THE ANTIQUARYS
LIBRARY
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA
RIVERSIDE .
THE ANTIQUARY'S BOOKS
GENERAL EDITOR: J. CHARLES COX, LL.D., F.S.A.
THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
-
THE ROMAN ERA
IN BRITAIN
BY
JOHN WARD, F.S.A.
AUTHOR OF "ROMANO-BRITISH BUILDINGS AND EARTHWORKS"
WITH SEVENTY-SEVEN ILLUSTRATIONS BY THE AUTHOR
METHUEN & GO. LTD.
36 ESSEX STREET W.G.
LONDON
I
First Published in 19 II
PREFACE
SEVERAL years ago, I was desired by the Editor of this
series to write a volume on Roman Britain, but I soon
found that the subject was too large and complex to be
treated comprehensively, and at the same time to place the
reader en rapport with the results of the systematic excavations
of the last twenty-five years. These have vastly increased our
knowledge of Roman Britain, especially its " major monuments "
— the towns, forts, public buildings, and houses — and to these
I confined myself in Romano-British Buildings and Earthworks,
of this series.
It was felt, however, that the series demanded a general
work on the era in Britain. This was now feasible, as the
subjects which came within the restricted purview of the above
volume could be treated in a more condensed manner than would
be otherwise desirable. In spite of this, however, the question
of space has been a difficulty. Two chapters which could best
be spared — a short history of the era, and practical hints upon
archaeological exploration — had to be cut out ; and a third upon
our public Romano-British collections, which was contemplated
at the outset, and for which much material was collected,
had to be abandoned. In obtaining this material I am indebted
to the hearty co-operation of many museum curators, and
although the proposed chapter had to be given up, their labour
has by no means been in vain in the production of this volume.
The book does not cover as much ground as I wished, but to
have included more would have entailed an undesirable curtail-
VI
ment of several of the chapters. But, with all its deficiencies, I
hope it will prove to be of service to those — now a large number —
whose interest in Roman Britain has been awakened by the
prolific results of the systematic excavations of late years.
I am indebted to many for various services rendered, and
especially to Mr. A. G. Wright of Colchester, Mr. T. W. Colyer of
Reading, Mr. Oxley Grabham, M.A., of York, Mr. Robert Blair,
F.S.A., of South Shields, Mr. J. H. Allchin of Maidstone, and
Mr. Frank King, who has superintended the excavations at
Caerwent for some years, for photographs and particulars of
objects in the museums of those places. Most of the objects
illustrated are in public museums, and each group is, as far as
possible, drawn to a common scale.
JOHN WARD
Cardiff
CONTENTS
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
PAGE
Duration of the Era — Roman Britain, its Physiography and the
Distribution of its Population and Towns — Natural Resources
and Industries — Towns and Local Government — Religions —
Sources of Geographical Knowledge — Bibliographical Notes and
Museum Collections ...... i
CHAPTER II
ROADS
Structure and Distribution — Fords, Bridges, and Milestones . 22
CHAPTER III
MILITARY REMAINS
Camps — Forts, their Defensive Works and Internal and External
Buildings — The Northern Walls . . . . .38
CHAPTER IV
HOUSES
General Characteristics — Two Types, " Corridor " and " Basilical " 72
CHAPTER V
PUBLIC BUILDINGS AND BATHS
Forums and Basilicas — Amphitheatres — Baths, Private, Public,,
and Military . . . . . . .90
CHAPTER VI
RELIGIONS
The Graeco- Roman and Barbaric Paganisms — Mithraism and
other Oriental Cults — Christianity . . . . 101
CHAPTER VII
RELIGIOUS BUILDINGS AND ALTARS
Temples — Shrines — Churches — Altars and their Inscriptions . 114
1'AGE
viii THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
CHAPTER VIII
SEPULCHRAL REMAINS
Diversity of Funeral Customs — Cremation and Inhumation — Tomb-
stones and their Inscriptions . . . . .136
CHAPTER IX
POTTERY
Sources — Characteristics — Manufacture and Decoration — Classical
Names of Vessels and their Uses — Classification — Potters' Kilns 153
CHAPTER X
GLASS, METAL, AND STONE UTENSILS
Sources of Manufacture — Forms — Decoration — Uses . .179
CHAPTER XI
IRON IMPLEMENTS AND APPLIANCES
Hoards — Artisans' and Husbandmen's Tools — Domestic Appliances
— Cutlery, etc. . . . . . . 194
CHAPTER XII
MISCELLANEOUS IMPLEMENTS AND APPLIANCES
Spoons, Ligulae and Forks — Lamps and Candlesticks — Steelyards,
Balances and Measures — Bells — Objects Relating to Games —
Spindles, Needles and Netting-tools — Strigils — Oculists' Stamps
— Writing Appliances — Seal-boxes .... 208
CHAPTER XIII
LOCKS AND KEYS
Padlocks and Fixed Locks — Their Kinds and Mechanism as
Indicated by their Keys ...... 229
CHAPTER XIV
DRESS AND THE TOILET
Footgear — Pins, Brooches, and other Dress-fasteners — Tweezers —
Nail-cleaners — Ear-picks — Mirrors — Combs — Dressing-boxes —
Bracelets and Armlets — Finger-rings — Ear-rings — Beads and
Necklaces . . . . . . .241
CHAPTER XV
COINS AND ROMAN BRITAIN
Allusions to Britain — Mints in Britain — Archaeological Value of Coins
— Hoards and their Evidence . . . . . -275
INDEX 281
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
FIG. PAGE
1. MAP OF THE PHYSICAL FEATURES OF ROMAN BRITAIN . 5
2. MAP OF THE CHIEF ROMAN ROADS AND TOWNS, AND REGIONS
OF DENSEST POPULATION . . . . .6
3. MAP OF THE CHIEF RAILWAYS AND TOWNS, AND REGIONS OF
DENSEST POPULATION AT PRESENT .... 7
4. PLAN OF Calleva Atrebatum, SILCHESTER . . .11
5. SECTIONS OF ROADS AT BOKERLY DYKE AND WHITE CROSS . 25
6. ROADS AT BLACKPOOL BRIDGE AND NEAR PONTYPOOL . . 28
7. PLAN OF POLYBIAN CAMP ... -39
8. PLAN OF HYGINIAN CAMP . . . . 41
9. PLANS OF ROMAN CAMPS IN BRITAIN . . . -43
10. PLAN OF ROMAN FORT AT GELLYGAER . . . .46
11. PROFILE OF RAMPART AND DITCH, GELLYGAER . . 48
12. FORTIFICATION TURRETS, COLUMN OF TRAJAN . . -49
13. PLANS OF GATES — HOUSESTEADS AND BIRDOSWALD . . 50
14. FORTIFICATION GATES, COLUMN OF TRAJAN . . 51
15. FORTIFICATION GATE ON MOSAIC, AVIGNON MUSEUM . . 52
1 6. PLANS OF ROMAN FORTS — PORCHESTER AND RICHBOROUGH . 53
17. PLAN OF HEADQUARTERS, CHESTERS . . . -55
1 8. MAP OF THE ANTONINE WALL . . . . -63
19. MAP OF THE WALL OF HADRIAN . .66
20. PROFILE OF THE WALL OF HADRIAN . . . -67
21. PLAN OF HOUSE, SILCHESTER . . . . -74
22. PLAN OF HOUSE, SILCHESTER . . . . 76
23. PLAN OF HOUSE, CAERWENT . ... 78
x THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
FIG. PAGE
24. PLAN OF HOUSE, CAERWENT . . -79
25. PLAN OF HOUSE, SPOONLEY WOOD . . . .80
26. BARN (?) AT SPOONLEY WOOD . . . .81
27. PLAN OF HOUSE, WOODCHESTER ... -83
28. PLAN OF HOUSE, CLANVILLE ... .86
29. PLAN OF HOUSE, BRADING . .86
30. PLAN OF SAXON FARMHOUSE
31. PLAN OF THE FORUM AND BASILICA, SILCHESTER . 91
32. PLANS OF BATHS, CAERWENT . -97
33. PLANS OF TEMPLES — LYDNEY PARK AND CAERWENT . .116
34. PLAN OF CHURCH, SILCHESTER . . . . .121
35. ALTARS, HIGH ROCHESTER, BIRRENS, H ADDON HALL, AND
CHESTERHOLM . . . . . . .124
36. ALTARS, RUTCHESTER, RISINGHAM, AND HOUSESTEADS . .125
37. ALTARS, OLD CARLISLE, RUTCHESTER, RISINGHAM, AND HIGH
ROCHESTER . . . . . .128
38. ALTARS, HIGH ROCHESTER, MARYPORT, RISINGHAM, AND WALTON
HOUSE . . . . . . . .129
39. TOMBSTONES, COLCHESTER (Photo, A. G. Wright} AND SOUTH
SHIELDS (Photo, Downey & Sons) . . Facing p. 150
40. TOMBSTONES, CIRENCESTER (Photo, A. H. Pitcher} AND YORK
(Photo, W. Watson) .... Facing p. 152
41. ROMAN POTTERY, COLCHESTER (Photo, A. G. Wright} Facing p. 156
42. ROMAN POTTERY, COLCHESTER (Photo, A. G. Wright) Facing p. 158
43. EXAMPLES OF ROMAN REDGLAZE (Terra Sigillata OR S AMI AN
WARE) ........ 162
44. EXAMPLES OF ROMAN REDGLAZE (Terra Sigillata OR S AMI AN
WARE) ....... 163
45. EXAMPLES OF ROMAN JARS (Ollae} IN OTHER FABRICS THAN
REDGLAZE ....... 166
46. EXAMPLES OF ROMAN CUPS AND OLLA-LIKE VESSELS IN OTHER
FABRICS THAN REDGLAZE . . . . .167
47. EXAMPLES OF ROMAN BOWLS AND BOWL-LIKE VESSELS IN OTHER
FABRICS THAN REDGLAZE . . . . .170
48. EXAMPLES OF ROMAN SAUCERS, DISHES, AND Amphorae IN
OTHER FABRICS THAN REDGLAZE . . . -171
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS xi
FIG. PAGE
49. EXAMPLES OF ROMAN JUGS (Ampullae') IN OTHER FABRICS THAN
REDGLAZE . . . . . . 174
50. EXAMPLES OF MISCELLANEOUS ROMAN VESSELS IN OTHER
FABRICS THAN REDGLAZE . . . . 175
51. MORTARS (Mortaria, Pelves ?) IN ALL WARES . . 177
52. EXAMPLES OF ROMAN GLASS- WARE . . . .181
53. ROMAN GLASS- WARE, MAIDSTONE MUSEUM (Photo, H. Elgar}
Facing p. 1 84
54. EXAMPLES OF ROMAN BRONZE VESSELS . . .187
55. HAMMERS AND AXES ...... 196
56. PICKS, MATTOCKS, SICKLES, SPUDS, ETC. . . . 197
57. PINCERS, DRILLS, CHISELS, GOUGES, ETC. . . . 199
58. KNIVES AND SHEARS ...... 205
59. SPOONS, Ligulae, ETC. ...... 209
60. LAMPS AND LAMP-STANDS . . . . .211
61. CANDLE-HOLDERS OF IRON AND POTTERY . . .215
62. WEIGHING APPARATUS, BELLS, AND OBJECTS USED IN GAMES 217
63. SPINDLE AND WHORLS, STRIGIL, MIRROR, AND COMBS . . 222
64. WRITING APPLIANCES AND SEAL-BOXES .... 225
65. PADLOCKS AND THEIR KEYS ..... 230
66. OLD SCOTTISH TUMBLER-LOCK AND KEYS, AND ROMAN KEYS 233
67. TUMBLER-BOLTS, AND KEYS OF SEVERAL TYPES . . 236
68. LOCK-PLATES, KEYS, NEEDLES, ETC. .... 239
69. SHOES AND SOLES ...... 243
70. PINS, TWEEZERS, NAIL-CLEANERS, AND EAR-PICKS . . 247
71. MODERN SAFETY-PIN, ITALIAN "LEECH-SHAPED" AND LATE-
CELTIC BROOCHES ...... 249
72. BOW-BROOCHES OF SEVERAL TYPES . . . 251
73. BOW-BROOCHES OF SEVERAL TYPES .... 255
74. PLATE-BROOCHES OF SEVERAL TYPES .... 257
75. PLATE- AND RING-BROOCHES, AND OTHER DRESS-FASTENERS . 260
76. BRACELETS, ARMLETS, FINGER-RINGS, EAR-RINGS, AND BEADS 267
MAP OF ROMAN BRITAIN SHOWING THE CHIEF ROADS AND
PLACES . . .... Facing p. 280
THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
POLITICALLY, the Roman era in Britain began with the
Claudian Conquest in A.D. 43, and ended with the isolation
of the country from the rest of the decaying empire
consequent upon the passing of northern Gaul into the hands
of the Trans- Rhenish barbarians in A.D. 406-410. But Roman
influence through intercourse with the Continent preceded the
former event, and Britain continued to be Roman after the latter
event, remaining so, harassed by foes from without and probably
by dissensions within, until the English conquest. Broadly
speaking, the Roman era lasted 450 years.
To gauge what four-and-a-half centuries may mean in the
history of a country, let the reader contrast the times of Henry
the Sixth with our own. England then was without the printing-
press, the newspaper, and a cheap literature ; without steam-
power and almost without machinery ; without a postal system,
railways, steamships, telephones, and gas and electric lighting ;
without cotton, porcelain, vulcanite, and a host of other familiar
inventions. It helps one to realize what four-and-a-half centuries
mean, when one recalls the fact that since that time twenty-three
sovereigns have sat on the throne of England ; and that during
the interval the population has increased well-nigh tenfold,
America has been discovered, our political system has been
evolved, and a vast colonial empire founded. We cannot doubt
that under the Romans, the greatest organizers of the ancient
world, enormous changes were also wrought in this country, and
this is confirmed by the verdict of both history and archaeology.
2 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
The more we contemplate the remains of Roman Britain,
the more we are impressed with the high culture they betoken.
But at the outset, let the reader who confines his attention to
this local phase of Roman archaeology, guard himself against
a mischievous bias in favour of his own country. Britain was
but a small province on the fringe of a great empire, and before
its conquest was probably as little known to Italy as central
Africa was to us a quarter of a century ago. To the average
Roman, his empire was his world, and if he troubled to think of
Britain at all, he thought of it as an unexplored land on the
confines of creation, wrapped in the mists of the earth-engirdling
ocean, and only known through the reports of traders. From
no ordinary campaign, in the estimation of his countrymen,
did Claudius return in A.D. 43, to be acclaimed the Conqueror
of the Ocean. " His father, Drusus Germanicus, had sailed
past Friesland to visit the Baltic and to search for ' fresh Pillars
of Hercules ' : ' our Drusus,' said the Romans, ' was bold enough,
but Ocean kept the secret of Hercules and his own.' But now it
was feigned that the farthest seas had been brought within the
circuit of the Empire. ' The last bars have fallen,' sang the
poets, ' and earth is girdled by a Roman Ocean.' ' The world's
end is no longer the end of the Empire, and Oceanus turns himself
to look on the altars of Claudius.' " 1
As a province, Britain was never as thoroughly Romanized
as Gaul. It never attained the wealth and refinement of Italy.
Its architecture was crude compared with that of Rome. Its
mosaic floors and wall - decorations lacked the elegance and
delicacy of those of Pompeii. It had not the background of
eventful history and high culture of many of the eastern pro-
vinces : it was a land wrested from nations whom the Romans
were pleased to regard as barbarian. In a word, our country
contrasted with the heart of the empire, much as some of our
less-developed colonies contrast with England and London to-day.
As a study, the Roman era has a peculiarity which distin-
guishes it from other eras through which our country has passed.
Our knowledge of pre-Roman Britain depends almost wholly
upon the researches of the archaeologist — he is there supreme.
* Elton, Origins of English History, p. 307.
INTRODUCTION 3
On the other hand, the part played by him in the elucidation of
medieval times is subsidiary to that played by the historian :
he illustrates the statements of history, much as the plates of a
book illustrate the text. But the Roman era differs from both.
The literary remains relating to Britain are too few and, as a rule,
too incidental and ambiguous, for the historian to weave them into
a continuous narrative ; whereas the archaeologist has a grow-
ing wealth of material to work upon. It is a domain in which
neither can dispense with the other ; and in one highly important
branch of the study — the inscriptions of tablets, altars, and tomb-
stones— their provinces overlap. Broadly speaking, what we
know of Roman Britain is the outcome of the joint labours
of the two, and the student who approaches the subject in the
capacity of the one will soon find himself compelled by force of
circumstances to supplement his conclusions with those of the
other.
The researches of the geologist and the statements of early
explorers and Roman and later writers converge to indicate
how wild a country was Britain at the period of the conquest.
The regions under cultivation were but a fraction of the whole,
and they lay mostly towards the Continent. Dense forests in
which roamed wolves, bears, wild boars, and wild cats and other
animals that still survive, alternated with bleak moors and swamps.
The atmosphere was more humid and the rainfall heavier, than
at present. " The fallen timber obstructed the streams, the
rivers were squandered in the reedy morasses, and only the downs
and hilltops arose above the perpetual tracts of wood" (Elton).
The Domesday Book bears witness to the extensive wastes in
its day ; and as recently as the reign of Elizabeth about one-
third of England was still in the primeval state of nature. In
medieval times the Andreas Wold of the Weald still stretched
with few breaks from Kent to Hampshire, and the New Forest
may be regarded as its western outlier. To the north of the
latter lay the forests of Speen, Savernack, and Selwood ; west-
ward were the marshes of Sedgemoor ; and farther to the north-
west, between the Severn and the Wye, was the forest of Dean,
" great and terrible." In Warwickshire was the forest of Arden,
of which it has been said, that " even in modern times a squirrel
4 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
might leap from tree to tree for nearly the whole length of the
county." In Worcestershire was Wyrewood, and stretching from
Flintshire to Snowdonia were the forests of Denbigh. The wastes
of Peakland, the forests of Sherwood and Elmet, and the marshes
of the Humberhead Level, well-nigh shut off Northumbria from
the south ; while East Anglia was similarly isolated by the
Fens, then vastly larger than at present, and by a belt of forests
through Cambridgeshire and Hertfordshire. So dense were the
forests in earlier times that they, more than other natural features,
isolated the British tribes, and even the Roman engineers some-
times found it necessary to swing their roads out of their direct
courses to avoid them.
Perhaps even more remarkable are the changes which have
affected the configuration of the island since the Roman era.
Here, the shore has receded in consequence of the erosive action
of the waves, or the depression of the land. There, where the
land has risen, or low-lying stretches of silt have been deposited,
it has advanced beyond the Roman line. What was a Roman
port may have long since succumbed to the encroachment of
the sea ; or it may now be miles inland. The rivers, too, in their
meanderings through alluvial tracts, have wandered from their
old courses, and the declining rainfall has reduced their
volume.
The map (Fig. i) presents the physical features of the era ;
and how these determined the distribution of the civilian popula-
tion is indicated on the second map (Fig. 2). Here the shading
represents the regions of densest population — the regions where
towns, villages, and houses abounded — and it roughly coincides
with the lowlands except where occupied by forests and marshes.
The population and wealth of the country were thus chiefly
concentrated in the southern counties from Kent to Devonshire,
in the Thames basin, in Essex and the country of the Ouse and
Nene, in Somerset and Gloucestershire, and about the lower
Severn. This distribution differed remarkably from that of the
present, as indicated in our third map (Fig. 3). Now the most
populated regions are the Metropolitan area ; Lancashire and
Yorkshire as far east as the Don, with its constellation of large
manufacturing towns, Liverpool, Manchester, Preston, Oldham,
INTRODUCTION 5
Leeds, Bradford, and Sheffield ; the southern prolongation of
this region from Sheffield to Derby and Nottingham ; the
FIG. I. — Physical Map of Roman Britain, showing the Forests, Marshes, and
Elevations exceeding 500 ft.
Potteries ; the Birmingham district ; Glamorgan and East
Monmouthshire ; the Bristol district ; East Durham ; and the
belt of country between the Clyde and the Forth, dominated by
6 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
Glasgow and Edinburgh. These regions, with the exception of
the Metropolitan, are where coal is found, and nearly all these
FIG. 2. — Map showing the chief Roman Roads and Towns, and Regions of
densest Romanized Population
towns were little more than villages two centuries ago. This
shift of population is a modern phenomenon dating from the
economic revolution of the i8th century. We are pre-
INTRODUCTION 7
eminently a manufacturing people to whom coal is of vital
importance. The Roman-Britons were essentially an agricultural
FIG. 3. — Map showing chief Railways, Towns, and Regions of densest
Population at present
people, and the few manufactures they engaged in did not
depend upon this fuel, although its use was not unknown ; hence*
to them the rugged coal-fields were of little value.
8 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
The Roman towns, as will be observed on our second map,
were with few exceptions confined to the more fertile lowlands
and they still remain towns, although, with the exception of
London, their relative importance has waned since the economic
revolution. Beginning with Londinium (London), probably
then, as now, the largest town and chief commercial centre, the
following were of Roman importance : Durovernum (Canterbury),
Verolamium (St. Albans), Camulodunum (Colchester), Venta
Icinorum (Caister St. Edmunds or Norwich), Calleva (Silchester),
Regnum (Chichester), Venta Belgarum (Winchester), Sorbiodunum
(Old Sarum), Durnovaria (Dorchester), Isca Dumnuniorum
(Exeter), Aqua Sulis (Bath), Durocornovium or Corinium
(Cirencester), Clevum (Gloucester), Venta Silurum (Caerwent),
Isca Augusta (Caerleon), Magnae (Kenchester), Viroconium or
Vriconium (Wroxeter), Ratae (Leicester), Durobrivae (Castor),
Lindum (Lincoln), Deva (Chester), Eburacum (York), Isurum
(Aldborough), Luguvallium (Carlisle), and Corstopitum (Corbridge).
Most of these towns may be conveniently classed as ' civil.'
York, Chester, and Caerleon were legionary stations, and probably
Carlisle and Corbridge from their vicinity to the Wall had a marked
military character. At an early period, Colchester, Lincoln,
and probably Gloucester were legionary stations, as probably
also some of the southern towns for a briefer interval, for each
advance of the frontier would necessitate an advance of the
legions, the conquered territory behind being left in charge of
garrisons to maintain order. But, whether civil or military, all
the towns were planned more or less on the military model.
The garrisons were stationed in forts or castella, of which
there were a large number. These in the earlier days of the era
were unevenly scattered throughout the province ; but, as the
natives became Romanized, the garrisons were as a rule with-
drawn to the less Romanized and the frontier regions, and the
vacated castella remained abandoned or continued as posting-
stations and developed into small towns. Some of our old towns,
as Manchester and Newcastle, were originally Roman castella.
In later times the garrisons were distributed chiefly in the north,
especially along and in the vicinity of the Wall of Hadrian, and
on the eastern and southern coasts, to protect the province
INTRODUCTION 9
from external enemies ; hence in these regions the military
remains are conspicuous.
The Roman hold upon the country once established, the great
works which had in view the development of its natural wealth
were immediately put in hand, and chief of these was a magni-
ficent system of durable roads and posting-stations. Under the
security of the imperial rule the rural population rapidly increased,
and the zenith of prosperity was reached in the Constantine
period. The houses of the country squires— spacious, com-
fortable, and now and again on an almost palatial scale — were a
marked feature of the fertile lowlands, each with commodious
farm-buildings, and, like the medieval manor-house, the centre of
a community of peasantry. Villages there were, and the sites
of some have been excavated. That wheat was grown in
abundance is indicated by an incident of the 4th century.
Agriculture in the Rhenish countries being interrupted by the
barbarians, the Emperor Julian arranged for the import of corn
from Britain, and no less than 600 vessels were employed for its
transit. The rearing of sheep and the manufacture of cloth from
the wool were important industries, and contributed to the
export trade of the country. British cloth was widely esteemed,
and its importation into the East is referred to in an edict of
Diocletian.
The mineral resources were early exploited. In the quantity
and quality of its lead, Britain stood second to no other province.
Its chief mining centres were the Mendips in Somerset, the Peak
of Derbyshire, Shropshire, and the district of Holywell in Flint-
shire, in all of which are extensive ancient workings. More
definitely the inscribed pigs of lead, which have been found in
and around these regions, bear witness to Roman enterprise.
The earliest dated examples show that lead-working was in full
swing on the Mendips in A.D. 49, and in Flintshire fifteen years
later. The mines were the property of the state and were at
first worked by the officials, and subsequently — sometime in
the 2nd century — were leased to private individuals. Curious
circular pigs of copper with Roman inscriptions prove that this
metal was worked in North Wales and Anglesey, apparently at
first under the same conditions as lead. Gold was obtained from
io THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
the quartz rocks near Lampeter in West Wales. Inscribed silver
ingots found in London and Richborough, and the remains of a
silver-refinery at Silchester testify to the production of that
metal, which was probably obtained by the cupellation of copper
and lead. There is also evidence that tin was worked in the
Roman era in Cornwall, especially invthe 3rd and 4th centuries.
Iron was used in abundance for a great variety of purposes, and
its chief sources were the Forest of Dean and Sussex, where
immense deposits of slag bear witness to an enormous output of
the metal. Coal was also used, for it has been frequently observed
on Roman sites, and coal-pits apparently of Roman age have
been noticed at Werneth, Lancashire.
Pottery was manufactured on an extensive scale in the Nen
Valley in Northamptonshire, along the south side of the Medway
between Sheerness and Chatham, and in and about the New
Forest ; and in many other parts of the country have been found
the remains of kilns and other evidences of pot-works. Whether
the fine wares of the Nen and Medway potteries were exported is
uncertain ; but there was a considerable importation of pottery
from Gaul and the Rhine, and this included the well-known red-
glaze or ' Samian ' ware, which is found on almost every Roman
site. Traces of glass-works have been noticed at Wilderspool
near Warrington. In the production of bronze and silver brooches
and other small objects, and in the art of enamelling, the British
worker probably excelled his Continental brother ; and in the
4th century, British artisans were engaged upon public works
in Gaul on account of their superior skill.
Most of the towns were British oppida, remodelled on Roman
lines. At Colchester, St. Albans, and Silchester may still be
traced the British defences enclosing larger areas than the
Roman towns which succeeded them, and we know that these
oppida were respectively the ' caputs ' of the Trinobantes,
Catuvelauni, and Atrebates. The Roman names of some other
towns, as Venta Belgarum, Isca Dumnuniorum, Venta Icinorum,
Venta Silurum, and Isubrigantum (a variant of Isurium), indicate
that they were respectively the chief towns of the Belgce, Dum-
nonii, Iceni, Silures, and Brigantes.1 The British oppidum was
1 Not necessarily on the sites or within the lines of the British oppida.
INTRODUCTION
ii
not a town as we understand the term. It was a fortified tribal
camp, but it probably contained a small settled population
whose huts tended to cluster round the house of the chief or
regulus. The Romans adopted the tribal territory as the unit
FIG. 4. — Plan of Calleva Atrebatum, Silchester
of administration, and with it the tribal capital. Thus was kept
up a link with the past, and to this was due in great measure the
rapid acquiescence of the natives in the rule of their conquerors.
How far the old machinery of administration was modified is
uncertain, but undoubtedly it received a Roman form.
12 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
The systematic excavations at Silchester, during the last twenty
years or more, have afforded an insight into a Romano-British town.
Calleva was surrounded with a strong wall, in which were four
principal gates and several posterns. Its streets were in two sets
cutting one another at right angles, as in many a modern American
town. In the centre was a magnificent forum and basilica ;
elsewhere, four temples, public baths, a large hospitium, and a
small church. Unlike a modern town, as also Pompeii and ancient
Rome, its houses were not packed closely together, but were,
as a rule, separated by yards and gardens ; and they were of
rural type and mostly of a goodly sort. The population probably
never reached 3000. Although planned early in the era, there
still remained considerable spaces unbuilt upon at its close, and
there is no evidence of extramural suburbs. A few trades, and
notably that of the dyer, were carried on within the walls, and
there were shops for the sale of commodities around the forum,
which with little doubt presented an animated scene on market
days. Calleva, however, can hardly be called a commercial
centre : it rather appeals to one as a residential town. The
basilica with its courts and offices was altogether on too large a
scale for the municipal needs of so small a place, but probably
large enough to have included the administration of the territory
— the Civitas Atrebatum — of which Calleva was the capital.
Venta Silurum (Caerwent) was a smaller walled town, with
two great and two lesser gates, one main street, and many lanes
which divided the area into rectangular insulae, a central forum
and basilica, and a temple. Houses and shops crowded the sides
of the main street, many of them with verandas or porticoes
that covered the side walks, and behind these were houses,
several of a size and sumptuousness such as would befit the
officials of the local government and other substantial folk
attracted by the social conditions of the local capital. Here an
imperfect monument has been unearthed, which was erected
ex decreto ordinis respublica civitatis Silurum — by order 61 the
senate of the state or canton of the Silures — to an Imperial
legate. The forum, basilica, and public baths — an extensive
group of buildings — have been opened out on the site of Viro-
conium (Wroxeter) ; and the exploration of Corstopitum (Cor-
INTRODUCTION 13
bridge) is bringing to light public and other buildings of unusually
strong and good construction.
Britain shared in the religious complexity of the Roman
world at large. For this side of our subject we have to rely
chiefly upon the testimony of the monuments — especially the
inscriptions of altars and tablets — and in less degree upon that
of the better-known conditions on the Continent. But as the
monuments were mostly raised by the soldiers, who at first were
a foreign element in the population, worshipping under the
toleration of the empire the gods of their native lands, their
testimony is necessarily one-sided. With the conquest came the
invocation of the gods of the Graeco-Roman pantheon, but
many altars are inscribed to deities bearing Celtic and other
barbaric names. We know too little of the religions of pre-
Roman Britain to estimate how far the latter deities were in-
digenous and how far imported by the military. As polytheism
has unlimited elasticity, these barbaric deities were identified
with the Roman. The expansion of the empire favoured
syncretism. It brought the subject -peoples into closer touch
with one another, and with Roman civilization. The men who
were levied in every province officially recognized the Roman
state gods and raised altars to their own wherever their lot was
cast, and thus the surrounding provincials were familiarized
with strange gods and cults, and soon learned to recognize that
the same god might be worshipped in different lands under
different names. " The altars and images were used indifferently-
by worshippers under many creeds ; the titles of Jupiter covered
gods as far apart as ' Tanarus,' the German thunder-god, and
Osirus, 'the nocturnal sun,' who ruled the world of the dead. . . .
Apollo represented all bright and healing influences, and under
the name of Mars, the soldiers from every province could recognize
their local war-god " (Elton). At Bath, Sulis, the nymph-
goddess of the hot-springs, was invoked as Sul-Minerva, and in
the north, the Celtic Belatucadrus, ' the brilliant-in-war,' as Mars
Belatucadrus.
The Roman state worship had little power to satisfy the
intellect or to inspire devotion, but it had less when laden with a
multitude of new gods and cults ; and this paved the way for
I4 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
the widespread acceptance of various cults of eastern origin,
which by their monotheistic strain, their underlying mysticism,
and their offer of divine illumination through penitence and
expiation, promised a satisfaction which the current paganism
failed to give. Chief among these was Mithraism, of which there
are many traces in Britain, and almost as popular was the worship
of the Egyptian Isis and of the Great Mother of Phrygia. These
in their turn paved the way for Christianity, itself an eastern
religion, which undoubtedly had a firm hold upon Britain before
the close of the era, in spite of conflicting evidence.
The map of Roman Britain is in the main the outcome of a
comparison of the evidence of the archaeologist with the state-
ments of ancient geographical writers whose works have come
down to us. Five of these works are of special value. The
Geography of Claudius Ptolemy, who wrote about the middle
of the 2nd century, is mainly a catalogue of places with their
latitudes and longitudes, and considering that he had to rely
upon the statements of travellers who were not provided with
the various instruments that are now considered indispensable,
his results remarkably approximate to the truth. A map of
Great Britain compiled from his data is on the whole easily
recognized ; but Scotland is curiously turned to the east, and
it has been suggested l that Ptolemy or a predecessor worked
from sectional maps of the British Islands, and inadvertently
placed that peninsula the wrong way. In comparing maps from
his tables with the modern, it is necessary to remember that
his degrees of longitude are one-sixth less than ours ; also that
the degrees are divided into twelfths. Some of the bays,
estuaries, promontories, and cities are easily identified ; and
the latitudes and longitudes of others give their approximate
positions ; but his blunders and the possibilities of textual
corruption must be constantly kept in mind. The Peutinger
Tablet is a 13th-century copy (now preserved at Vienna)
of a Roman itinerarium pictum or pictorial road-chart. It
depicts in diagrammatical form the ancient world, greatly
elongated to suit a narrow roll of parchment and to display the
roads with panoramic effect, the distances being inserted in
1 Archaeologia, xlviii, p. 379.
INTRODUCTION 15
numerals ; but unfortunately only the south-east portion of
Britain is shown, the extreme left section of the roll being lost.
The Itinerary of the Provinces of Antoninus Augustus is a list of
roads, or more strictly routes, giving the names of places upon
them and their distances apart. In the British section, fifteen
routes are given, most of which can be identified by existing
remains. Its title connects it with one of the four emperors
who bore the name of Antoninus (A.D. 138-222). The Notitia
Dignitatum is an official register or calendar of the civil and
military establishments of the empire, and is a document
of high historical value. Its topographical information is
incidental, consisting mainly of the names of the places where
the garrisons were stationed, forty-six of which are given in
the portion relating to Britain. This return appears to have
been drawn up about the beginning of the 5th century. The
Ravenna Chorography was the production of an anonymous
writer of the 7th century, who described the world, which he
regarded as extending from India to Britain, with much rhapsody
and appeal to Scripture. In the British section he enumerates
the various cities, rivers, islands, etc., probably taken from
some Imperial road-chart like the Peutinger Tablet, but he gives
them in little apparent order, and his spelling is very corrupt.
In these works over five hundred names of towns, stations,
bays, promontories, and rivers are given ; but probably not
more than a seventh or eighth have been located with any
degree of certainty. This is owing to three chief defects — the
ambiguity of the writers, their blunders, and the corruption of
their text in its transmission to us. Many of the names lack
any hints as to their whereabouts ; and the whereabouts of
others — and this represents the majority — are vague. We can
assign, for instance, a series of names to a certain region,
but beyond this we cannot go. The archaeologist may point
out a number of sites in that region, but we have no means of
identifying the several names with the several places. Textual
corruption is responsible for such vagaries in the spelling of the
names that the collation of the various lists presents insur-
mountable difficulties. Still, the data supplied by these writers
are of inestimable value.
16 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
The modern bibliography of Roman Britain is very copious.
From Camden downwards, the remains have engaged the con-
tinuous attention of antiquaries, and never more critically than
during the last half-century. For reasons already given, it is
hardly possible to pursue the archaeological side of Roman
Britain without invading that of the historian, consequently
the works that are wholly confined to one or the other province
are comparatively few. A full list of the works that are especi-
ally useful to the archaeologist would greatly exceed our space,
but a short notice of some of the more important will be helpful
to the beginner. It is almost unnecessary to say that some
which will be referred to are both costly and difficult to obtain.
Still, most of them are to be found in our chief provincial
libraries, and if these fail, there remains that dernier ressort of
the literary man, the British Museum Library.
The Archaeologia of the Society of Antiquaries, and the
Journals of the Archaeological Institute and of the British
Archaeological Association, are grand repositories of papers on
Roman Britain ; as also are some of the publications of the
provincial societies. The Index of Archaeological Papers from
1665 to 1890, and its annual continuations from the latter date,
published under the direction of the Congress of Archaeological
Societies in union with the Society of Antiquaries, places the
student en rapport with this valuable source of information.
The late Charles Roach Smith's Collectanea Antiqua, 1848-80,
contains many important articles on the subject.
The works that treat of Roman Britain in general are few.
Foremost among them is Horsley's Britannia Romana, a valu-
able conspectus of knowledge at its date, 1732, and still a
useful book of reference. The last edition of Wright's The
Celt, the Roman, and the Saxon is useful, but is disappointing
in some respects. Scarth's Roman Britain, 1885, is also dis-
appointing ; and its successor, Conybeare's Roman Britain,
1903, leans more to history. The Roman section of TraiU's
Social England, 1902-4, should be carefully studied. The
following are useful works of reference — Stukeley's Itinerarium
Curiosum, 1776 ; Cough's Camden s Britannia, 1789 ; King's
Munimenta Antiqua, 1799-1806 ; the Gentleman's Magazine
INTRODUCTION 17
Library (Romano-British Remains), 1887 ; and Clark's Military
Architecture in England, 1884. Among the many works which
treat wholly or partially on Roman Britain, but less from an
archaeological point of view, the following may be especially
mentioned — Elton's Origins of English History, 1889 ; Coote's
Romans of Britain, 1878 ; Petrie, Sharpe, and Hardy's His-
torica Britannica, 1848 ; Mommsen's Provinces of the Empire,
1886 ; Babcock's Two Last Centuries of Roman Britain, 1891 ;
Bury's Gibbon s Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, 1896 ;
Rhys' Celtic Britain, 1904; Hogarth's Authority and Archaeology,
1899 ; Oman's England before the Conquest, 1910. The works
that treat of some particular phase of Romano-British archaeo-
logy are more numerous. Hubner's Inscriptiones Britanniae
Latinae, which forms a volume of his great and costly work on
the epigraphy of the empire, is of such importance that no
reference library can be said to be complete without it. For
inscriptions overlooked or discovered since its date, 1873, re-
course must be had chiefly to the papers of the late Mr. Thompson
Watkin and subsequently to those of Dr. Haverfield, in the
Archaeological Journal. McCaul's Notes on Roman Inscriptions,
found in Britain, 1862, is useful, but scarce. Morgan's Romano-
British Mosaic Pavements, 1886, the only manual on the subject,
contains much information, but fails to attain the promise
of its opening paragraphs. Lyson's costly Reliquae Britannicae
Romanae, 1813-15, and other works, including his Woodchester,
1797, are noteworthy for their sumptuous plates of mosaics ;
as also is Fowler's scarce series of twenty-six plates. The roads
are the subject of Codrington's Roman Roads of Britain, 1905,
and of Forbes and Burmeister's Our Roman Highways, 1904, two
useful and inexpensive books.
But the largest, and on the whole the most important element
in the bibliography, is the topographical literature. The Wall
and its contiguous Roman remains have been and are still a
fertile theme of inquiry. Warburton's Vallum Romanum, 1753,
was the first important monograph on the subject. Bruce's
Roman Wall, of which there have been several editions, the
last and largest, that of 1867, being one of the chief descriptive
works on English archaeology ever produced, but naturally
i8 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
some of its conclusions are rendered untenable by recent re-
searches. His Handbook to the Roman Wall, the last edition
of which was revised by Mr. Robert Blair, F.S.A., is essentially
an abridgement. Maclauchlan's great works, The Roman Wall,
with its Memoir, 1858, and his Eastern Branch of the Watting
Street in Northumberland, 1864, are especially noteworthy for
their engraved plans. Hodgson's History of Northumberland
is a mine of valuable information, and the volume treating on
the Roman remains was published separately under the title
of The Roman Wall and South Tindale, 1841. Neilson's Per
Lineam Valli is one of the best of the more recent works, 1891.
Hutton's History of the Roman Wall, 1802, is worth mentioning
for its quaint and gossipy reading. Dr. Haverfield's Reports on
the Five Years' Excavations on the Roman Wall, conducted by
the Cumberland and Westmorland Archaeological Society,
1894-99, can be obtained as reprints with a summary, and are
valuable for the new light thrown on the history of the Wall.
Dr. Budge's Roman Antiquities in the Chester s Museum, 1903,
is more than a catalogue : it contains chapters on the whole
subject of the Wall.
Scotland has given rise to several important works — Gordon's
Itinerarium Septentrionale, 1726 ; Roy's Military Antiquities of the
Romans in North Britain, 1793, which is particularly valuable
for its large plans of camps ; Stuart's Caledonia Romana, 1845 ;
and the Antonine Wall Report, an account of the excavations
made by the Glasgow Archaeological Society, 1899. The Pro-
ceedings of the Society of Antiquaries, Scotland, contain reports
on the exploration of Scottish Roman forts, and Curie's Roman
Fort of Newstead, shortly to be published, promises to be a highly
important work.
Lancashire and Cheshire are fortunate in the late Thompson
Watkin's Roman Lancashire and Roman Cheshire, two thorough
works on their Roman remains up to the years of their issues,
1883 and 1886. Whitaker's History of Manchester, 1773, devotes
much space to these remains in the vicinity of that city. Roeder's
Roman Manchester, 1900, and Bruton's Roman Fort at Man-
chester, 1909, bring Whitaker and Watkins up to their dates.
Smith and Short's History of Ribchester gives much information
INTRODUCTION 19
of the Roman remains there. The excavations at Wilderspool
are the subject of Ma^'s Warringtons Roman Remains, 1904.
Roman York is treated on in Drake's Eboracum, 1785, and Well-
beloved's Roman York, 1812 ; and Aldborough in H. Ecroyd
Smith's Remains of the Roman Isurium, 1852. Derbyshire has
yielded Melandra Castle, 1906, edited by Prof. R. S. Conway.
Lincoln, considering its Roman importance, has not given rise
to much literature. The Roman city at Wroxeter, Shropshire,
was the theme of several pens in the ' sixties,' and these were
followed by Wright's Uriconium in 1872. Gloucestershire and
Somerset, from their richness in remains of this age, have yielded
a considerable output, as Lyson's Woodchester, already
referred to ; Bathurst and King's Roman Remains in Lydney
Park, 1879 ; Buckman and Newmarch's Illustrations of Roman
Art in Cirencester, 1850 ; Beecham's History of Cirencester and
the Roman City of Corinium, 1886 ; and Witt's Map and Archaeo-
logical Handbook, 1880 (? ). Bath is treated in Scarth's Aquae Solis,
and Lyson's Two Temples and other Buildings discovered at Bath,
1802. Monmouthshire was the scene of much archaeological
activity in the middle decades of the last century, and this
resulted in Lee's Delineations of Roman A ntiquities found at Caerleon,
1845, and I sea Silurum, 1862, a well-illustrated catalogue of the
museum there ; and in Omerod's Memoir of British and Roman
Remains illustrative of Communications with Venta Silurum, 1852,
and Strigulensia, 1861. Ward's Roman Fort of Getty gaer, 1903,
is an illustrated report on the exploration of that site in Gla-
morgan. A. C. Smith's large and detailed map with its accom-
panying Guide, 1884, presents the British and Roman remains
of a hundred square miles round Abury in North Wiltshire ;
and this county was the scene of most of the excavations of
General Pitt-Rivers, which are described in his four profusely
illustrated volumes.
Roman in common with other early remains in Dorset are
described in Warne's Ancient Dorset, 1872 ; and the mosaic
pavements at Frampton are the subject of one of Lyson's mono-
graphs. The Isle of Wight has contributed Nicholson's Account
of the Roman Villa near Brading, 1880, and Price's Description
of Roman Buildings at Morton near Brading, 1881. The excava-
20 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
tions at Silchester during the last twenty-one years have resulted
in a series of important reports in Archaeologia, most of which
may be obtained as reprints.
The Roman coast-forts of Kent and Sussex — Reculvers,
Richborough, Lympne, and Pevensey — were ably described by
C. Roach Smith, both in his Collectanea and in separate works,
Excavations on the Site of the Roman Castrum of Lymne in 1850,
Excavations at Pevensey in 1852, and Antiquities of Richborough,
Reculver, and Lymne, 1850. From the same pen issued Illus-
trations of Roman London, 1859, with many plates. Roman
London was also the theme of several well-illustrated monographs
by J. E. Price — Description of the Roman Tesselated Pavement
found in Bucklersbury, etc., 1870 ; Roman Antiquities discovered
on the site of the National Safe Company's Premises, 1873 ; On
a Bastion of London Wall, 1880. Various excavations at and
in the vicinity of Chesterford and Audley End in Essex about
the middle of the last century were described by the Hon. R. C.
Neville, afterwards Lord Braybrook, in his Antiqua Explorata,
etc., mostly privately printed, and scarce. Much about Roman
Colchester is to be found in Strutt's History and Description
of Colchester, and in Buckler's and in Jenkin's Colchester Castle,
1869 and 1877, respectively. The coast-fort of Burgh Castle
is the subject of Ive's Garianonum of the Romans, 1803 ; and
Castor and its Roman potteries are illustrated in Artis's The
Durobrivae of Antoninus, etc., 1828, now very scarce.
In the Victoria History of the Counties of England, descriptive
articles on the Roman remains of the following counties have
appeared — Berkshire, Buckinghamshire, Derbyshire, Hampshire,
Herefordshire, Northamptonshire, Norfolk, Nottinghamshire,
Somerset, Staffordshire, Leicestershire, Warwickshire, Worcester-
shire, and Shropshire. These are all, except one, from the pen
of Dr. Haverfield, and are of inestimable value to the student.
We turn now to another important source of information
abou t Roman Britain — museum collections . Most of our museums
contain objects of Roman age, and these, as a rule, have been
found in the districts of their present resting-places. As might
be expected, the chief collections are in or near the sites of the
more important Roman towns and populous regions, so that
INTRODUCTION 21
their distribution somewhat coincides with the distribution of
the civil and military population. The Romano-British collec-
tions of the York Philosophical Society and of the Reading
and the Colchester museums are large and varied. That of
Reading is mainly derived from Silchester, and its value is
enhanced by models of some of the buildings of the ancient
city. The exploration of Caerwent has given rise to another
important collection, most of which is stored in a temporary
museum on the site, the residue being in the Newport Museum.
The numerous objects found at Wroxeter are in the Shrewsbury
Museum, and those found at Bath, Caerleon, and Cirencester
are in the museums of these places, all being important collections.
The City of London has been fruitful in finds of Roman age,
and most of these have gravitated to the Guildhall Museum.
The British Museum collection is not so large as would be expected,
but it contains many rare objects from various parts of the
country. The Grosvenor Museum, Chester, is notable for its
tombstones and other lapidary remains, and these are also
a conspicuous feature in the Leicester Museum. In the Wall
country are three important collections, those of Tullie House
at Carlisle, of the Blackgate Museum at Newcastle-on-Tyne,
and of the Chesters Museum, the last being a model of good
arrangement and exhibition. The notable feature of the collec-
tion of the National Museum of Antiquities at Edinburgh is the
finds from the exploration of Roman forts and other sites in
Scotland.
Besides the museums just named, those of South Shields,
Warrington, Taunton Castle, Bristol, Maidstone, Devizes, Glou-
cester, Cardiff, Canterbury, Dorchester, Chichester, St. Albans,
Oxford, Sheffield, Hull, Norwich, Durham, and some others
contain Romano-British collections of greater or less interest.
CHAPTER II
ROADS, BRIDGES, FORDS, AND MILESTONES
WITH comparatively few exceptions, the indications of a
Roman road can only be appreciated by the experienced
eye. A slight rise here, a hollow there, a difference in
the colour of the herbage, or, in the absence of these, a length
of road still used, a hedgerow, or a parish boundary which coincides
with the conjectured line — these are the hints from which the
archaeologist puzzles out the course of a Roman road. But
if these roads are regarded as a whole — as a network of communi-
cations— no remains impress us more with the thoroughness of
the masters of the ancient world and their high sense of organiza-
tion. They are more akin to our railways than to our country
roads, except such as happen to perpetuate a Roman course
or to be the product of a modern engineer. They exhibit, too,
in their distribution, their relation to the country at large, and
their directness, the impress of a single authority, imperial in
its comprehensiveness. We cannot conceive that the semi-
isolated British tribes could ever have elaborated such a road-
system ; on the other hand, this system, once established, must
have powerfully operated in breaking down their mutual anti-
pathies and hastening their acceptance of Roman rule. These
roads represent the most useful of the great works raised by
the conquerors, and they are the most enduring in their effects ;
indeed, it can scarcely be doubted that our island never possessed
finer roads, until the revival of road engineering under Telford
and his contemporaries in the reign of George in.
Many of our Roman roads are still used, but these rarely
show signs of their Roman origin beyond certain peculiarities
of their courses, which will be referred to later. Many, on the
ROADS, BRIDGES, FORDS, AND MILESTONES 23
other hand, fell out of use at an early period, probably owing
to the changed conditions brought about by the English conquest.
These disused roads have in a wholesale manner been levelled
by the plough and plundered of their materials ; but in most
counties of England and Wales there are fragments that have
escaped. If Nature may have been unkind to these fragments —
if the roots of trees have loosened their structure and the moisture
of the ground has softened their concretes — she also has gently
buried them under a protective mantle of vegetable mould.
Thus buried they continue, sometimes as perfect in form as
when they were abandoned.
These intact roads usually show as low, rounded ridges,
varying from a few inches to a foot or more in height and from
15 to 30 ft. in width ; but these limits are sometimes not reached,
or are exceeded. For instance, the Erming Street in Lincoln-
shire and the East Riding, the road from Silchester to Bath,
and the ' Achling Ditch ' between Old Sarum and Badbury
Rings, occasionally attain a height of 5 ft. or even more.
On the other hand, the ridge may be so low as to be scarcely
discernible. The actual roadway is rarely seen, as it is usually
covered with turf, and as this is generally thinner on the summit
than at the sides, it has the effect of softening the contour and
reducing the relative height. Another feature may sometimes
be noticed — side ditches. These, in rare instances, retain much
of their original size ; but usually they are so far obliterated
as to show only as gentle and ill-defined hollows, less apparent
in themselves, than in their effect of accentuating the relief
of the ridge.
The structure varies greatly, even in the same road. It may
be anything from a mere spread of gravel on the old natural
surface to a causeway of Vitruvian complexity. The differences
of construction are not susceptible to any satisfactory classifica-
tion. We know that there were various kinds of roads — viae
militares, viae vicinales, viae agrariae, etc. — and maintained in
different manners ; but we cannot say whether these were dis-
tinguished by any peculiarities of form and construction. No
doubt the art of road-making underwent some change during
the centuries of Roman rule. No doubt, also, the by-ways were
24 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
less carefully and strongly constructed than the principal thorough-
fares. But it is certain that the chief cause of structural differences
lay in the nature of the materials used. The ancient road-makers
depended, with rare exceptions, upon materials near at hand,
and as these varied considerably, the mode of construction varied
also. The differences are more noticeable in the treatment of
the surface than in the under-structure. Where hard or massive
rocks abound, paved or pitched roads preponderate ; whereas in
other districts, especially those of cretaceous or tertiary formation,
gravelled roads are the rule.
The ' Fen Road,' which threads Fenland from east to west,
is an example of simple construction. Dugdale described it as
" a long causey made of gravel about three feet in thickness and
sixty feet broad, now covered with the moor, in some places three
and in others five feet thick." l The road between Badbury and
Poole Harbour in Dorset is similar. Near Corfe Hills, it consists
of gravel, i£ ft. thick and 18 ft. wide at the base, resting on the
old heath. Sometimes the gravel was mingled with larger
stones, as in a road cut through at Manchester in 1765, which
was 4£ ft. thick and 42 ft. wide.2 In chalky districts, the roads
were often of chalk and flints mixed together, as the ridge of
the Watling Street on Barham Down, described by Dr. Stukeley.3
More often the finer materials rest on a platform or foundation
of large stones. The Watling Street near Rugby, for instance,
has 3 ft. of gravel on a layer of large cobbles laid on the clayey
subsoil.4 A section of the Akeman Street at Woodstock, in 1898,
presented a ridge 17 ft. wide with a small ditch on either side,
which was constructed of two well-defined layers — a lower, 10 in.
thick of Stonesfield slates naturally split and laid sloping in the
direction of the road with a few placed flat on the top, and an
upper, of 6 in. of the local gravel.5
Two cuttings made by the late General Pitt-Rivers across
the Roman road between Old Sarum and Badbury at Bokerly
Dyke in 1889, indicated a more complex structure. The
second section shown in Fig. 5 presents a central agger with a
1 History of Imbanking and Draining, p. 174.
2 History of Manchester, i, p. 120. 3 I tin. Curiosum, p. 127.
4 Codrington, Roman Roads, p. 73. 8 Proc. Soc. Antiquaries, xvii, p. 333.
UJ
01
UJ
^
O
m
26 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
convex summit, 25 ft. 6 in. wide at the base and between 3 and
4 ft. high in the middle, between two ditches which were not
visible before excavation, the width over all being 87 ft. The
agger was constructed as follows : Upon a spread of nodular
flints, about 3 in. thick and resting directly upon the old natural
surface, were laid, in ascending order, 6 in. of rammed chalk,
10 in. of gravel, 6 in. of rammed chalk rubble, and finally 6 in.
more of gravel, the last forming to actual road-surface. Over
this had accumulated 5 in. of humus.1
Some drainage operations at Strood, Rochester, in 1897,
disclosed a fine section of the Watling Street, which presented,
in addition to a similar stratified structure to the last, the unusual
feature of a timber foundation. The land here was formerly a
marsh, and in order to provide a suitable bottom, the Roman
engineers first drove two rows (14 ft. apart, the width of the
intended road) of stout oak piles into the mud, and spanned the
intervening space with timber beams. Upon the platform thus
formed, were deposited the following : 3 ft. 6 in. of large pieces
of flint and Kentish rag with a few broken tiles ; 5 in. of rammed
chalk ; 7 in. of finely broken flints ; 9 in. of small pebble gravel
and earth, rammed ; and finally the pavement of Kentish rag
in irregular pieces, and jointed together with fine gravel. This
pavement had worn wheel-tracks, a single one on one side, and
three close together on the other, the outermost being 6 ft. 3 in.
distant from the first.2
Examples of road-structure might be multiplied indefinitely,
but we must further consider the treatment of the surface.
That of the Roman equivalent of Edgware Road, London,
which was cut through a few years ago, was found to consist
of large nodular flints laid with their smooth faces upwards on
a bed of rammed gravel, and grouted into a rock-like mass, the
whole being about 24 ft. wide. Such roads were not uncommon
where flints were obtainable. We read of roads elsewhere
being paved with boulders, cobbles, moor-stones, etc. Others
are better described as pitched. The surface of the Foss Way
near Ilchester was, according to Dr. Stukeley, constructed of
flat quarried stones laid edgeways, and resembled " the side of
1 Excavations, iii, p. 74. 2 proc> ^oc. Antiquaries, 2, xviii, p. 36.
ROADS, BRIDGES, FORDS, AND MILESTONES 27
a wall fallen down." x A mile west of Pontypool is a small
Roman road, the pitching of which is of the local Pennant grit
packed on edge, like the granite settings of our street-crossings
(Fig. 6, C).»
Others again, as indicated above, were metalled with gravel ;
but it is probable that in some cases the gravel was the agglomerate
of concrete, the limy constituent of which has perished. In
other cases, the fine superficial material may be the bedding
from which paving or pitching has been stripped. From many
of our Roman roads the surface stones have been removed in a
wholesale fashion for building purposes.3
Where suitable stone abounded, the roads were often con-
fined with kerbs. The military way of the Wall of Hadrian has
edgings of large rough stones, as indicated in Fig. 5, a section
made in 1894 at White Cross. This road is peculiar in having
a double row of large stones bedded in it along the middle,
possibly to support a fence to prevent the commingling of troops
travelling in opposite directions. The kerbs of the Maiden Way
are similar but roughly squared.4 A neater kerb, and one that
would better withstand the thrust of the agger, was a line of
flagstones planted on edge in the ground. The road near Ponty-
pool, referred to above, has kerbs of this description ; so also
has a Roman road at Blackpool Bridge in the Forest of Dean.
This road, which is barely 9 ft. wide, is formed of a rough spread
of stones, and the kerbs are supported externally by a row of
blocks, as indicated in Fig. 6.5 Piles occasionally take the place
of stone kerbs. A good example occurs near Chats Moss, Lanca-
shire, where the whole structure, consisting of a pavement of
large stones, 18 ft. wide, a layer of sand, and a foundation of
brushwood, is supported along the sides by stakes driven into
the peat below.6
In marshy places, the roads sometimes consisted of a
' corduroy ' of oak logs. Such roads have been found near
Ambleside and Gilpin Bridge, Westmorland, the latter resting
on three longitudinal lines of logs, and kept in position by stakes
1 Codrington, p. 67. z Itin. Curiosum, p. 155. 3 Personal Observation.
4 Cumb. and Westmor. Archaeo. Soc. xiv, pp. 196, 461.
5 Personal Observation. 6 Watkin, Rom. Lancashire.
// XX
FIG. 6.— Roman Roads. A and B, Blackpool Bridge ; C, near Pontypool.
(Plan 100 ft., and details 4 ft. to I in.)
28
ROADS, BRIDGES, FORDS, AND MILESTONES 29
at intervals.1 The Danes Pad, near Fleetwood, is probably a
Roman footpath. It averages 20 in. in width, and is constructed
of oak trees sawn asunder and laid end to end — a single piece,
if wide enough ; if not, two or more side by side — upon transverse
oak sleepers, through which they are pegged into the peat below.2
The Roman engineers were careful to give their roads the
necessary convexity to ensure the rapid removal of rain-water,
and they often, perhaps always, provided side ditches. These
were sometimes small and bordered the actual roadway. In
other instances, they were large and set back from the road-
sides, as at Bokerly Dyke. On the Northern Watling Street, near
High Rochester, they are 8 ft. wide and 34 ft. apart. The Roman
road between Old Sarum and Badbury, near Vernditch Wood, is
6 ft. high and 16^ ft. wide, and the ditches are 60 ft. apart. Another
road on Durdham Down, Clifton, was found a few years ago to
be 20 ft. wide between two ditches 50 ft. apart. Even on the
same road the distance of the ditches frequently varies. On
dry ground, a mere gutter on each side sufficed to carry away
the rain-water. On swampy ground, it was necessary to drain
not only the agger, but the soil below, and for this purpose the
ditches were larger and deeper. Prudence demanded that they
should be at some distance, especially if the road was highly
raised.
The popular belief that undeviating straightness is the dis-
tinguishing mark of a Roman road is not borne out by facts.
The Foss Way nearest approaches this condition. Throughout
its 200 miles between Lincoln and Axminster it never deviates
more than 6 miles from a straight line joining these places. Its
gentle sinuosities swing it from time to time across this line, but
nowhere do road and line coincide. It provides a remarkably
direct route, but not a straight one. On the other hand, in the
hilly districts where such direct roads would involve impracticable
gradients, they are notably winding, as in the case of the North-
umbrian Watling Street and the Doctor Gate between Brough
and Melandra Castle in Derbyshire. Another example of cir-
cuitousness is the Roman road between Lincoln and York. As
the crow flies the distance between these places is 55 miles, but
1 Pros. Soc. Ant. xviii, p. 268. 2 Roman Lancashire.
30 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
in order to avoid the swamps of Humberhead, the road swings
inland, and this adds 17 miles to the route.
A characteristic of Roman roads, but one which they share
with many other ancient roads, is a decided preference for high
rather than low ground, due to the swampy and wooded condition
of the valleys at the time. A more characteristic feature is the
mode in which the deviations are laid out. In a modern road or
railway, this 'is effected by curves ; in a typical Roman road, by
straight lengths forming angles with one another. These angles
generally occur on hills or other high landmarks ; less frequently
at rivers and stations. Reaching a hill, where there is one
of these bends, the spectator may expect the road to make a
bee-line for some conspicuous point, be it a hill or a gap in the
hills on the horizon. The road there may make a fresh bend, or
it may continue in the same line until a suitable point is reached,
from which the engineers of old were enabled to determine the
next stage of their work.
This predilection for high ground and straight sections may
be well studied on the Foss Way between Lincoln and Leicester.
As already stated, this road crosses the country diagonally in a
singularly direct course, nowhere deviating more than 6 miles
from a straight line ; and the greatest deviation occurs in this
portion. The road branches from the Erming Street about a
mile and a half south of Lincoln, and instead of pointing to its
destination approximately south-west by south, it takes a more
westerly course, heading straight for Potter Hill, 8 miles away.
This hill crests the watershed of the Trent and Witham basins.
By this westerly trend, the road avoids the valley of the latter
river, which it otherwise would follow for about 18 miles. To
avoid the Trent, on the other hand, it now gently swerves some-
what to the south ; but after 6| miles of straightness, it again
has a more westerly trend at Newark in order to reach that river
at East Stoke, 2,\ miles farther, where a bridge carried a branch-
road to the north-west. The road here makes a more decided
turn towards the south, in order to gain the high ground behind
the east side of the valley. For 8 miles it goes straight ahead,
until an eminence near Cropwell is capped, when its course be-
comes still more southerly. Then after another straight course
ROADS, BRIDGES, FORDS, AND MILESTONES 31
of 2\ miles, the high ground of Cotgrave Gorse is reached, and
here the road attains its maximum divergence from the ideal
line. The configuration of the country is now favourable for a
return to this line. Availing itself of the stretch of high land
between the Devon catchment and that of several small streams
which debouch into the Trent to the west, the road takes an 8i
miles' almost due south course, and perfectly straight except for
an easterly detour near Willoughby, probably a deviation from
its original line. Six Hills, the highest point between Lincoln
and Leicester, is then reached. Here a slight westerly bend
directs the road more towards the latter city, and at the same
time enables it, in its generally descending course to the Soar
valley, to take advantage of the spur between the tributaries of
that river on the west, and those of the Wreak on the east. After
7 miles of straightness, the Soar is reached at Thurmaston,
then another slight westerly deflection directs it to Leicester,
3 miles distant. Throughout this 42 miles of the Foss Way, the
road is made up of straight lengths, and the changes in the course
take place on the hills and brows, but in no instance at the
intervening stations, of which the sites of three are known.
These peculiarities in the setting-out of Roman roads render
valuable corroborative service where the actual remains are
doubtful ; and in the absence of such remains, will sometimes
suggest the probable line. But it should be kept in mind, that
the Romans did not always follow so exact a method in the
setting-out of their roads as in the example just cited.
The distribution of our Roman roads now claims attention.
If three maps of Britain, one showing the principal Roman
roads, another the principal modern roads, and the third the
railways, are compared, it will be observed that, in each, London
is the grand centre from which the chief thoroughfares radiate.
Further, it will be observed that many of these arteries follow
similar courses on the three maps ; also, that most of the places
where the Roman roads intersected — ' junctions ' in railway
parlance — still fulfil the same function in the modern road and
railway systems. The generally closer network of the modern
communications and the multiplication of towns and villages,
indicate a denser population, but the preponderance of the
32 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
country's traffic still flows along the old lines ; and this in spite
of the radical change in the distribution of the population
referred to on page 4, and indicated on the maps (Figs. 2 and 3).
That our highways should reflect the Roman system is not
surprising, for many of them perpetuate Roman lines ; but that
the railways should in any appreciable degree reflect that system,
may seem extraordinary. The explanation lies in the para-
mount importance of London and the physical features of the
country ; and as both the ancient and modern engineers have in
the main followed the lines of least resistance, the results, not
unnaturally, are also, in the main, similar. The Pennine Chain
furnishes a simple illustration to the point. Both the ancient
and the modern engineers have avoided it in their routes to the
north. Our Great Northern and North-Eastern Railway route
is along the lowlands to the east, through east Yorkshire, Durham,
and Northumberland ; while the London and North- Western
is through Lancashire, and the basins of the Lune and the Eden
which divide the ' chain ' from its more mountainous outlier,
the Cumbrian Mountains. The Roman routes were along almost
identical lines. In both systems it was necessary to connect east
and west by threading some of the transverse valleys of the
' chain.'
A comparison of some of the more important railway routes
with the Roman will impress the reader's memory with not only
the courses of the chief roads, but also with the places on them.
The Watling Street in its diagonal course across the country
through St. Albans (Verolamium), Dunstable (Durocobrivae) ,
and Towcester (Lactodorum) , to Chester (Deva), may be regarded
as the Roman London and North- Western main line, and its
ramifications make the analogy all the more striking. Through
Chester, the traveller could proceed to Carnarvon (Segontium)
and the Menai Straits, by a route which the present Irish mail
closely follows. Or, he could branch off en route for Viroconium,
our Wroxeter, and there, as his modern representative does at
Shrewsbury, ' book ' for Caerleon (I sea Silurum), via Abergavenny
(Gobannium), by an almost identical route with present, only
Newport would be the destination instead of the ' City of the
Legion/ Or, if he wished to go to Scotland, there was a line
ROADS, BRIDGES, FORDS, AND MILESTONES 33
of road through Lancashire, Westmorland, and Cumberland,
which eventually reached the vicinity of Glasgow, by a route
singularly prophetic of that traversed by the London and
North-Western expresses of to-day. On this route Breme-
tonacum, our Ribchester, stood for Preston, and Carlisle (Lugu-
vallium) was the junction, as now, for the Roman ' North-Eastern '
for Newcastle (Pons Aelii). Or, again, the traveller could branch
off for Manchester (Mancunium), either at Chester or a point
farther south in the vicinity of Whitchurch, a Roman Crewe.
This route continued, would conduct him to York (Eburacum),
only without the modern detour by Leeds.
Perhaps, however, the traveller would prefer to reach Scotland
by the more direct eastern route. Striking due north from London
(Londinium], by the Erming Street, he would traverse for the
first 90 miles a belt of country familiar to the passengers of the
Great Northern Scotch expresses of to-day. The Roman, how-
ever, bore eastwards to reach Lincoln (Lindum), and then by a
counter swing crossed the present route at Doncaster (Danum),
and continued his journey through Aldborough (Isurium),
Catterick (Cataracto), Binchester (Vinovia), Corbridge (Cor-
stopitum], and High Rochester (Bremenium], by the Northern
Watling Street ; whereas the present expresses take a more
easterly course through York and Newcastle.
The Great Western route from London to South Wales was
remarkably anticipated. Silchester (Calleva Atrebatum) played
the part of our Reading, and Speen (Spinae), of Swindon. At
the second place, the Roman, like the modern traveller, could
proceed by a northerly route via Cirencester (Corinium), and
Gloucester (Clevum), or by a more direct one "via Bath (Aquae
Sulis) and across the Severn, only he negotiated the water by
boat instead of tunnel. If he chose the former, he struck a little
more inland on the western side of the Channel than the modern
railway, and he joined his friends, who preferred the sea-passage,
at Caerwent (Venta Silurum) ; thence the road threaded Caerleon,
Cardiff, Neath (Nidum), and Carmarthen (M aridunum) , much
as the South Wales section of the Great Western Railway does
to-day.
The Great Eastern perpetuates the Roman road from London
3
34 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
to Norwich, and as far as Colchester (Camulodunum) no railway
more closely hugs an ancient route ; but the important Peddars
Way, which connected Colchester with the north-west angle
of Norfolk near Hunstanton, is quite unrepresented in the East
Anglian railway system. The Foss Way, it may also be re-
marked, is another important Roman route which is similarly
unrepresented.
The Watling Street, east of London, like its modern repre-
sentative the London Chatham and Dover Railway, was the great
highway for Continental traffic, and then, as now, Canterbury
(Durnovernum) was the point whence branches radiated to east
Kent ports, Dover (Portus Dubris) for one. The Stane Street
from London to Chichester (Regnum), and Porchester, is
tolerably well represented by the London and South-Western
through Guildford and Petersfield.
Silchester was one of the most important ' junctions ' in the
Roman road system. Having reached it, as indicated above,
the traveller could turn southwards and proceed to Winchester
(Venta Belgamm) and Southampton (Clausentum) , just as the
present railway passenger from Reading ; or he could proceed in
a south-west direction through Old Sarum (Sorbiodunum) and
Dorchester (Durnovaria) to Exeter (Isca Dumnuniorum) by a
route almost as direct as our London and South-Western
Railway.
The Midland Railway is less reminiscent of Roman communi-
cations ; but one limb of its X roughly coincides with the Rykneld
Street through Worcester, Birmingham, Little Chester near
Derby (Derventio), and Chesterfield, York- wards ; while the
Derby and Manchester section of the other limb represents the
Roman road between these places through Buxton whose warm
springs were frequented, as at present.
FORDS AND BRIDGES
In a well-watered country as ours, fords and bridges must have
been numerous, but remains of few have survived. The Roman
fords were submerged portions of the roads, only more strongly
constructed so as to resist the scour of the water. A good example
ROADS, BRIDGES, FORDS, AND MILESTONES 35
— perhaps the best of any — was one across the Trent at Little-
borough near Lincoln, which was removed as a hindrance to
navigation in 1820. It consisted of a pavement of large squared
stones, the whole being kept in place between two rows of piles,
which carried horizontal beams to serve as kerbs.1 Dr. Stukeley
mentions a ford on the Foss Way across the Ivel at Ilchester,
and another across the Ebble at Bemerton near Old Sarum,
both strongly paved.2 Another paved ford, 20 ft. wide, crossed
the Calder on the Roman road between Manchester and Ilkley.3
Although many small bridges are popularly regarded as
Roman, very few of these appear to be so ancient. A small and
narrow bridge of a single semicircular arch over the Cock near
Tadcaster and on a Roman road to that place, was regarded as
Roman by the late Mr. Roach Smith. Of Roman bridges of
greater magnitude and importance, there are undoubted remains
of several. Those of one over the North Tyne at Chollerford are
noteworthy.4 It was of four spans, and probably of timber,
resting upon piers and abutments of fine and massive masonry,
the length between the abutments being 184 ft. The existing
masonry encloses the remains of a narrower and earlier bridge,
possibly the work of Hadrian. When the ancient bridge over
the Tyne at Newcastle was demolished in 1771, it was found that
the medieval builders had availed themselves of portions of the
piers of an older and Roman structure. Another Roman bridge,
about 462 ft. long, with eleven waterways, crossed the Tyne at
Corbridge, and its remains were examined and surveyed a few
years ago. A Roman timber bridge on stone piers is known to
have crossed the Nen near Caistor ; and the old timber and stone
bridge at Caerleon, which was destroyed about a century ago,
is said to have been Roman. Some remains of a timber bridge
buried in silt at Wallasey near Birkenhead were regarded as
Roman by the late Mr. Thompson Watkin. The plan of the
Roman road at Blackpool Bridge (Fig. 6) presents an inter-
esting example of a small road which crossed a brook by a ford
and a bridge, of neither of which, however, are any traces left.
1 Arch. Journ. xliii, p. 12. 2 Itin. Curiosum, p. 154. 3 Codrington, p. 108.
4 For detailed particulars of bridges, see Romano- British Buildings and Earth-
works, chap. ix.
36 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
The ford was the older, and subsequently a loop-road was made
which crossed the brook by a bridge, the present bridge being on
the site of the ancient one.
MILESTONES
The chief roads of Britain, as elsewhere, were equipped with
milestones (mi-liana). The Roman mile was 1000 paces, hence
its name mille passuum (usually abbreviated to M.P.), and the
pace was 5 ft.,1 so that the mile was 5000 ft. It was thus con-
siderably shorter than our mile, thirteen of the one being roughly
equivalent to twelve of the other. The typical Roman milestone
was a cylindrical shaft of stone about 6 ft. high, but square shafts
were not uncommon in this country, and not seldom rough moor-
stones of suitable sizes and shapes were used for the purpose.
They were usually inscribed. The normal inscription set forth
the name and titles of the reigning emperor, the number of miles,
and the name of the place from which they were reckoned ; but
one or both of the latter details were often omitted. The inscrip-
tion is no evidence of the age of the road to which the stone
appertained. On the so-called ' Via Julia ' in South Wales, for
instance, miliaria to Diocletian have been found, yet the road was
in existence at least one hundred and fifty years before his time ;
and examples are known of old inscriptions replaced by those of
later emperors.
In the British Museum, there is a good example of a cylindrical
miliarium found at Rhiwiau Uchaf, near Conway, with the
following inscription : —
IMP. CAES. TRAI
ANUS. HADRIANUS
P.P. COS III.
A KANOVIO
M.P. VIII.
' To the Emperor Caesar Trajan Hadrian, Father of his country,
Consul for the third time. From Conovium, eight miles.' Another
of similar form in the Leicester Museum was found on the Foss
1 The Roman foot was a trifle less than the English, being about ii'Gj of
our inches.
ROADS, BRIDGES, FORDS, AND MILESTONES 37
Way two miles from that town, in 1771. The inscription is
partially effaced : —
IMP. CAES.
DIV. TRAIANI PARTH. F. D(1V. NERV.)
TRAIAN. HADRIAN. (AUG. P.P. TRIE.)
POT. COS. III. A RATIS
II.
These two examples indicate how milestones sometimes prove
or corroborate the Roman names of places. Caerhun, near
Conway, and Leicester have long been identified as the Roman
Conovium and Ratae respectively, and these milestones found in
their vicinities confirm the identification.
A milestone found at Castleford about 1880 is an example
of a reinscribed one. It was first inscribed to Decius Trajan,
and then was inverted under his successors, the joint emperors,
Gallus and Volusianus, and inscribed to them at the opposite end.
CHAPTER III
MILITARY REMAINS
CAMPS — FORTS — THE NORTHERN WALLS
THE military remains may be divided into ' temporary ' and
' permanent.' To the former division belong the various
field-works raised during campaigns, whether to hold an
army during a halt of a few days or to serve as its winter quarters,
or a small detachment of the same charged with keeping open
communications with its base, guarding some point of strategic
importance, or affording protection to labourers engaged in road-
making. To the latter division belong the great legionary centres
of York, Chester, and Caerleon, the numerous stations of the
garrisons which maintained order and defended the frontiers,
and the great frontier lines of Hadrian and Pius ; and to these
may be added the walls of towns. Broadly speaking, the works
of the one set are distinguished by their slight construction, often
so slight as to be scarcely discernible, and by the absence of
buildings within their defensive lines ; whereas those of the other
set rank among the most conspicuous and notable remains of
Roman Britain.
I. CAMPS1
As the visible remains of Roman entrenched fieldworks are
comparatively few and little is known of them, it will be helpful
to hear what Roman writers have to say about the art of castra-
metation.
Two writers, whose works have come down to us, are pre-
1 For more detailed particulars, see Romano-British Buildings and Earthworks,
chap. i.
MILITARY REMAINS 39
eminent for the fulness of their descriptions of Roman camps :
Polybius, the friend of the younger Scipio, in the second century
before our era, and the author of a treatise, De Munitionibus
Castrorum, who is usually called Hyginus, and who flourished
about the close of the 2nd century. The camp of Polybius
was simple and symmetrical (Fig. 7). The site being selected,
•
•
«
PORTA OECUMANA
QUES
TORIUM
FORUM
PRAE
TORIUM
VIA P R 1 N C 1
PALIS
POKTA PRACTORIA. j
FlG. 7. — Plan of Polybian Camp
the position of the general's tent was fixed, and from this the
whole plan was developed. Through this point a line — the
decumanus maximus — was drawn, and at a certain distance it
was crossed by another — the cardo maximus — at right angles.
These served as the base-lines from which the general outline
and internal divisions were determined. The resultant figure
40 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
was a square, 2150 Roman feet each way, bisected in its ' length '
into two equal divisions by the decumanus maximus, and in its
' depth ' into two unequal divisions by the transverse car do
maximus. Along these lines ran the two chief thoroughfares,
each passing through the rampart. The transverse thoroughfare
was known as the via principalis, and the great square of the
praetorium, containing the general's tent, occupied the middle of
its side next the back of the camp. This square necessarily broke
the continuity of the longitudinal thoroughfare, and that portion
between it and the front of the camp was known as the via
Pretoria. A number of by-ways contributed to divide up the
interior into rectangular plots for the tents, and around all,
within the rampart, was a clear space or intervallum, 200 ft. wide,
to facilitate the drawing up of the troops in marching order.
The rampart itself was usually formed of the upcast from the
ditch which constituted the outer defensive work.
Polybius mentions neither the number nor the names of the
gates ; but it may be incidentally gathered from Livy and other
writers that they were normally four, and were known as the portae
principals (dextra and sinistra], the porta praetoria, and the
porta decumana or questoria. Such a camp as described above
was for a consular army consisting of two legions, and if there
was need for two of these armies to be encamped within the same
lines, Polybius directs that two such camps should be applied
back to back with the intervening ramparts suppressed, the
result being an oblong enclosure with six gates.
When the treatise attributed to Hyginus was written, some
three centuries later, the military system had greatly changed,
and, as might be expected, the Hyginian camp reflected the
altered conditions. To us, this form of camp is of peculiar
interest, as our Roman camps and forts are more akin to it than
to that of Polybius. The Hyginian camp (Fig. 8) agreed
substantially with that of Polybius. The chief differences were
its oblong form with rounded corners, the narrower inter-
vallum, the elongated praetorial space, and the altered disposition
of the troops and smaller space they occupied, the last being
all the more significant of the altered status of the common soldier
under the empire, for while the number of men was nearly
MILITARY REMAINS 41
double, the accommodation for the officers had increased three-
fold. The two transverse roads divided the Hyginian camp
into three segments — the praetentum to the front, the retentura
I
PORTA OECUMANA
1
T E
R E
r~
QUESTORIUM
N
T U
R A
LATE
RA
PRAETORIUM
P
RA
:TOR
1
U U
n
VIA P R 1 N C 1
PALIS
1
—
1
1
PRAETENTURA
i i
1
1
1
PORTA PRAETOR A
FIG. 8. — Plan of Hyginian Camp
to the back, the middle space being the praetorium and its
latera, in which were quartered the general and his chief officers.
In a graphic sketch of a Roman camp, Josephus describes
" the towers at regular distances " ; the four gates, " one at
every side of the circumference," wide enough for " the entrance
42 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
of the beasts " and " for making excursions if occasion should
require " ; the rampart like a wall ; and " the engines for throw-
ing arrows and darts, and for slinging stones." Within are
streets and tents, those of the commanders being in the middle,
and in the midst of all the general's own tent, " in the nature
of a temple " ; a market-place and " place for handicraft trades,"
and a court of justice. So rapidly and orderly is all accom-
plished that it is like " a city built on the sudden ! "
The value of these literary descriptions will be best appreciated
when we consider the remains of our forts, for in the case of
our camps it is only in their defensive lines that they can be
compared with those of the ancient writers. In some cases
the agreement is close : more often it is more or less remote.
A few exceed the sizes of Polybius and Hyginus, but the majority
are less, and the positions of the gates are often different. The
remains of these field-works are unevenly distributed, being of
rare occurrence in the lowlands of England and comparatively
frequent in the less cultivated regions of the north — a distribution
due in some measure at least to the unequal advance of agri-
culture.
About thirty northern examples were surveyed by General
Roy a century and a half ago, and his elaborate plates and
notes still remain the chief work on the subject, in spite of some
inaccuracies as to dimensions and uncertainties as to details.
Of these, eighteen scattered from Aberdeenshire to North-
umberland were attributed by him to Agricola, whether rightly
so little matters : it is sufficient to observe that they all appear
to have the impress of one design and period. These camps
are normally oblong in shape, but many are oblique, and some
irregular. Their defences are slight, consisting of a small ram-
part or parapet and ditch. Their entrances are guarded by
straight traverses — a characteristic of the Polybian camp, and
their number, as shown on the plates, range from one in the
smaller camps, to four, five, or six in the larger. But a com-
parison of their positions leaves little room for doubt that in
all, except the smallest, the original number was six, one at
each end, and two on each side (A, B, Fig. 9). The six entrances
recall the double Polybian camp — the two consular camps
f
B
D
<
L
FIG. 9. — Plans of Roman Camps. A,Towford ; B, Raedykes ; C, Chew Green
D, Pigwn ; E, Key Cross; F, Dealgin Ross. (Approx. 800 ft. to I in.)
43
44 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
combined in one — but they could not have arisen from the
same cause, as some of these camps are vastly smaller than the
double Polybian. The sizes vary greatly. Three range from
116 to 130 acres each ; one is of 86 acres ; seven range from
50 to 58 acres ; and the rest from 6 to 42 acres. Since Roy's
day more of these ' Agricolan ' camps have been noted. There
are about eight in the vicinity of the Wall of Hadrian, and two
of these near Haltwhistle Burn were trenched in 1908.
Leaving out certain small posts, the other camps described
by Roy are of smaller sizes than most of the above, more sym-
metrical and as a rule of stronger construction, but they especially
differ in their entrances. In several they are apparently simple
unguarded openings ; but in most they are covered by curved
guards or traverses, joined to the rampart at one end (D and F),
the advantage of this arrangement being that the defenders
on the traverse were not isolated, but could pass at will from
the rampart. Some of the camps have four entrances, and
the smaller have three or two. But three are remarkable for
their number and distribution, a camp at Rey Cross in Westmor-
land (E), for instance, having apparently eleven, three on three
sides and two on the fourth, and another at Birrenswark, three
on one side and one on each of the others. A precisely similar
arrangement to the last may be seen in a large camp at Ratby
in Leicestershire.
A camp on a well-chosen site was likely to be reoccupied
by the army on its return or by another marching along the same
line. If, however, the second comers were more numerous or
fewer than the first, the general rule was to make a new camp.
The smaller of two camps at Pigwn in Breconshire is within the
larger, and it is hard to understand why two sides of the larger
were not utilized for the smaller, as in A. A curious example
is at Ardoch, where two camps intersect one another, and the
constructors of the second, whichever it was, did not trouble to
level those portions of the first which lay within its lines.
General Roy gives plans of a number of small strongly en-
trenched posts ranging from about 60 to 160 ft. square, and
mostly with one entrance. Several are associated with his
' Agricolan ' camps ; others appear to be quite isolated. From
MILITARY REMAINS 45
their strength — they all have several ditches — it is reasonable
to think that they were intended for a more or less protracted
occupation. That their use was to keep open communications
between the army in the field and its base and to overawe the
conquered territory, is equally reasonable.
There is a good example of the Roman adoption and modi-
fication of a native camp at Hod Hill in Dorset. The Romans
cut off a rectangular portion within the north-west corner,
utilizing the old lines for the north and west sides, and completing
the enclosure by their own, on the south and east. The remains
were partially destroyed many years ago, when many Roman
relics were found, including coins ranging from Augustus to
Trajan.
II. FORTS
We now tread upon firmer ground. The sites of the garrison
stations are usually well-defined and easily recognized. The
ridges of their ramparts, whether of earth or of built-stone,
are frequently conspicuous. The ditches are rarely filled to
such a degree that their hollows are not visible. The positions
of the gates generally show as breaks in the continuity of the
ramparts. If the interiors have not been subjected to the
plough, the lines of the chief thoroughfares and the sites of the
buildings may often be traced ; and now and again these surface-
indications may be sufficiently pronounced to admit of plans
showing all the salient features. Their distribution is, as stated
on page 8, uneven. There is evidence that the forts were not
so strongly constructed at first as was customary at a later date.
The coast-forts, as a rule, have certain peculiarities, not wholly
confined to them, however, which represent a departure from
traditional lines and a development in the art of fortification.
One of these peculiarities is the presence of bastions, and for
this reason we will call them ' bastioned forts/ and distinguish
the ordinary type as the ' Hyginian.' This type we will consider
first.
Many sites of forts of the latter type have been system-
atically explored, wholly or in part, during the last quarter of a
century. Four of these are notable for the complete plans
46
THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
they have yielded, — Housesteads one of the Wall forts, Birrens
in Dumfriesshire, Gellygaer in Glamorgan, and Newstead in
Roxburghshire. These are closely followed by Rough Castle,
Castlecary and Bar Hill on the Antonine Wall, Ardoch in Perth-
shire, Chesters and Great Chesters, two Wall forts, and High
Rochester and Haltwhistle in Northumberland. Excavations
AS
U
M~rti
1J
^
2L3
i i in P
FIG. 10. — Plan of Roman Fort, Gellygaer. (100 ft. to i in.)
at Camelon in Stirlingshire, Lyne in Peeblesshire, Birdoswald on
the Wall, Hardknott in Cumberland, Ribchester in Lancashire,
Castleshaw and Elslack in Yorkshire, Wilderspool in Cheshire,
Melandra Castle and Brough in Derbyshire, Caersws in Mont-
gomeryshire, and Coelbren in Glamorgan, have yielded less, but
still valuable results. These investigations, as also many on the
MILITARY REMAINS
47
Continent, have proved that with the exception of the bastioned
forts, the Roman garrison stations were all of one pattern,
although differing in details, and that this pattern was substanti-
ally that of the Hyginian camp. In fact, we may regard them
as translations of that camp into stone or other durable materials,
provided they are looked upon as free, and not as literal
renderings.
They are symmetrical, usually longer than broad, with the
corners rounded off, and four or exceptionally six gates. They
have usually one or two ditches, but if one or more sides are
more vulnerable than elsewhere, there may be more. Their
planning recalls that of the Hyginian camp, presenting two
principal streets arranged cross-wise and stretching from gate
to gate. The continuity of the longitudinal street is similarly
broken by a central building, which has on either side others of
diverse shapes, the whole range corresponding with the Hyginian
praetorium and its latera, and similarly dividing the rest of the
interior into a praetentura and a retentura. The buildings in these
divisions are mostly of long and narrow shape, and they recall
the strigae of the tents in the camps. The plan of the fort at
Gellygaer (Fig. 10) well illustrates these various features, and
it is all the more useful for preliminary study, as it is simple and
free from confusing alterations and re-buildings.
RAMPARTS AND ACCESSORIES
The ramparts vary considerably. In the ' earth forts,' of
which Birrens and Ardoch are notable examples, they are usually
of great size and width ; but the term ' earthwork ' fails to
express their intricate construction. There is usually a pave-
ment-like foundation of stones, or, as at Coelbren, a ' corduroy '
of logs. The rampart itself is more or less stratified, seams of
clay, earth, gravel, and decayed sods being of common occurrence,
as also bonding-courses of branches or brushwood. In several
instances, and perhaps in all, the face was of clay. Ramparts
of sods or turves laid in definite courses are not uncommon, and
may be regarded as a connecting-link between earthwork and
masonry. Those of Rough Castle and Bar Hill are good examples,
48
THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
and like that of Birrens, rest upon stone bottomings. The
Antonine Wall is of the same construction, only on a larger
scale.
In the ' stone forts ' the face at least is of masonry, serving
as a strong retaining-wall for an earth-bank behind. Gellygaer
furnishes a good example of one of these ' composite ' ramparts.
The wall is from 3 to 4 ft. in thickness, and the bank behind,
including a thinner retaining-wall at the foot of its slope, makes
up a total rampart-width of about 20 ft. The material of the
bank is derived from the ditch and the trenches for the founda-
tions of these walls. The rampart of Caerwent, which, however,
was a town, not a castellum, is similar, but on a larger scale. Its
T7
bj—
FIG. it. — Section of Ditch and Rampart at Gellygaer, showing restoration of latter.
(15 ft. to I in.)
wall has a thickness of nearly n ft. at the base, and in one
place, where it remains to the height of 24 ft., this is reduced to
6 ft. 6 ins. at the summit by off-sets on the back, the front being,
as is usual in Roman work, vertical. The bank attains almost the
same level. In most other ' stone forts ' of the Hyginian type,
the bank is less conspicuous or is apparently absent. At House-
steads, the wall is somewhat thicker than at Gellygaer, and
remains to a greater height ; and there are scarcely any per-
ceptible traces of a bank. But here, as also at Chesters and
Great Chesters, are indications that the bank was reduced or
removed in Roman times. At Caerwent, there is evidence that
the rampart was originally of earthwork only, the wall being
a late addition, and this may have been frequently the case ;
MILITARY REMAINS
49
at Gellygaer, on the other hand, the masonry appears to have
immediately followed the throwing up of the bank. As time
went on, more reliance seems to have been placed in walls of
masonry — thicker, loftier, and stronger ; and in some of the
later bastioned forts, the wall alone appears to have intervened
between defender and assailant, there being apparently neither
ditch in front nor bank behind.
The ditches are almost invariably of an open V-shaped
section, with an average width of 19 or 20 ft. and depth of 6 or 7 ft.,
and there is always an interval or berm between the ditch and
the rampart of a few feet or more, the chief use of which was to
FIG. 12. — Fortification Turrets on Column of Trajan
ensure the safety of the latter by giving it a firmer foothold. A
single ditch was often deemed sufficient, and perhaps as often
there were two. Where the defences were naturally weaker
than elsewhere, there were sometimes more ; for instance, the
more assailable end at Birrens is sheathed with five additional
ditches, and the corresponding end at Ardoch presents a remark-
able complex of intricate ditches and ravelins. The upcast
from a ditch was sometimes partly or wholly used to form a low
glacis-like mound along the outer side, the object of which was
apparently to increase the height of the counterscarp, but never
to such an extent as to afford cover for the enemy. In the walls
of Antoninus and Hadrian the whole of this upcast was so
utilized.
4
5o THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
Turrets were a usual feature of the ' stone forts ' and probably
also of the ' earth forts.' The remains of their basements are
well seen on the Gellygaer plan, attached to the inner side of the
wall, and with doorways to the intervallum ; but in many forts
they were confined to the corners. Ancient writers, as Josephus,
for instance (page 41), refer to them in connection with fortifica-
tions ; and they are represented on the Column of Trajan, two
of which are shown in Fig. 12, the one within the rounded
corner of a fort and apparently constructed of wood and roofed,
and the other a stone one with a flat top. Both stand a
storey above their respective rampart-walls and are entered
FIG. 13. — Plans of Gates, Housesteads and Birdoswald. (30 ft. to i in.)
from the parapet walks by doorways. No traces of kindred
structures have been found in the ' earth forts,' but if, as is
probable, they were of timber their remains might easily escape
detection.
The gates varied considerably : some were of stone, some of
timber, and a few of both materials ; some had a single passage,
others two ; and the larger were provided with guard-chambers.
The gates of the ' stone forts ' of the Hyginian type were normally
double ones, that is with two passages each, side by side, and
between two guard-chambers which did not project beyond the
face of the rampart. The gates at Housesteads and Birdoswald
(Fig. 13) are typical examples. The portals were arched and
MILITARY REMAINS 51
were provided with doors of two leaves, the lower pivots of which
turned in iron-sheathed stone sockets in the angles between the
jambs and the side walls of the passages. Those with a single
passage were of similar arrangement and construction, but they
rarely had guard-chambers. The smaller gates at Birdoswald
and Chesters were of this character, and simpler ones may be seen
in several of the mile-castles of the Wall of Hadrian. It is note-
FIG. 14. — Fortification Gates on the Column of Trajan
worthy, however, that the gates of the Scottish forts seem
invariably to have been single-passage ones with or without guard-
chambers, and the great castellum of Newstead is no exception
in this respect.
These structures are in too ruinous a condition to supply
definite information as to their upper work, but the sculptures
of the Column of Trajan will again be helpful. In Fig. 14 are
shown four examples of gates therefrom. The first two, it will
be noticed, have no upper chambers, and in the second of these
52 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
is shown the wooden parapet of the continuation of the rampart-
walk over the gate. The second two have upper chambers with
window-like open:ngs, and lateral doorways from the rampart.
The arched openings of the fourth example imply a stone structure.
There are several Continental Roman gates — notably at Rome,
Turin, Verona, Autun and Treves — which still retain their super-
structures, and their facades present one or two storeys of arched
openings of considerable size over their portals. A gate-building
on a mosaic in the Avignon Museum so elucidatively fits in with
the remains of the double gates described above, that we repro-
duce a sketch of it by the late Mr. C. Roach Smith (Fig. 15).
The gates of the Scottish earth forts were wholly or mostly
FIG. 15. — Gate of Town or Fort, from Mosaic in the Avignon Museum
of timber, and their remains are consequently slight and often
indefinite. In most cases they appear to have had single passages,
and masonry, if used, was confined to their sides, perhaps more
for the purpose of retaining the ends of the rampart than anything
else.
The approaches to the gates varied. The ditch was either
continued in front of the gate and was crossed by a bridge, or
it stopped short on either side, leaving a causeway-like approach.
GeUygaer provides an example of each. The sides of the
ditch in front of the south-west gate are stepped out evidently
to receive two rows of supports of a timber bridge ; while in
front of the south-east gate the ditch is simply discontinued.
The causeway approaches were usually simple and direct ; but
in some of the Scottish forts they were devious, and at Ardoch
MILITARY REMAINS
53
there is evidence of timber palisades along their sides and trans-
verse structures to prevent the entrances being rushed.
The bastioned forts differ from those of the type described
above, not only in having bastions or external towers, but in
their thicker and loftier walls, and their gates being fewer, more
strongly defended and of a single passage each — these apparently
never exceeding two in number, any additional entrances being
posterns. These forts also show a decided tendency to depart
from the traditional rectangular form. They certainly indicate
a change in the principles of defence. The above modifications
JL-
RICHBOROUGH
PORCHESTER
FlG. 16. — Plans of Roman Forts, Porchester and Richborough. (300 ft. to I in.)
had a twofold effect : they increased the passive resistance
against attack by the greater strength of structure and the re-
striction of entrances, and they increased the active resistance
by providing means of enfilading both walls and gates by the
introduction of bastions. The remains of castella of this type
may be seen at Burgh Castle, Bradwell-juxta-Mare, Richborough
(Fig. 16), Lypmne, Pevensey, Porchester, Bitterne, and Cardiff
—all coast-forts, the first six or seven belonging to the series
which about the close of the 4th century was under the control
of the ' Count of the Saxon Shore.' The bastions vary in shape
and projection. At Cardiff and Richborough they are of slight
54 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
projection, those of the former being polygonal, and of the
latter rectangular, with circular ones capping the corners. At
Burgh Castle, Lypmne, Porchester, and Pevensey, they boldly
project and have rounded fronts and straight sides. These
castella are undoubtedly late, and can hardly be assigned to an
earlier date than the latter part of the 3rd century.
The walls of some inland forts and towns had bastions —
the multangular tower at York is a well-known example — but
in some of these, as at Caerwent, the bastions were added to
work of an earlier period.
INTERNAL BUILDINGS
The chief building in a Roman fort was a central one, which
is generally known as the praetorium, also as the forum from its
forum-like planning. There is no evidence, however, that either
was its ancient name. It is probable that it was known as the
principia ; for inscriptions recording the erection or restoration
of principia have been found on the site of the central building
at Rough Castle, and in its vicinity at Lanchester. In any case,
it can safely be called the headquarters, for such it certainly was.
The plan (Fig. 17) of the headquarters at Chesters is typical
of the larger buildings of the kind. A wide doorway gave access
to its yard, nearly 50 ft. square, paved, and surrounded with a
stone gutter, while in one corner was a well. On each side of this
yard was a wide portico supported on square piers, and next the
street, a narrower one or passage with openings to the yard,
probably arched. The pavement of the porticoes was slightly
higher than the yard. Along the back was the front wall of a
second main division, having five openings, all probably arched,
the end ones being somewhat smaller and providing direct access
from the side porticoes. The transverse space behind was also
paved, but it lacked a marginal gutter. It had on its nearer side
a portico or aisle supported on four piers, and at each end of this
was a side-door into the building. On the farther or opposite
side of the space were five rooms or offices, of which the middle
was the largest, and this and the two adjoining rooms had wide
openings, all probably arched. The end rooms were entered from
MILITARY REMAINS
55
C r
hall
the contiguous ones by doors in the intervening walls. In the
middle room were steps descending into an arched vault under
the room on the left ; while the corresponding room on the
right had a central square of flagstones.
The headquarters at Gellygaer was smaller but simpler, the
chief differences being the absence of a portico or aisle in the
transverse space behind the yard, of side entrances, and of a
vault at the back. In the first two differences, the present
example is typical of most of the smaller buildings of the kind.
We can in some measure re-
construct one of these buildings.
The yard was certainly open to
the sky, and it usually contained
a well. The porticoes had pentice
roofs sloping to the yard, and
the gutter below caught the
rain-water from the eaves. The
transverse space behind is gener-
ally regarded as an inner court-
yard ; but there are reasons for
thinking that, in this country at
least, it was roofed, one being that
in no instance has it a marginal
gutter. The offices at the back
were normally five. The middle
room was the most important, and
when its remains are sufficiently
intact, they invariably show a wide opening to the cross-hall.
This opening at Housesteads retains its sill, which is chased to
receive the bottom of stone or timber parapet or screen with a
central gate or door. In most forts, this room has a vault or other
underground receptacle as at Chesters, and there is good evidence
that this structure was of late introduction. The two adjoining
rooms, when sufficiently defined, have also wide openings, too
wide to have been fitted with doors, and probably they had
screens or parapets. The end rooms, on the other hand, were
entered by narrow doors from the contiguous rooms or from the
cross-hall.
V
Co u rtyarJ
FIG. 17. — Plan of Headquarters,
Chesters. (50 ft. to I in.)
56 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
The resemblance of these headquarters' buildings to a common
type of forum-group in the towns, of which that of Silchester is
a good example, is noteworthy. The yard with its porticoes is
the counterpart of the forum-proper ; the cross-hall, that of the
basilica ; and in both there is a range of rooms at the back, the
basilica, however, usually having one at each end as well. It is
well known that some of these rooms were fenced off from the
hall by screens (cancelli) of wood or other material, and that they
were used as courts for the administration of justice and for other
public purposes ; this is also a common arrangement for shrines
or sacella. There is practically no doubt that the corresponding
rooms in the forts were used for administrative purposes, or, as
we should say, were orderly rooms, the middle one being the
sacellum, the place where honours were paid to the genius of the
emperor and of the regiment, and to the standards. The shrine
would, according to ancient usage, be the treasury — hence the
vault or other underground receptacle found in most of them.
It is interesting to note that almost invariably these underground
structures are of late work, and from this it would seem that in
the declining days of the empire, the growing lawlessness necessi-
tated stronger protection for the treasure (probably kept in a
chest in earlier times) than that afforded by the sanctity of the
spot.
Near the headquarters was another important building,
in some of the larger forts, two. These buildings varied con-
siderably, but all of them had a house-like plan, and for this
reason they have been identified as the residences of the com-
mandants of their respective forts, and may have included rooms
for the chief members of their staffs. They usually consisted of
a number of rooms gathered round a small courtyard, an arrange-
ment which is well seen on the Gellygaer plan. In some of the
larger forts, one or more of their rooms were heated by hypo-
causts, and in one or two instances baths were attached.
Another essential was one or more oblong buildings of very
distinctive character and remarkable for their thick and but-
tressed walls. Two at Gellygaer, one near each lateral gate,
will be easily recognized on the plan. Two was the usual number,
but occasionally there was only one in a fort. Rarer still there
MILITARY REMAINS 57
were more than two — at Birrens there were three, and at High
Rochester, four. They were built singly or in pairs. They
varied in length considerably, from 54 ft. at Hardknott to 130 ft.
at Newstead, but rarely exceeded the limits of 22 ft. and 25 ft.
in width. A comparison of the remains shows that these build-
ings had two features in common — a raised or suspended floor
supported on dwarf-walls or pillars, and openings in the side
walls below their floor-levels ; but the actual floors have dis-
appeared except at Corbridge, where they are of flagstones
spanning the intervals between the dwarf -walls. The remains of
doorways have been found in several instances, and invariably
at one or both ends of the buildings. The latter was the case
at Gellygaer, where their positions are indicated by the remains
of porches ; but in most, these appendages were lacking.
Little can be inferred as to the superstructures. There is no
evidence that the buildings were divided into rooms above the
floor-level, or that they had a second floor, although the but-
tressed walls could have carried one. It is probable that the
buttresses were carried up to the roof, and that the intervening
walls were pierced with openings for the admission of light and
air similar to those below the floor. The object of these lower
openings was to keep the floor dry by the free circulation of air
under it. That these curious buildings were granaries can
hardly be questioned. On the site of one of the pair at Corbridge
was an altar dedicated by the praepositus of the horreum. In-
scriptions have been found in Roman forts — one in this country
at Great Chesters — recording the restoration of horrea, and on
the site of the building of this type at Camelon was a large
quantity of charred wheat.
On the plan of Gellygaer will be noticed six long L-shaped
buildings, four in the praetentura and two in the rdentura. They
were approximately 145 ft. long, and their recessed sides had
verandas or porticoes supported on timber posts. Several
buildings of similar shape have been partially uncovered at
Chesters, which differed, however, in having stone columns instead
of posts, and in being divided into rooms by stone walls —
the ' heads ' into several of unequal size, and the ' limbs ' into a
series of equal size, each with a door to the portico. At House-
58 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
steads and Birrens, the corresponding buildings were of a long
oblong shape divided into eleven or twelve rooms of equal sizes,
and at the former place there are indications that each was sub-
divided into a front and a back room. At Newstead, these
buildings are represented by rows of eleven huts, each row being
about 190 ft. long. There is little doubt that the Gellygaer
buildings were divided into rooms as at Chesters, but by timber
partitions.
These buildings, whether L-shaped or oblong, were certainly
barracks. They recall the arrangement of the tents in the
Hyginian camp. There, to each century, which at the time
consisted of eighty men with a centurion and petty officers, was
allotted a row of tents — ten for the men, and two, or a space
equal to two, for the officers, the total length of the row being
120 ft. Usually two of these rows were placed face to face with
a space between, the whole forming a striga ; while a single row
constituted a hemistrigium. At Gellygaer, there were two of the
former and two of the latter. At Chesters and Housesteads,
the number of rooms in each block, and at Newstead, the number
of huts in each row, approximate to the number of tents in the
hemistrigium ; and in the first it is reasonable to think that the
centurion had his quarters in the ' head/ and that some of the
rooms there, were offices and one possibly the shrine of the century.
Assuming that each block at Gellygaer provided accommoda-
tion for a century, the six would represent an ordinary cohort,
cohors quingenaria. At Housesteads, there were ten blocks
which can be reasonably identified as barracks, and we know
that its garrison — the First Cohort of Tungrians — was one of
those entitled miliaria, nominally a thousand strong, and con-
sisting of ten centuries. At Birrens, the plans of the buildings
are less perfect, but there appears to have been a larger accommo-
dation, and this may be feasibly explained by the fact that the
garrison — the Second Cohort of Tungrians — was not only
miliaria but equitata, that is, it included a small detachment of
horsemen, for whose use stabling as well as additional barracks
would be required.
On all the more complete plans of forts may be noticed
other structures which cannot be classed with those described
MILITARY REMAINS 59
above, but we can only conjecture their uses. Each fort was
the scene of many necessary operations — the corn had to be
ground and the daily food prepared, and there must have been
repairing shops of various kinds, as smithies, armouries, joineries,
and so forth, and most if not all of these operations would require
suitable buildings. In cavalry forts, and those containing
both infantry and cavalry, the stables must have been an im-
portant element ; and perhaps in most of the infantry forts,
a few horses were kept for scouting and dispatches — and horses
imply the storage of fodder. Among the minor structures
would be latrines, cisterns for the storage of water, ovens and
other cooking arrangements, wells, drains, etc.
Of the arrangements for the preparation and cooking of
the food for the garrisons, little is known. At Birrens, the
remains of a row of four oven-like structures were found on
the inner side of the rampart near the east gate. They may
have been ovens, or they may have been fitted with cauldrons
for boiling purposes. Similar structures have been noticed
at Newstead, Housesteads, Great Chesters, and Birdoswald.
The streets of the forts were mostly of gravel ; less frequently
they were paved with cobbles. The larger usually had a gutter
on either side ; the smaller, sometimes only one along the centre.
The drainage was always well considered and carried out. The
larger drains had built sides and were covered with large slabs,
the floors being often paved, and the smaller were often con-
structed of flagstones.
A plentiful supply of water for drinking and cleansing pur-
poses was one of the first considerations. A well has been
found in most of the excavated forts, in each case in the head-
quarters' yard, but this seems to have been a precaution to
ensure a supply of water in time of stress, the normal supply
being derived from without. At Great Chesters, for instance,
there are the remains of a small canal or aqueduct which con-
veyed water from Halt whistle Burn, five miles away ; and at
Birdoswald a culvert brought the water of a spring some hun-
dreds of yards away to a large cistern near the centre of the
fort. At South Shields and Chesters are inscriptions recording
the construction of aqueducts. As at Birdoswald, so in several
60 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
other forts, large and well-constructed stone cisterns or tanks
to receive water have been found. Remains of latrines have
been uncovered at Housesteads, Castlecary, Bar Hill, and Gelly-
gaer, in such positions that they could intercept waste water
and street drainage for flushing purposes.
EXTERNAL BUILDINGS
In the vicinity of many Roman forts may be seen the remains
of buildings and other indications of ancient human occupancy.
Housesteads is a notable example. To the east and south
are the foundations of streets and houses which were more con-
spicuous a century ago. Altars, statues, columns, and carved
stones have been turned up from time to time, and tell of temples
(one of which, a mythraeum, has been excavated), shrines, and
other goodly structures. There is no doubt that the suburbs
of Borcovicus were of considerable extent, and sheltered a con-
siderable population, which presumably would consist largely
of the soldiers' wives and families, time-expired soldiers, traders,
and other civilians who served the garrison in various capacities.
In the vicinity of other forts along the line of the Wall of Hadrian
may also be discerned the indications of buildings. Hard by
those of Chesters and Great Chesters are the ruins of extensive
baths ; and similar remains may be seen, or have been revealed
by the spade, close by the Roman forts at Camelon, Newstead,
Slack, Binchester, Gellygaer, and elsewhere.
Some of the forts had attached to them enclosed spaces or
annexes, fortified, but, as a rule, less strongly so than the forts
themselves. Rough Castle, Castlecary, and Gellygaer, had
one each, defended by a ditch and a rampart. At Lyne, there
were two, one on each side, like two wings. At Camelon, there
were also two, a smaller, the original annexe, and a larger which
exceeded the fort itself in area, and was protected by a large
rampart and several ditches. At Newstead, there were three.
The spade will undoubtedly bring to light more annexes, but it
is almost certain that many forts lacked them ; no trace of
one, for instance, has been noticed along the Wall of Hadrian.
Little is known of the contents of these enclosures. That
MILITARY REMAINS 61
at Castlecary contains the remains of the baths. The larger
annexe at Camelon was traversed by two streets, and contains
the remains of two large buildings, one apparently baths, and
traces of others. At GeUygaer, the baths were also in the annexe,
and in addition two large enclosures (one containing furnaces)
and several small structures. Several annexes on the Continent,
notably at Heddernheim and Saalberg, have been found to
contain the ' civil settlements,' but whether this is the case in
our country further exploration alone can prove. There is
certainly no room for such a settlement in the Gellygaer annexe,
but the spade may discover another annexe, or what is equally
likely, prove that the suburb was not enclosed as at Housesteads.
III. THE NORTHERN WALLS
Few Roman remains in Europe have attracted more attention
than the two Walls, the lower stretching from the mouth of the
Tyne to the Solway, and the upper across the narrower isthmus
between the indents of the Forth and the Clyde. The term
Wall does not convey an adequate idea of these great works.
Each was a complex of forts, continuous rampart and ditch,
military roads and outlying posts, planned with consummate
skill and on an imperial scale ; but in addition, the southern
line has enigmatical features which have long been the subject
of controversy.
Both lines appear to owe their inception to the military genius
of Agricola. The strategic advantages of the upper isthmus
were certainly recognized by him, for he held it by a number of
posts ; and it is probable that some of the forts upon or near the
Solway -Tyne line were also due to him. His immediate successors
lacked his energy, and during the period of border unrest which
followed, the Caledonians made at least one serious inroad into
the Province. To remedy this dangerous state of affairs, Hadrian,
in accordance with his policy of consolidation rather than ex-
pansion, constituted the lower isthmus the frontier in A.D. 120.
It is almost certain that the Agricolan posts of the upper isthmus
had already long been abandoned ; but twenty-five years after
Hadrian's visit, and in consequence of further border trouble,
62 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
Antoninus Pius fortified that isthmus with a ' wall.' This may
have been dictated by a return to the ' forward ' policy of
Agricola, the intention being the conquest of North Britain by
successive stages; or the object may have been to place the
natives of the intervening country under a protectorate and
thus create a friendly buffer-state between the Province and the
Caledonians. Under any circumstance, the barrier of the lower
isthmus continued to be held, and in fact served as the base
whence detachments were drafted to man the upper line. This
duplication of frontier lines, however, was of short duration,
and there is reason to think that the upper wall was abandoned
at the time of the great Caledonian inrush of A.D. 180. The lower
wall, on the other hand, continued to be the recognized frontier
to the close of the Roman era.
THE ANTONINE WALL (Fig. l8)
This structure was about 36^ miles in length, and for most
of this distance its rampart and ditch are still visible. Less
conspicuous is an irregular mound or glacis on the northern side
of the ditch ; and at a varying distance behind the rampart is
the stony ridge of the military way. " The work is thus in its
entirety a quadruple line, which, instinct with Roman greatness
of design and thoroughness of execution, undulates across the
isthmus with a course as direct as the strategic requirements
of strength would admit. It skilfully takes advantage of high
ground, commanding throughout almost its entire course a
valley or low-lying ground in front." 1 Add to this ' quadruple
line ' the remains of a dozen or more garrison stations and the
traces of ' periodic expansions ' at the rear of the rampart, and
the reader will have a general idea of the Antonine Wall.
Excavations between 1890 and 1893 proved that the ram-
part was constructed of turves or sods laid in definite courses
resting upon a spread of rough stones between two kerbs of
squared stones. The width of this foundation, averaging between
14 and 15 ft., indicates the original width of the rampart, which
has spread under its own weight and the disintegrating effects
1 The Antonine Wall Report, p. 2.
64 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
of the weather. This discovery confirms the statements of
Julius Capitolinus, who, writing about the close of the 3rd
century, relates how Antoninus Pius conquered the Britons and
built a mums cespiticius. And the Welsh and English chroniclers,
Gildas, Nennius, and Bede, tell obscurely of a turf and a stone
wall between the Picts and Scots of the north and the civilized
population of the south.
The ditch is normally V-shaped, with an average width of
40 ft. and depth of 12 ft. Its distance from the rampart varies
from 18 ft. to 112 ft., but usually it does not overstep the limits
of 24 and 30 ft. The outer mound consists of the soil from the
ditch. It is very irregular in form, being sometimes flat, some-
times heaped up, and its use seems to have been to give greater
height to the counterscarp of the ditch, as the ground generally
slopes to the north. But it is nowhere so pronounced as to inter-
fere with the ' command ' of the rampart or to afford cover to the
enemy. Here and there at the back of the rampart are remains
of ' periodic expansions,' rounded bulges, so to speak, of the same
construction as the former. Their use is uncertain ; the most
plausible theory is that they were the platforms — ballistaria —
for military engines.
The garrisons were stationed in forts of the usual Roman
form, of which the sites of ten are known and those of six or seven
more are surmised. The known sites, starting from the east, are
Rough Castle, Castlecary, Westerwood, Bar Hill, Auchindavy,
Kirkintilloch, Balmuildy, New Kilpatrick, Castlehill, and Dun-
tocher. These are on the actual line ; but a little north of it,
near Rough Castle, is the fort at Camelon which may be regarded
as an advanced post. The stations appear to have been
tolerably evenly distributed, the shortest interval being about
if miles, and the longest 3| miles. Normally, they were applied,
like the mile-castles of the lower isthmus, to the Wall, its rampart
forming their northern defence ; but that at Bar Hill, and
perhaps that at Kirkintilloch, were slightly set back from its
line.
MILITARY REMAINS 65
THE WALL OF HADRIAN (Fig. 19)
This grand barrier extends from Bowness on the Solway to
Wallsend on the Tyne, and is 73^ miles in length. Like the
Antonine line, it has a similar succession of ditch with glacis-like
outer mound, a wall set back so as to leave an intervening berm-
like space, and a military road behind ; also, at intervals, stations
for the accommodation of the garrisons. But, unlike it, the wall
is built of stone ; and the stations are in two series, one of greater
and the other of lesser size, which may be distinguished respect-
ively as forts and mile-castles. The most striking point of
difference, however, is a ditch between two banks in the rear of
the military road, and known as the Vallum. The lower barrier
thus resolves itself into two sets of works, the Wall with its append-
ages and the Vallum (Fig. 20).
These two lines pass from sea to sea in close companionship
as a rule, running parallel some 60 or 80 yds. apart for miles
on the stretch along the lowlands of the eastern and western
thirds of their course ; but in the intervening rugged region they
seem at first sight to pursue independent courses, drifting apart
here and there to the extent of half a mile or more. These
divergencies in the middle third are due to the configuration of the
country. The Vallum pursues the more direct course, while
the Wall forsakes its companion for the higher grounds. In this
region, where the hills have gentle dip-slopes to the south and
craggy precipices to the north, the normal position of the latter
is the crest ; that of the former, the slope behind. Between these
great works, the Wall and the Vallum, the military road in the
more hilly regions pursues a path which is parallel to neither,
but which was determined with a view to the easiest possible
route from point to point.
As already stated, the wall was of stone. Where best pre-
served, it remains to the height of 5 or 6 ft. ; but in those districts
where the land has been long under cultivation, it is more often
reduced to a mere ridge of foundation rubble, or has so completely
disappeared that only the ditch remains to indicate its line.
Where ascertainable, the thickness varies from 6 to gf ft. The
5
66
MILITARY REMAINS 67
ditch varies considerably in dimensions, but an average width
of 36 ft. and depth of 15 ft. may be accepted as fairly correct.
It accompanies the wall throughout its course, except along the
edges of cliffs where it would be of no practical use, and for a
mile or two west of Carlisle where the Eden takes its place. The
upcast from it was used to form the glacis-like mound or spread
as in the Antonine Wall.
Along the actual line, or in its vicinity, are the remains of the
garrison stations. Of these, about nineteen are known, some still
imposing though in ruins, others reduced to the barest traces.
Their distances apart fall, as a rule, within the limits of 3
and 5 miles. Their plans, so far as they are known, are those
of typical Roman forts. Some, including the three or more
detached stations, were apparently constructed, not only before
FIG. 20. — Diagrammatic Section of Wall of Hadrian.
A, Ditch ; B, Wall ; C, Road ; D, Vallum
the wall, but before it was contemplated, and were subsequently
woven into the mural scheme ; the majority, however, were
undoubtedly part of the scheme. The mile-castles were smaller
than the stations, and were more numerous. They were all,
so far as is known, of similar size and shape, and distributed at
tolerably even distances apart. The sites of about fifty have
been identified, but their remains are for the most part extremely
slight, but in the wilder middle region some still present con-
spicuous ruins. These fortlets averaged 60 ft. by 50 ft., and
were attached to the wall, that structure forming the northern
side, the remaining three sides being of similar thickness and
bonded into it. The free corners were rounded, and each fortlet
had two gates, one to the north and the other to the south. In
the lowlands they appear to have been as nearly as possible a
Roman mile apart ; but in the hilly region they are irregularly
spaced, the engineers here relaxing their rule in order to select
68 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
advantageous positions for them. The original number of these
structures was about eighty.
The remains of only a few turrets are known, but there is
reason to think that they were numerous, and were placed where
look-outs were needed. They were small rectangular structures
recessed into the back of the wall, with a narrow doorway to the
south.
The mural road provided communication between the stations
and the mile-castles. Its stony ridge is best preserved in the
hilly districts ; elsewhere it is mostly obliterated or buried. Its
usual position is from 60 to 100 ft. behind or south of the wall ;
but here and there it recedes when it is necessary to do so in order
to gain gentle gradients. In serving the stations and mile-castles
it necessarily clung to the wall, and thus participated in much
degree in its sinuosities. Hence in the hilly region where the
wall zigzagged and curved considerably to the north, it was
neither a direct nor an easy means of communication between
distant points, and here it was augmented by a more direct
route from lowland to lowland — the road now known as the Stane
Gate.
The great earthwork, known as the Vallum, consists of a flat-
bottomed ditch, about 30 ft. across the top, from 10 to 12 ft.
across the bottom, and about 7 ft. deep, between two mounds
formed of its upcast, each set back about 25 ft. from the brink
of the ditch. Where best preserved the mounds are still 6 or 7 ft.
high. Besides these there is, here and there, a smaller mound
usually cresting the south brink, but occasionally the north one.
In some places the Vallum is a conspicuous and imposing feature
forming a great triple band of a total width of some 130 ft. The
small mound seems to be always on the side of the ditch which
from the natural slope of the ground would be the lower, and
its object is apparently to level it up to the height of the opposite
side. As the slope of the ground is nearly always to the south,
this explains its usual position.
The behaviour of the Vallum to the stations has an important
bearing on the question of its origin and use. It is indistinct,
or even obliterated, in the vicinity of the stations ; and this has
given rise to the belief, reasonable enough, that whatever its
MILITARY REMAINS 69
purpose may have been, it fell out of use at an early date, and
was intentionally levelled or allowed to be obliterated by the
gradual process of agriculture at these places, before the close
of the era. This obliteration is responsible for some wrong
impressions as to its relation to the stations that stand across
its line or otherwise seem to touch it. There are stations that
lie beyond its extremities, as Wallsend and Newcastle in the
east, and Drumburgh and Bowness in the west ; and there are
intervening stations that are entirely off its line, as Housesteads,
Great Chesters, Carvoran, and Chesterholm. Of the residue,
Benwell, Rutchester, Halton, and Chesters are so placed that
their southern ramparts appear to be in line with the Vallum ;
while Carrawburgh and Birdoswald stand across it. The old view
assumed that these two stations were in actual contact with it.
Excavations in 1896-97, however, have shown that in their case
the Vallum curiously and purposely avoids them by skirting
round them, and there is also reason to think that the mile-castles
were similarly avoided.
The purpose of the Vallum has long been a subject of contro-
versy. It has been regarded as a great pre-Roman barrier ; as
a Roman defence against the south, and particularly against
the Brigantes ; and as a sunken and fortified road. But none
of these is consistent with the facts. The curious manner in
which it deliberately goes out of its way to avoid the stations
which it otherwise would strike shows that it is part of the mural
scheme, and this tells equally against its being a pre-Roman
defence or a road, and, apart from this, excavations on its site
have failed to yield any evidence of a road either in its ditch or
elsewhere between the mounds. With regard to the second
theory, high military authorities have pronounced against its
being a defensive barrier of any kind. Professor Mommsen
suggested that it was a civil boundary — " that the Vallum
marks the southern or inside edge of the limes or ' frontier strip '
of the empire,' the two works, Vallum and Wall, being re-
garded as contemporary, but the one a legal, and the other a
military line. Dr. Haverfield is of a similar opinion, but con-
siders that its purpose " was forgotten or ignored even in Roman
times," and in support of this, he instanced the evidence of the
70 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
early filling up of the ditch " where its presence may well have
been inconvenient, as near a fort." The reader must draw his
own conclusion as to the meaning of this " strange earthwork,
the inscrutable Vallum " ; but it is safe to predict that his
verdict will be that the last word has not been said upon it.
The discovery of the remains of a turf wall in 1895, " intro-
duced," as Dr. Haverfield puts it, " a new factor into the whole
Mural problem." It has long been observed that for about a
mile west of Birdoswald, a ditch runs parallel to the Vallum
at about 90 ft. to the north ; and this was usually regarded as a
supplementary defence to that work. But a series of trenches
disclosed the remarkable fact that it appertains, not to the
Vallum, but to a former turf wall, from 10 to 15 ft. wide, which
appeared to have been purposely destroyed, and evidence was
forthcoming to prove that this work represented the original
line of the Wall hereabouts. No trace of a turf-wall has been
found elsewhere along the line ; but the discovery is strongly
suggestive that the Wall of Hadrian was, like the Antonine Wall,
originally constructed of turves, and was subsequently replaced
by a stone wall, the builders of this stone wall finding it necessary
for some reason or other to deviate from the old line in the
vicinity of Birdoswald.
Enough has been said to show that the Wall embodies works
and modifications of different times, all Roman, of course. The
first emperor whose name appears in connection with it is Hadrian.
In four of the mile-castles have been found inscribed tablets in
his honour, and presumably similar tablets were placed in the
others. Some of the stations may have been such of Agricola's
camps as happened to be in the line of the projected wall ; but
we cannot imagine a prior existence for the mile-castles — they
are integral parts of the wall itself. If Hadrian erected these,
that structure must have been already determined upon. It
is true that no contemporary writer mentions his building a wall
in Britain ; but a century and a half later, Spartian states that
" Hadrian went to Britain and put straight many things which
were crooked therein, and was the first to draw a wall eighty-
thousand paces, to divide the barbarians from the Romans."
But the same writer tells us that Severus, more than eighty
MILITARY REMAINS 71
years later, also built a wall — " The greatest glory of his reign
is that he fortified Britain by a wall drawn across the island and
ending on both sides with the ocean " — and this is reiterated
by subsequent writers. But, as in the case of Hadrian, no
contemporary writer records such a work on his part ; still
more remarkable is it that both Dion Cassius, writing a few
years after his death, and Herodian a little later, should describe
his Caledonian campaigns in graphic terms, yet make no allusion
to his wall-building.
That Severus had something to do with the barrier of the
lower isthmus is, however, beyond question. It is true that
no inscription to him has been found along the Wall ; but
his name is inscribed upon Cumberland quarries, and upon
slabs at Hexham, Risingham, and Old Carlisle. Between
Hadrian's day and that of Severus there had been troublous
times ; and it is likely enough that the second emperor found
the Wall in a ruined condition, and that he not only restored,
but strengthened it. If we accept this view of the part played
by Severus, there will be little difficulty in also accepting as
literally true the statement that it was Hadrian who " first
drew a wall, etc." ; in other words, in assigning to this great
emperor the initiation of the general scheme of wall, forts, mile-
castles, and vallum.
CHAPTER IV
HOUSES i
' CORRIDOR ' HOUSES AND ' BASILICAL ' HOUSES
IT is hardly necessary to say that the remains of a large
number of ' Roman villas,' as they are popularly desig-
nated, have been brought to light in this country. The term
' villa,' as thus used, is inaccurate. The villa was the Roman
counterpart of the medieval manor — the estate of a landed pro-
prietor. It comprised not only his residence, but those of his
milieus or bailiff and of his servile and semi-servile dependents,
his farm-buildings, and granaries. The estate was the villa ;
the residence of the dominus was the villa-house. Another mis-
conception arises from the circumstance that most of the houses
of the period which have been described were of the larger and
more sumptuous sort. The result is a widespread notion that
Roman Britain was studded with magnificent ' villas,' residences
of foreign officials, in the midst of a native population which
lived in cottages and huts ; hence that the former were an exotic
element in the land. It is likely enough that some of these
large houses were official residences ; but the officials could
never have been so numerous as to have required all of them,
the known remains of which can only represent a small portion
of the whole number. It is more likely that the officials lived, as
a rule, in the towns, and that the rural mansions were the seats
of the country squires — native gentlemen who had adopted
Roman tastes, and whose wealth lay in their broad acres and
their crops and herds.
1 For detailed particulars, see Romano-British Buildings and Earthworks,
chap. vi.
72
HOUSES 73
The large country houses abounded in the fertile lowlands
and vales of the southern half of England. Northwards their
remains are found in Lincolnshire, and they practically cease
with York and Aldborough. This distribution represents the
portions of the island where the population was most Romanized
and wealthy, and where the conditions of life were best and the
land most cultivated. These houses were not fortified, nor were
their sites selected for defensive purposes. The Romano-
British proprietor, unlike his medieval successor, had little
need to defend himself and his property. Roman Britain was
not a land of castles and moated mansions. The houses were
planned and designed for domesticity, with large rooms and
wide corridors, contrasting in this respect with the cramped
rooms and narrow passages of the feudal stronghold of a later
age, in which comfort was subordinated to safety. Their sites
were selected for convenience, agreeable surroundings, and
pleasant prospects. These conditions bear witness to the general
order and safety which the land enjoyed under the imperial
rule. While garrisons watched the northern frontier, and strong
castella and fleets barred the estuaries against descents from the
seas, the natives prospered and slept in peace. The Pax Romana
was not an empty name.
Eliminating mere cottages and huts, the houses were of two
types of planning, and may be distinguished as ' corridor '
and ' basilical ' houses. The former were the more numerous,
were of all sizes and degrees of sumptuousness, and were alike in
town and country. The latter appear to have been confined to
the country and to have been large farm-houses.
' CORRIDOR ' HOUSES
One of the most valuable results of the systematic excavation
of Silchester is the flood of light it has thrown on the houses of
the era. The smaller and simpler Callevan houses consisted of
a row of rooms with a corridor or veranda along one side which
served as the normal means of communication between room
and room. It was rare, however, that the corridor extended
the full length of the block. The end room or group of rooms
74
THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
was usually wider than the rest, frequently overstepping the end
of the corridor and forming a wing, as in Fig. 21. At this end
of the house were the principal apartments, and in the larger
houses of this simple planning, one of these was often heated by
a hypocaust. The entrance was, at Silchester, usually at the
opposite end of the corridor, but occasionally it was in its side,
and this seems to have been the rule in the country houses. The
corridor side of the block was its front, and it faced an open
space which may have been a yard or a garden.
In the more complex plans, such a simple block usually
FIG. 21. — Plan of small House, Silchester. (40 ft. to I in.)
forms the main body or nucleus of the house, the extensions
taking the form of adjuncts or outshoots. The wing may be
extended. The opposite end of the corridor may be expanded
into an entrance lobby, and this may be altogether removed from
the main block and be connected with it by a transverse corridor
along the street side. If many of these Silchester plans are
compared, it will soon become evident that these extensions were
on the front of the house, giving it somewhat an E-shaped plan,
thus tending to enclose the open space in front. In some of the
largest houses the fourth side was built upon, giving rise to
what is known as the ' courtyard type ' of house.
The upper structures of the houses can only be inferred from
HOUSES 75
their plans and their fallen debris. The corridor was normally
an external feature with a pentice roof, and the frequency of
small stone columns from 3 to 4 ft. long on the sites of Roman
houses has led to the general opinion that they were used in the
construction, the outer side of the corridor consisting of a dwarf-
wall surmounted with these columns.1 The corridor would
thus be a portico modified to suit a cold climate. The main
shell of the houses seems to have been of more than a single storey,
and at Silchester the explorers frequently noted passage-like
rooms which in their opinion contained wooden staircases.2
Timber was certainly a prominent feature in the upper construc-
tion, taking the form of post-and-panel work with the panels
filled in with ' wattle-and-daub/ such as may still be seen in
many an old cottage. On the site of one of the Silchester houses
pieces of the clay-daubing had been impressed with a zigzag
pattern from a wooden stamp. The roofs were usually of large
red tiles or stone slabs, both differing in shape from those now
used.3 The windows were glazed, as the scatterings of broken
g'ass on the sites prove. The walls of the rooms were plastered
and painted in gay colours, but little can be gleaned as to the
patterns of the decoration.4 Of the treatment of the ceilings
nothing is known, but the upper floors were probably of wood.
Fig. 22 is the original portion of a house which was more
than doubled in size by additions. It is a singularly perfect
plan, almost every possible door on the ground-floor being shown,
and it has all the appearance of being a single design and not the
outcome of alterations and additions. The street door opened
into a square lobby. From this, a short corridor led to the main
corridor of the house, and passing the doors of the various rooms
along its side, a short return at the end communicated with the
principal rooms at the extremity of a wing almost as long as the
main fabric. Both the lobby and the corridors had mosaic
pavements,5 and the main corridor a large door to the courtyard.
The rooms showed a progression from the menial to the sumptuous.
The first two reached from the street had had floors of mortar
1 For a reconstruction of a corridor, see Rom. -Brit. Buildings, etc., Fig. 51.
2 Ib. chap. vi. 3 Ib. Figs. 76, 78. 4 Ib. chap. xi.
5 For mosaic floors, see Rom.-Brit. Buildings, etc., chap. xii.
76
THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
or some other perishable material. The next had a plain mosaic
floor, and served as the vestibule of a room behind with a simple
cement floor, which probably contained the staircase. Then
followed a large room and a narrower one divided into two by a
cross-wall, all with plain mosaic floors, and the outer of the two
small rooms had a fireplace. The last room of the range had a
decorated mosaic floor, also a small fireplace. This has brought
us to the wing, the first room of which had a pavement of similar
character to the last. Between this and what may be termed
Street
FIG. 22. — Plan of House at Silchester. (40 ft. to i in.)
the ' state apartments,' were two small rooms with plain mosaic
floors, the one with a fireplace.
The ' state apartments ' were two, communicating with one
another by a large opening flanked with detached columns or
piers, the one having a large semicircular recess or alcove, and
the other a hypocaust. Both had rich decorated pavements.
Perhaps it would be better to describe these apartments as a
double-room or hall. From its large size, nearly 40 ft. long and
20 ft. wide, it was probably loftier than the other rooms of the
house, and of a single storey. With little effort of the imagina-
tion one can form an idea of the interior. The pilasters and
HOUSES
77
columns with the architrave they supported must have produced
a pleasing break in the length, while the curved alcove must have
equally agreeably contrasted with the straight lines of the main
structure. Add to these architectural features, the strong patterns
and quiet colours of the pavement and the lighter and brighter
tones of the walls, and little of importance is left to complete the
picture, except the windows, of which unfortunately we know
nothing. It is reasonable to think that the opening between
the pilasters was provided with curtains, which when drawn
would shut off one division, and when thrown back would add
artistically to the general effect. These double-rooms were a
frequent feature of the larger Romano-British houses. They
usually consisted of two square divisions or rooms, the one rather
smaller than the other, with a simple large opening in the inter-
vening wall. The latter division often contained a hypocaust,
and both almost invariably had good mosaic pavements.
In many of the larger Silchester houses, the rooms enclosed
the courtyard on three sides, the remaining side usually having
a wall with a gate. Only one house — the largest in the town —
completely surrounded its courtyard, and its remains proved
that its final form was the result of several extensions.
The houses of Caerwent resembled those at Silchester ; but
considering that Vent a Silurum was a smaller town, and that only
about two-thirds of its area have been explored, it is remarkable
that four or five of the houses already discovered were of the
' courtyard ' type, one of which is shown in Fig. 23. Another —
if a private residence at all — was most unusual for this country,
in having a peristyled courtyard (Fig. 24) . The columns arose
from the broad stone kerb of the ambulatory pavement, which
was of red mosaic, and as they were about 10 ft. apart,
the architrave must have been of timber. A stone gutter
just within the kerb caught the rain-water from the peristyle
roof of stone slabs, and drained the gravelled yard ; but it
was interrupted by a large stone water-trough in front of the
middle intercolumniation of the east side, behind which was the
entrance to the building. The peristyle was surrounded by
rooms, many with doors opening upon it. There was a ' winter-
room ' on the south side, also a large projecting latrine. The
78
THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
floors were of mortar or fine brick concrete. Houses with peri-
styles were common in Italy, and were copied from the Greeks ;
but their open colonnades were ill-adapted for cold climates,
and this doubtlessly accounts for their rarity in the northern
provinces. There are reasons, however, for thinking that this
Caerwent building was a hospitium or public guest-house. It
resembles in several respects a larger Silchester building, which
is regarded as a hospitium, especially in the tendency of its rooms
Street
FIG. 23. — Plan of House at Caerwent. (40 ft. to i in.)
to form sets, each with its own entrance, but it lacks the bath-
buildings which are a notable feature there.
The country houses, with the exception of those of ' basilical '
form which will be described presently, resembled the Callevan
houses in their general planning. There were differences, but
they were less pronounced than the differences between town
and country houses to-day. The houses at Silchester were
essentially rural houses adapted to the limited plots on which
they were built ; but these plots were relatively larger than
HOUSES
79
the building sites of our congested towns. House was not
built against house, except in rare instances. Each had its
garth in front ; most, an open space all round. If the house
came to the street side, it was by its back or end. If it fronted
the street, it was set back to allow of the usual courtyard or
garden. There is little doubt that Calleva was a veritable
' garden city.' Still, as the builders were limited as to space,
their houses, extended and straggling as many of them were,
were less so than most of the country houses. But the most
important difference lay in the fact that these were the seats
FIG. 24. — Plan of House at Caerwent. (40 ft. to I in.)
of landed proprietors whose wealth was derived from agriculture
and their flocks and herds, hence the residence had associated
with it farm-buildings, often on a large scale. The ' villa group '
clustered round an open space much larger than the town court-
yard. Not seldom there were two such spaces, an upper on
which the residence looked, and a lower, usually the larger,
appropriated to the farm-buildings. Moreover, most of the
country houses had semi-detached or isolated baths ; the Sil-
chester houses, never, as the town was well supplied with public
baths.
The remains of a house, excavated in Spoonley Wood, near
8o
THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
Winchcombe in Gloucestershire, in 1890, supplied a singularly
complete plan of a medium-sized country house (Fig. 25). It
was beautifully situated at the foot of a hill, from which issued
CO
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1 a ' * 8 ^
o
a plentiful supply of pure water. It consisted of a main range
with two wings, with its back to the hill and its front to a large
courtyard or garden, enclosed partly by the house and its wings,
HOUSES fli
and completed by a wall. In the centre of the wall, facing the
house, was a gate with a paved walk leading to its front door
in the centre of the main corridor. The principal rooms were
served by this corridor, and a notable feature was the large
central ' double-room.' The kitchen was near the right end
of the range, and contained a well. The baths occupied the
lower end of the right wing, and the servants' quarters were
probably in the left wing. Many of the rooms were warmed
by hypocausts ; and as usual, the chief rooms had decorated
mosaic floors. Altogether this house is a good example of the
corridored class, and was planned with a view to external sym-
metry. The main range, which was 190 ft. long, was probably
of two storeys, and its staircase may have been in a narrow
room on the left side of the spacious ' double-room.' Of farm-
buildings one only, a barn prob-
ably (Fig. 26), was discovered,
and its situation renders it
probable that there was a lower
or base-court. It was an oblong
structure, 47 ft. long and 28 ft.
wide, and was divided into a ^""
nave and aisles by two rOWS of FIG. 26.-Barn at Spoonley Wood.
•* (40 ft. to I in.)
timber posts of which the stone
bases remained — a type of building familiar to us in the large
barns of the Middle Ages.
A grand example of a Romano-British house was excavated
early in the last century at Bignor in Sussex, and it was of special
interest, not only for its magnificent mosaic pavements, but
because apparently the whole of its group of buildings was dis-
closed. The base-court was entered through a gate in its lower
wall and a smaller on the left. On this side was a barn-like
building, 128 ft. long and 56 ft. wide, and on the opposite side
a smaller building with two others standing free in the court.
These were evidently farm-buildings, and it is probable that
there were also sheds of timber. The upper or house-court
was 200 ft. long and 114 ft. wide, and was surrounded with a
portico or corridor, the house and its adjuncts extending along
three sides. The chief rooms were about the upper half of the
6
82 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
right side of the court, and most of them had rich mosaic pave-
ments. One of these rooms was a large double one, resembling
that at Spoonley Wood. Each division had an elaborate mosaic
pavement, the central feature of the smaller, being the Rape of
Ganymede in a medallion with enriched borders ; that of the
larger, a circle subdivided into six hexagonal compartments,
each containing a dancing nymph. In the centre of this circle
was an unusual feature — a hexagonal basin or piscina of white
stone, 4 ft. in diameter. Near this room was another large one
with an apse at one end. The mosaic floor was in a dilapidated
condition, but enough remained to show that it had a central
square of elaborate geometrical design flanked with two narrow
panels containing amorini engaged in gladiatorial combats ;
while that of the apse had a delicate scrolly border enclosing
a medallion with a female bust with festoons and birds in the
spandrels — one of the most pleasing mosaic designs discovered
in this country. The other pavements found in this part of
the house were of equally ornate character ; and at the extreme
corner, and adjoining the room just described, was a small open
court with an ambulatory, the roof of which apparently was
supported by dwarf columns. The lower portion of this range
of the house was probably the servants' quarters.
Several of the rooms at the head of the upper court had good
mosaic floors, and two had fireplaces. These were typical of
the few fireplaces of the time that have been discovered in this
country. Each had a hearth placed against the wall, consisting
of eight small tiles, with cheeks of tiles on edge, two tiles each
in the one case and a single one in the other. In one or two
instances elsewhere, the hearth was .partly recessed in the wall.
Braziers seem to have been in common use in Britain as in Pompeii,
and the fireplaces may be regarded as fixed braziers. The
baths were situated at the lower end of the left corridor, and
were on a large scale for a private house. They contained
four chief rooms, the first to be entered having a rich mosaic
pavement, the second — the cooling-room — a handsome cold bath,
the remaining two being hot rooms with plain mosaic floors.
The ground covered by this extensive Bignor group of buildings
was little short of 600 ft. in length and about 320 ft. in width.
HOUSES 83
The grandest known example of a Romano-British house was
discovered at Woodchester in Gloucestershire, in 1793. Its
excavation brought to light two courtyards, the lower about 150 ft.
FIG. 27.— Plan of House at Woodchester. (80 ft. to I in.)
square, and the upper considerably smaller. The former was
bounded on its tower side by a wall with a central gate-house,
which, to judge from its remains, was an imposing structure with
a large arch between two small ones. On each side of the space
84 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
was a large isolated block, the one on the right being wholly,
or in part, baths, and surrounding a small court, but the use of
the other block, which also had an internal court, is uncertain.
The residence entirely surrounded the upper courtyard. The
chief feature of the range of its upper side or end was a central
saloon, nearly 50 ft. square internally, with four columns so placed
as to leave a large central space. The design of the mosaic
floor — that is, the original one — was accommodated to the archi-
tectural features. The space between the four columns was
occupied by a grand medallion having for its subject Orpheus
with his lyre. Within an elaborate border were two concentric
friezes, the outer containing beasts and the inner birds, while in
the centre was an octagonal compartment containing fishes,
representing the animal world which the music of Orpheus tamed.
The space exterior to the columns was divided into a series of
panels containing medallions and various geometrical designs.
Many of the adjacent rooms had ornate mosaic pavements of
which portions remained. The planning of this group of buildings
differed from that of Bignor in its greater compactness and sym-
metrical arrangement ; and the many pieces of carved stone
and fragments of statues indicate that both the residence and
the other two buildings were of considerable magnificence. As
below the lower courtyard and on the left side there was a
building of plain character, it is probable that there was a base-
court with buildings on either side.
In many of the smaller country houses the residence and its
various farm-buildings seem to have been grouped round a single
large yard. A house at Brading in the Isle of Wight appears
to have been of this type. Its large yard was about 180 ft.
square, and was surrounded by a wall except where the buildings
came to its side. The lower wall was not fully traced, but there
was some evidence of a central gate. On the right side was a
barn-like building, similar to, but larger than, the corresponding
structure at Spoonley Wood; but considerable portions of its
interior had been divided into rooms by inserted walls, those of
the farther end evidently forming a house, while at the lower
end were remains of small bath chambers. On the opposite
side of the yard was a range of building and shedding. The
HOUSES 85
compact and symmetrical house, with a short corridor or portico
between two short wings, occupied the middle of the end of the
yard. The right wing contained the smaller division of a large
double room with a mosaic pavement, which, like several others
in this house, was rich in mythological subjects. A few yards
to the right of the house, and attached to the yard wall, was an
oblong structure, about n ft. wide, containing a large cistern
in an alcove, which with little doubt was supplied with water
from a spring in the vicinity. This Brading house in its com-
pactness and symmetrical planning represents a by-no-means
uncommon variant of the corridor type, and one peculiarly
adapted for mansions of medium size. A good example was
uncovered near Mansfield Woodhouse, in Nottinghamshire, in
the i8th century. It faced, as usual, a large yard, which
had on its right side a barn-like building of about the size of the
one at Brading, and with evidence that the rooms of its upper
end had been inhabited, and that it contained baths at its lower
end.
BASILICAL HOUSES
In the foregoing pages several structures have been referred
to as barn-like buildings. The one at Spoonley Wood probably
was a barn, but the last two examples seem to have been, partly
at least, used for human habitation. Some other examples will
be given which were undoubted houses, and houses of no mean
order. Two buildings excavated at Ickleton in Essex, and at
Castlefield near Andover, closely resembled that at Spoonley
Wood. The first was associated with a house of the ordinary
type, and the second contained the remains of furnaces and
hearths. The fallen roof-tiles showed that both had been roofed,
but neither yielded evidence of having been used for human
habitation.
Fig. 28 is the plan of one of these buildings at Clanville,
Hampshire, and is specially interest ing as its structural peculiarities
were noted by the explorers, and the evidence that it was a house
is beyond question. It had two rows of six pillar-bases each.
The central space was regarded as an open court, and the pillars
as the supports of two porticoes ; but it was noted that the walls
86
THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
of the rooms not only surrounded but covered some of the
pillar-bases. Most of the rooms had plain or decorated mosaic
floors, and two had hypocausts, while amongst their debris was
an abundance of painted plaster and window-glass. The entrance
was in the side, where the foundation of a porch was noted.
Fig. 29 is the much larger Brading example, which closely
resembled that at Mansfield Woodhouse in size. A few of the
pillar-bases remained, and the sites of others were indicated by
foundations. Many of the internal walls were insertions and
IJL
FIG. 28. — House at Clanville. (40 ft. to I in.)
M^
a.
I
\
a • i
'1
mr
FIG. 29. — House at Brading. (40 ft. to I in.)
had been built over these foundations. The rooms of the west
end had concrete floors, painted walls, and glazed windows, and
one was heated by a hypocaust. The entrance was in the side,
and the lower east corner yielded remains of baths. Baths
occupied a similar position at Mansfield Woodhouse. A fine
example of one of these buildings, containing some beautiful
mosaic pavements, was uncovered at Carisbrook in 1859, and
recently another at Petersfield.
These buildings obviously belonged to a different type from
HOUSES 87
that of the corridor houses. In their main construction they
resembled the medieval tithe and monastic barns which probably
were a survival of the form. In some of them the rooms at one
or both ends appear to have been parts of the original fabric,
but many of those within the pillared space were certainly
partitioned off subsequently. Our first three examples appear
to have been barns, and this calls to mind the statement of
Pytheas in the 4th century before our era, that the Britons
for lack of sunshine collected their corn and threshed it in large
buildings. It is conceivable that the hearths in the Castlefield
building were for fires to aid the drying of the corn. But it is
equally clear that in our other examples a portion of the interior
was used for human habitation, and these demand a little further
attention.
The Brading and the Mansfield Woodhouse examples were
associated with houses of the ordinary type, to which they appear
to have held a subordinate relationship. Major Rooke, who
described the latter, suggested that it was the villa rustica,
where the villicus or bailiff lived, the house being the villa urbana,
the residence of the proprietor. The Clanville and Petersfield
examples, on the other hand, were the chief buildings of their
respective groups. Each stood on the farther side of a large
courtyard with a gateway in the wall of the nearer side, while
on the two remaining sides were farm-buildings, and at Petersfield
an unusually large bath-building. In these cases, the barn-like
building would be the residence of the proprietor, who pre-
sumably was a well-to-do farmer.
These basilical houses appear to belong to a primitive type of
farmhouse which still survives in Germany, Holland, and else-
where. Mr. S. O. Addy, in his Evolution of the English House,
gives several examples, and notably one, a Saxon farmhouse from
the German writer, Meitzen, which is singularly to the point. It
is described as a large oblong structure (Fig. 30), divided into
a nave and aisles, and entered by a large doorway at the lower
end. The aisles are divided off into stalls (B) for the horses and
cattle, which are foddered from the nave (A), while above in the
roof are stored the corn and hay. At the end of the nave is the
hearth (D), and on both sides are the cupboard-beds of the master
88
THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
and his family, the farm-hands sleeping on floors above the
horses and cattle. To the right and left of the hearth extends
a sort of transept (E) ending with windows or glazed doors in
the sides of the building, which thus forms two well-lighted
wings or recesses for household purposes. Behind the hearth
wall are two private rooms (F, H) and a store room (G) ; but
these are of comparatively recent introduction in these farm-
houses. The smoke of the hearth permeating the whole interior
tends to keep insects away and to neutralize the stench from the
cattle. This Saxon farmhouse is perhaps exceptional in its
large size and symmetrical proportions, but it is unquestionably
representative of a widespread and ancient type of building
which combined dwelling and farm-offices under a common roof,
FIG. 30. — Plan of Saxon Farmhouse (after Meitzen)
and the Yorkshire ' coits ' may be regarded as a survival in this
country.
The resemblance of this Saxon farmhouse to the Romano-
British buildings we have described is apparent at a glance. We
have noticed that in some, the rooms at one end appear to be part
of the original construction, and these may well have been the
original household rooms, the hearth being in the nave in front.
It is feasible enough, that with a higher standard of living there
would be a desire to gain greater privacy by the addition of new
rooms, and these could be easily obtained by partitioning off
portions of the main interior. On the other hand, the proprietor
and his family might live in an adjacent house, in which case
the building, as at Spoonley Wood, would be used for farm pur-
poses only — for the beasts in winter, and for the storage of their
fodder, also for the storage of grain which could be threshed on
the ample ' floor ' of the nave.
HOUSES 89
The basilical type seems also to have been the source of the
Romano-Italian houses. The parallels between the planning of
the early Pompeian house before it was modified by Greek
influence, and that of the Saxon farmhouse just described, are
very close. The atrium of the former corresponds with the
nave of the latter; the bedrooms with the stalls, and the
alae with the transeptal extensions beyond the stalls. The
tablinum, which originally contained the master's bed, and its
lateral rooms, have their counterparts at the end of the Saxon
house. As the Pompeian houses were built one against the other,
the smoke-hole was enlarged into the compluvium, to compensate
for the loss of side windows ; and the hearth, which was early
banished to a special room, the culina or kitchen, was represented
by the impluvium.
The corridor-houses were of a different type of planning
altogether, and seem to be the product of a higher stage of culture.
A row of rooms opening upon a portico is an ill-adapted structure
to shelter man and beast and farm-produce under a common
roof. As a human dwelling-place it is consistent, and marks
an advance in domestic requirements and comfort. It pre-
supposes that beast and produce had been banished to separate
and special buildings. It was certainly not derived from the old
Italian type of house. Corridor-houses are found in Gaul and
elsewhere on the Continent, but there is no evidence that the
type was of Celtic or Germanic origin. It seems rather to be the
product of a warm and sunny region, modified with us to suit
our colder climate ; and it is not unlikely that it was introduced
into Gaul from the Orient by Greek colonists.1
1 For cottages and villages, see Rom.-Brit. Buildings, etc., chap. vi.
CHAPTER V
PUBLIC BUILDINGS AND BATHS
FORUMS J
r I ^HE forum may be regarded as the market-place, but it
stood for more to the Roman. With its adjuncts, of
which the basilica was chief, it was the centre of civic
life and movement, combining the functions of market, town hall,
law courts, exchange, and a gathering-place where the townsfolk
discussed matters of mutual interest, settled points of difference,
gossiped and idled — where public notices were displayed, and
games were often held and religious festivals celebrated. It
was the rendezvous for all classes and for all purposes.
Two forums have been explored in this country with great
success, the one at Silchester and the other at Caerwent. They
substantially agree in their planning, but the former was the
larger and more elaborate structure, and a short description
of it will be sufficient. The whole group of buildings — forum
proper, with its porticoes and shops, basilica and offices — covered
an oblong space about 315 by 278 ft., and was almost entirely
surrounded with a portico supported by stone columns. The
open square within was 142 by 130 ft., and the basilica formed
its west side, the remaining sides having a similar portico to the
external one, except where interrupted by the chief entrance
on the east side. Between the two porticoes was a range of rooms,
probably of two storeys. Most of these seem to have been shops,
but some of them were of a different shape and may have been
municipal offices, and it is just possible that one near the centre
1 See Romano-British Buildings and Earthworks for more detailed information,
chap. ix.
90
i t i •
LATER BASILICA
EARLIER BASILICA
FORUM
nrrirn
FIG. 31. — The Forum and Basilica, Silchester. (75 ft. to I in.)
92 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
of the north side, which had the form of a large apse, was the
sanctuary of the city lares. The chief entrance was on a grand
scale and in the form of a triumphal arch, not less than 45 ft.
wide, and, to judge from the fragments of large columns and other
carved stones found on the site, must have been architecturally
imposing. Besides this, there were two minor entrances, the one
on the north and the other on the south, both next the basilica.
The basilica was 233 ft. long and 58 ft. wide. It was originally
divided into a nave and aisles by two rows of lofty Corinthian
columns ; but subsequently it was partly rebuilt, with a single
row dividing the space into a nave and single aisle. In its earlier
condition, it had at each end a semicircular tribunal, but these
were replaced by rectangular ones, and in each case their raised
floors projected into the hall. Along the west side were several
apartments and a spacious central apse with a raised floor reached
by three steps and probably adorned with a large statue of a
female with a mural crown, fragments of which were found.
The basilica was evidently entered on its east side, but the wall
here is in too reduced a condition to show the remains of doorways
or other openings. That the interior of the building had a certain
splendour is not only indicated by its architecture, but by the
pieces of marble wall-linings found about the tribunals and the
fragments of painted wall-plaster generally diffused on the site.
The forum at Caerwent was smaller and it lacked the external
portico. Its plan was similar, but simpler. The basilica was
divided into nave and aisles by two rows of lofty columns of
Corinthian type. The tribunals were rectangular, and one of
them is of special interest as the sill of its timber cancelli remains.
As the wall next the ifcrum is level with the floor and has on its
external side two continuous stone steps, it may have been the
sleeper of an arcade or a colonnade stretching the full length of
the square. This was the usual arrangement in the headquarters
of the forts, and it is equally applicable to the basilica at
Silchester.
The remains of the basilica at Wroxeter indicate that it was
229 ft. long and 67 ft. wide, and was similarly divided into a nave
and aisles by Corinthian columns. The entrance was apparently
at one end and a tribunal at the other. Sufficient of the basilica
PUBLIC BUILDINGS AND BATHS 93
at Cirencester has been excavated to prove that it was of larger
dimensions than any of the above, and had the usual nave and two
aisles. It had a large semicircular tribunal at one end, and some
indications of a porch at the other, and as at Silchester, pieces of
marble linings were found. At Chester and Lincoln, the remains
of massive structures and colonnades have been exposed, which
with little doubt related to the forums and basilicas of those
towns.
AMPHITHEATRES 1
Remains of about a dozen undoubted amphitheatres are
known in this country. Those of Dorchester, Caerleon, Rich-
borough, Silchester, and Cirencester are conspicuous and well
known ; others, less known, are at Charterhouse on Mendips,
Caerwent, Colchester, Maryborough near Penrith, Wroxeter,
Aldborough, and elsewhere. With the exception of the Caer-
went example, they are in their present condition elliptical
depressions surrounded with a bank, the Maumbury Rings at
Dorchester being the largest in this country. These amphi-
theatres are essentially earthworks, their arenas having been
excavated, and the soil derived therefrom utilized for the portion
of the surrounding bank above the old natural level. It is
to this mode of construction they owe their present conspicu-
ousness, that of Caerwent being wholly on the common level
was quite unknown until its remains were brought to light by
the spade a few years ago. This amphitheatre is exceptional
in another respect. It is within the walls of the ancient town,
the others mentioned above being outside their respective towns
or stations.
The Caerleon amphitheatre, popularly known as King Arthur's
Round Table, was sufficiently trenched in 1909, to show that
its bank or cavea was supported externally by a strong and
buttressed wall, and its foot by a thinner wall, the slope for
the spectators having a width of 35 ft. The external dimensions
are about 274 by 226 ft., and those of the arena about 70 ft.
less. Remains of three entrances — on the north, east, and south
• — were found, and the floor of the arena was indicated by a
1 Romano-British Buildings and Earthworks, chap. ix.
94 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
thick layer of sand. It is estimated that this amphitheatre
would accommodate 4000 people.
The exploration of the Maumbury Rings has been in progress
since 1908. The external dimensions are roughly 345 by
333 ft., and it has an entrance at each apex. This great earth-
work was utilized for a fort during the Civil War in Charles i.'s
time, and in adapting it for the purpose, was considerably
altered and disfigured. The excavations proved that the arena
was 196 ft. long and about 20 ft. less in width, and was covered
with gravel. The spectators' entrance was at the north end,
and at the south end were remains of an enclosure opening to
the arena and entered at the back by a descending path from
a south entrance. This enclosure is supposed to have been
the ' den ' in which the beasts were impounded when waiting
their turn during the performances.
The Richborough amphitheatre was imperfectly excavated
in 1849, when an elliptical wall, enclosing a space 200 ft. by
166 ft., was brought to light, as also the remains of three entrances.
The account of the work is meagre, and it is not clear whether
this wall represented the inner or the outer ring.
BATHS l
The process of the Roman bath was practically identical
with that of the Turkish bath among us. Reduced to its barest
essentials, the Turkish bath may consist of two rooms, the first
a ' cooling-room,' and the second a hot room, provided with
a hot-water tank and a seat ; but the intervention o" a moder-
ately heated room to which the shampooing and washing processes
are relegated, is so advantageous as to be practically a necessity.
The cooling-room serves very well as a dressing-room, but a
separate apartment may be provided for this. In large public
establishments it is usual to have separate shampooing and
washing rooms, and two or more sudatory rooms at different
temperatures : and besides the necessary plunge-bath, which
may be in a special room, there may be a swimming-bath. The
equipment must, of course, include a laundry department, and
1 Romano-British Buildings and Earthworks, chap. viii.
PUBLIC BUILDINGS AND BATHS 95
various offices for the management and the attendants. But,
broadly speaking, the rooms used by the bathers are resolvable
into three sets — cool, moderately heated, and very hot.
Vitruvius and other Roman writers, in describing the baths
of their times, refer to certain apartments by name. Three of
these — the Jrigidarium, tepidarium, and caldarium — are fre-
quently mentioned ; and as the names etymologically explain
their uses, or rather temperatures, they provide a means of
bringing the Roman into line with the modern Turkish baths.
Galen mentions them respectively as the apartments passed
through in rotation, and gives instructions how his patients
were to be undressed in the frigidarium, to be anointed in the
tepidarium, and after a stay in the caldarium, to be bathed in
the plunge-bath of the first apartment upon their return. Other
apartments are mentioned by these writers, as the apodyterium
or spoliatorium, the dressing-room ; the elaeothesium or unctu-
arium, where the bathers were anointed, or the unguents were
kept ; the lavatorium, or washing-room ; the sudatorium, or
sweating-room ; and the laconicum, which perhaps is simply
an alternative name for the sudatorium. It is clear, however,
that some of these apartments were not always present, even
in large establishments ; also, that the names were not always
used in the same sense. Again, the ancient writers differ con-
siderably in the order in which the baths were taken. Perhaps
the fashion of bathing changed from time to time, but more
likely the order was a matter of personal caprice, and the complex
plans of many of the public baths seem arranged to meet this
contingency. What is certain is this — the Roman, like the
modern Turkish baths, always present a series of apartments
from cool to hot.
Several points in the procedure of the Roman bath should
here be noticed. As far as we know, soap was not used at all.
After perspiration, the body was scraped with the strigil l to
forcibly remove the dirt and dead portions of the cuticle. This
was followed by the sponge, and delicate people often dispensed
with the strigil altogether and used the sponge alone. The
place where this scraping process took place would, of course,
1 Fig. 63.
96 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
be one of the hot rooms, sometimes perhaps a special room.
At a later stage, when the body was sufficiently cooled, perfumed
oil or ointment was rubbed into the skin. These various re-
quisites— strigils, oil, and unguents — were often brought to the
public baths by the bathers, especially by the wealthy, who
also brought slaves to attend to them. But these could be
obtained on the premises, as also the services of attendants ; the
poorer bathers, however, scraped and anointed themselves.
Physical exercise was a concomitant of the bath. Even domestic
baths sometimes had their tennis-court (sphaeristerium), as had
Pliny's. In most of the public baths there was a spacious
court (palaestra) with porticoes, exedrae, swimming-bath, etc.,
and other conveniences for outdoor recreation, ball -playing
being a favourite pastime.
Many remains of Roman baths have been discovered in
this country. Those at Wroxeter and Silchester were town
baths of considerable extent and intricacy ; several in the
vicinity of forts were military baths ; but the majority were
private baths attached to country houses, and these were, as a
rule, of small size, consisting of only the more essential rooms.
But in all, the general principle and the method of heating the
rooms were the same. A compact little bath-house was excavated
at Caerwent in 1855. The two plans (Fig. 32) of this building
are at different levels in order to show (i) the rooms used by
the bathers and (2) the heating arrangements below. It con-
tained the following sequence of rooms, each opening into the
next by a narrow door : —
The first, A, a narrow anteroom, was entered apparently
from an open court. On its left, or south side, was a cold-water
bath in a large recess, B, with a flagged floor 3 ft. below that of
the room, and its sides were of fine concrete painted red. On
that next the room was a sill or dwarf wall, 9 ins. high, and
within it a step or seat. The drain was in the middle of the
south side. The second room, C, lay to the north, and was
considerably larger, with a shallow alcove between projecting
piers at the farther end. The third, D, was the largest of the
series, a simple square room. The fourth, E, was provided with
a hot-water bath at its west end. The contiguous walls which
8.
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V
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Q8 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
formed three sides of this alveus were lined with vertical flue-
tiles communicating with the hypocaust below, the opposite
wall of the chamber being also similarly lined. The bottom
was of a single flag which rested upon the hypocaust pillars,
and its sides were of red stucco, with a drain at the south end.
The fifth and last room, F, was immediately behind the furnace.
The floors of all these chambers were supported upon roughly
squared sandstone pillars, and the intervals between these were
spanned with large flagstones, upon which rested the concrete
of the floors. This in the first three rooms was overlaid with
plain mosaic, the total thickness being about 14 ins. The open-
ings between the rooms were probably covered with rugs or
thick curtains, as there were no indications that they had been
fitted with wooden doors.
The second plan illustrates the heating of the apartments.
The furnace projected into a sunk yard or shed, which would
be provided with suitable storage space for the fuel. The
aperture was flanked by two strong cheeks or platforms of
masonry, 5 ft. high, a usual feature in the furnaces of baths, in
order to carry the tank or cauldron in which the water was
heated. The hot gases of the fire passed through an arched
opening into the hypocausts of the rooms, and the upright wall-
flues in room E would induce the necessary draught. It is
almost certain that room D, and probably C as well, had also
a few wall-flues, to ensure the passage of some of these gases
into their hypocausts. The pillared substructure under the ante-
room was evidently an arrangement to keep its floor dry, as
there was no opening by which these gases could pass into it.
It is evident that there would be a gradation of temperature,
that of each successive room from the first one entered being
higher than the last, the last being the hottest. C was probably
a combined cooling and dressing-room, with a seat in its alcove ;
D, the tepidarium ; E, the caldarium ; and F, a specially hot
room or sudatorium. This last room, however, was usually
omitted in the domestic, and even in larger baths ; and in most
instances the alveus occupied the space next the furnace.
This Caerwent building is typical, except in its compactness,
of the smaller baths in this country. The rooms usually have a
PUBLIC BUILDINGS AND BATHS 99
linear arrangement, with the entrance at or near one end, and
the furnace at the other. Of the military baths, the remains of
those at Great Chesters are the most complete. The main block,
exclusive of the furnace-house, was 48 ft. long, and was entered
from a yard, at one end of which were the latrines. The first
room had a flagged floor, a cold-water bath on the left, and a
door into another flagged room on the right. Neither room was
heated, and the second may very well have been the apodyterium.
In the side of the anteroom facing the entrance was the door into
the tepidarium, a small room, and beyond this was the caldarium,
a spacious room, with a large alcove on either side and a hot-water
bath in a large recess at the end. Beyond this was the furnace
and its shed. The remains of the military baths at Chesters
are more extensive, but less complete. Those of Gellygaer have
recently been excavated, and they indicate an irregular building
due in part to alterations and extensions. The main structure
in its final form was about 87 ft. long, and was remarkable for
its large cold-water bath, about 26 by 15 ft., and one of its
hot rooms being circular.
The public baths of Calleva underwent so many alterations
and extensions that it is difficult to make out its plan for any
period. The greatest length that the main building attained
was 148 ft. In its original form it was entered from the street
under a portico, and this gave access to a peristyled courtyard,
which subsequently was enlarged. Next was a spacious apody-
terium ; then a frigidarium, with a marble labrum in the centre
and a cold-water bath at one end ; and finally several heated
rooms with hot-water alvei. All these rooms were at one time
or other altered and extended. The public baths of Viroconium
were on a larger scale. The plan of the portion which has been
excavated is suggestive of a symmetrical building consisting of a
central block and east and west wings. The central block seems
to have contained a grand entrance-hall with large rooms behind,
and beyond these an open court with a large recess on either side
(probably exedrae), and in the centre the remains of a paved
swimming-bath ; but all these remains were very indefinite.
The excavation of the west wing gave definite results and revealed
a series of rooms heated from a furnace-house at the west end.
ioo THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
On the east side of the central block were the remains of other
heated rooms which corresponded, as far as they went, with
those of the west wing, and strongly suggested an east wing of
similar character. If so, the total length of the range of building,
exclusive of furnace-houses, would be 208 ft., and the whole
was apparently enclosed in a great peristyled courtyard. It is
probable that the one wing contained men's baths and the
other, women's.
CHAPTER VI
RELIGIONS OF ROMAN BRITAIN
THE GRAECO-ROMAN AND BARBARIC PAGANISMS — MITHRAISM
AND OTHER EASTERN CULTS — CHRISTIANITY
AS intimated in the Introduction, the deities and divinities
named on altars and tablets, rendered in sculpture, and
figured on mosaics in this country, fall into several groups.
There were those of the Graeco-Roman pantheon whose worship
may be regarded as the official or state religion. There were
those bearing barbaric names, mostly Celtic and German, some
undoubtedly old British deities, others imported by the soldiery.
There were the divine personages of Oriental religions — Mithras,
Isis, and the Great Mother of Phrygia — of later introduction.
And finally came the religion of Christ.
Of the greater gods of Rome, Jupiter, pre-eminently the patron
of the state and its official machinery, is the most frequently
named on the altars. His usual formula is I.O.M., ' Jupiter,
the best and greatest ' ; and a dedication at Ellenborough, I.O.M.
Capitolino, specially connects him with his chief seat of worship
— the Capitol of Rome — where, associated with Juno and Minerva,
he was honoured as the divine head of the state. It is curious that
of the Capitoline triad, no trace of the worship of Juno has been
found in Britain. There are, however, several inscriptions to
Minerva. She is associated with Hercules on an altar at Kirk
Haugh in Northumberland ; and at South Shields and Ribchester,
tablets have been found recording the restoration of temples to
her, and at Chichester, to her and Neptune.
The altars and sculptured representations of Mars are many,
and, as might be expected, they have been mostly found among
102 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
the military remains. The former are usually dedicated to the
god, or the holy god, Mars ; otherwise to him in some special
capacity, as Mars the Conqueror, Mars the Pacifier, and Mars
the Preserver (Marti Victori — Pacifero — Conservatori). He is
occasionally and appropriately associated with Victory. Although
very few altars to Mercury have been found, he was a favourite
subject for sculpture, and is invariably shown with his caduceus
and often with a purse. The sculptures usually take the form of
small panelled reliefs, which were probably placed in the walls
of workshops and other buildings devoted to trade and traffic,
of which he was the patron. Apollo is usually associated or
equated with other deities in Britain. At Ribchester, the dedica-
tion of an altar, Deo Sancto Apollini Apono, specially connects
him with his famous shrine and oracle at Fons Aponi near Padua,
which, like our Bath, was much resorted to for its healing waters.
Fortuna, the goddess of good luck, was a favourite with the
soldiery. More than a dozen altars to her have been found in
Britain, on which she is addressed simply as Fortuna, or as
Fortuna Conservatorix and Fortuna Redux ; while on one at
Chesterholm she appears as Fortuna Populi Romani, the
tutelary goddess of the Roman people. There are fewer altars
to Victoria, the goddess of victory, but she is a frequent subject
in sculpture.
The following deities, to judge from the few remains that
relate to them, were sparingly invoked. There are altars to
Neptune at Newcastle and Chesterholm ; to Diana at Bath,
Newstead, and Caerleon, where also a tablet records the rebuilding
of a temple to her ; to Aesculapius at Lanchester and Maryport,
while at Binchester he is associated with his daughter Salus, and
she alone is the subject of an altar at Caerleon ; and to Bellona,
goddess of war, at Old Carlisle, and, according to Spartian, she
had a temple at York. The Parcae or Fates have altars at Carlisle
and Lincoln ; and the god who brought undertakings to a suc-
cessful issue, Bonus Eventus, is occasionally associated with
Fortuna and other deities.
The tutelary goddesses of Rome and Britain and many genii
were invoked. At High Rochester and Maryport are altars to
Roma, and on another at the latter place she is styled Roma
RELIGIONS OF ROMAN BRITAIN 103
Aeterna. Britannia had altars at York (where also is part of a
statue of her), Castlehill, and Auchindavy. Originally, a genius
was the power which created and maintained a man's life, deter-
mined his character, and influenced him for good — something
intimately blended with him, yet not himself, and in a sense
his guardian spirit. The Genius of the head of the family — the
paterfamilias — was ever associated with the Lar and the Penates
in the Roman household worship. By a process of extension,
nations, societies, cities, and even streets, baths, and places
everywhere were deemed to have their genii. Hence we have
altars dedicated to the Genius of the Roman people at Stanwix,
High Rochester, and elsewhere ; to that of Britannia at
Chichester ; and to that of the Emperor at Chesterholm and
High Rochester. Legions, cohorts, alae, and centuries, the
praetorium, and the standards, had their genii, and we have
altars to all of them. More still were dedicated, Genio Loci,
to the Genius of the Place.
Less easy to define is the numen of the emperor, which fre-
quently finds a place on our inscriptions, mostly in association
with higher divinities. A numen seems originally to have
signified any power higher than man ; but ultimately the term
was confined to the emperors, and perhaps the best English
rendering would be the ' divinity ' of the emperor. The soldiers
were thus taught to hold the emperor's personality as sacred.
Even his authority was deified. Two altars, the one at Walton
in Northumberland and the other at Birrens, are dedicated,
Disciplinae Augusti — to the Discipline of the Emperor. The
second altar was found in the principia, and it may well have
come from the sacellum.
Of the rural divinities, the nymphs — the benign beings who
dwelled by springs and rivers, in woodlands and meadows, and
on hills — were much invoked. On an altar at Risingham is a
curiously worded dedication to the nymphs to whom worship
is due — Nymphis verandis. By a process of metonymy, the water-
nymphs are ' Fontes,' on an altar found near Chester, and the
field-nymphs ' Campestres,' on one at Castle Hill. Silvanus,
the woodland god, beloved of hunters, has several altars ; and
one at High Rochester is dedicated to the Mountain Deities,
104 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
Dis Mountibus ; while at Risingham is one to the divine Fosterers
or Cultivators of the place, Dis Cultoribus hujus loci.
Although the divine beings enumerated above were Roman
in name, they were not necessarily worshipped as Roman.
For instance, several altars, one at Caerleon, are dedicated to
the Dolichene Jupiter, fovi Dolicheno, and one at Appleby to
Jupiter Serapis, thus equating Jupiter with a famous god, whose
chief seat was Doliche in northern Syria, and with the Egyptian
Serapis. Further evidence of his worship as Serapis are an
inscription recording the erection of a temple to him at York
and an altar to the Heliopolitan Jupiter at Carvoran. An altar
at Chester to Jupiter Taranus, I.O.M. Tarano, may connect him
with the German Thor or Thunor ; or more probably with
Taranucus or Taranucnus, a Gaulish thunder-god, to whom
there are several Continental inscriptions. Two altars at Walton
in Northumberland, dedicated to Jupiter, are carved with a
thunderbolt, the attribute of Jupiter, and a wheel, perhaps thus
equating him with a Gaulish sky- or war-god whose attribute
was a wheel. This god is apparently the subject of a pottery
intaglio recently found at Corbridge, which represents a warrior
with a wheel at his feet. We have already noticed that the
goddess of the hot springs at Bath was equated with Minerva.
The remains of a temple to her have been found in that city,
and on or near the site, a beautiful bronze-gilt female head,
which, from the circumstance that it appears to have had a
helmet, may have represented Minerva, or, strictly speaking,
Sul-Minerva.
Several war-gods are equated with Mars in this country.
One of these is the Gaulish Belatucadrus, to whom there are
more than a dozen altars in the north, on three of which he is
addressed as Mars Belatucadrus. There are about the same
number to Cocidius, all also in the north. As he is unknown
beyond our shores, he may well have been a British god, warlike
and haunting the woods, for he is equated with both Mars and
Silvanus. Apparently he had an important seat of worship
in the neighbourhood of Carlisle, for thereabout the Ravenna
chorographer places a Fanocedi, or, as in another manuscript,
Fanococidi. At Bath, an altar to Mars Loucetius and Nematona
RELIGIONS OF ROMAN BRITAIN 105
was raised by a native of Treves, in which district, Leucetius,
a god of lightning, and his consort Nemetona, were invoked
together. In Irish tradition, the latter appears as Nemon, the
wife of a war-god, Net ; and somewhere in the south-west of
England was Nemetotacis, according to the above chorographer,
which may have been named after her. A bronze tablet found
at West Coker in Somerset is inscribed to Mars Rigisamus, a
Celtic god, ' the most royal.' There is at Glasgow an inscrip-
tion to Camulus, ' the warlike heaven-god/ who " appears
in Gaelic myth as Cumhal, the father of Finn, and in British
mythical history as Coel, a duke of Caer Coelvin (known earlier
as Camulodunum, and now as Colchester), who seized the crown
of Britain, and spent his short reign in a series of battles " (Squire).
Although equated on Gaulish inscriptions with Mars, he seems
to have been a warlike Jupiter, of whom, perhaps, Belatucadrus
and Rigisamus were epithets. At Chester-le-Street, Carlisle,
and Caerwent are inscriptions to Mars Ocelus and Mars Condate,
probably also Celtic deities. Condate is an occasional place-
name both in Britain and on the Continent. On one of the Caer-
went inscriptions Mars Ocelus is equated with the German Lenus.
In Hertfordshire, and at York and Old Carlisle, have been found
inscriptions, Marti Toutati or Totati, apparently the fierce Gaulish
Toutates referred to by Lucan.
Some remarkable remajns of a small temple were discovered
on Chapel Hill at Housesteads in 1882-83, and among them were
found two altars erected by Frisian Germans, the one dedicated
in poor Latin, Deo Marti Thingso et duabus Alaisiagis Bede et
Fimmilene et N. Aug., and the other, Deo Marti et duabus Alais-
iagis et N. Aug. — " To the god Mars Thingsus, the two Alaisiagae,
Beda and Fimmelena, and the numen of the Emperor." The chief
sculptured stone on the site was the head of a doorway, with a
central relief of Mars Thingsus, with one hand holding a spear and
the other resting upon his shield, while at the feet was a goose or
a swan ; and on each side was a nude figure holding a wand or
sceptre and a wreath — the two probably representing the two
divinities just named. According to Prof. Heinzel of Vienna,
Thingsus is Tuis Things, the patron of the national assembly
(' thing ') of the Frisians, and he connects the two goddesses
106 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
with the Bodthing, the general court of justice, and the Fimmel-
thing, the movable court.
Grannos, patron of healing-waters, an especial favourite of
the Continental Belgae, was invoked as Apollo Grannus at Inver-
esk. Several places famous for their thermal springs, as Aquae
Granni, now Aix-la-Chapelle, Graux, and Grantheim, were named
after him. Maponus, another Celtic Apollo, appears on several
altars in Britain and the Continent. In Welsh story he
appears as Mabon, son of Modron, and a companion of Arthur.
The name signifies a child, and Sir John Rhys remarks that the
eastern Celts worshipped a juvenile deity, who in Dacia was styled
Bonus Puer, and was sometimes identified with Apollo. There
are altars at Risingham, Old Penrith, and Netherby to an obscure
god, Mogon or Mogons, and on two of them he is specified as of
the Cadeni, a tribe of the Vangiones on the Rhine, whose capital
was Moguntiacum. A cohort of Vangiones was settled at Rising-
ham, and with little doubt his two altars there were raised
by it.
Near Carrawberg was unearthed in 1882-83 the remains of
a small temple and a number of altars to a water-goddess, Coven-
tina. On one of the altars she is addressed in barbaric Latin,
Deae Nimfa Coventine, and she is represented on two sculptured
tablets, on the one as reclining on a water-lily, and on the other
as attended by two nymphs. She was apparently identified
with Minerva, for one of the altars is dedicated to that goddess.
As no trace of her worship has been found elsewhere, it is probable
that she was a local divinity, and that her name is a latinization
of that of the stream at the source of which her shrine stood.
The central feature of this temple was a rectangular well which
received the water of the spring, and about its floor were many
coins and small trinkets, cast in, as Mr. Clayton, the explorer of
the remains, suggested, by " love-sick damsels ... in the hope
of obtaining the countenance of the goddess in their views."
Similar offerings have been found on the sites of the shrines
of several river-goddesses in France ; and the pins which even
to-day are dropped into reputed holy wells are a survival of the
custom. The Egarmangabis, to whom an altar by a spring near
Lanchester was dedicated, was probably a water-goddess ; and
RELIGIONS OF ROMAN BRITAIN 107
the name of a nymph-goddess, Elauna, on an altar at Greta
Bridge, is suggestive of a river. Another nymph-goddess,
Brigantia, had altars at Chester, London, and several places in
the north, on one of which her name is spelled Bergantia ; and
at Birrens was found, in 1731, a sculptured relief of a draped
female, inscribed to the effect that one Amandus, an architect,
dedicated it to Brigantia. This figure, however, is scarcely that
of a nymph. It has been regarded as that of the tutelary
goddess of the British Brigantes ; but it would equally well
represent the goddess of one of the Continental Brigantias, of
one of which cities Amandus may have been a native. Perhaps
the Brigantia of the altars is the Gaulish Brigindu, who was
also reverenced in Ireland, and is still, as St. Brigit.
No divinities of Roman Britain are more interesting and
attractive than the ' Matres.' Nearly three dozen altars and
inscriptions to them have been found, mostly in the military
centres of the north.1 The ' Mothers ' are typically represented
as a triad of seated young women with benign countenances,
clad in long robes, and holding baskets of fruit on their laps ;
but there are many variants. Sometimes the middle goddess
alone has the fruit ; and not seldom the basket is omitted.
Occasionally the triad was made up of three single figures.
These goddesses were not Roman, nor is there any allusion to
them in classical mythology ; nevertheless, their worship was
extremely popular, especially among the German and Celtic
peoples, and many reminiscences of it lingered far into the
Middle Ages. There is no evidence of it in Britain before the
conquest ; on the contrary, there are inscriptions which tend
to prove that it was introduced by the soldiers. Here and
there in the north is an altar to the Transmarine Mothers,
Matribus Tramarinis, and one at Newcastle reads, Deabus
Matribus Tramarinis Patr(i)is, which may be rendered, ' To
the Mother-goddesses of our fatherland beyond the sea.'
Soldiers at Port Carlisle raised an altar to Our Mothers ; and
at York, to the Mothers of Africa, Italy, and Gaul. However
introduced, the worship of these beneficent dispensers of the
1 For list of remains relating to this cult in Britain, see Arch. Aelian., xv,
P- 3M-
io8 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
kindly fruits of the earth, who were ever watchful over the
affairs of men, became as popular in this country as on the
Continent. There were the Domestic Mothers and the Mothers
of the fields, of cities, and of nations. There was a temple
to the Mothers of all nations at Walton in Northumberland.
Akin to the Matres were the Sulevae, who were worshipped
in Rhineland and elsewhere on the Continent, as well as in
Britain. Altars to them have been found at Colchester, Bath,
and Cirencester. Those at the second and third places were
erected by the same man, Sulinus, a sculptor. The Cirencester
altar was found associated with several carved stones which,
from their new or unfinished appearance, left little room for doubt
that the site was that of the workshop or yard of Sulinus. One
of the carvings was a typical Matres group, each figure holding
a basket of fruit ; another also shows three seated females, but
they are attended by little boys, and the central figure alone
has fruit on her lap, and in addition a lamb or kid. It is prob-
able that this group is the Sulevae, who certainly resembled
the Matres, and were probably often confused with them.
A notable example of the Romanization of a native cult is
furnished by the great shrine of the British Nudd or Lludd at
Lydney on the banks of the Severn. The ' silver-handed '
Nudd, benign dispenser of health and wealth, here appears
under the latinized form of Nodens or Nudens. He is repre-
sented as the classical Sol, drawn in a car by four horses.
Zephyrs and tritons, emblematic of his dominion of the winds
and the waters, attend him. The whole treatment is Roman ;
as also that of the votive tablets with their Latin inscriptions,
and the mosaics of the temple.
There yet remain a few inscriptions to barbaric divinities of
whom little or nothing is known. An altar at Carvoran is
dedicated to Epona, a goddess who is represented on the Con-
tinent as riding a mare, or as seated between two foals, and
was specially invoked by horsemen and charioteers. Of Ano-
citicus or Antenociticus, to whom two altars have been found
on the site of a temple at Benwell, Matunus at Elsden in Nor-
thumberland, and Vanauntris at Walton ; and of the goddesses,
Ancasta at Bittern, Harimella, Ricagambeda, and Veradecthis
RELIGIONS OF ROMAN BRITAIN 109
at Birrens, and Seltocenia at Ellenborough, little or nothing is
known, beyond that they appear to have been Celtic or German
deities. Jalonus, altars to whom have been found at Folly,
and Overborough, Lancashire, may have been a Spanish god ;
possibly also Gadunus at Plumpton Wall in Cumberland.
We now turn to the Oriental cults in Britain. Chief of these
was Mithraism, the worship of the ancient sun-god of Persia,
which, modified by Greek influence, took firm root in Rome in
the ist century, was diffused throughout the west in the 2nd,
and was one of the most fashionable of cults in the 3rd. In
Graeco-Roman art, Mithras was represented as an Apollo-
like deity, clad in Phrygian costume and cap. A conspicuous
feature of his shrines were the so-called ' taurine ' sculptures,
in which he was shown kneeling on a prostrate bull and plung-
ing a dagger into his neck, the scene being enacted in a cave
or grotto. This was the mystic sacrifice — the slaying of the
bull, the first created of living things, in order that all other
animals might be made out of his blood, a symbol also of a
great final sacrifice which was to renew the life of mankind.
As accessories in the composition were usually the god's attend-
ants, the Dadophori — Cautes and Cautopites, the one holding a
torch upright and the other one reversed ; below the bull, a
dog and a serpent moving towards the issuing blood as if to
drink it ; and above the cave, the sun and moon, often per-
sonified and drawn in chariots by horses, the one chasing the
other away. The two torches appear to represent the summer
and the winter solstices, and these, with the sun chasing the
moon, symbolize the conflict of light and darkness — of good
and evil — in which the god engages, and in which his followers
must participate only to become victorious through sacrifice
and probation.
An almost complete taurine slab has been found at York, and
fragments of another on the site of a Mithraic temple or ' cave '
at Housesteads, where in its perfect condition it occupied a
recess at the end of the inner sanctuary. In front of the latter
stood another characteristic sculpture between two altars,
dedicated to the Invincible Mithras, Lord of the Ages. This
stone presented the god at the moment of his mystic birth,
no THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
within an oval arch of hoop on which were carved the signs of
the zodiac. A fine but small taurine slab has been found in
London.1
The remains of other ' caves ' have been found at Rutchester
and Burham in Kent, and an inscription at High Rochester
records the erection of one there. On his inscriptions, his epithets
are the ' Invincible ' and the ' Lord of the Ages/ and he is often
identified with the sun, as on an altar found at Housesteads — Deo
Soli Invicto Miirae Seculari. On another altar from the same
mithraeum he is identified with Apollo ; and on yet another
he usurps the title of Jupiter — D.O.M., Invicto Mitrae Saeculari —
' To the god, best and greatest, the Invincible Mithras, Lord of
the Ages.'
Of the worship of the Great Mother, whose chief seat, being
Hieropolis in Syria, was commonly known as the Syrian Goddess,
there are only few traces in Britain, and the most conspicuous of
these are at Carvoran, where a cohort of Hamian archers from
Syria or Arabia erected altars to the Syrian and Hamian goddesses.
But the most remarkable relic of her worship at Carvoran is a
tablet with a long inscription in iambic verse, which Dr. Bruce
rendered as follows : —
"The Virgin in her celestial seat overhangs the Lion,
Producer of corn,2 Inventress of sight, Foundress of cities,
By which gifts it has been our good fortune to know the deities.
Therefore the same is the Mother of the gods, is Peace, is Virtue, is Ceres,
Is the Syrian Goddess poising life and laws in a balance.
The constellation beheld in the sky hath Syria sent forth
To Libya to be worshipped, thence have all of us learnt it ;
Thus hath understood, overspread by thy protecting influence,
Marcus Caecilius Donatianus, a war-faring
Tribune in the office of prefect, by the bounty of the Emperor."
The Syrian goddess, like Isis, gathered into herself all the chief
goddesses of the ancients, and was herself identified with that
goddess. Apuleius, in describing an initiation into the mysteries
of Isis, makes the Queen of Heaven reveal herself to the devotee
1 Archaeologia, Ix, p. 46.
2 Literally, " Bearer of an ear of corn," an allusion to the bright star Spica
in the constellation of Virgo, just as we have an allusion to that of Libra in the
balance referred to in the fifth line.
RELIGIONS OF ROMAN BRITAIN in
thus : ' The Phrygians call me the Mother of the gods at
Pessinus ; the Athenians, Cecropian Minerva ; I am the Paphian
Venus in Cyprus ; Diana Dictynna to the archers of Cretae ; the
Stygian Proserpine to the Sicilians ; I am the ancient Ceres at
Eleusis. To some I am Juno, to others Hecate. Only the
Ethiopians and Arians, illumined by the sun's dawning light,
and Egypt powerful in her ancient lore, honour me with the
ritual proper to me, and call me by my true name, Queen Isis."
On the Carvoran tablet, Isis is viewed from the Syrian point of
view : " The constellation (Virgo) beheld in the sky, hath Syria
sent forth to Libya to be worshipped. Thence all of us learnt
it, etc." x
It is probable that a fine statue of a draped female, found at
Chesters, may represent the Magna Mater. Unfortunately the
head and arms are missing, and it stands upon a large animal
which is also headless, and the legs are broken off. If this
animal is a lion, as has been supposed, the figure is almost certainly
that of Cybele, who was early identified with the Syrian goddess ;
if an ox, it may represent Isis. There are, however, no certain
traces of the worship of the latter, whose ritual singularly antici-
pated that of the Catholic Church, in this country ; but we have
already noted a temple and altars to Serapis, her brother, with
whom she was often associated in worship.
Our knowledge of Christianity in Roman Britain, unlike that
of its paganism, is mainly derived from literary sources, the
archaeological evidence being singularly meagre. The only
remains which have been certainly identified as a Christian
church are at Silchester. It was a tiny building, smaller than
any of the temples found there, smaller indeed than any of the
houses ; but as it occupied one of the best positions near the
centre of the town, we may conclude that the Christian community
was neither poor nor without local influence. The ' chi-rho '
monogram has been found, associated with pagan subjects, on a
mosaic pavement at Frampton in Dorset, cut or scratched in
the masonry of a house at Chedworth in Gloucestershire, and
1 Dr. Thomas Hodgson gives a more literal translation of the inscription in
Archaeologia Aeliana, xxi, 289, and he regards it as virtually an apotheosis of
Julia Domna, wife of Severus, a Syrian lady.
H2 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
engraved on several pewter vessels and objects of personal
adornment. A ring bearing a Christian motto has been turned
up at Silchester, and out of a large number of tombstones, the
inscriptions of only two or three have a Christian cast. These
represent the only definite witnesses to the presence of Christianity
out of the vast number of relics of the Roman era that have been
found in this country, and it would seem that, so far as archaeo-
logical evidence goes, the heavy atmosphere of paganism hung
over our land from first to last.
Yet if we credit the statements of early writers, there was a
vigorous Christianity in this island, planted by the apostles
themselves, contributing hundreds of martyrs under the Dio-
cletian persecution, and in the 4th century the dominant
religion, fully organized, and represented by its bishops in the
great ecclesiastical councils of that century. The evidence for
the apostolic foundation of the Romano-British church, however,
is vague and contradictory, and it is based upon the statements
of writers of a later and uncritical age. However and whenever
introduced, we stand upon surer ground from the beginning of
the 3rd century onwards. Tertullian, writing about that time,
states that parts of Britain were already subject to Christ ; and
in the 4th century, Athanasius, Hilary of Poitiers, Chrysostom,
and Jerome, all refer in high terms to the faith and discipline
of the British Church. The lists of the clergy who were present
at the ecclesiastical councils of Aries, Sardica, and Ariminium
in the same century, include British bishops, and those who
attended the first are specified as the bishops of London, York,
and Caerleon, or perhaps Lincoln. But perhaps the best evidence
that Christianity had taken firm root in Roman Britain, was the
existence of a native church in the 5th and 6th centuries in
those parts of the island which were not affected by the English
conquest. It is impossible to regard this church as otherwise
than a survival of Romano-British Christianity.
But how is the witness of history to be reconciled with the com-
parative silence of archaeology ? As yet no satisfactory answer
is forthcoming. It may have been — but there is no evidence
for it — that the Romano-British Christians belonged exclusively to
the poorer classes of society, and that their churches were con-
RELIGIONS OF ROMAN BRITAIN 113
structed of timber and wattle, and so have perished entirely.
Or, that in what is now England, the Faith survived the English
conquest to a greater extent than is commonly supposed, and
that many of our existing churches of most ancient foundation
had a Roman origin. St. Martin's at Canterbury, according to
Bede, " was built whilst the Romans were still in the island,"
and the churches of Reculver, Dover Castle, and Lyminge have
been instanced as Roman churches, but all that can be said of
them is that they are partly built of Roman materials. Too
little is known of Romano-British Christianity to render it at all
certain whether the basilica-type was as rigidly adhered to as
on the Continent. In both Silchester and Caerwent, buildings
have been found which might very well have served for churches.
The absence of churches in the rural districts is less difficult.
With a small population and only a portion of it Christian, it
would rarely happen that there would be a sufficient number
of Christian families in any one district to maintain a church.
The Christian proprietor of a villa probably had his domestic
chapel, a large room in his house, where he, his family and de-
pendants assembled for worship. If wealthy enough, he had a
chaplain ; otherwise he would depend upon the visits of a
missionary-priest. In the natural order of development, the room
in the house would give place to the separate church, and the
villa would be recognized as its parish ; but perhaps this stage was
rarely reached in rural Roman Britain.
CHAPTER VII
RELIGIOUS BUILDINGS AND ALTARS
TEMPLES J
r ¥ ""HE remains of only a few Roman buildings in this country
have been satisfactorily identified as temples, and these,
with one exception, the remains of a small temple found
at Bath in 1790, have failed to throw definite light upon their
superstructures. This temple stood at the north-west corner
of the Roman baths, but unfortunately no plan is extant.
Sufficient of the sculptured details, however, are preserved to
indicate that the fa9ade was about 25 ft. wide, thoroughly Roman
in character, with fluted columns of Corinthian type, a richly
sculptured cornice, and a rather lofty pediment. The tympanum
had for its central feature a medallion supported by two victories,
a frequent device in Roman art. On the medallion was a Gorgon's
head, with wings and serpents intertwined with the hair as usual,
but curiously with moustache and beard as well — possibly the
vagary of the sculptor. The rest of the field appears to have
been filled in with military trophies, and amongst these was an
owl, which, with the Gorgon's head (both attributes of Minerva),
leaves little doubt that the temple was dedicated to Sul-Minerva.
The remains of four temples have been found at Silchester.
Two of these were in a walled enclosure just within the east gate,
and they were square structures, the larger 73 ft. and the smaller
50 ft., each enclosing a square cella. The entrances were probably
on their eastern sides, which were only partly explored. The
concrete floor of each was raised on a solid substructure repre-
1 For more detailed particulars, see Rom.-Brit. Buildings and Earthworks,
chap. x.
"4
RELIGIOUS BUILDINGS AND ALTARS 115
senting the characteristic podium of a Roman temple. The
outer wall probably supported a colonnade, and the pieces of
moulded plaster and marble linings, found about both sites,
showed that these buildings were of an ornate description. A
smaller temple near the centre of the town differed in being
oblong, 36 ft. 6 ins. long and 35 ft. wide. It had a raised concrete
floor and a wide doorway at the east end, with a corresponding
one into the cella, and within the latter at the opposite end were
the foundations of a shrine. Fragments of columns found near
probably belonged to this temple, which, to judge from a piece
of inscription, was dedicated to Mars. The remaining temple
was polygonal, with sixteen sides, 65 ft. in diameter, and with a
large cella of the same shape. The whole structure was reduced
to below its floor-level, but it is probable that it had a mosaic
pavement. No fragments of columns or other architectural
details were found, and little else can be said of it, beyond that
the polygonal form was favourable for a peristyle, as by it the
need for a curved cornice would be avoided.
Remains of other buildings of similar type to the last have
been found in this country. One at Weycock, near Maidstone,
was octagonal with an inner chamber of the same shape. An-
other at West Mersea, in Essex, was circular, 65 ft. in diameter,
and resembled a cogged wheel, having twelve buttress-like
projections, which probably supported the columns of a peri-
style, and six internal walls radiating spoke-wise from a small
central hexagonal cell. The site is described as somewhat raised,
and roofing-tiles lay scattered about.
The remaining temples that have been found in this country
were rectangular. The temple of Coventina, at Carrawburgh,
referred to on page 106, was 46 ft. long and 44 ft. wide, and the
cella was represented by a massively constructed cistern 8 ft. 6 ins.
by 7 ft. 9 ins., and 7 ft. deep, which received the water of the
spring. The whole structure was reduced to below the level,
raised floor. Within the past century worked stones and the
shaft of a column lay on the site, indicating apparently that
this temple was a substantial stone structure with a peristyle.
The remarkable assemblage of altars, coins, and other objects
found in the cistern has already been described.
n6
THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
The remains of two temples of apparently a different type
have been found at Caerwent and at Lydney in Gloucestershire.
The former was 45 ft. long and 42 ft. wide, with three buttresses on
each side, and a square cella which had an apse at its north end,
the entrance, of which no trace remained, being at the south end.
This temple was about 52 ft. from the north side of the main
thoroughfare of Venta Silurum and stood in an open space.
Along the street-side were the remains of a narrow building
about 64. ft. long with a plain mosaic pavement and an apse at
its east end. The entrance to the precincts was in the south side
FIG. 33. — Plans of Temples at Lydney Park and Caerwent. (40 ft. to i in)
of this structure ; and from the opposite side extended a walled
walk leading to the temple.
The temple at Lydney was not only remarkable in itself,
but was one of a remarkable group of buildings on the summit
of a knoll overlooking the Severn, and within the lines of an
intrenchment of earlier date. The temple itself stood within an
open space bounded on the east by a spacious quadrangular
house and on the north by a long narrow range of rooms, while
away to the north-east was an extensive and intricate bath-
building. As already noticed on page 108, it was dedicated to
Nodens or Nudens, latinised forms of the British god Nudd or
RELIGIOUS BUILDINGS AND ALTARS 117
Lludd. The whole group indicates a sacred site of great import-
ance, as its extent and rich mosaic pavements betoken ; and
although the buildings were of the Roman era, there is little
doubt that the worship of Nudd here dates from an earlier age.
So far as is known, there was no large Romano-British population
in the vicinity, so it seems likely that the house was a hospitium
for the accommodation of visitors to the shrine, many of whom,
to judge from the votive tablets, came to be cured of diseases.
The temple was 88 ft. long and 62 ft. wide, with the entrance
at the south end as at Caerwent. It differed, however, in having
two chapel-like enclosures on each side within projecting recesses
of the external wall, and in the cella having three internal recesses
at the north end. The south end of the cella had disappeared,
but on the left side of the site of its entrance was a small apsidal
structure of unknown use. The floors were of rich mosaic. At
the south-east corner of the building was a room which may have
been the sacristan's abode.
In the foregoing examples of temples we can distinguish
several types. The temple of Sul-Minerva appears to have been
of the ordinary Roman form. Of similar character, probably,
were the third Silchester example and the temple of Coventina,
except that in their central isolated cellae they were less Roman.
More remote still were the Caerwent and Lydney examples,
which could hardly have had peristyles. These, however, all
agreed in being oblong structures, a form which suggests a longi-
tudinal roof with pedimented ends, and which we may distin-
guish as the ' longitudinal type.' The polygonal and circular
structures belong to another or ' central type,' of which the
temple of Vesta at Rome is a familiar example. In these, the
front and the back would not be distinguishable so far as their
main architectural features went, and the roof would probably
be conical. The two square temples at Silchester may perhaps
also be classed with these.
The worship of Mithras, as already stated, was firmly planted
in Britain, but the only undoubted remains of a temple have
been found at Housesteads. This mithraeum was constructed
in an excavation in the side of a hill at a spot where a spring
issues — an essential in the worship of this god. Of the west end,
n8 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
which would contain the entrance- vestibule, little remained.
The middle portion or body of the structure was 16 ft. wide and
about twice that in length. It had a central passage or 'nave,'
between two narrow platforms or ' aisles/ at least 2 ft. high,
upon which the votaries knelt during the celebration of the
mysteries, and near its west end was a sunk tank to receive the
water of the spring. The inner cell or sanctuary, which contained
the remarkable sculptures and altars mentioned on page 109,
was discovered and destroyed many years previously. A
curious subterranean chamber of Roman age, discovered at
Durham in Kent in 1894, was almost certainly a Mithraic ' cave,'
although no remains of altars or other objects to indicate that
it had a religious use were found. It was constructed of chalk
blocks in a sand-bank, and was 39 ft. 6 ins. by 19 ft. 6 ins. in-
ternally, and covered with a barrel vault. At the west end was
a passage-entrance which had apparently a zigzag turn in it
to prevent the interior of the chamber being seen from without,
and at the east end were three round-headed niches in the wall.
The existence of other temples is known from inscriptions,
but in only two or three instances are there any remains, and
these are scanty and indeterminate. There were temples to
Jupiter at Bewcastle and Dorchester, to Mars at Carvoran, to
Apollo at Lincoln and Moresby, to Diana at Caerleon, to Neptune
and Minerva at Chichester, to Serapis at York, to the Matres at
Benwell and Castlesteads, to Roma at Chester, and to Mithras or
Sol at Birdoswald, Rutchester, and High Rochester. In some
other places, inscriptions record the erection or restoration of
temples without naming the gods to whom they were dedicated.
SHRINES l
In Italy, every house seems to have had its shrine, where the
Lares, the beneficent guardians of the household, the Penates,
the protectors of the stores and storehouse, and the Genius,
the tutelary divinity of the master of the house, were worshipped
daily and to whom sacrifices were offered on special occasions.
The first and the last were specially associated and usually
1 Rom.-Brit. Buildings and Earthworks, chap. x.
RELIGIOUS BUILDINGS AND ALTARS 119
grouped together, and were shown as little figures or as paint-
ings. In Pompeii they were usually enshrined in a small niche
in the atrium, kitchen, or dining-room, with an altar or shelf
below for offerings. On each side of the latter was nearly always
depicted in paint two serpents, which, whatever their origin,
came to be regarded as symbolic of the master and mistress, that
of the former being distinguished by a crest. In the larger
houses, the niche was elaborated into the fagade of a small temple,
or it took the form of one attached to the wall, or standing free,
sometimes in the garden. More rarely, the aedicula was enclosed
in a chapel (lararium), which might be a special room in the house
or a detached building.
The evidence for this domestic worship in Britain is very
slight ; but if the Pompeian custom of mural shrines prevailed
here, this is not surprising, as the walls of the houses are almost
invariably reduced to too low a level. Small rooms, often with
rich mosaic floors, have been identified as lararia ; and in one
of these at Silchester were the foundations of a small isolated
structure which may very well have been the podium of an
aedicula. In the courtyard of a large house there, were the
foundations of a similar structure which may have been an open-
air aedicula. There is no reason to doubt that the small figures of
divinities in terra-cotta and bronze seen in most of our collections
belonged to domestic shrines ; and possibly also the small reliefs
of the Mothers, whose worship may have taken the place of that
of the Italian household divinities.
The evidence for public shrines is perhaps a little stronger.
Just as the Roman houses had their divinities, so had the streets
and cities theirs — Lares Compitales and Lares Praesides; and
besides these, there were other public shrines. The Pompeian
street shrines were as varied as the domestic, and in a general
way resembled them. Occasionally, however, the public shrines
were of a more elaborate description. In several instances the
shrine was within a little street-side room open in front, with a
niche for the divinities and altars for their worship, within. It
has been supposed that the large female figure which stood in
front of the central apse of the basilica at Silchester represented
the genius of the town, and that the apse was the municipal
120 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
shrine. Perhaps the figure was simply a personification of
Calleva or of the civitas of the Atrebates. The position and form
of the city sanctuary at Pompeii suggests that a large shallow
apse on the north side of the forum may have been the corre-
sponding structure. In a similar position in the forum at Caerwent
is a mass of masonry which looks like the podium of a small
temple. The remains of a street-side apsidal room between two
smaller rooms at Silchester may relate to a public shrine. At
Caerwent have been found the remains of possibly another public
shrine. They indicated a square room, open in front, but with a
kerbing containing mortice-holes as if for a wooden fence or screen.
Within was a small platform and upon it a rudely sculptured
head, the one suggestive of the podium of an aedicula and the
other of a divinity that belonged to it. Altogether these remains
recall the arrangement of some of the street-side shrines of Pompeii.
Of the military shrines — those of the forts — sufficient has
already been said on pages 55-6. The nymphaea represent
another class. A small isolated building close by the remains
of the Romano-British house at Chedworth, Gloucestershire,
seems with little doubt to be one of these. It is rectangular
externally, with an open front, two low side walls with internal
pilasters, and an apsidal back, the internal dimensions being
about 19 ft. in width and 25 ft. in depth. In the centre of the
floor is a sunk octagonal basin, which received the water of an
adjacent spring. The original arrangement, as disclosed by a
lower floor, was rather different, and a small altar buried in the
debris between the two floors goes far to prove the sacred char-
acter of the site. Apart from this, the little edifice with its
picturesque surroundings must have been a pleasant retreat,
the silence broken by the musical plash of the water and the
song of the birds, all conducive to meditation.
CHURCHES 1
The only undoubted remains of a Christian church as yet
known in this country were uncovered at Silchester in 1892,
1 For further details, see Rom. -Brit. Buildings and Earthworks, chap. x.
RELIGIOUS BUILDINGS AND ALTARS
121
but as unfortunately they were very scanty, little remaining
above the floor-level, the plan, Fig. 34, is necessarily imperfect.
The church was a small structure, only 42 ft. long and 27 ft.
FIG. 34. — Plan of Church, Silchester, and conjectural restoration. (15 ft. to I in.)
wide ; nevertheless, the plan exhibits all the chief features of a
typical early Christian basilica. Its orientation, as in many
early Italian churches, was the reverse of the present custom,
122 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
the chancel being to the west. It was entered through an internal
porch or narthex, at the east end, and was divided into a nave
and two aisles by arcades of which the sleeper-walls remain.
Two transepts — the firothesis and diaconicum of early Christian
writers — were apparently screened off from the aisles, but open
to the western prolongation of the nave. The floor was of
mosaic, and where the holy table stood was a decorated panel
of finer work. The building stood in an oblong space, in which,
in front of the narthex, was a square foundation which presum-
ably supported the cantharus, and at its side a small pit, which
probably received the waste water. A small building recently
discovered at Caerwent has some claim to be regarded as a
church. It has a western apse and two transeptal spaces ;
but the main space to the east is undivided, and there is no
narthex.
ALTARS
Few remains of the Roman era in Britain are more dis-
tinctively Roman than the altars. They were introduced by the
conquerors, and from first to last retained a Roman character,
in spite of the fact that many of them were dedicated to barbaric
deities. Their forms were already matured at the time of their
introduction, and so far from further development, they tended
to degenerate. In fact, they appeal to us as an exotic element
— they came with the Romans and they ceased with the break-up
of their power.
In its general form, the body of the altar is a rectangular
block of stone, higher than wide, and wider than deep, with a
projecting head or capital and base, and these are usually en-
riched with mouldings. Its central portion is the truncus of
Vitruvius, but now usually known as the ' die.' If the altar
is inscribed, the inscription is on its front, but occasionally it
begins on the head or ends on the plinth. The back is almost
invariably plain, showing that the altar was normally placed
against a wall ; in rare instances, however, the mouldings of
capital and base are continued across the back, and, rarer still,
the back is ornamented. The upper member of the capital is
usually thickened into an abacus, often attaining a height equal-
RELIGIOUS BUILDINGS AND ALTARS 123
ling or even surpassing that of the plinth. Broadly speaking,
the altar never loses its pedestal form. No matter how rudely
it may be fashioned, there is a capital and a base, even if only
indicated by groovings.
The upper surface of the head is sometimes flat, but it usually
has a cavity to receive the offering, circular or square. It may
be simply hollowed out of the top, or it may have an elevated
rim ; more often, however, it is in the summit of a central rising
—conical, dome-shaped, or of some other form. The cavity
is the focus or ' hearth,' the place of the fire which consumed
the offering. But in our altars it is too small for a fire for such
a purpose ; moreover its interior rarely shows any perceptible
effects of burning. When circular, it has frequently a central
boss, recalling the pushed-up centre often observed in the paterae
of the period; and in several instances — one at Birrens — the
raised rim has two handles. It would seem, therefore, that
the sculptors regarded the circular cavities as representing paterae
to receive libations ; and that fire, if used, had degenerated
to the small proportions of a merely representative rite.
Another feature of the summit, which is almost always present
in the larger altars, is two lateral cylindrical rolls, one on either
side of the focus. Their meaning is obscure. They have been
supposed to represent two bundles of sticks for the fire, but
their ornamentation never suggests such an origin. They were
known as pulvini, cushions, and, long before the conquest of
Britain, were a usual feature of altars and of altar-like tombs,
their ends being treated as spirals developed from the upper
surface of the structure. Earlier still, they appeared as rect-
angular ridges or kerbs.
It is mainly in the treatment of these summit-features that
the altars differ. As already stated, the focus may be simply
sunk in a tabular surface, or it may be raised. Pulvini may be
present or absent, and if present, they may be in full relief or
be more or less absorbed in the head, and to such a degree as
to be scarcely recognizable. The altars without pulvini are
mostly small ones, with flat tops. Fig. 35, A, on the other hand,
is a large one of the type from High Rochester and dedicated
to Roma. A similar altar of equally good design from Cor-
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124
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125
126 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
bridge is now in the British Museum ; but, speaking generally,
altars of this form are not notable for good workmanship.
We now pass to altars with pulvini. In the earlier altars
these were rolls flowing out of and, so to speak, resting on their
flat tops, the ends being treated as volutes, but such pulvini
are very rare in this country. In Fig. 37, D, an altar from
High Rochester, they are indicated by volutes, but are buried
in the head. In a fine but time-worn Chester altar to Fortuna,
Aesculapius and Salus, in the British Museum, they have the
ancient form, but terminate in human masks instead of volutes.
In our altars the pulvini are almost always of a cylindrical form ;
but as the attachment of such a form to a flat surface is narrow
and weak, various methods of securing a firmer hold were devised.
In the fine altar to Fortuna from Chesterholm (Fig. 35, D) the
sculptor has provided the requisite support by leaving two
claw-like brackets on the outer side of each. Between the pulvini
will be noticed the beaded rim of the circular focus.
This treatment, however, is exceptional, the necessary support
usually being effected by so raising and enlarging the focus as
to coalesce with or die into these features. The exposed front
of the ' focus-mount ' invites some decorative treatment, and
this usually takes the form of a small pediment, well seen in the
altar to Mars at Haddon Hall (Fig. 35, C). Scrolly pediments,
as in Fig. 36, A' and B, altars to the Sun at Rutchester, and
Fig. 35, B, to Harimella at Birrens, are not uncommon. In
late altars, the pediment is often lofty, and it may survive as a
panel, as in Fig. 37, C.
In the altar to Jupiter from Old Carlisle (A, Fig. 37) we
have another and not uncommon treatment. Here the pediment,
if the term is now admissible, fills the whole space between the
pulvini, and little of the curvature of these is exposed. They have,
so to speak, so far sunk into the head, that if their ends were not
expressed as discs they would hardly be recognized as pulvini.
In the large altar to the Sun-god from Housesteads (Fig. 36, D),
for instance/ they may be regarded as simply portions of the
scrolly pedestal ; and in the small altar from Risingham (Fig.
36, C) they are flattened and are less reminiscent of their
origin. Contrariwise, they may be wholly absorbed in the head
RELIGIOUS BUILDINGS AND ALTARS 127
and be only represented by medallions, as in the crude and
iminscribed altar (Fig. 37, B) from Rutchester. They are
subject to other vagaries. For instance, the sculptor of the large
altar Minerva at High Rochester (Fig. 38, A) has doubled
their number and a central medallion almost suggests a fifth.
Occasionally there are short transverse pulvini between the
normal ones ; and a most elaborate altar at Maryport 1 has
three on either side, stacked one above the other. In the altar
to Jupiter, also at Maryport (Fig. 38, B), we have an extreme
departure from the traditional form, and except for its dedica-
tion and focus it would hardly be taken for an altar at all.
Every part of an altar received decorative treatment, but
some parts less than others. The front of the die, for instance,
being appropriated to the inscription, is rarely ornamented.
Occasionally it is panelled by a moulded or cabled border, as in
Fig. 36, A. One of the altars to Mithras at Rutchester2 has
the word ' Deo ' of its inscription within a wreath, and the name
of the dedicator on a standard or banner below, the whole being
between two incised palm branches. A beautiful altar to Neptune
at Newcastle 3 has the name of the god within an ansate panel on
the head, the rest of the short inscription being continued on the
panelled front of the die and divided vertically by a trident
and dolphin, emblems of the god. Occasionally the figure of
the god to whom an altar is dedicated takes the place of an
inscription, and five small altars in the British Museum from
Kings Stanley in Gloucestershire are good examples. Less fre-
quently the front is sculptured with an appropriate subject
other than a god, as that of a man in a paludamentum in the act
of sacrificing, on a fine altar at Carlisle.4 The sides of the die are
more often ornamented, and the favourite devices are sacrificial
implements, as the axe and the knife used in slaying and cutting
up the victim, and the urceus or jug and patera, the one to hold
the wine and the other to receive the portion for a libation ; and
to these is occasionally added an ox or its head to represent the
victim. And combined with, or instead of, these, the emblems or
figures of gods are occasionally introduced. The Chester altar,
1 Bruce, Roman Wall, p. 410. * Roman Wall, p. 127.
3 Black Gate Museum, Newcastle. * Roman Wall, p. 296.
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FIG. 37. — Altars. A, Old Carlisle; B, Rutchester ; C, Risingham ;
D High Rochester. (TV)
128
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FIG. 38.— Altars. A, High Rochester ; B. Maryport ; C, Risinghain ;
D, Walton House. (TV)
9
130 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
referred to above, has its front and sides panelled and festooned,
and the latter are sculptured with an unusual array of objects,
among which may be distinguished a jug, patera, and knife, a
rudder, the attribute of Fortune, the staff of Aesculapius, and a
cornucopiae. The sides of two large altars to Jupiter at Walton
House 1 bear the thunderbolt for Jupiter and a wheel, which
possibly equates the Jupiter of these altars with the Gaulish
' wheel-god.' On an altar to the Genius Loci, found at Chester,
are represented, on the one side, the genius holding a cornucopiae,
and on the other, acanthus leaves arising from a vase. The
decoration, however, like the acanthus leaves just referred to,
sometimes has no apparent symbolism, as in the case of a fine
altar to Minerva at Birrens,2 the sides of the die and the front
and sides of the abacus and plinth of which have panels filled
with an arabesques of ivy.
The mouldings and the abacus are occasionally enriched with
cables, guillochs, foliage, rosettes, or geometrical patterns. An
altar at Birrens has its abacus and plinth panelled and con-
taining dolphins.3 The plinth of another raised to Cocidius near
Lanercost,4 by the Twentieth Legion, is sculptured with a boar
amidst foliage — a subject which equally befits the woodland
god and the legion whose symbol was a boar. The curious
Maryport altar (Fig. 38, B) has a well-carved horseman on
its panelled base. The pediment is sometimes ornamented with
a boss, resetted medallion, foliage, bust, or some device of a
symbolic nature, as a vase, ewer, crescent, swastica, etc. The
pulvini are often encircled with a belt or band and are otherwise
plain, but occasionally they are enriched with overlapping
leaves. The front ends are usually ornamented with bosses,
rosettes, or concentric circles.
Sometimes the abacus is merged into the head, thus enlarging
the field for decorative display, as in an altar from Risingham
(Fig. 36, C). The front of the head has a sunk triangular
panel — the survival of the pediment — containing a fir-cone ; two
medallions, reminiscent of the pulvini ; and a geometrical
diaper in ' chip-carving ' ; while the sides of the head display
1 Roman Wall, p. 278. 2 Proc. Soc. Ant. Scot, xxx, p. 153.
3 Ib. p. 153. 4 Roman Wall, p. 268.
RELIGIOUS BUILDINGS AND ALTARS 131
similar carving. An altar to Egarmangabis found at Lanchester *
in 1893 is remarkable for its rich display of ' chip ' and other
carved work which covers every available space except the back
and the front of the die.
Occasionally the head is treated architecturally, as an altar
at Walton House (Fig. 38, D), which presents a simple arcade
of three arches singularly anticipative of Norman or Early
English work. An altar to Fortune at Risingham (Fig. 38, C)
has its abacus ornamented with a colonnade of balluster-shaped
columns supporting a flat architrave, the middle intercolumnia-
tion having a semicircular arch. The head of another altar to
Fortune, from the same place, has a similar but more elaborate
treatment. More elaborate still is the head of an altar dedicated
to the Discipline of the Emperor at Birrens.2 Here, instead of
the colonnade, is a broad band of ' chip-carving,' and the central
arched recess is certainly intended to represent an alcove with
a semi-dome. The arch is supported by two balluster-shaped
shafts, and between these are two panels in mitred frames, possibly
to indicate that the alcove-wall is encrusted with marbles, but
more likely they represent low wooden doors or gates. The altar
was found in the well of the headquarters, and this, together with
its dedication to the Discipline of the Emperor, suggests that it
originally stood in or by the sacellum where the genius, the
emperor, and the standards were reverenced. In this case the
recess may well have represented a sacellum, and its introduction
would have an appropriate significance. With these altars
may be classed an uninscribed one at Chesterholm.3 The angles
of the die are capped with square pilasters with foliate capitals,
and the mouldings of the capital and base are simple and elegant.
On the one side is a wreath and a palm-branch, and on the other
apparently a club. The central arched recess of the head is
lofty, supported by two small columns, and contains the figure
of a warrior. On each side of the recess is a single intercolumnia-
tion containing a scallop-shell ; and on each side of the head is a
similar shell with a festoon below it.
The inscriptions, like Roman inscriptions generally, are
1 Brit. Arch. Assoc. 1, p. 105. 2 Proc. Soc. Ant. Scot, xxx, p. 131,
3 Roman Wall, p. 216.
132 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
terse, and the words are often clipped or are reduced to initials
only, as in the formula, v.s.L.M., with which they usually end,
and which may be extended thus — Votum solvit libens merito,
"He fulfils his vow, willingly, dutifully." x Similarly, i.o.M.
stands for Jovi optima maxima, " To Jupiter, the best, and
greatest " ; D.D. for donum dedit, literally, " He gave the gift " ;
and P. may mean fiosuit. Words that may reasonably be in-
ferred are frequently omitted altogether. The inscription
ordinarily names (i) the god or gods to whom the altar was
dedicated, and (2) the person or persons who raised it ; and
to the latter is often added the reason or motive of the
act.
For brevity, the inscription on the altar to Neptune at New-
castle can hardly be surpassed —
NEPTVNO LE (Neptnno. Legio
VI VI Sex, Victrix
P P Pia Fidelis)
" To Neptune — the Sixth Legion, ' Victorious, Pious, Faithful.' '
The next is the inscription of an altar raised by a soldier of the
same legion at Chest erholm (Fig. 35, D) —
FORTVNA (Fortiinae
P R Populi Romani.
CIVL RALTICVS LEG VI VIC Caius Julius Ralticus, Legionis VI Victricis. )
" To Fortune of the Roman People. Caius Julius Ralticus of
the Sixth Legion, ' The Victorious ' (has raised this altar)."
The next, from Housesteads,2 gives not only the name but the
condition of the dedicator —
DEO (Deo
SILVANO Silvano
COCIDIO Cocidio
QV FLORIVS Quintus Florins
MATERNIVS Maternius,
PRAEF COH Pracfectus Cohortis
I TVNG Primi Tungrorum
VSLM. V.S.L.M.}
1 Sometimes reduced to V.S., which may be rendered, " He pays or paid his
vow " ; or even to L.M., the V.S. being understood.
2 Roman Wall, p. 193.
RELIGIOUS BUILDINGS AND ALTARS 133
" To the god Silvanus Cocidius. Quintus Florius Maternius,
Prefect of the First Cohort of Tungrians (placed this). He
fulfilled his vow, willingly, dutifully."
Several inscriptions giving the circumstances of the erection
of an altar will now be given. One at York J was on the occasion
of the erection of a temple —
DEO SANCTO (Deo Sancto
SERAPI Serapi
TEMPLVM A SO Templum a so-
LO FECIT la fecit,
CL HIERONY Claudius Hierony-
MIANVS LEG rnianus, Legatus
LEG VI VIC. Legionis VI Vtctricis.)
" To the holy god Serapis. Claudius Hieronymianus, Legate of
the Sixth Legion, ' The Victorious ' erected the temple from the
ground." The inscription of the altar already referred to at
Carvoran (Fig. 36, A) similarly commemorates the restoration of
a temple of Mithras. Another at Carvoran was the outcome of
a vision, perhaps in a dream —
FORTVN AVG (Forttmae Augustae.
PRO SALVTE L AELI Pro Salute Lucii Aelii
CAESARIS EX VISV Caesaris, ex Visu,
T FLA SECVNDVS T(itus ?) Flavius Secundus
PRAEF COH I HAM Praefectta Cohortis I Ham-
IORVM SAGITTAR iorttm Sagittariorum
VSLM V.S.L.M.)
" To Fortune the August. This altar was raised for the safety
(or welfare) of Caesar Lucius Aelius, by Titus Flavius Secundus,
Prefect of the First Cohort of Hamian Archers, having been
directed to do so in a vision. He payed his vow, etc."
inscription is also interesting, as its date can be fixed within the
narrow limits of two years, Lucius Aelius, the adopted son of
Hadrian, being created Caesar in 136 and dying in 138. Some-
times the names of the consuls are given, and these supply the
actual year. The Carvoran inscription also illustrates that an
altar might be raised by one person for the benefit of another,
It is not unusual for the dedicator to include his family— PRO SE
1 In Museum.
134 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
ET svis, or, as on an Housesteads altar, his son — PRO SE ET
PROCVLO FIL (for himself and his son Proculus).
The notable capture of a wild boar, which had long terrified
the countryside, led to the erection of an altar near Stanhope,1
appropriately to Silvanus. The inscription is long, but the
abbreviated words are few —
SILVANO INVICTO SAC
C TETIVS VETVRIVS MICIA
NVS PRAEF ALAE SEBOSIA
NAE OB APRVM EXIMIAE
FORMAE CAPTVM QVEM
MVLTI ANTECESSO
RES EIVS PRAEDARI
NON POTVERVNT VSLM.
Its purport is as follows — " Sacred to Silvanus the Invincible.
Caius Tetius Veturius Micianus, Prefect of the Sebosian Ala
(erected this), in consequence of the capture of a wild boar of
extraordinary size, which many of his predecessors had not been
able to destroy. He fulfilled his vow, etc." It certainly has a
ring of self-advertisement !
One would have thought that the religious conditions of
Britain were too complex to have left room for intolerance or
persecution, but an altar at Bath records such an outburst,
exceptional though it may have been. Its inscription may be
rendered, " This holy place, wrecked by insolent hands, has been
cleansed and dedicated anew to the excellence and numen of
the Emperor, by Gaius Severius Emeritus (Centurian ?)."
Occasionally the name of the god is not given, and in these
cases we may assume that the altar was associated with an image
or some other inscription which identified it with some deity, or
that the dedication was an open one leaving it to the user to address
what god he pleased. This applies equally to the large number of
uninscribed altars. Several examples of altars inscribed to more
than one deity have come before the reader's notice. The remark-
able Maryport altar, described on page 127, was dedicated by
the tribune of a cohort hailing from the province of Mauritania
Caesarum, to no less than four deities — the local Genius, Fortune,
Eternal Rome, and Good Fate ; and a certain Frumentus of
1 Roman Wall, p. 393.
RELIGIOUS BUILDINGS AND ALTARS 135
Birrens was either so sceptical of the individual infallibility of
the gods, or so catholic in his faith, that he addressed himself to
all gods and goddesses ! In a few instances the name of the
dedicator is omitted, and in a few others it is placed first ; but,
notwithstanding the general rule that the name of the god is
first, the chief concern of most of the altar-inscriptions is the
dedicator.
CHAPTER VIII
SEPULCHRAL REMAINS
DIVERSITY OF FUNERAL CUSTOMS — CREMATION AND INHUMA-
TION— TOMBSTONES AND THEIR INSCRIPTIONS
OF the fixed remains of the Roman era in Britain, those
which relate to the burial of the dead are the most
numerous. Our archaeological literature teems with
notices of their discovery, and as these casually meet the eyes
of the readers, they give rise to an impression of bewildering
diversity. It is only by the comparison of a large number of
them that the diversity, although great, is seen to have a limit.
But why the diversity at all ? This suggests a number of in-
teresting questions. How far are the differences contemporary
— how far successive ? To what extent are they due to local
conditions, to the diverse religious beliefs of the time, and to
foreign influences ? Are the modes of burial substantially a
legacy of the customs of the pre-Roman natives, or a Roman
importation ? It is probable that all of these contributed to
the complex, but it is hardly possible at present to assign their
relative shares in bringing about the result.
Diversity of funerary customs, however, long preceded the
Romans in the west. During the two or three centuries before
the conquest, both cremation and simple inhumation were in
vogue in England, the latter preponderating in the north and
the former in the south. In Yorkshire, many skeletons of this
period, laid in a contracted attitude or at full length, in cists,
wooden coffins, or simply in graves, have been found, and some
of them were remarkable for the wealth of associated objects.
Of the many urn-fields in the south-eastern counties, one at
136
SEPULCHRAL REMAINS 137
Aylesbury l was notable. The cremated remains, all in earthen
vessels, were in circular holes, unmarked by mounds ; and with,
most were associated other vessels, several being bronze ewers
and tankards, and these, as also the smaller objects, were of Late-
Celtic type. In another urn-field, near Haslemere in Surrey,2
the cineraries were generally accompanied with accessory vessels ;
but the pottery was of later type and assignable to the period of
Roman influence immediately before the conquest. In both
burial-grounds, many of the graves were arranged in ' family
circles.'
The interments of Roman Britain are also of both kinds,
burnt and unburnt, but the former predominate. They occur
singly or in small groups near the houses of the time, and in large
aggregates outside the town walls, clustering especially about
the roads leading from the gates, as at Rome and Pompeii.
The chief burial-ground at Colchester extended for about a mile
on each side of the road which issued from the west gate. The
cemeteries of York were also of great extent, and considerable
numbers of interments have been found outside the walls of
Viroconium, Verulamium, and Bath. Contrary to the early Roman
laws which prohibited sepulture in towns, burials took place
within the limits of Roman London and Caerwent, but apparently
only few. The graves were mostly ' flat,' that is, they were
not covered with mounds ; but tumuli are known, and some
of large size, as, for instance, one of a group of seven, known as
the Bartlow Hills, at Ashdon in Kent, and explored with re-
markable results, was 147 ft. in diameter and 47 ft. high. The
custom of placing various objects, chiefly vessels of pottery and
glass, with the dead, was as general as in previous times.
Inscribed tombstones were common, but their absence or
fewness in districts where suitable stone was not obtainable,
renders it probable that wooden memorials were also used.
There is little doubt that in the earlier part of the era crema-
tion was the prevailing, if not the sole, custom in this country.
It was so in Italy ; but by the beginning of the 5th century
it was so completely a thing of the past, that Macrobius could
learn nothing about it except from books. There is a consensus
1 Archaeologia, lii, p. 315. a Proc. Soc. Ant. xxi, p. 217.
138 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
of opinion that it was supplanted by inhumation in Britain by
the middle of the 4th century.
This is somewhat confirmed by the fact that in a group of
burials, the interments are occasionally of one kind only. The
larger and earlier burial-ground at Colchester, and that by the
side of the Watling Street at Wroxeter, contained only burnt
remains ; and similar burial-grounds have been found at Swan-
more in the Isle of Wight,1 near Dover, by the side of the Roman
road to Canterbury,2 and at Witham in Essex and Larkfield
near Maidstone.3 On the other hand, two hundred graves
opened in the Isle of Portland about i85o,4 three hundred
half-a-mile east of Irchester, Northamptonshire, in 1873, 5 more
than seventy on the north side of Great Chesterford, Essex,6
and eleven at Chatham Lines in 1897,' yielded only unburnt
interments.
In most aggregates of graves, there is a large preponderance
of the one or the other, and sometimes their positions indi-
cate their sequence. The excavation of a small burial-ground
at Litlington, Royston, in 1821, 8 was specially interest-
ing, as it proved that the burnt interments it contained were,
with one exception, older than the unburnt. It was a rect-
angular walled space about 390 ft. long, and the burials were
arranged in parallel rows. These originally consisted of burnt
remains in urns, some of which were afterwards displaced and
scattered, when the graves were dug for the unburnt corpses.
The exception referred to, was a skeleton below an urn of burnt
bones. That the enclosed space had been used for a long period
was proved by the coins, and it is clear that during this interval
cremation was supplanted by inhumation, but not suddenly,
the skeleton followed by an urned interment implying an overlap.
This Litlington enclosure is interesting in other respects.
Within two of the corners, the ground was burnt and covered
with wood-ashes, and there is little doubt that the funeral piles
were erected on these spots. Similar ustrina have been observed
1 Brit. Arch. Assoc. xxiii, p. 213. z Arch. Jour, xvi, p. 297.
3 Proc. Soc. Ant. 2, xvii, p. 94. * Arch. Jour, x, p. 60.
6 Viet. Hist. Northamp. i, 183. • Arch. Jour, xvii, p. 117.
7 Proc. Soc. Ant. 2, xviii, p. 39. 8 Archaeologia, xxvi, p. 368.
SEPULCHRAL REMAINS 139
in other burial-grounds. But it was not unusual for the body to
be burned over the grave. At Wroxeter, for instance, two or
three interments were in large square pits, the sides and floors
of which were excessively burnt and blackened with charcoal.1
It is probable that we have at Litlington a villa burial-ground,
as traces of apparently a large rural house of the time were
noticed in the vicinity.
A smaller walled cemetery was examined at Lockham near
Maidstone, in 1842. 2 The entrance appeared to be on the north-
east side, where also were the remains of funeral fires. Six
undisturbed interments were found, consisting of burnt bones in
glass and earthenware vessels, with which were associated other
vessels, several of bronze, and four iron lamps. Two of these
interments were in built cists or vaults and two in large amphorae
with the necks removed. The enclosure also contained the remains
of a rectangular tomb-house, 14 ft. by 12 ft. 6 ins., and of another,
circular, and n ft. 6 ins. in diameter. The latter was of peculiar
interest. Above a plinth of pink cement was a stuccoed dado
2 ft. high, decorated in colours ; and to judge from the vague
description, the scheme consisted of small reddish-brown squares
separated by broad bands of pale yellow on which were parallel
groovings in red. Above this, the wall was painted green and
ornamented with engaged columns and pilasters (presumably
alternating) in red, each with a square blue base. The height
of the structure and how treated above are matters of con-
jecture. No mention is made of a doorway, but as the north-east
side was excessively ruined, it may have been on that side, and
this applies equally to the rectangular tomb-house. Both had
been rifled, but as a portion of a skeleton was found in the
former, and the interior of the latter was large enough to contain
a sarcophagus or coffin, we may conclude that the interments
were unburnt.
At Holwood Hill, Kent,3 near the remains of apparently a
large house, were found a small rectangular tomb-house with an
entrance in the west side, and containing a stone sarcophagus or
coffin, two other coffins in graves, and a circular buttressed
1 Uriconium, p. 346. 2 Arch. Cantiana, Ixii, p. 76.
3 Archaeologia, xxi, p. 336.
140 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
building, 30 ft. in diameter, with an entrance on the east. This
structure had been painted red externally, and with various
colours on the inner side. The interior had been rifled, but a
single trench disclosed broken pottery and charcoal. Possibly
this mausoleum contained burnt interments, but those of the
coffins would certainly be unburnt. Similar large circular
buildings have been noticed at Chedworth and at Wiggenhall in
Sussex.
BURNT INTERMENTS
The general rule in the case of cremation was to place the
burnt bones collected from the site of the pile or rogus in an
earthen vessel. Vessels of various shapes and sizes were used for
the purpose ; but globose jars or ollae of the forms of C 5, 9, and
n, Fig. 45, were so customary that these are popularly known
as cinerary urns. They, however, were common domestic utensils
of the time, and so far as is known no pottery was specially made
for funerary purposes in this country. The vessels occasionally
had lids, as H n, Fig. 50 ; more frequently a shallow saucer or
dish, a piece of flat stone, or a tile, served as a cover. Less
frequently glass vessels were used, especially the large square or
cylindrical handled bottles, Fig. 52, A, C ; and less frequently
still the burnt bones were sealed up in cylindrical leaden receptacles
or ossuaria, of which there are good examples in the British and
York Museums.
As a rule, the cinerary with its contents was simply placed
in a hole in the ground about 18 ins. or 2 ft. deep, with or without
accessories, and was then buried. But frequently some sort of
additional protection was devised. Occasionally the hole or
grave was converted into a small vault by covering it with a
large tile or stone. Or a cist was constructed in it of four tiles
on their edges for the sides, and a fifth for the cover, of which
several have been found at Colchester.1 Or the receptacle was
of masonry, as at Lockham. A more carefully made loculus
was hewn out of a cubical block of stone with a flat stone for
its cover, as one found at Carlisle,2 within which was a square
glass ampulla containing the human ashes, with an earthenware
1 Brit. Arch. Assoc. v, p. 134. "2 Arch. Journ. xxi, p. 88.
SEPULCHRAL REMAINS 141
lamp in its mouth and small vessel by its side. A large cylindrical
example from Harpenden, Hertfordshire, now in the British
Museum,1 rested upon, and was covered by, two oblong
blocks of stone 5 ft. long, and contained a glass cinerary with
four other vessels around it. Other examples of cylindrical
loculi have been found, with circular slabs for their covers ; and
one at Cirencester 2 had for its cover a cylindrical block of the
same size as the lower one, instead of a slab. Large amphorae
with the necks broken off were occasionally used for the same
purpose as at Holwood Hill, and others have been found at
Colchester,3 Lincoln, London, Hemel Hempstead, Stratford-Bow,
and Hoo St. Werburgh.4 Cists of a tent-like form constructed
of roofing-tiles have been found at York and elsewhere. In these,
two rows of the flat tiles (tegulae) were inclined against one
another, roof-wise, the ridge being capped with the half-round
tiles (imbrices), while a flat tile closed in each end. In one at
York only burnt bones were found ; in another were several
vessels, one containing burnt bones, all resting on a tiled floor.5
The reader has already learned something of the objects —
the ' grave-goods ' — associated with cremated interments. No-
where can these be better studied than in the Joslin Collection
in the Colchester Museum. The ' finds ' from each grave are
grouped together. There are 123 groups, and nearly all relate
to burnt interments. In the majority, the cineraries are earthen
ollae ; in several, small amphorae ; and in one, a basin. Two
are glass vessels — a two-handled jar with lid and a hexagonal
bottle ; one a cylindrical ' ossuary ' of lead ; and another, a
wooden toilet or dressing-box with bronze fittings and lock.
With the exception of several cists of tiles, the cineraries and
their accessories were simply buried in the earth.
The accessories are extremely varied. Vessels of pottery are
the most numerous ; then follow in descending order, bracelets
or bangles, necklaces and beads, glass vessels consisting mostly
of the little bottles known as lachrymatories, lamps, brooches,
1 Arch. Journ. ii, p. 251. 2 Brit. Arch. Assoc. iv, p. 70. » Ib. ii, p. 275.
4 Arch. Journ. ii, p. 255 ; Archaeologia, xii, p. 108 ; xxvii, pp. 412, 434.
5 Archaeologia, ii, p. 177; Arch. Jour, xxv, p. 294. Several have been
recently found at^Newstead.
142 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
pins, dice and counters used in games, finger- and hair-rings,
coins, dressing-boxes, mirrors, tweezers and nail-cleaners, charms
or amulets, spindle-whorls, spear-heads, a buckle, clay figure of a
bird, piece of bronze chain, nails of sandal, bronze ligula, and a
few other single objects. These were mostly placed at the side
of, or around, the cineraries, as in the Aylesford and Haslemere
graves ; but in more than a dozen burials, some were in the
cineraries with the burnt bones, and these were mostly articles
relating to personal attire and adornment which had passed
through the fire with their owners.
Excluding the saucers and other shallow vessels used as
covers for the cineraries, about 270 vessels of pottery are associ-
ated with 92 cremated interments in the collection, representing
an average of nearly 3 to each, but the actual numbers range from
i to 14, the prevailing numbers, however, being 2, 3, and 4. These
vessels are of all shapes and wares, but are mostly of the smaller
sizes. Of the glass vessels, 33 out of a total of about 40 are the
so-called ' tear-bottles ' which probably contained balsams or
aromatic unguents, and ten at least of them are described as
' fused/ indicating that they had passed through the fire. All
the lamps are of earthenware, but their distribution is uneven,
the 28 examples being associated with 17 interments, one of these
having 6. All the objects relating to games, consisting of square
dice and a larger number of ' counters ' were found in one cinerary,
and had been burnt. It will be noticed that most of the remaining
objects related to the toilet. The sex and age of the dead are
often indicated by the accompaniments. With women were
buried bracelets, mirrors, dressing-boxes, and the like ; and
with infants, tetinae or feeding-bottles and small odds and ends
which may have been their cherished playthings.
The Joslin Collection is so well representative of the generality
of the cremated burials of the era, that further examples, with the
exception of the remarkable burial-mounds at Ashdon in Essex,
are unnecessary. Of these, six were explored between 1832 and
1840, x and each was found to cover a single cremated interment,
deposited in a receptacle or tomb, and surrounded with a wealth of
grave-goods. Under the largest mound were the remains of a
1 Archaeologia, xxv, p. i ; xxvi, pp. 300, 462 ; xxviii, p. i ; xxix, p. I.
SEPULCHRAL REMAINS 143
wooden chest or tomb, 4 ft. 2 ins. by 3 ft. 8 ins., and 2 ft. high,
containing the cinerary, a square-handled bottle of green glass,
and the following objects : a bronze jug or ewer (Fig. 54, D),
inlaid with silver and lying in a bronze patera ; a richly enamelled
globular bronze situla ; a bronze lamp ; two bronze bath strigils ;
a folding seat resembling a camp-stool of iron, with bronze orna-
ments and indications of a leather top ; a narrow-necked glass
flask stopped with some bituminous substance and containing
a partly congealed oil floating on a sweet liquid with an apple-like
odour ; another smaller glass flask which had been stopped in a
similar manner ; a small square glass amphora containing decom-
posed vegetable matter ; a tall square glass-handled bottle ; and a
small earthen vessel. Just outside the chest was a large earthen
amphora containing earth, ashes, and fragments of burnt bones,
apparently the final gatherings from the site of the funeral
pile.
The other mounds were of smaller size, but their contents,
although less elaborate, were similar. Four of the receptacles
were of wood, and the remaining one was strongly constructed of
tiles and closed in by larger tiles in overstepping courses. In
four of these, the burnt bones were in glass vessels, and in one
they formed a central heap. With three of the interments, were
bronze ewers and paterae associated together as in the largest
tumulus ; and with all were glass and earthen vessels. Among
the remaining accessories were four iron hanging lamps as at
Lockham, the metal mountings and other remains of three dress-
ing-boxes, a small wooden tankard with bronze fittings,1 a
small decayed basket, and a sponge. One of the glass flasks
contained a fatty substance, and another traces of a liquid. In
one of the wooden cists, the bronze vessels had been covered with
a linen cloth, and the floor strewn with branches of box.
A similar association of a bronze ewer and patera has been
observed in some other cremated interments, notably in one near
Canterbury and in others at Medbourn in Leicestershire and
Shefford in Bedfordshire. These vessels recall the ewer and
patera so often carved on the altars (p. 127), and this suggests
that they served a like purpose in the funeral ceremonies. We
1 The handles of similar tankards have been found at Caerwent and Newstead.
144 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
know from Roman writers that it was customary to pour or
sprinkle wine on the pile and on the remains after the fire ; and
it may well have been that the utensils used for the purpose
were often deposited in the tomb. Bronze vessels, it is true, are
rarely found associated with the dead, but ordinary glass and
earthen vessels may have been more generally used. It was also
customary to scatter perfumes and odoriferous gums and spices
on the pile, and it is by no means improbable that these were
brought to it in the so-called ' tear-bottles ' and other small
vessels so frequently found in the graves. Two of the five
Bartlow Hills lamps retained remains of charred wicks showing
that they had been placed in the tombs, lighted — another ancient
and widespread custom, probably of Oriental origin, but appar-
ently far from universal in this country. The three glass bottles
containing vegetable liquids or their traces, apparently a mixture
of honey and oil in one case, and a vessel containing fowls' bones,
are of special interest, as very few deposits of like nature have
been found elsewhere. Almost invariably the vessels, mostly
of pottery, associated with Roman interments, whether burnt
or unburnt, have supplied no clue whether they were placed in
the tombs empty or otherwise. We know that it was a general
practice almost everywhere in an early stage of culture to place
foods and other things useful in life with the dead, either with a
view of propitiating their ghosts or in some way of satisfying their
wants. In our Roman era, the meaning of the custom may have
been so far lost sight of that it was only represented by empty
vessels as a rule. Food-stuffs under ordinary conditions would
rapidly disappear by the ordinary processes of decay, but the
exceptional instances cited above go far to show that the ancient
usage was still in vogue. On the other hand, many objects of
personal use, as brooches, rings, bracelets, and the like, were
parts of the attire in which the deceased was burnt, and in the
case of unburnt burials in which he or she was interred. Others
again, as dressing-cases and their contents, mirrors, and children's
toys, we may conceive to be treasured trinkets, deposited in the
grave from no other motive than a loving regard for the dead.
The branches of box in one of the Bartlow Hills tombs may also
indicate a general custom, as leaves of the same plant have been
SEPULCHRAL REMAINS 145
found in a Chesterford burial, and the remains of foliage in several
others.
UNBURNT INTERMENTS
Where Roman influence was strong, the dead body, when
buried unburnt, was almost invariably laid at full length in the
grave. To what extent the prehistoric custom of burying it in
a contracted or flexed attitude passed into Roman times is un-
certain. Lieut. -General Pitt-Rivers exhumed many contracted
and extended skeletons about the sites of the Romano-British
villages at Woodcutts, Rotherley, and Woodyates in Wiltshire,1
but as these villages were of pre-Roman origin it may well be that
some of the burials were older than the conquest. Still, it is
noteworthy that the few objects which were undoubtedly Roman,
or had a Roman fades, were mostly associated with the extended
skeletons. Seven or eight of the extended skeletons had hob-
nails about their feet, showing that they had been buried in their
shoes or sandals, and presumably in their clothes as well. In
the graves of about as many there were iron nails in positions to
imply that they belonged to wooden coffins of which no other
traces remained.2 Vessels of pottery were few. With five of
the seventeen Woodyates burials there were Roman coins, and
three of these were found by the heads of the skeletons, leading
the General to consider that, in accordance with a well-known
Roman custom, each had been placed in the mouth of the
deceased as a fee for Charon to ferry him across the Styx. Coins
in similar positions have been found in graves elsewhere in this
country, showing that the custom was observed ; but, however
common in Italy, it does not seem to have been general with us.
The heads of the skeletons of these three villages pointed in
various directions, some to the north, but more generally the
extended skeletons lay in directions roughly east and west, with
the heads mostly in the latter direction, and this appears to have
been the prevailing orientation in Roman Britain.
1 Excavations, i, p. 33 ; ii, p. 190 ; iii, p. 204.
* Of eleven interments at Chatham, most yielded the large nails of wooden
coffins, and five of the skeletons had hob-nails at the feet. Arch. Cantiana,
xxiii, p. 14.
IO
146 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
Wooden coffins or chests were certainly in common use during
the Roman era, as the frequent presence in the graves of not only
nails, but of iron or bronze bindings, hinges, and other mountings,
prove, but very few remain. A good example of a rectangular
coffin was found at Stanley Grange, Derbyshire,1 in 1903. It was
constructed of oak boards which appeared to have been pegged
together, as there were no nails or other metal details. The
skeleton was extended at full length with the head to the east-
north-east, and on its right side was a small hexagonal bottle of
glass. Occasionally a wooden coffin was enclosed in a cist
constructed of flag-stones or tiles, and examples of both have
been found at York.
Coffins hewn out of a single block of stone were much used,
especially where suitable stone was at hand, Bath stone being
especially adapted for the purpose. These coffins are usually
wedge-shaped ; sometimes they approximate to the modern
form, and rarely are rectangular. Occasionally they were
rounded within at the head or the foot. They appear to have
always had covers, flat, rounded, or slightly coped, and of a
single piece or several. They were usually roughly hewn into
shape and were intended to be buried ; but occasionally they
were carefully finished, with or without inscriptions, and more
or less decorated, and these were certainly not buried.
A good example of the latter sort was found in the Green,
Westminster Abbey, in 1869. 2 It was 7 ft. long, 2. ft. 5 ins. wide
at the head, and 2 ft. at the foot, and 18 ins. high, and it had a
coped cover. One side and the cover alone were ornamented,
the former having an inscription to the deceased, and the latter
a cross of a common type of the nth or I2th century in
relief. Apparently it originally occupied a recess, the cover and
front alone being exposed to view. The Christian emblem
indicates that it was re-used at the time it was carved. This
was no uncommon practice, and Bede 3 records an instance.
When the remains of St. Etheldreda, abbess of Ely, were trans-
lated to the new church in the yth century, they were placed
1 Derbyshire Arch. Jour, xxvi, p. 227. Sec also Arch. Jour, vi, p. 109; xii,
p. 197 ; Brit. Arch. Jour. 1858, p. 336.
2 Arch. Jour, xxvii, p. 103. 3 Hist, Eccl. bk. iv, xix.
SEPULCHRAL REMAINS 147
in a marble coffin most beautifully wrought, which was found
outside an abandoned city called Grantecester. This ' abandoned
city ' was Roman, and there is no doubt that the coffin was from
its cemetery.
Marble coffins, although frequent in Italy and Gaul, must have
been rare in this country, for apparently there is no example in
our collections. Still, several highly ornamented ones in stone are
known, the finest, perhaps, being one in the British Museum from
Haydon Square, London.1 It would be better described as a
coffer or sarcophagus than a coffin, for it is rectangular, with a
coped cover. On the front is a large panel filled with a wavy
godrooned pattern, with a central medallion containing the
profile-bust of a boy in low relief, and on each end a basket of
fruit, while the slopes of the cover have a handsome foliated
design. The cover was originally fastened down by an iron
strap or clamp at each end. This sarcophagus contained a
leaden coffin in which were found the remains of a boy. As the
back is quite plain, it evidently stood against a wall, perhaps the
back of a small tomb-house, as those at Holwood and Lockham.
Remains of these structures have also been found at York
and elsewhere.
Lead coffins have been frequently found, but comparatively
few have escaped the melting-pot. They were wedge-shaped or
rectangular, and were usually made of a single sheet of lead with
the corners so cut out that when the sides and ends were beaten
up, the cut edges either met or the one could be doubled over
the other, the joints being fused or soldered. The covers over-
lapped the sides and were often made in the same manner.
They were occasionally plain, but more often decorated. The
decoration was simple and characteristic, consisting of straight
beaded lines in relief, arranged in bold zigzags, saltires, or other
rectangular figures, and the intervals often contained simple
devices, of which the scallop was the most frequent. The
ornamentation was effected by stamps which were pressed into
the sand-bed on which the lead sheet was cast. There are fine
examples in the Colchester and York Museums. A rectangular
one found at Bexhill in 1871 had, in addition to the ordinary
1 Arch. Jour, x, p. 255; Price, Roman Antiquities, Mansion House, plate iv.
148 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
ornamentation, small reliefs of a lion, ewer, and Medusa's head
repeated several times ; and another found in the Kent Road,
London, had figures of Minerva in its compartments. There are
several instances of these coffins being enclosed in shells of stone
or wood, and probably the latter was customary. Lead coffins
are more frequent in the east and south-east than in the west.1
A remarkable burial-mound known as Eastlow Hill, containing
a skeleton in a leaden coffin, was opened at Rougham in Kent,
in 1844. The coffin, enclosed in a wooden shell, was in a tomb
built in the form of a small house, 12 ft. long and 6 ft. 6 ins. wide,
of masonry with a tiled roof, upon a concrete platform. The only
object associated with the skeleton was a small coin near the
head ; but a small chamber at one end of the ' house ' contained
broken glass and other vessels.2
There was a curious custom both here and on the Continent,
of covering the corpse in the coffin with liquefied lime, or, according
to other statements, plaster of Paris. The result is that the
hardened material often retains a perfect impression of the body
and its clothing, and actual portions of the latter are sometimes
preserved. There are several examples of these calcareous
fillings in the York Museum. One covered the body of a lady
and her child, and the garment in which she was buried was of
a velvety texture ornamented with crimson or purple stripes.
Another indicates that the corpse was entirely covered with a
coarse canvas. In another example, the body had been habited,
the legs crossed, and the feet shod; and, upon the limy matrix
being removed, the following objects were found above the left
shoulder — a portion of a gold ring and two jet rings, two gold
ear-rings, two bracelets, several bronze rings, and two bead
necklaces. In another example, a young lady had been entirely
enveloped in a coarse cloth, and deposited in a leaden coffin
enclosed within a stone one, her head apparently resting on a
pillow; the most interesting feature is that the calcareous
environment preserved her coiffure intact. Her auburn hair
1 Arch. Jour, x, pp. 61, 255 ; xii, pp. 78, 283 ; xvii, p. 99 ; xx, p. 99. Brit.
Arch. Jour, ii, p. 297 ; xx, pp. 88, 200. Collect. Antiq. iv, p. 173. Archaeologia,
xvii, p. 333 ; xxxi, p. 308.
* Arch. Journ. Ivii, p. 97.
SEPULCHRAL REMAINS 149
had been slightly twisted and coiled at the back of the head in
the circular fashion in vogue during the Constantino period, and
secured by two jet pins.1
TOMBSTONES
The tombstones, like the Roman altars, are ' good, bad, and
indifferent.' Some found in the vicinity of the military centres
are, we can well imagine, the products of men who were better
soldiers than stone-cutters ; others, notably at London and Col-
chester, were certainly made by skilled masons. Like the altars,
too, they exhibit no Late-Celtic traits in their ornamentation.
With few exceptions, they are, like our headstones, slabs of
stone bearing on their fronts the epitaphs. The simplest are
rectangular slabs, sometimes quite plain, but more often panelled
in front ; and the panel may be rectangular, or have a gabled
head, in which case the head may be converted into a pediment
by a horizontal line of moulding across its foot. There is a good
London tombstone of the latter type in the British Museum in
which the tympanum is ornamented with a trident and two
dolphins, each external spandrel having a roundel. Another
found at Great Chesters has the pediment of an unusual ogee
outline and containing a two-handled vase.
More often the summit of the slab is shaped to the pediment,
and most of the finest tombstones are of this type. In these
a definite architectural effect was often obtained by flanking
the front with two pilasters. In another British Museum ex-
ample, the pilasters are panelled and ornamented with floral
scrolls, and have quasi-Corinthian capitals, the tympanum being
filled with foliage. The pilasters are sometimes fluted, and
occasionally they simulate engaged columns. The pediment is
sometimes flanked with ornaments, and these are usually lions,
as in tombstones at Wroxeter and Benwell, the latter having a
curious rayed human head in the tympanum.
In the most elaborate tombstones, the panel or in lieu thereof
a shallow round-headed niche or alcove contains a sculptured
subject, the inscription being at the foot. There are several
1 Arch. Aelian.'viii, 127.
150 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
types of these sculptured stones. In the most frequent, the
deceased is represented standing at full length. There is a
notable example in the Colchester Museum (Fig. 39),1 in which
the deceased, a centurion of the Twentieth Legion, Marcus
Favonius, is represented in military dress with his left hand on
his sword and holding in his right the insignia of his office, a
staff. This tombstone is specially interesting because it was
found fallen over the lead essuary which contained the ashes.
Another fine example of the type was found at South Shields.
It presents the deceased, a woman, seated, and apparently
knitting, in an alcove, which is flanked with two panelled pilasters
supporting an elaborate pediment (Fig. 39). Of much simpler
character is the tombstone of a boy aged five years, found at
Old Penrith. The figure of the deceased has a whip in one hand
and in the other what seems to be a toy, and it occupies a deeply
sunk panel. Occasionally there are two figures, as those of a
centurion and his wife at Chester. A tombstone at York has
four figures, those of a soldier, his wife, and his infant son and
daughter.
Another type of these sculptured monuments presents a
horseman riding over a fallen barbarian and often in the act of
spearing him — a device of Greek origin and presumably confined
to the graves of soldiers. There are several examples in the
Chester Museum,and others have been found atHexham,Wroxeter,
Bath, Cirencester (Fig. 40), and elsewhere. A third type,
known as that of the ' sepulchral banquet,' is of great antiquity
and has an Eastern origin, and probably it originated in ancestor
worship. The deceased is represented as reclining on a couch,
with a small tripod table in front, and holding a goblet in the
right hand ; and there is usually a juvenile attendant before
or behind the couch. There are several examples at Chester,
others at Corbridge, York (Fig. 40), South Shields, and elsewhere.
Sufficient has been said to give the reader a general idea of
the funeral monuments of the era. The exceptions in this country
are few. There are a few instances of memorials in the form of
a pillar or stele. One in the Guildhall Museum is a hexagonal
pedestal inscribed to a lady, Claudia Martina, and it was probably
1 Brit. Arch. Assoc. xxvi, pp. 26, 240.
SEPULCHRAL REMAINS 151
surmounted with her statue, as a female head of stone was found
with it. Others are mural tablets which were probably affixed
to tomb-houses, and we have already described several carved
and inscribed stone coffins which were evidently intended to be
exposed, and thus to serve as the memorials of the dead. The
sculptured subjects, instead of conforming to the three types given
above, occasionally depict scenes from mythology or from daily life.
The epitaph generally records (i) the name of the deceased
mostly with some brief particulars as to his or her station or
condition ; (2) the age at death, and, in the case of a soldier, the
length of his service ; and (3) the person or persons who raised
the monument. It is usually prefaced with D.M., Dis manibus,
' To the gods of the shades,' but probably it came to have no
definite meaning and is best rendered, ' To the memory of.' It
sometimes ends, especially in the earlier monuments, with H.S.E.,
Hie situs est, ' He or she lies here.' The name of the deceased is
usually in the nominative, and when not so in the dative. More
particulars, as a rule, are given of the soldier than the civilian.
The length of his service is nearly always stated, and often his
legion or cohort, his birthplace, and ' tribe,' and if an officer, his
rank. The age is expressed by an abbreviation of vixit annos,
as vix. AN. xxiv, ' He lived twenty-four years,' or of annorum,
as AN. xxxi., ' Thirty-one years (of age) ' ; and the soldier's
service by an abbreviation of stipendiorum, as STIP. Xin, ' He
served thirteen (years).' If the heir erected the monument the
formula is H.F.C., Heres faciendum curavit, ' His heir caused this
to be made ' ; if a father did this — PATER F. C. The same may
be expressed by F. for fecit or p. for posuit — thus VACIA SOROR F.,
' The sister made this ' ; CAEC. MVSICVS LIB. EIVS P., ' Her freedman,
Caecilius Musicus, placed this.'
The following examples will give the reader a general idea of
the epitaphs of the era : —
At Chester — D. M. P. RVSTIO FABIA CRESCEN. BRIX. MIL. LEG. XX.
v. v. AN. xxx STIP. x GROMA HERES FAC. C. " In memory of
P. Rustius Crescens of the Fabian tribe from Brixia, a soldier
of the Twentieth Legion, ' The Valerian and Victorious,' aged
thirty years and served ten. Groma, his heir, had this (stone)
made." (Brixia, now Brescia, in Italy.)
152 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
Cirencester — RVFVS SITA EQVES CHO. vi TRACVM ANN. XL STIR XXH
HEREDES EXS TEST. F. CVRAVE. H. s. E. " Rufus Sita, horseman of
the Sixth Cohort of Thracians, lived forty years and served
twenty-two. His heirs, in accordance to his will, had this
erected. He is laid here " (Fig. 40).
Great Chesters — DIS M. PERVICAE FILIA F. " In memory of
Pervica. Her daughter erected this."
Silchester — MEMORIAE FL. VICTORINAE T. TAM. VICTOR CONIVNX
POSVIT. " In memory. To Flavia Victorina, Titus Tamphilus ( ?)
Victor, her husband, placed this."
York — D M SIMPLICIAE FLORENTINE ANIME INNOCENTISSIME QVE
VIXIT MENSES DECEM FILICIVS SIMPLEX PATER FECIT LEG VI V. " To
the divine shades. To Simplicia Florentina, a most innocent
thing, who lived ten months. Filicius Simplex of the Sixth
Legion, ' The Victorious/ the father, erected this."
Chesters — D.M.S. FABIE HONORATE FABIVS HONORATIVS TRIBVN. COH. i
VANGION. ET AVRELIA EGLICIANE FECERVNT FILIE DVLCISSIMME. " Sacred
to the gods of the shades. To Fabia Honorata, Fabius Hono-
ratius, tribune of the First Cohort of Vangiones, and Aurelia
Egleciane, raised this to their daughter most sweet."
Housesteads — D.M. ANICIO INGENVO MEDICO ORDI COH. PRIMAE
TVNGR. vix. AN. xxv. " To the memory of Anicius Ingenuus,
physician in ordinary to the First Cohort of Tungrians, lived
twenty-five years."
CHAPTER IX
POTTERY
CHARACTERISTICS — MANUFACTURE AND DECORATION — CLASSI-
FICATION— POTTERS' KILNS
POTSHERDS are found on almost every Roman site and
often in great abundance. It was an old opinion that the
potter's wheel was a Roman introduction into this island,
hence that ' thrown ' pottery, unless imported, was no older
than the Roman era ; but it is now known that the natives used
the wheel for two centuries or more before the conquest, and
produced vessels of refined fabrique and artistic form. This Late-
Celtic pottery, formerly classed as Roman, is found on Roman
sites in the south of England, and there is little doubt that its
manufacture survived the conquest unchanged. The term
' Roman pottery ' is convenient and permissible, so long as it
is understood to signify the ceramic products from whatever
source, that were ordinarily used in Roman Britain.
This pottery, whether of home manufacture or imported,
shows a marked advance in technique, and this was probably
due to Roman influence ; but this influence is less discernible
in the forms and decoration. The work of the provincial potters
has all the appearance of being substantially an indigenous
development, and if it had a southern origin its prototypes must
be sought in Italian and Greek forms before the advent of Rome
as a world-power.
A notable exception, however, is the lustrous red pottery—
the so-called ' Samian,' known on the Continent as ' terra sigil-
lata ' — which is found in considerable abundance in this country.
It was not made here, and to the late Mr. C. Roach Smith stands
154 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
the credit of first demonstrating that it was imported from the
Continent. Subsequently, Dr. Dragendorff in Germany and
M. Dechelette in France proved that it was manufactured in the
valleys of the Loire and the Rhine from early in the ist century
to about the middle of the 3rd. From these centres it was
dispersed throughout the empire, but especially in the western
provinces and Italy. The fabric, however, was not indigenous
to Gaul. Wares of the same kind had long been made in Italy,
and notably in and around Arretium, the modern Arezzo. It is
significant that the manufacture declined in Italy in the same
century that it appeared in Gaul, thus rendering it probable that
the Italian potters migrated thither. This affords an explana-
tion of the exotic character of this pottery on Gaulish soil ; and
it was the presence of this provincial redglaze which influenced
the art of the local potters, whose imitations are known as
' pseudo-Samian.' The earlier examples of the ware resembled
those of Italy, but gradually new forms arose and some of the
older died out ; the decoration, too, changed, but not to such a
degree as to disguise its parentage.
It is almost impossible to convey by verbal description an
adequate impression of the pottery of the era. This is best
obtained by an inspection of a good collection, as that of the
Colchester, Guildhall, Reading, or York Museum. The follow-
ing are some of its broader distinguishing features : There is an
absence of white bodies which are so marked a feature in modern
ceramic productions. The nearest approach is creamy-buff ;
but there is a preference for colours ranging from bright red,
through tones of dusky maroons and browns to black, for the
finer wares. There is an absence of painted subjects so char-
acteristic of the Greek pottery, and of polychrome decoration
so familiar to us. Painted work is comparatively rare, and is
confined to simple stripes and scrolls, bold in effect, but often
crudely executed. The prevailing decoration is in relief and
generally displays considerable skill and artistic merit. Com-
paratively few have bright surfaces, and these, as a rule, are
better described as lustrous or glossy, than as glazed. The
material is earthenware : none has the hard and vitreous texture
of our stoneware and porcelain. The forms vary exceedingly.
POTTERY 155
There are jugs, bowls and basins, shallow vessels of various
shapes which only approximate to our saucers, plates, and dishes
in their shallowness or their flatness, and others of shapes not
represented in the ordinary vessels we use. On the other hand,
we look in vain for forms resembling our tea- and coffee-pots,
sauce-boats, and teacups. Less artistic than the Greek, the
pottery nevertheless displays a gracefulness of curve not seen
in the medieval, and not ordinarily in the modern. The
vessels for the commonest purposes have an artistic feeling which
contrasts with the severely utilitarian appearance of our culinary
earthenware.
The methods of manufacture were simple. Although hand-
made pottery was used — examples have been found at Silchester
— it was exceptional. Broadly speaking, the wares were shaped on
the wheel, but it is probable that the finest were finished on the
lathe. The redglaze with raised figure and other subjects was,
after leaving the thrower, pressed into moulds, and after re-
moval, the feet were added, and lastly their interiors, the feet,
and the external plain surfaces and headings were finished on the
wheel or the lathe ; but moulding seems to have been rarely
practised in this country.1 The colour of the pottery depended
largely upon the clay used, but the potters were adepts at
heightening or masking the natural colour. This was generally
effected by a superficial wash or engobe, a process well known
to the medieval and the modern potters. A vessel of dingy
red clay, dipped, when in the ' green ' state, in a thin mixture of
fine pipe-clay and water, received a film which upon firing
assumed a delicate cream colour. By the addition of yellow or
red ochre, or of varying mixtures of the two, to the ' slip,' the
resultant tint ranged from yellow-buff to salmon or pink. But
for the finer wares there was a decided preference for a full red,
and for various tones of deep warm browns and dusky maroons
on the one hand, and for greys ending in black on the other.
Some of these were certainly produced by the addition of mineral
colouring agents to the engobe ; but the darkest shades, and
1 Portions of three different moulds for bowls (Form 37) were found at Pul-
borough, Sussex, in 1909, and several other examples have been found in this
country.
156 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
especially the greys and black, are due to the presence of carbon,
sometimes as a superficial film, but more often it permeates the
body as well. How the carbon was introduced is uncertain, and
will be referred to later.
If by glaze is understood a translucent glass perceptibly
distinct from the body although merging into it — as the glaze
of modern porcelain — it is rarely seen on the pottery of the Roman
era. Now and again fragments are found bearing a greenish-
yellow glaze resembling that commonly seen on medieval wares,
and apparently produced by the same method, that is, by dusting
powdered galena (native sulphide of lead) over the clay pieces
before firing. The glossiness of the redglaze more resembles
that of the iSth-century saltglaze than a true glaze, that
is, it appears to represent the surface of the pottery itself.
Analyses have proved that the superficial portions of this ware
are richer in soda than the interior, and it is not unlikely that the
glossiness was the result of a chemical reaction between this
alkali and the body-clay. Some of the finer black wares have a
similar glossiness. Generally speaking, the dark brown and liver-
coloured engobes have a faint waxy lustre, but not infrequently
the finest dark wares have a bright metalloid surface, and even a
slight iridescence. Occasionally vessels of fine texture have a
smooth surface evidently produced by friction. These may
be described as polished wares, and it is not unlikely that they
were rendered bright by the application of wax.
The decoration of the pottery, however elaborate, is always
in good taste : it never oversteps its proper province, or is so
pronounced as to detract from the form. As already stated, the
finest and most characteristic decoration is in relief. There were
several methods by which it was produced, but first in importance
is moulded work (Fig. 43, Nos. i, 13, 17). The moulds, in
which the decorated redglaze vessels were pressed, were of fine
porous earthenware, unglazed, in order that much of the moisture
of the clay pressed into them should be rapidly absorbed, and thus
induce shrinkage and allow of the vessel being withdrawn. The
mould was made on the wheel, and probably its interior was
shaped by an iron ' profile ' ; then, while it was still moist, the
decorative details were impressed from stamps of earthenware,
FIG. 41. ROMAN POTTERY, COI.CHESTKR MUSEUM
POTTERY 157
metal, gypsum, and other materials. The bands of egg-and-
tongue and other patterns were probably impressed from roulettes
or wheel-like instruments, applied, in the case of the horizontal
ones, while the mould was revolving. A comparatively small
stock of these stamps admitted of innumerable combinations
of decorative elements. Another method by which raised
ornamentation was produced is occasionally seen on the finest
redglaze (Fig. 44, Nos. 21, 34). The decorative details were
made separately, each consisting of a piece of clay pressed into
a metal intaglio and then applied to the surface of the vessel —
a method in which Wedgwood among the moderns excelled ;
but it is usually combined with ' barbotine ' decoration.
This barbotine or ' slip ' decoration (Fig. 46, Nos. 5, 6,
8 ; Fig. 49, No. 5) is characteristic of the finer dark wares of
Gaul and Britain, on which it is seen at its best. It was effected
by the same or a similar process to that of the 17th-century
potters, that is by trailing slip or thin clay upon the surface
from a small vessel with a quill spout. The work had to be
done rapidly, and its success depended upon an artistic instinct
combined with unhesitating movement, both which qualities
the Roman potters possessed in high degree. It was peculiarly
adapted for scrolly designs, and the scrolls by the same movement
of the hand could be made to terminate in disc-like or leaf-like
expansions. These designs, simple as they are, are remarkably
graceful and pleasing. But the clever decorators frequently
essayed with equal success the task of delineating hounds chasing
deer, and even human figures, as the gladiators engaged in
combat on a large vase at Colchester (Fig. 41). A simple
decoration consisting of lines of raised dots or studs arranged
in oblong or lozenge-shaped patches (Fig. 45, Nos. 2, 7) is
frequently met with, and it appears to have been produced by
a comb-like tool alternately dipped in slip and applied to the side
of the vessel. In barbotine work, the decoration was either of
the same or of a different colour from that of the ground. In
the latter, the trails were cream coloured, pale yellow, or red,
which thus contrasted with the dark engobed surface of the vessel.
In the former they were not necessarily of the same clay as the
body, as in these cases the engobe was applied after the decoration.
158 THE ROMAN ERA IN'BRITATN
Other varieties of raised decoration are occasionally seen.
One may be described as finger-pressed work. In this the
vessel, or some portion of it, appears to have been coated with
a thick slip, which by the pressure of the finger was forced up into
ridges. By this means various curvilinear diapers were obtained,
of which the scale (Fig. 46, No. 2) and an irregular ' crocodile-
skin ' pattern are noteworthy. Vertical bands or ' pillars ' of
scale pattern were manipulated by the same process on strips
of applied clay. In ' frilled ' work the thrower gave the vessel
one or more thin flange-like beads, and these were then waved
by the alternate up and down pressure of the finger or some
tool (Fig. 50, No. 7). In ' indented' work, the sides of the vessel
were gently pressed in to produce a series of shallow flutings or
other hollows, as in Fig. 42. ' Rough-cast ' work was effected by
coating the portions of the vessel to be so treated, with a thin
slip, and then scattering over it coarsely powdered clay or pottery.
Sunk decoration may be conveniently divided into incised
and impressed, but neither is a conspicuous feature of the pottery
of the time. The common grey and black globular jars and dishes
often exhibit a simple trellis made by a pointed tool, but so lightly
so that the lines are less visible as grooves than as burnished
strokes (Fig. 45, Nos. 4, 5, 9). An incised pattern is occasionally
seen which consists of a band of concentric semicircles from which
depend series of parallel lines stroked in with a comb-like tool —
a pattern apparently suggested by the ' f estoon-and-tassel '
(Fig. 47, No. 2). Impressed work is a common feature of the
' pseudo-Samian ' ware — a fine ware with a thin red engobe
somewhat imitating, or perhaps it would be more correct to say,
inspired by the redglaze. The stamps were apparently of wood,
cut into the forms of simple rosettes, circles, notched segments
of circles, and so forth. Both incised and impressed work was,
however, more frequently accomplished on the wheel. The comb
held against the revolving vessel gave rise to a band of parallel
lines, and if moved up and down, to a wavy band of the same—
a simple decoration often seen on the commonest wares. The
hatched bands and surfaces frequent on all varieties of the pottery,
and commonly known as ' engine-turning,' were evidently im-
pressed from notched wheels or roulettes (Fig. 46, Nos. 4, 12,
FIG. 42. ROMAN POTTERY, COLCHESTER MUSEUM
k
/.
POTTERY 159
13). Sometimes a definite pattern — as the egg-and-tongue —
was cut on the edge of the roulette, and bands of this character
occasionally occur on the ' pseudo-Samian ' referred to above.
There is another and rare variety of sunk decoration, confined
to redglaze, which may be called ' cut-work,' for it was certainly
effected by gouges and V-shaped chisels. The cut-out portions
normally take the form of vesica-shaped hollows, which are
arranged to form stellate and other patterns. It is curious that
the potters of the period did not avail themselves of sgraffiato
decoration, that is the cutting through an engobe, in order to
show a pattern in the colour of the body.
Painted decoration, as already stated, represents the least
developed side of the potter's art of the period. It may be
described as ' clay -painting,' and it differs from true barbotine,
in Jhe use of a thinner slip and its application with a brush.
Th i patterns are similar, and it is not always easy to distinguish
be ween trailed and painted work. Common pale buff wares,
probably of Broseley clay, are often relieved with thin washes
< red, but they rarely take the form of definite patterns. Marbled
\ ork may be conveniently referred to here. It is excessively
rare, and was almost certainly imported. It appears to have
been effected in the same manner as the marblings of the old
Staffordshire potters, that is, by the partial blending of slips of
several colours on the surface of the vessel.
The uses and ancient names of the different vessels are a
difficult branch of inquiry. One thing, however, is clear : the
vessels were essentially made for use. The distinction between
' useful ' and ' ornamental ' wares is modern, and came into
prominence under Wedgwood and his contemporaries, who
adopted classical models for their ornamental products. There
is no evidence that the Gaulish and British potters copied antique
Greek, Etruscan, or Oriental pottery to meet an antiquarian
taste, or introduced novelties for purely display purposes. On
the contrary, their shapes were those in vogue in their own day.
Roman writers occasionally refer to various pottery vessels by
name, and now and again mention their uses. There were
vessels for the storage of wine and other comestibles — for culinary
purposes — for the table ; and others appropriate for religious
160 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
rites and to hold the ashes of the dead. The large vessels for the
transport and storage of wine, oils, figs, and other liquids and
solids, were according to their shapes and sizes designated dolia,
amphorae, cadi, etc. There were urnae for carrying water ;
urcei, ampullae, and lagenae, which corresponded with our jugs ;
poculi, or cups, of which there were various forms with special
names, some borrowed from the Greeks ; patinae, patellae, and
catinae, probably dish and saucer-shaped vessels mostly for the
table ; ollae and pelves for culinary and other household purposes ;
and other names of uncertain application. The attempts to
identify the vessels to which these names applied are only partially
successful ; and so far as the pottery found on our sites is con-
cerned, the task seems hopeless, for these Roman writers lived at
different periods and referred mostly to the wares of Italy, whereas
those of Gaul and Britain were of local origin or were modified by
local influences.
No satisfactory classification of the pottery of the Roman
era has yet been, or at present can be, devised. Any system
that makes one feature to the exclusion of others, as the material
or rather its colour, or the ornamentation, or even the form,
important as this is, the basis of classification, is necessarily an
artificial one. The ideal system would be one based upon the
sources of manufacture, whether individual factories or regions
where wares of distinctive character were made. But at present
this is only possible in a limited degree. The Gaulish redglaze
stands well defined from all other wares. Less definitely, the
fine and mostly dark wares, characterized by the prevalency of
the forms shown in Fig. 46 and of barbotine decoration, may be
treated as another group ; and as these were extensively made
in the Nen valley in the vicinity of Castor, ' Castor ' or ' Duro-
brivian ' has almost come to be a general term for this kind of
pottery wherever made. The red ' pseudo- Samian ' ware repre-
sents another well-marked group and probably of Continental
origin. We may similarly detach a few more groups, but there
will remain a large irresolvable residue made anywhere where
suitable clay abounded.
It would facilitate the study of the pottery if a definite termino-
logy for the forms of the vessels could be adopted ; but this would
POTTERY 161
be difficult to accomplish, for with few exceptions form merges
into form in a tantalizing fashion. Dragendorff1 did useful
service by publishing the chief forms of the redglaze and giving
a number to each, and his list has been extended by Dechelette 2
and Walters,3 and no doubt will yet be added to as new forms are
discovered. He arranged his forms in a systematic manner before
giving them their numbers. His first 14 examples are Italian,
some of which are also provincial, the remaining 41 being Gaulish
and German. In each series, they are arranged in the same order,
beginning with dish-like vessels and ending with craters and tall
vases ; the sequence, however, ceases with the appended forms
of Dechelette (23 in 1904), and with further additions the
general numbering will become more arbitrary. It is obvious
that if his system is extended to the pottery generally, the numbers
would soon run into hundreds and it would be impossible to
carry in the mind the forms they relate to.
As the pages of pottery figured in outline will give a better
idea of the forms than written description ; it is only necessary
to supplement them with comments. The figures are from actual
examples mostly in museums, and they include all the ordinary
forms with a few of the rarer. As the interiors of the shallow
vessels were exposed to view, consequently were carefully finished,
one-half of their figures present their sections and internal profiles.
A. REDGLAZE (' TERRA SIGILLATA ' OR ' SAMIAN ' WARE)
(Figs. 43 and 44)
This ware as found in Britain is derived from three chief centres:
La Graufesenque, the Condatomagus of the Ruteni, in the south
of France ; Lezoux in the Auvergne in central France ; and
Rheinzabern, the ancient Tabernae Rhenanae, near Speyer on the
Rhine, — but most of it is from the second. The manufacture of
pottery at La Graufesenque was already old when the Romans
appeared on the scene ; but under their influence the Rutenian
potters produced a fabric closely resembling the Arretine, between
A.D. 50 and 100. At Lezoux, redglaze was made about as early,
1 Banner Jahrbuecher, xcvi, xcix.
2 Les vases ceramiques ornis de la Gaule Komaine,
3 Catalogue of Roman Pottery, Brit. Mus.
1 1
FjG. 43. — A. Examples of Roman Redglaze (Terra Sigillata or 'Samian' Ware).
32
34
FIG. 44. — A. Examples of Roman Redglaze ( Terra Sigillata or ' Samian ' Ware). (\\
163
164 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
and it continued to about the middle of the 3rd century. The
output must have been enormous — Dr. Plique unearthed, between
1879 and 1885, 188 furnaces, and recovered the names of about
3000 potters in the vicinity of the little town — and early in the
2nd century, the Arvernian products were exported throughout
the western empire and even beyond. The Rhenish redglaze
appeared about the beginning of the 2nd century and ceased
about the middle of the following century. It is probable that
the cessation of this and the preceding industry was due to the
incursions of the Allemanni in A.D. 256-9. Redglaze was also made
at St. Remy near Vichy, Banassac, and Montans in the south of
France, and Westerndorf near Salzberg, but there is no evidence
of exportation to Britain.
It will be noticed that the redglaze vessels figured are, with
the exception of Nos. 32-3-4, bowls, basins, and various shallower
forms which may be described as saucers, dishes, and platters.
Most of these fall into two series, those, as Nos. i to 12 and 25,
with an angled outline, that is with a more or less pronounced
shoulder between the foot and the lip ; and those with a curvilinear
outline, as Nos. 14 to 24, and 26 to 28, the bowl No. 13 being of
intermediate form.
Moulded decoration is almost confined in this country to the
carinated, cylindrical, and hemispherical bowls, Nos. 13, i, and 17
[Dragendorfs Forms, 29, 30, and 37]. Of these, the first were
the earliest, and disappeared about the end of the ist century,
the third surviving and holding the field in strong force for
about a century or more, while the second, which are not
common, probably disappeared in the 2nd century. The general
disposition of the ornamentation varies little. The lip is usually
beaded. Then after an interval below it, is a narrow band of
egg-and-tongue or some similar pattern ; and this surmounts
the decorated frieze. In the carinated bowls there is a second
and less important frieze below the carination which itself is
usually ornamented ; and the earlier hemispherical bowls also
have a second frieze. The decorative elements are extremely
diversified, consisting of foliage, flowers, diapers, and figures of
gods and goddesses, heroes, warriors, athletes, dancers, sphinxes,
centaurs, mermaids, birds, beasts, fishes, etc. ; and their com-
POTTERY 165
binations are equally diversified — on one frieze there may be a
continuous scroll of foliage ; on another a continuous hunting
scene ; on a third, figures in medallions or compartments, with
intervening diapers, and so forth.
Moulded decoration also occurs on redglaze that imitates
metallic vessels, especially patellae and small bowls with two flat
ear-like handles, but examples are rarely found in this country,
and if decorated, the decoration is confined to the handles.
Reliefs in applique, usually combined with barbotine, appar-
ently survived moulding. They are confined to globular jars
or ollae as Nos. 33 and 34, and other tall vessels as No. 32, that
could not well have been moulded. The reliefs in applique are
mostly mythological beings, personifications, and busts, the
foliage and other subordinate details of the decorative scheme
being largely in barbotine. Examples of this decoration are
rare in this country ; but a simple ornamentation of conventional
ivy-leaves in barbotine — perhaps sometimes moulded — on the
convex flanges of bowls and saucers of the forms of Nos. 18, 19,
and 22, is common, and long preceded applique.
Of the plain vessels of the first series named above, Nos. 5 and
8 [Forms 33 and 31] are frequently found and were made to the
close of the redglaze period. Nos. 3 and 4 [8] and n and 12
[16 and 15] are rare and probably early, and may be considered
as the prototypes of the former. Nos. 2 [64] and 10, both in the
Guildhall Museum, are rarer still. In the curvilinear series are
two prevailing forms, the hemispherical and the campanulate, of
which Nos. 16 and 24 may be taken as types. Of the former,
small bowls with convex flanges, as Nos. 18 and 22 [35 and 38]
are the most frequent, and the second had a long innings ; the
rest are rather scarce, especially No. 20 [81]. The campanulate
form, as in Nos. 23 [7], 24, and 27 [7], is also rare and undoubtedly
early. The little basin, No. 28 [27], is freely found, and seems to
have been made almost to the close of the provincial redglaze
period. The curious mortarium with the lion-head spout, No. 21
[45], is a decidedly late form. The platters, Nos. 29 and 30
[22 and 17], are survivals of Italian prototypes, and No. 31, in the
Colchester Museum, is most unusual. Nos. 32 [53] and 34 [72]
are both uncommon, and have already been referred to.
11
FIG. 45. — B. Examples of Ollae or Jars in other Fabrics than Redglaze. (\}
166
FIG. 46. — C. Examples of CWfZ-like Vessels, or Cups, in other Fabrics than
Redglaze. (\)
167
168 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
In a general way, the earlier redglaze is thinner, harder,
brighter and redder than the later. Much of it is stamped with
the makers' names, usually within the vessel on the bottom, but
occasionally on the side externally. As a rule the name is in
a sunk oblong label, but occasionally, especially in the German
fabrics, this is in the form of a foot, a circle, or a half-moon. It
is either in the nominative, with or without F or FE for fecit, or in
the genitive, with o or OF for officina or M for manu. The
names are mostly Gaulish, and the lettering often exhibits Gaulish
peculiarities.
B. OLLAE OR JARS OF OTHER FABRICS THAN REDGLAZE (Fig. 45)
The examples figured chiefly differ in their lips, and broadly
speaking the small beaded and cornice-like lips of Nos. 3, 4, and 5
are early, while the curved lips of Nos. 6, 8, and 10 occurred
throughout the Romano-British period. No. 9 with its faint
trellis pattern is a very common form in coarse black and grey
wares, and was much used as a cooking-pot. The little ' poppy-
head ' vase, No. 2, as also No. 7, are in fine engobed ware, and
No. 8, from London, has a bright plumbago-like surface. The
cordoned bands of this and Nos. 6 and n are perhaps Late-Celtic
legacies. No. 10 may be considered as a passage-form from the
jar to the bowl.
C. OLLA-LIKE VESSELS, OR CUPS, OF OTHER FABRICS THAN
REDGLAZE (FlG. 46)
Nos. 2 to 9, also 13, are in the thin engobed ware usually
identified as Castor and Upchurch ; but similar vessels were made
on the Rhine and in northern Gaul. The convivial inscriptions
which they occasionally bear — as BIBE, BIBE VINAS, VINVM TIBI DVLCIS,
etc. — indicate their use. No. 2, from Colchester, exhibits the scale
pattern (page 158) ; and Nos. 5, 6, and 8, barbotine decoration,
light on a dark ground in the first two, and in the last, covered
with the engobe. No. I, from London, is in fine red ware,
ornamented with annulated bosses alternating with concave
roundels. Nos. 10 and u, carinated and cordoned jars from
POTTERY 169
Colchester and Silchester, have Late-Celtic affinities. No. 12,
from Silchester, and ornamented with engine-turning, is most
unusual ; while the strongly carinated little cup, No. 13, is not
uncommon.
D. BOWLS AND BOWL-LIKE VESSELS OF OTHER FABRICS THAN
REDGLAZE (Fig. 47)
Bowls with flat flanged lips as Nos. i and 6, of which many
were found at Gellygaer, are of common red and black wares, and
are an early type. No. 2 is of distinctive form, fabric and
ornamentation, probably of Continental origin, and referred to on
page 158. Nos. 3 and 4 are pleasing shapes, the one from Silchester
and the other from Colchester ; and No. 5, from the centurion's
grave at Colchester, is delicately turned in a hard brownish
ware. No. 9, in the Maidstone Museum, has marked Late-
Celtic features. Nos. 7, 8, 10, 12, and 14 are imitations of
redglaze (' pseudo-Samian '), from Colchester and Caerwent.
No. ii is a passage-form between the bowl and the olla. The
pan-shaped bowl, No. 13, is common enough in black ware, and
No. 13, from London, is of fine texture with a jet -like surface.
E. AND F. SHALLOW VESSELS (SAUCERS AND DISHES) AND AM-
PHORAE OF OTHER FABRICS THAN REDGLAZE (Fig. 48)
Shallow vessels like Nos. i to 6 may be designated saucers
or dishes according to whether they have foot-rings or flat bases.
No. i, from Gellygaer, is of coarse red ware, and Nos. 2 and 3,
from Colchester and Silchester, are of fine texture with a surface-
film of intense black. They all have a central ' kick,' and with
little doubt are early. No. 4 is a common form in ordinary
black ware, and No. 5 is less frequent, and in both red and black
wares.
Fragments of large amphorae are constantly found on our
Roman sites. These ponderous vessels of coarse buff or red clay
were from 20 to 30 ins. in height, and No. 8 is a prevailing form,
but they were often taller in proportion to their girth. The
makers' names are often stamped on the handles, and indicate
FIG. 47. — D. Examples of Bowls and Bowl-like Vessels in other Fabrics
than Redglaze. (£)
170
FIG. 48. — E. and F. Shallow Vessels (Saucers and Dishes) and Amphorae in other
Fabrics than Redglaze. (|)
171
172 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
that they were derived, as a rule, from southern countries.
Probably they owe their presence in this country to having been
imported full of wine or oil. Small amphorae, as Nos. 6, 7, and 9,
are much less common, and many, as the second, may be described
as two-handled jars, the handles of these being often mere eyelets.
G. JUGS (AMPULLAE) OF OTHER FABRICS THAN REDGLAZE
(Fig. 49)
Jugs vary but little. If to the flask No. I a handle is added,
it will represent the prevailing shape, except that the neck often
approximates to a cylindrical form, as in Nos. 7 and 8. The
handles are round or flattish in section. The lip is frequently
cornice-like, as in Nos. 4, 7, and 10, and it is comparatively seldom
that there is a spout. Jugs of this description are commonly
in plain buff and red wares, and the better sort have an engobe
or wash of a brighter colour. No. 4, a pale buff jug from Silchester,
is remarkable for its squatness ; and No. 6, a London example, is
decidedly unusual. No. 5 is a highly finished example with slip
scrolls, from Colchester. No. 8 has its spreading lip, nipped to
form a spout, and No. n is an unusual form in the Maidstone
Museum. No. 5 is a curious fine red vessel from Colchester,
examples of which have been found in London and elsewhere.
The front of the neck is ornamented with a mask impressed from
a mould and on the back is a flat strip — apparently legacies of an
earlier form with a mask-spout and a handle, but now quite
functionless.
H. MISCELLANEOUS VESSELS OF OTHER FABRICS THAN REDGLAZE
(Fig. 50)
Nos. I and 2, both from Caerwent, are two types of handled
beakers or cups, which are usually in common black ware, but
are by no means plentiful. Gen. Pitt-Rivers found both types at
Rushmore and Rotherley, some of his examples having small
eyelet handles.1 Nos. 3 and 8 (Guildhall and Silchester) belong
to a large class of diminutive vases, usually in fine red or buff
1 Vol. i, pp. 103 and 113 ; vol. ii, p. 153.
POTTERY 173
wares, which probably served a variety of purposes — to hold
unguents, cosmetics, and the like, and as children's playthings,
dice-boxes, etc. Nos. 4 and 5 are probably of Continental origin.
The one, from a Colchester interment, is painted with light scrolls
on a red engobe, and the other, a Bath example, has trailed scrolls
covered with a blackish engobe. The tall vase, No. 6, from
Silchester, is of fine red ware with light slip decoration. The
' frilled ' tazza, No. 7, occurs in various ' coarse ' wares and is not
uncommon. The remaining illustrations are examples of covered
vessels and indicate the usual shapes of the lids. No. 9 is of fine
engobed pottery ornamented with ' engine- turning,' attributed
to Castor, and decidedly rare ; Nos. 10 and n, two common
grey cineraries from Colchester ; and No. 12, a lid from
Gellygaer.
I. EARTHENWARE MORTARS (MORTARIA, PELVES?} OF ALL FABRICS
(Fig- 5i)
The mortar was a highly specialized vessel, pan-shaped, with a
concave interior studded with fragments of quartz or iron-slag
pressed into the surface while soft, and with a strong overhanging
rim and spout. It was used for triturating, mashing or mixing
substances, especially foods, the hard fragments aiding the
process and preserving the surface from abrasion. From the
absence of pestles, it may be inferred that these were of wood.-
The rims vary considerably. Three types may be distinguished —
the roll and bead (Fig. 51, A to D) ; the ' hammer-head ' (H and
I) ; and the vertical (J and K). The latter two appear to be derived
from the first, which almost certainly was the earliest, and E, F,
and G may be regarded as passage-forms between it and the
second. Vertical rims are characteristic of the redglaze mortars
(Fig. 44, No. 21 ) and its imitations, all the other forms being
in ordinary red and buff wares.
The strong projecting rim led the writer to suggest many years
ago,1 that the vessel was not ordinarily used resting on a table —
its small bottom would render it unsteady in this position — but
that it was inserted into a round hole large enough to receive the
1 Derby sh. Arch. Soc. xl, plate vii.
FIG. 49. — G. Examples of Jugs (Ampullae] in other Fabrics than Redglaze. (\}
174
cSj^istia^sSs
\
12
U i
8
7
\
FIG. 50. — H. Miscellaneous Vessels in other Fabrics than Redglaze.
175
176 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
body and yet to allow the rim to rest upon its edge, as indicated in
the section, Fig. 51. The fact that, while the internal surface
and the rim are carefully finished, the exterior of the body is often
left in a rough condition, goes far to confirm this conjecture.
POTTERS KILNS
The remains of a considerable number of these kilns have been
found in this country. They varied in shape, size, and construc-
tion, but all appear to have been on the same principle. They
were subterranean structures with their summits level with the
surface or slightly protruding. The simpler were circular, from
3 to 4 ft. or more in diameter, with a tunnel-like furnace on the
floor-level. This, however, did not open directly into the oven
which contained the vessels to be fired, but into a space below it
with a perforated roof or diaphragm to allow the hot gases of the
fire to ascend into the oven. It is evident that these small kilns
were packed with the wares to be fired from the top, and this
implies an opening large enough for the purpose. The opening
also served as a chimney, but, unless restricted, it would be waste-
ful of heat. No doubt there was a simple contrivance for reducing
it according to the requirements of the draught, or for closing it
altogether. Some of the Continental kilns appear to have
had a lateral opening for the introduction of the pottery and a
small chimney or smoke-vent in the vaulted roof, and some of our
larger examples may have had a similar arrangement.
The simpler kilns were lined with clay mixed with chaff or
grass, and often with broken pottery or tiles, to mitigate the
contraction under the action of fire. The perforated bottom or
diaphragm was of denser clay, or of tiles specially made for the
purpose — wedge-shaped, the wide ends resting on a set-off or
ledge around the interior, and the points meeting in the centre
and supported by a pier usually projecting from the back of the
structure, but sometimes isolated. In the more elaborate kilns,
the sides were constructed of curved bricks cemented with clay,
and the roof of the furnace was often arched. Many kilns of this
type have been found in the neighbourhood of Castor, and a group
of four arranged crosswise and apparently fed from a common
FIG. 51. — I. Mortars (Morlaria, Pelves'?) in all Earthenware Fabrics. (All
12
178 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
furnace-pit, near St. Paul's, in 1677. x Two of simple construc-
tion similarly radiated from a common pit at Silchester.2
A larger kiln of different construction, found at Radlett, Herts,3
was somewhat oval in shape. In the centre was an oval pier,
the space between it and the surrounding set-off forming a
continuous flue, which was arched with broken bricks so arranged
as to leave a number of openings. The floor above was " of
clinkers and burnt clay laid loosely, over which was placed a thin
layer of sand " — a mode of construction which would render it
permeable to the heat of the furnace. Of five kilns near Lexden,
Colchester,4 four were circular, and two of these were remarkable
in having two furnaces each. The fifth was oblong, 5 ft. 4 ins. by
4 ft. 4 ins., and the under-structure was admirably arranged to
support the perforated floor and at the same time to allow of
the heat being well distributed under it, there being on each side
of the flue three rectangular recesses.
Mr. Artis, in his account of the Castor kilns, gives some
particulars as to the packing. It would seem that as each layer
of vessels was placed, the packer's assistant followed with a layer
of coarse hay or grass upon which he laid small pellets of clay,
each being covered with hay which was turned down over the
edge before the next was deposited. Thus tier after tier was
laid until the kiln was filled, the object of the pellets being to
allow of the contents being removed without the risk of breaking
the pottery. He was of opinion that the carbonaceous coloration
of the black ware, referred to on page 156, was produced by
smothering the kiln, that is, by closing its orifice, at a certain
stage of the firing, thus confining the carbonaceous fumes from
arising from the hay. It is probable that some such process
contributed to the effect, but it is doubtful whether it alone
would give the desired result.
1 Illustrations of Roman London, p. 79. 2 Archaeologia, Ixii, p. 328.
* Proc. Soc. Ant. 2, xvii, p. 261. * Collectanea, Antigua, i, p. i.
CHAPTER X
GLASS, METAL, AND STONE UTENSILS
GLASS
ALMOST invariably broken glass is found on our Roman
sites, but never in the profusion of the potsherds. We
need not infer from this that glass was scarce or costly.
To-day, a domestic rubbish-heap discloses more broken earthen-
ware and porcelain than glass, and this in both cases is due to
the latter material being, from its brittleness and inability to
withstand sudden changes of temperature, of more limited use
than the former. The general diffusion of Roman glass warrants
a belief that it was both well known and in regular use in the
homes of the era, but perfect vessels are rarely found on their
sites. The majority of these in our museums have been obtained
from graves, where many of them were used as cineraries and
others as accessories, their careful burial having conduced to
their preservation.
The combined action of the moisture and carbonic acid
of the soil has often rendered the surface of the glass more or
less opaque. If the action has been slight, a beautiful iridescent
lustre may result, beloved of connoisseurs, but masking the
original brilliancy of the surface ; if severe, the surface may be
in a scaling condition. In most large collections, some of the
glass is in an unchanged condition, and well indicates the high
attainments of the glass-makers of the era, both in their material
and their technical processes.
How high these attainments reached, is well seen in the
' onyx ' glass, of which the Portland vase in the British Museum
is a familiar example, with cameo-like figures which are unrivalled
179
i8o THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
in glass-carving ; in the ' millefiori ' or f used-mosaic glass, some-
times resembling a richly coloured coralline marble, and some-
times a brecciated marble ; and in the ' diatretum/ distinguished
for its deeply undercut ornamentation. But glass-wares of the
costliness and high finish of these need not detain us further, for
although not uncommon in Italy, the finding of fragments in
this country is of excessively rare occurrence. They indicate that
the glass-workers had command of a wide range of colours, but
they seem not to have attained to a pure transparent red. They
certainly used copper, iron, manganese and antimony in their
production, and probably also cobalt for some of the rich deep
blues.
The vessels ordinarily met with here are of a useful kind,
consisting of bottles of a variety of forms and sizes, ewers, jars,
cups, beakers, and saucers, mostly with a bluish-green tinge and
highly transparent. In the finer qualities the tinge is slighter,
but absolutely colourless glass is rare. If the tinge is not green,
it is a faint saffron or honey-colour, but nearly always with a
suspicion of green. Vessels, however, in what may be properly
called coloured glass, are by no means uncommon, deep blue and
green, and various yellow tones ranging from amber to a rich
brown, being the most frequent.
In the forms and decorations of the vessels, the Roman glass-
worker went his own way, and his products rarely simulated those
of the potter and the metal-worker. As might be expected, he
turned out wares of various grades — strong, plain, and cheap for
common and rough purposes, and highly refined, which had a
delicacy of form and finish that can hardly be excelled. Most
of the glass vessels of Roman Britain were simply blown, and they
indicate a high proficiency in the use of the blow-iron. The little
cup with its widespread and turned-down rim (Fig. 53, B),
from Caerwent, is a simple and not unpleasing example. It is
thin and wellshaped, and its foot is a ring of glass deftly attached
to the base. The cylindrical handled bottle (A), from Boughton
Monchelsea, Kent, is a small specimen of a common form, frag-
ments of which are found on most Roman sites. These vessels
are of common greenish glass, and are mostly from about 8 ins. to
i ft. in height. They invariably have wide handles, strong and
FIG. 52. — Examples of Roman Glass Vessels.
181
182 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
sturdy, reeded externally, and attached to the shoulder by a
spreading base. This reeding is characteristic of the handles
of the time, and the claw-like feet of the reeds, well seen also in
our examples, C, D, E, F, give a sense of firmness of grip. The
last three, from burials at Sittingbourne, Colchester, and Favers-
ham respectively, are decanter-like bottles. The spiral string
of glass round the neck of the first gives it an admirable finish.
Vessels of the shape of the second have been more frequently
found than the other two, but without the smaller handle. The
trail of glass, frilled by the dexterous use of the pincers, below
these handles, is not uncommon. The third is remarkable for
the vertical pillars round the body.
In C we have a moulded square variant of A of equally common
occurrence, with a precisely similar handle. Similar hexagonal,
and more rarely octagonal, bottles are also met with, occasionally
with two handles. The bodies of these bottles were moulded,
and their bottoms often have simple devices, as panels, interlaced
triangles, concentric circles, etc., in raised lines, and sometimes
letters, probably initials of the makers' names.1 A small jug from
Colchester, in the British Museum, was shaped by being blown into
a mould or cage of wire network, the impression of which shows
on the glass.
H is a beaker-like cup of the finest workmanship, and "orna-
mented with grooved bands, from one of the Bartlow Hills
tombs. Fragments of similar cups, but not necessarily of quite
the same shape, have been found on many of our Roman sites.
A piece of one was turned up at Gellygaer with the edge of the
spreading lip ground and polished, and the narrow horizontal
groovings cut on the lathe.
The godrooned or ' pillared ' bowl, I, was not uncommon.
These bowls were often in coloured glass — deep blue, full green,
amber, or mulberry ; but fragments have been found in London
and Silchester of several colours mingled together after the fashion
of the coloured clays of the old Staffordshire ' agate ' ware. They
were evidently moulded. The writer examined some pieces of
these bowls in the Caerleon Museum, and found that the inner
surface and the outer above the pillars had been ground and
1 As AP within a circle at Great Chesterford, Arch. Jour, xvii, p. 126.
GLASS, METAL, AND STONE UTENSILS 183
polished, apparently on the lathe, from which, it would seem, that
whatever the process of moulding may have been, it left the inner
surface in a rough or uneven condition.
Moulded cylindrical cups of greenish glass, exhibiting chariot
races and gladiatorial combats in relief, and arranged in tiers with
appropriate inscriptions, have been sparingly found. The portion
of one found at Hartlip presents a charioteer in a biga on the
point of reaching the metae, and on the tier below two gladiators.
A perfect cup of the kind from Colchester in the British Museum
has a chariot race in two tiers, with an inscription above to the
effect that Crescens beats Hierax, Olympias, and Antilocus.1
The beaker-like cup G, from a grave at Barnwell, Cambridge-
shire, and now in the British Museum, has a singularly modern
appearance. It is of rather thick glass with a faint greenish
honey tinge, and its ornamentation consists of oval depressions,
cut out on the lapidary's wheel. Pieces of precisely similar cups
have been found at London, Caerwent, Gellygaer, Birrens, Ardoch,
Wilderspool, and probably elsewhere, as such pieces may be
easily mistaken for modern cut glass. The little cup J, in the
Guildhall collection, presents another type of decoration rarely
met with. It is of thin yellowish blown glass, with applied
' nail-head ' ornamentation.
The little blown glass bottles, commonly known as lachry-
matories or unguentaria, were not confined to funerary purposes,
but were in general use for holding perfumes, unguents, and
served all the purposes of small bottles with us. It was mentioned
on page 140, that large bottles of the forms of A and C were often
used to hold the ashes of the dead ; less often these were placed
in large globular glass jars. The one shown in Fig. 52 is a simple
example, about 9 ins. in diameter, from a burial in Lockham
Wood, and now in the Maidstone Museum. More usually they
had two handles and occasionally glass lids, and a good example,
with the leaden cist in which it was found in Warwick Square,
London, is in the British Museum. It is not unlikely that these
vessels were specially made for funerary purposes.
Very little is known of the sources of manufacture of Roman
glass-ware in Britain. In 1859, Mr. Roach Smith knew of
1 See also, Brit. Arch. Assoc. v, p. 371.
184 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
no vestige of Roman glass furnaces in this island ; nor did Mr.
Thomas Wright, sixteen years later, but he suggested that water-
rolled lumps of coloured glass found on the beach near Brighton
were derived from the site of Roman glass-works which had long
been encroached upon by the sea. Even as late as 1907, Mr.
Edward Dillon, in his book on glass, could only suggest that if
anywhere in England, traces of such works might be expected
between the Medway and the Isle of Thanet. Mr. Thomas
May, however, has been able to make a strong case for the manu-
facture of glass at Wilderspool near Warrington in Roman times.
During his excavations he uncovered the remains of five work-
shops containing peculiar ovens. These were singly or in pairs
in dense clay platforms, hardened by fire. Some were oval,
from about 2 ft. 6 ins. to 5 ft. long, having at one end a flue
or stoke-hole reached from a hearth, and at the opposite end or
in the side, another flue, blocked at the end in several instances
with a flag-stone. Others were simple rounded cavities with a
stoke-hole. Mr. May considered that the former were annealing
ovens or ' lires,' and that the latter had contained melting-pots.
In the vicinity of these structures, he found several lumps of crude
glass, glass-scum, calcined flint, a lump of chalk, and pieces of
broken glass — all more or less confirmatory of the manufacture
of glass ; also a stone slab with a shallow recess, 12 by 8 ins.,
which he regarded as a mould for window-glass.1
To what extent glass was made in Roman Britain is at
present unknown. The glass vessels found in this country
resemble those of Roman Gaul, where the manufacture obtained
a foothold as early as Pliny's time, and flourished greatly, to
judge from the known sites of glass-works and the wealth of
specimens in the French museums. Our Roman glassware
closely resembles that of northern Gaul, and it has long been
noticed that the parts of England nearest Gaul — Kent, London,
and Essex — have been most prolific in this ware. The glass
may have been largely imported from Gaul, or Gaulish glass-
workers may have settled in these contiguous parts of England.
Either would explain the relative plentifulness, and perhaps both
contributed to it.
1 Warrington' s Roman Remains, pp. 37, 82.
FIG. 53. ROMAN GLASS-WARK, MAIDSTONE MUSEUM
GLASS, METAL, AND STONE UTENSILS 185
METAL
The metallic vessels of Roman Britain that have survived
are of bronze, pewter, and silver, the first being the most numerous,
and the last the rarest ; but as a class these vessels are among
the rarer ' finds ' of the era. It must not be inferred from this
that they were correspondingly rare during that era. One
vessel of metal would outlast many of pottery and glass, and,
when worn out, its metallic value would save it from the rubbish
heap. Most of the examples in our collections have been de-
posited with the dead or purposely hidden.
Whether beaten or cast, these vessels indicate, as a class, a
perfect mastery of the metal-worker over his materials. Their
curves are graceful and precise, and, when ornamented, the
ornamentation is usually finely and carefully executed. Occa-
sionally they exhibit engraved decoration ; less so, enamelled.
Of the bronze vessels, two forms are noteworthy — the
ampulla or jug, and a pan with a straight horizontal handle
known as the patera, also as the patina or patella. Both in form
and decoration, these exhibit little provincial influence. Pre-
cisely similar vessels have been abundantly found in Pompeii,
and its region was an important centre of the manufacture, ex-
porting its products to Britain and even beyond the limits of the
empire. There is no evidence that vessels of the kind were
made in Britain ; but it is almost certain that some were made
in Gaul, either by Italian artisans or by natives who copied
Italian forms.
Four examples of jugs are shown in Fig. 54, A, B, C, D.
The first was associated with the patera, D, in a grave near
Canterbury.1 It so closely resembles some Pompeian examples
that there is little doubt it came from the same source. The
next two are good examples of the plainer wares of the kind,
the one from Tewkesbury and the other from Winchester, both
in the British Museum. The last is from one of the Bartlow
Hills tombs,2 in which it was associated with a similar patera
to the one just referred to, and is decorated with a band of niello
1 Proc. Soc. Ant. 2, xviii, p. 279. 2 Archaeologia, xxvi, p. 33.
186 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
below the neck. The plainer jugs are usually without spouts,
as in the two examples given ; and in the more elaborate, the
spout is sometimes produced by an angled indentation on each
side, thus giving the mouth a pleasing tref oiled shape. Two
jugs of this form were obtained from the Bartlow Hills and
another from a grave at Sittingbourne. Almost invariably
the handle terminates below in a human or an animal's head,
or a small medallion. In our Bartlow Hills example it is an
ox's skull.
Two forms of the patera can be distinguished — a shallow
one with the bottom usually bossed up in the centre, and the
handle cylindrical and ending in an animal's head ; and a deep
one with a flat bottom and a wide flat handle. F is a typical
example of the first, from the grave near Canterbury. Two of
the Bartlow Hills paterae resembled it, but the third *• differed in
the ornamentation of the handle, which, instead of being fluted
or reeded, had a cippus, masks, basket of fruit, and other
objects mostly of some religious significance. Another found
near South Shields had an inscription to Apollo round the boss,
and there is a silver example found in Gracechurch Street, in
the British Museum.
The second form is of more frequent occurrence, and G is an
example from Herringfleet,2 which is representative of a large
number. The sides convexly taper to the flat bottom, and the
handle terminates in a disc with a central hole, the curves of its
concave sides flowing into those of the mouth and disc. The
disc is relieved with concentric corrugations, and the bowl with a
bead below the lip. Beyond these, ornamentation rarely goes
further, but in the present example the upper surface of the
handle has a conventional thyrsus, and, what is rare, the maker's
name, Quatinus.
Five vessels of this form, graduated in size, have been
found at Castle Howard, and two of the handles are stamped
p. CIPI POLIB. and c. CIPI POLVIBI. Another in Wigtownshire
bears the same maker's name. The Cipii appear to have
been a firm in or near Herculaneum, and their products have been
found as far away as France, Austria, Switzerland, Germany, and
1 Archaeologia, xxviii, p. 2. 2 Proc. Soc. Ant. 2, xvi, p. 237.
<
I87
i88 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
Denmark, besides Britain. ' Nests ' of these vessels have been
found at Abergele, Helmsdale in Sutherlandshire, and Irchester
in Northamptonshire. A variant of the form has a recurved
lip, and often a slightly recurved foot. One found at Swinton
Park, Yorkshire,1 had a handle ornamented with a Thyrsus
almost identical with that of the Herringfleet ' skillet.'
The handles are sometimes elaborately ornamented, and
there are fine examples in the British Museum. That of a patera
from Prickwillow, Cambridgeshire,2 bearing the name of Bodvo-
genus, is adorned with a winged genius, dolphins, shell, and sea-
serpents, the grip being enchased with foliage filled in with enamel.
That of a silver patera from County Durham,3 which when found
contained a number of silver and gold finger-rings and other
articles, is enriched with scrolly and refined arabesques, and it
is inscribed to the Mother Goddesses — MATR FAB DVBIT. Four
detached handles, part of a large silver hoard found at Capheaton,
Northumberland,4 in 1747, are ornamented in relief with mytho-
logical subjects and emblems, and these include the Labours of
Hercules, Mercury, Bacchus and a moenad, Neptune and a nereid,
and Minerva.
The uses, like the names, of these vessels is the subject of a
diversity of opinions. They have been regarded as the equivalents
of the modern saucepans, as vessels for serving stews at the table,
as combining both functions, as wine-measures, and as libation or
sacrificial utensils. Against the first hypothesis it has been urged
that they never exhibit the effects of fire, also that the high and
beautiful finish of many of them is not consistent with their being
kitchen utensils at all. If, however, they were held over charcoal
braziers, not for cooking, but simply for warming viands, the
effects of fire would scarcely be visible, and they might very well
have also conveyed the foods to the table. On the other hand,
some were certainly dedicated to religious purposes, as the
inscriptions on British and Continental silver examples prove.
Poorer temples probably had bronze services, and in the house-
hold, metallic and other vessels may have been reserved for
offerings at the domestic shrine. It is noteworthy that the
1 Arch. Jour, vi, p. 47. 2 Archaeologia, xxviii, p. 436.
8 Arch. Jour, viii, p. 35. 4 Archaeologia, xv, p. 393.
GLASS, METAL, AND STONE UTENSILS 189
-paterae figured on the altars resemble those of our first division,
and are nearly always associated with ewers, just as they were
in the Bartlow Hills. The patera appears to have been a saucer-
like vessel for liquids only, and derived from the Greek phiale,
both being used for libations. The central boss or omphalos
of the latter provided a small hollow underneath for a finger to
be caught in when the vessel was held. The Romans or Etruscans
added the handle, and the omphalos survived as an ornamental
feature. The patina and its diminutive, patella, appear to have
been used for solid or semi-solid foods, either in cooking or for
serving up at the table ; and perhaps these terms should be con-
fined to the vessels of our second division.
Shallow bowls of thin bronze ranging from about 8 to 14 ins.
in diameter, with or without two loop-handles, were in regular
use, and fine examples may be seen in the British and York
Museums. They are excellently made and usually quite plain,
but the handles are often slightly ornamented. Fig. 54, E, is
a peculiarly graceful example found in one of the Bartlow Hills.1
As it was associated, like the paterae in two of the other tombs of
these ' hills/ with a bronze ewer, it presumably had a similar
ritual use. A silver bowl with a flanged lip, highly ornamented
on the upper surface, was found at Corbridge in 1736.
Bronze colanders or strainers have occasionally been found,
but rarely perfect in consequence of their thinness. They are
hemispherical, with or without handles, and the holes are usually
arranged in patterns. One with a wide flanged rim was associ-
ated with a bronze patina at Kyngadle 2 in Carmarthenshire,
now in the Welsh Museum, and a similar one, but lacking
its flange, was found at Ribchester. An Ickleton 3 example
had a long, flat, horizontal handle, the grip having incurved
sides, and precisely similar strainers have been found at
Pompeii.
Flat-bottomed trays, described also as plates or salvers, have
been sparingly found. There is a small example in the Guildhall,
with a flat, engrailed rim, the shoulder and edge being neatly
finished with a bead. Globular bronze camp-kettles have been
1 Archaeologia, xxix, p. 3. 2 Arch. Camb, 6, i. p. 21.
3 Brit. Arch. Assoc. iv, p. 376.
igo THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
found at Newstead. Bronze lamps will be referred to in
Chapter XII.
Bronze vessels were sometimes adorned with champleve
enamel. These were cast with sinkings to receive the enamel.
A remarkably fine example was obtained from the Bartlow Hills.
It was a small globular situla,1 with moulded foot, recurved lip,
and a movable handle attached by rings arising from acanthus
leaves on the sides of the vessel. The enamelled decoration
consisted of belts of foliage and simple geometrical patterns, in
translucent blue, opaque red, and green, and the exposed bronze
had been gilded. Several small bowls or cups with similar
decoration have been found, and notably one near Marlborough 2
with a line of inscription below the lip, ABALLAVA VXELLODVM G
AMBOGLAN s BANNA • A. MAIS — names of Roman places in the
neighbourhood of Carlisle. Possibly it was made for some
society connected with these places. In the British Museum are
two cups of similar character, the one from Brougham near
Standon, and the other from Harwood, Northumberland. These
enamelled vessels appear to have emanated from a common
source, and probably British.
As already stated, pewter is less frequent than bronze. A large
table service of this alloy, carefully secreted by burial, was dis-
covered at Icklingham, Suffolk, in 1840, and about forty pieces of
it are now in the British Museum. In the same museum are
thirty-two pieces of another service found similarly buried at
Appleshaw, Hampshire,3 in 1897, and another hoard found near Ely
in 1858. 4 A Roman well at Brislington, Bristol,5 yielded seven
pewter jugs in 1899, and other examples have been found at
Caerwent, Colchester, London, and elsewhere. Pewter is more
susceptible to chemical change by contact with the soil than
bronze, and the Roman examples are usually in a friable con-
dition, with a peculiar pearly sheen. The proportions of tin and
lead in the Roman examples vary, and as a rule the percentage
of the latter is greater than in the English alloy.
The most characteristic vessels in Roman pewter are large
1 Archaeologia, xxvi, plate xxxv. 2 Arch. Jour, xiv, 282.
8 Archaeologia, Ivi, p. 7. * Arch. Jour, xxxii, p. 330.
6 Viet. Hist. Somerset, i, p. 305.
GLASS, METAL, AND STONE UTENSILS 191
circular platters or lances. There are ten from the Appleshaw,
eleven from the Icklingham, and six from the Ely hoards, in the
British Museum. Occasionally they were square instead of
circular. Of the other Appleshaw forms, five are hemispherical
bowls from 4 to 6 ins. in diameter, and three others have a curved
flange below the lip — a form frequent in the redglaze pottery
(Fig. 44, No. 22). Several cups reproduce familiar forms in Castor,
New Forest, and kindred wares (Fig. 46, No. 3). The rest of
the hoard consists of two jugs, several saucers, a curious chalice,
and an oval dish with a flat handle at one end and ornamented
with a fish in the centre. The decoration of the Roman pewter,
which is almost confined to the lances, is very distinctive, con-
sisting of incised lines filled with black bituminous inlays. The
prevailing designs present a framework of interlacing bands, in
the interspaces of which are small ornaments, and the central
feature is often a large rosette — a scheme of decoration which
recalls that of many mosaic pavements and has a distinct
Byzantine feeling. On one of the Appleshaw saucers is shown the
' chi-rho ' symbol, and it also occurs on a Roman cake of pewter
found in the Thames at Battersea.1
It is noteworthy that as a class the pewter forms and decora-
tion have little in common with those of bronze. The old English
pewterer regarded his material as a substitute for silver, and took
the simpler silver forms for his models. This is true to some
extent of the Roman pewterer, but he certainly did not copy
bronze vessels. Many of the Appleshaw vessels were copies of
the current table-ware in pottery, and the lances were probably
from silver models. The decoration and especially the Christian
symbol are suggestive that the use of pewter came in late in
Roman Britain ; and this is further suggested by the fact that
pewter at Minton was associated with coins ranging from A.D.
360 to 410, and a hoard of 1500 coins from Constantine to
Gratian in Cambridgeshire was deposited in a pewter jar.2
1 Proc. Soc. Ant. 2, ii, p. 235. z Ibid. 2, xii, p. 56.
ig2 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
STONE
The most important stone utensil was the revolving quern
(mola versatilis), entire stones or fragments of which are con-
stantly found on Romano-British domestic sites. Although
invented only two or three centuries before our era, it was already
established in Britain, and probably had displaced the older
saddle-quern (mola trusatilis) in the southern parts of the island,
at the time of the Roman conquest. The typical quern of
Roman Britain differed from its predecessor in being larger and
flatter. The grinding-face of the nether stone was still convex
(that of the upper stone being correspondingly concave), and this
form was due to a mistaken notion that it aided the discharge of
the meal. Externally, it was circular with a more or less convex
summit. The ' eye ' of the upper stone was more or less dished
above to serve as a hopper, and frequently its funnel-shaped
hollow had a raised rim. The prevailing size was 15 ins. in
diameter, but specimens 2 or 3 ins. smaller or larger are occasion-
ally found. The grinding-faces were often transversely grooved
to facilitate the flow of the meal.
The lower stone had the necessary central hole for the wooden
or iron pin on which the upper stone revolved. In the simpler
and presumably earlier querns, the rynd or block which contained
the socket for the pin was of wood. This was sufficiently
narrow that when driven into the ' eye ' it left a space on either
side for the passage of the grain. In the more elaborate querns
the rynd was of iron with two or more arms, the ends of which
fitted into grooves on the under surface of the stone. The
wooden handle was usually flat and horizontal, and was driven
into a wedge-shaped sinking in the upper surface, and only rarely
into a lateral socket. In a few instances, querns have retained
their handles, a notable example being one found at Silchester.1
Most of the examples found in this country are of native
stones — the old red sandstone and conglomerate and millstone-
grit being commonly used for the purpose. But the favourite
material was the volcanic rock quarried at Andernach on the
1 Archaeologia, Ivi, p. 240.
GLASS, METAL, AND STONE UTENSILS 193
Rhine, which has been extensively worked into mill-stones from
Roman times downwards, and querns made from it were imported
into this country in large numbers.
Stone mortars of two forms, the tall and the shallow, were
used in Roman Britain. The former resembled in the depth of
their cavities the old-fashioned brass mortars of the apothecary
and the kitchen, and externally they had, as a rule, the tapering
form of a modern flower-pot. Their shape and thickness indicate
that they were used for pounding rather than for mixingsubstances.
These mortars are rather rare. One a foot high has been found
at Camelon, and fragments of three others at Bar Hill.1 Another
of different type, with a semicircular lug on one side of its rim,
was dug up at Wroxeter.
The cavity of the shallow form usually approximated to that
of a saucer, but with sides curving upwards ; but not seldom the
sides were abruptly vertical and the bottom concave or even
flat. Almost invariably the rims had two or more lateral rect-
angular projections or lugs, obviously to support the vessel
when set in a cavity in a table or bench. These mortars were
of all sizes from about 6 to 18 ins. in diameter, and were of
various kinds of stone, the smaller being sometimes of marble.
They were apparently used for triturating powders, grinding
and mixing colours, mashing fruits and foods, and other
kindred purposes. As, in the case of the earthenware mortars,
pestles have not been found, we may infer that they were of
wood.
Stone was also used for a variety of other utensils and imple-
ments, as large weights, spindle-whorls, quoits, whetstones,
troughs, mullers, heavy mauls, pounders, net-sinkers, and loom-
weights. At Wroxeter, London, Rushmore, and Bar Hill have
been found small rectangular palettes of marble, slate, and
other fine stone, which were probably used for mixing colours or
unguents.2
1 Proc. Soc. Ant. Scot, xxxv, p. 414 ; Roman Forts on Bar Hill, p. 89.
2 Uriconium, p. 177 ; Pitt-Rivers, Excavations, i, p. 67 ; Roman Forts on
Bar Hill, p. 90.
CHAPTER XI
IRON IMPLEMENTS AND APPLIANCES
HOARDS — ARTISANS' AND HUSBANDMEN'S TOOLS — DOMESTIC
APPLIANCES — CUTLERY, &c.
THE products of the Romano-British ironsmith were severely
utilitarian and rarely exhibit ornamentation. In this he differed
from his medieval and modern successors, as also from his con-
temporary bronze-smith. It would seem that the capability of
iron for ornamental work was practically unknown or disregarded,
nevertheless it was used for an immense number of purposes.
The iron used was wrought, not cast; the only known example of
the latter is a statuette found in a slag-heap of the era at
Beauport near Hastings.1
Three noteworthy hoards of iron — one found at Great Chester-
ford 2 in 1855, and two at Silchester in 1890 and 1900 3 — will give
the reader an insight into the ironmongery of the era.4 The first
two were in rubbish-pits and the last in a well, and each ap-
parently consisted of a smith's tools and stock-in-trade. The
latter comprised tools and other articles, finished and unfinished,
such as were used by carpenters, farriers, shoemakers, husband-
men and others, domestic appliances, and all sorts of oddments
that are best described as ' scrap ' — unconsidered pieces of iron
collected by the possessors or received in exchange for goods
supplied and services rendered. In the aggregate the total
number of items in these hoards was nearly three hundred, and
included the following : — 22 hammers of various shapes and
1 Proc. Soc. Ant. 2, xiv, p. 359. 2 Arch. Jour, xiii, p. i.
3 Archaeologia, Hi, p. 742 ; liv, p. 139 ; Ivii, p. 246.
* Liger, La Ferronerie is a useful book of reference.
'94
IRON IMPLEMENTS AND APPLIANCES 195
sizes, 10 axes, 3 adzes, 3 tongs of different types, 9 socketed
chisels, 5 socketed gouges, 3 files or rasps, i plane, i centre-bit,
1 saw, i farrier's tool of a type known as the ' boutoir ' in France,
2 dividers or compasses, 4 paring-knives, 2 heavy anvils and an
anvil bed, 3 shoemakers' anvils, 2 nail-makers' tools, 2 sates,
i drift, i wringer or hand-lever, i shears, i turf-cutter, 10 plough
coulters, 12 scythes, 17 mowers' anvils, 2 forks (?), 8 large bars of
uncertain use, i axle-tree (?), 10 felloe-bands, 2 or 3 axle-boxes (?),
i small wheel, several shoes for staves or poles, several knives and
choppers, i large gridiron, i square girder, 5 or 6 padlocks and
3 keys for the same, i lamp, i millstone rynd, 8 shackles, 2 horse-
shoes and a ' hipposandal/ several bucket-handles and hoops, 3
lengths of chain and a curious object with chains attached to it,
i large ring, 7 hinges, and 4 holdfasts, the residue consisting of
hooks, pieces of straps, bands, and other fragments.
The heavier hammers of the era, as Fig. 55, A, resemble our
sledge-hammers, and B, a frequent lighter form, has its ' cross-
paned ' end blunt as in our joiners' hammers. Both examples
are from Silchester, and the former is probably a smith's hammer
and the latter a carpenter's. Hammers of the latter form with
the ' cross-paned ' end sharp were probably masons' walling-
hammers. The shaft-holes are often small, and Sir John Evans
conjectured that compound hafts with iron ends were used for
these. He also observed instances in which the face of the
hammer was ' steeled ' by a plate of steel welded to it.1 The
Silchester example, C, is an unusual combination of hammer and
light pick, and is probably a mason's tool. D, also from Sil-
chester, combines hammer and adze, and resembles a tool used
by modern wheelwrights and coopers.
The two Silchester axes, F and G, represent the ordinary
Roman forms. The former approximates to the present American
felling axe, and the latter to the Kent axe. These axes vary
considerably in size and weight, and doubtless served all the
industrial purposes of their modern successors. Other shapes
are rarely found. One at Lydney resembles some of the Saxon
battle-axes in its crescentic form and long cutting-edge. One in
the Guildhall, H, with a spike behind, is certainly a butcher's
1 Archaeologia, liv, p. 145.
197
198 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
pole-axe. The tool, E, from Lakenheath, Suffolk, may be
described as an axe-adze, and is not uncommon. The adzes of
the era are in general similar to the modern, and Fig. 56, A,
from Ardoch, is a typical example. Occasionally they are
wider, or are gouge-shaped, a form specially useful for shaping
the staves of tubs and barrels. It is hardly possible to draw a
line between adzes, hoes, and mattocks. Both axes and mattocks
are combined with picks, but neither quite resemble the pick-
axes and pick-mattocks of to-day. Examples of the former have
been found at Newstead, B, and of the latter at Aldborough, C,
and elsewhere. An implement smaller than the last, but with
two sharp prongs behind, has been found at Lydney, Rough
Castle, and Caerwent. The Roman pick, pure and simple,
seems to have had a single arm like the medieval.
Of smiths' tongs of the simpler sort, Fig. 57, A, is a good
example from Silchester. A large variety with the points of
the grip turned up at right angles, and the one again turned so
as to overlap the other, has been found at Silchester and New-
stead. The pincers, B, in the Guildhall, would be indispensable
to both carpenters and farriers. Files and rasps have been
sparingly found, and D is a small Guildhall example of the
latter. A larger flat rasp, with a cranked tang and coarsely
serrated on one face, obtained from the first Silchester hoard, is
seemingly a carpenter's tool, as also a similar rasp with a straight
tang at Aldborough. Drills with tapering square or flat butts
are fairly common, and indicate that braces or kindred appli-
ances were in general use, but as no example has come down to
us, they were probably of wood, like our old-fashioned braces.
G, H, and I — a rimer, a gouge-bit, and apparently a large centre-
bit — are certainly carpenters' tools, the first two in the Guildhall
and the last from Chesterford. F is a metal drill, also in the
Guildhall. J is described as a shoemaker's awl in Roach Smith's
Illustrations of Roman London. It has a wooden handle and
bronze ferrule ; and a similar tool has been found at Bar
Hill.
Five examples of chisels and gouges are shown, and of these,
M, from Housesteads, is probably a mason's chisel, the rest,
K, L, N, O, all from Silchester, being carpenters' tools. These
FIG. 57. — Pincers, Drills, Chisels, Gouges, etc. (All
199
200 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
are of two varieties, the socketed to receive wooden handles,1
and those with expanded solid heads, but several in the Guildhall
have tangs. The plane associated with the Silchester hoard of
1890 2 was of wood which has perished ; but the iron sheathing
of the face and sides indicates that it was a jack-plane 13^ ins.
long and 2.\ ins. wide. The blade still remains in position between
two transverse rivets extending from side-plate to side-plate,
that behind threading a lead roller against which it rests. It
was probably secured by a wooden wedge between it and the
rivet in front. The remains of two planes of similar size have been
found at Caerwent, but they apparently lacked the side-plates.
The ' paring-knives ' of the Silchester hoards seem to re-
present the modern joiners' bench-knives. Each has a convex
cutting-edge, 8 or 9 ins. long, and a straight back with a projecting
stop at one end and the remains of a long handle at the other.
Saws are rarely found perfect. Many seem to have been similar
to small billet saws. A tapering hand-saw, 20 ins. long, was
found at Great Chesterford, and a very small one with a deer-
horn handle, at Newstead. The iron tool, Fig. 57, E, with
spatula-like ends, is one of several in the Guildhall, and is
regarded as a modelling tool, and another has one end only
flattened. In the same museum are a hollow punch for making
holes in leather, and several trowels with tangs for handles, all
closely resembling the modern. Compasses are by no means
rare. They were of iron or of bronze, and the latter sometimes
had iron points. Occasionally the rivet has a slot for a wedge-
shaped cotter by which the joint could be so tightened as to become
practically rigid. Fig. 68, H, is an ornamented bronze example
from Tingewick, Buckinghamshire.
The smith's anvil of the Great Chesterford hoard is a rectangular
block of iron with a projecting tabular face, 7 by 5 ins., and
a stout tapering tang below for insertion into a wooden block.
The Silchester anvil resembles the modern in having a conical
beak at one end, and it has a similar tang to the foregoing.3
1 One of four chisels found at Newstead has a haft of deer-horn.
2 Figured in Archaeologia, liv, 151.
3 These two anvils are figured in Arch. Jour, xiii, plate i; and Archaeologia,
liv, p. 142.
IRON IMPLEMENTS AND APPLIANCES 201
Although modern in appearance, it is of a form that goes back
to the Bronze Age.1 A small anvil similar to those used by
goldsmiths was found at Rushmore. The Silchester shoe-
makers' anvils resemble those still in use, and were supported on
stems with shouldered tangs for wooden blocks. The mowers'
anvils are from 7 to n ins. long, the upper third about i in. square
in section, and tapering below to a point. The shoulder is per-
forated for one or two strips of iron with their ends horizontally
coiled to form supporting brackets. In the Caerwent example
(Fig. 57, C) the brackets are of a single strip. Similar anvils
are still used for beating the edges of scythes upon, in France,
Spain, and Italy, and they are made at Birmingham for exporta-
tion to South America. They are driven into the ground and
flat stones or pieces of wood are placed under the brackets to
give them a firm support.
The scythes of the Great Chesterford hoard were remarkable
for their shape and length, which was little short of 7 ft. Like
the modern scythes, they had a stiffening ridge at the back,
but they differed in their curve. This, instead of being gentle
throughout, made a rapid bend at about 17 ins. from the butt,
causing this recurved portion to be turned somewhat in the
direction of the point. This portion was narrow and ended in
a turned-up tang for insertion in the sneed. There must, how-
ever, have been some additional means for securing these large
blades to their handles. Several scythes found at Newstead
were shorter and wider, and their curves less accentuated towards
the butt, thus approximating to the modern. A scythe found
at Bokerly by General Pitt-Rivers, 2 ft. 5^- ins. long, differed
again in its sickle-like shape and in having a socket for the sneed.
Curved knives of various shapes and sizes, and evidently used
in agriculture, are of common occurrence. The larger of the
form of Fig. 56, D, from Silchester, and E, F, from London,
are certainly sickles, and the smaller may have been pruning-
hooks. The small size of the Roman and the prehistoric sickles
is due to the ancient custom of cutting the ears of corn from off
the straw, handful by handful. A socketed tool less curved than
the last and about i ft. long, found at Caerwent, may be de-
1 Evans, Ancient Bronze Implements, p. 182.
202 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
scribed as a bill-hook, and was probably used for slashing off
branches. The socketed tools from Rushmore, G and H, are
usually described as spuds ; they may, however, have been
respectively the points of a wooden mattock and pick.
The ' hippo-sandal ' of the Silchester hoard of 1890 is a not
uncommon object both in this country and in France. It has a
remote resemblance to a slipper, with a portion of each side of
its sole turned up to form a wing or clip, an ascending tongue
with a loop at one end, and the other slightly rising and termi-
nating in a loop or hook. In all these details, however, it varies
considerably, and sometimes in lieu of the second, the wings are
developed and coalesce with a loop at the junction. Others
again may be regarded as half-' sandals,' being narrower, with
one side straight and lacking the clip. Two of these — a right
and a left — would make a complete ' sandal.' These articles
have been regarded as lamp-stands, as skids for wheels, as shoes
for the ends of the poles of the pole-car or sledge, but the pre-
vailing opinion is that they were temporary shoes for horses with
injured hoofs or when going over stony ground. Those in halves
may have been for oxen.1 Horse- and ox-shoes are found on
Roman sites, and they differ from the modern chiefly in their
smaller size, which is explainable by the well-known fact of the
small size of the Romano-British horses and oxen. Horse-shoes
with undulating or slightly scolloped sides are rather character-
istic of the era.
The gridiron of the same hoard is about 17 by 18 ins. It
consists of a rectangular frame, with bars arranged longitudinally
and transversely (the central one expanding into a circle), resting
on four legs and with a ring at each end. Gridirons are rarely
found with Roman remains. There are two in the Lewes Museum,
each about I ft. square, with four legs, parallel bars, and a straight
handle. The curious object with chains in the Great Chest erf ord
hoard was certainly a pot-hanger.2 The swivel-piece was large
and ornamented with a large ring on the summit to receive the
supporting beam or bracket ; and from it depended a chain, at
1 Brit. Arch. Assoc. 1, p. 251 ; Archaeologia, liv, p. 154. See also Essex Arch.
Soc. i, p. 1 08.
2 Arch. Jour, xiii, plate ii. See also Archaeologia, Ivi, p. 242.
IRON IMPLEMENTS AND APPLIANCES 203
the foot of which was attached two shorter chains, each ending
with a hook. There are the remains of a similar hanger in the
Cirencester Museum. An iron folding tripod, 4 ft. 3 ins. high,
found at Stanfordbury, Bedfordshire, had a swivelled pot-hanger
suspended from its summit.1 It was associated with a pair of
fire-dogs and several bronze cooking utensils.
Other fire-dogs have been found associated with Roman re-
mains at Mount Bures 2 near Colchester, Capel Garmon, Denbigh-
shire,3 and near Barton, Cambridgeshire.4 They were all of one
type, consisting of two uprights about 2|- ft. high, connected below
with a horizontal bar, and resting on four feet, each pair of feet
being formed of a curved piece attached to the bottom of the
upright. Each upright terminated above in an ox's head with
long horns, and facing outwards. The Capel Garmon dog was
an elaborate example with the uprights ornamented with series of
semicircular loops. These fire-dogs, having double fronts, were
adapted for central hearths, in this respect unlike the medieval
and later, which usually had single uprights and were placed
on hearths in chimney recesses. With the Stanfordbury dogs,
were two bars, 3 ft. i£ ins. long, with terminal rings and hook-like
projections on the inner sides of these. These were probably
placed between the dogs, and held in position by being threaded
on the horns, the hooks serving as supports for horizontal spits,
and the intervening portions for hanging toasters and other
cooking appliances. Bars resting upon the horizontal members
of the dogs would usefully support pans and other cooking utensils.
Knives are almost invariably found on our Roman sites, but
it is only where they have escaped the extreme effects of oxidiza-
tion that their good quality and finish can be appreciated.
Many have bone handles, but as most are without, it may be
inferred that the majority were of wood. They were attached
by three methods — by a narrow tang inserted into or passing
through the handle ; by a plate-tang, the handle being in two
halves, one on either side of the plate, and riveted through it ;
and less frequently and only in the larger knives, by a socket,
into which the handle was inserted. Occasionally the handle is of
1 Collect. Antiq. ii, plate xi. a Ib. ii, p. 25.
3 Arch. Camb. 3, ii, p. 91. * Archaeologia, xix, p. 57.
204 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
iron, blade and handle being in a single piece. Some are of
bronze, usually in the form of an animal or terminating in an
animal's head. Three prevailing shapes of blades can be dis-
tinguished, examples of which are shown in Fig. 58, A to I.
Those with the curved blades of B, C, and I, and of the rarer
shape A, all from London, are specially notable for their careful
finish. The handles of these are mostly of bone, ornamented
with incised lines or circles, and the plates to which they are
riveted usually end in semicircular loops or rings. In rare
instances these knives are tanged for tubular handles, as in E,
from Rushmore. Knives of this type apparently answer to our
table-knives, but they are smaller as a rule, and the handles
rarely exceed 3 ins. in length.
Straight-bladed knives with tangs are more common. They
vary considerably in shape and size, but G, from Rushmore, is
representative of the majority. Occasionally they are leaf-
shaped, or the back is straight from base to point. The handles
were usually of wood, bone handles as in D, a large knife from
Lydney, being uncommon ; and, to judge from the length of the
tangs, they were generally long. We can hardly class with either
group the little knives, A and H, both from London. The first
is a rare example stamped with the maker's name — OLONDVS F.,
and its handle appears to have been of wood. The second has an
iron handle, and was possibly a surgeon's implement.
Large knives with triangular blades of the shape of F have
tangs or sockets, and there is a good example of the former with
a bone handle from Arncliffe in the British Museum. They are
probably butchers' knives, and this is corroborated by the fact
that the knives carved on altars, with other sacrificial implements,
are of this shape.
Clasp- or pocket-knives are mostly of the forms of J and K.
The former is from Caerwent and has a turned cylindrical bronze
handle. The latter is of more frequent occurrence, and its
handle is of openwork bronze, representing a hound catching
a hare. In the next example, L, from Lydney, the handle is of
bone, ornamented incised circles, and furnished with a ring for
suspension. The Roman clasp-knife lacked the back spring
and the nail-groove of the modern.
FIG. 58. — Knives and Shears. (J, K, L, g ; the rest,
205
206 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
Steels were certainly used, for Mr. Roach Smith figured one
found in London, of a shape resembling that of a modern flat file,
with a bronze handle in the form of a horse's head.1 The usual
implement for the purpose, however, was the whetstone, of
which examples are almost invariably found on Roman sites.
Any convenient piece of hard sandstone an inch or two in width,
and from 4 to 8 or more in length, or a long silicious pebble,
served the end ; but sometimes the stone was neatly shaped, and
this especially so in the case of small whetstones, which often had
a hole for suspension.
Shears are not uncommon, and three examples are given, M,
N, O, the first being of bronze from Caerleon, and the other two
of iron, from Rushmore and Aldborough respectively. The last
is perhaps the more usual form. The other two resemble the
modern shears in the circular sweep of their heads — an arrange-
ment which materially increases their elasticity. The rounded
notch at the base of each cutting edge of N for cutting cord or twigs
is a frequent feature, but the bronze example, M, which possibly is
medieval, is unusual in having four on each side. The shears
are of all sizes from about 5 ins. to I ft. or more, and the smaller
were certainly domestic appliances used as our modern scissors,
for although the Romans were acquainted with scissors on the
lever principle, very few examples have been found in this
country, and it is doubtful whether they are Roman at
all.
The list of the contents of the Great Chesterford and Silchester
hoards by no means exhausts the varied uses of iron. Nails, straps,
holdfasts, clamps, sheaths and sockets for door pivots, hinges of
various types, hasps, bolts, latches, and joints for tree-pipes,
indicate its extensive use in building-construction. The first
are invariably found on the sites of buildings and often in abund-
ance, and most closely resemble those of modern joiners and
carpenters.2 Iron padlocks, large keys, lock-escutcheons, chains
with links as varied as the modern, bridle-bits and other details
of horse-harness, swivels, shackles, goad-heads, swords, daggers,
1 Illustrations of Roman London, p. 141.
* A series of these is illustrated in Rom. Brit. Buildings and Earthworks,
chap. xi.
IRON IMPLEMENTS AND APPLIANCES 207
spear, arrow and bolt heads, and chain and plate-mail, have all
been found, some plentifully, others rarely. Besides these, the
excavations of large sites, as those of Silchester and Caerwent,
have yielded many iron objects and fragments, the purposes of
which are uncertain or quite unknown.
CHAPTER XII
MISCELLANEOUS IMPLEMENTS AND APPLIANCES
SPOONS, LlGULAE, AND FORKS — LAMPS AND CANDLESTICKS-
STEELYARDS, BALANCES, AND MEASURES — BELLS — OBJECTS
USED IN GAMES — SPINDLES, NEEDLES, AND NETTING-
TOOLS — STRIGILS — OCULISTS' STAMPS — WRITING APPLI-
ANCES AND SEAL BOXES
SPOONS (cochleare) are frequently found on Roman sites.
The bowls are of three shapes — circular, as Fig. 59, C, D ;
oval, as B ; and one that may be described as fig-shaped
with a straight upper end, as A. The spoons of the first type
are mostly small and of bone, and they are generally regarded
as egg-spoons. Those of the second and third are larger and are
almost always of bronze and silver ; neither, however, are so
frequently found as the first. The stems of all are slender and
pointed, and Martial refers to their use for extracting shell-fish from
their shells. Those of the metal spoons generally have a curious
crank at the base, whereas those of the bone spoons are usually
straight from point to base, C being exceptional in this respect.
This crank is a survival of a hinged joint by which the bowl
could be turned forwards upon the stem to render the spoon more
portable, and an example is figured in Illustrations of Roman
London*
The slender spoon-like objects (ligulae), of which three are
shown, E, F, and G, are nearly always of bronze. They differ
from the spoons in their narrow bowls, and the expanded heads of
their stems to serve as counterpoises to their bowls. They were
probably used at the table for taking condiments out of narrow-
necked vessels, and for other like purposes.
1 Plate xxxvii, 13.
208
D
0 0
J
H
FIG. 59.— Spoon?, Ligitlae, etc. (All §)
2±6 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
There is no evidence that table-forks were used. The slender
bronze implement resembling a hay-fork, H, is one of two in the
Guildhall which were probably kitchen implements, as certainly
were the flesh-hooks of which there are several in that museum.
These are iron implements, consisting of a handled stem from
8 to 15 ins. long, to which several curved claw-like prongs are
riveted.
Lamps are of common occurrence, and they may be divided
into two classes, the open and the closed. The first represent
an advance on the primitive saucer-lamps in having a lateral open
spout for the wick to recline in : the second represent a further
advance in being closed in above, except for a feed-hole and a
wick-hole. In none is there provision for a vertical wick as in
the modern lamps. The typical Roman lamp belongs to our
second class. It has a circular oil-container from 2 to 3 ins. in
diameter, with a feed-hole (infundibulum) in the top, a covered
wick-spout or nozzle (nasus, rostrum] that varies considerably,
on one side, and usually a handle, on the other side. The body
at first was somewhat globular, with a large feed-hole ; but before
the conquest of Britain, the feed-hole had become smaller, and
was in a large depression (discus), which afforded the chief field
for ornamentation. Fig. 60, C, is a simple example of one of
these lamps. The earlier handles were simple loops large enough
to admit the finger, and the later, rounded vertical lugs usually
perforated with a small hole. Occasionally there are two, or
even three or more, nozzles. Another occasional feature is a
small projection on each side of the top, as in D. These are probably
survivals of small perforated lugs for the attachment of two
suspending cords or chains, the handle serving for the attachment
of a third. Still another occasional feature is a small slit behind
the nozzle, as in B and D, apparently for the insertion of a pin
to push forward the wick.
By far the larger number of these lamps are of pottery,
especially in this country, where few of bronze have been found.
They are as a rule moulded. The moulds were in two parts, the
one for the top of the lamp and the other for the lower portion.
The clay was pressed into the half-moulds, and these being
FIG. 60. — Lamps and Lamp-Stands. (All
211
212
brought together, the union of the two clays was effected by
pressure. The clay was generally buff or red of fine texture, and
covered with a ruddy or dark engobe. Many of the lamps bear
moulded ornamentation, and not a few, the makers' names or
marks. Out of about 105 London lamps in the Guildhall, 45
are ornamented and 23 are inscribed. The ornamentation is
mostly confined to the discus, but sometimes the border is also
or alone ornamented ; and an enumeration of the decorative
subjects will give an idea of their diversity on the lamps
generally — Jupiter seated; Diana (bust); Silenus (bust);
Venus standing on a shell ; Victory (several) ; Actaeon and
his dogs ; Cupid armed ; Cupid with a bunch of grapes ;
Sol in his chariot ; Charon hi a boat ; a female with torches ;
busts of empresses ; a centaur with an amphora ; saddled horse ;
running dog ; hound and boar ; eagle ; dolphin (two) ; two
birds ; gladiatorial scenes ; crescent (for Diana ?) ; masks ; and an
eight-petalled flower. The following ornamented borders occur —
egg-and-tongue, meander, and ' mulberry ' patterns ; scrollwork ;
helmets, spears, and shields ; oak-leaves ; and- a wreath.
Lamps are occasionally inscribed, and the most frequent
inscriptions are acclamations and good wishes, as VIVAS, ' Long
life,' and AVE ET VALE, ' greeting and farewell ! ' As they were
not only used for ordinary lighting purposes, but for illuminations
at public rejoicings, votive offerings, tombs, and new year's gifts,
the inscriptions sometimes indicate their destination. SAECVL,
combined with circus scenes, evidently refers to the Ludi
Saeculares. SACRVM VENERI suggests a votive offering for a
shrine of Venus ; and ANNVM NOVVM FAVSTVM FILICEM, or simply
FELICITAS, was appropriate for a new year's gift. The maker's
name is nearly always placed on the bottom, with or without
F for fecit or EX OF. for ex officina; and with or without the
name, there is occasionally a single letter, numeral, or
simple device as a footprint, a wheel, or a wreath or palm.
Some of these may indicate the patterns issued from a pottery,
others may be of the nature of trade-marks, and others again
workmen's marks. Although a few moulds have been found in
this country — there are examples in the Guildhall and Caerleon
Museums — the majority of our lamps were made abroad, and
MISCELLANEOUS IMPLEMENTS AND APPLIANCES 213
Italy and other Mediterranean countries appear to have been
the chief seat of the manufacture. In Italy and Africa, the later
lamps were of the general form of those of the 3rd and 4th
centuries, but those of the East were somewhat oval or kite-
shaped, and in either case the handles were solid, the workmanship
poor, and the ornamentation often included the ' chi-rho ' and
other Christian symbols and subjects ; very few of these late
lamps, however, have been found in this country.
Aberrant forms of lamps are rare. There is a remarkable
example in the Guildhall collection, shaped above as a negro's
head, the grotesquely projecting lower jaw of which serves as
the nozzle, the lower surface having the form of a camel's head ;
others in the form of a bird and of a helmet have been found at
Colchester.1 One found at Hexham was of normal character,
but had a cylindrical stem below, which may have terminated
in a foot or pedestal or have been intended for insertion into the
sconce of a candlestick.2 Bronze lamps resemble those of pottery,
but differ in their finer manipulation. The handles especially are
graceful, and are sometimes provided with ornamented plates or
leaves to shield the hand from the smoke of the flame. Few
have been found in this country, and there are several in the
Guildhall collection.
Lamp-stands, or open lamps as they are often regarded, are
shallow vessels with a rounded projection on one side and a
handle on the other. E is an earthenware example in the Guild-
hall, but is deeper than usual. They are often of lead, as F from
Gellygaer ; and in the Guildhall there is one with three legs, which
contained a small red-ware lamp when found. A fine bronze
example, with an acanthus screen attached to the handle, was
found with one of the Bartlow Hills interments. Iron examples
are more frequent, and have been found with interments in the
Bartlow Hills, at Rougham, Lockham, and elsewhere.3 G from
one of the first is typical. It consists of three parts, the stand,
a swivel-piece, and a bar terminating with a spike and a lateral
hook. The stand could be suspended by thrusting the spike into
a crevice or hole in a wall or by catching the hook upon a shelf
or over a nail. Iron and brass hanging-lamps with precisely
1 Proc. Soc. Ant. 2, xv, p. 53. * Ib. 2, xiv, p. 275. 3 See Chap. VIII.
214 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
similar arrangements for suspension were in common use on the
Continent until half a century ago ; and the Scottish oil-cruisie
differs only in having two pans, an upper, the lamp proper, and
a lower to catch any dribble of oil from the former. The Roman
lamp-stand served the purpose of the latter, although it occasion-
ally may have been used as a lamp, for in the Rougham example
were found the remains of a wick in its rounded projection.
Our Roman candlesticks are with few and doubtful exceptions
of iron and pottery. A common iron form consists of a tall and
tapering socket on three legs, as Fig. 61, A, a Caerwent example.
A variant of this form has a circular grease-plate at the base of
the socket, as in B, from Cirencester. Less frequent is the
' caltrop ' candlestick, of which C is a Caerwent example, con-
sisting of four sockets united at their bases and so arranged that,
however placed, three serve as legs. D and E, both from Sil-
chester, are bracket candlesticks, having horizontal spikes to be
inserted into the wall. The former has in addition a downward
spike, which could be thrust into a hole in a table or shelf, or into
a wooden pedestal, the horizontal arm then serving as a handle—
a similar example has been found in London. J is a hanging
candle-holder from Silchester, the terminal hook of which is
missing. This and the bracket candlestick, E, are forms which
were in common use down to a century ago, and even more
recently in Scotland.
Earthenware candlesticks are rarely more than 4 ins. high, and
are usually of common red and buff wares. They vary consider-
ably in shape and some resemble medieval forms. The Silchester
example, H, represents the prevailing form — a saucer-like vessel
on a tall foot, with a socket for the candle in the centre of the
cavity. The saucer was sometimes smaller and the foot more
spreading, or, as in F, an example at York, the former was larger
and deeper. Occasionally it was dispensed with, as in G, another
Silchester example. The object of the saucer was to catch any
molten fat from the candle. It is a common feature in the
medieval candlesticks, and it survived as a slightly concave or
flat disc in the earthenware, brass, and pewter candlesticks of
the I7th and i8th centuries.
I is a curious combination of iron open lamp and candle-socket
FIG. 61.— Candle-Holders of Iron and Pottery. (All $
215
216 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
resting upon a tall stem with a tripod base, found at Silchester.
The oil-container is imperfect, and it is impossible to say whether
it had a wick-spout.
The steelyard (statera) and the balance or scales (libra,
bilanx) were in common use in Roman Britain. The examples
which have survived are of bronze and of small sizes, the larger
being probably of wood or iron. Fig. 62, A, is a small but
typical example of the steelyard found at Kingsholm, Gloucester-
shire.1 The graduated beam (scapus) is hexagonal in section,
but as often as not it is quadrangular or round. The Roman
steelyard differs from the modern in having two handles (ansae),
consequently two fulcrums (centra) in different positions. The
handles are in the form of hooks of flattened bronze, so that when
hooked over the finger the instrument could be supported with
comfort. Our example is shown in the position in which the
fulcrum nearest the base is brought into operation, and in this
position the instrument is adapted for weighing heavier articles
than when reversed, with the other handle brought into use.
From the base is suspended a hook — a double one in this case—
or a pan for holding the articles to be weighed. The sliding
weights are often of lead, but bronze examples in the form of
busts or animals are not uncommon. The beams are graduated on
both sides, the series of notches indicating progressive weights,
beginning with that next the handle farthest from the base, and
ending on the opposite side with the knob.
Scale-beams are perhaps more frequently found, and there
are over twenty examples in the Guildhall Museum. They vary
in length from about 4 to 14 ins., and are relatively slender. In
its simplest form (as B from Lydney) the beam has a central
eyelet to receive a finger-hook, and one at each end for the rings
from which the pans were suspended. An improvement was the
introduction of an index or pointer, as in the folding beam, C,
from London ; and the handles of these beams were cleft as at
present, for the passage of the index. An ornamented handle of
the kind is figured by Mr. Roach Smith.2 A Silchester beam
has a small hole in the upper part of the index, which, when
1 In Brit. Mus. 2 Illustrations of Roman London, plate xxxviii, 6.
FIG. 62. — Weighing Apparatus, Bells, and Objects used in Games. (All §)
217
2i8 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
coinciding with two corresponding holes in the handle, indicated
that it was in a horizontal position.1 The folding balances are
of small size and were probably used for weighing money. The
Lydney beam, like some others found elsewhere, is graduated
on both arms ; and these are usually ounce graduations on the
one, and half-ounce on the other, so that with a sliding-weight on
each arm, and a pound-weight in one pan, it would be possible to
weigh from an ounce by successive increments of half-ounces to
two pounds. Scale-pans are rarely found. A small engraved
one is figured by Mr. Roach Smith,2 and there is a large iron one
with four rings in the Cirencester Museum.
The smaller weights of the era are usually cheese-shaped, as
the two shown in Fig. 62, D, the one a bronze pound from London,
and the other a lead two-ounce from Melandra. The denomina-
tions are generally expressed by numerals, I standing for a pound
or an ounce, and S (semis) for half a pound or ounce, or by punched
dots and other symbols. Large weights of stone have been found,
as two near Towcester.3
Nearly thirty lead weights have been found at Melandra
Castle, most of which are of the cheese shape, the rest being
flat discs, some perforated, squares, and a few of nondescript
shapes. The marks, especially of the smaller, which are
apparently coin weights, are intricate and in some instances
obscure. The Roman subdivisions of the uncia were complicated
by the introduction of the Greek drachma, but it is outside the
province of this book to enter into the intricate subject of the
Roman weights. For these the reader is referred to Smith's
Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities, Hill's Handbook of
Greek and Roman Coins, and the important articles on the
Melandra weights by Mr. Thomas May 4 and Prof. Conway.5
Examples of the Roman foot-rule (regains) have been found at
Caerleon,6 Colchester, and Wilderspool.7 They are of bronze
and of identical construction, each having a single hinge, and a
1 Archaeologia, liv, p. 156. 2 Illustrations, plate xxxviii, 4.
3 Brit. Arch. Assoc. vii, p. 107.
4 Derbyshire Arch, and Nat. History Soc.'s Journal, xxv, p. 165.
5 Melandra Castle, p. 99. • Arch. Jour, viii, p. 160.
7 Warrington's Roman Remains, p. 80.
MISCELLANEOUS IMPLEMENTS AND APPLIANCES 219
riveted stay on the one arm, which, when the rule is opened,
catches into a pin on the other, and so keeps it rigid. Inches
are marked by indentations, and the total length is approxi-
mately that of the estimated Roman pes of 11-649 English
inches.
Bells are occasionally found on Roman sites. They are of cast
bronze and of small size, rarely being as large as our table-bells.
The prevailing form is quadrangular with rounded corners,
four little feet, and a perforated lug on the summit. Fig. 62,
K, is a typical example from London, but the feet are sometimes
absent. Hemispherical and conical bells, of which J is a London
example of the former, are less frequent. The clappers rarely
remain and they appear to have been, as a rule, of iron. The
quadrangular form was derived from bells made of sheet metal
bent into shape, with the edges riveted or soldered together, like
the old-fashioned iron sheep and cow-bells which still linger in use,
and many of the larger bells of the ancient Celtic Church of which
St. Patrick's is a famous example. Others of these ecclesiastical
bells are in cast bronze, but, like the quadrangular Roman bells,
retain the parent form, only with more rounded contours. The
small size and eyelets of the Roman bells render it unlikely that
they were used for the table. Their excellent finish is scarcely
compatible with their being sheep- and cattle-bells, and the most
feasible suggestion is that they were horse-bells and were attached
to the harness in the same manner as at present.
Globular bells have also been found on Roman sites. There
are several plain ones in the Guildhall Museum pierced with
circular holes and an oblong slit at the bottom ; and a small
ornamented example was found at Headington, Oxfordshire, and
others at Chesterford, Shefford, and Colchester.
Various objects used in games are of constant occurrence. Dice
(tesserae, tessellae), identical with the modern, have been found in
sufficient number to prove that Roman Britain shared in the
general passion for dice-playing. Fig. 62, F, is a bone example, but
occasionally they are of ivory and lead. Dice-boxes seem to be
rare in this country, but E is an undoubted example of "bone in
220 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
the Guildhall. It is probable that small earthenware vases, like
Fig. 50, Nos. 3 and 8, were used for the purpose.
Small discs of opaque glass or frit, flat below and convex
above, made by pouring the molten material on a flat surface, are
frequently found. They are rarely less than J in. or more than
| in. in diameter, white, deep blue, or black, usually plain, and
when otherwise the upper surface has spots in white or red
enamel, as in G. The Romans had similar games to our draughts,
and it is probable that these discs were used in these, the marked
ones being superior pieces. A stone draught-board, divided into
56 squares, has been found at Corbridge, and portions of others at
Chesters and Maumbury Rings near Dorchester.
Wafer-like bone discs, ornamented on the face with concentric
circles, are also of common occurrence. The larger sizes are
thicker and are often more elaborately ornamented, as two
examples from Caerleon, H. There is little doubt that these
objects were used in games, the smaller as counters, and the
larger as ' pieces ' like our draughtsmen. We can hardly dis-
sociate from these frit and bone discs, those made from pot-
sherds and even glass, the former of which are of common
occurrence, often with their edges neatly rounded by rubbing on
stone, and mostly from £ to I in. in diameter.
Larger discs chipped out of stone or coarse pottery, ranging
from about 2 to 5 ins. in diameter, were probably used in some
game akin to quoits. The stone ones are of common occurrence
where thin flagstones abound, and considerable numbers made
of the local pennant-stone have been found at Caerwent, Gelly-
gaer, Llantwit Major, Merthyr Tydfil, and Ely near Cardiff.
Small ornamented triangular, square, and lozenge-shaped
(as I, from Lydney) plates of bone are occasionally found, and
they may be ' pieces ' in some table-game.
There was a pastime, indulged in by Greek and Roman women
and children, known by the Romans as talus. It received this
name because the game was ordinarily played with the knuckle-
bones (tali) of sheep and goats. Five were required, and they
seem to be have been used precisely as in the modern game of
'five-stones,' now almost obsolete. A Herculanean painting
depicts two women playing the game, and one is shown in the act
MISCELLANEOUS IMPLEMENTS AND APPLIANCES 221
of catching three on the back of her hand, while two are falling to
the ground. These knuckle-bones were imitated in ivory, bronze,
agate, and other materials, and there are two of lead in the Guild-
hall Museum. The actual bones may also have been used in
Britain, but it would not, of course, be easy to determine whether
those found on our sites were thus used or were refuse of food.
That gladiatorial contests, combats with wild animals,
chariot-racing, and other scenes of the amphitheatre were popular
in Britain, are proved by the remains of amphitheatres and their
frequent delineations on mosaics and pottery. Hunting, also,
must have been extremely popular, for wild animals and hunting
scenes were also favourite subjects. Inscriptions, too, bear
witness to this, as also the bones and tusks of the wild boar and
the antlers of the red-deer which are almost invariably found on
Roman sites.
The art of spinning with the distaff and spindle is probably as
old as the stone age, and it still survives, even as near to us as
some of the outlying islands of Scotland. Of the ancient distaffs
and spindles very few remain, but the perforated discs or whorls,
the momentum of which prolonged the twirl given to the spindle
by the finger and thumb, are common objects in our museums.
These are mostly of stone, but also of other materials, as shale,
steatite, Kimmeridge coal, lead, bone, and pottery ; flat or more
or less convex or conical on one or both sides ; from I to i£ ins.
in diameter ; shaped by hand or turned in the lathe ; and
plain or slightly ornamented. Fig. 63, A, is an example of a
turned spindle- whorl. They are frequently found on Roman sites,
but as a rule these cannot be distinguished from those of earlier or
later times, unless they are made of pieces of recognizable pottery
of the era. There are many bone and wooden spindles in the
Guildhall that have been found in London, and one of these with
its whorl, B, is shown. This whorl is the sawn-off upper portion
of the head of a long bone, probably of an ox.
Bone and bronze needles and bodkins are seen in most collec-
tions of our Roman antiquities. They are, as a rule, carefully
made, from 3 to 6 ins. long, and the eyes are nearly always in the
form of narrow slots. Most of the examples in Fig, 68 are
FIG. 63.— Spindle and Whorls, Strigil, Hand-Mirror, and Combs. (C, 3 ; the rest,
222
MISCELLANEOUS IMPLEMENTS AND APPLIANCES 223
from Silchester, the first group, F, being of bronze, and the second,
G, of bone. Bronze netting-needles are rare, but several may
be seen in the Guildhall. Thimbles are also rare, and they differ
from the modern in being shorter and more hemispherical. Fig.
68, I, is a bronze one from Aldborough, and is perhaps un-
usual in being faceted.
The strigil or bath-scraper (see p. 95), the use of which was
an occasional subject in Greek and Roman art, approached a
sickle in general form, but with the point gently curved back,
and in the Roman examples the blade may be described as an
attenuated scoop. Few have been found in this country, and
these are of bronze or iron. Of the former material is Fig.
63, C, from Reculver. Its handle is tubular, of sheet bronze,
with oval bosses so as to ensure a firm grip in the hand. A pair
of similar strigils were among the grave-goods of one of the
Bartlow Hills (p. 143). In a more frequent form, the handle
has two narrow openings or slots, one on each side, to serve the
same purpose as the bosses, and there are several examples of
these in the Guildhall.
Oculists' stamps have been found at St. Albans, Wroxeter,
Cirencester, Kenchester, Gloucester, Bath, and several other
places.1 They are little oblong or tabular blocks of schist, slate,
or other fine stone, engraved with names of medicaments and their
makers, and often with those of the complaints for which they
were specifics, the inscriptions of course being reversed. Ancient
medical writers refer to a large number of collyria, some of which
were the recipes of famous physicians and were known by their
names, as the Collyria of Dionysius. Others were known by their
chief ingredient or their colour. The Wroxeter example, which,
contrary to the rule, is circular instead of rectangular, is inscribed
on the face, TIB CL M DIALIBA AD OMNE VITIO EX o, " The diali-
banum of Tiberius Claudius, Medicus (?), for all complaints (of
the eyes) to be used with egg." The Kenchester tablet has the
name of the maker, Titus Vindax Ariovistus, on each of its four
edges, followed by the name of a preparation — ANICET (Anicetum,
1 Wright, The Celt, Roman, and Saxon, p. 298.
224 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
the ' Invincible ') NARD (Nardinum, containing spikenard) ;
CHLORON (the ' green collyrium '), the fourth side being damaged.
Both Greeks and Romans were acquainted with pens, ink,
paper, and parchment, but these appear to have been chiefly
reserved for literary writing — ordinary correspondence, accounts,
memoranda, and even wills, being written on wax tablets
with the stile. Fig. 64, A, from a Pompeian mural painting,
illustrates these methods and materials. It depicts an inkstand,
pen, parchment roll, stile and writing tablets, one of the last
having leaves like a book and the other apparently being a single
leaf to hang on the wall.
The pen ordinarily used was made from the Egyptian reed,
whence its name, calamus, and it was cut precisely like the
modern quill pen. Bronze pens of the same size and shape of
the reed pens have been sparingly found on the Continent. The
ink, atramentum, was, like our liquid Indian inks, a preparation
of carbon, perhaps lamp-black. The inkstands were cylindrical
or hexagonal, of bronze or terra-cotta, mostly with contracted
mouths, and with or without handles and hinged lids. As might
be expected, no example of a reed pen or of a written paper or
parchment has survived to us in Britain ; but inkstands bear
witness to the fact that this mode of writing was in vogue. There
are five of bronze in the Guildhall Museum, one of which, D, is
shown. It has a contracted mouth, and riveted to its side is a
tongue of thin bronze, probably the base of a handle. Three
others have full-width mouths, and may have had loose lids with
contracted openings, which are lost. The remaining inkstand is
larger and has three feet of rather elaborate design. In the same
museum are several small bronze amphora-like vessels, which,
although intended for suspension, two are provided with small
bronze tripod stands. Similar vessels, in one instance a double
one, have been found elsewhere in this country. Their use is
unknown, and it is not certain whether they are Roman at all,
but possibly they were portable ink-bottles.
Writing-tablets (tabulae, pugillares) were ordinarily of beech,
fir, and box-wood, and rarely exceeded 5^ ins. in length and 4^ ins.
in width. They had a raised border, and over the sunk panel
V7
7
FIG. 64. — Writing Appliances and Seal-boxes. (B, D, § ; C, £ ; E, F, G,
15
226 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
a film of soft wax, almost invariably coloured black, was spread.
A set of tablets contained two or more of these leaves, hinged
together with wire or thread, book-wise, the borders preventing the
waxed surfaces coming into contact. The outer surfaces of the
outside leaves were of plain wood. The stilus was usually of
bronze or iron, from 3^ to 5 ins. long, pointed at one end for writing
on the wax, and flattened at the other for smoothing the wax
when again required for writing, or when it was necessary to
make a correction, hence vertere stilum, to turn the pen, meant to
make an erasure.
As stated above, the tablets were used for a variety of pur-
poses. They were used in schools as slates are at present.
Letters were written on them, and before they were dispatched
by the letter-carrier or tabellarius, they were secured by pack-
thread and sealed. They were used for accounts, private and
public. Wills were written on them, and it was legally necessary
that the outer borders should be pierced so that the leaves could
be bound together with a triple thread upon which the testator
first placed his seal, and then the witnesses their names and
seals. After the decease of the testator, the thread was cut in
the presence of the witnesses and a copy of the will made. The
original was then sealed with the public seal and kept in the
public tabularium, of which there was one in the chief town of
every province, each in charge of a tabularius.
Owing to the perishable nature of wood, comparatively few
writing-tablets remain. There are several London examples
in the British and Guildhall Museums, and C is a perfect leaf in
the latter. It is an outside leaf or cover, and its inner side is
presented to show the recessed panel for the wax. In the border
on the left are the two holes for the wire or string which bound
the leaves together, and on either side is a central notch which
apparently was not intentional, but was caused by the pressure
of the string that tied the leaves together on the soft wood.
The stili vary little in form. In this country, the simplest
and plainest are of iron, the more sumptuous of bronze. The
examples shown in B are typical of the majority. The first two
are of iron, from Rushmore and Caerwent, and the remaining
three are of bronze, from London. These instruments have been
MISCELLANEOUS IMPLEMENTS AND APPLIANCES 227
found on most Roman sites, not merely of cities and the houses
of the wealthy, but of out-of-the-way villages and settlements —
Pitt-Rivers found them on the sites of these in Wiltshire and
Dorset. This wide diffusion indicates that the art of writing
was general in Roman Britain ; also that writing-tablets must
have been extremely numerous, for whereas one stilus would
meet the needs of a person or even of a household, tablets would
be required for many purposes.
Seal-boxes are shallow bronze boxes rarely more than if ins.
long, with hinged lids, bottoms pierced with small holes, and two
notches or slots, one in each side, but in rare instances these are
absent. They were formerly regarded as lockets to hold perfumes
or aromatics in a solid form, the holes allowing of the dispersal
of the aroma. Two difficulties, however, beset this view. While
the lid is invariably ornamented, the under side is plain and the
holes are often arranged in a careless manner, the two indicating
that this side of the box was not intended to be seen. The side
notches or slots also would be useless in a perfume-locket, whereas
they have a definite function in a seal-box.
In using the seal-box, the cord or tape which tied the article
to be sealed, was so arranged that the knot lay in its cavity, with
the cord on either side resting in the slots. Wax was then placed
in the cavity and was impressed from a signet-ring or other
matrix. The article, now tied and sealed, could not be opened
without cutting the cord or breaking the seal. The wax used
was evidently of such a nature as to become soft enough by the
warmth of the hand to be pressed into the cavity, hence, not
having the hard surface of our sealing-wax, the need of a lid to
protect the impression from accidental abrasion.
The seal-box was probably a fixture on the article to be sealed,
and it has been suggested that it was held in position by rivets
or small nails passing through the holes in the bottom. It seems
unreasonable that so small an object should require so many rivets
or nails to fasten it, for the number of holes is never less than
three, and is often four or even more ; besides, out of the many
seal-boxes that have been found, a few should certainly have re-
tained some remains of these fastenings, but this does not appear
228 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
to have been the case. They are invariably found as loose objects.
This suggests the question, what the articles were that required
sealing ? Trinket- and toilet-boxes seem to have always had
locks, so it would hardly be necessary for them to be sealed.
On the other hand, writing-tablets had to be secured against
prying eyes, and we have the evidence of classical writers that
when used for correspondence and wills they were sealed. The
tablets, however, that remain to us lack any indications that
seal-boxes were ever attached to them, and as ordinarily they
were of plain wood the presence of these decorated objects upon
them would be rather incongruous. One ventures to suggest
that the tablets were carried in sealed satchels of leather or
woven fabric, each having a seal-box sewn to it (hence the holes)
to hold the seal of its cord.
Seal-boxes afforded considerable scope for the exercise of
their makers' ingenuity. In this country, pear- or bellows-
shaped, circular and square are the most frequent examples of
which, Fig. 64, E, F, and G respectively, from Caerwent,
London, and Humby in Lincolnshire, are given. The vesica-
shaped are rare. The ornamentation of the lids is usually in cham-
pleve enamel. The designs vary considerably, and, as is usual in
Romano-British enamels, they often exhibit Late-Celtic influence,
and this is especially noticeable in our square example. In this
the lid overlaps the sides of the box ; but usually it does not.
Sometimes it has a small pin or stud, which fitted tightly into
a socket in the box and secured it from accidentally opening, as
in our first example.
CHAPTER XIII
LOCKS AND KEYS
PADLOCKS AND FIXED LOCKS — THEIR TYPES AND MECHANISM
AS INDICATED BY THEIR KEYS
THAT locks were in general use is proved by the keys found
on most of our Roman sites. Of the actual locks, few
remain, and these are of two kinds, small fixed locks with
hasps for boxes and caskets, and padlocks of a peculiar type which
have survived, but not without change, in some Eastern countries.
Locks suitable for doors have not been identified, yet they must
have been common enough, for many of the keys could not have
been used for padlocks and are too large for the hasped locks just
referred to. It is probable that these larger locks were wholly or
partly of wood. For the exact mechanism, with the exception of
that of the padlocks, we have to rely more upon a comparison of
the keys with those of old forms of locks that have survived,
than upon their actual remains.
The padlocks shown in Fig. 65 are all upon the same principle,
and may be termed spring padlocks. A is a typical example of
the larger sort found at Great Chesterford in 1854. It is of iron,
and consists of two separable parts, — (i) a rectangular box, a,
with a long rod attached to the upper surface and bent back as
indicated, and (2) a bolt, b, one portion of which inserts into the
case and is provided with catch-springs, the other having two
arms ending with eyes. The rod served the purpose of the
shackle on the modern padlock ; and the bolt pushed home,
sliding its eyes upon the rod in so doing, the catch-springs pre-
vented its removal until compressed by a key. B is a transverse
section of the case to show its construction. The sides are a
229
230
LOCKS AND KEYS 231
continuous piece of iron, and the whole is secured by rivets
passing through the top and bottom. D is a bolt of simpler
construction from Llantwit Major. The portion to enter the case
is doubled and each piece is pointed, the upper having two lateral
springs arranged like the barbs of an arrow, and the lower a single
one on the under side. In E, we have provided this bolt with
a case and rod of the usual form, the former shown in section.
Two examples of keys for these padlocks are given (F), and one
to compress the Llantwit Major springs would require two
rectangular openings in its foot as in the second. The foot being
introduced into a narrow slit in the end of the case opposite the
bolt-hole, was wholly inserted by a movement indicated in E. In
pushing the key forward, its openings invested the springs and
compressed them, when the bolt could be withdrawn by hand.
The bolt of the Great Chesterford padlock is more complicated,
having two parallel arms and eight springs, and thus required
a key with intricate openings (C). Padlocks of the above type
have been found at Silchester, Caerwent, Irchester, Cirencester,
and elsewhere, but the keys are more numerous.
At Great Chesterford, two padlocks of a more compact form
were also found, of which H is one. The rod ends with an eye, and
is turned down so that the latter faces the bolt-hole, but with
an interval to allow of the passage of the links of the chain to be
secured. The bolt is straight and sufficiently long to project
through the eye and so close the interval. Padlocks of this type
were in use in medieval times and still survive in the East.1 The
key, G, found at Swanscombe, is almost certainly that of a pad-
lock with a keyhole of the shape of its foot.
Turning now to the fixed locks : it is probable that locks akin
to the well-known wooden locks of Scandinavia and Scotland were
used in Roman Britain. The essentials of these locks are a bolt
and two or more falling pegs, known as tumblers. These freely
move in vertical grooves in the back of the case, and when the
bolt is shot they fall into notches in it, and it cannot be drawn
until they are raised by a key. The key has two lateral teeth,
and upon being inserted into a horizontal groove in the back of
1 Examples are shown on plates v to ix, Pitt-Rivers' Primitive Locks and
Keys.
232 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
the case and of the tumblers, the teeth coincide with the latter,
and by lifting the key these are raised, when the bolt can be
drawn by hand. Fig. 66, A, presents the front, side, back, and
longitudinal section of one of these locks, and B is its key. C is
the key for a similar lock with three tumblers.
An old improvement upon these locks consists in the tumblers
falling into holes in the bolt, in which case the key is inserted below
the latter. The key being lifted, its teeth enter the holes and
push up the tumblers, thus taking their place, and the bolt is
drawn by a lateral movement or slide of the key. Locks of this
type are in use in Egypt and elsewhere in the East. We thus
have two types of primitive locks. In the one the bolt is hand-
drawn, and, in the other, key-drawn. In either case, all the
tumblers must be raised before the bolt is free, hence the key must
have a corresponding number of teeth and arranged in the same
manner. Keys of precisely the same form as the above have been
sparingly found on our Roman sites, and imply that locks of the
principle just described were in use in Roman Britain. D is a
bronze example in the British Museum from Kingsholm,
Gloucestershire, and a portion of a bone one has been found at
Gellygaer.1
The defect of the above locks is that in order to allow of
the key being inserted they have to be attached to the front
of the door ; but before the Roman conquest of Britain, keys
had been devised to operate locks placed on the back. Keys
of the form of E and I, which are found on both Roman and
Anglo-Saxon sites, were adapted for this purpose. Similar keys
are still used in Norway for wooden spring locks.2 The spring
is nailed to the door and its free end, which is towards the staple,
strikes into a recess in the bolt when shot. The keyhole is a
horizontal slit passing through door, spring, and bolt, and the
key, pushed far enough through, is given a quarter-turn, then
pulled forwards so that its teeth enter two holes in the back
of the bolt and press down the spring, and the bolt is then drawn
by sliding the key along the slit. It is not unlikely that these
1 Two similar bone keys are shown in the Limes Report on Zugmantel,
plate xx.
2 One is figured in Primitive Locks and Keys, plate iv.
B
D
-\-J\J\-T)
FIG. 66.— Old Scottish Tumbler Lock and Keys, and Roman Keys. (The latter §)
233
234 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
Roman keys operated locks of this principle. On tne other
hand, it has been thought that they operated tumbler locks
similar to the Scandinavian, only placed on the backs of the
doors. In this case, the keyhole would be vertical,1 and giving
the key a quarter-turn as before, its teeth would be drawn into
holes in the tumblers, and so allow of them being raised. The
bolt now free would have to be drawn by some simple con-
trivance, as a cord passing through the door. The keys, F, G,
H, J, K, L, are found on both Roman and post-Roman sites, and
are evidently variants of the above.
The keys of the next group, M to P, belong to a large and
distinctively Roman class, and they differ from the modern
in their bitts being transverse to their handles. They operated
tumbler locks of the second type referred to above, but with
keyholes in the front instead of the side, hence their peculiar
form. The keyhole was not immediately below the tumblers,
but on one side, so as to render them less accessible to the lock-
picker ; and it was L-shaped as in the bronze lock-plate and
hasp of a box from Colchester, shown in Fig. 68, A. The bitt
was inserted sideways through the wider end of the hole. In
this position the teeth were downwards ; but by turning the
key they were brought upwards in a horizontal position to
the left immediately below the tumblers. The key was then
raised, and in so doing the teeth displaced the tumblers ; and
finally the bolt, now free, was drawn by sliding the key to the
right.
The first key of the group has no teeth, but the whole pro-
jecting side of the bitt may be regarded as a single tooth, which,
of course, would fit an oblong hole in the bolt. As it would
be easy to raise a single tumbler with a piece of bent wire or a
smaller key, it is probable that there were several tumblers, so
that unless all were raised together the bolt could not be drawn.
The teeth of the other keys fitted a corresponding number of
holes and raised a corresponding number of tumblers, those
of the fourth key being in two series and of different shapes.
1 A lock -plate with an l-shaped hole from Rushmore is figured in Pitt-Rivers'
Excavations, i, plate xxiv ; and another by Liger with a horizontal slit, perhaps
for a small knob by which the bolt was drawn when released by the key.
LOCKS AND KEYS 235
Fig. 67, A, presents the upper surface of a metal bolt in the
Guildhall Museum, and B, the under surface of a more complex
bolt from Caerwent, which would require a key similar to the
last to fit it. Most of the keys of the present type were for the
locks of caskets and boxes, but the larger were apparently for
doors, as certainly were the large iron keys with their teeth
arranged in a zigzag, as in C.
While the tumblers in the door-locks may have been simply
falling ones, it would be necessary for those in box and casket
locks to be pressed down by springs. In restorations of these
locks, this is shown as accomplished by a single spring.1 This
could hardly have been the case, for by raising one tumbler —
no difficult matter — the spring would be released from the
others, and, by turning the box upside down, these would fall
back from the bolt, which could then be easily drawn. To be
really effective, each tumbler should have its own spring.
Our next examples, Fig. 67, D to F, also belong to a large
class of Roman keys which have a familiar look to modern eyes,
but are more akin to medieval keys than ours. They are true
revolving keys, and mark an advance in the locksmith's art, as a
simple revolution one way or the other shot the bolt or drew it.
It is not surprising that this advantage, combining simplicity of
movement with expedition, should have secured the eventual
victory of the revolving-key lock over its rivals. This lock had
already reached a stage that persisted far into medieval times —
until, in fact, the I5th century, when the craft of the lock-
smith attained an unsurpassed perfection in Germany and France.
It was not a tumbler lock, and it was not until about a century
and a half ago that the revolving key was made to operate
tumblers, but of a different form from the ancient.
The Roman revolving keys, like the medieval and modern, are
of two varieties, the ' pin ' and the ' pipe,' the one having the
stem solid and projecting beyond the bitt, and the other having
it tubular. The principle of the lock is simple. The outer or
fore-edge of the bitt presses, during part of its revolution, against
a projection or stop on the bolt, and so propels it for a short but
sufficient distance — the movement is that of the rack and pinion,
1 There is such a restoration in the Guildhall Museum.
FlG. 67. — Tumbler Bolts, and Keys of several types. (A, B, $ ; the rest,
236
LOCKS AND KEYS 237
the key being a pinion with one cog. If the mechanism of the
lock went no further than this, it is obvious that any key with
a bitt of the right length and sufficiently narrow to turn in the
case would operate the bolt. To render this difficult or impos-
sible, obstructions or wards were introduced into the case, which
could not be passed by the bitt unless it had- corresponding slits
or openings. The key, Fig. 67, F, from Silchester, has two of
these slits which would correspond with two little pegs or curved
plates, the one attached to the front of the case and the other
to the back. The keys D and E, from Caerwent, have, in addition
to these slits, a number of notches on the fore-edge of the bitt.
These imply a toothed ward-plate which would bar access to the
bolt unless the notches corresponded with the teeth. Roman
wards rarely went further in intricacy, in this respect contrasting
with those of the later medieval locks. The curious iron key,
F', from Bath, is almost certainly Roman.
The keys of the next group, G to K, are less frequently
found than the last. They chiefly differ in the fore-edge
of the bitt having a right-angled flange or one or more
teeth. It is probable that they answered to the modern latch-
keys, that is, that by a half-turn a key of this type pressed
back a bolt that was shot by a spring. This is confirmed by the
fact that many of these keys have ' island ' ward-holes. It is
obvious that if a complete revolution was intended, the ward such
a hole was designed to pass, could have had no support. If, on
the contrary, only a half-turn was necessary, the ward could
be fastened by its end to a transverse plate which would serve
also as a stop to the bitt. The most feasible explanation of the
right-angled flange or teeth is that they caught against a stud or
studs on the lower surface of the bolt and so propelled it beyond
the plate, there being a corresponding notch or notches in the
top of this to allow of their passage. If a key failed to carry the
studs beyond the plate, the bolt, of course, would be only partly
drawn. The examples shown are from London, and it is notice-
able that keys of the type usually have long loop bows, as in G.1
Our next two keys, Fig. 67, L and M, resemble those of the
1 Pitt-Rivers, in Primitive Locks and Keys, considered that these keys raised
tumblers, but it is inconceivable how they could have done so.
238 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
French latches which were in vogue until a generation ago. The
keyhole of the French latch is of this shape — JL. The key is in-
serted in the bottom slit and is then raised, the short stem sliding
up the vertical slit. In doing this, the bitt has to pass a horizontal
plate-ward, as also a narrow vertical plate to the foot of which
the ward is riveted. This vertical plate is just within the vertical
slit, and it serves as a screen to prevent access to the lock above
the ward. The key, having passed the ward, comes into contact
with a descending arm from the latch, and so raises the latter.
The bronze plate of a hasped lock in the Guildhall, Fig. 68, B,
would require a key of this form. There is no doubt that the
movement of the Roman keys of the type was identical with
that of the French latch-keys, but it is doubtful whether they
lifted latches. It is more likely that their locks had bolts, and
that in lifting the key the bolt was freed from tumblers of some
special form. The key, however, would not be competent to
draw or shoot the bolt, and the horizontal hole above the key-
hole in the lock-plate just referred to indicates how this may
have been accomplished. If the bolt had a small knob protrud-
ing through it, it could then be moved with the one hand while
the key was raised with the other. The keys are rather rare, and
the two shown are Guildhall examples.
Our next key, Fig. 67, N, is a rarer form of lifting key,
which differs from the foregoing in having a marginal row of
long teeth. The teeth seem to have raised tumblers that passed
through the bolt ; but beyond proving that the lock had both
wards and tumblers, it is difficult to understand its operation.
Probably it moved the bolt by a sliding movement.1
There yet remains another key of a very unkey-like appear-
ance, which, although frequently occurring on Roman sites here
and in France, is also found with Late-Celtic remains in both
countries, for which reason it has been called the Celtic key. It is
a bar of iron bent somewhat into the form of a sickle, with a flat
handle. Fig. 68, C, is a typical example from Rushmore, and is
12 ins. long, which rather exceeds the average. There have been
several suggestions as to how it was used, one being that it
1 Liger figures lock-plates with J-shaped holes, probably intended for keys
of this type.
FIG. 68.— Lock-Hates, Keys, Needles, etc. (A, B, C, ^ ; the rest, 3
239
240 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
worked a bolt with a single tumbler, and another that the hand
was thrust through a hole in the door and the key was used as
a hook to pull the bolt. Neither, however, accounts for the
curious shape of the key. We offer another suggestion — that
it was pushed through a small hole in the door at a distance
above or below the bolt equal to that between the point and
the turn or ' neck ' at the foot of the handle, the point being
inserted in a hole in the bolt, as indicated in the illustration,
which presents the section of part of a door. In this position
the key became a lever with the key hole as the fulcrum, and
by pressing the handle to the left or right the bolt was moved in
the contrary direction. It is a simple contrivance, and may seem
to afford little security ; but it is evident that only a key of the
right length from neck to tip would be effective.
Whether plain or ornamented, the locks and keys that have
survived almost invariably exhibit the good workmanship
common to all the productions of the metal-worker of the era.
The hasped lock-plates are comparatively plain, but were often
held by bronze nails with more or less ornamented disc-shaped
heads. One found at Rushmore had a hinged keyhole-cover
decorated with a youthful head in a Phrygian cap, the covers
usually being internal and turned by a small external lever
as will be observed in Fig. 68, A and B. The keys were some-
times elaborate, as the two typical bronze bows, Fig. 68, D, E,
indicate. The keys of small trinket boxes were often in the
form of ring-keys to be worn on the finger, of which two examples
are shown in Fig. 76, P, Q.
CHAPTER XIV
DRESS AND THE TOILET
FOOTGEAR — PINS, BROOCHES AND OTHER DRESS-FASTENERS —
TWEEZERS, NAIL-CLEANERS, EAR-PICKS, MIRRORS, COMBS,
AND DRESSING-BOXES — BRACELETS AND ARMLETS, FINGER-
RINGS, EAR-RINGS, BEADS AND NECKLACES
EXAMPLES of the footgear of Roman Britain have been
found in many places where the conditions were favour-
able for the preservation of the leather, notably in London
and at Bar Hill and Newstead. Roman writers distinguished
several varieties. The solea or sandal, bound to the foot by
straps, was not ordinarily used out of doors. The calceus, the
close-fitting boot which completely covered the foot, was the
national foot-attire for public occasions, and etiquette ordered
that it should be worn with the toga in the city. It was secured
by straps, which were wound round the lower part of the leg and
tied in front ; and their number, colour, and other details marked
the rank of the wearer. The boots of the ordinary citizens were
not so high, and were fastened over the instep by tongues or
latchets extending from the sides. Between the sandal and the
boot were various transitional forms which may be generically
classed as shoes. The gallica had low sides with loops, through
which a thong was laced to secure it to the foot, and the crepida
appears to have been similar ; and both were sometimes classed
as soleae. The caliga was the strongly made sandal-like shoe
with open sides, worn by soldiers, and held by straps wound round
the leg. It was also worn by the inferior officers, but the higher
officers wore the calceus. The soccus was a light low shoe answer-
ing to our slipper. The carbatina, apparently made of a single
16
242 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
piece of leather, was used by rustics. The cothurnus was a
hunting-boot, and custom demanded that it should be worn by
tragic actors, as the soccus by comic actors. The differences
between some of these have not been satisfactorily determined ;
still less can the Roman names, and the classification they imply,
be satisfactorily applied to the footgear of Roman Britain. If
by solea is understood a simple sole held to the foot by straps, it
was rarely used in this country, for the large ' find ' at Bar Hill
yielded only one. On the other hand, a large number of shoes
with low openwork sides or borders have been found, and these
are usually described as sandals. They appear to correspond with
the gallica and crepida — half-sandal, half-shoe. These pass,
however, into the shoe which wholly enclosed the foot, some with
openwork and others with solid uppers, and the shoe passes into
the boot, of which only few examples have been found in this
country. The shoes are of several types, and one of these may be
the carbatina. Many of the Bar Hill shoes were certainly worn by
soldiers, but none quite answers to the classical caliga.1
The shoe was evolved from the sandal. The addition of a
heel-piece and toe-cap gave the sandal a firmer hold to the foot ;
and by extending the heel-piece forward on either side as a tongue-
like projection with an eye to receive a thong or lace passing over
the instep, the strap could be dispensed with. Fig. 69, A, a
child's shoe in the Guildhall, illustrates the outcome. The uppers
are of two pieces of leather sewn together at the heel and the toe.
They are solid for nearly an inch all round to serve as a sheath to
protect the foot against stones and mud ; but above that level,
portions are cut out so as to leave a framework of narrow bands,
apparently a survival of the straps of the sandal. From the
lace-holes, the bands radiate to various points between the top of
the back and the ' waist ' of the sole, so that the pull of the lace
is well distributed. Over the toe they run transversely, just in
the direction where strength is required. An elaborate man's
shoe of the form was found at Bar Hill ; and in the Guildhall is
an unusual variant in which the whole of the uppers is reduced to
a mere skeleton of slender bands reaching down to the sole.
It is obvious that shoes like these, with their uppers reduced
1 Roman Forts on Bar Hill, p. 101.
243
244 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
to mere filaments of leather, were only adapted for light wear.
Not so the child's shoe from Bar Hill, D, which has a sturdy
workaday look, and its grip to the foot is increased by a second
pair of latchets. It is the type of a large class of shoes adapted
for hard wear, to which many of the Bar Hill specimens belonged —
presumably soldiers' shoes. These shoes were sometimes orna-
mented with punched work, but only sparingly so, and the leather
was never reduced to bands. Those intended for heavy wear had
usually a ' counter ' — a stiff piece of leather to support the back
of the heel.
Another type of shoe suggests a different line of development
from the sandal. If the heel-piece is continued along each side
of the sole to the point as a low sheath or kerb with a marginal
series of holes, through which a thong can be laced from side to
side over the toes and instep, we have an incipient shoe which
becomes more shoe-like, from the modern point of view, by the
development of the kerb. Fig. 69, B, is one of the side leathers
of a shoe of the kind in which the kerb is moderately developed.
Carry the development further, the lace-holes will meet and the
foot will be completely enclosed.
We have now arrived at a form which resembles the modern
laced shoe, except that as a rule the lacing started from much
nearer the point than at present. Some of these shoes were
elaborately ornamented. One in the Guildhall has the lace-
holes elongated into loops and the sides are covered with a finely
punched diaper with rosettes at intervals, as the first example in
C. Part of another with equally elaborate patterning was found
at Bar Hill. Two other examples of punched work found in
these and shoes of other types are given in C In a variant of
the above type, the lace-holes of the one leather are developed
into long loops which reach over the foot to those of the opposite
leather. F is a restoration of a woman's shoe of the kind, in the
Guildhall. In the same collection is a boy's boot, which represents
an extreme variant in another direction, and remarkably antici-
pates the modern laced boot. The upper, which is solid, is sewn
together almost as far as the bottom of the instep, and extending
from this to the top of the boot are oval lace-holes, ten on either
side, within a scalloped margin as in B.
DRESS AND THE TOILET 245
Some shoes may be regarded as of mixed type. The boy's
shoe from Bar Hill, G, has two heel latchets in the form of long
loops, a pair of side loops, and a pair at the point. E, in the
Guildhall, is a more elaborate example, and Mr. Roach Smith
figures another still more advanced which combines the side-laced
form of F, with heel-latchets.1
In another and primitive type of shoe, sole and uppers are
made of a single piece of leather, but occasionally the sole is forti-
fied by an additional leather. Several examples have been found
at Bar Hill, one at Netherby, and another at Birdoswald on the
Wall of Hadrian. In these shoes the only seam is up the back of
the heel ; each side is cut into two latchets with lace-holes ;
but the distinguishing feature is the manner in which the toe-cap
was formed. This, as will be seen in the Birdoswald shoe, H, was
accomplished by cutting the leather into a series of wedge-shaped
strips, each with an eyelet at the end. These strips were then
bent back, and the eyelets threaded together, presumably by the
lace. Dr. Haverfield suggests that this kind of shoe was the
carbatina, and mentions that it is still used by the Carpathian
hillmen and by peasants in Italy, Roumania, and Bulgaria.2
The soles of the sandals, shoes and boots closely approximate
to that of the foot. Not seldom the first or the first and second
toes were indicated, and occasionally all the toes as hi I, a sole
in the Guildhall Museum. J, another Guildhall example, is a
typical sole of the coarser shoes intended for rough wear, and it
will be noticed that it still conforms to the natural shape. The
sole is usually of three or four layers of leather with a thinner
insole, and the heel is never raised by additional layers. In
sandal-like shoes with low openwork sides, the upper is sometimes
of a single piece of leather continuing across the sole ; but most
often, the upper is of two leathers with their lower margins tucked
in between the insole and the sole. The whole fabric was
fastened together by nails clenched on the insole, but this was
occasionally done by stitches in the lighter shoes.
A notable feature of the soles of the era is the armature
of hob-nails on the under surface, not merely of men's, but
1 Illustrations Rom. Lond. p. 132.
* Cumb. and West. Archaeo. Soc. xv, p. 183.
246 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
of women's and children's footgear. Even the lightest and
most elaborate shoes usually have it, and the exceptions are
comparatively few. The nails are arranged in a variety of
ways. Occasionally they are loosely scattered all over the
sole, or are scattered in clusters of threes ; or they are con-
fined to a marginal row all round the sole. Men's soles were
usually thickly studded, the nails within the marginal row
being often arranged in some pattern as indicated in J, or in
close rows leaving little of the leather visible. The custom
of thickly studding soles with nails was common in Italy, and
Pliny in describing a peculiar fish likened its scales to the nails of
a sandal. Pitt-Rivers found, with the hob-nails at the feet of two
skeletons at Rotherley, several cleats from i% to if ins. long, the
use of which he compared with that of Blakey's boot protectors.1
We now consider some articles for fastening the attire. Of
these, pins are the simplest, perhaps the most ancient, and are
among the most numerous objects found on our Roman sites.
They are mostly of bone and bronze, the exceptional materials
being ivory, jet, silver, iron, and even glass. They are rarely
less than 2% ins. or more than 6 ins. long, and while the general
form is necessarily constant, they differ greatly in the form
and ornamentation of their heads. The simplest are mere
skewers of bone shaped by hand and with ill-formed heads ;
but the majority have been turned in the lathe, and in the more
elaborate the heads are enriched with carving, sometimes taking
the form of statuettes, busts, animals, and birds, and occasionally
those of the bronze pins are enamelled. The York Museum
contains a fine collection of these articles, and among its rarities
are bronze pins with glass heads, bone and ivory pins with jet,
agate, and silver heads, and another with a gold head. The
pins shown in the two groups, A and B, Fig. 70, respectively
of bronze and bone, are selected from London, Silchester, Caer-
went, Rushmore, Woodyates, and Spring-head (Kent) specimens.
The hooked head of the last bronze pin but one is unusual, and
the last bone pin, in the Guildhall, is remarkably large, and the
bust is supposed to be that of the Empress Sabina.
1 Excavations, ii, p. 190 ; also iii, p. 102.
FlGt 70.— Pins, Tweezers, Nail-cleaners, and Ear-picks. (All §)
247
248 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
Pins were used for the hair as well as the dress, but there
does not appear to be any special feature, either in the general
form or the ornamentation, by which they can be distinguished.
Probably they were used to some extent indiscriminately. We
may, however, draw the broad distinction that the smaller
and more attenuated were dress-pins, and that the larger and
stouter were hair-pins, and from this conclude that as a rule
bronze pins fall under the one head, and bone and jet pins under
the other. The materials of the latter being light would render
them specially appropriate for the coiffure ; as also the entasis
of many of them, which, by increasing their hold, anticipated
the advantages of the modern ' curved ' and ' falcon ' hair-
pins.
Pins are frequently found in the graves of the ladies of the
era, and their positions often indicate whether they were used
in the dress or the coiffure. There are two good examples of
the latter in the York Museum. In the one, the lady's hair
is still intact, and is plaited and made into a coil on the back
of the head and held in position by two jet pins. In the other,
there are three jet hair-pins, two small ones and a third, 7 ins.
long, with a perforation near the point. Apparently this pin
was threaded with a fine cord, which, being drawn over the hair
and caught under the knob and tied, effectually secured it to
the head. Similar large pins with eyes have been found else-
where. In Smith's Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities
is shown, under ' Acus/ a female head in marble at Apt in the
South of France, with the hair plaited and coiled at the back,
the coil being kept in position by a single large pin. This simple
style of coiffure was characteristic of the third and fourth cen-
turies, and it contrasted with the extravagant head-dresses of
the earlier Imperial period, which met with strong disapproval
from the early Christian writers, as expressed in i Tim. ii. 9 and
i Pet. iii. 3. In these elaborate productions many pins must
have been used. The Apt treatment of the hair lingered to
our own times in Italy and some parts of Germany.
Brooches are almost as frequently found as pins. The older
antiquaries regard the brooch as a Roman introduction, but there
DRESS AND THE TOILET
249
is abundant evidence that the natives were familiar with it
before the conquest, not only as an imported article, but as
a product of the native metal-worker. Most of the early
Continental forms have been found in Britain, and most
of the forms associated with Roman remains had already been
developed before the Romans appeared on the scene.
. The brooches of Roman Britain may be conveniently, and
on the whole satisfactorily, classified as bow-, plate-, and ring-
brooches. The first were the most numerous, and, divested
of their ornamental and other non-essential features, resembled
the modern safety-pin. The second were an extreme variant
of these, in which the bow or arch was replaced by a more or
less flattened disc, rosette, or some other geometrical or animal
FIG. 71. — Modern Safety-Pin, Italian ' Leech -shaped ' Brooch,
and Late-Celtic Brooch. (|)
figure, in this respect foreshadowing the generality of modern
brooches. The last stand markedly apart, were apparently
derived from the buckle, and have no modern representatives
except in Algeria and elsewhere in northern Africa. These
various brooches were mostly of bronze ; sometimes of bronze-
gilt, of silver, and even of gold. Enamelled enrichments were
frequent. As a rule their workmanship was excellent, such as
could only have been accomplished by craftsmen of skill and
experience. Many certainly were imported ; but there is little
doubt that the majority were made in Britain, and these indicate
that in this particular branch of industry the home metal-worker
rivalled, if indeed he did not surpass, his Continental brother.
The ornamentation sometimes consists of Late-Celtic designs
of considerable purity, and these are most frequently seen on
250 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
brooches found in the north and west, where Roman influence
was less felt than elsewhere. But even in a small collection of
the brooches of the era, an experienced eye will hardly fail to
detect survivals of these designs and a general Late-Celtic feeling.
The Bow-brooch, or fibula as it is customarily called — an
arbitrary but convenient limitation of the word — was of ancient
lineage and varied form and construction ; and its history
has received much attention of recent years, in this country
especially from General Pitt-Rivers, Dr. Arthur J. Evans, Prof.
Ridgeway, and Mr. Reginald Smith. It appears to have been
derived from a simple Italian form of the Bronze Age,
which anticipated the modern safety-pin in its earlier form
when it was made of a single piece of wire, Fig. 71. This
primitive brooch once established, it was inevitable that there
should be developments in various directions. The bow was
soon thickened so as to give it greater rigidity, and it became
more arched so as to enclose a larger volume of the dress
— thus arose the 'leech-shaped' brooch, Fig. 71. Continuing
to expand, it was next made hollow for the sake of lightness,
and thus became the ' boat-shaped ' brooch. A lateral angularity
gave the boat a lozengy shape, and eventually the angles were
capped with knobs. At first the catch was a simple crook ;
then it was developed in a forward direction into a horizontal
spiral for the point of the pin to lie upon, thus answering to
the guard-loop of our safety-pins, and this eventually became
a solid disc. Meanwhile a new form of catch arose, by beating
out the foot of the bow and curling up its lower margin to form
a hollow to receive the pin, and this was soon extended anteriorly
to cover its point. The spring-coil, which at first was of a single
turn, was given a double turn to increase its elasticity. All these
Italian developments had long been accomplished before the
conquest of Britain, but a few examples have been found in
this country, probably importations of an earlier period.
While forms that appear to be later developments of the
Italian brooch are found on our Roman sites, the ancestors of
the generality of the Romano-British fibulae are to be sought
in those of the Iron Age of the Swiss lake-dwellings and of central
Europe generally. Their type, which is generally known to
251
252 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
us as the Late-Celtic, and on the Continent as that of La Tene,
shows a marked advance in construction. The spring is now
bilateral, that is, it consists of two coils of two or more volutions
each, the outermost of which end in a transverse loop or chord
connecting the two coils, as shown in Fig. 71. The catch is
equally noteworthy. The foot of the bow is produced hori-
zontally, and its side is manipulated into a curled-up flange to
receive the pin ; but instead of ending with the point, the bar
is turned upwards and backwards to the bow, and usually ends
in a knob or disc. This form of the Late-Celtic brooch persisted
for a long period, and many examples have been found in our
southern counties, occasionally associated with Roman remains ;
but it is a pre-Roman form.
A variety of this brooch, and probably a later one, is more
often found with Roman remains. The foot of the bow is beaten
out into a plate with the lower margin curled up to form the
catch ; and the chord is nearly always turned inwards and
presses against the root of the bow. The solid triangular catch-
plate of the Romano-British bow-brooches, noticeable in all
the examples of Fig. 72, may have been derived in some
measure from the foregoing ; but Dr. Evans has pointed out
a series of transitions between the normal La Tene catch with
its retroflected ' tail ' and these plate-catches. First the tail
was united to the bow by flattening its end and wrapping it round
the latter, and in the case of iron brooches by welding. Then,
when the body was cast, the triangular open space was re-
tained, but the portion representing the ' tail ' became an in-
tegral part of the bow. The space was next encroached upon
or partially filled with ornamentation, and it then assumed a
plate-like character with pierced ornamentation, its sole function
being to carry the catch. Finally it became a solid plate. The
effect of these changes was to make the catch an internal, instead
of external, feature (compare Figs. 71 and 72).
Meanwhile, the spring was subject to modification. There
was an early tendency to reduce the diameter of the coils, and,
in compensation for the loss of elasticity thus incurred, to in-
crease the number of volutions. This lengthening of the spring
correspondingly lengthened the chord, thereby reducing its
DRESS AND THE TOILET 253
resistence to torsion, hence, upon closing the brooch, its ' play '
resulted in some displacement of the coils. One early remedy for
this weakness was the insertion of a rivet through the coils.
Another and more effectual remedy was the introduction of
two wing-like plates or bars, one on each side of the head of
the bow and immediately over each coil. In order to tighten
up the coils to these, the chord was caught over a small spur
at the back of the head, and this was eventually converted
into a loop or eyelet by being lengthened and hammered back
to the bow, the point being often secured by a rivet. Presently
the plates became semi-cylindrical so as to sheathe the upper
halves of the coils. Then their ends were boxed-in and drilled
to receive a rivet which passed through the coils, the pin and
spring being now a separate entity held in position by this rivet.
At this stage the eyelet was drilled in a small cast lug, with an
ascending tail reminiscent of the upturned portion of the spur.1
We now leave the T-fibula to follow up a cognate line of de-
velopment.
We return to the short La Tene spring with the chord turned
inwards. The first development was an expansion of the root
of the bow to cover the spring, and this generally took the form
of an inverted trumpet-bell, as in Fig. 73, A, B, both from
Caerwent. At first the pin was in one piece with the bow,
but eventually it was separately made and held in position by
a central lug under the ' bell ' with two perforations, a for-
ward one for the chord and the other for the axle which held
the coils. Later, this gave place to two lateral lugs to hold
the axle, the spring being between them. We have now arrived
at the transition of the spring and hinged pins. The chord no
longer attached to the head, allowed of the pin being rotated,
until, in the act of closing it, the chord came into contact with
the margin of the head and brought the spring into operation,
as in Fig. 73, A. Perhaps this development of the trumpet-
headed fibula suggested a corresponding modification of the
1 The pyramidal ornament with its terminal boss in Fig. 72, A, a fibula
found in Deepdale Cave, Buxton, and the projection at the back of C with a
disc of red enamel held by a small pin above it, are legacies of the ascending
tail and its rivet, but are purely ornamental, as the pins are hinged.
254 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
T- fibula. By dispensing with the eyelet at the back and placing
the straight chord on the opposite side, the same action was
attained as in Fig. 73, D. In either case the step to the true
hinged pin was a short one ; but its introduction wrought a
modification of the coil-sheaths of the T-ftbula, which were
now made solid and perforated longitudinally for the rivet.
These were unnecessarily long for the purpose, but continued
to be a prominent feature as they contributed to keep the bow
at right angles with the surface of the dress. Still there was a
trend of modifications in which they diminished in length, and
this was correlated with a compensating change hi the bow in
which it ceased to be bar-like and assumed a light and strap-
like form, as in Fig. 72, D, E.
It was a British custom, both before and during the Roman
era, to wear brooches in pairs. Several examples have been
found with their components linked together with chains, and
rings for their attachment, or the attachment of cords, are
common enough. The ring was either manipulated out of
the rivet wire of the spring, as in Figs. 72, C, and 73, A ; or
was in one piece with the bow, that is, cast with it, as in Figs. 72,
B, and 73, B, C. In the former, the neck of the loop was
confined by a small ring, but more usually with an oblong clamp,
as in Fig. 73, A. In order to keep these wire loops in a hori-
zontal position, there was a small spur projecting from the back
of the root of the bow. It is seen in Fig. 72, A, in which the
loop is lost, and has been replaced by a simple rivet for the pin.
We have now carried the evolution of the bow brooch
through two concurrent types — the ' T ' and the ' trumpet,'
each beginning as a spring brooch and ending as a hinged one.
To these in their later developments belong most of the Romano-
British fibulae. True it is, that there are many forms which do
not at the first sight seem to conform with these types, but
they generally prove to be of intermediate character, or their
fundamental identity is obscured by abnormal developments
of the bow, the head, or the foot. In every large collection of
these objects there are forms so fundamentally different as to
suggest some other origin altogether, and they may prove to
have been evolved on the Continent.
H
255
256 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
Fig. 73, E, is one of these aberrant forms, and belongs to
the ' cruciform type.' It differs from the foregoing types
chiefly in its catch being external to the bow, and somewhat
box-like with a slit in the side for the pin to enter. The cross-
bar is generally long and terminates in knobs, and there is usually
a knob behind the head of the bow. There are several variants
of the type. The catch-bar is especially subject to modification,
being often wider and longer than in our example, and its upper
surface decorated. Sometimes it is a conspicuous feature and
assumes a fan-like form. The bow may be short and wide, and
the cross-bar plate-like. D is an unusual example from Charter-
house, lacking the knobs and having a ' spring-hinge ' pin, in-
stead of the almost invariable hinged pin. Gold brooches of
the type have been found at Odiham, Hampshire, in Scotland,
and elsewhere. There is little doubt that these cruciform
brooches are late Roman, and are the precursors of the remark-
able barbaric fibulae which followed the Roman era, transitional
forms of which are illustrated in Hans Hildebrand's Industrial
Arts of Scandinavia.
We now pass to the Plate-brooch. This form of brooch is
unquestionably very ancient, but there is little doubt that it
was derived from the bow-shaped brooch. The ' plate/ as we
have already noticed, represents and plays the part of the bow,
but it apparently began as an ornamental feature of it. What-
ever its origin, however, the plate-brooch appeared on the scene
of Roman Britain fully developed. The ' plate ' afforded
ample scope for the display of artistic ingenuity. In its simpler,
and perhaps earlier, form it was a metal disc, flat or centrally
raised like a button or the head of a large stud, with turned
mouldings and usually a central boss or knob. In a favourite
design there was a broad cavetto between the central ornamenta-
tion and a beaded margin, and this was sometimes relieved by
spoke-like ridges or plates, or the whole central portion was
treated as a rosette. The margin often had a series of small
rounded projections. Occasionally the ' plate ' had the form
of a wheel with four spokes, the spaces between these being
pierced. Other simple geometrical forms, as squares and
lozenges, were less frequent, and these also were often bossed
FIG. 74. — 'Plate' Brooches, mostly enamelled. (All {)
258 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
or domed and their margins relieved with roundlets or other
ornaments". Combinations gave rise to more elaborate forms,
as four discs arranged quatrefoil fashion, and elongated patterns
consisting of two discs or lozenges united side by side, or of
one central disc or square with two triangular or peltate wings.
Brooches in the form of animals were not uncommon, horses,
hares, birds, and fishes often displaying a barbaric quaintness,
being the favourite subjects. Many were enamelled, and on
no other class of objects is the art of the Romano-British
enameller better seen or studied. With few exceptions the
enamel was champleve, that is, it was deposited in cavities in
the metal basis. Sometimes a considerable expanse of metal
was visible, and served as the ground of the enamelled orna-
mentation ; but usually the visible metal was reduced to narrow
walls or ridges which separated the different colours. The
designs were mostly geometrical, as ' checks ' of two colours
arranged chessboard -fashion, concentric zones of different
colours, roundlets of one colour on a ground of another, and
so forth. Delineations of animals seem never to have been
attempted, and those of foliage only rarely. Occasionally the
brooches were decorated with ' mosaic ' enamel. In these,
metal walls were dispensed with, or were confined to the primary
divisions of the design, and the chief feature was the fine pattern-
ing of minute rosettes, squares, crosses, spirals, dots, and ' checks,'
built up in the same manner as millefiori glass (p. 180). Fine
examples of these brooches have been found at Caerleon, Lydney,
and Rushmore.
The examples of plate brooches in Fig. 74 will give the
reader an idea of -the diversity of their forms and decoration.
In A, from Caerwent, the projecting roundels contain green
enamel and the central knob one of darker colour. B, from
London, has blue and green enamels. C, from Caerwent, is
of unusual form, representing the Greek omega, and without
enamel. D is a Lydney example bearing traces of enamel, and
with an open centre. E, from Richborough, has an inset of
white enamel in its raised centre. F is an openwork brooch
from Caerleon, with remains of rich blue enamel. G, a peculiar
peltate form, is enamelled in red, blue, green, and yellow, and its
DRESS AND THE TOILET 259
design has a marked Late-Celtic feeling. It was found at
Wolvershill near Banwell, and similar brooches have been found
at Castor, Irchester, and Leicester. H is another Caerwent
example with red and green enamels and a pierced centre. I,
from Wappenham, Northamptonshire, is of tinned bronze, with
seven studs of bone held by bronze rivets, the intervening portions
of the plate being engraved. A quatrefoil brooch of the same
unusual decoration was found near Ipswich. Fig. 75, A, B,
are two examples of enamelled zoomorphic brooches, the one
found in Gloucestershire and the other at Rotherley.
Our next is a typical example, Fig. 75, F, of the S-shaped
or dragonesque brooches, a small but highly interesting class
which may be regarded as a connecting link between the plate-
brooches and the ring-brooches next to be described. It was
found at Faversham, Kent, and resembles the letter S with its
serifs developed into grotesque and somewhat horsy heads with
large ears and attenuated necks. The curved pin is loosely
coiled, as in the ring-brooches, round one of the necks. In using
the brooch, the pin was thrust through a sufficient volume of
the dress, and its point was passed between the lower neck and
the body, the pressure of the dress keeping it in that position.
All these brooches appear to have been enamelled, the usual
colours being red, blue, green, and yellow, and in both shape
and decoration they have a strong Late-Celtic feeling. There
are about eighteen known examples found in this country, and
a few have also been found on the Continent.
The Ring- or Penannular- Brooch is a common object in almost
every collection of Romano-British antiquities. It is a simple
yet ingenious contrivance. After inserting the pin in the dress,
the ring was revolved until its gap was above the point ;
then the pin was pressed down, and the pin having passed
through the gap, the brooch was ' locked ' by giving it a
quarter-turn, the pressure of the dress within the brooch main-
taining the ring in this position. These brooches were rarely
larger than i£ ins. in diameter, and their decoration was almost
exclusively confined to the terminals of their rings. The simplest
terminals were effected by hammering back the ends of the wire
of the ring, as in Fig. 75, C, the returns being slightly ornamented
FIG. 75.—' Plate' and ' Ring' Brooches, Studs, and other Dress Fasteners. (All {)
260
DRESS AND THE TOILET 261
by groovings. More pleasing terminals were knobs, which were
usually grooved longitudinally. In a variant of this, as in D, a
Guildhall example, the knobs are bent back, and the ends of the wire
were sometimes flattened and made to imitate serpents' heads.
In E, from West Coker, the terminals are rectangular plates.
It is remarkable that the ring-brooch should not have got
beyond an elementary stage in Roman times, considering its
wonderful developments a few centuries later, especially in
Ireland and Scotland; but these developments, it must be
admitted, seriously reduced the usefulness of this form of brooch.
Besides pins and brooches, other forms of dress-fasteners
have been found on our Roman sites, but they are far from
common. About half a dozen bronze studs have been turned
up at Silchester, with flat (as Fig. 75, G), convex, and conical
circular heads, H being unusual in having two shanks. There
are several in the Guildhall, one with an enamelled head. In
the same museum are about eighteen double hooks of bronze,
which are described as dress-fasteners and might well be called
hook-links. The simpler are of a single piece of bronze wire,
flattened and twisted in the middle with the ends pointed and
bent into hooks, as I. Others are more or less elaborate pro-
ductions in wirework, as J, the framework of which is wrapped
with thin coiled wire and ornamented with three beads. Small
dumb-bell-shaped objects of bronze and bone have been found
at Newstead and elsewhere, which appear to have been used
as the ' frog ' buttons or ' olivets ' attached to the ' loops ' of
modern military tunics, that is, a cord from one side of the
garment was secured round the middle, and the dumb-bell was
buttoned through a cord-loop attached to the other side. The
curious bone objects, shaped like a corkscrew handle, K and L,
from London and the Victoria Cave at Settle, were probably for
the same purpose. They are found with both Late-Celtic and
Roman remains. A variant of these fasteners consisted of a
disc like that of a stud, but with the shank developed into a
horizontal loop by which it was attached to the dress by a braid
or cord. Two with enamelled discs have been found at Slack,
and it is probable that some of the small enamelled discs, which
262 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
have been described as the fronts of brooches, were really the
heads of studs or these dress-fasteners.
Of toilet requisites, tweezers, nail-cleaners and ear-picks are
seen in most collections of British Roman antiquities. The first
(volsellae) were used for removing superfluous hairs, and are
ordinarily a narrow band of bronze bent into the form shown
in Fig. 70, E, the looped head serving the double purpose of
increasing the elasticity of the arms and of providing an eye for
a ring or cord. More elaborate examples have solid handles,
turned and finished off with a knob. F, from Rotherley, is of
wire doubled upon itself and twisted to form a handle, the free
ends being flattened to form the arms. Nail-cleaners are usually
narrow plates of bronze notched at one end to form two sharp
points and with an eye at the other for suspension, as in H, L, and J .
I, from Cirencester, is unusually large and is ornamented with
engraved lines and concentric circles. K, from Lydney, has a
handle turned with many mouldings ; and others are of wire
hammered flat below, and twisted above to form a handle with
a loop at the end. Occasionally they have only a single point.
Ear-picks resemble diminutive spoons with minute bowls, and
the simpler sort are made of bone or of flat strips of bronze as
in N. M, from Rushmore, has a bar-like handle, turned above and
ending as usual with an eye.
These instruments are often in sets of two or all three, threaded
on a ring, like the tweezers and nail-cleaner, D, found in London.
The rings are as a rule quite plain, but sometimes they are orna-
mented, or one side is developed into an ornamental plate ;
or a bronze band bent into an arch and united at the base by a
bar takes the place of a ring. In another London set, C, the
nail-cleaner of which is of unusual shape, the instruments are
riveted together. Very rarely two functions may be combined
in a single instrument, as the combined tweezers and ear-pick,
G, also found in London.1
Mirrors (specula) are rarely found, but the Colchester cemeteries
have yielded a considerable number. Although looking-glass —
1 Illustrations of Roman London, plate xxxiii, 8, n, 10.
DRESS AND THE TOILET 263
glass backed with a metallic film — was known to the ancients,
its use was exceptional, and no example of it has been found in
this country. The Roman mirrors were ordinarily of white
bronze or yellow bronze plated with tin or silver, and were highly
polished. They were, as a rule, circular discs with handles,
which, although of excellent workmanship, were rarely if ever
ornamented to the same degree as the Etruscan and Late-Celtic
mirrors, and compared with the latter the examples found in this
country are much smaller.
There are twenty-three hand-mirrors in the Colchester Museum,
of which more than half retain their handles. According to Mr.
A. G. Wright, they range from z\ to 5 ins. in diameter, and are
mostly of white bronze, the rest being of pale yellow bronze
plated with tin, and several apparently with silver. The re-
flecting surface is slightly convex in order that the image of the
face or the head, being reduced, may be seen as a whole within
the field. The front is in some cases bordered with an engraved
band, a row of ring-and-dot ornaments, or a row of small perfora-
tions ; while the back is generally relieved with concentric
groovings. Fig. 63, D, presents the back of one of these
mirrors, which is further ornamented with a marginal row of
conical depressions. Its looped handle is thoroughly typical,
and is surmounted with a trilobed plate which is soldered to the
back of the disc.
Another form of Roman mirror — the box or pocket mirror —
is of rarer occurrence. A fine example was found at Coddenham,
Suffolk, in 1823. l It was nearly z\ ins. in diameter and £ in. in
thickness, and the two halves — the lid and the box — were made
of a bronze medallion of Nero, each half containing a small
convex tinned reflector. In the Colchester Museum there are
four rectangular mirrors ranging from 3f- by 3^ ins. to 6 by
5 ins., which are quite plain, and with little doubt were fitted
in the lids of toilet-boxes.
The comb (pecteri) was in common use among the Greeks and
Romans. Those of the latter were mostly of bone and box-wood,
and the employment of this wood for the purpose was so pre-
1 Archaeologia, xxvii, p. 359-
264 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
valent that buxus was an alternative name for this toilet ap-
pliance. Wooden combs were used in Roman Britain, but, as
might be expected, only a few specimens have survived, those
usually found being of bone. The ordinary form was double,
that is, it had two rows of teeth, one on either side of the body,
the teeth of the one being coarse and of the other fine — a form
that continued throughout the Middle Ages and still survives in
our ' tooth-combs.' Fig. 63, F, is a wooden example in the
Guildhall Museum. The bone combs were often made in several
pieces held together between two strips or cleats by means of
rivets ; and if made of a single piece, the cleats were used as
stiffeners. E is a typical example from Woodyates,1 both in
form and construction. It appears to have been originally held
together by bronze rivets, but was afterwards repaired by iron
ones. The cleats are the only portions which offer a field for
ornamentation, and in this case it consists of parallel grooves.
One found at Wroxeter has a row of concentric circles between two
beads ; but the ornamentation is never elaborate. Combs of
similar forms and like construction are frequently found with
Anglo-Saxon remains, and it is sometimes difficult to distinguish
them from the Roman. Metal combs are rare. One of bronze
exactly resembling a modern tooth-comb, only larger, and a similar
iron one, were found at Chesterford.2
Small combs with a single row of teeth and flat triangular
backs are occasionally found on Roman sites, and a plain example
was turned up at the last place. Similar Continental examples,
more or less ornamented and with cases to sheathe the teeth,
were evidently pocket-combs. They are regarded as late Roman,
and were apparently the prototypes of the larger Anglo-Saxon
combs of the form. A small comb with an ornately shaped back
and converging teeth found at Wroxeter 3 may have been worn in
the hair, as part of the coiffure. A comb and a large hairpin
were found adhering to the hair of a lady in a coffin at York.
The remains of small ornamented boxes have been frequently
found in the graves of women, and their scattered contents, which
1 Pitt- Rivers, Excavations, iii, p. 132.
2 Brit. Arch. Assoc. iii, p. 208. 3 Uriconium, p. 278.
DRESS AND THE TOILET 265
usually include brooches, bracelets, and other articles of the
toilet, show that they were dressing- or trinket-boxes. One is
sculptured on the tombstone of the Palmyrene woman at South
Shields, Fig. 39. Fragments of many derived from the local
cemeteries are to be seen in the Colchester Museum, and the
woodwork of one of these has so far survived as to show that it
was neatly dovetailed at the angles. The mountings of these
caskets, mostly of bronze, consist of ornate corner-pieces and
plates, held in position like their lock-plates (of which two are
shown in Fig. 68) with ornamented nails, ring and other hinged
handles, bosses, and various ornaments. The mountings of a
casket found at Icklingham are replaced on a modern box in the
British Museum ; and those of another, including its contents,
found at Rushmore, are figured by General Pitt-Rivers.1 The
keyhole cover of the latter was in the form of a hinged boss orna-
mented with a bust in a Phrygian cap. Several of the Colchester
caskets appear to have had mirrors fitted within their lids, as
mentioned in a paragraph above.
Of articles of pure adornment, those which are comprised
under the general term armillae are conspicuous in our Romano-
British collections. The term is convenient, for it is often im-
possible to decide whether a given specimen is a bracelet, armlet,
or anklet, as they are not distinguishable by peculiarities of form
or pattern. Relative size helps us, but not much. If one is
too large for a bracelet, it may be reasonably concluded that it
encircled the arm ; but a child's armlet may be as small as the
mother's bracelet. The women of the era certainly wore them
as bracelets and less frequently as armlets, for they have been
found in graves occupying these positions on the skeleton ; but
whether they were used as anklets is not so clear. If, then,
these articles are specified below as bracelets and armlets, the
reader must keep in mind these limitations and uncertainties.
As a class, the Romano-British armillae are not conspicuous
for variety of form, construction or ornamentation. They are
resolvable into few types, and the decoration, when present,
is of a simple sort, never including enamel, and this is remarkable
1 Excavations, i, p. 61.
266 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
because they could easily have been designed to present an
admirable field for its display. They are rarely in other material
than bronze and jet, and if a precious metal is used in their
construction, it is used sparingly. Those of metal are light and
slender, and many would now be designated bangles. The massive
gold armillae with Late-Celtic ornamentation, which are occasion-
ally figured as Roman, are almost certainly the productions of
contemporary Scottish or Irish metal-workers, or are pre-Roman.
The bracelets most frequently found are of two bronze wires
twisted into a cable, one wire being manipulated into a small
hook at one end, and into an eye at the other, the free wire
being coiled to form a collar, or instead of this, the ends may be
confined by tubular collars, as in Fig. 76, A, a Lydney example.
The component wires were often attenuated towards their ends
so as to produce a pleasing swell in the cable. Sometimes these
bracelets were not made to open, as a small example in the
Guildhall Museum composed of a bronze and an iron wire twisted
and looped together at the ends to form a central ornament.
Our next example, B, from Rushmore, is of less frequent
occurrence. It is made of a single bronze wire, expanded about
the middle, and sliding on itself, each end being coiled round the
wire at some distance from the opposite end. Its large size is
suggestive that it was an armlet, for which it would be well
adapted, its elasticity exerting a pressure on the arm which would
keep it in place. The unusual bronze armlet (it is too large
for a bracelet), C, was found with a skeleton at Deepdale Cave
near Buxton. The hoop is square in section, and each attenu-
ated portion is bent into a row of loops, the two rows being
parallel and held in position by the surplus wire being wound round
the contiguous parts of the hoop. Similar armillae have been
found elsewhere, and a finger-ring of similar manipulation at
Silchester. The slender bracelet, E, from Caerwent, is trans-
versely ribbed and has three bead-like swellings and a hook-and-eye
clasp. Bracelets of this type have been sparingly found, and
are apparently derived from a prototype in which several beads
were threaded on a wire, the intervals being wound with finer
wire.
Our next example, F, from Richborough, stands for a large
J LJ U LJ
n n n r
FIG. 76. — Bracelets and Armlets, Finger-rings, Ear-rings, and Beads.
(A to G, § ; the rest, j)
267
268 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
class. It is a hoop made of a narrow band of bronze. The
exterior is ornamented by the angles being filed out at intervals
in such a manner as to leave a simple key-pattern in relief which
is ornamented with engraved lines. A variety of patterns was
produced by these means and sometimes by punching in addition,
of which we give five, G. The Richborough example has an
overlapping joint so that it could be sprung open in passing over
the hand. A similar bracelet found at Aldborough had its ends
bent back to form two loops apparently to allow of its being tied
by a cord. Others again and perhaps the larger number have
their ends riveted together. D is a variant from Lydney in which
the hoop is plain and ends in an ornamented hook-and-eye clasp.
Another type of bangle was apparently cut out of a thin plate of
bronze and ornamented with a scalloped edge.
Jet bangles are not uncommon, and there are many in the
York Museum ; where also are bracelets made of several pieces
of carved jet and of several pieces of bone united by lead and
copper bindings ; also two glass bangles, a small green one with
blue and white lines, and a larger, dark red, with white and purple
stripes. Penannular armillae, although frequently found with
pre-Roman British remains, are rare. There are several in the
Guildhall Museum, one of silver ending in grooved knobs, and
another of tinned bronze with the ends expanded into ornaments
resembling serpents' heads. Bronze ' arm-purses ' x have been
found at Thorngrapton, Birdoswald, and elsewhere in the north.
In these, a portion of the hoop is expanded into a boat-shaped
cavity, with a hinged lid on the inner side closing with a spring
snap. The first example contained coins ranging from Claudius
to Hadrian.
There are several bracelets of beads, mostly of jet and glass,
from burials at Colchester in the Joslyn Collection. One bracelet
is of sixteen blue ribbed beads with two coins of Nero as pendants.
There is a small chain bracelet from Colchester in the York
Museum, and it is not unlikely that some of the pieces of fine
bronze chain seen in most collections are portions of similar
bracelets.
It is noteworthy that the armillae found on our Roman sites
1 Arch. Jour, viii, p. 88 ; xvi, p. 84.
DRESS AND THE TOILET 269
show little, if any, Roman influence ; on the contrary, they seem
as a class to have been derived from indigenous prototypes of
pre-Roman times. The cabled bracelets so closely resemble the
British neck-tores that one can hardly hesitate to trace them
to that source ; as also the wire and ribbon examples to similar
pre-Roman forms. The ancient Britons also had jet armillae,
and it has already been noticed that then- penannular form
survived into Roman times, while jet, amber, and glass beads
are of common occurrence in their graves. Another noteworthy
point is that while not few of the British armillae were of gold
and highly decorated, the precious metals are singularly wanting
in the Romano-British. This is remarkable when we consider
that the 3rd and 4th centuries were characterized by a love
of display and personal adornment, and it seems to indicate that
the wearing of armillae was not fashionable with the wealthy,
but was mainly confined to the poorer classes, during these
centuries.
Finger-rings are of great antiquity, and were at first objects
of utility rather than of pure adornment, being seals adapted to
be carried on the finger or thumb. Among the Romans the
earliest rings appear to have been of iron or stone ; but gold rings
were early conferred as a military distinction, and the privilege
of wearing them was afterwards extended to ambassadors, to
senators and chief magistrates, and then to knights. Tiberius
next extended the jus annuli aurei to all who had a certain
property qualification, and his successors to all whom they willed.
Severus conceded the right to all Roman soldiers, after which the
gold ring gradually ceased to carry with it any distinction. The
devices engraved upon the signet-rings were varied, and included
mythological subjects, portraits, and allusions to the family
history of the wearers, thus in a sense answering to our crests.
Originally the men wore only a signet-ring and the wedded
women a marriage ring ; but under the later emperors, rings,
often of a costly sort, were worn in great profusion.
Finger-rings are frequently found on our Roman sites, and
they appear to have been worn by all classes. They are not
confined to the sites of towns and country mansions : even the
270 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
small and remote Romano-British village at Rushmore yielded
twenty to the spade of General Pitt-Rivers.1 Bronze is their
usual material, then follow in descending order, jet, silver, iron,
gold, amber, and glass. Such is their diversity of form and
ornamentation that it is scarcely possible to classify them. Many
are hoops which, if ornamented, have their ornamentation diffused
all round ; many have their ornamentation concentrated to one
spot, the rest of the circuit being a hoop, and to these belong
the signet-rings and the forms derived therefrom ; while the
residue consists of rings of intermediate character or of aberrant
forms.
The simplest Roman ' hoops ' are of bronze wire bent into a
circular shape with the ends meeting, but more often overlapping,
and more often still the wire is made into a double coil — as
Fig. 76, H, or even a coil of three turns. Such rings were
probably home-made ; but in skilful hands the ends of the
penannular ring were ornamented, or, if they overlapped, each
was bent back and assumed the shape of a serpent's head, while
the double coil sometimes took the form of a serpent twined round
the wearer's finger. Of endless hoops, two found at Rushmore
are simple examples, one being of bronze wire with the ends
brazed together, and the other of white metal square in section.
Another Rushmore example, I, which is not uncommon, is of
base silver, circular within and octagonal without, and it provides
us with a starting-point for continuous ornamentation. The
periphery of a Silchester ring, J, is cut into a series of concavities,
that of another, K, is punched with a fine herring-bone pattern,
while that of a third is diagonally grooved.
We now turn to the more interesting class of signet-rings and
rings of kindred form suggested by or imitating them. In the
bronze ring, L, found in London, the hoop swells into the bezel,
which contains a paste intaglio of a bird. There is a similar ring
in silver with a jasper intaglio of Mars in the Caerleon Museum,
and two of bronze in the Guildhall Museum ; in fact, these rings
are not uncommon, and probably represent an old form which
died out in the 2nd century. Iron rings are occasionally found,
and they all appear to be of this form. There are two in the
1 Excavations, i, p. 51.
DRESS AND THE TOILET 271
Guildhall Museum, the one with a jasper intaglio of a man holding
a patera and cornucopiae, and the other engraved with a galley
in some other stone. A Wroxeter example has its stone engraved
with a fawn springing out of a nautilus,1 and a Melandra Castle
one has a ram.2 Iron was not used for these rings on account of
its cheapness. From Roman writers we know that many had a
preference for iron signet-rings long after those of more costly
metals and alloys had become general. In the imitation or
bastard signet-rings of the form, the bezel lacks an intaglio, and
the ring is wholly of metal, as M, a Silchester example, or instead
of an intaglio there is an inset of unengraved glass or stone, or of
enamel.
In the more elaborate rings of this type, the shoulders of the
bezel are ornamented and the setting of the stone takes the form
of a rim or border often also ornamented, hoop, shoulders and
setting now ceasing to flow into one another and appearing as
separate ornamental entities. Usually the setting is highly
raised, in order that the impression from the intaglio'should not
be disfigured by the impress of the shoulders. The highly
ornamented rings are, as a rule, of silver and gold, but their
technique varies considerably, many of them being of decadent
execution and reflecting a taste for display. Instead of intaglios,
their settings sometimes contain cameos, which again are often
of inferior workmanship. Two examples of these ornate rings
are given, — one of silver, N, from Great Chesters, containing a stone
with a bevelled edge,3 and the other of gold, O, from Sully near
Cardiff, with an onyx cameo of Medusa's head.4 The last was
associated with three other gold rings of similar character and a
large number of coins which proved that the hoard was buried
in the first quarter of the 4th century, and this confirms the
attribution of this class of rings to the 3rd and 4th centuries.
We have already described some examples of engraved gems,
and as it is unlikely that this delicate art was practised in Britain
it is unnecessary to give it more than the briefest notice. This
art was at first confined to the production of seals, but under the
1 Uriconium, p. 318. 2 Melandra Castle, p. 113.
3 Archaeo. Aeliana, xxiv, p. 42. * Numismatic Chron. xx, p. 64.
272 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
Greeks it attained such perfection and was so appreciated that
precious stones were not only carved in intaglio but also in relief
(cameos), as pure works of art for the connoisseur and collector.
The Romans equally esteemed them, and they were produced in
large numbers by Greek artists settled in Italy, but from the first
century the glyptic art gradually declined. The examples found
in this country, whether in rings or loose, are in both precious
stones and paste, and are mostly intaglios. Few belong to the
best Roman period, the larger number being mediocre and some
even barbaric, the work probably of provincials. Some of the
loose gems may have fallen from rings, but many, and especially
the cameos, are too large to have ever adorned these articles. It
is probable that these were appreciated for their own sake, as also
for the various virtues they were supposed to possess — these
virtues depending in part upon the kind of stone (a superstition
not yet extinct) and in part upon their subjects. The number
found in this country, however, is not great. There are thirty-
three intaglios in the Pump Room at Bath, which were obtained
from the main outfall drain of the baths in 1895, where they were
apparently all dropped together in the 2nd century, perhaps
accidentally by a jeweller. Eight different stones are represented
in the series, nearly half being sardonyx, and the rest onyx,
sard, agate, chalcedony, amethyst, heliotrope, and plasma.
Nearly one-third of the subjects are taken from the animal world,
and include a gryphon and a crane. Next in point of number
are gods and goddesses and other mythological personages, the
residue being charioteers, athletes, a horseman, a shepherd, a
youth making an oblation, two heads, and a trophy. There are
some good examples of engraved gems in the York and Shrews-
bury Museums.
Few ear-rings of the era remain, and as these are mostly of
gold, it may be that being small and delicate objects, those of
inferior metals and alloys have perished beyond recognition.
The prevailing form is a small disk or a precious stone in a setting,
with a wire hook attached to the back. Fig. 76, R, is a Sil-
chester example, with a circular gold plate of delicate pierced
work, and S, in the Chesters Museum, is a rectangular blue stone
DRESS AND THE TOILET 273
in a ribbed setting. There are several set with stones in the
York Museum, and another from Silchester has the form of a
serpent holding an emerald in its mouth. One in the Pump
Room at Bath has a pear-shaped carbuncle, and linked to its
setting are two gold wires, which probably terminated in small
ornaments. Much more elaborate was a gold ear-pendant found
at Housesteads. The base of the hook was expanded in the
form of a small leaf, and from it depended successively two
acanthi and two S-spirals, all linked together and having a total
length of 2f ins.1 Two found at Gellygaer are of a different type,
each being a fusiform piece of metal ending in fine points and
bent into the form of a penannular ring. The larger is of bronze
and the smaller , T, of base silver. The points being pressed together
into the perforation of the ear-lobe, the ear-ring was necessarily
worn permanently. There are several ancient gold ear-rings of
this type in the collection of the Royal Irish Academy, and similar
are still worn in northern Africa. Two in the Colchester
Museum, found with the remains of a child in a lead coffin in
the vicinity, are of gold wire bent into the form of the bracelet
shown in Fig. 76, B. In the Guildhall collection is another
of pewter in the form of a simple ring with the ends twisted
together. It is probable that some of the small penannular
rings, which have been described from time to time as children's
finger-rings, were worn as ear-rings.
Glass beads, of two prevailing shapes, cylindrical and globular,
are of common occurrence on Roman sites. The ordinary
cylindrical beads appear to have been made from round or poly-
gonal tubular canes of blue or green glass of about the thickness
of a thin tobacco-pipe stem, broken into the requisite lengths,
and rounded at the ends by partial fusion. In a larger and
elaborate variety, the cane was clothed with several layers of
different colours, and the shoulders of the bead were bevelled
off with a series of facets, thus exposing the edges of the layers
as a succession of zigzag bands, as indicated in Fig. 76, W.
The globular beads are usually somewhat flattened, varying from
i to I- in. in diameter. The larger sizes are generally decorated
1 Bruce, Roman Watt, p. 200.
18
274 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
with superficial zigzags, meanders, stripes, or ' eyes ' of white
or yellow, the body usually being dark blue. U is a Gellygaer
example. Other shapes are also met with, a frequent one being
an oblong or oval plate of coloured glass perforated longitudinally.
Many of the glass beads are hardly distinguishable from those
found with Anglo-Saxon remains ; but a characteristic Roman
variety, V, is somewhat melon-shaped and ribbed, and made of a
pale -blue vitreous frit. Of beads of other materials, those of
jet are not uncommon. They are of various shapes, and are
sometimes carved with incised ornamentation. Amber, coral,
ivory, and bone beads are sparingly found, and those of stone
are rare — there are an alabaster bead with projecting spines and
another of chalcedony in the Guildhall Museum.
Now and again sets of beads of necklaces and bracelets have
been recovered, mostly from graves, and several examples of
these may be seen in the York and Colchester Museums. In the
former museum are two necklaces still intact, the one of yellow
and green glass beads and the other of blue glass and coral beads,
strung on fine silver wires. A necklace in the Guildhall consists
of twenty-four bone and ivory beads with a perforated piece of
tusk for a pendant. Many small objects have been found,
mostly of jet and bronze and perforated for suspension, which
may have been pendants of necklaces, as for instance a jet bear
and Medusa's head at York, and a bronze drop ornamented
with a violet stone at Colchester. Most of these were probably
regarded as amulets. Coins were sometimes used as pendants,
and probably also the larger and more enriched beads.
CHAPTER XV
COINS AND ROMAN BRITAIN
ALLUSIONS TO BRITAIN — MINTS IN BRITAIN — ARCHAEOLOGICAL
VALUE OF COINS — HOARDS AND THEIR EVIDENCE
BRITAIN shared in the monetary system of the western
portion of the Empire generally, and with comparatively
few exceptions the coins that circulated here were struck
in Continental mints. The subject of the Roman coinage is
too large and intricate to be even reduced to a mere sketch in
this book, and it is unnecessary, as there are many works which
treat of this branch of numismatics. The coins, however, which
were struck in Britain, and those which, wherever struck,
commemorate events in Britain,1 come within our purview, as
also certain points of archaeological interest arising from the
occurrence of coins generally on Roman sites.
The first allusion to Britain on the Roman money was a
triumphal arch bearing the inscription, DE BRITANN, on some of
the coins of Claudius to commemorate his triumph after his
successful invasion of our shores. Hadrian's visit in A.D. 120
gave rise to a type, which with variations appeared not only on
some of his coins, but on some of those of his successors, Antoninus
Pius and Commodus. Britannia is personified by a draped female
or male, seated on a rock, and holding a spear, javelin, or standard.
By the rock is usually a spiked shield, and in most instances the
free hand rests upon it. The male figure is wearing trousers,
showing that he represents a barbarian. The female in one
1 For list and description of these see Akerman, Coins of the Romans relating to
Britain.
275
276 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
instance has her right foot on a globe ; in another she is seated
on a large globe surrounded by waves. The female figures are
of special interest, as they are the prototypes of the ' Brit-
tannia ' introduced by Charles n on our coins. The Caledonian
victories of Severus, in which his sons Caracalla and Geta were
associated, were commemorated on their coins, the usual type
being Victory with the inscription VICTORIAEBRI T TANICAE.
After these, direct reference to Britain ceases on the Roman
coinage.
The earliest evidence of a Roman mint in Britain is under
Carausius (A.D. 287-293). The mint-letters on the coins of this
emperor and his successor Allectus, prove that there were several
minting places. L. and M.L. are identified as London (Londinium
and Moneta Londinensis) ; C., CL., and MC., as Camulodunum
or Clausentum (Bitterne), or possibly both places; and RSR.,
the most frequent combination, as Richborough (Rutupiae).
The meaning of the last letters is obscure, but they may stand
for Rutupiae Statio Romana. RSP. and MRS. appear to refer
to the same mint. There are also other obscure initials which
may relate to other places. LON. and ML. occur on coins of
Diocletian and Maximianus, and PLON. (Pecunia Londinensis)
on many coins of Constantine the Great and his family. These
indicate that the London mint was in operation down to the
middle of the 4th century ; but there is evidence that it was
revived during the short reign of Magnus Maximus (A.D. 383-388).
It is probable that the other mints ceased with Allectus.1
The coins found on sites inhabited in Roman times are often
helpful in determining the approximate period of their occupa-
tion ; but without the exercise of caution they are liable to
mislead. Then, as now, some of the money in daily circulation
was old. In almost every hoard of the era, the coins cover
several or many reigns, and it is not unusual for a few to be a
century or more older than the latest. Hence the presence of
coins of emperors before the conquest of Britain and of republican
coins of the ist and 2nd centuries B.C., on the sites of our
Roman towns, forts, and villages, is no evidence that these places
were in existence before the Claudian conquest : these early
1 For list of coins struck in Britain, Arch. Jour, xxiv, p. 149.
COINS AND ROMAN BRITAIN 277
coins may very well have been in circulation for some time
after that event. The latest coins on a site more definitely
indicate the approximate close of its occupation, provided these
are not the latest that were in general circulation in Britain.
The latest on the sites of most towns of the era are those of
Arcadius and Honorius (A.D. 383-423), but we know that some
of these towns survived the English conquest and that those
which were eventually deserted or destroyed continued a
century or more after these reigns. The absence of the coins
of later emperors is due to the conquest of northern Gaul by the
barbarians, which brought about the severance of Britain from
the rest of the Empire.
The proportional numbers of the coins of the different
emperors is of service to the archaeologist. The coins found at
Richborough, Caerleon, Cirencester, Lydney, and in Pitt-Rivers'
excavations at Rushmore and Woodyates cover all or most of
the era, and a comparison of their lists shows that the proportion-
ate numbers substantially agree. The coins of the Constantine
period are the most numerous, and those of the ' Thirty Tyrants '
(A.D. 254-284) follow next. Or, taking the emperors whose
coins are the more numerous, — Constantine the Great heads
the list ; then follow, Gallienus, Claudius Gothicus, Carausius
and Constans ; next, Tetricus and Constantius n. ; next, Victor-
inus, Probus, Valens and Gratian ; and finally, Vespasian, Trajan,
Hadrian, Antoninus Pius and Faustina I. This enumeration
must be accepted as somewhat tentative : a tabulation of the
coins found at Silchester and Caerwent would certainly give
more precise results.
Buried hoards of Roman coins have been found in all parts
of the country, not only in the vicinity of the dwellings of the
time, but in places remote from these — on moors, in woods,
and among rocks. They are usually in earthen vessels, some-
times in those of bronze or lead, or in wooden boxes, and if
found loose in the soil they were probably placed in bags or
wrapped up in cloth. Hoards of bronze coins are the most
numerous, and those of silver come next, while those of the two
together are few. Gold coins in hoards are comparatively rare,
and they appear to be always associated with silver. In several
278 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
instances gold rings and other articles of jewellery have been
found with the coins. The number of the coins varies exceed-
ingly. It may be anything from a dozen or so to tens of thou-
sands. A hoard found at Baconsthorpe, Norfolk, contained
about 17,000 coins ; one at Bishopswood in the Forest of Dean,
17,226 ; one at Blackmore, Selbourne, 30,000 ; while the quantity
in one near Falmouth could only be estimated as 25 gallons !
A hoard of one or two thousand coins is not unusual, but these
and higher numbers are bronze coins, occasionally with a few
of silver mixed with them, the hoards of silver coins alone or
with a few gold ones rarely exceeding five or six hundred.
The burial of treasure for safety is perhaps as ancient as
man himself. The dog, for the same reason, buries a bone,
yet not for the benefit of other dogs that may chance to
find it, but for his own enjoyment at a convenient season. That
any of these coin hoards should remain to us is accidental, and
probably due in most instances to the untimely death of the
hider ; but the large number so remaining indicates how
common the practice must have been in Roman Britain. The
approximate dates of the hoards, as indicated by their latest
coins, prove that while the practice was continuous, there were
times when more hoards than usual were buried or more hiders
than usual failed to secure them, but probably both contributed
to the result. That these were times of strife and disquiet is
confirmed by history. The first of these hoard-periods was
shortly after the reign of Aurelius. It coincides with a troubled
state of affairs under his successor, Commodus, which began
with a serious inroad of the Caledonians, was followed in
A.D. 184 by a mutiny of the army in Britain and the murder of
Perennis, the Pretorian Prefect, who had been sent to quell it,
and it was not suppressed until A.D. 187, under a new legate,
Pertinax. The death of Commodus in A.D. 192 was followed
by a struggle between claimants to the purple, which ended
with the victory of Severus over his rivals in A.D. 197. The
next hoard-period, and the one to which the highest number
of hoards belong, was a century later. During the last thirty
years of this century, confusion and strife prevailed in most
parts of the Empire, especially in the west, where pretender
COINS AND ROMAN BRITAIN 279
after pretender, most of obscure origin and the creatures of
the military, seized the supreme power, the last two of whom,
Carausius and Allectus, successfully and on the whole tranquilly
held Britain for nine years. The defeat of Allectus in A.D. 296
left Diocletian and his colleagues masters of the Empire, and
ended this period of confusion. The hoards fall into two series,
those without and those with coins of Carausius and Allectus,
the one series apparently being secreted during a few years
before the accession of the former emperor, and the other during
the struggle between Constantius and Allectus. A consider-
able number of hoards have for their latest coins those of Con-
stantine the Great and his family (A.D. 306-350), and it is probable
that they were secreted when Magnentius seized the supreme
power, first in Britain and then in Gaul, in A.D. 350, or was
dispossessed of it in 353. History is silent as to what transpired
in the former country on that occasion, but these hoards seem
to indicate a disturbed state of affairs. The last great hoard-
period followed the reign of Honorius (A.D. 395-423), when
Britain, cut off from the rest of the Empire, had to fight single-
handed her own battles with the over-sea barbarians, and with
results that are well known.
Coin-moulds have been found at Edington in Somerset,1
Lingwell Gate in Yorkshire,2 Wroxeter and Candover in Shrop-
shire, Castor in Northamptonshire, and elsewhere. They were
undoubtedly used for the production of false and debased money,
but they occurred in such large numbers at the first two places,
as also on several sites in France, as to suggest official conniv-
ance. The moulds were built up in two or three piles or columns
in such a manner that a dozen or more coins could be cast at
a time. In making the moulds, discs of fine clay were prepared,
about six going to a pile ; and between every two discs a coin
was pressed. The pile completed, a notch was cut in the side
so as to expose the edges of the coins. These were then removed,
antf the discs were fired at a low temperature. The discs re-
placed, the pile was ready for use. Two or three such piles
were placed together notch to notch, which thus formed a channel
or tube. The angles between the piles were than luted with
1 Archaeologia, xiv, p. 97. * Phil. Trans, xxiv ; Numis. Jour. ii.
280 THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
clay, and the molten metal was poured into the channel and
entered the cavities which had been occupied by the coins.
Most of the moulds appear to date from the 3rd century, a
period when a large amount of spurious and base money was
in circulation.
/.
/v-
/
MAP OF ROMAN BRITAIN SHOWING THE CHIEF ROADS AND PI.ACKS
INDEX
Addy, S. O., 87
Adzes, 198
Aedicula, 119
Agricola, 42, 44, 61-2, 70 ; camps attri-
buted to, 42, 44
Altars, 13, 122-35 ; examples, 123-7 j
general form and parts, 122-3 ;
inscriptions, 131-5 ; ornamentation
and symbols, 127, 131
Altars at Appleby, 104 ; Auchindavy,
103 ; Bath, 102, 104, 108, 134 ;
Benwell, 108 ; Binchester, 102 ;
Birrens, 103, 107, 108-9, 126, 130,
131 ; Bitterne, 108 ; Caerleon, 102,
104 ; Caerwent, 105 ; Carlisle, 102,
105, 127 ; Carrawburgh, 106 ; Car-
voran, 104, 108, no, 133 ; Castlehill,
103 ; Chester, 103, 107, 126, 130 ;
Chesterholm, 102, 103, 126, 131-2 ;
Chester-le-Street, 105 ; Chichester,
103 ; Cirencester, 108 ; Colchester,
1 08 ; Corbridge, 126 ; Ellenborough,
1 01, 109 ; Elsden, 108 ; Folly, 109 ;
Glasgow, 105 ; Greta Bridge, 107 ;
Haddon Hall, 126 ; High Rochester,
102-3, I23. 126-7 ; Housesteads,
no, 126, 132, 134 ; Inveresk, 106 ;
Lanchester, 102, 106 ; near Laner-
cost, 130 ; Lincoln, 102 ; London,
107 ; Kings Stanley, 127 ; Kirk
Haugh, 101 ; Maryport, 102, 127,
130, 134 ; Netherby, 106 ; New-
castle, 102, 107, 127, 132 ; Newstead,
102 ; Old Carlisle, 102, 105, 126 ;
Old Penrith, 106 ; Overborough,
109 ; Plumpton Wall, 109 ; Port
Carlisle, 107 ; Ribchester, 102 ;
Risingham, 103-4, I26, 130-1 ;
Rutchester, 126-7 J Stanwix, 103 ;
Walton Hall, 103-4, 130-1 ; York,
103, 105, 107, 133
Amphitheatres at Aldborough, Caer-
leon, Caerwent, Charterhouse, Col-
chester, Dorchester, Maryborough,
Richborough, Silchester, Wroxeter,
93-4
281
Anicetum, 223
Annexes of forts, 60-1
Antonine Itinerary, 15
Anvils, 195, 200
Apodyterium, 95, 99
Apuleius, no
Aqueducts, 59
Arm-purses, 268
Armillae, 265-9
Armlets, 265-9
Arretine ware, 154
Artis, Mr., 178
Athanasius, 112
Atrebates, 10, 12
Awls, 198
Axes, 195
Barbaric deities, 101
Balances, 216
Ballistaria, 64
Barns and barn-like buildings, 81, 84,
85,88
Barracks, 57-8
Bartlow Hills, 223
Base money, 279
Basilical houses, 85-91. See Houses
Basilicas. See Forums
Bastioned forts, 45, 53-4
Bastions, 45, 53
Baths, 94-100 ; examples described,
96-100 ; process and comparison
with the modern Turkish, 94-6 ;
public, private, and military, 96
Baths, domestic, at Bignor, 82 ;
Brading, 84-6 ; Caerwent, 96 ;
Mansfield Woodhouse, 85-6 ; Peters-
field, 87 ; Spoonley Wood, 81 ;
Woodchester, 84
Baths, military, 60-1 ; at Chesters,
Gellygaer, and Great Chesters,
99
Baths, public, at Silchester, 12, 79,
99 ; Wroxeter, 12, 99
Beads, 268, 273-4
Bede, 64, 113, 146
Belgae, 10
282
THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
Bells, 219 ; of ancient Celtic Church,
219
Bibliography, modern, of Roman
Britain, 16-20
Bill-hook, 202
Bishops, British, at ecclesiastical
councils, 112
' Boat-shaped ' brooches, 250
Bracelets, 142, 144, 148, 265—9
Bridges, 35-6 ; at Blackpool, Forest
of Dean, 35 ; Caerleon, 35 ; Caistor,
35 ; Chollerford, 35 ; Corbridge, 35 ;
Gellygaer, 52 ; Newcastle, 35 ; near
Tadcaster, 35 ; Wallasey, 35
Brigantes, 10, 69
Brigantia, 107
Brigit, St., 107
' Britannia ' on Roman and modern
coins, 275-6
British artizans, skill of, 10
Brooches, 248-261 ; classification, 249 ;
materials and ornamentation, 249,
250, 256 ; used in Britain before the
conquest, 249
Brooches, Bow-, or fibulae, 249, 250-6 ;
Italian, primitive, rarely found in
this country, 250 ; La Tene or Late-
Celtic, the precursor of most of the
Romano-British, 251-2 ; two lines
of development — the ' T '-fibulae
and the ' trumpet-headed ' fibulae,
252-3, and two stages — the spring
and the hinged varieties, 253-4 !
abetrant forms, 254 — the ' cruci-
form ' type, 256, the precursor of
the post-Roman barbaric fibulae,
256 ; wearing brooches in pairs, 254
Brooches, Plate-, 249, 256-9 ; forms
and decoration, 258 ; zoomorphic,
259
Brooches, Ring-, or penannular, 249,
259-60 ; how used, 259 ; post-
Roman developments, 260
Brooches, S-shaped or ' dragon esque,'
259 ; a connecting link between
the plate- and ring-brooches, and
Late-Celtic decoration, 259
Burial in towns, 137
Burials. See Interments and Sepulchral
Remains
Caldaria, 95, 98-9
Cameos, 271—2
Camps, castra, 38-45 ; camps of Poly-
bius and Hyginus, 39, 40; description
of camp by Josephus, 41 ; examples
in Britain, 42—4 ; reoccupation of
camps, 44 ; Roman adoption of
native camp, 45 ; small intrenched
posts, 44
Camps at Ardoch, 44 ; Birrenswark,
44 ; Haltwhistle, 44 ; Hod Hill, 45 ;
Pigwn, 44 ; Ratby, 44 ; Rey Cross,
44
Camp-stool, iron folding, 143
Cancelli, 56, 92
Candlesticks, 214-6
Cantharus of church, 122
Capitolinus, Julius, 64
Cardo maximus, 39
Cassius, Dion, 71
Castella. See Forts
Castra. See Camps
Catuvelauni, 10
' Celtic ' key, and probable use, 238-40
Cemeteries at Bath, 137 ; Chatham
Lines, 138 ; Colchester, 137 ; near
Dover, 138 ; Great Chesterford, 138 ;
Island of Portland, 138 ; Irchester,
138 ; Larkfield, 138 ; Litlington,
138—9 ; Lockham, 139 ; St. Albans,
137 ; Swanmore, 136 ; Witham,
138 ; Wroxeter, 137-8 ; York, 137
Centre-bits, 198
Century and centurion, 58
Chisels, 198—200
Chloron, 224
Christian emblems, in, 146, 191,
213
Christianity, Romano-British, 14, in—
3 ; evidence of archaeology and
history conflicting, 1 1 1-2 ; probable
explanation of weakness of former,
112-3 ! firmly planted before the
close of the era, 112, but in the
towns rather than the rural districts,
113 ; testimony of ecclesiastical
councils and early Christian writers,
112
Churches, Romano-British, at Caer-
went(?), 113, 122 ; Silchester, in,
113, 120-2 ; supposed at Dover,
Canterbury, Lyminge, and Reculver,
"3
Cinerary vessels, 139, 140, 141
Cists or vaults, 139, 140, 141
' Civil ' towns, 8
Clasp- or pocket-knives, 204
Clayton, Mr. John, 106
Cloth, 9
Coal, 10 ; coal - pits at Werneth,
10
Coffins, lead, 147-8 ; stone, 139, 140,
146-7 ; wood, 145-6
Cohors quingenaria, miliaria, equitata,
Coiffure, 148, 248, 264
Coins commemorating events in
Britain, 275-6 ; struck in Britain,
276-7. See Mints
INDEX
283
Coins found on Roman sites, their
archaeological value, 276 ; hoards,
why hidden, and their historical
value, 277—9 ; proportionate num-
bers of different emperors, 277 ;
found in graves, and their meaning,
145. I48
Coin-moulds, 279-80
Colly ria, 223
Combs, 263-4
Commandants' houses in forts, 56
Compasses or dividers, 200
Compluvium, 89
Condate, 105
Conquest of Britain, 2 ; on coins, 275
Conway, Prof. R. S.t 218
Copper, 9
' Corridor ' houses. See Houses
Councils of Ariminium, Aries, and
Sardica, 112
Counters, 142
Cremation, 137
' Cruciform ' type of brooch, 256
Dechelette, Joseph, 154, 161
Decumanus maximus, 39
Deities, divinities, etc. — Actaeon, 212 ;
Aesculapius, 102, 126, 130 ; Alais-
iagae, 105 ; Anoceticus or Anteno-
citicus, 108 ; Ancasta, 108 ; Apollo,
13, 102, 106, 118, 186 ; Apollo
Apono, 102 ; Apollo Grannos, 106 ;
Bacchus, 1 88 ; Belatucadrus, 13,
104-5 ; Bellona, 102 ; Bonus
Eventus, 102 ; Bonus Puer, 106 ;
Brigantia, 107 ; Brigindu, 107 ;
Britannia, 102 ; Campestres, 103 ;
Camulus, 105 ; Charon, 145, 212 ;
Cocidius, 104, 130 ; Coel, 105 ;
Coventina, 106, 115 ; Cumhal, 105 ;
Cupid, 212 ; Cybele, in ; Dado-
phori (Cautes and Cautopites), 109 ;
Diana, 102, 118, 212 ; Dii Cultores,
104 ; Dii Mountibus, 104 ; Dis-
ciplina Augusti, 103, 131 ; Egar-
mangabis, 106, 131 ; Elauna, 107 ;
Epona, 108 ; Fatus Bonus, 134 ;
Fontes, 103 ; Fortuna, 102, 126,
130-1, 133-4; Fortuna Populi
Romani, 102, 132 ; Gadunus, 109 ;
Gaulish ' wheel '-god, 104, 130 ;
Genius, 103, 118-9, 134; Genius
Augusti, 103 ; Genius Loci, 103,
130 ; Genius Populi Romani, 103,
1 06 ; Hamian Goddess, no; Hari-
mella, 108, 126 ; Hercules, 101, 188 ;
Isis, 14, 101, in ; Jalonus, 109 ;
Jupiter, 13, 101, 118, 126-7, 2I2 ',
Jupiter Capitolinus, 101 ; Jupiter
Dolichenus, 104 ; Jupiter Serapis,
104 ; Jupiter Teranus, 104 ; Juno,
101 ; Lares and Penates, 103, 118-9 ;
Lares Compitales, 119 ; Lares
Praesides, 119; Leucetius, 105;
Lludd, 108, 117 ; Mabon, 106 ;
Magna Mater (Great Mother of
Phrygia), 14, 101, no-i ; Maponus,
106 ; Mars, 101-2, 104, 115, 118,
126, 270 ; Mars Belatucadrus, 13,
104 ; Mars Cocidius, 104 ; Mars
Condate, 105 ; Mars Lenus, 105 ;
Loucetius, 104 ; Mars Ocelus, 105 ;
Mars Rigisamus, 105 ; Mars Thing-
sus, 105 ; Mars Toutates, 105 ;
Matres (The Mothers — Domestic,
Transmarine, of the fields, nations,
etc.), 107-8, 118—9, 1 88 ; Matunus,
1 08 ; Medusa, 148 ; Mercury, 102,
188 ; Minerva, 101, 104, 106, 114,
118, 127, 130, 148, 188 ; Mithras, 101,
109, 117-8, 127; Modron, 106 ;
Mogons, 1 06 ; Nematona, 104-5 ;
Nemon, 105 ; Net, 105 ; Neptune,
102, 118, 127, 132, 188; Nodens or
Nudens, 108, 116 ; Nudd, 108, 117 ;
Numen, 103, 105, 134 ; Nymphs,
103 ; Orphaeus, 84 ; Osiris, 13 ;
Parcae (Fates), 102 ; Ricagambeda,
108 ; Roma, 102, 118, 123, 134 ;
Salus, 102, 126 ; Seltocenia, 109 ;
Serapis, 104, in, 118, 133 ; Silenois,
210 ; Silvanus, 103, 134 ; Silvanus
Cocidius, 104, 132 ; Sol, 108, no,
118, 126 ; Sulevae, 108 ; Sul or
Sulis, 13 ; Sul-Minerva, 13, 104,
114; Syrian Goddess, no; Tan-
arus, 13 ; Taranucus, 104 ; Thor
or Thunor, 104 ; Toutates, 105 ;
Tuis Things, 105 ; Vanauntris, 108 ;
Venus, 212 ; Veradecthis, 108 ;
Victoria, 102, 212
Diatretum, 180
Dice, 142, 219 ; dice-boxes, 219
Dillon, Mr. Edward, 184
Discs of bone, glass, pottery, and stone,
used in games, 220
Distaffs, 221
Ditches of forts, 49, 64 ; of roads, 23,
29
Dragendorff, Dr., 154, 161
Draught-boards, stone, 220
Dress-fasteners, 261
Dressing-boxes, 141-4, 228, 263-4'
Drills, 198
Dumnonii, 10
Dyeing, 12
Ear-picks, 262
Ear-rings, 148, 272-3
' Earth ' forts, 47, 50
284
THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
Elaeothesium or unctuarium, 95
Elton, Charles, 2, 3, 13
Enamels, 10, 143, 185, 188, 190, 228,
246, 249, 258, 261, 271
Evans, Dr. Arthur, 250
Evans, Sir John, 194
Farm buildings, 81, 84
Files and rasps, 198
Finger-rings, 112, 148, 269—71
Fire-dogs or andirons, 203
Fireplaces and hearths, 76, 82, 87, 88,
203
Five-stones (talus), game of, 220
Flesh-hooks, 210
Foliage in graves, 143-4
Foods in graves, 143-4
Foot (f>es), length of Roman, 219
Foot-rules (reguli), 218
Fords at Bemerton, Blackpool Bridge,
Ilchester, Littleborough, and over
the Calder, 35
Forests and wastes — Andreas Wold,
Arden, Cambridgeshire and Hert-
fordshire, Dean, Denbigh, New,
Savernach, Selwood, Sherwood,
Speen, Wyrewood, 3—4
Forks, 210
Forts (castella), 45-61 ; comparison
with camps, 47 ; distribution, 8 ;
' earth ' and ' stone ' forts, 47-8, 50 ;
Hyginian and bastioned, 45-7, 53-4
— their differences and relative
periods, 53-4
Forts at Ardoch, 46, 49, 52 ; Auchin-
davy, 64 ; Balmuildy, 64 ; Bar Hill,
46-7, 60, 64 ; Benwell, 69 ; Bin-
chester, 60 ; Birdoswald, 46, 50-1,
59, 69 ; Birrens, 46, 49, 58-9 ;
Bitterne, 53 ; Bowness, 69 ; Brad-
well - juxta -Mare, 53; Brough,
46 ; Burgh Castle, 53-4 ; Caersws,
46 ; Camelon, 46, 57, 60-1,
64 ; Cardiff, 53 ; Carrawburgh, 69 ;
.Carvoran, 69 ; Castlecary, 46, 60-1,
64 ; Castlehill, 64 ; Castleshaw, 46 ;
Chesterholm, 69 ; Chesters, 46, 48,
5J» 54-5. 57-9. 60, 69 ; Coelbren,
46-7 ; Drumburgh, 69 ; Duntocher,
64 ; Elsback, 46 ; Gellygaer, 46-50,
52, 55-8, 60-1 ; Great Chesters, 46,
48, 57-9, 60, 69 ; Halton Chesters,
69 ; Haltwhistle, 46 ; Hardknott,
46, 57 ; High Rochester, 46, 57 ;
Housesteads, 46, 48, 50, 55, 57-9,
60-1, 69 ; Kirkintilloch, 64 ; Lan-
chester, 54 ; Lympne, 53—4 ; Lyne,
46, 60 ; Melandra, 46 ; Newcastle, 69 ;
New Kilpatrick, 64 ; Newstead, 46,
5i. 57-9. 60 ; Pevensey, 53-4 ;
Porchester, 53-4 ; Ribchester, 46 ;
Richborough, 53 ; Rough Castle,
46-7, 54, 60, 64 ; Rutchester, 69 ;
Slack, 60 ; South Shields, 59 ; Walls-
end, 69 ; Westerwood, 64
Forts, defences of — ditches, 49, 52 ;
gates, 50-2 ; ramparts, 47-8, 53 ;
turrets and bastions, 41, 50, 53
Forts, internal structures — barracks,
57—8 ; commandants' houses, 56 ;
drains, 59, 60 ; granaries, 56-7 ;
headquarters or principia, 54-6 ;
latrines, 59, 60 ; ovens and furnaces,
59 ; stables, 59 ; streets, 59 ; water-
supply, 59-60
Forts, external structures, etc. —
annexes, 60-1 ; baths, 61 ; civil
settlements or suburbs, 60-1
Forums and basilicas at Caerwent, 12,
92 ; Chester, 93 ; Cirencester, 93 ;
Lincoln, 93 ; Silchester, 12, 56, 90-1 ;
Wroxeter, 92 ; comparison with the
principia of the forts, 54
Frigidaria, 95
' Frog ' buttons or ' Olivets,' 261
Funerary customs, diversity of, 136
Galen, 95
Games, objects used in, 142, 219-21
Gates, fortification, of camps, 40-2,
44 ; of forts and towns, 12, 50-3 ;
on mosaic at Avignon, 52 ; on
Trajan's column, 51 ; approaches to,
52
Gems, engraved, 271-2
Geological changes since Roman
era, 4
Gildas, 64
Glacis, 49, 62, 64
Glass, 139, 140, 141, 142, 179-84 ;
characteristics, 179-80 ; sources —
traces of works at Wilderspool, 10,
185, and probably much imported
from Gaul, 184
Glass cineraries, 183 ; discs used in
games, 220 ; vessels, their forms
and uses, 180—3
Graeco-Roman deities, 13, 101
Granaries (horrea), 56-7
Grave-goods or objects buried with
the dead, 137, 139, 141-4, 145-6,
148 ; their diversity, 141-2 ; some
derived from the dress in which the
deceased was burned or buried, 142,
144-5, 148 ; others purposely placed
with the dead and the motives
discussed, 143-4
Grave-mounds or tumuli, 137, 142-4,
148
Gridirons, 202
INDEX
285
Hadrian's visit commemorated on
coins, 275
Hair-pins, 149, 248
Hammers, 195
Haverfield, Dr. F., 69, 70, 245
Headquarters (principia) of forts,
54-6-
Heizel, Prof., 105
Hemistrigium, 58
Herodian, 71
Hilary of Poitiers, 112
Hinged fibulae, 253-4
Hipposandals, 202
Hoards of bronze, 188 ; coins, 277-8 ;
iron, 194-5 ; pewter, 190-1
Hook-links, 261
Hospiiia, supposed, at Caerwent, 78 ;
Lydney, 117 ; Silchester, 78
Houses, 9, 73-89 ; distribution and
characteristics, 72-3 ; of two main
types, 73, 89 ; town and rural houses
similar, 9, 12, 78-9 ; examples of
' cortidor ' houses, 73-85 ; examples
of ' basilical ' houses, 85-89 ; ' court-
yard ' houses, 74, 77, 81, 83 ; houses
in forts, 56
Houses at Bignor, 81 ; Brading, 84,
87 ; Caerwent, 77-8 ; Carisbrook,
86 ; Castlefield, 85, 87 ; Clanville,
85, 87; Ickleton, 85; Mansfield Wood-
house, 85, 87 ; Petersfield, 86-7 ;
Silchester, 73-7; Spoonley Wood, 79-
80 ; Woodchester, 83-4
Hyginian camp, 39, 40—1 ; forts, 45
Hyginus, 39
Hypocausts, 74, 77, 81, 86, 98
Iceni, 10
Impluvium, 89
Ink and inkstands, 224
Inscriptions, their importance, 3 ; on
altars, 13, 131-5 ; lamps, 212 ;
milestones, 36-7 ; monuments and
tablets, 12, 13, 54, 70-1, 101-2,
104-5, no, 118 ; oculists' stamps,
223 ; tombstones and sarcophagi,
112, 146, 149-52 ; vessels, 168, 183,
188, 190
Intaglios, 270, 272
Interments, burnt, 138-9, 140-5.
Cineraries or portable receptacles
for the ashes — earthen vessels, 139-
41, 1 60 ; glass vessels, 139, 140-1,
185 ; lead ossuaries, 140-1, 150,
183 ; dressing-case, 141. Fixed re-
ceptacles— simple graves, 140;
amphorae, 139, 141 ; cists or vaults,
139, 140-1 ; stone loculi, 140-1 ;
wood chests or tombs, 143. Funeral
piles and ustrina, 138-9
Interments, unburnt, 138, 145-9 ;
bodies usually laid at full length
145 ; dressed, 145, 148 ; and occa-
sionally embedded in lime, 148.
Coffins of lead, 147-8 ; of stone, 139,
146-7 ; of wood, 145-6. Tomb-
houses, 139, 140, 147-8
Intervallum, 40
Iron, worked in Britain, 10 ; cast, 194 ;
hoards of iron objects at Great
Chesterford and Silchester, 194-
202 ; its uses, 194-207
Iron signet-rings, 271
Jerome, St., 112
Josephus, 41, 50
Joslyn Collection at Colchester, 268
Jus annuli aurei, 269
Keys, 229-240 ; for padlocks, 229-31 ;
of several types for tumbler locks,
231-5 ; revolving, for ward locks,
235-7 5 semi-revolving, for spring
locks, 237-8 ; lifting, resembling
the French latch-key, 237—8 ; similar
with teeth for tumblers, 238 ; the
so-called Celtic key, 238 ; ring-keys,
240
Knives, 203-4 ; bench or paring, 200 ;
clasp or pocket, 204 ; pruning,
201
Labrum, 99
Lachrymatories, unguentaria, or ' tear '-
bottles, 141-2, 144, 183
Laconicum, 95
Lamps, 139, 141—5, 210-4 > normal
forms and parts, 210 ; abnormal
forms, 213 ; of earthenware — their
manufacture, decoration, inscrip-
tions, and makers' marks, 210-13 ;
of other materials, 210, 213-4
Lamps in graves, 139, 141-4, 213
Lamp-stands, 213-4
Lararia, 119
Late-Celtic bracelets, 266 ; brooches,
250-2, 254; burials, 136-7; key,
238 ; mirrors, 263 ; ornamentation,
153, 169, 228, 259, 266; pottery',
153. 154
Latrines, 60, 77, 99
Lavatorium, 95
Lead obtained in Britain, 9
Leather-punch, 200
Leech-shaped brooches, 250
Legionary stations, 8, 37
Ligulae, 142, 208
Limes, 69
Livy, 40
Local government in Britain, 10, n
286
THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
Lock-plates, 234, 238
Locks, 229 — 40 ; large, probably of
wood, 229 ; ' Celtic ' locks, 238-9 ;
padlocks, 229-31 ; spring-locks, 237 ;
tumbler-locks, 232-5 ; ward-locks,
235-7 ; locks of uncertain mechanism,
237-8
Loom- weights, 193
Lucan, 105
Macrobius, 137
Makers' marks on knife, 204 ; lamps,
212 ; paterae, 160, 188 ; and pottery,
1 68
Martial, 207
Mattocks, 198
Maumbury Rings, 94
May, Mr. Thomas, 184, 218
Meitzen, 87
Metal vessels, 185-190 ; bronze, 139,
143-4, 185-90, 210, 213 ; enamelled
bronze, 143, 190; pewter, 112, 185,
190-1 ; silver, 185, 186, 188-9, 191
Mile, Roman (mille passuum), 36
Mile-castles, 51, 64, 67
Milestones (miliaria), 36-7; at Castle-
ford, 37 ; near Leicester, 37 ; at
Rhiwiau Uchaf near Conway, 36
Millinori or ' fused mosaic,' 180,
258
Minerals worked in Britain, 9
Mints, Roman, in Britain, 276
Mirrors (specula), 262-3 ; many found
at Colchester, 142, 263 ; box or
pocket, 263 ; ! of dressing-boxes, 263
Mithraea at Burham, no, 118 ; High
Rochester, no ; Housesteads, 109,
117; London, no; Rutchester,
no ; York, 109
Mithraism, 14, 109
Modelling tools, 200
Mola trusatilis and versatilis, 192
Mommsen, Prof., 69
Mortars (mortaria) of pottery, 165, 173,
176 ; stone, 193
Mosaics, 76-7, 81-2, 84-6, 98, in,
115, 117, 119, 122, 191, 221
Mowers' anvils, 201
Murus cespiticius, 64
Nail-cleaners, 142, 262
Nardinium, 224
Natural productions of Britain, 9-10
Necklaces, 141, 148, 274
Needles and bodkins, 221
Nennius, 64
Net-sinkers, 193
Netting-needles, 223
Notitia Dignitatem, 1 5
Nymphaea, 120
Oculists' stamps, 223
Onyx glass, 1 79
Oppida, British, 10, 11
Oriental religions, 101
Orientation of churches, 121
Ossuaria, lead, 140-1, 150, 183
Ovens, 59
Padlocks, 229-31
Palaestra, 96
Palettes, 193
Paper, 224
Parchment, 224
Paring- or bench-knives, 195, 200
Pens, 224
Pentinger Tablet, 14
Pewter. See Metallic Vessels
Physiography of Roman Britain, 3, 4
Pick-axes, 198
Picks, 198
! Pigs of lead, 9
! Pincers, 198
Pins, 246-8 ; their materials and
ornamentation, 246 ; used for the
dress and the coiffure, 248
Pitt-Rivers, Lieut.-General, 24, 145,
227, 246, 250, 265, 269, 270, 277
Place-names of Roman Britain —
chiefly derived from literary sources,
but comparatively few identified,
14-5. See Topography
Planes, 200
Plate-brooches, 249, 256-9
Playthings, 142
Pliny, 246
Plique, Dr., 164
Polybius, camp of, 39, 40, 42
Pompeian compared with basilical
houses, 89
Population of Roman Britain, dis-
tribution, 5 ; differs from the
present, and why, 5—7
Portae decumana, praetoria, and prin-
cipales, 40
Posting-stations, 8, 9
Pot-hangers, 202—3
Potteries of the Medway, Nene, and
New Forest, 10, 160
Potters' kilns, 176—8 ; at Castor,
Lexden, Radlett, St. Paul's, and
Silchester, 176-8
Pottery, 10, 153-176 ; characteristics,
J54~9 ! classification, 160-76 ;
definition of ' Roman,' 153 ; en-
gobes, 155, 168, 172 ; glazes, 154,
156 ; manufacture and decoration,
!55-9 ; sources, 10, 153-4, 160-1,
164, 168-9
Pottery, decoration — applique, 165,
172 ; barbotine, 157, 165, 168, 173 ;
INDEX
287
' cut,' 159 ; ' engine-turned,' 158-9,
169, 173; finger-pressed, 158;
'frilled,' 158, 173; indented, 158;
marbled, 159 ; moulded, 156-7,
164-5 ; painted, 154, 159 ; rough-
cast, 158 ; sunk or impressed, 158
Pottery, forms of vessels, ancient
names of, 160 ; classification, 160-1
— redglaze forms, 164-5 ; ollae or
jars, 1 68 ; oWa-like or cups, 168 ;
bowls, 169 ; saucers and dishes,
169 ; amphorae, 169 ; jugs or
ampullae, 172 ; mortaria, 173 ;
miscellaneous, 172
Pounders, 193
Praetentura, 41, 47, 57
Praetorium, 40-1, 47, 54
Principia, 54-6
Prothesis and diaconicum, 122
Pruning-hooks, 201
' Pseudo-Samian ' ware, 154, 158
Ptolemy the geographer, 1 4
Pytheas, 87
Querns, 192-3
Quoits, 192
Ramparts, 40, 42, 44, 45, 47-9
Ravenna Chorography, 15, 104—5
Redglaze, ' Samian ' or Terra Sigillata
ware, 10, 153-9, 160— 8 ; the Arver-
nian, Rhenish, and Rutenian pro-
ducts, 161, 164 ; manufactured at
Banassac, La Graufesenque, Lesoux,
Montans, Rheinzabern, St. Remy,
Westerndorf, 161-4
Religions of Roman Britain, 13-4,
101-13 ; commingling of cults, a
result of imperial expansion, 13 ;
polytheism ceased to satisfy and
paved the way for Oriental cults and
Christianity, 14 ; the Graeco-
Roman, 13, 101-4 '•> barbaric, 104—
9; Oriental, 109-11; Christianity,
1 1 1-3
Retentura, 41, 47, 57
Revolving keys, 235
Rhys, Sir John, 106
Ridgeway, Prof., 250
Ring-keys, 240
Ring- or penannular-brooches, 249,
259-61
Rings. See ' Ear '- and ' Finger '-rings
Roads, Roman, 9, 22—34 > charac-
teristics and remains, 22-3 ; classi-
fication, 23 ; distribution and com-
parison with that of present roads
and railways, 31—4 ; many still used
as roads, 22 ; plundered for the sake
of their materials, 23 ; preference for
high ground, 30 ; setting-out, 30 ;
side ditches, 23, 29 ; structure, 23-29
Roads, Roman — Achling Ditch, 23 ;
Akeman Street, 24 ; near Amble-
side, 27 ; between Badbury and
Poole Harbour, 24 ; Dean Forest,
27 ; at Bokerly Dyke, 24, 29 ; on
Chats Moss, 27 ; Dane's Pad, 29 ;
Doctor Gate, 29 ; on Durdham
Down, 29 ; Edgeware Road,
London, 26 ; Erming Street, 23, 30,
33 ; Fen Road, 24 ; Fossway, 26,
29-30, 34 ; Lincoln to York, 29 ;
Maiden Way, 27 ; at Manchester,
24 ; Northern Watling Street, 29 ;
Peddar's Way, 34 ; near Pontypool,
27 ; Rykneld Street, 34 ; Silchester
to Bath, 23 ; Stane Gate, 34 ; Stane
Street, 34 ; at Strood, 26 ; near
Vernditch Wood, 29 ; Via Julia, 36 ;
Wall of Antoninus, 62 ; Wall of
Hadrian, 27, 65, 68 ; Watling Street,
24, 34, 138 ; White Cross, 27
Roy, General, 42, 44
S- or dragonesque brooches, 259
Sacella, 56, 120, 131
Sanctuary of city lares, 119-20
Sarcophagus of St. Etheldreda, 146
Saws, 200
Saxon farmhouse, 87, 89
Saxon Shore, 8 ; Count of, 53
Scale-beams, 216 ; -pans, 218.
Scissors, 206
Scythes, 201
Seal-boxes, 227-8
Sepulchral remains at Ashdon, 137,
185-6, 189 ; Aylesford, 142 ; Bath,
137 ; Bexhill, 147 ; near Canter-
bury, 185-6 ; Carlisle, 140 ; Chat-
ham Lines, 138 ; Chesterford, 145 ;
Cirencester, 141 ; Colchester, 137-8,
140-1, 147, 182 ; near Dover, 138 ;
Faversham, 182 ; Grantchester, 147 ;
Great Chesterford, 138 ; Harpenden,
141; Haslemere, 142; HemelHamp-
stead, 141 ; Holwood, 141, 147 ;
Hoo St. Werburgh, 141 ; Irchester,
138 ; Larkfield, 138 ; Lincoln, 141 ;
Litlington, 138—9 ; Lockham, 139,
140, 147, 183 ; London, 141, 147,
183 ; Medbourne, 143 ; Portland,
138 ; Rotherley, 145 ; St. Albans,
137 ; Shefford, 143 ; Sittingbourne,
182, 186 ; Stanley Grange, 146 ;
Stratford Bow, 141 ; Swansmore,
138 ; Westminster, 146 ; Witham,
138 ; Woodcuts, 145 ; Woodyates,
145 ; Wroxeter, 137-8 ; York, 137,
141, 146-7
288
THE ROMAN ERA IN BRITAIN
Severus's campaign commemorated on
coins, 276
Shears, 206
Sheep-rearing, 9
Shoemakers' anvils, 201
Shoes, boots, and sandals, 241-6 ;
kinds mentioned by Roman writers,
but identification uncertain, 241-2 ;
the shoe evolved from the sandal,
242 ; varieties found in Britain,
242-5 ; uppers often ornamented
with pierced work, 244—5 ; soles,
peculiarities of form, 245, and
usually studded with nails, 245-6
Shoes, horse and ox, 202
Shrines, 118-20; domestic, 118-9;
public, 119-20; in forts, 120, 131
Shrines at Caerwent(?), 120 ; Ched-
worth, 1 20 ; Pompeii, 119 ; Sil-
chester, 119-20
Sickles, 201
Signet-rings, 269-70
Stlures, TO, 12
Silver obtained in Britain and refined,
10
Smith, Mr. C. Roach, 35, 52, 153, 183,
198, 206, 216, 245
Smiths' anvils, 195, 200 ; tongs, 198
Spartian, 70-1, 102
Sphaeristerium, 96
Spindles, 221 ; -whorls, 142, 193, 221
Spinning, 221
Spoliatarium, 95
Spoons, 208
Spuds, 202
' State apartments ' in houses, 76-7,
81-2, 84-5
Steels, 206
Steelyards (stater a), 216
Stili, 226
' Stone ' forts, 48, 50
vessels, 192-3
Strigae, 47, 58
Strigils, 95, 143, 223
Studs, 261
Sudatoria, 95, 98
T-fibulae, 253—4
Tablets, writing, 224-6
Talus, 220
' Taurine ' sculptures, 109
Temples, 114-8; at Bath, 114, 117;
Benwell, 108, 118; Bewcastle, 118 ;
Birdoswald, 118; Burham, 118 ;
Caerleon, 102, 118; Caerwent, 116-7;
near Carlisle, 104 ; Carrawburgh,
106, 115, 117 ; Carvoran, 118, 133 ;
Chester, 118 ; Chichester, 101, 118 ;
Dorchester, 118; High Rochester,
no, 118 ; Housesteads, 105, 109,
117; Lincoln, 118 ; Lydney, 105,
116-7 ! Moresby, 118 ; Ribchester,
101 ; Rome, 117 ; Rutchester, no,
118 ; Silchester, 12, 114-5, 117 ;
South Shields, 101 ; Walton House,
108, 118 ; West Mersea, 115 ; Wey-
cock, 115 ; York, 102, 104, 109, 118,
133
Tepidaria, 95, 98, 99
Tertullian, 112
Tetinae or feeding-cups, 142
Thimbles, 223
Tin obtained in Britain, 10
Tomb-houses, 139, 140, 147—8
Tombstones, their types and inscrip-
tions, 137, 149-52 ; at Bath, 150 ;
Benwell, 149 ; Chesters, 151-2 ;
Cirencester, 150, 152 ; Colchester,
149, 150 ; Corbridge, 150 ; Great
Chesters, 152 ; Hexham, 150 ;
Housesteads, 152 ; London, 149 ;
Old Penrith, 150 ; Silchester, 152 ;
South Shields, 150 ; Wroxeter, 149,
150 ; York, 150, 152
Tools, various of iron and bronze, 195-
201
Topography of Roman Britain : —
Aquae Sulis, Bath, 8, 13, 33
Borcovicus, Housesteads, 60
Bremenium, High Rochester, 33
Bremetonacum, Ribchester (?), 33
Calleva Atrebatum, 8, 12, 33-4
Camulodunum, Colchester, S, 34
Cataracto, Catterick, 33
Clausentum, Bitterne, Southamp-
ton, 34
Clevum, Gloucester, 8, 33
Conovium, Caerhun, 36, 37
Corinium, Durocornowium, Ciren-
cester, 8, 33
Corstopitum, Corbridge, 8, 12, 33
Danum, Doncaster, 33
Derventio, Little Chester, Derby, 34
Deva, Chester, 8, 32
Durnovaria, Dorchester, 8, 34
Durnovernum, Canterbury, 8, 34
Durobrivae, Castor, 8, 160
Durocobrivae, Dunstable, 32
Eburacum, York, 8, 33
Fanococidi or Fanocedi, 104
Gobannium, Abergavenny, 32
I sea Augusta or Silurum, Caerleon,
8, 32-3
Isca Dumnuniorum, Exeter, 8, 10,
34
Isurium or Isubrigantum, Aid-
borough, 8, 10, 33
Lactodorum, Towcester, 32
Lindum, Lincoln, 8, 33
Londinium, London, 8, 10, 33
INDEX
289
Topography of Roman Britain — cont.
Luguvallium, Carlisle, 8, 33
Magnae, Kenchester, 8
Mancunium, Manchester, 33
Maridunum, Carmarthen, 33
Nidum, Neath, 33
Pons Aelii, Newcastle, 33
Portus Debris, Dover, 34
Portus Ritupis, Richborough, 10
Ratae, Leicester, 8, 37
Regnum, Chichester, 8, 34
Segontium, Carnarvon, 32
Sorbiodunum, Old Sarum, 8, 34
Spinae, Speen, 33
Venta Belgarum, Winchester, 8,
io, 34
Venta Icinorum, Caister St.
Edmunds(?), 8, 10, 34
Venta Silurum, Caerwent, 8, 10,
33
Verolamium, St. Albans, 8, 32
Vinovia, Binchester, 33
Viroconium, Vriconium, Wroxeter,
8, 12, 32
Towns, ' civil ' and ' military,' 8 ;
distribution, 32—4 ; most of British
origin and remodelled by the Romans,
10 ; Silchester and Caerwent, two
examples, 12. See Topography
Treasury vaults in forts, 55-6
Trinobantes, 10
Trumpet-headed fibulae, 253-4
Turf-work ramparts, 47, 64
Turkish baths, 94-5
Turrets, fortification, 41, 50
Ustrina, 138-9
Vallum, The, 65, 68-9, 70
Via principalis, 40
Viae militares, vicinales, agrariae, etc.,
23
Villa, 9, 72 ; villa rustica and urbana,
87
Villa burial-grounds, 139
Villages, 9
Vitruvius, 95, 122
Votive offerings, 106, 108, 117
Wall decoration, 77, 86, 92-3, 115
Wall of Antoninus, 38, 48—9, 62-4 ;
origin and history, 61-2 ; wall and
ditch, 62-3 ; ' periodic expansions '
and probable use, 64 ; list of
stations, 64
Wall of Hadrian, 8, 38, 41, 49. 60,
65-71 ; origin and history, 61, 62,
70-1 ; wall and ditch, 65 ; stations,
67, 69 ; mile-castles, 51, 64, 67 ;
turrets, 68 ; Vallum and its purpose,
65, 68-^9, 70 ; turf-wall, 70
Walters, H. B., 161
Ward-locks, Roman, 235-7
Watkin, Thompson, 35
Weights and measures, 193, 218
Whetstones, 193, 206
Wheat, 9
Wills, 224, 226
Window-glass, 184
Wright, Mr. A. G., 263
Wright, Thomas, F.S.A., 184
Writing appliances and materials, 224-
7 ; pens and inkstands, 224 ; stili
and writing-tablets, 224-6
Zoomorphic brooches, 259
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