursion to plunder the fair of Abyla v 202 
Abdalmalek, caliph of the Saracens, refuses tribute to the emperor of Coil 

stantmople, and establishes a national mint, v. 277. 

Abdalrahman, the Saracen, establishes his throne at Cordova in Spain v 
A i ? ; -P lendor of his c urt, 293. His estimate of his happiness, 299 
Abdelaziz, the Saracen, his treaty with Theodemir, the Gothic prince of 

Spam, v. 258. His death, 260. 

Abderame, his expedition to France, and victories there, v. 287. His 
death, 290. 

Abdol Motalleb, the grandfather of the prophet Mahomet, his his-tory, v 99 
Abgarus, inquiry into the authenticity of his correspondence with Jesus 
Christ, v. 5. 

Abgarus, the last king of Edessa, sent in chains to Rome, i. 243. 

Ablavms, the confidential praefect under Constantine the Great, a conspir 
acy formed against him on that emperor s death, ii. 174. Is put to 
death, 175. 

Abu Ayub, his history, and the veneration paid to his memory by the Ma 
hometans, v. 275, vi. 411. 

Abubeker, the friend of Mahomet, is one of his first converts, v. 121 
!hes from Mecca with him, 124. Succeeds Mahomet as caliph of the 
Saracens, 153. His character, 172. 

Abu Caab commands the Andalusian Moors who subdued the Island of 
Crete, v. 312. 

Abu Sophian, prince of Mecca, conspires the death of Mahomet, v. 124 
Battles of Beder and Ohud, 131, 132. Besieges Medina without success^ 
u m Surrenders Mecca to Mahomet, and receives him as a prophet, 136. 

Abu laher, the Carmathian, pillages Mecca, v. 323. 

Abu Taleb opposes Mahomet,- v. 101, 122, 123. 

Abulfeda, his account of the splendor of the caliph Moctader, v. 298 

Abulpharagius, primate of the Eastern Jacobites, some account of, iv. 551. 
His encomium on wisdom and learning, v. 301. 

Abundantius, general of the East, and patron of the eunuch Eutropius, is 
disgraced and exiled by him, ii?. 328. 

Abyla, the fair of, plundered by the Saracens, v. 202. 

Abyssinia, the inhabitants of, described, iv. 239. Their alliance with the 
emperor Justinian, 241. Ecclesiastical history of, 561. 

Acacius, bishop of Amida, an uncommon instance of episcopal benevo 
lence, 111. 3o8. 

Achaia, its extent, i. 26. 

Acre, the memorable siege of, by the crusaders, vi. 30. Final loss of 47 

Actions, institutes of Justinian respecting, iv. 365. 



544 GENERAL INDEX. 

Actium, a review of Roman affairs after the battle of, i. 73. 

Adauctus, the only martyr of distinction during the persecution under 

Diocletian, ii. 72. 
Adolphus, the brother of Alaric, brings him a reinforcement of troops, iii 

272. Is made count of the domestics to the new emperor Attalus, 278. 

Succeeds his brother as king of the Goths, and concludes a peace with 

Honorius, 294, 306, 308. Is assassinated in the palace of Barcelona, 310. 
Adoption, the two kinds of, under the Greek empire, v. 570, note. 
Adoration of the Roman emperor, custom of, and derivation of the term, 

v. 356. 
Adorno, the Genoese governor of Phocsea, conveys Amurath II. from 

Asia to Europe, vi. 282. 
Adrian I., Pope, his alliance with Charlemagne against the Lombards, v. 

27. His reception of Charlemagne at Rome, 31. Asserts the fictitious 

donation of Constantino the Great, 33. 

Adulie, seaport, its ruins now called Azoole, iv. 71, note M. 
Adultery, distinctions of, how punished by Augus tus, iv. 377, and by the 

Christian emperors, 379, 380. 

JElia Capitolina, founded on Mount Sion, by Hadrian, i. 515. 
.^Elius Putus, his Tripartite, the oldest work of Roman jurisprudence, iv. 



JEmilianus, governor of Pannonia and Meesia, routs the barbarous invaders 
of the empire, and is declared emperor by his troops, i. 296. 

JEncas of Gaza, his attestation of the miraculous gift of speech to the 
Catholic confessors of Tipasa, whose tongues had been cut out, iii. 449. 

JEneas Sylvius, his account of_the impracticability of a European crusade 
against the Turks, vi. 417. His epigram on the destruction of ancient 
buildings in Rome, 528, note. 

/Era of the world, remarkable epochas in, pointed out, iv. 112, note. Gel- 
ala3an, of the Turks, when settled, v. 522. 

.2Erial Tribute in the Eastern empire, iv. 78. 

^Ethiopia, Christianity established in, iv. 561. The Portuguese navigators 
repel the incursions of Turks and Arabs in, 564. Mr. Bruce s travels, 
and Pearce s narrative respecting, 566, note M. 

JEtius, surnamed the Atheist, his character and adventures, ii. 321, 322> 
331, 345, note. 

- , the Roman general under Valentinian III., his character, iii. 367. 
His treacherous scheme to ruin Count Boniface, 369. Is forced to retire 
into Pannonia, 379. His invitation of the Huns into the empire, 387- 
Seizes the administration of the Westerrt empire, 421. His character, as 
given by Renatus, a contemporary historian, 422. Employs the Huns 
and Alani in the defence of Gaul, 423. Concludes a peace with The- 
odoric, 427. Raises the siege of Orleans, 435. Battle of Chalons, 437. 
His prudence on the invasion of Italy by Attila, 449. Is murdered by 
Val.entinian, 454. 

Africa, its situation and revolutions, i. 30. Great revenue raised from, by 
the Romans, 188. Progress of Christianity there, 580. Is distracted 
with religious discord in the time of Constantino the Great, ii. 297- 
Character and revolt of the Circumcellions, 360. Oppressions of, under 
the government of Count Romanus, 571. General state of Africa, 574. 
The slave trade, 575, note M. Revolt of Count Boniface there, iii. 369. 
Arrival of Genseric, king of the Vanolals, 371. Persecution of the Don- 
atists, 372. Devastations of, by the Vandals, 375. Carthage surprised 
by Genseric, 380. Persecution of the Catholics, 548. Expedition of 
Belisarius to, iv. 121. Is recovered by the Romans, 133. The govern 
ment of, settled by Justinian, 133. Revolt of the troops there, under 
Stoza, 245. Devastation of the war, 249. Invasion of, by the Saracens, 
v. 235. Conquest of, by Akbah, 240. Decline and extinction of Chris 
tianity there, 267. Revolt and independence of the Saracens there, 326. 

Aglabites, the Saracen dynasty of, v. 326. 



GENERAL INDEX. 545 

f 

Aglae, a Roman lady, patronizes St. Boniface, ii. 74. 

Agricola, review of his conduct in Britain, i. 5. His fortifie line across 
Scotland, 5, note M. 

Agriculture, great improvement of, *n the western countries of the Roman 
empire, i. 65. State of, in the Eastern Empire, under Justinian, iv. 64. 

Ahriman, the evil principle, among the Persians, i. 232, note G. 

Aiznadin, battle of, bet-veeu the Saracens and the Greeks, v. 194. 

Ajax, the sepulchre of, how distinguished, ii. 93. 

Akbah, the Saracen, his exploits in Africa, v. 240. 

Alani, occasion of these people invading Asia, i. 373. Supposed by Klap- 
roth to be the ancestors of the true Albanians, ii. 227, note M. Conquest 
of, by the Huns, iii. 24. Join with the Huns against the Goths, 26. See 
Goths, and Vandals. 

Alaric, the Goth, learns the art of war under Theodosius the Great, in. 
123. Becomes the leader of the Gothic revolt, and ravages Greece, iii. 
191, 192. Escapes from Stilicho, 196. Is appointed master-general of 
the Eastern Illyricum, 197. His invasion of Italy, 199 . Is defeated by 
Stilicho at Pollentia, 205. Is driven out of Italy, 207, 238. Is, by treaty 
with Honorius, declared master-general of the Roman armies through 
out the praefecture of Illyricum, 229. His pleas and motives for march 
ing to Rome, 242. Encamps under the walls of that city, 244, 245. Ac 
cepts a ransom, and raises the. siege, 271. His negotiations with the 
emperor Honorius, 273. His second siege of Rome, 277. Places Atta- 
lus on the Imperial throne, 278. Degrades him, 280. Seizes the city of 
Rome, 281. His sack of Rome compared with that by the emperor 
Charles V., 290. Retires from Rome, and ravages Italy, 291. His death 
and burial, 294. 

Alaric II., king of the Goths, his overthrow by Clovis, king of the Franks, 
iii. 583 

Albanians, the, ii. 227, note, and note M. 

Alberic, the son of Marozia, his revolt, and government of Rome, v. 62, 63. 

Albigeois of France, persecution of, v. 398. 

Alboin, king of the Lombards, his history, iv. 389. His alliance with the 
Avars against the Gepidae, 391. Reduces the Gepida?, 392. He undertakes 
the conquest of Italy, 393. Overruns what is now called Lombardy, 395. 
Assumes the regal title there, 396. Takes Pavia, and makes it his capi 
tal city, 346. Is murdered at the instigation of his queen Rosamond, 397. 

Alchemy, the books of, in Egypt, destroyed by Diocletian, i. 418. 

Aleppo, siege and capture of, by the Saracens, v. 212. Is recovered by the 
Greeks, 333. Is taken and sacked by Tamerlane, vi. 261. 

Alexander III., Pope, establishes the papal election in the college of car 
dinals, vi. 450. 

, archbishop of Alexandria, excommunicates Arius for his her 
esy, ii. 314. 

Severus is declared Caesar by the emperor Elagabalus, i. 173. 



Is raised to the throne, 175. Examination into his pretended victory 
over Artaxerxes, 244. Showed a regard for the Christian religion, ii. 50. 
Alexandria, a general massacre there, by order of the emperor Caracalla, 
i. 160. The city described, 326. Is ruined by ridiculous intestine com 
motions, 327, by famine and pestilence, 329. Is besieged and taken by 
Diocletian, 416. The Christian theology reduced to a systematical form 
in the school of, 578. Number of martyrs who suffered there in the per 
secution by Decius, ii. 45; vide note G. The theological system of Plato 
taught in the school of, and received by the Jews there, n. 302, o K?, 
notes G. and M. Questions concerning the nature of the Trinity, agi 
tated in the philosophical and Christian schools of, 339, 310. History of 
the archbishop St. Athanasius, 332, 351 ; vide Athanasius. Suffers greatly 
by an earthquake, iii. 9. History of the temple of Scrapis there, 143. This 
temple, and the famous library, destroyed by Bishop Thcophilus, 144, 
145. Is taken by Amrou the Saracen, v. 226. The famous library de 
stroyed, 228 46 * 



546 GENERAL INDEX. 

Alexius Angelus, his usurpation of the Greek empire, and character vi 
58, 59. Flies before the crusaders, 79. 

I. Comuenus, emperor of Constantinople, iv. 619. New titles of 

dignity invented by him, v. 353. Battle of Durazzo, 473. Solicits the 
aid of the emperor Henry III., 476. Solicits the aid of the Christian 
princes against the Turks, 540. His suspicious policy on the arrival of 
the crusaders, 567, 568. Exacts homage from them, 569. Profits by the 
success of the crusaders, vi. 1. 

II. Comnenus, emperor of Constantinople, iv. 625. 

Strategopulus, the Greek general, retakes Constantinople from 

the Latins, vi. 126. 

-, the son of Isaac Angelus, his escape from his uncle, who had 



** "- -"- .JI.4.VW ^.Aii^l^JLl^U) JLA.A-J \ J^LA fcJ^ 1JL. ISAU .1.1 iO 14 JJ V-lt. J F -H L/ UGV4 

deposed his father, vi. 59. His treaty with the crusaders for his restora 
tion, 70. Restoration of his father, 80. His death, 85. 

Alfred sends an embassy to the shrine of St. Thomas in India, iv. 547. 
A.lgebra, by whom invented, v. 304. 

-Ali joins Mahomet in his prophetical mission, v. 121, 122. His heroism, 
134. His character, 152. Is chosen caliph of the Saracens, 155. De 
votion paid at his tomb, 161. His posterity, 165, 166. 

Aligern defends CumaB, for his brother Teias", king of the Goths, iv. 273, 
275. Is reduced, 275, 276. 

Allectus murders Carausius, and usurps his station, i. 412. Is slain in. 
Britain, 412. 

Allemanni, the origin and warlike spirit of, i. 303. Are driven out of Italy 
by the senate and people, 304. Invade the empire in the reign of Aure- 
lian, 342. Are totally routed, 345. Gaul delivered from their depreda 
tions by Constantius Chlorus, 414. Invade and establish themselves in 
Gaul, ii. 231. Are defeated at Strasburgh by Julian, 237. Are reduced 
by Julian in his expeditions beyond the Rhine, 242. Invade Gaul under 
the emperor Valentinian, 553. Are reduced by Jovinus, 554. And 
chastised by Valentinian, 556. Are subdued by Clovis, king of the 
Franks, iii. 573. 

Alp Arslan, sultan of the Turks, his reign, v. 512. His death, 519. 

Alypius, governor of Britain, is commissioned by the emperor Julian to 
rebuild the temple of Jerusalem, ii. 437. 

Amala, king of the Goths, his high credit among them, i. 287. 

Amalasontha, queen of Italy, her history and character, iv. 147, 148. Her 
death, 150. 

Amalphi, description of the city, and its commerce, v. 442, 463. 

Amazons, improbability of any society of, i. 359, note. Klaproth s theory 
respecting, 359, note M. 

Ambition, reflections on the violence and various operations of that pas 
sion, iv. 636. 

Ambrose, St., composed a treatise on the Trinity, for the use of the em 
peror Gratian, iii. 73, note. His birth, and promotion to the archbishop 
ric of Milan, 96. Opposes the Arian worship of the empress Justina, 
97. Refuses obedience to the Imperial power, 100. Controls the em 
peror Theodosius, 116, 117. Imposes penance on Theodosius for his 
cruel treatment of Thessalonica, 117. Employed his influence over 
Gratian and Theodosius, to inspire him with maxims of persecution, iii. 
131. Opposes Symmachus, the advocate for the old Pagan religion, 136. 
Comforts the citizens of Florence with a dream, when besieged by Rada- 
gaisus, 218. 

Amida, siege of, by Sapor, king of Persia, ii. 226, note M. Receives the 
fugitive inhabitants of Nisibis, 515. Is besieged and taken by Cabades, 
king of Persia, iv. 101. 

Amir, prince of Ionia, his character, and passage into Europe, vi. 230. 

Ammianus Marcellinus, the historian, his religious character of the em 
peror Constantius, ii. 330. His remark on the enmity of Christians 
towards each other, 363. His account of the fiery obsti actions to 



QENERAL INDEX. 547 

restoring the temple of Jerusalem, 439. His account of the hostile con 
test of Damasus and Ursinus for the bishopric of Rome, 551. Testi 
mony and favor of his historical merit, iii. 60. His character of the 
nobles of Rome, 252. 

Ammonius, the mathematician, his measurement of the circuit of Rome, 
iii. 265. 

, the monk of Alexandria, his martyrdom, iv. 502. 

Amorium, siege and destruction of, by the caliph Motassem, v. 319.. 

Amphilochius, bishop of Iconium, gains the favor of the emperor Theo 
dosius by an orthodox bon mot, iii. 81, 82. 

Amphitheatre at Rome, a description of, i. 396, vi. 532, note M. 

Amrou, his birth and character, v. 219. His invasion and conquest of 
Egypt, 221, 222. His administration there, 231. His description of the 
country, 233. 

Amurath I., sultan of the Turks, his reign, vi. 234. His death, 236, wofeM. 

> II., Sultan, his reign and character, vi. 348. His double abdica 
tion, 349, 350. Error of Gibbon, 349, note M. 

Ariachorets, in monkish history, described, iii. 537. 

Anacletus, Pope, his Jewish extraction, vi. 459. 

Anastasius I. marries the empress Ariadne, iv. 5. His war with.Theodo- 
ric, the Ostrogoth king of Italy, 18, 19. His economy celebrated, 73. 
Epigram thereon, 73, note M. His long wall from the Propontis to the 
Euxine, 94. Is humbled by the Catholic clergy, iv. 525. 

II., emperor of Constantinople, iv. 581. His preparations of 

defence against the Saracens, v. 278. 

: , St., his brief history and martyrdom, iv. 461, note. 

Anathoj city of, on the banks of the Euphrates, described, ii. 478, 

Andalusia, derivation of the name of that province, v. 248, note. 

Andronicus, president of Libya, excommunicated by Synesius. bishop of 
- Ptolemais, ii. 290, 291. 

Andronicus Comnenus, his character, and first adventures, iv. 625. Seizes 
the empire of Constantinople, 632, 633, note M. His unhappy fate, 634. 

the Elder, emperor of Constantinople, his superstition, vi. 174. 

His war with his grandson, and abdication, 178, 179, 180, note M. 

the Younger, emperor of Constantinople, his licentious char 
acter, vi. 177- His civil war against his grandfather, 178. His reign, 
181. Is vanquished and wounded by Sultan Orchan, 228. His private 
application to Pope Benedict XII. of Rome, 291, 292. 

Angora, battle of, between Tamerlane and Bajazet, vi. 264. 

Anianus, bishop of Orleans, his pious anxiety for the relief of that city, 
when besieged by Attila the Hun, iii. 435. 

Anician family at Rome, brief history of, iii. 247. 

Anna Comnena, character of her history of her father, Alexius I., em 
peror of Constantinople, iv. 619. Her conspiracy against her brother 
John, 621. 

Anthemius, emperor of the West, his descent, and investiture by Leo the 
Great, iii. 490. His election confirmed at Rome, 491. Is killed in the 
sack of Rome by Ricimer, 506. 

Anthemius, praefect of the East, character of his administration, in the 
minority of the emperor Theodosius the Younger, iii. 350. 

Anthemius the architect, instances of his great knowledge in mechanics, 
iv. 85. Forms the design of the church of St. Sophia at Constantino 
ple, 85. 

Anthony, St., father of the Egyptian monks, his history, iii. 522. 

Anthropomorphites, among the early Christians, personihers of the Deity, 
iv. 494. 

Antioch taken and destroyed by Sapor, king of Persia, i. 317. Flourish 
ing state of the Christian church there, iii the reign of Theodosius, 577. 
History of the body of St. Babylas, bishop of, ii. 449. The cathedral of, 
shut up, and its wealth confiscated, by the emperor Julian, 450. Licen- 



648 GENERAL INDEX. 

tious manners of the citizens, 464. Popular discontents during the 
residence of Julian there, 465. Sedition there, against the emperor 
Thebdosius, iii. 110. The city pardoned, 113. Is taken and ruined by 
Chosroes, king of Persia, iv. 221. Great destruction there by an earth 
quake, 291, 292. Is again seized by Chosroes II., 459. Is reduced by 
the Saracens, and ransomed, v. 213. Is recovered by the Greeks, 333. 
Besieged and taken by the first crusaders, 580. 

Antonina, the wife of Belisarius, her character, iv. 119. Examines and 
convicts Pope Sylverius of treachery, 168. Her activity during the siege 
of Rome, 171. Her secret history, 183. Founds a convent for her re 
treat, 286. 

Antoninus, a Roman refugee at the court of Sapor, king of Persia, stimu 
lates him to an invasion of the Roman provinces, ii. 224. 

Pius, his character, and that of Hadrian, compared, i. 9. Is 

adopted by Hadrian, 93. 

Marcus, his defensive wars, i. 10. Is adopted by Pius at the 



instance of Hadrian, 93, note M. His character, 94, 101. His Avar 
against the united Germans, 276. Suspicious story of his edict in favor 
of the Christians, ii. 246. 

Aper, Arrius, praetorian praefect, and father-in-law to the emperor Nume- 
rian, i. 399. Is killed by Diocletian as the presumptive murderer of that 
prince, 400. 

Apharban, the Persian, his embassy from Narses, king -of Persia, to the 
emperor Galerius, i. 426. 

Apocalypse, why now admitted into the danon of the Scriptures, i. 535, 
note ; also note M. 

Apocaucus, admiral of Constantinople, his confederacy against John Cau- 
tacxizene, vi. 185. His death, 188. 

Apollinaris, .bishop of Laodicea, his hypothesis of the divine incarnation 
of Jesus Christ, iv. 496. 

, patriarch of Alexandria, butchers his flock in defence of the 

Catholic doctrine of the incarnation, iv. 558. 

Apollonius of Tyana, his doubtful character, i. 353, note. 

Apotheosis, or deification of the Roman emperors, how this custom was 
introduced, i. 84, 85, 86 ; vide notes M. and W. 

Apsimar dethrones Leontius, emperor of Constantinople, and usurps his 
place, iv. 577. His death, 579. 

Apulia is conquered by the Normans, v. 453. Is confirmed to them by 
papal grant, 456. 

Aquileia besieged by the emperor Maximin, i. 213. Is taken and destroyed 
by Attila, king of the Huns, iii. 443. 

Aquitain is settled by the Goths, under their king Wallia. iii. 312. Is 
quered by Clovis, king of the Franks, 585. 

Arabia, its situation, soil, and climate, v. 74. Its division into the Sandy, 
the Staiy, arid the Happy, 77. The pastoral Arabs, 77, their horses and 
camels 78. Cities of, 80. Manners and customs of the Arabs, 83, 89, 
their language, 89, their benevolence, 91. History and description of 
the Caaba of Mecca, 93. Religions, 94, 95. Life and doctrine of Ma 
homet, 98, 104. Conquest of, by Mahomet, 138. Character of the ca 
liphs or successors of Mahomet, and their rapid conquests, 172. 173, 
Limits of the Arabian conquest, 273. Three caliphs established, 296. 
Introduction of learning among the Arabians, 300, their progress in the 
sciences, 302, their literary deficiencies, 306. Decline and fall of the 
caliphs, 321, 325. 

Araric, king of the Goths, defeats Constantine, ii. 169, and note M. 170. 

Arbetio, a veteran under Constantine the Great, leaves his retirement to 
oppose the usurper Procopius, ii. 534. 

Arbogastes, the Frank, his military promotion under Theodosius in Gaul, 
and conspiracy against Valentinian the Younger, iii. 119> 120. Is de 
feated by Theodosius, and kills himself, 126. 



GENERAL INDEX. 549 

Arcadius, son of the emperor Theodosius, iii. 81. Succeeds to the empire 
of the East, 164. His magnificence, 322. Extent of his dominions, 
323. Administration of his favorite eunuch Eutropius, 324, 325. His 
cruel law against treason, 329, 330. Signs the condemnation of Eutro 
pius, 335. "His interview with the revolters Tribigild and Gainas, 336. 
His death and supposed testament, 347, 348. 

Architecture, Roman, the general magnificence of, indicated by the exist 
ing ruins, i. 5-5. 

Ardaburius, his expedition to Italy, to reduce the usurper John, iii. 365. 

Argonauts, the object of their expedition to Colchos, iv. 227- 

Ariadne, daughter of the emperor Leo, and wife of Zeno, her character, 
and marriage afterwards with Anastasius, v. 5. 

Arii, a tribe of the Lygians, their terrific mode of waging war, i. 380. 

Arinthaeus is appointed general of the horse by the emperor Julian on his 
Pers an expedition, ii. 477. Distinguishes himself against the usurper 
Procopius, 534. 

Ariovistus seizes two thirds of the lands of the Sequani in Gaul, for him 
self and his German followers, iii. 598. 

Aristobulus, principal minister of the house of Cams, is received into 
confidence by the emperor Diocletian, i. 403. 

Aristotle, his logic better adapted to the detection of. error, than for the 
discovery of truth, v. 303. 

Arius is excommunicated for heretical notions concerning the Trinity, ii. 
314. Strength of his party, 314. His opinions examined in the coun 
cil of Nice, 317. Account of Arian sects, 321. Council of Rimini, 324. 
His banishment and recall, 327- His suspicious death, 327. Employs 
music and songs to propagate his heresy, 354, note M. The Arians per 
secute the Catholics in Africa, iii. 548. 

Armenia is seized by Sapor, king of Persia, i. 315. Tiridates restored, 419, 
He is again expelled by the Persians, 422. Is resigned to Tiridates by 
treaty between the Romans and Persians, 430. Is rendered tributary to 
Persia on the death of Tiridates, ii. 179. Character of Arsaces Tiranus, 
king of, and his conduct towards the emperor Julian, 473, note M. Is 
reduced by Sapor to a Persian province, 576. Its distractions and di 
vision between the Persians and the Romans, iii. 359. History of 
Christianity in, ii. 275, vide note M., iv. 554. 

Armies of the Eastern empire, state of, under the emperor Maurice, iv. 
418. 

Anrior, defensive, is laid aside by the Romans, and adopted by the Barba 
rians, iii. 129. 

Armorica, the provinces of, form a free government independent of the 
Romans, iii. 315, 316, note M. Submit to Clovis, king of the Franks, 
576. Settlement of Britons in, 621, 622, note M. 

Arnold of Brescia, his heresy, and history, vi. 430, 432. Is burnt, 433. 

Arragon, derivation of the name of that province, i.. 22, note, 

Arrian, his visit to, and description of, Colchos, iv. 230. 

Arsaces Tiranus, king of Armenia, his .character, and disaffection to the 
emperor Julian, ii. 473. Historical particulars of, 473, note M. With 
draws his troops treacherously from the Roman service, 492. His dis 
astrous end, 576. Various traditions respecting, 577, note M. 

Arsenius, patriarch of Constantinople, excommunicates the emperor Mi 
chael Paloeologus, vi. 153. Faction of the Arsenites, 154. 

Artaban, king of Parthia, is defeated and slain by Artaxerxes, king of 
Persia, i. 228. 

, his conspiracy against the emperor Justinian, iv. 262. Is in 
trusted Avith the conduct of the armament sent to Italy, 266. 

Artasires, king of Armenia, is deposed by the Persians at the instigation 

of his own subjects, iii. 360, 361. 

Artavasdes, his revolt against the Greek emperor Constantine V. at Con 
stantinople, v. 12. 



550 GENERAL INDEX. 

Artaxerxes restores the Persian monarchy, i. 228. Prohibits every wor 
ship but that of Zoroaster, 238, note M. His war with tne Romans, 243. 
His character and maxims, 246. 

Artemius, duke of Egypt under Constantius, is condemned to death 
under Julian, for cruelty and corruption, ii". 400. 

Arthur, king of the Britons, his history obscured by monkish fictions, iii. 
62. 

Arvandus, praetorian prefect of Gaul, his trial and condemnation by the 
Roman senate, iii. 500. 

Ascaion, battle of, between Godfrey of Bouillon and the sultan of Egypt, 
v. 595. 

Ascetics, in ecclesiastical history, account of, iii. 520. 

Asclepiodatus reduces and kills the British usurper Allectus, i. 412. 

Asia, summary view of the revolutions in that quarter of the world, i. 226. 

Asia Minor described, i. 26. Amount of its tribute to Rome, 187; vide 
note M. Is conquered by the Turks, v. 524. 

Asiarch, nature of thisffice among the ancient Pagans, i. 572, note. 

Aspar is commissioned by the Theodosius the Yo.unger to conduct Yalen- 
tinian III. to Italy, iii. 365. Places his steward Leo on the throne of 
the Eastern empire, 489. He and his sons murdered by Leo, iv. 4. 

Assassins, the principality of, destroyed by the Moguls, vi. 215, note M. 

Assemblies of the people abolished under the Roman emperors, i. 82. At 
what times the Comitia were revived, 82, -note W. The nature of, among 
the ancient Germans, 264. 

Assyria, the province of, described, ii.. 479. Is invaded by the emperor 
JVaan, 481. His retreat, 497. 

Astarte, her image brought from Carthage to Rome, as a spouse for Ela- 
gabalus, i. 171. 

Astolphus, king of the Lombards, takes the city of Ravenna, and attacks 
Rome, v. 25. Is repelled by Pepin, king of France, 26,- 27. 

Astrology, why cultivated by the Arabian astronomers, v. 304. 

Atabeks of Syria, the, vi. 16. 

Athalaric, the son of Amalasontha, queen of Italy, his education and 
character, iv. 147, 148. 

Athanaric, the Gothic chief, his war against the emperor Talens, ii. 586. 
His alliance with Theodosius, his death and funeral, iii. 64, 65. 

Athanasius, St., archbishop of Alexandria, confesses his understanding 
bewildered by meditating on the divinity of the Logos, ii. 310. General 
view of his opinions, 318, 319. His character and adventures, 332. Per 
secutions against him, 334. Charges against him, 335, note M. His 
first exile, 337. Restored, 338. His second exile, 338. Restored, 340. 
A third time expelled, 347. Outrages attending his expulsion, and the 
establishment of his successor George of Cappadocia, 348, 319. Writes 
invectives to expose the character of Constantius, 353. Is restored upon 
the death of George, 455. Is persecuted and expelled by Julian, 456. 
Again seated on the archiepiscopal throne, by the popular voice, 520. 
His courage and eloquence, 521. His retirement and de ath, 5jl6. Was 
not the author of the famous cre-ed under his name, iii. note 555, note~bl. t 
556. 

, patriarch of Constantinople, his contests with the Greek 

emperor Andronicus the eldei, vi. 174. 

Athenais. daughter of the philosopher Leontius. See Eudocia. 

Athens, the libraries in that city, why said to have been spared by the 
Goths, i. 314. Naval strength of the republic of, during its prosperity, 
498, note. Is laid under contribution by Alaric the Goth, ii. 149. Re 
view of the philosophical history of, iii. 104. The schools of, silenced 
by the emperor Justinian, 108. Revolutions of, after the crusades, and 
its present state, vi. 171, 172. 

Athos, Mount, beatific visions of the monks of, vi. 194. 

Atlantic Ocean, derivation of its name, i. 31. 



GENERAL INDEX. 551 

Atlas, Mount, description of, i. 31, note. 

Attacotti, a Caledonian tribe of cannibals, account of, ii. 567, woteM. 

Attalus, prcefect of Rome, is chosen emperor by the senate, under the in 
fluence of Alaric, iii. 278. Is publicly degraded, 280. His future for 
tune, 306. 

Attalus, a noble youth of Auvergne, his adventures, iii. 606. 

Attila, the Hun, iii. 388. Description of his person and character, 389 
His conquests, 391, 392. His treatment of his captives, 399. Imposes 
terms of peace on Theodosius the Younger, 401, 402. Oppresses Theo- 
dosius by his ambassadors, 403, 404. Description of his royal residence, 
409. Supposed to have been at Buda, 409, note M. His reception of 
the ambassadors of Theodosius, 411, 415. His behavior on discovering 
the scheme of Theodosius to get him assassinated, 417. His haughty 
messages to the emperors of the East and West, 420. His invasion of 
Gaul, 433. His oration to his troops on the approach of JEtius and 
Theodoric, 439. Battle of Chalons, 439. His invasion of Italy, 443. 
His retreat purchased by Valentinian, 450. His death, 451. 

Atys and Cybele, the fable of, allegorized by the pen of Julian, ii. 415. 

Augurs, Roman, their number and peculiar office, iii. 132. 

Augustin, his account of the miracles wrought by the body of St. Stephen, 
iii. 159. Celebrates the piety of the Goths in the sacking of Rome, 283. 
Approves the persecution of the Donatists of Africa, 373. His death, 
character, and writings, 376. History of his relics, iv. 133, note. 

Augustulus, son of the patrician Orestes, is chosen emperor of the West, 
iii. 501. Is deposed by Odoacer, 510, 512. His banishment to the Lu 
cullan villa in Campania, 513. 

Augustus, emperor, his moderate exercise of power, i. 2. Is imitated by 
his successors, 3. His naval regulations, 21. His division of Gaul, 22. 
His situation after the battle of Actium, 73. He reforms the senate, 74. 
Procures a senatorial grant of the Imperial dignity, 75. Division of the 
provinces between him and the senate, 78. Is allowed his military com 
mand and guards in the city of Rome, 78. Obtains the consular and 
tribunitiau offices for life, 79. His character and policy, So. Adopts 
Tiberius, 90. Formed an accurate register of the revenues and expenses 
of the empire, 187. Taxes instituted by him, 189. His naval establish 
ments at Ravenna, iii. 211. 

Augustus and Caesar, those titles explained and discriminated, i. 85. 

Aurelian, emperor, his birth and services, i. 339. His expedition against 
Palmyra, 353. His triumph, 358. His cruelty and death, 363, 364. 

Aurengzebe, account of his immense camp, i. 241, note. 

Aureolus is invested with the purple on the Upper Danube, i. 330. 

Ausonius, tutor of the emperor Gratian, his promotions, iii. 73, note. 

Autharis, king of the Lombards in Italy, his wars with the Franks, iv. 
407. His adventurous gallantry, 413. 

Autun, the city of, stormed and plundered by the legions in Gaul, i. 349. 

Auvergne, province and city of, in Gaul, revolutions of, iii. 604. 

Auxiliaries, Barbarian, fatal consequences of their admission into the Ro 
man armies, ii. 130. 

Avars are discomfited by the Turks, iv. 203. Their embassy to the em 
peror Justinian, 204. Their conquests in Poland and Germany, 206. 
Their embassy to Justin II., 388. They join the Lombards against the 
Gepidae, 389. Pride, policy, and power, of their chagau Baian, 442. 
Their conquests, 445. Invest Constantinople, 465. Reduction of their 
country, Pannonia, by Charlemagne, v. 51. 

Averroes, his religious infidelity, how far justifiable, v. 307, note. 

Aversa, a town near Naples, built as a settlement for the Normans, v. 449. 

Avienus, his character and embassy from Valentinian III. to Attila, king 
of the Huns, iii. 449. 

Avignon, the holy see how transferred from Rome to that city, vi. 454. 
Return of Pope Urban V. to Rome, 495. 



552 GENERAL INDEX. 

i 

Avitus, his embassy from JEtius to Theodoric, king of the Visigoths, iii. 

436. Assumes the empire, 46-5. His deposition and death, 471, 472. 
Axucii, a Turkish slave, his generous friendship to the princess Aana 

Comnena, iv. 621, and to Manuel Comnenus, 622, 623. 
Azimuntium, the citizens of, defend their privileges against Peter, brother 

of the Eastern emperor Maurice, iv 447. 
Azimus, remarkable spirit shown by the citizens of, against Attila and his 

Huns, iii. 403. 

B. 

Baalbec, description of the ruins of, v. 204, 205. 

Babvlas, St., bishop of Antioch, his posthumous history, ii. 449. 

Bagaudee, the, peasants of Gaul, revolt of, its occasion, and suppression 

by Maximum, i. 407. Derivation of this name, 407, note M. 
Bagdad becomes the royal residence of the Abassides, v. 297. Derivation 

of the name, 298, note. The fallen state of the caliphs of, 323, 334. 

The city of, stormed and sacked by the Moguls, vi. 216. 
Bahram, the Persian general, his character and exploits, iv. 433, note M. 

Is provoked .to rebellion, 435. Dethrones Chosroes, 437. His death, 

439. Embassy sent by him to meet the emperor Carus, i. 391. Saying 

of, 390, note. Anecdote of, 390, note M. 
Baian. chagan of the Avars, his pride, policy, and power, iv. 442. 

perfidious seizure of Sirmium and Singidunum, 444. His conquests, 

445. His treacherous attempt to seize the emperor Heraclius, 46o. 

vests Constantinople in conjunction with the Persians, 475. Retires, 

476 

Bajazet I., sultan of the Turks, his reign, vi. 236. His correspondence 
with Tamerlane, 258. Is defeated and captured by Tamerlane, 265, 2b6. 
Inquiry into the story-of the iron cage, 267. His sons, 263, 278. 

Balbinus elected joint emperor with Maximus, by the senate, on the 
deaths of the two Gordians, i. 209. _ 

Baldwin, count of Flanders, engages in the fourth crusade, vi. b6. 
chosen emperor of Constantinople, 99. Is taken prisoner by Calo- 
John, king of the Bulgarians, 119. His death, 110, note M. 

Baldwin U.] emperor of "Constantinople, vi. 118. His distresses and expe 
dients, 120. His expulsion from that city, 125, 172, 

Baldwin, brother of Godfrey of Bouillon, accompanies him on the first 
crusade, v. 558. Founds the principality of Edessa, 579. 

Baltic Sea, progressive subsidence of the water of, i. 252, notes. The Ro 
mans acquired their knowledge of the naval powers of, during their land 
journeys in search of amber, ii. 560, note. ^ 

Baptism, theory and practice of, among the primitive Christians, 11. 2<l, 
272 note M 

Barbary, the name of that country whence derived, v. 246, note. The 
Moors of, converted to the Mahometan faith, 248. 

Barbatio, general of infantry in Gaul under Julian, his misconduct, 11. 26b. 

Barcochebas, his rebellion against the emperor Hadrian, ii. 4. 

Bards Celtic, their power of exciting a martial enthusiasm, in .the people, 
i. 271, 272 notes G. and M. British, iii. 622, note M. Their peculiar of 
fice and duties, 628. 

Bari is taken from the Saracens, by the joint efforts of the Latin and 
Greek empires, v. 441. Government of the city, 442. 

Barlaam, a Calabrian monk, his dispute with the Greek theologians about 
the light of Mount Thabor, vi. 194. His embassy to Rome, from An- 
dronicus the Younger, 291. His literary character, 328. 

Basil I., the Macedonian, emperor of Constantinople, iv. 59|. 
the Paulicians, .v. 392, 393. 

Basil II., emperor of Constantinople, iv. 609. His great wealth, v. <&3. 
His inhuman treatment of the Bulgarians, 410. 

Basil, archbishop of Cresarea, no evidence of his having been persecuted 



GENERAL INDEX. 553 

fey (He emperor Valens, ii. 547. Insults his friend Gregory Nazianzen, 
i.ithr the appearance of promotion, iii. 83. The father of the monks of 
Pontus, 524. 



, . 

*siliscus, brother of the empress Verina, is intrusted with the command 
of the armament sent against the Vandals in Africa, iii. 495, 495. His 
fleet destroyed by Geuseric, 497- His promotion to the empire, and 
death, v. 4, 5. 

Bassianus, high priest of the sun, his parentage, i. 167- Is proclaimed 
emperor at Emessa, 167. See Elagabalus. 

Bassianus, brother-in-law to Constantine, revolts against him, i. 490. 

Bassora, its foundation and situation, v. 179. 

Baths, pubiic, of Home, described, iii. 262. 

Bat.ns, reception of the emperor Julian there, ii, 471. Etymology of this 
name, 471, note M. 

Beasts, wild, the variety of, introduced in the circus, for the public games 
at Rome, i. 395. 

Beausobre, M. de, character of his Histoire Critique dv, Afanic&eisme. iv 
487, note. 

Beder, battle of, between Mahomet and the Koreish of Mecca, v, 13L 

Bedoweens of Arabia, their mode of life, v. 77. 

Bees, remarks on the structure of their combs and cells, v. 301, note. 

Belgrade, or the White City, iv. 44-5. 

Belisarius, his birth and military promotion, iv. 117. "The Life of," by 
Lord Mahon, 117, note M. Is appointed by Justinian to conduct the 
African war, 119, Embarkation of his troops, 119. Lands in Africa, 
123. Defeats Gelimer, 126. Is received into Carthage, 127. Final de 
feat of Gelimer, 130. Conquest of Africa, 133. His triumphant return 
to Constantinople, 138. Is declared sole consul, 139. Menaces the Os 
trogoths of Italy, 145. Seizes Sicily, 151, Invades Italy, 152. Besieges 
Naples, 155, 156. Enters Rome. 155. Is besieged in Rome by the Goths, 
160. The siege again raised, 172. Causes Constantine, one of his gen 
erals, to be killed, 174. Siege of Ravenna, 178. Takes Ravenna by 
stratagem, 180. Returns to Constantinople, 181. His character and 
behavior, 182. Scandalous life of his wife Antonina, 184, 185. His dis 
grace and submission, 188. Is sent into the East to oppose Chosroes, 
king of Persia, 222. His politic reception of the Persian ambassadors, 
His second campaign in Italy, 253. His ineffectual attempt to 
raise the siege of Rome, 257. Dissuades Totila from destroying Rome, 
259. Recovers the city, 260. His final recall from Italy, 261. Rescues 
Constantinople from the Bulgarians, 283. His disgrace and death, 284. 

Benacus, the Lake, iii. 450, note M. 

Benedict XII., embassy from Anclronicus the Younger to, proposing a 
union of the Latin and Greek churches, and soliciting aid against the 
Turks, vi. 291, 292. His character, 293. 

Benefice, in feudal language, explained, iii. 600. Resumption of, by the 
sovereign, 600, note M. 

Benevento, battle of, between Charles of Anjou and Mainfroy the Sicilian 
usurper, vi. 161. 

Beneyentum, anecdotes relating to the siege of, v. 444. 

Benjamin of Tudela, his account of the riches of Constantinople, v. 348. 

Beraja, or Aleppo, reception of the emperor Julian there, ii. 470. 

Bernard, St., his character and influence in promoting the second crusade, 
vi 12, vide note M. His character of the Romans, vi. 429. 

Bernier, his account of the camp of Aurengzebe, i. 241, note. 

Eerytus, account of the law school established there, ii. 122. Is destroyed 
by an earthquake, iv. 293. 

Besstttion, Cardinal, his character, vi. 334, note. 

Be^sas, governor of Rome for Justinian, his rapacity during the siege of 
that city by Totila the Goth, iv. 256. Occasions the loss of Rome 257 
258. 

VOL. VI. 47 



554 QENESAL INDEX, 

Bezabde Is taken and garrisoned by Sapor, king, of Persia, ii. 229. Is In 
effectually besieged by Constantius, 231. 

Bindoes, a Sassaniaii prince, deposes Hormcraz, Icing of Persia, iv. 435. 

Birthright, the least invidious of all human distinctions, i. 197. 

Bishops, among the primitive Christians, the office of, explained, i. 556. 
Progress of episcopal authority, 559. Assumed dignity of episcopal 
government, 569. Number of, at the time of Constantine the Great, ii, 
279. Mode of their election, 279, 289, note M. Their power of ordina 
tion, 282. The ecclesiastical revenue of each diocese, how divided, 284, 
Their civil jurisdiction, 287. Their spiritual censures, 289. Their legis 
lative assemblies, 292. 

Bishops, rural, their rank and duties, ii. 279. 

Bissextile, superstitious regard to this year by the Romans, ii. 527. 

Bithynia, the cities of, plundered by the Goths, i. 309, 

Blemmyes, their revolt against the emperor Diocletian, i. 416. 

Boccace, his literary character, vi. 330, note M. 

Boethius, the learned senator of Borne, his history, iv. 32. His confine 
ment in the Tower of Pavia ; his celebrated "Consolation of Philos 
ophy," composed while there, 36. His horrible execution, 38. 

Bohemond, the son of Robert Guiscard, his character and miljtary ex 
ploits, v. 475. His route to Constantinople on the crusade, 566. His 
nattering reception by Alexius Comnenus, 570. Takes Antioch, and 
obtains the principality of it, 580, 582. His subsequent transactions 
and death, vi. 2, 3, note M. 

Boniface, St., his history, ii. 74, vide note M. 

, Count, the Roman general under Valentinian HI., his charac 
ter, iii. 367.- Is betrayed into a revolt by JEtius, 369. His repentance 
374. Is besieged in Hippo Regius by Genseric, king of the Vandals, 
376. Returns to Italy, and is killed by JEtius/ 378. 

Boniface VIIL, Pope, his violent contest with Philip the Fair, king of 
France, and his character, vi. 453. Institutes the jubilee, 456. 

, marquis of Montferrat, is chosen general of the fourth crusade 

to the Holy Land, vi. 67. Is made king of Macedonia, 101. Is killed 
by the Bulgarians, 112. 

Bosphorus, revolutions of that kingdom, i. 306. Is seized by the Goths, 
307. The strait of, described, ii.^88. 

Bosra, siege of, by the Saracens, v. 191, 192, 

Botheric, the Imperial general in Thessalonica, murdered in a sedition, ii. 
113, 114. 

Boucicault, Marshal, defends Constantinople against Bajazet, vi. 244. 

Boulogne recovered from Carausius, by Constantius Chlorus, i 411. Sold 
by Godfrey to the church for 1300 marks, v. 558. 

Bowides, the Persian dynasty of, v. 329. 

Brancaleone, senator of Rome, his character, vi. 440. 

Brass and silver, relative value of, i. 10, note M. 

Bretagne, the province of, in France, settled by Britons, note, iii. 621, 
note M. 

Britain, reflections on the conquest of, by the Romaas,"i. 4. Description 
of, 23. Colonies planted in, 43, note. A colony of Vandals settled 
there by Probus, 383. Revolt of Carausius, 410. How first peopled, ii. 
562. Invasions of, by the Scots and Picts, -564, 565, note M. Is restored 
to peace by Theodosius, 568. Revolt of Maximus there, iii. 75. Revolt 
of the troops there against Honorius, 225. Is abandoned by the Ror 
mans, 315. State of, until the arrival of the Saxons, 316, 317, note. 
Descent of the Saxons on, 619. Establishment of the Saxon heptarchy, 
621. Wars in, 622. Saxon devastation of the country, 624. Manners 
of the independent Britons, 628, 629. Description of, by Procopius, 631. 
Conversion of the Britons by a mission from Pope Gregory the Great, 
iv. 422. The doctrine of the incarnation received there, 538. 

Brutus, Marcus, example given by, i. 87. Question as to its virtue, 87, note so.. 



GENERAL INDEX. . 555 

Brutus the Trojan, his colonization of Britain now given up by intelligent 
historians, ii. 562, note. 

Buffon, M., his extraordinary burning mirrors, iv. 84, note. 

Bulgarians, their character, iv. 196, vide note M. Their inroads on the 
Eastern empire, 198. Invasion of, under Zabergan, 282. Repulsed by 
Belisarius, 283. Kingdom of the, destroyed by Basil II., the Greek em 
peror, 612, v. 410. Revolt of, from the Greek empire, and submission 
to the pope of Rome, vi. 57. War with the Greeks under Calo-John, 
107. 

Bull- feast, in the Coliseum at Rome, described, vi. 531. 

Burgundians, origin and language of the, i. 379, notes G. and M. Theii 
settlement on the Elbe, and maxims of government, ii. 558. Their set 
tlement in Gaul, iii. 313. Limits of the kingdom of, under Gundobald, 
578. Are subdued by the Franks, 579, 580. 

Burnet, character of his " Sacred Theory of the Earth," i. 537, note. 

Burrarnpooter, source of that river, vi. 257, note. 

Busir, iu Egypt, four several places known under this name, v. 294, note. 

Buzurg, the philosophical preceptor of Hormouz, king of Persia, his high, 
reputation, iv. 431, note. 

Byron, Lord, proved that swimming across the Hellespont was not a poetic 
fiction, ii. 91, note M. 

Byzantine historians, list and character of, vi. 417, note, 419, note M. 

Byzantium, siege of, by the emperor Severus, i. 112. Is taken by Max- 
imin, 485. Siege of, by Constantine the Great, 500. Its situation de 
scribed, ii. 87. By whom founded, 87, note. Sec Constantinople. 

C. 

Caaba, or temple of Mecca, described, v. 93, 94.. The idols in, destroyed 
by Mahomet, 187. 

Cabades, king of Persia, besieges and takes Amida, iv. 101. Seizes the 
Straits of Caucasus, 102, 103. Vicissitudes of his reign, iv. 210. 

Cadesia, battle of, between the Saracens and the Persians, v. 177, 178. 

Cadijah, her marriage with Mahomet, v. 101. Is converted by him to his 
new religion, 121. Her death, 124. Mahomet s veneration for her 
memory, 152. 

Ceecilian, the peace of the church in Africa disturbed by him and his party, 
ii. 297. 

Ccccilius, the authority of his account of the famous vision of Constan 
tine the Great inquired into, ii. 263, note, and M. note, 262. 

Ceelestian, senator of Carthage, his distress oil the taking of that city by 
Geuseric, iii. 382. 

Csesar, Julius, his inducement to the conquest of Britain, i. 4. Degrades 
the senatorial dignity, 74, note. Assumes a place among the tutelar 
deities of Rome, in his lifetime, 84. His address in appeasing a military 
sedition, 182, note. His prudent application of the coronary gold pre 
sented to him, ii. 151, note G. 

Csesar and Augustus, those titles explained and discriminated, i. 85, noteW. 

" Caesars," the emperor Julian s philosophical fable of the, delineated, ii. 
461. 

Ctesarea, capital of Cappadocia, taken by Sapor king of Persia, i. 317. Is 
reduced by the Saracens, v. 216. 

Oaf, great range of mountains in Asia, iv. 200. 

Cahina, queen of the Moors of Africa, her policy to drive the Arabs out of 
the country, v. 246. 

Cairoan, the city of, in the kingdom of Tunis, founded, v. 213. Frequent 
ly confounded with the Greek city Cyrene, 243. 

Caled deserts from the idolatrous Arabs to the party of Mahomet, v. 130. 
II is gallant conduct at the ba.ttle of Muta, 111. His victories under the 
caliph Abubeker, 176. Attends th* Saracen nrmy on the Syrian expe 



556 



GENERAL INDEX. 



dition, 190. His valor at the siege of Damascus, 193. Distinguishes 
himself at the battle of Aiznadin, 194, 195. His cruel treatment of the 
refugees from Damascus. 199. Joins in plundering the fair of Abyla, 
203. Commands the Saracens at the battle of Yermuk, 206. His death, 
217, vide note M. 

Caledonia, and its ancient inhabitants, described, ii. 563. 

Caledonian war, under the emperor Severus, an account of, i. 152. 

Caliphs of the Saracens, character of, v. 172. Their rapid conquests, 174. 
Extent and power of, 271. Triple division of the office, 296. Their 
patronage of learning, 300. Decline and fall of their empire, 321, 325, 
vi. 215. 

Callinicum, the punishment of a religious sedition in that city opposed by 
St. Ambrose, iii. 115. 

Callinicus of Heliopolis assists in defending Constantinople against the 
Saracens, by his chemical inflammable compositions, v. 282, 283, note M. 

Calmucks, black; recent emigration of, from the confines of Russia to those 
of China, iii. 24. Country of the, iv. 202. 

Calo-John, the Bulgarian chief, his war with Baldwin, the Latin emperor 
of the Greeks, vi. 107. Defeats, and takes him prisoner, 109. His savage 
character and death, 112, 113, note M. 414. 

Calocerus, a camel-driver, excites an insurrection in the Island of Cyprus 
ii. 166. t 

Calphurnius, the machinery of his eclogue on the accession of the empe 
ror Carus, i. 389. 

Calvin, the reformer, v. 399. His doctrine of the eucharist, 399. Ex 
animation of his conduct to Servet us, 401, vide note G. 

Camel, of Arabia, described, v. 79. 

Camisards of Languedoc, their enthusiasm compared with that of the Cir 
cumcellions of Numidia, ii. 362. 

Campania, the province of, desolated 1 by the ill policy of the Roman em 
perors, ii. 144. Description of the Lucullan villa in, iii. 514. 

Canada, the present climate and circumstances of, compared with those 
of ancient Germany, i. 254. 

Cannon, enormous one of the sultan Mahomet II. described, vi. 379, 380, 
note M. Bursts, 389. 

Canoes, Russian, a description of, v. 428. 

Cantacuzene, John, character of his Greek History, vi. 176. His good 
fortune under the younger Andronicus, 183, 184. Is driven to assume 
the purple, 186. His lively distinction between foreign and civil war, 
188. His entry into Constantinople, and reign, 190. Abdicates, and 
turns monk, 193. His war with the Genoese factory at Pera, 198. Mar 
ries his daughter to a Turk, 294. His negotiation with Pope Clement 
VI., 294. 

Cantemir s History of the Ottoman Empire,- character of, vi. 226, note, 
ride note M., 237. 

Capelianus, governor of Mauritania, defeats the younger Gordian, and 
takes Carthage, i. 208. 

Capitation-tax, under the Roman emperors, an account of, ii. 144. 

Capito Ateius, the civilian, his character, iv. 325. 

Capitol of Rome, burning and restoration of, ii. 16, 17. 

Cappadocia, famous for its line breed of horses, ii. 136. 

Capraria, Isle of, character of the monks there,- iii. 184. 

Captives, how treated by the Barbarians, iii. 397, 601, 602. 

Caracalla, son of the emperor Severus, his fixed antipathy to his brother 
Geta, i. 151. Succeeds to the empire jointly with him, 154. Tendency 
of his edict to extend the privileges of Roman citizens to all the free 
inhabitants of his empire, 187. His view in this transaction, 193. 
Doubles the tax on legacies and inheritances, 194. 

Caracorum, the Tartar settlement of, described, vi. 220. 

Caravans, Sogdian, their route to and from China, for silk, to supply the 
Roin-ni empire, iii. 6R, P>9. 



GENERAL INDEX. 557 

Carausius, his revolt in Britain, i. 409. Is acknowledged by Diocletian 
and his colleagues, 411. 

Carbeas, the Paiilician, his revolt from the Greek emperor to the Saracens, 
v. 429. 

Cardinals, the election of a pope vested in them, vi. 450. Institution of 
the conclave, 450. 

Carduene, situation and history of that territory, i. 430, note M. 

Carinus, the son of Carus, succeeds his father in the empire jointly with 
his brother Numerian, i. 392. 

Carizmians, their invasion of Syria, vi. 40, note M. 

Carlovingian race of kings, commencement of, in France, v. 28. 

Carmath, the Arabian reformer, his character, v. 323. His military ex 
ploits, 323. 

Carmelites, from whom they derive their pedigree, iii. 522, note. 

Carpathian mountains, their situation, i. 252. 

Carthage taken by Capelianus, i. 208. The bishopric of, bought for Ma- 
jorinus, ii. 54, note. Religious discord generated there by the factions 
of Csecilian and Doatus, 411, 412. The temple of Venus there con 
verted into a Christian church, iii. 142. Is surprised by Genseric, king 
of the Vandals, 380. The gates of, open to Belisarius, iv. 127. Natural 
alterations produced by time in the situation of this city, 128, note. The 
walls of, repaired by Belisarius, 129. Insurrection of the Roman troops 
there, 245. Troubles and sedition, 247, 248, note M. Is reduced and 
pillaged by Hassan the Saracen, v. 244. Subsequent history of, 245. 

Carthagena, an extraordinary rich silver mine worked there, for the Ro 
mans, i. 188. 

Carus, emperor, his election and character, i. 388*. 

Caspian and Iberian gates of Mount Caucacus distinguished, iv. 102, 
note M. 

Cassians, the party of, among the Roman civilians explained, iv. 326. 

Cassiodorus, his Gothic history, i. 281. His account of the infant state 
of the republic of Venice, iii. 447. His long and prosperous life. 21, 

f note 22, note M. 

Castriot, George. See Scanderbeg. 

Catalans, their service and war in the Greek empire, vi. 166. 

f~*\ < i i * i "\ . t -\ . * 




treated by factions in the cause of Athanasius, 334. The doxology, how 
introduced and how perverted, 354. The revenue of, transferred to the 
heathen priests, by Julian, 441. Edict of Theodosius, for the establish 
ment of the Catholic faith, iii. 80. The progressive steps of idolatry in 
the, 155. Persecution of the Catholics in Africa, 548. Pious frauds of 
the Catholic clergy, 555. How bewildered by the doctrine of the Incar 
nation, iv. 495, 498. Union of the Greek and Latin churches, 538. 
Schism of the Greek church, vi. 48. 

Cava, story of the Spanish Lady, v. 249, vide note M. 

Cedars of Libanus, iv. 554, vide note M., from Burckhardt s Travels, 554. 

Celestine, Pope, espouses the party of Cyril against Nestorius, and pro 
nounces the degradation of the latter from his episcopal dignity, iv. 506. 

Celtic language driven to the mountains by the Latin, i. 45, note, and 
note M. 

Censor, the office of, revived under the emperor Decius, i. 292. But with- 
^ out effect, 293. 

Ceos, the manufacture of silk first introduced to Europe from that island, 
iv. 66. 

Cerca, the principal queen of Attila, king of the Huns, her reception of 

Maximin, the Roman ambassador, iii. 410, note M. 
Cerinthus, his opinion of the twofold nature of Jesus Christ, iv. 494. Sfc 

John s aversion to, 494, note, and note M. 

47* 



558 GENERAL INDEX. 

Ceylon, ancient names given to that island, and the imperfect knowledge 
of, by the Romans, ii. 463, note, 463, note M. 

Chaboras, River, a tributary of the Euphrates, ii. 470. 

Chalcedon, the injudicious situation of this city stigmatized by proverbial 
contempt, ii. 89. A tribunal erected there by the emperor Julian, to try 
and punish the evil ministers of his predecessor Constantius, 398, 399. 
A stately church built there by Rufinus, the infamous minister of the 
emperor Theodosius, iii. 168. Is taken by Chosroes II., king of Persia, 
iv. 461. 

Chalcondyles, the Greek historian of the loth century, his description of 
Germany, France, and Britain, vi. 302, 303. His severe strictures on 
the domestic character of the English, 304. 

Chalons, battle of, between the Ramans and Attila, king of the Huns, iii 
440. 

Chamavians reduced and generously treated by Julian, ii. 240. 

Chancellor, the original and modern application of this word compared, i. 
394, note. 

Characters, national, the distinction of, how formed, iii. 3. 

Chariots of the Romans described, iii. 254, note. 

Charlemagne conquers the kingdom of .Lombardy, v. 27. His reception 
at Rome, 30. Eludes fulfilling the promises of Pepin and himself to the 
Roman pontiff, 33. His coronation at Rome by the pope Leo III., 43. 
His reign and character, 44, 45. Extent of his empire, 48, 49. His 
neighbors and enemies, 52. His successors, 53. His negotiations and 
treaty with the Eastern empire, 56. State of his family and dominions 
in the tenth century ^v. 372. 

Charles Martel. See Martel. 

Charles the Fat, emperor of the Romans, v. 54, 55. 

Charles of Anjou subdues Naples and Sicily, vi. 160. The Sicilian Ves 
pers, 164. His character as a senator of Rome, 422. 

Charles IV., emperor of Germany, his weakness and poverty, v. 71. His 
public ostentation, 72. Contrast between him and Augustus, 73. 

Charles V., emperor, parallel between him and Diocletian, i. 441 ; and 
between the sack of Rome by him, and that by Alaric the Goth, iii. 290. 

Chastity, its high esteem among the ancient Germans, i. 267 ; and the 
primitive Christians, 49. 

Chemistry, the art of, from whom derived, v. 305, note M. 305. 

Chersonesus, Thracian, how fortified by the emperor Justinian,. iii. 93. 
This city confounded with Chersonesus T auric a, ii. 170. 

Chersonites, the, assist Constantine the Great against the Gotfas, ii. 171, 
vide note M. Are cruelly persecuted by the Greek emperor Justinian. 
II., iv. 579. 

Chess, the object of the game of, by whom invented, ir. 217. Allusions 
to, v. 309, 325. 

Childeric, king of France, deposed under papal sanction, v. 28. 

Children, the exposing of, a prevailing vice of antiquity, iv. 344. 

Children, natural, how defined by the Roman laws. iv. 353,- vide note G. 

China, how distinguished in ancient history, i. 421, note. Great numbers 
of children annually exposed there-, 567, note. Its situation, iii. 14, note. 
The high antiquity of, claimed by its historians, 14. The great wall of, 
when erected, 17, note M. Was twice conquered by the Northern tribes, 
19. The Romans supplied with silk by the caravans from, iv. 68, 69. 
Turkish invasions of, 204. Is conquered by the Moguls, vi. 213, 220. 
Expulsion of the Moguls, 222. 

Chivalry, origin and character of, v. 562, 563. 

Chnodornar, prince of tbe Alemanni, taken prisoner by Julian at the bat 
tle of Strasburgh, ii. 238. 

Chosroes, king of Armenia, assassinated by the emissaries of Sapor, king 
of Persia, i. 315. 

, son of Tiridates, king of Armenia, his character, ii. 179. His 
tory of his son Diran, and of Shahpour, 180, note M. 



I1\ 7 DX:, 559 

C&osroes I., king -of Persia, iiu 360, notes M. Protects the last surviving 
philosophers of Athens, in his treaty with the emperor Justinian, 110. 
Review of his history, iv. 211, vide note M., 212, 213, note M. Sells a 
peace to Justinian, 21?. His invasion of Syria, 220.. His negotiations 
with Justinian, 237. m is prosperity, 23S. Battle of Me&eae, 429. His 
death, 430,, note M. 

II., king of Persia, is raised to the throne on the deposition of 

his father Hormouz, iv. 4-35, 43S. Is seduced to implore the assistance of 
the emperor Maurice, 438: His restoration and policy, 439, His letters 
to Sergiu.3, extant, 441, note M. Conquers Syria, 459. Palestine, 460. 
Egypt and Asia Minor, 460, 461. His reign and magnificence, 461. Re 
jects the Mahometan religion, 463. Imposes an ignominious peace on 
the emperor Heracliiis., 464, 465. His flight, deposition, -azid death, 481 f 
483 

Chozars, the horde of, sent by the Turks to the assistance of the emperor 
Heraclius. iv. 477. Authors wh0 describe them, 477, note M. 

Christ, the festival of his birth-, why fixed by the Romans at the winter 
solstice, ii. 383, note. Mahometan creed concerning, v. 108. 

Christians, primitive, the various sects into \vhich they branched out, i. 
520. Ascribed the Pagan idolatry to the agency of demons, 522. Be- 
,lieved the end of the world to be near at hand, 532. The miraculous 
powers ascribed to the primitive church, 539. Their faith stronger than. 
m modern times, 44. Their superior virtue and. austerity, 544. Re- 
nentanoe, a virtue in high esteem among them, 5*15. Their notions of 
snarriage and chastity, 549. They disclaim war and government, 551, 
552, notes G. and M. Were active, however, in the internal government 
of their own society, 553. Bishops, 556.. Synods, 558. Metropolitans 
and primates, 560. Bishop ef liame, 561. Church of Rome not founded 
-by St. Peter, 561, note M. Their probable proportion to the Pagan sub 
jects of the empire before the conversion of Constantino the Great, 583. 
Inquiry into their persecutions, ii. 1. Why more odious to the govern 
ing powers than the Jews, 6. Their religious meetings suspected, 10. 
Are persecuted by Nero, as the incendiaries of Rome, 17, 1-8, notes M. 
and G. Instructions of the emperor Trajan to Pliny the Younger for 
the regulation of his conduct .towards them, 28. Remained exposed to 
popular resentment on. public festivities, 28. Legal mode of proceeding 
against them, 29. The ardor with which they courted martyrdom, 39. 
When allowed to erect places for public worship, 4S. Their persecution 
iundep Dioeiet ian and his associates, 62. An edict of toleration for them, 
published by Galerius just before his death, 75. Sonic considerations 
necessary to be attended to in reading the sufferings of tlie martyrs, 79, 
Edict of Milan published by Constantino the Great, ii. 252. Political 
recommendations of the Christian morality to Constautine, 254. Theo 
ry and practice of passive obedience, 255. Their loyalty aad zeal, 258. 
The sacrament of baptism, how administered in early times, 271. Ex 
traordinary propagation of Christianity after it obtained the Imperial 
sanction, 273, 274. Becomes the established religion of the Roman, 
empire, 277. Spiritual and temporal powers distinguished, 277. Review 
of the episcopal order in the church, 279, 280. The ecclesiastical rev 
enue of each diocese, how divided, 284. Their legislative assemblies. 
290, 292. Edict of Constantino the Great against heretics, 295. Mys 
terious doctrine of the Trinity, 315 The doctrines of the Catholic 
church, how discriminated from the opinions of the Platonic school, 313, 
317. General character of the Christian sects, 363. Christian schools 
prohibited by the emperor Julian, 442. They are removed from all 
offices of trust, 444. Are obliged to reinstate the Pagan temples, 445. 
Their imprudent and irregular zeal against idolatry, 458. Distinction 
of, into vulgar and ascetic, iii. 520. Conversion of the barbarous na 
tions, 540. 

Christianity, inquiry into the progress and establishment of, i. 504, 505, notes 



560 



GENERAL INDEX. 



M. Religion and character of the Jews, 508, 509, notes G and M. The 
Jewish religion the basis of Christianity, 572. Is offered to all mankind 
The sects into which the Christians divided, 575. The theology 
of, reduced to a systematical form in the school of Alexandria, 577. In 
judicious conduct of its- early advocates, 5871? Its persecutions, ii. 1 
vide note. First, erection of churches, 49. The system of, found in Pla 
to s doctrine of the Logos, 300, notes G. and M., 301306. Salutary 
effects resulting from the conversion of the barbarous nations to, iii 540 
Its progress in the North of Europe, v. 437, 438. 

Chrysaphius the eunuch engages Edecon to assassinate his king Attila, 
iii. 416. Is put to death by the empress Pulcheria, 418. Causes of his 
execution, 418. note M. Assisted at the second council of Ephesus, iy. 
515. 

Chrysocheir, general of the revolted Paulicians, overruns and pillages Asia 
Minor, v. 393. His death, 394. 

Chrysoloras, Manuel, the Greek envoy, his character, vi. 332. His admi 
ration of Rome and Constantinople, 342. 

Chrysopolis, battle of, between Constantino the Great and Licinius, i. 501. 
Scutari or Chrysopolis, ii. 89. 

Chrysostom, St., his account of the pompous luxury of the emperor Ar 
eadius, iii. 22. Protects his fugitive patron the eunuch Eutropius, 334 
[istory of his promotion to the archiepiscopal see of Constantinople, 
339, 3-10. His character and administration, 341. His persecution, 343* 
His death, 347. His relics removed to Constantinople, 347. His en 
comium on the monastic life, 526, note. 

Churches, Christian, the first erection of, i. 49. Demolition of, under 
Diocletian, ii. 64. Splendor of, under Constantine the Great, 286. Seven, 
of Asia, the fate of, vi. 229. 

Cibalis, battle of, between Constantine the Great and Licinius, i. 490. 

Cicero, system of his Republic, i. 35, note M. His view of the phiiosoph 
ical opinions as to the immortality of the soul, i. 527. His encomium 
on the study of the law, iv. 308. 

Cimmerian darkness, the expression, whence derived, iii. 255, note. 

Circumcellions of Africa, Donatist schismatics, history of their revolt, ii. 
360. Their religious suicides, 362. Persecution of, by the emperor 
Honorius, iii. 373. 

Circumcision of both sxes, a physical custom in ^Ethiopia, unconnected 
with religion, iv. 565. 

Cireus, Roman, the four factions in, described, iv. 56. Constantinople, 
and the Eastern empire, distracted by these factions, 57. 

Cities in the Roman empire enumerated, i. 60. Commercial, of Italy, 
rise and government of, v. 65, 66. 

Citizens of Rome, motive of CaraeaBa for extending the privileges of, to 
all the free inhabitants of the empire, i. 185. Political tendency of 
this grant, 195. 

City, the birth of a new one, how celebrated by the Romans, ii. 95, mdt 
note. 

Civilians of Rome, origin of the profession, and the three periods iii the 
history of, iv. 320, note W. 

Civilis, the Batarian, his successful revolt against the Romans, i. 274. 

Claudian the poet, and panegyrist of Stilicho, his works supply the de 
ficiencies of history, iii. 173. Celebrates the murder of Rufinus, 178. 
His offices and wealth, 237- His indifference as to religion, 238, note M. 
His death and character, 239. His character of the eunuch Eutropius 

\O/J 

oZf>. 

Claudius, emperor, chosen by the Prcetorian guards, without the concur 
rence of the senate, i, 88. 

, emperor, successor to GaDienus, Ms character and elevation to 

the throne, i. 332. 

Oleander, minister of the emperor Commodus, his history, i. 408. 



GENERAL INDEX. 561 

Clemens, Flavins, and his wife Domitilla, why distinguished as Christian 
martyrs, ii. 25, note M. 

Clement III., pope, and the emperor Henry III., mutually confirm each 
other s sovereign characters, v. 478. 

V., pope, transfers the holy see from Ro,me to Avignon, vi. 357. 

Clergy, when first distinguished from the laity, i. 562, ii. 277. The ranks 
and numbers of, how multiplied, 282, 284. Exempted from municipal 
offices and personal taxes, 283, vide note G Their property, 284, 285. 
Their offences only cognizable by their own order, 287, 288. Valentin- 
ian s edict to restrain tne avarice of, 549. 

Clodion, the first of the Merovingian race of kings of the Franks in Gaul, 
his reign, iii. 429, 430, note M. 

Clodius Albinus, governor of Britain, his steady fidelity during the revo 
lutions at Home, i. 130. Declares himself against Julianus, 131. 

Clotilda, niece of the king of Burgundy, is married to Clbvis, king of the 
Franks, and converts her Pagan husband, iii. 574. Exhorts her husband 
to the Gothic war, 581, 582. 

Clovis, king of the Franks, his descent, and reign, iii. 568. 

Cluverius, his account of the objects of adoration among the ancient Ger 
mans, i. 269, note, note G. 270. 

Cochineal, importance of the discovery of, in the art of dyeing, iv. 66, 
note. 

Code of Justinian, how formed, iv. 192. New edition of, 331. 

Codicils, how far admitted by the Roman law respecting testaments, iv. 
324, 364. 

Coenobites, in monkish history, described, iii. 537. 

Coinage, how regulated by the Roman emperors, vi. 342, note M. 

of Arabia, v. 277, note M. 

Colchos, the modern Mingrelia, described, iv. 225. Manners of the na 
tives, 227. Revolt of, from the Romans to the Persians, and repentance, 
231, 232. Colchian war, in consequence, 235. 

Coliseum, of the emperor Titus, observations on, i. 397, vi. 533, note M. 
Exhibition of a bull-feast in, 534. 

Collyridian heretics, an account of, v. 105. 

Colonies, Roman, how planted, i. 43. 

Colonna, history of the Roman family of, vi. 461. 

Colossus of Rhodes, some account of, v. 219. 

Columns of Hercules, their situation, i. 31. 

Comana, the rich temple of, suppressed, and the revenues confiscated, by 
the emperors of the East, ii. 136. 

Combat, judicial, origin of, in the Salic laws, iii. 596. The laws of, ac 
cording to the assise of Jerusalem, v. 602. Apology for the practice of, 
vi. 148, note. 

Comets, account of those which appeared in the reign of Justinian, iv. 
289. Authors who record their return, note M. 291. 

Commentiolus, his disgraceful warfare against the Avars, iv. 447. 

Commodus, emperor, his education, character, and reign, i. 102. Epigram 
on, 112, noteM. His death, 115, note W. 

Conmeni, origin of the family of, iv. 613. Its extinction, vi. 413. 

Conception, immaculate, of the Virgin Mary, the "doctrine ef, from whence 
derived, v. 105. 

Concubine, according to the Roman civil law, explained, iv. 532. 

Conflagration, general, ideas of the primitive Christians concerning, i. 
537, note. 

Conquest, the vanity of, not so justifiable as the desire of spoil, ii. 566. 
Is rather achieved by art than personal valor, iii. 389. 

Conrad III., emperor, engages in the second crusade, vi. 4. His disas 
trous expedition, 5, 9, note M. 

of Montf errat defends Tyre against Saladin. vi. 28. Is assas 
sinated, 32. 



562 GENERAL INDEX. 

Constance, treaty of, v. 67. 

Constans, the third son of Constantino the Great, is sent to govern tne 
western provinces of the empire, ii. 165. Division of the empire among 
him and his brothers, on the death of their father, 177. Is invaded by 
his brother Constantine, 186. Is killed, on the usurpation of Magnen- 
tius, 188. Espoused the cause of Athanasius against his brother Con- 
stantius, 339. 

II., emperor of Constantinople, iv. 375, notes JVI. 

Constantia, princess, granddaughter of Constantine the Great, is carried 
by her mother to the camp of the usurper Procopius, ii. 533. Narrowly 
escapes falling into the hands of the Quadi, 588. Marries the emperor 
Gratian, 591, note. 

Constantina, daughter of Constantine the Great, and widow of Hanniba- 
lianus. places the diaderu on the head of the general Yetranio, ii. 189. 
Is married to Gallus, 204. Her character, 205. Dies, 208.- 

, widow of the Eastern emperor Maurice, the cruel .fate of, 

and her daughters, iv. 454. 

Gonstantine the Great, the several opinions as to the place of his birth, i. 
454. His history, 455. He is saluted emperor by the British legions 
on the death of his father, 457. Marries Fausta, the daughter of Max- 
imian, 463. Puts Maximian to death, 469. General review of his ad 
ministration in Gaul, 471. Undertakes to deliver Rome from the tyranny 
of Maxentius, 474. Defeats Maxentius and enters Rome, 480. His 
alliance with Licinius, 485. Defeats Licinius, 492. Peace concluded 
with Licinius, 492. His laws, 493. Chastises the Goths. 497. Second 
civil war with Licinius, 497. Motives which induced him to make By 
zantium the capital of his empire, ii. 86. Declares his determinatien to 
spring from divine command, 94. Despoils other cities of their orna 
ments to decorate his new capital, 98. Ceremony of dedicating his new 
city, 106. Form of eivil and military administration established there, 
106. Separates the civil from the military administration, 125. Cor 
rupted military discipline, 128. His character, 153. Account of his 
family, 156. His jealousy of his son Crispus, 158. Mysterious deaths 
of Crispus and Licinius, 160. His repentance, and acts of atonement 
inquired into, 161. His sons and nephews, 163. Sends them to super 
intend the several provinces of the empire, 165. Assists the Sanhatians, 
and provokes the Goths, 166, 167. Reduces the Goths to peace, 170. 
His death, 173. His conversion to Christianity, attempt to ascertain 
the date of, 248. His Pagan superstition, 250. Protects the Christians 
of Gaul, 251. Publishes the edict of Milan, 252. Motives which rec 
ommended the Christians to his favor, 254. Exhorts his subjects to 
embrace the Christian profession, 257. His famous standard the Laba- 
rum described, 259, 260. His celebrated vision previous to his battle 
with Maxentius, 262. Story of the miraculous cross in the air, 265, 266, 
note M. His conversion accounted for, from natural and probable causes, 
267. Occasion of his conversion, 267, note M. His theological dis 
courses, 270. His devotion and privileges, 270. The delay of his baptism 
accounted for, 271. Is commemorated as a saint by the Greeks, 273. 
His edict against heretics, 295. Favors the cause of Ceecilian against 
Donatus, 298. His sensible letter to the bishop of Alexandria, 325. 
How prevailed on to ratify the Nicene creed, 326. His levity in religion, 
328. Granted a toleration to his Pagan subjects, 364. His reform of 
Pagan abuses, 364. Was associated with Heathen deities after his 
death, by a decree of the senate, 367. His discovery of the holy sepul 
chre, 433. Builds a magnificent church on the spot, 433. Publication 
of his fictitious donation to the bishops of Rome, v_ 34. Interdiction of 
marriage with strangers, ascribed to him, 359. Exceptions, 360. 

Constantine II., the son of Constantine the Great, is sent to preside orer 
Gaul, ii. 165. Division of the empire among him and his brothers, on 



GENERAI, INDEX. 563 

the death of their father, 177. Invades his brother Cons tans, 186, and is 
killed, 188. 

Constantine III., emperor of Constantinople, iv. 572. 

IV., Pogonatus, emperor of Constantinople, iv. 575. 

V. Copronymus, emperor of Constantinople, iv. 583. Singu 
lar and tragic history of his five sons, 585, note M. Revolt of Arta- 
vasdes, and troubles on account of image worship, v. 12. Abolishes the 
monkish order, 13, 

. . VI., emperor of Constantinople, iv. 586. 

VII. Porphyrogenitus, emperor of Constantinople, iv. 602, 

His cautions against revealing the secret of the Greek fire, v. 284. Ac 
count of his works, 336, their imperfections peinted out, 338. Account 
of the ceremonies of the Byzantine court, 356. Justifies the marriage 
of his son with the princess Bertha of France, 360. 

VIIL, emperor ef Constantinople, iv. 603. 

. IX., emperor of Constantinople, iv. 609, 610. 

X. Mouoniachus, emperor of Constantinople, iv. 612. 

. XI. Ducas, emperor of Constantinople, iv. 615. 

Palaeologus, the last of the Greek emperors, his reign, vL 



365. His death, 402. His obsequies, 469. 

Sylvanus, founder of the Paulieians, v. 389. His death, 390. 

-, a private soldier in Britain, elected emperor for the sake of 

* 11 OO T-T^ *>n.-] *i ,-kj-k--. f"i.- 1.1 1 >i T* A ft .\o 4 * 007 MOO T-J ic vo^ 1.1 rf"i r\rk 



his name, iii. 226. He reduces Gaul and Spain, 227, 302. His reductioa 
and death, 302. 

, general under Belisarius in Italy, has death, Iv. 174, 



Constantinople, its situation described, with the motives which induced 
Constantine the Great to make this city the capital of his empire, ii. 87, 
88. Its local advantages, 93. Its extent, 96. Progress of the work, 97. 
Principal edifices, 99. How furnished with inhabitants, 101. Privileges 
granted to it, 103. Its dedication, 106. Review of the new form of 
civil and military administration established there, 106. Is allotted to 
Constantine, the eldest son of Constantine the Great, in the division of 
the empire, 176. Violent contests there between the rival bishops, Paul 
and Macedonius, 357- Bloody engagement between the Athanasians 
,nd Arians on the removal of the body of Constantine, 557. Triumphant 
pntry of the emperor Julian, ii. 392, The senate of, allowed the same 
powers and honors as that at Rome, 404. Arrival of Valens, as emperor 
of the East, 530. Revolt of Procopius, 530. Continued the principal 
seat of the Arian heresy during the reigns of Constantius and Valens, 
iii. 82. Is purged from Arianism by the emperor Theodosius, 86. Coun 
cil of, 88. Is enriched by the bodies of saints and martyrs, 156. In 
surrection against Gainas and his Arian Goths, 337. Persecution of the 
archbishop, St. Chrysostom, 343. Popular tumults on his account, 344. 
Earthquake there, 346. The city and Eastern empire distracted by the 
factions of the Circus, 56, 57- Foundation of the church of St. Sophia, 
iv. 85. Other churches erected there by Justinian,. 89. Triumph of 
Belisarius over the Vandals, 133, 137. State of the armies under the 
emperor Maurice, 448. The armies and city revolt against him, 450, 
Deliverance of the city from the Persians and Avars, 474. Religious 
war about the Trisagion, 524. Prospectus of the remaining history of 
the Eastern empire, 567. Summary review of the five dynasties of the 
Greek empire, 635. Tumults in the city to oppose the destruction of 
images, v. 12. Abolition of the monkish order by Constantine, 13, 14. 
First siege of, by the Saracens, 273. Second siege by the Saracens, 
278. Review of the provinces of the Greek empire in the tenth century, 
336. Riches of the city of Constantinople, 348. The Imperial palace 
of, 350. Officers of state, 354. Military character of the Greeks, 367- 
The name and character of Romans supported to the last, 377. Decline 
and revival of literature, 378. The city menaced by the Turks, 418. 
Account of the Varangians, 423. Naval expeditions of the Russians 



564 



GENERAL INDEX., 



against the city, 427. Origin of the separation of the Greek and Latin 
churches, vi. 48. Massacre of the Latins, 55. Invasion of the Greek 
empire, and conquest of the ci>y by the crusaders, 71, 77. The city 
taken, and Isaac Angelas restored, 80. Part of the city burnt by the 
Latins, 83. Second siege of the city by the Latins, 85. is pillaged, 88. 
Account of the statues destroyed, 93. Partition of the Greek empire by 
the French and Venetians, 97. The Greeks rise against their Latin con 
querors, 107. The city retaken by the Greeks, 12-5, 128, note M. The 
suburb of Galata assigned to the Genoese, 195. Hostilities between the 
Genoese and the emperor, 198. How the city escaped the Moguls, 223, 
Is besieged by the sultan Amurath II., 284. Is compared with Rome, 
342. Is besieged by Mahomet II., sultan of the Turks, 38-1, 387. la 
stormed and taken, 402. Becomes the capital of the Turkish empire, 

Constantius Chlorus, governor of Dalmatia, was intended to be adopted 
by the emperor Gurus, in the room of his vicious son Carinus, i. 394. Is 
associated with Caesar by Diocletiaii in his administration, 406. Assumes 
the title of Augustus on the abdication of Diocletian, 451. His death, 
451. Granted a toleration to the Christians, ii. 165. 

; , the second son of Constantine the Great, ii. 163. His educa 
tion, 164. Is sent to govern the Eastern provinces of the empire, 16G. 
Seizes Constantinople on the death of his father, 174. Conspires the 
death of his kinsmen, 175. Division of the empire among him and his 
brothers, 176, Restores Chosroes, king of Armenia, 180, tiote M. Battle 
of Singara with Sapor, king of Persia, 182. Rejects the oilers of Mag- 
nentius and Vetranio, on the plea of a vision, 191. His oration to the 
Illyrian troops at the interview with Vetranio, 191. . Defeats Mag- 
nentius at the battle of Mursa, 194. His councils governed by eunuchs, 
201. Education of his cousins Gallus and Julian, 203. Disgrace and 
death of Gallus, 207, 208. Sends for Julian to court, 213. Invests him 
with the title of Caes;tr, 214. Visits Rome, 216. Presents an obelisk to 
that city, 218, 219, note M. The Quadian and Sarmatian wars, 220. His 
Persian negotiation, 222. Mismanagement of affairs in the East, 230. 
Favors the Arians, 328. His religions character by Ammianus the his 
torian, 330. His restless endeavors to establish a uniformity of Chris 
tian doctrine, 331. Persecutes Athanasius, 332. Is intimidated by his 
brother Constans, and invites Athanasius back, 340. His severe treat 
ment of those bishops Avho refused to concur in deposing Athanasius, 
34-5. His scrupulous orthodoxy, 346. His cautious conduct in expelling 
Athanasins from Alexandria, 346. His strenuous efforts to seize his 
person, 350, Is constrained to restore Liberius, bishop of Rome, 356. 
Supports Macedonius, bishop of Constantinople, and countenances his 
persecutions of the Catholics and Novatians. 357 359. His conduct 
towards his Pagan subjects, 365. Envies the fame of Julian, 370, note 
M. _ Recalls the legions from Gaul, $72. Negotiations between him and 
Julian, 381. His preparations to oppose Julian, 389. His death and 
character, 391. 

-, a general, relieves the British emperor Constantine when 



besieged in Aries, iii. 304. His character and victories, 304. His mar 
riage with Placidia, and death, 363. 

secretary to Attila, king of the Huns, his matrimonial nego 



tiation at the court of Constantinople, iii. 405 416. 

Consul, the omce of, explained, i. 79. Alterations this office underwent 
under the emperors, and when Constantinople became the scat of em 
pire, ii. 110. The office of, suppressed by the emperor Justinian, iv. 110. 
Is now sunk to a commercial agent, vi. 436. 

Contracts, the Roman laws respecting, iv. 366, 367, note W. 

Copts of Egypt, brief history of, iv. 557, vide note M. 

Corinth, reviving as a Roman colony, celebrates the Isthmian games, under 
the emperor Julian, ii. 404. The isthmus of, fortified by the emperoi 
Justinian, iv. 93. 



GENERAL INDEX. 565 



Cornificia, or Fadilla, manner of her death related, i. 158, note M. 

Cornwall, reduction of, by the Saxons, iii. 621. 

Coronary Gold, nature of those offerings to the Roman emperors, ii. 150, 
151, note G. 

Corsica, island of, i. 32, note M. 

Corviuus Matthias, king of Hungary, his character, vi. 359. 

Cosmas Indicopleustes, account of his Christian topography, iv. 73, note, 
544, note. 

Cosmo of Medicis, his character, vi. 254. 

Councils and Synods, i. 558; of Antioch, ii. 333; Aries, 343, 344; Basil, 
vi. 309 ; Ceesarea, ii. 335 ; Carthage, iii. 55 1-, iv. 133; Chalcedon, iii. 344, 
iv. 517; Clermont, v. 580; Constance, vi. 305, 3J9, 502; Constantinople, 
ii. 88, iv. 533, 536, v. 10, vi. 52; Epkesus, iv. 507, 515; Ferrara, vi. 31G; 
Florence, vi. 317; Frankfort, v. 39; Lyons, iii. 578, vi. 120, 158; Milan, 
ii. 343; Nice, ii. 317; Pisa, vi. 309, 501 ; Placentia, v. 539; llimini, ii. 
324; Sardica, ii. 339, 344; Toledo, iii. 564, 614; Tyre, ii. 335, 343. 

Count, great difference between the ancient and modern application of this 
title, ii. 125. By whom first invented, 125. Of the sacred largesses, un 
der Constantine the Great, his office, 135. Of the domestics in the 
Eastern empire, his office, 137. 

Coupele, rock of, and the Cow s Mouth, or issue of the Ganges, vi. 257, 
vide note M. 

Courtenay, history of the family of, vi. 132. 

Crescentius,~ consul of Home, Ins vicissitudes, and disgraceful death, v. 63. 
Medal of, 64, note M. 

Crete, the isle of, i. 32. Subdued by the Saracens, v. 311. Is recovered 
by Nicephorus Phocas, 330. Is purchased by the Venetians, vi. 101. 

Crimes, how distinguished by the penal laws of the Romans, iv. 376. 

Crispus, son of Constantine the Great, is declared Caesar, i. 492. Distin 
guishes his valor against the Franks and Alemanni, 495. Forces the 
passage of the Hellespont, and defeats the fleet of Licinius, 500. His 
character, ii. 158. His mysterious death, 161. 

, the patrician, marries the daughter of Phocas, and contributes to 

depose him, iv. 455. Is obliged to turn monk, 457. 

Croatia, account of the kingdom of, v. 407. 

Cross, the different sentiments entertained of this instrument of punish 
ment, by the Pagan and Christian Romans, ii. 260. The famous stan 
dard of, in the army of Constantine. the Great, described, 261. His visions 
of, 262, note M., 265. The holy sepulchre and cross of Christ discovered, 
433, note M. The cross of Christ undiminished by distribution to pil 
jrims, 434. Calvary, question as to its having been a hill, 435, note M. 

-vown of thorns, ii. 434. Its transfer from Constantinople to Paris, vi. 122. 

Jrowns, mural and obsidional, the distinction between, ii. 486, note. 

Jrusade, the first resolved on at the council of Clermont, v. 543. Histo 
ries and documents relating to, 544, note, and note M. Inquiry into the 
justice of the holy war, 544. Examination into the private motives of 
the crusaders, 551. Departure of the crusaders, 552. Account of the 
chiefs, 556. Their march to Constantinople, 565. Review of their num 
bers, 573. __ They take Nice, 575. Battle of Dorylceurn, 577- They take 
Antioch, 583. Their distresses, 583. Are revived by the discovery of 
,Le Holy Lance, 586. Siege and conquest of Jerusalem, 591. Godfrey 
of Bouillon chosen king of Jerusalem, but prefers the. title of Defender 
of the Holy Sepulchre, 495. The second crusade, vi. 4. The crusaders 
ill treated by the Greek emperors, 7. The third crusade-, 28. Siege of 
Acre, 30. Fourth and fifth crusades. 37. Sixth crusade, 40. Seventh 
crusade, 44. Recapitulation of the fourth crusade, 59, 60. Treaty with 
the Venetians, 65. General consequences of the crusades, 127. 

Utesiphon, the city of, plundered by the Romans, i. 241. Its situation 
described, ii. 487. Julian declines the siege of it, 491, note M. lai 
sacked by the Saracens, v. 180. 

VOL. VI. 48 



666 GENERAL INDEX. 

* 

Cublai, emperor of China, his character, vi. 222. 

Cunimund, his quarrel with Alboin the Lombard, iv. 390. Is slain in bat 
tle, 392.- His skull used as a cup for wine, 397. 

Curdistan, the ancient territory of Carduene, visited, i. 430, note M. 

Curopalata, the. his office under the Greek emperors, v. 354. 

Customs, duties of, imposed by Augustus, i. 190, note "VV. 

Cycle of Indictions, i. 479, note. The origin of, traced, and how now em 
ployed, ii. 141, note G. 

Cyprian, bishop of Carthage, his history and martyrdom, ii. 34, 38. 

Cyprus, the kingdom of, bestowed on the house of Lusignan, by Richard 
I. of England, vi. 57. 

Cyrene, the coast of, i. 30, note M. The Greek colonies there finally extermi 
nated by Chosroes II., king of Persia, iv. 460. Frequently confounded 
with Cairoon, an Arabian city, v. 243. 

Cyriades, an obscure fugitive, is set up, by Sapor, the Persian monarch, as 
emperor of Rome, i. 316. 

Cyril, bishop of Jerusalem, his pompous relation of a miraculous appear 
ance of a celestial cross, ii. 329. His ambiguous character, 435. 

, patriarch of* Alexandria, his life and character, iv. 499. Condemns 

the heresy of Nestorius, 506. Procures the decision of the council of 
Ephesus against Nestorius, 507. His court intrigues, 512. 

Cyzicus, the city of, escapes for a time destruction from the Goths, i. 310. 
Is at length ruined by them, 311. Is seized by the usurper Procopius, 
ii. 533. 

D. 

Dacia, conquest of, by the emperor Trajan, i. 6. Its situation, 26. .Is over 
run by the Goths, 286. Is resigned to them by Aurelian, 341. 
Dsemons, supposed by the primitive Christians to be the authors, patrons, 

and objects of idolatry, i. 522. 
Dagisteus, general of the emperor Justinian, besieges Petra, iv. 234. 

Commands the Huns in Italy under Narses, 269. 
Daimbert, archbishop, of Pisa, installed patriarch of Jerusalem, v, 596, 

note M. 

Dalmatia described, i. 25. Produce of a silver mine there, 188, note. 
Dalmatius, nephew of Constantine the Great, is created Caesar, ii. 164. Is 

sent to govern the Gothic frontier, 165. Is cruelly destroyed by Con- 

stantius, 175. 

and Eutyches, the monks, iv. 511. 

Damascus, siege of, by the Saracens, v. 192. The city reduced both by 

storm and by treaty, 196, 197. Remarks on Hughes s tragedy of this 

siege, 200, note. Taken and destroyed by Tamerlane, vi. 262. 
Damasus, bishop of Rome, edict of Valentinian addressed to him, to re 

strain the crafty avarice of the Roman clergy, ii. 549. His sanguinary 

contest with Ursinus for the episcopal dignity, 552. 
Dames, the Arab, his gallant enterprise against the castle of Ale*ppo, v. 

ZLO. 

Damietta, siege of, vi. 37. Taken by Louis IX. of France, 42. 
Damophilus, archbishop of Constantinople, resigns his see, rather than 

subscribe the Nicene creed, iii. 386. 
Dandolo, Henry, doge of Venice, his character, vi. 65. Is made despot 

of Romania, 100. Misapprehension respecting, 109, note M. 
Daniel, first bishop of Winchester, his instructions to St. Boniface, for the 

conversion of infidels, iii. 544. 
Danielis, a Grecian matron, her presents to the emperor Basil, v. 345. 

Her visit to him at Constantinople, 352. Her testament, 352. 
Danube, course of the river, and the provinces of, described, i. 24. 
Daphne, the sacred grove and temple of, near Antioch, described, ii. 447. 

Is converted to Christian purposes by Gallus, and restored to the Pagans 

by Julian, 449, 450. The temple burned, 450. 



GENERAL INDEX. 567 

Dara, the fortification of, by Justinian, described, iii. 101, 102, note M. The 
demolition of, by the Persians, prevented by peace, iv. 218. Is taken by 
Chosroes, king of Persia, iv. 429. 

Darius, his scheme for connecting the continents of Europe and Asia ii 
89. 

Darkness, preternatural, at the time of the passion, is unnoticed by the 

heathen philosophers and historians, i. 589. 
Dastagerd, the Persian, royal seat of, plundered by the emperor Heraclius, 

iv. 480, note M. 
Datianus, governor of Spain, yields ready obedience to the Imperial edicts 

against the Christians, ii. 71. 
Datius, bishop of Milan, instigates the revolt of the Ligurians to Justin 

ian, iv. 171. Escapes to Constantinople on the taking of Milan bv the 

Burgundians, 176, 177. 
Debtors, insolvent, cruel punishment of, by the law of the Twelve Tables, 



iv. 



Decemvirs, review of their Twelve Tables of the Roman Laws, iv. 203, notes 

M. and W. These laws superseded by the Perpetual Edict, 312 note W. 

Severity of these laws, 370. 
Decius, his exaltation to the empire, i, 280. His defeat by the Goths, and 

death in battle, 293. 
Decurions, in the Roman empire, are severely treated by the Imperial laws, 

ii. 142. Their office compulsory and ruinous, 142, notes G. and M. 
Deification of the Roman emperors, how this species of idolatry was in 

troduced, i. 84, 85. The Egyptians and Greeks practised it, 84, 85, 

note M. 
Delators are encouraged by the emperor Commodus, to gratify his hatred 

of the senate, i. 105. Are suppressed by Pertinax, 120. 
Delphi, the sacred ornaments of the temple of, removed to Constantinople 

by Constantine the Great, ii. 100, note. 
Democracy, a form of government unfavorable to freedom in a large state, 

i. 40. 

Demosthenes, governor of C3esarea, his gallant defence against, and heroic 

escape from, Sapor, king of Persia, i. 317. 
Deogratias, bishop of Carthage, humanely succors the captives brought 

from Rome by Genseric, king of the Vandals, iii. 465. 
Derar, the Saracen, his character, v. 195. The sister of, 208. 
Desiderius, the last king of the Lombards, conquered by Charlemagne, 

v. 27. 

Despot, nature of that title in the Greek empire, v. 354. 
Despotism originates in superstition, i. 264, note. 
Diadem assumed by Diocletian, described, i. 437. 

Diamonds, the art of cutting them unknown to the ancients, i. 190, note. 
Didius Julianus purchases the Imperial dignity at a public auction, i. 



Dioceses of the Roman empire, their number and government, ii. 119. 

Diocletian, the manner of his military election to the empire, i. 400. His 
birth and character, 402, 403. Takes Maximian -for his colleague, 404, 
Associates, as Csesars, Galerius and Constantius Chlorus, 406. His 
triumph in conjunction with Maximian, 431. Fixes his court at the city 
of Nicodemia, 433. His diadem and robes described, 437. Edict of, 
from an inscription found at Stratoniceia by Col. Leake, 440, note M. 
Abdicates the empire, 441. Parallel between him and the emperor 
Charles V., 442. Passes his life in retirement at Salona, 444. His im 
partial behavior toward the Christians, ii. 56. Causes that produced the 
persecution of the Christians under his reign, 58. Cruel edicts of, 69, 
note G. 

Dion Cassius, the historian, i. 107, notes M. and G. Screened from the 
fury of the soldiers, by the emperor Alexander Severus, 181. His retire 
ment, 181, note W. 



568 GENERAL INDEX. 

Dioscorus, patriarch of Alexandria, his outrageous behavior at the second 
council of Ephcsus, iv. 516. Is deposed by the council of Chalcedon, 
518. 

Disabul, great khan of the Turks, his reception of the ambassadors of 
Justinian, iv. 207, 208. 

Divorce, the liberty and abuse of, by the Roman laws, iv. 348. Limitations 
of, 319. 

Docetes, their peculiar tenets, ii. 307, 308, notes G., iv. 492 ; 493, Deriva 
tion of their name, ii. 308, note. 

Dodona, oracle of Jove at, iv. 265, note M. 

Dominic, St. Loricatus, his fortitude in flagellation, v. 548. 

Dominus, when this epithet was applied to the lloman emperors, i. 436. 

Domitian, emperor, oppresses the Jews, ii. 23. His treatment of his kins 
man Flavius Sabinus, and Flavius Clemens, 24. Assassination of, 25. 

, the Oriental prcefect, is sent by the emperor Constantius to re 
form the state of the East, then oppressed by Gallus, ii. 206. Is put to 
death there, 207. 

Donatus, his contest with Cascilian for the see of Carthage, ii. 247. His 
tory of the schism of the Donatists, 298, 360. Persecution of the Don- 
atists by the emperor lionorius, iii. 372. Genseric protects, and enlists 
them, 373. 

Dorylaeum, battle of, between Kilidge Arslan, son of Sultan Soliman, and 
the first crusaders, v. 577- 

Doxologv, how introduced into the church service, and how perverted, ii 
354. 

Dramatic representations at Rome, character of, iii. 264. 

Dreams, the popular opinion of the preternatural origin of, favorable tc 
that of Constantine previous to his battle with Maxentius, ii. 263 265, 
notes M. 

Dromedary, the, extraordinary speed of, i. 356, note. 

Dromones of the Greek empire, described, v. 365. 

Druids, their power in Gaul suppressed by the emperors Tiberius and 
Claudius, i. 38. 

Druses of Mount Libanus, a character of, v. 532, note. Recent light 
thrown on their superstition, 532, note M. 

Duke, derivation of that title, and great change in the modern, from the 
ancient, application of it, ii.-l.25. 

Durazzo, siege of, by Robert Guiscard, v. 468. Battle of, between him and 
the Greek emperor Alexius, 470. 

E. 

Earthquake, an extraordinary one over great part of the Roman empire, 
iii. 1. At Constantinople, 396. Account of those that happened in the 
reign of Justinian, iv. 291. 

East India, the Roman commercial intercourse with that region, i. 69, 
note M. Commodities o f, taxed by Alexander Severus, 191. 

Ebicmites, account of that sect, i. 516. A confutation of their errors;, sup 
posed, by the primitive fathers, to be a particular object in the writings 
of St. John the Evangelist, ii. 307. Their ideas of the person of Jesus 
Christ, iv. 488, note M. 

Ecclesiastes, the book of, why not likely to be the production of King Sol 
omon, iv. 139, note. Attempt to determine its date, 139, note M. 

Ecclesiastical and civil powers distinguished by the fathers of the Christian 
church, ii. 277, 278. 

Ecdicius, son of the emperor Avitus, his gallant conduct, iii. 499. 

Ecthesis of the emperor Heraclius, iv. 536. 

Edda, the, at length accessible to scholars, i. 283. note M. Of Iceland, the 
system of mythology in the, 283. 



GENERAL INDEX. 569 

Edecon is sent from Attila, king of the Huns, as his ambassador to the 
emperor Theodosius the Younger, iii. 406. Engages in a proposal to 
assassinate Attila. 416. His son Odoacer the first Barbarian king of Italy, 
510. 

Edessa, the purest dialect of the Syriac language spoken there, i. 242, note. 
The property of the Christians there, confiscated by the emperor Julian, 
for the disorderly conduct of the Arians, ii. 454. Revolt ot the Roman 
troops there, iv. 499. Account of the school of, 541. History of the 
famous image there, v. 6. The city and principality of, seized by" Bald 
win the crusader, 580. Is retaken by Zenghi, vi. 16. The counts of, 133. 

Edict of Milan published by Constantine the Great, ii, 252. 

Edicts of the praetors of Rome under the republic, their nature and ten 
dency, iv. 310, vide notes M. and W. Perpetual edict of Hadrian, 31*5, 
313, notes W. and M. 

Edom, why that name was applied to the Roman empire by the Jews, ii. 6, 
note, also note M. 

Edrisites, the Saracen dynasty of, v. 326. 

Edward I. of England, his crusade to the Holy Land, vi. 45. His suc 
cesses, and the story of his wound, 45, notes M. 

Egidius, his character, and revolt in Gaul, iii. 485. His son Syagrius, 570. 

Egypt, general description of, i. 30. The superstitions of, with difficulty 
tolerated at Rome, 39. Amount of its revenues, 187. Tumults and 
civil war in Alexandria, 327, note M. Public works executed there by 
Probvis, 386. Conduct of Diocletian there, 416. Progress of Chris 
tianity there, 578. Edict of the emperor Valens to restrain the number 
of recluse monks there, ii. 547. The worship of Serapis, how introduced 
there, iii. 143. His temple, and the Alexandrian library destroyed by 
the bishop Theophilus, 145, 146. Origin of monkish institutions in, 521. 
Great supplies of wheat furnished by, for the city of Constantinople in 
the time of Justinian, 64. Early civilization of, and antiquities, 64, 
7?ofcM. Ecclesiastical history of, iv. 556. Reduced by the Saracens, v. 
221. Capture of Alexandria, 226. Administration of, 231. Description 
of, by Amrou, 233. The Egyptians take Jerusalem from the Turks, 589. 
Egypt conquered by the Turks, vi. 17, 22. Government of the Main- 
alukes there, 44. 

Elagabalus is declared emperor by the troops at Emesa, i. 167- Was the 
first Rcanan who wore garments of pure silk, iv. 67. 

Elephants, inquiry into the number of, brought into the field by the*an- 
cient princes of the East, i. 244, note. With what view introduced in 
the Circus at Rome in the first Punic war, 396. 

Eleusinian mysteries, why tolerated by the emperor Valentinian, ii. 544. 

Elizabeth, queen of England, the political use she made of the national 
pulpits, ii. 292, note. 

Emigration of the ancient northern nations, the nature and motives of, 
examined, i. 263. 

Emperors of Rome, a review of their constitutions, iv. 313. Their legis 
lative power, 315. Their rescripts, 316. Of Germany, their limited 
powers, v. 68. Of Constantinople, their pomp and luxury, 350. Officers 
of the palace, state, and army, 354. Adoration of the emperor, mode 
of, 356. Their public appearance, 358. Their despotic power, 363. 
Their navy, 364. They retain the name of Romans to the last, 377. 

Empire, Roman, division of, into the East and West empires by Valen 
tinian, ii. 529. Extinction of the Western empire, 510. 

Encampment, Rpmari, described, i. 18. 

Ennodiu*, the servile flatterer of Theodoric, the Ostrogoth king of Italy, 
is made bishop of Pavia, iv. 12, note. 

Epagathus, leader of the mutinous praetorians who murdered their prae- 
fect Ulpian, punished by the emperor Alexander Severus, i. 182. 

Ephesus, the famous temple of Dkina at, destroyed by the Goths, i. 313. 
Council of, iv. 507. Episcopal riots there, 509. 
48* 



570 GENERAL INDEX. 

Epicurus, his legacy to his philosophical disciples at Athens, iii. 106. 

Epirus, despots of, on the dismemberment of the Greek empire, vi. 106. 

Equitius, master-general of the Illyrian frontier, is defeated by the Sar- 
matians, ii. 589. 

Erasmus, his merit as a reformer, v. 402. 

Errors, some which occur in " The Decline and Fall of the Roman Em 
pire," detected by the Rev. H. II. Milman, M. Guizot, and M. Wenck : 
vide Editor s Preface, vol. i. p. ix. 

Antoninus Pius, adoption of Marcus Aurelius by, explained, i. 93, W. 
Arabs, argument against the realization of their promised inde 
pendence considered, iv. 427, M. Armenia, oversight respecting 
the Christianizing of, ii. 275, M. Baltic Sea, its gradual sinking 
refuted, i. 252, 253, notes. Artaxerxes unjustly described as a per 
secutor, i. 238, M. Bernard, St., anachronism respecting, vi. 12, M. 
Caligula and Domitian, error as to their assassination, i. 89, W. Cas- 
sius, Avidius, not a Roman suicide, i. 95, W. and M. The Latin 
language was not established in Britain, i. 45, M. Charlemagne, 
charge respecting his daughters, a misinterpretation of Eginhard, 
v. 45, M. Cherson, the inhabitants of, not the Tauric Cherson- 
ites, send aid to Constantine, ii. 170, M. Christians, early, did-noi 
generally practise* a community of goods, i. 563, M. ; and were 
not strictly Casnobitic, iii. 521, M. ; whether equal justice was 
granted or denied them in civil causes at Ptome ? Gibbon s pre 
sumptions require proof, ii. 64, G. ; refutation of some uncandid 
remarks as to their morality and repentance, i. 544, M. Church, 
remark relative to the banner of the, refuted, i. 73, "W. and M. 
Comitia, the, did not in the reign of Tiberius cease to enact laws, 
iv. 309, 310, W. and M. Constantine not defeated in a first battle 
by the Goths, ii. 170, M. Crusades, instance of imperfect chrono 
logical arrangement of the, vi. 12, M. Curtius Quintus, error as to 
the age in which he lived, i. 219, G. and M. David, census of, 
recorded in Scripture, mistakes concerning, v. 597, M. Deification 
of the emperors, inaccuracy as to the, i. 84, G. and W. ; an inaccu 
racy of M. Guizot also on this point, 84, M.^ Domitian assassi 
nated by Stephen, the latter not connected with the religior^of 
Domitilla, ii. 25. Druses, religion of the, and life of the caliph 
Hakem, errors respecting, v. 531, M. Edicts of the praet(*s, Heinec- 
cius misled Gibbon respecting the, iv. 309, W. ; remarks on, 309, M. 
Freedom of Rome granted for increase of taxes by Marcus Aurelius 
prior to Caracalla, i. 194, "W. Galilseans, refutation of a conjecture 
respecting them, ii. 22, G. and M. Germanus, troops of, not from 
Germany, as erroneously stated, iv. 265, 267, Lord Mahon and M. 
Gordian the younger, discrepancy as to his death and deification 
stated, 341, M. Gregory III. implored the aid of Charles Martel, not 
Gregory I., ii. 25, M. Honorius, doubt respecting his flying from Ala- 
ric, iii. 203, M. Hellespont, error as to its breadth as compared with 
the Bosphorus, ii. 92, M. Jews professed an implacable hatred to 
the rest of human kind, i. 507, 508 ; this ancient sarcasm, supported 
by Juvenal s Satire, refuted by the spirit and letter of Scripture, 
508, M. Indictions, imposts first prescribed by Diocletian, not 
Constantine, ii. 141, G. Joan, Pope, confutation of errors as to the 
son, grandson, and great-grandson of Mcrozia, v. 61, M. Isis and 
Serapis, destruction of the temple of, two dates confounded, i. 38, 
W. and M. Land tax, and capitation, erroneous reference to Dion 
Cassius, i. 191, W. Liberius, mistake in his age, iv. 265, M. Liut- 
prand, imperfect quotation from, v. 377, M. Louis VII., engaged in 
a " glorious action " at the passage of the Mseander, and not Conrad, 
vi. 9, M. ; he does not climb a tree, but by the aid of the tree and a 
rock gains vantage and security, 10, M. Mahometan invasion of 
Europe, Moslemalvs, not the first, v. 279, M. Martin V., and not 



GENERAL J3DEX. 571 

Eugenius IV., vi. 516. Martyrs, censure of Gibbon s incredulity 
? AT ?? e 1 S t0 their numbers and sufferings, ii. 79, G. and M 

7 f J"T Y,U St ; P resuin Ption relative to the first two chapters 
of, refuted, iv. 490, M. Maximin, ambassador to Attila. forbidden 
to pitch his tents on an eminence, and not in a valley, iii. 406, M. 
Military establishment of Home, remarks thereon, examined, i. 16, 

tJo M ^ I ? C1 1 US 1 rive y flows 1 out of Lake Benacus, not into it, iii. 
w, M. JNaked draperies and transparent matrons," doubtless an 

erratum m the first edition, iv. 67, M. Nazarenes did not retire 
from the runts of Jerusalem, but quitted before the siege, i 515 M 

Obligations, legal, Gibbon s division of, not good, iv. 386, M. Octa- 
vian family not of obscure origin, i. 85, M. Odin, erroneous theory 
respecting his conquests, i. 284, G. and M. Para and Tiridates. 
correction m the history of, ii. 582, note, vide M. Palestine, errone 
ous estimate of its fertility, i. 27, 28, G. M. Peter, St., strictly 
speaking, not the founder of the church of Rome, i. 561 M. 

: harandsen, not Olympias, valiantly resists Sapor, ii 277 M Prae 
torian guards, dispute of the, confounded with the assassination 
?a n i Proc ? nsuls > lictors attending, observation on, 
i. 75, VV. Procopius, errors in quoting, iv. 176, M., 268, M. Property 
maccurate notions respecting the Roman system as to matters of! 
iv. 601, &>8, VV. Religion, statement as to the facility with which 
even hostile nations embraced each other s, inquired into and dis 
proved, i. 506, o()7. Saracens, Gibbon s ignorance as to the etymology 
of this name noticed by Dr. Clarke, v. 85, M. Scoti, or Attacotti. 
not cannibals 11. o6J M. Senate in the reign of Augustus, on the, 

01 c T> Sllver not the onl y medium of commerce, i. 69, M 

>laves of Rome, Gibbon s observations on, criticized, i 47 48 M G 
vindication of Gibbon, 49, M. ; the Roman system of, described, 
U, M., 66 M. Soldiery, Roman, error respecting the frequency of 
their revolts i 89, W Soliman, sultan, not slain in a bath, but in 
JtoffM, yi. ^8J, M. Sohman, sultan, victories in the first crusade at 
tributed to him, instead of his son David, v. 556, 575 Tacitus 
a passage of, misunderstood by Gibbon, iv. 306, M. Tiberius, not 
Augustus, first punishes the " crimen lessee mq/estatis." i 99 W 
i deration, religious, not universal by the Romans, i. 38, W. Tre- 
^ us * Phrase of Cicero s regarding him, misunderstood, iv. 323, 
Iribute in kind, not transported at the cost of the provincials, 
11. 14d, b-. Vandals and Goths incorrectly designated as originally 
one and the same nation, i. 286, G. and M. Vitrum, translated 
marble, instead of g&&, iv. 33, M. Zoroaster, our historian in error 
in attributing a passage of the Sadder to, i. 237, M. 
*** Other erroneous assertions and arguments of Mr Gibbon are 
referred to in the alphabetical order of this index, under the head of 
" notes. 

Essenians, their distinguishing tenets and practices, i. 578. 
Etruscans, their seat in Tuscany, i. 24, note M. 
Eucharist, a knotty subject to the first reformers, v. 399. 
Eudes duke of Aquitain, repels the first Saracen invasion of France v 286 

Implores the aid of Charles Martel, 289. Recovers his dukedom, 291. 
JSiUdocia, her birth, character, and marriage with the emperor Theodosius 

the Younger, in. 3o4. Her disgrace and death, 357. 

Eudoxia, her marriage with the emperor Arcadius, iii. 171. Stimulates 
to give up his favorite Eutropius, 334, 335. Persecutes St. Chrys- 
ostom, 343. Her death and character, 348. 

Eudoxia, the daughter of Theodosius the Younger, is betrothed to the 
young emperor Valentinian III. of the West, iii. 366. Her character 
4oo Is married to the emperor Maximus, 461. Invites Genseric, king 
of the Vandals, to Italy, 462. 

Eudoxus, bishop of Constantinople, baptizes the emperor Valens, ii. 545. 
note M. 



572 GENERAL INDEX. 

Engenius the rhetorician, is made emperor of the West by Arbogastes 
the Frank, iii. 122. Is defeated and killed by Theodosius, 127. 

Eugenius IV., pope, his contest with the council of Basil, vi. 310. Procures 
a reunion of the Latin and Greek churches, 322. Forms a league against 

^ the Turks, 350. Revolt of the Roman citizens against him, 504. 

Eugubine tables, the, dug up near Cortona, iv. 302, notes by Gibbon and M. 

Eumenius the orator, some account of, i. 449, note. 

Eunapius the sophist, his character of monks, and of the objects of their 
worship, iii. 155. A fragment of his quoted, 329, note M. 

Eunomians, punishment of, by the edict of the emperor Theodosius 
against heretics, ii. 81, 93. 

Eunuchs enumerated in the list of Eastern commodities imported and taxed 
in the time of Alexander Severus, i. 191. They infest the palace of the third 
Gordian, 220. Their ascendency in the court of Constantius, ii. 201. Why 
they favored the Arians, 328, note. Procure the banishment of Liberius, 
bishop of Rome, 235. A conspiracy of, to disappoint the schemes of 
Rufinus, and marry the emperor Arcadius to Eudoxia, iii. 171. They 
distract the court of the emperor Honorius, 275, and govern that of Ar 
cadius, 324. Scheme of Chrysaphius to assassinate Attila, king of the 
Huns, iii. 416. The bishop of Seez and his whole chapter castrated, vi. 
426, note. 

Euric, king of the Visigoths in Gaul, his conquests in Spain, iii. 498. Is 
vested with all the Roman conquests beyond the Alps by Odoacer, king 
of Italy, 567- 

Europe, present population of, i. 54, note. Evidences that the climate of, 
was much colder in ancient than in modern times, 252. This alteration 
accounted for, 254. Final division of, between the Western and Eastern 
empires, iii. 164. Is ravaged by Attila, king of the Huns, 395. May 
be considered by the philosopher as one great republic, 637. 

Eusebia, empress, wife of Constantius. her steady friendship to Julian, ii. 
211, 212. Is accused of arts to deprive Julian of children, 215. 

Eusebius, his character of the followers of Artemon,i. 584. His own char 
acter ii. 80. His " History," 78, note M. His story of the miraculous 
appearance of the cross in the sky to Constantine the Great, 65, 66. 

Eutropiua the eunuch, great chamberlain to the emperor Arcadius, con 
certs his marriage with Eudoxia in opposition to the views of Rufinus, 
iii. 171. Succeeds Rufinus in the emperor s confidence, 179. His char 
acter and administration, 324. Provides for his own security, in a new 
law against treason, 329. Takes sanctuary with St. Chrysostom, 334. 
His death, 336. 

Eutyches, his opinion on the subject of the ^incarnation supported by the 
second council at Ephesus, iv. olo. And adhered to by the Armenians, 
555. 

Euxine Sea, description of th& vessels used in navigating, i. 307. The 
Periplus, or circumnavigation of, by Arrian, iv. 224, note. That by 
Sallust, 224. 

Exaltation of the cross, origin of the annual festival of, iv. 485. 

Exarchs of Ravenna, the government of Italy settled in, and administered 
by, iv. 279, 408. The office described, v. 31, 32. 

Excise duties imposed by Augustus, i. 187. 

Excommunication from Christian communion, the origin of, i. 567, ii. 298. 

Exile, voluntary, under accusation and conscious guilt, its advantages 
among the Romans, iv. 382, 383, 

F. 

Fables of Pilpay, various translations of, their character, iv. 216, note M. 
217. 

Faith and its operations defined, i. 544. 

Falcandus, Hugo, character of his Historia Sicula, v. 494, note. His lam 
entation on the transfer of the sovereignty of the island to the empero* 
Henry VI., 495. 



GENERAL INDEX. 573 

Fathers of the Christian church, cause of their austere morality i 546 
Fausta, empress wife of Constantine the Great, causes of her beiiiff out 

to death, n. 162. 

Faustina, married to Marcus Antoninus, i. 93. 
- , the widow of the emperor Constantius, countenances the revolt 

of Procopius against the emperor Valens, ii. 533 
Felix is consecrated Bishop of Rome, to supersede Liberius, r/ho was 

exiled, u. 3 He is violently expelled, and his adherents slaughtered, 

-- , an African bishop, his martyrdom, ii. G7. 
Ferdusi, the Persian, his poem and translations, iii. 13, note M. 
lenshta, the, translations of, by Colonels Dow and Bribes, v 499 500 
notes M. 



r?,^ ?" g ?j ?no at ffence taken at > ty the primitive Christians, i. 
524, o2o, in. 492, 493. See Games. 

Feudal government, the rudiments of, to be found among the Scythians. 
ni. 12, 2o, note M. 

Figures, numeral their first public and familiar use, v. 277, 273, notes M 
finances of the Roman empire, when the seat of it was removed to Con 

stantinople, reviewed, ii. 140. 
Fingal, his questionable history, whether to be connected with the inva 

sion of Caledonia by the emperor Severus, i. 153. 
Fire, Greek the Saracen fleet destroyed by, in the harbor of Constanti 

nople, v. 230. Is long preserved as a secret, 282, 284. Its effects not to 

be compared with gunpowder, 367. 
Firmus, an Egyptian merchant, his revolt against the emperor Aurelian, 

1. QUO. 

the Moor, his revolt against Valentinian, ii. 571. Suppressed by 
Iheodosius, 572. Duration of this war, 573, note M. 

Flagellation, its efficacy in penance, and how proportioned, v 547 

Flamens, Roman, their number, and peculiar office, iii. 132. 

Flamiman way, its course described, iv. 270, note. 

Flavian, archbishop of Constantinople, is killed* at the second council of 

Ephesus, iv. o!6. 

Fleece, golden, probable origin of the fable of, iv. 226. 
Flor, Roger de, a successful Arragonese admiral, vi. 166, note G 168 

note M. 

Florence, the foundation of that city, iii. 217, note. Is besieged by Rada- 

gaisus, and relieved by Stilicho, 217, 218. 
Florentius, pnctorian prefect of Gaul under Constantius, his character, 

n. 244, 374. Is condemned.by the tribunal of Chalcedon, but suffered to 

escape by Julian, 399. 

Florianus, brother of the emperor Tacitus, his eager usurpation of the 

Imperial dignity, i. 374. 
Fornication, not clearly proved by the gospel authorities to be a sufficient 

plea for divorce, iv. 350, note M., 3o2. 
France, modern, computation of the number of its inhabitants, and the 

average of their taxation, ii. 147, 148, note M, 

- , the name of, whence derived, iii. 604. Derivation of the French 
language, 6 LI, note. Childeric deposed, and Pepin appointed king, by 
papal sanction, v. 28. Reign and character of Charlemagne, 44, 45. 
Invasion of, by the Saracens, 285. 

Frangipani, Cencio, his ferocious treatment of the persons of Pope Gela- 
sms II. and his college of cardinals, vi. 427. Derivation of his family 
name, 460. 

Franks, their origin and confederacy, i. 299. The nations composing it, 
2J9, note M. They invade Gaul, and ravage Spain, 300, 301. They pass 
over into Africa, 301. Bold and successful return of a colony of, from 
the sea of Pontus, by sea, 384. They overrun and establish themselves 
at loxandna in Germany, ii. 231. Their fidelity to the Roman govern- 



574 GENERAL INDEX. 

ment, iii. 222. Origin of the Merovingian race of their kings, 428. How 
converted to Christianity, 543. Reign of their king Clovis, 568. Final 
establishment of the French monarchy in Gaul, 587, 588. Their laws, 
590, note M. Their object rapine, not the occupation and division of 
conquered lands, 598. M. Sismondi s account of them, 598, note M 
Give the name of France to their conquests in Gaul, 604. They degen 
erate into a state of anarchy, 610. They invade Italy, iv. 175, 276. 
Their military character, v. 373. 

Fravitta, the G oth, his character, and deadly quarrel with his countryman 
Priulf, iii. 71. His operations against Gainas, 337. 

Frederic I., emperor of Germany, his tyranny in Italy, v. 67. Yon Rau 
mer s History of the House of Swabia, 67, note M. Engages in the 
third crusade, vi. 4. His disastrous expedition, 7, 10. Sacrifices Ar 
nold of Brescia to the pope, 433. His reply to the Roman ambassadors. 
444. 

II. is driven out of Italy, v. 67. His disputes with the pope, and 

reluctant crusade, vi. 38, 39. Exhorts the European princes to unite in 
opposing the Tartars, 219. 

III., the last emperor crowned at Rome, vi. o05. 



Freemen of Laconia, account of, v. 344. 

Fritigern, the Gothic chief, extricates himself from the hands of Lupicinus, 

governor of Thrace, iii. 37. Defeats him, 38. Battle of Salices, 41. 

His strength recruited by the accession of new tribes, 42. Negotiates 

with Valens, 48. Battle of Hadrianople, 49. The union of the Gothic 

tribes broken by his death, 63. 

Freedmen, among the Romans, their rank in society, iv. 340. _ 
Frumentius was the first Christian missionary in Abyssinia, ii. 276. 
Fulk of Neuilly, his ardor in preaching the fourth crusade, vi. 60. 

G. 

Gabinius, king of the Quadi, is treacherously murdered by Marcellinus, 
governor of Valeria, ii. 588. 

Gaian, his disciples at Alexandria, iv. 557- 

Gaillard, M., character of his Histoire de Charlemagne, v. 44, note. 

Gainas, the Goth, is commissioned by Stilicho to execute his revenge on 
Rufinus, prefect of the East, iii. 177. His conduct in the war against 
the revolter Tribigild, 333. Joins him, 336. His flight and death, 339. 

Gaius, Institutes of, newly recovered, iv. 331, note M. 

Gala, probable derivation of the term,, v. 357, note. 

Galata, suburb of Constantinople, assigned to the Geonese, vi. 195. 

Galerius is associated in the administration, as Caesar, by the emperor 
Diocletian, i. 406. Is defeated by the Persians, 423. Surprises and 
overthrows Narses, 425. Assumes the title of Augustus, on the abdica 
tion of Diocletian, 451. His jealousy of Constantine, 456. Deems it 
prudent to acknowledge him Coesar, 458. His unsuccessful invasion of 
Italy, 463. Invests Licinius with the purple on the death of Severus, 
466.* His death, 469. From what causes he entertained an aversion to 
the Christians, ii. 69. Obtains the countenance of Diocletian for perse 
cuting them, 62. Publishes an edict of toleration just before his death, 
75, 76 , note M. 

Galilaeans, twofold application of that name in the infancy of Christianity, 
ii. 21. Conjecture as to Tacitus having confounded the two sects, 22, 
Refutation of the same, 22, notes G. and M. Why the emperor Julian 
applied this name to the Ch- stians, 44L 

Galleys of the Greek empire described, v. 365. 

Gallienus, son of the emperor Valerian, is associated by him in the Impe 
rial throne, i. 298. Prohibits the senators from exercising military 
employments, 304. Character of his administration after the captivity 
of his father, 320. Names Claudius for his successor, 332. Favored the 
Christians, ii. 52. 



GENERAL INDEX. 575 

Gallus elected emperor, on the minority of Hostilianus, the son of Decing, 
i. 295. 

, nephew of Constantine the Great, his education, ii. 203, note G. 

Is invested with the title of CiBsar, 204. His cruelty and imprudence, 
204, 205. His disgrace and death, 208. Embraced the doctrine, but 
neglected the duties, of Christianity, 411. Converts the grove of Daphne, 
at Antioch, to a Christian burial-place, 448. 

Games, public, of the Romans, described, i. 224, iii. 263. Account of the 
factions of the Circus, ii. 56. Of the hippodrome at Constantinople, 57. 

Ganges, source of that river, vi. 257, note M. 

Gaudentius, the notary, condemned to death under Julian, ii. 400. 

Gaul, the province of, described, i. 22. The power of the Druids suppressed 
there by Tiberius and Claudius, 38. Cities in, 61. Amount of the trib- 
ate paid by this province to Rome, 187. Is defended against the Franks 
by Posthumus, 300, 301. Succession of usurpers there, 348. Invasion 
of, by the Lygians, 379. Revolt of the Bagaudae suppressed by Max- 
imian, 407. Progress of Christianity there, 580, 581. Proportion of 
the capitation tax levied there by the Roman emperors, ii. 145. Is 
invaded by the Germans, 231. The government of, assigned to Julian, 
233. His civil administration, 244. Is invaded by the Alemanni, in the 
reign of Valentinian, 555. And of Gratian, iii. 44. Destruction of idols 
and temples there, by Martin, bishop of Tours, 141. Is overrun by the 
barbarous troops of Radagaisus, after his defeat by Stilicho, 222. Is 
settled by the Goths, Burgundians, and Franks, 313. Assembly of the 
seven provinces in, 320. Reign of Theodoric, king of the Visigoths, in, 
425. Origin of the Merovingian race of kings of the Franks in, 428. 
Invasion of, by Attila, king of the Huns, 433, 435. Battle of Chalons, 
440. Revolutions of, on the death of the emperor Majorian, 498. Con 
version of, to Christianity by the Franks, 543, 573. Representation of the 
advantages it enjoyed under the Roman government, 566. Conquests 
and prosperity of Euric, king of the Visigoths, 567. Character and 
reign of Clovis, 568. The Alemanni conquered, 572. Submission of the 
Armoricans, and the Roman troops, 576. Final establishment of the 
French monarchy in Gaul, 587. History of the Salic laws, 590. The 
lands of, how claimed and divided by the Barbarian conquerors of, 598. 
Domain and benefices of the Merovingian princes, 599, 600. Allodial 
and Salic lands, 600. Females not to inherit, 601, note M. Usurpations 
of the Seniors, 601. Privileges of the Romans in, 608. 

Gedrosia, revolutions of the sea-coast of, i. 239, note. 

Gelalsean sera of the Turks when settled, v. 522. 

Gelasius, pope, his zeal against the celebration of the feast of Lupercalia, 
iii. 492. Deplores the miserable decay of Italy, 518. 

- II., his rough treatment by Cencio Frangipani, vi. 427. 

Gelimer deposes Hilderic, the Vandal king of Africa, and usurps the gov 
ernment, iv. 114. Is defeated by Belisarius, 127. His final defeat, 131, 
132. His distressful flight, 132, 135. Surrenders himself to Belisarius, 
137, 138. Graces his triumph, 138. His peaceful retirement, 140. 

General of the Roman army, his extensive power, i. 76. 

Generosity, Arabian, striking instances of, v. 91. 

Gennadius, the monk, his denunciation against a Greek union with the 
Latin church, vi. 386. His duplicity, 386, note. 

Gennerid, the Roman general, under the emperor Honorius, his character, 
iii. 274. 

Genoese, their mercantile e-tablishment in the suburb of Pera at Constan 
tinople, vi. 195. Their war with the emperor Cantacuzenus, 198. 

Genseric, king of the Vandals in Spain, his character, iii. 370. Goes over 
to Africa on the invitation of Count Boniface, 371. His successes there 
by the assistance of the Donatists, 373. Devastation of Africa by his 
troops, 375. Besieges Boniface in Hippo Regius, 376. His treacherous 
surprisal of Carthage, 380. Strengthens himself by an alliance with 



576 GENERAL INDEX. 

Attila, king of the Huns, 394. His brutal treatment of his son s wife, 
daughter of Theodoric, 427. Raises a naval force and invades It.ily, 
459. His sa-"k of Rome, 463. Destroys the fleet of Majorian, 482. His 
naval depreciations in Italy, 486. His claims on the Eastern empire, 
487. Destroys the Roman fleet under Basiliscus, 497. Was an Arian, 
and persecuted his Catholic subjects, 548. 

Gentleman, etjAiology of the term, v. 562, note. 

Geoponics of iue emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitus, account of, v. 
337. 

George of Cappadocia supersedes Anastasius in the see of Alexandria, ii. 
348. His scandalous history, and tragical death, 349, 350, note M. Be 
comes the tutelar saint of England, 454, vide note M. 

Gepida?, Ardaric, king of the, iii. 392. Their encroachments on the East 
ern empire checked by the Lombards, iv. 192. Are reduced by them, 
391. 

Gergovia, besieged by Julius Caesar, iii. 604. 

Germanus, nephew of the emperor Justinian, his character and promo 
tion to the command of the army sent to Italy, iv. 266. His death, 267. 

^rermany, the rude institutions of, the basis of the original principles of 
European laws and manners, i. 249, 250, note M. Its ancient extent, 
251. Climate of, 252, 253, note M., note G. How peopled, 255. The 
natives unacquainted with letters in the time of Tacitus, 257.* Luden 
and Guizot s remarks on, 257, note M. Had no cities, 258. Manners of 
the ancien-t Germans, 260. Population, 262. State of liberty among 
them, 263. Authority of their magistrates, 265. Conjugal faith and 
chastity, 267. Their religion, 269. Their bards, 272, note G. Collection 
of their national songs, 272, note M. Arms and discipline, 272, 273. 
Their feuds, 374. General idea of the German tribes, 277. Probus 
carries the Roman arms into Germany, 380. A frontier wall built by 
Probus, from the Rhine to the Danube, 381. Invasions of Gaul by the 
Germans, ii. 231, 553. State of, under the emperor Charlemagne, v. 49. 
The imperial crown established in the name arid nation of Germany, by 
the first Otho, 55. Division of, among independent princes, 68. For 
mation of the Germanic constitution, 69. State assumed by the em 
peror, 72. 

Gerontlus, count, sets up Maximus as emperor in Spain, iii. 302. Be 
heads his friend and his wife at their own entreaties, and commits 
suicide, 303. 

Geta and Caracalla, sons of the emperor Severus, their fixed antipathy 
to each other, i. 151. 

Gl/ebers of Persia, history of, v. 265, 270. 

Ghibelines and Guelphs, disputes of the, v. 67, vi. 426. 

Gibraltar, rock of, iii. 311. Derivation of the name of, v. 252. 

Gildo the Moor, his revolt in Africa, iii. ISO. His defeat and death, 185. 

Giraffe, the carnelopardalis, i. 113, notes. 

Gladiators, desperate enterprise and fate of a party of, reserved for the 
triumph of Probus, i. 386. The combats of, abolished by the emperor 
Honorius, iii. 209. 

Glycerins is made emperor of Rome, iii. 507. Exchanges the sceptre for 
the bishopric of Salona, 507. Murders Julius Nepos, and is made arch 
bishop of Milan, 508. 

Gnostics, character and account of the sect of, i. 518, 519. Principal sects 
into which they are divided, 521. note M. Their peculiar tenets, 520, 
521, note, also note M., 549, note M. ii. 308, notes (. iv. 402. 

Godfrey of Bouillon, his character and engagement in the first crusade, 
v. 558. His route to Constantinople, 564, 568. Rejects the title of king 
of Jerusalem, 495. Compiles the Assise of Jerusalem, 600. Form of 
his administration, 601, et seq. 

Gog and Magog, the famous rampart of. described, iv. 103, note. The 
Huns suspected to be the scriptural, v. 410. 



GENEKAI INDEX. 577 

Goisvintaa, wife of Leovigild, king of Spain, her pious cruelty to the 
princess Ingundis, iii. 559. 

Gold of affliction, the tax so denominated in the Eastein empire, abolished 
by the emperor Anastasius, iv. 73, 74, note M. 

Golden Horn, why the Bosphorus obtained this appellation in remote an 
tiquity, ii. 89. 

Sordian, proconsul of Africa, his character and elevation to the empire of 
Rome, i. 204. Ris son associates with him in the Imperial dignity, 205. 

the third and youngest, declared Ctesar, i. 210. Is declared 

emperor by the army, on. the murder of Maximus and Balbinus, 219, 
notes G. and M. Philip orders his execution, and succeeds him, 223. 
Certain discrepancies explained, 223, note M. 

Gothmi, the, not to be confounded with Goths, i. 255, note M, 

Goths of Scandinavia, their origin, i. 231. Their religion, 282. The Goths 
and Vandals suppssed to be originally one great people, 285, Improba 
bility of this opinion, 286, note M. Their emigrations to Prussia and the 
Ukraine, 236, 287- They invade the Roman provinces, 289. They re 
ceive tribute from the Romans, 295. They subdue the Bosphorus, 311. 
Plunder the cities of Bithynia, 339. They ravage Greece, 312, Conclude 
a treaty with the emperor Aurelian, 341. They invade Illyricum, and 
?,re chastised by Constantine the Great, 496. Medal commemorative 
thereof, 495, note M. Their war with the Sarmatians, ii. 169. Are 
again routed by Constantine, 170, note M. Gothic war under the em 
perors. Valentinian and Valens, iii. 25, 26. Are defeated by the Huns, 
28. They implore the protection of the emperor Valens, 33. They are 
received into the empire, 32, They are oppressed by che Roman gov 
ernors to Thrace, 34. Are provoked to hostilities, and defeat Lupicinus, 
36, 37. They ravage Thrace, 38. Battle of Salices, 41, 12. They are 
strengthened by fresh swarms of their country men, 42. Battle of Ha- 
drianoule, 49. Scour the country from KachianopiP to Constantinople, 
53. Massacre of the Gothic youth in Asia, 55. Tneir formidable union 
oroken by the death of Fri ,i^ein, 63. Death and funeral of Athanaric, 
55. Invasion and defeat of the Ostrogoths, 66. Are settled in Thrace 
by Theodosius, 68. Their hostile sentiments, 70. Revolt of, in the 
reign of Honorius, iii. 190. Tney ravage Greece, under the command 
of Alaric, 192. They invade Italy, 99. The sack of Rome by, 281. 
l)eath of Alaric, 294. Victories of "VVallia m Spain, 311. They are 
settled in Aquilain, 312. See Gaul and Theodoric. Conquests of 
the Visigoths in Gaul and Spain, 498. How the Goths were converted 
to the Cnri-itip.a religion, 541, 542, note M. Reign of Theodoric, king 
of the Ostrogoths, iv. 1, 2, note M. The Goths in Italy extinguished, 
278, ITj. 

Government, civil, the origin of, i. 264. 

Governors of provinces under the emperors, their great power and influ 
ence, il. 124, 125. 

Gratian was the first emperor who refused the pontifical robe, ii. 367, note. 
Marries the princess Conscantia, and succeeds to the empire, 592. De 
feats the Alemanni in Gaul, iii. 44, Invests Theodosius with the em 
pire of the East, 57- Hia Character and conduct, 72. His flight from 
Maximus, and death, 76, 77. Overthrew the ecclesiastical establish 
ment of Paganism, 135. 

Greece is ravaged by the Goths, i. 312. Is overrun by Alaric the Goth, 
iii. in. Is reduced by the Turks, vi. 413, 414. 

Gteek church, origin of the schism of, vi. 48, 321, 344. 

empire. See Constantinople. 

Greeks, why averse to the Roman language and manners, i. 46. The 
Greek becomes a scientific language among the Romans, 46, note M. 
Character of the Greek language of Constantinople, vi. 324. When first 
taught hi Ilaly, 030. 

Greek learning, revival of, in Italy, vi. 327, 328. 

VOL. vi. 49 



578 GENERAL 




the 

enmity to the venerable buildings and learning 
of Rome, iv. 418. His birth, and early profession, 419. His elevation 
to the pontificate, 421. Sends a mission to convert the Britons, 422, 
Sanctifies the usurpation of the emperor Phocas, 453. 

II., pope, his epistles to Leo III., emperor of Constantinople, iv. 

16, 17. Revolts against the Greek emperor, 19. 

VII., pope, his ambitious schemes, iv. 61, 62. His contest with 



the emperor Henry III., v. 477- Character of, 477, note M. His retreat 
to Salerno, vi. 426. 



~, praefect of Africa, history of him and his daughter, v, 237, 239. 
-- ]Xazianzen, his lamentation on the disgraceful discord among 
Christians, ii. 363. Loads the memory of the emperor Julian with in- 
vectivs, 405, note. Censures Constantius for having spared his life, 420, 
note. Is presented to the wretched see of Sasima, by his friend Arch- 
bishoj) Basil, iii. 83. His mission to Constantinople, 84. Is placed on 
the aichiepiseopal throne by Thcodosius, 87. His resignation and char 
acter; 90, 91. 

Grumbates, king of the Chionites, attends Sapor, king of Persia, in his 
invasion of Mesopotamia, ii. 225. Loses his son at the siege of Amida, 
226. Returns home in grief, 228. 

Guardianship, how vested and exercised, according to the Roman civil 
laws, iv. 353, 354. 

Gubazes, king of Colchos, his alliance with Chosroes, king of Persia, iv. 
232. Returns to his former connection with the emperor Justinian, 233. 
Is treacherously killed, 236. Judicial inquiry respecting, 237, note M. 

Guelphs and Ghibelines, the parties of, in Italy, v. 67, vi. 426. 

Guilt, the degrees of, in the penal laws of the Romans, iv. 376, 377. 

Guiscard, Robert, his birth and character, v. 457- Acquires the dukedom 
of Apulia, 459. His Italian conquests, 461. Besieges Durazzo, 469. 
Defeats the GreeJs emperor Alexius there, 473, 474. Engages in the 
cause of Pope Gregory VII., 478. His second expedition to Greece, and 
death, 480, 481. 

Guizot, M., his French edition of Gibbon s Decline and Fall of the Roman 
Empire, vide preface by Mr. Milman, vol. i. p. iv. xi. His valuable notes 
are given in the present edition of the history passim^ and marked G., 
-vide preface, p. xxi. 

Gundobald, king of the Burgundians, is reduced by Clovis, king of the 
Franks, iii. 578- His mode of justifying the judicial combat, 496. 

Gunpowder, the invention and use of, vi. 288, 289, note M. 

Guy of Lusignan, king of Jerusalem, his character, vi. 24. Is defeated 
and taken prisoner by Saladin, 25. 

Gyarus, a small island in the JSgean Sea, an instance of its poverty, i. 188. 

H. 

Hadrian, emperor, raises a rampart of earth between Carlisle and New 
castle, i. 5, note M. Relinquishes the eastern conquests of Trajan, 8. 
Their characters compared, 8. His character contrasted with that of 
Antoninus Pius, 9. His several adoptions of successors, 92. Founds 
the city of JElia Capitolina on Mount Sion, 515. Reforms the laws of 
Rome in the perpetnal edict, iv. 312. 313, note W. 

Hadrianople, battle of, between Constantine the Great and Licinius, i. 
499. Is ineffectually besieged by Fritigern the Goth, iii. 39. Battle of, 
between the emperor Valcns and the Goths, 49. 

klakem, caliph of the Saracens, assumes a divine character to supplant 
the Mahometan faith, v. 531, 532. Errors respecting, 531, 532, note M. 

Hamadanites, the Saracen dynasty of, in Mesopotamia, v. 328, 329. 

Hannibal, review of the state of Rome when he besieged that city, iii. 244, 



GENERAL INDEX. 579 

Hannibalianus, nephew of Constantine the Great, is dignified with the 
title of king, ii. 164, 165, note M. Provinces assigned to him for a 
kingdom, 1G6. Is cruelly destroyed by Constantius, 175. 

Happiness, instance how little it depends on power and magnificence, 
v. 299. 

Harmozan, Persian satrap, his interview with Omar, v. 184-. 

Harpies, an ancient mythologic history, Le Clerc s conjecture concerning, 
ii. 88, note. 

Harun al liashid, caliph, his friendly correspondence with the emperor 
Charlemagne, v. 52. His wars with the Greek empire, 309. 

Hassan, the Saracen, conquers Carthage, v. 244. 

Hawking, the art and sport of, iv. 412. Introduced into Italy by the 
Lombards, 412. 

Hegira, the a?ra of, how fixed, v. 125. 

Heinichen, Excursus of, i. 587, ii. 265, note M., 267, note M., 325, note M. 

Helena, the mother of Constantine, her parentage ascertained, i. 454. 
Was converted to Christianity by her son, ii. 250, note. 

, sister of the emperor Constantius, married to Julian, ii. 213. Is 

reported to be deprived of children by the arts of the empress Eusebia, 
215. Her death, 381. 

Heliopolis taken by the Saracens, v. 206. 

Hell, according to Mahomet, described, v. 118. 

Hellespont described, ii. 90. 

Helvetia, amount of its population in the time of Caesar, i. 262, note. 

Hengist, his arrival in Britain, with succors for Vortigern, against the 
Caledonians, iii. 616. His establishment in Kent, 617, 618. 

Henaticon of, the emperor Zeno, character of, iv. 522. 

Henry succeeds his brother Baldwin as emperor of Constantinople, vi. 111. 
His character and administration,. 112. 

III., emperor, his contest with Pope Gregory VII., v. 477. Takei 

Rome, and sets up Pope Clement III., 478. 

VI., emperor, conquers and pillages the Island of Sicily, v. 496. 

the Ftnvler, emperor of Germany, v. 55. Defeats the Turkish in 
vaders, 419. 

Heptarchy, Saxon, establishment of, in Britain, iii. 618, note M. Review 
of the s tatc of, G19. 

Heraclian, count of Africa, retains that province in obedience to Honorius, 
iii. 280. His cruel usage of the refugees from the s.^ck of Rome by 
Alaric, 289. His revolt and death, 301. 

Heracleonas, emperor of Constantinople, iv. 573, 574. 

Heraclius deposes the eastern usurper Phocas, and is chosen emperor, \\. 
457. Conquests of Chosroes II., king of Persia, 459. Distressful situa 
tion of Heraclius, 464. Accepts an ignominious peace from Chosroes, 
466. His first expedition against the Persians, 468. His second Persian 
expedition, 471. Strengthens himself by an alliance with the Turks, 
477. His third Persian expedition, 478. His treaty of peace with Persia, 
484. His triumph arid pilgrimage to Jerusalem, 485, vide note M. His 
theological inquiries, 535. Marries his niece Martina, 572. Leaves his 
two sons joint successors to the empire, 572. Invasion of his provinces 
by the Saracens, v. 194. Flies from Syria, 214. 

, the pnefect, his expedition, against the Vandals in Africa, iii. 
494, 497- 

the eunuch, instigates th? emperor Valentinian III. to the mur- 



. der of tUe patrician yEtius, iii. 4-vl, note M. His death, 457. 
Ilerbelot, character of his Bibliotlu que Orientale, v. 176, note. 
Hercynian forest, the extent of, unknown in the time of Caesar, i. 2-53, note. 
Heresy in religion, the origin of, traced, i. 518. Edict of Constantine the 

Great, against, ii. 295. 
Herman ric, king of the Ostrogoths, his conquests, iii. 28 His death, 

582, 583. 



580 GENERAL INDEX. 

Hermenegild, prince of Bsetica, his marriage with Ingundis, princess of 
Austrasia, and conversion to the Nicene faith, iii. 559, 560. Revolt and 
martyrdom of, 559, 560. 

Hermits of the East, their mortified course of life, iii. 537, 538. Miracles 
ascribed to them and their relics, 539. 

Hermodorus, the Ephesiun, assists the Romans in compiling their twelve 
tables of laws, iv. 303. Inquiry relating to this fact, 303, note W. 

Hermogencs, master-general of the cavalry, is killed in the iittempt to 
banish Paul, bishop of Constantinople, ii. 357. 

Hero and Meander, the story of, by -whom controverted and defended, ii. 
91, 92, note. See also notes M. 

Herodes Atticus, his extraordinary fortune and. munificence, i. 56. 

Herodian, his life of Alexander Severus, why preferable to that in the 
Augustan history, i. 18-i, note. On the Persian campaign, 185, note G. 

Herodotus, his character of the Persian worship, i. 233. 

Heruli, of Germany and Poland, their character, iv. 16. Their origin, 16, 
note M. 

Hilarion, the monk of Palestine, account of, iii. 524. 

Hilary, bishop of Poitiers, his remarkable observations on the diversity of 
Christian doctrines, ii. 320. His exposition of the term Homoiousion, 
320. 

, pope, censures the emperor Anthemius for his tolerating principles, 

iii. 492. 

Hilderic, the "Vandal king of Africa, his- indulgence to his Catholic sub 
jects displeases both the Arians and Athanasians, IT. 114. Is deposed 
by Gelimer, 114. Is put to death, 127- 

Hindoos of the East, not the disciples of Zoroaster, v. 265, note. 

Hindostan, conquest of, by Tamerlane, vi. 255, note M. 

Hippo Regius, siege of, by Geuseric, king of the Vandals, iii. 376, 

History, the principal subjects of, i. 277, ii- 13. 

Holy war, the justice of it inquired into, v. 514. 

H -^icide, how commuted by the Salic laws, iii. 593. 

nomoousion, origin and use of that term at the council o-f Nice, ii. 317 
318, 319, 320. The distinction between it and homoiousion, 322. 

Honain, war of, v. 138. 

Honoratus, archbishop of Milan, is, -with his clergy, driven from his see 
by the Lombards, iv. 396. 

Honoria, sister of Valentinian III., her history, iii. 431. 

Honorius, son of Theodosius the Great, is declared emperor of the West, 
by his dying father, iii. 128. Marries Maria, the daughter of Stilicho, 
187, 188. His character, 188. Flies from Milan on the invasion ot Italy 
by Alaric, 203. His triumphant entry into Rome, 209. Abolishes the 
combats of gladiators, 209, 210, note M. Fixes his residence at Ravenna, 
211. Orders the death of Stilicho, 233. His impolitic measures and 
cruelty unite his barbarian soldiers against him under Alaric, 242. His 
councils distracted by the eunuchs, 275. His abject overtures to Attains 
and Alaric, 276. His last acts, and death, 301, 302. His triumph for the 
reduction of Spain by Wallia the Goth, 312. Is suspected of incest .with 
his sister Placidia, 381. His persecution of the Donatists in Africa, 372. 
Honor, new ranks of, introduced in Constantinople, ii. 108, v. 353. 

Hormisdas, a fugitive Persian prince in the court of the emperor Constan- 
tius, his remarks on the city of Rome, ii. 218, note. His history, and 
station under Julian, 477. 
Hormouz, the son of Chosroes, king of Persia, his accession, iv. 430. Hxa 

character, 431. Is deposed, and at length killed, 435, note M. 
Horses, of Arabia, their peculiar qualities, v. 78. 
Hosein, the son of Ali, his tragical death, v. 162. 
Hospitallers, knights of St. John of Jerusalem, popularity and character 

of the order of, v. 598. 

Hostilianus, the minor son of the emperor Decius, elected emperor, uncet 
the guardianship of Gnllus, i. 295. 



GENERAL INDEX. 581 

Hugh, king of Burgundy, his marriage with Marozia, and expulsion from 

Home by Alberic, v. 62. 

, count of Vermandois, engages in the first crusade, v. 559. Is ship 
wrecked, and made captive by the Greek emperor Alexis Comnenus, 567. 
His return, 585. 

Human nature, its natural propensities, i. 547. 

Hume, Mr., his natural history of religion, the best commentary on the 
polytheism of the ancients, i. 34, note. The same topics treated of by 
M. Constant, 34, note M. His difficulty, as to the extent of the Impe 
rial palace at Home, resolved, 155, note. Charges the most refined and 
philosophic sects with intolerance, 237, note. Vide note M. 

Hungary, establishment of the Huns in, iii. 386. State of, under the 
emperor Charlemagne, v. 51. Terror excited by their first approach to 
Europe, 410. Their character, 414. Huniades rules during the mi 
nority of Ladislaus, vi. 359. 

Huniades, John, his exploits against the Turks, vi. 352. His defence of 
Belgrade, and death, 359. 

Hunneric, the son of Genseric, king of the Vandals, iii. 487. Persecutes 
his Catholic subjects, 549. His cruelty to the Catholics of Tipasa, 557. 

Huns, their original seat, and their conquests, iii. 15, vide note M., 15. 
L heir wars with the Chinese, 17, 18, note M. Their decline, 19, 20. 
Their emigrations, 22. The white Huns of Sogdiana, 22. Huns of the 
Volga, 23, 27, note M. Conquer the Alani, 24, 25, note M. Their vic 
tories over the Goths, 26, 28. They drive other barbarous tribes before 
them, upon the Roman provinces, 214. Their establishment in Hun 
gary, 386. Character of their king Attila, 389, 390. Their invasion of 
Persia, 393. The empire of, extinguished. by the death of Attila, 452. 

Hunting of wild beasts, when a virtue, and when a vice, i. 112. Is the 
school of war, iii. 12. 

Hycsos, the, or Shepherd kings, conquerors of Egypt, v. 35, notes M. 

Hypatia, the female philosopher, murdered in the church at Alexandria 
iv. 502. 

Hypatius, sedition of, at Constantinople, iii. 602, 603. 

Hyphasis, Alexander marches to this Indian stream, i. 33. The tributa 
ries of the Indus or Sind, 33, note M. 

I. 

Iberian and Caspian gates of Mount Caucasus distinguished, iv. 102, 103 

note M. The Iberian gates occupied by Cabades, king of Persia, 103 
Iconoclasts, sect of the, v. 10. Their synod, 10. Their creed, 11. Their 

persecution of monks, and destruction of idolatrous images, 12, 13, note 

M. 37. 
Idatius, his account of the misfortunes of Spain by an irruption of the 

barbarous nations, iii. 300. 
Idolatry ascribed to the agency of demons, by the primitive Christians, 

i. o22. Derivation of the term, and its successive applications, ii 368 

note. 

Igilium, the small island of, serves as a place of refuge for Romans who 
flew from the sack of Home by Alarie, iii. 288. 

Ignatius, bishop of Antioch, the Christian fortitude displayed in his epistles 
ii. 41. 

Ikshidites, the Saracen dynasty of, v. 327. 

Illustrious, the title of, how limited in the times of Roma-a simplicity, and 
how extended when Constantinople became the seat of empire, ii. 109. 

Illyricunv described, i. 24. 

Images, introduction of, in the Christian church, v. 3. The worship of 
derived from Paganism, 3. Are condemned by the council of Con 
stantinople, 11. The adoration of, justified by Pope Gregory II 16 
And sanctified by the second council of Nice, 37. 

49* 



582 GENERAL INDEX. 

Imperator, in the Roman history, explained, i. 75, note. The Imperial 
prerogatives, 80. The court, 83. The sense of this appellation altered 
by long use, 436. . , 

Incarnation, theological history of the doctrine of, iv. 487, 537. 

Incest, laws and customs of Egypt, Greece, and Home, relating to, iv. 351, 
352, note M. 

India, account of the Christians of St. Thomas in, iv. 547. Persecution 
of, by the Portuguese, 547. 

Indictions, the memorable sera of, whence dated, i. 479, note. The name 
and use of, in the middle ages, whence derived, ii. 141. Established by 
Diocletianj not by Constantine, 141, note G. 

Indulgences in the Romish church, the nature of, explained, v. 548, 549. 

Ingundis, princess of Austrasia, is married to Hermenegild, prince of 
Bactica, and cruelly treated by his mother, Goisvintha, iii. 559. 

In-heritance, paternal, subject to parental discretion among the Romans, 
i. 191. The Roman law of, iv. 359. Testamentary dispositions of prop 
erty, 362. The Voconian law, how evaded, 364. 

Injuries, review of the Roman laws for the redress of, iv. 369. 

Innocent III., pope, enjoyed the plenitude of papal power, vi. 36. 

Inquisition, Code of the, iii. 364. The first erection of that tribunal, 

vi. 37. 

Institutes of Justinian, an analysis of, iv. 339, notes W. and M. 
Interest of money, how regulated by the Roman law, iv. 368, notes by Gib 
bon, W., and M. 
Irene, her marriage with the Greek emperor Leo, iv. 588. Her ambition, 

and barbarity to her son Constantine, 587. Restores images to public 

devotion, v. 38. 
Ireland, the first instance of female falsehood and infidelity ever known 

in, i. 256, note. Was first colonized from Scotland, ii. 564. Controversy 

on this question, 565, 566, note, and note M. Derivation of the name of 

its tutelar saint, Patrick, iii. 513, note. 
Isaac I., Comnenus, emperor of Constantinople, iv. 613. 
II., Angelus, emperor of Constantinople, iv. 635. His character and 

reign, vi. 56. Is deposed by his brother Alexius, 58. Is restored by the 

crusaders, 80. His death, 85. 
, archbishop of Armenia, his apology for the vices of King Artasires, 

iii. 361. 

Isauria, the rebellion there against the emperor Gallienus, i. 328. 
Isaurians, reduction of, by the Eastern emperors, iv. 95. 
Ishmael, on the prophecy of the independence of his posterity, iv. 427, 

note. The prediction referable to the roving Ishmaelites, Bedouins, and 

Arabs, who are still virtually unsubdued, 427, note M. 
Isidore, cardinal, his ill treatment in Russia, vi. 346 : Receives an act of 

union from the Greek clergy at Constantinople, 385. 
Isis and Serapis, temple of, destroyed, i. 38, notes W. and M. 
Isocrates, his price for the tuition of his pupils, iv. 106. 
Italy, privileges of the inhabitants of, i. 41. The dominion of, _under 

Odoacer, succeeds the extinction of the Western empire, iii. 515. Its 

miserable state at that sera, 517. State of agriculture in, 518, note M. 

Conversion of the Lombards of, to the Nicene faith, 562. Is reduced 

by Theodoric the Ostrogoth, iv. 10. His administration, 13, 14, notes M. 

Government of, according to the Roman law, by Theodoric, 20, note M. 

Its flourishing state at this time, 25. How supplied with_ silk from 

Chinn. 




sion 

the eunuch N arses, 267. Invasion of, by the Franks and Alemanni; 
276, 277. Government of, under the exarchs of Ravenna, 2/9. Con 
quests of Alboin, king of the Lombards, in, 395. Distress of, 40 
How divided between the Lombards and the exarchs of Ravenna, 408. 



SENERAL INBEE. 58S 

th of the papal power in, v. 14. Revolt of, against the Greek em 
perors, 19. The exarchate o-f Ravenna granted to the pope, 31. Extent 
of the dominions of Charlemagne there, 49. The power of the German 
Caesars destroyed by the rise of the commercial cities there, 65, 66. 
Factions of the Guclphs and Ghibelines, 67- Conflict of the Saracens, 
Latins, and Greeks, i-i, 440. Revival of Greek learning in, vi. 327. 
Authors consulted for the history of, 514, note. 

I, 



laafar. a kinsman of Mahomet, slain in the battle of Muta, v. 141, vids 



Jacobites of the East, history of the sect of, iv. 549, 560.. 

James, St., his legendary exploits in Spain, i. 581. 

Janizaries, first institution of these troops, vi. 255, note M. 

Jerom, St., abilities of, ii. 550. His extravagant representation 9f the 
devastation of Pannania by the Goths, iii. 54, 55. His influence over 
the widow Paula, 527. 

Jerusalem, its .situation, destruction, and profanation, ii. 432, 433. Pil 
grimages to, and curious relics preserved there, 433, 434. Abortive 
attempt of the emperor Julian to rebuild the temple of, 4S6. Subter 
ranean chambers beneath the temple of, serving as a refuge during the 
siege, 439, 440, notes G. and M. A magnificent church erected there to 
the Virgin Mary by Justinian, iv. 89. The vessels of the temple of, 
brought from Africa to Constantinople by Belisarius, 1S8. Is conquered 
by Chosroes II., king of Persia, 460. Insurrection of the monks there, 
520. Is conquered by the Saracens, v. 209. Great resort of pilgrims to, 
533, 535. Conquest of, by the Turks, 534. Is taken from the Turks by 
the Egyptians, 589. Is taken by the crusaders, 591. Is erected into a 
kingdom tinder Godfrey of Bouillon, 594. Assise of, 600. Succession. 
of its Christian princes, vi. 24, 25. Is conquered by Saladin, 28, 27. Is 
pillaged by the Carizmians, 40. 

-- , New, described according to the ideas of the primitive Chris 
tians, i. 534- 

Jesuits, Portuguese, persecute the Eastern Christians, iv. 548. Their 
labors in, and expulsion from, Abyssinia, 565, 566. 

Jews, an obscure, unsocial, obstinate race of men, L 508, 509, et seq. Re 
view of their history, 509 et seq. Their religion the basis of Christianity, 
512. The promises of divine favor extended by Christianity to all man 
kind, 513. The immortality of the soul not inculcated in the law of 
Moses, 530, Reasons assigned for this omission, 530, note M. Why 
there are no Hebrew gospels extant, 574, vide notes G. and M. Provoked 
the persecutions of the Roman emperors, ii. 3, 4, notes G. and M. Tol 
eration of their religion, &. Those of a more liberal spirit adopted the 
theological system of Plato, 302, 303, notes G. and M. Their condition 
under the emperors Constantine and Constantius, 432. Miraculous con 
version of a number of, at Minorca, iii. 161, note. Persecution of, in. 
Spain, 563. Are persecuted by the Catholics in Italy, iv. 30, 485, note 
M. Their notions of a Messiah explained, 488, note M. Are persecuted 
by Cyril, at Alexandria, 501. How plagued by the emperor Justinian, 
829. Those in Arabia subdued by Mahomet, v. 133. Assist the Saracens 
in the reduction of Spain, 254. Massacres of, by the first crusaders, 554. 
Census of Israel and Judah by King Havid, 594, note. Explanation of 
this calculation, 595, note M. 

Jezdegerd, king of Persia, is said to be left guardian to Theodosius the 
Younger, by the emperor Arcadius, iii. 349. His war with Theodosiug, 
357. See Yezdegerd. 

Joan, pope, the story of, fictitious, v. 60, note, 60, note M. 

Job, age of the book of, v. 110, note M. 

principal secretary to the emperor Honorius, usurps the empire, iii. 



584 GENERAL INDEX. 

John the Almsgiver, archbishop of Alexandria, relieves the Jews?* refugees 
on Jerusalem being taken by the Persians, iv. 460. His extraordinary 
liberality of the church treasure, 557. 

, bishop of Antioch, arrives at Ephesus after the meeting of the COUB- 
cil, and, with his bishops, tleeides agaiust Cyril, iv. 508, 509. Coalition 
between him and Cyril, 510. 

of Apri, patriarch of Constantinople, his pride, and coafederacj 

against John Cantacuzene, vi. 185. 

de Brisnne, ernperor of Constantinople, vi. 118, 129, vtoie M. 

of Cappedocia, praetorian prsefect of the East rnider the emperor 
Justinian, his character, iv, 80, note M. Is disgraced by the express 
Theodora, and becomes a bishop, 81, note M. 81. Opposes th African 
war, 116. His fraud in supplying the army with "bread, 122. 

Cosanenus, or Calo- Johannes, emperor of Constantinople, IT. 621. 

Damascemas, St., his history, v. 13, note. 

of Lyeopoiis, the hermit, his character, and oracular proaaise to the 

emperor Theodosius the Great, iii. 123. 

, the Monophysite bishop of Asia, is employed Jjy the emperor Jus 
tinian to root out pagans and heretics, iv. 530, note. 

XII., pope, bis flagitious character, v. 61. 

XXIII., pope, his profligate character, vi. 502. 

, St., the Evangelist, reveals the true sense of Plato s doctrine of the 

Logos, ii. 305. Disquisition on his use of the word, 306, note G., 306, 
307, note M. 

Frester, or Presbyter, romantic stories concerning, iv. 5-14. 

the Sanguinary seizes the Gothic treasures in Pieenran, ansi obliges 

Vitiges to raise the siege of Rome, iv. 172. 

Zimisees murders the Greek emperor Nieephoras, and succeeds him, 

iv. 607. His eastern victories, v. 331. Defeats Swatoslaus, czar of 
Russia, 434. 

Jona, one of the Hebrides, its ancient monastic eminence, iii. 5 V 25. 

Jonas, renegade of Damascus, story of, v. 200. 

Jordan, character of his work, Ds Originibus Selaviciz, v. 406, nets. 

Joseph the Carizinian, governor of Berzem, kills the sultan Alp ArsJan, 
v. 519. 

Josephus, the mention of Jesus Christ in his history a forgery, ii. 19, note. 
On this question vide 20, note M. His opinion that Plato derived knowl 
edge from the Jews controverted-, 300, note. 

, the false, History by, ii. 5, 6, notes M. 

Jovian is elected ecaperor by the troops of Julian, on their retreat from 
Assyria, ii. 504. His treaty with Sapor, king of Persia, 507. His death, 
524. 

Jovians and HerenHazis, new bodies of guards instituted to supersede the 
prastorian bands, i. 434. 

Jovinian of Verona, his punishment by a Boman synod 1 , for heresy, iii. 200, 

Jovinus reduces the Alenianni, who had invaded Gaul, ii. 554, 555. Ac 
count of his revoh against the emperor Honorins in Germany, iii. 305. 

Jovias, praetorian prsefeet under the emperor Honorius, succeeds- Olympius 
as his confidential minister, iii. 274. His negotiations with Alaric ob 
structed, 278. Deserts Honorins, and goes over to Alaric, and the new 
emperor Attalus, 279, 280. 

Jubilee, popish, a revival of the secular games, i. 223, n&te, vi. 456. The 
return of, aceelerate-d, 458. 

Jude, St., examination of his grandsons before the tribunal of the procura 
tor of Judg&a, ii. 23. They are set free, 24. 

Judgments of God, in the Salic laws, how determined, iii. 506. 

, popular, of the Romans, displayed, iv. 380. 

Julia !>omna, wife of the emperor S-everas, her character, i. 151. Het 
death, 166, 167, note G. 

Julian, the nephew of Constantine the Great, his education ii. 203, note G 



GENERAL INDEX- 585 

His dangerous situation on the death of his brother Gallus, 210. Is sent 
to Athens, where he cultivates philosophy, 211. Is recalled by Constan- 
tius, 212. Is invested with the title of Caesar, 214. Is appointed to the 
government of Gaul, 231. His first campaign, 234. Battle of Strasburg, 
237- Reduces the Franks at Toxandria, 240, note M. His three expe 
ditions beyond the Rhine, 211. Restores the cities of Gaul, 243. His 
ivil administration, 244. His account of the theological calamities of 
1he empire under Constantius, 360. Constantius grows jealous of him, 
370, note M. The Gaulish legions are ordered into the East, 372. Is 
saluted emperor by the troops, 375. His embassy and epistle to Con- 
Stantius, 378. His fourth and fifth expeditions beyond the Rhine, 380. 
Declares war against Constantius, and abjures the Christian religion, 
His march from the Rhine into Illyricum, 385. Enters Sirrnium, 
Publishes apologies for his conduct, 388. His triumphant entry 
into Constantinople on the deatli of Constantius, 392. His private life 
and civil government, 393. His reformations in the Imperial palace, 
395, 396. Becomes a sloven, to avoid foppery, 397. Erects a tribunal for 
the trial of the evil ministers of Constantius, 398. Dismisses the spies 
and informers employed by his predecessor, 401. His love of freedom 
and the republic, 402. His kindnesses to the Grecian cities. 404. His 
abilities as an orator, and as a judge, 405, 4C6. His character, 407. His 
apostasy accounted for, 409, 410. Adopts the Pagan mythology, 413. 
His theological system, 415. His initiation into the Eleusinian mys 
teries, and his fanaticism, 418. His hypocritical duplicity, 419. Writes 
a vindication of his apostasy, 421. His edict for a general toleration, 
52, 423. _ His Pagan superstitious zeal, 424. His circular letters for the 
reformation of the Pagan religion, 425. His industry in gaining pros 
elytes, 429. His address to the Jews, 432, 433. History of his attempt 
to rebuild the temple at Jerusalem, 436. Explanations as to the fire 
from the subterranean vaults having injured the workmen, 439. note G., 
J9, 440, notes M. and G. Transfers the revenues of the Christian church 
to the Heathen priests, 442. Prohibits Christian schools, 442. Obliges 
the Christians to reinstate the Pagan temples, 445. Restores the sacred 
grove and temple of Daphne, 446, 447. Punishes the Christians of 
Antioch for burning that temple, 448. His treatment of the cities of 
Edessa and Alexandria, 454. Banishes Athanasius, 456. The philosoph 
ical fable of his. Caesars delineated, 461. Meditates the conquest of 
Persia, 463. Popular discontents during his residence at Antioch, 466. 
icasion of writing his Misopoffon, 468. His march to the Euphrates, 
470. He enters the Persian territories, 476. Invades Assyria, 481. His 
personal conduct in this enterprise, 485. His address to his discontented 
troops, 486 His successful passage over the Tigris, 489. Burns his 
fleet, 494. His retreat and distress, 495. His death, 499. His funeral, 
517. 

Julian, count, offers to betray Spain into the hands of the Arabs, v. 243. 
His advice to the victorious Saracens, 2-53. 

, the papal legate, exhor.ts Ladislaus, king of Hungary and Poland, 

to breach of faith with the Turks, vi. 354. ""His death and character, 
3o7, 358. 
Julius, master-general of the troops in the Eastern empire, concerts a 

general massacre of the Gothic yduth in Asia, iii. 55. 
Jurisprudence, Roman, a review of, iv. 298. Was polished by Grecian 

philosophy, 321. Abuses of, 323, 324, note W. 
Justin the Elder, his military promotion, iv. 41, note M. His elevation to 

the empire, and character, 4-2. His death, 45. 

-II., emperor, succeeds his uncle Justinian, iv. 387. His firm be 
havior to the ambassadors of the Avars, 388. His abdication and in 
vestiture of Tiberius, as his successor, 400, 401. His death, 402. 
Martyr, his decision in the ease of the Ebionites, i. 523, note. 
His extravagant account of the progress of Christianity, 582. Occasion 
of his own conversion, 581. 



586 GENERAL INDEX. 

Justina, the popular story of her marriage with the emperor Valentinian 
examined, ii. 591. Her infant son Valentinian II. invested with the 
Imperial ensigns, on the death of his father, 592. Her contest with Am 
brose, archbishop of Milan, iii. 70. Flies from the invasion of Maximus, 
with her son, 103. 

Justinian, emperor of the East, his birth and promotion, iv. 41. His 
orthodoxy, 44. Is invested with the diadem by his uncle Justin, 45. 
Marries Theodora, 52. Patronizes the blue faction of the _circus, 58. 
State of agriculture and manufacture in his provinces, 64. Introduces 
the culture of the silk-worm, and manufacture of silk into Greece, 71. 
State of his revenue, 73, note M. His avarice and profusion, 75. Taxes 
and monopolies, 77, 78. His ministers, 8 J. His public buildings, 83. 
Founds the church of St. Sophia at Constantinople, 85. His other pub 
lic works, 89. -His European fortifications, 91. His Asiatic fortications, 
97- He suppresses the schools of Athens, 104. And the consular dig 
nity. 110. Purchases a peace from the Persians, 113. Undertakes to 
restore Hilderic, king of Carthage, 115. Reduction of Africa, 124, 127, 
133. His instructions for the government of, 134. His acquisitions in 
Spain, 145. His deceitful negotiations in Italy, 150. Weakness of his 
empire, 190. Receives an embassy from the Avars, 205. And from the 
Turks, 206. Persian war, 222. His negotiations with Chosroes, 237. 
His alliance with the Abyssinians, 241. Neglects the Italian war under 
Belisarius, 254. Settles the government of Italy under the exarch of 
Ravenna, 279. Disgrace and death of Belisarius, 284. The emperor s 
death and character, 287. Comets and calamities in his reign, 289, note 
M. His Code, Pandects, and Institutes, 299. His theological character 
and government, 527. His persecuting spirit, 528. His orthodoxy, 531. 
Died a heretic, 534. 

II., emperor of Constantinople, iv. 576. 

, the son of Oermanus, his conspiracy with the empress Sophia, 

and success against the Persians, iv. 403. 

Jus Italicum, Savigny quoted respecting the, ii. 105, note M. 

Juvenal, his remarks on the crowded state of the inhabitants of Rome, 
iii. 265, 266. 

K. 

Kaoti or Lieoupang, emperor of China, defeated by the Huns. iii. 18. 
Karasoo River, historical anecdotes relative to it, iv. 463, note M. 
Khan, import of this title in the northern parts of Asia, iii. 11, 214. 
Khazars or Chozars, their invasion of Georgia, and alliance with Heraclius, 

iv. 477, note M. 
Khoosroo Purveez, his reign and magnificence, iv. 458, 461. His palace of 

Dastagerd, 462, 463, note M. His contempt of Mahomet, 463, note M. 

See Chosroes. 
Kilidje Arslan, sultan, destroys the advanced army of the first crusade 

near Nice in Asia Minor, v. 575, 576, note M. 
King, the title of, conferred by Constantino the Great on his nephew Han- 

nibalianus, ii. 164. 

Kindred, degrees of, according to the Roman civil law, iv. 359, 360. 
Knighthood, how originally conferred, and its obligations, v. 562. 
Koran of Mahomet, account and character of, v. 109. 
Koreish, the tribe of, acquire the custody of the Caaba at Mecca, v. 94. 

Pedigree of Mahomet therefrom, 98. They oppose his pretensions to a 

prophetical character, 123. Escape of Mahomet from, 124. Battle of 

feeder, 131. Battle of Ohud, 132. Mecca surrendered to Mahomet, 

136. 

L. 

Labarum, or standard of the Cross, in the army of Constantine the Great, 
described, ii. 261. 



GENERAL INDEX. 587 

Labee, the civilian, his diligence in business and composition, iv. 321. 
His professional character, 32-5. 

Lactantius, predictions of, I. 586, note M. Difficulties in ascertaining the 
date of his divine institutions, ii. 248, note. His flattering prediction 
of the influence of Christianity among mankind, 234. Inculcates the 
divine right of Constantine to the empire, 256, note. 

Ladislaiis, king of Hungary and Poland, leads an army against the 
Turks, vi. 352. His breach of faith with them, 354. 

, } king of Naples, harasses Home during the schism of the 

papacy, vi. 499. 

LiEtus, praetorian prcofeet, conspires the death of Commodus, and confers 
the empire on Pertinax, i. 115, 116, note W. 

Laity, when first distinguished from the clergy, i. 562. 

Lam padius, a Roman senator, boldly condemns the treaty with Alaric the 
Goth, Ei. 231. 

Lance, Holy, narrative -of the miraculous discovery of, v. 586. 

Land, how assessed by the Roman emperors, ii. 142, 143, note M. How 
divided by the Barbarians, iii. 598, 599, note s M. Allodial and Salic, 
distinguished, 600, 601, note M. Of Italy, how partitioned by Theodoric 
the Ostrogoth, iv. 13, note M. 

Laodicea, its ancient splendor, i. 62. 

Lascaris, Theodore, establishes an empire at Nice, vi 104, His character, 
141. 

, , II., his character, vi. 143. 

, Janus, the Greek grammarian, vi. 339. Constantine, 340, note. 

Latin church, occasion of its separation from the Greek church, vi. 48. 
Corruption and schism of, 308. Reunion of with the Greek church, 
322. The subsequent Greek schism, 344. 

Latium, the right of, explained, i. 43. note M. 

Laura, a, or circle of solitary ceils surrounding the monasteries of the 
East, iii. 537. 

Law, review of the profession of, under the emp^ors, ii. 122. Authentic* 
for Roman law stated, iv. 316, note M. Succession of the civil lawyers, 
319. Jurisconsults of the first period, 319, note W. Of the second peri 
od, Cicero, &c., 320. Their philosophy, 321. Institutes, 321, note W. 
Authority of, S23, 324, nvte W. Sects of Proculians and Sabinians, 325, 
326, noteW. 

Laws of Rome, review of, iv. 298, 317, 319, note M. Those of the kings, 
301. Of the twelve tables, 303. Of the people, 307. Decrees of the 
senate, and edicts of the praetors, 509. Constitutions of the emperors, 
313, note M. Their rescripts, 316, note M. The three codes of, 317. 
The forms of, 317, 318, notc-s W. and M. Reformation of, by Justinian, 
328. Abolition and revival of the penal laws, 573, 574. 

Lazi, the tribe of, in Colchos, account of, iv. 230. 

Leake, Colonel, "Edict of Diocletian," by, i. 4iO, note M. Discovers the 
site of Dodona, iv. 265, note M. 

Learning, the revival of, vi. 324. Of the Greek, in Italy, 327, 330, 331, 
333. Of pronunciation and accents, S3o, 336. Emulation of the Latins, 
337. Under Cosmo and Lorenzo of Medicis, 338. Classic literature, 
340, Introduction of learning among the Arabians, v. 300. 

Le Clerc, character of his Ecclesiastical History, iv 427, note. 

Legacies and inheritances taxed by Augustus, i. 191. How regulated by 
the Roman law, iv. 363. 

Legion, in the Roman army under the emperors, described, i. 14, 19. 
Camp of a, 18. General distribution of the legions, 19. The size of, 
reduced by Constantine the Great, ii. 127. 

Leo of Thrace is made emperor of the East, by his master Aspar, iii. 489. 
Was the first Christian potentate who was crowned by a priest, 489. 
Confers the empire of the West on Anthemius, 490. His armament 
against the Vandals in Africa, 494. His alarm on its failure, 497, 
M. Murders Aspar and his sons, iv. 3. 



588 GENERAL INDEX. 

Leo III., emperor of Constantinople, iv. 582, 583, note M. His edicts 
against images in churches, y. 10. Revolt of Italy, 18. 

IV., emperor of Constantinople, iv. 584, note M. 

5 V., emperor of Constantinople, iy. 590. 

VI., the Philosopher, emperor of Constantinople, iv. 601. Extin 
guishes the power of the senate, y. 363. 

, bishop of Rome, his character, and embassy from Valentinian III. to 

Attila, king of the Huns, iii. 449, 450, note M. Intercedes with Gen- 
seric, king of the Vandals, for clemency to the city of Rome, 462, 463, 
note. Calls the council of Chalcedon, iv. 517. 

III., pope, his miraculous recovery from the assault of assassins, y. 
42. Crowns Charlemagne emperor of the Romans, 43. 

IV., pope, his reign, v. 315, 316. Founds the Leonine city, 317. 

IX., pope, his expedition against the Normans of Apulia, v. 455. His 

treaty with them, 456. 

, archbishop of Thessalonica, one of the restorers of Greek learning, 

v. 378, 379. 

, general of the East, under the emperor Arcadius, his character, iii. 333. 

Pilatus, first Greek professor at Florence, and in the "VVest, character 
of, vi. 330. 

the Jew proselyte, history of his family, vi. 459. 

Leonas, the qujestor, his embassy from Constantius to Julian, ii. 382. 

Leonine city at Rome founded, v. 317. 

Leontius is taken from prison, and chosen emperor of Constantinople, on 
the deposition of Justinian II., iv. 577. 

Leovigild, Gothic king of Spain, his character, iii. 559. Revolt and exe 
cution of his son Hermenegild, 560. 

Letters, a knowledge of, the test of civilization* in a people, i. 257. 

Lewis the Pious, son of Charlemagne, emperor of the Romans, v. 54. 

II., son of Lewis the Pious, emperor of the Romans, v. 54. His 

^pistle to the Greek "emperor, Basil I., 441. 

Libanius, his account of the private life of the emperor Julian, ii. 394. 
And of his divine visions, 419. Applauds the dissimulation of Julian, 
420. His character, 469. His eulogium on the emperor Valens, iii. 51, 52. 

Liberius superseded in the Sicilian command by Artaban, iv. 265, 266, vide 
note M. 

;, bishop of Rome, is banished by the emperor Constantius, for 

refusing to concur in deposing Athanasius, ii. 345, 355. 

Liberty, public, the only sure guardians of, against an aspiring prince, i. 73. 

Licinius is invested with the purple by the emperor Galerius, i. 446. His 
alliance with Constantine the Great, 48.5. Defeats Maximin, 486. His 
cruelty, 486. Is defeated by Constantine at Cibalis, 490. And at 
Mardia, 491. Peace concluded with Constantine, 493. Second civil war 
with Constantine, 497. His humiliation and death, 502. Concurred 
with Constantine in publishing the edict of Milan, ii. 252. Violated 
this engagement by oppressing the Christians, 2-57. Fate of his son, 
157, 160, note. 

Lieutenant, Imperial, his office and rank, i. 77. 

Lightning, superstition of the Romans with reference to persons and places 
struck with, i. 393. On the knowledge of conducting it possessed by the 
ancients, iii. 270, note M. 

Limigantes, Sarmatian slaves, expel their masters, and usurp possession 
of their country, ii. 172. Extinction of, by Constantius, 221. 

Literature, revival of, in Italy, vi. 327, 328. Anciei t, use and abuse of, 340 

Lithuania, its late conversion to Christianity, v. 438. 

Litorius, count, is defeated and taken captive in Gaul by Theodoric, iii, 
426. 

Liutprand, king of the Lombards, attacks the city of Rome, v. 24. 

-, bishop of Cremona, ambassador to Constantinople, ceremony 

of his audience with the emperor, v. 357. 



GENERAL INDEX. 589 

Logos, Plato s doctrine of,-ii. 391, 302, notes G. and M. Is expounded by 
St. John the Evangelist, 305, note G., 306, M. Athanasius confesses 
himself unable to comprehend it, 310. Controversies on the eternity of, 
313, 314. See also iv. 497. 

Logothete, Great, his/>ffice under the Greek emperors, v. 3-54. 

Lombardy, ancient, described, i. 23, iv. 395. Conquest of, by Charlemagne, 

v. 27. 

Lombards, derivation of their name, and review of their history, iv. 193. 
Are employed by the emperor Justinian to check the G-epidae, 194. Ac 
tions of their king, Alboin, 389. They reduce the Gepidoe, 392. They 
overrun that part of Italy now called Lombardy, 395. Extent of their 
kingdom, 396, 409. Language and manners of the Lombards, 410. 
Government and laws, 414, 415. 

Longinus, his representation of the degeneracy of his age, i. 72. Is put 
to death by Aurelian, 357. 

is sent to supersede 1ST arses, as exarch of Ravenna, iv. 394. Re 
ceives Rosamond, the fugitive queen of the Lombards, 399. 

Lothaire I., emperor of the Romans, v. 54. 

Louis VII. of France is rescued from the treachery of the Greeks by 
Roger, king of Sicily, v. 48". Undertakes the second crusade, vi. 4. 
His disastrous expedition, 5, note%l., 9, 10, note M. 

IX. of France, his crusades to the Holy Land, vi. 40, 43. His death, 

44. Procured a valuable stock of relics from Constantinople, 122. 

Lucian, the severity of his satire against the heathen mythology accounted 
for, i. 36. 

, count of the East, under the emperor Arcadius, his cruel treat 
ment by the pra?fect Rurlnus, iii. 170. 

, presbyter of Jerusalem, his miraculous discovery of the body of 

St. Stephen, the first Christian martyr, iii. 158. 

Lucilian, governor of Illvricum, is surprised, and kindly treated, by Julian, 
ii. 387. His death, 523. 

Lucilla, sister of the emperor Commodus, her attempt to get him assassi 
nated, i. 105. 

Lucius II. and III., popes, their disastrous reigns, vi. 428. 

Lucrine lake described, with its late destruction, iii. 255, note. 

Lucullan villa in Campania, its description and history, iii. 515. 

Lupercalia, the feast of, described, and continued under the Christian em 
perors, iii. 492. By whom abolished, 493. 

Lupicinus, ii. 534. Roman governor of Thrace oppresses the Gothic emi 
grants there, iii. 34. Rashly provokes them to hostilities, 37. Is 
defeated by them, 37, 38. 

Lustral contribution in the Roman empire explained, ii. 150. 

Luther, Martin, his character as a reformer, v. 399, 40U. 

Luxury, the only means of correcting the unequal distribution of property 
i. 67. 

Lygians, a formidable German nation, account of, i. 379, 380, vide note M. 

Lyons, battle of, between the competitors Severus and Albinus, i. 140. 

M. 

Macarius, patriarch of Antioch, his zeal, iv. 553. 

Macedonius, the Arian bishop oT Constantinople, his contest with his com 
petitor Paul, ii. 357. Fatal consequences on his removing the body of 
the emperor Constantino to the church of St. Acacius, 358. His cruel 
persecution of the Catholics and Novatians, 359. 360. His exile, iv. 525. 

Macrianus, praetorian proefect under the emperor Valerian, his character, 
i. 316. 

, a prince of the Alemanni, his steady alliance with the emperor 

Valentinian, ii. 559. 

Macrinua, his succession to the empire predicted by an African, i. 162. 
VOL. VI. 50 



590 GENERAL INDEX. 

Accelerates the completion of the prophecy, 163. Purchases a peacw 
with Parthia, 240. 

Madayn, the capital of Persia, sacked by the Saracens, v. 180. 

Mseonius of Palmyra assassinates his uncle Odenath.ua, i. 351. 

Majsia, its situation, i. 26. 

Magi, the worship of, in Persia, reformed by Artaxerxes, i. 229. Abridg 
ment of the Persian theology, 231. Simplicity of their worship, 233. 
Ceremonies and moral precepts, 234. Their power, 236. Their persecu 
tion of the Armenians, iv. 428, note M. Their intolerance, 461. 

Magic, severe prosecution of persons for the crime of, at Rome and An- 
tioch, ii. 535. Evil consequences thereof, 535, note M. 

Magnentius assumes the empire in Gaul, ii. 183. Death of Constans, 188. 
Sends an embassy to Constantius, 189. Makes war against Constantius, 
193. Is defeated at the battle of Mursa, 194. Kills himself, 199, note. 

Mahmud, sultan, the Gaznevide, his twelve expeditions into Hindostan, v. 
501. His character, 503. 

Mahomet, the Prophet, his epistle to Chosroes II., king of Persia, iv. 463, 
note M. His genealogy, birth, and education, v. 98, 99, note M. His 
person and character, 101, 102. Assumes his prophetical mission, 104. 
Inculcated the unity of God, 104. His reverential mention of Jesus 
Christ, 108. His Koran, 109. His miracles, 111. His precepts, 114. 
His hell, and paradise, 117. The best authorities for his history, 120, 
note. Converts his own family, 120, 121. Preaches publicly at Mecca, 
121. Escapes from the Koreishites there, 124. Is received as prince of 
Medina, 126. His regal dignity, and sacerdotal office, 127. Declares 
war against Infidels, 128. Battle of Beder, 131. Battle of Ohud, 
132. Subdues the Jews of Arabia, 133. Submission of Mecca to him, 
136. Conquers Arabia, 138. His sickness and death, 143, 145. His 
character, 146. His private life, 148. His wives, 149. His children, 
151. His posterity, 165. Remarks on the great spread and permanency 
of his religion, 167- 

, the son of Bajazet, his reign, vi. 280, note M. 

II., sultan of the Turks, his character, vi. 369. His reign, 371. 

Indications of his hostile intentions against the Greeks, 373. He be 
sieges Constantinople, 381. Takes the city by storm, 402. His entry 
into the city, 408. Makes it his capital, 410. His death, 418. 

Mahometism, by what means propagated, v. 264. Toleration of Chris 
tianity under, 269. 

Majorian, his history, character, and elevation to the Western empire, iii. 
473. His epistle to the senate, 475. His salutary laws, 476. His prep 
arations to invade Africa, 479. His fleet destroyed by Genseric, 482, 483. 
His death, 483. 

Malaterra, his character of the Normans, v. 452. 

Malek Shah, sultan of the Turks, his prosperous reign, v. 520. Reforms 
the Eastern calendar, 522. His death, 522. State of the Turks after 
that event, 588. 

Mallius Theodoras, the great civil honors to which he attained, ii. 122, 
note. 

Malta, island of, i. 32, note M. 

Maraalukes, their origin and character, vi. 43. Their establishment in 
Egypt, 4-1. 

Mamoea, mother of the young emperor Alexander Severus, acts as regent 
of the empire, i. 175. Is put to death with him, 200. Her conference 
with Oiigen, ii. 50. 

Mamgo, an Armenian noble, his history, i. 421, vide noteM. 

Man, the only animal that can accommodate himself to all climates, i. 251 
note. 

Mancipium, in the Roman law, explained, iv. 356, note. 

Manichrcans are devoted to death, by the edict of Theodosius against 
heretics, iii. 93. 



GENERAL INDEX. 591 

Manuel Comnenus, emperor of Constantinople, iv. 622. He repulses tho 
Normans, v. 488. But fails in his scheme of subduing the Wester* em 
pire, 491. His ill treatment of the crusaders, vi. 7. 

Maogamalcha, a city of Assyria, destroyed by the emperor Julian, ii. 483. 

Marble, the four species esteemed by the Romans, i. 204, note. 

Marcellinus, count of the sacred largesses under the emperor Constans in 
Gaul, assists the usurpation of Magnentius, ii. 187. His embassy to 
Constantius, 199. Was killed in the battle of Mursa, 199. 

1 his revolt in Dalmatia, and character, iii. 484, 48-5. Joins the 

emperor Anthemius, and expels the Vandals from Sardinia, 494. His 
death, 497. 

-, son of the prsefect Maximin, his treacherous murder of Ga- 



binius, king of the Quadi, ii. 587, 088. 

Marcellus, the centurion, martyred for desertion, ii. 60, 61, and note M. 

, bishop of Rome, exiled to restore peace to the city, ii. 73. 

, bishop of Apamea in Syria, loses his life in destroying the Pa 
gan temples, iii. 142. 

Marcia, concubine of Commodus, a patroness of the Christians, ii. 48. 

Marcian, senator of Constantinople, marries the empress Pulcheria, and 
Is acknowledged emperor, iii. 419. His temperate refusal of the de 
mands of Attila the Hun, 420. His death, 488. 

Marcianopolis, the city of, besieged by the Goths, i. 290. 

Marcomanni are subdued and punished by Marcus Antoninus, i. 276. Were 
a Tentonic tribe, 276, note M. Alliance made with, by the emperor 
Gallienus, 304. 

Marcus elected bishop of the Nazarenes, i. 516. 

Mardia, battle of, between Constantine the Great and Licinius, i. 491. 

Margus, battle of, between Diocletian and Carinus, i. 401. 

, bishop of, betrays his episcopal city into the hands of the Huns. 

iii. 395. 

Maria, daughter of Eudcemon of Carthage, her remarkable adventures, iii. 
282. 

Mariana, his account of the misfortunes of Spain, by an irruption of the 
barbarous nations, iii. 308, 309. 

Marinus, a subaltern officer, chosen emperor by the legions of Macsia, i. 
279. 

Marius the armorer, a candidate for the purple among the competitors 
against Gallienus, his character, i. 322. 

Mark, bishop of Arethusa, is cruelly treated by the emperor Julian, ii. 445. 

Markland, his severe criticism upon the JEneid, vi. 335, note. 

Maronga, engagement there between the emperor Julian and Sanor, king 
of Persia, ii. 498. 

.Maronites of the East, character and history of, iv. 552, 553. 

Marozia, a Roman prostitute, the mother, grandmother, and great-grand 
mother of three popes, v. 60, vide note M. 

Marriage, regulations of, by the Roman laws, iv. 345. Of Roman citizens 
with strangers, proscribed by their jurisprudence, v. 3-59. 

Martel, Charles, duke of the Franks, his character, v. 289. His politic 
conduct on the Saracen invasion of France, 289. Defeats the Saracens, 
290, 291. Why he was consigned over to hell flames by the clergy, 291. 

Martin, bishop of Tours, destroys the idols and Pagan temples in Gaul, 
iii. 141. His monkish institutions there, 525. 

Martina marries her uncle, the emperor Heraclius, iv. 572. Endeavors to 
share the Imperial dignity with her sons, 572. Her fate, 574. 

Martinianus receives the title of Caesar from the emperor Licinius, i. 501. 

Martyrs, primitive, an inquiry into the true history of, ii. 1, note. The 
several inducements to martyrdom, 37, 38, 39, note G., 40, 41, note M. 
Three methods of escaping it, 43, 44, note G. Marks by which learned 
Catholics distinguish the relics of the martyrs, 33, note. Number of 
martyrs, 82, 83, note M. Eusebius and Lucianus quoted on this point. 



592 GENERAL INDEX. 

82 notes G and M. The worship of, and their relics, introduced, iii. 

l- f : >. 

Mary, Virgin, her immaculate conception, borrowed by the Latin church 
from the Koran, v. 107. 

Mascezel, the persecuted brother of Gildo the Moor, takes refuge in the 
Imperial court of Honorius, iii. 183. Is intrusted with troops to reduce 
Gildo, 183. Defeats him, 185. His suspicious death, 187. 

Master of the offices, under Constantino the Great, his functions, ii. 132.^ 

Matcrnus, his revolt and conspiracy against the emperor Commodus, i. 

107. 

Matthew, St., his Gospel originally composed in Hebrew, i. 574, note, iv 
490, note. His Greek Gospel not unauthorized, 490, note M. 

Maurice, his birth, character, and promotion to the Eastern empire, iv. 
404, 405. Restores Chosroes II., king of Persia, 439. His war against 
the Avars, 446. State of his armies, 444. His abdication and cruel 
death, 451, 452. 

Mauritania, ancient, its situation and extent, i. 31. Character of the na 
tive Moors of, iii. 372. 

Maxcntius, the son of Maximian, declared emperor at Rome, i. 460. Elis 
tyranny in Italy and Africa, 471. The military force he had to oppose 
Constantine, 474. His defeat and death, 481. His politic humanity to 
the Christians, ii. 72. His real character, 72, note M. 

Maximian, associate in the empire with Diocletian, his character, i. 404. 
Triumphs with Diocletian, 431. Holds his court at Milan, 432. Abdi 
cates the empire along with Diocletian, 433. He resumes the purple, 
461. Reduces Severus, and puts him to death, 462. His second resig 
nation, and unfortunate end, 467- His aversion to the Christians ac 
counted for, ii. 60. 

Maximilianus, the African, a Christian martyr, ii. 60. Cause of his con 
demnation, 60, note M. 

Maximin, his birth, fortune, and elevation to the empire of Rome, i. 1 ). 
Why deemed a persecutor of the Christians, ii. 50. Account of his per 
secutions, 50, note G. 

, nephew of Galerius, is declared Caesar by Diocletian, i. 45<3. 

Obtains the rank of Augustus from Galerius, 466. His defeat and death, 
486. Renewed the persecution of the Christians after the toleration, 
granted by Galerius, ii. 77. 

: , the cruel minister of the emperor Valentinian, promoted to the 

prefecture of Gaul, ii. 541. 

his embassy from Theodosius the Younger to Attila, king of the 



Huns, iii. 406, 407, note M. 

Maximus and Balbinus elected joint emperors by the senate, on the deaths 
of the two Gordians, i. 209. 

, his character, and revolt in Britain, iii. Jo. lift treaty with the 

emperor Theodosius, 78. Persecutes the Priscillianists, 93. His inva 
sion of Italy, 102. His defeat and death, 105. 

, the" Paean preceptor of the emperor Julian, initiates him into 

*-* * . . j j"> T "\ 11 *._._* J A. ~ /"^1 ,. -~ ,-.4-.-.-*-.4-^t-ii- 



uii _.a-c*,c^c*-i.L|- i\--^*- i- w * - r 

the Eleusinian mysteries, ii. 418. Is honorably invited to Constantino 
ple by his Imperial pupil, 428. Is corrupted by his residence at court, 

429. 

- Petronius. his wife ravished by Valentinian III., emperor of the 

IT . . 1 A }.f\ Jirt 



i. ^_, \,i \> m\jL-j t m-j J * r-i TT * 

West, iii. 456. His character and elevation to the empire, 460. 
marriage with Eudoxia, 460. Is assassinated, 461, 462. _ 

Mazdak, the archimagus, account of his tenets, iv. 210, vide note M. 

Mebodes, the Persian general, ungratefully treated by Chosroes, iv. 213. 

Mecca, its situation and description, v. 80, 81, ride note M. Lhe Caaba or 
temple, 93. Its deliverance from Abrahah, 100. The doctrine ot Ma 
homet opposed there, 122. His escape, 124. The city of, surrendered 
to Mahomet, 136. Is pillaged by Abu Taher, 324. 

Medina, city of, v. 80. Reception of Mahomet there, on his flight Irora 
Mecca, 126. 



GENERAL INDEX. . 593 

Megalesia, the festival of, at Rome, described, i. 108, note. 
Meletians, an Egyptian sect, persecuted by Athanasius, ii. 335, note. 
Melitene, battle of, between the Eastern emperor Tiberius and Chosroes, 

king of Persia, iv. 429. 

Mellobaudes, king of the Franks, ii. 514. Put to death, iii. 78. 
Melo, citizen of Bari. invites the- Normans into Italy, v. 447, note M., 448._ 
Memnon, secret of the sounds from the celebrated head of, discovered, iii. 

146, note M. 

Memphis, its situation and reduction by the Saracens, v. 222. 
Merab, city in which Belkis, queen of Saba, dwelt in the Sabaean land of 

odoriferous plants, i. 3, note M. 

Merovingian kings of the Franks in Gaul, origin gf, iii. 428. Their do 
main and benefices, 599. 
Mervan, caliph of the Saracens, and the last of the house of Ommiyah, 

his defeat and death, v. 294. 
Mesopotamia, invasion of, by the emperor Julian, ii. 476. Described by 

Xenophon, 477. 
Mes.sala, Valerius, the first prsefect of Rome, his high character, ii. 117, 

note. 
Messiah, under what character he was expected by the Jews, i. 572. His 

birthday, how fixed by the Romans, ii. 383, note. 

Metals and money, their operation in improving the human mind, i. 2-59. 
Metellus Numidicus, the censor, his invective against women, i. 176, note. 
Metius Falconius, his artful speech to the emperor Tacitus in the senate 

on his election, i. 370. 

Metrophanes of Cyzicus is made patriarch of Constantinople, vi. 346. 
Metz, cruel treatment of, by Attila, king of the Huns,Jii. 434. 
Michael I., Rhan;abe, emperor of Constantinople, iv. 589. . 

II., the Stammerer, emperor of Constantinople, iv. 591. 

III., emperor of Constantinople, iv. 595. Is defeated by the 

Paulicians, v 392. 
IV., the Paphlagonian, emperor of Constantinople, iv. 611. 

V., Calaphates, emperor of Constantinople, iv. 612. 

VI., Stratioticus, emperor of Constantinople, iv. 613. 

VII., Parapinaces, emperor of Constantinople, iv. 616. 



Milan, how the Imperial court of the Western empire came to be trans 
ferred from Rome to that city, i. 432. Famous edict of Constantioe 
the Great in favor of the Christians, published there, ii. 252. St. Am 
brose elected archbishop of that city, iii. 96. Tumults occasioned by his 
refusing a church for the Arian worship of the empress Justina and her 
son, 97. Revolt of, to Justinian, iii. 190, 19-5. Is taken and destroyed by 
the Burgundians, 195, 196. Is again destroyed by Frederic I., v. 67. 

Military force, its strength and efficacy dependent on a due proportion to 
the number of the people, i. 124. 

Military officers of the Roman empire at the time of Constantine the Great, 
a review of, ii. 126. 

Millennium, the doctrine of, explained, i. 533. 

Mincius, the slow-winding river, iii. 430, note M. 

MingreH;). See Colchos. 

Minority, two distinctions of, in the Roman law, iii. 175, note. 

Miracles confined to the first century, i. 541, note M. Those of Christ and 
his apostles escaped the notice of the heathen philosophers and histo 
rians, 588. Account of those wrought by the body of St. Stephen, iii. 
158. 

Miraculous powers of the primitive church, an inquiry into, i. 539, note M. 

Misitheus, chief minister and father-in-law of the third Gordian, his 
character, i. 229. 

Misopogon of the emperor Julian, on what occasion written, ii. 468. 

Missorium, or great golden dish of Adolphus, king of the Visigoths, his 
tory of, iii. 298. 

50* 



594 GENERAL INDEX. 

Moawiyah assumes the title of caliph, and makes war against Ali, v. 159. 

His character and reign, 161. Lays siege to Constantinople, 273, 274. ^ 
Modar, prince of the Amali, seduced by the emperor Theodosius, turns his 

arms against his own countrymen, iii. 64. 
Moguls, of Tatar, or Tartar, descent, iii. 3, 4, note M. Primitive, their 

method of treating their conquered enemies, 397. Reign and con 

gests of Zingis, vi. 204. Conquests of his successors, 212. See Tam 

erlane. . .. 

Moguntiacum, the city of, surprised by the Alemanm, n. 555. 
Mohawkas the Egyptian, his treaty with the Saracen Amrou, v. 224. 
Monarchy denned, i. 73. Hereditary, ridiculous in theory, but salutary in 

fact, 196. The peculiar objects of cruelty and avarice under, iL 139. 
Monastic institutions, the seeds of, sown by the^ primitive Christians. i> 

550. Origin, progress, and consequences of, iii. 520. 
Money, the" standard and computation of, under Constantine the Great. 

and his successors, ii. 145, notes. 
Monks have embellished the sufferings of the primitive martyrs by fic 

tions, ii. 30. Their descriptions not to be esteemed fictions, 30, note G., 

with exception of miraculous interpositions, 30, note M. Character of, 

by Eunapius, iii. 155. By Ilutilius, 184. Origin and historv of, 523. 

Their industry in making proselytes, 526. Their obedience, 528. Their 

dress and habitations, 530. Their diet, 531. Their manual labor, 532 

Their riches, 533. Their solitude, 535. Their devotion and visions, 536- 

Their divisions into the classes of Coenobites and Anachorets, 537 

Suppression of, at Constantinople, by Constanine \., v. 13. 
Monophysites of the East, their doctrine, iv. 515. History of the sect cf, 

549, 555, 559. 

Monothelite controversy, account of, iv. Oo3. 
Montanists, sect of the, iv. 529, note. 
Montesquieu, his description of the military government of the Koman 

empire, i. 222. His opinion, that the degrees of freedom in a state are 

measured by taxation, controverted, ii. 140. 
Montius, quaestor of the palace, is sent by the emperor Constantms, with 

Domitian, to correct the administration of Gallus in the East, ii. 20o, 

207, note M. Is put to death there, 207. 
Moors of Barbary, their miserable poverty, iv. 136. Their origin, 1 11, note. 

Inscription relative to it, 141, note M. Their invasion ot the Koman 

province punished by Solomon the eunuch, 143. 
Morals, the early Christians distinguished by the purity of their, i. 044, 

545, note M., 546, notes M. and G. 
Morea is reduced by the Turks, vi. 414. 
Morosini, Thomas, elected partriarch of Constantinople by the Venetians, 



vi 



v 
Moseilama, an Arabian chief, endeavors to rival Mahomet in his prophet 

ical character, v. 171, vide note M. 
Moses the doctrine of the immortality of the soul, not inculcated in his 

law, i. 530, ride note M. His military laws compared with those of 

Mahomet, v. 128, 129, note M. 
Moses of Chorene, chronological difficulties in his history misled Gibbon 

into perpetual anachronisms, ii. 181, note M. 
Mosheim, character of his work De Rebus Christianis ante Constantinum, 

iv. 487, note. 

Moslenvah, the Saracen, besieges Constantinople, v. 279, notes/I. 
Mostali, the caliph, v. 589. Jerusalem defended against the crusaders by 

his lieutenant Aladin or Iftikhar, 591. 
Mor.tassem, the last caliph of the Saracens, his wars with the Greek ea> 

peror Theophilus, v. 318. Is killed "by the Moguls, vi. 216. 
Mourzoufie usurps the Greek empire, and destroys Isaac Angelus, and hi* 
. son Alexius, vi. 84. Is driven from Constantinople by the Latins, 88. 
- His death, 104, note M. 



GENERAL INDEX. 595 

Mensa, the son of Bajazet, invested with the kingdom of Anatolia, by 

Tamerlane, vi. 268. His reign, 280. 
Mozarabes, in the history of Spain, explained, v. 269. 
Municipal cities, their advantages, i. 41, note M., 42, note M. 
Muratori, the Italian historian, the elaborate and valuable works of, enu 

merated and characterized, vi. 515. Biographical notice of, 515. 
Mursa, battle of, between the emperor Oonstantius and the usurper Mag- 

nentius, ii. 194. 
Musa, the Saracen, his conquest of Spain, v. 256. His disgrace, 259. His 

death, 260, 261. 

Mustapha, the supposed son of Bajazet, his story, vi. 278, 281, 282. 
Muta, battle of, between the forces of the emperor Heraclius and those of 

Mahomet., v. 141. 
Mygdonius, river, the course of, stopped by Sapor, king of Persia, at the 

siege of Nisibis, ii. 185, note M. 



Nacolia, battle of, in Phrygia, ii. 535, note M. 

Nacoragan, the Persian, defeated by the Romans, his fate, iv. 236, note M. 

Naissus, battle of, between Claudius and the Goths, i. 337- 

Naples is besieged and taken by Belisarius, iv. 155. Extent of the duchy 

of, under the exarchs of Ravenna, 408. 
Narbonne is besieged by Theodoric, and relieved by Count Litorius, iii. 

425. 
Narses, his embassy from Sapor, king of Persia, to the emperor Constan- 

tius, ii. 222. 
-- , king of Persia, prevails over the pretensions of his brother Hormuz, 

and expels Tiridates, king of Armenia, i. 422. Overthrows Galerius, 423. 

Is surprised and routed by Galerius, 425. Articles of peace between him 

and the Romans, 426. 
-- , the Persian general of the emperor Maurice, restores Chosroes II., 

king of Persia, iv. 438. His revolt against Phocas, and cruel death, 458. 
-- , the eunuch, his military promotion, and dissension with Belisarius, 

iv. 174. His character and expedition to Italy, 267. Battle of Tagina, 

270, 271. Takes Rome, 272. Reduces and kills Teias, the last king of 

the Goths, 273, 274. Defeats the Franks and Allemanni, 277. Governs 

Italy in the capacity of exarch, 279. His disgrace, and death, 394, 395. 
Naulobatus, a chief of the Heruli, enters into the Roman service, and is 

made consul, i. 312. 

Navy of the Roman empire described, i. 20. 
Nazarene church at Jerusalem, account of, i. 514. The Nazarenes quitted 

the city before the siege, 515, note M. 
Nazarius, the Pagan orator, his account of miraculous appearances in the 

sky in favor of Constantino the Great, ii. 265, note M. 
Nebridius, praetorian prefect in Gaul, is maimed and superseded by his 

indiscreet opposition to the troops of Julian, ii. 384. 
Negra, city in Yemen, massacre of Christians at, iv. 240, 241, note M. 
Negroes of Africa, evidences of their intellectual inferiority to the rest of 

mankind, ii. 576, note M. 

Nectarius is chosen archbishop of Constantinople, iii. 91. 
Nennijis, his account of the arrival of the Saxons in Britain different from 

that of Gildas, Bede, and Witikind, iii. 616, 617, note. 
Nepos, Julius, is made emperor of the West by Leo the Great, iii. 507. 
Nepotian, account of his revolt in Italy, ii. 197. 
Nero persecutes the Christians as the incendiaries of Rome, ii. 17. 
Nerva, emperor, his character, and prudent adoption of Trajan, i. 91. 
Nestorius, archbishop of Constantinople, his character, iv. 503. His her 

esy concerning the incarnation, 504. His dispute with Cyril of Alexan 

dria, 506. Is condemned, and degraded from his episcopal dignity, by 



596 



GENERAL INDEX. 



the council of Ephesus, 509. Is exiled, 512. His death, 511. His opin 
ions still retained in Persia, 541, 542. Missions of his disciples in the 
East Indies, 544, 545 , 546. 

Nevers, John, count of, disastrous fate of him and his party at the battle 
of Nicopolis, vi. 238. 

Nice becomes the capital residence of Sultan Soliman, v. 526. Siege of, by 
the first crusaders, 576. 

Nicephorus I., emperor of Constantinople, iv. 588. His wars with the 
Saracens, v. 309. His death, 408. 

II., Phocas, emperor of Constantinople, iv. 606. His military 

enterprises, v. 330. 

- III., Botoniates, emperor of Constantinople, iv. 617. Was 



raised to the throne by Sultan Soliman, v. 525. 

Nicetas, senator of Constantinople, his flight, on the capture of the city 
by the Latins, vi. 91. His brief history, 93, note. His account of the 
^statues destroyed at Constantinople, 93. 

Nicholas, patriarch of Constantinople, opposes the fourth marriage of the 
emperor Leo the philosopher, iv. 602. 

V., pope, his character, vi. 253, 504. How interested in the fall 

of Constantinople, 381. His peaceful reign, 504, 505. 

Nicomedia, the court of Diocletian held there, and the city embellished by 
him, i. 433. The church of, demolished by Diocletian, ii". 63. The palace 
of, fired, 65, note, 66, note M. 

Nicopolis, battle of, between Sultan Bajazet and Sigismond, king of Ilun- 
_gary, vi. 238. Number of the French engaged in, 239, note M. 

Niku, the sedition of, at Constantinople, iv 62. 

Nile, navigable communication from the Mediterranean to the Red Sea, 
by a canal and the river, v. 232, note M. 

Nineveh, battle on the site of, between the emperor Heraclius and the 
Persians, iv. 479. 

Nisibis, the city of, i. 315, note M. Described, and its obstinate defence 
against the Persians, ii. 179, 184. Is yielded to Sapor by treaty, 509. 

Nizam, the Persian vixier, his illustrious character, v. 522. His assassina 
tion by Hassan Sabek, 523, note M. 

Noah, his ark very convenient for resolving the difficulties of Mosaic anti 
quarians, i. 2-55. 

Nobilissimus, a title invented by Constantine the Great to distinguish his 
nephew Hannibalianus, ii. 164. 

Nogaret, Guillaume de, seizes Boniface VIII. at Anagni, vi. 453. 

Noricum described, i. 25. 

Normans, their settlement in the province of Normandy in France, v. 446. 
Their introduction to Italy, 447, note M. They serve in Sicily, 450. 
They are confirmed in the possession of Aversa. 449, note G. They con 
quer Apulia, 451. Their character, 453. Their treaty with the pope, 456. 

JNotitia Dignitatum Imperil, ii. 107, note G. 

Novatians are exempted by Constantine the Great, in a particular edict; 
from the general penalties of heresy, ii. 296. Are cruelly persecuted by 
Macedoitius, bishop of Constantinople, 359. 

Novels of Justinian, how formed, and their character, iv. 337, note. 

Noureddin, sultan, his exalted character, vi. 16. 

Nubia, i. 417. Conversion of, to Christianity, iv. 561. note. 

Numcrian, the son of Cams, succeeds his father in the empire, in conjunc 
tion with his brother Carinus, i. 392. 

Numidia, its extent at different airas of the Roman history, i. 31. 

Nushirvan, reign of, iv. 212. Conquest of Yemen by, 427. His death, 430 
See Chosroes I. 

0. 

Oasis, in the deserts of Libya, described, ni. 329, note. Three places under 
this name pointed out, iv. 513, note. Various travellers who have visited 
them, 513, note M. 



GENERAL IIs DEX. 597 

Obedience, passive, theory and practice of the Christian doctrine of, ii. 255. 

Obelisks, Egyptian, the purpose of their erection, ii. 218. 

Oblations to the church, origin of, i. 563. 

Obligations, human, the sources of, iv. 365, note M. Laws of the Romans 

respecting, 366, note W. 

Octavian family not obscure, as asserted by Gibbon, i. 85, note M. 
Odenathus, the Palmyrene, his successful opposition to Sapor,^king of 

Persia, i. 318. Is associated in the empire by Gallienus, 324. Character 

and fate of his queen Zenobia, 35), 351. 
Odin, the long reign of his family in Sweden, i. 264, note. His history, 

283. Uncertain hypothesis respecting, 234. His migration from Asiatic 

Sarmatia into Sweden, 284, vide note. Gibbon s retractation of this 

theory, 284, note M. 
Moacer, the first Barbarian king of Italy, iii. 510, note M. . His character 

and ~eign, 510, 511. Resigns all the Iloman conquests beyond the Alps 

to Euric, king of the Visigoths, 567. Is reduced and killed by Theod- 

oric the Ostrogoth, iv. 10. 

Ogors, or Varchonites, the, subdued by the Turks, iv. 204, note M. 
Ohud, battle of, between Mahomet and Abu Sophian, prince of Mecca, v. 

132. 

Olga, princess of Russia, her baptism, v. 435. 
Olive, its introduction into the Western World, i. 66. 
Olybrius is raised to the Western empire by Count Ricimer, iii. 504. 
Olympic games compared with the tournaments of the Goths, v. 563. 
Olympiodorus, his account of the magnificence of the city of Rome, iii. 

249. His account of the marriage of Adolphus, king of the. Visigoths, 

-with the princess Placidia, 297, note. Error in the translation of a 

passage of, 220. 
Olympius, favorite of the emperor Honorius, alarms him with unfavorable 

suspicions of the designs of Stilicho, iii. 232. Causes Stilicho to be put 

to death, 233. His disgrace, and ignominious death, 2J4. 
Omar, caliph of the Saracens, v. 154. His character, 173. His journey to 

Jerusalem, 210. His reign, 213, 220, 221, 229, 233. 
Ommiyah, elevation of the house of, to the office of caliph of the Saracens, 

v. 161. Why not the objects of public favor, 291. Destruction of, 294. 

White the emblem of the Ommiade dynasty, 295. 
Oracles, Heathen, are silenced by Constantine the Great, ii. 365. 
Orchan, emir of the Ottomans, his reign, vi. 227. Marries the daughter 

of the Greek emperor Cantacuzene, 231. 
Ordination of the clergy in the early ages of the church, an account of, ii. 

282. Their celibacy, when it was imposed, 282, note M. 
Orestes is sent ambassador from Attila, king of the Huns, to the emperor 

Theodosius the Younger, iii. 406. His history, and promotion under the 

Western emperors, 509. His son Augustulus the last emperor of the 

West, 509, 513. 
, prsetor of Egypt, is insulted by a monkish inob in Alexandria, 

iv. 501. 
Origen declares the number of primitive martyrs to be very inconsiderable, 

ii. 33. The context to be considered, 32, note G. His conference with 

the empress Mammsea, 50. His memory persecuted by the emperor 

Justinian and his clergy, iv. 531. 
Orleans besieged by Attila, king of the Huns, and relieved by JEtins and 

Theodoric, iii. 434, 435. 
Osius, bishop of Cordova, his great influence with Constantine the Great, 

ii. 268, note. Prevails on Constantine to ratify the Nicene creed, 326. 

Is with difficulty prevailed on to concur in deposing Athanasius, 344, 345. 
Osrhoene, the small kingdom of, reduced by the Romans, i. 242. 
Ossian, his poems, whether to be connected with the invasion of Caledo 
nia by the emperor Severns, i. 153, notes Is said to have disputed with 

a Christian missionary, 582, note 



598 



GENERAL INDEX. 



Ostia, the port of, described, iii. 277. 

Othman, caliph of the Saracens, v. 155 173. 

, the father of the Ottomans, his reign, vi. 225. 

Gtho I., king of Germany, restores and appropriates the Western empire, 
v. 55. Claims by treaty the nomination of the pope of Rome, 59 De 
feats the Turks, 419. 

II. deposes Pope John XII., and chastises his party at Rome, v. 515. 

, bishop of Frisengen, his character as an historian, vi. 443, note. 

Ottomans, origin and history of the, vi. 225, note M. They obtain an 
establishment in Europe, 233. 

Ovid is banished to the banks of the Danube, ii. 168. His description of 
the Geta; and Sarmatians, 168. Character of his "Epistles," 168. 

Oxyrinchus, in Egypt, monkish piety of that city, iii. 523. 

P. 

Paccatus, his encomium on the emperor Theodosius the Great, ii. 109. 

Paederasty, how punished by the Scatinian law, iv. 377. By Justinian, 379. 

Pagan, derivation and revolutions of the term, ii. 368, note. 

Paganism, the ruin of, suspended by the divisions among the Christians, 
ii. 368. Theological system of the emperor Julian, 415. General review 
of the ecclesiastical establishment and jurisdiction of, before it was sub 
verted by Christianity, iii. 132. Renounced by the Roman senate, 137, 
138, note M. The Pagan sacrifices prohibited, 139, note M. The tem 
ples demolished, 142. Vestiges of, in rural districts, to be traced to a 
later period, 155, note M. The ruin of, deplored by the sophists, 155. 
Pagan ceremonies revived in Christian churches, 161. 

Pahuologus Constantine, the last Greek emperor, his reign, vi. 365 Is 
killed in the storm of Constantinople, by the Turks, 402. 

, John, emperor of Constantinople, vi. 183 Marries the daugh 
ter of John Cantacuzene, 190. Takes up arms against Cantacuzene, and 
is reduced to flight, 192. His restoration, 193. Discord between him and 
his sons, 242. His treaty with Pope Innocent VI., 296. Visits Urban 
V. at Rome, 297. 

, John II., his zeal, vi. 308. His voyage to Italy, 312. 

; , Manuel, associated with his father John in the Greek empire, 

vi. 242. Tribute exacted from him by Sultan Bajazet, 243. His treaties 
with Soliman and Mahomet, the sons of Bajazet VI., 283. Visits the 
courts of Europe, 297. Private motives of his European negotiations 
explained, 306. His death, 307. 

Michael, emperor of Nice, his brief replies to the negotia 



tions of Baldwin II., emperor of Constantinople, vi. 124. His family 
and character, 146. His elevation to the throne, 148, 150. His return 
to Constantinople, 151. Blinds and banishes his young associate, John 
Lascaris, 152. He is excommunicated by the patriarch Arsenius, 153. 
Associates his son Andronicus in the empire, 155. His union with the 
Latin church, 156. Instigates the revolt of Sicily, 163. 

Palatines, and Borderers, origin and nature of these distinctions, in the 
Roman troops, ii. 126. 

Palermo taken by Belisarius by stratagem, iv. 151. 

Palestine, character of, i. 27. Fertility of, vindicated, 27, 28, note M. 

Palladium of Rome, described, iii. 132, note. 

Palladius, the notary, sent by Valentinian to Africa, to inquire into tho 
government of Count Romanus, connives with him in oppressing the 
province, ii. 570. 

Palmyra, description of, and its destruction by the emperor Aurelian, i. 
355, 356, 357, 358. 

Panaetius, teacher of the Stoic philosophy at Rome, iv. 322, note. 

Pandects of Justinian, how formed, iv. 331. 

Panhypersebastos, import of that title in the Greek empire, v. 353. 



GENERAL INDEX. 599 

Pannonia described, i. 25. 

Pantheon at Rome, by whom erected, i. 55, note. Is converted into a 
Christian church, iii. 142, 143. 

Pantomimes, Roman, described, iii. 148, 149. 

^aper, where and when the manufacture of, was first found out, v. 188, 
note. 

Papinian, the celebrated lawyer, created prsetorian prcefect by the emperor 
Severus, i. 148. His death, 159. 

Papirius, Caius, reasons for concluding that he could not be the author of 
the Jus Papirianum, iv. 302, note, vide note W. 

Papists,* proportion their number bore to that of the Protestants in Eng 
land at the beginning of the last century, ii- 258, note. 

Para, king of Armenia, his history, ii. 578. Is treacnerously killed by the 
Romans, 581. Described as a magician, 581, note M. 

Parabolani of Alexandria, account of, iv. 500, note. 

Paradise, Mahomet s, described, v. 116, 119. 

Paris, description, of that-city under the government of Julian, ii. 246. 
Situation of his palace, 375, note. 

Parthia, its people described, i. 227, note M. Subdued by Artaxerxes, king 
of Persia, 238. Its constitution of government similar to the feudal 
system of Europe, 238. Recapitulation of the war with Rome, 240, 242. 

Paschal II., his troublesome pontificate, vi. 427. 

Passion, the, observations on the darkness during the crucifixion, i. 589, 
590, note, vide note G. 

Pastoral manners better adapted to the fierceness of war than to peace, 
iii. 4. The nomad tribes of Central Asia, 4, note M. 

Paternal authority, extent of, by the Roman laws, iv. 341, note M. Suc 
cessive limitations of, 343. 

Patras, extraordinary deliverance of, from the Sclavonians and Saracens. 
v. 344. 

Patricians, the order of, under the Roman republic, and under the empe 
rors, compared, ii. 114. Under the Greek empire, their rank explained, 
v. 29, 30. 

Patrick, tutelar saint of Ireland, derivation of his name, iii. 513, note. 

Pavia, massacre of the friends of Stilicho there, by the instigations of 
Olympius, iii. 233. Is taken by Alboin, king of the Lombards, who 
fixes his residence there, iv. ,396, 397- 

Paul, St., martyrdom of, i. 561. His Epistle to the Romans, 561, note M. 

of Samosata, bishop of Antioch, his character and history, ii. 53, 54, 
note G., 54, note M. 

, archbishop of Constantinople, his fatal contest with his competitor 

Macedonius, ii. 357. 

Paula, a Roman widow, her illustrious descent, iii. 246. Was owner of 
the city of Nicopolis, 250. Her monastic zeal, 527. 

Paulicians, origin and character of, v. 385, note M. Are persecuted by the 
Greek emperors, 390. They revolt, 392. They are reduced, and trans 
planted to Thrace, 394. Their present state, 397. Imbued with Gnos 
ticism, 399, note M. 

Paulina, wife of the tyrant Maximin, softens his ferocity by gentle counsels, 
i. 202, note, vide note G. 

Paulinus, master of the offices to Theodosius the Younger, his crime, and 
execution, iii. 356. 

, bishop of Nola, his history, iii. 292. 

, patriarch of Aquileia, flies from the Lombards with his treasure 

into the Island of Grado, iv. 396. 

Peace, temple of, at Rome, i. 59, note W. 

Peers, house of, its increase since the time of Gibbon and policy thereof 
iv. 339, note M. 

Pegasiaris, the party of, among the Roman civilians, iv. 326. 

Fekm, the city of, taken by Zir gis, the Mogul emperor, vi. 209, 210, notei. 



600 GENERAL INDEX. 

Pelagian controversy agitated by the Latin clergy, iii. 224, 225. And in 
Britain, 320. 

Pella, the church of the Nazarenes settled there, on the destruction of Je 
rusalem, i. 515, 516, note M. 

Peloponnesus, state of, under the Greek empire, v. 243. Manufactures. 
345, 346. . 

Penal laws of Rome, the abolition and revival of, iv. 573, 574. 

Pendragon, his office and power in Britain, iii. 320. 

Penitentials of the Greek and Latin churches, history of, v. 547. 

Pepin, king of France, assists the pope of Rome against the Lombards, v. 
25, 26, note M Receives the title of king by papal sanction, 28. Grants 
the exaj-chate to the pope, 31. 

, John, count of Minorbino, reduces the tribune Rienzi, and restores 

aristocracy and church government at Rome, vi. 488. 

Pepper, its high estimation and price at Rome, iii. 272, note. 

Perennis, minister of Commodus, his exaltation and downfall, i. 106. 

Periplus, or circumnavigation of the Euxine by Arrian, iv. 224, note. 

Perisabor, or Fyrouz Schapour, a city of Assyria-, reduced and burned by 
the emperor Julian, ii. 482, vide note M. 

Perozes, king of Persia, his fatal expedition against the Nepthalites, iv. 
99, note M. 

Persarmenia, churches of, persecuted by the Magi, iv. 428, note M. 

Persecutions, ten, of the primitive Christians, a review of, ii. 45, 47, note 
M., 50, notes G. and M., 53, -note G., 61, 74, note M., 80- note M. 

Perseus, amount of the treasures taken from that prince, i. 186. 

Persia, the monarchy of, restored by Artaxerxes, i. 228, note M. The re 
ligion of the Magi" reformed, 229, note M. Abridgment of the Persian 
theology, 231. Simplicity of their worship, 233. Ceremonies and moral 
precepts, 234. Every other mode of worship prohibited but that of Zor 
oaster, 238. Extent and population of the country, 239. Its military 
power, 247. Account of the audience given by the emperor Carus to the 
ambassadors of Varanes, 391. The throne of. disputed by the brothers 
N:iiv.es and Hormuz, 422.; Galerius defeated by the Persians, 423. Nar- 
ses overthrown in his turn by Galerius, 425. Articles of peace agreed on 
between the Persians and the Romans, 426. War between S^por, king 
of, and the emperor Constantius, ii. 181. note M. Battle of Singara, 
182. Sapor invades Mesopotamia, 225. The Persian territories invaded 
by the emperor Julian, 476. Passage of the Tigris, 489. Julian harassed 
in his retreat, 497. Treaty of peace between Sapor and the emperor Jo 
vian, 508, note M. Reduction of Armenia, and death of fcvipor, 577. 
The silk trade, how carried on from China through Persia, for the sup 
ply of the Roman empire, iv. 68. Death of Perozes, in an expedition 
ag ainst the white Huns, 99. Review of the reigns of Cabades, and his 
son Chosroes, iv 21 ), 211, note M. Anarchy of, after the death of Chos- 
roes II., 483. Ecclesiastical history of, 541. Invasion of, by the caliph 
Abubeker, v. 176. Battle of Cadesia. 177, 178. Sack of Ctesipbon, 180. 
Conquest of, by the Saracens, 183. The Magian religion supplanted by 
Mahometism, 264. The power of the Arabs crushed by the dynasty of 
the Bowides, 328. Persia subdued by the Turks, 507- Conquest of, by 
the- Moguls, vi. 215, note M. By Tamerlane, 251, note M. 

Pertinax, his character, and exaltation to the Imperial throne, i. 116, 119. 
His funeral and apotheosis, 137. 

Pescennius Niger, governor of Syria, assumes the Imperial dignity on the 
death of Pertinax, i. 131. 

Petuvius, character of his Dogmata Theologica, iy. 487, note. 

Peter, brother of the Eastern emperor Maurice, his injurious treatment of 
the citizens of Azimuntium, iv. 447. 

, I., czar of Russia, his conduct towards his son contrasted with that 

of Constantine the Great, ii. 161. 

of Arragon assumes the kingdom of Sicily, vi. 161. 



GENERAL INDEX. 601 

Teter, St., his and St. Paul s martyrdom, i. 561. The church of Rome, 
strictly speaking, not founded by, 561, note M. On the words Cephas, 
pierre, corresponding with Trerpoc, 561, notes. 

Bartholemy, his miraculous discovery of the Holy Lance, v. 586. 

His strange death, 588, note M. 

of Courtenay, emperor of Constantinople, vi. 114. 

the Hermit, his character and scheme to recover the Holy Land 

from the infidels, v. 537. Leads the first crusaders, 553. Failure of hi& 
zeal, 585, note M. 

Petra, the city of, taken by the Persians, iv. 232. Is besieged by the Ro 
mans, 233. Is demolished, 235. 

Petrarch, his studies and literary character, vi. 328. And history, 466. 
His account of the ruin of the ancient buildings of Rome, 531. 

Pfeffel, character of his history of Germany, v. 70, note. 

Phalanx, Grecian, compared with the Roman legion, i. 15. 

Pharamond, the actions, and foundation of the French monarchy by him, 
of doubtful authority, iii. 313, 314, vide note M. 

Pharas commands the Heruli, in the African war under Belisarius, iv. 119. 
Pursues Gelimer, 135. His letter to Gelimer, 136, 137. 

Pharisees, account of that sect among the Jews, i. 531. 

Phasis, river, its course described, iv. 225. 

Pheasant, derivation of the name of that bird, iv. 226. 

Philae, isle of, or Elephantine, i. 417, note M. 

Philelphus, Francis, his character of the Greek language of Constanti 
nople, vi. 324. Adventures of, 324, 325, notes. 

Philip I., of France, his limited dominion and power, v. 54. 

Augustus of France engages in the third crusade, vi. 30, 31. 

: , praetorian praefect under the third Gordian, raised to the empire on 

his death, i. 221. Was a favorer of the Christians, ii. 51. 

, praetorian praefect of Constantinople, conveys the bishop Paul into 

banishment clandestinely, ii. 358. 

Philippicus, emperor of Constantinople, iv. 581. 

Philippopolis taken and sacked by the Goths, i. 290, note G. 

Philo, a character of his works, ii. 303, note. 

Philopatris, dialogue of the, i. 391, notes M. 

Philosophy, Grecian, review of the various sects of, i. 35. 

Phineus, the situation of his palace, ii, 88. 

Phoceea is settled by Genoese, who trade in alum, vi. 282. 

Phocas, a centurion, is chosen emperor by the disaffected troops of the 
Eastern empire, iv. 450. Murders the emperor Maurice, and his chil 
dren, 452. His character, 454. His fall, and death, 455, 456. 

Phoenicia described, i. 27. 

Photius, the son of Antonina, distinguishes himself at the siege of Naples, 
iv. 184. Is exiled, 185. Betrays his mother s vices to Belisarius, 186. 
Turns monk, 188. 

, patriarch of Constantinople, character of his library, v. 379. His 

quarrel with the pope of Rome, vi. 51. 

the patrician, kills himself to escape the persecution of Justinian, 

iv. 529. 

Phranza, George, the Greek historian, some account of, vi. 306, note. His 
embassies, 365, 366. His fate on the taking of Constantinople by the 
Turks, 405. 

Picardy, derivation of the name of that province, v. 537, note. 

Pilate, Pontius, his testimony in favor of Jesus Christ much improved by 
the primitive fathers, ii. 46. 

Pilpay s Fajles, history and character of, iv. 216. Translations of, 216, 
note M. 

Pinna marina, a kind of silk manufactured from the threads spun by this 
fish, by the Romans, iv. 68, note. 

Pipa, a princess of the Marcomanni, espoused by Gallienus, i. 305. 
VOL. VI. 51 



602 SENEGAL INDEX. 

Piso, Calphurnms, one of the competitors against Gallienus, his iliimriotw 
family and character, i. 323. 

Pityus, the city of, destroyed by the Goths, i. 307, note G. 

Placidia, daughter of Theodosius the Great, her history and marriage with 
Adolphus, Icing of the Goths, iii. 296, 297. Is injuriously treated" by the 
usxirper Singeric, after the death of her husband, 310. Her marriage with 
Constantius, and retreat to Constantinople, 363, 364. Her administration 
in the West, as guardian of her son the emperor Valentinian III., 367. 
History of her daughter Honoria, 433. Her death and burial, 455, nots. 

Pi.\gue, origin and nature of this disease, iv. 293. Great extent and long 
duration of that in the reign of Justinian, 296. 

Plato, his theological system, ii. 300. Critical disquisition respecting it, 
301, 302, 303, notes G. and M. Is received by the Alexandrian Jews, 304. 
And expounded by St. John the Evangelist, 305. The theological system 
of the emperor Julian, 415. 

Platonic philosophy introduced into Italy, vi. 336. 

Platonists, new, an account of, i. 449. Unite with the Heathen priests to 
oppose the Christians, ii. 59. 

Plautianus, praetorian prsefect under the emperor Severus, his history i. 
147. Causes of his assassination, 147, 148, notes W. and M. 

Plebeians of Rome, state and character of, iii. 260. 

Pliny the Younger, examination of his conduct towards the Christians, ii. 
26, note M. Trajan approves his measures, 32, note M. His testimony 
of their number, 444, 445, note G. 

Poet laureate, a ridiculous appointment, vi. 467, note. 

Poggius, his reflections on the ruin of ancient Rome, vi. 516. In the time 
of Martin V., not of Eugenius IV., 516, note M. 

Poitiers, battle of, between Clovis, king of the Franks, and Alaric, king of 
the Goths, iii. 585. 

Pollentia, battle of, between Stilicho, the Roman general, and Alaric the 
Goth, iii. 205. 

Polytheism of the Romans, its origin and effects, i. 34. Its spirit of tolera 
tion considered and denied, 34, note M. How accounted for by the 
primitive Christians, 522. Scepticism of the people at the time of the 
publication of Christianity, 572. The Christians why more odious to the 
Pagans than the Jews, ii. 6. The ruin of, suspended by the divisions 
among Christians, 368. Theological system of the emperor Julian, 415. 
Review of the Pagan ecclesiastical establishment, iii. 132, 133. Revival 
of, by the Christian monks, 160, 161. 

Pompeianus, proofed of Rome, proposes to drive Alaric from the walls by 
spells which should draw down lightning, iii. 270, vide note M. 

, Ruricius, general under Maxentius, defeated and killed by 

Constantine the Great, i. 477, 478. 

Pompey, his discretional exercise of power in the East, i. 77. Increase of 
the tributes of Asia by his conquests, 187, vide note M. 

Pomptine Marshes drained and cultivated, iv. 26, 27, note M. 

Pontiffs, Pagan, their jurisdiction, iii. 132. 

Pontifex Maximus, in Pagan Rome, by whom that office was exercised, ii, 
277. 

Popes of Rome, the growth of their power, v. 14. Revolt of, from the 
Greek emperors, 19. Origin of their temporal dominion, 31. Publica 
tion of the Decretals, and of the fictitious donation of Constantine the 
Great, 34. Authority of the German emperors in their election, 58. 
Violent distractions in their election, 59. Foundation of their authority 
at Rome, vi. 422. Their mode of election settled, 449. Schism in the 
papacy, 497, 499. They acquire the absolute dominion of Rome, 510. Thg 
ecclesiastical government, 512. 

Population of Rome, a computation of, iii. 265. 

Porcaro, Stephen, his conspiracy at Rome, vi. 507. 

Posthumus, the Roman general under the emperor Gallienus. defends 



GENERAL INDEX. 003 

Gaul against the incursions of the Franks, i. 301. Is killed by his muti 
nous troops, 348. 

Posts and post-houses established by Augustus, i. 63, 64, note M. 
Power, absolute, the exercise of, how checked, v. 363. 
Prsefect of the sacred bed-chamber under Constantiue the Great, his office, 

ii. 132. 
Prefects of Rome and Constantinople, under the emperors, nature of their 

office, ii. 117. Revived at Rome, vi. 438. 

Proetextatus, prsefect of Rome under Valentinian, his character, ii. 352. 
Praetorian bands in the Roman army, an account of, i. 124. Their camp 

on the Yiminal hill, 125, note M. They sell the empire of Rome by 

public auction, 127. Are disgraced by the emperor Severus, 137. A 

new establishment of them, 146. Authority of the praetorian prefect, 

147. Are reduced, their privileges abolished, and their place supplied 

by the Jovians and Herculean;*, 434. Their desperate courage under 

Maxentius, 481. Are totally suppressed by Constantino the Great, 484. 
Prsefect, revolutions of this office under the emperors, ii. 114. 

Their functions when it became a civil office, 115. 
Praetors of Rome, the nature and tendency of their edicts, iv. 309, 310, 

notes M. and W., 311, note M. 
Preaching, a form of devotion unknown in the temples of Paganism, ii. 

291. Use and abuse of, 292. 
Predestination, influence of the doctrine of, on the Saracens and Turks, 

v. 130. 
Presbyters, among the primitive Christians, their office explained, i. 555, 

note M. 

Prester John, origin of the romantic stories concerning, iv. 544. 
Priests, no distinct order of men among the Pagans, i. 572, ii. 277. 
Priestley, Dr., the ultimate tendency of his opinions, v. 403, note, vide 

note M. 

Primogeniture, prerogative of, unknown to the Roman law, iv. 359. 
Prince of the waters, in Persia, his office, iv. 214, note. 
Priscillian, bishop of Avila in Spain, is, with his followers, put to death 

for heresy, iii. 93. 
?riscus, the historian, his conversation with a captive Greek, in the camp 

of Attila, iii. 400. Quotations from, 400, 401, note, 403, note. 

, the Greek general, his successes against the Avars, iv. 448. 

?roba, widow of the prscfect Petroniws, her flight from the sack of Rome 

by Alaric, iii. 288. 
1 robus assumes the Imperial .dignity in opposition to Florianus, i. 374. 

His character and history, 375, 386. 
, praetorian praefect of Illyricum, preserves Sirmium from the Quadi, 

ii. 588. His auspicious government, 589. 
, Sicorius, his embassy from the emperor Diocletian to Narses, king 

of Persia, i. 427. 
Procida, John of, instigates the revolt of Sicily from John of Anjou, vi. 

163, 164. 
Proclus, story of his extraordinary brazen mirror, iv. 83. 

-, the Platonic philosopher of Athens, his superstition, iii. 108. 

Proconsuls of Asia, Achaia, and Africa, their office, ii. 119, 120, notes. 
Procopia, empress of Michael I., her martial inclinations, iv. 589. 
Procopius, his history, and revolt against Valens, emperor of the East, ii. 

530, 532, note M., 534, note M. Is reduced, and put to death, 535, vide 

note M. His account of the testament of the emperor Arcadius, iii. 349, 

notes. His account of Britain, 630, note. Character of his histories, iv. 

45, 46, note M. Accepts the office of secretary under Belisarius, 11". 

His defence of the Roman archers, 119. His account of the desolation 

of the African province by war, 179, 180, note, 
Proculians, origin of the sect of, in the Roman civil law, iv. 325. 
Proculus, his extraordinary character, and his rebellion against Probus in 

Gaul, i. 385. 



604 GENERAL INDEX. 

Prodigies in ancient history, a philosophical resolution of, ii. 364. 

Promises, under what circumstances the lloman law enforced the fulfilment 
of, iv. 365, 366, note W. 

Promotus, master-general of the infantry under Theodosius, is ruined by 
the enmity of llufinus, iii. 166. 

Property, personal, the origin of, iv. 355. How ascertained by the lloman 
laws, 356, 357, note ~W. Testamentary dispositions of, how introduced, 
362. 

Prophets, their office among the primitive Christians, i. 555, note M 

Propontis described, ii. 90. 

Proterius, patriarch of Alexandria, his martial episcopacy, and violent 
death, iv. 521, 522. 

Protestants, their resistance of oppression not consistent with the practice 
of the primitive Christians, ii. 255. Proportion f their number to that 
of the Catholics, in France, at the beginning of the last century, 258, 
note. Estimate of their reformation of popery, v. 399, 400. 

Protosebastos, import of that title in the Greek empire, v. 353. 

Proverbs, the book of, doubts as to its being the production of King Sol 
omon, iv. 139, note, Rosenmttller s opinion as to the period of its com 
position, note M., 139. 

Provinces of the Roman empire described, i. 21. Distinction between 
Latin and Greek provinces, 44. Account of the tributes received from, 
187, note M., 194. Their number and government after the seat of em 
pire was removed to Constantinople, ii. 120. 

Prusa, conquest of, by the Ottomans, vi. 226. 

Prussia, emigration of the Goths to, i. 285, vide notes. 

Pulcheria, sister of the emperor Theodosius the Younger, her character 
and administration, iii. 351. Her lessons to her brother, 353. Her con 
tests with the empress Eudocia, 356. Is proclaimed empress of the 
East, on the death of Theodosius, 418. Her death and canonization, 
488, note. 

Purple, the Imperial robe of, i. 437. 

, the royal color of, among the ancients, far surpassed by the modern 

discovery of cochineal, iii. 66, note. 

Pygmies of Africa, ancient fabulous account of, ii. 575. 

Q. 

Quadi, the inroads of, punished by the emperor Constantius, ii. 220, 
Revenge the treacherous murder of their king, Gabinius. 588. 

Quaestor, historical review of this office, ii. 133. 

Question, criminal, how exercised under the Roman emperors, ji. 138. 

Quintilian brothers, Maximus and Condianus, their history, i. 105. 

Quintilius, brother of the emperor Claudius, his ineffectual effort to suc 
ceed him, i. 338, vide note G. 

Quintus Curtius, an attempt to decide the age in which he wrote, i 219, 
note. Arguments respecting it, 219, note G., note M. 

Quirites, the effect of that word when opposed to soldiers, i. 183. 

R. 

Radagaisus, king of the Goths, his formidable invasion of Italy, iii. 216. 

His savage character, 217. Is reduced by Stilicho, and put to death, 

218. 
lladiger, king of the Varni, compelled to fulfil his matrimonial obligations 

by a British heroine, iii. 630. 

Rainulf, count, leader of the Normans in Italy, v. 44.9, note G. 
Ramadan, the month of, how observed by the Turks, v. 115, 116. 
Ramon de Montaner, autobiography of, notes G. and M., vi. 169, 170. 
Rando, a chieftain of the Alemanni, his unprovoked attack of Mogunti- 

acum, ii. 556, 



GENERAL INDEX. 605 

Ravenna, the ancient city of, described, iii. 211. The emperor Honorius 

fixes his residence there, 212. Invasion of, by a Greek fleet, v. 20. 

Taken by the Lombards, and recovered by the Venetians, 23, 24. Final 

conquest of, by the Lombards, 25. Exarchate of, bestowed by Pepin on 

the pope, 31. 
Raymond of Thoulouse, the crusader, his character, v. 560. His route to 

Constantinople, 565. His bold behavior at Dorylacum, 577. And at the 

siege of Jerusalem, 592. 
, count of Tripoli, betrays Jerusalem into the hands of Saladin, 

vi. 24. Doubt as to the extent of his guilt, 25, note M. 
Raynal, abbe, mistaken in asserting that Constantine the Great suppressed 

Pagan worship, ii. 274, note. 
Rebels, -,vho the most inveterate of, v. 392. 
Recared, the first Catholic king of Spain, converts his Gothic subjects. 

i f*f\ ^ 

in. 560. 

Red Sea, communication by a canal and the Nile with the Mediterranean, 
v. 232, note M. 

Reformation from popery, the amount of, estimated, v. 399. A secret 
reformation still working in the reformed churches, 402, 403, note M. 

Reindeer, this animal driven northward by the improvement of climate 
from cultivation, i. 253, 254, note M. 

Relics, the worship of, introduced by the monks, iii. 156. A valuable cargo 
of, imported from Constantinople by Louis JX. of France, vi. 122. 

Remigius, bishop of Rheims, converts Clovis, king of the Franks, iii. 574. 

Repentance, its high esteem and extensive operation, among the prim 
itive Christians, i. 545. 

Resurrection, general, the Mahometan doctrine of, v. 116. 

Retiarius, the mode of his combat with the Secutor in the Roman amphi 
theatre, i. 114. 

Revenues of the primitive church, how distributed, i. 563, 566, ii. 297. Of 
the Roman empire, in the reign of Augustus, i. 189, notes G. and W. 
When removed to Constantinople, a review of, ii. 140, 141, note G 
Ihajteum, city of, its situation, ii. 93. 

Rhcetia described, i. 25. 

Rhazates, the Persian, defeated and killed by Heraclius, iv. 479. 
Ihetoric, the study of, congenial to a popular state, iii. 104. 

Rhine, banks of the, fortified by the emperor Valentinian, ii. 557. 

Rhodes, the colossus of, v. 219. The knights of, vi. 229. 

Richard I. of England engages in the third crusade, vi. 29, 30. His mil 
itary renown, 32. Is accused of the death of Conrad of Montferrat, 32, 
note. Opinions on this charge, 32, M. Bestows the Island of Cyprus on 
the house of Lusignan, 57. His reply to the exhortations of Fulk of 
Neuilly, 60. 

, monk of Cirencester, his literary character, iii. 317, note. 

Ricimer, count, his history, iii. 472. Permits Marjorian to assume the 
Imperial dignity in the Western empire, 473, 474. Enjoys supreme 
power under cover of the name of the emperor Libius Severus, 484. 
Marries the daughter of the emperor Anthemius, 490. Sacks Rome, and 
kills Anthemius, 506. His death, 506. 

Rienzi, Nicholas di, his birth, character, and history, vi. 471. 

Roads, Roman, the construction and great extent of, i. 63. 

Robert of Courtenay, emperor of Constantinople, vi. 116. 

of Paris, his adventures in the crusades, v. 572. 

, count of Flanders, his character and engagement in the first cru 
sade, v. 559, 594. 

, duke of Normandy, his character and engagement in the first cru 
sade, v. 559, 581. Recalled by the censures of the church, 585, 594. 

Roderic, the Gothic king of Spain, his defeat by Tarik the Arab, v. 252. 
His death, 253. 

Rodugune, probable origin of her character, in Howe s " Royal Convert " 
iii. 631, note. 51 * 



606 GENERAL INDEX. 

Roger, count of Sicil-y, his conquest of that island, v. 464. 

, son of the former, the first king of Sicily, v. 482, 483. Hi 

military achievements in Africa and Greece, 485, 486. 
de Flor engages as an auxiliary in the service of the Greek emperor 

Andronicus, vi. 166. His assassination, 168, 169, notes M. 
Romanus I., Lecapenus, emperor of Constantinople, iv. 603 

II., emperor of Constantinople, iv. 605. 

III., Argyrus, emperor of Constantinople, iv. 610. 

IV., Diogenes, emperor of Constantinople, iv. 616. Is defeated 

and taken prisoner by the Turkish sultan Alp Arslan, v. 513, 514. His 

treatment, deliverance, and death, 516, 518. 

-, governor of Africa, his corrupt administration, ii. 569. 



--, governor of Bosra, betrays it to the Saracens, v. 192. 



Rome -Roman Empire, the three periods of its decline pointed out, i. 
xxiv. Author s Preface. Its prosperous circumstances in the second 
century, i. 1. The principal conquests of, achieved under the republic, 
2. Conquests under the emperors, 3, 4, 5, 6. Military establishment of 
the emperors, 10, 16, note M. Naval force of the empire, 20. View of 
the provinces of the empire, 21. Its general extent, 32. The union 
and internal prosperity of the empire, in the age of the Antonines, ac 
counted for, 33. Treatment of the provinces, 42. Benefits included in 
the freedom of the city, 39. Distinction between the Latin and Greek 
provinces, 42, 43. Municipal privileges of certain cities, 41, 42, notes, 41, 
43, M. Prevalence of the Greek, as a scientific language, 46, 47. Num 
bers and condition of the Pcoman slaves, 47. Unhappy influence of slavery 
and captivity in enhancing the bitterness of ancient warfare, 47, note G., 
47, 48, 49, notes M. and G. Hope of enfranchisement, 50. Populousness 
of the empire, 52. Unity and power of the government, 54. Monu 
ments of Roman architecture, 55, 59. The Roman magnificence chiefly 
displayed in public buildings, 56. Principal cities in the empire, 60. 
Public roads, 63. Great improvements of agriculture in the western 
countries of the empire, 65. Arts of luxury, 67. Commerce with the 
East, 68. Contemporary representation of the prosperity of the empire, 
70. Decline of courage and genius, 70, 71. Review of public alfairs 
after the battle of Actium, 73. The Imperial power and dignity con 
firmed to Augustus by the senate, 75. The various characters and pow 
ers vested in" the emperor, 80. General idea of the Imperial system, 
83. Abortive attempt of the senate to resume its rights after the mur 
der of Caligula, 88. The emperors associate their intended successors 
to power, 90. The most happy period in the Roman history pointed out, 
95. Their peculiar misery under their tyrants, 97. The empire publicly 
sold by auction by the praetorian guards, 127. Civil wars of the Romans, 
how generally decided, 140. When the army first received regular pay, 
186. How the citizens were relieved from taxation, 186. General esti 
mate of the Roman revenue from the provinces, 187, 18! Miseries 
flowing from the succession to the empire being elective, 196. A sum 
mary review of the Roman history, 197, 226. Recapitulation of the 
war with Parthia, 240. Invasion of the provinces by the Goths, 287- 
The office of censor revived by the emperor Decius, 291. Peace pur 
chased of the Goths, 295. The emperor Valerian taken prisoner by 
Sapor, king of Persia, 316. The popular conceit of the thirty tyrants of 
Rome investigated, 322. Famine and pestilence throughout the empire, 
328. Remarks on the alleged sedition of the officers of the mint under 
Aurelian, 362. Observations on the peaceful interregnum after the 
death of Aurelian, 367. Colonies of Barbarians introduced into the 
provinces by Probus, 383. Exhibition of the public games by Carinus, 
395. Treaty of peace between the Persians and the Romans, 426. How 
the Imperial courts came to be transferred to Milan and Nicomedia, 432, 
433. The prEetorian bands superseded by the Jovian and Herculean 
guards, 435 The power of the senate annihilated, 435. Four divisions 



GENERAL INDEX. 607 

of the empire under four conjunct princes, 438. Their expensive estab 
lishments call for more burdensome taxes, 439. Titles of Dominus, and 
of Basileus, or king, 436. Diocletian and Maximian affect the style and 
attributes of Divinity, 433. The former assumes a diadem, 437. His 
Imperial robe and jewels, 437- The pomp and state of the republican, 
consuls was magisterial, the ceremony and magnificence of these empe 
rors personal, 436, notes G. and M. Diocletian and Maximian abdicate 
the empire, 441. Six emperors existing at one time, 446. The senate 
and people apply to Constantino to deliver them from the tyranny of 
Maxentius, 474. Laws of Constantine, 493. Constantine remains sole 
emperor, 502. History of the progress and establishment of Christianity, 
503. Pretensions of the bishop of Rome, when deduced, 561. State of 
the church at Rome at the time of the persecution by Nero, 579. The 
memorable edicts of Diocletian and his Associates against the Christians, 
ii. 63, 66. His cruel persecution, 69, tiote G. Account of the building 
and establishment of the rival city of Constantinople, 87. New forms 
of administration established there, 106. Division of the Roman em 
pire among the sons of Constantine, 176. Establishment of Christianity 
as the national religion, 277- Paganism restored by Julian, 423, and 
Christianity by Jovian, 519. The empire divided into the East and West 
by Valentinian, 529. Civil institutions by Valentinian, 530. The crafty 
avarice of the clergy restrained by Valentinian, 549. Great earthquake, 
iii. 1. Laws passed for the relief of Rome and Italy, 229. Triumph 
of Honorius for the reduction of Spain by Wallia, 311, 312. Indica 
tions of the ruin of the empire at the death of Valentinian, 457- General 
observations on the history of the Roman empire, 633. 
Rome, city of, fortified against the inroads of the Alemanni, i. 346. The 
last triumph celebrated at Rome, 431. Constantine enters the city 
victorious, 480. Narrative of the fire of Rome in the reign of Nero, 
ii. 16. The Christians persecuted as the incendiaries, 17. Tumults 
excited by the rival bishops Liberius and Felix, .356. Bloody contest 
of Damasus and Ursinus for the bishopric of Rome, 551. The 
emperor Theodosius visits the city, iii. 106. Inquiry into the cause 
of the corruption of morals in his reign, 128. Review of the Pagan, 
establishment, 132. The Pagan religion renounced by the senate, 
138. Sacrifices prohibited, 140. The Pagan religion prohibited, 151. 
.Triumph of Honorius and Stilicho over Alaric the Goth, 208. Alaric 
encamps under the walls of the city, 243. Retrospect of the state of 
the city when besieged by Hannibal, 244. Wealth of the nobles and 
magnificence of the city, 249. Character of the nobles of, by Ammianus 
Marcellinus, 252. State and character of the common people, 260. 
Public distributions of bread, &c., 261. Public baths, 262. Games and 
spectacles, 263. Attempts to ascertain the population of the city, 265. 
The citizens suffer by famine, 269. Plague, 270. Besieged by Alaric, 
268. The retreat of Alaric purchased by a ransom, 271, Is again be 
sieged by Alaric, 277. The senate unites with him in electing Attains 
emperor, 278. The city seized a third time by Aiaric, and plundered, 
281. Comparison between this event and the sack of Rome by the 
emperor Charles V., 290. Alaric quits Rome and ravages Italy, 291. 
Is preserved from the hands of Attila by a ransom, 449, 450. Sack of 
the city by Genseric, king of the Vandals, 463. The public buildings of, 
protected from depredation by the laws of Majorian, 477. Is sacked again 
by the patrician Ricimer, 506. Augustulus, the last emperor of the 
West, 509. The decay of the Roman spirit remarked, 515. History of 
monastic institutions in, 520. Prosperity of the city under the govern 
ment of Theodoric, iv. 19, 23. Account of the four factions in the cir 
cus, 56. First introduction of silk among the Romans, 66. The office 
of consul suppressed by Justinian, 110. The city receives Belisarius, 
159. Siege of, by th<> Goths, 159. Distressful siege of, by Totila, the 
Goth, 225. Is taken, 257. Is recovered by Belisarius, 260. Is again 



608 GENERAL INDEX. 

taken by Totila, 264. Is taken by the eunuch Narses, 272. Extinction 
of the senate, 273. The city degraded to the second rank under the 
exarchs of Ravenna, 281. A review of the Roman laws, 298 et sea. 
notes "VV. and M. Extent of the duchy of, under the exarchs of Raven 
na, 408. Miserable state of the city, 416. Pontificate of Gregory the 
Great, 421. The government of the city new modelled under the popes, 
after their revolt from the Greek emperors, v. 24. Is attacked by the 
Lombards, and delivered by King Pepin, 25, 26. The office and rank of 
exarchs and patricians explained, 30. Reception of Charlemagne by 
Pope Adrian I., 30. Origin of the temporal power of the popes, 31. 
Mode of electing a pope, 58. Is menaced by the Saracens, 314. Pros 
perous pontificate of Leo IV., 315, 317. Is besieged and taken by the 
emperor Henry III., 478. Great part of the city burnt by Robert Guis- 
card, in the cause of Pope Gregory VII., 479. The history of, resumed, 
after the capture of Constantinople by the Turks, vi. 420. French and 
German emperors of, 421. Authority of the popes, 422. Restoration of 
the republican form of government, 434. Office of senator, 439. Wars 
against the neighboring cities, 446. Institution of the jubilee,456. Revo 
lution in the city, by the tribune Rienzi, 471. His character, 481, note 
M. Calamities flowing from the schism of the papacy, 499. Statutes 
and government of the city, 505. Porcaro s conspiracy, 507. The eccle 
siastical government of, 512. Reflections of Poggius on the ruin of the 
city, 516. Four principal causes of its min specified, 519. The Coli 
seum of Titus, 532, 533, note M. Restoration and ornaments of the city, 
539. 

Romilda, the betrayer of Friuli to the Avars, her cruel treatment by them, 
iv. 464, 465. 

Rosamond, daughter of Cunimund, king of the Gepidae, her marriage with 
Alboin, king of the Lombards, iv. 390, 392. Conspires his murder, 397, 
398. Her flight and death, 398, 399. 

Roum, the Seljukian kingdom of, formed, v. 526. 

Roxolani, account of their chiefs, iii. 28, notes. 

Rudbeck, Olaus, summary abridgment of the arguments in his Atlantica, 
i. 256, note. 

Rufinus, the confidential minister of the emperor Theodosius the Great, 
stimulates his cruelty against Thessalonica, ii. 115. His character and 
administration, iii. 165. His death, 177. 

Rugilas, the Hun, his settlement in Hungary, iii. 387, note M. 

Runic characters, the antiquity of, traced, i. 2.57, note, and note M. 

Russia, origin of the Russ, iii. 28, notes. Of the monarchy of, v. 421, note 
M. Geography and trade of, 424. Naval expeditions of the Russians 
against Constantinople, 427. Reign of the czar Swatoslaus, 431. The 
Russians converted to Christianity, 434. Is conquered by the Moguls, 
vi. 217. State of the Greek church of. in the time of Cardinal Isidore, 
346. 

Rustan, a Persian nobleman, a saying of his, expressive of the danger of 
living under despots, i. 98. 

Rutilius, his character of the monks of Capraria, iii. 184. 

S. 

Sabellius, the heresiarch, his opinions afterwards adopted by his antago 
nists, ii. 313. His doctrine of the Trinity, 316. The Sabellians unite 
with the Tritheists, at the council of Nice, to overpower the Arians, 31H. 

Sabians, their astronomical mythology, v. 96. 

Sabinian obtains the command of the eastern provinces from Constantlus, 
ii. 230. 

, general of the East, is defeated by Theodoric the Ostrogoth, 

king of Italy, iv. 18. 

Sabimans, origin of the sect of, in the Rrman civil law ; iv. 325. 



GENERAL INDEX. 609 

Sacrifices of txen and sheep, ii. 436. Of camels, 436, note M. Similar 
sacrifices sanctioned by the Koran, v. 115, note M. 

Sadilucees, account of that sect among the Jew.s v i. .531. 

Sait auh, or Abul Abbas, establ.shes the dynasty of the Abbas side caliphs, 
v. 2,)3, note M. 

Siladin, his birth, promotion, and charactei , vi. 21. Conquers the kingdom 
of Jerusalem, 24, 27. His ineffectual siege of Tyre, 23. Siege of Acre, 
3 ). H;s negotiations with Richard I. of England, 34. His death, 35. 

S.Uerno, account of the modical school of, v. 462. 

Salian tribe governed by Clovis, iii. 569. 

Salic laws, history of. iii. 590, note M. Choice permitted to individuals aa 
to whiv-h code (the Salic or the Roman) they would abide by, 592, 
vide note M. 

Sallust, the procfect, and friend of the emperor Julian, ii. 399, notes. De 
clines the offer of the diadem on his death, 504. Declines it again oil 
the death of Jovian, 525. Is retained in his employment by the emperor 
Valentinian, 529, 541. 

the historian, by what funds he raised his palace on the Quirinal 



hill, iii. 283, note. 

Salona, the retreat of the emperor Diocletian, described, i. 445. 

Salvian, his account of the distress and rebellion of the Bagaudse, iii. 
4-58, note. 

Samanides, the Saracen dynasty of, v. 327. 

Samaritans, persecution and extinction of, by Justinian, iv. 530. 

Samuel, the prophet, his ashes conveyed to Constantinople, iii. 156. 

Sapor, king of Persia, procures the assassination of Chosroes, king of 
Armenia, and seizes the country, i. 315. Defeats the emperor Valerian, 
and takes him prisoner, 316. Sets up Cyriades as successor to Valerian 
in the Roman empire, 316. Overruns Syria, Cilicia, and Cappadocia, 
317. His death, 356. 

, the son of Hormouz, is crowned king of Persia, before his birth, 

ii. 177, iwte M. His character and early heroism, 178. Harasses the 
eastern provinces of the Roman empire, 179, note bl. Battle of Singara 
against the emperor Constantius, 182. His son brutally killed by Con 
stantius, 183. His several attempts on Nisibis, 183. Concludes a truce 
with Constantius, 186. His haughty propositions to Constantius, 222. In 
vades Mesopotamia, 225. Reduces Amida, 226. Returns home, 229 
His peaceful overtures to the emperor Julian, 464. His consternation 
at the successes of Julian, 492. Harasses the retreat of the Romans, 
497. His treaty with the emperor Jovian, 508. His reduction of Arme 
nia, and death, 576, 579. 

Saracens, various definitions of that appellation, v. 85, note. Successions 
of the caliphs, 153. Their rapid conquests, 174. Conquest of Persia, 
183. Siege of Damascus, 192. Battle of Yermuk. and conquest of 
Syria, 207. Of Egypt, 220. Invasions of Africa, 235, 240. Their mili 
tary character, 369. 

Sabar, the Persian general, joins the Avars, in besieging Constantinople, 
iv. 475. Revolts to the emperor Heraclius, 477. 

Sardinia, expulsion of the Vandals from, by Marcellinus, iii. 494. Is con 
quered by Zano, the brother of Gelimer, king of the Vandals, iv. 130. 
Is surrendered to Belisarius, 133. 

Sannatiaus, memorable defeat of, by the emperor Carus, i. 390. Their 
manners described, ii. 166. Brief history of, 168. They apply to Con- 
stantine the Great for assistance against the Goths, 169. Are expelled 
their country by the Limigantes, 171. Are restored by Constantius, 224. 

Savage manners, a brief view of, i. 257. Are more uniform than those of 
civilized nations, iii. 3. 

Sarus, the Goth, plunders the camp of Stilicho, and drives him into the 
hands of the emperor at Ravenna, iii. 234. Insults Alaric, and occa 
sions the sacking of Rome, 281. Is killed by Adolphus, king of the "Visi* 
goths, 306, note M. 



610 GENERAL INDEX. 

Saturninus, one of the competitors for empire against Gallienus, his obser 
vation on his investiture, i. 324. 

, lieutenant under the emperor Probus in the East, is driven 

into rebellion by his troops, i. 385. 

Sauce, punishment inflicted on the inventor of a new sauce if disagreeable 
to the Imperial palate, i. 172, note. 

Saxons, ancient, an account of, ii. 560. Their piratical confederations, 
561. Their invasions of Gaul checked by the llomans, 562. .How con 
verted to Christianity, iii. 543. Descent of the Saxons in Britain. 616. 
Their brutal desolation of the country, 624. Their relations with Char 
lemagne, v. 52, 53, note M. 

Scanderbeg, prince of Albania, his history, vi. 360, 361, notes. 

Scatinian law of the llomans, account of, iv. 378. 

Scaurus, the patrician family of, how reduced under the emperors, ii. 113, 
note. 

Schism in religion, the origin of, traced, i. 520. 

Science reducible to four classes, v. 303. 

Sclavonians, their national character, iv. 196. Their barbarous inroads on 

^ the Eastern empire, 198. Of Dalmatia, account of, v. 407. 

Scots and Picts, the nations of, how distinguished, ii. 563. Invasions of 
Britain by, 565, 566, note M. The charge of cannibalism denied by Dr. 
< Parr, 567, note M. 

Scythians and Tartars, this name vaguely applied to mixed tribes of Barba 
rians, i. 249, note G. Their pastoral manners, iii. 4. Extent and bounda 
ries of Scythia, 12, vide note M. Revolutions of. 213. Their mode of 

^ war, 397. 

Sebastian, master-general of the infantry under the emperor Valens, his 
successful expedition against the Goths, iii. 47. . Is killed in the battle of 
Hadrianople, 51. 

; , the brother of the usurper Jovinus, is associated with him in 

his assumed Imperial dignities, iii. 306. 

Sebastocrator, import of that title in the Greek empire, v. 353. 

Seez, in Normandy, the bishop and chapter castrated, vi. 426, note. 

Segestan, the princes of, support their independence obstinately against 
Artaxerxes, i. 239, note. 

Segued, emperor of Abyssinia, converted by the Jesuits, iv. 565. 

Selden, his sententious character of transubstantiation, v. 1, note. 

Seleucia, the great city of, ruined by the Romans, i. 241. 

Seleucus Nicator, number of cities founded by him, i. 239, note. 

Seljuk, Turkish dynasty of the house of, v. 508. Division of their empire, 
523, note M. 

Senate of Rome is reformed by Augustus, i. 74, noteTsl. Its legislative and 
judicial powers, 82. Abortive attempt of, to resume its right after the 
murder of Caligula, 88. Its legal jurisdiction over the emperors, 119. 
Is subjected to military despotism by Severus, 148. Women excluded 
from this assembly by a solemn law, 176. The form of a secret meeting, 
206. Measures taken to support the authority of the two Gordians, 207. 
The senate elect Maximus and Ballinus emperors on the deaths of the 
Gordians, 209. They drive the Alemanni out of Italy, 304. The sena 
tors forbid to exercise military employments by Gallienus, 304. Elect 
Tacitus, the father of the senate, emperor, 370. Prerogatives gairred to 
the senate by this election, 371. Their power and authority annihilated 
by Diocletian, 434. Amount of the coronary gold, or customary free 
gift of, to the emperors, ii. 150. The claim of Julian to the empire 
admitted, 389. Petitions of, to the emperors, for the restoration of the 
altar of victory, iii. 134. The Pagan religion renounced, 137. Debates 
of, on the proposals of Alaric the Goth, 230. Genealogy of the senators, 
246. Passes a decree for putting to death Serena, the widow of Stilicho, 
269. Under the influence of Alaric, elects Attains emperor, 278. Trial 
of Arvandus, a prcetorian pracfect of Gaul, 500. Surrenders the sovereign 
power of Italy to the emperor of the E^t, 50}. Extirpation of that 



GENERAL INDEX. 611 

Illustrious assembly, iv. 273. Restoration of, in the twelfth century, vi. 

434, 438. The assembly resolved into single magistrates, 439. 
Serapion, his lamentation for the loss of a personified deity, iv. 494. ^ 
Serapis, history of his worship, and of his temple at Alexandria, iii. 143. 

The temple destroyed, 145. 
Serena, niece of the emperor Theodosius, married to Stilicho, iii. 174. 

Cruelly strangled by order of the Roman senate, 269. 
Sergeant, legal and military import of that term, vi. 76, note. 
JSerica and Thinae, of the ancients, iv. 68, note M. 
Severinus, St., encourages Odoacer to assume the dominion of Italy, iii. 

511. His body, how disposed of, 515, note. 
Severus is declared Cassar on the abdication of Diocletian and Maximian, 

i. 458. His death, 462. 

is appointed general of the cavalry in Gaul under Julian, ii. 236. 

-, Septimius, his stone wall between Carlisle and Newcastle, i. 5, 



note M. General of the Pannonian legions, assumes the purple on the 
death of Pertinax, 133. His conduct towards the Christians, ii. 48. 

Shepherds and warriors, their respective modes of life compared, iii. 4, 
note M. 

Shiites, a sect of Mahometans, their distinction from the Sonnites, v. 156. 

Siberia, extreme coldness of the climate, and miserable state of the natives 
of, iii. 15. Is seized and occupied by the Tartars, vi. 220. 

Sibylline books, in the custody of the Quindecemvirs, iii. 132. 

Sicily, reflections on the distractions in that island, i. 326. Is conquered 
by tVfc Saracens, v. 512. Introduction of the silk manufacture there, 347. 
Exploits of the Normans there, 450. Is conquered by Count Roger, 464. 
Roger, son of the former, made king of 5 482. Reign of William the 
Bad, 493. Reign of William the Good, 494. Conquest of, by the em 
peror Henry VI., 496. Is subdued by Charles of Anjou, vi. 160. The 
Sicilian Vespers, 164. 

Sidonius Apollinaris, the poet, his humorous treatment of the capitation 
tax, ii. 146, note M. His character of Theodoric, king of the Visigoths 
in Gaul, iii. 467. His panegyric on the emperor Avitus, 471. His pane 
gyric on the emperor Anthemius. 491. 

Siganfu, celebrated inscription of, iv. 545, note. Its authenticity vindi 
cated, 545, note M. 

Sigismond, king of the Burgundians, murders his son, and is canonized, 
iii. 580. Is overwhelmed by an army of Franks, 581. 

Silentiarius, Paul, his account of the various species of stone and marble 
employed in the church of St. Sophia, iv. 88, note. 

Silk, first manufactured in China, and then in the small Grecian island of 
Ceos, iv. 66. A peculiar kind of silk procured from the pinna marina, 
68. The silk-worm, how introduced to Greece, 71. Progress of the 
manufacture of, in the tenth century, v. 345. 

Silver and brass, relative value of, i. 10, note M. 

Simeon, persecutor of the Paulicians, becomes a proselyte to their opin 
ions, v. 390. 

, king of Bulgaria, his exploits, v. 408. 

Stylites, the hermit, his extraordinary mode of life, iii. 538. 

Simony, an early instance of, ii. 54, note. 

Simplicius, one of the last surviving Pagan philosophers of Athena, his 
writings and character, iii. 109. 

Singara, battle of, between the emperor Constantius and Sapor, king of 
Persia, ii. 182239. The city of, reduced by Sapor, 182239. Is 
yielded to him by Jovian, 509. 

Singeric, brother of Sarus, is made king of the Goths, iii. 310. 

Singidunum taken by Baian, chagan of the Avars, iv. 444. 

Sirmium is perfidiously taken by Baian, iv. 444. 

Siroes deposes and murders his father Chosroes II., king of Persia, iv. 
483, note M. His treaty of peace with the emperor Heraclius, 484. 



612 GENERAL INDEX. 

Sisebut, a Gothic king of Spain, persecutes the Jevrs there, ill. 563. 

Sixtu-s V., pope, character of his administration, vi. 513. Leti s life of. 
513, note M. 

Slave, strange perversion of the original sense of that appellation, v. 406. 

Slaves, among the Romans, who, and their condition described, i. 47. 
Their amazing number, 47, note M. Marriage permitted them for the 
sake of a progeny of bondsmen, 49, note M. 

Slavery, personal, imposed on captives by the barbarous nations, iii. 602. 

Sleepers, Seven, narrative of the legendary tale of, iii. 383. 

Smyrna, capture of, by Tamerlane, vi. 266. 

Smyth s, Captain, Catalogue of Medals, note M. i. 301. His list of true 
and doubtful coins of Pretenders to the throne in the reum of Gallienus, 
322, note M. 

Society, philosophical reflections on the revolutions of, iii. 637. 

SoiFarides, the Saracen dynasty of, v. 327. 

Soldiers, Roman, i. 10. Their obligations and discipline, 11. "When they 
first received regular pay, 186. 

Soliman, caliph of the Saracens, undertake* the siege of Constantinople, 
v. 278. His enormous appetite and death, 280. 

, sultan, conquers Asia Minor, v. 524 Fixes his residence at Nice, 

626. Is succeeded by his son David, surnamed Kilidje Arslan, who 
destroys the van of the first crusade in the plains of Nice, 555, note M. 
Nice taken by the first crusaders, 575. Battle of Doryla?um, 577. 

, the son of Bajazet, his character, vi. 279. Error as to* his death, 

280, note M. His alliance with the Greek emperor Manuel Paiaiologus, 
283. 

Solomon, king of the Jews, not the author of the book which bears the 
name of his Wisdom, ii. 304. Reasons for supposing he did not write 
either the book of Ecc/esiastes or the Proverbs, iv. 139, note. Vide note M. 

, the eunuch, relieves the Roman province in Africa from the dep 
redations of the Moors, iv. 143. Revolt of his troops at Carthage, 245. 
Is defeated and killed by An talus the Moor, 248, note M. 

Sonnites in the Mahometan religion, their tenets, v. 156. 

Sopater, a Syrian philosopher, beheaded by Constantine the Great, on a 
charge of binding the wind by magic, ii. 337, note. 

Sophia, the widow of Justin II., her conspiracy against the emperor Tibe 
rius, iv. 403. 

, St., foundation of the church of, at Constantinople, iv. 85. Its 

description, 87. Is converted into a mosque, vi. 411. 

Sophian, the Arab, commands the first siege of Constantinople, v. 274. 

Sophronia, a Roman matron, kills herself to escape the violence of M ax- 
entius, i. 472, note. 

Sortes Sanctorum, a mode of Christian divination, adopted from, the Pa 
gans, iii. 584, note. 

Soul, uncertain opinions of the ancient philosophers as to the immortality 
of, i. 527. This doctrine more generally received among the barbarous 
nations, and for what reason, 529. Was not taught by Moses, 530. 
Presumed reason of his silence on this head, 530, note M. Four differ 
ent prevailing doctrines as to the origin of, iv. 491, note. 

Sozopetra destroyed by the Greek emperor Theophilus, v. 318. 

Spain, the province of, described, i. 22. Great revenues raised from this 
province by the Romans, 188. Is ravaged by the Franks, 301. Review 
of the history of, iii. 307. Is invaded by the barbarous nations, 308. 
The invaders conquered by Wallia, king of the Goths, 311. Success of 
the Vandals there, 369. Expedition, of Theodoric, king of the Visigoths, 
into, 469. The Christian religion received there, 559. Revolt and mar 
tyrdom of Hermenegild, 559. Persecution of the Jews in, 563. Legisla 
tive assemblies of, 612. Acquisitions of Justinian there, iv. 145. State 
of, under the emperor Charlemagne, v. 49. First introduction of the 
Arabs into the country, 248. Defeat and death of Roderic, the Gothio 



GENERAL INDEX. 613 

king of, 253. Conquest of, by Musa, 258. Its prosperity under the 
Saracens, 261. The Christian faith there, supplanted by that of Ma 
homet, 263. The throne of Cordova established by the Ommiades, 263. 
Accession of Abdalrahman, 295. 

Stadium, Olympic, the races of, compared with those in the Roman 
circus, iv. 56. D Anville s measure of the Greek stade, ii. 92, note M. 

Stauracius, emperor of Constantinople, iv. 589. 

Stephen, a freedman of Domitilla, assassinates the emperor Domitian, ii. 
25, note M. 

, count of Chartres, his character, and engagement in the first 

crusade, v. 559. Deserts his standard, 585. 

-, St., the first Christian martyr, miraculous discovery of his bocly, 



and the miracles worked by it, iii. 158. 

-, the Savage, sent by the Greek emperor Justinian II. to exter 



minate the Chersonites, iv. 580. 

III., pope, solicits the aid of Pepin, king of France, against 



the Lombards, under the character of St. Peter, v. 26. Crowns King 
Pepin, 29. 

Stilicho, the great general of the Western empire under the emperor Hono- 
rius, his character, iii. 173. Puts to death Kufinus, the tyrannical prefect 
of the East, 177. His expedition against Alaric in Greece, 195. His 
diligent endeavors to check his progress in Italy, 202. Defeats Alaric 
at Pollentia, 205. Drives him out of Italy, 207. His triumph at Rome, 
209. His preparations to oppose the invasion of Radagaisus, 216. Re 
duces and puts him to death, 220. Supports the claims of Alaric in the 
Roman senate, 230. Is put to death at Ravenna, 233, 234. His memory 
persecuted, 235. 

Stoza heads the revolted troops of the emperor Justinian in Africa, iv. 246. 
His death related variously, 246, note M. 

Strasburg, battle of, between Julian and the Alenmnni, ii. 237. 

Stukely, Dr., Medallic History of Carausius by, i. 401, note. 

Successianus defends the Roman frontier against the Goths, i. 307. 

Suevi, the origin and renown of, i. 302, 303, note M. 

Suicide applauded and pitied by the Romans, iv. 383. 

Suiones or Sitones, the, distinguished from the Suevi, i. 2G3, note M. 

Sulpicius, Servius, was the highest improver of the Roman jurisprudence, 
iv. 321. 

Sultan, origin and import of this title of Eastern sovereignty, v. 500, note. 

Sumnat, description of the Pagoda of, in Guzarat, and its destruction by 
the sultan Mahmud, v. 502. 

Sun, the worship of, introduced at Rome by the emperor Elagabalus, i. 
170. Was the peculiar object of the devotion of Constantine the Great, 
before his conversion, ii. 251. And of Julian, after his apostasy, 424. 

Surenas, Persian general, a family name, not a title, ii. 479, note M. 

Susa, the city of, taken by Constantine the Great, i. 476. 

Swatoslaus, czar of Russia, his reign, v. 431, 433. 

Swiss cantons, the confederacy of, how far similar to that of the ancient 
Franks, i. 300. 

Sword of Mars, the sacred weapon of the Huns, history of, iii. 390. 

Syagrius, king of the Franks and Burgundians, his character, iii. 570. Is 
conquered by Clovis, 571. 

Sylla, the dictator, his legislative character, iv. 375. 

Syllanus, the consul, his speech to the senate, recommending the election 
of the two Gordians to their approbation, i. 206. 

Sylvania, sister of the prefect Rufinus, her sanctity, iii. 178, note. 

Sylvanus, general in Gaul under Constantius, is ruined by treachery, ii. 
216. Assumes the purple at Cologne, 216. His death, 216. 

Sylverius, pope, is degraded and sent into exile by Belisarius for an at 
tempt to betray the city of Rome to the Goths, iv. 168, 169, note M. 
His death, 252, note. 

VOL. vi. 52 



GENERAL INDEX. 

Symmachus, his account of the Pagan conformity of the emperor Con* 
stantius, during his visit to Rome, ii. 367. Pleads in behalf of the 
ancient Pagan religion of Rome to the emperor Valentinian, iii. 135. 

Synesius, bishop of Ptolemais, excommunicates the president Andronicus, 
ii. 290. His extraordinary character, 290, note. His advice to the East 
ern emperor Arcadius, iii. 197. 

Synods, provincial, in the primitive "churches, institution of, i. 558, notes 
M. and G. Nature of those assemblies, ii. 288. See Councils. 

Syria, its revolutions and extent, i. 27. Is reduced by Chosroes II., king 
of Persia, iv. 459. General description of, v. 204. Is conquered by the 
Saracens, 207. Invasion of, by Tamerlane, vi. 260. 

Syriac language, where spoken in the greatest purity, i. 242, note. 

Syrianus, duke of Egypt, surprises the city of Alexandria, and expels 
Athanasius, the primate of Egypt, ii. 348. 

T. 

Tabari, the Arabian historian, account of his work, v. 175, note. 

Tabenne, the island of, in Upper Thebais, is settled with monks, by Pa- 
chomius, iii. 523. 

Table of emerald in the Gothic treasury in Spain, account of, iii. 299. 

Tacitus, emperor, his election and character, i. 370. 

, the historian, his character of the principles of the Portico, i. 94, 
note. The intention of his episodes, 226. His character as an historian, 
250. His account of the ancient Germans, 250, note M., 255 ; of the 
massacre of the Bructeri, 275, note G. His history, how preserved and 
transmitted down to us, 369, note. His account of the persecution of 
the Christians as the incendiaries of Rome, ii. 17. 

Tactics of Leo and Constantino, character of, v. 338, note M. Military 
character of the Greeks, 364. 

Tagina, battle of, between the eunuch Narses and Totila, king of the 
Goths in Italy, iv. 270, 271. 

Taherites, the Saracen dynasty of, v. 326. 

Tamerlane, his birth, reign, and conquests, vi. 246, 247, note M. His first 
adventures, 249, note M. His letter to Bajazet, 258. Inquiry as to its 
authenticity, note M., 258. His conference with the doctors of the law, 
at Aleppo, 261. Defeats and takes Bajazet prisoner, 265, 266. How 
kept out of Europe, 271. His triumph at Samarcand, 273. Dies on a 
inarch to China, 275. His character, 275. 

Tancred, the crusader, his character, v. 561. His gallant behavior at Con 
stantinople, 571. His conduct at Jerusalem, 593, 594. 

Tarachus, the sufferings of, and other Christians, ii. 81, notes M. 

Tarasius, secretary to the empress Irene, made patriarch of Constanti 
nople, v. 37. Presides at, and frames the decrees of, the second council 
of Nice, 37. 

Tarik, the Arab, his descent on Spain, v. 252. Defeats and kills Roderic, 
king of the Goths, 253. His disgrace, 257, 261. 

Tarragona, the city of, almost destroyed by the Franks, i. 301. 

Tartars. See Scythians. 

Tartary, Eastern, conquest of, by Tamerlane, vi. 253. 

Tatian, and his son Proculus, destroyed by the base arts of llufinus, the 
confidential minister of the emperor Theodosius, iii. 166, 167. 

Taurus, the consul, ii. 388. Banished by the tribunal of Chalcedon, 400. 

Taxes, how the Roman citizens were exonerated from, the burden of, i. 186. 
Account of those instituted by Augustus, 189. Freedom of Rome given, 
to all provincials by Caracalla for the purpose of taxation, 194, or by M. 
Aurelius, 194, note W. Consequences of this measure, 195. How raised 
under Constantine the Great, and his successors, ii. 141, 142, note M. t 
146, note M. Capitation tax, 145, 146, note M., iv. 77. 

Tayef, siege of, by Mahomet, v. 138, 139. 



GENERAL INDEX. 615 

Teias, the last king of the Goths, defeated and killed by the eunuch. 
Narses, iv. 273, 274. 

Telemachus, an Asiatic monk, loses his life at Rome, in an- attempt to 
prevent the combat of the gladiators, jji. 210, vide note M. 

Temple of Jerusalem burned, ii. 22. History of the emperor Julian s 
attempt to restore it, 436. 

Temugin. See Zingis. 

Tephrice is occupied and fortified by the Paulicians, v. 392. 

Tertullian, his pious exultation in the expected damnation of all the 
pagan world, i. 538. Criticisms on the Latin passage, and Gibbon s 
translation, 538, notes G. and M. Suggests desertion to Christian sol 
diers, 552, note. Critical inquiry as to his real meaning, 552, notes G. and 
M. His suspicio-us account of two edicts of Tiberius and Marcus Anto 
ninus, in favor of the Christians, ii. 46. 

Testaments, the Roman laws for regulating, iv. 362. Codicils, 364. 

Tetricus assumes the empire in Gaul at the instigation of Victoria, i. 348. 
Betrays his legions into the hands of Aurelian, 349. Is led in triumph 
by Aurelian, 359, 3GO. 

Teutonic languages, the cycle of poetry relating to Attila the Hun m the, 
iii. 413, 414, note M. 

Thabor, Mount, dispute concerning the light of, vi. 193. 

Thanet, the island of, granted by Vortigern, as a settlement for his Saxon 
auxiliaries, iii. 616. 

Theatrical entertainments of the Romans described, iii. 264. 

Thebaean legion, the martyrdom of, apocryphal, ii. 60, note. 

Theft, the Roman laws relating to, iv. 369, 375. 

Themes, or military governments of the Greek empire, account of, v. 340. 

Themistius, the orator, his encomium on religious toleration, ii. 522. 

Theodatus, his birth and elevation to the throne of Italy, iv. 149. His 
disgraceful treaties with the emperor Justinian, and revolt against them, 
152, 153. His deposition and death, 158. 

Theodebert, king of the Franks in Austrasia, joins the Goths in the siege 
^ and destruction of Milan, iv. 176. Invades Italy, 177. His death, 178. 

Termini, the ancient, the savages of Scythia compared to, iii. 27. 

Theodemir, a Gothic prince of Spain, copy of his treaty of submission to 
the Saracens, v. 258. 

Theodora, empress, her birth, and early history, iv. 48. Her marriage with 
Justinian, 52. Her tyranny, 53. Her virtues, 54. Her death, 55. Her 
fortitude during the Nika sedition, 63. Account of her palace and gar 
dens of Herseurn, 90. Her pious concern for the conversion of Nubia, 
561, 562. 

-, wife of the Greek emperor Theophilus, her history, iv. 594. Re 



stored the worship of images, v. 39. Provokes the Paulicians to rebel 
lion, 392. 

, daughter of the Greek emperor Constantine IX., her history, 

iv. 610, 611. 

widow of Baldwin III., king of Jerusalem, her adventures as 



fj 

the concubine of Andronicus Comnenus, iv. 528. 

Theodore Angelus, despot of Epirus, seizes the emperor Peter of Cour- 
tenay, vi. 115. Possesses himself of Thessalonica, 116. 

Theodoric, the son of Alaric, his prosperous reign over the Visigoths in 
Gaul, iii. 425. Unhappy fates of his daughters, 427. Is prevailed on 
by Julius to join his forces against Attila, 436. Is killed at the battle 
of Chalons, 440. 

" II-, iii. 467. Acquires the Gothic sceptre by the murder of his 

brother Torismond, 467. His character by Sidonius, 468. His expe 
dition into Spain, 470. 

the Ostrogoth, his birth and education, iv. 1, 2, notes M. Is 

forced by his troops into a revolt against the emperor Zeno, 6. He 
undertakes the conquest of Italy, 8. Reduces and kills Odoacer, 9, 11 



616 GENERAL INDEX. 

Is acknowledged king of Italy, 12. Review of his administration. 12, 
13. Assigns a third of the lands of Italy to his soldiers, 13, vide note M. 
His visit, to Rome, and care of the public buildings, 23, 24, note M. His 
religion, 27. His remorse and death, 38. 

Theodoric, son of Triarius, iv. 7. 

Theodosian code, recovery of the first five books of the, iv. 327, note "VV. 

Theodosiopolis, the city of, in Armenia, built, iii. 360. 

Theodosius the Great, his distinction between a Roman prince and a Par 
thian monarch, ii. 152, note. The province of Maesia preserved by his 
valor, 589. Is associated by Gratian as emperor of the East, iii. 57- His 
birth and character, 58. His prudent- and successful conduct of the 
Gothic war, 61. Defeats an invasion of the Ostrogoths, 67- His treaty 
with Maximus, 78. His baptism, and edict to establish orthodox faith, 
80. Purges the city of Constantinople from Arianism, 86. Enforces the 
Nicene doctrine throughout the East, 87. Convenes a council at Con 
stantinople, 88. His edicts against heresy, 91. Receives the fugitive 
family of Valentin! an, and marries his sister Galla, 104, 105. Defeats 
Maximus, and visits Rome, 106, 107. His character, 107, 108. His 
lenity to the city of Antioch, 111, 113. His cruel treatment of Thessa- 
lonica, 114. Submits to the penance imposed by St. Ambrose, for his 
severity to Thessalonica, 117. Restores Valentinian, 119. - Consults 
John of Lycopolis, the hermit, on the intended war against Eugenius, 
122. Defe ats Eugenius, 125. His death, 127. Procured a senatorial 
renunciation of the Pagan religion, 138. Abolishes Pagan rites, 140. 
Prohibits the Pagan religion, 149. 

the younger, his birth, iii. 348. Is said to be left by his father 

Arcadius to the care of Jezdegerd, king of Persia, 349. His education 
and character, 353. His marriage with Eudocia, 355, 356. His war with 
Persia, 357. His pious joy on the death of John, the usurper of the 
West, 365. His treaty with the Huns, 387. His armies defeated by 
Attila, 396. Is reduced to accept a peace dictated by Attila, 401, 402. 
Is oppressed by the embassies of Attila, 404. Embassy of Maximin to 
Attila, 406: Is privy to a scheme for the assassination of Attila, 416. 
Attila s embassy to "him on that occasion, 417- His death, 418. His 

?rplexity at the religious feuds between Cyril and Nestorius, iv. 510. 
anishes Nestorius, 513. 

, III., emperor of Constantinople, iv. 581. 

. , the father of the emperor, his successful expedition to Britain, 

ii. 568. Is received by the citizens of London, and publishes an arcnesty, 
568. Suppresses the revolt of Firraus the Moor, in Africa, 5/2. Is be 
headed at Carthage, 574. 

, patriarch of Alexandria, his competition with Gaian, how de 
cided; iv. 557. His negotiations at the court of Constantinople, 559. 

, the deacon, grandson of the emperor Heraclius, murdered by 

his brother Constans II., iv. 574. 

, the lover of Antonina, detected by Belisarius, iv. 184. Turns 

monk to escape her, 185. His death, 187. Misrepresentation respect 
ing it, 187, note M. 

Theodotus, president of the council of Hierapolis under Constantius, his 
ridiculous flattery to that emperor, ii. 390. 

Iheophano, wife of the Greek emperor Romanus II., poisons both him and 
his father, iv. 605. Her connection with Nicephorus Phocas, 606. His 
murder, and her exile, 608. 

Theophilus, emperor of Constantinople, iv. 592. His Amorian wsr with 
the caliph Motassem, v. 318. 

, archbishop of Alexandria, destroys the temple of Serapis, and 

the Alexandrian library, iii. 145, 146. Assists the persecution of St. 
Chrysostom, 343. His invective against Eudoxia, 345,^ note. 

-, his pious embassy from Constantius to the East Indies and to 



Abyssinia, ii. 276, note, and note M. 



GENERAL INDEX. 617" 

Theophobus, the Persian, his unfortunate history, iv. 593. 

Theraputae, or Essenians, some account of, i. 578. 

Thermopylae, the Straits of, fortified by the emperor Justinian, ir. 93. 

The.ssalonica, sedition and massacre there, iii. 113. Cruel treatment of the 
citizens, 114. Penance of Theodosius for this severity, 117- 

Theudelinda, princess of Bavaria, married to Autharis, king of the Lom 
bard-:, iv 414. 

Thiba it, count of Campagne, engages in the fourth crusade, vi. 61. 

Thomas the Cappadocian, his revolt against the Greek emperor Michael II. 
and cruel punishment, iv. 592. 

of Damascus, his exploits against the Saracens when besieging 

that city, v. 197. 

, St., account of the Christians of, in India, iv. 547. Persecution 



of them by the Portuguese, 547, 548, note M., 549. 

Thrace is colonized by the Bastarnse, in the reign of Probus, i. 383. The 
fugitive Goths permitted to settle there by the emperor Valens, iii. 31. 
Is ravaged by them, 38. The Goths settled there by Theodosius, 68. 

Thrasimund. king of the Vandals, his character, iii. 549. 

Three Chapters, the famous dispute concerning the, iv. 532 

Thundering Legion, the story concerning, of suspicious veracity, ii. 47. 

Tiberius is adopted by Augustus, i. 90. His administration of the laws, 
98. Reduces Cappadocia, 191, note. Suspicious story of his edict in 
favor of the Christians, ii. 46. 

is invested by Justin II. as his successor in the empire of the 

East, iv. 401. His character and death, 403, 4 14. 

Timasius, master-general of the army under the emperor Theodosius, iii. 
328. Is disgraced and exiled under Arcadius, 328. 

Timothy the Cat conspires the murder of Proterius, archbishop of Alex 
andria, and succeeds him, iv. 522. 

Tipasa, miraculous gift of speech bestowed on the Catholics there, whose 
tongues had been- cut out, iii. 557. 

Tiridates, king of Armenia, his character and history, ii. 419. Is restored 
to his kingdom by Diocletian, 419. Is expelled by the Persians, 422. Is 
restored again by treaty between the Romans and Persians, 430. Ilia 
conversion to Christianity, and death, iii. 179, vide note M. 

Tithes assigned to the clergy as well by Zoroaster as by Moses, i. 236, note. 
Were first granted to the church by Charlemagne v. 47- 

Titus admitted to share the Imperial dignity with his father Vespasian, 
i. 90. 

Togrul Beg, sultan of the Turks, his reign and character, v. 508. He res 
cues the caliph of Bagdad from his enemies, 5-)9. 

Toledo taken by the Arabs under Tank, v. 253, 254. 

Toleration, universal, its happy effects in the Roman empire, i. 34. Re 
strictions therein, 38, note W. What sects the most intolerant, 237, 238, 
notes M. 

Tollius, objections to his account of the vision of Antigonus, ii. 264, note, 

Tongues, the gift of, i. 539, note M. 

Torismond, son of Theodoric, king of the Visigoths, attends his father 
against Attila, king of the Huns, iii. 436. Battle of Chalons, 440. Is 
acknowledged king on the death of his father in the field, 442. Is killed 
by his brother Theodoric, 467. 

Torture, how admitted in the criminal law of the Romans under the em 
perors, ii. 138. 

Totila is elected king of Italy by the Goths, iv. 250. His justice and mod 
eration, 253. Besieges and takes the city of Rome, 255, 256. Is induced 
to spare Rome from destruction, at the instance of Belisarius, 259 
Takes Rome again, 264. Plunders Sicily, 265. Battle of Tagina, 270 
His death, 272, note M. 

Toulunides, the Saracen dynasty of, v. 327. 

Tournaments preferable exhibitions to the Olympic games, v. 563. 

52* 



618 GENERAL INDEX. 

Tours, battle of, between Charles Martel and the Saracens, v. 289. 

Toxanclria, in Germany, is overrun and occupied by the Franks, ii. 232. 

Traditors, in the primitive church, ii. 67. 

Trajan, emperor, his conquest of Dacia, i. 7. His conquests in the East, 
7. Contrast between the characters of him and Hadrian, 8. His pillar 
described, 59. Why adopted by the emperor Nerva, 91. His instruc 
tions to Pliny the younger for his conduct towards the Christians, ii. 26 
Description of his "famous bridge over the Danube, iv. 92, note. 

, count, his treacherous murder of Para, king of Armenia, ii, 581. 

Transubstantiation, the doctrine of, when established, vi. 37. 

Trebatius, a jurisconsult patronized by Cicero, opinions of, iv. 323. Error 
with regard to, 323, note W. 

Trebizond, the city of, taken and plundered by the Goths, i. 308. An 
tiquity of, 308, note M. The dukes of, become independent on the 
Greek empire, vi. 105, note M. Is yielded to the Turks by David, its 
last emperor, 414, 415, notes M. 

Tribigild the Ostrogoth, his rebellion in Phrygia against the emperor Ar- 
cadius, iii. 331. 

Tribune, the office of, explained, i. 79, 80, note M., 80. 

Tribonian, his genius and character, iv. 329. Is employed by Justinian to 
reform the code of Roman laws, 330, 331. The Anti-Tribonians, 299, 
note W. 

Trinity, the mysterious doctrine of, ii. 359. Is violently agitated in the 
schools of Alexandria, 309. Three systems of, 315. Decisions of the 
council of Nice concerning, 317. Different forms of the doxology, 354. 
Frauds used to support the doctrine of, iii. 555. 

Tripoli, the confederacy of, cruelly oppressed under the government of 
Count Komanus, ii. 569. 

Trisagion, religious war concerning, iv. 524. 

Troops, Roman, their discipline, i. 11. When they first received pay, 186. 
Cause of the difficulty in levying them, ii. 129. See Jovians, Palatines, 
and Praetorian bands. 

Troy, the situation of that city, and of the Grecian camp of besiegers, 
described, ii. 92. 

Tudela, Benjamin of, the genuineness of his travels called into doubt, v. 
348, note M. 

Turin, battle of, between Constantino the Great, and the lieutenants of 
Maxentius, i. 477- 

Turisund, king of the Gepidcc, his honorable reception of Alboin the Lom 
bard, who had slain his son in battle, iv. 389, 390. 

Turks, their origin, iv. 203, note M. Their primitive institutions, 202. 
Their conquest, 203, 204. Their alliance with the emperor Justinian, 205. 
Send auxiliaries to Heraclius, 477. Grow powerful and licentious under 
the Saracens, v. 329. Terror excited by their menacing Europe, 410. 
Their military character, 415. They extend themselves over Asia, 499. 
Ileign of Mahmud the Gaznevide, 499, 500. Their manners and emigra 
tion^ 505. They subdue Persia, 507. Dynasty of the Seljukians, 508. 
They invade the provinces of the Greek empire, 512. Reformation of 
the "Eastern calendar, 522. They conqueror Asia Minor, 524. Theh 
capital city, Nice, taken by the crusaders, 575. The seat of.^ government 
removed to Iconium, vi. 3. Valor and conquests of Zenghi, 16. Char 
acter of Sultan Noureddin, 16. Conquest of Egypt, 17. Origin and his 
tory of the Ottomans, 225. Their first passage into Europe, 230. Their 
money, the value of the asper, 284, note, and note M. Their education 
and discipline, 286. Embassy from, to the emperor Sigismond, 310. 
Take the city of Constantinople, 403. 

Turpin, archbishop, the romance of, by whom, and when written, v. 541, 
note. 

Twelve Tables, review of the laws of, iv. 303, note M. Their severity, 370. 
How the criminal code of, sank into disuse, 373. 



GENERAL INDEX. 619 

Two Principles, the, in Persian theology, i. 231, 232, note G., 232, 233, 

note G. 
Tyrants of Rome, the popular conceit of the thirty, investigated, i. 321, 

note M. 
Tyre is besieged by Saladin, vi. 29. 

U. 

Ukraine, description of that country, i. 289. 

Ulclin, king of the Huns, reduces and kills Gainas, the Goth, iii. 839. Is 

driven back by the vigilance of the Imperial ministers, 350, 351. 
TJlphilas, the apostle of the Goths, his pious labors, iii. 541. His Mceso- 

Gothic alphabet, 541, note M. Propagated Arianism, 546. 
Ulpian, the lawyer, placed at the head of the council of state, under the 

emperor Alexander Severus, i. 177. Is murdered by the prastoriau 

guards, 181, vide note W. 

Upsal, anciently famous for its Gothic temple, i. 283. 
Urban II., pope, patronizes Peter the Hermit, in his project for recovering 

the Holy Land, v. 538. Exhorts the people to a crusade, at the council 

of Clermont, 543. His secret motives for it, 568, note M. 
V. is visited by John Palaeologus, vi. 297. Removes the papal 

court from Avignon to Rome, 495. 

VI., pope, his disputed election, vi. 497. 

Ursacius, master of the offices under the emperor Valentinian, occasions 

a revolt of the Alemanni by his parsimony, ii. 553. 
Ursicinus, a Roman general, his treacherous conduct to Sylvanus in Gaul, 

ii. 216. Is superseded in his command over the Eastern provinces, 230. 

Is sent back again to conduct the war with Persia under Sabiuian, 230. 

Is again disgraced, 230. 

Ursini, history of the Roman family of, vi. 461-7465, note, 477 512. 
Ursulus, treasurer of the empire under Constantius, unjustly put t(> death 

by the tribunal of Chalcedon, ii. 399. 
Usury. See Interest of Money. 

V. 

Vadomair, prince of the Alemanni, is sent prisoner to Spain, by the em 
peror Julian, ii. 381. His son murdered by the Romans, 555. 

Valens, general of the Illyrian frontier, receives the title of Ceesar from 
Licinius, i. 491. Loses his new title and his life, 492. 

, the brother of the emperor Valentinian, is associated with him in 

the empire, ii. 528. Obtains from his brother the Eastern portion of the 
empire, 529. His timidity on the revolt of Procopius, 534. His charac 
ter, 539. Is baptized by Eudoxus, and patronizes the Arians, 545. Is 
vindicated from the charge of persecution, 547. His edict against the 
Egyptian monks, 548. His war with the Goths, iii. 26. Receives the 
suppliant Goths into the Roman territories, 32. His war with them, 40. 
Is defeated and killed at the battle of Hadrianople, 49, 50. His eulogi- 
urrx by Libanius, 51. 

, the Arian bishop of Mursa, his crafty pretensions to divine revela 
tion, ii. 329. 

Valentia, a new province in Britain, settled by Theodosius, ii. 569. 

Valentinian I., his election to the empire, and character, ii. 525, 526. As 
sociates his brother Valens with him, 528. Divides the empire into the 
East and West, and retains the latter, 529. His cruelty, 539. His civil 
B institutions, 541. His edicts to restrain the avarice of the clergy, 549. 
Chastises the Alemanni, and fortifies the Rhine, 556. His expedition 
to Illyricum, and death, 589, 590. Is vindicated from the charge of 
polygamy, 591. 

II. is invested with the Imperial ornaments in his mother s 



620 GENERAL INDEX. 

arms, on the death of his father, ii. 592. Is refused by St. Ambrose th 
privilege of a church for him and his mother Justina, on account cf theiv 
Arian principles, iii. 97. His flight from the invasion of Maximus, 103 
Is restored by the emperor Theodosius, 119. His character. 119, 120. 
His death, 12i. 

Valentiuian 111. is established emperor of the West, by his cousin Theo- 
dosivis the Younger, iii. 366. Is committed to the guardianship of his 
mother Placidia, 387. Flies, on the invasion of Italy by Attila, 449. 
Sends an embassy to Attila to purchase his retreat, 450. Murders the 
patrician ^Etius, 454. Ravishes the wife of Petronius Maximus, 456. 
His death and character, 457. 

Valentiniaris, their confused ideas of the divinity of Jesus Christ, iv. 495, 
note. 

Valeria, empress, widow of Galerius, the unfortunate fate of her and her 
mother, i. 487, 488. 

Valerian is elected censor under the emperor Decius, i. 292. His eleva 
tion to the empire, and his character, 297, 298. Is defeated and taken 
prisoner by Sapor, king of Persia, 316. His treatment, 319, note M. 
His inconsistent behavior towards the Christians, ii. 52. 

Vandals and Goths originally one people, i. 285. This opinion contro 
verted, 285, 286, note G. Total extirpation of the Vandals, 296, note M. 
See Goths. Their successes in Spain, hi. 369, 370. Their expedition 
into Africa under Genseric, 371. They raise a naval force, and invade 
Italy, 459. Sack of Rome by, 463. Their naval depredations on the 
coast of the Mediterranean. 486. Their conversion to the Christian 
religion, 543. Persecution of the Catholics, 549, 550. Expedition of Beli- 
sarius against Gelimer, iv. 121. Conquest of, 133. Their name and 
distinction lost in Africa, 140, 249. Remains of their nation still found 
in Germany, 140. 

Varanes. See Bahram. 

Varangians of the north, origin and history of, v. 423. 

Varchonites, the, subdued by the Turks, iv. 204, note M. 

Varronian, the infant son of the emperor Jovian, history of, ii. 524. 

Vasag, general of Arsaces Tiranus. flayed by King Sapor, ii. 577, note M. 

Vataces, John, his long and prosperous reign at Nice, vi. 117 124. His 
character, 141 158. 

Vegetius, his remarks on the degeneracy of the Roman discipline at the 
time of Theodosius the Great, ii. 129. 

Veii, the siege of that city, the asra of the Roman army first receiving 
regular pay, i. 185. Site and ruins of, 186, note M. 

Venice, foundation of that republic, iii. 446, 447, note G. Its infant state 
under the exarchs of Ravenna, iv. 408. Its growth and prosperity at 
the time of the fourth crusade, vi. 62 64, note M. Alliance with France, 
65. Divides the Greek empire with the French, 97. 

Veratius, his mode of obeying the law of the twelve tables respecting per 
sonal insults, iv. 370. 

Verina, empress, the widow of Leo, deposes Zeno, iv. 4. Her turbulent 
life, 5. 

Verona, siege of, by Constantino the Great, i. 478. Battle of, between 
Stilicho, the Roman general, and Alaric the Goth, iii. 218. 

Verres, why his punishment was inadequate to his offences, iv. 575. 

Vespasian, his prudence in sharing the Imperial dignity with his son. 
Titus, i. 90. 

Vestals, Roman, their number and peculiar office, iii. 132. 

Vetranio, the Roman general in lllyricum, assumes the purple, and enters 
into an alliance with the Gaulish usurper Magnentius, ii. 189, 190. f la 
reduced to abdicate his new dignity, 192. 

Victoria exercises the government over the legions and province of Gaul f 
i. 348. 

Victory, her statue and altar, in the senate house at Rome, describedi 



GENERAL INDEX. 621 

iii. 133, 134. The senate petitions the Christian emperors to have it 
restored, 134. 

Vigilantius, the presbyter, is abused by St. Jerom for opposing monkish 
superstition, iii. 157, note. 

Vigilius, interpreter to the embassy from Theodosius the Younger to At- 
tila, is privy to a scheme for the assassination of Attila, iii. 4i6. Is de 
tected by Attila, 416. 

purchases the papal chair of Belisarius and his wife, iv. 169. In 
stigates Justinian to resume the conquest of Italy, 265. 

Vine, its progress, from the time of Homer, i. 65, 66, notes M. and \V. 

Virgil, his fourth eclogue interpreted into a prophecy of the coming of the 
Messiah, 269, 270. Is the most ancient writer who mentions the man 
ufacture of silk, iv. 66. 

Vitalian, the Gothic chief, is treacherously murdered at Constantinople, 
iv. 43. 

Vitalianus, praetorian prsefect under the emperor Maximin, put to death 
by order of the senate, i. 207. 

Vitellius, emperor, his character, i. 96, note. 

Victorinus, successor of Posthumus, i. 348. His death and character, 348. 

Viterbo, battle of, vi. 448. 

Vitiges, general of the barbarians under Theodatus, king of Italy, is by 
his troops declared king of Italy, iv. 157- He besieges Belisarius in 
Home, 159. Is forced to raise the siege, 172, 173. He is besieged by 
Belisarius in Ravenna, 178. Is taken prisoner in Ravenna, 181. Con 
forms to the Athanasian faith, and is honorably settled in Asia, 181, 182. 
His embassy to Chosroes, king of Persia, 219. 

Vitruvius, the architect, his remarks on the buildings of Rome, iii. 265. 

Vizier, derivation of that appellation, v. 121, note. 

Voconian law abolished the right of female inheritance, iv. 361. How 
evaded, 364. 

Voltaire prefers the labarum of Constantine to the angel of Licinius, ii. 
263, note. His reflections on the expenses of a siege, iii. 640, note. 

Vortigern, king of South Britain, his invitation of the Saxons for assist 
ance against his enemies, iii. 616, note. 

Vouti, emperor of China, his exploits against the Huns, iii. 19. 

W. 

Walachians, the present, descendants from the Roman settlers in ancient 

Dacia, i. 342, note. 
"Wales settled by British refugees from Saxon tyranny, iii. 621, 625. The 

bards of, 628. 
"Wallia is chosen king of the Goths, iii. 311. He reduces the barbarous 

invaders of Spain, 312. Is settled in Aquitain, 3ll 

. Walter the Penniless, a leader in the first crusade, marches through Hun 
gary, v. 553, 554. 
War and robbery, their difference, v. 88. Evolutions and military exercise 

of the Greeks, 367. Military character of the Saracens, 370". Of the 

Franks and Latins, 371. 
Warburton, bishop of Gloucester, his literary character, ii. 436, note. His 

labors to establish the miraculous interruption to Julian s building the 

temple of Jerusalem, 439, 440, notes, vide notes G. and M. 
"Warna, battle of, between the sultan Amurath II. and Ladislaus, king of 

Hungary and Poland, vi. 355. 
Werdan, the Greek general, defeated by the Saracens at Aiznadin, v. 194, 

note M. 

"Wenck, Mr., German edition of Gibbon s Decline and Fall of the Roman 
Empire by, incomplete, vide Editor s Preface, vol. i. p. xxi. His valu 
able notes added to the present edition, and marked W. 



622 GENERAL INliEX. 

Wheat, the average price of, under the successors of Constantino the 

Great, ii. 466, note. 
Whitaker, Mr., remarks on his account of the Irish descent of the Scottish 

nation, ii. 565, note. 
White, Mr., Aiabic professor at Oxford, character of his sermons at 

Bampton s lecture, v. 288, note. 
Wilfrid, the apostle of Sussex, his benevolent establishment at Selsey, iii. 

:27. 

William I., the Bad, king of Sicily, v. 493. 

William II., the Good, king of Sicily, v. 494. 

Windmills, the use of, from whence derived, vi. 129. 

Wine, the use of, expressly prohibited by Mahomet, v. 116. 

Wisdom of Solomon, when and by whom that book was written, ii. 304. 

Wolodomir, great prince of Russia, v. 436. Marries Anne, daughter of the 
emperor Romanus, 362. His conversion to Christianity, 436. 

Women, in hereditary monarchies, allowed to exercise sovereignty, though 
incapable of subordinate state offices, i. 175. Opinion of, by Metellus 
Numidicus, 176, note. How treated by the Roman civil laws, iv. 345, 
346. The Voconian law, how evaded, 364. Are not excluded from 
Paradise, by Mahomet, v. 119. 

X. 

^.enophon, his description of the desert" of Mesopotamia, ii. 477, 478. 
Xerxes, the situation of his bridge of boats for passing over to Europe, 
pointed out, ii. 91, 92, note M. 

Y. 

felin-Thsou-tsai, the mandarin, patriotism and virtues of, iii. 397, notes, 

vi. 221, note M. 
Yemen, or Arabia Felix, v. 77, note M. Conquered by Nushirvan, who 

places a Homeme prince on the throne, iv. 427, note M. 
Yermuk, battle of, between the Greeks and the Saracetis, v. 207, 208, vide 

note M. 
Yezdegerd, king of Persia, iv. 483, 484. His reign the sera of the fall of 

the Sassanian dynasty, and of the religion of Zoroaster, v. 177, 178, 

vide note M. His flight to Farsistan, 182. 
Yezid, caliph of the Saracens, v. 162. 

Z. 

Zabergan invades the Eastern empire with an army of Bulgarians, iv. 282, 

note M. Is repulsed by Belisarius, 283. 
Zachary, pope, pronounces the deposition of Childeric, king of France 

and the appointment of Pepin to succeed him, v. 28. 
Zano, brother of Gelimer, the Vandal usurper, conquers Sardinia, iv. 130. 

His letters intercepted, 130, note M. Is recalled to assist his brother, 

130. Is killed, 132. 
Zara, a city on the Sclavonian coast, reduced by the crusaders for the 

republic of Venice, vi. 68, 69. 
Zendavesta, the, or book of the Ghebers, i. 229, vide note M., 232, note G., 

232, note G., 233, note M., v. 264, note M. 
Zenghi, sultan, his valor and conquests, vi. 16. 

Zcno, emperor of the East, receives a surrender of the Imperial govern 
ment of the Western empire from the senate of Rome, iii. 512. The 

vicissitudes of his life and reign, iv. 3, 4. His character, 4, 5, note M 

His " Henoticon," 522. 

Zenobia, queen of Palmyra, her character and history, i. 350, 356, 360. 
Hingis, first emperor of the Moguls and Tartars, parallel between him and 

Attila, king of the Huns, iii. 389. His inhuman proposal for improving 



GENERAL INDEX. 523 



JJb. 



, f *** nation by the em P eror 

Zobier, the Saracen, his bravery in the invasion of Africa, v 238 
^ afterwards fourtb wife of the emperor Leo the 



, wife of the emperors Romanus III. and Michael IV iv 611 
Zoroaster, the Persian prophet, his high antiquity, i. 229, 230, note, and 
note M. Abridgment of his theology, 231, 232, notes G. and M., 233 234 
Provides for the encouragement of agriculture, 234, 235, note G 
Assigns tithes to the priests, 236, 237, note, vide note M 
/osirnus, his representation of the oppression of the lustral contribution 

11. lOU. 

Zuinglius, the Reformer, his conceptions of the Eucharist, v. 400 
Zurich, brief history of that city, vi. 431. 



JJ.J. .004 1004 

v.e SMC 

Gibbon, Edward, 

1737-1794. 
The history of the 

dec 1 ine and fal 1 of the 
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