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f^antiboofes of 
&vc[)aeolog2 an* antiquities 








' ' - BY 





All rights reserved 

7. l.Sff 



I .C . H . F 

H .G . C. F 



A WOED of explanation seems needed about the form 
this book has taken. Many years ago I became specially 
interested in the old Roman religion, chiefly, I think, 
through studying Plutarch's Quaestiones Romanae, at a 
time when bad eyesight was compelling me to abandon 
a project for an elaborate study of all Plutarch's works. 
The ' scrappy ' character not only of the Quaestiones, but 
of all the material for the study of Roman ritual, suited 
weak eyes better than the continual reading of Greek 
text ; but I soon found it necessary to discover a thread 
on which to hang these fragments in some regular order. 
This I naturally found in the Fasti as edited by 
Mommsen in the first volume of the Corpus Inscriptionum 
Latinarum:, and it gradually dawned on me that the 
only scientific way of treating the subject was to follow 
the calendar throughout the year, and to deal with each 
festival separately. I had advanced some way in this 
work, when Roscher's Lexicon of Greek and Roman 
Mythology began to appear in parts, and at once con- 
vinced me that I should have to do my work all over 
again in the increased light afforded by the indefatigable 
industry of the writers of the Roman articles. I there- 
fore dropped my work for several years while the 
Lexicon was in progress, and should have waited still 
longer for its completion, had not Messrs. Macmillan 


invited me to contribute a volume on the Roman 
religion to their series of Handbooks of Archaeology and 

Having once set out on the plan of following the 
Fasti, I could not well abandon it, and I still hold it 
to be the only sound one: especially if, as in this 
volume, the object is to exhibit the religious side of 
the native Eoman character, without getting entangled 
to any serious extent in the colluvies religionum of 
the last age of the Republic and the earlier Empire. 
The book has thus taken the form of a commentary 
on the Fasti, covering in a compressed form almost 
all the public worship of the Roman state, and including 
incidentally here and there certain ceremonies which 
strictly speaking lay outside that public worship. Com- 
pression has been unavoidable ; yet it has been impossible 
to avoid stating and often discussing the conflicting 
views of eminent scholars ; and the result probably is 
that the book as a whole will not be found very inter- 
esting reading. But I hope that British and American 
students of Roman history and literature, and possibly 
also anthropologists and historians of religion, may 
find it useful as a book of reference, or may learn from 
it where to go for more elaborate investigations. 

The task has often been an ungrateful one one 
indeed of 

Dipping buckets into empty wells 

And growing old with drawing nothing up. 

The more carefully I study any particular festival, the 
more (at least in many cases) I have been driven into 
doubt and difficulty both as to reported facts and their 
interpretation. Had the nature of the series permitted 
it, I should have wished to print the chief passages 
quoted from ancient authors in full, as was done by 


Mr. Farnell in his Cults of the Greek States, and so 
to present to the reader the actual material on which 
conclusions are rightly or wrongly based. I have only 
been able to do this where it was indispensable : but 
I have done my best to verify the correctness of the 
other references, and have printed in full the entries 
of the ancient calendars at the head of each section. 
Professor Gardner, the editor of the series, has helped 
me by contributing two valuable notes on coins, which 
will be found at the end of the volume: and I hope 
he may some day find time to turn his attention more 
closely to the bearing of numismatic evidence on Roman 
religious history. 

It happens, by a curious coincidence, that I am writing 
this on the last day of the old Roman year ; and the 
lines which Ovid has attached to that day may fitly 
express my relief on arriving at the end of a very 
laborious task : 

Venimus in portum, libro cum mense pcracto, 
Naviget hinc alia iam mihi linter aqua. 

W. W. F. 

OXFORD : Feb. 28, 1899. 




CALENDAR ......... . . . 21 

FESTIVALS OF MARCH .......... 33 

APEII .......... 66 

,i MAY ...... . . . .98 

JUKE .......... 129 

JUIT .......... 173 

,, AUGUST .......... 189 

,, SEFTEMBEK ......... 215 

,, OCTOBER .......... 336 

,, NOVEMBER ......... 352 

,, DECEMBER ... ...... 355 

JAHUABY .......... 377 

,, FKBKUAKY ......... 398 

CONCLUSION ............ 333 

NOTES OH TWO COINS .......... 350 

INDICES ... . . ........ 353 


The following are the most important abbreviations which occur in 
the notes : 

C. I. L. stands for Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum. Where the volume is 
not indicated the reference is invariably to the second edition of that part 
of vol. i which contains the Fasti (Berlin, 1893). 

Marquardt or Marq. stands for the third volume of Marquardt's Romische 
Staatsterwaltung, second edition, edited by Wissowa (Berlin, 1885). It is 
the sixth volume of the complete Handbuch der Romischen Alterthumer of 
Mommsen and Marquardt. 

Preller, or Preller-Jordan, stands for the third edition of Preller's 
Romische Mythologie by H. Jordan (Berlin, 1881). 

Myth. Lex. or Lex. stands for the Ausfiihrliches Lexicon der Oriechischen uncl 
Romischen Mythoiagie, edited by W. H. Roscher, which as yet has only been 
completed to the letter N. 

Festus, or Paulus, stands for K. 0. Miiller's edition of the fragments of 
Festus, De Significations Verborum, and the Excerpta ex Festo of Paulus 
Diaconus ; quoted by the page. 



THERE are three ways in which the course of the year may 
be calculated. It can be reckoned 

r. By the revolution of the moon round the earth, twelve 
of which=354 days, or a ring (annus), sufficiently near to the 
solar year to be a practicable system with modifications. 

2. By the revolution of the earth round the sun, i.e. 365 
days ; a system which needs periodical adjustments, as the 
odd quarter (or, more strictly, 5 hours 48 minutes 48 seconds) 
cannot of course be counted in each year. In this purely 
solar year the months are only artificial divisions of time, 
and not reckoned according to the revolutions of the moon. 
This is our modern system. 

3. By combining in a single system the solar and lunar 
years as described above. This has been done in various ways 
by different peoples, by adopting a cycle of years of varying 
length, in which the resultants of the two bases of calculation 
should be brought into harmony as nearly as possible. In 

1 The difficult questions connected with this subject cannot be discussed 
here. Since Mommsen wrote his JRvmische Chronologic it has at least been 
possible to give an intelligible account of it, such as that in the Diet, of 
Antiquities (second edition), in Marquardt's Slaatsverwaltung, iii. 281 foil., 
and in Bouche-Leclercq, Pontifes, p. 230 foil. There is a useful summary in 
H. Peter's edition of Ovid's Fasti (p. 19). Mommsen's views have been 
criticized by Huschke, DasRiJmischeJahr, and Hartmann, Der Rom. Kaknder : 
the former* very unsafe guide, and the latter, unfortunately, an unfinished 
and posthumous work. The chief ancient authority is Censorinus, De die 
natali, a work written at the beginning of the third century A D., on the 
ba..->is of a treatise of Suetonius. 


other words, though the difference between a single solar year 
and a single lunar year is more than 1 1 days, it is possible, 
by taking a number of years together and reckoning them as 
lunar years, one or more of them being lengthened by an 
additional month, to make the whole peiiod very nearly 
coincide with the same number of solar years. Thus the 
Athenians adopted for this purpose at different times groups 
or cycles of 8 and 1 9 years. In the Octaeteris or 8-year cycle 
there were 99 lunar months, 3 months of 30 days being added 
in 3 of the 8 years a plan which falls short of accuracy by 
about 36 hours. Later on a cycle of 19 years was substituted 
for this, in which the discrepancy was greatly reduced. The 
Roman year in historical times was calculated on a system of 
this kind, though with such inaccuracy and carelessness as to 
lose all real relation to the revolutions both of earth and moon. 
But there was a tradition that before this historical calendar 
came into use there had been another system, which the 
Romans connected with the name of Romulus. This year 
was supposed to have consisted of 10 months, of which 4 
March, May, July, October had 31 days, and the rest 30 ; 
in all 304. But this was neither a solar nor a lunar year ; 
for a lunar year of 10 months=295 days 7 hours 20 minutes, 
while a solar year=365A. Nor can it possibly be explained as 
an attempt to combine the two systems. Mommsen has 
therefore conjectured that it was an artificial year of 10 
months, used in business transactions, and in periods of 
mourning, truces 1 , &c., to remedy the uncertainty of the 
primitive calculation of time ; and that it never really was 
the basis of a state calendar. This view has of course been 
the subject of much criticism ' 2 . But no better solution has 
been found ; the hypothesis that the year of 10 months was 
a real lunar year, to which an undivided period of time was 
added at each year's end, to make it correspond with the 
solar year and the seasons, has not much to recommend it 
or any analogy among other peoples. It was not, then, the 
so-called year of Romulus which was the basis of the earliest 
state-calendar, but another system which the Romans them- 

1 Chron. 48 foil. ; Marq. 284 and notes. 

2 Huschke, op. cit. 8 foil. ; Hartmann, p. 13. 


selves usually ascribed to Numa. This was originally perhaps 
a lunar year ; at any rate the number of days in it is very 
nearly that of a true lunar year (354 days 8 hours 48 minutes) '. 
It consisted of 1 2 months, of which March, May, July, October 
had 31 days, and the rest 29, except Februaiy, which had 28. 
All the months therefore had an odd number of days, except 
the one which was specially devoted to purification and the 
cult of the dead ; according to an old superstition, probably 
adopted from the Greeks of Southern Italy ~, that odd numbers 
were of good omen, even numbers of ill omen. This principle, 
as we shall see, holds good throughout the Roman calendar. 

But this reckoning of the year, if it ever existed at all, could 
not have lasted long as it stood. As we know it in historical 
times, it has become modified by applying to it the principle 
of the solar year. The reason for this should be noted 
carefully. A lunar year, being about n days short of the 
solar year, would in a very short time become out of harmony 
with the seasons. Now if there is one thing certain about 
the Roman religious calendar, it is that many at least of its 
oldest festivals mark those operations of husbandry on which 
the population depended for its subsistence, and for the 
prosperous result of which divine agencies must be propitiated. 
These festivals, when fixed in the calendar, must of course 
occur at the right seasons, which could not be the case if 
the calendar were that of a purely lunar year. It was there- 
fore necessary to work in the solar principle ; and this was 
done 3 by a somewhat rude expedient, not unlike that of the 
Athenian Octaeteris, and probably derived from it 4 . A cycle 
of 4 years was devised, of which the first had the 355 days 
of the lunar year, the second 355 + 22, the third 355 again, 

1 Censorinus, De die natali, 20. 4. 

1 Mommsen (Cfiron. 13) believes it to have been a Pythagorean doctrine 
which spread in Southern Italy. Hartmann, on the contrary, calls it an 
old Italian one adopted by Pythagoras. See a valuable note in Schwegler, 
Rom. Gesch. i. 561, inclining to the latter view. 

1 Probably by the Decemvirs, B.C. 450, who are said to have made some 
alteration in the calendar (Macrob. i. 13. 2i>. 

* See Diet. Ant. i. 337 and 342. It is highly probable that there wa- 
a still older plan, which gave way to this at the time of the Decemvirate : 
the evidence for this, which is conjectural only, is stated by Mommsen in 
the first chapter of his Chronologic. The number of days in this cycle (also 
of 4 years) is computed at 1475, and the average in each year at 368^. 

B a 


and the fourth 355+23. The extra periods of 22 and 23 days 
were inserted in February, not at the end, but after the 23rd 
(TerminaUa} 1 . The total number of days in the cycle was 
1465, or about i day too much in each year; and in course 
of time even this system got out of harmony with the seasons 
and had to be rectified from time to time by the Pontifices, 
who had charge of the calendar. Owing to ignorance on their 
part, misuse or neglect of intercalation had put the whole 
system out of gear before the last century of the Eepublic. 
All relation to sun and moon was lost ; the calendar, as 
Mommsen says, ' went on its own way tolerably unconcerned 
about moon and sun.' When Caesar took the reform of the 
calendar in hand the discrepancy between it and the seasons 
was veiy serious ; the former being in advance of the latter 
probably by some weeks. Caesar, aided by the mathematician 
Sosigenes, put an end to this confusion by extending the year 
46 B. c. to 445 days, and starting afresh on Jan. i, 45 B. c. J 
a day henceforward to be that of the new year with a cycle 
of 4 years of 365 days 3 ; in the last of which a single day was 
added, after the TerminaUa. This cycle produced a true solar 
year with a slight adjustment at short intervals ; and after a few 
preliminary blunders on the part of the Pontifices, lasted 
without change until A. D. 1582, when Pope Gregory XIII 
set right a slight discrepancy by a fresh regulation. This 
regulation was only adopted in England in 1752, and is still 
rejected in Eussia and by the Greek Church generally. 

1 Or, according to Mommsen, in alternate years after the 23rd and 
24th, i.e. in the year of 378 days 23 days were inserted after the 
TerminaUa; in the year of 377 days 22 days were inserted after the 
24th (Regifughtm}. Thus February would in the one case have 23, and 
in the other 24 days ; the remaining 5 and 4 being added to the 
intercalated period. The object of the Decemvirs (if it was they who 
made this change) in this curious arrangement was, in part at least, to 
keep the festival of the god Terminus on its original day (Mommsen, 
Chron. 38). Terminus would budge neither from his seat on the Capitol 
(Liv. i. 55) nor from his place in the calendar. 

1 Probably in order that the beginning of the year might coincide with 
a new moon ; which actually happened on Jan. i, 45, and was doubtless 
regarded as a good omen. 

' He added 10 days to the normal year of 355: January, Sextilis, 
December, receiving two ; April, June, September, November, one only. 
These new days were placed at the end of the months, so that the days 
ou which religious festivals fell might remain as before. 



That the Roman year originally began with March is certain ] , 
not only from the evidence of the names of the months, whiclv. 
after June are reckoned as 5th (Quinctilis), 6th (Sextilis), and so 
on, but from the nature of the March festivals, as will be shown 
in treating of that month. In the character of the religious 
festivals there is a distinct break between February and 
March, and the operations both of nature and of man take 
a fresh turn at that point. Between the festivals of December 
and those of January there is no such break. No doubt 
January i , just after the winter solstice, was even at an early time 
considered in some sense as a beginning ; but it is going too 
far to assume, as some have done, that an ancient religious 
or priestly year began at that point 2 . It was not on January i, 
but on March i, that the sacred fire in the Aedes Vestae was 
renewed and fresh laurels fixed up on the Regia, the two 
buildings which were the central points of the oldest Roman 
religion 3 . March i, which in later times at least was considered 
the birthday of the special protecting deity of the Romans, 
continued to be the Roman New Year's Day long after the 
official beginning of the year had been changed to January i 4 . 
It was probably not till 153 B. c., when the consuls began 
to enter on office on January i, that this official change took 
place; and the date was then adopted, not so much for 
religious reasons as because it was convenient, when the 
business of administration was increasing, to have the consuls 
in Rome for some time before they left for their provinces 
at the opening of the war season in March. 

No rational account can in my opinion be given of the 
Roman religious calendar of the Republic unless it be taken 
as beginning with March ; and in this work I have therefore 
restored the old order of months. With the Julian calendar 
I am not concerned ; though it is unfortunate that all the 

1 Mommsen, CJirvn. 220. In no other Italian calendar of which we have 
any knowledge is March the first month (ib. 218 foil.) : but there cannot 
be much doubt that these too had undergone changes. Festus (150), 
representing Vcrrius Flaccus, says, ' Martius inensis initium fuit anni et 
in Latio et post Romam conditam,' &c. 

2 Huschke, RiJm. Jahr, n foil. 
* See below, under March r. 

4 Mommsen, Cliron. 103 foil. 


Roman calendars we possess, including the Fasti of Ovid, 
date from after the Julian era, and therefore present us with 
.a distorted view of the true course of the old Eomaii worship. 

Next after March came Aprilis, the month of opening or 
unfolding vegetation ; then Maius, the month of growing, and 
Junius, that of ripening and peTfecting. After this the names 
cease to be descriptive of the operations of nature ; the six 
months that follow were called, as four of them still are, only 
by their positions relative to March, on which the whole system 
of the year thus turned as on a pivot. 

The last two months of the twelve were January and 
February. They stand alone among the later months in 
bearing names instead of mere numbers, and this is sufficient 
to suggest their religious importance. That they were not 
mere appendages to a year of ten months is almost certain 
from the antique character of the rites and festivals which 
occur in them Agonia, Carmentalia, Lupercalia, Src. ; and 
it is safer to consider them as marking an ancient period 
of religious importance preparatory to the beginning of the 
year, and itself coinciding with the opening of the natural year 
after the winter solstice. This latter point seems to be in- 
dicated in the name Januarius, which, whether derived from 
janua, ' a gate,' or Janus, ' the god of entrances,' is appropriate 
to the first lengthening of the days, or the entrance of the sun 
on a new course ; while February, the month of purifying or 
regenerative agencies (februa), was, like the Lent of the 
Christian calendar, the period in which the living were made 
ready for the civil and religious work of the coming year, and 
in which also the yearly duties to the dead were paid. 

It is as well here to refer to a passage of Ovid (Fasti, ii. 
47 foll.\ itself probably based on a statement of Varro, which 
has led to a controversy about the relative position of these two 
months : 

Sed tamen antiqui ne nescius ordinis erres, 

Primus, ut esfc, lani mensis et ante fuit. 
Qui sequitur lanum, veteris fuit ultimus anni, 

Tu quoque sacrorum, Termine, finis eras. 
Primus enim lani mensis, quia ianua prima est ; 

Qui sacer est imis manibus, imus erat. 
Postmodo creduntur spatio distantia longo 

Tempora bis quini continuasse viri. 


This plainly means that from the time when March ceased 
to be the first month, the year always began with January and 
ended with February ; in other words the order was January, 
Mai'ch, April, and so on, ending with February ; until the time 
of the Decemvirate, when February became the second month, 
and December the last, as at present, January still retaining 
its place. A little consideration of Ovid's lines will, however, 
suggest the conclusion that he, and his authority, whoever that 
may have been, were arguing aetiologically rather than on 
definite knowledge. January, they thought, must always have 
been the first month, because janua, 'a door,' is the first thing, 
the entrance, through which you pass into a new year as into 
a house or a temple. How, they would argue, could a month 
thus named have ever been the eleventh month? This once 
supposed impossible, it was necessary to infer that the place 
of January was the first, from the time of its introduction, 
and that it was followed by March, April, &c., February coming 
last of all, immediately after December ; and finally that at the 
time of the Decemvirs, who are known to have made some 
alterations in the calendar, the positions of January and 
February were reversed, January remaining the first month, 
but February becoming the second. 


The Eomans, with their usual conservatism, preserved the 
shell of the lunar system of reckoning long after the reality 
had disappeared. The month was at all times divided by the 
real or imaginary phases of the moon, though a week of eight 
days was introduced at an early period, and though the month 
was no longer a lunar one. 

The two certain points in a lunar month are the first appear- 
ance of the crescent ' and the full moon ; between these is the 
point when the moon reaches the first quarter, which is a less 
certain one. Owing to this uncertainty of the reckoning of the 
first days of the month there were no festivals in the calendars 
on the days before the first quarter (Nones), with a single 
exception of the obscure Poplifugia on July 5. The day of 

1 Not the real new moon, which is invisible. The period between the 
new moon and the first quarter varies. 


the new moon was called Kalendae, as Varro tells us, ' quod 
his diebus calantur eius mensis nonae a pontificibus, quintanae 
an septimanae sint futurae, in Capitolio in curia Calabra sic : 
Dies te quinque calo, luno Covella. Septem dies te calo luno 
Covella". All the Kalends were sacred to Juno, whose con- 
nexion with the moon is certain though not easy to explain. 

With the Nones, which were sacred to no deity, all uncer- 
tainty ceased. The Ides, or day of the full moon, was always 
the eighth after the first quarter. This day was sacred to 
Jupiter ; a fact which is now generally explained as a recog- 
nition of the continuous light of the two great heavenly bodies 
during the whole twenty-four hours 2 . On the Nones the Hex 
sact'orum (and therefore before him the king himself) announced 
the dates of the festivals for the month. 

There was another internal division of the month, with 
which we are not here specially concerned, that of the Eoman 
week or nundinal period of eight days, which is indicated in all 
the calendars by the letters A to H. TJhe nundinae were 
market days, on which the rustic population ' came into Rome ; 
whether they were also feast days (fcriae) was a disputed 
question even in antiquity. 


Every day in the Roman calendar has a certain mark 
attached to it, viz. the letters F, C, N, N>, EN, Q.R.C.F., 
Q.St.D.F., or FP. All of these have a religious significance, 
positive or negative. 

F, i.e. fas or faslus, means that on the day so marked civil 
and especially judicial business might be transacted without 
fear of divine displeasure 3 . Correctness in the time as well as 
place of all human actions was in the mind of the early Roman 
of the most vital importance ; and the floating traditional ideas 
which governed his life before the formation of the State were 

1 Varro, L. L. 6. 37. This was the method before the publication of the 
calendar by Flavius : Macr. i. 15. 9. The meaning of Covella is doubtful ; 
it has generally been connected with cavus and tcot\is, and explained of 
the ' hollow ' crescent of the new moon. See Roscher, Lex. s.v. luno 586. 

2 Aust, s.v. luppiter, in Roscher's Lexicon, p. 655. 

Varro, L. L. 6. 29 ' Dies fasti, per quos praetoribus omniu verba 
(i.e. do, dico, addico) sine piaculo licet fari.' 


systematized and kept secret by kings and priests, as a part, 
so to speak, of the science of government. Not till B.C. 304 
was the calendar published, with its permissive and prohibitive 
regulations '. 

C (comitiaKs) means that the day f.o marked was one on 
which the comitia might meet 2 , and on which also legal 
business might be transacted, as on the days marked F, if there 
were no other hindrance. The total number of days thus 
available for secular business, i. e. days marked F and C, was in 
the Julian calendar 239 out of 365. 

N, i. e. nefastus, meant that the day so marked was religiosus, 
vitiosus, or ater; as Gellius has it', 'tristi omine et infames 
impeditique, in quibus et res divinas facere et rein quampiam 
novam exordiri temperandum est.' Some of these days received 
the mark in historical times for a special reason, e. g. a disaster 
to the State ; among these were the postrhhiani or days following 
the Kalends, Nones and Ides, because two terrible defeats had 
occurred on such days 4 . But most of them (in all they are 
57) were probably so marked as being devoted to lustrations, or 
worship of the dead or of the powers of the earth, and therefore 
unsuitable for worldly business. One long series of such dies 
nefasti occurs Feb. 1-14, the time of purification; another, 
April 5-22, in the month occupied by the rites of deities of 
growing vegetation ; a third, June 5-14, when the rites of the 
Vestals preparatory to harvest were taking place ; and a fourth, 
July 1-9, for reasons which are unfortunately by no means 
clear to us. 

N? was not a mark in the pre-Julian calendars, for it was 
apparently unknown to Varro and Ovid. Verrius Flaccus 
seems to have distinguished it from N, but his explanation 
is mutilated, even as it survives in Festus 8 . No one has yet 
determined for certain the origin of the sign, and discussion of 
the various conjectures would be here superfluous 6 . It appears 

1 Liv. 9. 46. 

2 Macr. i. 16. 14. Cp. the mutilated note of Verrius in Fasti Ptaenestini 
(Jan. 3). 

3 Cell. 4. 9. 5. Varro, L. L. 6 29. 30. 
1 Livy, 6. i. ii. Macrob. i. 16. 22. 

* Festus 165. See Mommsen's restoration of the passage in C. I. L. 
290 B. ; another, less satisfactory, in Huschke, Rom. Jahr, 240. 

6 Momnuen (C. I. L. 290, A) still holds to his view that NP is only an 
old form of N, brought into use for purposes of differentiation. His 


to distinguish, in the Julian calendars, those days on which 
fell the festivals of deities who were not of an earthly and 
therefore doubtful character from those marked N. Thus in 
the series of dies nefasti in February and April the Ides in 
each case have the mark N* as being sacred to Jupiter. 

EN. We have a mutilated note in the calendar of Praeneste 
which indicates what this abbreviation meant, viz. endotercisus 
= intercisus, i.e. 'cut into parts' 1 . In morning and evening, 
as Varro tells us, the day was nefastus, but in the middle, 
between the slaying of the victim and the placing of the entrails 
upon the altar, it was fastus. But why eight days in the 
calendar were thus marked we do not know, and have no data 
for conjecturing. All the eight were days coming before some 
festival, or before the Ides. Of the eight two occur in January 
and two in February, the others in March, August, October and 
December. But on such facts no conjectures can be built. v 

Q.R.C.F. (Quando Rex Comitiavit Fas) will be explained 
under March 24 ; the only other day on which it occurs is 
May 24. Q.St.D.F. (Quando stercus delatum fas) only occurs 
on June 15, and will there be fully dealt with. 

FP occurs thrice, but only in three calendars. Feb. 21 
(Feralia) is thus marked in Caer. -, but is F in Maff. April 23 
( Vinalia) is FP in Caer. but N? in Maff. and F in Praen. 
Aug. 19 (Vinalia rustica) is FP in Maff. and Amit, F in Antiat. 
and Allif., IP in Vail. Mommseii explains FP as fastus prin- 
cipio, i.e. the early part of the day was fastus, and suggests that 
in the case of the Feralia, as the rites of the dead were per- 
formed at night, there was no reason why the earlier part 
of the day should be nefastus. But in the case of the two 
Vinalia we can hardly even guess at the meaning of the mark, 
and it does not seem to have been known to the Eomans 

criticism of other views makes it difficult to put faith in them ; but 
I cannot help thinking that the object of the mark was not only to 
distinguish the religious character of the days from those marked N, but 
to show that civil business might be transacted on them after the 
sacrificial rites were over, owing to the rapid increase of legal business. 
Ovid may be alluding to this, though confusing N with EN, in Fasti 
i. jjr, where the words, 'Nam simul exta deo data sunt, licet omnia 
fari,' do not suit with Verrius' note on EN, but may really explain NP. 

Fasti Praen., Jan. 10. Varro, L. L. 6. 31. Macr. i. 16. 3. 
1 For the names of the fragments of Fasti, see next section. 



The basis of our knowledge of the old Roman religious year 
is to be found in the fragments of calendars which still survive. 
None of these indeed is older than the Julian era ; and all 
but one are mere fragments. But from the fragments and 
the one almost perfect calendar we can infer the character 
of the earlier calendar with tolerable certainty. 

The calendar, as the Romans generally believed, was first 
published by Cnaeus Flavius, curule aedile, in 304 B. c., who 
placed the fasti conspicuously in the Forum, in order that 
every one might know on what days legal business might 
be transacted ' ; in other words, a calendar was published with 
the marks of the days and. the indications of the festivals. After 
this we hear nothing until 189 B. c., when a consul, M. Fulvius 
Nobilior, adorned his temple of Hercules and the Muses with 
a calendar which contained explanations or notes as well 
as dates 2 . These are the only indications we have of the way 
in which the pre- Julian calendar was made known to the 

But the rectification of the calendar by Julius, and the 
changes then introduced, brought about a multiplication of 
copies of the original one issued under the dictator's edict 3 . 
Not only in Rome, but in the municipalities round about 
her, where the ancient religious usage of each city had since 
the enfranchisement of Italy been superseded, officially at least, 
by that of Rome, both public and private copies were made 
and set up either on stone, or painted on the walls or ceiling 
of a building. 

Of such calendars we have in all fragments of some thirty, 
and one which is all but complete.' Fourteen of these 
fragments were found in or near Rome, eleven in munici- 

1 ' Fastos circa forum in albo proposuit, ut quando lege agi posset 
sciretur,' Liv. 9. 46. 5 ; Cic. Att. 6. i. 8. On the latter passage Mornmsen 
has based a reasonable conjecture that the Fasti had been already pub- 
lished in one of the last two of the Twelve Tables, and subsequently again 
withdrawn. (Chron. 31 and note.) 

3 Macrob. i. 12. 16. 

3 C. I. L. 207 B. Petronius (Cena 30) suggests the way in which copies 
might be set up in private houses. In municipia copies might be made 
and given to the town by private persons (so probably were Maff. and 
Praen.) or put up by order of the decuriones. 


pal i ties such as Praeneste, Caere, Amiternum, and others as 
far away as Allifae and Venusia ; four are of uncertain origin ' : 
and one is a curious fragment from Cisalpine Gaul 2 . Most 
of them are still extant on stone, but for a few we have 
to depend on written copies of an original now lost 3 . No clay 
in the Roman year is without its annotation in one or more 
of these ; the year is almost complete, as I have said, in the 
Fasti Maifeiaui ; and several others contain three or four months 
nearly perfect 4 . Two; though in a fragmentary condition, 
are of special interest. One of these, that of the ancient 
brotherhood of the Fratres Arvales, discovered in 1867 and 
following years in the grove of the brethren near Rome, 
contains some valuable additional notes in the fragments which 
survive of the months from August to November. The other, 
that of Praeneste, containing January, March, April and parts 
of February and December, is still more valuable from the 
comments it contains, most of which we can believe with 
confidence to have come from the hand of the great Augustan 
scholar Verrius Flaccus. We are told by Suetonius that 
Verrius put up a calendar in the forum at Praeneste , drawn 
up by his own hand ; and the date 6 and matter of these 
fragments found at Praeneste agree with what we know of the 
life and writings of Verrius. It is unlucky that recent 
attempts to find additional fragments should have been entirely 
without result ; for the whole annotated calendar, if we 
possessed it, would probably throw light on many dark corners 
of our subject. 

To these fragments of Julian calendars, all drawn up 
between B.C. 31 and A. D. 46, there remain to be added 
two in MSS. : (i) that of Philocalus, A. D. 354, (ii) that of 
Polemius Silvius, A. D. 448 ; neither of which are of much 
value for our present purpose, though they will be occasionally 
referred to. Lastly, we have two farmer's almanacs on cubes 

Including the Fasti Maffeiani. which is almost complete. 

No. 20 in C. I. L. (Guidizzolenses), found at Guidizzolo between 
M. ntua and Verona. 

Maffeiani, Tusculani, Pinciani, Venusini. 

Those of Caere, Praeneste, Amiternum, and Antiuin. 

Suet, de Grammaticls, 19. 

Circ. AD. 10 : cf. C. I. L. 206. There are a few additional notes 
apparently by a later h:md. 


of bronze, which omit the individual days, but are of use 
as showing the course of agricultural operations under the later 
Empire 1 . 

All these calendars, some of which had been printed wholly 
or in part long ago, while a few have only been discovered 
of late, have been brought together for the first time in the 
first volume of the Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, edited 
by Mommsen with all his incomparable skill and learning, 
and furnished with ample elucidations and commentaries. And 
we now have the benefit of a second edition of this by the 
same editor, to whose labours in this as in every other 
department of Roman history it is almost impossible to 
express our debt in adequate words. All references to the 
calendars in the following pages will bo made to this second 

A word remains to be said about the Fasti of Ovid 2 , which 
is a poetical and often fanciful commentaiy on the calendar 
of the first half of the Julian year, i.e. January to June 
inclusive ; each month being contained in one book. Ovid 
tells us himself 3 that he completed the year in twelve books ; 
but the last six were probably never published, for they are 
never quoted by later writers. The first six were written but 
not published before the poet's exile, and taken in hand again 
after the death of Augustus, but only the first book had been 
revised when the work was cut short by Ovid's death. 

Ovid's work merits all praise as a literary performance, for 
the neatness and felicity of its versification and diction ; but 
as a source of knowledge it is too much of a medley to be used 
without careful criticism. There is, however, a great deal in 
it that helps us to understand the views about the gods and 
their worship, not only of the scholars who pleased themselves 
and Augustus by investigating these subjects, but also of the 
common people both in Rome and in the country. But the 
value varies greatly throughout the work. Where the poet 
describes some bit of ritual which he has himself seen, or tells 

1 Menologium rusticum Colotianum, and Men. rusticum Vallense in 
C. I.L. 280,281. 

: Merkel's edition (1841), with its valuable Prolegomena, is indispens- 
able ; very useful too is that by H. Peter, Leipzig, 1889. 

1 Tristia, ii. 549. 


some Italian story he has himself heard, he is invaluable ; 
but as a substitute for the work of Varro on which he drew, 
he only increases our thirst for the original. No great scholar 
himself, he aimed at producing a popular account of the results 
of the work of scholars, picking and choosing here and there 
as suited his purpose, and not troubling himself to write with 
scientific accuracy. Moreover, he probably made free use 
of Alexandrine poets, and especially of Callimachus, whose 
Actla is in some degree his model for the whole poem ; and 
thus it is that the work contains a large proportion of Greek 
myth, which is often hard to distinguish from the fragments 
of genuine Italian legend w r hich are here and there imbedded 
in it. Still, when all is said, a student of the Koman religion 
should be grateful to Ovid ; and when after the month of June 
we lose him as a companion, we may well feel that the subject 
not only loses with him what little literary interest it can 
boast of, but becomes for the most part a mere investigation 
of fossil rites, from which all life and meaning have departed 
for ever. 


All the calendars still surviving belong, as we saw, to the 
early Empire, and represent the Fasti as revised by Julius. 
But what we have to do with is the calendar of the Republic. 
Can it be recovered from those we still possess? Fortunately 
this is quite an easy task, as Mommsen himself has pointed 
out ' ; we can reconstruct for certain the so-called calendar 
of Numa as it existed throughout the Republican era. The 
following considerations must be borne in mind : 

i. It is certain that Caesar and Ih's advisers would alter 
the familiar calendar as little as possible, acting in the spirit 
of persistent conservatism from which no true Roman was 
ever free. They added 10 days to the old normal year of 
355 days, i. e. two at the end of January, August, and December, 
and one at the end of April, June, September, and November ; 
but they retained the names of the months, and their division 
by Kalends, Nones, and Ides, and also the signs of the days, 

1 C. I. L. 297 foil, (de feriis). 


and the names of all festivals throughout the year. Later 
on further additions were made, chiefly in the way of glorifica- 
tion of the Emperors and their families ; but the skeleton 
remained as it had been under the Kepublic. 

2. It is almost certain that the Kepublican calendar itself 
had never been changed from its first publication down to the 
time of Caesar. There is no historical record of any alteration, 
either by the introduction of new festivals or in any other 
way. The origin of no festival is recorded in the history of 
the Kepublic, except the second Carmentalia, the Saturnalia, 
and the Cerealia l ; and in these three cases we can be morally 
certain that the record, if such it can be called, is erroneous. 

3. If Julius and his successors altered only by slight 
additions, and if the calendar which they had to work on was 
of great antiquity and unchanged during the Republic, how, 
in the next place, are we to distinguish the skeleton of that 
ancient calendar from the Julian and post -Julian additions? 
Nothing is easier ; in Mommsen's words, it is not a matter 
of calculation : a glance at the Fasti is sufficient. In all 
these it will be seen that the numbers, names, and signs 
of the days were cut or painted in large capital letters ; while 
ludi, sacrifices, and all additional notes and comments appear 
in small capital letters. It cannot be demonstrated that the 
large capital letters represent the Republican calendar ; but 
the circumstantial evidence, so to speak, is convincing. For 
inscribed in these large capitals is all the information which 
the Roman of the Republic would need ; the dies fasti, 
comitiales, nefasti, &c. ; the number of the days in the month ; 
the position of the Nones and the Ides and the names of those 
days on which fixed festivals took place ; all this in an ab- 
breviated but no doubt familiar form. The minor sacrificial 
rites, which concerned the priests and magistrates rather than 
the people, he did not find there ; they would only have 
confused him. The moveable festivals, too, he did not find 
there, as they changed their date from year to year and were 
fixed by the priesthood as the time for each came round. The 
ludi, or public games, were also absent from the old calendar, 
for they were, originally at least, only adjuncts to certain 

1 To these \ve may perhaps add the Poplifugia and Lucaria in July, the 
legends about which we can neither accept nor refute. 


festivals out of which they had grown in course of time. 
Lastly, all rites which did not technically concern the State 
as a whole, but only its parts and divisions \ i. e. of gentes and 
curiae, of pagi (paganalia), montes (Septhnonthmi) and sacella 
(Sacra Argeorum), could not be included in the public calendar 
of the Roman people. 

But the Roman of the Republic, even if his calendar were 
confined to the indications given by the large capital letters 
in the Julian calendar, could find in these the essential outline 
of the yearly round of his religious life. This outline we too 
can reconstruct, though the detail is often wholly beyond our 
reach. For this detail we have to fall back upon other sources 
of information, which are often most unsatisfactory and difficult 
to interpret. What are these other sources, of what value are 
they, and how can that value be tested ? 

Apart from the surviving Fasti, we have to depend, both for 
the completion of the religious calendar, and for the study and 
interpretation of all its details, chiefly on the fragmentary 
remains of the works of the two great scholars of the age of 
Julius and Augustus, viz. Varro and Verrius Flaccus, and on 
the later grammarians, commentators, and other writers who 
drew upon their voluminous writings. Varro's book de Lingua 
Latina, though not complete, is in great part preserved, and 
contains much information taken from the books of the ponti- 
fices, which, did we but possess them, would doubtless constitute 
our one other most valuable record besides the Fasti them- 
selves 2 . Such, too, is the value of the dictionary of Verrius 
Flaccus, which, though itself lost, survives in the form of two 
series of condensed excerpts, made by Festus probably in the 
second century, A. D., and by Paulus Diaconus as late as the 
beginning of the ninth ". Much of the work of Varro and 
Verrius is also imbedded in the grammatical writings of Servius 
the commentator on Virgil, in Macrobius, Nonius, Gellius, and 

1 See Festus, 245 ; and Did. Ant. s. v. Sacra. 

2 Varro's works, de Antiquitatibus humanis and dirinis, and many others, 
only survive in the fragments quoted by later authors. 

* Paul the deacon was one of the scholars who found encouragement at 
the court of Charles the Great. His work is an abridgement of that 
of Festus, not of Verrius himself. On Verrius and his epitumators, as 
well as on the other writers who used his glosses, see H. Nettleship's 
valuable papers in Essays in Latin Literature, p. 201 foil. 


many others, and also in Pliny's Natural History, and in some 
of the Christian Fathers, especially St. Augustine and Ter- 
tullian ; but all these need to be used with care and caution, 
except where they quote directly from one or other of their two 
great predecessors. The same may be said of Laurentius 
Lydus ', who wrote in Greek a work de Mcnsibus in the sixth 
century, which still survives. To these materials must be 
added the great historical writers of the Augustine age ; Livy. 
who, uncritical as he was, and incapable of distinguishing the 
genuine Italian elements in religious tradition from the 
accretions of Greek and Graeco-Etruscan myth, yet supplies 
n- with much material for criticism ; and Dionysius of Hali- 
carnassus. who as a foreigner resident for some time in Rome, 
occasionally describes ritual of which he was himself a witness. 
The Roman lives of Plutarch, and his curious collection entitled 
linwan Questions, also contain much interesting matter, taken 
from several sources, e.g. Jitba. the learned king of Mauritania, 
but as a rule ultimately referable to Varro. Beyond these 
(here is no one author of real importance ; but the ' plant ' 
of the investigator will include of course the whole of Roman 
literature, and Greek literature so far as it touches Roman life 
and history. Of epigraph ical evidence there is not much for 
the period of the Republic, beyond the fragments of the Fasti ; 
by far the most valuable Italian religious inscription is not 
Roman but Umbrian ; and the Acta Fratrum Arvalium only 
begin with the Empire. Yet from these 2 , and from a few 
works of art, however hard of interpretation, some light has 
occasionally been thrown upon the difficulties of our subject ; 
and the study of early Italian culture is fast progressing under 
the admirable system of excavation now being supervised by 
the Italian government. 

All this material has been collected, sifted, and built upon 
by modern scholars, and chiefly by Germans. The work of 
collecting was done to a great extent in the sixteenth and 
seventeenth centuries; the rest of the process mainly in the 

1 For more information about Lydus see Bury, Later Roman Empire, ii. 
183. and below under March 14. 

2 They will be found in Bachelor's Umbrica (containing the processional 
inscription of Iguvium with commentary and translation), and Heuzen's 
Ada Fratrum Arvalium. 


nineteenth. The chief writers will be quoted as occasion 
demands ; here can only be mentioned, honoris causa, the 
writings of Ambrosch, Preller, Schweglei, Marquardt ', and of 
some of the writers in the Mythological Lexicon, edited by 
Koscher. especially Professor Wissowa of Berlin, whose short 
but pithy articles, as well as his treatises de Fcriis and de 
Dis Indigetibus are models of scholarly investigation ''. Of late, 
too. anthropologists and folk-lorists have had something to say 
about Roman religious antiquities ; of these, the most con- 
spicuous is the late lamented Dr. Mannhardt, who applied a new 
method to certain problems bothof the Greek and the Roman 
religion, and evolved a new theory for their interpretation. 
Among other works of this kind, which incidentally throw 
light on our difficulties, the most useful to me have been those 
of Professor Tylor, Mr. Frazer, Mr. Andrew Lang, and the late 
Professor Robertson Smith. In the Religion of the Semites, 
by the last named scholar, I seem to see a deeper insight into 
the modes of religious thought of ancient peoples than in any 
other work with which I am acquainted. 

Yet in spite of all this accumulation of learning and acumen, 
it must be confessed that the study of the oldest Roman 
religion is still one of insuperable difficulty, and apt to try the 
patience of the student all the more as he slowly becomes 
aware of the conditions of the problem before him. There are 
festivals in the calendar about which we really know nothing 
at all, and must frankly confess our ignorance ; there are 
others about which we know just enough to be doubtful ; 
others again, in interpreting which the Romans themselves 
plainly went astray, leaving us perhaps nothing but a baseless 
legend to aid us in guessing their original nature. It must be 
borne in mind that the Roman religion was in ruins when the 
Julian calendar was drawn up, and that the archaeological 
research which was brought to bear upon it by Varro and 
Verrius was not of a strictly scientific character. And during 

1 Trailer's RomiscJie Mythologie (ed. 3, by H. Jordan) and Marquardt's 
third volume of his Staatsceritaltung (ed. Wissowa) are both masterpieces, 
not only in matter but in manner. 

2 Among the others may especially be mentioned Aust, a pupil of 
Wissowa, to whom we owe the excellent and exhaustive article on 
Jupitor ; and R Peter, the author of the article Fortuna and others, who 
largely reflects the views of the late Prof. Reifferscheid of Breslau. 


the last two centuries of the Kepublic, as the once stately 
building crumbled away, it became overlaid with growths of 
foreign and especially of Greek origin, under which it now lies 
hopelessly buried. The ground-plan alone remains, in the 
form of the calendar as it has been explained above ; to this we 
must hold fast if we would obtain any true conception of the 
religion of the earliest Roman State '. Here and there some 
portion of the building of which it was the basis can however 
still be conjecturally restored by the aid of Varro and Verrius 
and a few other ancient writers, tested by the criticism of 
modern scholars, and sometimes by the results of the science 
of comparative religion. Such particular restoration is what 
has been attempted in this work, not without much misgiving 
and constant doubt. 

The fall of the Republic is in any case a convenient point 
from which to survey the religious ideas and practice of the 
conquerors of the civilized world. It is not indeed a more 
significant epoch in the history of the Roman religion than the 
era of the Punic wars, when Rome ceased to be a peninsular, 
and began to be a cosmopolitan state ; but it is a turning-point 
in the history of the calendar and of religious worship as well 
as of the constitution. Henceforward, in spite of the strenuous 
efforts of Augustus to revive the old forms of worship, all 
religious rites have a tendency to become transformed or over- 
shadowed, first by the cult of the Caesars 2 ; secondly, by the 
steadily increasing influence of foreign and especially of Oriental 
cults ; and lastly, by Christianity itself 3 . 

Taking our stand, then, in the year 46 B.C., the last year 
of the pre Julian calendar, we are able in a small volume, 
by carefully working through that calendar, to lay a firm 
foundation of material for the study of the religious life and 
thought of the Roman people while it was still in some sense 
really Roman. The plan has indeed its disadvantages ; it 
excludes the introduction of a systematic account of certain 
departments of the subject, such as the development of the 
priesthoods, the sacrificial ritual, the auspicia, and the domestic 

1 'Hoc paene ununa superest sincerum documentum,' Wissowa, de 
Perils, p. i. 

8 This is well illustrated in the Ada Fratrum Anxtlium referred to above. 

* A succinct account of these tendencies will he found in Marquardt, 
p. 72 foil. There is a French translation of this invaluable volume. 

G 2 


practice of religious rites 1 . But if it is true, as it undoubtedly 
is. that in dealing with the Eoman religion we must begin 
with the cult 2 , and that for the cult the one ' sincerum docu- 
mentum ' is to be found in the surviving Fasti, these drawbacks 
may fairly be deemed to be counterbalanced by distinct 
advantages. And in order to neutralize any bewilderment that 
may be caused by the constant variety of the rites we shall 
meet with, both in regard to their origin, history, and meaning, 
some attempt will be made, when we have completed the 
round of the year, to sum up our results, to sketch in outline 
the history of Eoman religious ideas, and to estimate the 
influence of all this elaborate ceremonial on the life and 
character of the Roman people. 

In order to fit the calendar of each month into a single page 
of this work it has been necessary to print the names of the 
festivals, and the indications of Kalends, Nones, &c. in small 
capital letters instead of the large capitals in which they 
appear in the originals (see above, p. 1 5). In the headings to 
the days as they occur throughout the book the method of the 
originals will be reproduced exactly, i. e. large capitals repre- 
sent in every case the most ancient calendar of the Republic, 
and small capitals the additamenta ex fastis. 

1 A short account of these will be found in the author's articles in the 
new edition of Smith's Dictionary of Antiquities, on 'Sacra,' 'Sacerdos,' ami 
' Sacnficium.' On the domestic rites, there is an excellent book in Italian, 
which might well be translated: II Culto privato di Roma aniica, by Prof. 
De-Msirchi of Milan, of which only Part I, La Religione nella vita domestica, 
has as yet appeared. 

* Marqnardt, Staatsrencaifung, in. p. 2. 


Fasti antiquissimi. 

ex fastis. 

Additamenta ex 

1 KAL. IP 
2 F 

i. Feriae Marti. 
luuoni Luciiiae. 

i . M; 1 1 roiial ia (?). 

3 C 

4 C 

5 C 


7 KON. F 

7. Vediovi. 


9 C 
10 C 

9. Anna aucilia 

11 C 

12 C 


13 EN 

14 IP 

15 EID. IP 

16 F 
17 IP 
18 C 



14 (or 15?). Feriae 
15. Feriae Ainiao 

14. Mamuralia ^?). 

16 (and 1 7 ?). Sacra 

19 N 


19. Feriae Marti. 

20 C 

21 C 

22 N 

23 IP 


24 Q.K.C. F 

25 C 

20 C 

27 IP 

28 C 

29 C 

30 C 
31 C 

31. Lunac in Avcu- 



Fasti antiquissimi. 

ex fastis. 

Additamenta ex 

1 KAL. F 

2 F 
3 C 
4 C 

5 RON. N 

6 IP 

4. Matri Magnae. 
4-10. Ludi Mega- 
5. Fortunae publicae 
citeriori in eolle. 

i. Veneralia(?). 
Fortunae virili 
in balneis 

7 N 

8 N 

9 N 
10 N 
11 N 

9-10 or 10-11. Ora- 

culum Fortunae 
patet (at Prae- 

12 N 

12-19. Ludi Cereal es 

13 EID. IP 

H N 

15 JP 


1G N 

17 N 

18 N 

19 N 
20 N 


19. Cereri Libero 

21 IP 

22 N 


at. Natalis urbis 

23 IP 
24 C 
25 IP 
26 F 



23. VeneriErycinae. 

25. SacriQcium et 

24. Ferine Latinae 
usually about 
this time. 

27 C 

28 M> 
29 C 

28. Ludi Florae, to 
V. Non. Mai. 
(May 3). 




Fasti antiquissimi. 

ex fastis. 

Additamenta ex 

1 KAL. F 

2 F 
3 C 

i. Laribus (praestiti- 

i. Dies natalis of 
temple of Bona 
Dea ^Ovid). 

4 C 

5 C 

6 C 

7 NON. J F 

8 F 

9 N 


10 C 

11 N 


12 IP 

13 N 


14 C 

15 BID. IP 

16 F 

15. Feriae Tovi Mer- 
curio Maiae. 

15. Sacra Argeo- 
rum(0vid, &c.). 

17 C 

18 C 

19 C 

20 C 

21 *P 


21. Vediovi. 

22 N 

23 IP 

24 Q.R.C. F 


23. Volcano. 

25 C 
26 C 

27 C 

25. Fortunae publi- 
cae Populi Ro- 


28 C 

29 C 
30 C 
31 C 

29. Ambarvalla 
(feriae concep- 

1 N. Maff. Cf. Mommsen, C. I. L. 294 b. 


fasti antiguissimi. 

ex fastis. 

Additamenta ex 

1 KAL. N 

2 F 

i. lunoni Monetae. 

i. Kalendae faba- 
riae (Plin.) 


3 C 

3. Bellonae in circo. 

4 C 

5 NON. N 

5. Dio Fidio in colic. 

6 N 

7 N 

8 N 
9 N 



8. Menti in Capi- 

10 N 

11 N 


12 N 

13 HD. IP 

14 J N 

13. Feriae lovi. 

13. Quinquatrus 

15 Q.ST.D. F 

16 C 

17 C 

18 C 

18. Annae sacrum. 

19 C 

20 C 

20. Summano ad cir- 

21 C 

cum maximum. 

22 C 

23 C 

24 C 

24. Forti Fortunae. 

25 C 

26 C 

27 C 

28 C 

29 F 

1 F. Tusc. Cf. 

Mommsen, C. 1. L. 294 b. 


Fasti antiquissimi. 

ex fastis. 

Additamenta ex 

1 KAL. N 

2 N 

3 N 

4 M> 

5 IP 


6 N 

6-13. Ludi Apolli 

7 KON. N 

8 N 


7. Nonae Capro- 
tinae (Varro). 

9 N 
10 C 

9. Vitulatio 

11 C 

12 C 

13 C 

14 C 

14-19; Mereatus. 

15 EID. M 

16 F 

17 C 

18 C 

18. Dies Alliensis. 

19 IP 


20 C 

21 IP 


22 C 

23 IP 


24 N 

25 IP 


26 C 

27 C 

28 C 

29 C 

30 C 
31 C 

30. Fortunae huius- 
que dioi in cuiupo. 


Fasti antiquissimi. 

ex fastis. 

Additamenta ex 

1 KAL. F 
2 JP 

3 C 

i. Spei ad forum 

i. Laribus compi- 
talibus? (Ovid, 
5. 147). 

4 C 


5 NON. F 

6 l F 

5. Saluti in collo 

7 C 

8 C 
9 F 

8 (or 9?) Soli Indi 
giti in colle Quir. 

10 C 

11 C 

12 C 

13 EID. M> 

14 F 
15 C 
16 C 

17 IP 
18 C 


12. Herculi invicto 
ad circ. max. 
13. Feriae lovi. 
Dianae in Aven- 
Vortumno in 
Aventino, &c. 
(see p. 198;. 

17. lanoad t heat rum 

19* FP 


20 C 

21 TP 

22 EN 


at. Conso in Aven- 

23 JP 
24 C 
25 N> 


23. Volcano in circo 

Flumiuio, &c. 

24. Mundus patet 

26 C 

27 IP 


28 C 

29 F 

N*. Antiat. N. minores 6. 

* F. Antiat. Allif. N 1 Vail. 


Fasti antiquissimi. 

ex fastis. 

Additamenta ex 

1 KAL. F 

2 P 

3 F 

4 C 

4-12. Ludi RomanL 

5 NON. F 

6 F 

7 C 

8 C 

9 C 

10 C 

11 C 

12 1 N 

13 EID. IP 

14 F 

15 2 N 
16 C 

13. lovi epulum. 
Feriae lovi. 
14. Equorum pro- 
15-19. Ludi Romani 
in circo. 

17 C 

18 C 

19 C 

20 C 

20-23. Mercatus. 

21 C 

22 C 

23 F 

24 C 

25 C 

26 C 

27 C 

28 C 

29 F 

1 IP Vail. C. Antiat. C. I. L. 294. 


1 C. Vail. Antiat. 


Fasti antiquissimi. 

ex fastis. 

Addilamenta ex 

1 KAL. H 

2 F 
3 C 

i. Tigillo sororio ad 
compitum Acili. 
Fidei inCapitolio. 

4 C 

5 C 

5. Muudus patet. 

G 1 C 

7 SON. F 

8 F 
9 C 

7. lovi fulguri. 
lunoni Ciu'riti in 

10 C 

11 IP 
12 C 


13 IP 

14 EN 


13. Feriae FontL 

15 Ell). JP 

10 F 
17 C 

15. Feriae lovi. 

15. Sacrifice of 
October horse 


18 C 

19 JP 

20 C 


21 C 

22 C 

23 C 

24 C 

25 C 

26 C 

27 C 

28 C 

29 C 

30 C 

31 C 

1 N. AiitLit Cf. C. I. L. 294. 


Fasti antiquissimi. 

ex fastis. 

Additamenta ex 









4-17. Ludi plebeii. 

















13. Ferine Tovi. 
lovi epulum. 



1 3 (or 14?). Feroniae 



in campo. 
Fortunne Primi- 



geniae in colle. 
14. Equorum pro- 





18-20. Mercatus. 
























Fasti antiquissimi. 

ex fastis. 

Additamenta ex 


i . Neptuno ) ad circ. 

i. Fortunae mu- 

Pietati \ max. 


2 N 

3 N 

3. Sacra Bonae 

4 C 

Deae (Plutarch, 
. &c.). 

5 NON. F 

5. Faunalia rus- 

6 F 

tica (Horace). 

7 C 

8 C 

8. Tiberino in in- 


9 C 

10 C 

11 IP 
12 EN 


12. Conso in Aven- 

ii. Septimontium 
(Festus j Varro). 


13 EID. IP 

13. Telluri et Cereri 

14 F 

in Carinis. 

15 IP 


16 C 

17 K> 


18 C 

19 IP 


20 C 

21 IP 


22 C 

22. Laribus perm a- 

23 IP 


rinis in porticu 

24 C 

25 C 

26 C 

27 C 

28 C 

29 F 


Fasti anliquissimi. 

ex fastis. 

Additamenta ex 

1 KAL. F 
2 F 

i.Aesculapio ) iiiin- 
Vediovi j sula. 

3 C 
4 C 

3-5 (circa). Com- 
pitalia or ludi 

5 xox. F 

6 F 

7 C 

8 C 

9 [IP] 


10 EN 

11 IP 

12 C 


ir. 'luturnalia' 

13 EID. IP 

14 EN 

15 IP 


16 C 

17 C 

18 C 

19 C 

20 C 

21 C 

22 C 

23 C 

24 C 
25 C 
26 C 

24-26. Sementi vae 
or Paganalia 
(Ovid) (feriae 

27 C 
28 C 

27. Giistori et Pol- 
luci (dedication of 

29 F 


Fasti antiquissimi. 

ex fastis. 

Additamenla ex 

1 KAL. N 

2 N 

i. lunoni Sospitae 

3 N 


4 N 

5 NOW. IP 

G N 

5. Concordiae in arce 


7 N 

8 N 

9 N 

10 N 

11 N 

12 N 

13 BID. IP 

14 N 

13. Fauno in insula 

13 21. Parentalia. 

15 IP 


16 EN 

17 IP 
18 C 
19 C 


r7. Last day of 
Fornacalia (fe- 
ria concepti- 
vae). 'Stulto- 
rum Jeriae ' 

20 ' C 

(Paulus, &c.). 

21 l FP 


22 C 

23 IP 


24 N 


25 ' C 

26 EN 

27 IP 


28 C 

F. Maff. 


THE mensis Martius stands alone among the Roman months. 
Not only was it the first in matters both civil and religious down 
to the time of Julius Caesar, but it is more closely associated 
with a single deity than any other, and that deity the protector 
and ancestor of the legendary founder of the city. It bears too 
the name of the god, which is not the case with any other 
month except January ; and it is less certain that January was 
named after Janus than that March was named after Mars. 
The cult of Janus is not specially obvious in January except on 
a single day ; but the cult of Mars is paramount all through 
March, and gives a peculiar character to the month's worship. 

It follows on a period which we may call one of purification, 
or the performance of piacular duties towards dead ancestors 
and towards the gods ; and this has itself succeeded a time of 
general festivity in the homestead, the group of homesteads, 
the market, and the cross-roads. The rites of December and 
January are for the most part festive and social, those of 
February mystic and melancholy characteristics which have 
their counterpart in the Christian Christmas, New Year, and 
Lent. The rites of March are distinct from those of either 
li'i-iod, as we shall see. They again are followed by those 
of April, the opening month, which are gay and apt to be 
licentious ; then comes the mensis Mains or month of growth, 
which is a time of peril for the crops, and has a certain 
character of doubt and darkness in its rites ; lastly comes June, 
the month of maturity, when harvest is close at hand, and life 



begins to brighten up once more. After this the Roman 
months cease to denote by their names those workings of 
nature on which the husbandman's fortune for the year 

By a process of elimination we can make a guess at the kind 
of ideas which must have been associated with the month 
which the Eonians called Martius, even before examining its 
rites in detail. It is the time when the spring, whose first 
breath has been felt in February, begins to show its power upon 
the land l . Some great numen is at work, quickening vegeta- 
tion, and calling into life the powers of reproduction in man 
and the animals. The way in which this quickening Power 
or Spirit was regarded by primitive man has been very care- 
fully investigated of recent years, and though the variation is 
endless both in myth and in ritual, we may now safely say 
that he was looked on as coming to new life after a period of 
death, or as returning after an absence m the winter, or as 
conquering the hostile powers that would hinder his activity. 
Among civilized peoples these ideas only survive iu legend or 
poetry, or in some quaint bit of rural custom, often semi- 
dramatic, which may or may not have found its way into the 
organized cults of a city-state of Greece or Italy, or even into 
the calendar of a Christian Church. But when these survivals 
have been collected in vast numbers both from modern Europe 
and from classical antiquity, and compared with the existing 
ideas and practices of savage peoples, they can leave no doubt 
in our minds as to the general character of the primitive 

1 See Nissen, Italienische Landeskunde, i. 404 ; Ovid, Fasti, 3. 235 
Quid, quod hiems adoperta gelu tune denique cedit, 

Et pereunt victae sole tepente nives, 
Arboribus redeunt detonsae frigore frondes, 

Uvidaque in tenero palinite gemma tumet : 
Quaeque diu latuit, nunc se qua tollat in auras, 

Fertilis occultas invenit herba vias. 
Nunc fecundus ager : pecoris nunc hora creandi, 

Nunc avis in ramo tecta laremquo parat. 
Tempora hire colunt Latiae fecunda parentes 

Quarum militiam votaque partus habet. 

Here we have the fertility of man, beast, and crop, all brought together : 
the poet in writing of March i. The Romans reckoned spring from 
Favonius (Feb. 7) to about May 10 (Varro, R. R. i. 38) ; March i would 
therefore usually be a day on which its first effects would be obvious to 
every one. 


husbandman's conception of the mysterious power at work 
in spring-time. 

It was this Power, we can hardly doubt, that the Latins 
knew by the name of Mars, the god whose cult is so prominent 
throughout the critical period of the quickening processes. We 
know him in Koman literature as a full-grown deity, with 
characteristics partly taken from the Greeks, partly extended 
and developed by a state priesthood and the usage of a growing 
and cosmopolitan city. We cannot trace him back, step by 
step, to his earliest vague form as an undefined Spirit, Power, 
or numen ; it is very doubtful whether we can identify him, as 
mythologists have often done, with anything so obvious and 
definite as the sun, which by itself does not seem to have been 
held responsible by primitive peoples for the workings of nature 
at this time of year. We do not even know for certain the 
meaning of his name, and can get no sure help from com- 
parative philology. Nevertheless there is a good deal of 
cumulative evidence which suggests a comparatively humble 
origin for this great god, some points of which we shall meet 
with in studying his cult during the month. The whole 
subject has been worked up by Roscher in the article on Mars 
in his Mythological Lexicon, which has the great advantage 
of being based on an entire re-examination of the Mars-cult, 
which he had handled in an earlier essay on Apollo and Mars. 

KAL. MART. (MARCH i). N 5 . 



TTXOR ... SI PUERUM . . . [ATJQUE IPSA M]. . . . (PRAEN.) 

This was the New Year's day of the Roman religious calendar. 
From Macrobius l we learn that in his day the sacred fire of 
Vesta was now renewed, and fresh laurels fixed on the Regia, 
the Curiae, and the houses of the flamens ; the custom therefore 
was kept up long after the first of March had ceased to be the 

1 Sat. i. 12. 6; Ovid, Fasti, 3. 135 foil. 
D 2 


civil New Year. Ovid alludes to the same rites, and adds the 
Aedes Vestae as also freshly decorated J : 

Neu dubites, primae fuerint quin ante Kalendae 

Martis, ad haec animum signa referre poles. 
Laurea flaminibus quae toto anno 

Tollitur, et frondes snnt in honore novae, 
lanua tune regis posita viret arbore Phoebi ; 

Ante tuas fit idem, curia prisca, fores. 
Vesta quoque ut folio niteat velata recenti, 

Cedit ab Iliacis laurea cana iocis. 

The mention of these buildings carries us back to the very 
earliest Rome, when the rex and his sons and daughters 2 
(Flamines and Vestales, in their later form) performed between 
them the whole religious duty of the community ; to these we 
may perhaps add the warrior-priests of Mars (Salii). The con- 
nexion of the decoration with the Mars-cult is probable, if not 
certain ; the laurel was sacred to Mars, for in front of his 
sacrarmm in the regia there grew two laurels 3 , and it has been 
conjectured that they supplied the boughs used on this day 4 . 

March i is also marked in the calendar of Philocalus as the 
birthday of Mars (N = natalis Martis). This appears in no other 
calendar as yet discovered, and is conspicuously absent in the 
Fasti Praenestini ; it is therefore very doubtful whether any 
weight should be given to a fourth-century writer whose 
calendar had certainly an urban and not a rustic basis 5 . There 
is no trace of allusion to a birth of Mars on this day in Latin 
literature, though the day is often mentioned. There was 
indeed a pretty legend of such a birth, told by Ovid under 

1 Ovid only mentions one 'curia': in Macrobius the word is in the 
plural. Ovid must, 1 think, refer to the curia Saliorum on the Palatine 
(Marq. 431 , as this was the day on which the Salii began their rites. 
Macrobius may be including the curia of the (juirinal Salii (Preller, 

i- 357^ 

* See below, on the Vestalia in June, p. 147. 
8 Julius Obsequens, 19. 

* Roscher, Myth. Lex. s.v. Mars, 2427. Roscher regards the use of laurel 
in the Mars-cult as parallel with that in the Apollo-cult and not derived 
from it. The point is not however certain. The laurel was used as an 
dirorpoiraiov at the Robigalia, which seems closely connected with the 
Mars-cult (Plin. N. H. 18. 161) ; here it could hardly have been taken over 
from the worship of Apollo. 

5 Mommsen, C. I. L. 254. 


May 2 \ which has its parallels in other mythologies; Juno 
became pregnant of Mars by touching a certain flower of which 
the secret was told her by Flora : 

Protinns haerentem decerpsi pollice florem ; 

Tangitur et tacto concipit ilia sinu. 
lamque gravis Thracen et laeva Propontidis intrat 

Fitque potens voti, Marsque creatus erat. 

Of this tale Preller remarked long ago that it has a Greek 
setting : it is in fact in its Ovidian form a reflex from 
stories such as those of the birth of Athena and of Kora. 
Yet it has been stoutly maintained * that it sprang from 
a real Italian germ, and is a fragment of the lost Italian 
mythology. Now, though it is certainly untrue that the 
Italians had no native mythology, and though there are 
faint traces, as we shall see. of tales about Mars himself, yet 
the Latins at least so rarely took these liberties with their 
deities 3 , that every apparent case of a divine myth needs to be 
carefully examined and well supported. In this case we must 
conclude that there is hardly any evidence for a general belief 
that March i was the birthday of Mars ; and that Ovid's stoiy 
of Juno and Mars must be looked on with suspicion so far as 
these deities are concerned. 

The idea that Mars was born on March i might arise simply 

1 Fasti, 5. 253. There is a good parallel in Celtic mythology : the wife 
of Llew the Sun-hero was born of flowers (Rhys, CM. Myth. 384). The 
myth is found in many parts of the world (L<ing, ii. 22, and note). 

* By Usener, in his remarkable paper in Rhein. Museum, xxx. 215 
foil., on ' Italische Mythen.' He unluckily made the mistake of supposing 
that Ovid told this story under June i (i.e. nine months before the supposed 
birthday of Mars). There i-i indeed a kind of conjunction of June and 
Mars on June i, as both had temples dedicated on that day ; but neither 
of these can well be earlier than the fourth century B. c., and no one 
would have thought of them as having any bearing on the birth of Mars 
but for Usener's blunder (Aust, dc Aedibus sacris Pop. Rom. pp. 8 and 10, 
and his valuable note in Roscher's article on Mars, p. 2390). Usener also 
adduces the derivation of Gradivus in Fest. 97 ' quia gramine sit ortus.' 

* The practical Roman mind applied the myth chiefly to the history of 
its state, and in such a way that its true mythic character was lost, or 
nearly so. What became in Greece mythic literature became quasi- 
history at Rome. Thus it is that Romulus is so closely connected with 
Mars in legend : the race-hero and the race-god have almost a mythical 
identity. The story of the she-wolf may be at least as much a myth of 
the birth of Mars as Ovid's story of Juno, in spite of the fatherhood of 
Mars in that legend. 


from the fact that the day was the first of his month and also 
the first of the year. It is possible however to account for it 
in another way. It was the dies natalis of the temple of Juno 
Lucina on the Esquiline, as we learn from the note in the Fasti 
Praenestini ; and this Juno had a special power in childbirth. 
The temple itself was not of very ancient date ', but Juno had 
no doubt always been especially the matrons' deity, and in 
a sense represented the female principle of life 2 . To her all 
kalends were sacred, and more especially the first kalends 
of the year, on which we find that wives received presents 
from their husbands 3 , and entertained their slaves. In 
fact the day was sometimes called the Matronalia 4 , though 
the name has no technical or religious sense. Surely, if 
a mother was to be found for Mars, no one could be more 
suitable that Juno Lucina ; and if a day were to be fixed for 
his birth, no day could be better than the first kalends of the 
year, which was also the dedication-day of the temple of the 
goddess. At what date the mother and the birthday were 
found for him it is impossible to discover. The latter may be 
as late as the Empire; the former may have been an older 
invention, since Mars seems to have been apt to lend himself, 
under Greek or Etruscan influence, somewhat more easily to 
legendary treatment than some other deities 5 . But we may 
at any rate feel pretty sure that it was the Matronalia on 
March i that suggested the motherhood of Juno and the birth 
of Mars ; and we cannot, as Eoscher does, use the Matronalia 
to show that these myths were old and native 6 . 

Yet another legend was attached to this day. It was said 
that the original ancile, or sacred shield of Mars, fell down 
from heaven 7 , or was found in the house of Numa 8 , on 
March i. This was the type from which were copied the other 

1 Aust, as quoted above. The date was probably 379 u. c. (Plin. N. H. 
l6 - 2 35). 

2 Roscher in Lex. s. v. Juno, p. 576. 

3 Marq. 571, where is a list of passages referring to these gifts. Some 
are familiar, e.g Horace, Od. 3. 8, and Juvenal, 9. 53 (with the scholiast 
in each case). 

1 Schol. drug, on Horace, 1. c., and the scholiast on Juvenal, 1. c. 
5 See e.g. the mysterious scene on a cista from Praeneste given in 
Roscher, Lex. 2407, to which the clue seems entirely lost. 
8 Lex. s.v. Mars, 2399 ; s. v. Juno, 584. 
T Ovid, 3. 351 foil. ; Plut. Numa, 13. Dion. Hal. a. 71. 


eleven belonging to the collegium of Salii Palatini ; in the 
legend the smith who did this work was named Mamurius, 
and was commemorated in the Salian hymn 1 . These are 
simply fragments of a tangle of myth which grew up out of 
the mystery attaching to the Salii, or dancing priests of Mars, 
and to the curious shields which they carried, and the hymns 
which they sang 2 ; in the latter we know that the word Mamurl 
often occurred, which is now generally recognized as being only 
a variant of the name Mars '. We shall meet with the word 
again later in the month. This also was the first day on which 
the shields were 'moved,' as it was called ; i.e. taken by the 
Salii from the sacrarium Mortis in the Kegia*. and carried 
through the city in procession. Dionysius (ii. 70) has left us 
a valuable description of these processions, which continued 
till the 24th of the month ; the Salii leaped and danced, 
reminding the writer of the Greek Curetes, and continually 
struck the shields with a short spear or staff 5 as they sang 
their ancient hymns and performed their rhythmical dances. 

The original object and meaning of all these strange per- 
formances is now fairly well made out, thanks to the researches 
of Miillenhoff, Mannhardt, Koscher, Frazer and others. Koscher, 
in his comparison of Apollo and Mars 6 . pointed out the like- 
ness in the spring festivals of the two gods. At Delphi, at the 
Theophania (yth of Bysios = March), there were decorations, 
sacrifices, dances, and songs ; and of these last, some were 

' Ovid, 1. c. 381 foil. * Mnrq. 430, and note. 

3 Festus, p. 131 ; Usener in Rhein Mus. xxx. 209 foil. Wordsworth, 
Fragments and Specimens of Early Latin, p 564 foil. Jordan (Preller, i. 336) 
had however doubts about the identification of Mars and Mamurius. 

4 The place is not quite certain. Ambro c ch (Studien, 7), who believed 
them to be part of the armour of the god, placed them in his sacrarium 
in the king's house, with Serv. Aen. 7. 603, and this falls in with 
Dionysius' version of the myth, that the shield was found in Numa's 
house. With this view Preller agreed. Marquardt, (431) however, 
believed they were part of the armour of the priests, and as such were 
kept in the Curia Saliorum, which might also be called sacrarium Martis. 
The question is not of the first importance. 

5 Dionysius (a. 70. 2) says that each was girt with a sword, and carried 
in his right hand, \v-f\rjv i) pa@8ov % TI TOIOV&' trtpov. Apparently, 
assuming that he had seen the procession, he did not see or remember 
clearly what these objects were. A relief from Anagnia (Annali del Inst. 
1869, 70 foil.) shows them like a double drumstick, with a knob at 
each end. 

* See also i'yth. Lex. s. v. Mars, p. 2404 and Apollo, p. 425. 


or invocations to the god to appear, some -nma-fs. 
or shouts of encouragement in his great fight with the dragon. 
or perhaps intended to scare the dragon away. For Apollo 
was believed to return in the spring, to be born anew, and to 
struggle in his infancy with the demon of evil. At other 
places in Greece similar performances are found ; at Delos ', 
at Ortygia 2 near Ephesus, at Tegyra. and elsewhere. At 
Ortygia the Kov/jiji-f? stood and clashed their arms to frighten 
away Hera the enemy of Apollo's mother Leto, in the annual 
dramatic representation of the perilous labour of the mother 
and the birth of her son. These practices (and similar ones 
among northern peoples) seem to be the result of the poetical 
mythology of an imaginative race acting on still more primitive 
ideas. From all parts of the world Mr. Frazer has collected 
examples of rites of this kind occurring at some period of real 
or supposed peril, and often at the opening of a new year, in 
which dances, howling, the beating of pots and pans, brandish- 
ing of arms, and even firing of guns are thought efficacious in 
driving out evil spirits which bring hurt of some kind to man- 
kind or to the crops which are the fruits of his labour 3 . This 
notion of evil spirits and the possibility of expelling them is at 
the root of the whole series of practices, which in the hands 
of the Greeks became adorned with a beautiful mythical 
colouring, while the Eomans after their fashion embodied 
them in the cult of their city with a special priesthood to 
perform them, and connected them with the name of their 
great priest king. 

In an elaborate note 4 Mr. Frazer has attempted to explain 
the rites of the Salii in the light of the material he has collected. 
He is inclined to see two objects in their performances: (r) the 
routing out of demons of all kinds in order to collect them for 
transference to the human scapegoat, Mamurius Veturius (see 

1 Virg. Aen. 4. 143. 

2 Strabo, 639 foil. The same also appear in the cult of Zeus ; Preller- 
Robert, Greek Myth. i. 134. 

3 G. B. ii. 157-182 ; Tylor, Prim. CuH. i. 298 foil. Wo have survivals at 
Rome, not only in the periodic Salian rites, but on particular occasions ; 
Martial 12. 57. 15 (of an eclipse) ; Ovid, Fasti, 5 441 ; Tibull. i. 8. 21 ; 
Tac. Ann. i. 28 (this was in Germany). I have known the church bells 
rung at Zermatt in order to stop a continuous downpour of rain in 

* 0. B. ii. 210. 


below on March 14), who was driven out a fortnight later; 
and (2) to make the corn grow, by a charm consisting in leaping 
and dancing, which is known in many parts of the world. It 
will perhaps be safer to keep to generalities in matters of which 
we have but slender knowledge ; and to conclude that the old 
Latins believed that the Spirit which was beginning to make 
the crops grow must at this time be protected from hostile 
demons, in order that he might be free to perform his own 
friendly functions for the community. Though the few words 
preserved of the Salian hymns are too obscure to be of much 
use ', we seem to see in them a trace of a deity of vegetation ; 
and the prayer to Mars, which is given in Cato's agricultural 
treatise, is most instructive on this point 2 . 

The Salii in these processions wertv clothed in a trabea and 
tunica picta 3 , the ' full dress ' of the warrior inspired by 
some special religious zeal, wearing helmet, breastplate, and 
sword. They carried the ancile on the left arm, and a staff 
or club of some kind to strike it with 4 . At certain sacred 
places they stopped and danced, their praesul giving them the 
step and rhythm ; and here we may suppose that they also 
sang the song of which a few fragments have come down to us, 
where the recurring word Mamurius seems beyond doubt to 
be a variant of Mars 5 . Each evening they rested at a different 
place mansiones Saliorum, as they were called and here the 
sacred arms were hung up till the next day, and the Salii 
feasted. They were twenty-four in number, twelve Palatini 
and twelve Collini (originally Agonales or Agonenses), the 
former specially devoted to the worship of Mars Gradivus, 
the latter to that of Quirinus 6 * The antiquity of the priest- 

1 Jordan, Krit. Beitrage, p. 203 foil. 2 Cato, R. R. 143. 

3 Liv. i. 20. Cp. 9. 40. where the chosen Samnite warriors wore tunicae 
tersicolores. In each case the dress is a religious one, of the same character 
as that of the triumphator. and would have its ultimate origin in the 
war-paint of savages, which probably also has a religious signification. 
The trabea was the old short cavalry coat. 

4 See Marq. 432, and Did. of Antiq. s. Y. Salii for details. 

s Fest. 131. The fragments may be seen in Wordsworth's Fragments and 
Specimens of Early Latin, pp. 564 foil. In the chief fragment the name of 
Janus seems almost certainly to occur (cf. Lydus, 4. 2) ; and in another 
Lucetius ( = Iupiter?). Juno and Minerva are also mentioned. See Diet, 
of Antiq. s. v. Salii. It is curious that Mars is more prominent in the song 
of the Arval Brothers. 

Liv. 5. 53. 7. 


hood is proved by the fact that the Salii must be of patrician 
birth, and patrimi and matrimi (i.e. with both parents living) 
according to the ancient rule which descended from the worship 
of the household '. 

It has been suggested that the shields (ancilia) which the 
Salii carried, being twelve in number for each of the two guilds, 
represented the twelve months of the year, either as twelve 
suns 2 (the sun being renewed each month), or as twelve 
moons, which is a little more reasonable. This idea implies 
that the number of the Salii (which was the same as that of 
the Fratres Arvales) was based on the number of months 
in the year, which is very far from likely ; it would seem also 
to assume that the shape of the shields was round, like sun or 
moon, which was almost certainly not the case. According 
to the legend, the original shield fell on the first new moon of 
the year ; but it is quite unnecessary to jump to the conclusion 
that the others represent eleven other new moons. It would 
rather seem probable to a cautious inquirer that though an 
incrustation of late myth may have grown upon the Salii and 
their carmen and their curious arms, no amount of ingenious 
combination has as yet succeeded in proving that such myths 
had their origin in any really ancient belief of the Komans. 
What we know for certain is that there were twelve warrior- 
priests of the old Palatine city, and that they carried twelve 
shields of an antique type, which Varro compares to the 
Thracian peltae (L. L. 7. 43); shaped not unlike the body 
of a violin, with a curved indentation on each side *, which, 

1 Dionysius, 2. 71. 

a Usener in Rhein. Mus. xxx. 218 ; Roscher, Lex. s.v. Mars 2419, can only 
quote two very vague and doubtful passages from late writers in support 
of the view that the shields were symbols of the months : Lydus 4. 2, 
who says that the Salii sang in praise of Janus, Kara rov TWV Ira^tKuv 
HT/VUIV apiOn6v; and Liber glossarum, Cod. Vat. Palat. 1773 f. 40 v. : 
Ancilia : scuta unius anni. 

3 For the evidence on this point, and others connected with the Salii, 
I must refer the reader to Mr. G. E. Marindin's excellent article 'Salii' 
in the new edition of Smith's Did of An'iquifies, the most complete and at 
the same time sensible account that has appeared in recent years. (The 
article ' Ancilia ' in the new edition of Pauly's lieal-Encyd. is dis- 
appointing.) Dionysius, Varro, and Plutarch are all at one about the 
shape of the shields, and Mr. Marindin is quite right in insisting that 
Ovid does not contradict them. (See the passages quoted in the article.) 
The coins of Licinius Stolo and of Antoninus Pius (Cohen, Med. Cons. 


when the shield was slung on the back, would leave space for 
the arms to move freely. In this respect, as in the rest of his 
equipment, the Salius simply represented the old Italian warrior 
in his 'war-paint.' In the examples of expulsion of evils 
referred to above as collected by Mr. Frazer, it is interesting 
to notice how often the expellers use military arms, or are 
dressed in military fashion. This may perhaps help us to 
understand how attributes apparently so distinct as the 
military and the agricultural should be found united in Mars 
and his cult. 



Various conjectures have been made for. correcting this note. 
We may take it that the first word is rightly completed : some 
letters seem to have preceded it, and fcriae has been suggested 1 , 
but not generally accepted. The next word, Artis, must be 
a slip of the stone-cutter. That it was not Martis we are sure, 
as Ovid says that there was no note in the Fasti for this day 
except on the cult of Vediovis 2 . Even Mommsen is in despair, 
but suggests Aedis as a possibility, and that dedicata was 
accidentally omitted after it. 

We do not know when the temple was dedicated 3 . The 
cult of Vediovis seems to have no special connexion with other 
March rites : and it seems as well to postpone consideration of 
it till May 21, the dedication-day of the temple in arcc. See 
also on Jan. i. 

vn ID. MART. (MARCH 9). C. 


As we have seen, the first ' moving ' of the ancilia was on 
the ist. This is the second mentioned in the calendars ; 

plate xxiv. 9, 10, and Med. Imp. ii, no. 467) give the same peculiar shape. 
The bronze of Domitian, A.D. 88 (Cohen, Med. Imp. i. plate xvii), and the 
coins of Sanquinius, B.C. 16 (both issued in connexion with ludi saeculares^, 
on which are figures supposed to be Salii with round shields, have 
certainly been misinterpreted (e. g. in Marq. 431). See note at end of this 

1 Jordan, in Commentationes in hon. Mamms. p. 365. There could not be 
ferine on this day, as it was a diesfastus. 

* Fast. 3. 439 'Una nota est Marti Nonis ; sacrata quod illis Templa 
putant lucos Vediovis ante duos.' 3 Aust, de Aedibus sacris, p. 33. 


the third, according to Lydus (4. 42), was on the 23rd 
(Tubilustrium, q. v.). As the Salii seem to have danced 
with the shields all through the month up to the 24th 1 , it has 
been supposed that these were the three principal days of 
' moving ' ; and Mr. Marindin suggests that they correspond to 
the three most important mansiones Saliorwn, of which two were 
probably the Curia Saliorum on the Palatine and the Sacrarium 
Martis in the Regia*. 

PEID. ID. MART. (MARCH 14). N?. 




These notes involve several difficulties. To begin with, this 
day is an even number, and there is no other instance in the 
calendar of a festival occurring on such a day. Wissowa 4 , 
usually a very cautious inquirer, here boldly cuts the knot by 
conjecturing that the Mars festival of this day had originally 
been on the next, i. e the Ides, but was put back one day to 
enable the people to frequent both the horse-races (Equirria) and 
the festival of Anna Perenna \ The latter, he might have added. 
was obviously extremely popular with the lower classes, as we 
shall see from Ovid's description ; and though the scene of it 
was close to that of the Equirria, or certainly not far away, 
it is not impossible that it may have diverted attention from 
the nobler and more manly amusement. Wissowa strengthens 

1 Polyb. 21. 10 (13^ ; Liv. 37. 33. 

* See his article in Diet. Ant. He further suggests that in Philocalus" 
note ancilia is an adjective, and that arma ancilia means the shields 
only, as the spears of Mars do not seem to have been used by the Salii. 

3 The day is of course not given in these almanacs; but the position is 
between Isidis navigium (March 5) and Liberalia (March 17). 

* de Feriis, ix. foil. Cp. C. I. L. 311. 

* The usual sacrifice to Jupiter on the Ides is also mentioned by 
Wissowa in this connexion ; but I should hardly imagine that it would 
have had a sufficiently popular character to cause any such alteration as 
he is arguing for. But the first full moon of the year may have become 
over-crowded witli rites ; and it was the day on which at one time the 
consuls entered on office, B.C. 222 to 154 (Mommsen, Chron. 102 nnd 


his argument by pointing out an apparent parallel between the 
festival dates of March and October. Here, as elsewhere, in 
the calendar, we find an interval of three days between two 
festivals, viz. between March 19 (Quinquatrus) and March 23 
(Tubilustrium), and between Oct. 15 ('October horse') and Oct. 19 
(Armilustrium). Now, as we shall see, the rites of March 19 
and Oct. 19 seem to correspond to each other 1 ; and if there 
were a chariot-race on March 15, it would also answer to the 
race on the day of the ' October horse,' Oct. 1 5, with a three days' 
interval as in October. The argument is not a very strong one, 
but there is a good deal to be said for it. 

A much more serious difficulty lies in the discrepancy 
between the three older calendars in which we have notes for 
this day and the almanacs of the later Empire, vis. that of 
Philocalus (A.D. 354) and the rustic calendars. The former 
tell us of a Mars festival, with a horse-race ; the latter know 
nothing of these, but note a festival of Mamurius, a name 
which, as we saw, occurred in the Saliare Carmen apparently 
as a variant of Mars, and came to be affixed to the legendary 
smith who made the eleven copies of the ancile. How are we 
to account for the change of Mars into Mamurius, and of feriae 
Marti into Mamuralia ? And are we to suppose that the later 
calendars here indicate a late growth of legend, based on the 
name Mamurius as occurring in the Carmen Saliare, or that 
they have preserved the shadow of an earlier and popular side 
of the March rites, which the State-calendars left out of 
account ? 

Apparently Mommsen holds the former opinion*. In his 
note on this day he says that it is easy to understand how the 
second Equirria came to be known to the vulgus as Mamuralia 
(i. e. so distinguished from the first Equirria on Feb. 27), seeing 
that Mamurius who made the ancilia belongs wholly to the cult 
of Mars, and that this day was one of those on which the Salii 
and the ancilia were familiar sights in the streets of Kome. In 
other words, the Salian songs gave rise to the legend of Mamurius, 
and this in its turn gave a new name to the second Equirria 
or feriae Marti. And this I believe to be the most rational 

1 Wissowa takes both as lustrations of cavalry. Mommsen, C. I. L. 332, 
disnpprovcs of Wissowa's reasoning about this day. 
1 C. I. L. 311. 


explanation of our difficulty, seeing that we have no mention 
of a feast of Mamurius earlier than the calendar of Philocalus 
in the fourth century A.D., which cannot be regarded as in 
any sense representing learning or research '. 

But of recent years much has been written in favour of the 
other view, that the late calendars have here preserved for us 
a trace of very ancient Koman belief and ritual ". This view 
rests almost entirely on a statement of a still later writer, 
Laurentius Lydus of Apamea, who wrote a work, de Mcnsibus, 
in the first half of the sixth century A. D., preserved in part in 
the form of two summaries or collections of extracts. Lydus 
was no doubt a man of learning, as is shown by his other work, 
de Magistratibus ; but he does not give us his authority for 
particular statements, and his second- or third- hand knowledge 
must always be cautiously used. 

Lydus tells us that on the Ides of March (a mistake, it is 
supposed 3 , for the i4th which, however, he should not have 
made), a man clothed in skins was led out and driven with long 
peeled wands (out of the city, as we may guess from what 
follows) and shouted at as ' Mamurius.' Hence the saying, when 
any one is beaten, that they are 'playing Mamurius with him.' 
For the legend runs that Mamurius the smith was beaten out 
of the city because misfortune fell on the Eomans when they 
substituted the new shields (made by Mamurius) for those that 
had fallen from heaven 4 . 

This is clearly a late form of the Mamurius-myth : in all the 
earlier accounts"' only one ancile is said to have fallen from 
heaven. Lydus seems rather to be thinking of twelve original 
ones", and twelve copies perhaps of the Palatine and Colline 
ancilia respectively. If the form of the myth, then, is of late 

1 C I. L. 254. 

2 Cf. Usener's article on Italian Myths in EJtein. Mus vol. xxx a most 
interesting and suggestive piece of work, which, however, needs to be 
read with a critical mind, and has been too uncritically used by later 
writers, e.g. Roscher in his article on Mars. Frazer (G. B. ii. 208) adopts 
his conclusions about Mamurius, but, with his usual care, points out some 
of the difficulties in a footnote. 3 TJsener, p. 211. 

* Lydus, 3. 29 and 4. 36. The words are rather obscure, but the meaning 
is fairly obvious. See Usener's paraphrase, p. 210. 

* See above, p. 38. 

6 Cp. what he says of the Salii singing of Janus Kara rbv rwv 'I 

^ifVuiv dptOfjLUl> (4. 2 . 


growth, suspicion may well be aroused as to the antiquity of 
the rite it was meant to explain, for with the older type of 
myth the rite does not seem to suit. And this suspicion is 
strengthened by the fact that in the whole of Latin literature 
there is no certain allusion to a rite so striking and peculiar, 
and only one that can possibly, even by forcible treatment, be 
taken as such. In Propertius v (iv.) 2. 61, we have the 
following lines, put into the mouth of the god Vertumnus : 

At tibi, Mamuri, formae caelator aenae, 
Tellus artifices ne premat Osca maims, 

Qtii me tarn docilis potuisti fundere in usus. 
Unum opus est : operi non datur unus honos. 

Usener took this to mean, or to imply, that Mamurius was 
driven out of the city to its enemies the Oscans ; but how we 
are to get this out of the words, which will bear very different 
interpretations, obscure as they are, it is not easy to see. And 
can we easily believe that, with this exception, no allusion 
should be found to the rite in either Latin or Greek writers 
not in Ovid, Dionysius, Servius, Plutarch ', or in the fragments 
of Varro, Varrius, and others if that curious rite had really 
been enacted year by year before the eyes of the Roman people? 
It certainly is not impossible that it may have slipped their 
notice, or have been mentioned in works that are lost to us ; 
but it is so improbable as to justify us in hesitating to base 
conclusions as to the antiquity of the rite on the statement of 
Lydus alone. 

There are indeed one or two passages which seem to prove 
that skins were used by the Salii, and that these skins were 
beaten. Servius 2 says of Mamurius that they consecrated a day 
to him, on which ' pellem virgis caedunt ad artis similitudinem,' 
i. e. on which they imitate the smith's art by beating a skin. 
So also Minucius Felix 3 : 'alii (we should probably read Salii) 
incedunt pilcati, scuta vetera 4 circumferunt, pelles caedunt.' 
If we may judge by these passages of writers of the second 
century, there was something done by the Salii which involved 
the beating of skins ; but if it was a skin-clad Mamurius who 

1 e.g. in Numa 13. 

2 Ann. 7. 188. Thilo and Hagen seem to think that Servius wrote 
peltas (shields) on the evidence of one MS , wrongly, I think. 

3 Octatius, 24. 3. * What is the meaning of vetera here ? 


was beaten, why is he not mentioned, and why did they, as 
Servius says (and the conlext shows that he is speaking of him 
with all respect), set apart a day in his honour ? 

Yet Lydus' account is so interesting from the point of view 
of folk-lore, that Usener was led by it into very far-reaching 
conclusions. These have been so well condensed in English 
by Mr. Frazer that niy labour will be lightened if I may 
borrow his account ' : 

'Every year on March 14 a man clad in skins was led in 
procession through the streets of Home, beaten with long white 
rods, and driven out of the city. He was called Mamurius 
Veturius 2 , that is, "the old Mars," and as the ceremony took 
place on the day preceding the first full moon of the old Roman 
year 3 (which began on March i ), the skin-clad man must have 
represented the Mars of the past year, who was driven out at 
the beginning of a new one. Now Mars was originally not 
a god of war, but of vegetation. For it was to Mars that the 
Roman husbandman prayed for the prosperity of his corn and 
vines, his fruit-trees and his copses ; it was to Mars that the 
Arval Brothers, whose business it was to sacrifice for the 
growth of the crops, addressed their petitions almost ex- 
clusively. . . . Once more, the fact that the vernal month of 
March was dedicated to Mars seems to point him out as the 
deity of the sprouting vegetation. Thus the Roman custom 
of expelling the old Mars at the beginning of the New Year in 
spring is identical with the Slavonic custom of "carrying out 
Death 4 ," if the view here taken of the latter custom is correct. 

1 Golden Bough, ii. 208. 

2 Mr. Frazer is careful to point out in a note that Lydus only mentions 
the name Mamurius. But as we know that Mamurius was called Veturius 
in the Salian hymn, and as Veturius may perhaps mean old, it is inferred 
that the skin-clad man was ' the old Mars.' The argument is shaky ; 
its only strength lies in the Slavonic and other parallels. 

3 Lydus is thought to have made a mis'.ake in attributing it to 
the isth (Ides) ; if so, he may have confused other matters in this 
curious note. But he is certainly explicit enough here (4. 36^, and refers 
to the usual sacrifice to Jupiter on the Ides, and to ' public prayers for 
the salubrity of the coming year,' which we may be sure would be on the 
Ides, and not on a day of even number. I do not ft- el at all sure that 
Lydus was wrong as to the date, the more so as the Ides of May (which 
month has a certain parallelism with March) is the date of another 
curious ceremony of th ; s primitive type, that of the Argei. 

4 This was first noticed by Grimm (Teutonic Mythology, Eng. Trans., 
vol. ii. 764 foil.). Since then Mannhardt (Baumkultus, 410 foil.) and 


The similarity of the Roman and Slavonic customs has been 
already remarked by scholars, who appear, however, to have 
taken Mamurius Veturius and the corresponding figures in the 
Slavonic ceremonies to be representatives of the old year rather 
than of the oLl god of vegetation. It is possible that cere- 
monies of this kind may have come to be thus interpreted in 
later times even by the people who practised them. But the 
personification of a period of time is too abstract an idea to be 
primitive. However, in the Roman, as in the Slavonic cere- 
mony, the representative of the god appears to have been 
treated, not only as a deity of vegetation, but also as a scape- 
goat '. His expulsion implies this ; for there is no reason why 
the god of vegetation, as such, should be expelled the city. 
But it is otherwise if he is also a scape-goat ; it then becomes 
necessary to drive him beyond the boundaries, that he may 
carry his sorrowful burden away to other lands. And, in fact, 
Mamurius Veturius appears to have been driven away to the 
lands of the Oscans, the enemies of Rome 2 .' 

My examination of the evidence will, I hope, have made it 
clear why I hesitate to endorse these conclusions in their 
entirety (as I did for many years), interesting as they are. 
I rather incline to believe that the whole Mamurius-legend 
grew out of the Carmen Saliare, and that we may either have 
here one of those comparatively rare examples of later ritual 
growing itself out of myth, or a point of ancient ritual, 
such as the use of skins perhaps those of victims mis- 
interpreted and possibly altered under the influence of the 

Mr. Frazer (G. S. i. 257 foil, and 264 foil.) have worked it out and 
explained it (see especially i. 275). It is generally believed that 
Death, or whatever be the name applied to the human being or figure 
expelled in these rites, signifies the extinct spirit of vegetation of the 
jwst year. I agree with Mr. Frazer, as against Usener and Roscher 
(Lex. s. v. Mars), that it is not any abstract conception of the year, or at 
least was not such originally. 

1 This fusion of two apparently different ideas in a single ceremony 
has previously been explained by Mr. Frazer, pp. 205 foil. On p. 210 he 
notices the curious and well-authenticated rite of driving out hunger at 
Chaeronea (Plutarch, Quaest. Coniiv. 6. 8), which -would offer an interesting 
parallel to the Roman, if we could but be sure of the details 'of the latter. 
Another from Delphi (Plut. Quaest. Grace. 12 , mentioned by Usener, does 
not seem to me conclusive; but that of the 'man in cowhide' from the 
Highlands (G. B. ii. 145) is singularly like the Roman rite as Lydus 
describes it, and took place on New Yeai's eve. 

* See above, p. 47. 


myth. As to Lydus' statement, it is better to suspend our 
judgement ; he may, for all we know, have confused some 
foreign custom, or that of some other Italian town where there 
were Salii, with the ritual of a Koman priesthood 1 . In any 
case, his account is too much open to question to bear the 
weight of conjecture that has been piled upon it. 

ID. MART. (MARCH 15). N?. 


This is a survival of an old popular festival, as is clearly 
seen from Ovid's account of it; but the absence of any mention 
of it in the rustic calendars or in those of Philocalus and Silvius 
leads us to suppose that it had died out in the early Empire. 
This may be accounted for by the fact that the people came to 
be more and more attracted by spectacles and games ; and also 
by the ever-increasing cosmopolitanism of the city populace, 
which would be continually losing interest in old Koman 
customs which it could not understand. 

On this day, Ovid tells us s , the ' plebs ' streamed out to the 
' festum geniale ' of Anna Perenna, and taking up a position 
in the Campus Marti us, not far from the Tiber 4 , and lying 

1 I am the more disposed to suspect Lydus' account, as in the same 
sentence he mentions a sacrifice which is conducted by priests of the 
Magna Mater Idaca : ifpartvov 8e KCU ravpov ltTri vatp ruv kv rofs opfaiv 
d-ypuiv, -ftyovuivov rov ap\itpt<us nal raiv KavT]<p6pcai> -rfjs uijTp6xov jjytro 8t KCU 
dvOpajiros K.r.\. For the difficulties of this passage, and suggested emenda- 
tions, see Mommsen, C.I.L. 312, note on Id. Mart; Marq. 394, notes. 
What confusion of cults may not have taken place, either in Lydus' mind 
or in actual fact ? 

* Both these notes are additamenta : Anna does not appear in the large 
letters of the Numan calendar. We cannot, however, infer from this that 
her festival was not an ancient one ; for, as Wissowa points out, the same 
is the case with the very primitive rite of the 'October horse' (de ferns, xii). 
The day is only marked EID in Maff. Vat., the two calendars in which 
this part of the month is preserved ; i. e. the usual sacrifice to Jupiter on 
the Ides was indicated (cp. Lydus, 4. 36), and the Ides fixed for the isth. 
The additional notes, according to Wissowa, were for the use of the 
priests ; but, considering the popular character of the festival, I am 
inclined to doubt this rule holding good in the present instance. 

* Ovid, Fasti, 3. 523 foil. 

4 'Via Flaminia ud lapldem primum' (Vat.) : this would be near the 
present Porta del Popalo, and close to the river. 


about on the grass in pairs of men and women, passed the day 
in revelry and drinking '. Some lay in the open ; some pitched 
tents, and some constructed rude huts of stakes and branches, 
stretching their togas over them for shelter. As they drank 
they prayed for as many years of life as they can swallow cups' of 
wine ; meanwhile singing snatches of song with much gesticu- 
lation and dancing. The result of these performances was 
naturally that they returned to the city in a state of intoxica- 
tion. Ovid tells us that he had seen this spectacle himself 2 . 

Whether there was any sacrificial rite in immediate connexion 
with these revels we do not know. Macrobius indeed tells 
us 3 that sacrifice was offered in the month of March to Anna 
Perenna ' ut annare perannareque commode liceat ' 4 ; and 
Lydus, that on the Ides there were tvxal S^oo-tat imp rov vyiewbv 
yeviadat TOV fvtavrov ; but we do not know what was the relation 
between these and the scene described by Ovid. 

Who was the Anna Perenna in whose honour these revels, 
sacrifices, and prayers took place, whatever their relation to 
each other ? Ovid and Silius Italicus R tell legends about her 
which are hardly genuine Italian, and in which Anna Perenna 
is confused with the other Anna whom they knew, the sister of 
Dido. Hidden under such stories may sometimes be found 
traces of a belief or a cult of which we have no other know- 
ledge ; but in this poetical medley there seems to be only one 
feature that calls on us to pause. After her wanderings Anna 
disappears in the waters of the river Numicius : 

Corniger hanc cupidis rapuisse Numicius undis 
Creditor, et stagnis occuluisse suis. 

1 See Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semites, p. 240, for the jovial 
character of some primitive forms of religion, and the absence of a sense 
of sin. 

2 Ov. 1. c. 541 'Occurri nuper : visa est inihi digna relatu Pompa, 
Senem potuin pota trahebat anus. 

3 Sat. i. 12. 6. Cp. Lydus, de Mens. 4. 36. 

4 Annare perennare is to complete the circle of the year : cp. Suet. 
Vespas. 5 ' puella nata non perennavit.' Anna Perenna herself is probably 
a deity manufactured out of these words, and the idea they conveyed 
(cf. Janus Patulcius and Clusius, Carmenta Prorsa Postverta) ; not exactly 
a deity of the year, but one whom it would be desirable to propitiate at the 
beginning of the year. 

5 Ov. I.e. 545 foil. Sil. Ital. 8. 50 foil. Ovid also says that some thought 
she was the moon, 'quia mensibus impleat annum' (3. 657): but this 
notion has no value, except as indicating the belief that she represented 
the circle of the year. 

E 2 


Her companions traced her footsteps to the bank : she seemed 

to tell them 

Placidi sum nympha Numici, 
Amne porenne latens Anna Perenna vocor. 

This tale led Klausen l into some very strange fancies about 
the goddess, whom he regarded as a water-nymph, thinking 
that all her other characteristics (e.g. the year) might be 
explained symbolically ; the running water representing the 
flow of time, &c. But it is probable that she only came into 
connexion with the river Numicius because Aeneas was there 
already. If Aeneas, as Jupiter Indiges, was buried on its 
banks 2 , what could be more natural than that another figure 
of the Dido legend should be brought there too ? There does 
not indeed seem to be any reason for connecting the real Anna 
Perenna with water 3 . All genuine Koman tradition seems to 
represent her, as we shall see directly, as an old woman ; and 
when she appears in another shape, she must have become 
mixed up with other ideas and stories. It may perhaps be 
just possible that on this day some kind of an image of her 
may have been thrown into the Tiber, as was the case with 
the straw puppets (Argei) on May 15, and that the ceremony 
dropped out of practice, but just survived in the Numicius 
legend 4 . But this is simply hypothesis. 

The fact is that, whatever else Anna Perenna may have 
been, all that we can confidently say of her is that she repre- 
sented in some way the circle or ring of the year. This is 
indicated not only by the name, which can hardly be anything 
but a feminine form of annus, but by the time at which her 

1 Aeneas und die Penaten, ii. 717 foil. The cautious Merkel long ago 
repudiated such fancies ; preface to Ovid's Fasti, p. 177. 

* Liv. i. 2. The Punic Anna is now thought to be a deity = Dido 
Elissa : see Rossbach in the new edition of Pauly's Encyd. i. 2223. 

s Her grove was not even on the Tiber-bank, but somewhere between 
the Via Flaminia and the Via Salaria, i.e. in the neighbourhood of the 
Villa Borghese : as we see from the obscure lines of Martial, 4. 64. 17 (he 
is looking from the Janiculum) : 

Et quod virgineo cruore gaudet 
Annae pomit'erum nemus Perennao. 
Ill i in' Flaminiae Salariaeque 
Gestator patet essedo taceute, &c. 

There is no explanation ot virgineo cruore : but I would rather retain it than 
adopt even H. A. J. Munro's virgine nequiore. See Friedlander, ad loc. 
4 This seems to be Usener's suggestion, p. 207. 


festival took place, the first full moon of the new year. The 
one legend preserved about her which is of undoubted Italian 
origin is thought to point in the same direction. Ovid, wishing 
to explain ' cur cantent obscena puellae ' in that revel of the 
'plebs' on the Tiber-bank, tells us l how Mars, once in love with 
Minerva 2 , came to Anna and asked her aid. It was at length 
granted, and Mars had the nuptial couch prepared : thither 
a bride was led, but not the desired one ; it was old Anna 
with her face veiled like a bride who was playing the passionate 
god such a trick as we may suppose not uncommon in the rude 
country life of old Latium. 

There is no need to be startled at the rude handling of the 
gods in this story, which seems so unlike the stately and 
orderly ideas of Koman theology. It must be borne in mind 
that folk tales like this need not originally have been applied 
to the gods at all. They are probably only ancient country 
stories of human beings, based on some rude marriage custom 
stories such as delighted the lower farm folk and slaves on 
holiday evenings ; and they have survived simply because 
they became in course of time attached to the persons of the 
gods, as the conception of divinities grew to be more anthropo- 
morphic. Granted that Anna or Perenna 3 was the old woman 
of the past year, that Mars was the god of the first month, 
and that the story as applied to human beings was a favourite 
one, we can easily understand how it came to attach itself to 
the persons of the gods 4 . 

Yet another story is told by Ovid of an Anna 5 , in writing 
of whom he does not add the name Perenna. The Plebs had 
seceded to the Mons Sacer, and were beginning to suffer from 
starvation, when an old woman from Bovillae, named Anna, 
came to the rescue with a daily supply of rustica liba. This 
myth seems to me to have grown out of the custom, to be 
described directly, of old women" selling liba on the i;th 

1 Fasti, 3. 675. 

* No doubt this should be Nerio : see below on March 17. 

3 There is some ground for believing that the two words implied two 
deities on occasion or originally : Varro, Sat. Menipp. fr. 506 ' Te Anna ac 
Peranna' (Riese, p. 219). 

4 Wissowa (de Feriis x) thinks Ovid's tale mere nugae : but this learned 
scholar never seems to be able to comprehend the significance of folk-lore. 

* Fasti, 3 66 1 foil. 

' Varro (L. L. 6. 14" calls them 'sacerdotes Liberi,' by courtesy, we may 


(Liberalia), the custom having been transferred to that day 
through an etymological confusion between liba and Liberalia, 
Usener, however, saw here a connexion between Anna and 
Annona 1 ; and recently it has been suggested that a certain 
Egyptian Anna, who is said by Plutarch to have invented 
a mould for bread-baking, may have found her way to Home 
through Greek channels 2 . 

xvi KAL. APR. (MARCH 17). IP. 


This is one of the four days "marked AG. or AGON, in the 
Fasti (Jan. 9, May 21, Dec. n) 3 . It is curious that on this 
day two of the old calendars should mark the Liberalia only, 
and one the Agonia only, and one both. The day was generally 
known as Liberalia 4 ; the other name seems to have been known 
to the priests only, and more especially to the Salii Collini or 
Agonenses \ who must have had charge of the sacrifice. 
Wissowa seems to be right in thinking (de Fcriis xii) that 
the conjunction of Liberalia and Agonia is purely accidental, 
and that the day took its common name from the former 
simply because, as the latter occurred four times in the year, 
confusion would be likely to arise. 

Liber is beyond doubt an old Italian deity, whose true 
nature, like that of so many others, came to be overgrown 
with Greek ideas and rites. There is no sign of any connexion 
between this festival and the cult of Dionysus ; hence we 

presume : and it is noticeable that Ovid describes this old Anna as wear- 
ing a mitra, which, in Propert. v. (iv.) 2. 31, is characteristic of Bacchus : 
'Cinge caput mitra : speciem furabor lacchi.' 

Op. cit. 208. 

See Pauly, Encyd. vol. i. 2223. This is Wissowa's opinion. 

See on Jan. 9. 

Cic. ad Fam. 12. 25. i ; Alt. 9. 9. 4 ; Auct. BeU. Hisp. 31. 

Varro, L. L.6. 14 'In libris Saliorum, quorum cognomen Agonensium, 
forsitan hie dies ideo appellatur potius Agonia.' So Masurius Sabinus (in 
Macrob. Sat. i. 4. 15), ' Liberal him dies a poutificibus agonium Martiale 


infer that there was an old Latin Liber before the arrival of 
the Greek god in Italy. What this god was, however, can 
hardly be inferred from his cult, of which we only know 
a single feature, recorded by Ovid '. He tells us that old 
women, sacerdotes Liberi, sat crowned with ivy all about 
the streets on this day with cakes of oil and honey (liba), and 
a small portable altar (foculus), on which to sacrifice for the 
benefit of the buyer of these cakes. This tells us nothing 
substantial, and we have to fall back on the name always 
an uncertain method. The best authorities seem now agreed 
in regarding the word Liber (whatever be its etymology) as 
having something of the same meaning as genius, forming 
an adjective liberalis as genius forms genialis, and meaning 
a creative, productive spirit, full of blessing, and so generous, 
free, &c. 2 If this were so it would not bo unnatural that the 
characteristics and rites of Dionysus should find here a stem 
on which to engraft themselves, or that Liber should become 
the object of obscene ceremonies which need not be detailed 
here, and also the god of the Italian vine-growers. 

It is possible that Liber may have been an ancient cult-title 
of Jupiter ; we do in fact find a Jupiter Liber in inscriptions, 
though the combination is uncommon a . In that case Liber 
may have been an emanation or off-shoot from Jupiter, as 
Silvanus probably was from Mars 4 . But I am disposed to think 
that the characteristics of Liber, so far as we know them, are 
not in keeping with those of Jupiter ; and that the process was 
rather of the opposite kind, that is, the cult of Liber in its 
later form became attached to that of Jupiter, who was always 
the presiding deity of vineyards and wine-making 5 . 

1 See above, p. 53, where I have expressed a doubt whether this 
custom originally belonged to the Liberalia. It is alluded to in Ovid, 
Fasti, 3. 725 foil., and Varro, L. L. 6. 14. 

* This is the view of Wissowa in Myth. Lex. s. v. Liber, 2022. Cp. Aust, 
Lex. s. v. luppiter, 662. 

1 It is only once attested of Roman worsh ip. viz. in the calendar of the 
Fratres Arvales (Sept. i ' lovi Libero, lunoni Reginae in Aventino,' 
'.' /. L. i. 214) ; but is met with several times among the Osco-Sabellian 

4 So Hehn. Kidturpjlanzen, &c., p. 70 foil. But Helm is only thinking 
of the later Liber, whom he considers an 'emanation ' from Jupiter Liber 
= Dionysus, introduced with the vine from Greece. See Aust, Lex. s. v. 
luppiter, 662. 

* See on April 23. 


This was also the usual day on -which boys assumed the toga 
virilis (toga recta, pura, tibcra) :. 

Restat ut inveniam qunre toga libera detur 
Lucifero pueris, candide Bacche, tuo. 

Sive quod es Liber, vestis quoque libera per te 
Sumitur et vitae liberioris iter 1 . 

We know indeed that in the late Republic and Empire other 
days were used for this ceremony : Virgil took his toga on 
Oct. 15, Octavian on Oct. 18, Tiberius on April 24, Nero 
on July 7 2 ; but it is likely that this day was in earlier times 
the regular one, in spite of the inconvenience of a disparity of 
age thence resulting amongst the tirones. For whether or no the 
toga libera has any real connexion with the Liberalia. this was 
the time when the army was called out for the year, and 
when the tirones would be required to present themselves 3 . 
Ovid tells us that on this day the rustic population flocked 
into the city for the Liberalia, and the opportunity was 
doubtless taken to make known the list of tirones, as the boys 
were called when the toga was assumed and they were ready 
for military service. 

They sacrificed, it appears, before leaving home and again on 
the Capitol, either to Pubertas or Liber, or both *. 

On this day also, according to Ovid, and also on the previous 
one, some kind of a procession 'went to the Argei' 5 ; by which 
word is meant, we may be almost sure, the Argeorum sacella. 
There were in various parts of the four regions of the Servian 
city a number of sacella or sacraria, which were called Argei, 
Argea, or Argeorum sacella 5 . What these were we never 

1 Ovid, Fasti, 3. 771 foil. * Marq. Prtratlebcn, i. 122 note 2. 

3 Ovid, 1. c., 783 foil. ; Marq. 1. c. and 123, 124. Military service began 
anciently at seventeen (Tubero, ap. Gell. 10. 28) : though even praetextati 
sometimes served voluntarily (Marq. op. cit. 131). Even if not called out 
at once, the boys would begin the practice of arms from the assumption 
of the toga virilis. 

* Marq. op. cifc. 124. Libero in Ca[pitolio], Farn. For luventas, Dion. 
Hal. 3. 69, 4. 15. 

* This result is obtained by comparing Ovid, Fasti, 3. 791 

Itur ad Argoos qui sint, sua pagina dicet 

Hac, si commemini, praeteritaque die. 

(where he refers to his description of the rite of May 15. and appears to 
identify the simulacra and sacel'a^, with Gell. N. A. 10. 15, who says that 
the Flaminica Dialis, ' cum it ad Argeos ' was in mourning dress : also 


shall know for certain ; but we may be fairly sure that their 
number was twenty-four, six for each region; the same number 
as that of the rush puppets or simulacra also called Argei, 
which were thrown into the Tiber by the Vestal Virgins on 
May 15. The identity of the name and number leads to the 
belief that there was a connexion between these sacella and the 
simulacra ; but the very difficult questions which arose about 
both must be postponed till we have before us the whole of the 
ceremonial, i. e. that of. May 15 as well as that of March 17. 
About this last we know nothing and can at best attempt to 
infer its character from the ceremony in May, of which we 
fortunately have some particulars on which we can fully rely. 



A note is appended in Praen.., which is thus completed by 

Mommsen with the help of a Verrian gloss (Fest. 254). 




ET TRIBJUNIS] cELERfuMJ. Praen., in which we find yet 


The original significance of this day is indicated by the note 
Feriae Marti in Vat., and also by that in Praen., which has been 
amplified with tolerable certainty. The Salii were active this 
day in the worship of Mars, and the scene of their activity 
was the Comitium. With this agrees, as Mommsen has pointed 
out, the statement of Varro ' that the Comitium was the scene 

with the fragments of the ' Sacra Argeorum ' in Varro, L. L. 5. 46-54. 
These have been sho\yn by Jordan (Topogr. ii. 271 foil.) to be fragments of 
an itinerary, meant for the guidance of a procession, an idea first suggested 
by O. Muller. The further questions of the route taken, and the distri- 
bution of the sacella in the four Servian regiones, are very difficult, and 
need not be discussed here. See Mommsen, Stoatsrecht, Hi. 123 foil. 

1 L. L. 5. 85 ' Salii a salitaudo, quod facere in comitio in sacris quot- 
annis et solent et debent.' 


of some of their performances, though he does not mention 
which. More light is thrown on the matter by the grammarian 
Charisius ', who, in suggesting an explanation of the name 
Quinquatrus by which this day was generally known, remarks 
that it was derived from a verb qninquare, to purify, ' quod eo die 
arma ancilia lustrari sint solita.' His etymology is undoubtedly 
wrong, but the reason given for it is valuable 2 . The ancilia 
were purified on this day (perhaps by the Salii dancing around 
them), and thus it exactly answers to the Armilustrium on 
Oct. 19, just as the horse-races on the Ides of March, if that 
indeed were the original day, correspond to the ceremony of 
the ' October horse ' 3 . 

The object and meaning of the lustratio in each case is not, 
however, quite clear. Since in March the season of war began, 
and ended, no doubt, originally in October 4 , and as the Salii 
seem to be a kind of link between the religious and military 
sides of the state's life, we are tempted to guess that the 
lustration of the ancilia represented in some way the lustration 
of the arms of the entire host, or perhaps that the latter were 
all lustrated so as to be ready for use, on this day, and once 
again on Oct. 19 before they were put away for the winter. 
In this latter case the Salii would be the leaders of, as well as 
sharers in. a general purifying process. And that this is the 
right view seems to be indicated by Verrius' note in the Prae- 
iiestine calendar, from which it is clear that the tribuni celcrum 
were present, and took some part in the ceremony. These 
tribuni were almost certainly the three leaders of the original 
cavalry force of the three ancient tribes, and they seem to have 
united both priestly and military characteristics s ; and from 
their presence in the Comitium may perhaps also be inferred 
that of the leaders of the infantry tribuni militum. In the 
earliest times, therefore, the arms of the whole host may have 
been lustrated in the presence of its leaders, the Salii, so to 

1 i. p. 81 (KeilX Why the Comitium was the scene does not appear. 
Preller has suggested a reason (i. 364), which is by no means convincing. 

2 It was adopted by Usener (p. 222, note 6), but has obtained no 
further support. For another curious etymology of the latter part of the 
word -atrus, which, however, does not assist us here, see Deecke, Falisker, 
p. go (Dies aler = dies alter -postridie). 

3 Wissowa.rfe Ferns, ix. 4 Mommsen, in C. I. L. 312. 
* Mommsen, R. H. i. 78, note i. 


speak, performing the service ; but in later times the Salii 
alone were left, and their arms alone lustrated, though possibly 
individuals representing the ancient triluni celcrum may have 
appeared as congregation. 

But this day was generally known as Quinquatrus, simply 
because it was the fifth day after the Ides ' ; i. e. there was 
a space of three days between the Ides and the festival. Such 
intervals of three days, either between the Ides and the festival 
or between one festival and another, occur several times in the 
Roman calendar 2 , though in this instance alone the day following 
the interval appeal's in the calendars as Quinquatrus. The 
term was no doubt a pontifical one, and the meaning was 
unknown to the common people ; in any casj it came to be 
misunderstood, and was in later times popularly applied to the 
four days following the festival as well as the festival itself ; 
its first syllable being taken to indicate a five-day period instead 
of the fifth day after the Ides. This popular mistake led to still 
further confusion owing to a curious change in the religious 
character of these days, about the nature of which there can 
be no serious doubt. 

The ipth came to be considered as sacred to Minerva 3 ,, 
because a temple to that goddess was consecrated on this day, 
on the Caelian or the Aventine, or possibly both*. There 
is no obvious connexion between Mars and Minerva ; and 
it is now thought probable that Minerva has here simply taken 

1 Festus, 254 'Quinquatrus appellari quidam putnnt a numero dierum 
qui fere his (^feriis iis) celebrantur : qui scilicet errant tarn hcrcule 
qua in qui triduo Saturnalia, et totidem diebus Compitalia ; nam omnibus 
his singulis diebus limit sacra. Forma autem vocabuli eius exemplo 
multorum populorum Italicorum enuntiata est, quod post diem quintum 
Iduum est is dies festus, ut apud Tusculanos Triatrus,' &c. 

* Wissowa, op. cit. viii. We find one in April, between the Fordicidia 
(April 15) and Cerialia (April 19). 

3 Ovid, Fasti, 3. 809 ' Una dies media est, et limit sacra Minervae,' &c, 

* Ovid, Faxti, 3. 835 foil. 

Caelius ex alto qua mons descend it in aequmn, 

Hie ubi non plana est sed prope plana via, 
Parva licet videas Captae delubra Minervae 

Quae dea natali cot-pit habere suo. 

As from the note in Praen. we learn that March 19 was also the dedi- 
cation-day of Minerva on the Aventine, there must either be a confusion 
between the two, or both had the same foundation-day. About the day of 
Minerva Capta there is no doubt ; for that of Minerva on the Aventine 
see Aust, de Aedibus, p. 43. 


the place of another goddess. Nerio one almost lost to sight 
in historical times, but of whose early connexion with Mars 
some faint traces are to be found. Thus where we find 
Minerva brought into close relation with Mars, as in the myth 
of Anna Perenna, it is thought that we should read Nerio 
instead of Minerva '. This conclusion is strengthened by 
a note of Porphyrion on Horace Epist. ii. 2. 209 ' Maio mense 
religio est nubere, et etioin Martio, in quo de nuptiis habito 
certamine a Minerva Mars victus est : obtenta virginitate 
Neriene est appellata.' As Neriene must = Nerio 2 . this looks 
much like an attempt to explain the occurrence of two female 
names, Minerva and ! Nerio> in the same story ; the original 
heroine, Nerio, having been supplanted by the later Minerva :I . 

Of this Nerio much, perhaps too much, has been made 
in recent years by ingenious scholars. A complete love-story 
has been discovered, in which Mars, at first defeated in his 
wooing, as Porphyrion tells us in the passage just quoted, 
eventually becomes victorious ; for Nerio is called wife of Mars 
in a fragment of an old comedy by Licinius Imbrex, in 
a passage of Plautus, and in a prayer put into the mouth 
of Hersilia by Gellius the annalist, when she asked for peace 
at the hand of T. Tatius 4 . And this story has been fitted 
on, without sufficient warrant, to the Mars-festivals of this 
month. Mars is supposed to have been born on the Kalends, 
to have grown wondrously between Kalends and Ides, to have 
fallen then in love with Nerio, to have been fooled as we saw 
by Anna Perenna, to have been rejected and defeated by his 
sweetheart, and finally to have won her as his wife on the 
i pth *". Are we to find here a fragment of real Italian 
mythology, or an elaborate example of the Graecizing anthro- 
pomorphic tendencies of the third and second centuries B. c. ? 

The question is a difficult one, and lies rather outside the 
scope of this work. Those who have read Usener's brilliant 

1 Prcller, i. 342; Usener, Eh. Jfws., xxx. 221 ; Roscher, Myth. Lex. s. T. 
Mars, 2410; Lyd. de Mens. 4. 42; Gell. 13. 23 (from Gdlii Annales) is the 
lucus cJassicus for Nerio. 

2 Nerio gen. Nerienis (Gell. 1. c., who compares Anio Anienis). 

8 Ovid, Fasti, 3. 850 : '/or# sacrificare deae,' though clearly meant to 
refer to Minerva, is thought to be a reminiscence of a characteristic of 
Nerio (' the strong one '), attached to her supplanter. 

4 Aul. Gell. I.e. * Usener, 1. c., passim. 


paper will find it hard to shake themselves free of the 
conviction that he has unearthed a real myth, unless they 
carefully study the chapter of Aulus Gellius which is its 
chief foundation. Such a study has brought me back to 
the conviction that Plautus and the others were writing 
in terms of the fashionable modes of thought of their day, 
and were not appealing to popular ideas of the relations 
of Italian deities to each other '. Aulus Gellius begins by 
quoting a comprecatio from the book of the Libri sacerdotunt 
populi Ttovnani. ' In his scriptum est : Luam Saturni, Salaciam 
Neptuni, Horam Quirini, Virites Quirini, Maiam Volcani, 
Heriem lunonis, Moles Martis Nerienemque Martis.' A glance 
at the names thus coupled together is enough to show that 
Mars is not here thought of as the husband of Neriene ; the 
names Lua, Salacia, &c., seem rather to express some character- 
istic of the deity with whose name they are joined or some 
mode of his operation 2 ; and Gellius himself, working 011 an 
etymology of Nerio which has generally been accepted as 
correct, explains the name thus : ' Nerio igitur Martis vis 
et potentia et maiestas quaedam esse Martis demonstratur. ' 
In the latter part of his chapter, after quoting Plautus, he says 
that he has heard the poet blamed by an eminent critic for the 
strange and false notion that Nerio was the wife of Mars ; 
but he is inclined to think that there was a real tradition 
to that effect, and cites his namesake the annalist and Liciuius 
Imbrex in support of his view. 

But neither annalist nor play-writer can stand against that 
passage from the sacred books with which he began his 
chapter ; and if we give the latter its due weight, the value 
of the others is relatively diminished. It appears to me that 

1 H. Jordan expressed a somewhat different view in his Symbolae ad 
hist. Ital. religionum aittrac, p. 9. He thinks that ' volgari opinione homi- 
nuiu feminini numinis cum masculo coniunctionem non potuisse lion pro 
coniugali aestimari.' But this would seem to imply that the opinio 
volgaris was a mistaken one : and if so, how should it have arisen but 
under Greek influence? 

Mommsen, in a note on the Feriale Cumanum (Hermes, 17. 637}, calls 
them iceibliche HHfsgottinmn ; and this is not far removed from the view 
1 have expressed in the text. The other alternative, viz that we have 
in the?e names traces of an old Italian anthropomorphic age. with 
a mythology, is in my view inadmissible. I see in them survivals of 
a mode of thought about the supernatural which might easily lend itself 
to a fo:e:gn anthropomorphizing influence. 


the one represents the true primitive Italian idea of divine 
powers, which with its abundance of names offered excellent 
opportunities to anthropomorphic tendencies of the Graecizing 
school, while the others show those tendencies actually 
producing their results. Any conclusion on the point must 
be of the nature of a guess ; but I am strongly disposed 
to think (i) that Nerio was not originally an independent 
deity, but a name attached to Mars expressive of some aspect 
of his power, (2) that the name gradually became endowed 
with personality, and (3) that out of the combination of Mars 
and Nerio the Graecizing school developed a myth of which the 
fragments have been taken by Usener and his followers as 
pure Eoman. 

Having once been displaced by Minerva, Nerio vanished 
from the calendar, and with her that special aspect of Mars 
whatever it may have been which the name was intended 
to express. The five days, 1 8th to 23rd, became permanently 
associated with Minerva. The igth was the dedication-day 
of at least one of her temples, and counted as her birthday ] : 
the 23rd was the Tubilustrium, with a sacrifice to 'dea fortis,' 
who seems to have been taken for Minerva, owing to an 
incorrect idea that the latter was specially the deity of 
trumpet-players 2 . She was no doubt an old Italian deity 
of artificers and trade-guilds ; but the Tubilustrium was really 
a Mars-festival, and Minerva had no immediate connexion 
with it. 

x KAL. APR. (MARCH 23). N*. 




1 Ovid, Fasti, 3. 835 foil. 

2 Wissowa in Lex. s. v. Minerva 2986 : a model article, to which the 
reader must be referred for further information about Minerva. 

3 Lydus, 4. 42, adds ' Nerine,' and further tells us that this was the last 
day on which the ancilia were ' moved ' (KIVTJOIS riov oirAwp). The Salii 
were also active on the 24th (Fest. 278). 


ix KAL. APR. (MARCH 24). IP. 

Q.K.C.F. (VAT. CAER.) 


These two days must be taken in connexion with the 
2 3rd and 24th of May, which are marked in the calendars 
in exactly the same way. The explanation suggested by 
Mommson is simple and satisfactory 2 ; the 24th of March and 
of May were the two fixed days on which the comitia curiata 
met for the sanctioning of wills 3 under the presidency of the 
Rex. The 23rd in each month, called Tubilustrium, would 
be the day of the lustration of the tulae or tuli used in 
summoning the assembly. The letters Q. R. C. F. (quando rex 
comitiavit fas) mean that on the days so marked proceedings 
in the courts might only begin when the king had dissolved 
the Comitia. 

The tuba, as distinguished from the tibia, which was the 
typical Italian instrument, was a long straight tube of brass 
with a bell mouth 4 . It was used chiefly in military s and 

1 The note is thus completed by Mommsen from Varro, L. L. 6. 31 
' Dies qui vocatur sic, Quando Hex Comitiavit Fas, is dictus ab eo quod 
eo die rex sacrificulus itat [we should probably read litat] ad comitium, ad 
quod tempus est nefas, ab eo fas' (see Marq. 323, note 8). The MS. lias 
' dicat ad comitium.' If we adopt litat with Hirschfeld and Jordan, we 
are not on that account committed to the belief corrected in Praen., 
that it was on this day and May 24 that the Rex fled after sacrificing in 
comitio (see Hartmann, Rom. Kid. i6a foil.). The question will be dis- 
cussed under Feb. 24. 

* Horn. Chronol. p. 241 ; Staatsrecht, Hi. 375. 

3 Gaius, 2. 101 ' Comitia calata quae bis in anno testamentis faciendis 
destinata erant.' Cp. Maine, Ancient Law, 199. 

4 It may have been of Etruscan origin : Muller-Deecke. Etrusker, ii. 206. 
A special kind of tuba seems to have been used at funerals : Gell. N. A. 
20. 2 ; Marq. Privatleben, i. 341. 

5 For the military use, Liv. ii. 64. They were also used in sacris 
Saliaribus Paul. 19, s. v. Armilustrium. Wissowa (de Feriis xv) mentions 
a relief in which the Salii are preceded by tubicines laureati (published in 
St. Petersburgh by E. Schulze, 1873;. 


religious ceremonies ; and as the comitia curiata was an 
assembly both for military and religious objects, this would 
suit well with Mommsen's idea of the object of the lustration. 
The Tubilustrium was the day on which these instruments, 
which were to be used at the meeting of the comitia on the 
following day, were purified by the sacrifice of a lamb. 
Of the Atrium Sutorium, where the rite took place, we know 

There are some words at the end of Verrius' note in the 
Praenestine Calendar, which, as Mommsen has pointed out 1 , 
come in abruptly and look as if something had dropped out : 
' Lutatius quidem clavam earn ait esse in ruinis Pala[ti ijncensi 
a Gallis repertam, qua Romulus urbem inauguraverit.' This 
clava must be the lituus of Romulus, mentioned by Cicero 2 , 
which was found on the Palatine and kept in the Curia 
Saliorum. We cannot, however, see clearly what Verrius or his 
excerptor meant to tell us about it ; there would seem to have 
been a confusion between lituus in the sense of baculum and 
lituus in the sense of a tula incurva. The latter was in use 
as well as the ordinary straight tuba 5 ; in shape it closely 
resembled the clava of the augur, and perhaps the resemblance 
led to the notion that it was the clava of Romulus and not 
a tuba which was this day purified with the other tubae. 

We can learn little or nothing from the calendar of this 
month about the origin of Mars, and wo have no other sufficient 
evidence on which to base a satisfactory conjecture. But from 
the cults of the month, and partly also from those of October, 
we can see pretty clearly what ideas were prominent in his 
worship even in the early days of the Roman state. They were 
chiefly two, and the two were closely connected. He was the 
Power who must be specially invoked to procure the safety of 
crops and cattle ; and secondly, in his keeping were the safety 
and success of the freshly-enrolled host with its armour and its 
trumpets. In short, he was that deity to whom the most 
ancient Romans looked for aid at the season when all living 
things, man included, broke into fresh activity. He repre- 

1 C. I. L. 313. He is of opinion that the note was among those ' non tarn 
a Verrio scriptas quain male ex scriptis eius exceiptus.' 

2 de Din. i. 17. 30. 3 Varro, L.L. 5. 91. 


sents the characteristics of the early Koman more exactly 
than any other god ; for there are two things which we may 
believe with certainty about the Roman people in the earliest 
times (i) that their life and habits of thought were those of 
an agricultural race ; and (2) that they continually increased 
their cultivable land by taking forcible possession in war of 
that of their neighbours. 


THERE can hardly be a doubt that this month takes its name, 
not from a deity, but from the verb aperio ; the etymology is 
as old as Varro and Verrius, and seems perfectly natural 1 . 
The year was opening and the young corn and the young 
cattle were growing. It was therefore a critical time for crops 
and herds ; but there was not much to be done by man to 
secure their safety. The crops might be hoed and cleaned 2 , 
but must for the most part be left to the protection of the gods. 
The oldest festivals of the month, the Kobigalia and Fordicidia, 
clearly had this object. So also with the cattle ; ovcs lustrantur, 
say the rustic calendars 3 ; and such a lustratio of the cattle 
of the ancient Komans survived in the ceremonies of the 

Thus, if we keep clear of fanciful notions, such as those of 
Huschke 4 , about these early months of the year, which he 
seems to imagine was thought of as growing like an organic 
creature, we need find no great difficulty in April. We need 
not conclude too hastily that this was a month of purification 
preliminary to May, as February was to March. Like February, 
indeed, it has a large number of dies ncfasti B , and its festivals 

1 Varro, L. L. 6. 33 ; Censorinus, 2. 20. Verrius Flaccus in the heading 
to April in Fasti Praen. : . . . ' quia fruges flores animaliaque et maria et 
terrae aperiuntur.' Moinmsen, Chron. 222. Ovid quaintly forsakes the 
scholars to claim the month for Venus (Aphrodite), Fasti, 4. 61 foil. I do 
not know why Mr. Granger should call it the boar-month (from oper), 
in his Worship of the Romans, p. 294. 

2 Segetes runcari, Varro, R. R. i. 30. Columella's instructions are of the 
same kind (n. a). 

3 C. l.L. 280. * Eom. Jahr, 216. 

s February has thirteen, all but two between Kal. and Ides. The Nones 
and Ides are IP. April has thirteen between Nones and aand ; or fourteen 
if we include the ipth, which is IP in Caer. The Ides are IP, Nones N. 


are of a cathartic character, while March and May have some 
points in common ; but beyond this we cannot safely venture. 
The later Eomans would hardly have connected April with 
Venus *, had it been a sinister month ; it was not in April, but 
in March and May, that weddings were ill-omened. 

We may note the prevalence in this month of female deities, 
or of those which fluctuate between male and female a sure 
sign of antiquity. These are deities of the earth, or vegetation, 
or generation, such as Tellus, Pales, Ceres, Flora, and perhaps 
also Fortuna. Hence the month became easily associated in 
later times with Venus, who was originally, perhaps, a garden 
deity 2 , but was overlaid in course of time with ideas brought 
from Sicily and Greece, and possibly even from Cyprus and the 
East. Lastly, we may note that the Magna Mater Idaea found 
a suitable position for her worship in this month towards the 
end of the third century B. c. 

KAL. APR. (APEIL i). F. 




Lydus 3 seems to have been acquainted with this noteof Verrius 
in the Fasti of Praeneste ; if so, we may guess that some words 
have been omitted by- the man who cut the inscription, and 

1 See the fragmentary heading to the month in Fasti Praen. ; Ovid, I.e. ; 
Lydus, 4. 45 ; Tutela Veneris, in rustic calendars ; Veneralia (April i ), 

2 Varro, R. K i. i. 6: 'Item adveneror Minervam et Venerem, quarum 
unius procuratio oliveti, alterius hortoi-um.' Cp. L. L. 6. 20 'Quod tum 
(Aug. 19) dedicata aedes et horti ei deae dicantur i c tum fiant feriati 
holitores.' Cf. Preller, Myth. i. 434 foil. The oldest Venus-temple was in 
the low ground of the Circus Maximus (B.C. 295). Venus, like Ceres, may 
have been an old Roman deity of the plebs, but she never entered into 
the State-worship in early times. Macrob. i. 12. 12 quotes Cincius 
(de Fastis) and Varro to prove that she had originally nothing to do with 
April, and that there was no diesfestus or insigne sacrificium in her honour 
during the month. 

3 4. 45 Tais roivvv Ka\avSats>i\\iats al ffffifal *y v CIIKUV vvtp oftovotas KCU 
/3iov auHppovos (rifj.uv ^r|V ' A.<ppoSirr)v al 5i TOV ir^rfOovs ywaiKts iv rots rwv 
fabpwv tiaXavfioa (\OVOVTO, itpos Ofpairtiav avriji ftvpaiiy iffTf/jintvai, K.T.\. 
Cp. Macrob. i. 12. 15. 

F 2 


we should insert with Mommsen 1 , after 'supplicant,' the words 
' honestiores Veneri Verticordiae.' If we compare the passage of 
Lydus with the name Veneralia given to this day in the 
calendar of Philocalus, we may guess that the cult of Venus on 
April i came into fashion in late times among ladies of rank, 
while an old and gross custom was kept up by the humiliores 
in honour of Fortuna Virilis' 2 . This seems to be the most 
obvious explanation of the concurrence of the two goddesses 
on the same day ; they were probably identified or amalgamated 
under the Empire, for example by Lydus, who does not mention 
Fortuna by name, and seems to confuse her worship on this 
day with that of Venus. But the two are still distinct in 
Ovid, though he seems to show some tendency to amal- 
gamation 3 . 

Fortuna Virilis, thus worshipped by the women when 
bathing, would seem from Ovid to have been that Fortuna 
who gave women good luck in their relations with men 4 . 
The custom of bathing in the men's baths may probably be 
taken as some kind of lustration, more especially as the women 
were adorned with myrtle, which had purifying virtues 5 . How 
old this curious custom was we cannot guess. Plutarch 6 
mentions a temple of this Fortuna dedicated by Servius 
Tullius ; but there was a strong tendency, as we shall see later 
on, to attribute all Fortuna-cults to this king. 

The Venus who eventually supplanted Fortuna is clearly 
Venus Verticordia 7 , whose earliest temple was founded in 
114 B. c., in obedience to an injunction.of the Sibylline books, 
after the discovery of incest on the part of three vestal virgins, 
' quo facilius virgin um mulierumque uiens a libidine ad pudici- 

1 C.Li. 315. 

2 We shall find some reason for believing that in the early Republican 
period new cults came in rather through plebeian than patrician agency 
(see below, on Cerealia). But in the period of the new nobilitas the 
lower classes seem rather to have held to their own cults, while the upper 
social stratum was more ready to accept new ones. See below, on 
April 4, for the conditions of such acceptance. The tendency is to be 
explained by the wide and increasing sphere of the foreign relations of 
the Senatorial government. 

s Fasti, 4. 133-164. 

* Ovid, 1. c. 149 foil. 

s Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semites, p. 456. 

' Quaest. Rom. 74. 

7 Ovid, 1. c., 4. 160 ' Inde Venus verso nomina cprde tenet.' 


tiam converteretur 1 .' Macrobius insists that Venus had originally 
no share in the worship of this day or month 2 ; she must 
therefore have been introduced into it as a foreigner. Robert- 
son Smith 3 has shown some ground for the conjecture that 
she was the Cyprian Aphrodite (herself identical with the 
Semitic Astarte), who came to Kome by way of Sicily and 
Latium. For if Lydus can be trusted, the Roman ceremony 
of April i was found also in Cyprus, on the same day, witli 
variations in detail. If that be so, the addition of the name 
Verticordia is a curious example of the accretion of a Roman 
cult-title expressive of domestic morality on a foreign deity of 
questionable reputation 4 . 



Note in Praen. : LUDI M[ATRI] D[EUM] M[AGNAE] I[DAEAE]. 


The introduction of the Magna Mater Idaea into Rome can 
only be briefly mentioned here, as being more important for 
the histoiy of religion at Rome than for that of the Roman 
religion. In B. c. 204, in accordance with a Sibylline oracle 
which had previously prophesied that the presence of this deity 
alone could drive the enemy out of Italy, the sacred stone 
representing the goddess arrived at Rome from Pessinus in 
Phrygia s . Attains, King of Pergamus, had acquired this 
territory, and now, as a faithful friend to Rome, consented to 
the transportation of the stone, which was received at Rome 
with enthusiasm by an excited and now hopeful people 6 . 

1 Aust, de Aedibus sacris, p. 28. About a century earlier a statue of this 
Venus was said to have been erected (Val. Max. 8. 15. 12; Plin. H. N. 7. 
120), as Wisbowa pointed out in his Essay, 'de Veneris Simulacris,' p. 12. 

a See above, p. 67, note 2. 

s Religion of the Semites, p. 450 foil. * Preller, i. 446. 

* Livy, 29. 10 and 14 ; Ovid (Fasti, 4. 259 foil.) has a fanciful edition 
of the story which well illustrates the character of his work, and that of 
the legend-mongers ; cp. Preller, ii. 57. 

' Preller, ii. 55. 


Scipio was about to leave with his army for Africa ; a fine 
harvest followed ; Hannibal was forced to evacuate Italy the 
next year ; and the goddess did everything that was expected 
of her '. 

The stone was deposited in the temple of Victory on the 
Palatine on April 4 2 . The day was made a festival ; though 
no Roman festival occurs between the Kalends and Nones of 
any month, the rule apparently did not hold good in the case 
of a foreign worship 3 . Great care was taken to keep up the 
foreign character of the cult. The name of the festival was 
a Greek one (Megalesia), as Cicero remarked 4 ; all Romans 
were forbidden by a senatus consultum to take any part in the 
service of the goddess \ The temple dedicated thirteen years 
later on April io 6 seems to have been frequented by the 
nobilitas only, and the custom of giving dinner-parties on 
April 4, which is well attested, was confined to the upper 
classes 7 , while the plebs waited for its festivities till the 
ensuing Cerealia. The later and more extravagant develop- 
ments of the cult did not come in until the Empire 8 . 

The story told by Livy of the introduction of the goddess is 
an interesting episode in Roman history. It illustrates the 
far-reaching policy of the Senate in enlisting Eastern kings, 
religions, and oracles in the service of the state at a critical 
time, and also the curious readiness of the Roman people to 
believe in the efficacy of cults utterly foreign to their own 
religious practices. At the same time it shows how careful 
the government was then, as always, to keep such cults under 
strict supervision. But the long stress of the Hannibalic War 
had its natural effect on the Italian peoples: and less than 

1 Plin. H. N. 18. 16 ; Arnobius, 7. 49. a Livy, 29. io, 14. 

s See above, Introduction, p. 7. 

4 de Harusp. Resp. 12. 24 ' Qui uni ludi ne verho quidem appellantur 
Latino, ut vocabulo ipso et appetita religio externa et Matris Magnae 
nomine suscepta declaretur.' 

5 Dion. Hal. a. 19. A very interesting passage, in which, among other 
comments, the historian points out that in receiving the goddess the 
Romans eliminated Sutauav rtpOptiav jut>0i/ci)v. 

* Aust, de Aedibus sacris, pp. 22 and 49. 

7 Gell. 18. a. ir (patricii) ; cp. 2. 24. a (principes civitatis). Cp. Lydus, 
4- 45 ! Verrius' note in Praen., ' Nobilium mutitationes cenarum solitae 
sunt frequenter fieri,' &c. 

' See Marq. 370 foil. The Ludi eventually extended from the 4th to 
the loth inclusive (C. I.L. 314). 


twenty years later the introduction of the Bacchic orgies 
forced the senate to strain every nerve to counteract a serious 
danger to the national religion and morality. 

xvn KAL. MAI. (APRIL 15). IP. 


This is beyond doubt one of the oldest sacrificial rites in the 
Roman religion. It consisted in the slaughter of pregnant 
cows (hordae or fordae), one in the Capitol and one in each of the 
thirty curiac* ; i.e. one for the state and the rest for each 
of its ancient divisions. This was the first festival of the 
curiae; the other, the Fornacalia, will be treated of under 
February 1 7. The cows were offered, as all authorities agree, 
to Tellus 3 , who, as we shall see, may be an indigitation of 
the same earth power represented by Ceres, Bona Dea, Dea Dia, 
and other female deities. The unborn calves were torn by 
attendants of the virgo vestalis maxima from the womb of the 
mother and burnt 4 , and their ashes were kept by the Vestals 
for use at the Parilia a few days later \ This was the first 
ceremony in the year in which the Vestals took an active part, 
and it was the first of a series of acts all of which are connected 
with the fruits of the earth, their growth, ripening and 
harvesting. The object of burning the unborn calves seems 
to have been to procure the fertility of the corn now growing 
in the womb of mother earth, to whom the sacrifice was 
offered 6 . 

1 Or Hordicidia, Fest. 102 ; Hordicalia, Varro, R. R. 2. 5. 6 ; Fordicalia, 
Lydus, 4. 49. ' Forda ferens bos est fecundaque, dicta ferendo,' Ovid, Fasti, 

* Ovid, 1. c. 635 'Pars cadit arce lovis. Ter donas curia vaccas 
Accipit, et largo sparsa cruore madet.' Cp. Varro, L. L. 6. 15. Preller, 
ii. 6. understands Ovid's 'pars' as meaning more than one cow. 

1 Ovid, L c. 633 ' Nunc gravidum pecus est, gravidae nunc semine 
terrae ; Telluri plenae victima plena datur.' 
1 Ovid, 1. c. 637 

Ast ubi visceribus vitulos rnpuere ministri, 

Sectaque fumosis exta dedere focis, 
Igne cremat vitulos quae natu maxima Virgo, 

Luce Palis populos purget ut ille cinis. 
8 See below, p. 83. 

8 This appears plainly in Ovid's account (Fasti, 4. 633 foil.), and also in 
that of Lydus (4. 49) : irtpi rcL ffiropifia i/irip tverrjpias Itpdrfvov. Both doubtless 
drew on Varro. Lydus adds one or two particulars, that the &p\itptis (?) 


Many charms of this sacrificial kind have been noticed by 
various writers ; one may be mentioned here which was 
described by Sir John Barrow, when British Ambassador in 
China in 1 804. In a spring festival in the temple of Earth, 
a huge porcelain image of a cow was carried about and then 
broken in pieces, and a number of small cows taken from inside 
it and distributed among the people as earnests of a good 
season \ This must be regarded as a survival of a rite which 
was no doubt originally one of the same kind as the Roman. 

in ID. APR. (APRIL n). N. 

On this day 2 the oracle of the great temple of Fortuna 
Primigenia at Praeneste was open to suppliants, as we learn 
from a fragment of the Praenestine Fasti Though not 
a Roman festival, the day deserves to be noticed here, as this 
oracle was by far the most renowned in Italy. The cult of 
Fortuna will be discussed under June 25 and Sept. 13. It does 
not seem to be known whether the oracle was open on these 
days only ; see R. Peter in Myth. Lex. s. v. Fortuna, 1545. 

xin KAL. MAI. (APRIL 19). IP. 


Note : All the days from i2th to ipth are marked ludi, ludi 
Cer., or ludi Ceriales, in Tusc. Maff. Praen. Vat., taken 
together: loid. Cereri in Esq., where the i8th only is 
preserved : loedi C in Caer. Philocalus has Cerealici c. m. 
(circenses missus) xxiv on 1 2th and i pth. 

The origin of the ludi Cereales, properly so called, cannot be 
proved to be earlier than the Second Punic War. The games 

scattered flowers among the people in the theatre, and went in procession 
outside the city, sacrificing to Demeter at particular stations ; but he 
may be confusing this festival With the Ambarvalia. 

1 See Mannhardt, Myth. Forsch. 190 ; cp. Frazer, G. B. ii. 43. 

3 Fasti Praen. ; C. I. L. 235, and Mommsen's note (where Apr. is mis- 
printed Aug.). '[Hoc biduo sacrific]ium maximum Fortunae Prim[i]g. 
utro eorum die oraclum patot, Ilviri vitulum I.' 


first appear as fully established in B.C. 202 '. But from the fact 
that April 1 9 is marked CER in large letters in the calendars 
we may infer, with Mommsen 2 , that there was a festival in 
honour of Ceres as far back as the period of the monarchy. 
The question therefore arises whether this ancient Ceres was 
a native Italian deity, or the Greek Demeter afterwards known 
to the Romans as Ceres. 

That there was such an Italian deity is placed almost beyond 
doubt by the name itself, which all authorities agree in 
connecting with cerus = genius, and with the cerfus and 
cerfia of the great inscription of Iguvium 3 . The verbal form 
seems clearly to be creare* ; and thus, strange to say, we 
actually get some definite aid from etymology, and can safely 
see in the earliest Ceres, if we recollect her identification with 
the Greek goddess of the earth and its fruits, a deity presiding 
over or representing the generative powers of nature. We 
cannot, however, feel sure whether this deity was originally 
feminine only, or masculine also, as Arnobius seems to suggest 5 . 
Judging from the occurrence of forms such as those quoted 
above, it is quite likely, as in the case of Pales, Liber, and 
others, that this numen was of both sexes, or of undetermined 
sex. So anxious were the primitive Italians to catch the ear 
of their deities by making no mistake in the ritual of addressing 
them, that there was a distinct tendency to avoid marking their 
sex too distinctly ; and phrases such as 'sive mas sive femina,' 
'si deus si dea,' are familiar to all students of the Roman 
religion 6 . 

We may be satisfied, then, that the oldest Ceres was not 
simply an importation from Greece. It is curious, however, 

1 Liv. 30. 39; Friediander in Marq. 500; Mommsen^ Mumioesen, p. 642, 
note ; Staatsrecht, i. 586. 

2 C. I. L. 298. 

* In the Salian hymn duonus cents = creator bonus (of Janus): cf. Varro, 
L L. 7. 26 ; Mommsen, Unteritalische Diulekten, 133. See articles cerus 
(Wissowa) and Ceres (Birt) in Myth. Lex. ; Biicheler, Umbrica, 80 and 99. 

* ' Ceres a creando dicta,* Serv. Georg. 1.7. It is worth noting that in 
Nonius Marcellus, 44, cerrili = larvati, where cerus seems to mean a ghost. 
If so, we have a good example of a common origin of ghosts and gods in 
the animistic ideas of early Italy. 

8 Arnob. 3. 40, quoting one Caesius, who followed Etruscan teaching, 
and held that Ceres = Genius lovialis et Pales. See Preller-Jordan, i. 8r. 

* Preller-Jordan, i. 62. They were not even certain whether the Genius 
Urbis was masculine or feminine ; Serv. Aen. a. 351. 


that Ceres is not found exactly where we should expect to find 
her, viz. in the ritual of the Fratres Arvales '. Yet this very 
fact may throw further light on the primitive nature of Ceres. 
The central figure of the Arval ritual was the nameless Dea 
Dia ; and in a ritual entirely relating to the fruits of the earth 
we can fairly account for the absence of Ceres by supposing 
that she is there represented by the Dea Dia in fact, that the 
two are identical 2 . No one at all acquainted with Italian ideas 
of the gods will be surprised at this. It is surely a more 
reasonable hypothesis than that of Birt, who thinks that an 
old name for seed and bread (i. e. Ceres) was transferred to the 
Greek deity who dispensed seed and bread when she was 
introduced in Rome 3 . It is, in fact, only the name Ceres that is 
wanting in the Arval ritual, not the numen itself; and this 
is less surprising if we assume that the names given by the 
earliest Eomans to supernatural powers were not fixed but 
variable, representing no distinctly conceived personalities ; 
in other words, that their religion was pandaemonic rather than 
polytheistic, though with a tendency to lend itself easily to the 
influence of polytheism. We may agree, then, with Preller 4 , 
that Ceres, with Tellus, and perhaps Ops and Acca Larentia, are 
different names for, and aspects of, the numen whom the Arval 
brothers called Dea Dia. At the same time we cannot entirely 
explain why the name Ceres was picked out from among these 
to represent the Greek Demeter. Some light may, however, 
be thrown on this point by studying the early history of the 

The first temple of Ceres was founded, according to tradition, 
in consequence of a famine in the year 496 B. c., in obedience 
to a Sibylline oracle s . It was at the foot of the Aventine, 
by the Circus Maximus", and was dedicated on April 19, 493, 
to Ceres, Liber and Libera, representing Demeter, Dionysus, 

1 Henzen, Ada Fr. An. p. 48. In later times Ceres took the place of 
Mars at the Ambarvalia, under Greek influence. 

* So Henzen, 1. c. and his Introduction, p. ix. 

3 Myth Lex. s.v. Ceies, 86r. He does not, however, dogmatize, and has 
little to adduce in favour of his opinion, save the statement of Servius 
(Georg. 1.7) that ' Sabini Cererem Panem appellant.' 

* Preller- Jordan, ii. 26. 

* Aust, de Aedibus, pp. 5 and 40. Preller-Jordan, ii. 38. 
6 Birt (Myth. Lex. 862) gives the authorities. 


and Persephone \ Thus from the outset the systematized cult 
of Ceres in the city was not Roman but Greek. The temple 
itself was adorned in Greek style instead of the Etruscan usual 
at this period 2 . How is all this to be accounted for ? 

Let us notice in the first place that from the very foundation 
of the temple it is in the closest way connected with the plebs. 
The year of its dedication is that of the first secession of the 
plebs and of the establishment of the tribuni and aediles 
plebis 3 . The two events are connected by the fact, repeatedly 
stated, that any one violating the sacrosanctitas of the tribune 
was to be held sacer Cereri* ; we are also told that the fines 
imposed by tribunes were spent on this temple *. It was under 
the care of the plebeian aediles, and was to them what the 
temple of Saturnus was to the quaestors 6 . Its position was in 
the plebeian quarter, and at the foot of the Aventine, which 
in B. c. 456 is said to have become the property of the 
plebs 7 . 

Now it can hardly be doubted that the choice of Ceres (with 
her fellow deities of the Mas), as the goddess whose temple 
should serve as a centre for the plebeian community, had some 
definite meaning. That meaning must be found in the tradi- 
tions of famine and distress which we read of as immediately 
following the expulsion of Tarquinius. These traditions have 
often been put aside as untrustworthy 8 , and may indeed be so 
in regard to details ; but there is some reason for thinking 
them to have had a foundation of fact, if we can but accept the 
other tradition of the foundation of the temple and its connexion 

1 The trios of itself would prove the Greek origin : cf. Kuhfeldt, de 
Capitoliis, p. 77 foil. 

2 Plin. H. N. 35. 154. The names of two Greek artists were inscribed 
on the temple. 

3 Mom m sen, Staatsrecht, ii. 2 468, note. 

4 Dion. Hal. 6. 89 ; 10. 42 ; Liv. 3. 55 says sacer loci, but the property 
was to be sold at the temple of Ceres, Liber, and Libera. The corn- 
stealer also was facer Cereri. 

'- Liv. 10. 23 ; 27. 6 ; 33. 25. 

6 Mommsen, Hist. i. 284, note. Cp. Schwegler, Rom. Gesch. ii. 275, 
note 3, who thinks of an aerarivm plebis there. See also i. 606 and ii. 278, 
note 3. According to Liv. 3. 55 senatus consulta had to be deposited in 
this temple. 

7 Burn, Rome and the Campagna, p. 204 ; Liv. 3. 31 and 32 fin. ; cp. 
10. 31. 

8 e.g. by Ihne, vol. i. p. 160. 


with the plebs. It is likely enough that under Tarquinius the 
population was increased by ' outsiders ' employed on his great 
buildings. Under pressure from the attack of enemies, and 
from a sudden aristocratic reaction, this population, we may 
guess, was thrown out of work, deprived of a raison d'etre, and 
starved ' ; finally rescuing itself by a secession, which resulted 
in the institution of its officers, tribunes and aediles, the latter 
of whom seem to have been charged with the duty of looking 
after the corn-supply 2 . 

How the corn-supply was cared for we cannot tell for certain ; 
but here again is a tradition which fits in curiously with what 
we know of the temple and its worship, though it has been 
rejected by the superfluous ingenuity of modern German 
criticism. Livy tells us that in B. c. 492, the year after the 
dedication of the temple, corn was brought from Etruria, 
Cumae, and Sicily to relieve a famine 3 . We are not obliged 
to believe in the purchase of corn at Syracuse at so early 
a date, though it is not impossible ; but if we remember 
that the decorations and ritual of the temple were Greek 
beyond doubt, we get a singular confirmation of the tradition 
in outline which has not been sufficiently noticed. If it was 
founded in 493, placed under plebeian officers, and closely 
connected with the plebs ; if its rites and decorations were 
Greek from the beginning ; we cannot afford to discard a tradi- 
tion telling us of a commercial connexion with Greek cities, 
the object of which was to relieve a starving plebeian 

And surely there is nothing strange in the supposition that 

1 Schwegler, R. G. i. 783 foil. 

2 Mommsen, Statitsrecht, ii. a 468, note 2, is doubtful as to the date of the 
euro, annonae of the plebeian aediles. But Plin. H. N. 18. 3. 15 attributes 
it to an aedile of earlier date than Spurius Maelius (B.C. 438) ; and though 
the Consuls may have had the general supervision, the immediate cwra, 
as far as the plebs was concerned, would surely lie with their officers. 
Two points should be borne in mind here (i) that the plebeian popula- 
tion to be relieved would be a surplus population within the city, not the 
farmer-population of the country ; (2) that it would probably be easier 
to transport corn by sea than by land, as roads were few, and enemies all 

3 Dion. Hal. 7. i, exposes the absurdity of Roman annalists in attributing 
the corn-supply to Dionysius ; but he himself talks of Gelo. Cp. Ihne, 
i. 160. Ihne disbelieves the whole story, believing it to be copied from 
events which happened long afterwards. 


Greek influence gained ground, not so much with the patricians 
who had their own outfit of religious armour, but with the 
plebs who had no share in the sacra of their betters, and with 
the Etruscan dynasty which favoured the plebs'. We may 
hesitate to assent to Mommsen's curious assertion that the 
merchants of that day were none other than the great patrician 
landholders 2 ; we may rather be disposed to conjecture that 
it was the more powerful plebeians, incapable of holding large 
areas of public land, who turned their attention to commerce, 
and came in contact with the Greeks of Italy and Sicily. The 
position of the plebeian quarter along the Tiber bank, and 
near the spot where the quays of Kome have always been, may 
possibly point in the same direction s . 

To return to the Cerealia of April 19. We have still to 
notice a relic of apparently genuine Italian antiquity which 
survived in it down to Ovid's time, and may be taken as 
evidence that there was a real Roman substratum on which 
the later Greek ritual was superimposed. 

Every one who reads Ovid's account of the Cerealia will be 
struck by his statement that on the igih it was the practice to 
fasten burning brands to the tails of foxes and set them loose 
to run in the Circus Maximus 4 : 

Cur igitur inissae vinctis ardentia taedis 

Terga feraut volpes, causa docenda mihi est. 

He tells a charming story to explain the custom, learnt from 
an old man of Carseoli, an Aequian town, where he was 
seeking information while writing the Fasti. A boy of twelve 
years' old caught a vixen fox which had done damage to 
the farm, and tied it up in straw and hay. This he set on 
fire, but the fox escaped and burnt the crops. Hence a law 
at Carseoli forbidding something about foxes, which the 

1 Ambrosch, Studien, p. 208. Tradition told that the Tarquinii had 
stored up great quantities of corn in Rome, i.e. had fed their workmen. 
Cp. Liv. i. 56 and a. 9. 

1 Mommscn, R. H , bk. i. ch. 13 fin. 

3 Seo under August 13 (below, p. 198) for the parallel foundation of the 
temple of Diana on the Aventine, which also had a Greek and plebeian 

* Fasti, 4. 68r foil. Ovid does not distinctly say that the foxes were let 
loose in the Circus, but seems to imply it. 


corruption of the MSS. has obscured for us 1 . Then he 
concludes : 

Utque luat poenas gens haec, Cerialibus ardet ; 
Quoque modo segetes perdidit, ipsa perit. 

We are, of course, reminded of Samson burning the corn of 
the Philistines 1 ; and it is probable that the story in each case 
is a myth explanatory of some old practice like the one Ovid 
describes at Rome. But what the practice meant it is not very 
easy to see. Preller has his explanation ready 3 ; it was 
a ' sinnbildliche Erinnerung ' of the robigo (i. e. ' red fox '), which 
was to be feared and guarded against at this time of year. 
Mannhardt thinks rather of the corn-foxes or corn-spirits of 
France and Germany, of which he gives many instances 4 . If 
the foxes were corn spirits, one does not quite see why they 
should have brands fastened to their tails 5 . No exactly parallel 
practice seems to be forthcoming, and the fox does not appear 
elsewhere in ancient Italian or Greek folk-tales, as far as I can 
discover. All that can be said is that the fox's tail seems to 
have been an object of interest, and possibly to have had some 
fertilizing power 6 , and some curious relation to ears of corn. 
Prof. Gubernatis believes this tail to have been a phallic 
symbol 7 . We need not accept his explanation, but we may 
be grateful to him for a modern Italian folk-tale, from the 
region of Leghorn and the Maremma, in which a fox is 
frightened away by chickens which carry each in its beak an 

1 ' Factum abiit, moniinenta maneut ; fnam vivere captamf 

Nunc quoque lex volpem Oarseolana vetat.' 

The best MSS. have 'nam dicere certam.' Bergk conjectured 'naraque 
icere captam.' The reading given above is adopted from some inferior 
MSS. by H. Peter (Leipzig, 1889), following Heinsius and Riese. Mr. S G. 
Owen of Ch. Ch., our best authority on the text of Ovid, has kindly 
sent me the suggestion namque ire repertam, comparing, for the use of ire, 
Ovid, Am. 3. 6. 20 'sic aeternus eas.' This conjecture, which occurred 
independently to myself, suits the sense and is close to the reading of 
the best MSS. 

* J. Grimm, Reinhardt der Fuchs, cclxix (quoted by Peter). Ovid's ex- 
planation is of course wrong ; the story is beyond doubt meant to explain 
the ritual, or a law to which the ritual gave rise. 

3 Preller-Jordan, ii. 43. See under Robigalia. 

* Myth. Fwsch. 107 foil. 

* Ovid's word is terga, but he must, I think, mean ' tails.' 

* Mannhardt, op. cit. 185 Cp. Frazer, Golden Bough, i. 408 ; ii. 3 and 28 
(for fertilizing power of tail). 

7 Zoological Mythology, ii. 138. 


ear of millet ; the fox is told that these ears are all foxes' tails, 
and runs for it. 

Here we must leave this puzzle 1 ; but whoever cares to read 
Ovid's lines about his journey towards his native Pelignian 
country, his turning into the familiar lodging 
Hospilis antiqui solitas intravimus aedes, 

and the tales he heard there among them that of the fox 
will find them better worth reading than the greater part of 
the Fasti. 

xi KAL. MAI. (APR. 21). IP. 2 




[A note in Praen. is hopelessly mutilated, with the 
exception of the words IGNES and PRINCIPIO AN[NI PAS- 

The Parilia 4 , at once one of the oldest and best attested 
festivals of the whole year, is at the same time the one whose 
features have been most clearly explained by the investigations 
of parallels among other races. 

The first point to notice is that the festival was both public 
and private, urban and rustic 5 . Ovid clearly distinguishes 

1 It may be as well to note that the custom of tying some object in 
straw wheel, pole with cross-piece, man who slips out in time, &c. and 
then burning it and carrying it about the fields, is common in Europe 
and elsewhere (Frazer, G B. ii. 246 foil.). At the same time animals are 
sometimes burnt in a bonfire : e.g. squirrels, cats, foxes, &c. (G. B.ii. 283). 
The explanation of Mimnhardt, adopted by Mr. Frazer, is that they were 
corn-spirits burnt as a charm to secure sunshine and vegetation. If the 
foxes were ever really let loose among the fields, damage might occa- 
sionally be done, and stories might arise like that of Carseoli, or even 
laws forbidding a dangerous practice. 

2 In C. I. L. 315 this mark is confused with those of the 23rd. 

3 The letters an also appear in a fragment of a lost note in Esq. 
Mommsen quotes Ovid, Fasti, 4. 775, and Tibull. 2. 5. 81 for the idea of an 
annus pastorum beginning on this day. I can find no explanation of it, 
astronomical or other. Dion. Hal. i. 88 calls the day the beginning of 
spring, which it certainly was not. 

4 For the form of the word see Mommsen, C. I. L. 315. (In Varro, L. Z. 
6. 15, it is Palilia.) Preller-Jordan, i. 416. 

4 ' Palilia tarn privata quam publica sunt.' Varro, ap Schol. in Persium, 
i. 75. See on Compitalia, below, p. 279. 


the two; lines 721-734 deal with the urban festival, 735-782 
with the rustic. The explanations which follow deal with 
both. Pales, the deity (apparently both masculine and 
feminine ') whose name the festival bears, was, like Faunus, 
a common deity of Italian pasture land. A Palatium was said 
by Varro to have been named after Pales at Keate, in the heart 
of the Sabine hill-country 2 ; and though this may not go for 
much, the character of the Parilia, and the fact that Pales 
is called rusticola, pastoricia, silmcda, &c., are sufficient to 
show the original non-urban character of the deity. He 
(or she) was a shepherd's deity of the simplest kind, and 
survived in Rome as little more than a name 3 from the oldest 
times, when the earliest invaders drove their cattle through 
the Sabine mountains. Here, then, we seem to have a clear 
example of a rite which was originally a rustic one, and 
survived as such, while at the same time one local form of it 
was kept up in the great city, and had become entangled 
with legend and probably altered in some points of ritual. 
We will take the rustic form first. 

Here we may distinguish in Ovid's account 4 the following 
ritualistic acts. 

i. The sheep-fold 5 was decked with green boughs and 
a great wreath was hung on the gate : 

Frondibus et fixis decorentur ovilia minis, 
Et tegat ornatas longa corona fores. 

With this Mannhardt 6 aptly compares the like concomitants 
of the midsummer fires in North Germany, Scotland, and 
England. In Scotland, for example, before the bonfires were 
kindled on midsummer eve, the houses were decorated with 

1 Serv. Georg. 3. i : ' Pales . . . dea est pabuli. Hanc . . . alii, inter quos 
Varro, masculino genere vocant, ut hie Pales.' There can be no better 
proof of the antiquity of the deity in Italy. 

IL.L. 5 . 53 . 

There was a flamen Palatualis (Varro, L. L. 7. 45, and Fest. 245') and an 
offering Palatuar (Fest. 348), connected with a Dim Palatua of the Palatine, 
who may have been the urban and pontifical form of Pales. 

4 Ovid is borne out or supplemented by Tibull. 2. 5. 87 foil. ; Propert. 
4. 4. 75 foil. ; Probus on Virg. Georg. 3. i ; Dionys. i. 88, &c. 

* It is noticeable that sheep alone are mentioned in the ritual as Ovid 
describes it 

A. W. F. p. 310. Cp. Frazer, (?. B. ii. 246 foil. 


foliage brought from the woods \ The custom of decoration 
at special seasons, May-day, mid-summer, harvest, and Christ- 
mas, is even now, with the exception of midsummer, universal, 
and is probably descended from these primitive rites, by which 
our ancestors sought in some mysterious way to influence the 
working of the powers of vegetation. 

2. At the earliest glimmer of daybreak the shepherd 
purified the sheep. This was done by sprinkling and sweeping 
the fold ; then a fire was made of heaps of straw, olive- 
branches, and laurel, to give good omen by the crackling, and 
through this apparently the shepherds leapt, and the flocks 
were driven V For this we have, of course, numerous parallels 
from all parts of the world. Burning sulphur was also used : 

Caerulei fiant vivo de sulfure fumi 
Tactaque fumanti sulfure balet ovis 3 . 

3. After this the shepherd brought offerings to Pales, of 
whom there may perhaps have been in the farmyard a rude 
image made of wood 4 ; among these were baskets of millet 
and cakes of the same, pails of milk, and other food of appro- 
priate kinds. The meal which followed the shepherd himself 
appears to have shared with Pales 5 . Then he prays to the deity 
to avert all evil from himself and his flocks ; whether he or 
they have unwittingly trespassed on sacred ground and caused 
the nymphs or fauni to fly from human eyes ; or have dis- 
turbed the sacred fountains, and used branches of a sacred tree 
for secular ends. In these petitions the genuine spirit of Italian 

1 Chambers' Journal, July, 1842. For the custom in London, Brand, Pop. 
iniquities, p. 307. 

3 So I understand Ovid : but in line 742 in mediis focis might rather 
indicate a fire in the of the house, and so Mannhardt takes it. In 
that case the fire over which they leaped (line 805) was made later on in 
the ceremony. 

3 Cp. Horn. Od. 22. 481 OTaf Otdov, "Yprjv, KOLKUIV aoy, oifft Sf poi nvp, 
'O<f>pa. Ottiwaoa fityapov. 

* Tibull. 2. 5. 28 ' Et facta agresti lignea falce Pales.' Tib. seems here 
be transferring a rustic practice of his own day to the earliest Romans 

of the Palatine. But he may be simply indulging his imagination ; and 
e cannot safely conclude that we have here a rude Italian origin of 
ithropomorphic ideas of the gods. 

* Ovid, Fasti, 4. 743-746, esp. ' dapibus resectis.' We can hardly escape 
the conclusion that the idea of the common meal shared with the gods 

vas a genuine Italian one ; it is found here, in the Tcrminalia (Ovid, 
Fasti, a. 655), and in the worship of Jupiter. See on Sept. 13 and Feb. 23. 


religion the awe of the unknown, the fear of committing 
unwittingly some act that may bring down wrath upon you 
is most vividly brought out in spite of the Greek touches and 
names which are introduced. He then goes on to his main 
object l : 

Pellc procul morbos : valeant hominesque gregesque, 
Et valeant vigiles, provida turba, canes. 

Absit iniqua fames. Herbae frondesque supersint, 

Quaeque lavent artus, quaeque bibantur, aquae. 
Ubera plena premam : referat mihi caseus aera, 

Dentque viam liquido vimina rara aero. 
Sitque salax aries, conceptaque semina coniunx 

Reddat, et in stabulo multa sit agna meo. 
Lanaque proveniat nullas laesura puellas, 

Moll is et ad teneras quamlibet apta manus. 
Quae precor eveniant : et nos faciamus ad annum 

Pustorum dominae grandia liba Pali. 

This prayer must be said four times over 2 , the shepherd 
looking to the east and wetting his hands with the morning 
dew 3 . The position, the holy water, and the prayer in its 
substance, though now addressed to the Virgin, have all 
descended to the Catholic shepherd of the Campagna. 

4. Then a bowl is to be brought, a wooden antique bowl 
apparently *, from which milk and purple sapa, i. e. heated 
wine, may be drunk, until the drinker feels the influence of the 
fumes, and when he is well set he may leap over the burning 

heaps : 

Moxque per ardentes stipulae crepitantis acervos 
Traiicias celeri strenua membra pede 5 . 

The Parilia of the urbs was celebrated in much the same 
way in its main features ; but the day was reckoned as the 

1 Fasti, 4. 763 foil. 

2 Four is unusual ; three is the common number in religious rites. 

8 ' Conversus ad ortus Die quater, et vivo perlue rore manus.' Ovid may 
perhaps be using ros for fresh water of any kind ; see H. Peter's note 
i Pt. II, p. 70). But the virtues of dew are great at this time of year (e.g. 
May-day). See Brand, Pop. Ant. 218, and Mannhardt, A. W.F. 312. Pepys 
records that his wife went out to gather May-dew ; Diary, May 10. 1669. 

4 The word is camella in Ovid, Fasti, 4. 779; cp. Petron. Sat, 135, and 
Gell. N. A. 16. 7. 

8 Or as Propertius has it (4. 4. 77) : 

'Cumque super raros foeni flammantis acervos 
Traiicit immundos ebria turba pedes.' 


birthday of Rome, and doubtless on this account it came under 
the influence of priestly organization '. It is connected with 
two other very ancient festivals: that of the Fordicidia and 
that of the 'October horse.' The blood which streamed from 
the head of the horse sacrificed on the Ides of October was 
kept by the Vestals in the Penus Vestae, and mixed with 
the ashes of the unborn calves burnt at the Fordicidia ; and 
the mixture seems to have been thrown upon heaps of burning 
bean-straw to make it smoke, while over the smoke and flames 
men and women leaped on the Palatine Hill 2 . The object 
was of course purification ; Ovid calls the blood, ashes, and 
straw februa casta, i. e. holy agents of purification, and adds 
in allusion to their having been kept by the Vestals : 
Vesta dabit : Vestae munere purus eris. 

Ovid had himself taken part in the rite ; had fetched the 
suffimen, and leaped three times through the flames, his 
hands sprinkled with dew from a laurel branch. Whether 
the februa were considered to have individually any special 
significance or power, it is hard to say. Mannhardt, who 
believed the 'October horse ' to be a corn -demon, thought that 
the burning of its blood symbolized the renewal of its life 
in the spring, while the ashes thrown into the fire signified 
the safe passage of the growing crops through the heat of the 
summer 3 ; but about this so judicious a writer is naturally 
not disposed to dogmatize. We can, however, be pretty sure 
that the purification was supposed to carry with it protection 
from evil influences both for man and beast, and also to aid 
the growth of vegetation. The theory of Mannhardt, adopted 
by Mr. Frazer, that the whole class of ceremonies to which the 

1 Ovid, Fasti, 4. 801 foil. ; Prop. 4. 4. 73 ; Varro, R. R. a. i . 9. Many 
other references are collected in Schwegler, R. G. i. 444, note i. The 
tradition was certainly an ancient one, and the pastoral character of the 
rite is in keeping with that of the legend. It is to be noted that the 
sacrificing priest was originally the Rex Sacrorum (Dionys. i. 88), a fact 
which may well carry us back to the earliest Roman age. 

* Ovid, Fasti, 4. 733 foil. ' Sanguis equi suffimen erit vitulique favilla, 
Tertia res durae culmen inane fabae.' Whether the bonfire was burnt 
on the Palatine itself does not seem certain, but it is a reasonable 

3 He points out (p. 316) that the throwing of bones or burnt pieces of 
an animal into the flames is common in northern Europe : hence bonfire 
= bonefire. 

O 2 


Parilia clearly belongs, i. e. the Easter and Midsummer fires 
and Need-fires of central and northern Europe, may best be 
explained as charms to procure sunshine 1 , has much to be 
said for it, but does not seem to find any special support in the 
Roman rite. 

It may be noted in conclusion that a custom of the same 
kind, and one perhaps connected with a cult of the sun 2 , 
took place not far from Rome, at Mount Soracte ; at what time 
of year we do not know. On this hill there was a worship 
of Apollo Soranus 3 , a local deity, to which was attached 
a kind of guild of worshippers called Hirpi Sorani, or wolves 
of Soranus 4 ; and of these we may guess, from the legend 
told of their origin, that in order to avert pestilence, &c., they 
dressed or behaved themselves like wolves 5 . Also on a parti- 
cular day, perhaps the summer solstice, these Hirpi ran 
through the flames, ' super ambustam ligni struem ambulantes 
non aduruntur V and on this account were excused by a senatus 
consultum from all military or other service. A striking 
parallel with this last feature is quoted by Mannhardt, from 
Mysore, where the Harawara are degraded Brahmins who 
act as priests in harvest-time, and make a living by running 
through the flames unhurt with naked soles : but in this case 
there seems to be no animal representation. Mannhardt tries 
to explain the Hirpi as dramatic representations of the Corn- 
wolf or vegetation spirit 7 . On the other hand, it is possible 
to consider them as survivals of an original clan who worshipped 

1 A. W. F. 316 ; Frazer, G. B. ii. 274 foil. 

2 Preller-Jordan, i. 268. Soranus is thought to be connected etymolo- 
gically with Sol. With this, however, Deocke disagrees (Fatisker, 96). 

1 So called by Virg. Aen. n. 785 andServ. ad loc. Who the deity really 
was, we do not know. Apollo here had no doubt a Graeco-Etruscan 
origin. Deecke (fali^ker, 93) thinks of Dis Pater or Vediovis ; quoting 
Servius* account and explanation of the cult. That the god was Sabine, 
not Etruscan, is shown by the word hirpi. 

4 Or of Soracte, if Soranus = Soractnus (Deecke). 

5 Serv. I.e. tells the aetiological legend. Cp. Plin. N.H. 7. it. It has 
been dealt with fully by Mannhardt, A. W. F. 318 foil. 

* Plin. 1. c. ; Varro Cap. Serv. 1. c.) asserted that they used a salve for 
their feet which protected them. The same thing is said, I believe, of the 
Harawara in India. 

T According to Strabo, p. 226, this fire-ceremony took place in the 
grove of Feronia, at the foot of the hill. Feronia may have been a corn- 
er harvest-deity, and of this Mannhardt makes all he can. We may at 
least guess that the rite took place at Midsummer. 


the wolf as a totem l ; a view adopted by Mr. Lang 2 , who 
compares the frm/'-maidens of Artemis at Brauron in Attica. 
But the last word has yet to be said about these obscure 
animalistic rites. 

ix KAL. MAI. (APR. 23). FP (CAER.) IP (MAFF.) 
P (PRAEN.)' 

Praen. has a mutilated note beginning io[vi], and ending 


65 and 374, where it appears that libations of all new 
wine were made to Jupiter.) 


This day was generally known as Vinalia Priora, as distin- 
guished from the Vinalia Kustica of August 19. Both days 
were believed to be sacred to Venus 4 ; the earlier one, according 
to Ovid, was the foundation-day of the temple of Venus Erycina, 
with which he connected the legend of Aeneas and Mezentius. 
But as both Varro and Verrius are agreed that the days were 
sacred, not to Venus but to Jupiter 8 , we may leave the legend 
alone and content ourselves with asking how Venus came into 
the connexion. 

The most probable supposition is that this day being, as 

1 Cp. the cult of Zeus Lykaios in Arcadia ; Farnell, Cults of the Greek 
Slates, i. 41. 

2 Myth., Ritual, and Beligion, ii. 212. 

* This peculiar notation is common to this day and Aug. 19 (the Vinalia 
Rustica), and to the Feral ia (Feb. 21). See Introduction, p. 10. 

4 Ovid, Fasti, 4. 877, asks : ' Cur igitur Veneris festum Vinalia dicant, 
Quaeritis ? ' 

s Varro, L. L. 6. 16 ; Fest. 65 and 374. The latter gloss is: 'Vinalia 
diem festum habebant, quo die vinum novum lovi libabant' Ovid, Fasti, 
4. 899, after telling the Mezentius story (alluded to in the note in Praen.), 

Dicta dies hinc est Vinalia : luppiter illain 
Vindicat, et festis gaudet incsse suis. 


Ovid implies, the dies natalis of one of the temples of Venus *, 
the Vinalia also came to be considered as sacred to the goddess. 
The date of the foundation was 181 B. c., exactly at a time when 
many new worships, and especially Greek ones, were being 
introduced into Rome 2 . That of the Sicilian Aphrodite, under 
the name of Venus, seems to have become at once popular with 
its Graecus ritus and lasdvia maior 3 ; and the older connexion 
of the festival with Jupiter tended henceforward to disappear. 
It must be noted, however, that the day of the Vinalia Eustica in 
August was also the dies natalis of one if not two other temples 
of Venus 4 , and one of these was as old as the year B.C. 293. 
Thus we can hardly avoid the conclusion that there was, even 
at an early date, some connexion in the popular mind between 
the goddess and wine. The explanation is perhaps to be found 
in the fact that Venus was specially a deity of gardens, and 
therefore no doubt of vineyards 5 . An interesting inscription 
from Pompeii confirms this, and attests the connexion of Venus 
with wine and gardens, as it is written on a wine-jar 6 : 


The Vinalia, then, both in April and August, was really and 
originally sacred to Jupiter. The legendary explanation is 
given by Ovid in 11. 877-900. Whatever the true explanation 
may have been, the fact can be illustrated from the ritual 
employed ; for it was the Flamen Dialis 7 who ' vindemiam 
auspicatus est,' i. e. after sacrificing plucked the first grapes. 
Whether this auspicatio took place on either of the Vinalia has 
indeed been doubted, for even August 19 would hardly seem 

1 Ovid, Fasti, 4. 871 

Templa frequentari Collinae proxima portae 
Nunc decet ; a Siculo nomina colle tenent. 

He seems to have confused this temple with that on the Capitol (Aust, 
de Aedibus, 23). 
8 Liv. 40. 34. 4. 

* Aust, ib. p. 24. Varro wrote a satire 'Vinalia irtpl wppofiia'uav.' Plutarch 
(<J. R. 45) confuses Vinalia and Veneralia. 

4 Festus, 264 and 265 ; in the Vallis Murcia (or Circus maximus), and 
the lucus Libitinae. (In 265, xiii Kal. Sept. should be xiv.) For the 
date of the former temple, 293 B. c., Liv. 10. 31. 9. 

1 Varro, R. R. T. i ; Fest. 265 ; Preller- Jordan, i. 441. 

C. I. L. iv. 2776. 

7 Varro, L. L. 6. 16. See Myth. Lex. s. v. luppiter, 704 foil. 


to suit the ceremony Varro describes 1 ; but the fact that it was 
performed by the priest of Jupiter is sufficient for our purpose. 
Of this day, April 23, we may guess that it was the one on 
which the wine-skins were first opened, and libations from 
them made to Jupiter. These are probably the libations about 
which Plutarch 2 asks ' Why do they pour much wine from the 
temple of Venus on the Veneralia ' (i. e. Vinalia) ? The same 
libations are attested by Verrius : ' Vinalia diem festum habe- 
bant quo die vinum novum lovi libabant ' 3 . After the libation 
the wine was tasted, as we learn from Pliny 4 ; and it seems 
probable that it was brought from the country into Rome for this 
purpose only a few days before. Varro has preserved an in- 
teresting notice which he saw posted in vineyards at Tusculum : 
'In Tusculanis hortis (MSS. eortis) est scriptum : 'Vinum no- 
vum ne vehatur in urbem ante quam vinalia kalentur ' 6 ; i. e. 
wine-growers were warned that the new wine was not to be 
brought into the city until the Vinalia had been proclaimed on 
the Nones. It must, however, be added that this notice may 
have had reference to the Vinalia in August ; for Verrius, 
if he is rightly reported by Paulus 6 , gives August 19 as the 
day on which the wine might be brought into Rome. Paulus 
may be wrong, and have confused the two Vinalia 7 ; but in 
that case we remain in the dark as to what was done at the 
Vinalia Rustica, unless indeed we explain it as a rite intended 
to secure the vintage that was to follow against malignant 
influences. This would seem to be indicated by Pliny (H. N. 
1 8. 284), where he classes this August festival with the 
Robigalia and Floralia 8 , and further on quotes Varro to prove 

1 Mommsen, C. 1. L. 326. Vindemia is the grape-harvest. Hartmann, 
Rom. Kal, 138, differs from Mommsen on this point. 

3 Q. R. 45. * Fest. 65. * H. N. 18. 287. 

* L. L. 6. 16. Hartis is Mommsen's very probable emendation for sortis of 
the MSS. O. Miiller has sacris, which is preferred by Jordan (Preller, 
i. 196). 6 264. 

7 Mommsen (C. I. L. 326) thinks that there is no mistake in the gloss ; 
but that the Vinalia Rustica represent a later and luxurious fashion of 
allowing a whole year to elapse before tasting the wine, instead of six 
months. From the vintage, however (end of September or beginning of 
October), to August 19 is not a whole year. See under August 19. 

' 'Tria namque tempera fructibus metuebant, propter quod instituerunt 
ferias diesque festos, Robigalia, Floralia, Vinalia.' That the Vinalia here 
referred to is the August one is clear, not only from the order of the 
words, but from what follows, down to the end of sec. 289. Sees. 287 


that its object was to appease the storms (i. e. to be expected in 

As regard^ the connexion of the vine-culture with Jupiter, 
it should be observed that the god is not spoken of as Jupiter 
Liber, but simply Jupiter ; and though the vine was certainly 
introduced into Italy from Greece, we need not assume that 
Dionysus, coming with it, was from the beginning attached 
to or identified with Jupiter. The gift of wine might naturally 
be attributed to the great god of the air, light, and heat ; the 
Flamen Dialis who 'vindemiam auspicatus est' was not the 
priest of Jupiter Liber ; nor does the aetiological legend, in 
which the Latins avoid the necessity of yielding their first- 
fruits to the Etruscan tyrant Mezentius by dedicating them 
to Jupiter, point to any other than the protecting deity of 
Latium *. 



Robigo means red rust or mildew which attacks cereals when 
the ear is beginning to be formed 2 , and which is better known 
and more dreaded on the continent than with us. This 
destructive disease is not caused by the sun's heat, as Pliny 3 

to end of 288 deal with the Vinalia priora parenthetically ; in 289 Pliny 
returns to the Vinalia altera (or rustica), after thus clearing the ground 
by making it clear that the April Vinalia ' iiihil ad fructus attinent.' He 
then quotes Varro to show that in August the object is to avert storms 
which might damage the vineyards. Monimsen, C. I. L. 326, seems to 
me to have misread this passage. 

1 Ovid, Fasti, 877 foil. : the legend was an old one for it is quoted by 
Macrob. (Sat. 3. 5. 10) from Cato's Ortgines. See also Hehn, Kulturpjlanzen, 
65 foil., who is, however, in error as to the identification of Jupiter (Liber) 
with Ztwj 'E\(v0tptos. 

3 See Columella, 2. 12; Plin. N.H. 18.91; andarticle, 'Mildew,' in Encycl. 
Brit. For the botanical character of this parasite see Worthington Smith's 
Diseases of Field and Garden Crops, chs. 21 and 23 ; and Hugh Macmillan's 
Bible Teachings from Nature, p. 120 foil. 

3 N H . 1 8. 273 : cp. 154. Pliny thought it chiefly the result of dew 
(cf. mildew, German mehlfftau), and was not wholly wrong. 


tells us was the notion of some Italians, but by damp acting in 
conjunction with a certain height of temperature, as Pliny 
himself in fact explains it. 

Eobigus 1 is the spirit who works in the mildew ; and it has 
been conjectured that he was a form or indigitation of Mars 2 , 
since Tertullian tells us that ' Marti et Kobigini Numa ludos 
instituit' 3 . This is quite consistent with all we know of the 
Mars of the farm-worship, who is invoked to avert evil simply 
because he can be the creator of it 4 . The same feature is found 
in the worship of Apollo, who had at Ehodes the cult-title 
f'pvdi&tos*, or Apollo of the blight, as elsewhere he is Apollo 
Smintheus, i.e. the power that can bring and also avert the 
pest of field-mice. 

Robigus had a grove of his own at the fifth milestone on the 
Via Claudia ; and Ovid relates in pretty verses how, as he was 
returning from Nomentum (doubtless by way of his own 
gardens, which were at the junction of the Via Claudia with 
the Via Flaminia near the Milvian bridge"), he met the 
Flamen Quirinalis with the exta of a dog and a sheep to offer 
to the god 7 . He joined the procession, which was apparently 
something quite new to him, and witnessed the ceremony, 
noting the meri patera, the tuns acerra, and the rough linen 
napkin 8 , at the priest's right hand. He versified the prayer 
which he heard, and which is not unlike that which Cato 
directs the husbandman to address to Mai's in the lustration of 
the farm 9 : 

Aspera Robigo, parcas Ccriulibus herbis, 
Et tremat in sum ma leve cacumen humo. 

1 The masc. is no doubt correct. Ovid, Fasti, 4. 907, uses the feminine 
Robigo, but is alone among the older writers in doing so : see Preller- 
Jordan. ii. 44, note 2. 

* Indigitation is the fixing of the local action of a god to be invoked, by 
means of his name, if I understand rightly Reifferscheid's view as given 
by R. Peter in Myth. Lex. s. v. Indigitamenta, p. 137. The priest of the 
Kobigalia was the flamen Quirinalis: Quirinus is one form of Mars. 

3 de Spectaculis, 5. 

4 Cato, R. R. 141 ; Proller-Jordan, i. 340. 

8 Strabo, 613: see Roscher, Apollo and Mars, p. 62. 'EpvaiPq mildew, 
of which (pvOi&T) is the Rhodian form. 

* See Mommsen's ingenious explanation in C. I. L. 316. 

1 Fasti, 4. 901 foil. The victims had been slain at Rome and in the 
morning ; and were offered at the grove later in the day (see Marq. 184). 
8 Villis mantele solutis (cp. Serv. Aen. 12. 169). 
R. R. 141. 


Tu sata sideribus caeli nutrita secundi 
Crescere, dum fianfc falcibus apta, sinas. 

Parce, precor, scabrasque manus a messibus aufer, 
Neve rioce cultis : posse noccre sat est, &c. 

Ovid then asked the flamen why a dog nova victima was 
sacrificed, and was told that the dangerous Dog-star was in the 
ascendant 1 : 

Esfc Canis, Icarium dicunt, quo sidere moto 

Tosta sitit tellus, praecipiturque seges. 

Pro cane sidereo canis hie imponitur arae, 

Et quare pereat, nil nisi nomen habet. 

In this, however, both he and the priest were certainly 
mistaken. Sirius does not rise, but disappears on April 25, at 
sunset ; and it is almost certain that the sacrifice of the dog 
had nothing to do with the star. The real meaning of the 
choice of victim was unknown both to priest and poet : but 
modern research has made a reasonable attempt to recover it 2 . 

We are told 3 of a sacrifice of reddish sucking whelps, and of 
augury made from their exta, which must have been closely 
connected with the Kobigalia, if not (in later times at least) 
identified with it. Originally it was not on a fixed day, as 
is proved by an extract from the commentarii pontificum quoted 
by Pliny 4 ; but it is quite possible that for convenience, as the 
religio of the urbs got more and more dissociated from the 
agriculture in which it had its origin, the date was fixed for 
April 25 the rites of the Kobigalia being of the same kind, 
and the date suitable. The whelps were red or reddish ; and 
from the language of Festus, quoting Ateius Capito, we gather 

1 So we may perhaps translate 91*0 sidere moto : but Ovid certainly 
thought the star rose (cf. 904). Hartmann explains Ovid's blunder by 
reference to Serv. Oeorg. i. 218 (Rom. Kal. 193). See also H. Peter, ad loc. 

" Mannhardt, My'h. Forsch. 107 foil. 

* Festus, 285 ; Paul. 45. It was outside the Porta Catularia, of which, 
unluckily, nothing is known. 

4 N. H. 18. 14 ' Ita est in commentariis pontificum : Augurio canario 
agendo dies constituantur priusquam frumenta vaginis exeant et ante- 
quam in vaginas perveniant.' For ' et antequam ' we should perhaps read 
'wee antequam.' The vagina is the sheath which protects the ear and from 
which it eventually protrudes ; and it seems that in this stage, which in 
Italy would occur at the end of April or beginning of May, the corn is 
peculiarly liable to 'rust.' (So Virg. Oeorg. i. 151 'Ut mala cuJmos Esset 
robigo': i.e. the stalks including the vagina.') See Hugh Macmillan, 
op. cit. p. 121. 


that this colour was supposed to resemble that of the corn when 
ripe: 'Rufae canes immolabantur, ut fruges flavescentes ad raatu- 
ritatem perducerentur ' (p. 285). We should indeed naturally 
have expected that the rufous colour was thought to resemble 
the red mildew, as Mannhardt explains it * ; but we do not know 
for certain that these puppies were offered to Robigus. In any 
case, however, we may perhaps see in them an animal represen- 
tation of the corn, and in the rite a piece of 'sympathetic 
magic ' 2 , the object of which was to bring the corn to its 
golden perfection, or to keep off the robigo, or both. If we 
knew more about the dog-offering at the grove of Robigus, 
we might find that it too, if not indeed identical with the 
augurium, had a similar intention. 

The red mildew was at times so terrible a scourge that the 
Robigalia must in early Rome, when the population lived 
on the corn grown near the city, have been a festival of very 
real meaning. But later on it became obscured, and gave way 
to the races mentioned in the note in the Praenestine calendar *, 
and under the later empire to the Christian litania maior, the 
original object of which was also the safety of the crops*. The 
25th is at present St. Mark's day. 

iv KAL. MAI. (APR. 28). IP. 

v NON. MAI. (MAY 3), C. 


On the intervening days were also ludi (<7. /. L. 317). 

Note in Praen. (Apr. 28): EODEM DIE AEDIS FLORAE, QTJAE 


1 Mylh. Farsch. 106. Mr. Frazer ((?. B. ii. 59 : cp. i. 306) takes the other 
view of this and similar sacrifices, but with some hesitation. 

a It must be confessed that the occurrence of red colour in victims 
cannot well be always explained in this way ; e. g. the red heifer of the 
Israelites (Numbers xix), and the red oxen of the Egyptians (Plut. Isis and 
Osiris, 31). But in this rite, occurring so close to the Cerialia, where, as 
we have seen, foxes were turned out in the circus maximus, the colour of 
the puppies must have had some meaning in relation to the growing crops. 

3 'Ludi cursoribus maioribus minoribusque.' What these were is not 
known : Mommsen, C. I. L. 317. 

* Usener. Religionsgeschichte, i. 298 foil. 


This was not a very ancient festival and is not marked in 
the Calendars in those large letters which are believed to 
indicate extreme antiquity l . Its history seems to be as follows: 
in 238 B. c. in consequence of a dearth, the Sibylline Books 
were consulted, and games in honour of Flora were held for 
the first time by plebeian aediles ' 2 ; also a temple was dedicated 
to her ad circum maximum on April 28 of that year 3 . There 
seems to be a certain connexion between the accounts of the 
institution of the Floralia and the Cerialia. Dearth was the 
alleged cause in each case ; and the position of the temple of 
Flora near that of Ceres : the foundation by plebeian magistrates, 
in this case the two Publicii 4 , who as aediles were able to spend 
part of the fines exacted from defaulting holders of ager publicvs 
on this object B : and the coarse character of the games as Ovid 
describes them, all seem to show that the foundation was 
a plebeian one, like that of the Cerialia 6 . 

There may, however, have been something in the nature of 
ludi before this date and at the same time of year, but not of 
a regular or public character. Flora was beyond doubt an old 
Italian deity 7 , probably closely related to Ceres and Venus. 
There was a Flamen Floralis of very old standing 8 ; and Flora 
is one of the deities to whom piacula were offered by the Fratres 

1 See Introduction, p. 15. 

' Plin. N. H. 18. 286; two years earlier, according to Velleius, i. 14. 
This is, I think, the only case in which a deity taken in hand by the 
decemviri sacris faciundis cannot be traced to a Greek origin ; but the 
characteristics of Flora are so like those of Venus that in the former, as 
in the latter, Aphrodite may be concealed. The games as eventually 
organized had points in common with the cult of Aphrodite at Hierapolis 
(Lucian, Dea Syr. 49 ; Farnell, Cults, ii. 643) ; and it is worth noting that 
their date (173 B. c.) is subsequent to the Syrian war. Up to that time 
the games were not regular or annual (Ovid, Fasti, 5. 295). 

3 Tac. Ann. 2. 49 ; Aust, p. 17. 

* Plebis ad aediles : Ovid, ib. v. 287 ; Festus, 238, probably in error, calls 
the Publicii cunde aediles. 

* Ovid, ib. 5. 277 foil., in which he draws a picture of the misdoings of the 
landholders. Cp. Liv. 33. 42, for the temple of Faunus in insula, founded 
by the same means. 

' Ovid, ib. 5. 352. 

7 Steuding in Myth. Lex. s. v. Flora. There was a Sabine month Flusalis 
(Momms. Chron. 219) = Floral is, and answering to July. Varro considered 
Flora a Sabine deity (L. L. 5. 74). 

' Varro, L. L. 7. 45. Flora had an ancient temple in colle, near 
the so-called Capitolium vetus (,Steuding, 1. c.), i.e. in the 'Sabiiie 


Arvales 1 a list beginning with Janus and ending with Vesta. 
There is no doubt, then, that there was a Flora-cult in Rome 
long before the foundation of the temple and the games in 
238 ; and though its character may have changed under the 
influence of the Sibylline books, we may be able to glean some 
particulars as to its original tendency. 

In the account of Ovid and from other hints we gather 

1 . That indecency was let loose 2 at any rate on the original 
day of the ludi (April 28\ which were in later times extended 
to May 3. The numon of Flora, says Ovid, was not strict. 
Drunkenness was the order of the day, and the usual results 
followed : 

Ebrius ad durum formosae limen amicae 
Can tat: habent unctae mollia serta comae. 

The prostitutes of Rome hailed this as their feast-day, as well 
as the Vinalia on the 23rd ; and if we may trust a story told 
by Valerius Maximus ", Cato the younger withdrew from the 
theatre rather than behold the mimae unclothe themselves, 
though he would not interfere with the custom. Flora herself, 
like Acca Larentia, was said by late writers to have been 
a harlot whose gains enabled her to leave money for the ludi 4 . 
These characteristics of the festival were no doubt developed 
under the influence of luxury in a large city, and grew still 
more objectionable under the Empire 5 . But it is difficult to 
believe that such practices would have grown up as they did 
at this particular time of year, had there not been some previous 
customs of the kind existing before the ludi were regularly 

2. We find another curious custom belonging to the last 
days of the ludi, which became common enough under the 
Empire fi , but may yet have had an origin in the cult of Flora. 

1 Hen/en, Acfa Fratr. Are. 146. 

* Ov. 5- 33* foil 'Volt sua plebeio sacra patere choro.' 

3 Val. Max. 2. 10. 8. Steuding in Myth. Lex. has oddly misunderstood 
this passage, making Val. Max. write of this custom as an ancient one, 
whereas he clearly implies the opposite. It was no doubt the relic 
of some rude country practice, degenerated under the influence of 
city life. 

' Lnctantitis, Ik falsa rdigione, i. 20. 

5 Aug. Civ. Dei, ii. 27. 

' Friedlftnder on Martial, 8. 67. 4. 


Hares and goats were let loose in the Circus Maximus on these 
days. Ovid asks Flora : 

Cur tibi pro Libycis clauduntur rete * leaenis 
Imbelles capreae sollicitusque lepus? 

and gets the answer : 

Non sibi, respondit, silvas cessissc, sed hortos 
Arvaque pugnaci non adeunda ferae. 

If we take this answer as at least appropriate, we may add to 
it the reflection that hares and goats are prolific animals and 
also that they are graminivorous. Flora as a goddess of 
fertility and bloom could have nothing in common with fierce 
carnivora. But we are also reminded of the foxes that were 
let loose in the Circus at the Cerialia 2 , and may see in these 
beasts as in the foxes animal representations of the spirit of 

3. Another custom is possibly significant in something the 
same way. From a passage in Persius we learn that vetches, 
beans, and lupines were scattered among the people in the 
circus s . The commentators explain this as meaning that they 
were thrown simply to be scrambled for as food ; and we know 
that other objects besides eatables were thrown on similar 
occasions, at any rate at a later time 4 . But it is noticeable 
that among these objects were medals with obscene representa- 
tions on them ; and putting two and two together it is not 
unreasonable to guess that the original custom had a meaning 
connected with fructification. Dr. Mannhardt 5 has collected 
a very large number of examples of the practice of sprinkling 
and throwing all kinds of grain, including rice, peas, beans, &c., 
from all parts of the world, in the marriage rite and at the 
birth of children ; amply sufficient to prove that the custom is 
symbolic of fertility. Bearing in mind the time of year, the 
nature of Flora, the character of the April rites generally, and 

1 H. Peter takes this to mean that they were let loose from a net and 
hunted into it again. See note ad loc. 5. 371. 

* See above, p. 77. 

s Sat. 5. 177 : Vigila et cicer ingere large 

Rixanti populo, nostra ut Floralia possint 
Aprici meminisse senes. Cp. Hor. Sat. a. 3. 182. 

* Friedlander, Sittengeschichte, ii. 286 ; and his note on Martial, 8. 78. 
5 Kind. u. Korn. 351 foil. 


the occurrence of the women's cult of the Bona Dea on May i, 
viz. one of the days of the ludi, we may perhaps conjecture 
that the custom in question was a very old one far older than 
the organized games and had reference to the fertility both of 
the earth and of man himself 1 . 


A brief account may be here given of the great Latin festival 
which usually in historical times took place in April. Though 
it was not held at Kome, but on the Alban Mount, it was under 
the direct supervision of the Koman state, and was in reality 
a Roman festival. The consuls on their entrance upon office on 
the Ides of March had to fix and announce the date of it 2 ; 
and when in 153 B.C. the day of entrance was changed to 
January i , the date of the festival does not seem to have been 
changed to suit it. The consuls must be present themselves, 
leaving spraefcctus urbi at Eome 3 ; or in case of the compulsory 
absence of both consuls a dictator might be appointed Feriarum 
Latinantm causa. Only when the festival was over could they 
leave Kome for their provinces. 

It was therefore a festival of the highest importance to the 
Koman state. But the ritual will show that it must in fact 
have been much older than that state as we know it in histoiical 
times ; it was a common festival of the most ancient Latin 
communities 4 , celebrated on the lofty hill which arose in their 
midst, where dwelt the great protecting deity of their race. At 
what date Rome became the presiding city at the festival we 
do not know. The foundation of the temple on the hill was 

1 Another point that may strike the reader of Ovid is the wearing of 
parti-coloured dress on these days (5. 355 : cp. Martial, 5. 23) 
Cur tamen ut dantur vestes Cerialibus albae, 

Sic haec est cultu versicolore decens ? 

Flora answers him doubtfully. Was this a practice of comparatively late 
date ? See Friedlander, Sittengeschichte ii. 275. 

* Mommsen in C. /. L. vi. p. 455 (Tabula for. Lat.). The day was March 15 
from B.C. 222 to 153; in earlier times it had been frequently changed. 
See Mommsen, Ckron. p. 80 foil. 

3 On this office and its connexion with the/en'ae see Vigneaux, Essaisur 
fhistoire de la praefectura urbis, p. 37 foil. 

* Plin. H. N. 3. 69 ; Dionys. 4. 49. The difficult questions arising out of 
the numbers given by these authorities are d scussed by Beloch, Itulischer 
Bund, 178 foil., and Mommsen in Hermes, vol. xvii. 42 folL 


ascribed to the Tarquinii, and this tradition seems to be borne 
out by the character of the foundations discovered there, which 
resemble those of the Capitoline temple '. No doubt the 
Tarquinii may have renovated the cult or even given it an 
extended significance ; but the Roman presidency must con- 
jocturally be placed still further back. Perhaps no festival, 
Greek or Roman, carries us over such a vast period of time as 
this ; its features betray its origin in the pastoral age, and it 
continued in almost uninterrupted grandeur till the end of the 
third century A. D., or even later 2 . 

The ritual as known to us was as follows'. When the 
magistrates or (their deputies) of all the Latin cities taking part 
had assembled at the temple, the Roman consul offered a libation 
of milk, while the deputies from the other cities brought sheep, 
cheeses, or other such offerings. But the characteristic rite 
was the slaughter of a pure white heifer that had never felt 
the yoke. This sacrifice was the duty of the consul, who 
acted on behalf of the whole number of cities. When it was 
concluded, the flesh of the victim was divided amongst all the 
deputies and consumed by them. To be left out of this 
common meal, or sacrament, would be equivalent to being 
excluded from communion with the god and the Latin league, 
and the desire to obtain the allotted flesh is more than once 
alluded to 4 . A general festivity followed the sacrifice, while 
oscilla, or little puppets, were hung from the branches of trees 
as at the Paganalia 5 . As usual in Italy, the least oversight in 
the ceremony or evil omen made it necessary to begin it all 
over again ; and this occasionally happened fi . Lastly, during 
the festival there was a truce between all the cities, and it 

1 Aust, in Myth. Lex. s. v. luppiter, p. 689. 
a C. I. L. vi. 202 r . 

* Condensed from the account given by Aust, 1. c. Seo also Prellcr- 
Jordan, i. 210 foil. The chief authority is Dionys. 4. 49. 

4 e.g. Liv. 32. i, 37. 3, in which cases some one city had not received 
its portion. The result was an instauratio feriarum. 

5 See below, p. 294 (Ferine Sementivae). Tiie meaning of the oscilla 
was not really known to the later Romans, who freely indulged in con- 
jectures about them. Macrob. i. 7. 34 ; Serv. Georg. 2. 389 ; Paul. 121. 
My own belief is that, like the bullae of children, they were only one of 
the many moans of averting evil influences. 

* See the passages of Livy quoted above, and add 40. 45 (on account of 
a storm) ; 41. 16 v a failure on the part of Lanuvium). 


would seem that the alliance between Rome and the Latins was 
yearly renewed on the day of the Feriae '. 

Some of the lending characteristics of the Italian Jupiter will 
be considered further on 2 . But this festival may teach us that 
we are here in the presence of the oldest and finest religious 
conception of the Latin race, which yearly acknowledges its 
common kinship of blood and seals it by partaking in the 
common meal of a sacred victim, thus entering into communion 
with the god, the victim, and each other 3 . The offerings are 
characteristic rather of a pastoral than an agricultural age, and 
suggest an antiquity that is fully confirmed by the ancient 
utensils dug up on the Alban Mount 4 . As Helbig has pointed 
out, the absence of any mention of wine proves that the origin 
of the festival must be dated earlier than the introduction of 
the grape into Italy. The white victim may be a reminiscence 
of some primitive white breed of cattle. The common meal 
of the victim's flesh is a survival from the age when cattle were 
sacred animals, and were never slain except on the solemn 
annual occasions when the clan renewed its kinship and its 
mutual obligations by a solemn sacrament 5 . 

As Eome absorbed Latium, so Jupiter Latiaris gave way 
before the great god of the Capitol, who is the symbol of the 
later victorious and imperial Rome ; but the god of the Alban 
hill and his yearly festival continued to recall the early share 
of the Latins in the rise of their leading city, long after the 
population of their towns had been so terribly thinned that 
some of them could hardly find a surviving member to represent 
them at the festival and take their portion of the victim ". 

1 Macrob. i. 16. 16 'Cum Latiar, hoc est Latinarum solemne concipitur, 
nefas est proelium sumere : quia nee Latinarum tempore. quo publice 
juojidam indutiae inter populum Roinauum Latinosquo firmatae sunt, 
inchoari bellum decebat.' 

* See under Sept. 13. 

s For the characteristics and meaning of the common sacrificial meal 
see especially Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semites, Lect. viii. 

4 Helbig, Die Italiker in der Poebene, 71. 

s Robertson Smith, op. cit., 278 foil. 

' Cic. pro Plancio, 9. 23. 


WAS the name of this month taken from a deity Maia, 
or had it originally only a signification of growing or increasing, 
such as we might expect in a word derived from the same root 
as maior, maicstas, &c.? The following passage of Macrobius 
will show how entirely the Roman scholars were at sea in 
their answer to this question ] : 

'Maium Romulus tertium posuit. De cuius nomine inter 
auctores lata dissensio est. Nam Fulvius Nobilior in Fastis 
quos in aede Herculis Musarum posuit 2 Romulum dicit post- 
quam populum in maiores iunioresque diuisit, ut altera pars 
consilio altera armis rem publicam tueretur, in honorem 
utriusque partis hunc Maium, sequentem lunium mensem 
uocasse 3 . Sunt qui hunc mensem ad nostros fastos a Tuscu- 
lanis transisse commemorent, apud quos nunc quoque uocatur 
deus Maius, qui est luppiter, a magnitudine scilicet ac maiestate 
dictus 4 . Cingius 5 mensem nominatum putat a Maia quam 
Vulcani dicit uxorem, argumentoque utitur quod flamen 
Vulcanalis Kalendis Maiis huic deae rem diuinam facit. Sed 
Piso uxorem Vulcani Maiestam non Maiam dicit uocari. 
Contendunt alii Maiam Mercurii matrem mensi nomen dedisse, 
hinc maxime probantes quod hoc mense mercatores omnes 

1 Sat. i. 12. 16. 2 See above, Introduction, p. n. 

3 So Varro also (L. L. 6. 33). But Censorinus (De die natali, 20. a) ex- 
pressly ascribes to Varro the derivation from Maia ; the great scholar 
apparently changed his view. 

* For lup. Maius see Aust, in Myth. Lex. s. v. luppiter, p. 650. 

* This was probably not the early historian Cincius Alimentus, but 
a contemporary of Augustus, Teuffel, Hist, of Roman Literature, sec. 106. 
For the flamen Volcanalis see on Aug ^3. 


Maiae pariter Mercurioque sacrificant 1 . Adfirmant quidam, 
quibus Cornelius Labeo consentit, hanc Maiam cui mense Maio 
res diuina celebratur terrain esse hoc adeptam nomen a magni- 
tudine, sicut et Mater Magna in sacris uocatur adsertionemque 
aestimationis suae etiam hinc colligunt quod sus praegnans 
ei mactatur, quae hostia propria est terrae. Et Mercurium 
ideo illi in sacris adiungi dicunt quia uox nascenti honiini 
terrae contactu datur, scimus autem Mercurium uocis et 
sermonis potentem. Auctor est Cornelius Labeo huic Maiae 
id est terrae aedem Kalendis Maiis dedicatam sub nomine 
Bonae Deae et eandem esse Bonam Deam et terrain ex ipso 
ritu occultiore sacrorum doceri posse confirmat. Hanc eandem 
Bonam deam Faunamque et Opem et Fatuam pontificum libris 
indigitari, &c.' 

It is clear from this passage that the Romans themselves 
were not agreed, either in the case of May or June, that the 
name of the month was derived from a deity. No Roman 
scholar doubted that Martius was derived from Mars, the 
characteristic god of the Roman race ; but Maia was a deity 
known apparently only to the priests and the learned. Had 
she been a popular one, what need could there have been 
to question so obvious an etymology? And if she were an 
obscure one, how could she have given her name to a month ? 
As a matter of fact March is the only month of which we can 
be sure that it was named after a god. Even January is 
doubtful, June still more so. The natural assumption about 
this latter word would be that it comes from Juno, more 
especially as we find in Latium the words Junonius and 
Junonalis as names of months 2 . But if Junius came from 
Juno, it must have come by the dropping out of a syllable ; 
and this, in the case of a long and accented o, would be at least 
unlikely to happen 3 . Nor can we discover any sufficient 
reason why the month of June should be called after Juno ; 
none at any rate such as accounts for the connexion of Mars 
with the initial month of the year. This is enough to show 

1 i.e. on the Ides: see below, p. 120. The connexion between Mercurius 
and Maia seems to arise simply from the fact that the dedication of the 
temple of the former was on the Ides of this mouth. 

3 Ovid, Fasti, 6. 59 foil. ; Mommsen, Chron. 218. 

3 The etymology was defended by Roscher in Fleckeisen's Jahrbuch for. 
1875, and in his luno und Hera, p. 105. 

II 2 


that the derivation of June from Juno must be left doubtful ; 
and if so, certainly that of May from Maia. In the case of this 
month, not only does the natural meaning of mensis Maius 
suit well as following the mensis Aprilis, but there is no 
cult of a deity Maia which is found throughout the month. 

Any one who reads the passage of Macrobius with some 
knowledge of the Roman theological system will hardly fail 
to conclude that Maia is only a priestly indigitation of another 
deity, and that the name thus invented was simply taken from 
the name of the month as explained above. This deity was 
more generally known, as Macrobius implies, by the name Bona 
Dea, and her temple was dedicated on the Kalends of May. 

It is difficult to characterize the position of the month 
of May in the religious calendar. It was to some extent no 
doubt a month of purilication. At the Lemuria the house was 
purified of hostile ghosts ; the curious ceremony of the Argei 
on the Ides is called by Plutarch the greatest of the purifica- 
tions ; and at the end of the month took place the lust ratio 
of the growing crops. We note too that it was considered 
ill-omened to marry in May, as it still is in many parts of 
Europe. The agricultural operations of the month were not 
of a marked character. Much work had indeed to be done 
in oliveyards and vineyards ; some crops had to be hoed and 
cleaned, and the hay-harvest probably began in the latter part 
of the month. In the main it was a time of somewhat anxious 
expectation and preparation for the harvest to follow ; and this 
falls in fairly well with the general character of its religious 

KAL. MAI. (MAY i.) F. 
LAR[IBUS]. (VEN.) L . (ESQ.) 

This was the day on which, according to Ovid 1 , an altar 
and ' parva signa ' had been erected to the Lares praestites. 
They were originally of great antiquity, but had fallen into 
decay in Ovid's time : 

Bina gemellorum quaerebam signa deorum, 
Viribus annosae facta caduca morae 3 . 

1 Fasti, 5. 129 foil. For the doubtful reading Curibus in 131 see Peter, 
ad loc. ; Preller-Jordan, ii. 114. 

3 Fasti, 5. 143 ; Plutarch, Quaest. Rom. 51. 


Ovid himself had apparently not seen the signa, though he Icoked 
for them ; and no doubt he took from Yarro the description he 
gives. They had the figure of a dog at their feet 1 , and, according 
to Plutarch, were clothed in dogs' skins. Both Ovid and Plutarch 
explained the dog as symbolizing their watch over the city ; 
though Plutarch, following, as he says, certain Romans, preferred 
to think of them rather as evil demons searching out and 
punishing guilt like dogs. The mention of the skins is very 
curious, and we can hardly separate it from the numerous 
other instances in which the images of deities are known 
to have been clothed in the skins of victims sacrificed to them 2 . 
We may indeed fairly conclude that the Lares were chthonic 
deities, and as such were originally appeased, like Hekate in 
Greece 3 , by the sacrifice of dogs. We have already had one 
example of the dog used as a victim '. Two others are 
mentioned by Plutarch 5 ; in one case the deity was the 
obscure Genita Mana, and in the other the unknown god of 
the Lupercalia, both of which belong in all probability to the 
same stratum of Italian religious antiquity as the Lares. 
Whether we should go further, and infer from the use of the 
skins that the Lares were originally worshipped in the form of 
dogs 6 , is a question I must leave undecided ; the evidence 
is very scanty. There is no trace of any connexion with the 
dog in the cult of the Lares domestici 7 , or Compitales. 

This is also the traditional day of the dedication of a temple 
to the Bona Dea, on the slopes of the Aventine, under a big 
sacred rock. It is thus described by Ovid 8 : 

Est moles nativa loco. Res nomina fecit : 
Appellant Saxum. Pars bona mentis ea est. 

Huic Remus institerat frustra, quo tempore fratri 
Prima Palatinae signa dedistis aves. 

1 This appears on coins of the gens Caesia : Cohen, Med. Cons. pi. viii. 
Wissowa, in Myth. Lex., s.v. Lares, gives a cut of the coin, on which the 
Lares are represented sitting with a dog between them. See note at the 
end of this work (Note B) on the further interpretation of these coins. 

2 See Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semites, 414 foil. 

* Farnell, Cults, ii. 515. Hekate was certainly a deity of the earth. Cf. 
Plut. Q. R. 68. * See on Robigalia, April 25. 

8 Quaest. Rom. 52 and in ; cf. Romulus 21. 

* So Jevons, Roman Questions, Introduction, xli. 

7 De-Marchi, La Religione nella vita domestica, 48. Wissowa (Myth. Lex, s.v. 
Lares, p. 1872; prefers the old interpretation, much as Plutarch gives it. 

* Fasti, 5. 149 foil. 


Templa Patres illic oculos exosa viriles 

Leniter acclivi constituere iugo. 
Dedicat haec veteris Clausorum nominis heres, 

Virgineo nullum corpore passa virum. 
Livia restituit, ne non imitata maritum 

Esset et ex omni parte secuta virum. 

The allusion to Remus fixes the site on the Aventine. The 
date is uncertain ' ; so too the alleged foundation by Claudia, 
which may be only a reflection from the story of the part 
played by a Claudia in the introduction of the Magna Mater 
Idaea to Rome 4 . The temple, as Ovid says, was restored 
by Livia, in accordance with the policy of her husband, also 
at an unknown date. 

Of the cult belonging to this temple we have certain traces, 
which also help us to some vague conception of the nature 
of the deity. It should be observed that though in one 
essential particular, viz. the exclusion of men, this cult was 
similar to that of December, it must have been quite distinct 
from it, as the latter took place, not in a temple, but in the 
house of a magistrate cum imperio : \ 

i. The temple was cared for, and the cult celebrated, by 
women only 4 . There was an old story that Hercules, when 
driving the cattle of Geryon, asked for water by the cave 
of Cacus of the women celebrating the festival of the goddess, 
and was refused, because the women's festival was going 
on, and men were not allowed to use their drinking- vessels ; 
and that this led to the corresponding exclusion of women from 
the worship of Hercules '\ The myth obviously arose out 
of the practice. The exclusion of men points to the earth- 

1 Aust, De Aedibus sacris, p. 27. It was apparently before 123 B. c., when 
a Vestal Virgin, Licinia, added an aedicula, pulvinar, and ara to it (Cic. de 
Domo, 136). 

* Wissowa, in Pauly's Real-Encydopadie, s. v. Bona Dea, 690. See above, 
p. 69. 

3 See below, under Dec. 3. There can be hardly a doubt that this 
December rite was the one famous for the sacrilegium of Clodius in 62 B. c., 
though Prof. Beesly rashly assumed the contrary in his essay on Clodius 
\Catiline, Clodius, and Tiberius, p. 45 note). Plutarch, Cic. 19 and 20; Dio 
Cass. 37. 35. 

* Ovid, 1. c. ' oculos exosa viriles.' Cp. Ars Amat. 3. 637. On this and 
other points in the cult see R. Peter in Myth. Lex., and Wissowa, 1. c. The 
latter seems to refer most of them to the December rite ; but Ovid and 
Macrobius expressly connect them with the temple. Macr. i. 12. 25 folL 

4 Propert. 4. 9 ; Macr. i. 12. 28. 


nature of the Bona Dea ; the same was the case in the worship 
of the Athenian Demeter Thesmophoros. The earth seems 
always to be spiritualized as feminine even among savage 
peoples l , and the reason of the exclusion of men is not difficult 
to conjecture, just as the exclusion of women from the worship 
of Hercules is explained by the fact that Hercules represents the 
male principle in the ancient Roman religion 2 . 

2. Macrobius 3 tells us that wine could not be brought into 
the temple suo nomine, but only under the name of milk, and 
that the vase in which it was carried was called mellarium, 
i.e. a vase for honey. A legend grew up to account for the 
custom, to which we shall refer again, that Faunus had beaten 
his daughter Fauna (i.e. Bona Dea) with a rod of myrtle 
because she would not yield to his incestuous love or drink 
the wine he pressed on her 4 . This may indicate a survival 
from the time when the herdsman used no wine in sacred rites, 
but milk and honey only ; Pliny tells us of such a time ', and 
his evidence is confirmed by the poets. In any case milk 
would be the appropriate offering to the Earth-mother, and 
it is hard to see why it should have been changed to wine, 
unless it were that life in the city and Greek influence altered 
the character both of the Bona Dea and her worshippers. The 
really rustic deities had milk offered them, e.g. Silvanus, 
Pales, and Ceres. The general inference from this survival 
is that the Bona Dea was originally of the same nature with 
these deities, but lost her rusticity when she became part 
of an organized city worship. 

3. Myrtle was not allowed in this temple ; hence the myth 
that Faunus beat his daughter with a myrtle rod 6 . But could 

1 Tylor, Primitive Culture, ii. 245 foil. 

* See below, p. 143. Lex. Myth. e. v. Hercules, 2258. 

8 Macr. 1. c. Plutarch also knew of this (Quaest. Rom. 20). 

4 Otherwise in Lactantius, i. 22. n, and Arnob. 5. 18, where Fauna is 
said to have been beaten because she drank wine ; no doubt a later version. 
Lactantius quotes Sext. Clodius, a contemporary of Cicero. 

5 H. N. 14. 88. See above on ferine Latinae, p. 97. Virg. Eel. 5. 66; Georg. i. 
344 ; Aen. 5. 77. In the last passage milk is offered to the inferiae of 
Anchises : we may note the similarity of the cult of Earth-deities and 
of the dead. 

6 Plut. Q. R. 20 ; Macrob. 1. c. ; Lactant. 1. c. The myth has been ex- 
plained as Greek (Wissowa, in Pauly, 688), but its peculiar feature, the 
whipping, could hardly have become attached to a Roman cult unless there 
were something in the cult to attach it to, or unless the cult itself were 


the exclusion of myrtle by itself have suggested the beating? 
Dr. Mannhardt answers in the negative, and conjectures that 
there must have been some kind of beating in the cult itself, 
which gave rise to the story 1 . Dr. Mannhardt never made 
a conjecture without a large collection of facts on which to base 
it ; and here he depends upon a number of instances from 
Greece and Northern Europe, in which man or woman, or 
some object such as the image of a deity, is whipped with rods, 
nettles, strips of leather, &c., in order, as it would seem, 
to produce fertility and drive away hostile influences. We 
shall see the same peculiarity occurring at the Lupercalia in 
February 2 , where its object and meaning are almost beyond 
doubt. Many of these practices occur, it is worth noting, 
on May-day. If the Bona Dea was a representative in any 
sense of the fertility of women, as well as of the fructifying 
powers of the earth and the two ideas seem naturally to 
have run together in the primitive mind we may provisionally 
accept Dr. Mannhardt's ingenious suggestion. If it be objected 
that as myrtle was excluded from the cult it could not have 
been used therein for the purpose of whipping, the answer 
is simply that as being invested with some mysterious power 
it was tabooed from ordinary use, but, like certain kinds of 
victims, was introduced on special and momentous occasions. 

4. The temple was a kind of herbarium in which herbs were 
kept with healing properties". A group of interesting in- 
scriptions shows that the Bona Dea did not confine her healing 
powers to cases of women, but cured the ailments of both 
sexes 4 . This attribute of the goddess is borne out by the 
presence of snakes in her temple, the usual symbol of the 
medicinal art, and at the same time appropriate to the Bona 
Dea as an Earth-goddess 5 . It is possible that this feature 
is a Greek importation ; but on the whole I see no reason why 

borrowed from the Greek. That the latter was the case it is impossible 
to prove ; and I prefer to believe that both cult and myth were Roman. 

1 Mythologische Forschungen, 115 foil. Cp. Frazer, Golden Bough, ii. 213 foil. 

8 Below, p. 320. See also on July 7 (Nonae Caprotinae). 

s Macrob. 1. c. * Quidam Medeam putant, quod in aedo eius omne genus 
herbarum sit ex quibus antistites dant plerumque medicinas.' 

1 C. I. L. vi. 54 foil. 

* This no doubt gave rise to the myth that Faunus 'coisse cum filia' 
in the form of a snake. Here again the myth may possibly be Greek, 
but we have no right to deny that it may have had a Roman basis. 


the female ministrants of the temple should not have exercised 
such healing powers, or have sold or given herbs at request, 
even at a very early period. No doubt Greek medicinal learn- 
ing became associated with it, but that the knowledge of simples 
was indigenous in Italy we have abundant proof l ; and that it 
should have been connected with no cult of a deity until Aescu- 
lapius was introduced from Greece, is most improbable. 

5. The sacrifice mentioned is that of a porca 2 . The pig is 
also the victim in the worship of Cares, of Juno Lucina 3 
(as alternative for a lamb), and as a piacular sacrifice in the 
ritual of the deity of the Fratres Arvales (Dea Dia) ; it seems 
in fact, as in Greece, to be appropriate to deities of the earth 
and of women. There is no reason to suppose that wherever 
it is found it had a Greek origin ; even in the cult of Ceres, 
which, as we saw, became early overlaid with Greek practice 4 , 
the pig may have been the victim before that change took 
place. But it is a singular fact that in the worship of the 
Bona Dea, either at the temple of the Aventine, or in the 
December rite more probably perhaps in the latter the victim 
was called by a name which looks suspiciously Greek, viz. 
Damium 6 . It seems that there was a deity Damia who was 
worshipped here and there in Greece, and also in Southern 
Italy, e. g. at Tarentum, where she had a festival called Dameia 6 . 
It looks as if this Greek deity had at one time migrated from 
Tarentum to Kome r and become engrafted upon the indigenous 
Bona Dea ; for we are expressly told that Damia was identical 
with the Bona Dea, and that the priestess of the latter was called 
Damiatrix 7 . Much has been written about these very obscure 
names, without any very definite result ;. but it seems to be 

Snakes were kept in great numbers both, in temples and houses in Italy 
(Preller-Jordan, i. 87, 385). 

1 Plin. H. N. 29 passim r especially 14, &c., where Cato is quoted as 
detesting the new Greek art, and urging his son to stick to the old 
simples ; some of which,, with their absurd charms, are given in Cato, 
R. R. 156 foil. " Macrob. 1. c. ; Juv. Sat. 2. 86. 

- Marq. 173. Gilbert (Gesch. und Topogr. ii. 159, note) has some im- 
possible combinations on, this subject, and concludes that the Bona Dea 
was a moon-goddess. * See above, p. 72 foil. 

* Paulus, 68 'Damium sacrificium, quod fiebat in operto in honorem 
Bonae deae, . . . dea quoque ipsa D.unia et sacerdos eius daiuiatrix 

6 R. Peter in Myth. Lex., s. v. Damia ; Wissowa, 1. o. 

7 Paulus, 1. c. 


generally agreed that the form of the word damiatrix indicates 
a high antiquity for the Graecized form of the cult, and may 
indeed possibly suggest an Italian origin for the whole group 
of names. In this uncertainty conjectures are almost useless. 

We have seen enough of the cult to gain some idea of the 
nature of this mysterious deity, whose real name was not 
known, even if she had one '. We need not identify her with 
Vesta, as some have done 2 , nor with Juno Lucina, nor with any 
other female deity of the class to which she seems to have 
belonged. She must at one time have been, whatever she 
afterwards became, a protective deity of .the female sex, the 
Earth-mother 3 , a kindly and helpful, but shy and unknowable 
deity of fertility. The name Bona Dea is probably to be 
regarded as one indigitation of the Earth-spirit known by 
a variety of other names and appearing in a number of different 
phases. There is indeed a remarkable indefiniteness about the 
Italian female deities of this class ; they never gained what we 
may call complete specific distinctness, but are rather half- 
formed species developed from a common type. They form, 
in fact, an excellent illustration of the nature of that earliest 
stratum of Roman religious belief which has been called pan- 
daemonism a belief in a world of spiritual powers not yet 
grown into the forms of individual deities, but ready at any 
moment, under influences either native ox foreign, to take a 
more definite shape. 

VII. ID. MAI. (MAY 9). N. 

V. ID. MAT. (MAY n). N. 

III. ID. MAI. (MAY 13). N. 

The word Lemuria indicates clearly enough some kind of 
worship of the dead ; but we know of no such public cult on 

1 Lactantius, i. 22 ; Serv. Aen. 8. 314. 

4 Preuner, Hestia-Vesta, 407 foil. For Lucina, Gilbert, 1. c. 

3 The combination of the idea of female fecundity with that of the 
earth is of course common enough. Here is a good example from 
Abyssinia : ' She (Atetie) is the goddess of fecundity, and women are her 


these three days except from the calendars. What Ovid 
describes as taking place at this time is a private and domestic 
rite performed by the head of the household l ; and Ovid is our 
only informant in regard to details. In historical times the 
public festival of the dead was that of the dies parentales in 
February, ending with the Feralia on the 2ist. How, then, 
is it that the three days of the Lemuria appear in those 
large letters in the ancient calendars, which, as we have seen 2 , 
indicate the public festivals of the religious system of the 
Republic ? There is no certain answer to this question. We 
can but guess that the Lemuria was at one time, like the 
Feralia, a public festival, but descended from a more ancient 
deposit of superstition which in historical times was buried 
deep beneath the civilization of a developed city life :1 . Ovid 
himself implies that the Lemuria was an older festival than 
the Feralia 4 , and we may suppose him to be following Varro 
as a guide. And if we compare his account of the grotesque 
domestic rites of the Lemuria with those of February, which 
were of a systematic, cheerful, and even beautiful character, 
we may feel fairly sure that the latter represents the organized 
life of a city state, the former the ideas of an age when life was 
wilder and less secure, and the fear of the dead and of demons 
generally was a powerful factor in the minds of the people. 
If we may argue from Ovid's account, to be described directly, 
it is not impossible that the Lemuria may have been one of 
those periodical expulsions of demons of which Mr. Frazer has 
told us so much in his Golden Bough \ and which are performed 
on behalf of the community as well as in the domestic circle 
amongst savage peoples. It is noticeable that the offering 
of food to the demons is a feature common to these practices, 
and that it also appears in those described by Ovid. 

The difference of character in the two Koman festivals of the 
dead is perhaps also indicated by the fact that the days of 
the Lemuria are marked in the calendars with the letter N, 

principal votaries ; but, as she can also make the earth prolific, offerings 
are made to her for that purpose' (Macdonald, Religion and Myth, p. 42). 

1 Fasti, 5. 421 foil. a See Introduction, p. 15. 

* Huschke (Rom. Jahr, 17) tried to prove that the Lemuria was the 
'Todtenfest' of the Sabine city, the Feralia that of the Latin; but his 
arguments have convinced no one. * Fasti, 5. 423. 

4 G. B. ii. 157 foil. ; Macdonald, Religion and Myth, ch. vi. 


while the Feralia is marked F or FP 1 . This may perhaps 
point to two different views of the attitude of the dead to the 
living, affecting the character of the festival days ; they are 
friendly or hostile, as they have been buried with due rites 
and carefully looked after, or as they have failed of these dues 
and are consequently angry and jealous 2 . The latter of these 
attitudes is more in keeping with the notions of uncivilized 
man, and of a life not as yet wholly brought under the influ- 
ence of the civilization of the city-state. To be more certain, 
however, on this point, we must try and discover the real 
meaning of the word lemur. 

The definition given by Porphyrio is 'Umbras vagantes 
hominum ante diem mortuorum atque ideo metuendasV 
Nonius has the following : ' Lemures larvae nocturnae et terrifi- 
cationes imaginum et bestiarumV From these passages it 
would seem that lemures and larvae mean much the same 
thing; on the other hand Appuleius 5 implies that lemures is 
a general word for spirits after they have left the body, while 
those that haunt houses are especially called larvae. But on a 
question of this kind, the philosophical and uncritical Appuleius 
is not to be weighed as an authority against either Nonius or 
Porphyrio, who may quite possibly be here representing the 
learning of the Augustan age ; and a perusal of the whole of 
his passage will show that he is simply trying to classify ghosts 
by the light of his own imagination. Judging from the hints 
of the two other scholars, we may perhaps conclude that lemures 
and larvae are to be distinguished as hostile ghosts from manes, 
the good people (as the word is generally explained), i. e. those 
duly buried in the city of ihe dead, and whom their living 
descendants have no need to fear so long as they pay them 
their due rites at the proper seasons as members of the family. 
And this conclusion is confirmed by the curious etymology of 
Ovid 6 , reproduced by Porphyrio, deriving Lemuria from Remus. 

1 Introduction, p. 10. 

* Tylor, Prim. Cult. ii. 24. The friendly attitude is well illustrated in 
F. de Coulanges' La Cite antique, ch. ii. * On Hor. Ep. 2. 2. 209. 

4 Non. p. 135. Cp. Festus, s. v. faba: ' Leinuralibus iacitur larvis,' i.e. 
'the bean is thrown to larvae at the Lemuralia.' Serv. Aen. 3. 63. 

* de Genio Socrati.', 15. The passage is interesting, but historically 
worthless, as is that of Martianus Capella, 2. 162. 

6 Fasti, 5. 451 foil. ; Porph. I.e. Remus, as one dead before his time, 
would not lie quiet : ' Umbra cruenta Bemi visa est adsistere lecto,' &c. 


whose violent death was supposed to have been expiated by 
the institution of the festival. The difficulty is to see why, 
if the Icmurcs were unburied, evil, or hostile spirits, a special 
festival of three days should have been necessary to appease 
or quiet them ; and I can only account for this by supposing 
that such spirits were especially numerous in an age of un- 
civilized life and constant war and violence, and that they 
formed a large part of the whole world of evil demons whose 
expulsion was periodically demanded. It may have been the 
case that at this particular time in May, when the days were 
nefasti and marriages were ill-omened, these spirits became 
particularly restless and needed to be laid. 

Such an explanation as this of the Lemuria is on the whole 
preferable to that which would regard it as the original Eoman 
festival of all the dead ; for there is now abundant evidence 
that even in the earliest ages of Italian life the practice of 
orderly burial in necropoleis was universal ', and this is 
a practice that seems inconsistent with a general belief in the 
dead as hostile and haunting spirits. 

The following is Ovid's description of the way in which the 
ghosts were laid at the Lemuria by the father of a family. At 
midnight he rises, and with bare feet 2 and washed hands, 
making a peculiar sign with his fingers and thumbs to keep 
off the ghosts, he walks through the house. He has black 
beans in his mouth, and these he spits out as he walks, looking 
the other way, and saying, 'With these I redeem me and 
mine.' Nine times he says this without looking round ; 
then come the ghosts behind him, and gather up the beans 
unseen. He proceeds to wash again and to make a noise 
with brass vessels ; and after nine times repeating the form- 
ula 'manes 3 exite paterni,' he at last looks round, and the 
ceremony is over. 

1 See e. g. Von Duhn's paper on Italian excavations, translated in the 
Journal of Hellenic Studies for 1897. 

3 ' Habent vincula nulla pedes' (Fasti, 5. 432). In performing sacred rites 
a man must be free ; e. g. the Flamen Dialis might not wear a ring, or any- 
thing binding, and a fettered prisoner had to be looked in his house (Plut. 
Q R. in). Cp. Numa in his interview with Fiiunus (Ov. Fasti, 4. 658), ' Nee 
digitis annulus ullus inest.' Serv. Aen. 4. 518 ; Hor. Sat. i. 8. 24. 

3 Manes must be here used, either loosely by the poet, or euphemistically 
by the house-father. 


The only point in this quaint bit of ritual which need detain 
us is the use of beans. We have had bean-straw used at the 
1'arilia. and we shall find that beans were also used at the 
festival of the dead in February. Assuredly it is not easy to 
see what could have made them into such valuable 'medicine.' 
Beans were not a newly discovered vegetable. Their exclusion 
from the rites of Demeter must have been of great antiquity, 
and the notions of the Pythagoreans about them were probably 
based on very ancient popular superstitious '. No one, as far as 
I know, has as yet successfully solved the problem why beans 
had so strange a religious character about them 2 ; they probably 
were an ancient symbol of fertility, but it is impossible now to 
discover how or why the ideas grouped themselves around 
them, which we so constantly find both in Greece and Italy. 
If we ask why the ghosts picked them up, or were supposed to 
do so, there is some reason for believing that by eating them 
they might possibly hope to get a new lease of life 3 . Whatever 
was the real basis of the superstition, it was a widely spread 
one, and ramified in more than one direction ; the Roman priest 
of Jupiter, for example, might not touch beans nor even 
mention them 4 . In his case the taboo was no doubt very old, 
but might have grown out of some such practice as that just 
described, all things ill-omened and mysterious being carefully 
kept out of his reach. 

The days from May 7 to 14 were occupied by the Vestal Virgins 
in preparing the mold salsa, or sacred salt-cake, for use at the 
Vestalia in June, on the Ides of September, and at the Luper- 
calia 5 . This was made from the first ears of standing corn in 

1 It is curious to find them used for the very same purpose of ghost- 
ridding as far away as Japan (Frazer, Golden Bough, ii. 176). For their 
antiquity as food, Helm, Kulturpjlanzen, 459 ; Schrader, Sprachvergleichung, 

* A. Lang, Myth, &c., ii. 265 ; Jevons, Roman Questions, Introd. p. Ixxxvi ; 
O. Crusius, Ehein. Mus. xxxix. 164 foil. ; and especially Lobeck, Aglaoph. 
251 foil. For superstitions of a similar kind attached to the mandrake 
and other plants see Sir T. Browne's Vulgar Errors, bk. ii. ch. 6 ; Khys, 
Celtic Mythology, p. 356 (the berries of the rowan). 

3 There was a notion that beans sown in a manure-heap produced men. 
Cp. Plin. H. N. 18. 118 ' quoniam mortuorum animae sint in ea.' 

* Gell. 10. 15. 2 (from Fabius Pictor). 

s Serv. Ed. 8. 82 ; Marq. 343 note. Mannhardt, A. W. F. 269, attempts 
an explanation of the difficulty arising here from the fact that in historical 
times the calendar was some weeks in advance of the seasons, but without 
much success. 


a primitive fashion by the three senior Vestals, and is no doubt, 
like most of their ritual, a relic of the domestic functions of 
the daughters of the family. But we must postpone further 
consideration of the Vestals and their duties till we come to the 
Vestalia in June. 

ID. MAI. (MAY 15). M>. 


The very curious rite which took place on this day is not 
mentioned in the calendars ; it belonged to those which, like 
the Paganalia, were publica indeed and pro populo, but repre- 
sented the people as divided in certain groups rather than the 
State as a whole 2 . But its obvious antiquity, and the interesting 
questions which arise out of it, tempt me to treat it in detail, 
at the risk of becoming tedious. 

I have already mentioned 3 that there was a procession in 
March, as we infer from the sacra Argeorum quoted by Varro, 
which went round the sactlla Argeorum, or twenty-four chapels 
situated in the four Servian regions of the city 4 . What was 
done at these sacetta we do not know ; the procession and its 
doings had become so obscure in Ovid's time that he could 
dispose of it in two lines of his Fasti, and express a doubt as 
to whether it took place on one day or two 5 . Nor do we know 
what the sacella really were. The best conjecture is that of 
Jordan, who has brought some evidence together to show that 
they were small chapels or sacred places where holy things 

1 This note is wrongly entered in the Fasti Venusini, under May 16. 

2 Festus, 245, s. v. Publica sacra. Cp. Mommsen, Staatsrecht, iii. 123. 
Festus distinguishes pagi, monies, sacetta, of which the festivals would seem 
to be the Paganalia. Septimontium, and sacra Argeorum, respectively. 

3 See under March 17. We arrive at the procession by comparing the 
Varronian extracts from the sacra Argeorum (L. L. 545) with Oellius, 10. 
15. 30, and Ovid, Fasti, 3. 791. See a restoration of the itinerary of the 
procession in Jordan, Topogr. ii. 603. 

4 Sacella in Varro (L. L. 545) ; sacraria, ib. 548 ; Argta in Festus, 334, 
where the word teems to be an adjective ; Argei in Liv. i. 24 ' loca sacris 
faciendis, quae Argeos pontificos vocant.' The number depends on the 
reading of Varro, 7. 44, xxiv or xxvii ; Jordan decided for xxiv : but see 
Mommsen, Staatsrecht, iii. 123. 

* Fasti, 3. 791. 


were deposited until the time came round for them to be used 
in some religious ceremony 1 . 

But on May 15 there was another rite in which the word 
Argei plays a prominent part ; and here the details have in part 
at least survived. The Argei in this case are not chapels, but 
a number of puppets or bundles of rushes, resembling (as 
Dionysius has recorded) men bound hand and foot, which 
were taken down to the pons sublicius by the Pontifices and 
magistrates, and cast into the river by the Vestal Virgins 2 . 
The Flaminica Dialis, the priestess of Jupiter, was present at 
the ceremony in mourning. Th number of the puppets was 
probably the same as that of the sacdla of the same name 3 . 

Explanations of these rites were invented by Koman scholars. 
The sacella were the graves of Greeks who had come to Italy 
with Hercules ; and the puppets represented the followers of 
Hercules who had died on their journey and were to return 
home as it were by proxy 4 . Apart from the theories of the 
learned, it was the fact that the common people at Rome 
believed the puppets to be substitutes for old men, who at one 
time used to be thrown into the Tiber as victims. Sexagenaries 
de ponte was a well-known proverb which in Cicero's time was 
explained by supposing that the bridges alluded to were those 
over which the voters passed in the Comitia 8 ; but this view 
may at once be put aside. Those bridges were certainly a 
comparatively late invention, while the proverb was of remote 

But, given the details of the rite, and the popular belief 
about the old men as victims, what explanation can we hope 
to arrive at ? We may freely admit that no satisfactory etymo- 
logy of the word Argei is forthcoming ; but this is perhaps, in 

1 Jordan, Topogr. ii. 271 foil. 

3 Dionysius, i. 38 ; Ovid, Fasti, 5. 621 foil. ; Festus, p. 334, s. v. Sexa- 
genarii ; Plutarch, Q. R. 32 and 86. 

3 Dionysius says there were thirty ; he had probably seen the ceremony, 
but may have only made a rough guess at the number or have thought of 
the thirty Curiae. Ovid writes of two : 'Falcifero libata seni duo corpora 
gentis Mittite,' &c. (Jordan proposed to read ' senilia ' for 'seni duo.') 

4 Festus, 334. 

6 Festus, 1. c. ; Cicero, pro Eoscio Amerino, 35. 100. Sexagenaries de 
ponte was apparently an old saying (cp. ' depontani,' Festus, 75) ; the 
earliest notice we have of it, which comes from the poet Afranius, seems 
to connect it with the pons sublicius. 


a negative sense, an advantage to our inquiry 1 . The Romans 
derived it from the Greek 'ApytToi ; and to this etymology 
Mornmsen is now disposed to return. The writer of the article 
'Argei'in the Mythological Lexicon derived it from varfca-s= 
'wolf ' ; others have believed it to come from a root arg= 'white ' 
or 'shining,' and though the termination eus is hardly a Latin 
one, it may be that this is the true basis of the word '*. 

Instead of prejudging the case by fanciful etymologies, or by 
attempting to decide the question whether the Romans ever 
practised the rites of human sacrifice, we will take the leading 
features of the ceremony, and see in what direction they may 
on the whole direct us. That done, it may be possible to sum 
up the debate, though a final and decisive verdict is not to be 

The features which demand attention are (i) the processional 
character of the rites ; (2) the presence of the Pontifices and 
the Vestals ; (3) the mourning of the Flaminica Dialis ; (4) the 
rush-puppets and their immersion in the Tiber. 

i. We can hardly doubt that there was a procession to the 
pons sublicius, though the fact is not expressly stated. We are 
tempted to believe that it visited each sacdlum, and there 
found, or possibly made, the puppet (simulacrum), which thus 
represented the district of which the sacellum was the sacred 
centre ; and that it then proceeded, bearing the puppets, 
probably by the Forum and Vicus Tuscus to the bridge 3 . Now 
if this feature can help us at all if we accept the connexion of 
the March and May ceremonies and their processional character 
it must point in the direction of the purification of land or city, 
on the analogy of other Italian ceremonies of the same kind. 

1 'The etymology will of course explain a word, but only if it happens 
to be right ; the history of the word is a surer guide ' (Skeat). In this 
case we have not even the history. 

* See Sehwegler, i 383. note ; Marq. 183. Mommsen (Staatsrecht, iii. 123) 
reverts to the opinion that Argei is simply 'Apytiot, and preserves a 
reminiscence of Greek captives. Nettleship, in his Notes in Latin Lexico- 
graphy, p. 271, is inclined to connect the word with 'arcere,' in the sense 
of confining prisoners. More fanciful developments in a paper by O. Keller, 
in Fleckeisen's Jahrbuch, cxxxiii. 845 loll. 

1 The puppets may have been made in March, and then hung in the 
sacella till May : so Jordan, Topvgr. 1. c. The writer in Myth. Lex. thinks 
that human victims were originally kept in these sacella, for whom the 
puppets were surrogates. 


At the end of this month took place the Ambarvalia, when the 
priests went round the land with prayer and sacrifice to ensure 
the good growth of the crops ; and we have a remarkable 
instance of the same kind of practice in the celebrated in- 
scription of Iguvium. Not only each city, but each pagus, and 
even each farmer, duly purified his land in some such way, 
cleansing it from the powers of evil and sterility, while at the 
same time the boundaries were renewed in the memories of all 
concerned. Bearing this in mind, and also the season of the 
year, we may fairly guess that the Argean processions had some 
relation to agriculture, and to the welfare of the precarious 
stock of wealth of an agricultural community. 

2. The presence of the Pontifices and Vestals. The former 
would be present, partly as the representative sacred college 
of the united city 1 , partly as having under their special care 
the sacred bridge from which the puppets were thrown. 
Whether or no the word pontifex be directly derived from 
pons*, it is certain that the ancient bridge, with its strong 
religious associations, was under their care, and that the river 
was an object of their constant liturgical attention 3 . It has 
been suggested that the whole ceremony was one of bridge- 
worship * ; but this view, as we shall see, will hardly explain 
all the facts. It leaves the March rites unexplained, and also 
the presence of the Vestals ; nor does it seem to suit the 
season of the year. 

The presence of the Vestals is more significant ; and it was 
they, as it seems, who performed the act of throwing the 
puppets from the bridge 6 . In all the public duties performed 
by them (as we shall see more fully in dealing with the 
Vestalia 6 ) a reference can be traced to one leading idea, viz. 
that the food and nourishment of the State, of which the 
sacred tire was the symbol, depended for its maintenance on 

1 There is an interesting modern parallel in Mannhardt, A. W. F. 178. 

1 Varro, L. L. 5. 83, and Jordan. Topogr. i. 398. The general opinion 
seems now to favour the view that there was an original connexion between 
the pontifices and the pans sublicius. 

3 Varro, L. L. 5. 83 ; Dionys. 2. 73, 3. 45. 

4 This was the suggestion of Mr. Frazer in a note in the Journal of 
Philology, vol. xiv. p. 156. The late Prof. Nettleship once expressed this 
view to me. 

* Paulus, p. 15 'per Virgiues Vestales' ; Ovid, Fasti, 5. 6ai. 
' See below, p. 149. 


the accurate performance of these duties. We have just seen 
that they spent the seven days preceding the Ides of May in 
preparing their sacred cakes from the first ripening ears of 
corn. We shall see them using these cakes in June, Sep- 
tember, and at the Lupercalia. At the Parilia and the Fordi- 
cidia they also take a prominent part, both of them festivals 
relating to the fruitfulness of herds and flocks ; so also at the 
harvest festivals in August of Ops Consiva and Census. And 
we can hardly suppose that their presence at the rite under 
discussion should have a different significance from that of 
their public service on all other occasions. Even if we had no 
other evidence to go upon, we might on the facts just adduced, 
base a fair inference that this ceremony too had some relation 
to the processes and perils awaiting the ripening crops. 

3. The Flaminica Dialis had on this day to lay aside her 
usual bridal dress, and to appear in mourning 1 . The same 
rule was laid down for her during the ' moving ' of the ancilia 
in March, and during the Vestalia up to the completion of the 
purification of the temple of Vesta. It is not easy to see 
what the meaning of this rule may have been. On the other 
two occasions there is nothing to lead us to suppose that it was, 
some such terrible rite as human sacrifice which caused the 
change of costume ; we need not therefore suppose that it was 
so on May 15. But if all three occasions are times of puri- 
fication and the averting of evil influences : if they each mark 
the conclusion of an old season, and the necessity of great 
care in entering on a new one, we can better understand it. 
This was the case, as we saw, when in March the Salii were 
pervading the city, and it was so also at the Vestalia, which 
was preparatory to the ingathering of the crops. Some such 
critical moment, I think, the day we are discussing must also 
have been. Some light may be thrown on this aspect of 
the question by practices which have been collected by 
Dr. Mannhardt from Northern Europe ! , some of which still 

1 Plut. QuaesL Rom. 86 ; Gell. 10. 15 ; Marq. 318. Her usual head-dress 
was the Jlammeum, or bride's veil. No mention is made of the Flamen her 
husband ; the prominence of women in all these rites is noticeable. 

1 Baumkultus, 155, 411, 416. The cult of Adonis has some features like 
that of the Argei : e.g. the puppet, the immersion in water and the 
mourning (see Lex. s. v. Adonis, p. 73 ; Mannhardt, A. W.F. 276). 

I 2 


survive. I will give a single instance from Russia. At 
Murom on June 29 a figure of straw, dressed in female 
clothing, is laid on a bier and carried to the edge of a lake or 
river ; it is eventually torn up and thrown into the river, while 
the spectators hide their faces and behave as though they 
bewailed the death of Kostroma. In another district on the 
same day an old man carried out of the town a puppet repre- 
senting the spring, and was followed by the women singing 
mournful songs and expressing by their gestures grief and 

4. The Puppets and their immersion in the Tiber. There are 
two possible explanations of this curious practice. 

(i) The puppets were substitutes for human victims, and 
probably for old men. The evidence for this view is first, 
the Roman tradition expressed in the saying sexagcnarios de 
ponte 1 , and supported by the fact that the puppets appeared, 
to Dionysius at least, like men bound hand and foot 2 ; secondly, 
the fact that human sacrifice was not entirely unknown at 
Rome, though there is no trace of any such custom regularly 
recurring. We may allow that Italy could not have been 
entirely free from a practice which existed even in Greece, and 
also that the habit of substituting some object for the original 
victim is common and well attested in religious history ; but 
whether either the Argei, or the oscilla or maniac, which are 
often compared with the Argei, really had this origin, may 
well indeed be doubted \ Thirdly, there is evidence that not 
only human sacrifice, but the sacrifice of old men, was by no 
means unknown in primitive times. Passing over the general 
evidence as to human sacrifice, we know that the old and weak 

1 i. e. ' old men must go over the bridge.' See Cic. pro Roscio Amerino, 
35, where the old edition of Osenbrflggen has a useful note. Also Varro, 
apud Lactant. Inst. i. 21. 6. Ovid alludes to the proverb (5. 623 foil.) 
Corpora post decies senos qui credidit annos Missa neci, sceleris crimine 
damnat avos.' 

2 Dionys. i. 38. But he may have been deceived simply by the appear- 
ance of the bindings of the sheaves or bundles, especially if he had been 
told beforehand of the proverb. 

* The best known instances of human sacrifice at Rome are collected in 
a note to Merivale's History (vol. iii. 35) ; and by Sachse, Die Argeer, p. 17. 
O. Miiller thought that it came to Rome from Etruria (Etrusker, ii. 20). 
For Greece, see Hermann, Griech. Alt. ii. sec. 27 ; Stiabo 10. 8. See also 
some valuable remarks in Tylor, Prim. CM. ii. 362, on substitution in 


were sometimes put to death l . Being of no further use in the 
struggle for existence, they were got rid of in various ways 
an act perhaps not so much of cruelty as of kindness, and 
under certain circumstances not incompatible with filial piety 2 . 
The chief objections to this explanation are first, that it 
obliges us to ascribe to the early Romans a habit which seems 
quite incompatible with their well-known respect for old age 
and their horror of parricide ; secondly, that it does not explain 
why a practice, which can hardly have ever been a regularly 
recurring one, should have passed into a yearly ceremony 3 . 

(2) The rite was of a dramatic rather than a sacrificial 
character 4 , and belongs to a class of which we have numerous 
examples both from Greek, Teutonic, and Slavonic peoples. 
In Greece, or rather in Egypt, we have the cult of Adonis, in 
which a puppet is immersed in the water amid wailings and 
lamentations. In Greece proper semi-dramatic rites are found 
at Chaeronea and Athens 5 , though somewhat different in 
character to those of the Argei and Adonis. Tacitus describes 
the immersion in water of the image of the German goddess 
Nerthus". But most significant are the many examples, of 
which Mann hard t formed an ample collection, in which puppets 
are found, made as a rule of straw, carried along in procession 
and thrown into a river or water of some kind, often from 
a bridge 7 . Sometimes the place of these puppets is taken by 
a sheaf, a small tree, or a man or boy dressed up in foliage or 

1 Caesar, B. G. 6. 16 ; Tac. Germ. 9 and 39. Strabo, 10. 8, is interesting, 
as giving an example of the dropping out of the actual killing, while the 
form survived. See below on Lupercalia, p. 315. 

" A point suggested to me some years ago by Mr. A. J. Evans. 

3 Sir A. Lyall (Asiatic Studies, p. 19) writes of human sacrifice as having 
been common in India as a last resort for appeasing divine wrath when 
manifested in some strange manner ; i. e. it was never regular. So 
Procopius, BeV. Goth. 3. 13. Tacitus, indeed, writes of 'certis diebus ' 
(Germ. 9), but it is not clear that he meant fixed recurring days. As a rule 
in human sacrifice and cannibalism the victims are captives, who would 
not be always at hand. 

4 Dionysius (i. 38) speaks of sacrifice before the immersion of the puppets : 
vpoOuaai'Tfs Ifpa ra Kara TOVS Popovs. 

5 The 0oi/Ai/ios and <papnxtc6s, Mannhardt, Myth. Forsch. 129 foil. 

' Germania, 40 ; Mannhardt, Baumkultus, 567 foil. The evidence is 
perhaps hardly adequate as to detail. 

7 Baumkultus, chapters 3, 4, and 5, which should be used by all who 
wish to form some idea of the amount of evidence collected on this on 


fastened in the sheaf 1 : but in almost all cases the object is 
duck d in water or at least sprinkled with it, though now and 
then it is burnt or buried. The best known example is that 
of the Bavarian ' Wasservogel, ' which is either a boy or 
a puppet, as the custom may be in diff rent places ; he or it 
was decorated, carried round the fields at Whitsuntide 2 , and 
thrown from the bridge into the stream. So constant and 
inconvenient was this kind of custom in the Middle Ages that 
a law of 1351, still extant, forbade the ducking of people at 
Erfurt in the water at Easter and Whitsuntide 3 . In many 
of these cases the simulacrum may have been substituted for 
a human being 4 ; but I find none where the notion of sacrifice 
survived, or where there was any trace of a popular belief that 
the object was a substitute for an actual victim. What these 
curious customs, according to Dr. Mannhardt, do really repre- 
sent, is the departure of winter and the arrival of the fruitful 
season, or possibly the exhaustion of the vernal Power of 
vegetation after its work is done*. 

Two features in these old .customs may strike us as interest- 
ing in connexion with the Argei (i) The fact that the central 
object is often either actually an old man, or is at least called 
'the old one.' A Whitsuntide custom at Halle shows us, for 
example, a straw puppet called Dcr alte 6 . (2) The constant occur- 
rence of white objects in these customs ; the puppet is called 
'the white man with the white hair, the snow-white husband,' 
or is dressed in a white shirt 7 . In these expressions it is per- 
haps not impossible that we may find a clue to the long-lost 
meaning of the word Argei. Can it be that the Roman puppets 
were originally called 'the white ones,' i. e. old ones, from a root 

1 Our Jack-in-the-Green is probably a survival of this kind of rite. 

2 Nearly all these customs occur either at Whitsuntide or harvest. 
Mannhardt conjectured that the Argei-rite was originally a harvest 
custom (A. W, F. 269) ; quite needlessly, I think. 

3 BaumkuUus, 331. 

4 Mannhardt allows this, BaumkuUus, 336 note. 

8 Baumkultus, 358 foil. His theory is expressed in judicious and by no 
means dogmatic language. It may bo that he runs his Vegetation-spirit 
somewhat too hard and no mythologist is free from the error of seeing 
his own discovery exemplified wherever he turns. But the spirit of 
vegetation had been found at Rome long before Mannhardt's time ^see e.g. 
Preller's account of Mars and the deities related to him). 

8 Baumkultus. 359, 420 ; Komdamonen, 24. 

7 Baumkultus, 349 foil., 365, 414. 


arg 'white ' ' ; and that from a natural mistake as to the mean- 
ing of the word there arose not only the story about the Greek 
victims, but also the common belief about sexagenarii being 
thrown over the bridge ? 

We have to choose between the two explanations given above. 
I am, on the whole, disposed to agree with Dr. Mannhardt, and 
in the absence of convincing evidence as to the regular and 
periodical occurrence of human sacrifice in ancient Italy, to 
regard these strange survivals as semi- dramatic performances 
rather than sacrificial rites. This view, however, need not 
exclude the possibility of the union of both drama and sacrifice 
at a very remote period, probably before the Latins settled in 
the district. 

The immersion in water, whether or no it involved the death 
of a victim, is reasonably explained, on the basis of compara- 
tive evidence, to have been a rain-spell 2 . In the cases already 
mentioned of Adonis, Nerthus, &c., this idea seems the pro- 
minent one. I am inclined to think, however, that the notion of 
purification was also present the two uniting in the idea of 
regeneration. Plutarch calls the Argean rite ' the greatest of 
the purifications,' and he is here most probably reproducing the 
opinion of Varro s . This is indicated by the presence of the 
priests and the Vestals, by the processions, and by the mourn- 
ing of the Flaminica Dialis, as we have already seen. We may 
regard the rite as in fact a casting out of old things, and in that 
sense a purification ; and also at the same time as a spell or 
earnest of rain and fertility in the ensuing year. The puppets 

1 Cp. the root cos-, which (according to Corssen, Aussprache, i. 652 note, 
appears both in canus and cascus, and also in the Oscan casnar= 'an old 
man.' The word casnar is used by Varro (ap. Nonium, 86} for sexagenarius, 
or possibly argeus : ' Vix ecfatus erat cum more maiorum carnales ( = casnales) 
arripiunt et de ponte deturbant.' Cf. Varro, L. L. 7. 73 ; Mommsen, Unter- 
italische Diaieklen, p. 268. The root arg may perhaps have meant holy as well 
as old or white, like the Welsh gwen (Khys, Celtic Mythology, 527 note). 

1 Baumkultus, 214-16, 355, &c. On p. 356 is a valuable note giving 
examples from America, India, &c. For a remarkable c&se from ancient 
Egypt, of which the object is not rain, but inundation, see Tylor, Prim. 
Cult. ii. 368. See also Grimm, Teutonic Mythology (E. T.), p. 593 foil. 

1 Quaest. Rom. 86. This work is undoubtedly drawn chiefly from Varro's 
writings, but largely through the medium of those of Juba the king of 
Mauretania, who wrote in Greek (Earth de Jubae 'Onoivnjaiv in Plutarcho 
expressis: GOttingen, 1876). 


were perhaps hung in the sacella in the course of the procession 
in March, as a symbol of the fertility then beginning, and cast 
into the river as ' the old ones ' when that fertility had reached 
its height l . 

In the last place, it might be asked in honour of what deity 
the rite was performed. It is hardly necessary, and certainly 
is not possible, to answer a question about which the Romans 
themselves were not agreed. Ovid and Dionysius 2 believed it 
was Saturnus, probably following an old Greek oracle which 
was known to Varro*. Verrius Flaccus thought it was Dis 
Pater 4 . Modern writers have concluded on the general evidence 
of the rite that it was the river-god Tiberinus ; Jordan, how- 
ever, regarded the question as irrelevant 5 . We may agree with 
him, and at least return a verdict of non liquet. If it was 
a sacrificial act, the ancient river-god is indeed likely enough ; 
if it was a quasi-dramatic one, it does not follow that any deity 
was specially concerned in it. But we may go so far as to guess 
that it was connected with the worship of those vaguely-con- 
ceived deities of vegetation whose influence on the calendar we 
have been tracing since March i. 

This same day is marked in one calendar as Feriae lovi, 
Mercuric, Maiae. The conjunction of these deities is to some 
extent accidental. In the first place the Ides of every month 
were sacred to Jupiter ; and the addition of Mercurius is pro- 
bably to be explained simply by the adaptation of a Greek myth 
which made Hermes the son of Jupiter, suggesting the selection 
of the Ides as an appropriate day for the cult of the Latin 
representative of Hermes fi . Mercurius, again, was associated 
with Maia, perhaps simply because the dedication-day of his 
oldest temple in Rome (ad circum maximum) was the Ides 

1 Parallels in Baumkultus, pp. 170, 178, 211. 409. These are examples 
of May-trees and other objects, sometimes decked out as human beings, 
which are hung up i-n the homestead for a certain time e. g. in Austria 
from May-day to St. John Baptist's day, a period closely corresponding 
both in length and season to that at Rome, from March 15 to May 15. In 
the church of Charlton-on-Otmoor, near Oxford, it is hung on the rood- 
screen from May r onwards. 

1 Ovid, Fasti, 5. 627 : Dionys. r. 38. 

1 See Macrob. i. 7. 28. In Dionysius' version, however, of the line it is 
"A(5^s to whom the sacrifice is offered. 

* Festus, 334. 5 Topogr. ii. 285. 

* Ltx. s. v. Mercurius, p. 2804. 


of the Mensis Maius '. The Roman Mercurius was con- 
sidered especially as the god of trade, and dated, like Ceres, 
from the time when an extensive corn trade first began in 
Rome' 2 . It is highly probable that the Tarquinian dynasty had 
encouraged Roman trade, and that the increase of population 
which was the result, together with the wars which followed 
their expulsion, had occasioned a series of severe famines. To 
this we trace the Roman knowledge of the Greek or Graeco-Etrus- 
can Hermes, through a trade in corn with Sicilian Greeks or 
Etruscans, and the appearance of the god at Rome as Mercurius, 
the god of trade. His first temple was dedicated in B.C. 495, and 
as in other cases, the dedication was celebrated each year by 
those specially interested in the worship, in this case the merca- 
tores, who were already, at this early period, formed into an 
organized guild 3 . 

xii KAL. IUN. (MAY 21). IP. 


The other days sacred to Vediovis were January i and the Nones 
of March, from which latter day we postponed the consideration 
of this mysterious deity, in hopes of future enlightenment. 
But Vediovis is wrapped still, and always will be, in at least as 
profound an obscurity for us as he was for Varro and Ovid. 

We have but his name to go- upon, and two or three indis- 
tinct traces of his cult. The name seems certainly to be Vediovis, 
ie apparently 'the opposite of,' or 'separated from,' Jupiter 
(=Diovis); or, as Preller has it s , comparing, like Ovid, vegrandia 
farra ('corn that has grown badly'), vescus, &c., Jupiter in a 
sinister sense. But this last explanation must, on the whole, be 
rejected. It is true that each deity has a sinister or threatening 

1 Aust, de Aedibus sacris, p. 5. 

1 It seems to me probable that there was a Mercurius at Rome before the 
introduction of Hermes ; but this cannot be proved. It seems likely 
that the temple-cult established in 495 B.C. was really that of Hermes 
under an Italian name, as in the parallel case of Ceres. This was one 
year later than the date of the Ceres-temple (above, p. 74). 

3 Mercuriales, or Mercatores (Jordan, Topogr. i. i. 278). They belonged 
to the collegia of the pagi. 

* See on March 17 and January 9. 

i. 262 foil. ; Ovid, Fasti, 3. 445 ; Cell. N. A. 5. 12. 


aspect as well as a smiling one ; but in no other case was this 
separately personified, and the name, if its origin be rightly 
given as above (which is not indeed certain), might be explained 
by the well-known Roman habit of calling deities by their 
qualities and their business rather than by substantival names. 
In this case the name would be negatively deduced from that of 
one of the few gods who really had a name. 

What we know of the cult is only this. First, it was pecu- 
liar, so far as we know, to Rome and Bovillae ] ; secondly, the 
temples in Rome were in the space between the arx and 
Capitolium, 'inter duos lucos' 2 , and another in the Tiber 
island s two places outside the Servian wall, and of importance 
for the security of the city ; thirdly, the god was represented 
as young, holding arrows, and having a goat standing beside 
him, on account of which characteristics he was usually, accord- 
ing to Gellius, identified with Apollo 4 ; fourthly, the usual 
victim was a goat which was sacrificed humano ritu 5 . 

On such faint traces it will be obvious that no sound con- 
clusion can be based. The connexion with Bovillae and the 
gens Julia points to a genuine Latin origin. The sites on 
the Capitol and the island do not lead to any definite conclusion ; 
in the former the god seems to have been connected with 
the so-called Asylum, in the latter with Aesculapius ; but both 
these connexions may be accidental or later developments. 
Preller conjectured cleverly that Vediovis was a god of criminals 
who might take refuge in Rome and there find purification ; 
but the idea of an Asylum, on which this is based, is Greek, 
and of much later date than any age which could have given 
a definite meaning to such a deity. We must here, as occasion- 
ally elsewhere, give up the attempt to discover the original 
nature of this god. 

1 C. I. L. i. 807 ; the dedication of an altar (Vediovei Patrei genteiles 
luliei) found at Bovillae. 

2 Ovid, Fasti, 3. 429 ; Gell. 5. la. It was this temple which had 
May 21 as its 'dies natalis.' 

3 Liv. 31. 21. 12 (reading Vediovi for deo lovi, with Merkel and Jordan). 

4 Gell. 1. c. ; Preller, i. 264, and Jordan's note. 

5 Gell. 5. 12. The meaning of the expression is not clear. Paulus (165) 
writes : ' Humanum sacrificium dicebant quod mortui causa nebat ' which 
does not greatly help us. Preller reasonably suggested that the goat might 
be a subslitutory victim in place of a 'homo sacer' or criminal (i. 265). 


x KAL. lux. (MAY 23). K?. 


I have already explained l the view taken by Mommsen 
of the two pairs of days, March 23 and 24 and May 23 and 24, 
accepting his theory that the 24th in each month was the day 
on which wills could be made and witnessed in the Comitia 
calata, and that the 23rd in each month was the day on 
which the tubae were lustrated by which the assembly was 

But May 23 is also .marked in .two calendars as feriae 
Volcano ; and Ovid has noticed this in a single couplet 2 : 

Proxima Volcani lux est: Tubilustria dicunt ; 
Lustrantur purae, quas facifc ille, tubae. 

The difficult question of the original character of Volcanus 
must be postponed until we come to his festival in August. 
We only need here to ask whether Ovid was right in regarding 
Volcanus as the smith who made the trumpets. This has been 
strenuously denied by Wissowa 3 , who goes so far as to believe 
that the deity originally invoked on this day was not Volcanus 
but Mars since the corresponding day in March was a festival 
of that deity and that Volcanus was at an early period thrust 
into his place under the influence of Greek notions of 
Hephaestus as a smith who made armour and also trumpets. 
Wissowa has, however, to throw over the two calendars quoted 
above (Ven. Amit.) in order to support his argument and so 
far we are hardly entitled to go. 

It is safer to take Volcanus as an ancient Koman deity whose 
cult was closely connected with that of Maia, or the Bona Dea, 
and was prominent in this month as well as in August. The 
Flamen Volcanalis sacrificed to the Boiia Dea on May i ; and 
Maia was addressed in invocations as Maia Volcani *. The 
coincidence of this festival of his with the Tubilustrium I take 
to have been accidental ; but it led naturally, as the Romans 

1 Above, p. 63. * Fasti, 5 725. 

8 de Feriis, XT. 4 Gell. 13. 23. 


became acquainted with Greek mythology, to the erroneous 
view represented by Ovid that Volcanus was himself a smith '. 

vin KAL. IUN. (MAY 25). C. 




This was the dedication-day of one of three temples of 
Fortuna on the Quirinal ; the place was known as ' tres For- 
tunae 2 .' The goddess in this case was Fortuna Primigenia, 
imported from Praeneste of whom something will be said later 
on 3 . The temple was vowed after the Second Punic War in 
B. c. 204, and dedicated ten years later *. Our consideration of 
Fortuna may be postponed till the festival of Fors Fortuna, 
an older Koman form of the cult, on June 24. 

iv KAL. IUN. (MAY 29). C. 

The Ambarvalia, originally a religious procession round the 
land of the early Eoman community, the object of which was 
to purify the crops from evil influences, does not appear in 
the Julian calendars, not being feriae stativac ; but it is indicated 
in the later rustic calendars by the words, Segetes lustrantur. 
Its date may be taken as May 29 5 : and this fixity will not 
appear incompatible with its character as a sacrum conccptivum, 
if we accept Mommsen's explanation of the way in which some 
feasts might be fixed to a day according to the usage of the 
Italian farmer, but of vaiying date according to the civil 
calendar ". 

There has been much discussion whether the Ambarvalia 

1 The Hephaestus-myth has been treated on the comparative method by 
F. von Schroder (Griech. Gutter u. Heroen, i. 79 foil.), and by Rapp in Mylh. 
Lex. It is of course possible that it may have been known to the early 
Italians, but what we know of Volcanus does not favour this. 

1 Vitruvius, 3. a. a ; it was ' proximo portam Collinam.* 

s See below, pp. 165, 223. 

4 Liv. 34. 53 ; Aust, de Aedibus, p. 20. 

' This seems to have been the date among the Anauni of N. Italy as late 
as 393 A. t>. : see the Ada Martyrum, p. 536 (Verona, 1 731). (For the Anauni, 
Rushforth, Latin Historical Inscriptions, p. 99 foil.) 

Chron. 70 foil. : a difficult bit of calculation. 


was identical with the similar festival of the Fratres Arvales. 
On the ground that the acta fratrum Arvalium seemed to prove 
a general similarity of the two in time and place, and at least 
in some points of ritual, Mommsen, Henzen, and Jordan 
answer in the affirmative '. On the other side there is no 
authority of any real weight. The judicious Marquardt 2 found 
a difficulty in the absence of any mention in the acta fratrum 
A rualium of a lustratio in the form of a procession ; but it 
should be remembered (i) that we have not the whole of the 
art a ; (2) that it is almost certain that, as the Koman territory 
continued to increase, the brethren must have dropped the duty 
of driving victims round it, for obvious reasons. A passage 
in Paulus 3 places the matter beyond doubt if we can be sure of 
the reading : 'Ambarvaks hostiae dicebantur quae pro arvis a duo- 
efrc/w(MSS. duobus) fratribus sacrifaantur.' As no duofratrcs are 
known, the old emendation duodecim seems certain, but will of 
course not convince those who disbelieve in the identity of 
the Ambarvalia and the sacra fratrum Arvalium. The question 
is, however, for us of no great importance, as the acta do not 
add to our knowledge of what was done at the Ambarvalia. 

The best description we have of such lustrations as the 
Ambarvalia is that of Virgil ; it is not indeed to be taken as 
an exact description of the Roman rite, but rather as referring 
to Italian customs generally : 

In primis venerare deos, atque annua magiiae 
Sacra refer Cereri laetis operatus in herbis, 
Extremae sub casum hiemis, iam vere sereno. 
Turn pingues ngni, et turn mollissima vina ; 
Turn somni dulces densaeque in montibus umbrae. 
Cuncta tibi Cererem pubes agrestis adoret, 
Cui tu lacte favos et miti dilue Baccho, 
Terque novas circum felix eat hostia fruges, 
Omnis quam chorus et socii comitentur ovantes, 
Et Cererem clamore vocent in tecta ; neque anlo 
Falcem maturis quisquam supponat aristis, 
Quam Cereri torta redimitus tempora quercu 
Det motus inconpositos et carmina dicat*. 

1 Mommsen, 1. c. Henzen, Acta Fr. Arc. xlvi-xlviii ; Jordan on Preller, 
i. 420, and Topogr. i. 289, ii. 236. The latter would also identify Ambar- 
valia and Amburbium ; but the two seem clearly distinguished by Servius 
(Ed. 3. 77). " p. 200. Huschke, Rom. Jahr, 63. 

3 p. 5. See Jordan on Preller, i. 420, note a ; Marq. 200, note 3. 

4 Georg. i. 338 foil. 


It is not clear to what festival or festivals Virgil is alluding 
in the first few of these lines l ; probably to certain rustic rites 
which did not exactly correspond to those in the city of Rome. 
But from line 343 onwards the reference is certainly to Ambar- 
valia of some kind, perhaps to the private lustratio of the 
farmer before harvest began, of which the Roman festival was 
a magnified copy. His description answers closely to the well- 
known directions of Cato 2 ; and if it is Ceres who appears in 
Virgil's lines, and not Mars, the deity most prominent in Cato's 
account, this may be explained by the undoubted extension of 
the worship of Ceres, and the corresponding contraction of that 
of Mare, as the latter became more and more converted into 
a god of war s . 

The leading feature in the original rite was the procession 
of victims bull, sheep, and pig all round the fields, driven 
by a garlanded crowd, carrying olive branches and chanting. 
These victims represent all the farmer's most valuable stock, 
thus devoted to the appeasing of the god. The time was that 
when the crops were ripening, and were in greatest peril from 
storms and diseases ; before the harvest was begun, and before 
the Vestalia took place in the early part of June, which was, as 
we shall see, a festival preliminary to harvest. Three times the 
procession went round the land ; at the end of the third round 
the victims were sacrificed, and a solemn prayer was offered in 
antique language, which ran, in Cato's formula of the farmer's 
lustration, as follows : ' Father Mars, I pray and beseech thee 
to be willing and propitious to me, my household, and my 
slaves ; for the which object I have caused this threefold 
sacrifice to be driven round niy farm and land. I pray thee 
keep, avert, and turn from us all disease, seen or unseen, all 
desolation, ruin, damage, and unseasonable influence ; I pray 
thee give increase to the fruits, the corn, the vines, and the 

1 'Extremae sub casum hiemis' might possibly suit the Italian April, 
but certainly not the Italian May. May i is the earliest date we have for 
an agri lustratio, i.e. in Campania (C. 1. L. x. 3792). "Turic mollissima 
vina ' may contain a reference to the Vinalia of April 23, when the new 
wine was first drank ; and if that were so, the general reference might be 
to the Cerialia or its rustic equivalent. 

1 R. R. 141. Cp. Siculus Flaccus in Gromutici Veteres, p. 164. The lustratio 
should be celebrated before even the earliest crops (e.g. beans) were cut. 

1 Henzen, Acta Fr. An. xlviii. 


plantations, and bring them to a prosperous issue. Keep also 
in safety the shepherds and their flocks, and give good health 
and vigour to me, my house, and household. To this end it 
is. as I have said namely, for the purification and making due 
lustration of my farm, my land cultivated and uncultivated 
that I pray thee to bless this threefold sacrifice of sucklings. 
O Father Mars, to this same end I pray thee bless this threefold 
sacrifice of sucklings '.' 

Not only in this prayer, but in the ritual that follows, as also 
in other religious directions given in the preceding chapters, 
we may no doubt see examples of the oldest agricultural type 
of the genuine Italian worship. They are simple rustic 
specimens of the same type as the elaborate urban ritual of 
Iguvium, fortunately preserved to us * ; and we may fairly 
assume that they stood in much the same relation to the Eoman 
ritual of the Ambarvalia. 

Of all the Roman festivals this is the only one which can 
be said with any truth to be still surviving. When the Italian 
priest leads his flock round the fields with the ritual of the 
Litania major in Rogation week he is doing very much what 
the Fratres Arvales did in the infancy of Rome, and with the 
same object. In other countries, England among them, the 
same custom was taken up by the Church, which rightly 
appreciated its utility, both spiritual and material ; the bounds 
of the parish were fixed in the memory of the young, and the 
wrath of God was averted by an act of duty from man, cattle, 
and crops. 'It was a general custom formerly, and is still 
observed in some country parishes, to go round the bounds and 
limits of the parish on one of the three days before Ascension- 
day ; when the Minister, accompanied by his Churchwardens 
and Parishioners, was wont to deprecate the vengeance of 
God, beg a blessing on the fruits of the earth, and preserve the 
rights and properties of the parish V 

At Oxford, and it is to be hoped in some other places, this 
laudable custom still survives. But the modern clergy, from 

1 Cato, R. E. 141. I have availed myself of the Italian translation and 
commentary of Prof. De-Marchi in his work on the domestic religion of 
the Romans, p. 128 foil. 

3 Bucheler, Umbrica ; Bre'al, Les Tables Euyubines. 

8 Brand, Popular Antiquities, p. 292. 


want of interest in ritual, except such as is carried on within 
their churches, or from some strong distrust of any merry- 
making not initiated by their own zeal, are apt to drop the 
ceremonies ; and there is some danger that even in Oxford 
the processions and peeled wands may soon be things of the 
past. To all such ministers I would recommend the practice 
of the judicious Hooker, as described by his biographer, Isaak 
Walton : 

'He would by no means omit the customary time of pro- 
cession, persuading all, both rich and poor, if they desired the 
preservation of Love, and their Parish rights and liberties, to 
accompany him in his Perambulation and most did so; in 
which Perambulation he would usually express more pleasant 
Discourse than at other times, and would then always drop 
some loving and facetious Observations, to be remembered 
against the next year, especially by the Boys and young people ; 
still inclining them, and all his present Parishioners, to meek- 
ness and mutual Kindnesses and Love.' 

At Charlton-on-Otmoor, near Oxford, there was a survival of 
the ' agri lustratio ' until recent years. On the beautiful rood- 
screen of the parish church there is a cross, which was carried 
in procession through the parish J , freshly decorated with 
flowers, on May-day ; it was then restored to its place on the 
screen, and remained there until the May-day of the next year. 
It may still be seen there, but it is no longer carried round, 
and its decoration seems to have been transferred from May- 
day to the harvest- festival 2 . 

1 I am informed that it visited one hamlet, Horton, which is not at 
present in the parish of Charlton ; of this there should be some topogra- 
phical explanation. 

2 The cross is very commonly carried about on the continent, and in 
Holland the week is called cross-week for this reason. But at Charlton 
there seems to have been a confusion between this cross and the May- 
queen or May-doll ; for on May-day, 1898, the old woman who decked it 
called it 'my lady,' and spoke of 'her waist, 1 &c. I am indebted to the 
Rev. C. E. Prior, the present incumbent, for information about this 
interesting survival. 


KAL IUN. (JUNE i). N. 



ON the name of the mensis Junius some remarks have 
already been made under May i. There is no sure ground 
for connecting it with Juno 1 . The first day of June was 
sacred to her, but so were all Kalends ; and if this was also 
the dies natalis of the temple of Juno Moneta in arce, we 
have no reason to suppose the choice of day to be specially 
significant 2 . We know the date of this dedication ; it was 
in 344 B. c. and in consequence of a vow made by L. Furius 
Camillus Dictator in a war against the Aurunci ! . Of a Juno 
Moneta of earlier date we have no knowledge ; and, in spite 
of much that has been said to the contrary, I imagine that 
the title was only given to a Juno of the arx in consequence 
of the popular belief that the Capitol was saved from the 
attack of the Gauls (390 B. c.) by the warning voices of her 
sacred geese. What truth there was in that story may be 
a matter of doubt, but it seems easier to believe that it had 
a basis of fact than to account for it aetiologically 4 . There may 

1 What can be said for tins view may be read in Reseller's article 
in Lex. s. v. luno, p. 575, note. 

3 Roscher's treatment of Juno Moneta (Lex. s. v. luno, 593) seems to me 
pure fancy ; this writer is apt to twist his facts and his inferences to suit 
a prepossession in this case the notion of a IpJy -/a/jos of Jupiter and 

3 Liv. 7. 28; Ovid, Fasti, 6. 183 ; Macrob. r. 12. 30. 

* On this point see Lewis, Credibility of Ear'.y Roman Hist. vol. ii. 345. 


well have been an altar or sacdlum ' of Juno on the arx, near 
which her noisy birds were kept 2 ; and when a temple was 
eventually built here in 344 B.C., it was appropriately dedicated 
to Juno of the warning voice. From the fact that part of this 
temple was used as a mint 3 , the word Moneta gradually passed 
into another sense, which has found its way into our modern 
languages 4 . 

One tradition connected the name of the month with 
M. Junius Brutus, who is said to have performed a sacrum 
on this day after the flight of Tarquinius, on the Caelian Hill \ 
This sacrum had no connexion with Juno, and the tradition 
which thus absurdly brings Brutus into the question shows 
plainly that the derivation from Juno was not universally 
accepted 6 . The real deity of the Kalends of June was not 
Juno, but an antique goddess whose antiquity is attested both 
by the meagreness of our knowledge of her, and the strange 
confusion about her which Ovid displays. Had Carna been 
more successful in the struggle for existence of Eoman deities, 
we might not have been so sure of her extreme antiquity ; 
but no foreign cult grafted on her gave her a new lease of life, 
and by the end of the Kepublic she was all but dead. 

What little we do know of her savours of the agricultural 
life and folk-lore of the old Latins. Her sacrifices were 
of bean-meal and lard 7 ; and this day went by the name of 
of Kalendae fabariae 8 , ' quia hoc mense adultae fabae divinis 
rebus adhibentur.' The fact was that it was the time of bean- 
harvest 9 ; and beans, as we have already seen, were much 
in request for sacred purposes. 'Maximus honos fabae, 'says 

1 Dionys., 13. 7, says, \T)vts itpol irtpl rov vtwv TTJS "Upas', but this is no 
evidence for an early temple of Juno Moneta. 

* Apparently she was fond of such birds : crows also were ' in tutela 
lunonis' at a certain spot north of the Tiber (Paul. 64), and at Lanuvium 
(Preller, i. 283). 3 Liv. 6. 20. 

* I have assumed that Moneta is connected with moneo ; but there are other 
views (Roscher, Lex. 593). Livius Andronicus (ap. Priscian, p. 679) helps 
us to the meaning by translating tUvtjitoovvr) (of the Odyssey by Moneta. 

5 Macrob. Sat. i. 12. 22 and 31. There was no temple of Carna there, 
but Tertullianus (ad Nat. 2. 9) mentions &fanum. 

' Cp. also the explanation from iuniores (e. g. in Ovid, Fasti, 6. 83 foil.). 

' Macrob. i. 12. 33 'Cui pulte fabacia et larido sacrificatur.' 

8 Even in the fourth century A.D. this was so: see the calendar of 

" Colum. n. a. 20 ; Pallad. 7. 3 ; Hartmann, Das Rom. Kal. 135. 


Pliny 1 , alluding to the value of the bean as food, to its 
supposed narcotic power, and its use in religious ritual. We 
have already found beans used in the cult of the dead and the 
ejection of ghosts from the house 2 ; and Prof. Wissowa has 
of late ingeniously conjectured that this day (June i) was con- 
cerned with rites of the same kind 3 . He quotes an inscription, 
a will in which a legacy is left ' ut rosas Carnar[iis] ducant ' *. 
Undoubtedly the reference here is to rites of the dead (cf. 
Rosalia), and Mommsen may be right in suggesting that by 
Carnarjiis] is meant the Kalends of June. But it is going 
a little too far to argue on this slender evidence, even if we 
add to it the fact that the day was nefastus, that the festival 
of Carna was of the same kind as the Parentalia, Rosalia, c. ; 
a careful reading of Ovid's comments seems to show that there 
were curious survivals of folk-lore connected with the day 
and with Carna which cannot all be explained by reference 
to rites of the dead. 

Ovid does indeed at once mislead his readers by identifying 
Carna and Cardea, and thus making the former the deity 
of door-hinges, and bringing her into connexion with Janus '. 
But we may guess that he does this simply because he wants 
to squeeze in a pretty folk-tale of Janus and Cardea, for which 
his readers may be grateful, and which need not deceive them. 
When he writes of the ritual of Carna 6 our only safe guide 
he makes it quite plain that he is mixing up the attributes 
of two distinct deities. He brings the two together by con- 
triving that Janus, as a reward to Cardea for yielding to his 

1 H. N. 1 8. 117. 2 See above on Lernuria, p. no. 

3 de Feriis, xiii. * C. I. L. iii. 3893. 

* There is re.illy nothing in common between the two : see Wiss-owa in 
Lex. s. v. Carna, following Merkel, clxv. What the real etymology of 
Carna may be is undecided ; Curtius and others have connected it with 
cor, and on this 0. Gilbert has built much foolish conjecture (ii. 19 foil.). 
I would rather compare it with the words Garanus or Recamnus of the 
Hercules legend (,Br6al, Here, et Cacus, pp. 59, 60), and perhaps with 
Gradivus, Grabovius. The name of the ' nj'mph ' Craniie in Ovid's 
account is in some MSS. Grane or Crane. H. Peter (Fasti, pt. ii. p 89^ 
adopts the connexion with euro : she is ' die das Fleisch kraftigendt- 
Gottin' (cp. Ossipago). 

' Fasti, 6. 169-182. Lines 101-130 are concerned with Cardea ; 130 to 
168, or the middle section of the comment, seem, as Harqu:irdt suggested 
(p. 13, note), to be referable to Carna (as the averter of striges), though 
the charms fixed on the pastes show that Ovid is still confounding her with 

K 2 


advances, should bestow on her not only the charge of cardines, 
but also that of protecting infants from the striges ', creatures 
of the nature of vampires, but described by Ovid as owls, 
who were wont to suck their blood and devour their vitals. 
But this last duty surely belonged to Carna, of whom 
Macrobius says 'Hanc deam vitalibus humanis praeesse credunt': 
and thus Carna's attribute is conjoined with Cardea's. The 
lines are worth quoting in which Ovid describes the charms 
which are to keep off the striges, for as preserving a remnant 
of old Italian folk-lore they are more interesting than the 
doubtful nature of an obscure deity - : 

Protinus arbutea 3 postes ter in ordine tangit 

Fronde, ter arbutea limina fronde notat: 
Spargit aquis aditus et aquae medicamen habebant 

Extaque de porca cruda bimenstre tenet '. 
Atque ita 'noctis aves, extis puerilibus' inquit 

'Parcite: pro parvo victima parva cadit. 
Cor pro corde, precor, pro fibris sumite fibras. 

Hanc animam vobis pro meliore damus.' 
Sic ubi libavit, prosecta sub aethere ponit, 

Quique adsint sacris, respicere ilia vetat*. 
Virgaque lanalis de spina ponitur alba 6 

Qua lumen thalamis parva fenestra dabat. 
Post illud nee aves cunas violasse feruntur, 

Et rediit puero qui fuit ante color. 

Having told his folk-tale and described his charms, Ovid 
returns to Carna, and asks why people eat bean-gruel on the 
Kalends of June, with the rich fat of pigs. The answer 

1 The word strix is Greek, or at least identical with the Greek word. 
But the belief in vampires is so widely spread (cf. Tylor, Prim. Oult. ii. 
175 foil.) that we must not conclude hastily that it came to Italy with 
the Greeks : it is met with as early as Plautus (Pseud. 3. a. 20). Cf. Pliny, 
H. N. ii. 232. 

* Fasti, 6. 155 foil. 

3 The arbutus does not seem to be mentioned in connexion with charms 
except in this passage ; we might have expected the laurel. BOttichor, 
Baumkultus, 324. 

4 The sucking-pig is sacrificed, as we gather from proseda below ; i. e. to 
Carna : cp. the cakes of lard eaten this day (169 foil.). 

* Cp. in the process of ghost-laying (above, p. 109) the prohibition to 
look at the beans scattered. 

' For the blackthorn ' v Germ. Weissdorn) see B6tticher, Baumkultus, 361. 
Varro, ap. Charisium, p. 117 'fax ex spinu alba praefertur, quod purga- 
tionis causa adhibetur.' 


is that the cult of Carna is of ancient date, and that the 
healthy food of man in early times is retained in it 1 . 

Sus erat in pretio ; caesa sue festa colebant. 

Terra fabas tantum duraque farra dabat. 
Quae duo mixta simul sextis quicunque Kaleudis 

Ederit, huic laedi viscera posse negant. 

This was undoubtedly the real popular belief that by eating 
this food on Carna's day your digestion was secured for the 
year. Macrobius 2 makes the practice into a much more 
definite piece of ritual. l Prayers are offered to this goddess/ 
he says, ' for the good preservation of liver, heart, and the 
other internal organs of our bodies. Her sacrifices are bean- 
meal and lard, because this is the best food for the nourishment 
of the body.' Ovid is here the genuine Italian, Macrobius the 
scholar and theologian : both may be right. 

Whatever, then, may be the meaning or etymology of the 
name Carna, we may at least be sure that the cult belongs 
to the age of ancient Latin agriculture 3 , since it was in 
connexion with her name that the popular belief survived 
in Ovid's time of the virtue of bean-eating on the Kalends 
of June. 

We learn from Ovid (line 191) that this same day was the dies 
natalis of the temple of Mars extra portam Capenam, i. e. on the 
Via Appia a favourite spot for the mustering of armies, and 
the starting-point for the yearly transvectio equitum*. I have 
already alluded to the baseless fabric of conjecture built 

1 This is the passage that must have inspired 0. Crusius in his paper on 
beans in Rhein. Mus. xxxix. 164 foil. ' Beans,' he says, ' were the oldest 
Italian food, and like stone knives, &c., survived in ritual.' We want, 
indeed, some more definite proof that they were really the oldest food ; 
and anyhow their use had not died out like that of stone implements. 
(They were a common article of food at Athens: Aristoph. Knights, 41 ; 
Lysist. 537 and 691.) But it is not unlikely that their use in the cult of 
the dead may be a survival, upon which odd superstitions grafted them- 
selves. For a parallel argument see Koscher, Nektar und Ambrosia, 36 ; 
Rhys, Celtic Mythology, 356. 

2 Sat. i. 12. 32. 

8 No safe conclusion can be drawn from Tertullian's inclusion (ad Nat. a. 
9) of the fanum of Carna on the Gael inn among those of di adrtnticii. 
O. Gilbert has lately tried to make much of this (ii. 42 foil.), and to find 
an Etruscan origin for Carna : but see Aust on the position of temples 
outside the pomoerium (de Acdibus sacris, 47). 

1 Liv. 7. 23 ; Dionys. 6. 13. 


on the conjunction of Mars and Juno on this day l ; and need 
here only repeat that in no well-attested Roman myth is Mars 
the son of Juno, or Juno the wife of Jupiter. And it is even 
doubtful whether June i was the original dedication-day 
of this temple of Mars : the Venusian calendar does not 
mention it, and Ovid may be referring to a re-dedication by 
Augustus 2 . There is absolutely no ground for the myth- 
making of Usener and Roscher about Mars and Juno : but 
it is to the credit of the latter that he has inserted in his 
article on Mars a valuable note by Aust, in which his own 
conclusions are cogently controverted. 

III. NON. TUN. (JUNE 3). C. 

This temple was vowed by the Consul Ap. Claudius in an 
Etruscan war 3 (296 B.C.): the date of dedication is unknown. 
In front of the temple was an area of which the truly Roman 
story is told 4 , that being unable to declare war with Pyrrhus 
with the orthodox ritual of the fetiales, as he had no land 
in Italy into which they could throw the challenging spear*, 
they caught a Pyrrhan soldier and made him buy this spot to 
suit their purpose. Here stood the ' columella ' from which 
henceforward the spear was thrown 6 . 

The temple became well known as a suitable meeting-place for 
the Senate outside the pomoerium, when it was necessary to do 
business with generals and ambassadors who could not legally 
enter the city 7 . But of the goddess very little is known. 
There is no sufficient reason to identify her with that Nerio 

1 See on March i, above, p. 37. 

* Aust, de Aedibus sacris, p. 8. The Fasti Venusini are ' omnium accuratis- 
simi' ; ib. p. 43. Aust goes so far as to doubt the true Roman character of 
this Mars, and believes him to be the Greek god Ares. See bis note in 
Lex. 2391. The date of foundation is not certain, but was probably not 
earlier than the Gallic war, 388 B. c., if it is this to which Livy alludes 
in 6. 5. 8. 

3 Liv. 10. 19. There was a tradition that Ap. Claudius, Cos. 495 B. c., 
had dedicated statues of his ancestors in a temple of Bellona (Pliny, N. H. 
35. ra). 4 Serv. Aen. ix. 53. 

5 Liv. i. 32. 12 ; Marq. 422. ' Ovid, Fasti, 6. 205 foil. ; Paulus, 33. 

T Willems, Le Senat de la Republique, ii. 161. 


with whom we made acquaintance in March, as is done too 
confidently by the writer of the article in Roscher's Lexicon \ 



This temple also was near the Circus Flaminius 2 . It was 
a foundation of Sulla's, 82 B. c., and the cult was Greek, 
answering to that of 'HpcHcXfjs dXf QK 

NON. IUN (JUNE 5). N.* 


The temple on the Quirinal of which this was ike dies natalis 
is said by Dionysius 5 to have been vowed by Tarquinius 
Superbus, and dedicated by Sp. Postumius in B. c. 466. But 
that there was a fanum or sacellum of this deity on or near the 
same site at a much earlier time is almost certain ; such 
a sacellum ' ad portam Sanqualem ' is mentioned, also by 
Dionysius 6 , as ifpbv Ator ILo-rtou, and we know that in many 
cases the final acdes or templum was a development from an 
uncovered altar or sacred place. 

Dius Fidius, as the adjectival character of his name shows, 
was a genuine old Italian religious conception, but one that in 
historical times was buried almost out of sight. Among gods 
and heroes there has been a struggle for existence, as among 
animals and plants ; with some peoples a struggle between 
indigenous and exotic deities, in which the latter usually win 

1 This was originally suggested by Gellius (13. 23), 'perhaps not with- 
out some reason,' says Marquardt (75). This suggestion has grown almost 
into a certainty for the writer in the Lexicon, in a manner very character- 
istic of the present age of research. There would be some reason to think 
that Bellona (or Duellona) was an ancient goddess of central Italy, if we 
could be sure that the inscription on an ancient cup, in the museum at 
Florence, which may be read ' Belolae poculum ' (C. I. L. i. 44), refers to 
this deity. See Lex. s. v. Belola. 

2 Ovid, Fasti. 6. 209. See Commentarii in honorem Th. Mommseni, 262 foil. 
x Klugmann\ and R Peter in Lex. s.v. Here. p. 2979. 

= Preller-Jordan, ii. 296. ' See below, p. 146. 

5 9. 60, where Ztvs niortos- Dius Fidius. 

6 4. 58 : cp. Liv. 8. 20; Aust, de Aedibus sacris, p. 51. Of the porta 
Sanqualis I shall have a word to say presently. 


the day, and displace or modify the native species 1 . What 
laws, if any, govern this struggle for existence it is not possible 
to discern clearly ; the result is doubtless the survival of the 
fittest, if by the fittest we understand those which flourish best 
under the existing conditions of society and thought ; but it 
would hardly seem to be the survival of those which are most 
beneficial to the worshipping race. Among the Komans the 
fashionable exotic deities of the later Kepublic and Empire had 
no such ethical influence on the character of the people as those 
older ones of the type of Dius Fidius, who in historical times 
was known to the ordinary Eoman only through the medium of 
an old-fashioned oath. 

Ovid knows very little about Dius Fidius 2 : 

Quaerebam Nonas Sanco Fidione referrem, 

An tibi, Semo pater : cum mihi Sancus ait 
' Cuicunque ex illis dederis, ego munus habebo ; 
Nomina trina fero, sic voluere Cures.' 

He finds three names for the deity, but two would have 
sufficed; the only individual Semo known to us is Sancus 
himself. The Semones, so far as we can guess, were spirits of 
the ' pandaemonic ' age, nameless like the Lares with whom 
they are associated in the hymn of the Fratres Arvales 3 ; but 
one only, Semo Sancus, seems to have taken a name and 
survived into a later age, and this one was identified with Dius 
Fidius. Aelius Stilo, the Varro of the seventh century A. u. c., 
seems to have started this identification 4 . Varro does not 
comment on it ; but Verrius accepted it : he writes of an ' aedes 
Sancus, qui deus Dius Fidius vocatur' 5 . The evidence of in- 
scriptions is explicit for a later period ; an altar, for example, 
found near the supposed site of his temple on the Quirinal, 
bears the inscription 'Sanco Sancto Seinon[i] deo fidio sacrum' 6 . 

1 Mr. Lang (Myth, Ritual, &c., ii. 191) has some excellent remarks on this 
subject. * Fasti, 6. 213. 

3 See Wordsworth's Fragments and Specimens of Early Latin, p. 157 'Semunes 
alternos advocapit cunctos.' I follow Jordan's explanation of 'Semunes,' 
in Kril. Beitrage, 204 foil. 

* Aelius Dium Fidium diccbat Diovis filium, ut Graeci Aioaxopov Casto- 
rem. et putabat huiic esse Sancum ab Sabina lingua et Herculem a Graeca ' 
(Varro, L. L. 5. 66). 

5 Festus, 241. This is probably the sacellum of Livy, 8. 22. 

* C. /. L. vi. 568: again (ib. 567), 'Semoni Sanco deo fidio.' Sancus is, 
of course, a name, not an adjective : we find Sangus in some MSS. of 


And there is nothing in the words Sancus and Fidius to forbid 
the identification, for both point to the same class of ideas 
that of the bond which religious feeling places on men in their 
duties to, and contracts with, each other. They are in fact 
two different names for the same religious conception. It is 
interesting to find them both occurring in the great processional 
inscription of Iguvium in Umbria : Fisus or Fisovius Sancius, 
who is there invoked next after Jupiter, seems to unite the two 
deities in a single name *. This conjunction would seem to 
save us from the necessity of discussing the question whether 
Sancus, as has often been insisted on by scholars both ancient 
and modern '*, was really the Sabine form of Dius Fidius ; for 
if in Umbria the two are found together, as at Rome, there is 
no reason why the same should not have been the case through- 
out central Italy. The question would never have been asked 
had the fluid nature of the earliest Italian deities and the 
adjectival character of their names been duly taken account of. 
We are all of us too apt to speak of this primitive spirit-world 
in terms of a later polytheistic theology, and to suppose that 
the doubling of a name implies some distinction of origin 
or race. 

Dius Fidius, then, and Semo Sancus are both Latin names for 
the same religious conception, the impersonality of which 
caused it to lose vitality as new and anthropomorphic ideas 
of the divine came into vogue at Rome. But there is at least 
some probability that it survived in a fashion under the name 
of an intruder, Hercules ; and the connexion with Hercules 
will show, what we might already have guessed, that the 

Livy, 32. i. For the well-known curious confusion with Simon Magus, 
Euseb. H. E. a. 13. 

1 Breal. Tables Eugubines, 71 ; Bucheler, Umlrica, 65 foil. As Preller 
remarks, Fisus stands to Fidius as Clausus to Claudius (ii. 271). At 
Iguvium there was a hill, important in the rites, which bore this name 
ocrt's fisius. 

9 Aelius Stilo ap. Varro, 1. c. ; Ovid, 1. c. ; Propert. 4. 9. 74 ; Lactantius, 
i. 15. 8 ; Schwegler, R. G. i. 364 ; Preller, ii. 272 ; 0. Gilbert, i. 275, note ; 
Ambrosch, Studien, 1,0. Jcrdan, however, in a note on Preller (273) 
emphatically says that the Sabine orig'n of the god is a fable ; and for 
the illusory distinction between Latins and Sabines in Rome see Mommsen, 
R. H. i. 67, note, and Breal, HercuJe et Cacus, p. 56. Sancus was no 
doubt a Sabine deity and reputed ancestor of the race (Cato ap. Dionys. 2. 
49 : cp. 4. 58; ; but it does not follow that he came to Eome as a Sabine 


religious conception we are speaking of was very near akin to 
that of Jupiter himself. 

There is clear evidence that the best Eoman scholars identified 
not only Dius Fidius with Semo Sancus, but both of these with 
Hercules. Varro, in a passage already quoted, tells us that Stilo 
believed Dius Fidius to be the Sabine Sancus and the Greek 
Hercules ; Verrius Flaccus, if .his excerptors represent him 
rightly, in two separate glosses identified all these three 1 . 

Again, the Eoman oaths me dius fidius and me hcrculc are 
synonymous ; that the former was the older can hardly be 
doubted, and the latter must have come into vogue when the 
Greek oath by Heracles became familiar. Thus the origin of me 
hercule must be found in a union of the characteristics of Hercules 
with those of the native Dius Fidius. It is worth noting that 
in pronouncing both these oaths it was the custom to go out 
into the open air 2 . Here is -a. point at which both Hercules 
and Dius Fidius seem to come into line with Jupiter ; for the 
most solemn oath of all was per lovem (lapidem), also taken 
under the light of heaven s , as was the case with the oath at 
the altar of Ztvs 'Epmlos in Greece 4 . Yet another point of con- 
junction is the ara maxima at the.entrance to the Circus Maximus, 
which was also a place where 'Oaths were taken and treaties 
ratified 5 ; this was the altar of Hercules Victor, to whom the 
tithes of spoil were offered ; and this was also associated with 
the legend of Hercules and Cacus. In the deity by whom 
oaths were sworn, and in the deity of the tithes and the legend, 
it is now acknowledged on all hands that we should recognize 
a great Power whom we may call Dius Fidius, or Semo Sancus, 
or the Genius lovius, or even Jupiter himself". Tithes, oaths, 

1 Varro, L. L. 5. 66; Festus, 229 (Propter viam) ; and Paulus, 147 
(medius fidius^. 

2 Cp. Plutarch, Quaest. Rom. 28 (' Why are boys made to go out of the 
house when they wish to swear by Hercules?') with Varro, ap. Nonium, 
s. v. riluis, and L. L. 5. 66. 

3 See below on Sept. 13, p. 231. The silex was taken out of the temple 
of Jupiter Feretrius (Paulus, 92). 

4 Eustath. ad Od. 22. 335 ; Hermann, Gr. Ant. ii. 74. Cp. A. Lang, 
Myth, &c. ii. 54 : 'the sky hears us,' said the Indian when taking an oath. 

5 Dionys. i. 40. 

' See the opinions of Hartung, Schwegler, and Preller, summed up by 
Breal, Hercule et Cacus, 51 foil.; and R. Peter in Lex. a. v. Hercules, 
2255 foil. 


and the myth of the struggle of light with darkness, cannot be 
associated with such a figure as the Hercules who came to 
Italy from Greece ; tithes are the due of some great god, 
or lord of the land ', oaths are taken in the presence of the god 
of heaven, and the great nature myth only descends by degrees 
to attach itself to semi-human figures. 

We are here indeed in the presence of very ancient Italian 
religious ideas, which w r e can only veiy dimly apprehend, and 
for the explanation of which so far as explanation is possible 
there is not space in this work. But before we leave Dius 
Fidius, I will briefly indicate the evidence on which we may 
rest our belief (i) that as Semo Sancus, he is connected with 
Jupiter as the god of the heaven and thunder ; and (2) that as 
Hercules he is closely related to the same god as seen in 
a different aspect. 

i. In the Iguvian inscription referred to above Sancius in 
one place appears in conjunction with lovius 2 ; and, as we have 
seen, it is also found in the same ritual with Fisu or Fisovius. 
In this same passage of the inscription (which is a manual of 
ritual for the Fratres Attidii, an ancient religious brotherhood 
of Iguvium), the priest is directed to have in his hand an urfita 
(orbita), L e. either disk or globe ; and this urfita has been com- 
pared :! , not without reason, with the orbes mentioned by Livy 4 
as having been made of brass after the capture of Privernum 
and placed in the temple of Semo Sancus. If we may safely 
believe that such symbols occur chiefly in the worship of deities 
of sun and heaven, as seems probable, we have here some 
evidence, however imperfect, for the common origin of Sancus 
and Jupiter. 

Again, there was in Eoman augural lore a bird called 
sanqudlis avis, which can hardly be dissociated from the cult of 

1 Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semites, p. 233. 

* Bucheler, Umbrica, 7 ; Breal, Tables Eugubines, 270. 

* Preller, ii. 273, and Jordan's note. In M. Gaidoz's Etudes de Mythologie 
Gauloise, i. 64, will be found figures of a hand holding a wheel, from Bar- 
le-Duc (the wrist thrust through one of the holes), which may possibly 
explain the urfita, and which he connects with the Celtic sun-god. In 
this connexion we may notice the large series of Umbrinn and Etruscan 
coins with the six-rayed wheel-symbol (Mommsen, Munzwesen, 222 foil.), 
which, as Professor Gardner tells me, is more probably a sun-symbol than 
merely the chariot-wheel convenient for unskilful coiners. 

1 8. 20. 


Sancus ; for there was also an ancient city gate, the porta 
Sanqualis, near the sacellum Sancus on the Quirinal '. Pliny's 
language about this bird shows that this bit of ancient lore 
was almost lost in his time ; but at the same time he makes it 
clear that it was believed to belong to the eagle family, which 
played such an important part in the science of augury. The 
only concrete fact that seems to be told us about this bird is 
that in B. c. 177 one struck with its beak a sacred stone at 
Crustumerium a stone, it would seem, that had fallen from 
heaven, i. e. a thunder-stone or a meteorite 2 . 

Bearing this in mind, we are not surprised to find further 
traces of a connexion between Sancus and thunderbolts. There 
was at Rome a dccuria of sacerdotes bidentales, in close associa- 
tion with the cult of Sancus. Three votive altars are extant, 
dedicated to the god by this dccuria s ; two of them were found 
on the Quirinal, close to the site of the sacellum Sancus. Now 
the meaning of the word lidcntal shows that the decuria had 
as its duty the care of the sacred spots which had been struck 
by thunderbolts ; such a spot, which was also called puteul 
from its resemblance to a well fenced with a circular wall, 
bore the name bidental, presumably because two-year-old sheep 
(bidentcs) were sacrificed there 4 . Consequently we again have 
Sancus brought into connexion with the augural lore of lightning, 
which made it a religious duty to bury the bolt, and fence otf 
the spot from profane intrusion. Yet another step forward in 
this dim light. A bidental was one kind of templum, as we 
are expressly told ft ; and the temple of Sancus itself seems to 
have had this peculiarity. Varro says that its roof was per- 

1 For the bird, Plin. N. H. 10. 20; Festus, 197 s. v. oscines, and 317 
(sanqualis art's). Bouche'-Leclereq, Hist, de la Divination, iv. 200. For the 
gate cp. Paulus, 345, with Liv. 8. 20 ; Jordan, Topogr. ii. 264. 

* Liv. 41. 13, with Weissenborn's note. The stone was perhaps the 
same as one which had shortly before fallen into the grove of Mars :it 
Crustumerium (41. 9). 

3 C.I.L. vi. 567. 568; and Bull, dett' Inst., 1881, p. 38 foil. (This last with 
a statue, which, however, may not belong to it: Jordan's note on Preller, 
ii. 273.) Wilmanns, Exen>pla Inscr. Lot. 1300. 

* Marq. 263 ; B.-Leclercq, iv. 51 foil. The Scholiast on Persius, 2. 27, 
is explicit on the point. But Deecke, in a note to Muller's Etrusker (ii. 275) 
doubts the connexion of the decuria with bidental -puteal. 

* Festus, s. v. Scribonianum (p. 333 : the restoration can hardly be wrorg) 
' [quia nejas est integi, semper ibi forami[ne aper]to cnelum patet.' 


foratum, so that the sky might be seen through it '. In a 
fragment of augural lore, apparently genuine though preserved 
by a writer of late date, the cadi templum seems to have been 
conceived as a dome, or a ball (orbis) cut in half, with a hole in 
the top*. We may allow that we are here getting out of our 
depth ;but the general result of what has been put forward is 
that Sancus = Dius Fidius was originally a spirit or nunien of 
the heaven, and a wielder of the lightning, closely allied to the 
great Jupiter, whose cult, combined with that of Hercules, had 
almost obliterated him in historical times. 

Finally, it would seem that those moral attributes of Jupiter 
which give him a unique position in the Roman theology as 
the god of truth, order, and concord, belonged at one period 
also to Sancus as Dius Fidius ; for in his temple was kept the 
most ancient treaty of which the Romans knew, that said to 
have been made by Tarquinius Superbus with Gabii, which 
Dionysius must himself have seen s , and which he describes as 
consisting of a wooden clypeus, bound with the hide of 
a sacrificed ox, and bearing ancient letters. Here also was 
the reputed statue of Gaia Caecilia or Tanaquil, the ideal 
Roman matron ; of which it has been conjectured, rashly 
perhaps, but by an authority of weight, that it really repre- 
sented a humanized female form of Dius Fidius, standing to 
him as the Junones of women stood to the Genii of men, or as 
Juno in the abstract to Genius in the abstract \ 

1 L. L. 5. 66 *ut ea videatur divum, id est caelum.' He connects the 
word dhum with Dius Fidius. See Jordan in the collection of essays ' ia 
honorem Th. Mommseni,' p. 369. 

2 Martianus Capella, i. 45 (p. 47 in Eyssenhardt's edition). See Nissen's 
explanation in Das Templum, p. 184, and plate iv. In this account Jupiter 
occupies the chief place : Sancus is there, alone in tho isth regio. But 
doubt has been cast on Nissen's view by the discovery of an actual repre- 
sentation of the cadi templum (see Aust, in Lex. s. v. lupiter, 668). 

3 Dionys. 4. 58. In 9. 60 he says that this temple was only vowed by 
Tarquinius, and not dedicated till 466 B. c. (Aust, de Aedibus sacris, p. 6) ; but 
there must have been a still earlier sanctuary of some kind (Livy writes 
of a sacellum, 8. 20. 8). Dionysius is interesting and explicit ; he calls 
Dius Fidius Zfi>> nianot, and adds the name 207*0*. The treaties next 
in date, those with Carthage, were kept in the aedilium thesaurus, close to 
the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus (Polyb. 3. 22 ; Mommsen, Staatsrecht, ii. 
r (ed. 2 ) 481 note). Here we seem to see tho authority of the ancient 
Dius Fidius already losing ground. 

4 Plut. Quaest. Rom. 30; Varro, ap. Piin. N. H. 8. 194; Festus, 238. It 
was Reifferscheid's conjecture that she was a female Dius Fidius (see 


2. The last sentence of the preceding paragraph may aptly 
bring us to our second point, viz. the relation to Jupiter of 
Dius Fidius as = Hercules. Those who read the article 'Dius 
Fidius ' in Roscher's Lexicon will be struck by the fact that so 
cautious a writer as Professor Wissowa should boldly identify 
this deity, at the very outset of his account, with the 'Genius 
lovis ' ; and this conjecture, which is not his own, but rather 
that of the late Professor Reifferscheid of Breslau ', calls for 
a word of explanation. 

More than thirty years ago Reifferscheid published a paper 
in which he compared certain points in the cults of Juno and 
Hercules, of which we have a meagre knowledge from Roman 
literature, with some works of art of Etruscan or ancient 
Italian origin (i. e. not Greek), and found that they seemed 
to throw new and unexpected light on each other. 

The Roman women, we are told 2 , did not swear by Hercules, 
but by ' their Juno ' ; the men swore by Hercules, Dius Fidius, 
or by their Genius 3 . Women were excluded from the cult 
of Hercules at the ara maxima 4 ; men were excluded, not 
indeed from the cult of Juno, but (as Reifferscheid puts it) ' from 
that of Bona Dea, who was not far removed from Juno''.' At 
the birth of a child, a couch (lectus) was spread in the atrium 
for Juno, a mensa for Hercules 6 . The bride's girdle (cinguhim) 
seems to have given rise to a cult-title of Juno, viz. Cinxia, 
while the knot in it which was loosed by the bridegroom at the 
kctus genialis was called the nodus herculaneus 7 . 

Wissowa, Lex~ 1190). Fest. 241 adds ' cuius ex zona periclitantes ramenta 

1 BuU. deff Inst., 1867, 352 foil. Reifferscheid was prevented by death 
from working his view out more fully ; but R. Peter (see Lex. s. v. Hercules, 
2267) preserved notes of his lectures. 

* Gellius, ii. 6. i. For Juno as female equivalent of Genius see article 
1 lunones' in Lex. But it does not seem proved that this was the old name, 
and not an idea of comparatively late times. 

> Seneca, Ep. 12. 2. * See below, on Aug. 12, p. 194. 

5 This seems a weak point. Bona Dea was not more closely related to 
Juno than some others. I do not feel sure that the name Juno is not as 
much an intrusion here as Hercules, and that the real female counter- 
part of Genius, &c., was not a nameless numen like the Bona Dea. The 
rise of the cult of Juno Lucina may have produced this intrusion. It is 
worth noting that in Etruria Minerva takes the place of Juno (Lex. 2266, 
and the illustration on 2267). 

* Serv. Eel. 4. 62. T Paulus, 63. 


Now Reifferscheid believed that he found the same con- 
junction of Juno and Hercules in several works of art, which 
may be supposed to be reflections from the same set of ideas 
which produced the usages just indicated. In the most im- 
portant of those there is indeed no doubt about it ; this is 
a mirror of Etruscan workmanship ', in which three figures 
are marked with the Latin names IOVEI (Jupiter), IUNO and 
HERCELE. Jupiter sits on an altar in the middle, and with his 
right hand is touching Juno, who has her left hand on his 
shoulder ; Hercules stands with his club, apparently expectant, 
on the left. From certain indications in the mirror (for which 
I must refer the reader to the illustration on p. 2259 of 
Roscher's Lexicon) Reifferscheid concluded that Jupiter was 
here giving Juno in marriage to Hercules ; and, in spite of 
some criticism, this interpretation has been generally accepted' 2 . 
In other works of art he found the same conjunction, though 
no names mark the figures ; in these Hercules and Juno, if 
such they be, appear to be contending for the mastery, rather 
than uniting peacefully in wedlock 3 . This conjunction, or 
opposition, of Juno and Hercules, is thus explained by Reiffer- 
scheid. The name Juno represents the female principle in 
human nature * ; the ' genius ' of a woman was called by this 
name, and the cult of Juno as a developed goddess shows many 
features that bear out the proposition 5 . If these facts be so, 
then the inference to be drawn from the conjunction or opposition 
of Juno and Hercules is that the name Hercules indicates the 
male principle in human nature. But the male principle is 
also expressed in the word Genius, as we see e. g. in the term 
lectus genialis] Hercules therefore and Genius mean the same 
thing the former name having encroached upon the domain 
of the latter, as a Latinized form of Heracles, of all Greek 
heroes or divinities the most virile. And if Hercules, Seino 

1 Gerhard, Etntskische Spiege 1 , 147. It is also figured in Lex. s. v. 
Hercules, 2259. * 

" e. g. by every writer in Roscher's Lexicon who has touched on the 
subject. Jordan seems to have dissented (Prel)er, ii. 284). 

3 The opposition or conflict of the two is paralleled by the supposed 
myth of the contention of Mars and Minerva (Nerio) (see above, p. 60 ; 
Lex. 2265). 

4 See article 'lunones' in Lex. ; and De-Marchi, La ReJigione neUa tita 
domestica, p. 70. 

Roscher's article ' Juno ' in Lex. passim. 


Sancus and Dius Fidius are all different names for the same 
idea, then the word Genius may be taken as equivalent to the 
two last of these as well as to Hercules'. 

But why does Keifferscheid go on to tell us that this Genius, 
i. e. Hercules = Sancus = Dius Fidius, is the Genius lovis ? How 
does he connect this many-titled conception with the great 
father of the sky? As a matter of fact, he has but slender 
evidence for this ; he relies on the mirror in which he found 
Jupiter giving Juno to Hercules, and on the conjecture that 
the Greek Hercules, the son of Zeus, would easily come to 
occupy in Italy the position of Genius, if the latter were, in an 
abstract form and apart from individual human life, regarded 
as the Genius of Jupiter 2 . And in this he is followed by 
Wissowa and other writers in Koscher's Lexicon. 

It would perhaps have been wiser not to go so far as this. 
He has already carried us back to a world of ideas older than 
these varying names which so often bewilder us in the Roman 
worship to a world of spirits, Semones, Lares, Cerri, ghosts 
of deceased ancestors, vegetation demons, and men's 'other 
souls.' When he talks of a Genius lovis 3 , he is surely using 
the language of later polytheism to express an idea which 
belonged, not to a polytheistic age, but to that older world of 
religious thought. He is doing, in fact, the very thing which 
the Romans themselves were doing all through the period of 
the Republic the one thing which above all others has made 

1 I cannot agree with Mr. Jevons (Introduction to History of Religion, p. 186 
foil.) when he makes the Roman genius a relic of totemism, simply 
because genii were often represented by serpents. The snake was too 
universally worshipped and domesticated to be eas-ily explained as a 
totem. Mr. Frazer has an interesting example from Zululand, which is 
singularly suggestive in connexion with the doctrine of Genius (see 
Oolden Bough, ii. 332), which can hardly be explained on a totemistic basis. 
The doctrine of Genius may certainly have had its roots in a totemi^tic 
age ; but by the time it reaches us in Roman literature it has passed 
through so many stages that its origin is not to be dogmatized about. 

1 I cannot attach muh weight to the argument (see Lex. 2268) that 
because Aelius Stilo explained Dius Fidius as Diovis Filius he therefore 
had in his head some such relation of Qenius to Jupiter. 

* If he had written Genius lovius, after the manner of the Iguvian 
inscription, with its adjectival forms which preserve a remini-cence of 
the older spirit-world, he might have been nearer the maik. It may be 
that we get back to Jupiter himself as the Genius par excellence, but there 
is no direct proof of this. The genius of a god is a late idea, as Mr. Jevons 
po'.nts out in a note to Roman Questions, p. liii. 


the study of their religious ideas such a treacherous quagmire 
for the modern student. 

vi ID. IUN. (JUNE 8). N. 


The temple of Mens was vowed by T. Otacilius (praetor) in 
217 B. c., after the battle of Trasimenus ' propter neglegentiam 
caerimoniarum auspiciorumque'/and dedicated in 215 B.C., by 
the same man as duumvir aedibus dedicandis 2 . The vow was the 
result of an inspection of the Sibylline books, from which we 
might infer that the goddess was a stranger s . If so, who was 
she, and whence ? Seasoning from the fact that in the same 
year, in the same place, and by the same man, a temple was 
dedicated to Venus Erycina 4 , Preller guessed that this Mens 
was not a mere abstraction, but another form of the same 
Venus ; for a Venus Mimnermia or Meminia is mentioned by 
Servius 5 , ' quod meminerit omnium.' 

However this may be, the foundation of a cult of Mens at so 
critical a moment of their fortunes is very characteristic of the 
Koman spirit of that age ; it was an appeal to ' something not 
themselves which made for righteousness' to help them to 
remember their caerimoniae, and not to neglect their auspicia. 
It is remarkable that this temple of Mens was restored by 
M. Aemilius Scaurus probably amid the disasters of the Cimbrian 
war a century later 6 . 

vii ID. IUN. (JUNE 7). N. 


v ID. IUN. (JUNE 9). N. 

xvn KAL. QUINCT. (JUNE 15). N. 


xvii KAL. QUINCT. (JUNE 15). Q. St. D. F. 
It would seem from these notes in the calendars, and from 

1 Livy, 22. 9 ; Ovid, Fasti, 6. 241 foil. ; Aust, de Aedibus sacris, p. 19. 

* Livy, 23. 31 and 32 ; M irq. 270. 

s Marq. 358 foil. ; Article 'Sibyllini libri ' in Did. of Antiquities, ed. a. 

* Livy, 22. 9, 10 ; 23 30, 31. * Ad Aen. i. 720. 

' Plut. de Fort. Rom. 5. 10 ; Cic. Nat. Dear. a. 61. Aust (de Aedibus sacris, 
p. 19) puts it in B.C. 115, in S^aurus' consulship. 


passages in Ovid and Festus 1 , that both before and after the 
day of the true Vestalia there were days set apart for the cult 
of the goddess, which were nefasti and also religiosi 2 . Ovid's 
lines are worth quoting ; he consults the Flaminica Dialis 3 
about the marriage of his daughter : 

Turn mihi post sacra s monstratur lunius idus 

Utilis et nuptis, utilis esse viris, 
Primaque pars huius thalamis aliena repe;ta est, 

Nam mihi sic coniunx sancta Dialis ait ; 
' Donee ab Iliaca placidus purgamina Vesta 

Detulerit flavis in mare Thybris aquis, 
Non mihi detonsos crines depectere buxo, 

Non ungues ferro subsecuisse licet, 
Non tetigisse virum, quamvis lovis ille sacerdos, 

Quamvis perpetua sit mihi lege datus. 
Tu quoque ne propera. Melius tua filia nubet 

Ignea cum pura Vesta nitebit humo.' 

What is the meaning of this singular aspect of the Vesta-cult ? 
Why should these days be so ill-omened or so sacred that during 
them marriages might not be celebrated, and the priestess of 
Jupiter might not hold any intercourse with her husband, cut 
her hair, or pare her nails ? And what is the explanation of 
the annotation Q.uando] Stercus] D[elatum] F|_as] 4 , which on 
the 1 5th indicated the breaking of the spell, and a return to 
ordinary ways of life ? Before attempting to answer these 
questions, it will be as well to say a few words about the 
nature and probable origin of the worship of Vesta. Owing to 
the remarkable vitality and purity of this cult throughout the 
whole of Roman history, we do not meet here with those 
baffling obscurities which so often beset us in dealing with 
deities that had lost all life and shape when Roman scholars 
began to investigate them. And yet we know that we are 
here in the presence of rites and ideas of immemorial 

1 Ovid, Fasti, 6. 219 foil. ; Festus, 250, s. v. Penus : ' [Penus vo^catur locus 
intimus in aede Vestae, tegetibus saeptus, qui certis diebus circa Vestalia 
aperitur. li dies leligiosi habentur.' 

- For the meanings of ti^fustus and religiosus see Introduction, p. 9 ; 
Marq. 291. 

s No doubt this was done, and the lines composed, in order to please 
Augustus and reflect the revival of the old religio. 

* Varro, L. L. 6. 32. 


In an article of great interest in the Journal of Philology 
for 1885', Mr. J. G. Frazer first placed the origin of the cult 
in a clear light for English scholars. By comparing it with 
similar practices of existing peoples still in a primitive con- 
dition of life, he made apparent the real germ of the institution 
of the Vestal Virgins. Helbig, in his Italiker in der Poebene 2 , 
had already recognized that germ in the necessity of keeping 
one fire always alight in each settlement, so that its members 
could at any time supply themselves with the flame, then 
so hard to procure at a moment's notice ; and Mr. Frazer 
had only to go one step further, and show that the task 
of keeping this fire alight was that of the daughters of the 
chief. This step he was able to take, supported by evidence 
from Damaraland in South Africa, where the priestess of the 
perpetual fire is the chiefs daughter ; quoting also the following 
example from Calabria in Southern Italy : ' At the present day 
the fire in a Calabrian peasant's house is never (except after 
a death) allowed to die quite out, even in the heat of summer ; 
it is a bad omen if it should chance to be extinguished, and 
the girls of the house, whose special care it is to keep at least 
a single brand burning on the hearth, are sadly dismayed 
at such a mishap.' The evidence of the Koman ius sacrum 
quite confirms this modern evidence ; the Vestals were under 
the patria potestas of the pontifex maximus, who represented 
in republican times the legal powers of the Rex, and from this 
fact we may safely argue that they had once been the daughters 
of the primitive chief. The famines too, or Jcindlers, as being 
under the potestas of the pontifex, may be taken as representing 
the sons of the primitive household 3 . But from various 
reasons * the duties of the flamines became obsolete or obscure ; 
while those of the Vestals remained to give us an almost 
perfect picture of life in the household of the oldest Latins. 

From the first, no doubt, the tending of the fire was in some 
sense a religious service, and the flame a sacred flame 8 . There 

1 Vol. xiv, No. 28 * p. 53. 

3 Marq. 250. In the Andaman Islands both sons and daughters take 
part in the work of maintaining the fires ( Man's Andaman Islands, quoted 
by Mr. Frazer, op. cit. p. 153). 

4 See my article 'Sacerdos' in Diet, of Antiquities, ed. a. 

s Vesta herself was originally simply the fire on the hearth (Frazer, 
op. cit. 152). Note that the Same was obtained afresh each year on March i, 

L 2 


must have been many stages of growth from this beginning 
to the fully developed Vesta of the Kepublic and Empire ; 
yet we can see that the lines of development were singularly 
simple and consistent. The sacred fire for example was 
maintained in the aedes Vestae, adjoining the king's house 1 
(regia) ; and the penus Vestae, which must originally have 
contained the stores on which the family depended for their 
sustenance, was always believed to preserve the most sacred 
and valuable objects possessed by the State 2 . 

We return to the Vestalia, of which the ritual was as follows. 
On June 7, the penus Vestae, which was shut all the rest 
of the year, and to which no man but the pontifex maximus 
had at any time right of entry, was thrown open to all 
matrons. During the seven following days they crowded to it 
barefoot 8 . Ovid relates his own experience 4 : 

Forte revertebar festis Vestalibus ilia 

Qua nova Romano nunc via iuncta foro est. 

Hue pede matronam vidi descenders nudo : 
Obstipui tacitus sustinuique gradum. 

The object of this was perhaps to pray for a blessing on the 
household. On plain and old-fashioned ware offerings of food 
were carried into the temple : the Vestals themselves offered 
the sacred cakes made of the first ears of corn plucked, as we 
saw, in the early days of May 5 ; bakers and millers kept 
holiday, all mills were garlanded, and donkeys decorated with 
wreaths and cakes 6 . 

Ecce coronatis panis dependet asellis 
Et velant scabras florida serta molas. 

On June 15 the temple (aedes, not templum) was swept 
and the refuse taken away and either thrown into the Tiber 

even in historical times, by the primitive method of the friction of the 
wood of a 'lucky' tree (Festus, 106), or from the sun's rays. We are 
not told which priest performed this rite. 

1 Middleton, Borne in j88j, p. 181 foil. 

a This belief, and the nature of the treasures, are fully discussed by 
Marquardt, p. 251, with additions by Wissowa. 

s Cp. Petronius, Sat. 44 (of the aquaelicium). 

4 Fasti, 6. 395 foil. s Above, p. no. 

* As the beast that usually worked in mills? There is a Pompeian 
painting of this scene (Gerhard, Ant. Bild. pi. 6a). 


or deposited in some particular spot *. Then the dies nefastl 
came to an end ; and the 1 5th itself became fastus as soon 
as the last act of cleansing had been duly performed : ' Quando 
stercus delatum fas.' 

In this account of the ritual of these days, two features 
claim special attention : ( i ) the duties of the Vestals in 
connexion with the provision of food ; (2) the fact that the 
days were religiosi, as is illustrated by the prohibition of 
marriage and the mourning of the Flaminica Dialis. That 
these two features were in some way connected seems proved 
by the cessation of the mourning when the penus Vestae was 
once more closed. 

i. It needs but little investigation to discover that, though 
the germ of the cult was doubtless the perpetual fire in the 
king's house, the cult itself was by no means confined to 
attendance on the fire ; and this was so probably from the 
very first. The king's daughters fetched the water from 
the spring, both for sacred and domestic purposes ; and this 
duty was kept up throughout Roman history, for water 
was never ' laid on ' to the house of the Vestals, but carried 
from a sacred fountain 2 . They also crushed the corn with 
pestle and mortar, and prepared the cakes for the use of the 
family duties which survived in all their pristine simplicity 
in the preparation of the mold salsa in the early days of May 3 ; 
and they swept the house, as the Vestals afterwards continued 
to cleanse the penus Vestae, on June 1 5. The penus, or store- 
closet of the house, was under their charge ; on the state 

1 Varro, L. L. 6. 32 'Dies qui vocatur Q. St. D. F. ab eo appellatur 
quod eo die ex aede Vestae stercus everritur et per Capitolinum clivum in 
locum defertur certurn.' It is Ovid who tells us it was thrown into the 
Tiber (Fasti, 6. 713). 

2 Jordan, Tempel der Vesta, p. 63. 

3 The crushing of the grain no doubt comes down from a time when 
there were no mills (Helbig, Italiker in der Poebene, 17 and 72). The pre- 
paration of the cakes was also peculiar, and even that of the salt which was 
used in them (Festus, 159; cp. Serv. Ed. 8. 82). The latter passage is the 
locus dassicus for all these duties : ' Virgines Vestales tres maximae ex 
nonis Maiis ad pridie Idus Maias alternis diebus (i.e. on 7th, pth, nth?) 
spicas adoreas in corbibus messuariis ponunt, easque spicas ipsae virgines 
torrent, pinsunt, molunt, atque ita molitum condunt. Ex eo farre 
virgines ter in nnno molam faciunt, Lupercalibus, Vestalibus, Idibus 
Septembribus, adiecto sale cocto et sale duro.' For examples of the 
primitive method of cooking see Miss Kingsley's Travels in West Affica, 
p. 208 ; and Sir Joseph Banks's Journal (ed. Hooker), p. 137. 


of its contents the family depended for its comfort and pros- 
perity, and from the very outset it must have had a kind 
of sacred character '. The close connexion of Vesta and her 
ministrants with the simple materials and processes of the 
house and the farm is thus quite plain ; and we may trace it in 
every rite in which they took any part. The Fordicidia and 
the Parilia in April were directly concerned with the flocks 
and herds of the community ; in May the festival of the Bona 
Dea and the mysterious ceremony of the Argei point to the 
season of peril during the ripening of the crops. After the 
Vestalia the Vestals were present at the Consualia and 
the festival of Ops Consiva in August, which, as we shall see, 
were probably harvest festivals ; and on the Ides of October 
the blood of the ' October horse ' was deposited in their care 
for use at the Fordicidia as a charm for fertility. So constant 
is the connexion of Vesta with the fruits of the earth, that 
it is not surprising that some Roman scholars " should have 
considered her an earth goddess ; especially as, in a volcanic 
region, the proper home of fire would be thought to be beneath 
the earth. But such explanations, and also the views of 
modern scholars who have sought to find in Vesta a deity 
of abstract ideas, such as ' the nourishing element in the fire n , 
are really superfluous. The associations which grew up 
around the sacred hearth-fire can all be traced to the original 
germ, if it be borne in mind that the fire, the provision-store, 
and the protecting deities of that store, were all placed together 
in the centre of the house, and that all domestic operations, 
sacrificial or culinary, took place at or by means of, the 
necessary fire. 'What is home but another word for cooking?' 

1 Penus means, in the first instance, food. Cic. Nat Deorum, 2. 68 ' Est 
omne quo vescuntur homines penus.' Hence it came to mean the store- 
closet in the centre of the house, of which the Penates were the guardian 
spirits. Its sacred character is indicated in a passage of Columella 
(R. R. 12. 4 ; and see my paper on the toga praetexta of Roman children, 
in Classical Review, Oct. 1896). 

4 Varro, ap. S. Aug. de Civ. 7. 24 ; cp. 7. 16. Ovid, Fasti, 6. 267, writes, 
' Vesta eadem quae terra,' but more correctly in 291, ' Nee tu aliud Vestam 
quam vivam intellige flammam.' Some moderns derive Vesta from root 
vas = l dwelling,' and make her the earth in special relation to the 
dwelling ; e. g. O. Gilbert, i. 348 note. 

s Preuner, Hestia- Vesta, p. 221 'Gottheit des Feuers, sofern religiose, 
ethische Ideen sich in demselben abspiegeln, nicht des Feuers als blossen 
Elements.' This is surely turning the question upside down. 


Nor must we forget that the living fire was for primitive man 
a mysterious thing, and invested from the first with divine 
attributes 1 . 

2. The fact that from the 5th to the i sth the days were not only 
tie fasti but also religiosi is not easy to explain. It is true that 
in two other months, February and April, we find a parallel 
series of dies nefasti in the first half of the month: in February 
it extended from the Kalends to the Lupercalia (i.'.th), and 
in April from the Nones to the Vinalia (a^rd)", But these 
days in February and April were nefasti in the ordinary sense 
of the word, i. e. the cessation of judicial business, and we are 
not told of them that they were also religiosi, or that the 
Flaminica Dialis lay during them under any special restrictions, 
as in the days we are speaking of. On the other hand, we find 
to our surprise that the other days on which this priestess 
was forbidden to comb hair or cut nails were not even nefasti 
in the ordinary sense, viz. those of the 'moving ' of the ancilia 
and of the ceremony of the Argei s : so that we are baffled 
at every point in looking for a solution to the calendar. 

But there is one fact that is quite clear, namely, that the 
tempus nefastum was in some way or other the result of the 
purification of the aedes Vestae, since it ceased at the moment 
the last act of cleansing was completed. Now it does seem to 
be the case that among some peoples living by agriculture but 
as yet comparatively uncivilized, special importance is attached 
to the days immediately before harvest and the gathering of the 
first-fruits at which time there is a general cleaning out of 
house, barns, and all receptacles and utensils, and following 
upon this a period of rejoicing. Mr. Frazer, in his Golden 
Bough has collected some examples of this practice, though 
he has not brought them together under one head or given 
them a single explanation. The most striking, and at the 
same time the best attested, example is as follows 4 : 

1 Tylor, Prim. Cult. ii. 251 ; Grimm, German Mytho'ogy (Eng. trans.), 
p. 60 1 foil. 

1 In July also the days were nefas'.i from the Kalends to the pth ; but to 
the meaning of this we have no clue whatever. 

3 See above, p. 115. 

4 G. B. ii. 75. In an appendix (p. 373 foil, and esp. 382") will be found 
some other examples of the same type of ritual. Cp. also ii. 176 (from 
Punjaub), which example, however, does not seem in any way connected 


'Among the Creek Indians of North America, the lusl', 
or festival of firstfruits, was the chief ceremony of the year. 
It was held in July or August, when the corn was ripe, and 
marked the end of the old year and the beginning of the new 
one. Before it took place none of the Indians would eat or 
even handle any of the new harvest. . . . Before celebrating 
the Busk, the people provided ^themselves with new clothes 
and new household utensils and furniture ; they collected 
their old clothes and rubbish, together with all the remaining 
grain and other old provisions, cast them together in one 
common heap and consumed them with fire. As a preparation 
for the ceremony all the fires in the village were extinguished, 
and the ashes swept clean away. In particular the hearth or 
altar of the temple was dug up, and the ashes carried out. . . . 
Meanwhile the women at home were cleaning out their houses, 
renewing the old hearths, and scouring all the cooking vessels 
that they might be ready to receive the new fire and the new 
fruits. The public or sacred square was carefully swept of 
even the smallest crumbs of previous feasts, for fear of polluting 
the first-fruit offerings. Also every vessel that had contained 
any focd during the expiring year was removed from the 
temple before sunset.' A general fast followed, we are told ; 
' and when the sun was declining from the meridian, all the 
people were commanded by the voice of a crier to stay within 
doors, to do no bad act, and to be sure to extinguish and throw 
away every spark of the old fire. Universal silence now 
reigned. Then the high priest made the new fire by the 
friction of two pieces of wood, and placed it on the altar under 
the green arbour. This new fire was believed to atone for 
all past crimes except murder. Then a basket of new fruits 
was brought ; the high priest took out a little of each sort 
of fruit, rubbed it with bear's oil, and offered it together with 
some flesh to the bountiful spirit of fire as a first-fruit offering 
and an annual oblation for sin. . . . Finally the chief priest made 
a speech, exhorting the people to observe their old rites and 
customs, announcing that the new divine fire had purged away 
the sins of the past year, and earnestly warning the women 

with harvest. But the practice of the Creek Indians is so unusually well 
attested that it deserves special attention. It is described by no less than 
four independent authorities (see Mr. Frazer's note on p. 76^. 


that if any of them had not extinguished the old fire, or had 
contracted any impurity, they must forthwith depart lest 
the divine fire should spoil both them and the people.' 

The four chief points in this very interesting account are, 
(i) the extremely solemn and critical character of the whole 
ceremonial, as indicated in the general fast ; (2) the idea of 
the necessity of purification preparatory to the reception of 
first-fruits, a purification which seems to extend to human 
beings as well as to houses, receptacles, and utensils ; (3) the 
renewal of the sacred fire, which was coincident with the 
beginning of a new year ; (4) the solemn reception of the first- 
fruits. Comparing these with Roman usage, we notice that 
the first two are fully represented at the Vestalia, the one by 
the religious character of the days, and the mourning of the 
Flaminica Dialis, the other by the cleansing of the penus 
Vestae, and the careful removal of all its refuse. The third is 
represented, not at the Vestalia, but at the beginning of the 
year on March i, when the sacred fire was renewed, as we saw, 
in the primitive fashion by the friction of two pieces of wood, 
and the temple of Vesta was adorned with fresh laurels, as was 
the case also with the altar in the American example just 
quoted. The fourth point is represented neither in March nor 
June, but rather by the plucking of the first ears of corn by the 
Vestals before the Ides of May, from which they made the 
sacred salt-cakes of sacrifice. 

Now we need not go the length of assuming that the Roman 
ceremonies of March, May and June were three parts of one 
and the same rite which in course of time had been separated 
and attached to different periods of the year ; though this 
indeed may not be wholly impossible. But we may at least 
profitably notice that all the four striking features of the Indian 
ceremony are found in the cult of Vesta, and descended no 
doubt to the later Eomans from an age in which both the crops, 
the fire and the store-houses were regarded as having much 
the same sacred character as they had for the Creek Indians. 

To me indeed it had seemed probable, even before the 
publication of Mr. Frazer's Golden Bough, that the cleansing of 
the penus Vestae was nothing but a survival of a general 
purification of store-houses, barns, utensils, and probably of all 
the apparatus of farming, including perhaps human beings, 


before the completion of the harvest which was now close at 
hand. The date of the Vestalia is indeed too early to let us 
suppose it to have been a real harvest festival, nor had it any 
of the joyous character found in such rites ; and, as we shall 
see, the true harvest festivals are to be found in the month of 
August. The corn harvest in middle Italy took place in the 
latter half of June and in July ' ; and, as is everywhere still 
the practice, the festivals proper did not occur until the whole 
work of harvesting was done. But at the time of the Vestalia 
the crops were certainly ripening ; in May we have already had 
the plucking of the first ears by the Vestals, and the lustratio 
segetum which has been described under the head of Ambarvalia 
on May 28. 

I must leave to anthropologists the further investigation of 
the ideas underlying the ritual we have been examining ; it is 
something to have been able to co-ordinate it with rites which 
are so well attested as those of the Creek Indians, and which 
admit without difficulty of a reasonable interpretation 2 . 

in ID. IUN. (JUNE n). N. 


The temple of which this day was apparently the dies natalis 
dated from the Veientine War, 396 B. c., and was the result of 
a vow made by L. Furius Camillus 3 . An earlier temple was 
attributed to Servius Tullius ; but it is extremely improbable 
that anything more than a sacellum or altar existed at such an 
early date \ The cult of Mater Matuta was widely extended in 
Italy, and clearly of genuine and ancient Italian origin ; she 
can be separated with certainty from the Greek goddess 
Leucothea with whom Ovid mixes her up, and from whom she 
derived a connexion with harbours which did not originally 

1 Nissen, Landeskunde, 399. 

1 The whole of Mr. Frazer's section on the sacramental eating of new 
crops should be read in connexion with the Vestalia. 

3 Aust, de Aedibus sacris, p. 7 ; Liv. 5. 19 and 23. The temple was in 
the Forum boarium, near the Circus maximus. 

* Wissowa in Myth. Lex. s. v. Mater Matuta, 2463. 


belong to her 1 . The evidence for the wide spread of her cult 
consists of (i) t\vo extremely old inscriptions from Pisaurum in 
Umbria, of which Mommsen observes, ' lingua meram vetustatem 
spirat ' 2 ; (2) certain inscriptions and passages of Livy which 
prove that her worship existed among the Volsci, in Campania, 
and at Praeneste 3 . At Satricum she was apparently the chief 
deity of the place and probably also at Pyrgi, the port of Caere 
in Etruria 4 . The cult seems to have had some marked 
peculiarities, of which one or two fragments have come down 
to us. Only the wife of a first marriage could deck the image 
of the goddess 5 ; no female slaves were allowed in the temple 
except one, who was also diiven out of it with a box on the 
ear, apparently as a yearly recurring memorial of the rule 6 ; 
the sacred cakes offered were cooked in old-fashioned earthen- 
ware 7 ; and, lastly, the women are said to have prayed to this 
goddess for their nephews and nieces in the first place, and for 
their own children only in the second 8 . All that can be 
deduced from these fragments is that the Mater Matuta was an 
ancient deity of matrons, and perhaps of the same type as other 
deities of women such as Carmenta. Fortuna, and Bona Dea 9 . 

1 Ovid, Fasti, 6. 473 foil.; Cic. Nat. Dear. 3. 48; Tusc. i. 28. Plutarch (Quaest. 
Rom. 16. i) noted a likeness between her cult and that of Leucothea in his 
own city of Chaeroneia ; an interesting passage, though quite inconclusive 
as to the Greek origin of Mater Matuta. Plutarch, like Servius (Aen. 5. 
241) and others, has adopted Ovid's legend of Ino by way of explanation 
of the identity of Leucothea and Matuta. Merkel (Fasti, clxxxiv) believed 
the cult to be wholly Greek ; Bouche-Leclercq (Hist, de Divination, iv. 147) 
follows Klausen in identifying Mater Matuta with Tetliys t,cf. Plut. 
Rom. a'i and with the deity of the oracle at Pyrgi. But see Wesseling on 
Diod. Sic. 15, p. 337 ; and Strabo, Bk. 5, p. 345. 

* C. L L. i. 176, 177. 3 Liv. 6. 33. 4 ; Wissowa, Lex. 2462. 

4 Diod. Sic. 15. 14, p. 337, and Wesseling's note. The temple at Pyrgi 
was an important one, and rich enough to be plundered by Dionysius I 
of Syracuse. But it must be admitted that the identification of the deity 
of Pyrgi with Mater Matuta is not absolutely certain. Strabo, 1. c., calls 
her Eileithyia, Aristotle (Oecon. 1349 b) Leucothea ; and it is thought that 
Mater Matuta alone combines the characteristics of these two. If, 
however, the goddess of Pyrgi was the deity of the oracle, she might 
almost as well have been a Fortuna, like those of Antium and Praeneste. 

* Tertullian, de Jlonogam. 17. 

Ovid, Fasti, 6. 481, with Plut Q. R. 16; Camtil. 5. 

T Varro, L. L. 5. 106. Ovid (482) writes ofliba tosta, i. e. cakes cooked in 
pans rather than baked, like the mola salsa. See above, p. 149 ; and cp. 
Ovid, 532 'in subito cocta foco.' ' Plut. 11. cc. ; Ovid, 559 foil. 

See below on Jan. u. I cannot explain the rule that -a woman 
prayed for nephews and nieces before her own children, which is peculiar 
to this cult. 


The best modern authorities explain her as a goddess of the 
dawn's light and of child-birth, and see a parallel in Juno 
Lucina ] ; and Mommsen has pointed out that the dawn was 
thought to be the lucky time for birth, and that the Koman 
names Lucius and Manius have their origin in this belief 2 . 
Lucretius shows us that in his day Mater Matuta was certainly 
associated with the dawn 3 : 

roseam Matuta per oras 
Aetheris auroram differt efc lumina pandit. 

We should, however, be glad to be more certain that Matuta 
was originally a substantive meaning dawn or morning. Verrius 
Flaccus 4 seems to have believed that the words mane, matums, 
matuta, manes, and manus, all had the meaning of ' good ' 
contained in them - r so that Mater Matuta might after all be 
only another form of the Bona Dea, who is also specially 
a woman's deity. But this cult was not preserved, like that 
of Vesta, by being taken up into the essential life of the State, 
and we are no longer able to discern its meaning with any 
approach to certainty. 

It is noticeable that this day was, according to Ovid 5 , the 
dedication of a temple of Fortuna, also in foro toario : but no 
immediate connexion can be discovered between this deity and 
Mater Matuta. This temple was remarkable as containing 
a wooden statue, veiled in drapery, which was popularly 
believed to represent Servius Tullius s , of whose connexion with 
Fortuna we shall have more to say further on. No one, how- 
ever, really knew what the statue was ; Varro and Pliny 7 write 
of one of Fortuna herself which was heavily draped, and may 
have been the one in this temple. Pliny says that the statue 
of Fortuna was covered with the togae praetextae of Servius 
Tullius, which lasted intact down to the death of Seianus ; and 

1 Preller, i. 322 ; Wissowa in Lex. 

9 R. H. (Eng. trans.) i. 162. 3 Lucr. 5. 654. 

4 Paulus, 122 ' Matrem Matutam antiqui ob bonitatem appellabant, et 
maturum idoiieum usui,' &c. See also Curtius, Gk. Etym. i. 408. 

5 Fasti, 6. 569 foil. ; 625 foil. : cp. Dionysius, 4. 40. Ovid has three 
fanciful explanations of the draping. 

* Ovid, 1. c. ; Dionys. 4. 40. 

7 Varro ap. Nonium, p. 189; Plin. N. H. 8. 194, 197. See Schweglcr, 
R. G. i. 712, note 3, and a full discussion in Lex. by R. Peter, s. v. Fortuna, 
p. 1509. 


it is singular that Seianus himself is said to have possessed 
a statue of Fortuna which dated from the time of Servius 1 , 
and which turned its face away from him just before his fall. 
Seianus was of Etruscan descent, we may remember ; Servius 
Tullius, or Mastarna, was certainly Etruscan ; and among 
Etruscan deities we find certain shrouded gods 2 . These facts 
seem to suggest that the statue (or statues, if we cannot refer 
all the passages above quoted to one statue) came from Etruria, 
and was on that account a mystery both to the learned and the 
ignorant at Kome. To us it must also remain unexplained*. 

ID. IUN. (JUNE 13). IP. 


10 vi. (TUSC.) 

To these notes in the calendars we may add a few lines 
from Ovid : 

Idibus Invicto sunt data templa lovi. 
Et iam Quinquatrus iubeor narrare minores : 
Nunc ades o coeptis, flava Minerva, rneis. 
Cur vagus incedit tota tibicen in urbo ? 

Quid sibi personae, quid stola longa volunt ? 

All Ides, as we have seen, were sacred to Jupiter ; they are 
so noted in the surviving calendars in May, June, August, 
September, October and November, and were probably origin- 
ally so noted in all the months 4 . On this day the collegium 
or guild of the tibicines feasted in the temple of Jupiter 

1 Dio Cassius, 58. 7. 

* Seneca, Q. N. a. 41 ; Muller-Deecke, Etrusker, ii. 83 ; Dennis, Etruria, i, 
Introduction Ivi. The passnge of Seneca is a very curious one about the 
Etruscan lightning-lore. O. Miiller guesses that the di involuti were Fates 
(Schicksalsgottheiten], which would suit Fortuna (cp. Hor. Od. i. 35). 

3 There is just a possibility that it was confused with a statue of 
Pudicitia, also in foro boario, and also said to have been veiled (Festus, 
242). Varro, I.e., calls the goddess of the statue, Fortuna Virgo, and 
Preller suggested that she was identical with Pudicitia. The lines of 
Ovid seem to favour this view (Fasti, 6. 617 foil.) : 

Vesto data tegitur. Vetat hanc Fortuna mover! 

Et sic e templo <-( ipsa locuta suo ; 
' Ore revelato qua pt imum luce patebit 

Servius, haec positi pritna pudoris erit. 
Parcite, matronae, vetitas attingere vestes : 

Sollemni satis est voce movere preces.' 
' Mommsen in C. I. L. i. 2 298. 


Capitolinus \ The temple referred to by Ovid of Jupiter 
Invictus as having been dedicated on this day may possibly 
have been one of two mentioned by Livy as dedicated on the 
Capitol in B. c. 192 2 ; but the coincidence of a dedication-day 
with the Ides may perhaps suggest a higher antiquity 3 . 

For the right meaning and derivation of the word Quin- 
quatrus the reader is referred to what has been already said 
under March 19. June 13 was usually called Quinquatrus 
minusculae, not because it was really Quinquatrus (i. e. five 
days after the Ides), but because through the feast of the 
tibicines it was associated with their patron Minerva 4 , in 
whose temple on the Aventine they met, apparently before 
they set out on the revelling procession to which Ovid refers 5 . 
Varro makes this clear when he writes 'Quinquatrus minus- 
culae dictae luniae Idus ab similitudine maiorum ' 6 , i. e. it was 
not really Quinquatrus, but was popularly so called because 
the other festival of Minerva and her followers bore that 
name. Verrius Flaccus was equally explicit on the point: 
4 Minusculae Quinquatrus appellantur quod is dies festus est 
tibicinum, qui colunt Minervam cuius deae proprie festus dies 
est Quinquatrus mense Martio ' 7 . 

The revelry of the tibicines, during which they wore the 
masks and long robes mentioned by Ovid, was explained by 
a story -which the poet goes on to tell, and which is told 
also by Livy and by Plutarch with some variations 8 ; how 
they fled to Tibur in anger at being deprived by Appius 

1 Livy, 9. 30 ; Val. Max. a. 5. 4 ; Varro, L. L. 6. 17. Cp. C. I. L. vi. 3696 
[Magistri] quinqfuennales) [collegi] teib(icinum) Rom(anorum) qui s(acri8) 
p(ublicis) p(raesto) s(unt) Iov(i) Epul v oni) s(acrum). 

a So Preller, i. 198. 

s Aust, in Lex. a. v. luppitor, 680. Both here and in his work rf* 
Aedibus sacris, this scholar declines to distinguish between lup. Invictus 
and lup. Victor. 

4 For Minerva as the patron of all such guilds see Wissowa in Lex. 
a. v. Minerva, 2984 foil. 

' Varro, L.L. 6. 17. There were three days of revelry, according to 
Livy (9. 30') : did they meet in this temple on each d;iy ? The isth was 
the day of the epulum ; which the other days were wo do not know. 

6 L. L. 6. 17. 

' Festus, 149, s. v. minusculae. Cf Ovid, Fasti, 6. 695. 

* Livy, 1. c Plutarch, Quaest. Rom. 55, who confuses two Appii Claudii, 
and refers the story to the Decemvir instead of to the Censor of 311 B.C. 
Livy omits the very Roman trait (Ov. 673 foil.) of the libertus feigning to 
be surprised by his patronus. 


Claudius the censor of their feast in the Capitol : how they 
were badly missed at Rome, tricked and made drunk by a 
freedman at Tibur, and sent home unconscious on a big waggon. 
The story is genuinely Roman in its rudeness and in the rough 
humour which Ovid fully appreciates ; the favourite feature 
of a secession is seen in it, and also the peaceful settlement 
of difficulties by compromise and contract. I see no reason 
why it should not be the echo of an actual event, though 
in detail it is obviously intended to explain the masks and 
the long rol:es. These are to be seen represented on a coin 
of the gens Plautia ', to which the fierce censor's milder col- 
league belonged, who negotiated the return of the truants. 
Plutarch calls the ' stolae longae ' women's clothes ; but it is 
more natural to suppose that they were simply the dress of 
Etruscan pipe-players of the olden time 2 . 

The story well shows the universal use of the tibia in all 
sacred rites ; the tibicines were indispensable, and had to 
be got back from Tibur by fair means or foul. As Ovid says : 

Cantabat fanis, cantabat tibia hulls, 
Cantabat maestis tibia funeribus. 

The instrument was probably indigenous in Italy, and the 
only indigenous one of which we know. ' The word tibia,' 
says Professor Nettleship 3 , ' is purely Italian, and has, so far 
as I can find, no parallel in the cognate languages.' Miiller, 
in his work on the Etruscans, does indeed assume that the 
Roman tibicines were of Etruscan origin, which would leave 
the Romans without any musical instrument of their own. 
The probability may rather be that it was the general instru- 
ment of old Italy, specially cultivated by the one Italian race 
endowed with anything like an artistic temperament. 

1 Cohen, Mcd. PI. 33 ; Borghesi, Op. i. 201 (quoted by Marq. 577). 

* Muller-Deecke, Llrusker, ii. 202. 

* Journal of Philology, vol. xi. p. 189. It was a short pipe played with 
a reed, and no doubt almost the same thing as the short rough oboes 
which are still favourites in Italy, and which are still sometimes played 
two at a time in the mouth as of old. Their antiquity is vouched for by 
the law of the Twelve Tables, which limited the players at a funeral to 
ten. See Professor Anderson's article ' tibia ' in Did. of Ant. (ed. a). 


xii KAL. IUN. (JUNE 20). C. 

To this note may be added that of Ovid l : 

Reddita, quisquis is est, Summano templa feruatur, 
Turn cum Romanis, Pyrrhe, timendus eras. 

The date of the foundation of the temple of Sumnianus 
was probably between 278 and 275 B. c. 2 ; the foundation 
was the result of the destruction by lightning, no doubt at 
night, of a figure of Jupiter on the Capitol 3 . Who was 
this Summanus ? Ovid's language, quisquis is est, shows that 
even in his time this god, like Semo Sancus, Soranus, and 
others, had been fairly shouldered out of the course by more 
important or pushing deities. In the fourth century A. D. 
S. Augustine *, well read in the works of Varro and the Eoman 
antiquarians, could write as follows : ' Sicut enim apud ipsos 
legitur, Bomani veteres nescio quern Summanum, cui nocturna 
fulmina tribuebant, coluerunt magis quam lovem sed post- 
quam lovi templum insigne ac sublime constructum est, 
propter aedis dignitatem sic ad eum multitudo confluxit, ut vix 
inveniatur, qui Summani nomen, quod audire iam non potest. 
se saltern legisse meminerit.' In spite of the decay and dis- 
appearance of this god we may believe that the Christian 
Father has preserved the correct tradition as to his nature 
when he tells us that he was the wielder of the lightning 
of the night, or in other words a nocturnal Jupiter. We 
do in fact find a much earlier statement to the same effect 
traceable to Verrius Flaccus 6 . Varro also mentions him and 
classes him with Veiovis, and with the Sabine deities whom 
he believed to have been brought to Kome by Tatius B . There 
is, however, no need to suppose with Varro that he was Sabine, 
or with Muller that he was Etruscan 7 ; the name is Latin 

1 Fasti, 6. 731. * Aust, de Aedibus sacris, p. 13. 

* Not to be confused, as in Livy, Epit. 14, with a statue of Summanus 
himself on the same temple (in fastigio lovis : Cicero, Div. i. 10). 

4 de Civ. Dei, 4. 23. 

8 Festus, 229, s.v. Proversum fulgor: 'Quod diurna lovis, nocturna 
Summani fulgura habentur.' (Cp. Pliny, N. H. 2. 52.) An interesting 
inscription (C. /. L. vi. 206) runs, 'Summanium fulgus coiiditum,' i.e. 'a 
bolt which fell before dawn was buried here.' 

' L. L. 5. 74. ' Muller- Deecke, Etrusktr, ii. 60. 


and probably Sub man us. i. e. the god who sends the lightning 
l>efore the dawn. 

It is interesting to find the wheel symbol here again, as is 
noticed by Gaidoz in his Studies of Gallic Mythology '. We can 
hardly doubt that the Summanalia which Festus explains 
as 'liba farinacea in modum rotae ficta ,' were cakes offered 
or eaten on this day : it is hard to see what other connexion 
they could have had. Mr. Arthur Evans has some interesting 
remarks 3 on what seem to be moulds for making religious 
cakes of this kind, found at Tarentum ; they are decorated, not 
only with the wheel or cross, but with many curious symbols. 
'It is characteristic,' he writes, 'in a whole class of religious 
cakes that they are impressed with a wheel or cross, and in 
other cases divided into segments as if to facilitate distribution. 
This symbolical division seems to connect itself with the worship 
of the ancestral fire rather than with any solar cult. In a modi- 
fied form they are still familiar to us as "hot-cross buns."' 
Summanus, however, does not seem to have had anything to do 
with the ancestral fire. 

vni KAL. QUINCT. (JUNE 24). C. 



Ovid writes of this day as follows * : 

Ite, deam laeti Fortem celebrate, Quirites I 

In Tiberis ripa munera regis habet. 
Pars pede, pars etiam celeri decurrite cymba, 

Nee pudeat potos inde redire domum. 
Ferte coronatae iuvenum convivia lintres : 

Multaque per medias vina bibantur aquas. 
Plebs colit hanc, qu:a, qui posuit, de plebe fuisse 

Fertur, et ex humili sceptra tulisse loco. 
Convenit et servis ; serva quia Tullius ortus 

Constituit dubiae templa propinqua deae. 

* fitudes de Mythologie Oauloise, i. p. 92. M. Gaidoz looks on these wheel- 
cakes as ' emblematic of Summanus ' as a god of sun and sky. 

* Festus, p. 348. The MS. has ' finctae.' 

3 Journal of Hellenic Studies, vol. vii, No. i (1886), p. 44 full. 

* Fasti, 6. 775 foil. 


H. Peter, in his additional notes to Ovid's Fasti \ has one so 
lucid on the subject of the temples of Fors Fortuna mentioned 
in this passage that I cannot do better than reproduce it. 
' We find three temples of the goddess mentioned, all of which 
lay on the further side of the Tiber. The first was that of 
Servius Tullius mentioned by Varro in the following passage 2 : 
"Dies Fortis Fortunae appellatus ab Servio Tullio rege, quod 
is fanum Fortis Fortunae secundum Tiberim extra urbem 
Komam dedicavit lunio mense." The second is one stated by 
Livy 3 to have been built by the consul Spui'ius Carvilius in 
460 B. c. near the temple of Servius. The third is mentioned 
by Tacitus * as having been dedicated at the end of the year 
17 A. D. by Tiberius, also on the further side of the Tiber in 
the gardens of Caesar. Of these three temples the third does 
not concern us in dealing with Ovid's lines, because it was 
completed and dedicated long after the composition of the 
sixth book of the Fasti, perhaps at a time when Ovid was 
already dead ; we have to do only with the first two. Now we 
find in the Fasti of Amiternum 5 the following note on the 24th 
of June : ' ' Forti Fortunae trans Tiberim ad milliarium primum 
et sextum"; and this taken together with Ovid suggests that 
either besides the temple of Carvilius there were two temples 
of Fors Fortuna attributed to Servius, or (and this appears to 
me more probable) the temple of Carvilius itself was taken for 
a foundation of Servius as it had the same dedication-day and 
was in the same locality. In this way the difficulties may be 
solved.' I am disposed to accept the second suggestion of 
Peter's ; for, as Mommsen has remarked 6 , it is quite according 
to Eoman usage that Carvilius should have placed his temple 
close to a much more ancient fanum of the same deity ; i. e. 
the principle of the locality of cults often held good through 
many centuries. 

Many cults of Fortuna were referred to Servius Tullius, but 
especially this one, because, as Ovid says, it was particularly 
a festival of the plebs of which he was the traditional hero ; 
and also because it was open to slaves, a fact which was 
naturally connected with the supposed servile birth of this 

1 p. 104. 2 L. L. 6r. 7. 

3 Livy, 10. 46. 17. * Ann. 2. 41. 

5 See above, the heading of this section. * C. I. L. 320. 


king. The jollity and perhaps looseness of the occasion seemed 
to indicate a connexion between the lower stratum of population 
and the worship of Fortuna : ' On foot and in boats,' says Ovid, 
'the people enjoyed themselves even to the extent of getting 
drunk.' We are reminded in fact of the plebeian license of the 
festival of Anna Perenna in March'. It is perhaps worth 
noting that on June 1 8 the calendar of Philocalus has the note 
Annac Sacrum, which unluckily finds no corroboration from any 
other source. Whether it was an early popular cult, whether 
it was connected in any way with that of Fors Fortuna, and 
whether both or either of them had any immediate relation to 
the summer solstice, are questions admitting apparently of no 

It has rarely happened that any Roman cult has been dis- 
cussed at length in the English language, especially by scholars 
of unquestionable learning and resource. But on the subject 
of Fortuna, and Fors Fortuna, an interesting paper appeared 
some years ago by Prof. Max Miiller in his volume entitled 
Biographies of Words", which I have been at great pains to 
weigh carefully. The skill and lucidity with which the 
Professor's arguments are, as usual, presented, make this an 
unusually pleasant task. 

He starts, we must note, with a method which in dealing 
with Italian deities has been justly and emphatically con- 
demned 3 ; he begins with an etymology in order to discover 
the nature of the deity, and goes on to support this by selecting 
a few features from the various forms of the cult. This method 
will not of course be dangerous, if the etymology be absolutely 
certain ; and absolute certainty, so far as our present knowledge 
reaches, is indeed what the Professor claims for his. Though 
we may doubt whether the science of Comparative Philology 
is as yet old and sure enough to justify us in violating a useful 
principle in order to pay our first attentions to its results, we 
may waive this scruple for the present and take the etymology 
in this case at the outset. 

The Professor alludes to the well-known and universally 
accepted derivation of Fors and Fortuna from ferre, but rejects 

1 See above, p. 50. * ch. L 

3 Marquardt, p. a. 

M 2 


it: 'I appeal to those who have studied the biographies of 
similar Latin words, whether they do not feel some misgiving 
about so vague and abstract a goddess as "Dea quae fert," the 
goddess who brings.' But feeling the difficulty that Fortuna 
may not indeed have been originally a deity at all, but an 
abstract noun which became a deity, like Fides, Spes, &c., in 
which case his objection to the derivation from ferre would not 
apply, he hastens to remove it by trying to show from the 
early credentials of Fortuna, that she did not belong to this 
latter class, but has characteristics which were undoubtedly 
heaven-born. The process therefore was this: the ordinary 
etymology, though quite possible, is vague and does not seem 
to lead to anything ; is there another to be discovered, which 
will fulfil philological requirements and also tell us something 
new about Fortuna ? And are there any features to be found 
in the cult which will bear out the new etymology when it is 
discovered ? 

He then goes on to derive the word from the Sanskrit root 
HAER, ' to glow,' from which many names expressive of the light 
of day have come : ' From this too comes the Greek Xupis with 
the XapiTfs, the goddess of morning ; and from this we may 
safely derive fors, fortis, taking it either as a mere contraction, 
or a new derivative, corresponding to what in Sanskrit would 
be Har-ti, and would mean the brightness of the day, the 
Fortuna huiusce diet.' 

So much for the etymological argument ; on which we need 
only remark, (i) that while it may be perfectly possible in 
itself, it does not impugn the possibility of the older derivation ; 
(2) that it introduces an idea ' bright,' hardly less vague and 
unsubstantial than that conveyed by ' the thin and unmeaning 
name' she who brings or carries away. When, indeed, the 
Professor goes on, by means of this etymology, to trace 
Fortuna to a concrete thing, viz. the dawn, he is really making 
a jump which the etymology does not specifically justify. All 
he can say is that it would be 'a most natural name for the 
brightest of all goddesses, the dawn, the morning, the day.' 

He looks, however, for further justification of the etymology 
to the cult and mythology of Fortuna. From among her many 
cult-names he selects two or three which seem suitable. The 
first of these is Fortuna huiusce did. This Fortuna was, he 


tells us, like the Ushas of the Veda, ' the bright light of each 
day, very much like what we might call " Good morning." ' But 
as a matter of fact all we know of this Fortuna is that Aemilius 
Paullus, the victor of Pydna, vowed a temple to her in which 
he dedicated certain statues 1 ; that Catulus, the hero of Vercellae, 
may have repaired or rebuilt it, and that on July 30, the day 
of the latter battle, there was a sacrifice at this temple 2 . What- 
ever therefore was the origin of this cult (and it may date no 
further back than Pydna) it seems to have been specially 
concerned, as its name implies, with the events of particular 
famous days. It is pure guesswork to imagine that its 
connexion with such days may have arisen from an older 
meaning, viz. the bright light of each day. Nothing is more 
natural than the huiusce diei, if we believe that this Fortuna 
simply represented chance, that inexplicable power which 
appealed so strongly to the later sceptical and Graecized Roman, 
and which we see in the majority of cult-names by which 
Fortuna was known in the later Eepublic. The advocate of 
the dawn-theory, on the other hand, has to account for the total 
loss in the popular belief of the nature-meaning of the epithet 
and cult a loss which is indeed quite possible, but one which 
must necessarily make the theory less obvious and acceptable 
than the ordinary one. 

Secondly, the Professor points out, that on June n, the day 
of the Matralia, Fortuna was worshipped coincidently with 
Mater Matuta the latter being, as he assumes beyond doubt, 
a dawn-goddess. But we have already seen that this as- 
sumption is not a very certain one 3 ; and we may now add 
that the coincident worship must simply mean that two 
temples had the same dedication-day, which may be merely 
accidental 4 . 

But the chief argument is based on the cult of Fortuna 
Primigenia, ' the first-born of the gods,' as he translates the 
word, in accordance with a recent elaborate investigation of its 

' Pliny, N. H. 34. 54- 

' Plut. Marius, 26 ; Pliny, I.e. I follow Aust, de Aedibus sacris, p. 26. 

:t Above, p. 156. 

* Ovid is the only authority for the worship of Fortuna on June n 
(Fasti, 6. 569) ; it is not mentioned in the calendars (Tusc.Ven. Maff.) which 
have notes surviving for this day. 


meaning 1 . This cult does indeed show very curious and 
interesting characters. It belonged originally to Praeneste, 
where Fortuna was the presiding deity of an ancient and 
famous oracle. Here have been found inscriptions to Fortuna, 
' DIOVO[S] FILEA[I] PEIMOGENIA[I],' the first-born daughter of 
Jupiter' 2 . Here also, strange to say, Cicero describes 8 an 
enclosure sacred to Jupiter Puer, who was represented there 
with Juno as sitting in the lap of Fortuna ' mammam appetens.' 
This very naturally attracted Prof. Max Muller's keenest 
attention, and he had no difficulty in finding his explanation : 
Fortuna is ' the first-born of all the bright powers of the sky, 
and the daughter of the sky ; but likewise from another point 
of view the mother of the daily sun who is the bright child she 
carries in her arms.' This is charming ; but it is the language 
and thought, not of ancient Italians, but of Vedic poets. The 
great Latin scholar, who had for years been soaking his mind 
in Italian antiquities, will hardly venture on an explanation at 
all : ' haud ignarus quid deceat eum qui Aboriginum regiones 
attingat 4 .' 

I shall have occasion later on 5 to say something of this very 
interesting and mysterious cult at Praeneste. At present 
I must be content with pointing out that it is altogether unsafe 
to regard it as representative of any general ideas of ancient 
Italian religion. As Italian archaeologists are aware, Praeneste 
was a city in which Etruscan and Greek influences are most 
distinctly traceable, and in which foreign deities and myths 
seem to have become mixed up with native ones, to the extreme 
bewilderment of the careful inquirer 6 . We may accept the 
Professor's explanation of it with all respect as a most interest- 
ing hypothesis, but as no more than a hypothesis which needs 
much more information than we as yet possess to render it 
even a probable one. 

By his own account the Professor would not have been led 
so far afield for an explanation of Fortuna if he had not been 
struck by the apparent difficulty involved in such a goddess 

1 By H. Jordan, Symbolae ad historiam religionum Italicarum alterae 
(KQnigsberg, 1885). See also R. Peter, in Lex. s. v. Fortuna, 1542, and 
Aust, Lex. s.v. luppiter, 647. 

a C. I. L. xiv. 2863. 3 de Div. 2. 41. 85. 

* Jordan, op. cit. p. 12. 5 See below, p. 223 foil., under Sept. 13. 

6 Fernique, fitude sur Preneste, pp. 8 and 139 foil. 


as 'she who brings.' Towards the removal of this difficulty, 
however, the late Mr. Vigfusson did something in a letter to 
the Academy of March 1 7, 1888 J . He equated Fors and Fortuna 
with the Icelandic buror, from a verb having quite as wide and 
general a meaning asfero, and being its etymological equivalent. 
' There is a department of its meanings,' he tells us, ' through 
which runs the notion of an invisible, passive, sudden, 
involuntary, chance agency' ; and another, in which bera 
means to give birth, and produces a noun meaning birth, and 
so lucky birth, honour, &c. The two ideas come together 
in the Norse notion of the Norns who presided at the birth 
of each child, shaping at that hour the child's fortune 2 . 

It is rather to the ideas of peoples like the early Teutons and 
Celts that we must look for mental conditions resembling 
those of the early Italians, than to the highly developed 
poetical mythology of the Vedas ; and it is in the direction 
which Mr. Vigfusson pointed out that I think we should search 
for the oldest Italian ideas of Fortuna and for the causes which 
led to her popularity and development. In a valuable paper, 
to which I shall have occasion to refer again, Prof. Nettleship 3 
suggested that Carmenta (or Carmentes) may be explained 
with S. Augustine 4 as the goddess or prophetess who tells 
the fortunes of the children, and that this was the reason 
why she was especially worshipped by matrons, like Mater 
Matuta, Fortuna and others. The Carmentes were in fact 
the Norns of Italy. Such a practical need as the desire to 
know your child's fortunes would be quite in harmony with 
what we know of the old Italian character ; and I think it far 
from impossible that Fortuna, as an oracular deity in Italy, 
may have been originally a conception of the same kind, 
perhaps not only a prophetess as regards the children, but also 
of the good luck of the mother in childbirth. Perhaps the 
most striking fact in her multifarious cults is the predominance 
in them of women as worshippers. Of the very Fortuna 
Primogenia of whom we have been speaking Cicero tells us 

1 See also his previous letter of March 3. 

* He held 'birth' and 'fortune' to be words etymologically related. 
Cp. a communication from Prof. Kluge in the same number of the Amdemy. 

3 Journal of Philology, vol. xi. 178 ; Studies in Latin Literature, p. 60. 

* de Civ. Dei, 4. n. Cp. Serv. Aen. 8. 336. 


that her ancient home at Praeneste was the object of the special 
devotion of mothers l . The same was the case with Fortuna 
Virilis, Muliebris, Mammosa, and others. 

If we look at her in this light, there is really no difficulty 
in understanding why what seems to us at first sight a very 
vague conception, ' the goddess who brings/ should not have 
meant something very real and concrete to the early Italian 
mind. And again, if that be so, if Fortuna be once recognized 
as a great power in ways which touched these essential and 
practical needs of human nature, we may feel less astonishment 
at finding her represented either as the daughter or the mother 
of Jupiter. Such representation could indeed hardly have been 
the work of really primitive Italians ; it arose, one may 
conjecture, if not from some confusion which we cannot now 
unravel, from the fame of the oracle one of the very few 
in Italy and the consequent fame of the goddess whose name 
came to be attached to that oracle. Or, as Jordan seems 
to think, it may have been the vicinity of the rock-oracle to the 
temple of Jupiter which gave rise to the connexion between 
the two in popular belief ; a belief which was expressed in 
terms of relationship, perhaps under Greek influence, but 
certainly in a manner for the most part absent from the 
unmythological Italian religion. Why indeed in the same 
place she should be mother as well as daughter of Jupiter 
(if Cicero be accurate in his account, which is perhaps not quite 
certain) may well puzzle us all. Those who cannot do without 
an explanation may accept that of Prof. Max Mtiller, if they 
can also accept his etymology. Those who have acquired what 
Mommsen has called the ' difficillima ars nesciendi,' will be 
content with Jordan's cautious remark, ' Non desunt vestigia 
divinum numen Italis notum fuisse deis deabusve omnibus et 
hoc ipso in quo vivimus mundo antiquius V 

But Fortuna has not only been conjectured to be a deity 
of the dawn ; she has been made out to be both a moon- 
goddess and a sun-goddess. For her origin in the moon there 

1 1. c. ' Castissime colitur a matribus.' One of the ancient inscriptions 
from Praeneste (C. /. L. xi. 2863) is a dedication ' nationu cratia ' = nationis 
gratia, which may surely mean ' in gratitude for childbirth,' though 
Mommsen would refer it to cattle, on the ground of a gloss of Festus 
IP 167). 

3 Jordan, op. cit. p. xa. 


is really nothing of any weight to be urged ; the advocate 
of this view is one of the least judicious of German specialists, 
and his arguments need not detain us 1 . But for her connexion 
with the sun there is something more to be said. 

The dedication day of the temple of Fors Fortuna was 
exactly at the summer solstice. It is now St. John the 
Baptist's day, and one on which a great variety of curious local 
customs, some of which still survive, regularly occur ; and 
especially the midsummer fires which were until recently 
so common in our own islands. Attention has often been 
drawn to the fondness for parallelism which prompted the 
early Christians to place the birth of Christ at the winter 
solstice, when the days begin to grow longer, and that of the 
Baptist for June 24 is his reputed birthday as well as festival 
at the summer solstice when they begin to shorten ; following 
the text, ' He must increase and I must decrease 2 .' Certainly 
the sun is an object of special regard at all midsummer 
festivals, and is supposed to be often symbolized in them 
by a wheel, which is set on fire and in many cases rolled down 
a hill 3 . Now the wheel is of course a symbol in the cult 
of Fortuna, and is sometimes found in Italian representations 
of her, though not so regularly as the cornucopia and the 
ship's rudder which almost invariably accompany her 4 . 
Putting this in conjunction with the date of the festival 
of Fors Fortuna, the Celtic scholar Gaidoz has concluded that 
Fortuna was ultimately a solar deity 5 . The solar origin of 
the symbol was, he thinks, quite forgotten ; but the wheel, 
or the globe which sometimes replaces it, was certainly at one 
time solar, and perhaps came from Assyria. If so (he 
concludes), the earliest form of Fortuna must have been 
a female double of the sun. 

1 O. Gilbert, Gesch. u.Topogr. der Stadt Rom, ii. 260 foil. 

3 St. John, iii. 30 ; St. Augustine, Sermo xii in Nativitate Domini: 'In 
nativitate Christi dies crescit, in Johannis nativitate decrescit. Profectum 
plane facit dies, quum mundi Salvator oritur ; defectum patitur quum 
ultimus prophetarum nascitur.' 

:l See many examples in The Golden Bough, ii. 358 foil., and Brand's 
Popular Antiquities, p. 306. 

* See R. Peter, in Lex., s.v. Fortuna, 1506. 

5 fitudes de Myth. Qaul. i. 56 foil. On p. 58 we find, ' La Fortune nous 
parait done sortir, par 1'intermediaire d'une image, d'une divinit5 du 


All hints are useful in Boman antiquities, and something 
may yet be made of this. But it cannot be accepted until 
we are sure of the history and descent of this symbol in the 
representations of Fortuna ; it is far from impossible that the 
wheel or globe may in this case have nothing more to do with 
the sun than the rudder which always accompanies it. In 
any case it can hardly be doubted that it is not of Italian 
origin ; it is found, e. g. also in the cult of Nemesis, who, like 
Tyche, Eilithyia, and Leucothea, is probably responsible for 
much variation and confusion in the worship .of Italian female 
deities 1 . As to the other fact adduced by Gaidoz, viz. the date 
of the festival, it is certainly striking, and must be given its 
full weight. It is surprising that Prof. Max Miiller has made 
no use of it. But we must be on our guard. It is remarkable 
that we find in the Koman calendars no other evidence that 
the Komans attached the same importance to the summer 
solstice as some other peoples ; the Koman summer festivals 
are concerned, in accordance with the true Italian spirit, much 
more with the operations of man in dealing with nature than 
with the phenomena of nature taken by themselves. It is 
perhaps better to avoid a hasty conclusion that this festival 
of Fors Fortuna was on the 24th because the 24th was the 
end of the solstice, and rather to allow the equal probability 
that it was fixed then because harvest was going on. Colu- 
mella seems to be alluding to it in the following lines * : 

Sed cum maturis flavebit messis aristis 
Allia cum cepis, cereale papaver anetho 
lungite, dumque virent, nexos deferte maniplos, 
Et celebres Fortis Fortunae dicite laudes 
Mercibus exactis, h,ilare?que recurrite in hortos. 

The power of Fortuna as a deity of chance would be as im- 
portant for the perils of harvest as for those of childbirth ; 
and it is in this connexion that the Italians understood the 

1 For the history of these symbols in Greek cults, and especially that 
of Tyche, see a paper by Prof. Gardner in Journal of Hellenic Studies, vol. ix: 
p. 78, on ' Countries and Cities in ancient art.' The rudder seems to connect 
Fortuna with sea-faring ; it is often accompanied by a ship's prow (R. Peter, 
Lex. 1507) ; in connexion with which we may notice that even in Italy her 
cult is rarely found far from the sea. Cp. Horace, Od. i. 35, 6 ' dominant 

* 10. 311 foil. ; Marq. 578. 


meaning of that cornucopia which is perhaps her most constant 
symbol in art '. 

Lastly, there is a formidable question, which may easily lead 
the unwary into endless complications, and on which I shall 
only touch very briefly. How are we to explain the legendary 
connexion between the cult of Fortuna and Servius Tullius? 
That king, the so-called second founder of Rome, was said, as we 
have seen, to have erected more than one sanctuary to Fortuna, 
and was even believed to have had illicit dealings with the 
goddess herself 2 . The dedication-day of Fors Fortuna was 
said to have been selected by him, and, as -Ovid describes it, was 
a festival of the poorer kind of people, who thus kept up the 
custom initiated by the popular friend of the plebs. 

Since the Etruscan origin of Servius Tullius has been placed 
beyond a doubt by the discovery of the famous tomb at Vulci, 
with the paintings of Gales Vibenna released from his bonds 
by Mastarna s , which has thus confirmed the Etruscan tradition 
of the identity of Mastarna and Servius preserved by the 
emperor Claudius in his famous speech 4 , it would seem that 
we may consider it as highly probable that if Servius did really 
institute the cult of Fortuna at Eome, that cult came with him 
from Etruria. This by no means compels us to look on 
Fortuna as an Etruscan deity only ; but it seems to be a fact 
that there was an Etruscan goddess who was recognized by the 
Romans as the equivalent of their Fortuna 5 . This was Nortia, 
a great deity at Volsinii, as is fully proved by the remains 
found there K ; and we may note that the city was near to and in 
close alliance with Vulci, where the tomb was found containing 
the paintings just alluded to. Seianus, a native of Volsinii 7 , 
was supposed to be under the protection of this deity, and, 
as we have already seen, to possess an ancient statue of her. 

1 B. Peter, Lex. 1505. She is also often represented with a modius, and 
with ears of corn. Cp. Horace, I.e. (of the Fortuna of Antium) : 'Te 
pauper ambit sollicita prece Ruris colonus.' 

2 Ovid, Fasti, 6. 573 foil. Schwegler, R. a. i. 711 foil. ; Preller, ii. 180. 
8 Dennis, Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria, vol. ii. p. 506 ; Qardthausen, 

4 Mastarna,' figures the painting (plate i). 

4 Tac. Ann. ii. 24 ; the fragments of the original speech are printed from, 
the inscription at Lyons in Mr. Furneaux's Annals of Tacitus, vol. ii. p. aio. 

5 Juvenal, 10. 74, and note of the Scholiast. 

* Muller-Deecko, Etrusker, ii. 52 ; Dennis, Cit. and Cem. ii. 24. 
7 Juvenal, I.e. 


In her temple a nail was driven every year as in the temple 
of Jupiter Capitolinus *, and hence some have concluded that 
she was a goddess of time. It cannot, however, be regarded as 
certain whether this nail-driving was originally symbolical 
only, or at all, of time ; it may quite as well remind us of the 
famous Fortuna of Antium and the ' clavos trabales ' of 
Horace's Ode 2 . However this may be, it is a fair guess, though 
it must be made with hesitation, that the Fortuna of Servius 
was the equivalent of this Nortia, to whom the Koman plebs 
gave a name with which they were in some way already 
familiar. Mastarna continued to worship his native deity after 
he was settled in Rome ; and the plebs continued to revere 
her, not because of his luck, which was indeed imperfect, 
but simply because she was his protectress 3 . If we try to get 
beyond this we lose our footing ; and even this is only 
conjecture, though based upon evidence which is not entirely 
without weight. 

1 See below on Sept. 13, p. 234. 

* Miiller-Deecke, ii. 308. Gaidoz, op. cit. p. 56, on the connexion 
between Fortuna, Necessitas, and Nemesis. 

3 Gerhard, Agathodaemon, p. 30, has other explanations. 


THE festivals of this month are so exceedingly obscure that 
it seems hopeless to try to connect them in any definite way 
with the operations either of nature or of man. We know that 
this was the time when the sun's heat became oppressive and 
dangerous ; statistics show at the present day that the rate 
of mortality rises at Rome to its greatest height in July and 
August, as indeed is the case in southern latitudes generally. 
We know also that harvest of various kinds was going on in 
this month: 'Quarto intervalio inter solstitium et caniculam 
plerique messem faciunt,' writes Varro (R. It. i. 32). We 
should have expected that the unhealthy season and the 
harvest would have left their mark on the calendar ; but in the 
scantiness of our information we can find very few traces of 
their influence. We here lose the company of Ovid, who 
might, in spite of his inevitable ignorance, have incidentally 
thrown some ray of light upon the darkness ; but it is clear 
that even Varro and Verrius knew hardly anything of the 
almost obsolete festivals of this month. The Poplifugia, the 
Lucaria, the Neptunalia, and the Furrinalia, had all at one time 
been great festivals, for they are marked in large capitals in 
the ancient calendars ; but they had no more meaning for the 
Koman of Varro's time than the lesser saints'-days of our 
calendar have for the ordinary Englishman of to-day. The 
ludi Apollinares, of much later date, which always maintained 
their interest, did not fall upon the days of any of these festivals, 
or obliterate them in the minds of the people ; they must have 
decayed from pure inanition want of practical correlation 
with the life and interests of a great city. 


in NON. QUINCT. (JULY 5). JP. 

FERIAE iovi. (AMIT.) 

The note 'feriae Iovi' in the calendar of Amiternum is 
confirmed in a curious way, by a statement of Dio Cassius \ 
who says that in B.C. 42 the Senate passed a decree that Caesar's 
birthday should be celebrated on this day ' 2 , and that any one 
who refused to take part in the celebration should be 'sacer 
Iovi et Divo lulio.' But we know far too little of the rites of 
this day to enable us to make even a guess at the meaning 
of its connexion with Jupiter. It is just worth noting that two 
days later we find a festival of Juno, the Nonae Caprotinae ; 
the two days may have had some connexion with each other, 
being separated by an interval of one day, as is the case with 
the three days of the Lemuria, the two days of the Lucaria 
in this month, and in other instances 3 ; and their rites were 
explained by two parts of the same aetiological story viz. 
that the Eomans fled before the Fidenates on the 5th, and 
in turn defeated them on the 7th*. But we are quite in the 
dark as to the meaning of such a connexion, if such there was. 
Nor can we explain the singular fact that this is the only festival 
in the whole year, marked in large capitals in the calendars, 
which falls before the Nones 5 . 

There is hardly a word in the whole calendar the meaning 
of which is so entirely unknown to us as this word Poplifugia. 
Of the parallel one, the Eegifugium in February, something 
can be made out, as we shall see 6 ; and it is not unlikely that 
the ritualistic meaning concealed in both may be much the 
same. But all attempts to find a definite explanation for 
Poplifugia have so far been fruitless, with the single exception 

1 Bk. 47. 18. We owe the reference to Merkel, Praef. in Ovidii Fasios, clix. 

2 His real birthday seems to have been the lath, which was already 
occupied by the ludi Apollinares. 

3 Mommsen in C. I. L. 321 (on July 7). 
* Varro, L. L. 6. 18 ; Marq. 325. 

8 See Introduction, p. 7. This anomaly led Huschke to the inadmis- 
sible supposition that this was the single addition made to the calendar of 
Numa in the republican period. He accepts Varro's explanatory story, 
Rom. Jahr, p. 224. 

6 See below, p. 327. 


perhaps of that of Schwegler \ who himself made the serious 
blunder of confounding this day with the Nonae Caprotinae. 
It is true that the two days and their rites were confused even 
in antiquity, but only by late writers 2 ; the calendars, on the 
other hand, are perfectly plain, and so is Varro 3 , who proceeds 
from the one to the other in a way that can leave no doubt that 
he understood them as distinct. 

The simple fact is that the meaning of the word Poplifugia 
had wholly vanished when the calendar began to be studied. 
Ingenuity and fancy, as usual, took the place of knowledge, 
and two legends were the result the one connecting the word 
with the flight of the Eomans-from an army of their neighbours 
of Fidenae, after the retirement of the Gauls from the city 4 ; 
the other interpreting it as a memorial of the flight of the 
people after the disappearance of Komulus in the darkness 
of an eclipse or sudden tempest 6 . The first of these legends 
may be dismissed at once ; the large capitals in which the 
name Poplifugia appears in the fragments of the three calendars 
which preserve it, are sufficient evidence that it must have 
been far older than the Gallic invasion 6 . The second legend 
might suggest that the story itself of the death of Romulus had 
grown out of some religious rite performed at this time of 
year ; and it was indeed traditionally connected with the 
Nones of this month ~. But that day is unluckily not the day 
of the Poplifugia, which it is hardly possible to connect with 
the disappearance of Komulus. There may, however, have 
been a connexion between the rites of the two days, as has 
been pointed out above ; and this being so, it is worth while 
to notice a suggestion made by Schwegler, in spite of the fact 
that he confused the two days together. He saw that the 
disappearance of Eomulus was said to have occurred while he 
was holding a lustratio of the citizens 8 , and concluded that 

1 R. 0. i. 532 : see Mommsen's criticism in C. I. L 321 f. 

8 Macrob. 6. n. 36; Plut. Rom. 29, CamiU. 33. See also 0. Muller's 
note on Varro, L. L. 6. 18. L. L. 6. 18. 

4 This is Varro's account ; the Etruscans are a variant in Macrobius, 1. c. 

* Dionys. a. 56 ; Plut. A'om. 29. See Lewis, Credibility of Early Roman 
History, i. 430. 

Introduction, p. 15. 7 Cic. de Rep. i. 16 ; Plut. Rom. 27. 

8 Liv. i. 16 'Ad exercitum recensendum.' Lustratio came to be the 
word for a review of troops because this was preceded by a religious lustratio 


the Poplifugia may have been an ancient rite of lustration 
an idea which other writers have been content to follow without 
always giving him the credit of it \ 

Such a rite may very well be indicated by the following 
sentence of Varro 2 the only one which gives us any solid 
information on the question : Aliquot huius diei vestigia fugae in 
sacris apparent, de quilus rebus antiquitatum libri plura referunt. 
It seems not unreasonable to guess that the rite was one of 
those in which the priest, or in this case, as it would seem, the 
people also, fled from the spot after the sacrifice had been 
concluded. As the slayer of the ox at the Athenian Bouphonm 
(which curiously enough took place just at this same time 
of year) fled as one guilty of blood, so it may possibly have 
been that priest and people at Koine fled after some similar 
sacrifice, and for the same reason *. Or it may have been that 
they fled from the victim as a scapegoat which was destined to 
carry away from the city some pollution or pestilence. It is 
interesting to find at Iguvium in Umbria some ' vestigia fugae, ' 
not of the people, indeed, but of victims, at a lustratio populi 
which seems to have had some object of this kind 4 . Heifers 
were put to flight, then caught and killed, apparently in order 
to carry oif evils from the city 6 , as well as to represent and 
secure the defeat of its enemies. Such performances seem 
especially apt to occur at sickly seasons 6 ; and as the unhealthy 
season began at Eome in July 7 , it is just possible that the 
Poplifugia was a ceremony of this class. 


This day does not appear as a festival in the old calendars ; 
but the late one of Silvius 8 notes it as Ancillarum Feriae, or 

1 e. g. Gilbert, i. 290 ; Marq. 325. 

8 L. L. 6. 1 8. Details have vanished with the great work here quoted, 
the Antiquitales dimnae. 

s Schwegler suggested the parallel, i. 534, note 20. For the Bouphonia 
see especially Mannhardt, Myth. Forsch. 68. For other such rites, Lobeck, 
Aglaophamus, 679, 680. 4 Biicheler, Umbrica, 114. 

5 The idea of the scapegoat was certainly not unknown in Italy ; 
Bucheler quotes Serv. (Aen. 2. 140) ' Ludos Taureos a Sabinis propter pesti- 
lentiam institutes dicunt, ut lues publica in has hostias rerteretur.' See on 
the Regifugium, below, p. 328. 

6 See examples in Frazer, Golden Bough, ii. 160 foil. The one from the 
Key Islands is interesting as including a flight of the people. 

7 Nissen, Landeskunde, 406. 8 C. I. L. p. 269. 


Feast of Handmaids, and adds the explanatory story which 
is found also in Plutarch and Macrobius 1 . The victorious 
Fidenates having demanded the surrender of the wives of the 
Romans, the latter made over to them their ancillae, dressed in 
their mistresses' robes, by the advice of a certain Philotis, or 
Tutula 2 , one of the handmaids. Ausonius alludes to the 
custom that gave rise to the story : 

Festa Caprotinis memorabo celebria Nonis 
Cum stola matronis dempta teget famulas 3 . 

Plutarch also tells us that on this day the ancillae not only 
wore the matron's dress, but had license for what may be 
described as a game of romps ; they beat each other, threw 
stones at each other, and scoffed at the passers by ". 

This last point supplies us with a possible clue both to the 
origin of the custom and the explanatory legend. One of the 
most frequent customs at harvest-time used to be, and still is 
in some places, for the harvesters to mock at, and even to use 
roughly, any stranger who appears on the field ; frequently 
he is tied up with straw, even by the women binding the 
sheaves, and only released on promise of money, brandy, &c. ; 
or he is ducked in water, or half-buried, or in pretence 
beheaded 5 . The stranger in such cases is explained as repre- 
senting the spirit of the corn ; the examples collected by 
Mannhardt and Mr. Frazer seem fairly conclusive on this 
point 6 . The wearing of the matron's dress also seems to be 
a combination of the familiar practices of the winter Saturnalia 
with harvest customs, which in various forms is by no means 
uncommon 7 , though I have not found a case of exchange of 
dress after harvest. 

1 Macrob. i. n. 36 ; Plut. Camitt. 33. 

2 Aug. de Civ. Dei, 4. 8. 8 de Feriis, 9. 
4 The last point is in Camill. 33-6 : cp. Rom. 29. 6. 

4 The bearing of these customs on the Nonae Caprotinae, and on the 
Greek story of Lityerses, was suggested by Mannhardt, Myth. Forsch. 32. 
Mr. Fn)zer gives a useful collection of examples, G. B. ii. 363 foil. The 
custom survives in Derbyshire (so I am told by Mr. S. B. Smith, Scholar 
of Lincoln College), but only in the form of making the stranger 'pay his 
footing.' 0. B. i. 381. 

T It was the custom, says Macrobius (i. 10) ' ut patres familiarum, frugi- 
bus et fructibus iam coactis, passim cum servis vescerentur, cum quibus 
patientiam laboris in colendo rure toleraverant.' The old English harvest- 
er mell-supper, had all the characteristics of Saturnalia (Brand, fop. Antiq. 
337 foil.). 


Thus it would seem possible that we have here a relic 
of Italian harvest-custom ; and this is confirmed by the state- 
ment of Tertullian that there was on this day a sacrifice to the 
harvest-god Census 1 , at his underground altar in the Circus 
Maximus, of which we shall have more to say under Aug. 21 
(Consualia). It is worth noting here that just as the legend of 
the Rape of the Sabines was connected with the Consualia 2 , 
so the analogous story of the demand of the Fidenates for 
Roman women is associated with the Ancillarum Feriae, and 
the day of the sacrifice to Consus. This not only serves to 
connect together the two days of Consus- worship, but suggests 
that harvest was a favourable opportunity for the practice 
of capturing wives in primitive Italy, when the women were 
out in the fields, and might be carried off by a sudden in- 

This day was also known as Nonae Caprotinae, because the 
women, presumably those who had been helping at the harvest, 
both bond and free 3 , sacrificed to Juno Caprotina under a wild 
fig-tree (caprificus) in the Campus Martius*. Juno Caprotina 
was a Latin goddess, of great renown at Falerii 5 , where the 
goat from which she took her name appeal's in the legend of 
her cult. The character of Juno as the representative of the 
female principle of human life 6 suits well enough with 
the prominence of women both in the customs and legends 
connected with the day ; and the fig-tree with its milky juice, 
which was used, according to Macrobius, in the sacrifice to 
Juno instead of milk, has also its significance 7 . Varro adds 
that a rod (virga) was also cut from this tree 8 , without telling 

1 Tertullian, de Spect. 5. 2 See below, p. 208. 

3 This point the union of free- and bond-women in the sacrifice seems 
to prove that Nonae Caprotinae and ancillarum feriae were only two 
names for the same thing. Macrobius connects the legend of the latter 
with the rite of the former (i. ir. 36). 

4 Plut. Row. 29. Varro, L. L. 6. 18 writes ' in Latio.' 

* Deecke, Die Falisker, 89; Roscher, in Lex. s. v. Juno, p. 599. 

See above, p. 143. 

7 One naturally compares the ficus Ruminalis and the foundation-legend 
of Rome. 

8 It is curious that the practice in husbandry called caprifcatio, or the 
introduction of branches of the wild tree among those of the culti- 
vated fig to make it ripen (Plin. N. H. 15. 79; Colum. n. 2) took place 
in July ; and it strikes me as just possible that there may have been 
a connexion between it and the Nonae Caprotinae. 


us for what purpose it was used ; and it has been ingeniously 
conjectured that it was with this that the handmaids beat each 
other, as Plutarch describes, to produce fertility, just as at the 
Lupercalia the women were beaten with strips cut from 
the skins of the victims (amiculum Junonis). But this is 
mere conjecture, and Varro's statement is too indefinite to be 
pressed 1 . 

vin ID. QUINCT. (JULY 8). N. 

'Piso ait vitulam victoriam nominari, cuius rei hoc argu- 
mentum profert, quod postridie nonas lulias re bene gesta, 
cuin pridie populus a Tuscis in fugam versus sit (unde Populi- 
fugia vocantur), post victoriam certis sacrificiis fiat vitulatio*.' 

I must be content with quoting this passage, and without 
comment ; it will suffice to show that the meaning of the word 
'vitulatio' was entirely unknown to Koman scholars, Why 
they should not have connected it with vitulus I know not: 
we may remember that in the Iguvian ritual vituli seem to have 
pel-formed the function of scapegoats 3 . If the vitulatio is in 
any way to be connected with the Poplifugia, as it was indeed 
in the legend as given by Macrobius above, it may be worth 
while to remember that that day is marked in one calendar as 
' feriae lovi,' and that the vitulus (heifer) was the special victim 
of Jupiter *. 



All these days are marked 'ludi' in Maff. Amit. Ant. ; the 
6th ' ludi Apoll'ini],' and the isth 4 ludi in circo.' 

These games 5 were instituted in 212 B. c., for a single 
occasion only, at the most dangerous period of the war with 
Hannibal, when he had taken Tarentum and invaded Cam- 
pania. Kecourse was had to the Sibylline books and to the 
Italian oracles of Marcius, and the latter answered as follows 6 : 

1 Mannhardt, Myth. Forsch. 1. c. 

4 Macrob. 3. 2. n and 14. Macrobius also quotes Varro in the isthbook 
of his Res Ditinae ' Quod pontifex in sacris quibusdam vitulari soleat, quod 
Graeci traiavifav vocant.' Perhaps we may compare visceratio : Serv. Aen. 

J Above, p. 176. * Marq. 170. 

* See Marq. 384, and Lex. B. v. Apollo 447. Liv. 25. 12. 

N 2 


' Hostes Romani si expellere voltis, vomicamque quae gentium 
venit longe, Apollini vovendos censeo ludos, qui quotannis 
Apollini fiant,' &c. The games were held, as we may suppose, 
on the analogy of the ludi plebeii, originally on the rath day 
of the month 1 , and were, in course of time, extended back- 
wards till in the Julian calendar we find them lasting from the 
6th to the 1 3th. They had a Greek character from the first ; 
they were superintended by the Decemviri sacris faciundis, who 
consulted the Sibylline books and organized the ritual of foreign 
cults ; and they included scenic shows, after the Greek fashion, 
as well as chariot races 2 . 

It was matter of dispute whether in this year, 212, Apollo 
was expected to show his favour to Rome as a conqueror of 
her foe or as an averter of pestilence in the summer heats ; 
both functions were within his range. But in 208 we are told 
that the ludi were renewed by a lex, made permanent, and 
fixed for July 1 3 in consequence of a pestilence 3 ; and we may 
fairly assume that this was, in part at least, the cause of their 
institution four years earlier. What little we know of the 
traditions of Apollo-worship at Rome points in the same 
direction. His oldest temple in the Flaminian fields, where, 
according to Livy, a still more ancient shrine once stood 4 , was 
vowed in 432 B. c. in consequence of a pestilence ; and the god 
had also the cult-title Medicus B . The next occasion on which 
we meet with the cult is that of the first institution of a lecti- 
sternium in 397 B. c., Livy's account of which is worth 
condensing 6 . That year was remarkable for an extremely cold 

1 The MSS. of Livy (27. 23) have a. d. iii Nonas, no doubt in error for 
a. d. iii Idus. Merkel, Praef. xxviii. ; Mommsen, C. I. L. 321. 

* Liv. 25. 12 ; 26. 33 ; Festus, 326 ; Cic. Brutus, 20, 78, whence it appears 
that Ennius produced his Thyesles at these ludi. Cp. the story in Macrob. 

i. 17- 2 5- 

* Liv. 27. 23. 

4 Liv. 3. 63. This older shrine Livy calls Apollinar. The temple that 
followed it was the only Apollo-temple in Rome till Augustus built one 
on the Palatine after Actium; this is clear from Asconius, p. 81 ^ad Cic. 
in toga Candida), quoted by Aust, de Aedibus sacris, 7. It was outside 
the Porta Carmentalis, near the Circus Flaininius. A still more ancient 
Apollinar is assumed by some to have existed on the Quirinal ; but it 
rests on an uncertain emendation of 0. Miiller in Varro, L. L. 5. 52. 

* Liv. 40. 51. The Romans seem originally to have called the god 
Apello, and connected the name -with pellere. Paulus, 22 ; Macrob. i. 17. 15. 

* Liv. 5. 13. 


winter, which was followed by an equally unhealthy summer, 
destructive to all kinds of animals. As the cause of this 
pestilence could not be discovered, the Sibylline books were 
consulted ; the result of which was the introduction of a lecti- 
sternium, at which three couches were laid out with great 
magnificence, on which reposed Apollo and Latona, Diana and 
Hercules, Mercurius and Neptunus, whose favour the people 
besought for eight days. 

The cult of Apollo, though thus introduced in its full magni- 
ficence at Kome in historical times, was ' so old in Italy as 
almost to give the impression of being indigenous 1 .' Tradition 
ascribed to Tarquinius Superbus the introduction from Cumae 
of the Sibylline oracles, which were intimately connected with 
Apollo-worship ; and that Etruscan king may well have been 
familiar with the Greek god, who was well known in Etruria 
as Aplu 2 , and who was worshipped at Caere, the home of the 
Tarquinian family, which city had a ' treasury ' at Delphi a . 
The Komans themselves, according to a tradition which is by 
no means improbable, had very early dealings with the Delphic 

It does not seem certain that Apollo displaced any other 
deity when transplanted to Kome. It has been thought that 
the obscure Veiovis became clothed with some of Apollo's 
chai*acteristics, but this is extremely doubtful 4 . The mysterious 
deity of Soracte, Soranus, is called Apollo by Virgil s ; this, 
however, is not a true displacement, like that, e. g., of the 
ancient Ceres by the characteristics of Demeter, but merely 
a poetical substitution of a familiar name for an unfamiliar one 
which was unquestionably old Italian. 

It does not seem probable that in the Republican period the 
cult of Apollo had any special influence, either religious or 
ethical, for the Koman people generally. It was a priestly 
experiment a new physician was called in at perilous times, 
according to the fashion of the Koman oligarchy, either to give 
advice by his oracles, or to receive honours for his benefits as 
o\ca/cor. It is in the age of Augustus that the cult begins to 

1 Lex. s.v. Apollo, 446. * Muller-Deecke, Etrusker, il. 69. 

s Strabo, p. 214 ; Herodotus, I. 167. 

4 Jordan on Preller, i. 265. 

5 Am. ii. 785 'Summe deum, sancti custos Soractis Apollo,' &c. 


be important ; the family of the Caesars was said to have had 
an ancient connexion with it \ and after the victory at Actium, 
where a temple of Apollo stood on the promontory, Augustus 
not only enlarged and adorned this one, but built another on 
the Palatine, near his own house, to Apollo Palatinus. But 
for the ' Apollinism ' of Augustus, and for the important part 
played by the god in the lud i saecularcs of B. 0.17,! must refer 
the reader to other works 2 . 

xiv KAL. SEXT. (JULY 19). K?. 

xii KAL. SEXT. (JULY 21). IP. 

Here, as in the next two festivals we have to consider, we 
are but 'dipping buckets into empty wells.' The ritual, and 
therefore the original meaning of this festival, is wholly lost 
to us, as indeed it was to the Romans of Varro's time. Varro, 
in his list of festivals, does not even mention this one ; but it 
is possible that some words have here dropped out of his text s . 
The only light we have comes at second-hand from Verrius 
Flaccus *. ' Lucaria festa in luco colebant Eomani, qui per- 
magnus inter viam Salariam et Tiberim fuit, pro eo, quod victi 
a Gallis fugientes 5 e praelio ibi se occultaverint.' This passage 

1 Serv. Aen. 10. 316 'Omnes qui secto matris venire procreantur. ideo 
sunt Apollini consecrati, quia deus medicinae est, per quam lucem sorti- 
untur. Unde Aesculapius eius fingitur films : ita enim cum [esse] pro- 
creatum supra (7. 761) diximus. Caesarum etiam lain ilia ideo sacra 
retinebat Apollinis, quia qui primus de eorum familia fuit, exsecto matris 
ventre natus est. Unde etiam Caesar dictus est.' 

* A concise account by Roscher, Lex. s. v. Apollo 448 ; Boissier, Religion 
Romaine, i. 96 foil. ; Gardthausen, Augustus, vol. ii, p. 873. For the ludi 
saeculares see especially Mommsen's edition of the great but mutilated 
inscription recently discovered in the Campus Martius (Eph. Epigr. viii. 
i foil.); Diels, Sibyliin. Blatter, p. 109 foil.; and the Carmen Saeculare of 
Horace, with the commentaries of Orelli and Wickham. 

3 L. L. 6. 18 fin. and 19 init. 

* Festus. 119. s. v. Lucaria. 

* The battle of the Allia was fought on the i8th, the day before the first 
Lucaria. This no doubt suggested the legend connecting the two, especi- 
ally as the Via Salaria, near which was the grove of the festival, crossed 
the battle-field some ten miles north of Rome. 


reminds us of the story explanatory of the Poplifugia, and 
might suggest, as in that case, an expiatory sacrifice and flight 
of the people from a scapegoat destined to carry away disease. 
But here we know of no vestigia fugae in the cult, such as Varro 
tells us were apparent at the Poplifugia. 

The only possible guess we can make must rest on the name 
itself, taken together with what Festus tells us of the great 
wood once existing between the Via Salaria and the Tiber, in 
which the festival was held a wood which no doubt occupied 
the Pincian hill, and the region afterwards laid out in gardens 
by Lucullus, Pompeius, and Sallust the historian. Lucaria is 
formed from lucar as Lemuria from lemur, and lucar, though 
in later times it meant ' the sum disbursed from the ac-rarium for 
the games 1 ,' drawn probably from the receipts of the sacred 
groves, may also at one time itself have meant a grove. An 
inscription from the Latin colony of Luceria shows us lucar 
in this sense 2 : 


Now there can be no doubt about the great importance of 
woods, or rather of clearings in them, in the ancient Italian 
religion. ' Nemus and lucus,' says Preller 3 , 'like so many other 
words, remind us of the old Italian life of woodland and 
clearing. Nemus is a pasturage, lucus a "light " or clearing 4 , in 
the forest, where men settled and immediately began to look to 
the interests of the spirits of the woodland, and especially of 
Silvanus, who is at once the god of the wild life of the wood- 
land and of the settler in the forest the backwoodsman.' 
The woods left standing as civilization and agriculture advanced 
continued to be the abodes of numina, not only of the great 
Jupiter, who, as we shall see, was worshipped in groves all 
over Italy 8 , and of Diana, who at Aricia bore the title of 
Nemorensis, but of innumerable spirits of the old worship, 

1 See Friedlander in Marq. 487 ; Plutarch, Q. E. 88. 
8 Mommsen in Ephemeris Epigraphica, ii. 205. 

3 i. in ; Liv. 24. 3 ; Cato, ap. Priscian, 629. Much useful matter bearing 
on luci as used for boundaries, asyla, markets, &c., will be found in Kudorff, 
Gromatici Vcteres, ii. 260. 

4 'Light' is not uncommon in England for a 'ride 1 or clearing in 
a wood. 

'" Below, pp. 222, and 228. 


Fauni, Silvani, and other manifestations of the idea most 
definitely conceived in the great god Mars 1 . But men could 
not of course know for certain what spirits dwelt in a wood, 
whose anger might be roused by intrusion or tree-felling ; and 
old Cato, among his many prescriptions, material and religious, 
gives one in the form of an invocation to such unknown deities 
if an intrusion had to be made. It is worth quoting, and runs 
as follows 2 : ' Lucum conlucare Eomano more sic oportet. Porco 
piaculo facito. Sic verba concipito : Si Deus, si Dea es, quoium 
illud sacrum est, uti tibi ius siet porco piaculo facere, illiusce 
sacri coercendi ergo. Harumce rerum ergo, sive ego, sive quis 
iussu meo fecerit, uti id recte factum siet. Eius rei ergo te 
hoc porco piaculo immolando bonas preces precor, uti sies 
volens propitius mihi, domo familiaeque meae, liberisque 
meis. Harumce rerum ergo macte hoc porco piaculo im- 
molando esto.' 

Applying these facts to the problem of the Lucaria, though 
necessarily with hesitation, and remembering the position of 
the wood and the date of the festival, we may perhaps arrive 
at the following conclusion ; that this was a propitiatory 
worship offered to the deities inhabiting the woods which 
bordered on the cultivated Roman ager. The time when the 
corn was being gathered in, and the men and women were in 
the fields, would be by no means unsuitable for such propitia- 
tion. It need not have been addressed to any special deity, 
any more than that of Cato, or as I believe, the ritual of the 
Lupercalia s ; it belonged to the most primitive of Roman rites, 
and partly for that reason, partly also from the absorption of 
land by large private owners 4 , it fell into desuetude. The 
grove of the Fratres Arvales and the decay of their cult (also 

1 On the whole subject of the religious ideas arising from the first culti- 
vation of land in a wild district I know nothing more instructive than 
Robertson Smith's remarks in Religion of the Semites, Lecture iii. ; I have 
often thought that they throw some light on the oiigin of Mars and kindred 
numina. The most ancient settlements in central Italy are now found to 
be on the tops of hills, probably once forest-clad (see Von Duhn's paper on 
recent excavations, Journal of Hellenic Studies, 1896, p. 125). For a curious 
survival of the feeling about woods and hill-tops in Bengal, see Crooke, 
Religion, &c., in India, ii. 87. 

* R. R. 139. For piacula of this kind see also Henzen, Ada Fratr. An. 
136 foil. ; Marq. 456. 3 See below, p. 312. 

4 See a passage in Frontinus (Grom. Vet. i. 56 : cp. a. 263). 


addressed to a nameless deity) offers an analogy on the other 
side of Rome, towards Ostia. 

Such a hypothesis seems not unreasonable, though it is hased 
rather on general than particular evidence. It is at any rate 
better than the wild guessing of one German inquirer, who is 
always at home when there is no information. Huschke l 
believes that the words Lucaria and Luceres (the ancient Eoman 
tribe name) are both derived from lucus because the Lucaria 
take place in July, which is the auspication-month of the 
Luceres. And there are two days of this festival, because the 
Luceres owed protection both to the Romani and Quirites 
(Rhamnes and Tities) and therefore worshipped both Janus and 

x KAL. SEXT. (JULY 23). IP. 


The early history of Neptunus is a mystery, and we learn 
hardly anything about him from his festival. We know 
that it took place in the heat of summer, and that booths or 
huts made of the foliage of trees were used at it, to keep the 
sun off the worshippers and that is all 2 . Neither of these 
facts suggests a sea-god, such as we are accustomed to see in 
Neptune ; yet they are hardly strong enough to enable us to 
build on them any other hypothesis as to his character or 
functions. Nor does his name help us. Though it constantly 
appears in Etruscan art as the name of a god who has the 
characteristics of the Greek Poseidon, it is said not to be of 
genuine Etruscan origin \ If this be so, the Etruscans must 

J Rom. Jahr, p. 221, and note 81 on p. 222. 

* Festus, 377 'Umbrae vocantur Neptunalibus casae frondeae pro taber- 
naculis.' Wissowa (Lex. s.v. Neptunus, 202) compares the <r/a3j of the 
Spartan Carneia (also in the heat of summer), described in Athenaeus, 
4- 141 F. 

8 Miiller-Deecke, Etrusker, ii. 54, with Deecke's note 51 b. The Etruscan 
forms are Nethunus and Nethuns. The form of the word is adjectival like 
Portunus, &c. ; but what is the etymology of the first syllable? We are 
reminded of course of Nepe or Nepete, an inland town near Falerii ; and 
to this district the cult seems specially to have belonged. Messapus, 
' Neptunia proles.' leads the Falisci and others to war in Virg. Aen. 7. 691, 
and Halcsus, Neptuni filius, was eponymous hero of Falerii (Deecke, 


have borrowed it from some people who already used it of 
a sea-god when the loan w r as made ; but one does not see why 
this great seafaring people should have gone outside the 
language of their own religion for a name for their deity of 
the sea. 

In the ancient cult-formulae preserved by Gellius \ Neptunus 
is coupled with a female name Salacia ; and of this Varro writes 
' Salacia Neptuni a salo ' an etymology no doubt suggested by 
the later identification of Neptunus with Poseidon. Salacia is 
in my opinion rather to be referred to salax (' lustful,' &c.), and, 
like Nerio Martis ', to be taken as indicating the virile force of 
Nt-ptunus as the divine progenitor of a stock s . This seems to 
be confirmed by the fact that this god was known as Neptunus 
pater, like Mars, Janus, Saturnus, and Jupiter himself 4 ; all 
of whom are associated in cult or legend with the early history 
of Latin stocks. 

When Neptunus first meets us in Roman history, he has 
already put on the attributes of the Greek Poseidon ; this was 
in B. c. 399, at the first lectisternium, where he is in company 
with Apollo and Latona, Diana and Hercules, and is specially 
coupled with Mercurius (= Hermes) 5 . What characteristics of 
his suggested the identification, either here or in Etruria, we 
cannot tell. We find no trace of any evidence connecting him 
with the sea ; and the coupling with Hermes need mean no 
more than that both this god and Poseidon found their way to 
Rome through the medium of Greek trade. 

It has recently been conjectured 6 that the object of both 
the Lucaria and Neptunalia was to avert the heat and drought 

Falisker, 103). There is no known connexion of Neptunus with any coast 

1 13. 23. 2 : cp. Varro, L. L. 5. 72. 

a See above, p. 60. 

s Cp. Serv. Aen, 5. 724 '(Venus) dicitur et Salacia, quae proprie mere- 
tricum dea appellata est a voteribus.' 

4 Gell. 5. 12 ; Henzen, Act. Fratr. Arv. 124. Wissowa, in his article 
' Neptunus,' goes too far, as it seems to me, when he asserts that the 
'pater' belonged to all deities of the oldest religion. See below, p. 220. 

5 Liv. 5. 13. 6 ; Dionys. 12. 9. Wissowa, Lex. s. v. Nept. 203, for his 
further history as Poseidon. 

* Wissowa in Lex. 1. c. I doubt if much can be made of the argument 
that the Neptunalia on the 23rd is necessarily connected with the Lucaria 
on the 1 7th and igth i. e. three alternate days, like the three days of 
the Lemuria in May. 


of July, and to propitiate the deities of water and springs, of 
whom Neptunus (judging from his identification with Poseidon) 
may possibly have been one ; but this is no more than a vague 
guess, which its author only puts forward ' with all reserve.' 

vni KAL. SEXT. (JULY 25). IP. 


It seems to be the lesson of the festivals of July that there 
was an early stage of the Roman religion which had lost all 
meaning for the Romans themselves when they began to inquire 
into the history of their own religion. Of this last festival of 
the month we know no single item in the cult, and therefore 
have nothing substantial to guide us. It seems almost certain 
that even Varro and Verrius Flaccus' knew nothing of the 
festival but its name as it stood in the calendar. Nor did they 
know anything of the goddess Furrina or Furina. Varro is 
explicit; he says that she was celebrated 'apud antiques,' for 
they gave her an annual festival and a flamen, but that in 
his day there were hardly .a dozen Romans who knew either 
her name or anything about her. 

Varro is no doubt right in arguing from the festival and the 
flamen to the ancient honour in which she was held ; and these 
facts also tend to prove that she was a single deity, and quite 
distinct from the Furiae with whom the later Romans as well 
as the Greeks naturally confounded her an inference which 
is confirmed by the long /u, indicated by the double r in the 
calendars 2 . 

There is therefore nothing but the etymology to tell us 
anything about the goddess, and from this source we cannot 
expect to learn anything certain. Preller plausibly suggested 
a connexion with fur, furvus, and fuscus, from a root meaning 

1 Varro, L. L. 5. 84 ' Furinalis (flamen) a Furina quoius etiam in fastis 
Furi miles feriae sunt ' : cp. 6. 19 ' Ei sacra instituta annua et flamen attri- 
butus : nunc vix nomen notum paucis.' 

* See Wissowa's short and sensible note in Lex. a. v. Furrina. For the 
confusion with Furiae, Cic. de Nat. Dear. 3. 46 ; Plut. C. Gracch. 17 ; Lex. 
B. v. Furiae. Jordan, in Preller, ii. 70, is doubtful on the etymological 


dark or secret ; and if this were correct she might be a deity 
of the under-world or of the darkness. Bticheler in his 
Umbtica 1 suggested a comparison with the Umbrian furfare= 
februare ('to purify'), which will at least serve to show the 
difficulty of basing conclusions on etymological reasoning. 
Jordan conjectured that the festival had to do with the averting 
of dangerous summer heat 2 a conclusion that is natural 
enough, but does not seem to rest on any evidence but its date. 
Lastly, Huschke 3 , again in his element, boldly asserts that the 
Furrinalia served to appease the deities of revenge who hailed 
from the black region of Vediovis wrongly confusing Furrina 
and the Furiae. It will be quite obvious from these instances 
that it is as hopeless as it is useless to attempt to discover the 
nature of either goddess or festival by means of etymological 

1 p. 71. * In Preller, ii. lar. ' R5m. Jahr, 221. 


AUGUST is with us the month when the corn-harvest is 
begun ; in Italy it is usually completed in July, and the final 
harvest-festivals, when all the operations of housing, &c., have 
been brought to a close, would naturally have fallen for the 
primitive Koman farmer in the sixth month. The Kalends of 
Quinctilis would be too early a date for notice to be given of 
these ; some farmers might be behindhand, and so cut off from 
participation. The Kalends of Sextilis would do well enough ; 
for by the Nones, before which no festival could be held, there 
would be a general cessation from labour. No other agri- 
cultural operations would then for a time be specially incumbent 
on the farmer '. 

Before the Ides we find no great festival in the old calendar, 
though the sacrifice on the 1 2th at the ara maxima was without 
doubt of great antiquity. The list begins with the Portunalia 
on the 1 7th ; and then follow, with a day's interval between 
each, the Vinalia Kustica, Consualia, Volcanalia, Opeconsivia, 
and Volturnalia. The Vinalia had of course nothing to do with 
harvest, and the character of the Portunalia and Volturnalia is 
almost unknown ; but all the rest may probably have had 
some relation to the harvesting and safe-keeping of crops, and 
the one or two scraps of information we possess about the 
Portunalia bear in the same direction. Deities of fire and 
water seem to bo propitiated at this time, in order to preserve 
the harvest from disaster by either element. The rites are 

1 Varro, R. R. i. 33, lias only the following : ' Quinto intervallo, inter 
caniculam et aequinoctiuin auctumuale oportet stramenta desecari, t 
acervos construi, aratro oflringi, frondem caedi, prata iteruin 


secret and mysterious, the places of worship not familiar 
temples, but the ara maxima, the underground altar of Census, 
or the Regia ; which may perhaps account for the comparatively 
early neglect and decadence of some of these feasts. We may 
also note two other points : first, the rites gather for the most 
part in the vicinity of the Aventine, the Circus Maximus, and 
the bank of the Tiber ; which in the earliest days must have 
been the part of the cultivated land nearest the city l , or at any 
rate that part of it where the crops were stored. Secondly, 
there is a faint trace of commerce and connexion between 
Rome and her neighbours Latins and Sabines both in the 
rites and legends of this month, which may perhaps point to 
an intercourse, whether friendly or hostile, brought about by 
the freedom and festivities of harvest time. 

NON. SEXT. (Auo. 5). F. (TP. ANT.) 


The date of the foundation of the temple of Salus was 302 B.C., 
during the Samnite wars 2 . The cult was probably not wholly 
new. The Augurium Salutis, which we know through its 
revival by Augustus, was an ancient religious performance at 
the beginning of each year, or at the accession of new consuls, 
which involved, first the ascertaining whether prayers would 
be acceptable to the gods, and secondly the offering of such 
prayers on an auspicious day \ Two very old inscriptions also 
suggest that the cult was well distributed in Italy at an early 
period 4 . Such impersonations of abstract ideas as Salus, Con- 
cordia, Pax, Spes, &c., do not belong to the oldest stage of 
religion, but were no doubt of pontifical origin, i. e. belonged 
to the later monarchy or early republic 5 . We need not suppose 

1 This is the natural position for the ager of the oldest community on 
the Palatine. The Campus Martius was believed to have been 'king's 
land' of the later developed city (Liv. 2. 5). 

1 Liv. 10. i. 9; Aust, de Aedibus sacris, p. 10. 

3 Marq. 377 ; Dio Cass. 37. 24 and 25 ; Tac. Ann, 12. 23. 

* C.I. L. i. 49 and 1 79. 

5 See Preller, ii. 228; and article 'Sacerdos' in Diet, of Antiquities, new 


that they were due to the importation of Greek cults and ideas, 
though in some cases they became eventually overlaid with 
these. They were generated by the same process as the gods 
of the Indigitamenta l being in fact an application to the life 
of the state of that peculiarly Roman type of religious thought 
which conceived a distinct numen as presiding over every act 
and suffering of the individual. This again, as I believe, in 
its product the Indigitamenta, was an artificial priestly ex- 
aggeration of a very primitive tendency to see a world of 
nameless spirits surrounding and influencing all human life. 

The history of the temple is interesting 2 . Not long after its 
dedication its walls were painted by Gaius Fabius, consul in 
269 B. c., whose descendants, among them the historian, bore 
the name of Pictor, in commemoration of a feat so singular for 
a Roman of that age s . It was struck by lightning no less than 
four times, and burnt down in the reign of Claudius. Livy 4 
tells us that in 180 B. c., by order of the decemviri a supplicatio 
was held, in consequence of a severe pestilence, in honour of 
Apollo, Aesculapius, and Salus ; which shows plainly that the 
goddess was already being transformed into the likeness of 
the Greek 'Y-ytfta, and associated rather with public health 
than with public wealth in the most general sense of the 

vi ID. SEXT. (Aua. 9). F. (ALLIF.) IP. (AMIT. MAFF. ETC.) 


There was an ancient worship of Sol on the Quirinal, which 
was believed to be of Sabine origin. A Soils pulvinar close to 
the temple of Quirinus is mentioned, and the Gens Aurelia 
was said to have had charge of the cult 5 . 

1 On this difficult subject see Did. of Antiquities, . v. Indigitamenta; 
and the long and exhaustive article by R. Peter in Reseller's Lexicon (which 
is, however, badly written, and in some respects, I think, misleading). 

8 See the valuable summary of Aust (in ten lines). 

3 Plin. N. H. 35. 19. * 40. 19. 

4 Paulus, 23; Quint il. i. 7. la ; Varro, L. L. 5. 52 (from the 'sacra 
Argeorum '), if we read ' adversum Solis pulvinar cis aedem Salutis.' The 


But the Sol of August 9 is called in the calendars Sol Indiges. 
What are we to understand by this word, which appears in 
the names Di Indigetes, Jupiter Indiges, or Indigetes simply ? 
The Roman scholars themselves were not agreed on the point ; 
the general opinion was that it meant ' of or belonging to 
a certain place,' i. e. fixed there by origin and protecting it \ 
This view has also been generally adopted, on etymological or 
other grounds, by modern writers, including Preller 2 . Recently 
a somewhat different explanation has been put forward in the 
Mythological Lexicon, suggested by Reifferscheid in his lectures 
at Breslau. According to this view, Indiges (from indu and 
root ag in agere) was a deity working in a particular act, busi- 
ness, place, &c., of men's activity, and in no other ; it is of 
pontifical origin, like its cognate indigitamenta, and is therefore 
not a survival from the oldest religious forms 3 . 

The second of these explanations does not seem to help us 
to understand what was meant by Sol Indiges ; and its exponent 
in the Lexicon, in order to explain this, falls back on an in- 
genious suggestion made long ago by Preller. In dealing with 
Sol Indiges, Preller explained Indiges as = index, and con- 
jectured that the name was not given to Sol until after the 
eclipse which foretold the death of Caesar, comparing the lines 
of Virgil (Georg. i. 463 foil.) : 

Sol tibi signa dabit. Solem quis dicere falsum 
Audeat? ille ctiain caecos instare tumultus 
Saepe monet, fraudemque et operta tumescere bella. 
Ille et lain exstincto miseratus Caesare Romam : 
Cum caput obscura nitidum ferrugine texit, 
Impiaque aetornam timuerunt saecula noctem. 

Preller may be right ; and if he were, we should have no 
further trouble in this case. In the pre-Julian calendar, on 
this hypothesis, the word Indiges was absent. This is also the 
opinion of the last scholar who, so far as I know, has touched 

name is said to be connected with the Umbrian and Etruscan god of light, 
Usil, a word thought to be recognizable in Aurelius ( = Auselius, Varro, 
1. c.), and in the Ozeul of the Salian hymn (Wordsworth, Fragments and 
Specimens of Early Latin, p. 564 foil.). 

1 So e. g. Virgil, Georg. i. 498 ' Di patrii indigites et Romule Vestaque 
Mater.' Peter, in Lex. a. v. Indigitamenta, 132. 

* i. 325. Lex. a. v. Indigitamenta, 137. 


the question ; but Wissowa ', with reason as I think, reverts 
to the first explanation given above of the word Indiges('of 
or belonging to a certain place '), and believes that the word, 
when added to Sol in the Julian calendar, was simply meant 
to distinguish the real indigenous Sun-god from foreign solar 

PBID. ID. SEXT. (Aua. 12). C. 


generally taken as a confusion with June 4 2 .] 

This is the only day to which we can ascribe, on the evidence 
of the calendars, the yearly rites of the ara maxima, and of the 
aedes Herculis in the Forum boarium. These two shrines were 
close together ; the former just at the entrance of the Circus 
maximus, the latter, as has been made clear by a long series of 
researches, a little to the north-east of it 3 . We are led to 
.suppose that the two must have been closely connected in 
the cult, though we are not explicitly informed on the point. 

The round temple indicates a very ancient worship, as in the 
case of the aedes Vestae, and the legends confirm this. The 
stoiy of Hercules and Cacus, the foundation-legend of the cult, 
whatever be its origin, shows a priesthood of two ancient 
patrician families, the Potitii and Pinarii 4 . Appius Claudius, 
the censor of 312 B. c., is said to have bribed the Potitii, the 
chief celebrants, to hand over their duties to public slaves ; 
but in the yearly rites, consisting chiefly in the sacrifice of 
a heifer, these were presided over by the praetor urbanus, 
whose connexion with the cult is attested by inscriptions 6 . 
That there was at one time a reconstruction of the cult, 

1 Wissowa, de Bomanorum Indige'ibus et Notensidibus (Marburg, 1892). 
3 Merkel, Praef. in Ov. Fastos, cxxxv ; Mommsen, C. I. L. 324. 

3 Lex. s. v. Hercules, 2903 foil., where K. Peter has summarized and 
criticized all the various opinions. 

4 Liv. i. 7. 

5 Dionys. i. 40, who says that the duties were performed hy slaves in 
his day. See Lex. 2925 for a long list of conjectures about this part of the 
legend. The Potitii never occur in inscriptions ; and I think with Jordan 

Preller, ii. 291) that the name is imaginary, invented to account for the 
functions of the slaves. 

6 C. /. L. vi. 312-319, found on the site of the aedes. 


especially in the direction of Greek usage, seems indeed probable; 
for the praetor wore a laurel wreath and sacrificed with his 
head uncovered after the Greek fashion '. But there is enough 
about it that was genuine Koman to prove that the foundation - 
legend had some of its roots in an ancient cult ; e. g. at the 
sacred meal which followed the previous sacrifice in the evening, 
the worshippers did not lie down but sat, as was the most 
ancient practice both in Greece and Italy 2 . Women were 
excluded, which is in keeping with the Italian conception of 
Hercules as Genius, or the deity of masculine activity *. The 
sacrifice was followed by a meal on the remainder, which was 
perhaps an old practice in Italy, as in Greece. In this feature, as 
in two others, we have a veiy interesting parallel with this cult, 
which does not seem to have been noticed, in the prescription 
given by Cato for the invocation of Mars on behalf of the 
farmers cattle *. After prescribing the material of the offering 
to Mars Silvanus, he goes on as follows : ' Earn rem divinam 
vel scrvus, vel liber licebit facial. Ubi res divina facta erit, statim 
ibidem consumito. Mulier ad earn rem divinam ne adsit, neve 
videat quomodo fiat. Hoc votum in annos singulos, si voles, 
licebit vovere.' Here we have the eating of the remainder 5 , 
the exclusion of women, and the participation in the cult by 
slaves ; the exclusion of women is very curious in this case, 
and seems to show that such a practice was not confined to 
worships of a sexual character. It is also worth noting that 
just as Cato's formula invokes Mars Silvanus, so in Virgil's 
description of the cult of the am maxima 6 , we find one special 
feature of Mars-worship, namely the presence of the Salii 7 . It 
is hardly possible to suppose that Virgil here was guilty of 
a wilful confusion : is it possible, then, that in this cult some 

1 Macrob. 3. 12. a ; Varro, L. L 6. 15. The uncovered head also occurs 
in the cult of Saturnus ; and R. Peter argues that the custom may after all 
be old-Italian (Lex. 2928). 

" Marquardt, Privatalterthumer, vol. i, p. 291. 

3 See above, p. 142 foil. Plut. Qu. Rom. 60; Macrob. i. 12. 38. In 
<J. R. 90 Plutarch notes that no other god might be mentioned at the 
sacrifice, and no dog might be admitted. 

* de Re Ruslica, 83. 

4 The word was profanatum, opposed to poUuctum (see Marq. 149). 

* Aen. 8. 281 foil. 

7 Salii are found in the cult of Hercules also at Tibur : Macrob. 3. la. 7. 
See a note of Jordan in Preller, i. 353. 


form of Mars is hidden behind Hercules, and that the Hercules 
of the ara maxima is not the Genius after all, as modern 
scholars have persuaded themselves ? 

But what marks out this curious cult more especially from 
all others is the practice ot offering on the ara maxima 'decumae' 
or tithes, of booty, commercial gains, sudden windfalls, and so 
on '. The custom seems to be peculiar to this cult, though it 
is proved by inscriptions of Hercules-cults elsewhere in Italy 
e. g. at Sora near Arpinum, at Keate, Tibur, Capua and else- 
where 2 . But these inscriptions, old as some of them are, 
cannot prove that the practice they attest was not ultimately 
derived from Eome. At Home, indeed, there is no question 
about it ; it is abundantly proved by literary allusions, as well 
as by fragments of divine law 3 . Was it an urban survival 
from an old Italian rural custom, or was it an importation from 
elsewhere ? 

In favour of the first of these explanations is the fact that 
the offering of first-fruits was common, if not universal, in 
rural Italy 4 . They are not, indeed, known to have been 
offered specially to Hercules ; but the date, Aug. 1 2, of the 
sacrifice at Kome might suggest an original offering of the first- 
fruits of the Koman ager, before the growth of the city had 
pushed agriculture to some distance away. Now first-fruits 
are the oldest form of tribute to a god as 'the lord of the land,' 
developing in due time into fixed tithes as temple-ritual becomes 
more elaborate and expensive 5 . In their primitive form they 
are found in all parts of the world, as Mr. Frazer has shown 
us in an appendix to the second volume of his Golden Bough 6 . 
It is certainly possible that in this way the August cult of the 
ara maxima may be connected with the general character of 
the August festivals ; that the offering of the first-fruits 
of harvest gave way to a regulated system of tithes 7 , of which 

1 Lex. 2931 foil. ; C. I. L. i. 149 foil. 

* The examples are collected by R. Peter in Lex. 2935. 

* Festu8, 253, s. v. pollucere meroes ; Plut. Qu. Rom. 18 ; Vita Sutlae, 35 ; 
Crassi, 2 ; Lex. 2032 foil. 

* Marq. 469 ; Festus, p. 318, s. v. sacrima. 

8 Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semites, p. 233. 

* G. B. ii. 373 foil. 

7 In the legend Hercules gave a tenth part of his booty to the 
inhabitants of the place (Dionys i. 40). 

o a 


we find a survival in the offerings of the tenth part of their 
booty by great generals like Sulla and Crassus. As the city 
grew, and agriculture became less prominent than military and 
mercantile pursuits, the practice passed into a form adapted 
to these i. e. the decumae of military booty or mercantile 
gain '. 

But there is another possibility which must at least be 
suggested. The myth attached to the ara maxima and the 
Aventine, that of Hercules and Cacus, stands alone among 
Italian stories, as the system of tithe-giving does among Italian 
practices. We may be certain that the practice did not spring 
from the myth ; rather that an addition was made to the 
myth, when Hercules was described as giving the tenth of his 
booty, in order to explain an unusual practica Yet myth and 
practice stand in the closest relation to each other, and the 
strange thing about each is that it is unlike its Italian kindred. 

Of late years it has become the fashion to claim the myth as 
genuine Italian, in spite of its Graeco-Oriental character, on 
the evidence of comparative mythology 2 : but no explanation 
is forthcoming of its unique character among Italian myths, all 
of which have a marked practical tendency, and a relation to 
some human institution such as the foundation of a city. They 
are legends of human beings and practices : this is an elemental 
myth familiar in different forms to the Eastern mind. Again, 
the Hercules of the myth has nothing in common with the 
genuine Italian Hercules, whom we may now accept as 
= genius, or the masculine principle as may be seen from the 
sorry lameness of the attempt to harmonize the two 3 . Beyond 
doubt there was an Italian spirit or deity to whom the name 
Hercules was attached : but there is no need to force all the 
forms of Hercules that meet us into exact connexion with 
the genuine one. We have seen above that the Hercules 
of the ara maxima may possibly have concealed Mars himself, 
in his original form of a deity of cattle, pasture, and clearings. 
But there is yet another possible explanation of this tangled 

The Eoman form of the Cacus-myth, in which Cacus steals 

1 See Mommsen in C. I. L. i. 150. 

" e. g. in Breal, Hercule et Cacus. 

3 See Lex. 2286 (R. Peter, quoting Reifferscheid). 


the cattle from Hercules, and tries to conceal his theft by 
dragging them backwards into his cave by their tails, has 
recently been found in Sicily depicted on a painted vase, 
whither, as Professor Gardner has suggested, it may have been 
brought by way of Cyprus by Phoenician traders ] ; and the 
inference of so cautious an archaeologist is, apparently, that 
the myth may have found its way from Sicily to the Tiber. 
Nothing can be more probable ; for it is certain that even 
before the eighth century B. c. the whole western coast of 
Italy was open first to Phoenician trade and then to Greek. 
And we are interested to find that the only other traces of the 
myth to be found in Italy are located in places which would 
be open to the same influence. From Capua we have a bronze 
vase on which is depicted what seems to be the punishment of 
Cacus by Hercules 2 ; and a fragment of the annalist Gellius 
gives a story connecting Cacus with Campania, Etruria, and 
the East 3 . At Tibur also, which claimed a Greek origin, 
there is a faint trace of the myth in an inscription 4 . 

Now assuming for a moment that the myth was thus 
imported, is it impossible that the anomalies of the cult should 
be foreign also? That one of them at least which stands out 
most prominently is a peculiarly Semitic institution ; tithe- 
giving in its systematized form is found in the service of that 
Melcarth who so often appears in Hellas as Herakles 5 . The 
coincidence at the Aventine of the name, the myth, and the 
practice, is too striking to be entirely passed over especially 
if we cannot find certain evidence of a pure Italian origin, and 
if we do find traces of all three where Phoenicians and Greeks 
are known to have been. We may take it as not impossible 
that the ara maxima was older than the traditional foundation 
of Rome, and that its cult was originally not that of the 
characteristic Italian Hercules, but of an adventitious deity 
established there by foreign adventurers. 

1 Journal of Hellenic Studies, vol. xiii. 73. Professor Gardner is inclined to 
consider the myth as Phoenician rather than Greek, and attached to the 
Phoenician Melcarth Herakles. The vase is in the Ashmolean Museum, 
and was found by the Keeper, Mr. Arthur Evans. 

* Mon. delC Inst. v. 25. But the character of the vase is archaic Ionian, 
as Prof. Gardner tells me ; Lex. 2275. 

3 H. Peter, Fragmenta Hist. Rom. p. 166 (= Solinus, i. 7). 

4 C. I. L. xiv. 3555 ; Lex. 2278. 

' Robertson Smith, op. cit. pp. 228 foil., and additional note F. 


ID. SEXT. (Aua. 13). IP. 
FER[IAE] lovi. (AMIT. ALLIF.) 


All Ides, as we have seen, were sacred to Jupiter ; and it 
does not seem that there is here any further significance in the 
note 'feriae lovi.' Though there was a conjunction here of 
many cults, this day was best known as that of the dedication 
of the temple of Diana on the Aventine, which was traditionally 
ascribed to Servius Tullius. There are interesting features in 
this cult, and indeed in the worship of this goddess throughout 
Latium and Italy. For the most famous of all her cults, that 
of Aricia l , I need only refer to Mr. Frazer's Golden Sough the 
most elaborate and convincing examination of any ancient 
worship that has yet appeared. Of the goddess in general it 
will be sufficient to say here that whatever be the etymology 
of her name or the earliest conception of her nature and both 
are very far from certain she was for the old Latins second only 
to Jupiter Latiaris in the power she exercised of uniting com- 
munities together and so working in the cause of civilization. 
This was the case with the cult on the Aventine, as it was also 
with that at Aricia 2 . 

About the political origin of the temple on the Aventine 
tradition was explicit 3 . Livy says that Servius Tullius per- 
suaded the chiefs of the Latins to build a temple of Diana in 
conjunction with the Romans ; and Varro calls it ' commune 
Latinorum Dianae templum.' The 'lex templi,' or ordinance 
for the common worship of Romans and Latins, was seen by 
Dionysius so he declares written in Greek characters and 

1 The day of the festival at Aricia is thought to have been also Aug. 13 
(Lex. s. v. Diana, ioo6\ 

4 Beloch, Italischer Bund, 180 ; Cato (ap. Priscian, 7. 337, ed. Jordan, p. 41) 
gives the names of the towns united in and by the Arician cult Aricia, 
Tusculum, Lanuvium, Laureutum, Cora, Tibur, Pometia, Ardea. 

3 Liv. i. 45 Dionys. 4. 26 ; Varro, L. L. 5. 43. 


preserved in the temple '. The horns of a cow 2 , hung up in 
front of this temple, gave rise to legends, one of which is 
preserved by Livy, and seems to bring the Sabines also into 
the connexion. This temple was, then, from the beginning in 
some sense extra-Roman, i. e. did not belong to the purely 
Roman gentile worship. And it had other characteristics of 
the same kind ; it was specially connected with the Plebs and 
with slaves, and as, in the case of the neighbouring temple 
at Ceres, there was a Greek character in the cult from the 

I. The Connexion with the Plebs. The position on the Aventine 
would of itself be some evidence of a non-patrician origin ; so 
also the traditional ascription to Servius Tullius as the founder. 
More direct evidence seems wanting 3 , but it is not impossible 
that the temple marks a settlement of Latins in this part of 
the city. 

II. The Connexion with Slaves. The day was a holiday for 
slaves 4 , perhaps after the work of harvest. There was one 
other Latin goddess, Feronia, who was especially beloved by 
emancipated slaves 5 ; and as Feronia was a deity both of 
markets and harvests, there is something to be said for the 
suggestion that both slave holidays and slave emancipation 
would find a natural place on occasions of this kind. It would 
seem also that this temple was an asylum for runaway or 
criminal slaves a fact which slips out in Festus' curious 
reproduction of a gloss of Verrius Flaccus 7 : ' Servorum dies 
festus vulgo existimatur Idus Aug., quod eo die Servius 
Tullius, natus servus, aedem Dianae dedicaverit in Aventino, 
cuius tutelae sint cervi, a quo celeritate fugitives vocent 
servos.' The stag, as the favourite beast of Diana, may 

1 Dionys. 1. c. See Jordan, Krit. BeitrSge, 253. 

2 So Liv. 1. c. : other temples of Diana had deers' horns, according to 
Plutarch, Q. R. 4. The cow was Diana's favourite victim (Marq. 361); 
but we cannot be sure that this was not a feature borrowed from the cult 
of Artemis (Farnell, Greek Cults, ii. 593). 

* The passages from Livy quoted by Steuding (Lex. 1008) are hardly to 
the point, as the cult is not mentioned in them. 

* Plut. Q. R. 100. 

* Serv. Aen. 8. 564 : cp. Liv. 22. i, 26. II. 
8 Mannhardt, A. W. F. 328 foil. 

7 Festus, 343, ' Servorum dies.' 


perhaps have a Greek origin ; but the inference from the 
false etymology remains the same. 

III. The Greek Character in the Cult. As in the case of 
Ceres, the temple-foundations of this age might naturally have 
a Greek character, owing to the foreign relations of the 
Etruscan dynasty in Rome '. We have already noticed the lex 
templi, said to have been written in Greek characters. It 
is a still more striking fact that there was in this temple 
a oai/o;', or wooden statue of Diana, closely resembling that 
of Artemis at Massilia, which was itself derived from the 
famous temple at Ephesus 2 . The transference to Diana of 
the characteristics of Artemis was no doubt quite natural and 
easy ; for, hard as it is to distinguish the Greek and Italian 
elements in the cult, we know enough of some at least of the 
latter to be sure that they would easily lend themselves to 
a Greek transformation. This transformation must have 
begun at a very early period, for in B. c. 398 we find Diana 
already associated with Apollo and Latona, in the first lecti- 
sternium celebrated at Rome, where she certainly represented 
Artemis '. 

On the whole this temple and its cult seem a kind of anti- 
cipation of the great temple on the Capitol, in marking an 
advance in the progress of Rome from the narrow life of 
a small city-state to a position of influence in Western Italy. 
The advance of the Plebs, the emancipation of slaves, the new 
relations with Latin cities, and the introduction of Greek 
religious ideas are all reflected here. New threads are being 
woven into the tissue of Roman social and political life. 

The close relation of Diana to human life is not very difficult 
to explain. Like Fortuna, Juno Lucina, Bona Dea, and others, 
she was a special object of the worship of women ; she assisted 
the married woman at childbirth * ; and on this day the Roman 

1 See above, p. 75. 

8 Strabo, Bk. 4, p. 180 ; Farnell, Greek Cults, ii. 529 and 552. 

3 Liv. 5. 13 : Apollo and Latona, Diana and Hercules, Mercurius and 

4 Lex. 1007. The excavations at Nemi have produced several votive 
offerings in terra-cotta of women with children in their arms. Cp. Ovid, 
Fasti, 3. 269. Plutarch tells us (Q. R. 3) that men were excluded from 
a shrine of Diana in the Yicus Patricius ; but of this nothing further is 


women made n special point of washing their heads 7 an 
unusual performance, perhaps, which has been explained by 
reference to the sanctity of the head among primitive peoples 2 . 
But Diana, like Silvanus, with whom she is found in con- 
nexion s , was no doubt originally a spirit of holy trees and 
woods, i. e. of wild life generally, who became gradually 
reclaimed and brought into friendly and useful relations with 
the Italian farmer, his wife, and his cattle *. 

This was also the dies natalis of another temple on tho 
Aventine, that of Vortumnus, which was dedicated in B. c. 264 
by the consul M. Fulvius Flaccus \ About the character of 
this god there is fortunately no doubt. Literature here comes 
to our aid, as it too rarely does: Propertius 6 describes him 
elaborately as presiding over gardens and fruit, and Ovid 7 tells 
a picturesque story of his love for Pomona the fruit>goddess, 
'whose antiquity at Home is proved by the fact that she had 
a flamen of her own ". The date, August 1 3, when the fruit 
would be ripe, suits well enough with all we know of Vor- 

The god had a bronze statue in the Vicus Tuscus, and perhaps 
for that reason was believed to have come to Kome from 
Etruria 9 . But his name, like Picumnus, is beyond doubt 
Latin, and may be supposed to indicate the turn or change in 
the year at the fruit-season 10 ; and if he really was an immi- 
grant, which is possible, his original cult in Etruria was not 
Etruscan proper, but old Italian. 

Three other dedications are mentioned in the calendars as 
occurring on Aug. 13: to Hercules invictus ad portam trige- 

1 Plut. Q. R. 100 ; Jevons, Introduction, p. Ixviii. 

2 Frazer, Golden Bough, i. 187. 

3 C. I. L. vi. 656, 658. 

4 Frazer, 0. B. i. 105 : cp. Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semifes, p. 128 
foil. Serv. Qeorg. 3. 332 ' Ut omnis quercus lovi est consecrata, et omnis 
Incus Dianae.' (Hor. Od. i. 21.) The reclaiming of Diana from the woodland 
to the homestead is curiously illustrated by an inscription from Aricia 
(Wilmanns, Exempla, 1767) in which she is identified with Vesta. 

4 Aust, de Aedibus socris, p. 15. 5. (4.) a. 

7 Metaph. 14. 623 foil. ; Preller, i. 451. 

* Varro. L. L. 7. 45. A god Pomonus (gen. Puemones) occurs in the 
Iguvian ritual (Bucheler, Umbrica, 158; who may have been identical with 

' Varro, L. L 5. 46. 

10 Preller, i. 452, and Jordan's note. 


minam ; to Castor and Pollax in circo Flaminio ; and to Flora 
ad circum maximum. Of these cults nothing of special interest 
is known, and the deities are treated of in other parts of this 

xvi KAL. SEPT. (Aua. 17). P. 





Who was Portunus, and why was his festival in August ? 
Why was it at the Pons Aemilius, and where was that bridge ? 
Can any connexion be found between this and the other August 
rites ? These questions cannot 'be answered satisfactorily ; the 
scraps of evidence are too few and too doubtful. We have 
here to do with another ancient deity, who survives in the 
calendars only, and in the solitary record that he had a special 
flamen. This flamen might be a plebeian ', which seems to 
suit with the character of other cults in the district by the' 
Tiber, and may perhaps point to a somewhat later origin than 
that of the most ancient city worships. 

There are but two or three texts which help us to make an 
uncertain guess at the nature of Portunus. Varro 2 wrote 
' Portunalia et Portuno, quoi eo die aedes in portu Tiberino 
facta et feriae institutae.' Mommsen takes the portus here as 
meaning Ostia at the mouth of the Tiber, and imagines a yearly 
procession thither from Borne on this day s . This of course is 
pure hypothesis ; but if, as he insists, portus is rarely or never 
used for a city wharf on a river such as that .at Kome, we may 

1 Festus, 217, s.v. persillum. All we know of his duties is that ho 
'unguit arma Quirini' ; the word for the oil or grease he used was ' per- 
sillum.' Quirinus had his own flamen, who might be supposed to do this 
office for him ; hence Marq. (328 note) inferred that the god in this case 
was a form of Janus, Janus Quirinus. But there is no other sound evi- 
dence for a Janus Quirinus, though Janus and Portunus may be closely 

L. L. 6. 19. 

* C. I. L. 325. He thinks that the atria Tiberina mentioned by Ovid 
(Fasti, 4. 329) were a station on the route of the procession. 


perhaps accept it provisionally ; but in doing so we have to 
yield another point to Mommsen, viz. the identity of Portunus 
and Tiberinus. In the very late calendar of Philocalus this 
day is called Tiberinalia, and from this Mommsen infers the 
identity of the two deities '. 

But it may be that the original Portunus had 110 immediate 
connexion either with river or harbour. We find a curious 
but mutilated note in the Veronese commentary on Virgil - : 
' Portunus, ut Varro ait, deus port'uum porta rumque praeses. 
Quare huius dies festus Portunalia, qua apud veteres claves in 
focum add. . . . mare institutum.' Huschke 3 here conjectured 
'addere et infumare,' and inferred that we should see in 
Portunus the god of the gates and keys which secured the 
stock of corn, &c., in storehouses. Wild as this writer's con- 
jectures usually are, in this case it seems to me possible that 
he has hit the mark. If the words ' claves in focum ' are 
genuine, as they seem to be, we can hardly avoid the conclusion 
that something was done to keys on this day ; perhaps the old 
keys of veiy hard wood were held in the fire to harden them 
afresh 4 . It is worth noting that according to Verrius 5 Portunus 
was supposed 'clavim manu tenere et deus esse portarum.' 
This would suit very well with Jharvest-time, when barns and 
storehouses would be repaired and their gates and fastenings 
looked to more especially as it is not unlikely that the word 
portus originally meant a safe place .of any kind, and only as 
civilization advanced became specially appropriated to harbours 6 . 
This appropriation may have come about through the medium 
of storehouses near the Tiber ; and it was long ago suggested 
by Jordan that these were under the particular care of 
Portunus 7 . 

1 Mommsen has not convinced other scholars, e. g. Jordan on Preller. 
ii. 133, and Marq. 328, who points out that if Volturnus is an old name 
for the Tiber, that river-god was already provided with a flamen (Voltur- 
nalis\ and a festival in this month (see below on Volturnsilia). I am 
disposed to think that Mommsen's critics have the best of the argument. 

On Atn. 5. 241. 

Rom. Jahr, p. 250. Jordan restored the passage thus: 'Quo apud 
ve ores aedes in portu et feriae institutae' (Preller, i. 178 note). 

See Marquardt, PrivataUei-thiimer, p. 226. 

Paul us, 56. 

In Festus, 233, portus is said to have been used for a house in the 
Twelve Tables. 

7 Topogr. i. 430 ; Marq. agrees (327 note). 


If Portunus were really a god of kevs and doors and store- 
houses, it would be natural to look for some close relation 
between him and Janus. But what can be adduced in favour 
of such a relation does not amount to much ] ; and it may have 
been merely by accident that this was the dedication-day of 
a temple of Janus ' ad theatrum Marcelli ' y . 

xiv KAL. SEPT. (Auo. 19). FP. (MAFF. AMIT.) F. 
(ANT. ALLIF.) K*. (VALL. S ) 

FERIAE lovi. (ALLIF.) 


The ' Aedes Veneris ad Circum Maximum ' alluded to in the 
Fasti Vallcnses was dedicated in 295 B. c., and the building 
was begun at the expense of certain matrons who were fined 
for adultery 4 . As has been already explained, no early con- 
nexion can be proved between Venus and wine or the vintage 5 ; 
though both August 19 and April 23, the days of the two 
Vinalia, were dedication-days of temples of the goddess. 

The difficult question of the two festivals called Vinalia has 
been touched upon under April 23, The one in August was 
known as Vinalia Kustica", and might naturally be supposed 
to be concerned with the ripening grapes. It has been con- 
jectured 7 that it was on this day, which one calendar marks as 
a festival of Jupiter, that the Flamen Dialis performed the 
auspicatio vindemiae, i. e. plucked the first grapes, and prayed 
and sacrificed for the safety of the whole crop 8 . If it be 

Preller, i. 177 

It was a late foundation, vowed by C. Duilius in the First Punic War 
(B c. 260). When rebuilt by Tiberius (Tac. Ann. 2. 49) the dedication- 
day became Oct. 18. See Aust, de Aedibus sacris, p. 18. 

See above on April 23, p. 85. 

Livy, 10. 31 ; Aust, de Aedibus sacris, p. 12. 

See above, p. 86. Paulus, 264. 

Preller, i. 196 ; Marq. 333 note. 

Varro, L. L. 6. 16 ' Vinalia a vino ; Hie dies lovis, non Veneris ; luiius 
rei cura non levis in Latio ; nam aliquot locis vindemiae primum a sacer- 
dotibus public ae fiebant, ut Romae etiam mine ; nam flnmen Dialis auspi- 
catur vindemiam, et ut iussit vinum legere, agna lovi facit, inter quoius 
exta caesa et porrecta flamen primus vinum legit.' But this note, coming 
between others on the Cerialia and Bobigalia, clearly refers to April 23, 


argued that August 23 was too early a date for such a rite, 
since the vintage was never earlier than the middle of 
September, we may remember that the Vestal Virgins plucked 
the first ears of corn as early as the first half of May for the 
purpose of making sacred cakes, some weeks before the actual 
harvest '. 

But it is certainly possible that both Vinalia have to do with 
wine, and not with the vintage. Festus says that this day 
was a festival because the new wine was then first brought 
into the city 2 ; and this does not conflict with Varro 3 , who 
tells us that on this day fiunt feriati oUtores for it would 
naturally be a day of rejoicing for the growers. Mommsen, 
with some rrason, refers these passages to the later custom of 
not opening the wine of the last vintage for a year 4 , in which 
case the year must be understood roughly as from October to 
August. He would, in fact, explain this second Vinalia as 
instituted when this later and more luxurious custom arose, the 
old rule of a six months' period surviving in the April cere- 
mony. If we ask why the August Vinalia are called Kustica, 
Mommsen answers that the country growers were now at liberty 
to bring in their wine. 

It is difficult to decide between these conflicting views. 
When an authority like Mommsen bids us beware of connecting 
the Vinalia Rustica with the auspicatio vindemiae, we feel 
that it is at our peril that we differ from him. He is evidently 
quite unable to look upon such a date as August 19 as in any 
way associated with the vintage which followed some weeks 
later. Yet I cannot help thinking that this association is by 
no means impossible ; for the grapes would by this time be 
fully formed on the vines, and the next few weeks would be 
an anxious time for the growers \ Ceremonies like that of the 

and the latter part of it must be taken as simply explaining ' huius rei 
cura non levis' without reference to a particular day. 

1 See above, p. no. * p. 264. 

3 L. L. 6. 20. The passage in 6. 16, quoted above, ends thus : ' In Tus- 
culanis hortis (sortis in MS.) est scriptum : Vinum novum ne vehatur in 
urbem antequam Vinalia calentur,' which may reler to a notice put up in 
the vineyards. Another reading is ' sacr:s.' 

* C. I. L. 316 and 326 ; Varro, R. R. i. 65. 

5 Cf. Pliny, N. H. 18. 284 'Tria namque tempora fructibus metuebant, 
propter quod instituerunt feriasdiesque festos, Robigalia.Floralia, Vinalia.' 
I do not see why the Vinalia here should not be the Vinalia Rustica. 


Auspicatio, intended to avert from crops the perils of storm or 
disease, are known sometimes to take place when the crops are 
still unripe. I have already alluded to the proceedings of the 
Vestals in May. Mr. Frazer, in an Appendix to his Golden 
Bough \ gives a curious instance of this kind from Tonga in the 
Pacific Ocean, where what we may call the auspicatio of the 
Yam-crop took place before the whole crop was fit for gathering. 
It was celebrated 'just before the yams in general are arrived 
at a state of maturity ; those which are used in this ceremony 
being planted sooner than others, and consequently they are 
the firstfruits of the yam season. The object of this offering 
is to ensure the protection of the gods, that their favour may 
be extended to the welfare of the nation generally and in 
particular to the productions of the earth, of which yams are 
the most important.' 

xii KAL. SEPT. (Auo. 21). IP. 


There was a second festival of Consus on Dec. 1 5 ; but the 
note 'Conso in Aventino' there appears three days earlier, 
Dec. 12. The temple on the Aventine was a comparatively 
late foundation 2 ; but as the cult of this old god became 
gradually obscured, it seems to have been confused with the 
most ancient centre of Census-worship, the underground altar 
in the Circus maximus, ' ad primas metas ' 3 . It is with this 
latter that we must connect the two Consualia. What the 
altar was like we do not exactly know ; it was only uncovered 
on the festival days. Dionysius calls it a rfpfvos, Servius 
a 'templum sub tecto'; and Tertullian, who explicitly says 
that it was 'sub terra,' asserts that there was engraved on it 
the following inscription : ' Consus consilio, Mars duello, Lares 
coillo* potentes.' Wissowa remarks that this statement 'is not 

Cp. Virg. Georg. 2. 419 'Et iam maturis metuendus luppiter uvis.' Hart- 
mann, Rom. Kal. 137 foil. 

1 Vol. ii. 379. 3 B. c. 272 (Festus, 209 ; Aust, p. 14). 

3 For this altar, Tertull. Spec*. 5 and 8 ; Dionys. i. 33 ; Tac. Ann. 12. 24 ; 
S*rv. Aen. 8. 636. 

4 No correction of this word seems satisfactory : see Mommsen, C. 1. L. 


free from suspicion ' ; and we may take it as pretty certain that 
if it was really there it was not very ancient. The false 
etymology of Consus, and the connexion of Mars with war, 
both show the hand of some comparatively late interpreter of 
religion ; and the form of the inscription, nominative and 
descriptive, is most suspiciously abnormal. 

For the true etymology of Consus we are, strange to say, 
hardly in doubt ; and it helps us to conjecture the real origin 
of this curious altar. Consus is connected with ' condere ' ', 
and may be interpreted as the god of the stored-up harvest ; 
the buried altar will thus be a reminiscence of the very ancient 
practice sometimes of late suggested as worth reviving for 
hay of storing the corn underground 2 . Or if this practice 
cannot be proved of ancient Italy, we may aptly remember that 
sacrifices to chthonic deities were sometimes buried ; a practice 
which may in earliest times have given rise to the connexion 
of such gods with wealth when agricultural produce rather 
than the precious metals was the common form of wealth 3 . 
Or again we may combine the two interpretations, and guess 
that the corn stored up underground was conceived as in some 
sense sacrificed to the chthonic deities. 

If these views of the altar are correct, we might naturally 
infer that the Consualia in August was a harvest festival of 
some kind. Plutarch 4 asks why at the Consualia horses and 
asses have a holiday and are decked out with flowers ; and such 
a custom would suit excellently with harvest-home. Unluckily 
in the only trace of this custom preserved in the calendars, it 
is attributed to the December festival, and is so mutilated as 
to be useless for detail 5 . 

1 Wissowa, Lex. s. v. Consus, 926. 

" Suggested by Mommsen, C. I. L. 326, and accepted by Wissowa. Un- 
luckily Golumella (i. 6), in alluding to the practice, says nothing of its 
occurrence in Italy. The alternative explanation was suggested to me 
by Robertson Smith (Religion of the Semites, 107) : see also a note in Mtiller- 
Deecke, Etrusker, ii. 100 ; and below on Terminalia (p. 325). 

3 The underground altar f Dis Pater in the Campus Martius, at which 
the ludi saeculares were in part celebrated (Zosimus, a. i), may have had 
a like origin. 

* Qu. Rom. 40 : cf. Dionys. i. 33. 

Fast. Praen. ; C. I. L. 237. 



The amplifications here are Mommsen's, the first two based 
on Plutarch's statement. It is a difficulty, as regards the first, 
that the middle of December would be a bad time for flowers : 
perhaps this did not occur to the great scholar. I would 
suggest that either Verrius' note is here accidentally misplaced, 
or that the lacunae must be filled up differently. In any case 
I do not think we need fear to refer Plutarch's passage to the 
Consualia of August, and therefore to harvest rejoicings on 
that day. 

The connexion of the Consus-cult with horses was so 
obvious as to give rise eventually to the identification of the 
god with Poseidon Hippios. It is certain that there were 
horse-races in the Circus maximus at one of the two Consualia, 
and as Dionysius ' connects them with the day of the Rape of 
the Sabines, which Plutarch puts in August, we may be fairly 
sure that they took place at the August festival. Mules also 
raced according to Festus *, because they were said to be the 
most ancient beasts of burden. This looks like a harvest 
festival, and may carry us back to the most primitive agri- 
cultural society and explain the origin of the Circus maximus ; 
for the only other horse-races known to us from the old calendar 
were those of Mars in the Campus Martius on Feb. 27 and 
March I3 3 . We may suppose that when the work of harvest 
was done, the farmers and labourers enjoyed themselves in 
this way and laid the foundation for a great Roman social 
institution *. 

Once more, it is not impossible that in the legendary con- 
nexion of the Rape of the Sabine women with the Consualia 5 
we may see a reflection of the jollity and license which accom- 
panies the completion of harvest among so many peoples. 

1 a. 31, where lie says that they were kept up in his own day : cf. Strabo, 
Bk. 5. 3. a. a p. 148. 

3 Friedlander in Marq. 482. For the connexion of games with harvest 
see Mannhardt, Myth. Forsch. 172 foil. 

* Varro (ap. Non. p. 13) quotes an old verse which seems to the point 
here : ' Sibi pastores ludo iaciunt coriis connialia.' 

s Varro, Z. L. 6. 20; Serv. Aen. 8. 636; Dionys. 2. 31 ; Cic. Rep. a. 12. 


Eomulus was said to have attracted the Sabines by the first 
celebration of the Consualia. Is it not possible that the meeting 
of neighbouring communities on a festive occasion of this kind 
may have been a favourable opportunity for capturing new 
wives ] ? The sexual license common on such occasions has 
been abundantly illustrated by Mr. Frazer in his Golden 
Bough 2 . 

Before leaving the Consualia we may just remark that 
Consus had no flamen of his own, in spite of his undoubted 
antiquity ; doubtless because his altar was underground, and 
only opened once or perhaps twice a year. On August 21 
his sacrifice was performed, says Tertullian 3 , by the Flamen 
Quirinalis in the presence of the Vestals. This flamen seems 
to have had a special relation to the corn-crops, for it was he 
who also sacrificed a dog to Eobigus on April 25 *, to avert the 
mildew from them; and thus we get one more confirmation 
from the cult of the view taken as to the agricultural origin of 
the Consualia. 

x KAL. SEPT. (Auo. 23). IP. 


(A mutilated fragment of the calendar of the Fratres Arvales 
FEB[AE] IN . . . , [NYMPJHIS (?) IN CAMPO). 

Of the cult of this day, apart from the extracts from the 
calendars, we know nothing, except that the heads of Roman 
families threw into the fire certain small fish with scales, 
which were to be had from the Tiber fishermen at the ' area 
Volcani ' 5 . We cannot explain this ; but it reminds us of 
the fish called vnacna, with magical properties, which the old 

1 See above, p. 178. * Vol. ii. 171 foil., 372 foil. 

' de Spect. 8. * See above, p. 89 ; Ovid, Fasti, 4. 908. 

5 Festus, p. 210, s. v. piscatorii ludi (Varro, L. L. 6 ao\ The latter uses 
the word ' nnimalia,' and does not mention fish. The fish were apparently 
sacrificed at the domestic hearth ; but it is doubtful whether Volcanus 
was ever a deity of the hearth-fire (see Schwegler, R. G. i. 714 ; Wissowa, 
de Feriis, xlv). 



woman offered to Tacita and the ghost-world at the Parentalia 1 . 
Fish-sacrifices were rare ; and if in one rite fish are used to 
propitiate the inhabitants of the underworld, they seem not 
inappropriate in another of which the object is apparently to 
propitiate the fire-god, who in a volcanic countiy like that of 
Eome must surely be a chthonic deity. 

The antiquity of the cult of Volcanus is shown by the fact 
that there was a Flamen Volcanalis 2 , who on May i sacrificed 
to Maia, the equivalent, as we saw, of Bon a Dea, Terra, &c. 
With Volcanus we may remember that Maia was coupled in the 
old prayer formula preserved by Gellius (13.23) Maia Volcani 
From these faint indications Preller * conjectured that the 
original notion of Volcanus was that of a favouring nature- 
spirit, perhaps of the warmth and fertilizing power of the 
earth. However this may be, in later times, under influences 
which can only be guessed at, he became a hostile fire-god, 
hard to keep under control. Of this aspect of him Wissowa 
has written concisely at the conclusion of his little treatise de 
Feriis. He suggests that the appearance of the nymphs* in 
the rites of this day indicates the use of water in conflagrations, 
and that Ops Opifera was perhaps invoked to protect her own 
storehouses. The name Volcanus became a poetical word for 
devouring fire as early as the time of Ennius, and is familiar to 
us in this sense in Virgil 6 . After the great fir at Rome in 
Nero's time a new altar was erected to Volcanus by Domitian, 
at which (and at all Volcanalia) on this day a red calf and a boar 
were offered for sacrifice \ At Ostia the cult became celebrated ; 
there was an ' aedes ' and a ' pontifex Volcani ' and a ' praetor 
sacris Volcani faciundis.' In August the storehouses at Ostia 
would be full of new grain arrived from Sicily, Africa, and 
Egypt, and in that hot month would be especially in danger 
from fire ; an elaborate cult of Volcanus the fire-god was there- 
fore at this place particularly desirable. 

1 See below, p. 309 ; Ovid, Fasti, a 571 foil. 

2 See above on May 23, p. 123 ; Varro, L. L. 5. 84 ; Macrob. i. 12. 18 ; 
C. I. L. vi. 1628. 

s 149- 

* In the mutilated note in Fast. Praen. given above. For Wissowa's 
views as to the mistake of supposing Volcanus to have been a god of smiths, 
bee above, p. 123 (May 23). 

5 Ennius, Fragm. 5. 477 ; Virg. Aen. 5. 662. C. I. L. vi. 826. 


The aedes Volcani in circo Flaminio was dedicated before 
215 B. c. ; the exact date is not known ] . Its position was 
explained by Vitruvius 2 as having the object of keeping con- 
flagrations away from the city. Mr. Jevons, in his Intro- 
duction to a translation of Plutarch's Quacstiones Romanae 3 , 
has argued from this position, outside the pomoerium, and 
from a doubtful etymology, that the cult of Volcanus was 
a foreign introduction ; but the position of the temple is no 
argument, as has been well shown by Aust 4 , and the chief 
area Volcani, or Volcanal, was in the Comitium, in the heart 
of the city 5 . 


This does not appear in the calendars. We learn from 
Festus 6 that on this day, on Oct. 5, and Nov. 8, the ' mundus ' 
was open. This mundus was a round pit on the Palatine, the 
centre of Roma quadrata 7 the concave hollow being perhaps 
supposed to correspond to the concave sky above 8 . It was 
closed, so it was popularly believed, by a ' lapis manalis ' 
(Festus s. v.). When this was removed, on the three days 
there was supposed to be free egress for the denizens of the 
underworld 9 . 

I am much inclined to see in this last idea a later Graeco- 
Etruscan accretion upon a very simple original fact. O. Mtiller 
long ago suggested this pointing out that in Plutarch's 
description of the foundation of Roma quadrata the casting 
into the trench of first-fruits of all necessaries of life gives us 
a clue to the original meaning of the mundus. If we suppose 

Liv. 24. 10. 9. 3 Vitruv. i. 7. i. 

Roman Questions, xviii. * de Aedibus sacris, p. 47 foil. 

What this was we do not really know : there were several of them 
(Preller, ii. 150). 

Fest. 154, from Ateius Capito ; Macrob. i. 16. 17. 

Plut. Rom. ii ; Ovid, Fasti, 4. 821. Plutarch wrongly describes it as 
being in the Comitium. 

* This seems to be meant by Cato's words quoted by Festus, 1. c. ' Mundo 
nomen impositum est ab eo mundo quod supra nos est. . . eius inferiorem 
partem veluti consecratam dis Manibus clausam omni tempore nisi his 
diebus (i. e. the three above mentioned) maiores c[ensuerunt habendam], 
quos dies etiam religiosos iudicaverunt.' 

9 Fest. 128. So Varro, ap. Macrob. i. 16. 18 ' Mundus cum patet, deorum 
tristium atque inferum ianua patet.' Lex. s. v. Dis Pater, 1184; Preller, 
ii. 68. 

r 2 


that it was thepenus of the new city a sacred place, of course 
used for storing grain, we can see why it should be open on 
Aug. 24 \ Nor is it difficult to understand why, when the 
original use and meaning had vanished, the Graeco-Etruscan 
doctrine of the underworld should be engrafted on this simple 
Roman stem. Dis and Proserpina claim the mundus : it is 
' ianua Orci,' 'faux Plutonis' 2 ideas familiar to Eomans who 
had come under the spell of Etruscan religious beliefs. 

vni KAL. SEPT. (Auo. 25). N*. 
OPICID. (PINC.) The last two letters must be a cutter's 

FERIAE OPI ; OPI CONSIV. IN EEGiA. (ARv.) The last four 

words seem to belong to Aug. 26 (see Mommsen ad loc.). 

This festival follows that of Consus after an interval of three 
days; and Wissowa* has pointed out that in December the 
same interval occurs between the Consualia (isth) and the 
Opalia (i9th). This and the epithet or cognomen Consiva, 
which is fully attested 4 , led him to fancy that Ops was the 
wife of Consus, and not the wife of Saturnus, as has been 
generally supposed both in ancient and modern times 8 . We 
may agree with him that there is no real evidence for any 
primitive connexion of Saturnus and Ops of this kind ; as far 
as we can tell the idea was adopted from the relation of Cronos 
and Khea. But there was no need to find any husband for 
Ops ; the name Consiva need imply no such relation, any more 
than Lua Saturni, Moles Martis, Maia Volcani, and the rest 6 , or 
the Tursa lovia of the Iguvian inscription so often quoted. 
Both adjectival and genitive forms are in my view no more 

1 Miiller-Deecke, Etrusker, ii. 100. Plutarch is explicit : avapxai re TTOVTUV, 
offois vofiy n%v us va\ois (\pa>vTo t <f>van J ws dvayKalfus, dirtTtdijaav tvrav&a. 
See above on the Consualia for the practice of burying grain, &c. 

* Macrob. i. 16. 17. For similar ideas in Greece see A. Mommsen, 
Heortologie, 345 foil. 

3 de Perils, vi. 4 Varro, L. L. 6. 21 ; Ftstus, 187. 

* Varro, L. L. 5. 57 and 64 ; Festus, 186 ; Macrob. i. 10. 19. So Preller, 
ii. 20. The keen-sighted Ambrosch had, I think, a doubt about it (Studien, 
149), and about the conjugal tie generally among Italian deities. See his 
note on p. 149. 

* Gell. 13. 23. Ops Toitesia (if the reading be right) of the Esquiline vase 
(Jordan in Preller, ii. 22) may be a combination of this kind (toitesia, conn, 
tutus ?J : cf. Ops opifera. 


than examples of the old Italian instinct for covering as much 
ground as possible in invoking supernatural powers 1 ; and 
this is again a result of the indistinctness with which those 
powers were conceived, in regard both to their nature and 
function. A distinct specialization of function was, I am 
convinced, the later work of the pontifices. Ops and Consus 
are obviously closely related ; and Wissowa is probably right 
in treating the one as a deity 'messis condendae,'and the other 
as representing the ' opima frugum copia quae horreis conditur.' 
But when he goes further than this, his arguments ring 
hollow 2 . 

Of the ritual of the Opiconsivia we know only what Varro 
tells us 3 : ' Opeconsiva dies ab dea Ope Consiva, quoius in Kegia 
sacrarium, quod ideo actum (so MSS.) ut eo praeter Virgines 
Vestales et sacerdotem publicum introeat nemo.' Many con- 
jectures have been made for the correction of ' quod ideo 
actum ' 4 ; but the real value of the passage does not depend on 
these words. The Kegia is the king's house, and represents 
that of the ancient head of the family : the sacrarium Opis was 
surely then the sacred pcnus of that house the treasury of the 
fruits of the earth on which the family subsisted. It suits 
admirably with this view that, as Varro says, only the Vestals 
and a 'publicus sacerdos ' were allowed to enter it i. e. the 
form was retained from remote antiquity that the daughters of 
the house were in charge of it 5 the master of the house being 
here represented by the sacerdos the rex sacrorum or a 
pontifex. In this connexion it is worth while to quote 
a passage of Columella 6 which seems to be derived from some 
ancient practice of the rural household : ' Ne contractentur 
pocula vel cibi nisi aut ab impube aut certe abstinentissimo 
rebus venereis, quibus si fuerit operatus vel vir vel femina 

1 Wissowa himself goes so far as to say that male and female divinities 
were joined together ' non per iustum matrimonium sed ex officioruui 
adfinitate,' op. cit. vi. 

2 Op. cit. vii. ; Mommsen, C. I. L. 327 declines to follow him here. 

3 L. L. 6. 20. The MSS. read Ope Consiva : so Mommsen in C. L L. 327. 
Wissowa adopts the other form. 

1 See Mommsen, 1. c., and Marquardt, 212. 

* See on Vestalia above, p. 147, and Marq. 251. 

' Colum. 12 4. Cited in De-Marchi, II Culto private di Roma Antica (Milan, 
i8g6\ p. 56. See my paper in Classical Review for Oct. 1896: vol. x. 
p. 317 foil. 


debere eos flumine aut perenni aqua priusquam penora con- 
tingant ablui. Propter quod his necessarium esse pueri vel 
virginis ministerium, per quos promantur quae usus postula- 

vi KAL. SEPT. (Auo. 27). JP. 


Of this very ancient and perhaps obsolete rite nothing seems 
to have been known to the later Latin scholars, or they did 
not think it worth comment. Varro mentions a Flamen 
Volturnalis, but tells us nothing about him. From the occur- 
rence of the name for a river in Campania it may be guessed 
that the god in this case was a river also ; and if so, it must 
be the Tiber. This is Mommsen's conclusion, and the only 
difficulty he finds in it is that (in his view) Portunus is also the 
Tiber '. Why did he not see that the same river-god, even if 
bearing different names, could hardly have two flamines? 
I am content to see in Volturnus an old name for the Tiber, 
signifying the winding snake-like river 2 , and in Portunus 
a god of storehouses, as I have explained above. 

Here, then, we perhaps have a trace of the lost cult of the 
Tiber, which assuredly must have existed in the earliest times 
and the flamen is the proof of its permanent importance. 
When the name was changed to Tiber we do not know, nor 
whether ' Albula ' marks an intermediate stage between the 
two ; but that this was the work of the pontifices seems likely 
from Servius 3 , who writes ' Tiberinus ... a pontificibus in- 
digitari solet.' Of a god Tiberinus there is no single early 

It should just be mentioned that Jordan 4 , relying on 
Lucretius, 5. 745, thought it probable that Volturnus might 
be a god of whirlwinds ; and Huschke 5 has an even wilder 
suggestion, which need not here be mentioned. 

1 C. 1. L. 327. * Preller, ii. 142. * Aen. 8. 330. 

4 In Preller, ii. 143. la the passage of Lucretius Volturnus is coupled 
with Auster : ' Inde aliae tempestates ventique secuntur, Altitonam Vol- 
turnus et Auster fulmine pollens.' Columella (ii. 2. 65) says that some 
people use the name lor the east wind (cp. Liv. 22. 43). 

8 Rom. Jahr, 251. 


THE Calendar of this month is almost a blank. Only the 
Kalends, Nones and Ides are marked in the large letters with 
which we have become familiar ; no other festival is here 
associated with a special deity. But the greater part of the 
month is occupied with the ludi Komani (sth to igih) 1 , and 
the 1 3th (Ides), as we know from two Calendars, was not 
only, like all Ides, sacred to Jupiter, but was distinguished 
as the day of the famous 'epulum Jovis,' and also as the dies 
natalis of the great Capitoline temple. 

The explanation of the absence of great festivals in this 
month is comparatively simple. September was for the 
Italian farmer, and therefore for the primitive Koman agri- 
cultural community, a period of comparative rest from urgent 
labour and from religious duties ; for no operations were then 
going on which called for the invocation of special deities to 
favour and protect. A glance at the rustic calendars will 
show this well enough 2 . The messes which figure in July and 
August have come to an end, and the vintage does not appear 
until October. There is of course work to be done, as always, 
but it is the easy work of the garden and orchard. ' Dolia 
picantur: poma legunt: arborum oblaqueatio.' Varro, who 
divides the year for agricultural purposes into eight irregular 
periods, has little to say of the fifth of these, i. e. that which 
preceded the autumn equinox. ' Quinto intervallo inter cani- 

1 This represents the length which the ludi had attained in Cicero's 
time (Verr. i. 10. 31). September 4 was probably added after Caesar's 
death (Mommsen in C. /. L. 328;. 

a C. /. L. 281. 


culam et aequinoctium autumnale oportet stramenta desecari, 
et acervos construi, aratro offringi, frondem caedi, prata irrigua 
iterum secari 1 .' 

This was also the time when military work would be coming 
to an end. In early times there were of course no lengthy 
campaigns ; and such fighting as there was, the object of which 
would be to destroy your enemies' crops and harvest, would 
as a rule be over in August. Even in later times, 'when cam- 
paigns were longer, the same would usually be the case ; and 
the performance of vows made by the generals in the field, 
and also their vacation of office, would naturally fall in this 
month. We find, in fact, that the ludi which occupied so 
large a number of September days, had their origin in the 
performance of the vota of kings or consuls after the close of 
the wars 2 ; and we have evidence that the Ides of September 
was the day on which the earliest consuls laid down their 
office 3 . There was, in fact, every opportunity for a lengthened 
time of ease ; the people were at leisure and in good temper 
after harvest and victory ; even the horses which took part in 
the games were home from war service or resting from their 
labours on the farm 4 . 

It is not strictly within the scope of this work to describe 
the ludi Romani, which in their fully organized form were of 
comparatively late date ; but their close connexion with the 
cult of Jupiter affords an opportunity for some remarks on 
that most imposing of all the Roman worships. 

The ludi Romani came in course of time, as has been said 
above, to extend from the 5th to the I9th ; they spread out in 
fact on each side of the Ides s , the day on which took place the 
' epulum Jovis ' in the Capitoline temple. As this day was also 

1 R. R. i. 33. 

2 See Mommsen's masterly essay in his R&mische Forschungen, vol. ii. 
p. 42 foil. Aust, in Myth. Lex. s.v. luppiter, 732. 

3 Mommsen, Rom. Chronol. 86 foil. 

4 The ' equorum probatio,' preliminary to the races in the circus, took 
place on the day after the Ides : see above, p. 27. 

5 Mommsen (C. I. L. 328, and Rom. Forsch. ii. 43 foil.) points out that 
the real centre-point and original day of the ludi proper was the day of the 
great procession (pompa) from the Capitol to the Circus maximus ; and 
that this was probably the isth, two days after the epulum, because 
the i4th, being postriduanus, was unlucky, and that day was also occupied 
by the 'equorum probatio.' ^See Fasti Sab., Maff., Vail., Amit. and Antiat.) 


the dies natalis of the same temple, and that on which the nail 
was driven into the wall of the cella Jovis a , we have a very 
close connexion between the ludi and the cult of Jupiter. The 
link is to be found in the fact that in the ludi votivi, which 
were developed into ludi Romani, the vows were made and 
paid to the supreme god of the State 2 . We have from a later 
time the formula of such a vow preserved by Livy '. 'Si 
duellum quod cum rege Antiocho sumi populus iussit id ex 
sententia senatus populique Eomani confectum erit, turn tibi, 
luppiter, populus Romanus ludos magnos dies decem continues 
faciet, donaque ad omnia pulvinaria dabuntur de pecunia, 
quantam senatus decreverit: quisquis magistratus eos ludos 
quando ubique faxit, hi ludi recte facti donaque data recte 

The epulum Jovis, thus occurring in the middle of the ludi, 
is believed by some writers to have originally belonged to 
the Idea of November and to the ludi plebeii, as it does not 
happen to be alluded to by Livy in connexion with the ludi 
Komani, and our first notice of it in September is in the 
Augustan calendars 4 . But it is surely earlier than B.C. 
230, the received date of the ludi plebeii, and of the circus 
Flaminius in which they took place. We may agree with the 
latest investigator of the Jupiter-cult that the origin of the 
epulum is to be looked for in a form of thanksgiving to 
Jupiter for the preservation of the state from the perils of the 
war season, and that no better day could be found for it than 
the foundation- day of the Capitoline temple 8 . This epulum 
was one of the most singular and striking scenes in Roman 
public life. It began with a sacrifice ; the victim is not 
mentioned, but was no doubt a heifer, and probably a white 

1 See below, p. 234. For the dies natalis, see Aust, in. Lex. s.v. luppiter, 
p. 707 ; Plutarch, Poplic. 14. 

2 Mommsen, Rom. Forseh. 1. c. 

8 Livy, 36. 2. 3. The passage refers to ludi magni, i. e. special votive 
games, vowed after the fixed organization of the ludi Romani ; but it is 
none the less illustrative of the latter, as they originated in votive games. 

* So Marq. 349 and note ; Mommsen in C. I. L. 329, 335. I follow 
Aust, Lex. s. v. luppiter, 732^ The ' epulum Minervae ' of the rustic 
calendars is but slender evidence for an ancient and special connexion 
of the goddess with this day ; but Mommsen thinks that the epulum 
'magis Minervae quam lovis fuisse.* 

s Aust, 1. c. 


one 1 . Then took place the epulum proper 2 , which the three 
deities of the Capitol seem to have shared in visible form with 
the magistrates and senate. The images of the gods were 
decked out as for a feast, and the face of Jupiter painted red 
with minium, like that of the triumphator. Jupiter had 
a couch, and Juno and Minerva each a sella, and the meal 
went on in their presence \ 

Now an investigator of the Roman religious system is here 
confronted with a difficult problem. Was this simply a Greek 
practice like that of the lectisternium, and one which began 
with the Etruscan dynasty and the foundation of the Capitoline 
temple with its triad of deities ? Or is it possible that in the 
cult of the Roman Jupiter there was of old a common feast of 
some kind, shared by gods and worshippers, on which this 
gorgeous ritual was eventually grafted ? 

Marquardt has gone so far as to separate the epulum Jovis 
altogether from the lectisternia, and apparently also from the 
inundation of Greek influence 4 . It answers rather, he says, 
to such domestic rites as the offering to Jupiter Dapalis 
described thus by Cato in the De Re Eustica 5 : ' Dapem hoc 
modo fieri oportet. lovi dapali culignam vini quantum vis 
polluceto. Eo die feriae bubus et bubulcis, et qui dapem 
facient. Cum pollucere oportebit, sic facies. lupiter dapalis, 
quod tibi fieri oportet, in domo familia mea culignam vini 
dapi, eius rei ergo macte hac illace dape pollucenda esto. 
Manus interluito. Postea vinum sumito. lupiter dapalis, 
macte istace dape pollucenda esto. Macte vino inferio esto. 
Vestae, si voles, dato 6 . Daps lovi assaria pecuina, urna vini 
lovis caste.' 

1 Aust, Lex. B. v. luppiter, 670, 735. 

4 In Capitolio (Gellius, 12. 8. a ; Liv. 38. 57 5). For the collegium of 
epulones, which from 196 B.C. had charge of this and other public feasts, 
see Marq. 347 foil. 

3 Val. Max. 2. i. a ; Plin. N. H. 33. in ; Aust, 1. c. ; Preller, i. 120. 

4 Marq. 348. 

8 B. R. 132. Festus (68) explains daps as ' res divina quae fiebat aut 
hibernu semente aut verna,' and Cato directs the farmer to begin to sow 
after the ceremony he describes. I do not clearly understand whether 
Marquardt intended also to connect the epulum Jovis of Nov. 13 with the 
autumn sowing. 

8 I am unable to offer any explanation of these words, though half 
inclined to suspect that Vesta was the original deity of this rite of the 
farm, and that Jupiter and the wine-offering are later intrusions. 


I confess that I do not see wherein lies the point of the 
comparison of this passage with the ceremony of the epulum ; 
and Marquardt himself does not attempt to elaborate it. There 
is no mention here of a visible presence of Jupiter in the form 
of an image, which is the one striking feature of the epulum. 
Marquardt, as it seems to me, might better have adduced some 
example from old Italian usage of the belief that the gods were 
spiritually present at a common religious meal a belief on 
which might easily be engrafted the practice of presenting 
them there in actual iconic form. Ovid, for example, writes 
thus of the cult of the Sabine Vacuna ' : 

Ante focos dlim scamnis considere longis 

Mos erafc, et mensae credere adesse decs. 
Nunc quoque cum fiunt antiquae sacra Vacunae, 

Ante Vacunales stantque sedentque focos. 

Or again in the sacra of the curiae, if Dionysius reports them 
rightly 2 , we find a clear case of a common meal in which the 
gods took part. He tells us that he saw tables in the ' sacred 
houses ' of the curiae spread for the gods with simple food in 
very primitive earthenware dishes. He does not mention the 
presence of any images of the gods, but it is probable from his 
interesting description that each curia partook with its gods of 
a common meal of a religious character, and one not likely to 
have come under Greek influence 3 . 

This last example may suggest a hypothesis which is at 
least not likely to do any serious harm. Let it be remembered 
that each curia was a constituent part of the whole Roman 
community. We might naturally expect to find a common 
religious meal of the same kind in which the whole state took 
part through its magistrates and senate. This is just what we 
do find in the epulum Jovis, though the character of its cere- 
monial is different ; and it is certainly possible that this 
epulum had its origin in a feast like that which Dionysius 
saw, but one which afterwards underwent vital changes at the 

1 Fasti, 6. 307. For Vacuna see Preller, i. 408. 

* Bk. a. 23 (cp. a. 50) ; Marq. 195 foil. For a comparison of Greek and 
Roman usage of this kind see de Coulanges, La Cite antique, p. 132 foil. 

3 He compares this common meal with those of the irpvravtia of Greek 
cities, and also with the </><5ma at Sparta. But it is most unlikely that 
the practice of the curiae should have had any but a native origin. 


hands of the Etruscan dynasty of Roman kings. I am strongly 
inclined to believe that it was under the influence of these 
kings that the meal came to take place on the Capitol, and in 
the temple of Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva, which they intended 
to be the new centre of the Roman dominion l ; and to them 
also I would ascribe the presence at the feast of the three 
deities in iconic form. It may be that before that critical era 
in Roman history the epulum took place not on the Capitol 
but in the Regia, which with the temple of Vesta hard by 
formed the oldest centre of the united Rome ; and that the 
presence of Jupiter * or any other god was there a matter of 
belief, like that of Vacuna with the Sabines, and not of the 
actual evidence of eyesight. 

But this conjecture is a somewhat bold one ; and it seems 
worth while to take this opportunity of examining more 
closely into the cult of Jupiter, with the object of determining 
whether the great god was apt, in any part of Italy but 
Etruria, to lend himself easily to anthropomorphic ideas and 
practices 3 . 

The cult of Jupiter is found throughout Italy under several 
forms of the same name, with or without the suffix -piter 
= pater, which, so far as we can, guess, points to a conception 
of the god as protector, if not originator, of a stock. This 
paternal title, which was applied to other deities also, does not 
necessarily imply an early advance beyond the ' daemonistic ' 
conception of divine beings ; it rather suggests that some one 
such being had been brought into peculiarly close relations 
with a particular stock, and does no more than indicate 
a possibility of further individual development in the future '. 

1 See cap. 7 of Ambrosch's Studien ; and cp. cap. i on the Regia as the 
older centre. 

a I may relegate to a footnote the further conjecture that the original 
deity of the epulum was Vesta. We know that this Sept. 13 was one of 
the three days on which the Vestals prepared the mola salsa (Serv. Eel. 
8. 32). We cannot connect this mola salsa with the cult of Jupiter on this 
day, for the Vestals have no direct connexion with that cult at any period 
of the year ; but it is possible that it was a survival from the time when 
the common meal took place in the Regia. 

3 See Aust's admirable and exhaustive article on Jupiter in Reseller's 

4 Robertson Smith (Religion of the Semites, 42 foil.) seems to trace the idea 
back to an actual physical fatherhood. Mr. Farnell, on the other hand 
(Cu.'te ofilie Greek States, i. 49), believes that in the case of Zeus it expresses 


The ' father ' in this case has no wife, though we find the word 
'mater' applied to goddesses 1 ; Juno is undoubtedly the 
female principle, but she is not, as has so often been imagined, 
the wife of Jupiter. The attempt to prove this by arguing 
from the Flamen Dialis and his wife the Flaminica cannot 
succeed : the former was the priest of Jupiter, but his wife 
was not the priestess of Juno 2 . There is indeed a certain 
mysterious dualism of male and female among the old Italian 
divinities, as we know from the locus classicus in Gellius 
(N, A. 13. 23. 2); but we are not entitled to say that the 
relation was a conjugal one 3 . 

Before we proceed to examine traces of the oldest Jupiter in 
Rome and Latium let us see what survivals are to be found in 
other parts of Italy. 

In Umbria we find Jovis holding the first place among the 
gods of the great inscription of Iguvium, which beyond doubt 
retains the primitive features of the cult, though it dates 
probably from the last century B. c. , and records rites which 
indicate a fully developed city-life 4 . His cult-titles here are 
Grabovius, of which the meaning is still uncertain, and Sancius. 
which brings him into connexion with the Semo Sancus and 
Dius Fidius of the Romans. The sacrifices and prayers are 
elaborately recorded, but there is no trace in the ritual of 
anything approaching to an anthropomorphic conception 
of the god, unless it be the apparent mention of a temple h . 
No image is mentioned, and there is no sign of a common 
meal. The titles of the deities too have the common old- 
Italian fluidity, i.e. the same title belongs to more than one 
deity 6 . Everything points to a stage of religious thought in 
which the personality of gods had no distinct place. The 

' rather a moral or spiritual idea than any real theological belief concern- 
ing physical or human origins.' In Italy, I think, the suffix pater 
indicates a' special connexion with a particular stock, and one rather of 
guardianship ttian of actual fatherhood. See above on Neptunalia. 

' See Jordan's note on Preller, i. 56. 

1 See my paper in Classical Review, vol. ix. 474 foil. 

3 Wissowa, de Feriis, p. 6, in the true spirit of Italian worship, concludes 
that it was ' non per iustum matrimonium, sed ex officiorum affinitate.' 

* Biicheler, Umbrica ; Brenl, Les Tables Eugubines. 

5 Tab. i B. ^Biichtler, p. a, takes it as a temple or sacellum of Juno'. 

6 Grabovius is an epithet of Mars ; Sancius of Fisius ; Jovius or Juviua 
of more than one deity. 


centre-point of the cult seems to be a hill, the ocris fisius, 
within the town of Iguvium, which reminds us of the habits 
of the Greek Zeus and the physical or elemental character 
unanthropomorphized which seems to belong to that earlier 
stage in his worship *. 

It is on a hill also that we find the cult among the 
Sabellians. An inscription from Kapino in the land of the 
Marrucini tells us of a festal procession in honour of 'lovia 
loves patres ocris Tarincris,' Le. Jovia (Juno?) belonging to 
the Jupiter of the hill Tarincris 2 . 

Among the Oscan peoples the cult-title Lucetius is the most 
striking fact. Servius 3 says : ' Sane lingua Osca Lucetius est 
luppiter dictus a luce quam praestare hominibus dicitur.' 
The same title is found in the hymn of the Roman Salii 4 , 
and is evidently connected with lux; Jupiter being beyond 
doubt the giver of light, whether that of sun or moon. So 
Macrobius 6 : l Nam cum lovem accipiamus lucis auctorem, 
unde et Lucetium Salii in carminibus canunt et Cretenses Am 
rrjf rffiepav vocant, ipsi quoque Eomani Diespitrem appellant ut 
diei patrem. lure hie dies lovis fiducia vocatur, cuius lux 
non finitur cum solis occasu, sed splendorem diei et noctem 
continuat inlustrante luna, ' &c. The Ides of all months, i. e. 
the days of full moon, were sacred to Jupiter. But in all 
ceremonies known to us in which the god appears in this 
capacity of his, there is, as we might expect, no trace whatever 
of a personal or anthropomorphic conception. 

The Etruscan Tina, or Tinia, is now generally identified, 
even etymologically, with Jupiter 6 . The attributes of the 
two are essentially the same, though one particular side of 
the Etruscan god's activity, that of the lightning-wielder, is 
specially developed. But Tina is also the protector of cities, 
along with Juno and Minerva (Cupra and Menvra) ; and it is 
in connexion with this function of his that we first meet 
with a decided tendency towards an anthropomorphic con- 

1 Farnell, op. cit. i. 50 and notes. 

4 Mommsen, Unieritalische Dialekten, 341 ; Lex. 637. The Jupiter Cacunus 
of C. I. L. 6. 37 1 and 9. 4876 also points to high places, and there are other 

3 Aen. 9. 567. * Wordsworth, Fragments and Specimens, p. 564. 

* Sat. i. 15. 14. 

' Deecke, Etruakische Forschungen, iv. 79 foil. 


ception. Even here, however, the stimulus can hardly be said 
to have come from Italy. 'The one fact,' says Aust 1 , 'which 
is at present quite clear is that the oldest Etruscan repre- 
sentations of gods can be traced back to Greek models. Tinia 
was completely identified in costume and attributes with the 
Greek Zeus by Etruscan artists.' The insignia of Etruscan 
magistrates were again copied from these, and have survived 
for us in the costume of the Koman triumphator a , and in part 
in the insignia of the curule magistrate, i e. in sceptrum, sella, 
toga palmata, &c., and in the smearing of the face of the 
triumphator with minium. 

Coming nearer to Rome we find at Falerii, a town subject to 
Roman and Sabellian as well as Graeco-Etruscan influence, the 
curious rite of the If pas ydnos described by Ovid (A mores, 
3. 13), and found also in many parts of Greece 8 . In this 
elaborate procession Juno is apparently the bride, but the 
bridegroom is not mentioned; At Argos, Zeus was the bride- 
groom, and the inference is an obvious one that Jupiter was 
the bridegroom at Falerii. But this cannot be proved, and is 
in fact supported by no real evidence as to the old-Italian 
relation of the god and goddess. The rite is extremely 
interesting as pointing to what seems to be an early pene- 
tration of Greek religious ideas and practices into the towns 
of Western Italy ; but it has no other bearing on the Jupiter- 
question, nor are we enlightened by the little else we know of 
the Falerian Jupiter *. 

But at Praeneste, that remarkable town perched high upon 
the hills which enclose the Latin Campagna to the north, we 
find a very remarkable form of the Jupiter-cult, and one 
which must be mentioned here, puzzling and even inexplicable 
as it certainly is. The great goddess of Praeneste was Fortuna 
Primigenia a cult-title which cannot well mean anything but 
first-born R ; and that she was, or came to be thought of as, the 
first-born daughter of Jupiter is placed beyond a doubt by an 

1 Lex. s. v. luppiter, p. 634. 

* Servius Ed. 10. 27 ; Diet, of Antiquities fed. a\ s.v. Triumphus. 

3 Farnell, i. 184 foil. See also Dion. Hal. i. ai. a ; Deecke, Die Falisker, 
p. 88 ; Lex. s.v. Juno, 591 ; Roscher, Jvno und Hera, 76. 

* Lex. 643. 

s H. Jordan, Symbolae ad historiam reltgionum Italicarum alterae. K6nigsberg, 


inscription of great antiquity first published in 1882 '. But 
this is not the only anomaly in the Jupiter- worship of 
Praeneste. There was another cult of Fortuna, distinct, 
apparently, from that of Fortuna Primigenia, in which she 
took the form not of a daughter but of a mother, and, strange 
as it may seem, of the mother both of Jupiter and Juno. On 
this point we have the explicit evidence of Cicero (de Divina- 
tione, 2. 85), who says, when speaking of the place where the 
famous 'sortes' of Praeneste were first found by a certain 
Numerius Suffustius : ' Is est hodie locus saeptus religiose 
propter lovis pueri (sacellum?) qui lactens cum lunone Fortunae 
in gremio sedens, castissime colitur a matribus.' Thus we 
have Fortuna worshipped in the same place as the daughter 
and as the mother of Jupiter ; and nowhere else in Italy can 
we find a trace of a similar conception of the relations either 
of these or any other deities. We cannot well reject the 
evidence of Cicero, utterly unsupported though it be : we 
must face the difficulty that we have here to account for the 
occurrence of a Jupiter who is the child of Fortuna and also 
apparently the brother of Juno, as well as of a Jupiter who is 
the father of Fortuna. 

As regards this last feature, the fatherhood of Jupiter, 
Jordan says emphatically " and no scholar was more careful in 
his judgements that in the whole range of Italian religions 
' libeiorum procreatio nulla est unquam ' : and ho would 
understand 'filia' in the inscription quoted above in a meta- 
phorical rather than a physical sense. Yet however we 
choose to think of it, Mommsen is justified in remarking 3 on 
the peculiarly anthropomorphic idea of Fortuna (and we may 
add of Jupiter) at which the Latins of Praeneste must have 
arrived, in comparison with the character of Italian religion 

1 ' Orceria Numeri nationu cratia Fortuna Diovo filei primocenia 
donom dedi ' (C. I. L. xiv. 2863). There are later inscriptions in which 
she appears as ' lovis (or lovi) puero,' in the sense of female child (C. I.L. 
xiv. 2862, 2868). The subject is discussed by Mommsen in Hermes for 
1884, p. 455, and by Jordan op. cit. See also Lex. s. v. Fortuna, 1542 foil., 
and s. v. luppiter, 648. 

" Symbolue, i. p. 8, and cp. 12. For the apparent parallel in the myth of 
the birth of Mars see on March i. 

s Hermes, 1884, p. 455 foil. 


Even more singular than this is the sonship of Jupiter and 
the fact that he appeared together with Juno in the lap of 
Fortuna 'mammae appetens.' Cicero's language leaves no 
doubt that there was some work of art at Praeneste in which 
the three were so represented, or believed to be represented. 
Yet there are considerations which may suggest that we should 
hesitate before hastily concluding that all this is a genuine 
Italian development of genuine Italian ideas. 

1. Italy presents us with no real parallel to this child- 
Jupiter, though in Greece we find many. Jordan has mentioned 
three possible Italian parallels, but rejected them all: Caeculus 
Volcani, the legendary founder of Praeneste, Hercules bullatus, 
and the beardless Veiovis. The attributes of the last-named 
are explained by a late identification with Apollo * ; Hercules 
bullatus is undoubtedly Greek : the story of the birth of 
Caeculus is a foundation-legend, truly Italian in character, but 
belonging to a different class of religious ideas from that 
we are discussing. To these we may add that the boy-Mars 
found on a Praenestine cista is clearly of Etruscan origin, 
as is shown by Deecke in the Lexicon, s. v. Maris. 

2. Cicero's statement is not confirmed by any inscription 
from Praeneste. Those which were formerly thought to refer 
to lupiter Piter" 2 are now proved to belong to Fortuna as 
lovis puer ( = filia}. It is most singular that Fortuna should 
be thus styled lovis puer in th same place where Jupiter 
himself was worshipped as puer; still more so that in one 
inscription (2868) the cutter should have dropped out the 
's' in lovis, so that we actually read lovi pucro. It may 
seem tempting to guess that the name Jupiter Puer arose 
from a misunderstanding of the word puer as applied to 
Fortuna : but the evidence as it stands supplies no safe ground 
for this. 

3. The fact that Cicero describes a statue is itself suspicious, 
in the absence of corroborative evidence of any other kind 3 : 

1 Gellius, N. A. 5. 12 ; Ovid, Fasti, 3. 429 foil. ; and see above on May 21. 
For Hercules, Jordan 1. c. and his note on Preller, ii. 298. For Caeculus, 
Wissowa, in Lex. a. v. a C. I. L. xiv. 2862 and 2868. 

3 The trio, signa of Liv. 23. 19, placed ' in aede Fortunae ' by M. Anicius 
after his escape from Hannibal, with a dedication, may possibly have been 
those of Fortuna and the two babes (Preller, ii. 192, note i) : but this is 
very doubtful. 


for it suggests that the cult may have arisen, and have taken 
its peculiar form, as a result of the introduction of Greek 
or Graeco-Etruscan works of art. In Praeneste itself, and 
in other parts of Latium and of Campania, innumerable terra- 
cottas have been found l , of the type of the Greek KovporpoQos, 
i. e. a mother, sitting or standing, with a child, and occasionally 
two children 2 in her lap. These may, indeed, be simply 
votive offerings, to Fortuna and other deities of childbirth : 
but such objects may quite well have served as the foundation 
from which the idea of Fortuna and her infants arose. There 
is a passage in Servius which seems to me to show a trace of 
a similar confusion elsewhere in this region of Italy. ' Circa 
hunc tractum Campaniae colebatur pucr luppitcr qui Anxyrus 
dicebatur quasi avev vpov, id est sine novacula : quia barbam 
nunquam rasisset : et luno virgo quae Feronia dicebatur V 
True, the Jupiter of Anxur is a boy or youth 4 , not an infant : 
but the passage serves well to show the fluidity of Italian 
deities, at any rate in regard to the names attached to them. 
That this pucr Iiippiter was originally some other deity, 
and very possibly a Greek one, I have little doubt : while 
Juno Virgo, Feronia, Fortuna, Proserpina, all seem to slide 
into each other in a way which is very bewildering to the 
investigator 5 . This is no doubt owing to two chief causes 
the daemonistic character of the early Italian religion, in 
which many of the spiritual conceptions were even unnamed ; 
and, secondly, the confusion which arose when Greek artistic 
types were first introduced into Italy. Two currents of 
religious thought met at this point, perhaps in the eighth 
and following centuries B. c. ; and the result was a whirlpool, 
in which the deities were tossed about, lost such shape as 
they possessed, or got inextricably entangled with each other. 
The French student of Praenestine antiquities writes with 
reason of 'the negligence with which the Praenestine artists 

1 Jordan, Symtolae, 10 ; Lex. s. v. Fortunae, 1543 ; Fernique, fitude sur 
Preneste, 78. 

2 Gerhard, Antike Bilduxrke, Tab. iv. no. i, gives an example : the children 
here, however, are not babes, and the mother has her arms round their 
necks. It seems more to resemble the types of Leto with Apollo and 
Artemis as infants (Lex. a. v. Leto, 1973), as Prof. Gardner suggests to me. 

3 Ad Aen. 7. 799. t * Lex. s. v. Iiippiter, 640. 
* See Fernique, Etude sur Preneste, pp. 79-81. 


placed the names of divinities and heroes on designs borrowed 
from Greek models, and often representing a subject which 
they did not understand 1 .' 

4. And lastly, there is no doubt that Praeneste, in spite 
of its lofty position on the hills, was at an early stage of its 
existence subject to foreign influences, like so many other 
towns on or near the western coast of central Italy. This 
has been made certain by works of art found in its oldest 
tombs 2 . Whether these objects came from Greece, Phoenicia, 
Carthage, or Etruria, the story they tell is for us the same, 
and may well make us careful in accepting a statement like 
that of Cicero's without some hesitation. There was even 
a Greek foundation-legend of Praeneste, as well as the pure 
Italian one of Caeculus 3 . Evidence is slowly gathering which 
points to a certain basis of fact in these foundation-stories 
of fact, at least, in so far as they seem to indicate that the 
transformation of the early Italian community into a city 
and a centre of civilization was coincident with the era of 
the introduction of foreign trade. 

While, then, we cannot hope as yet to account for the 
singular anomaly in the Jupiter- cult, which is presented to 
us at Praeneste, we may at least hesitate to make use of it 
in answering the main question with which we set out viz. 
how far we can find in the cult of the genuine Italian Jupiter 
any tendency towards an anthropomorphic conception of the 
god. Before we return to Rome a word is needed about the 
Latin Jupiter. The Latin festival has already been described 4 : 
it will be sufficient here to point out that none of its features 
show any advance towards an anthropomorphic conception of 
Jupiter Latiaris. The god here is of the same type as at 
Iguvium, one whose sanctuary whatever it may originally 
have been is in a grove on a hill-top 5 , the conspicuous 
religious centre of the whole Latin stock inhabiting the plain 
below. Of this stock he is the uniting and protecting deity ; 

1 Fernique, op. cit. p. 79. 

* Fernique, 139 foil. Wissowa writes of Praeneste as 'a special point 
of connexion between Latin and Etruscan culture ' (Lex. s. v. Mercurius, 

3 Plutarch, Parallela, 41. 4 See at end of April, p. 95. 

'" Liv. i. 31. 3 ' visi etiam audire vocem ingentem ex summi cacuminis 
luco, ut patrio ritu sacra Albani facerent.' 


and when once a year his sacred victim is slain, after offerings 
have been made to him by the representatives of each member 
of the league, it is essential that each should also receive (and 
probably consume through its deputies) a portion of the sacri- 
ficial flesh (carnem petere). This, the main feature, and other 
details of the ritual, point to a survival from a very early stage 
of religious culture, and one that we may fairly call aniconic. 
The victim, a white heifer, the absence of wine in the libations, 
and the mention of milk and cheese among the offerings, all 
suggest an origin in the pastoral age ; and it would seem 
that foreign ideas never really penetrated into this worship of 
a pastoral race. The objects that have been found during 
excavations near the site of the ancient temple * show that, 
as in the worship of the Fratres Arvales and in that of the 
curia, so here, the most antique type of sacred vessels remained 
in use. Undoubtedly there was in later times a temple, and 
also a statue of the god z : and it is just possible that, as 
Niebuhr supposed 3 , these were the goal of an ancient Alban 
triumphal procession, older than the later magnificent rite of 
the Capitol. But we know for certain that the ancient cult 
here suggests neither gorgeous ritual nor iconic usage. We 
see nothing but the unadorned practices of a simple cattle- 
br^feding people. 

Coming now once more to Rome itself, where of course we 
have fuller information, fragmentary though it be, we find 
sufficiently clear indications of an ancient cult of Jupiter 
showing characteristics of much the same kind as those we 
have already noticed as being genuine Italian. 

In the first place the cult is associated with hills and also 
with trees. It is found on that part of the Esquiline which 
was known as lucus Fagutalis or Fagutal : here there was 
a sacellum lovis 'in quo fuit fagus arbor quae lovis (so MSS.) 
sacra habebatur * ' : and the god himself was called Fagutalis. 

1 e.g. the vases of very primitive make (Henzen, Ada Fralr. Arc. 30). 

3 Liv. 27. ii (B.C. 209). 

J Niebuhr, Hist, of Rome, ii. 37. Strong arguments are urged against 
this view by Aust, Lex. 696. 

* Paul. Diac. 87. The lucus is mentioned in the corrupt fragments of the 
Argean itinerary (see on May 15) in Varro, L. L. 5. 50 (see Jordan, Topogr. 
ii. 242) : where I am inclined to think the real reading is ' Esquiliis cis 
lovis lucum fagutalem ' ; ' luppiter Fagutalis' in Plin. N. H. 16. 37; 
a 'vicus lovis Fagutalis,' C. /. L. vi. 452 (no A. D.). 


Not far off on the Viminal, or hill of the osiers, there was also 
an altar of Jupiter Viminius, which we may suppose to have 
been ancient 1 . The mysterious Capitolium vetus on the 
Quirinal may be assumed as telling the same tale, though in 
historical times the memory of the cult there included Minerva 
and Juno with Jupiter, i.e. the Etruscan 'Trias.' Lastly, on 
the Capitol itself was the temple of Jupiter Feretrius, reputed 
to be the oldest in Rome 2 . It was attributed to Romulus, 
who, after slaying the king of the Caeninenses, dedicated the 
first spolia opima on an ancient oak 'pastoribus sacram,' and 
at the same time ' designavit templo lovis fines cognomenque 
addidit deo.' The oak, we may assume, was the original 
dwelling of the god, and upon it were fixed the arms taken 
from the conquered enemy as a thank-offering for his aid :! . 
In this case we seem to be able to guess the development of 
the cult from this beginning in the tree-worship of primitive 
'pastores.' The next step would be the erection of an altar 
below the tree, in a small enclosure, i. e. a sacellum of the 
same kind as those of the Argei or the Sacellum Larum 4 . The 
third stage would be the building of the aedes known to us in 
history, which Cornelius Nepos says had fallen into decay in 
his time, and was rebuilt by Augustus on the suggestion of 
Atticus. Even this was a very small building, for Dionysius 
saw the foundations of it and found them only fifteen feet wide. 
This oldest cult of Jupiter was completely overshadowed by 
the later one of the Etruscan Trias the aniconic by the iconic, 
the pure Italian by the mongrel ritual from Etruria. 

That this Jupiter Feretrius 8 was the great Jupiter of pre- 
Etruscan Eome seems to be proved by his connexion with 
oaths and treaties, in which he resembles the god of the Latin 

1 For luppiter Viminiua and his ara, Fest. 376. 

* Liv. i. 10 ; Dionys. a. 34 ; Propert. 5. (4 ) 10. 

3 For other examples of this practice see BOtticher, Baumkultus, pp. 73 
and 134 ; Virgil, Aen. 10. 423, and Servius, ad loc. ; Statius, Theb. a. 707. 

4 Corn. Nep. Atticus, ao ; cf. Mommsen, Res Gestae LHvi Augus'i, p. 53 ; Dion. 
Hal. 2. 34. 4. This is apparently what Livy alludes to in i. 10, attributing 
it, after Roman fashion, to Romulus : ' Tempi um his regionibus, quas modo 
aniino metatus sum, dedico sedem opimis spoliis.' For a discussion of the 
shape of this temple see Aust, in Lex. s. v. luppiter, 673. He is inclined to 
attribute it (679} to the A. Cornelius Cos&us who dedicated the second 
spolia opima in B.C. 428 (Liv. 4. 20'. 

* The meaning of the cult-title is obscure ; Lex. s. v. luppiter, 673. 


festival. To him apparently belonged the priestly college of 
the Fetiales, who played so important a part in the declaring 
of war and the making of treaties : at any rate it was from his 
temple that the lapis silex and the sceptrum were taken which 
accompanied them on their official journeys 1 . It has been 
supposed that this lapis silex was a symbol of the god himself, 
like the spear of Mars in the Eegia, and other such objects of 
cult 2 . 'We recognize here the primitive forms of a nature- 
worship, in which the simple flint was sufficient to bring up 
in men's minds the idea of the heavenly power of lightning 
and thunder,' i.e. the flint if struck would emit sparks and 
remind the beholder of lightning. Unluckily the existence of 
a stone in this temple as an object of worship is not clearly 
attested. Servius (Aen. 8. 641) says that the Fetials took to 
using a stone instead of a sword to slay their victims with, 
'quod antiquum lovis signum lapidem silicem putaverunt 
esse.' The learned commentator makes a mistake here which 
will be obvious to all archaeologists, in putting the age of iron 
before that of stone ; but it has not been equally clear to 
scholars that he by no means implies his belief that Jupiter 
was ever worshipped under the form of a stone. He only says 
that the Fetials fancied that this was so: and the whole 
passage has an aetiological colouring which should put us on 
our guard 3 . It is not supported by any other statement or 
tradition, except an allusion in S. Augustine 4 to a 'lapis Capito- 

1 Paul. Diac. 92 ; Serv. Aen. 12. 206. 

" Aust, in Lex. 676 . . The idea is that of Helbig in his Ilaliker in der 
Poebene, 91 foil. Cp. Schwegler, Rom. Gesch. i. 68r, and Preller, i. 248 foil. 
H. Nettleship, Essays in Latin Literature, p. 35, and Strachan-Davidson 
(.Polybius, Prolegomena, -viii) discuss the oath per lovtm lapidem usefully. 
Nettleship saw that the passage of Servius is the only one which 'gives 
any real support ' to the notion that the god was represented by a stone ; 
and Strachan-Davidson notes the aetiological method of Servius. 

3 Cp. his note on the ' sceptrum ' (Aen. 12. 206), which he explains as 
being the substitute for a 'simulacrum' of Jupiter. Was this 'simulacrum* 
a stone ? If so he would have said so. Obviously he knew little or 
nothing about these cult-objects. 

* de Civ. Dei 2. 29. S. Augustine couples it with the focus Vestne, as 
something well known : and this could not be said at that time of any 
object in the temple of Jupiter Feretrius. The epithet Capitolinus would 
suit the stone of Terminus far better ; and this is, in fact, made almost 
certain by Servius' language when speaking of Virgil's ' Capitoli immobile 
saxum ' (Aen. g. 448), which he identifies with the ' lapidem ipsum Ter- 
mini.' Doubtless if we could be sure that such a stone existed, we might 
guessthat it was anaerolite (Strachan-Davidson, p. 76, who quotes examples). 


linus,' which is surely the stone of Terminus (see below) : and 
by the oath 'per lovem lapidem,' which has been interpreted 
by some as meaning 'Jupiter in the form of a stone.' But 
this interpretation is at least open to grave doubt ; and in the 
absence of clearer evidence for the ' luppiter lapis ' of the temple 
it is better to understand the oath as being sworn by the god 
and also by the stone, ' two distinct aspects of the transaction 
being run together,' in a way not uncommon in Latin 
formulae '. 

It only remains to conjecture what the ' silex ' or ' lapis ' 
was "which the Fetials took from the temple together with the 
sceptrum. Helbig has attempted to prove that it was not 
a survival of the stone age, e.g. an axe of stone. Had that 
been so, he argues, the Roman antiquaries, who were acquainted 
with such implements 2 , would have noticed it: and those 
who describe the rites of the Fetials would have stated that the 
stone was artificially sharpened. But this negative argument 
is not a strong one ; and I am rather inclined to agree with 
the suggestion of Dr. Tylor 3 . that it was a stone celt believed 
to have been a thunder-bolt. There may indeed have been 
more than one of these kept in the temple, for in B.C. 201 the 
Fetials who went to Africa took with them each a stone 4 (privos 
lapides siliccs) along with their ' sagmina,' &c. This fact seems 
to me to prove that the silices, like the sagmina and sceptrum, 
were only part of the ritualistic apparatus of the Fetials \ and 
not objects in which the god was supposed to be manifested. 
The idea that he was originally worshipped in the form of 
a stone may well have arisen from this use of stones in the 
ritual, especially if those stones were believed to be in some 
way his handiwork 6 . We may think then of the cult of 

1 So Nettleship, 1. c. : and Strachan-Davidson, 1. c. 

3 He quotes Plin. N. H. 37. 135 ' cerauniae nigrae rubentesque et similes 

s Communicated to Mr. Strachan-Davidson, and mentioned by him in 
a note (op. cit. p. 77). An instance in Ret/el, History of Mankind, vol. i. 
p. 175. The other suggestion, that it was a meteoric stone, is also quite 
possible : for Greek examples, see SchOmann, Griech. Alterthumer, ii. 171 foil. 

4 Liv. 30. 43. 

5 We may compare the 'orbita' of the cult of Jupiter Sancius at 
Iguvium : Biicheler, Umtrica, 141. See above, p. 139. 

6 It may be as well to say, before leaving the subject, that I certainly 
agree with Mr. Strachan-Davidson that the ordinary oath, 'per lovein 


Jupiter Feretrius as an example of primitive tree-worship, but 
we are not justified in going further and finding him also in 
the form of a stone. 

There is yet another stone that may have belonged to the 
earliest Roman cult of Jupiter, but the connexion is not 
very certain. 'The (rite of) Aquaelicium,' says Festus', 'is 
when rain is procured (elicitur) by certain methods, as for 
example when the lapis manalis is carried into the city.' This 
stone lay by the temple of Mars, outside the Porta Capena ; we 
learn from other passages that it was carried by the ponti- 
fices ", but we are not told what they did with it within the 
walls. It has been ingeniously suggested that this rain-spell, 
as we may call it, was a part of the cult of Jupiter Elicius, to 
whom there was an altar close by under the Aventine 8 , the 
cult-title being identical with the latter part of the word 
' aquaelicium 4 . ' We may agree that the stone had nothing to 
do with the temple of Mars, which happened to be near it, and 
also that any such rain-spell as this would be more likely to 
belong to the cult of Jupiter than of any other deity. The 
heaven-god, who launches the thunder-bolt, is naturally and 
almost everywhere also the rain-giver 5 : and that this was 
one of the functions of Jupiter is fully attested, for later times 
at least 6 . 

But it must be confessed that the evidence is very slight ~ : 
and it is as well here to remember that the further we probe 
back into old Italian rites, the less distinctly can we expect to 
be able to connect them with particular deities. The formula 

lapidem,' where the swearer throws the stone away from him (described 
by Polybius, 3. 25), has nothing to do with the ritual of the Fetials. 

1 Festup, p. 2. Cp. 128, where this stone is distinguished from the 
other, which was the ' ostium Orci.' Serv. Aen. 3. 175. 

a Serv. 1. c. Marquardt, and Aust following him, add the matrons with 
bare feet and the magistrates without their praetexta : but this rests on 
the authority of Petronius (Sat. 44), who surely is not writing of Borne, 
where the ceremony was only a tradition, to judge by Fest. p. a. 

3 Varro, L. L. 6. 94. 

* 0. Gilbert, ii. 154: adopted by Aust, 658, who adds some slight 
additional evidence : e. g. the ' lovem aquam exorabant * of the passage 
from Petronius. 

* Tylor, Prim. Cult. ii. 235-7 ' f<> r the Greek Zeus, Farnell, Cults, i. 44 foil. 
' Preller, i. 190. I cannot say that I find evidence earlier than the 

passage of Tibullus, i. 7. 26 (Jupiter Pluvius). 

7 Note that the Flamen Dialis is not mentioned along with the Ponti- 
fices by Servius, 1. c. 


' si deus, si dea es ' should always be borne in mind in attempt- 
ing to connect gods and ceremonies. And this ceremony, like 
that of the Argei ' (which also wants a clearly-conceived deity 
as its object), is obviously a survival from a very primitive 
class of performances which Mr. Frazer has called acts of 
'sympathetic magic 2 .' I am indebted to the Golden Bough for 
a striking parallel to the rite of the lapis manalis, among 
many others which more or less resemble it. ' In a Samoan 
village a certain stone was carefully housed as the repre- 
sentative of the rain-making god : and in time of drought 
his priests earned the stone in procession and dipped it in 
a stream 3 .' What was done with the lapis manalis we are 
not told, but it is pretty plain from the word 'manalis,' and 
from the fragments of explanation which have come down to 
us from Roman scholars, that it was either the object of some 
splashing or pouring, or was itself hollow and was filled with 
water which was to be poured out in imitation of the desired 
rain 4 . Such rites need not necessarily be connected by us 
with the name of a god : and the Jupiter Elicius, with whom 
it is sought to connect this one, was always associated by the 
Romans not with this obsolete rite, but with the elaborated 
science of augury which was in the main Etruscan 5 . 

But this discussion has already been carried on as far as 
the scope of this work permits k It may be completed by any 
one who has the patience to work through Aust's exhaustive 
article, examining his conclusions with the aid of his abundant 
references ; but I doubt if anything will be found, beyond what 
I have mentioned, whieh bears closely on the question with 
which we set out. That question was, whether the distinctly 
anthropomorphic treatment of Jupiter in the ' epulum lovis ' 
could be explained by any native Italian practice in his cult (as 

1 See on May 15. 

3 Golden Bough, i. u foil. ; Grimm, Teutonic Mythology, 595 foil. ; abundant 
examples in the works of Mannhardt, see indices. 

* From Samoa, by G. Turner, p. 145. 

* Compare together Nonius, 547. 10 ; 559. 19 (s. v. trulleum), from 
Varro; Festus, 128, s. v. 'manalis lapis,' from Verrius Flaccus. The 
suggestion that the stone was hollow is 0. Gilbert's. 

* Aust, Lex. 657, who believes the Romans to have been mistaken. The 
locus classicus is Ovid, Fasti, 3. 285 foil. ; a more rational account in Liv. 
i. 20 ; Plin. N. H. a. 140. Note the position of the altar of this Jupiter, 
i. e. the Aventiue. 


Marquardt tried to explain it), or must be referred with Aust 
to foreign, i. e. Graeco-Etruscan, influence. I am driven to 
the conclusion that Aust is probably right. There is no real 
trace in Italy of an indigenous iconic representation of Jupiter. 
Trees and hills are apparently sacred to him, and possibly 
stones, though this last is doubtful : we find a sacrificial meal 
at the Latin festival, but no sign that he takes part in it as an 
image or statue. Elsewhere, as at Praeneste, peculiar repre- 
sentations of him arouse strong suspicions of foreign iconic 
influence. I think, on the whole, that the Italian peoples 
owed the sacred image to foreign works of art : and that the 
' epulum lovis ' was introduced from Etruria by the Etruscan 
dynasty w r hich built the Capitoline temple. It may, indeed, 
have been engrafted upon an earlier sacrificial meal like that 
of the feriae Latinae, or that of the curiae, or the rustic one of 
Jupiter dapalis: but, if so, the meal was one at which the 
ancient Eomans were content .to believe, as Ovid says, that the 
gods were present, and did not need, like the Greeks, the evidence 
of their eyes to help out their belief. Their gods were still 
aniconic when the wave of foreign ideas broke over them. 
We may say of the earliest Koman cult of Jupiter what 
Tacitus asserts of the Germans of his day : : ' nee cohibere 
parietibus deos neque in ullam humani oris speciem adsimulare 
ex magnitudine caelestium arbitrantur : lucos ac nemora con- 
secrant, deorumque nominibus appellant secretum illud quod 
sola reverentia vident.' 

September 13 was also the day on which, according to Livy 2 
and Verrius Flaccus 3 , a nail (clavus) was driven annually by the 
' Praetor maximus ' into the wall of the cella of Minerva in the 
Capitoline temple, in obedience to an old lex which was fixed 
up on the wall of the temple adjoining this same cella. But 
Mommsen's trenchant criticism 4 of the locus classicus for this 
subject in Livy has made it almost certain that the Eoman 
scholars were here in error : that the ceremony was not an 
annual one, but took place once in a century, in commemora- 

1 Germania, 9. * 7. 3. * Festus, 55. 

4 In Rom. Chronologie, p. 175 foil. Preller (i. 258) had already seen that 
the ceremony was a religious one. but believed it to be annual, and used for 
the reckoning of time. 


tion of a vow made in 463 B. c., to commemorate the great 
pestilence of that year, which carried off both the consuls and 
several other magistrates ' : that it had no special connexion 
with the cult of Jupiter, and was not intended, as is generally 
supposed, to mark the years as they passed. The nail is really 
the symbol of Fortuna or Necessitas ; the rite was Etruscan, 
and was also celebrated at Volsinii in the temple of the 
Etruscan deity of Fate ; when brought to Kome it was very 
naturally located in the great temple of the Etruscan Trias, the 
religious centre of the Roman state. Originally a dictator 
was chosen (i.e. Praetor maximus) davi figcndi causa; and 
when the dictatorship was dropped after the Second Punic 
War, the ceremony was allowed to fall into oblivion. Later 
on the Roman antiquarians unearthed and misinterpreted it, 
believing it to have been a yearly rite of which the object 
was to mark the succession of years. This brief account 
of Mommsen's view may suffice for the purpose of this 
work : but the subject is one that might with advantage 
be reinvestigated. 

1 'An sich hat derNagel gewiss mit dem Jahre nichts zu thun, sondern 
steht in seiner natiirlichen und wohlbekannten Bedeutung der Schicksals- 
festung, in welcber er als Attribut der grausen Nothwendigkeit (saeva 
Necessitas), der Fortuna, der Atropos bei rfimischen Schriftstellern und 
auf italischen Bildwerken begegnet.' Mommsen, op. cit. 179. He allude.", 
of course, to Horace, Od. i. 35, and 3. 24, and to the Etruscan mirror 
mentioned by Preller (p. 259) : see Gerhard, Etr. Spiegel, i. 176. But tho 
interpretation of this mirror, as given by Preller, seems to me very 


IN the Italy of historical times, the one agricultural feature 
of this month was the vintage. The rustic calendars mark 
this with the single word vindemiae*. The vintage might 
begin during the last few days of September, but October was 
its natural time, though it is now somewhat earlier : this point 
is clear both from Varro and Pliny 2 . But the old calendars 
have preserved hardly a trace of this ; and in fact the only 
feast which we can in any way connect with wine making (the 
Meditrinalia on the 1 1 th) is obscure in name and its ritual 
unknown to us. We may infer that the practice of viticulture 
was a comparatively late introduction ; and this is borne out 
by such facts as the absence of wine in the ritual of the Latin 
festival 3 , and the words of a lex regia (ascribed to Numa) 
which forbade wine to be sprinkled on a funeral pile 4 . Pliny 
also expressed a decided opinion that viticulture was multo 
serior : and lately Hehn ft has traced it to the Italian Greeks on 
etymological grounds. It can hardly have become a common 
occupation in Latium before the seventh or possibly even the 
eighth century B. c. 

Probably if Ovid had continued his Fasti to the end of the 
year we might have learnt much of interest about this month : 
as it is, we have only scraps of information about a very few 

1 c. i. L. i'. 281. 

8 Varro, E. R. i. 34. Pliny, N. H. 18. 315 : ' Vindemiam antiqui nunquam 
exist! ma vere maturam ante aequinoctium, iam passim rapi cerno.' Sec. 
319 ' lustuni vindemiae tempus ab aequinoctio ad Vergiliarum occasum 
dies xliii.' 

3 See above, p. 97. 

* Pliny, N. H. 14. 88 'Vino rogum ne*respargito.' Cp. 18. 24. 

8 Kulturpflanzen, &c., p. 65. 


primitive rites, only one of which can be said to be known to 
us in any detail ; and the interpretation of that one is extremely 



The sacrifice here indicated to Fides in the Capitol is clearly 
the one which Livy ascribes to Numa ' : ' Et soli Fidei sol- 
leinne instituit. Ad id sacrarium flamines bigis, curru 
arcuato (i.e. 'covered') vehi iussit, manuque ad digitos usque 
involuta rem divinam facere: significantes fideni tutandam, 
sedemque eius etiam in dextris sacratam esse.' Dionysius also 
mentions the foundation, without alluding to the peculiar 
ritual, but dwelling on the moral influence of the cult both in 
public and private life 2 . 

The personification of a moral idea would hardly seem likely 
to be as old as Numa ; yet there are points in the ritual which 
suggest a high antiquity, apart from tradition. It was the 
three chief flamines who thus drove to the Capitol i. e. those 
of Jupiter, Mars, and Quirinus ; these at least were the three 
who had been just instituted by Numa (Liv. i. 20), and to them 
Livy must be referring. As has been often pointed out, the 
presence of flamines at a rite is always evidence of its antiquity ; 
and in this case they may have represented the union of the 
two communities of Septimontium and Quirinal in a common 
worship on the Capitol, this central point being represented by 
the Flarnen Dialis. The curious fact that the right hands of 
these flamens were wrapped up to the fingers in white cloth 
is another obvious sign of antiquity, and is explained as meaning 
that the right .hand, which was given to another in pledging 
one's word, then as now '. was pure and clean, as was the mind 
of the pledger 4 . A sacred object, statue or victim, was often 

1 i. 21. Dion. Hal. 2. 75. The significance of this covered vehicle seems 
to be unknown. 

3 Many passages might be collected to bear out Dionysius' remarks : the 
reader may refer to Preller, i. 250 foil. 

3 Pliny, N. H. xi. 250. So 'dextram fidemque dare.' 

4 Wissowa, in Lex. e. v. Fides, Preller. i. 251. Serv. Aen. i. 292 and 8. 
636 : but Serv. in the latter note says ' Quia fides tecta esse debet et velata.' 


thus wrapped or tied with fillets (vittae) ; and the nv<mn in the 
Eleusinian mysteries seem to have worn a crocus-coloured band 
on the right hand and right foot '. The statue of the goddess 
in her temple had probably the right hand so covered, if at 
least we are at liberty so to interpret the words of Horace, 
' albo Fides velata panno ' 2 . 

A word about the tigillum sororium 3 . What this was, and 
where it was, can be made out with some certainty ; beyond that 
all is obscure. It was a beam, renewed from time to time, let 
into the opposite walls of a street which led down from the 
Carinae to the Vicus Cyprius, now the via del Colosseo*. It 
remained till at least the fourth century A. D. It is now generally 
explained as a primitive Janus-arch, apparently on the ground 
that one of the altars below it was to Janus Curiatius 5 . As it 
seems, however, to have been a single beam, without supports 
except the street walls 6 , I am unable to understand this con- 
clusion ; and as the Koman antiquaries never supposed it to be 
such, we can hardly do so safely. They believed it to be a 
memorial of the expiation undergone by the legendary Horatius 
for the murder of his sister. Acquitted by the people on 
appeal, he had to make religious expiation, and this he did 
by the erection of an altar to Janus Curiatius, and another 
to Juno Sororia 7 , and by passing under a yoke, which was 
afterwards represented by the tigillum. 

We may leave the tigillum as really inexplicable, unless we 
are to accept the suggestion of Koscher 8 , that the germ of the 
legend is to be found in the practice of creeping through a split 

1 Libanius, Ded. 19 ; Photius, s. v. Kpotcow (Botticher, Baumkidtus, p. 43) 
ol ftvarai els <paal Kpuicy rrjv Sfidv X ( 'P a Ka * r ^ v ifuSa dvaSovvrat, 

* Hor. Od. i. 35. 21. 

3 The authorities for this and the altars connected with it are Livy, i. 
26 ; Dion. Hal. 3. 22 ; Festus, 297 and Paul. 307 ; Aur. Viet. 4. 9 ; Schd. 
Bob. ad Oic. p. 277 Orelli ; Lydus de Mensibus, 4. i. 

* Kiepert u. Huelsen, Formae urbis Bomae antiquae, p. 92 and map i ; 
Jordan, Tapogr. ii. 100. 

s So Roscher, in Lex. s. v. lanus, 21 ; Gilbert, Topogr. i. 180, who would 
make it the 'porta lanualis ' of Macrob. I. 19. 17, wrongly. 

* It is always in the singular, e.g. ' Transmisso per viam tigillo,' Livy, 
1. c. Dionys. writes as if it were originally a iugum, i. e. two uprights and 
a cross-beam, but does not imply that it was so in his day. 

7 The altars are mentioned by Festus, Dionyg., and Schol. Bob. 

* Lex. s.v. Janus, 21; quoting Grimm, Deutsche Myth. (E. T. 1157, 
quotation from White's Selbome). 


tree to get rid of spell or disease. The two altars demand 
a word. 

Livy's language seems to suggest that these were in the care 
of the gens Horatia l : ' Quibusdam piacularibus sacrifices factis, 
quae deinde genti Horatiae tradita sunt.' If so, perhaps the 
whole legend of Horatius, or at any rate its connexion with 
this spot, arose out of this gentile worship of two deities, of 
whom the cult-titles were respectively Curiatius and Sororia. 
The coincidence of Janus and Juno is natural enough ; both 
were associated with the Kalends 2 . But the original meaning 
of their cult-titles at the Tigillum remains unknown. All we 
can say is that the Janus of the curiae and the Juno of a sister 
may certainly have given point to a legend of which the hero 
was acquitted by the Comitia Curiata for the murder of 
a sister 3 . 

3 NON. OCT. (OCTOBER 5). C. 

This was one of the three days on which the mundus was 
open: see on August 24. 



Of these worships in Rome nothing else is known. luno 
Curitis is the goddess of Falerii, whose supposed if pas ydpos was 
referred to above 5 . 

v ID. OCT. (OCTOBER u). IP. 
FEBIAE lovi. (AMIT.) 

This was the day on which the new wine was tasted. There 
is no real evidence of a goddess Meditrina. The account in 

1 Marquardt, 584. 

2 Macrob. i. 9. 16 ' [lanum] lunonium quia non solum mensis lanuarii 
sed mensium omnium ingressum tenentem : in dicione autem lunonis 
sunt omnes Kalendae.' 

3 This Juno may be the 'Weibliche Genius einer 'Frau,' as Roscher 
suggests (8.v. Janus, 22; a. v. Juno, 598, he seems to think otherwise" 1 . 
But as she is connected with Janus, I should doubt it. For an explana- 
tion of 'lanus Curiatius' cp. Lydus, I.e. tyopos tvftvSiv. 

1 Curriti Arv. : Q uiriti] Paul. ' p. 223. 


Paulus is as follows: 'Mos erat Latinis populis, quo die quis 
primum gustaret mustum, dicere ominis gratia "Vetus novum 
vinum bibo, veteri novo morbo medeor." A quibus verbis 
etiam Meditrinae deae nomen conceptum, eiusque sacra Medi- 
trinalia dicta sunt 1 .' Varro had already given the same 
account: ' Octobri mense Meditrinalia dies, dictus a medendo, 
quod Flaccus flamen Martialis dicebat hoc die solitum vinum 
novum et vetus libari et gustari medicamenti causa: quod 
facere solent etiam nunc multi quom dicunt: Novum vetus 
vinum bibo, novo veteri vino morbo medeor.' 

Note a. A parallel practice of tasting both old and new 
crops is to be found in the ritual of the Fratres Arvales, who 
in May ' fruges aridas et virides contigerunt,' i. e. the old grain 
and the new *. 

Note &. The belief that the new wine (mustum) was whole- 
some and non-inebriating is discussed charmingly by Plutarch 
(Quaest. Conv. vii. i). 

Note c. Mommsen, C. I. L. i 2 . 332, points out that the 
real deity here concerned was doubtless Jupiter: see under 
Vinalia, p. 86. 

in ID. OCT. (OCTOBER 13). IP. 


All we know of this very ancient festival is contained in 
a few words of Varro 3 : 'Fontinalia a Fonte, quod is dies 
feriae eius ; ab eo turn et in fontes coronas iaciunt et puteos 

The holiness of wells and springs is too familiar to need 
illustration here. The original object of the garlanding was 
probably to secure abundant water. 

It is generally assumed that there was a god Fons or Fontus, 
to whom this day was sacred. There was a delubrum Fontis 4 ; 
an ara Fonti on the Janiculum 5 ; and a porta Fontinalis in the 
Campus Martius. Fons also appears with Flora, Mater Larum, 

1 Paulus, 123 ; Varro, L. L. 6. 21. * Cic. N. D. Hi. 20. 

* Henzen, Act. Fr. An. pp. n, 12, 14. * Preller. i. 176. 

8 L. L. vi. 22. Cp. Festus, 85. 


Summanus, &c., in the ritual of the Fratres Arvales 1 . The 
case seems to be one of those in which multiplicity passes into 
a quasi-unity: but Fons did not survive long in the latter 

ID. OCT. (OCT. 15). IP. 


No calendar but the late one of Philocalus mentions the 
undoubtedly primitive rite of horse-sacrifice which took place 
on this day. Wissowa has tried to explain this difiiculty, 
which meets us elsewhere in the Calendar, e. g. on the Ides 
of May (Argei), June i (festival of Carna) 2 . Where two festivals 
fell on the same day, both would not be found in calendars 
which were meant for the use, not of the pontifices themselves, 
but of the unlearned vulgar ; for the latter would not be able 
to distinguish, or to get one clear name for the day, and 
confusion would result. Now all Kalends and Ides were sacred 
to Juno and Jupiter respectively; all other rites falling on 
these days would stand a chance of being omitted, unless 
indeed they were noticed in later annotations such as we find 
cut in smaller letters in the Fasti Praenestini and others. 

Luckily the entry in Philocalus' calendar is supplemented 
sufficiently from other sources. The earliest hint we get comes 
from the Greek historian Timaeus, and is preserved in a 
fragment of the twelfth book of Polybius*. Timaeus after 
the Greek fashion connects the horse-sacrifice with the legend 
of Troy and the wooden horse : but he also tells us the 
important detail that on a certain day a war-horse was killed 
with a spear in the Campus Martius 1 . The passage is no doubt 
characteristic of Timaeus, both in regard to the detail, and the 

1 Henzen, Ada Fr. Arc. 146. The deities to whom piacula are here to be 
sacrificed are deities of the grove of the Brethren : hence I should con- 
clude that this Fons simply represented a particular spring there. 

2 de Feriis, &c., p. xi. To me this explanation does not seem quite 
satisfactory, though it seems to be sanctioned by Mommsen (C. I. L. i". 
332, note on Id. Oct. sub fin.). It is however undoubtedly preferable to 
the view I had taken before reading Wissowa's tract, that the omission 
was due to an aristocratic neglect of usages which only survived among 
the common people and had ceased to concern the whole community. 

3 Polyb. xii. 4. 

4 'Ev ?)|U<'pa rtvl KaTcucovrifav iirirov WOAfJtWr^f vpu rqr jroAtwj iv ry 

. This is quoted from "TO. vtpl Hi>pp6i>." 


mythology which Polybius despised. But though we do not 
know that Timaeus was ever at Rome, we may hope that 
he was correct in the one particular which we do not learn 
from other sources, viz. the slaughter of the horse with the 
sacred weapon of Mars. 

Fuller information conies from Verrius Flaccus, as represented 
in the epitomes of Festus and Paulus Diaconus '. On this day 
there was a two-horse chariot race in the Campus Martius ; 
and the near horse of the winning pair was sacrificed to 
Mars killed with a spear, if we may believe Timaeus. The 
place is indicated in Philocalus' calendar as ' ad nixas,' L e. the 
ciconiae nixae, which seem to have been three storks carved in 
stone with bills crossing each other 7 : this however was non- 
existent under the Republic. The real scene of the sacrifice must 
have been an old 'ara Martis,' and that there was such an 
altar in the Campus we know for certain, though we cannot 
definitely fix its position 3 . The tail of the horse was cut off 
and carried with speed to the Regia so that the warm blood 
might drip upon the focus or sacred hearth there. The head 
also was cut off and decked with cakes ; and at one time there 
was a hard fight for its possession between the men of the two 
neighbouring quarters of the Via Sacra and the Subura. If 
the former carried off the prize, they fixed it on the wall of the 
Regia ; if the latter, on the turris Mamilia 4 . 

1 Fest. 178 'October equus appellatur, qui in campo Martio mense Oct. 
immolatur quotannis Marti, bigarum victricum dexterior. De cuius capite 
11011 levis contentio solebat esso inter Suburanenses et Sacravienses, ut hi 
in regiae pariete, illi ad turrim Mamiliam id figerent ; eiusdemque coda 
tanta celeritate perfertur in regiam, ut ex ea sanguis distillet in focum 
participandae rei divinae gratia, quern hostiae loco quidam Marti bellico 
deo sacrari dicunt,' &c. Then follow three examples of horse-sacrifices. 
Paul. 179 adds no fresh information. Paul. 220 ' Panibus redimibant 
caput equi immolati idibus Octobribus in campo Martio, quia id sacri- 
ficium fiebat ob frugum eventum, et equus potius quam bos iminolabatur, 
quod hie bello, bos frugibus pariendis est aptus.' i,The meaning of these 
last words will be considered presently.) Cp. Plutarch, Qu. Rom. 97 ; 
probably from Verrius, perhaps indirectly through Juba. Plut. by a 
mistake puts the rite on the Ides of December. 

a See note in Preller's Regionen der Stadt Rom, p. 174. They are placed 
by Kiepert and Hiilsen (map 2) close to the Tiber and near the Mausoleum 
of Augustus, and a long way from the old ara Martis. Perhaps the posi- 
tion of the latter had changed as the Campus came to be built over. 

3 Livy, 35. 10 ; 40. 45 (the censors alter their election sat in Campo on 
their curule chairs ' ad aram Martis '). Roscher, Lex. s. v. Mars, 2389. 

* What this was is not known : some think a kind of peel-tower. 


It is probable J , though not quite certain, that the congealed 
blood from the tail was used, together with the ashes of the 
unborn calves sacrificed on the Fordicidia, as ' medicine ' to be 
distributed to the people at the Parilia on April 21. 

The rite of the ' October-horse ' had been adequately 
described and in some degree explained by Preller, Marquardt, 
Schwegler, and others 2 , before the late Dr. Mannhardt took 
it in hand not long before his death 3 . Mannhardt studied 
it in the light of his far-reaching researches in folk-lore, and 
succeeded in treating it as all such survivals should be treated, 
i. e. in bringing it into relation with the practices of other 
peoples not so much by way of explaining its original meaning 
precisely, as in order to make some progress by its help 
towards an understanding of the attitude of primitive man 
to the supernatural. His conclusions have been generally 
accepted, and, with very slight modifications, are to be found 
in Mr. Frazer's Golden Bough (ii. 64), and in Roscher's article 
' Mars' in the Mythological Lexicon (2416). Eecently, however, 
they have been called in question by no less a person than 
Prof. Wissowa 4 of Berlin, who seems to take a different view 
of the Mars-cult from that at which we thought we had at last 
safely arrived : it may be as well therefore to give yet another 
account of Mannhardt's treatment of the question, and to 
follow his track somewhat more elaborately than Mr. Frazer. 
It does not of course follow that he has said the last word ; but 
it is as well to begin by making clear what he has said. 

i. This is the last of the series of harvest festivals, as we may 
call them generically. We have had the Ambarvalia and 
the plucking of the first ears by the Vestals in May : the 
Vestalia in June s ; the festivals of Census and Ops Consiva 
in August ; and lastly we find this one coming after all the 
fruits of the land have been gathered in. In this respect it 
is parallel to the Pyanepsia and Oschophoria of the Greeks, 

Possibly a tower in quadriviis : cf. definition of compitum in Schol. Pers. 

I Ovid, Fash', 4. 731 foil. ; Prop. 5. (4.) r. 19. See on Parilia and Fordicidia. 

II Preller, i. 366 ; Marquardt, 334 ; Schwegler, Rom. Gesch. 11.46 ; Eoscher, 
Apollo und Mars, 64 foil 

3 Mythologische Forschungen, 156-201. 

* de Fern's, ix. 

8 I add this (see on Vest alia). Mannhardt had not handled it. 

B 2 


to the Jewish feast of Tabernacles ', and to the true 
Michaelmas harvest-festivals of modern Europe, which follow 
at an interval the great variety of quaint harvest customs 
which occur at the actual in-gathering. Even now in the 
Koman Campagna there is a lively festival of this kind in 

It should be noticed that the harvest character of the rite 
was suggested to Mannhardt by the passage from Paulus (220), 
from which we learn that the head of the sacrificed horse was 
decked with cakes, like those of the live draught-animals at the 
Vestalia and Consualia and feriae Sementivae [q. v.]. This, 
Paulus adds, was done ' quia id sacrum fiebat ob frugum 
eventum,' which last words can hardly mean anything but 
'on account of the past harvest V There are, I may add, two 
points open to doubt here, which Mannhardt does not point out : 
(i) the reason here given may be only a guess of Verrius', 
and not one generally understood at Rome 3 . (2) The con- 
cluding words of the gloss seem to make no sense, a fact which 
throws some doubt on the whole passage. The rite is 'ob 
frugum eventum,' yet 'a horse, and not an ox, is the victim, 
because a horse is suited for war, and an ox is not V However 
this may be understood, we need not quarrel with the con- 
clusion s , that the real meaning of the adornment was to show 
that the head was an object possessed of power to procure 
fertility an inference confirmed by the eagerness of the 
rival city-quarters to get possession of it. 

2. The sacrificed horse represented a Corn-spirit. The Corn- 
spirit was Mannhardt's chief discoveiy, and its various forms 
are now familiar to English readers of Frazer's Golden Sough, 
and of Farnell's Cults of the Greek States. Almost eveiy common 
animal, wild or tame, may be found to represent the Corn-spirit 
at harvest-time in one locality or another, where the nomadic 

1 Levit. 23 fin. 

2 Had they referred to the crops of the next season we might have 
expected ' ob bonum frugum eventum.' 

3 So Wissowa, de Feriis, ix. He thinks that it was only an attempt 1o 
explain the panes : but he is wrong in insisting that the Vestalia (where, 
as we saw, the same decoration occurs) had nothing to do with ' frugum 

4 To me it looks as if some words had dropped out of the text, perhaps 
after the word eventum ; see the passage quoted above, p. 242, note i. 

* Given in Mannhardt's next section, p. 169. 


age has given place to an agricultural one ; or a man, woman, 
boy or puppet represents the animal, and so indirectly the Corn- 
spirit l . Mannhardt produces from his stores of folk-lore many 
instances in which the horse thus figures, including the hobby- 
horse which in old England used to prance round the May-pole. 
Those examples, however, are not strong enough to convince 
us that the October horse was a Corn-spirit, though they prove 
well enough that the Corn-spirit often took this shape 2 . 
But we must remember that he is only suggesting an origin 
in the simple rites of the farm, indicating a class of ideas 
to which this survival may be traceable a . 

He does, however, produce an example which has one or two 
features in common with the Roman rite, only in this case the 
animal is a goat instead of a horse. In Dauphine a goat is 
decked with ribbons and flowers and let loose in the harvest- 
field. The reapers run after it, and finally the farmer cuts 
off its head *, while his wife holds it. Parts of its body (we 
are not told whether the head is among them) are kept as 
' medicine ' till the next harvest. So too the head, and also 
the tail and the blood, of the October horse were the seat of 
some great Power ; but whether this was a vegetation-spirit 
does not seem satisfactorily shown. 

3. The chariot-race was an elaborated and perhaps Graedzed 
form or survival of the simple race of men and women so often 
met with in the harvest-field, often in pursuit of a representative of 
the Corn-spirit. 

Mannhardt gives exanjples from France and Germany of 
races in pursuit of cock, calf, kid, sheep, or whatever shape 
may be the one in vogue for the Corn-spirit ; often the animal 
is in some way decorated for the occasion. Two of a rather 
different kind may be mentioned here, though they occur, not , 
on the harvest-field, but at Whitsuntide and Easter respectively ; 

1 See under May 15 (Argei). 

* Mannhardt has not suggested what scorns not impossible, that the 
horse represented Mars himself in which case we might allow that Mars 
was, among other things, a vegetation deity. 

3 See his language at the top of p. 164. 

* He ingeniously suggests that these cases of decapitation may be 
explained by the old custom of cutting off the corn-ears so as to leave 
almost the whole of the stalk. (See his Korndtimonen, p. 35.) That this 
method existed in Latium seems proved by a passage in Livy, aa. i ' Antii 
meteutibus cruentas in corbem spicas cecidisso.' 


but they show how horse-races may originate in the customs 
of the farm. In the Hartz the farm-horses, gaily decorated, 
are raced by the labourers for possession of a wreath, which 
is hung on the neck of the winning horse. In Silesia the 
finest near horse of the team, decorated by the girls, is ridden 
(raced?) round the boundary of the farm, and then round 
a neighbouring village, while Easter hymns are sung. We 
have already noticed the racing of horses and mules at the 
Consualia iri August : according to Dionysius, these too were 
decked out with flowers \ Mannhardt makes also a somewhat 
lengthy digression to point out the possibility that in the 
original form of the Passover (on which was afterwards en- 
grafted the Jahvistic worship and the history of the escape 
from Egypt) a race or something of the kind may be indicated 
by the custom of eating the victim with the loins girt. 

There is undoubtedly a possible origin for the horse-racing 
of Greeks and Romans in the customs of the farm at different 
seasons of the year, and I accept Mannhardt's view so far, with 
a probability, not certainty, as to the Corn-spirit. We may 
perhaps be able to trace the development of the custom a little 
further in this case. 

4. The horse's head, fixed on the Eegia or the turns Mamilia, 
is the effigy of the Corn-spirit, which is to bring fertility and to keep 
off evil influences for the year to come 2 . 

Examples of this practice of fixing up some object after 
harvest in a prominent place in farm or village are so numerous 
as almost to defy selection, and are now familiar to all 
students of folk-lore 3 . Sometimes it is a bunch of corn 
or flowers, as in the Greek Eiresione 4 , and to this day at 
Charlton-on-Otmoor, where it is placed over the beautiful rood- 
screen in the church. Such bunches are often called by 
the name of some animal ; occasionally their place is taken 
by the effigy of an animal's head, e. g. that of a horse 5 , which 
in course of time becomes a permanency. 

5. The cutting off the tail is explained by the idea that a remnant 

Dion. Hal. i. 33, who compares an Arcadian Hippokrateia. 

Op. cit. p. 182. 

See Golden Bough, i. 68 foil., and Mannhardt, A. W. F. 214 foil. 

Mannhardt, A. W. F. I.e. 

Mannhardt, Baumkullus, 167. 


of the "body of the representative of the Corn-spirit is sufficient to 
produce this spirit afresh in the vegetation of the coming year. 

The examples Mannhardt quotes are numerous, and only gain 
force when brought together : I must refer the reader to his 
work for them '. The word tail not only occurs frequently in 
harvest customs (e. g. the cutter of the last sheaf is called the 
wheat-tail or barley-tail -), but there is little doubt that virtue 
was believed to reside in a tail 3 . Who knows but that the 
preservation of the fox's brush by fox-hunters has some origin 
of this kind ? 

6. The use made of the blood, which was kept and mixed 
with the ashes of the unborn calves of the Fordicidia, and with 
sulphur and bean-straw as a medicine to be distributed to the 
people at the Parilia, tells its own story without need of 
illustration (see on April 15 and 21). The blood was the life 4 ; 
the fire and sulphur-fumes were to purify and avert eviL Both 
men and beasts leapt over the fire into which this mixture 
was thrown at the Parilia, to gain new life and strength, and 
to avert the influences which might retard them. 

Finally, Mannhardt has some remarks on the origin of the 
rite, which were suggested by Schwegler and Ambrosch\ 
The Campus Martius, the scene of the sacrifice, was originally 
terra regis, cultivated for him by the people 6 . When the king 
was the chief farmer, the horse's head was carried to his house 
(regia) and fixed thereon, and the tail allowed to drip on to his 
hearth. When the neighbouring community of the Subura was 
united with that of the Palatine, the seat of the oldest community, 
the remembrance of their duality survived in the contest for 
the head : if the men of the Subura won it, they fixed it on the 
turris Mamilia, which may have been the dwelling of their own 
chief. Such contests are even now well known, or have 7 but 

1 p. 185 foil. The tail in Roman ritual was ' offa penita.' Marq. 335, 
note i. 

3 In Silesia, &c., the word is Zdl, Z61, which I suppose = tail. 

* Golden Bough, ii. 65. Jevons, Introduction to Plut. Q. R. p. Ixix. He 
quotes an example from Africa. 

4 Robertson Smith, Religion of (he Semites, Lect. ix. In this case, according 
to M., it was the life of the Corn-spiritso of generation in general. 

* Schwegler, R. G. i. 739 ; Ambrosch, Studien, 200 folL 

* Evidence for this in Liv. i 2 ; Serv. Aen. 9. 274. 

T See e. g. Crooke's Folklore of Northern India, vol. ii. pp. 176 and 3ar. 
Crooke looks on these fights (.he should have said, the possession of the 


lately disappeared ; and some of them may owe their origin to 
a fight for the Corn-spirit. Mannhardt gives some examples 
one very curious one from Granada, and one from Brittany. 
At Derby, Hawick, Ludlow, and other places in this country, 
they or the recollection of them may still be found. 

On the whole we may agree with him that the rite was in 
its origin one of the type to which he has referred it a final 
harvest festival of the Latin farm. There is yet, however, 
a word to be said. He does not treat it from the point of view 
of the Koman calendar, and thus fails to note the turn it took 
when Latin farmers became Eoman citizens. Wissowa, on the 
other hand, takes the calendar as his sole basis for judging of 
it, and with a strange perversity, as it seems to me, brushes 
Mannhardt's conclusions aside, and would explain the rite simply 
as a sacrifice to the god of war '. Now doubtless it had come to 
be this in the organized city-calendar, as Mars himself began 
to be brought into prominence in a new light, as the iuvenes 
of the community came to be more and more employed in war 
as well as agriculture, and as the Campus Martius came to be 
used as an exercising-ground for the armed host. The Calendars 
show us a curious correspondence between the beginning and 
the end of the season of arms, i. e. the middle of March and the 
middle of October, which leaves little doubt of the change which 
had taken place in the accepted character of the rites of the two 
periods by the time the Numan calendar was drawn up. This 
correspondence has already been noted - ; it may be here briefly 
referred to again. 

On March 14 s there was a horse-race in the Campus Martius ; 
on the i pth (Quinquatrus) was the lustratio armorum for the 
coming war-season, as is seen from the fact that the ancilia of 
the Salii at least if not all arms were lustrata on that day 4 . 

object which is the cause of the fight) as charms for rain or fertility. 
So in the plains of N.-W. India, ' plenty is supposed to follow the side 
which is victorious.' 

1 Veram huius sacri rationem inter veteres ii viderunt quorum senten- 
tiam ita refert Festus 'equum hostiae loco Marti bellico deo sacrari' 
(de Feriis, p. x\ a See under March 14 and 19. 

J Wissowa thinks it was originally the isth (Ides) ; but Mommsen 
dissents in his note on Oct. 15 (C. T. L. 332). It is the only feast-day in 
the calendar which is an even number. Perhaps it was changed because of 
the popularity of the revels, &c., on the Ides. 

4 Charisius, p. 81 ; Marq. 435. 


So too on October 15 there was a horse-race, as we have seen, 
in the Campus Martius, and on the ipth we find the Armi- 
lustrium in the oldest calendars \ a name which tells its own 
tale. The inference is that the horse-races on Oct. 15 and 
March 1 4 had much the same origin, and it is just this which 
induces Wissowa to slight Mannhardt's explanation of the 
former. He thinks that on each day the horses, like the arms, 
were lustrated (p. x.), i. e. before the war-season began, and after 
it was over. This is likely enough ; but might not the same 
have been the case with the horses of the farm ? The Roman 
farmer's year began with March, and the heavy work of 
carrying, c., would be over in October. I am disposed to 
think that we must look on organized war-material as a develop- 
ment later than the primitive times to which Mannhardt would 
carry us back, a side of Roman life which only in course of 
time became highly specialized. 

We must never forget that the oldest Roman calendar is the 
record of the life of an agricultural people. So much is clear 
on the face of it ; and in some instances, as in the Ambarvalia, 
Vestalia, Consualia, and in the October rite we have been 
discussing, something of the original intent can be made out 
from researches into modern folk-lore or savage custom. Yet 
this calendar is at the same time the table of feasts of a fully 
developed city-state, and in the process of its development the 
original meaning of the feasts was often lost, or they were 
explained by some mythical or historical event, or again they 
themselves may have changed character as the life of the people 
changed from an agricultural to a political one. In the rite of 
the October horse we may see an agricultural harvest custom 
taking a new shape and meaning as the State grew to be 
accustomed to war, just as Mars, originally perhaps the protector 
of man, herds, and crops alike, becomes - it may be even before 
Greek influence is brought to bear upon him the deity of 
warriors and war-horses, of the yearly renewed strength of 
a struggling community 2 . It is looking with modern eyes at 

1 This point of the parallel was first noticed by Wissowa, who. as just 
noted, believes the day of Equirria to have been in each case the Ides. 

* An apt illustration of this aspect of Mars, in combination with the 
older primitive form of ritual, is supplied by the strange sacrifice by 
Julius Caesar of two mutinous soldiers, recorded by Dio Cassius, 43. 24. 


the institution of an old world if we try to separate the Roman 
warrior from the Roman husbandman, or the warlike aspect of 
his god from his universal care for his people. 

xrv KAL. Nov. (OCTOBER 19). IP. 

The first three letters of this word, which alone appear in the 
calendars, are explained by Varro and Verrius : ' Armilustrium 
ab eo quod in armilustrio armati sacra faciunt . . . ab ludendo 
autlustro, quod circumibant ludentes ancilibus armati 1 .' This 
passage may be taken as referring both to March 19 and Oct. 19, 
and as showing that the Salii with the sacred shields were 
active on both days. This can also be inferred from the fact 
that in 190 B. c. a Roman army, on its march into Asia, had to 
halt at the Hellespont, 'quia dies forte, quibus ancilia moventur, 
religiosi ad iter inciderant ' 2 its commander Scipio being one 
of the Salii. It can be shown that this was in the autumn, as 
the army did not leave Italy till July 15*. It may be taken 
as certain, then, that this was the last day on which the Salii 
appeared, and that arma and ancilia were now purified 4 , and 
put away for the winter. 

There are no festivals in any way connected with Mars from 
this day to the Roman new year, March i. As Roscher has 
remarked, his activity, like that of Apollo, is all in the warm 
season the season of vegetation and of arms. His priests, 
who seem in their dances, their song, and their equipment, to 
form a connecting link between his fertilizing powers and his 
warlike activity, are seen no more from this day till his power 
is felt again on the threshold of spring. 

They were offered to Mars in the Campus Martius by the Flamen Martialis 
in the presence of the Pontifices, and their heads were nailed up on the Regia. 
(Hence Marq. infers that it was this flamen who sacrificed the October 
horse.) Caesar was in Rome in October of the year to which D. C. 
attributes this deed, B.C. 46. 

1 L. L. 6. 62. Cp. Festus, 19 'Armilustrium festum erat apud Romanes, 
quo res divinas armati faciebant ac dum sacrificarent tubis canehant.' 
See on March 19 and 23. 

- Liv. 37. 33. 7. Cp. Polyb. at. 10. la. 

8 Marq. 437, note i. The suggestion was Huschke's, Earn. Jahr, 363. 

* Charisius, pp. 8r. so (Keil), for lustratio in March. The word Armi- 
lustrium, used for this day, speaks for itself. 


We learn from Varro ' that the place of lustralio on this day 
was the Aventine 'ad circum maximum.' I can find no explana- 
tion of this : we know of no Mars-altar in that part of Rome, 
which was the seat of the cults of Hercules and Census. It 
was probably the last point in a procession of the Salii 2 . 

1 L. L. 5. 153. 

3 We have a faint indication that they reached the pons sublicius, which 
was quite near to the Circus maximus. See Marq. 433, note 8. 


OF all the months in the Eoman year November is the least 
important from a religious point of view. It was the month 
of ploughing and sowing not of holiday-time l ; then, as now, 
it was a quiet month, and in the calendars, with the exception 
of the ludi plebeii, not a festival appears of any importance. 
Later on, the worship of Isis gained a hold upon the month 2 , 
which remained open to intruders long after city-life had taken 
the place of November agricultural operations. 

The ludi plebeii, as a public festival, date from 220 B, c. ; they 
took place in the Circus Flaminius, which was built in that 
year 3 ; they and the epulum lovis (Nov. 13) are first mentioned 
by Livy four years later. The epulum has already been dis- 
cussed in connexion with the ludi Komani. The plebeian 
games were probably at first on a single day (Nov. 13), and 
were gradually extended, like the ludi Eomarii ; finally, they 
lasted from Nov. 4 to Nov. 17*. 

The 8th was one of the three days on which the mundus was 
open : see under Oct. 5. 

ID. Nov. (Nov. 13). H>. 

FERONIAE IN CAMPO 5 . (ABV., a later addition to the original.) 
FOBTUNAE FRiMiGENiAE IN coLLE. (ARV., a later addition to 
the original.) 

This is the only mention we have of Feronia in Rome. She 
was a goddess of renown in Latium and central Italy, but 

1 Rustic calendars : ' Sementes triticariae et hordiar[iae].* Varro, R. R. 

" Mommsen in C. I. L. i. s 333. 
3 Friedlander in Marq. 499 ; Liv. 23. 30. 

* See the table in C. 1. L. i. a 335. 

* Probably these notes belong to the Ides. In the Arval calendar the 


never made her mark at Rome, as did others of her kind 
Diana, Fortuna, Ceres, Flora all of whom appear there with 
plebeian associations about them, as not belonging to the 
earliest patrician community l . It is curious to find this Feronia 
too in the calendar only in the middle of the ludi plebeii, and 
probably on the day which was the original nucleus of the 
games. We may either date the cult from the establishment 
of the ludi or guess that it was there before them, and was 
subsequently eclipsed by the cult of Jupiter. 

The latter is perhaps the more probable conjecture ; for the 
little that we know of the cult elsewhere points to a possible 
origin of the games which has not, so far as I know, been 
noticed. They took place, be it remembered, in the Circus 
Flaminius, which was in the Campus Martius ; where also was 
this cult of Feronia. Now the most famous shrine of Feronia 
in Italy, that of Trebula Mutusca, was the centre of a great 
fair or market held on the feast-days of the goddess 2 , and on 
the whole her attributes seem to be those of a deity of fertility 
and plenty 3 . Is it impossible that she had also some share in 
a fair in the Campus Martius long before the establishment of 
the ludi ? 

The connexion of Feronia with the plebs seems suggested not 
only by her position in the calendar, but by the devotion of 
libertini 4 . In the year 217 B. c. the Roman freedwomen 
collected a sum of money as a gift to Feronia 5 ; though this 
offering need not be taken as destined for the Roman goddess, 
but rather for her of Soracte, to whom first-fruits and other 
gifts were frequently offered. The temple of Feronia at 
Terracina was specially devoted to the manumission of slaves, 
of which the process, as described by Servius, presents at least 
one feature of special interest ; . Manumissions would take 

entry is opposite the i4th, but from its position may be really meant as an 
additional note to the Ides. There is no other example of religious rites 
on a day after Ides. (Henzen, Arv. 240 ; C. /. L. i. 2 296.) The same was 
the case with all ' dies postriduani.' 

1 See under Cerialia and Floralia. 

a Liv. i. 30. Roman merchants were seized by the Sabines in this 
market (Dion. Hal. 3. 32). 

* Steuding in Lex. s. v. Feronia; Liv. 26 n. I cannot see any reason 
to connect her with November sowing, as Steuding does, p. 1480. 

* Serv. Aen. 8. 564. * Liv. 22. i. 

* The cutting of the hair, and putting on of the pileus. See Robertson 
Smith, Religion of Semites, p. 307. 


place on public occasions, such as markets, when the necessary 
authorities and witnesses were to be easily found, and the 
temple of the market-goddess was at hand ; and this may be 
the original point of relation between this cult and the Eoman 
plebs, which was beyond doubt by the third century B. c. 
largely composed of descendants of manumitted slaves. 

The conjunction of Feronia on this day with Fortuna Primi- 
genia (in colle) is curious, as both were goddesses of Praeneste, 
where Feronia in legend was the mother of Erulus, a daemon 
with threefold body and soul, who had to be killed three times 
by Evander 1 . The date of the introduction of this cult of 
Fortuna at Rome is 204 B. c. 2 

1 Serv. Aen. 1. c. The myth must be Graeco- Etruscan. 

2 Liv. 29. 36. The dedication was 194 B. c. (lav. 34, 53). 


IN the middle of winter, until well on in January, the 
Roman husbandman had comparatively little to do. Varro 1 
writes of sowing lilies, crocuses, &c., and of cleaning out 
ditches and pruning vines, and such light operations of the 
farm. Columella 2 tells us that the autumn sowing should be 
ended by the beginning of December, though some sow beans 
in this month ; and in this he agrees with the rustic calendars 
which mention, besides this operation, only the manuring of 
vineyards and the gathering of olives. 

It is not unnatural, then, that we should find in this ' slack 
time ' 3 several festivals which are at once antique and obscure, 
and almost all of which seem to carry us back to husbandly 
and the primitive ideas of a country life. On the night of the 
3rd or thereabouts was the women's sacrifice to the Bona Dea ; 
on the sth the rustic Faunalia in some parts of Italy, though 
probably not in Rome ; on the i sth the winter Consualia ; on 
the 1 7th the Saturnalia ; and on the i gth the Opalia ; and so 
on to the Compitalia and Paganalia. All this is in curious 
contrast with the absence of festivals in the busy month of 


This fell, in the year 63 B. c., on the night between Dec. 3 
and 4, if we may trust Plutarch and Dio * ; but the date does 

1 R. JR. i. 35. a ; Colum. a. 8. a. * xi. a. 

3 Cp. Hor. Od. 3. 18, 9-12. Ovid (Fasti, 3. 57) says of December 
Yester (i. e. Faustuli et Larentiae) honos veniet, cum Larentalia dicam ; 

Acceptus Geniis ilia December habet. 

Is this only an allusion to Larentia and Faustulus, or also to the general 
character of the month and its festivals ? 
* Plut. Cic. 19 ; Dio Cass. 37. 35. 


not seem to have been a fixed one \ The rite does not appear 
in the calendars, and, though attended by the Vestals, did not 
take place in the temple of the goddess, but in the house of 
a consul or praetor, 'in ea domo quae est in imperioV It 
seems to have been in some sense a State sacrifice, i. e. it was 
' pro populo Komano ' (according to Cicero) ; but it was not ' pub- 
lico sumptu ' 3 , and it was never woven into the calendar by the 
pontifices, or it could hardly have occurred between the Kalends 
and the Nones. Its very nature would exclude the interference 
of the pontifical college, and there would be no need to give 
public notice of it. 

The character of the goddess and her rites have already been 
discussed under May i. All that need be said of the December 
sacrifice is that it was clearly a survival from the time when 
the wife of the chief of the community himself its priest 
together with her daughters (represented in later times by the 
Vestals), and the other matrons, made sacrifice of a young pig 
or pigs 4 to the deity of fertility, from all share in which men 
were rigorously excluded. It must have been originally 
a perfectly decorous rite, and so have continued to the famous 
sacrilege of Clodius ; it was only under the empire that it 
became the scene of such orgies as Juvenal describes in his 
second and sixth satires 5 . 

NON. DEC. PEC. 5). F. 

Here we have another festival unknown to the calendars, 
the Faunalia rustica, as it has been called. Our knowledge of 
it comes from the familiar ode of Horace (iii. 1 8), and from the 
comments of the scholiasts thereon : 

Faune, Nympharum fugientum amator, 
Per meos fines et aprica rura 
Lenis incedas abeasque parvis 
Aequus alumnis, 

1 Cic. ad Att. i. is, and 15. 25. 

* Cic. de Harusp. resp. 17. 37 'fit per Virgines Vestales, fit pro populo 
Romano, fit in ea domo quae est in imperio.' In 62 B c. it was in 
Caesar's house, and apparently m the Regia, if as pontifi.x inaximus he 
resided there. See Marq. 346, note i ; 250, note 2. 

3 Fest. 245 publica sacra are ' quae publico sumptu pro populo fiunt.' See 
my article ' Sacra' in Diet, of Antiquities. 

4 Juvenal, 2. 86. a. 83 foil. ; 6. 314 foil. 


Si tener pleno cadit haedus anno, 
Larga nee desunt Veneris sodali 
Vina craterae, vetus ara multo 

Fumat odore. 

Ludit herboso pecus omne campo 
Cum tibi Nonae redeunfc Deceinbres ; 
Festus in pratis vacat otioso 

Cum bove pagus ; 
Inter audaces lupus errat agnos ; 
Spargit agrestes tibi silva frondes; 
Gaudet invisam pepulisse fossor 

Ter pede terrain. 

No picture could be choicer or neater than this : for once it is 
a treat to have our best evidence in the form of a perfect work 
of art. We are for a moment let into the heart and mind of 
ancient Italy, as they showed themselves on a winter holiday. 
There is an ancient altar not a temple to a supernatural 
being who is not yet fully god, who can play pranks like the 
4 Brownies ' and do harm, but is capable of doing good if duly 
propitiated. On the Nones of December, possibly of other 
months too l , he is coaxed with tender kid, libations of wine, 
and incense 2 ; the little rural community of farmers (pagus), 
with their labourers, take part in the rite, and bring their cattle 
into the common pasture, plough-oxen and all. Then, after 
the sacrifice, they dance in triple measure, like the Salii in 

Horace is of course describing a rite which was entirely 
rural, as the word pagus would indicate sufficiently, apart from 
other features. Unless he were the god of the Lupercalia, 
which is open to much doubt 3 , Faunus was not introduced 
into the city of Rome till 196 B. c., when the aediles very 
appropriately built him a temple in the Tiber-island with money 
taken as fines from defaulting pecuarii*, or holders of public 
land used for cattle-runs. We may assume that his settlement 
in the city was suggested by the pontifices, and that we have 
here a case of the transformation of a purely rustic cult into an 
urban one by priestly manipulation. It is not impossible that 

1 Probua on Virg. Georg. i. 10 ' In Italia quidam annuum sacrum, 
quidam menstruum celebrant.' 

1 The word is 'odore,' i.e. sweet herbs of the garden (Marq. 169 and 

* See on Lupercalia, p. 313. * lav. 33. 42. 



the idea that Faunus was the deity of the Lupercalia came in 
about the same time '. Both priests and annalists got hold of 
him, and did their best to rob him of his true character as 
an intelligible and useful god of woodland and pasture. He 
became a Kex Aboriginum 2 , and the third on the list of 
mythical kings of Latium '. He became identified with the 
Greek Pan. But, in spite of all their efforts, Faunus would 
not tamely accept his new position. We hear no more of the 
aedes in the island : the Koman vulgus do not seem to have 
recognized him at the Lupercalia, and his insertion in the legends 
had no political effect. The fact that not a single inscription 
from Home or its vicinity records his name shows plainly that 
he never took the popular fancy as a deity with city functions : 
and the absence of inscriptions in the country districts also, 
in most singular contrast to the ubiquitous stone records of 
Silvanus-worship, seems to show that he remained always 
much as wild as he was before the age of inscriptions began, 
while the kindred deity was adopted into the organized life and 
culture of the Italian and provincial farmer 4 . 

It may be as well, before "leaving the subject of this singular 
being, to sum up under a very few heads what is really known 
about him. But so little is known about the cult of Faunus 
and indeed it can hardly be said that any elaborate cult ever 
grew up around him that it may be legitimate for once first to 
glance at the etymological explanations of his name which have 
been suggested by scholars. 

(i) Faunus is connected with favere, and means 'the kind or 
propitious one,' like Faustus and Faustulus, and as some think, 
Favonius s and Fons. This derivation was known to Servius 6 : 
'quidam Faunos putant dictos ab eo quod frugibus faveant.' 

1 The earliest hint of the connexion of Faunus with Evander and the 
Palatine legend is found in a fragment of Cincius Alimentus, who wrote 
at this time (H. Peter, Fragm. Hist. Lat. 41, from Servius, Georg. i. 10). 

2 Dion. Hal. i. 31 ; Suet. Vitett. i. Cp. for a more truly Italian view, 
Virgil, Aen. 8. 314 foil. 

* Aen. 7. 45 foil. The order was Saturnus, Picus, Faunus, Latinus. 

4 Wissowa in Lex. s. v. Faunus, 1458 : who, however, does not sufficiently 
explain the contrast. Silvanus became tutor finium, and custos hortuli 
(cp. Groniatici Veteres. p. 302). It was probably this turn given to his cult 
which saved him from the fate of Faunus. He takes over definite duties 
to the cultivator, while Faunus is still roaming the country in a wild state. 

* Bouch6-Leclercq. Hist, de la Divination, iv. 122. 

* Ad Georg. i. 10. 


It is not in itself inconsistent with what we know of the rural 
Faunus, or with analogous supernatural beings, like the ' good 
people.' It was accepted by Preller and Schwegler, and has 
affected their conclusions about Faunus ; e. g. Schwegler based 
on it the view, now generally held, that Evander is a Greek 
translation of Faunus '. 

(2) Faunus is from /an, i. e. the speaker, or foreteller. This 
too was known to Latin scholars : thus Isidorus (perhaps from 
Varro 2 ), 'fauni a fando, OTTO rJjs ^wi/ijs dicti, quod voce non 
signis ostendere viderentur futura.' It was revived not long 
ago by the late Prof. Nettleship: 'Once imagine Faunus as 
a "speaker," and all becomes clear. He is not only the 
composer and reciter of verses "', but generally the seer or wise 
man, whose superior knowledge entitles him to the admiration 
and dread of the country folk who consult him. But as his 
real nature and functions are superseded, his character is mis- 
conceived : he becomes a divinity, the earliest king of Latium, 
the god of prophecy, the god of agriculture.' We may compare 
with this Scaliger's note on Varro, L. L. 7. 36 : ' The Fauni 
were a class of men who exercised, at a very remote period, the 
same functions which belonged to the Magi in Persia, and to 
the Bards in Gaul.' 

(3) Faunus may=Favonius, which itself may come from the 
same root as Pan (i. e. pu = purify). Thus Faunus, like Pan, 
might be taken as a mythological expression of the 'purifying 
breeze,' the god of the gentler winds 4 . The characteristics of 
Faunus are of course veiy like those of Pan ; but as it is no 
easy matter to determine how far those of the Italian were 
taken over by the Roman Jitterati from the Greek deity, and 
as the etymology itself is confessedly a questionable one, this 
conjecture must be left to take its chance. 

But the first two are worth attending to, and each finds some 
support in what we know of Faunus from other sources. Let 
us see in the next place what this amounts to. 

(i) There is fairly strong evidence that Faunus was not 

1 Schwegler, Rom. Oesch. i. 351. 

* Varro, L. L. 7. 36 ' Faunos in silvestribus locis traditum est solitos 
fari futura.' Servius identifies Faunus and Fatuus ; ad Aen. 6. 775. 

3 'Versibus quos olim Fauni vatesque canebant.' Ennius in Varro, 
L. L 7. 36. See Nettleship, Essays in Latin Literature, p. 50 foil. 

* Mannhardt, A. W. F. 113 foil. 

8 2 


originally conceived as a single deity, but as multiplex. Varro 
quotes the line of Ennius : 

Versibus quos olim Fauni vatesque canebnnt, 

and comments thus 1 : 'Fauni dii Latinorum, ita ut Faunus et 
Fauna sit.' The evidence of Virgil, always valuable for rural 
antiquities, is equally clear : 

Et vos agrestum praesentia numina, Fauni, 

Ferte siinul Faunique pedem Dryadesque puellae*. 

Servins has an interesting note on these lines : why, he asks, 
does the poet put Faunus in the plural, when there is but one ? 
We might be tempted to think Virgil wrong and his com- 
mentator right, the poet representing Greek ideas and the 
scholar Italian, but for a still more curious note of Probus 
on the same passage : ' Plures (Fauni) existimantur esse etiam 
praesentes : idcirco rusticis persuasum est incolentibus earn 
partem Italiae quae suburbana est, saepe eos in agris conspici.' 
My belief is that these words give us the genuine idea of Faunus 
in the rustic mind, surviving in central Italy long after he had 
been appropriated as a conventional Eoman deity. We seem 
in the case of Faunus to be able to catch a deity in the pro- 
cess of manufacture of elevation from a lower, multiplex, 
daemonistic form, to a higher and more uniform and more 
rigid one. Yet so excellent a scholar as Wissowa holds 
exactly the opposite view, that there was but one Faunus, and 
that his multiplication is simply the result of Eoman acquain- 
tance with Pan and the Satyrs 3 . It would have been more 
satisfactory if he had given us an explanation from his point of 
view of the passage of Probus just quoted, or had shown us 
how these Greek notions could have penetrated into the rural 
parts of Italy. 

(2) Another point which comes out distinctly unless our 
Eoman authorities were wholly misled is the ivoodland character 
of the Fauni. A passage of Varro, of which I quoted the first 

1 L. L. 7 . 3 6. 

3 Geoig. i. 10. The introduction of the Greek Dryads may be thought 
to throw suspicion upon the Latinity of these Fauni of Virgil. But in 
Aen. 8. 314, the similar conjunction of Fauni and Nymphae is followed 
by words which seem to mark a true Italian conception. 

3 Lex. s.v. Faunus, 1454. 


words just now, goes on thus : ' hos versibus quos vocant 
Saturnios in silvestribus locis traditum est solitos fari futura, 
a quo fando Faunos dictos.' This seems to be a genuine 
Italian tradition. Virgil was not talking Greek when he wrote l 

Haec nemora indigenae Fauni Nymphaeque tenebant 
Gensque virum truncis et duro robore nata, 
Queis neque mos neque cultus erat, &c. 

The poet imagines an ancient race, sprung from the trees them- 
selves: a 'genus indocile et dispersum montibus altis/ living 
on the forest-clad hills 2 , to whom foreign invaders brought 
the means of civilization. Why should not this tradition be 
a native one ? It is singularly in accord with the most recent 
results of Italian excavation ; for it is now absolutely certain 
that the oldest inhabitants of central Italy dwelt on the hill-tops, 
and that the first traces of foreign influence only occur in lower 
and later settlements n . The valleys were still undrained and 
malarious. These earliest inhabitants who have left their 
traces for the excavator, or a still older race scattered on the 
hills after their invasion, may have been the traditional repre- 
sentatives of what Preller has called 'the period of Faunus V 
regarded by the later civilization, from their wild and woodland 
habits, as half demons and half men. The name of the kindred 
Silvanus tells its own tale ; and his actual connexion with trees 
was even closer than that of Faunus 5 . 

(3) A third well-attested point is the attribution to Faunus 
or the Fauni of power for good or evil over the crops and herds, 
as we have seen it already implied in Horace's ode. Por- 
phyrion 6 in his commentary on this ode tells us that Faunus, 
on the Nones of December, wishes the cattle, which are under 
his protection, to be free from danger. Just before this passage 
he had spoken of him as ' deum inferum et pestilentein,' thus 

1 Aen. 8. 314. 

2 Cp. Ovid, Fasti, 3. 315 'Di sumus agrestes et qui dominemur in altis 
Montibus,' &c. Cp. Preller, i. 386. 

3 Monumenti Antichi, vol. v. (Barnabei). Von Duhn, translated in 
Journal of Hellenic Studies, 1896, p. 120 foil. 

* Rom. Myth. i. 104 foil. 

5 Virg. A en. 8. 60 r, and Serv.'s note: ' Prudentiores dicunt eum esse 
V\IKOV Bt6v, hoc est deum v\rjs.' Silvanus may have been a true tree-spirit ; 
Mannhardt, A. W. F. 118 foil. ; Preller, i. 392. 

6 Vol. i. 335, ed. Hauthal. 


giving us the dark and hurtful side of his power as well as the 
bright and gracious. The same combination of the powers of 
doing and averting harm is seen in Mars, as we have already 
learnt from the hymn of the Arval Brethren and the formula 
of pi-ay ers preserved by Cato '. 

Under this head may be mentioned the belief that both 
Faunus and Silvanus were dangerous for women, an idea which 
finds expression in the significant word incubus, so often applied 
to them *. We may perhaps find a reason for the identification 
of Faunus as god of the Lupercalia in the most striking feature 
of the festival the pursuit of the women by the creppi, who 
struck them with thongs in order to render them productive 3 . 

(4) The last characteristic of tho Fauni to be noticed is that 
they had the power of foretelling the future. The verse of 
Ennius already quoted is the earliest literary evidence we have 
of this ; but the quaint story of the capture of Picus and 
Faunus by Numa 4 , who caught them by making them drunk 
with wine at the fountain where they came to drink, and 
compelled them as the price of their liberty to reveal the art of 
staying a disaster, has an unmistakeable old-Italian ring. The 
idea seems to have been, not that Faunus was a 'god of 
prophecy,' as Preller seems to fancy, but that there was an 
ancient race of Fauni, who might be coaxed or compelled to 
reveal secrets. Sometimes indeed they ' spoke ' of their own 
accord ; when a Eoman army needed to be warned or encouraged 
on its march, their voice was heard by all as it issued from 
thicket or forest. Cicero and Livy 5 write of these voices with 
a distinctness which (as it seems to me) admits of no suspicion 
that they are inserting Greek ideas into Eoman annals. 

There are also traces to be found of a belief in the existence 
of local woodland oracles of Faunus and his kind. It was in 
a grove sacred to Faunus that Numa, in Ovid's vivid description 6 , 

1 See above, p. 126. It may be noticed that the Bona Dea, whose solemn 
rite occurs also at the beginning of this month, was identified with Fauna, 
the female form of Faunus (R. Peter, in Lex. s.v. Fauna) ; i.e. their 
powers for good and evil were thought to be much alike. 

* Preller, i. 381 and reff. See under Lupercalia, p. 320. 

4 Ovid, fasti, 3. 291 foil. I am glad to see that Wissowa accepts this 
story as genuine Italian (Lex. s.v. 1456). 

5 Cic. deDiv. 1. 101 ; Livy, a. 7 (Silvanus), and Dion. Hal. 5. 16 (Faunus) 
of the battle by the wood of Arsia. 

* Fasti, 4. 649 foil. 


slew two sheep, the one to Faunus, the other to Sleep, and after 
twice sprinkling water on his head, and twice wreathing it 
with beech-leaves, stretched himself on the fleeces to receive 
the prophetic inspiration as he slumbered. Almost every touch 
in this story seems to me to be genuine ; and especially the condi- 
tions necessary to success the continence of the devotee, and the 
removal of the metal ring from the finger. Virgil, with some- 
thing more of foreign adornment, tells in exquisite verse what 
is really the same story as Ovid's '. And a later poet writes of 
a sacred beech-grove, where under like conditions of temperance, 
&c., the shepherds might find the oracles of Faunus inscribed 
on the bark of a beech-tree 2 . All this reminds us of Dodona 
and the oldest Greek oracles : we have here the quaint methods 
of primitive shepherds, appealing to prophetic powers localized 
in particular woodland spots. Roman exigencies of state drew 
by degrees the whole of the secrets of fore-knowledge into the 
hands of a priestly aristocracy, with its fixed doctrine and 
methods of divination ; but the country folk long retained their 
faith in the existence of an ancient race, possessed of prophetic 
power, which haunted forest and mountain. 

These four points, taken together, i. e. the multiplicity of 
the Fauni, their woodland character, and their supposed powers 
of productivity and prophecy, seem by no means to exclude the 
possibility of the human origin suggested long ago by Scaliger, 
and recently by Prof. Nettleship, though I would shape the 
explanation somewhat differently. Wild men from the hills 
and woods, for example, might well be supposed to be possessed 
of supernatural powers, like the gipsies of modern times 5 . And 
the striking absence of any epigraphical survivals of a definite 
cult may possibly be explained by a persistence of the belief in 
the Italian mind that Faunus was never really and truly a god, 
but one of a race with some superhuman attributes a link in 
the chain that always in antiquity connected together the 
human and the divine. Horace's ode shows the divine element 
predominating ; some local Faunus has, so to speak, been caught 
and half deified ; and yet, even then, the process is hardly 

1 Am. 7. 81 foil. * Calpurnius, Ed. i. 8 foil. 

* Cp. Tylor, Primitive Culture, i. 341 foil. ; Sir A. Lyall, Asiatic Studies, 

Cll. 2. 


There is, however, another explanation of conceptions of this 
kind to which I must briefly allude, which was based by 
Dr. Mannhardt on an exhaustive examination of the attributes 
of creatures like the Fauni, as they occur in various parts of 
Europe and elsewhere '. The general result of his investigation 
may be stated thus. Spirits which seem to have their origin in 
woods and mountains find outward expression for their being 
in the wind ; so also do those which seem to have their origin 
in corn and vegetation generally. We thus find three in- 
gredients in their composition : (i) trees, (2) corn, (3) wind. 
We have only to think how the invisible wind moves the 
branches of the trees, or bows the corn before it, to see how 
closely, in the eyes of men used to attribute life to inanimate 
things, the idea of the wind might run together with that of 
objects to which it seems to give motion and life. The result 
of its mysterious agency is the growth of a variety of creatures 
of the imagination, often half bestial, like Pan and the Russian 
Ljeschi, sometimes entirely animal, like the Eye -wolf and 
many another animal corn-spirit now familiar to readers of 
Frazer's Golden Bough ; sometimes entirely human, like Silvanus, 
perhaps Faunus himself 2 , or the Teutonic 'wild man of the 
woods.' Mannhardt endeavours, not wholly without success, 
to bring the attributes of Faunus into harmony with this theory, 
His prophetic vox comes from the forest in which the wind 
raises strange noises ; his relation to crops and flocks is parallel 
to that of many other spirits who can be traced to a woodland 
origin ; and the word Favonius, used for the western moist 
and fertilizing breeze, is kindred, if not identical, with Faunus ; 
and so on. 

This theory, resting as it does on a very wide induction from 
unquestionable facts, beyond doubt explains many of the 
conceptions of primitive agricultural man ; whether it can be 
applied satisfactorily to the Italian Faunus is perhaps less 
evident. At present I rather prefer to think of the Fauni as 
arising from the contact of the first clearers and cultivators of 

1 Antike TFa'rf- und Fddkvlte, p. 152. 

* See the cuts of two bronze statuettes which Wissowa, following 
Reifferscheid. believed to represent the un-Graecized Italian Faunus, at 
the end of the article 'Faunus' in Lex. 1460. But it is at least very 
doubtful whether Reifferscheid was right in his opinion. 


Italian soil with a wild aboriginal race of the hills and woods. 
But on such questions certainty is impossible, and dogmatism 
entirely out of place. 

in ID. DEC. (Dec. n). !PP. 
AG. IN. . . . (AMIT.). AG[ONIA] (MAFF. PRAEN. ANT.) 


For Agonia see on Jan. 9.. This (Dec. u) is the third day 
on which this mysterious word appears in the calendars. The 
AG. IN. of the Amiternian calendar was conjectured by Mommsen 
in the first edition of 0. /. L., vol. i, to indicate 'Agonium 
Inui ' 2 ; but in the new edition he withdraws this ; ' ab incertis 
coniecturis abstinebimus.' This is done in deference to Wissowa, 
who has pointed out that there is no other case in the calendars 
of a festival-name inscribed in large letters being followed 
immediately by the name of a deity 3 . We must fall back on 
the supposition that AG. IN. ... is simply a cutter's error for 
the AGON, of three other calendars. 

It is impossible to determine what was the relation between 
this agonium, or solemn sacrifice, and the Septimontium or 
Septimontiale sacrum, which appears only in very late calendars, 
or whether indeed there was any relation at all. It is not 
absolutely certain that the so-called Septimontium took place 
on this dry. It was only a conjecture of Sculiger's (though 
a clever one) that completed the gloss in Festus on the word 
' Septimontium ' 4 (Septimontium dies ap'pellatur mcnse (Decemlri 
qui dicitur infastis agonaliu. The word Septimontium suggested 
itself, as the gloss occurred under letter S. Other support for 
the conjecture i& found in the two late calendars, and in 
a fragment of Lydus s , who connects the two ceremonies. 

But even if Scaliger's conjecture be right, it does not follow 
that the Agonium was identical with or was part of the Septimon- 
tiale sacrum. The latter does not appear in the old calendars, 

1 By an error Silvius has entered it on the xath. 
1 For Inuus f-ee on Lupercalia, and Livy, i. 5. 

3 de FeritSj xii. His other argument, that Inuus is not a nomen, but 
a cognomen, is less satisfactory. Can we always be sure which is which ? 
(e.g. Saturnus, Janus). 

4 Festus, p. 340. 

4 de Mensibus, p. 118, ed. Bekk. ; quoted by Mommsen, C. I. L. i'. 336. 


as it was not 'pro populo,' but only 'pro montibus ' (see below) ; 
and if it was there represented by the word Agonium, it is not 
easy to see how the latter should have found its way into the 
calendar. It seems better to conclude that the two were distinct. 

About the Septimontium itself we have just enough informa- 
tion to divine its nature, but without details. The word is 
used by Varro both in a topographical and a religious sense : 
'Ubi nunc est Horna, erat olim Septimontium ; nominatum ab 
tot montibus, quos postea urbs muris comprehenditV Here 
he implies that the old name for Rome was Septimontium ; but 
this is only a guess based on the name of the festival : ' Dies 
Septimontium nominatur ab his septem montibus, in quis sita 
urbs est ; feriae nonpopuli sed montanorum modo, ut Paganalia, 
quae sunt aliquoius pagi V 

The monies here meant are the three divisions of the Palatine, 
viz. Palatium, Cermalus, Velia ; the three of the Esquiline, viz. 
Mons Oppius, Mons Cispius, and the Fagutal, together with the 
lower ground of the Subura 3 . T believe that Mommsen is 
right in thinking that these were never political divisions in 
other words, that they were not originally distinct communities 1 , 
but probably religious divisions of a city which began on the 
Palatine, and gradually took in new ground on the Esquiline. 
The same process can be traced at Falerii, and at Narce a few 
miles above it ; what we seem to see is not the accretion of 
villages not O-VKOIKIO-^O? but the extension of a city from one 
strong position to another 6 . This is especially clear at Narce, 
where it is distinctly proved by the pottery found in the 
excavations, that the hill (Monte li Santi) subsequently added 
to the original city was not co-eval with the latter as a settle- 

1 L. L. v. 41. * Ibid. vi. 24. 

1 Antistius Labeo, ap. Festum, 348 : '^Septimontio, ufc ait Antistius Labeo, 
hisce montibus feriae. Palatio, cui sacrificium quod fit Palatuar dicitur. 
Veliae, cui item sacrificium, Fagutali, Suburae, Cermalo, Oppio, Cispio 
monti.' Before 'Cispio' the MS. has ' Caelio monti,' which must be 
a copyist's blunder. The Subura ds by courtesy a wows; also a pagus 
(Festus, 309% a regio (ib.\ and a tribus (ib.). 

4 Staatsrechtj iii. 1 12. O. Gilbert has made a great to-do about the develop- 
ment of these communities; Qesch. u. Topogr. i. 39 foil. But where else 
will he find three distinct settlements in a space as small as that of the 
Palatine ? The discoveries at Falerii and Narce would have saved him the 
labour of much web-spinning. Plutarch, Q. R. 69, has (accidentally 
perhaps) expressed the matter rightly. 

* Monumenti Antichi, vol. v. p. 15 foil. 


ment ; i. e. that it was the absorption by an older settlement 
of a probably uninhabited position which hei'e took place, and 
not the synoecizing of distinct political communities '. In the 
later Rome the montani of the seven districts, together with 
the pagani, or inhabitants of what had originally been the 
farm-country around Rome, formed the united city 2 . It is 
most interesting to find that the earliest divisions, i. e. of the 
montes, were imitated in the foundation of some colonies 
we should find them probably in many if we had the necessary 
information s . 

All we know of the cult of the montani on this day is as 
follows: (i) There was a sacrifice on the Palatium (which 
seems to have been the first in dignity of the montes) by the 
Flamen Palatualis 4 ; but we do not know to what deity, and 
can only guess that it was Pales, or Palatua s . (2) On this 
day no carts or other vehicles drawn by beasts of burden were 
allowed in the city, as we learn from Plutarch, who asks the 
reason of this, and gives some quaint answers ". But the 
explanations are useless to us, and we cannot even guess whence 
Plutarch drew his knowledge of the fact, unless it was from 
personal observation. Let us remember, however, that this was 
a feast of montani : is it not likely that this was a survival from 
a time when the farm-waggons of the pagani really never 
ascended to the 'hills'? 

PRID. ID. DEC. (DEC. 12). EN. 


xviii (ANTE CAES. xvi 7 ) KAL. IAN. (DEC. 15). IP. 


For these see on Aug. 21. If the conclusions there arrived 
at are sound we might guess that these winter rites of Census 

1 Mon. Ant. p. no foil. (Barnabei). a Cic. de Domo, 28. 74. 

3 At Ariminum, and Antioch in Pisidia (Mommsen, Stuatsrecht, iii. 113, 
notel . 

4 Festus, 348, cp. 245. * Preller, i. 414. 

* Q. R. 69. Plutarch docs not say in what parts of the city the vehicles 
were forbidden. The feast existed in his day, and indeed long afterwaids 
(Tertull. Idololutr. 10). It seems to have become a general feast of the whole 
people. 7 Macrob. i. 10. a. 


arose from the habit of inspecting the condition of the corn- 
stores in mid-winter 1 . It is this day that has the note attached 
to it in the Fasti Praenestini, 'Equi et [muli floribus coronantur] 
quod in eius tu[tela] . . . itaque rex equo [vectus?],' which was 
commented on under Aug. 21. See also under Aug. 25 
(Opeconsivia) ; Wissowa, s. v. Consus, in Lex. Myth. ; and clc 
Feriis, vi foil. 

xvi (ANTE CAES. xiv 2 ) KAL. IAN. (DEC. 17). IP. 



This was the original day of the Saturnalia s , and, in a strictly 
religious sense, it was the only day. The festival, in the sense 
of a popular holiday, was extended by common usage to as 
much as seven days 4 : Augustus limited it to three in respect 
of legal business, and the three were later increased to five 5 . 

Probably no Roman festival is so well known to the general 
reader as this, which has left its traces and found its parallels 
in great numbers of mediaeval and modern customs 6 , occur- 
ring about the time of the winter solstice. Unfortunately, 
it is here onee more a matter of difficulty to determine what 
features in the festival were really of old Latin origin, in spite 
of information as to detail, which is unusually full ; for both 
Saturnus himself and his cult came to be very heavily overlaid 
with Greek ideas and practice. 

1 See below on Saturnalia, p. 271. 

2 Macrob. i. 10. 2. Macr. tolls us that after the change some people in 
error held the festival on the igth, i. e. on the day which was now xiv 
K . Ian. 

1 Hartmann, Der Rom. Kalender, p. 203 foil., thinks it was originally one 
of the feriae conceplivae, like the Compitalia, Paganalia, &c., and only 
became fixed (statifae) when it was reorganized in 217 B. c. But if so, 
why is it marked in the calendars in large letters ? And Hartmann 
himself points out (p. 208) that Dec. 17 is the first day of Capricornus, i.e. 
the coldest season, which in the oldest natural reckoning would be likely 
to fix the day (Colum. ir. a. 94). 

4 Macr. I.e. ; Cic. Att. 13. 52. 5 Mommsen, C. I. L. i. 337. 

* Frazer, Golden Bough, ii. 172 ; Brand, Popular Antiquities, ch. 13 ; Usener, 
Rdigionsgeschichtliche Untcrsuchungen, i. 214 foil. See for Italy, Academy, Jan. 
20, 1888. 


That Saturnus was an old agricultural god admits, however, 
of no doubt ; the old form of the word was probably Saeturnus, 
which is found on an inscription on an ancient vase ', and this 
leads us to connect him with serere and satio ; and popular tradi- 
tion attributed to him the discovery of agricultural processes -. 
But the Roman of the historical age knew very little about him, 
and cared only for his Graecized festival ; like Faunus, he is 
the object of no votive inscriptions in Rome and its neighbour- 
hood " ; and this conclusively proves that he was never what 
may be called popular as a deity. As the first king of Lutium 
there were plenty of legends about him, or as the first civilizer 
of his people, the representative of a Golden Age 4 ; but no 
one has as yet thoroughly investigated these r> , with a view to 
distinguish any Italian precipitate in the mixture of elements 
of which they certainly consist. We are still without the 
invaluable aid of the contributors to Roscher's Lexicon. 

More promising at first sight is the tradition which connects 
him in Rome itself with the Capitoline hill. Varro tells us 
positively that this hill was originally called Mons Saturnius ; 
and that there was once an oypidum there called Saturnia, of 
which certain vestiges survived to his own time, including 
a 'fanum Saturni in faucibus,' i. e. apparently the ara Saturni 
of which Dionysius records that it was at the 'root of the hill,' 
by the road leading to the summit G , in fact on the same spot 
where stood later the temple of which eight columns are still 
standing. Close to this, it may be noted, was a sacellum of 
Dis Pater 7 , the Latinized form of Plutus ; in the temple was 
the aerarium of later Rome 8 , and built into the rock behind, the 
chambers of records (tabularia). But it would be idle to found 
upon these facts or traditions any serious hypothesis as to 
the original nature of the Roman cult of Saturn ; all attempts 

1 C. L L. i. 48. But Prof. Gardner tells me that the reading Saet. is 
not certain. 

3 Macrob. i. 10. 19 foil. ; r. 7. 24 and 25 ; Marq. p. n note 3. The con- 
junction of Ops with him in this function is rejected Brightly, I think) by 
Wissowa, de Feriis, iv. But see below on Opalia. 
s Jordan's note on Preller, ii. 10. * e.g. Virg. Aen. 8. 321. 

* See, however, Schwegler, R. G. i. 223 foil. 

* Varro, L. L. 5. 42 ; Dion. Hal. i. 34 (cp. 6. 1} ; Fest. 322 ; Solinus, r. 
13 ; Servius, Aen. 2. 115 ; Middleton, Rome in i8Sj, p. 166. 

7 R. Peter, s. v. Dis in Lex. 1181 ; Macr. i. u. 48. 
" Lucan, 3. 153 ; Middleton, op. cit. 167. 


must fail in the bewildering fog of ancient fancy and ancient 
learning. Saturnus belongs, like Janus, with whom he was 
closely connected in legend ', to an age into whose religious 
ideas we cannot penetrate, and survived into Koman worship 
only through Greek resuscitation 2 , and in the feast of the 
Saturnalia. All we seem to see is that he is somehow con- 
nected with things that are put in the earth 3 seed, treasure, 
perhaps stores of produce ; to which may just be added that 
the one spot in Rome at all times associated with him is close 
to the marJcet, and that market-days (nundinae) were said to be 
sacred to him 4 . The temple of Janus is also close by, and it is 
not impossible that both these ancient gods had some closer 
relation to the Forum and the business done there than we can 
at present understand with our limited knowledge. Neither 
of them, it may be noted, had a flamen attached to his cult ; 
from which we may infer that they did not descend from the 
primitive household or the earliest form of community, but 
rather represented some place or process common to several 
communities, such as a forum and the business transacted 
there 6 . It is precisely such gods who figure in tradition as 
kings, not of a single city, but of Latium. 

But to turn to the festival ; if the god was obscure and 
uninteresting, this was not the case with his feast. It seems 
steadily to have gained in popularity down to the time of the 
empire, and still maintained it when Macrobius wrote the 
dialogue supposed to have taken place on the three days of the 
Saturnalia, and called by that name. Seneca tells us that in 
his day all Rome seemed to go mad on this holiday 6 . Probably 
its vogue was largely due merely to the accident of fashion, 

1 Preller, ii. 13 ; i. 182. 

* The temple was traditionally dated B. c. 497 (Livy, a. at) ; cp. Aust, 
de Aedibus sacris, p. 4 : so too the festival, though both had an older 
origin (Ambrosch. Stud. 149). The latter was reorganized in Greek fashion 
in obedience to a Sibylline oracle in B.O. 217 (.Livy, 22. i). 

3 Plut. Q. B. 34 notes the cult of such gods when all fruits have been 

* Macr. i. 8. 3 and i. 16. 30 (also, but probably in error, attributed to 
Jupiter). Plut <?. JR. 42, and Poplic. 12, states it distinctly ; but there is 
no indication of the source from which he drew. 

8 Cp. the legendary connexion of both with ship-building and the 
coining of money ; though it is of course possible that this was simply 
suggested by the Janus-head and the ship of early Roman coins. 

' Seneca, .Ep. 1 8. i. Martial is full of Saturnalian allusions ; e.g. 12.62. 


partly perhaps to misty ideas about the Golden Age and the 
reign of Saturn ' ; but it seems to be almost a general human 
instinct to rest and enjoy oneself about the time of the winter 
solstice, and to show one's good- will towards all one's neigh- 
bours 2 . In Latium, as elsewhere, this was the time when the 
autumn sowing had come to an end, and when all farm-labourers 
could enjoy a rest*. Macrobius alludes also to the completion 
of all in-gathering by this date : ' Itaque omni iam fetu agrorum 
coacto ab hominibus hos deos (Saturnus and Ops) coli quasi 
vitae cultioris auctores V The close concurrence of Consualia, 
Opalia, and Saturnalia at this time seems to show that some 
final inspection of the harvest work of the autumn may in reality 
have been coincident with, or have immediately preceded, the 
rejoicings of the winter solstice. 

There are several well-attested features of the Saturnalia as 
it was in historical times *. On Dec. 1 7 there was a public 
sacrifice at the temple (formerly the am) of Saturn by the 
Forum 6 , followed by a public feast, in breaking up from which 
the feasters shouted ' lo Saturnalia ' 7 . During the sacrifice 
Senators and Equites wore the toga, but laid it aside for the 
convivium, which reminds us of the ritual of the Fratres Arvales, 
except that the toga was in the latter case the praetexta 8 . These 
proceedings of the first and original day of the festival might 
seem pretty clearly to descend from the religion of the farm, 
yet the convivium is said by Livy to have been introduced as 
late as 217 B. c. ". 

1 Popularized, of course, by the poets : Virg. Georg. ii. 538 ; Tibull. i. 3. 

35, &c- 

3 Was this one of the reasons why Christmas was fixed at the winter 
solstice ? Cp. John Chrysostom, torn. iii. 497 e : quoted by Usener, 
op. cit. p. 217. 

3 Varro, R. R. i. 35. a ' Dum in xv diebus ante et post brumam ut 
pleraque ne facias.' Columella, a. 8. 2, seems to follow Varro. Virg. 
Georg. i. 211 extends the time 'usque sub extremum brumae intractabilis 
inibrem' (cp. Serv. ad loc.). 

4 Sat. i. 10. 19 and 22, and Dion. Hal. 3. 32 ; Plut. Q. R. 34. 

* See Marquardt's excellent summary in Staatsverwaltung, iii. 357, and 
Preller, ii. 15 foil. 

' Dion. Hal. 6. i. Fasti Amit. Dec. 17. We do not know who was the 
sacrificing priest ; perhaps the Bex Sacrorum, or a magistrate. 
7 Macrob. i. 10. 18. 

* Martial, 14. i ; at least this seems to be the inference from 'Synthesi- 
bus dum gaudet eques dominusque senator.' Cp 6. 24. 

' Livy, 22. i. 19 ' lectisternium imperatum et convivium publicum.' 


On the 1 8th and igth, which were general holidays, the day 
began with an early bath ' ; then followed the family sacrifice 
of a sucking pig, to which Horace alludes in familiar lines : 

Cras genium mero 
Curabis et porco bimenstri 
Cum film ul is operuin solutis 2 . 

Then came calls on friends, congratulations, games, and the 
presentation of gifts 3 . All manner of presents were made, as 
they are still at Christmas : among them the wax candles (cerei) 
deserve notice, as they are thought to have some reference, like 
the yule log, to the returning power of the sun's light after the 
solstice. They descended from the Saturnalia into the Christ- 
mas ritual of the Latin Church *. The sigillaria, or little paste 
or earthenware images which were sold all over Rome in the 
days before the festival s , and used as presents, also survived 
into Christian times ; thus, in the ancient Romish Calendar, 
we find that all kinds of little images were on sale at the con- 
fectioners' shops, and even in England the bakers made little 
images of paste at this season d . What was the original mean- 
ing of the custom we do not know ; but it reminds us of the 
oscilla of the Latin festival and the Compitalia \ 

But the best known feature of the Saturnalia is the part 
played in it by the slaves, who, as we all know, were waited on 
by their masters, and treated as being in a position of entire 
equality. The earliest reference to this is in a fragment of 
Accius, quoted by Macrobius 8 : 

lamque diem celebrant, per agros urbesque fere cranes 
Exercent epulas laeti, famulosque procurant 
Quisque sues : nostrique itidem, et mos traditus illino 
Iste, ut cum dominis famuli epulentur ibidem. 

But even this custom, as Marquardt points out, may not have 
been of genuine Latin origin : ' Though the Romans looked 

1 Tertull. Apol. 43. 

3 Odea, 3. 17. Cp. Martial. 14. 70. The pig-offering indicates an earth- 
deity: Henzen, Acta Fratr. Arc. p. 22 ; Marq. 173. 

3 Martial, bk. 14, is the locus dassicus for all this. 

4 Brand, Pop. Ant. 183. 

* Macr. i. 10. 24 ; n. 49. In the latter passage he says 'quae homines 
pro se atque suis piaculum pro Dite Saturno facerent.' 

' Brand, 180. 

7 Marq. 192, and the passages there quoted. 

* Sat. i. 7. 37. For later evidence see Marq. 588. 


on it as a reminiscence of the Golden Age when all men were 
equal, it may have begun with the lectisternium of 217 B. c., 
for such entertainments were a characteristic of lectisternia.' 
When we turn, however, to the same author's account ' of the 
Greek forms of religion introduced through the Sibylline oracles, 
of which the lectisternium was one, we do not find slaves 
included in the ritual of any of them. There was no general 
exclusion of outsiders or women, but nothing is said of slaves. 
And on the whole we may still perhaps consider the other 
explanation possible, that the slaves here represent the farm- 
servants of olden time, whatever social position they may have 
held, who at the end of their year's work were allowed to enjoy 
themselves 'exaequato omnium iure.' 

xiv (ANTE CAES. xn) KAL. DEC. (DEC. 19). IP. 


For Ops see on Aug. 25, when the sacrifice was in the Eegia, 
the significance of which I endeavoured to explain. Here it is 
'ad forum,' which has lately aroused a little unfruitful dispute. 
Is the temple of Saturn meant, which was also described as 
' ad forum ' in the same calendar ? This is still the view of 
Mommsen 2 , who seems to hold the old opinion that there was 
a sacellum Opis attached to the aedes Saturni, or that this aedes 
was dedicated to both deities s . H. Jordan made up his mind 
that ' ad forum ' meant the Regia 4 ; but this is not supported by 
any similar entry in the Fasti. Aust and Wissowa believe that 
Ops had a separate temple 'ad forum,' of which all traces are 
lost, as has happened with many others 5 ; and the latter, as 
we have already seen, disbelieves in any connexion between 
Saturnus and Ops. attributing it entirely to Greek influence. 

However this may be, the one interesting fact about the 

1 p. 50, and note 13. * C. I. L. i 1 . 337. 

3 O. Gilbert (i. 247 note) holds this latter view. 

Ephem. Epigr. i. 37. Wissowa (de Feriis, v] points out that all such 
entries, in which the god's name in the dative is followed by the place of 
sacrifice, apply to consecrated temples only and the Regia was not one. 

5 Aust, de Aedibus sacris Populi Romani, p. 40. Wissowa, L c., who should 
not, I think, write of an aedes inforo. 


temple or whatever it was is that it was ' ad forum.* The 
conjunction of Saturnus and Ops at this place and time must 
surely indicate some connexion of function between the two. 
But what it was is not discoverable ; under Saturnalia I have 
merely suggested the direction in which we may look for it. 

xn (ANTE CAES. x). KAL. IAN. (DEC. 21). JP. 

Praen. adds a terribly mutilated note, which Mommsen thus 
fills up from stray hints in Varro, Pliny (following Verrius), and 
Macrobius x : 



The date given by Pliny and Macrobius proves that Angerona 
was the deity of the Divalia ; but the etymology of the latter is 
useless, and the statement of Pliny as to the statue with the 
mouth gagged and sealed fails to give us any clue to the nature 
or function of the goddess 2 . Angerona is, in fact, the North 
Pole of our exploration : no one has ever reached her, and 
probably no one ever will. The mention of Volupia by Macro- 
bius gives no help ; she is only elsewhere mentioned as one 
of the numina of the Indigitamenta by Augustine 3 . The only 
possible clue is that of which Mommsen has taken advantage in 
the veiy clever completion of Verrius' last words, viz. the fact 
that this day (2ist) is the centre one of the winter solstice. 

1 Varro, L. L. 6. 23 ' Angeronalia ab Angerona, cut sacrificium fit in 
curia Acculeia et cuius feriae publicae is dies.' Pliny, N. H. 3. 5. 65 
'Nomen alterum dicere [nisi] arcanis caerimoniarum nefas habetur ; . . . 
non alienum videtur hoc loco exemplum religionis antiquae ob hoc 
maxime silentium institutae ; namque diva Angerona, cui sacrificatur 
a.d. xii Kal. Ian., ore obligate obsignatoque simulacrum habet.' Macr. 
Sat. i. 10 'xii (Kal. Ian.) feriae sunt divae Angeroniae, cui pontifices in 
sacello Volupiae sacrum faciunt ; quam Verrius Flaccus Angeroniam dici 
ait, quod angores ac sollicitudines animorum propitiata depellat.' 

2 See Wissowa, s.v. Angerona, Lex. 350. 
* Civ. Dei, 4. 8. 


He here even allows himself an etymology, and derives Angero- 
nalia ' ab angerendo, id est ano TOV di>a<f>(prdai TOV rfitov ' : quoting 
Plutarch (de Isidc, ch. 52) for similar Egyptian ideas of the 
sun s birth at this time. Though the etymology may be doubt- 
ful, the inference from the date of the festival is certainly 
acceptable, in the absence of anything more definite : and the 
' Praenestine fragments ' clearly suggest the word ' annus. ' 

x (ANTE CAES. vin) KAL. IAN. (DEC. 23). IP. 

Here again Praen. has a valuable note, which, in this case, is 
fairly well preserved : FEKIAE icvi. ACCAE LAKENTIAE. 


As regards the feriae lovi we are utterly in the dark. 
Macrobius explains it thus : * lovique feriae consecratae, quod 
aestimaverunt antiqui animas a love dari et rursus post mortem 
eidem reddi,' which is obviously a late invention. I can see 
no possible connexion of Jupiter with the Larentalia, and believe 
the conjunction to be accidental. 

Mommsen writes : ' De origine Larentalium ipsiusque Laren- 
tinae indole ac natura parum constat.' He himself has investi- 
gated the myth of Acca Larentia in a memorable essay 2 , and 
we may take his opinion on the Larentalia as at present con- 
clusive. It is to be noted, however, that the view he formerly 
held as to the impossibility of connecting Larentia and Lares 3 
is not re-asserted in the new edition of the Corpus (vol i) ; the 
connexion, he says, may be right, but does not help us to 
explain the 'feriae lovi' or the parentatio (performance of 
funeral rites) at the grave of Larentina (or Larentia). 

This parentatio seems to me the one thing known to us about 

1 Macrob. Sat. i. 10. n ; Fest. 119 ; and Lact. Inst. i. 20. 4 mention the 

' Horn. Farschungen, vol. ii. p. i foil. See also Roscher, s.v. in Lex. 5. 
3 Cp. Ovid, Fasti, 3. 55. 

X 2 


the Larentalia which can possibly aid us. We are told by Varro 
that it took place in the Velabrum, ' qua in Novam viam exitur, 
ut aiunt quidam, ad sepulcrum Accae V The Flamen Quiri- 
nalis took part in it, and the Pontifices 2 . Now the Parentalia 
took place in February. Is it possible that this is a survival 
from a time when it was in December a survival, because it 
was at the tomb of a semi-deity, and was a public function 3 ? 
It is very curious that we have a record of a private parentatio 
wilfully transferred from February to December, and probably 
to this day. Cicero, in a mutilated passage from which Plutarch 
has apparently drawn one of his ' Eoman Questions,' seems to 
have stated that Dec. Brutus (consul 138 B.C.) used to do his 
parentatio in December *. Whether Cicero was here alluding to 
the Larentalia we do not know ; but Plutarch notes the fact of 
the parentatio of Larentia in December, and is led thereby to 
write the quaestio next in order on the story of Larentia 5 . Was 
the learned Brutus simply a pedant, changing his parentatio to 
a date which he believed to be the real original one, or had he 
some special reason for connecting his family with December 
and Larentia ? 

However we may answer this question, there is, perhaps, 
a bare possibility that the Larentalia was originally a feast of 
the dead of the old Eome on the Palatine, preserved in the 
calendar of the completed city only through the reputed sur- 
vival of the tomb of Larentia in the Velabrum at the foot 
of the rock. 

1 L. L, 6. 23. The passage is in part hopelessly corrupt. 

* Gellius, N. A. 7. 7 ; for the Flamen Quir. cf. Gilbert, i. 88. Cic. Ep. 
ad Brut. i. 15. 8. Varro, I.e. says vaguely 'sacerdotes nostri.' Plut. 
Romulus, 4, gives o ^ov 'Apeos Itpws, wrongly. 

3 ' Sacerdotes nostri publice parentant ' ( Varro, 1. c.). 

* Cic. de Legibus, a. 21. 54 ; Plut. Q. R. 34. 

* Plutarch is often led on in this work from one question to another by 
something he finds in the book he is consulting for the first. 


THE period of winter leisure which began for the agriculturist 
in December continued into January. From the solstice to 
Favonius (i. e. Feb. 7) is Varro's eighth and last division of the 
agricultural year, in which there is no hard work to be done 
out of doors (jR. R. i. 36 : cf. Virg. Georg. i. 312 ; Colum. xi. 2). 
So too the rustic calendars; 'palus aquitur, salix harundo 
caedetur.' Columella tells us, however, that if the weather be 
favourable, it may be possible from the Ides of January ' aus- 
picari culturarum officia.' We have seen that in December this 
easy time was occupied with a series of religious rites of such 
extreme antiquity that their meaning was almost entirely lost 
for the Eoman of later ages. After the solstice this series 
cannot be said to continue : the calendars have only three 
festivals in January marked with large letters, the Agonia on 
the 9th, and the two Carmentalia on the 1 1 th and i sth. On 
the other hand, there were two feriae conceptivae in this month 
which do not appear in the calendars ; the Compitalia (which 
might, however, fall before the beginning of the month), and 
the Paganalia towards the end of it. Both these were originally 
festive meetings in which rural folk took part together, and seem 
to indicate that agricultural labours had not yet really begun. 

KAL. IAN. (JAN. i). F. 

This temple of Vediovis was vowed by the praetor L. Furius 
Purpureo in 200 B. c., and dedicated six years later *. For this 

1 Livy, 31. 21 ; 34. 53. The MSS have ' deo lovi ' in the former passage, 
and ' lovi s ' in the second ; but it is almost certain that Vediovin in the 


obscure deity see on May 21. The connexion between him and 
Aesculapius (if there were any) is unexplained. The latter was 
a much older inhabitant of the Tiber island (291 B.C.), and 
became in time the special deity of that spot ', which is called 
by Dionys. (5. 13) v^aos tvpfytGr]? 'A.(TK\r/irinv if pd. Is it possible 
that an identification of Vediovis with Apollo 2 so often a god of 
pestilence brought the former to the island seat of the healing 
deity ? The connexion between Apollo and Aesculapius is well 

Another invasion of the island took place almost at the same 
time. In 194 B. c. a temple of Faunus was dedicated there 
which had been vowed two years earlier 3 ; and it may be 
worth noting that Faunus also had power to avert pestilence 
and unfruitfulness, as is seen in the story of Numa and the 
Faunus-oracle. (Ovid, Fasti, 4. 641 foil.) 

On Jan. i, under the later Republic, i. e. after the year 
153 B. c., in and after which the consuls began their year of 
office on this day, it was the custom to give New Year presents 
by way of good omen, called strenae * ; a word which survives 
in the French etrennes. It is likely enough that the custom 
was much older than 153 B.C.: the word was said to be 
derived from a Sabine goddess Strenia, whose sacellum at the 
head of the Via Sacra is mentioned by Varro (L. L. v. 47 5 ), 
and from whose grove certain sacred twigs were carried to the 
arx (in procession along the Sacred Way ?) at the beginning of 
each year 6 . But we are not told whether this latter rite always 
took place on Jan. i, or was transferred to that day from some 
other in 153 B.C. 

deity referred to. See Mommsen in C. L L. i". 305 for the confusion in 
these passages, and in Livy, 35. 41. (Cp. Ovid, Fasti, i. 291-3.) 

1 Livy, Epit. u, and 10. 47 ; Preller, ii. 241 ; Plut. Q. R. 94 ; Jordan, 
in Comm. in hon. Momms. p. 349 foil. 

1 See under May ai. Deecke, Falisker, 96. 

1 Lj vy, 33- 42, 34- 53 ; Jordan, 1. c. 

4 These and their later history are the subject of a most exhaustive 
treatise by Martin Lipenius, in Graevius' Thesaurus, vol. xii, p. 405. See 
also Marq. Privatleben, i", 245. For the sentiment implied in the strenae 
see Ovid, Fasti, i. 71 foil, and 175. 

* Cp. Fest. 290. 

Symmachus, ep. 10. 35 'Ab exortu paene urbis Martiae strenarum 
usus adolevit. auctoritate Tatii regis, qui verbenas i'elicis arboris ex luco 
Strenuae anni novi auspices primus accepit.' 

3 LUDI i 

4 LUDI > 



in NON. IAN.-NON. IAN. (JAN. 3-5). C. 

LUDI ( ,. 



The Compitalia were not feriae stativae until late in the 
Empire, and then perhaps only so by tradition 1 . They took 
place at some date between the Saturnalia (Dec. 1 7) and Jan. 5 ; 
and we may infer from Philocalus and Silvius as quoted above 
that the tendency was to put them late in that period. Not 
being a great state-festival, they could be put between Kalends 
and Nones. 

The original meaning of compitum is explained by the 
Scholiast on Persius, 4. 28 2 'Compita sunt loca in quadriviis, 
quasi turres, ubi sacrificia, finita agricultura, rustici celebra- 
bant. . . . Compita sunt non solum in urbe loca, sed etiam 
viae publicae ac diverticulae aliquorum confinium, ubi aediculae 
consecrantur patentes. In his fracta iuga ab agricolis ponuntur, 
velut emeriti et elaborati operis indicium 3 .' From this we 
gather that where country cross-roads met, or where in the 
parcelling out of agricultural allotments one semita crossed 
another 4 , some kind of altar was erected and the spot held 
sacred. This is quite in keeping with the usage of other 
peoples : the ' holiness ' of cross-roads is a well-known fact in 
folk-lore 8 . It may be doubted, however, whether the Scholiast 
is right in his explanation of the ' fracta iuga,' which may rather 
have been used as a spell of some kind, than as ' emeriti operis 
indicium.' Thus Crooke 6 mentions an Indian practice of fixing 

1 Varro, L. L. 6. 25 'quotannis is dies concipitur' (for the right reading 
of the rest of the passage see Mommsen, C. I. L. 305^ Macrobius (i. 16. 
6) reckons them as conceptivae, in the fourth century ; Philoc. and Silv. 
may bo representing a traditional date for a feast which was iure concepiivus. 
So Momms. Cp. Gell. 10. 24. 3, where the formula for fixing he date is 
given ; and Cic. in Pis. 4. 8. It was the praetor (urban us ?) who in this 
case made the announcement. 

4 Cp. Philargyrius, Georg. 2. 382 ' [compita] ubi pagan i agrestes buccina 
convocati solent certa inire consilia' ; no doubt discussion about agricul- 
tural matters. 

3 Cp. Ovid, Fasti, i. 665, of the Paganalia : 'Rusticus emeritum palo 
suspendat aratrum.' v Cp. Tibull. ii. i. 5.) Such features were perhaps 
common to all these rustic winter rejoicings. 

* Orom. Vet. 302. 20 foil. 

5 For Greece see Farnell, Cults, ii. 561 and 598. 

* Folklore in Northern India, i. 77. 


up a harrow perpendicularly where four roads met, apparently 
Avith the object of appeasing the rain-god. 

In the city of Kome the compita were the meeting-places of 
vlci (streets with houses), where sacella were erected to the 
Lares compitales 1 two in each case. For the inhabitants 
of the vici which thus crossed each other, the compitum was 
the religious centre ; and thus arose a quasi-religious organiza- 
tion, which, as including the lowest of the population and even 
slaves 2 , became of much importance in the revolutionary period 
in connexion with the machinery of electioneering. The 
' collegia compitalicia ' were abolished by the Senate in B. c. 64, 
and reconstituted in B. c. 58 by a bill of Clodius de collegiis. 
Caesar again prohibited them, and the ludi compitalicii with 
them ; but the latter were once more revived by Augustus and 
made part of his general reorganization of the city and its 
worship 3 . 

The Compitalia, which the Komans ascribed to Servius 
Tullius or Tarquinius Superbus 4 , was probably first organized 
as part of the religious system of the united city in the Etruscan 
period, though it doubtless had its origin in the rustic ideas 
and practice of which we get a glimpse in the passage quoted 
from the Scholiast on Persius. Two features of it seem to fit 
in conveniently with this conjecture: (i) that already mentioned, 
that even the slaves had a part in it, as well as the plebs ; 
(2) the fact that the magistri vicorum, who were responsible for 
the festival, wore the toga praetcxta on the day of its celebra- 
tion 4 which looks like a Tarquinian innovation in an anti- 
aristocratic sense. 

v ID. IAN. (JAN. 9). IP? 

AGON. (MAFF. PRAEN.) A mutilated note in Praen. gives 
the word Agonium. 

It may be doubted whether the Koman scholars themselves 

1 Marq. 203 ; Dion. Hal. 4. 14 ; Ovid, Fasti, a. 615 and 5. 140. Wissowa 
(Myth. Lex. s.v. Lares, p. 1874) would limit them in origin to the pagi out- 
side the septem monies, as the latter had their own sacra. 

* Dion. Hal. 4. 14 oil TOVS t\tv6(povs dAAd roiis Sov\.ovs (raft (i.e. Serv. 
Tull.) TToptivai rf KOI avvitpovpytiv, wy Kf%apiffiJiiirt]S rois rjpcaai TTJS ruv Qtpa- 
auvriav virripfaias (Cic. pro Sestio, 15. 34). 

3 Marq. 204 ; Rusthforth, Latin Historical Inscriptions, p. 59 folL 

4 Pliny, N. H. 36. 204 ; Macrob. i. 7. 34 ; Dion. I.e. 

5 Asconius, p. 6, K. Sch. Livy, 34. 7. 2. 


knew for certain what was meant by AGON, and whether the 
explanations they give are anything better than guesses based 
on analogy \ Ovid calls the day 'dies agonalis ': 

lanus agonali luce piandus erit (Fasti, i. 318). 
Nomen agonalem credit habere diem (Ibid. i. 324). 

and gives a number of amusing derivations which prove his 
entire ignorance. Festus 2 gives Agonium as the name of the day 
(which agrees with Verrius in Fast. Praen.), and says that 
agonia was an old word for hostia. Varro calls the day 
'agonalis' 3 ; Ovid in another place Agonalia*. A god Agonius 
mentioned by St. Augustine 5 is probably only an invention 
of the pontifices. The fact is that the Eomans knew neither 
what the real form of the word was, nor what it meant. The 
attempt to explain it by the apparitor's word at a sacrifice, 
agone ? (shall I slay ?) is still approved by some, but is quite 
uncertain 6 . 

The original meaning of the word, if it ever were in common 
use, must have vanished long before Latin was a written 
language. The only traces of it, besides its appearance in the 
calendars, are in the traditional name for the Quirinal hill, 
Collis Agonus, in its gate, ' porta agonensis,' and its college of 
Salii agonenses 7 . It would seem thus to have had some special 
connexion with the Colline city. 

The same word appears in the calendars for three other days, 
March 1 7 (Liberalia), May 2 1 (Agon. Vediovi), Dec. 1 1 (Septi- 
niontium) ; but it is impossible to make out any connexion 
between these and Jan. 9. Nor can we be sure that the 
sacrifice (if such it was), -indicated by Agon, had any relation 
to the other ceremonies of the days thus marked 8 . On Jan. 9 

1 SoWissowa, de Feriis, xii note. Cp. his article 'Agonium' in the new 
edition of Pauly's Rcal-EncycL 

* p. 10. Cp. Ovid, Fasti, i. 331 'Et pecus ahtiquus dicebat agonia sermo.' 
3 He uses the plural: 'Agonales (dies) per quos rex in regia arietem 

immolat' (L. L. 6. 12). But only Jan. 9 seems to be alluded to. 

* Fasti, i. 325 : cf. Macrob. i. 16. 5. 

* Civ. Dei, 4. 1 1. 16. Ambrosch (Studien, 149) thinks it possible that Agonius 
may have been a god of the Colline city. 

* Biicheler, Umbrica, p. 30. B. apparently sees in the TJmbrian ' sakreu 
perakneu' an equivalent to 'hostias agonales.' The Iguvian ritual is 
certainly the most likely document to be useful ; it at least shows how 
large was the store of sacrificial vocabulary. 

7 Fest p. 10. For the Salii, Varro, L. L. 6. 14. 

* Wissowa, de Feriis, xii. 


Ovid does indeed say that Janus was 'agonali luce piandus,'and 
on May 2 1 the Fasti Venusini add a note ' Vediovi ' to the letters 
AGON ; but there is no distinct proof that the agonium was 
a sacrifice to Janus or to Vediovis. We are utterly in the 
dark '. 

On this day the Rex sacrorum offered a ram (to Janus?) 
in the Regia. Ovid says 2 that though the meaning of Agon 
is doubtful, 

ita rex placare sacrorum 
Numina lanigerae coniuge debet ovis. 

It is provokingly uncertain whether this ram was actually 
sacrificed to Janus : Varro does not say so, and Ovid only 
implies it s . But we may perhaps assume it on the ground that 
once at least in the ritual of the Fratres Arvales * the ram is 
mentioned as Janus' victim. 

If this be so, we are carried back by this sacrifice to the very 
beginnings of Rome, and get a useful clue to the nature of the 
god Janus. The Rex sacrorum was the special representative in 
later times of the king ; the king, living in the Regia, was the 
equivalent in the State of the head of the household. The two 
most important and sacred parts of the house are the door 
(ianua, ianus), and the hearth (vesta) 5 , and the numina inhabit- 
ing and guarding these are Janus and Vesta, who, as is well 
known, were respectively the first and the last deities to be 
invoked at all times in Roman religious custom. The whole 
house certainly had a religious importance, like 'every thing else 
in intimate relation to man ; and Macrobius is not romancing 
when he says (quoting mythici) ' Regnante lano omnium domos 

1 When Varro writes (L. L. 6. 12) that the dies agonales are those in which 
the Rex sacrorum sacrifices a ram in the Regia, he may be including all the 
four days, and not only Jan. 9. I think this is likely ; but we only know 
it of Jan. 9. 

1 Fasti, i. 333. Varro L. L. 6. ra ' Agonales (dies) per quos rex in regia 
arietem immolat.' 

8 Cp. lines 318 and 333. 

* Henzen, 144. An 'agna' is the only other animal sacrifice we know 
of to Janus (Roscher, in Lex. 42). 

* Roscher, in Lex. s. v. Ianus, 29 foil. (cp. for much interesting kindred 
matter, De-Marchi, II Culto private, p. 20 foil.). Roscher's attempt to find 
an analogy between the Forum and the house is interesting, but unluckily 
the positions 'adForum' of the ' Ianus geminus' and the 'aedes Vestae' do 
not exactly answer to those of the door and hearth of a Roman house. 


religione et sanctitate fuisse munitas V But the door and the 
hearth were of special importance, as the folk-lore of eveiy 
people fully attests ; and it is hardly possible to avoid the con- 
clusion that we must look for the origin of Janus in the ideas 
connected with the house-door, just as we have always found 
Vesta in the fire on the hearth. Whatever be the true ety- 
mology of Janus, and however wild the interpretations of his 
nature and cult both in ancient and modern times, we shall 
always have firm ground to stand on if we view him in relation 
to the primitive worship of the house 2 . There is hardly an 
attribute or a cult-title of Janus that cannot be deduced with 
reason from this root-idea. 

The old Eoman scholars, who knew as little about Janus as 
we do, started several explanations of a cosmical kind, which 
must have been quite strange to the average Roman worshipper. 
He was a sun-god s , and his name is the masculine form of 
Diana (= moon) ; he was the mundus, i.e. the heaven, or the 
atmosphere 4 . These were, of course, mere guesses character- 
istic of a pedantic age which knew nothing of the old Roman 
religious mind. If Janus ever had been .a nature-deity, his 
attributes as such were completely worn away in historical 
times, or had lost their essential character in the process of 
constant application to practical matters by a prosaic people. 
How far the Roman of the Augustan age understood his great 
deorum deus may be gathered from Ovid's treatment of the 
subject, itself no doubt a poetical version of the learned specu- 
lation of Varro and others. The poet ' interviews ' the deity 
with the object of finding out the lost and hidden meaning of 
his most obvious peculiarities, and the old god condescends to 
answer with a promptness and good temper that would do 
credit to the victims of the modern journalist. The curious 
thing is that the real origin, humble, simple, and truly Latin, 

1 Sat. i. 9. a ; Procopius, B. G. i. 25, who says that 'Janus belonged to 
the gods whom the Romans in their tongue called Penates,' seems to be 
alluding to the same connexion of this god and the house. 

3 We owe this explanation of Janus chiefly to Roscher's article, and 
Roscher himself owed it to the fact that his study of Janus for the article 
was a second and not a first attempt. In Hermes der Windgott (Leipzig, 
1878) he had arrived at a very different and a far less rational conclusion. 
The influence of Mannhardt and the fnlk-lorists set him on the right track. 

3 Nigidius Figulus in Macrob. L 9. 8. 

* See Roscher, Lex. 44. 


escaped the observation both of the interviewer and the 

Before I state more definitely the grounds on which this 
simple explanation of Janus is based, it will be as woll to deal 
shortly with the more ambitious ones. 

1. The theory that Janus was a sun-god has the support of 
Eoman antiquarians ', and was probably suggested by them to 
the moderns. Nigidius Figulus, the Pythagorean mystic, seems 
to have been the first to broach the idea : we have no evidence 
that Varro gave his sanction to it. It was Nigidius who first 
suggested the idea of the relation of Janus to Diana (Dianus, 
Diana = Janus, Jana), which found much favour with Preller 
and Schwegler 2 at a time when neither comparative philology 
nor comparative mythology were as well understood as now. 
But the common argument, both in ancient and modern times, 
has been that which Macrobius quotes from certain speculators 
whom he does not name : ' lanum quidam solem demonstrari 
volunt, et ideo geminum quasi utriusque ianuae coelestis poten- 
tem, qui exoriens aperiat diem, occidens claudat,' &c. It is 
obvious that this is pure speculation by a Eoman of the cosmo- 
politan age : it is an attempt to explain the Janus geminus as 
the representation of one of the great forces of nature. But it 
has nothing to do with the ideas of the early Italian farmer. 

2. The theory that Janus was a god of the ' vault of heaven ' 
was also started by the ancients, as may be seen from the 
chapter of Macrobius quoted above. Recently it has been 
adopted by Professor Deecke in his Etruscan researches 3 . He 
seems to hold that Janus in Etruria, as a god of the arch of 

1 Macrob. i. 9. 9 ; Lydus, de. Mensibus, 4. 6 (who quotes Lutatius). 

3 Schwegler, E. G. i. 218 foil.; Preller, i. 168 foil. The etymology is 
weak ; the god and goddess have nothing common in cult or myth ; it is 
not certain that Diana was originally the moon ; and the great Italian 
deities are not coupled together in this way. 

3 ii. 125 foil. Cf. Muller's Etrusker (ed. Deecke), ii. 58 foil. Muller, with 
his usual good sense, concluded from the evidence that the Latin Janus 
was a god of gates ; but he thought that an Etruscan deity of the vault or 
arch of heaven had been amalgamated with him. This is not impossible, if 
there was really such an Etruscan god ; and Deecke finds him in Ani, 
who in Etruscan theology seems to have had his seat in the northern part 
of the heaven (Mart. Capell. i. 45) where Janus was also represented in the 
templum of Piacen/a (Lex. a. v. Janus, p. 28). But this must remain 
a doubtful point, even though Lydus (4. 2) tells us that Varro said that 
the god napd &OVOKOIS ovpavb 


heaven, was represented on arches and gates in that country, 
and came to Rome when the Romans learnt the secret of the 
arch from the Etruscans. That the Romans were the pupils of 
the Etruscans in this particular seems to be true ; but if Janus 
only came to Rome with the arch (Deecke says in Numa's time) 
it is hard to see how he could have so quickly gained his pecu- 
liar place in Roman worship and legend. I cannot think that 
Deecke has here improved on the conclusions of his predecessor. 

Speculations about Janus as a heaven-god have been pushed 
still further. Here is a passage from a book which is almost 
a work of genius 1 , yet embodies many theories of which its 
author may by this time have repented : ' He who prayed 
(in ancient Italy) began his prayer looking to the East, but 
ended it looking to the West. Herein we find expressed the 
conception of the unity and indivisibility of Nature ; whose 
symbol is the most characteristic figure of the Italian religion, 
the double-headed Janus, the highest god, and the god of all 
things, all times, and all gods. He unites the dualistic opposites 
which complete the world beginning and end, morning and 
evening, outgoing and ingoing. He is the god of the year, 
which finds its completion in its own orbit, and as he is the 
god of time, so he is the god of the Kosmos, which like a circle 
displays both beginning and end at once.' He then quotes 
a passage from Messalla, which Macrobius has preserved, in 
support of this astonishing product of the rude mind of the 
primitive Roman 2 . Of this Messalla we only know that he 
was consul in 53 B.C., and that (as Macrobius tells us) he was 
augur for fifty-five years, in the course of which period, after 
the fashion of his day, he wrote works of which the object 
was to find a philosophic basis for the quaint phenomena 
of the Roman religion. His speculations on the double head of 
Janus cannot help us to discover the primitive nature of our 
deity ; Janus may have been the ancient heaven-god of the 
Latins, but these guesses are the product of a spurious and 
eclectic Greek philosophy. 

3. There is another possible explanation of Janus, which 
is not mentioned in Roscher's article, but is perhaps worth 
as much consideration as the two last. Professor Rhys, in 

1 Nissen, Templum, p. 228. a Macrob. i. 9. 16. 


his Hibbert Lectures on Celtic Mythology \ somewhat casually 
identified Janus with the Celtic god Cernunnos, whom he 
considers to be the Gallic deity called by Caesar Dis Pater. 
The one striking fact in favour of this equation is that Cer- 
nunnos was represented as having three faces, and like Janus. 
as a head without a body the lower portion of the block 
being utilized for other purposes 2 . He seems to have been 
a chthonic deity, and is compared to and even identified by 
Rhys with Heimdal of the Norsemen and Teutons, who was 
the warder or porter of the gods, and of the underworld 3 , who 
sits as the ' wind-listening ' god, whose ears are of miraculous 
sharpness, who is the father of man, and the sire of kings. 
Both Cernunnos and Heimdal are thought further to have been, 
like Janus, the fans et origo of all things. According to Caesar 
the Gauls believed themselves to be descended from their 
deity ; and both the Celtic and Scandinavian gods seem to have 
had, like the Roman, some connexion with the divisions of 

It must be allowed that these two gods taken together supply 
parallels to Janus' most salient characteristics ; and even to one 
or two of the less prominent and more puzzling ones, such as 
the connexion with springs 4 . It is not impossible that all 
three may have grown out of a common root ; but in the cases 
of Cernunnos and Heimdal it does not seem any longer possible 
to trace this, owing to heavy incrustations of poetical mythology. 
In the case of the Roman, the chance is a better one, in spite of 
philosophical speculation, ancient and modern. 

We return from philosophers and mythologists to early 
Rome. The one fact on which we must fix our attention is 
that on the north-east of the forum Romanum was the famous 
Janus geminus, which from representations on coins 5 we can 
see was not a temple, but a gateway, with entrance and exit 
connected by walls, within which was, we may suppose, the 
double-headed figure of Janus which is familiar on Roman 
coins. The same word janus is applied to the gate and to the 

p. 93 foil. ; Goes. B. <?. 6. 18. 

M. Mowat thought that this was Janus naturalized in Gaul ; but with 
Prof. Ehys (p. 81 note) I cannot but think this unlikely. 
See Corpus Poeticum Boreale, ii. 465. 
Roscher, in Lex. 18 ; Rhys, 1. c. 88. 
Reseller, Lex. 17 ; Jordan, Topogr. x. a. 351. 


numen who guarded it, lived in it. and was as inseparable from 
it as Vesta from the fire on the hearth 1 . The word does not 
seem to have been used for the gate of a city, but for the point 
of passage into a, space within a city, such as a market, or 
a street. At Eome there were several such jani 2 ; probably 
two or more leading into the forum, as well as the more famous 
one, which alone appears to have had a strictly religious signi- 
fication 3 . The connexion of the god with entrances is thus 
a certainty, though we are puzzled by his apparent absence from 
the gates of the city *. The double head would signify nothing 
transcendental, but simply that the numen of the entrance 
to house or market was concerned both with entrance and exit. 
It is not peculiar to Italy, or to Janus, but is found on coins 
in every part of the Mediterranean (Koscher, Lex. 53 foil.): in 
no case, it is worth noting, does the double head represent 
any of the great gods of heaven, such as Zeus, Apollo, &c., but 
Dionysus, Boreas, Argos, unknown female heads 5 , &c. Its 
history does not seem to have been worked out ; but we can be 
almost sure that it does not represent the sun, and has no 
relation to the arch of heaven. 

Now keeping in mind the fact that Janus is the guardian 
spirit of entrances, let us recall again the fact that he was the 
first deity in all invocations both public and private 6 , and that 
Vesta was the last 7 . Vesta in the house was, as Cicero expresses 
it, ' rerum custos intimarum ' ; she presided over the pene- 
tralia the last part of the house to which any stranger could 
be admitted ; exactly the opposite position to that of Janus 

1 Cic. De Nat. Dearum, a. 27/67 ' Transition es perviae iani, foresque in 
liminibus profanarum aedium ianuae nominantur.' Cp. Macrob. i. 9. 7. 

a On the whole question see Jordan, Topogr. i. a. 215 foil. Ovid (Fasti, 
i. 257) asks the god ' Cum tot sint iani, cur stas sacratus in uno?' 

5 From Falerii came another janus, with a four-headed simulacrum, 
which was set up in the Forum transitorium (Macr. i. 9. 13 ; Jordan, 
Top. i. 2. 348). 

* Preller made an attempt, which Roscher approves, to identify Portu- 
nus with Janus, Portunus being, according to Varro, 'Deus portuum 
portarumque praeses' (Interpr. Veron. Aen. v. 241). But see on Aug. 17. 

* The nearest approach to Janus is the Hermes Ovptuos or arp<xf>aTos 
(single head only?) and Hermes with two, three, or four heads at the 
meeting-points of streets. These are points which suggested to Roscher 
in his older work an elaborate comparison of Hermes and Janus 
(p. 119 foil.). 

* See Marq 25. 26 and notes. 

7 Cic. N. D. 2. 27 ; Preller, ii. 170, 


at the entrance '. Both deities retained at all times the essential 
mark of primitive ideas of the supernatural : they resided in, 
and in a sense were, the doorway and the hearth respectively. 
What we know of the priests who served them tells the same 
tale of an origin in the house, and the family the foundation 
of all Italian civilization. Vesta was served by her sacred 
virgins, and these, we can no longer doubt, were the later 
representatives of the daughters of the head of the family, 
or the headman of the community - ; the innermost part of the 
house was theirs, the care of the fire, the stores (penus), and the 
cooking. To the father, the defender of the family, belonged 
naturally the care of the entrance, the dangerous point, where 
both evil men and evil spirits might find a way in. And 
surely this must be the explanation of the fact that no priest is 
to be found for Janus in the Eoman system but the Rex 
sacrorum 3 , the lineal representative of the ancient religious 
duties of the king, and therefore, we may infer with certainty, 
of those of the primitive chief, and of the head of the house- 
hold 4 . In the most ancient order of the priesthoods, the Kex 
sacrorum carne first, just as Janus was the first of all the gods h : 
then came the three great Flamines, and then the Pontifex 
maximus, in whose care and power were the Vestals. Translating 
the order into terms of the primitive family, we have first the 
head of the house, next the sons, and lastly (as women do not 
appear in these lists), the daughters represented by the later 
priesthood, to which they were legally subordinated. The 
order of the gods, the order of the priests, and the natural 
position of the entrance to the house, all seem to lead us to the 
same conclusion, that the beginning of Janus and his cult are 

1 For the evidence of this position of Janus in the cults of the house see 
Roscher, Lex. 32 ; it is indirect, but sufficiently convincing. 

2 See my article ' Vestales ' in Diet, of Antiquities, ed. a. 

3 Marq. 321 foil. Besides the sacrifice in the Regia on Jan. 9, the Rex 
and his wife, the Regina sacrorum, sacrificed to Juno in the Regia on the 
Kalends of every month, and apparently also to Janus (Junonius to whom 
there were twelve altars (in the Regia ?) one for each month. Macr. i. 9. 
16 and r. 15. 19. 

4 For the father as the natural defender of the family, see Westermarck, 
Hist, of Human Marriage, ch. 3. 

* Festus, 185 ' Maximus videtur Rex, dein Dialis, post hunc Martialis, 
quarto locoQuirinalis, quinto pontifex maximus.' For the corresponding 
place of Janus, Liv. 8. 9. 6 ; Cato, R. R. 134 ; Marq. 26. 


to be sought, and may be found, in the early Italian family 

We may agree with Eoscher, who has worked out this part 
of the subject with skill, that this position of Janus in the 
worship of the family and the state is the origin of all the 
practices in which he appears as a god of beginnings. For 
these the reader must be referred to Koscher's article ', or to 
Preller, or to Mommsen, who sees in this aspect of the god, and 
rightly no doubt, that which chiefly reflects the notion of him 
held by the ordinary Koman. He was himself the oldest god, 
the beginner of all things, and of all acts 2 ; to him in legend 
is ascribed the introduction of the arts, of agriculture, ship- 
building, &c. 3 . He is an object of worship at the beginning 
of the year, the month, and the day 4 . All this sprang, not 
from an abstract idea of beginning an idea which has no 
Roman parallel in being sanctified by a presiding deity, but 
from the concrete fact that the entrance of the house was the 
initium, or beginning of the house, and at the same time the 
point from which you started on all undertakings. 

Such developments of the original Janus were no doubt 
as old as the State itself. In the Salian hymn he is already 
'deorum deus' r> , and 'duonuscerus' , which Festus tells us meant 
creator bonus. But even in the State there are, as we have seen, 
sufficiently clear traces of his original nature to forbid us to 
attribute these titles to any lofty and abstract philosophical 
ideas of religion. 

The known cult-titles of Janus are for the most part explicable 
in the same way. Geminus, Patulcius, Clusius, and Matutinus, 
speak for themselves. Junonius probably arose from the con- 
currence of the cults of Janus and Juno on the Kalends of each 
month, as Macrobius tells us 7 . Consivius 8 is explained by 
Roscher as connected with serere, and used of Janus as creator 
(beginner of life: cf. duonus cents). Curiatius, Patricius, and 

1 Lex. 37 foil. ; Preller, r. 166 foil. ; Mommsen, R. H. i. 173. 

2 *E(popos irdarjs irpoews, says Lydus, 4. a, quoting Varro ; cp. Ovid, Fasti, 
i. 165 foil. 

3 Plut. Q. R. 22. 

* Mncrob. i. 9. 16 ; Horace, Sat. ii. 6. 20 foil. 

5 Macrob. r. 9. 14. 

6 Varro, L. L. 7. 26 ; Feat. 122. 7 Macr. i. 9. 16. 

' Macr. 1. c. Wissowa (de Feriis, vi) says the true form is consvius ; 
but the etymology holds. 



Quirinus 1 are titles arising from the worship of the god in 
gentes, curiae, and the completed state, and have no significance 
in regard to his nature. 

in ID. IAN. (JAN. 1 1). IP. 

xvin KAL. FEB. (JAN. 15). JP. 

The full name of the festival is supplied by Philoc. and Silv. 
There is a much mutilated note in Praen. on Jan. 1 1 which 
is completed by Mommsen thus 2 : ' [Feriae Carmenti . . . quae 
partus curat omniaque] futura ; ob quam ca[usam in aede eius 
cavetur ab scorteis tan quam] omine morticino.' 

The first point to be noticed here is that the same deity has 
two festival days, with an interval of three days between them. 
There is no exact parallel to this in the calendar, though there 
are several instances of something analogous 3 . The Lemuria 
are on May 9, n, 13 ; but here are three days, and no special 
deity. Kindred deities have their festivals separated by three 
days, as Census and Ops (Aug. 21, 25); and we may compare 
the Fordicidia and Cerealia on April 15 and 19, and the 
Quinquatrus and Tubilustrium. both apparently sacred to Mars, 
on March 19 and 23. All festivals occur on days of uneven 
number ; and if there was an extension to two or more days, 
the even numbers were passed over 4 . But the Komans did not 
apparently consider the two Carmentalia to be two parts of the 
same festival, but two different festivals, or they would not 
have tried to account as they did for the origin of the second 
day. It was said to have been added by a victorious general 
who left Eome by the Porta Carmentalis to attack Fidenae 5 , or 
by the matrons who had refused to perform the function of 
women, in anger at being deprived by the Senate of the right of 

1 Reseller, Lex. 21, 26, 40. 

8 C. I. L. i. 307, on the evidence of Ovid, Fast. i. 629 and Varro, L. L. 

s Wissowa, de Feriis, viii. * Mommseu, C. L L. i. 288. 

* Fast. Praen. on Jan. 15 (mutilate!). Cp. Ovid, Fast. i. 619, and Plut. 
<J. R. 56. Festus, 245. 


riding in carpenta ; and who, when the decree was withdrawn, 
testified their satisfaction in this curious way. 

It does not seem possible to discover the real meaning of the 
double festival. It has been suggested l that the two days re- 
present the so-called Roman and Sabine cities, like the two bodies 
of Salii and Luperci. This guess is hardly an impossible one, 
but it is only a guess, and has nothing to support it but a casual 
statement by Plutarch that the Carmentalia were instituted at 
the time of the synoikismos of Latin and Sabine cities l . 

There is fortunately little doubt about the nature of Carmenta 
and the general meaning of the cult. In all the legends into 
which she was woven 3 her most prominent characteristic is 
the gift of prophecy ; she is the ' vates fatidica,' &c., 

Cecinit quae prima futures 
Aeneadas magnos et nobile Pallanteum. 

So Ovid, at the end of his account of her : 

At felix rotes, ut dis gratissima vixit, 
Possidet hunc lani sic dea mouse diem. 

The power is expressed in her very name, for carmen signifies 
a spell, a charm, a prophecy, as well as a poem. Now there 
is clear evidence that either women alone had access to the 
temple at the Porta Carmentalis, or that they were the chief 
frequenters of it ; and they are even said to have built a temple 
themselves 4 . Where we find women worshipping a deity of 
prophecy we may be fairly sure that that deity also has some 
influence on childbirth. 'The reason,' writes the late Prof. 
Nettleship ", ' why the Carmentes are worshipped by matrons 
is because they tell the fortunes of the children' and also, 

1 By Huschke, Rom. Jahr, 199. There was probably more than one 
Carmenta (Gell. 16. 16. 4), if we consider Porrima and Postverta as two 
forms of the goddess ; and the two days may have some relation to this 
duality. Perhaps there were two altars in the temple. Ovid, Fasti, i. 627. 

2 Plut. Romulus, a i. 

3 See Wissowa in Lex. Myth. i. 851 ; Ovid. Fasti, i. 461 foil. ; Virg. Aen. 
8. 336. The eighth Aeneid, it may be remarked, should be learnt by heart 
by all investigators into Roman antiquity. 

* Plut. Q. R. 56 : cp. Dion. Hal. i. 31. 1-9, from whom Plutarch may 
have drawn his information, directly or perhaps through Juba. For the 
temple they built cp. Gell. 18. 7. a. If this temple be a different one 
from that under the Capitol, it may suggest an explanation of the double 

5 Studies in Latin Literature, p. 48 foil. ; Journal of Philology, xi. 178. 

U 2 


surely, because they tell the fortunes of the women in child- 
birth '. 

I am inclined to agree with my old tutor that the Carmentes 
may originally have been wise women whose skill and spells 
assisted the operation of birth. I do not think we can look for 
an explanation of the titles Porrima and Postverta elsewhere 
than in the two positions in which the child may issue from the 
womb, over each of which a Carmentis watched 2 ; and there 
is in fact no doubt that Carmenta was a birth-goddess \ The 
argument then would be that the spiritual origin attributed 
to superior knowledge transforms the owner of the knowledge 
into a divine person. As Sir A. Lyall says 4 (of the genesis 
of local deities in Berar), 'The immediate motive (of deifica- 
tion) is nothing but a vague inference from great natural 
gifts or from strange fortunes to supernatural visitation, or 
from power during life to power prolonged beyond it.' 

Of the cult of Carmenta we know hardly anything. She 
had a flamen of her own 5 , like other ancient goddesses, Palatua, 
Furrina, Flora. His sacrificial duties must have been confined 
to the preparing of cereal offerings, for there was a taboo in 
this cult excluding all skins of animals all leather from the 

Scortea non illi fas est inferre sacello 6 , 
Ne violent puros exanimata focos. 

Varro writes ' In aliquot sacris et sacellis scriptum habemus: 
Ne quid scorteum adhibeatur ideo ne morticinum quid adsit.' 
We could wish that he had told us what these sacra and sacella 
were 7 ; as it is we must be content to suppose that a goddess 

1 See on Fortuna, above, p. 167. 

2 Ovid, Fast. i. 633 ; Varro in Gell. 16. 6. 4. Nettleship takes a different 
view of these words'. But see Wissowa in Lex. i. 853 ; Preller, i. 406. 

3 St. Augustine, C. D. 4. n ' In illis deabus quae fata nascent ibus canunt 
et vocantur Carmentes.' 

4 Asiatic Studies, p. 20. 

5 Cic. Brut. 14. 56 ; C I. L. vi. 3720 ; and Eph. Ep. iv. 759. The rite of 
Jan. 1 1 is called 'sacrum pontificale' by Ovid (Fast. i. 462), whence we infer 
that the pontifices had a part in it as well as the flamen. 

' Ovid, Fast. i. 629. Cp. Varro, L. L. 7. 84. This passage of Varro may 
possibly raise a doubt whether the taboo did not arise from a mistaken 
interpretation of the words scortum and pellicula, as Carmenta was especially 
worshipped by matrons. 

7 The more so as we have no inscriptions relating to Carmenta. Though 
her Ihiminium continued to exist under the Empire, she herself 


of birth could have nothing to do with the slaughter of 

The position of the temple was at the foot of the southern 
end of the Capitol, near the Porta Carmentalis \ where, accord- 
ing to Servius, she was said to have been buried (cp. Acca 
Larentia, Dec. 23). It is noticeable that the festivals of this 
winter period are connected with sites near the Capitol and 
Forum ; we have already had Saturnus, Ops, and Janus. 

If the reader should ask why a goddess of birth should be 
specially worshipped in the depth of winter, he may perhaps 
find a reason for it after reading the third chapter of Wester- 
marck's History of Human Marriage. As far as we can judge 
from the calendar, April was the month at Rome when 
marriages and less legal unions were especially frequent 2 ; 
during May and the first days of June marriages were not 
desirable 3 . In January therefore births might naturally be 

Ovid tells us (i. 463) that Julurna was also worshipped on 
Jan. ii 4 ; but whether in any close connexion with Carmenta 
we do not know. They are both called Nymphs; but from 
this we can hardly make any inference. Juturna was certainly 
a fountain-deity : I can find no good evidence that this was one 
of Carmenta's attributes. The fount of Juturna was near the 
Vesta-temple & , and therefore close to the Forum : its water was 
used, says Servius, for all kinds of sacrifices, and itself was the 
object of sacrifice in a drought. All took part in the festival 
who used water in their daily work (' qui artificium aqua 
exercent'). But the Juturnalia appears in no calendar, and 
Aust is no doubt right in explaining it only as the dedication- 
festival of the temple built by Augustus in B. c. 2 6 . 

practically disappeared. I am inclined to guess that her attributes were 
to some extent usurped by the more popular and plebeian Fort una. 

1 Solinus, i. 13 ; Serv. Am. 8. 336 and 337. 

2 See especially under April i and 28, the days of Fortuna virilis and 

3 Ovid, Fasti, 6. 223 foil. 

4 Juturnalia, Serv. Aen. 12. 139. 

* Jordan, Topogr. i. 2. 370 ; Wissowa in Lex. s. v. luturna. 

* Aust, de Aedibus sacris, p. 45. 



Under date of Jan. 24-26, Ovid 2 writes in charming verse 
of the feriae conceptivae called Sementivae (or -tinae), which from 
his account would seem to be identical with the so-called 
Paganalia 3 . Just as the Compitalia of the city probably had 
its origin in the country (see on Jan. 3-5), though the rustic 
compita were almost unknown to the later Komans, so the 
festival of sowing was kept up in the city ('a pontificibus dictus,' 
Varro, L. L. 6. 26) as Semen tinae, long after the Koman 
population had ceased to sow. In the country it was known 
so we may guess by the less technical name of Paganalia 4 , 
as being celebrated by the rural group of homesteads known as 
the pagus, 

As to the object and nature of the festival, let Ovid speak for 

himself : 

State coronati plenum ad praesaepe iuvenci : 

Cum tepido vestrum vere redibit opus. 
Rusticus emeritum palo suspendat aratrum * : 

Omne reformidat frigida volnus humus. 
Vilice, da requiem terrae, semente peracta : 

Da requiem terrain qui coluere viris. 
Pagus agat festum : pagum lustrate, coloni, 

Et date paganis annua liba focis. 
Placentur frugum matres, Tellusque Ceresque, 

Farre suo, gravidae visceribusque suis. 
Officium commune Ceres et Terra tuentur: 

Haec praebet causam frugibus, ilia locum. 

Ceres and Tellus, ' consortes operis,' are to be invoked to bring 
to maturity the seed sown in the autumn, by preserving it from 
all pests and hurtful things ; and also to assist the sower in his 

1 Sementinae, according to Jordan in Prell. a. 5, note 2. 

3 Fasti, i. 658 foil. 

* Paganicae (feriae), Varro, L. L. 6. 26. Varro seems to separate the 
two : after mentioning the Sementinae, which he says was ' sationis causa 
susceptae,' he goes on ' Paganicae eiusdem agriculturae susceptae, ut 
haberent in agris omnes pagi,' &c. But the distinction is perhaps only of 
place ; or if of time also, yet not of object and meaning. 

4 So Marq. 199, and Hartmann, Rom. Kal. 203. Preller thinks the 
Sementinae were in September, before the autumn sowing ; and it is 
possible that there were two feasts of the name, one before the autumn, 
another before the spring, sowing. Lydus (de Mens. 3. 3) speaks of two 
days separated by seven others; on the former they sacrificed to Tellus 
(Demeter), on the latter to Ceres (Kopi;) ', two successive mmdinae (market- 
days) are here meant. 

5 Cp. Scholiast on Persius, 4. 28 ; and see under Compitalia, Jan. 3-5. 


work in the spring that is at hand. This at least is how 
I understand the lines (68r, 682) : 

Cum serimus, caelum ventis aperite serenis ; 
Cum latet, aetheria spargite semen aqua. 

Or if it be argued that both these lines may very well refer 
to the spring, it is at least certain that the poet understood the 
festival to cover the past autumn sowing : 

Utque dies incerta sacro, sic tempora certa, 
Si-minibus iactis est ubi fetus ager 1 . 

Varro tells us 2 that the time of the autumn sowing extended 
from the equinox to the winter solstice ; after which, as we 
have seen, the husbandmen rested from their labours in the 
fields, and enjoyed the festivals we have been discussing since 
Dec. 1 7 (Consualia). The last of these is the Paganalia, i. e. the 
one nearest in date, if we may go by Ovid, to the time for 
setting to work at the spring sowing, which began on or 
about Feb. 7 (Favonius) '. It would thus be quite natural that 
this festival should have reference not only to the seed already 
in the ground, but also to that which w T as still to be sown. 
If Ovid lays stress on the former, Varro and Lydus seem to be 
thinking chiefly of the latter 4 . 

Ovid has told us what was the nature of the rites. According 
to him, Ceres and Tellus were the deities concerned, and with 
this Lydus agrees. We need not be too certain about the 
names 5 , considering the 'fluidity' and impersonality of early 
Koman numina of this type ; but the type itself is obvious. 
There were offerings of cake, and a sacrifice of a pregnant sow ; 
the oxen which had served in the ploughing were decorated 
with garlands ; prayers were offered for the protection of the 
seed from bird and beast and disease. If we may believe 

1 Ovid, i. 661. * R. R. i. 34; Plin. N.H. 18. 204. 

s Cp. Varro, R. R. i. 29, 36. Cp. the Rustic Calendars for February. 

4 Varro, L. L. 6. 26 ' sationis causa' ; and Lydus says that the feast could 
not be ' stativae,' because the ap\^ <r*pov cannot bo fixed to a day. Lydus' 
reason is not a good one, if the sowing did not begin till Feb. 7 ; but it is 
plain that he understands the rites as prophylactic. I may note that 
Columella seems to know little about spring sowing (n. a: cp. a. 8). 
Mommsen, R. H. ii. 364, says that spring sowing was exceptional. 

5 See under Cerialia, April 19. 


a note of Probus' ] , oscilla were hung from the trees, as at the 
Latin festival, &c., doubtless as a charm against evil influences. 

vi KAL. FEB. (Jan. 27). C. 


Mommsen's restoration of this note in the Fasti of Praeneste 
is based on Ov. Fast. i. 705-8: 

At quae venturas praecedet sexta Kalendas, 

Hac sunt Ledaeis templa dicata dels. 
Fratribus ilia dels fratres de gente deorum 

Circa luturnae composuere lacus. 

But Livy * gives the Ides of July as the day of dedication, 
and a difference of learned opinion has arisen 3 . July 15, 
B.C. 496, is the traditional date of the battle of Lake Kegillus, 
and the temple was dedicated B.C. 484 the result of the 
Consul's vow in that battle 4 . Mommsen infers that Livy 
confused the date of the dedication with that of the battle, and 
that Jan. 27 is right. Aust and others differ, and refer the 
latter date to a restoration by Tiberius, probably in A. D. 6 5 . 
The mistake in Livy is easy to explain, and Mommsen's 
explanation seems sufficient 8 . Three beautiful columns of 
Tiberius' temple are still to be seen at the south-eastern end 
of the Forum, near the temple of Vesta, and close to the 
lacus Juturnae, where the Twins watered their steeds after 
the battle 7 . 

The veiy early introduction of the Dioscuri into the Roman 
worship is interesting as being capable of unusually distinct 
proof. They must have been known long before the battle 

1 Ad Virg. Oeorg. a. 385 ; Marq. 200 and 192, where the old explanation 
(Macr. i. 7. 34) seems to be adopted, that these were substitutes f >r 
human or other victims (cp. BOtticher, Baumkultus, 80 foil.}. We have 
uo clear evidence for this, and I am not disposed to accept it. 

* 2. 42. So Plut. Cm-id. 3. 

8 Momms. C.I.L. i. 308; Jordan, Eph. Ep. i. 236; Aust, de Aedibus 
sacris, 43. 

4 Dion. HaL 6. 13 ; Liv. a. 20. 

8 Suetonius, Tib. 20 ; Aust, op. cit. p. 6. 

* Weight must, however, be given to the fact that the transvectio 
equitum took place on July 15. Aust, 43, and Furtwangler in Lex. s. v. 

7 Middleton, Ancient Borne, p. 174 ; Lanciani, Ruins and Excavations of 
Ancient Rome, p. 271 foil. 


of the Regillus ; and they took a peculiarly firm hold on the 
Roman mind, as we see from the common oaths Edepol, 
Mecastor, from their representation on the earliest denarii 1 , 
from their connexion with the equites throughout Roman 
history, and from the great popularity of their legend, which 
was reproduced in connexion with later battles 2 . The spread 
of the cult through Southern Italy to Latium and Etruria 
(where it was also a favourite) is the subject of a French 
monograph 3 . 

1 Mommsen, Munzwesen, 301, 559. 

2 Pydna, Cic. N. D. 3. 5. n ; Verona (101 B.C.), Plut. Mar. 26. The 
most famous application of the story is in the accounts of the great light 
between Locri and Kroton at the river Sagra : this was probably the 
origin of the Italian legends. See Preller, ii. 301. 

3 Albert, le Culte de Castor et Pollux en Italic, 1883. Cp. Furtwangler, I.e. 


THE name of the last month of the old Roman year is derived 
from the word februum, usually understood as an instrument 
of purification '. This word, and its derivatives were, as we 
shall see, best known in connexion with the Lupercalia, the 
most prominent of the festivals of the month. Now the 
ritual of the Lupercalia seems to suggest that our word ' purifi- 
cation ' does not cover all the ground occupied by the ' religio ' 
of that festival ; nor does it precisely suit some of the other 
rites of February. We are indeed here on difficult and 
dangerous ground. Certainly we must not assume that there 
was any general lustration of the whole people, or any period 
corresponding in religious intent to the Christian Lent, 
which in time only is descended from the Eoman February. 
Assuredly there were no such ideas as penitence or forgiveness 
of sins involved in the ritual of the month. Let so much 
be said for the benefit of those who are only acquainted with 
Jewish or Christian history. 

What at least is certain is that at this time the character 
of the festivals changes. Since the middle of December we 
have had a series of joyful gatherings of an agricultural people 
in homestead, market-place, cross-roads ; now we find them 
fulfilling their duties to their dead ancestors at the common 

1 Paulus, 85 'Quaecumque purgamenti causa in quibusque sacrifices 
adhibentur, februa appellantur. Id vero quod purgatur, dioitur februatum.' 
The verb februare also occurs. Vario (L. L. 6. 13) says that februum was 
the Sabine equivalent for pur g amentum : 'Nam et Lupercalia februatio, t 
in Antiquitatum libris demonstravi ' (cp. 6. 34). Ovid renders the word 
by 'piamen* (Fasti, 2. 19). Februus, a divinity, is mentioned in Macr. i. 
13. 3 ; he is almost certainly a later invention (see Lex. Myth. s. v.). The 
etymology of the word is uncertain. 


necropolis, or engaged in a mysterious piacular rite under the 
walls of the oldest Kome. The Parentalia and the Lupercalia 
are the characteristic rites of February ; we shall see later 
on whether any of the others can be brought into the same 
category. If pleasure is the object of the mid-winter festivals, 
the fulfilment of duties towards the gods and the manes would 
seem to be that of the succeeding period. 

From an agricultural point of view February was a somewhat 
busy month ; but in the time of Varro the work was chiefly 
the preparatory operations in the culture of olives, vines and 
fruit-trees 1 . The one great operation in the olde&t and simplest 
agricultural system was the spring sowing. Spring was under- 
stood to begin on Feb. 7 (Favonius) 2 , and it is precisely at this 
point that the rites change their character. We are in fact 
close upon the new year, when the powers of vegetation awake 
and put on strength ; but the Eomans approached it as it were 
with hesitation, preparing for it carefully by steady devotion to 
work and duty, the whole community endeavouring to place 
itself in a proper position toward the numina of the land's 
fertility, and the dead reposing in the land's embrace. 

Before taking the rites one by one, it will perhaps be as well 
to say a word in general about the nature of Roman expiatory 
rites, in order to determine in what sense we are to understand 
those of February. 

The first point to notice is that these rites were applicable 
only to involuntary acts of commission or omission an offence 
against the gods (nefas) if wittingly committed, was inexpiable. 
In this case the offender was impius, i. e. had wilfully failed in 
his duty ; and him no rites could absolve 3 . But by ordinary 
offences against the gods we are not to understand sin, in the 
Christian sense of the word ; they were rather mistakes in 

1 Varro, R. R. i. 29. Cp. Colum. xi. a ; and the rustic calendars. 

a Varro, R. R. i. 28. See above, p. 295. 

s This is very distinctly stated by Cicero (de Legibus, i. 14. 40 ' In decs 
impietatum nulla expiatio est': cp. 2. 9. 22 'Sacrum commissum quod 
neque expiari poterit, impie commissum est'). Even the tailor in 
Horace's ode (i. 28), whose duty does not seem exactly binding, is told, 
if he omits it, ' teque piacula nulla resolvent.' On the general question, 
cp. De-Marchi, La Religione nella vita domestica, 246 ; and Marq. 257. The 
pontifex Scaevola 'asseverabat prudentem expiari non posse ' (Macrob. i. 
16. 10). Ovid's account (Fasti, 2. 35 foil.) is that of a layman and a modern, 
but not less interesting for that reason. 


ritual, or involuntary omissions in fact any real or supposed or 
possible errors in any of a man's relations to the numina around 
him. He might always be putting himself in the wrong in 
regard to these relations, and he must as sedulously endeavour 
to right himself. In the life of the ' privatus ' these trespasses in 
sacred law would chiefly be in matters of marriages and funerals 
and the regular sacrifices of the household ; in the life of the 
magistrate they would be mistakes or omissions in his duties on 
behalf of the State l . Whether in private or public life, they 
must be duly expiated. It is needless to point out how power- 
ful a factor this belief must have been in the growth of a con- 
science and of the sense of duty ; or how stringent a ' religio ' 
was that which, assuming that a man could hardly commit an 
offence except unwittingly, made the possible exceptional case 
fatal to his position as a member of a community which 
depended for its wholesome existence on the good will of the 

Kemembering that among the divine beings to whom it was 
most essential for each family to fulfil its duties, were the 
di manes, or dead ancestors and members of the family, we see 
at once that February with its Parentalia was an important 
month in the matter of expiatoiy rites. Ovid, though suggest- 
ing a fancy derivation for the name of the month, expresses 
this idea clearly enough : 

Aut quia placatis sunt tempora pura sepulcris 
Turn cum ferales praeteriere dies 8 . 

But the other etymology given by the poet is, as we have 
seen, the right one, and may bring us to another class of 
piacula, of which we find an example this month in the 

Mensis ab his dictus, secta quia pelle Luperci 
Omne sol um lustrant, idque piamen habent *. 

Not only was the Koman most careful to expiate involuntary 
offences, and also to appease the wrath of the gods, if shown in 
any special active way, e. g. by lightning and many other 
prodigia 4 , but he also sought to avert evil influences before- 

1 Varro, Ir. L. 6. 30 ' Praetor qui turn (i. e. die ncfasto) fatus est, si 
imprudens fecit, piaculari hostia facta piatur ; si prudens dixit, Q. Mucius 
ambigebat eum expiari ut impium non posse." 

2 Fasti, a. 33. 3 i b 3I 
4 See Marq. 259 ; Bouch^-Leclercq, Les Pontifes, 101 foil. 


hand, which might possibly emanate from hostile or offended 
numirta. This religious object is well illustrated in the sacrifice 
of the hostia praecidanea, which was offered beforehand to make 
up for any involuntary errors in the ritual that followed l . But 
it is also seen in numerous other rites of which we have had 
many examples ; all those, for instance, which included a lus- 
tratio. We generally translate this word by 'purification'; but 
it also involves the ideas of intercession, and of the removal of 
unseen hostile influences which may be likely to interfere with 
the health and prosperity of man, beast, or crop. At such rites 
special victims were sometimes offered, or the victim was treated 
in a peculiar manner ; we find, perhaps, some part of it used as 
a charm or potent spell, as the strips of skin at the Lupercalia, 
or the ashes of the unborn calves at the Fordicidia, or the tail 
and blood of the October horse 2 . To the first of these, at least, 
if not to the other two, the word februum was applied, and we 
may assume it of the others : also to many other objects which 
had some magical power, and carry us back to a very remote 
religious antiquity. Ovid gives a catalogue of them R : 

Februa Komani dixere piamina patres, 

Nunc quoque dant verbo plurima signa fid era. 
Pontifices ab rege petunt et flamine lanas, 

Quis veterum lingua februa nomen erat. 
Quaeque capit lictor domibus purgamina fternisf * 

Torrida cum mica farra, vocantur idem. 
Nomen idem ramo, qui caesus ab arbore pura 

Casta sacerdotum tempora fronde tegit. 
Ipse ego flaminicam poscentem februa vidi : 

Februa poscenti pinea virga data est. 
Denique quodcunque est, quo corpora nostra piantur, 

Hoc apud intonsos nomen habebat avos. 

Objects such as these, called by a name which is explained by 
piamen, or purgamentum , must have been understood as charms 
potent to keep off evil influences, and so to enable nature to 
take its ordinary course unhindered. Only in this sense can we 
call them instruments of purification. 

1 Marq. 180 , Bouche-Leclercq, 178. 

3 See Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semites, p. 406. 

3 Fasti, 2. 19 foil. 

4 This difficult line has occasioned much conjecture, and seems still 
inexplicable. See Merkel, Fasti, clxvi foil. ; and De-Marchi, op. cit. 
p. 246. 


The use of the februa in the Lupercalia was, as we shall see, 
to procure fertility in the women of the community. Here 
then, as well as in the rites of the Fornacalia and Parentalia. 
is some reason for calling the month a period of purification ; 
but only if we bear in mind that at the Parentalia the process 
consisted simply in the performance of duties towards the dead, 
which freed or purified a man from their possible hostility ; 
while at the Lupercalia the women were freed or purified from 
influences which might hinder them in the fulfilment of their 
natural duties to their families and the State. Beyond this 
it is not safe to go in thinking of February as a month of 


This was the dedication-day of a temple of the great Lanuvian 
goddess, Juno Sospita, in the Forum olitorium *. It was vowed 
in the year 197 B. c. by the consul Cornelius Cethegus, but 
had fallen into decay in Ovid's time 2 . For the famous cult of 
this deity at Lanuvium, see Koscher, in Lex. s. v. luno, 595. 

ID. FEB. FAUNO [I]N INSULJA]. C. /. L. vi. 2302. IP. 

This temple was vowed almost at the same time as the last. 
^96 B. c., by plebeian aediles ; it was built by fines exacted from 
holders of ager publicus who had not paid their rents \ See 
under Dec. 5, p. 257. 


I have drawn attention to the change in the character of the 
festivals at this season. But before we go on to the Parentalia 
and Lupercalia, which chiefly mark this change, we have to 
consider one festival which seems to belong rather to the class 
which we found in December and January. This was the 

1 Aust, De Aedibus sacris, pp. at, 45. 48. On this last page are some 
useful remarks on the danger of drawing conclusions as to the indigenous 
or foreign origin of deities from the position of their temples inside or 
outside the pomoerium. 

3 Fasti, 2. 55 foil. 

5 Livy, 33. 42 ; 34. 53. Jordan, in Commentationes in hon. Momms. 359 foil. ; 
Aust, op. cit. p. 20. 


Fornacalia, or feast of ovens ; one which does not appear in the 
calendars, as it was a moveable feast (conceptivae) ; and one 
which was a sacrum publicum only in the sense of being pro 
curiis, as the Paganalia were pro pagis, the Septimontium pro 
montibus, and the Argean rite pro sacellis '. Each curia con- 
ducted its own rites, under the supervision of its curio and (for 
the last day) of the Curio Maximus 2 : the great priests of 
the State had no official part in it. In this it differs in some 
degree from the Fordicidia (April 15), the other feast of the 
curiae, which appears in three of our calendars, and in which 
the Pontifices and Vestals took some part 5 . 

This is not the place to investigate the difficult question of 
what the curiae really were. So much at least is clear, that 
while, like the montes, pagi, and sacella (argea), they were 
divisions of the people and the land, they were more important 
than the others, in that they formed the basis of the earliest 
political and military organization 4 . It need hardly be said that 
each curia had also itself a religious organization : their places 
of assembly, though not temples, were quasi-religious buildings 5 , 
used for sacred purposes* but furnished with hearth and eating- 
room like an ordinary house B . We hear also of tables (mensae, 
Tparr(w) 'in quibus immolabatur lunoni quae Curis appellata 
estV There is no need to assume any etymological connexion 
between Curis and Curia 8 ; but the cult of the goddess of the 
spear is interesting here, as seeming at once to illustrate the 
military importance of the curiae, the power of the pater- 
familias 9 , and the necessity of continuing the family through 

1 See Diet, of Antiq. s.v. sacra. Fest. 245 a 'Publica sacra, quae publico 
uumptu pro populo limit : quaeque pro montibus, pagis, curiis, sacellis.' 

* Ovid, Fasti, a. 527. See under Quirinalia. 

3 See on April 15. There must have been at one time a tendency to 
amalgamate the two kinds of sacra publica. The argei were also attended 
by Pontifices and Vestals. I should conjecture that the Pontifices claimed 
supervision over rites in which they had originally no official locus staiuli, 
and brought the Vestals with them. 

* Mommsen, Siaatsrecht, iii. i. 89 foil. 

5 'If pal OIKICU, Dion. Hal. 2. 23 ; Fest. 174 b ; Marq. 195. 
' Dion. Hal. 2. 23. 

7 Ib. 2. 50. The Latin words are from Paul. 64. 

8 Jordan, on Preller, i. 278 note. Roscher, in Lex. s. v. luno, 596. Curis 
= hasta in Sabine ; Fest. 49 ; Roscher, 1. c. ; Ovid, Fasti, 2. 477. 

* Cp. the parting of the bride's hair with a spear, Marq. vii. 44 and note 
5 ; Plut. Q. R. 87 ; BOtticher, Baumkultus, 485 ; Schwegler, R. O. i. 469. 


the fertility of woman, an idea which we shall come upon again 
at the Lupercalia '. Lastly, each curia had its own curio, or 
religious superintendent, and its own flamen, and at the head 
of all the curiae was the Curio Maximus ; officers who coincide 
with the general character of the curiae in being (like the heads 
of families) not strictly priests, but capable of religious duties, 
for the performance of which they are said to have been 
instituted 2 . 

The ritual of the Fornacalia has been evolved with difficulty, 
and without much certainty, from a few passages in Ovid, 
Dionysius, Varro, Festus, and Pliny 3 . We seem to see i. An 
offering in each private house in each curia : it consisted of far, 
i. e. meal of the oldest kind of Italian wheat, roasted in antique 
fashion in the oven which was to be found in the pistrina of 
each house, and made into cakes by crushing in the manner 
still common in India and elsewhere 4 . 2. A rite in which 
each curia took part as a whole. This is deduced from the fact 
that on the i7th (Quirinalia) any one who by forgetfulness or 
ignorance had omitted to perform his sacra on the day fixed by 
the curio for the meeting of his own curia, might do so then 
at a general assembly of all the thirty curiae 8 . This was the 
reason why the Quirinalia was called ' stultorum feriae.' It has 
also been conjectured that the bounds of each curia were beaten 
on this day, on which its members thus met : for Pliny says 
'Numa et Fornacalia instituit farris torrendi ferias et aeque 

1 The same connexion between curiae and the armed deity of the 
female principle is found at Tibur (Serv. Aen. i. 17), ' in sacris Tibur- 
tibus sic precantur : luno curritis (sic) tuo curru clipeoque tuere meos 
curiae vernulas,' Jordan, in Hermes, 8. 217 foil. Possibly also at Lanuvium 
(Lex. s.v. luno, 595). 

2 Varro, L. L. 5. 83 and 155 ; Marq. 195. 

3 This has been done by O. Gilbert (Gesch. und Topogr. 2. 129 foil.), ah 1 
author who is not often so helpful. He is followed by Steudiiig, in Lex. 
Myth. s. v. Fornax. 

4 Paul. 93 (cp. 83), ' Fornacalia feriao institutae sunt farris torrendi 
gratia quod ad fornacem quae in pistrinis erat sacrificium fieri solebat.' 
Dionysius was probably referring to this when he wrote (2. 23) that he 
had himself seen ancient wooden tables spread with rude cakes of primitive 
fashion in baskets and dishes of primitive make. He also mentions 
xapvaiv nvwv iirapxas (cp. Ovid, I.e. 520), which might indeed suggest 
a feast of curiae at a different time of year. For the far, see Marq. vii. 
399 foil. The cakes were/ebria, according to Ovid ; see above, p. 301. 

3 Comp. Ovid, I.e. with Fest. 354; Paul. 316 ; Varro, L. L. 6. 13 ; Plut. 
Q. B. 89. 


religiosas terminis agrorum\' 3. What happened on the Quiri- 
nalia Ovid shall tell us himself 2 : 

Curio legitimis mine Fornacalia verbis 
Muximus indicit, nee stata sacra facit ; 

Inque foro, multa circum pendente tabella, 
S'gnatur certa curia quaeque nota : 

Stultaque pars populi, quae sit sua curia, nescit, 
Sed facit extrema sacra relata die. 

It should be noted that no certain connexion can be made out 
between Quirinus and curia, and I imagine it was only accident 
or convenience that made this day the last of the Fornacalia 3 . 
Ovid's words ' nee stata sacra facit ' seem to me to imply that 
the Curio Maximus carefully abstained from using a formula 
of announcement likely to confuse the ' stultorum feriae ' with 
the Quirinalia, which was always on the same day. But it may 
well have been the case that by usage the two coincid d. 

Ovid's lines make it clear that on the i7th (as a rule) the 
Forum was the scene of a general meeting of curiae, each of 
which had a certain space assigned it, indicated by a placard. 
Is it possible that this was merely a survival of the assembly of 
the armed host in comitia curiata, now used only for religious 
purposes? If so, the tendency to fix it on the festival of 
Quirinus might find a natural explanation. 

The meaning and object of the Fornacalia are very far from 
being clear. Preller 4 fancied it was the occasion of the first 
eating of the fruits of the last harvest : but it is hardly possible 
to imagine this postponed as late as February. On the other 
hand Dionysius' description 5 , already quoted, of what he saw 
in the curiae, would suit this well enough if it could be set down 
to a suitable time of year : it suggests a common meal, in which 
tic) first-fruits are offered to the god, while the worshippers eat 
of the new grain. But this cannot have been in February. 
Steuding (in the Lex.) suggests that the object was to thank 
the gods for preserving the corn through the winter, and to 

1 H. N. 18. 8 ; Lange, Rom. Alt. i 2 . 245. 2 Fasti, a. 527 foil. 

3 That it was so is proved by Fest. 254, and Varro, L. L. 6. 13. It must 
have been a custom fairly well fixed. 

' ii. 9- 

* a. 23, 'Eyw yovv iOtcujafujv iv l(pai<; OIK ais SccVrva irpoKtifj.fva Otots iirl 
rpairt'^ais (v\ii>cus apxcuieats, iv Kavrjffi ical TrivaxiaKois Kipaptuis u\<f>irtuv (M^as 
Hal TToTrara nal fta? Kin teapvuv riviav iirapxas &c. 



pray for the welfare of the seed still in the ground (i. e. in a 
lustratio). Ovid says (though Steuding does not quote him) 

Facta dea est Fornax : laeti Fornace colon! 
Grant, ut fruges temperet ilia suas '. 

But neither Steuding's conjecture, nor the German parallels he 
appeals to, teem convincing. I am rather inclined to think 
that the making of cakes in each household was simply a pre- 
liminary to the sacra that followed in the curia, i. e. each family 
brought its contribution to a common religious meal. The 
roasting was naturally accompanied by an offering to the spirit 
of the oven 2 (fornax) ; hence the name Fornacalia. The object 
of the sacra in the curia is doubtful ; but they probably had 
some relation to the land and its fertility, in view of the new 
year about to begin. Of the final meeting of all the curiae in 
the forum I have already suggested an explanation : the phrase 
' stultorum feriae ' was, in my opinion, of late origin, and illus- 
trates the diminishing importance of the curiate organization 
after the admission of plebeians 3 . 

ID. FEB. (FEB. 13). IP. 


The dies parentales, or days of worshipping the dead (placandis 
Manibus), began at the sixth hour on this day, and continued 
either to the 2ist (Feralia), or the 22nd (cara cognatio)*. The 
parentatio of the Vestal was at the tomb of Tarpeia, herself 
a YestaP. Undoubtedly, the Feralia (2ist) was the oldest 
and the best known of these days, and the only one which was 
a public festival: it appears in three calendars (Caer. Maff. 
Farn.) in large letters. Yet there is reason for believing that 
even the Feralia was not the oldest day for worshipping the 

1 Fasti, 2. 525. What does Ovid mean by fruges ? 

2 Paul. 93, quoted above ; Ovid, 1. c. 525. Fornax as a spirit may be at 
least as old as those of other parts of the house, Janus, Vesta, Limentinus, 

3 Mommsen, Bom. Forschungen, i. 149 foil. 

1 Lydus, de Mens. 4. 24. Lydus gives the 22nd as the final day ; Ovid, 
Fasti, a. 569, gives the aist (Feralia,. 
* Dion. Hal. a. 40. 


manes : it was in part at least a dies fastus, and none of the 
dies parentales are marked N in the calendars ; and this, 
according to Mommsen ', shows that the rites of those days 
were of later origin than those of the Lemuria (May 9-13), 
which are all marked N. This seems also to have been the 
opinion of Latin scholars 2 . 

Whatever the Lemuria may have been, it is certain that the 
Parentalia were not days of terror or ill-omen ; but rather days 
on which the performance of duty was the leading idea in men's 
minds. Nor was the duty an unpleasant one. There was 
a general holiday: the dead to be propitiated had been duly 
buried in the family tomb in the great necropolis, had been 
well cared for since their departure, and were still members of 
the family. There was nothing to fear from them, so long 
as the living members performed their duties towards them 
under the supervision of the State and its Pontifices 3 . They 
had their iura, and the relations between them and their living 
relations were all regulated by a ius sacrum : they lived on in 
their city outside the walls of the city of the living 4 , each 
family in their own dwelling : they did not interfere with the 
comfort of the living, or in any way show themselves hostile 
or spiteful. Such ideas as these are of course the result of 

1 C. 1. L. i 2 . 309 : cf. 297 (Introduction, p. 9). The Lupercalia (isth) is an 
exception ; but for reasons connected with that festival. The aist (Feralia) 
is F P (Caer.) F (Maff.). See Introduction, p. 10. F P, according to 
Mommsen, - fastus principio. 

a If Ovid reflects it rightly in Fasti, 5. 419 foil. Cp. Porph. on Hor. 
Ep. 2. 2. 209. See on Lemuria, above, p. 107. 

* On the vast subject of the jus Manium and the worship of the dead, 
the following are some of the works that may be consulted : Marq. 307 
foil., and vii. 350 foil. ; De-Marchi, II Cu'.to Private, p. 180 foil. ; Roscher, Lex. 
articles Manes and Inferi ; Bouche-Leclercq, Pontifes, 147 foil. ; Rohde, 
Psyche, p. 630 foil. Two old treatises still form the basis of our know- 
ledge : Gutherius, de iure Manium, in Graeviua' Thesaurus, vol. xii. ; and 
Kirchmann, de Funeribus (1605). Valuable matter has still to be collected 
(for later times) from the Corpus Inscriplionum. 

* This was the universal practice in Italy from the earliest times, so 
far as we have as yet learnt from excavations. For the question whether 
burial in or close to the house, or within the city walls, preceded burial 
in necropoleis, see Classical Review, for February, 1897, p. 32 foil. Servius 
(Ad Ann. 5. 64; 6. 152; cp. Isidorus, 15. n. i) tells us that they once 
buried in the house, and there were facts that might suggest this in the 
cult of the Lares, and in the private ghost-driving of the Lemuria ; but 
we cannot prove it, and it is not true of the Romans at any period. Not 
even the well-known law of the XII Tables can prove that burial ever 
regularly took place within the existing walls of a city. 

X 2 


a well developed city life ; experience has taught the citizen 
how his conduct towards the Di Manes can best be regulated 
and organized for the benefit of both parties. The Parentalia 
belong to a later stage of development than the Lemuria, 
though both have the same original basis of thought. The 
Parentalia was practically a yearly renewal of the rite of burial. 
As sacra privata they took place on the anniversary of the death 
of a deceased member of the family, and it was a special charge 
on the heir that he should keep up their observance \ On that 
day the family would go in procession to the grave, not only to 
see that all was well with him who abode there, but to present 
him with offerings of water, wine, milk, honey, oil, and the 
blood of black victims 2 : to deck the tomb with flowers : \ 
to utter once more the solemn greeting and farewell (Salve, 
sancte parens), to partake of a meal with the dead, and to 
petition them for good fortune and all things needful. This 
last point comes out clearly in Virgil's picture : 

Poscamus ventos, atque haec me sacra quotannis 
Urbe velit posita templis sibi ferre dicatis. 

The true meaning of these lines is, as Henry quaintly puts 
it 4 , ' Let us try if we cannot kill two birds with one stone, and 
not only pay my sire the honours due to him, but at the same 
time help ourselves forward on our journey by getting him 
to give us fair winds for our voyage.' 

As we have seen, the dies parentales began on the i3th ; 
from that day till the 2ist all temples were closed, marriages 
were forbidden, and magistrates appeared without their in- 
signia 5 . On the 22nd was the family festival of the Caristia, 
or cara cognatio : the date of its origin is unknown, but Ovid 6 

1 Cic. De Legg. a. 48. Cp. Virg. Am. 5. 49 : 

lamque dies, ni fallor, adest, quern semper acerbum, 
Semper honoratum sic di voluistis habebo. 

" Marq. 311 foil. 

* Purpureosque iacit flores, Virg. Aen. 5. 79. Cp. Cic. pro Floeco, 38. 95. 

4 Aeneidea, 3. 15. He well compares Lucan, 9. 990. Tylor, Prim. Cult. 
ii. 33 a - Aeneas is here, as always, the true type of the practical Roman. 

4 Marq. 311 and reff. 

6 Fasti, 2 617 foil. Among the calendars it is only mentioned in those 
of Philocalus and Silvius, and in the rustic calendars. Valerius Maximus 
is the next writer after Ovid who mentions it : a. i. 8. Cp. C. I. L. vi. 
10234. Martial calls it ' lux propinquorum ' (9. 55, cp. 54). For an inter- 


writes of it as well established in his time, and it may be very 
much older. He describes it as a reunion of the living 
members of the family after they have paid their duties to 

the dead : 

Scilicet a tumulis et qui periere, propinquis 

Protinus ad vivos ora referre iuvat ; 
Postque tot amissos quicquid de sanguine restat, 
Aspicere, et generis dinuinerare gradus. 

It was a kind of love-feast of the family, and gives a momen- 
tary glimpse of the gentler side of Roman family life. All 
quarrels were to be forgotten l in a general harmony : no guilty 
or cruel member may be present 2 . The centre of the worship 
was the Lares of the family, who were 'incincti,' and shared 
in the sacred meal 3 . 

We might naturally expect that, especially in Italy so 
tenacious of old ideas and superstitions we should find 
some survival of primitive folk-lore, even in the midst of this 
highly organized civic cult of the dead. Ovid supplies us with 
a curious contrast to the ethical beauty of the Caristia, in 
describing the spells which an old woman works, apparently on 
the day of the Feralia 4 . ' An old hag sitting among the girls 
performs rites to Tacita : with three fingers she places three 
bits of incense at the entrance of a mouse-hole. Muttering 
a spell, she weaves woollen threads on a web of dark colour, 
and mumbles seven black beans in her mouth. Then she 
takes a fish, the maena, smears its head with pitch, sews its 
mouth up, drops wine upon it, and roasts it before the fire : the 
rest of the wine she drinks .with the girls. Now, quoth she, 
we have bound the mouth of the enemy : 

Hostiles linguas inimicaque vinximus ora, 
Dicit discedens, ebriaque exit anus.' 

In spite of the names of deities we find here, Tacita and Dea 

esting conjecture as to the special meaning of carus, see Luttcs quoted in 
De-Marchi, op. cit. 214, note a. 

1 Val. Max. I.e. and Silvius' Calendar. 

3 Ovid, Fasti, a. 623, 

Innocui veniaut : procul hinc, procul impius esto 
Frater, et in partus mater acerba suos. 

s Ovid, Fasti, a. 633-634. On such occasions the Lares were clothed 
in tunics girt at the loins ; see a figure of a Lar on an altar from Caere in 
Baumeister, Denkm&ler, vol. i. p. 77. 

* Fasti, a. 571 foil. 


Muta 1 , and of the pretty story of the mother of the Lares 
which the poet's fancy has added to it, it is plain that this is no 
more than one of a thousand savage spells for counteracting 
hostile spirits 2 . The picture is interesting, as showing the 
survival of witchcraft in the civilized Kome of Ovid's time, and 
reminds us of the horrible hags in Horace's fifth epode ; but it 
may be doubted whether it has any real connexion with the 
Feralia. Doubtless its parallel could be found even in the 
Italy of to-day 8 . 

XV. KAL. MART. (FEB. 15). IP. 


There is hardly another festival in the calendar so interesting 
and so well known as this. Owing to the singular interest 
attaching to its celebration in B.C. 44, only a month before 
Caesar's death, we are unusually well informed as to its details ; 
but these present great difficulties in interpretation, which the 
latest research has not altogether overcome \ I shall content 
myself with describing it, and pointing out such explanations of 
ritual as seem to be fairly well established. 

On Feb. 1 5 the celebrants of this ancient rite met at the cave 
called the Lupercal, at the foot of the steep south-western 
corner of the Palatine Hill the spot where, according to the 
tradition, the flooded Tiber had deposited the twin children 
at the foot of the sacred fig-tree f> , and where they were 
nourished by the she-wolf. The name of the cave is almost 

1 Line 583. See Wissowa in Lex. s.v. Dea Muta. 

s See e. g. Crooke, Folklore of Northern India, ch. 5 (the Black Art), and 
especially pp. 264 foil. 

5 See e.g. Leland, Etruscan Roman remains in popular legend, pp. 3 and 195 

* The chief attempts are those of Unger, in Rhein. Mus., 1881, p. 50, and 
Mannhardt in his Mythologische Forschungen, pp. 72-155. The former is 
ingenious, but unsatisfactory in many ways; the latter conscientious, and 
valuable as a study in folk-lore, whether its immediate conclusions be 
right or wrong. See also Schwegler, R. G. i. 356 foil. ; Preller, i. 387 foil. ; 
and article s.v. in Diet, of Antiquities (2nd edition) ; Marq. 442 foil. The 
ancient authorities are Dion. Hal. i. 32. 5, 79, 80 ; Ovid, Fasti, a. 267 
foil. ; Plutarch, Cues. 61, Rom. 21 ; Val. Max. 2. 2. 9 ; Propert. 5. (4.) i. 26; 
and many other passages which will be referred to when necessary. 

4 Dion. Hal. i. 32. 5. 


without doubt built up from lupus, 'a wolf ' ' ; but we cannot be 
equally sure whether the name of the festival is derived directly 
from Lupercal, or on the analogy of Quirinalia, Volcanalia, 
and others, from Lupercus, the alleged name of the deity 
concerned in the rites, and also of the celebrants themselves 2 . 
In any case we are fairly justified in calling this the wolf- 
festival ; the more so as the wolf was the sacred animal of 
Mars, who was in a special sense the god of the earliest settlers 
on the Palatine 3 . 

The first act of the festival seems to have been the sacrifice 
of goats (we are not told how many), and of a dog 4 ; and at 
the same time were offered sacred cakes made by the Vestals, 
from the first ears of last year's harvest. This was the last 
batch of the mold salsa, some of which had been used at the 
Vestalia in June, and some on the Ides of September 5 . 

Next, two youths of high rank, belonging, we may suppose, 
one to each of the two collegia of Luperci (of which more 
directly), were brought forward ; these had their foreheads 
smeared with the knife bloody from the slaughter of the 
victims, and then wiped with wool dipped in milk. As soon 
as this was done they were obliged to laugh. Then they girt 
themselves with the skins of the slaughtered goats, and feasted 
luxuriously 6 ; after which they ran round the base of the 
Palatine Hill, or at least a large part of its circuit, apparently 
in two companies, one led by each of the two youths. As 
they ran they struck at all the women who came near them 
or offered themselves to their blows, with strips of skin cut 
from the hides of the same- victims ; which strips, as we have 
seen, were among the objects which were called by the priests 

1 Jordan, Kritische Beitruge, 164 foil. Unger's attempt, after Serv. Aen. 
8- 343. to derive the word from luo ^to purify') is generally rejected. 

* Wissowa, Lex. (s. v. Lupercus) takes the latter view, but rightly, as 
I think, rejects the deity. 

3 Virg. Aen. 8. 630 ' Mavortis in antro.' Roscher, in Lex. s. v. Mars, 
2388 ; Preller, i. 334. 

* Plut. Bom. 21. After mentioning the goats, he says, iStov 5J rrjs lupTrjs 
T& nal Kvva Ovfiv TOVS hovtrtpitovs (Cp. Q. R. in). 

s Marq. 165. See above, p. no. 

' So Val. Max. I.e. From Ovid's version of the aetiological story of 
Romulus and Remus (Fasti, 2. 371 loll.) we might infer that the feasting 
took place after the running. 


Here, in what at first sight looks like a grotesque jumble, 
there are two clearly distinguishable elements ; (i)an extremely 
primitive ritual, probably descended from the pastoral stage 
of society ; (2) a certain co-ordination of this with definite local 
settlements. The sacrifices, the smearing and wiping, the 
wearing of the skins, and the striking with the februa, all seem 
to be survivals from a very early stage of religious conceptions ; 
but the two companies of runners, and their course round the 
Palatine, which apparently followed the most ancient line 
of the pomoerium, bring us into touch with the beginning 
and with the development of urban life. Surviving through 
the whole Kepublican period, with a tenacity which the Koman 
talent for organization alone could give it, the Lupercalia was 
still further developed for his own purposes by the dictator 
Caesar, and thenceforward lived on for centuries under his 
successors into the age of imperial Christianity. 

Let us now examine the several acts of the festival, to see 
how far they admit of explanation under the light of modern 
research into primitive ideas and ritual. 

It began, as we saw, with the sacrifice of goats and a dog. 
Unluckily we cannot be sure of the god to whom they were 
offered, nor of the sacrificing priest. According to Ovid l the 
deity was Faunus ; according to Livy it was a certain mysterious 
Inuus, of whom hardly anything else is known 2 , though much 
has been written. There was no Lupercus, as some have vainly 
imagined ; much less any such combination as Faunus Lupercus, 
which has been needlessly created out of a passage of Justin \ 
Liber is suggested by Servius 4 ; who adds that others fancied it 
was a 'bellicosus deus.' Eecently Juno has been suggested, 
because the strips which the runners carried were called 
' lunonis amiculum ' *. Thus it is quite plain that the Koman 
of the literary age did not know who the god was. The 

1 ' Cornipedi Fauno caesa de more capella' (Fasti, 2. 361). Cp. 5. 101. 
So Plut. Rom. 1. c. 

8 Livy, i. 5. Unger (p. 71 foil.) has much to say about Inuus in the 
worst style of German pseudo-research. See Lex. s.v. (Steuding). 

3 Schwegler, i. 351 foil. ; Justin, 43. i. I had long ago arrived at this 
conclusion, and was glad to see it sanctioned by Wissowa in Lex. s. v. 

* Aen. 8. 343 : the only reason given is that the goat was Liber's 

* Arnobius, 2. 23. See Mannhardt, 85 ; Huschke, Bom. Jahr, 12. 


common idea that he was Faunus is discredited by Livy's 
account and his mention of Inuus, and also by the fact that 
Faunus is not associated with urban settlements : and may 
easily be accounted for by the myth of Evander and the 
Arcadians, whose Pan Lycaeus was of course identified with 
Faunus l , or by the girding of the Luperci with skins, which 
made them resemble the popular conception of the Fauni 2 . 
Possibly the name was a secret ; for theie was a tendency to 
avoid fixing a god's name in ritual, in order to escape making 
mistakes, and so offending him. ' lure pontificum cautum est 
ne suis nominibus dii Romani appellarentur, ne exaugurari 
possintV We must also remember that the Lupercalia un- 
doubtedly descends from the very earliest period of the Roman 
religion, when the individuality of deities was not clearly 
conceived, and when their names were unknown, doubtful, or 
adjectival only. In fact, we need not greatly trouble ourselves 
about the name of the god : his nature is deducible to some 
extent from the ritual. The connexion with the Palatine, with 
the wolf, and with fructification, seems to me to point very 
clearly in the direction of Mars and his characteristics. 

It would be almost more profitable if we could be sure of the 
sacrificing priest ; but here again we are in the dark. Ovid 
says, ' Flamen ad haec prisco more Dialis erat 4 ' ; but it is im- 
possible that this priest could have been the sacrificer (though 
Marquardt committed himself to this), for he was expressly 
forbidden to touch either goat or dog 5 , which seem to have 
been excluded from the cult of Jupiter. Even in the case 
of such exceptional piacula- as this no doubt was, we can hardly 
venture without further evidence to ascribe the slaughter of the 
sacred animal to the great priest of the heavenly deity in whose 
cult it was tabooed. Plutarch says that the Luperci them- 
selves sacrificed 6 ; and this is more probable, and is borne out 

1 Schwegler, i. 354 foil. : the general result is given in Lex. s. v. Evander, 
vol. i. 1395. Evander himself Faunus. It is possible that there may be 
some basis of truth in the Arcadian legend : we await further archaeo- 
logical inquiry. 

3 See on Dec. 5 ; and Lex. B.V. Faunus, p. 1458. 

3 Serv. Aen. 2. 351. The whole passage is very interesting. See on 
Dec. 21 ; and Bouche-Leclercq, Poniifus, 38 and 49. 

* Fasti, a. 282 ; Marq. 443. 

8 Plut. Q. R. in ; Cell. 10. 15; Arnob. 7. ai. 

Rom. 21 : quoted above, p. 311. Val. Max. 1. c. seems also to imply it : 


by comparison with other cases in which the priest clothes 
himself, as the Luperci did, in the skin of the victim. It does 
not indeed seem certain that the two youths who thus girt 
themselves had also performed the sacrifice ; but they represent 
the two collegia of Luperci, and lead the race ', as Romulus and 
Remus did in the explanatory legend. 

As regards the victims, there is here at least no doubt that 
both goat and dog were exceptional animals in sacrifice 2 , and 
that their use here betokens a piacular rite of unusual 'holiness.' 
Thus their offering is a mystic sacrifice, and belongs to that 
' small class of exceptional rites in which the victim was drawn 
from some species of animals that retained even in modern 
times their ancient repute of natural holiness 3 .' It is exactly 
in this kind of sacrifice that we find such peculiar points of 
ritual as meet us in the Lupercalia. ' The victim is sacrosanct, 
and the peculiar value of the ceremony lies in the operation 
performed on its life, whether that life is merely conveyed to 
the god on the altar (i.e. as in burnt-sacrifices) or is also 
applied to the worshippers by the sprinkling of the blood, or 
some other lustral ceremony 4 .' The writer might very well 
have been thinking of the Lupercalia when he wrote these 
lines. The meaning of these rites was originally, as he states 
it, that the holiness of the victim means kinship to the wor- 
shippers and their god, ' that all sacred relations and all moral 
obligations depend on physical unity of life, and that physical 
unity of life can be created or reinforced by common participa- 
tion in living flesh and blood.' We may postpone consideration 
of this view as applied to the Lupercalia till we have examined 
the remaining features of the ceremony. 

After the sacrifice was completed, Plutarch 5 tells us that the 

'Facto sacrificio caesisque capris, epularum hilaritate ac vino largiore 
provecti, divisa pastoral! turba, cincti pellibus immolatarum hostiarum, 
iocantes obvios petiveiunt.' 

1 Even this point is not quite certain ; but see Hartung, Eel. der Romer, 
ii. 178, and Mannhardt, 78. 

2 Ox, sheep and pig were the usual victims ; the dog was only offered 
to Robigus (see on April 25), to the Lares Praestites and to Mana Geneta ; 
the goat only to Bacchus and Aesculapius, foreign deities (Marq. 172). The 
goat-skin of Juno Sospita is certainly Greek: Lex. s.v. luno, 595. The 
goat was a special Hebrew piaculum (^Robertson Smith, 448 ; cf. 4531. 

* Robertson Smith, 379. 4 Ib. 381. 

' Bom. 21 ol ftlv jjiMffiivg fM.\aipa rov pfr&irvv Otyydfovffiv, trfpot 5' 


foreheads of the two youths were touched with the bloody 
knife that had slain the victims, and the stain was then wiped 
off with wool dipped in milk, after which the youths had to 
laugh. This has often been supposed to indicate an original 
human sacrifice ', the he-goats being substituted for human 
victims, and the death of the latter symbolized by the smearing 
with their blood. This explanation might be admissible if 
this were the only feature of the ceremony ; but it is so entirely 
out of keeping with those that follow the wearing of the 
skins and the running that it is preferable to look for another 
before adopting it. At the same time it may be observed that 
no reasonable hypothesis can be ruled out of court where our 
knowledge of the rite is so meagre and so hard to bring 
satisfactorily into harmony with others occurring among other 
peoples 2 . 

There is a curious passage in Apollonius Rhodius s , where 
purification from a murder is effected by smearing the hands 
of the murderer with the blood of a young pig, and then 
wiping it off AXou xurXoto-t ; and the Scholiast on the lines 
describes a somewhat similar method of purification which was 
practised in Greece. This would raise a presumption that the 
youths were not originally the victims at the Lupercalia, but 
rather the slayers ; and that they had to be purified from the 
guilt of the blood of the sacrosanct victim *. When this was 
done they became one with the victim and the god by the 
girding on of the skins, and were able to communicate the new 
life thus acquired in the course of their lustratio of the city by 
means of the strips of skin to the women who met them. This 
explanation is open to one or two objections ; for example, it 
hardly accounts for the laughter of the youths, unless we are 

dirofia.Trovffti' fvOvs tpiov Pt@pyntvov ya\anri irpocr<pe povrts. Tf\av Si Sfi rd. 
fffipi'Kia fjifrd rfjv diruftafiv. 

1 So Schwegler. I.e. and reff. in Marq. 443 notes 11-13. Dion. Hal. (i. 
32) compared the human sacrifice in the cult of Zeus Lycaeus in Arcadia. 
See Farnell, Cults, i. 40 foil. 

* We ought to have the whole history of the Lupercalia if we are to 
explain it rightly ; it is impossible to guess through what stages and 
changes it may have passed. 

3 4. 478 (quoted in a valuable section (23^ of Hermann's Qottesdienstliche 
Alterthiimer der Griechen). 

* For exampks of this idea see under Feb. 24 (Regifugium) ; Robertson 
Smith, 286 ; Mannhardt, Myth. Forsch. 58 foil. 


to suppose that it was an expression of joy at their release from 
blood-guiltiness l . And we have indeed no direct evidence that 
the youths were ever themselves the sacrificers, though the 
collateral evidence on this point, as I have already said, seems 
to be fairly strong 2 . Yet I cannot but think that the true 
significance of the essential features of the ceremony is to be 
looked for somewhere in the direction thus indicated. 

There is, however, another explanation of the application of 
the bloody knife, the wiping, and the laughing, which Mann- 
hardt proposed, not without some modest hesitation, in his 
posthumous work s . In his view these were symbolic or quasi- 
dramatic acts, signifying death and renewed life. The youths 
were never actually killed, but they were the figures in a kind 
of acted parable. The smearing with blood denoted that they 
partook of the death of the victim 4 ; the wiping with milky 
wool signified the revival to a new life, for milk is the source of 
life. The laughing is the outward sign of such revival : the dead 
are silent, cannot laugh "'. And the meaning of all this was the 
death and the revival of the Vegetation-spirit. I have already 
more than once profited by Mannhardt's researches into this 
type of European custom, and they are now familiar to English- 
men in the works of Mr. Frazer, Mr. Farnell, and others. 
Undoubtedly there are many bits of grotesque custom which 
can best be explained if we suppose them to mean the death of 
the Power of growth at harvest-time, or its resuscitation in the 
spring, perhaps after the death of the powers of winter and 
darkness. But whether the Lupercalia is one of these I cannot 
be so sure. These rites do not seem to have any obvious 
reference to crops, but rather to have come down from the 

1 It may indeed be misrepresented by Plutarch (who is the only writer 
who mentions it), and may have been originally an o\o\vyri. For the 
confusion of mournful and joyful cries at a sacrifice see Robertson 
Smith, 411. 

* Robertson Smith notes (p. 396) that young men, or rather lads, occur 
as sacriflcers in Exodus xxiv. 5. 

3 p. 91 foil. 

4 Mannbardt is not lucid on this point ; he was evidently in difficulties 
(PP- 97-99). He seems clear that the application of the blood produces 
an identity between victim and youths ; but in similar cases it is not 
through death that victim, god, and priest become identical, but through 
the life-giving virtue of the blood. The blood-application must surely 
moan the acquisition of new life ; but he makes it symbolic of death. 

5 Frazer, G. B. ii. 242. 


pastoral stage of society : and it is not in this case the fields 
which are lustrated by the runners, but the urbs and its 
women l . And the earlier parts of the ritual bear the marks 
of a piaculum so distinctly that it seems unnecessary and 
confusing to introduce into it a different set of ideas. 

There is a similar divergence of opinion in explaining the 
next feature, the wearing of the skins of the victims 2 . 
Dr. Mannhardt believed that this was one of the innumerable 
instances in which, at certain times of the year, animals are 
personated by human beings, e. g. at Christmas, at the beginning 
of Lent (Carnival), and at harvest. These he explained as 
representations of the Vegetation-spirit, which was conceived 
to be dead in winter, to come to life in spring, and at harvest 
to die again, and which was believed to assume all kinds of 
animal forms. This has been generally accepted as explaining 
several curious rites both in Greece and Italy, e. g. that of the 
Hirpi Sorani at Soracte not far from Eome 3 . But it is 
a question whether it will equally well explain the Luperci 
and their goat-skins. In this case Mannhardt is driven to 
somewhat far-fetched hypotheses ; he derives Lupercus from 
lupus-hircus* (p. 90), and suggests that the two collegia repre- 
sented respectively wolves and goats, according to the view of 
the Vegetation-spirit taken by the two communities of Palatine 
and Quirinal 5 . But this solution, the result of a bias in favour 
of his favourite Vegetation-spirit, does not strike us as happy, 
and Dr. Mannhardt himself does not seem well pleased 
with it 6 . 

It would seem safer to. take this as one of the many well- 

1 Mannhardt seems to have felt this difficulty (p. 86), and to have tried 
to overcome it, but without success. 

* I here omit the feasting, as it is by no means certain at what point of 
time it took place. If the victims themselves were eaten, it would be 
part of the sacrificial act and would precede the running ; but this is not 
common in the case of such piacula. and one victim, we must remember, 
was a dog. It is more likely that Val. Max. is here wrong (see above, 
p. 311, note 6). 

3 See Mannhnrdt, Antike Wold- und Feldkulte, 318 foil., and for other 
examples, Frazer, G. B. ii. i foil. ; Preller-Robert, Oriech. Myth. i. 144 (Zeus- 
festival on Pelion). 

4 After Schwegler, i. 361 ; rejected by Marq. (439, note 4). 

5 p. lor. The 'wolves' represent of course the Palatine city. 

' See his eminently modest and sensible remarks at the end of his 5th 
section, p. 113. 


known piacula in which the worshipper wears the skin of 
a very holy victim, thereby entering sacramentally into the 
very nature of the god to whom the victim is sacrificed 1 . 
Whether or no we are to look for the origin of these practices 
in a totemistic age, is a question that cannot be discussed 
here ; and there is no sign of totemism in the Lupercalia 
save this one 2 . 

But if this be the right explanation, what, we may ask, was 
meant by the name Luperci ? If it meant wolves, are we not 
rather thrown back on Mannhardt's theory ? To this it may 
be answered ; (i) that no classical author suggests that the 
runners were looked upon as representing wolves ; by the 
common people we are told that they were called creppl\ 
the meaning of which is quite uncertain, though it has been 
explained as = capti, and as simply arising from the fact that 
the runners were clad in goat-skins*. There is in fact no 
necessary connexion at all between the skins and the name 
Luperci. If that name originally meant wolf-priests, its 
explanation is to be found rather in connexion with the wolf 
of Mars, and the cave of the she-wolf, than in the skins of the 
sacrificed goats, which were worn by only two members of 
the two collegia bearing the name. 

We must now turn our attention to the last features of the 
festival ; the course taken by the runners round the Palatine 
Hill, and the whipping of women with the strips of sacred 
skin. The two youths, having girded on the skins (though 
otherwise naked) and also cut strips from them, proceeded to 
run a course which seems almost certainly to have followed 
that of the pomoerium at the foot of the Palatine. The starting- 
point was the Lupercal, or a point near it, and Tacitus 5 has 

1 Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semites, 416 foil. ; Encycl. Brit. art. 
'Sacrifice'; and for the Lupercalia, Academy, Feb. n, 1888, where a tote- 
mistic origin is suggested. 

2 See also Lobeck, Aglaoph. pp. 183 6 ; Lang, Myth, Ritual and Religion, 
vol. ii. 177 (cp. 106) and reff., 213 ; Did. of Antiquities, art. 'Sacrificium, 1 
p. 584. 

3 Festus, p. 57 ' Creppos, id est lupercos, dicebant a crepitu pellicu- 
larum,' &c. 

* Preller, i. 389. On this Jordan has added no comment. 

5 Ann. ia. 24 ; Jordan, Topogr. i. 163 foil., has examined Tacitus's account 
with great care. Tacitus starts the pomoerium from the Forum boarium, 
while Dkmysius and Plutarch start the runners from the Lupercal j but 
the two are close together. 


described the course of the pomoerium as far as the ' sacellum 
Larum forumque Romanum ' : in his day it was marked out by 
stones (' cippi '). We are concerned with it here only so far as 
it affects the question whether the running was a lustratio of 
the Palatine city. The last points mentioned by Tacitus, the 
'sacellum Larum, forumque Romanum 1 ,' show plainly that 
the course was round the Pal.itine from south-west to north- 
east, but they do not bring the runners back to the point from 
which they started, and complete the circle ". Varro is, however, 
quite clear that the running was a lustratio : ' Lupercis nudis 
lustratur antiquum oppidum Palatinum gregibus humanis 
cinctum.' The passage is obscure, and attempts have been 
made to amend it ; but there can be no doubt that it points to 
a religious ceremony 3 . 

This lustratio, then, as we may safely call it, was at the same 
time a beating of the bounds and a rite of purification and 
fertilization. Just as the peeled wands of our Oxford bound- 
beaters on Ascension Day* may perhaps have originally had 
a use parallel to that of the febma, so the parish boundaries 
correspond to the Roman pomoerium. We have already had 
examples of processional bound-beating in the rites of the 
Argei and the Ambarvalia ; in all there is the same double 
object tho combination of a religious with a juristic act; 
but the Lupercalia stands alone in the quaintness of its ritual, 
and may probably be the oldest of all. 

Before we go on to the februa and their use, mention must 
be made of a difficulty in regard to the duality of the collegia 
of Luperci and the runners. These have been supposed to 
have originated from two gentile priesthoods of the Fabii and 

1 The reading is not quite certain ; the MSS. have ( Larum de 

2 The Sacellum Larum has generally been supposed to be that in 
summit sacra via (Jordan, op. cit. ii. 269). Kit-port and Huelsen make 
it the sacellum or ara Larum praestitum at the head of the Vicus Tuscus. 

3 L. L. 6. 34. Mommsen proposed 'a regibus Romanis moeuibus cine- 
turn.' But it is safer to keep to the MS. reading and make the best of it. 
Jordan sees in the words a 'scurrilous ' allusion to the luperci. 

* For modern practices of the kind in England see Brand, Popular 
Antiquities, ch. 36 ; and for Oxford, p. 209. As Brand puts it, the beaters 
(i.e. ministers, churchwardens, &c.), 'beg a blessing on the fruits of the earth, 
and preserve the rights and boundaries of their parish.' The analogy with 
the old Italian processions is very close. 


Quinctii * ; and as we know that the gens Fabia had a cult on 
the Quirinal z , it is conjectured that the Luperci Fabiani 
represented the Sabine city, and the Quinctiales the Romans 
of the Palatine, just as we also find two collegia of Salii, viz. 
Palatini and Collini 3 . If, however, the running of the Luperci 
was really a lustratio of the Palatine, we must suppose that the 
lustratio of the Quirinal city by its own Luperci was given up 
and merged in that of the older settlement 4 ; and such an 
abandonment of a local rite would be most surprising in 
Roman antiquity. It is true that there is no other explanation 
of the existence of the two guilds ; but we may hesitate to 
accept this one, if we have to pay for it by so bold a 
hypothesis 5 . 

The last point to be noticed, the whipping with the strips 
of skin 6 , might have attracted little notice as a relic of 
antiquity in the late Republic but for the famous incident in 
the life of Caesar, when Antonius was one of the runners. We 
have it on excellent evidence, not only that the runners struck 
women who met them with the strips, but that they did so 
in order to produce fertility 7 . Such an explanation of the 
object would hardly have been invented, and it tallies closely 
with some at least of a great number of practices of the kind, 
which have teen investigated by Mannhardt 8 . His parallels 

1 So C. I. L. 6. 1933 ' lupercus Quinctialis vetus.' See Mommsen, Forsch. 
i. 117. Unger, however (p. 56 toll.), argues for the form Quintilianus, 
as it appears in Fest. 87, and Ovid, Fasti, 2. 378 ; and also denies that the 
names indicate gentile priesthoods. But his arguments depend on a 
doubtful etymology. See Marq. 440, note. 

a Liv. 5. 46. Mommsen connects the name Kaeso, which is found 
in both gentes, with the cutting of the strips at the Lupercalia. The 
Fabii in Ovid's story (361 foil.) are led by Remus, and the Quintilii by 

3 See under March i, p. 41. 

4 So Mannhardt, 101, who tries to explain it as we have seen. 

* Gilbert, Gesch. wnd Topogr, i. 86, note, tries to make out that the Fabii 
belonged to the Palatine proper ; and the other guild, not to the Quirinal, 
but to the Cermalus, and thus also to account for the fact that in Ovid's 
story the Fabii come first to the feast ; but all this is pure guesswork. 

6 Plut. Rom. 21 and Goes. 6r ; Ovid, Fasti, a. 425 foil. ; Paul. 57 ; Liv. 
fragm. 12 (Madvig) ; Serv. Aen. 8. 343. All these passages make it clear 
that the object was to procure fertility in women. Nic. Damasc., Vita 
Caesaris 21, does not specify women (cp. Dion. Hal. i. 8o\ 

7 Liv. 1. c. and Serv. 1. c. are explicit on this point. 

* Op. cit. 113 foil, and his Baumkutttis, p. 251 foil, (see alsoFrazer, G. B. ii. 
214 and 232 foil.). An example of the same kind of practice in India is in 


nre not indeed all either complete or convincing ; but the 
collection is valuable for many purposes, and the general 
result is to show that whipping certain parts of the body with 
some instrument supposed to possess magic power is efficacious 
in driving away the powers of evil that interfere with fertiliza- 
tion. Whether the thing beaten be man, woman, image, or 
human or animal representative of the Vegetation-spirit, the 
object is always more or less directly to quicken or restore 
the natural powers of reproduction ; the notion being that the 
hostile or hindering spirit was thus driven out, or that 
the beating actually woke up and energized the power. The 
latter is perhaps a later idea, rationalized from the earlier. 
In any case the thongs, as part of the sacrosaact victim, were 
supposed to possess a special magical power 1 ; and the word 
applied to them, februa, though not meaning strictly instru- 
ments of purification in our sense of the word, may be translated 
cathartic objects, since they had power to free from hostile 
influences and quicken natural forces. And those who wielded 
them were regarded in some at least as priests or magicians ; 
they were naked but for the goat-skins, and probably had 
wreaths on their heads 2 . Their wild and lascivious behaviour 
as they ran is paralleled in many ceremonies of the kind 3 . 

It is singular that a festival of a character so rude and rustic 
should have lived on in the great city for centuries after it had 
become cosmopolitan and even Christian. This is one of the 
many results due to the religious enterprise of Augustus, who 
rebuilt the decayed Lupercal, and set the feast on a new 
footing 4 . It continued to exist down to the year 494 A. D. 
when the Pope, Gelasius I, changed the day (Feb. 1 5) to that 
of the Purification of the Virgin Mary ft . 

Crooke, Religion and Folklore, vol. i. p. 100. See under May i (Bona Dea), 
p. 104. 

1 They were also called ' amiculum lunonis' (Fest. 85 : cp. Ovid, Fasti, a. 
427 foil.) ; Juno here, as so often, representing the female principle. Farnell 
(Cults, i. 100) aptly compares with this the Athenian custom of carrying 
Athena's aegis round Athens, and taking it into the houses of married 

* Lactantius, Inst. i. ai. 45, describes them as 'nudi, uncti, coronati, 
personati, aut luto obliti currant'; but we have no certain confirmation 
from earlier sources except as to the nakedness (Ovid, Fasti, 2. 267). 

3 ' locantes obvios petiverunt' (Val. Max.). Mannhardt, MyJi. Forsch. 
140 foil. 

4 Mon. Ancyr. iv. a ; Marq. 446. s Baronius, Annol. Eccles. viii. 60 foil. 


xin KAL. MART. (Feb. 17). M>. 


How the festival of Quirinus came to be placed at this time 
I cannot explain : we know nothing of it, and cannot assume 
that it was of an expiatory character, like the Lupercalia 
preceding it, and the Feralia following. Of the temple 'in 
colle' we also know nothing 1 that can help us. We have 
already learnt that this day was called ' stultorum feriae,' and 
why ; but the conjunction of the last day of the sacra of the 
curiae with those of Quirinus is probably accidental ; we 
cannot safely assume any connexion through the word ' curia. ' 
The name Quirinalia was familiar enough 2 ; but it may be that 
it only survived through the stultorum feriae. 

The Roman of the later Republic identified Quirinus with 
Romulus ; Virgil, e.g. in the first Aeneid (2 9 2) speaks of ' Remo 
cum fratre Quirinus 3 .' We have no clue to the origin of this 
identification. It may have been suggested by the use of the 
name Quirites ; but neither do we know when or why that 
name came to signify the Roman people in their civil capacity, 
and the etymology of these words and their relation to each 
other still entirely baffles research 4 . 

There is, however, a general agreement that Quirinus was 
another form of Mars, having his abode on the hill which still 
goes by his name. That Mars and Quirinus were ever the 
same deities was indeed denied by so acute an inquirer as 
Ambrosch 5 ; but he denied it partly on the ground that 
no trace of the worship of Mars had been found on the 
Quirinal ; and since his time two inscriptions have been 
found there on the same spot, one at least of great antiquity, 

1 Aust, de Aedibus sacns, p. 1 1 ; Jordan, Eph. Epigr. iii. 238. 

* e. g. Cic. ad Quint. Frair. a. 3. a. 

* See other references in Preller, i. 374, note. Ambrosch (Sttulien, 169, 
note 50) observes that Cicero (de Off. 3. 10) writes with a trace of scepticism : 
' Romulus fratre interempto sine controversia peccavit, pace vel Quirini 
vel Romuli dixerim.' 

* See Jordan on Preller, i. 369. The article 'Quirinus' in Myth. Ltx. 
has not yet appeared as I write. 

* Studien, 169. 


which indicate votive offerings to Mars and Quirinus respec- 
tively 1 . From these Mommsen concludes that Quirinus was 
at one time worshipped there under the name of Mars ; 
which involves also the converse, that Mars was once wor- 
shipped under the adjectival cult-title Quirinus. Unluckily 
Mars Quirinus is a combination as yet undiscovered ; and 
as the existence of a patrician Flamen Quirinalis distinct 
from the Flamen Martialis points at least to a very early 
differentiation of the two, it may be safer to think of the two, 
not as identical deities, but rather as equivalent cult-expressions 
of the same religious conception in two closely allied com- 
munities 2 . 

That the Quirinal was the seat of the cult of Quirinus admits 
of no doubt ; and the name of the hill, which we are told was 
originally Agonus or Agonalis *, arose no doubt from the cult 4 . 
Here were probably two temples of the god, the one dating 
from B. c. 293, and having June 29 as its day of dedication ; 
the other of unknown date, which celebrated its birthday on 
the Quirinalia 8 . A 'sacellum Quirini in colle' is also men- 
tioned at the time of the Gallic invasion 6 (this was perhaps the 
predecessor of the temple of June 29), and also the house of the 
Flamen Quirinaiis which adjoined it. To the Quirinal also 
belong the Salii Agonenses, Collini, or Quirinales, who cor- 
respond to the Salii of the Palatine and of Mars 7 . And here, 

1 C. I. L. i. 4i=vi. 475 and i. 630 = vi. 565. The older one is attributed 
by Mommsen to the consul P. Cornelius of B. c. 236 : ' P. Corn^elios] L. f. 
coso[l] probfavit] Mar^te sacrom].' The other, ' Quirino L. Aimilius 
L. f. praitor,' must be set down to an Aemilius praetor in 204, 191, or 190. 
The inference is that Mars became known as Quirinus in that spot at the 
end of the third century B c. It is worth noting that the legendary smith, 
Mamurius, had a statue on the Quirinal (Jord. Top. ii. 125). 

* This is much what Dion. Hal. 2. 48 says was one view held in his 
time : OVK Ixovras tlirtiv ri> die pt fits tin 'Aprjs (arlv tire trtpos rts o/xoias"'Ap 

3 See on Jan. 9. Fest. 254. 

* Gilbert, i. 283, points out that in the Argean itinerary (Jord. Top. 
ii. 237 foil.) one of tlie divisions of the Quirinal bears the name, and infers the 
gradual spread of the cult of Quirinus over the whole hill ; but he insists 
that it was introduced from the Palatine. The general result of his wild 
but ingenious combinations is to infer a religious conquest of the Quirinal 
from the Palatine. 

5 Aust, op. cit. pp. ii and 33. Mommsen, C. /. L. i. 310, takes the one 
of unknown date as the older. 

* Aust, op. cit. 51, where for Liv. 4. 21 read Liv. 5. 40. 
7 Preller, i. 356. 

Y 2 


lastly, seems to belong the mysterious Flora or Horta Quirini, 
whose temple, according to Plutarch l , was ' formerly ' always 
open. About the cult of Quirinus on his hill we know, however, 
nothing, except that there were two myrtles growing in front 
of his temple, one called the patrician and the other the 
plebeian 2 , and to which a curious story is attached. Preller 3 
noted that these correspond to the two laurels in the sacrarium 
JIartis in the Kegia, and conjectured that each pair symbolized 
the union of the state in the cults of the two communities. 

Of the duties of the Flamen Quirinalis we have already seen 
something 4 : unluckily they throw little or no new light on the 
cult of Quirinus. He was concerned in the worship of Robigus, 
of Consus, and of Acca Larentia, all of them ancient cults of 
agricultural Kome ; and he seems to have been in close con- 
nexion with the Vestal Virgins 8 . These are just such duties 
us we might have expected would fall to the Flamen of Mars j 
and probably the two cults were much alike in character. 

vii KAL. MART. (FEB. 23.) JP. 

Was there any connexion between the Terminalia and the 
end of the year ? The Roman scholars thought so ; Varro G 
writes, ' Terminalia quod is dies anni extremus constitutus ; 
duodecimus enim fuit Februarius, et quum intercalatur, in- 
feriores quinque dies duodecimo demuntur mense.' So Ovid, 

Tu quoque sacrorum, Termine, finis eras. 

But Terminus is the god of the boundaries of land, and has 
nothing to do with time ; and the Terminalia is not the last 
festival of the year in the oldest calendars. The Romans must 
have been misled by the coincidence of the day of Terminus 
with the last day before intercalation. The position in the 

1 Q. B. 46 ; Ennius ap. Nonium 120 ; Gell. 13. 23. 

* Plin. H. N. 15. 120. 3 i. 373. 

4 See under April 25, Aug. 21, Dec. 23. Marq. 335 ; Schwegler, i. 334. 

5 Liv. 5. 40, 7 and 8. 

L. L. 6. 13. According to Macrob. (i. 13. 15) the five last days of 
February were added after the intercalation, in older that March might 
lollow on Feb., and not on the intercalated days. 


year of the rites to be described seems parallel to that of 
the Compitalia and Paganalia, which were concerned with 
matters of common interest to a society of farmers: and we 
may remember that Pliny l said of the Fornacalia that it 
was ' farris torrendi feriae et aeque religiosae terminis agrorum.' 

The ritual of the Terminalia in the country districts is 
described by Ovid *. The two landowners garlanded each his 
side of the boundary-stone, and all offerings were double 3 . An 
altar is made ; and fire is carried from the hearth by the 
farmer's wife, while the old man cuts up sticks and builds 
them in a framework of stout stakes. Then with dry bark the 
fire is kindled ; from a basket, held ready by a boy 4 , the little 
daughter of the family thrice shakes the fruits of the earth into 
the fire, and offers cakes of honey. Others stand by with 
wine ; and the neighbours (or dependants) look on in silence 
and clothed in white. A lamb is slain, and a sucking-pig, 
and the boundary- stone sprinkled with their blood ; and the 
ceremony ends with a feast and songs in praise of holy 

This rite was, no doubt, practically a yearly renewal of that 
by which the stone was originally fixed in its place. The latter 
is described by the gromatic writer Siculus Flaccus 5 . Fruits 
of the earth, and the bones, ashes, and blood of a victim which 
had been offered were put into a hole by the two (or three) 
owners whose land converged at the point, and the stone was 
rammed down on the top and carefully fixed. The reason 
given for this was of course that the stone might be identified 
in the future, e. g. by an arbiter, if one should be called in * ; 
but it also reminds us of the practice of burying the remains 

1 H. N. 18. 8. See above, p. 304. * Fasti, a. 643 foil. 

Te duo diversa domini pro parte coronant, 

Binaque serta tibi binaque liba ferunt. 

* This must be a son of the family. We have, therefore, in this 
charming picture the predecessors of the Rex, the Regina sacrorum, the 
namines, and the Vestal Virgins. 

Stat puer et manibus lata canistra tenet. 
Inde ubi ter fruges medios immisit in ignes, 

Porrigit incisos filia parva favos. 

De-Marchi, p. 231, gives a cut of a painting at Hereulaneum which may 
represent a scene of this kind. 

* Gromatici veteres, i. 141. See Rudorff in vol. ii. 236 for an interesting 
discussion of the religio terminoruin and its ethical and legal results. 

* Rudorff, 1. c. 237. 


of a victim 1 , and the use of the blood shows the extreme 
sanctity of the operation. 

That the stone was regarded as the dwelling-place of a numen 
is proved by the fact that it was sprinkled with blood and gar- 
landed 2 ; and the development of a god Terminus is perfectly 
in keeping with Roman religious ideas. It is more difficult to 
determine what was the relation of this Terminus to the great 
Jupiter who was so intimately associated, as we have seen ", 
with the idea of keeping faith with your neighbours. Was he 
the numen originally thought to occupy the stone, and is the 
name Terminus, as marking a distinct deity, a later growth? 
I am disposed to think that this was so ; for we saw that there 
is some reason to believe that Jupiter did not disdain to 
dwell in objects such as trees and stones, and there is no need 
to look to Greece for the origin of his connexion with boundaries 4 . 
But Jupiter and Terminus remained on the whole distinct ; and 
a Jupiter Terminus or Terminalis is first found on the coins of 
Varro the great scholar, probably in B. c. 76 5 . 

The close connexion of the two is seen in the legend that 
when Jupiter was to be introduced into the great Capitoline 
temple, from the Capitolium vetus on the Quirinal, all the gods 
made way for him but Terminus 6 : 

Quid nova cum fierent Capitolia ? nempe deorum 
Cuncta lovi cessit turba, locumque dedit. 

Terminus, ut veteres memorant, inventus in aede 
Kestitit, et magno cum love templa tenet. 

This, as Preller truly observes, is only a poetical way of 
expressing his stubbornness, and his close relation to Jupiter, 
with whom he continued to share the great temple. It seems 
certain that there was in that temple a stone supposed to be 

1 Jevons, Introduction to the History of Religion, 149. 

* Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semites, 187 folL 

3 See under September, p. 229 foil. I may here notice the very curious 
' oraculum ' in Grom. Vet. p. 350 (ex libris Vegoiae) which connects Jupiter 
with the introduction of termini in Etruria. 

4 Ztiu optos he is called by Dion. Hal. (a. 74), where the cult is ascribed 
to Numa. Farnell, Cults of the Greek States, i. 159. 

* Aust, in Myth. Lex. s. v. luppiter, 668. 

" Fasti, 2. 667 ; Liv. r. 55 ; Serv. Aen. g. 448. Augustine, C. D. 4. 23, adds 
Mars, and Dion. Hal. 3. 69 luventus to Terminus, who could not be 
' exauguratus.' 


that of Terminus, over which there was a hole in the roof ' : 
for all sacrifice to Terminus must be made in the open air. 

Nunc quoque, se supra ne quid nisi sideia cernat, 
Exiguum templi tecta foramen habent 2 . 

Precisely the same feature is found in the cult of Semo 
Sancus or Dius Fidius 3 , who was concerned with oaths and 
treaties ; and of Hercules we are told that the oath taken 
in his name must be taken out of doors 4 . 

Of the stone itself we know nothing. It is open to us to 
guess that it was originally a boundary-stone, perhaps between 
the ager of the Palatine city and that of the Quirinal. The 
mons Capitolinus seems to have been neutral ground, as we 
may guess by the tradition of the asylum there ; it was 
outside the pomoerium, and in the early Republic was the 
property of the priestly collegia 8 . It was, therefore, a very 
appropriate place for a terminus between two communities 6 . 

From Ovid (679 foil.) we gather that there was a terminus- 
stone at the sixth milestone on the via Laurentina, at which 
public sacrifices were made, perhaps on the day of the Termi- 
nalia: this was probably at one time the limit of the ager 
Romanus in that direction. 

vi KAL. MART. (FEB. 24). N. 


This note of Silvius is based on a very old and natural 
misapprehension. Ovid 7 , and probably most Romans, believed 

1 Serv. Aen. 9. 448 ' Unde in CHpitolio prona pars tecti patet, quae 
lapidem ipsum Termini spectat.' This is the ' Capitoli immobile saxum ' 
of Virgil ; see above, p. 230. 

* Ovid, 1. c. 671. * See above, p. 140. Varro, L. L. 5. 66. 

4 Plut. Q. R. 28. 5 Ambrosch, Studien, 199 foil. 

' It would exactly correspond to the spot of sacred ground on which 
the terminus-stone stood between two properties (Rudorff, 1. c.). In the 
latter case, it is worth noting, the sacrifices and sacrificers are doubles, 
as with the Salii, Luperci, &c., of the two Roman settlements. Mr. Granger 
(Worship of Vie Romans, 163) suggests that this stone was 'a relic from the 
original dwellers by the Tiber,' i.e. pro-Roman. But the question is, How 
did the Romans come to associate it with Terminus ? 

1 Fasti, 2. 685 foil. He is probably following Varro and common opinion, 
which latter Verrius refers to (Paul. 279) ' Regifugium sacrum dicebant, 


that the expulsion of Tarquin was commemorated on this day. 
There is, however, strong indirect evidence to show that the 
'flight of the king' on Feb. 24 was something very different. 

1. We have already had a 'flight of the people ' (Poplifugia) 
on July 5 ; and we saw that this was probably a purificatory 
rite of which the meaning had been lost the sacrifice perhaps 
of a sacred animal followed by the flight of the crowd as 
from a murder. It seems impossible, at any rate unwise, to 
separate Poplifugia and Regifugium in general meaning, for 
there is no other parallel to them in the calendar. Both 
were explained historically by the Eomans, because in both the 
obscure (and perhaps obsolete) religious rite was inexplicable 
otherwise ; and we must also endeavour to treat both on the 
same principle. 

2. It seems pretty clear that Verrius Flaccus did not believe 
in the historical explanation of the Kegifugium. In Festus, 
page 278, we find a mutilated gloss which evidently refers 
to this day, and is thus completed by Mommsen l : 

[Eegifugium notatur in fastis dies a.d.] vi Jcal. [Mart, qui 
creditor sic dict]us quid [eo die Tarquinius rex fugerit ex urbe]. 
Quod fal[sum est ; nam e castris in exilium abisse eum r]ettu\e- 
runt annales. Rectius explicabit qui regem e]t Salios 2 [hoc die . . . 
facere sacri\ficiwn in [comitio eoque perfecto ilium incle fugere 
n]overit. . . 

It may be said that this is all guesswork, and no evidence ; 
but it is borne out by the following passage in Plutarch's sixty- 
third Roman question : 

"Ea-Tt yovv TIS tv dyopa 6v<ria Trpos ra \fyofjifvm KOJLHJT/W irdrptos, YJV 
6vcras 6 ftacri\(vs Kara ra^or anticri (ptvyw e dyopdt. 

Whence Plutarch drew this statement we cannot tell. He 
does not give the day on which the sacrifice and flight took 

quo die rex Tarquinius fugerit e Koma.' The word dicebant seems to show 
that this was not Verrius' own opinion. 

1 C. I. L. i. 289. This gloss is no doubt the equivalent in Festus to that 
of Paulus just quoted ; but the leading word Kegifugium is lost. I have 
only quoted so much as is needed for our purpose. For other completions 
of the gloss see Miiller, Festus, 1. c., and Huschke, Rom. Jahr, p. 166. 

2 If this gloss really refers to Feb. 24, the presence of the Salii is diffi- 
cult to account for, as their period of activity begins in March. Frazer in 
an interesting note (G. B. ii. 210") suggests that the use of the Salii was to 
drive away evil demons ; if the Regifugium was a solemn piaculum, and 
the victim a scapegoat, this explanation might serve for Feb. 24. 


place ; and Huschke l has denied that he refers to the 
Eegifugium at all. He believes that Plutarch is thinking 
of the days marked Q. E. C. F. (March 24 and May 24), on 
which Varro says, or seems to say, that the Eex sacrorum 
sacrificed in the Comitium 2 ; and this may have been so, for 
the note in the Fasti Praenestini on March 24 shows that 
there was a popular misinterpretation of Q. E. C. F, which 
took the letters to mean, ' quod eo die ex cotnitio fugerit rex.' 
In this confusion we can but appeal to the word Eegifugium, 
which is attached to Feb. 24 only. Taking this together with 
Plutarch's statement, and remembering the great improbability 
of the historical explanation being the true one, we are justified 
in accepting Mommsen's completion of the passage in Festus, 
and in concluding that there was really on Feb. 24 a flight 
of the Eex after a sacrifice. 

And this view is strengthened by the frequent occurrence of 
sacerdotal flights in ancient and primitive religions. These 
were first collected by Lobeck 3 , and have of late been 
treated of and variously explained by Mannhardt, Frazer, and 
Eobertson Smith 4 . The best known examples are those of the 
Bouphonia ('ox murder') at Athens, in which every feature 
shows that the slain ox was regarded, ' not merely as a victim 
offered to a god, but in itself a sacred creature, the slaughter of 
which was sacrilege or murder' 5 ; and the sacrifice of a bull-calf 
to Dionysus at Tenedos, where the priest was attacked with 
stones, and had to flee for his life 6 . We do not yet know for 
certain whether the origin of these ideas is to be found in 
totemism, or in the sanctity of cattle in the pastoral age, or 
in the representation of the spirit of vegetation in animal form. 
The second of these explanations, as elucidated by Eobertson 
Smith, would seem most applicable to the Athenian rite ; but 
in the case of the Eoman one, we do not know what the victim 

1 Edm. Jahr, 166 foil. 

2 L. L. 6. 31, where Hirschfeld has conjectured ' litat ad comitium ' 
for the MS. ' dicat.' 

3 Aglaophamus, 676. 

4 Mannhardt, Myth. Forsch. 58 foil. ; Fnizer, Golden Bough, ii. 35 foil. ; 
Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semites, 286 foil. Cp. Lang, Myth, Riiual 
and Religion, ii. 233 foil. See also Farnell, Cults of the Greek States, i. 88 foil., 
who agrees in the main with Robertson Smith. 

* Frazer, 1. c. Aelian, A'. A. la. 34. 


was. It is also just possible, as Hartung long ago suggested \ 
that the victim was a scapegoat carrying away pollution, and 
therefore to be avoided ; but I do not find any example of 
flight from a scapegoat, among the many instances collected 
by Mr. Frazer (Golden Bough, ii. 182 foil.). 

in KAL. MART. (FEB. 27). IP. 
EOJUIRRIA]. (MAFF. CAER. : cp. Varro, L. L. 6. 13). 

We have no data whatever for guessing why a horse-race 
should take place on the last day of Februaiy, or why there 
should be two days of racing, the second being March 14. 
This has not, however, prevented Huschke 2 from making some 
marvellous conjectures, in which ingenuity and learning have 
been utterly thrown away. 

We saw 3 that the oldest races of this kind were connected 
with harvest rejoicings ; and Mannhardt 4 suggested that they 
originated in the desire to catch the spirit of vegetation in 
the last sheaf or in some animal form. Races also occur in 
various parts of Europe in the spring e.g. at the Carnival, 
at Easter, and at Whitsuntide ; and of these he says that they 
correspond with the others, and that the idea at the bottom 
of them is ' die Vorstellung des wetteifernden Fruhlingsein- 
zuges der Vegetationsdamonen.' However this may be, we 
cannot but be puzzled by the doubling of the Equirria, and are 
tempted to refer it to the same cause as that of the Salii 
and Luperci 5 . 

That both were connected with the cult of Mars is almost 
beyond question. They were held in the Campus Martius, 
and were supposed to have been established by Komulus in 
honour of Mars 6 ; and we have already had an example of the 
occurrence of horses in the Mars-cult. It would seem, then, 

1 Eelig. der Bomer, ii. 35. Cp. Gilbert, i. 343, note. The presence of the 
Salii (see above, p. 328), if a fact, would be in favour of this explanation. 

2 Rom. Jahr, 199. 3 See on Aug. 21 (Consualia). 
4 Myth. Forsch. 170 foil. ; Baumkultus, 382 foil. 

This, though with impossible combinations, is what Huschke does 
(199, note 53). Feb. 37 is the Roman, March 14 the Quirinal Equirria, in 
his view. That the Quiriualia falls in February may perhaps give some 
support to the view. 

Varro, L. L. 6. 13 ; Fest. 81. See under Oct. 15. 


that the peculiar features of the worship of Mars began even 
before March r. Preller noticed this long ago 1 , and suggested 
that even the Lupercalia and the Quirinalia have some relation 
to the Mars-cult, and that these fall at the time when the first 
beginnings of spring are felt e.g. when the first swallows 
arrive 2 . We may perhaps add the appearance of the Salii 
at the Kegifugium to these foreshadowings of the March rites. 
Ovid seems to bear out Preller in his lines on this day 3 : 

lamque duae restant noctes de mense secundo, 
Marsque citos iunctis curribus urget equos : 

Ex vero positum permansifc Equirria nomen, 
Quae deus in Campo prospicit ipse suo. 

lure venis, Gradive. Locum tua tempora poscunt, 
Signatusque tuo nomine mensis adest. 

I may aptly add Ovid's next couplet, now that we have 
at last reached the end of the Koman year: 

Venimus in porturn, libro cum mense peracto. 
Naviget hinc alia iam mihi linter aqua. 

1 i. 361- 

8 So Ovid, on Feb. 26, writes (a. 853^. : 

Fallimur, an veris praenuntia venit hirundo, 

Et metuit ne qua versa recurrat hiems ? 

This would be early now for central Italy; but Columella, ir. a, gives 
Feb. 23 as the date. 
* Fasti, a. 857 foil. 


AT the end of the introductory chapter a promise was made 
that when we had completed the round of the year, we would 
sum up our results, sketch in outline the history of Roman 
religious ideas, and estimate the influence of all this elaborate 
ceremonial on the life and character of the Eoman people. 
This undertaking I must now endeavour to fulfil, though with 
doubt and diffidence ; for even after the most careful examina- 
tion of the Calendar, both the character and the history of the 
Roman religious system must still in great degree remain 
a mystery. With such knowledge however as may have been 
gleaned in the preceding pages, the reader may be able to 
appreciate or criticize a few conclusions of a more general 

The Roman religion has been ably discussed in general 
terms by several writers of note in the centuiy just closing. 
Mommsen's chapters in the early books of his Roman History 
are familiar to every one. The introduction to Marquardt's 
volume on our subject is indispensable ; and Preller, less 
exact perhaps, but more sympathetic and inspiring, still holds 
the field with the opening chapters of his work on Roman 
Mythology. To these classical works may be added the 
section on the Roman religion in the second volume of the 
Religionsgeschichte of Chantepie de la Saussaye, and the first 
chapter of Boissier's work on the Roman religion from 
Augustus onwards. Professor Granger's Worship of the Romans 
ivlso contains here and there some suggestive remarks, though as 
a rule these are not based upon any elaborate investigation of 
the cult. Lastly I may mention a small but valuable treatise, 


published as long ago as 1837 by Leopold Krahner, on the 
history of the decay of the Roman religion down to the time 
of Augustus, which fell into my hands many years ago, and 
is in almost every sentence of value to the student of Roman 

In all these works the one point insisted on at the outset 
is this : that the Romans were more interested in the cult of 
their deities, that is, in the ritual and routine by which they 
could be rightly and successfully propitiated, than in the 
character and personality of the deities themselves. This is 
indeed a truth which has been abundantly borne out in our 
examination of the Calendar, and might be further illustrated 
in almost every public act of procedure in the Roman State. 
Cicero himself expresses it well in the second book of his 
De Natura Deorum (2. 3. 8) ' Si conferre volumus nostra cum 
externis, ceteris rebus aut pares aut etiam inferiores reperiemur, 
religione, id est cultu deorum, multo superiores.' The second 
book of his work De Legibus is also an invaluable witness to 
the conviction, lasting on even in an age of scepticism and 
indifference among the educated, that the due performance 
of sacred rites was a necessary function of the State, on which 
its very existence depended. The Christian Fathers, some of 
whom, like St. Augustine and Tertullian, were men of learning 
who had studied the voluminous works of Varro, were well 
aware of this character; and Tertullian in a curious passage 
went so far as to suggest that the Devil had here perpetrated 
an imitation or parody of the minute ritual of Leviticus '. So 
far as externals go, the comparison he suggested is a useful 
one ; but there is an essential difference in the religious spirit 
which lay at the root of the two ceremonial systems a dif- 
ference that makes it impossible that any work should be 
written on the Roman religion as inspiring for the student 
of religious history as The Religion of the Semites so often 
quoted in these pages. 

This elaborate Roman ceremonial consisted in the main of 
sacrifices of different kinds, conducted with an endless but 
ordered variety of detail, of prayers, processions, and festivities, 
the object of which was either to obtain certain practical 
results, to discover the will of the gods, or to rejoice with the 

1 Tertullian, de Praeacriptionibus Hoereticorum, 40. 


divine inhabitants of the city over the prosperous event of 
some undertaking. When we survey it in the Calendar as 
a whole, it seems to fall naturally into three divisions, which 
correspond with and illustrate the development of the State 
from its constituent materials. The Calendar contains in fact 
in a fossilized condition the remains of three different strata 
of religious or social development. 

(1) Here and there we find survivals of what we can only 
regard as the most primitive condition of human life in 
ancient Latium : that of men dwelling on forest-clad hill-tops, 
surrounded by a world of spirits, some of which have taken 
habitation in, or are in some sort represented by, objects such 
as trees, animals, or stones. Examples of such objects are the 
oak of Jupiter Feretrius, the sacred fig-tree of Rumina, the stone 
of Terminus with its buried sacrifice, and the wolf, the wood- 
pecker, and spear of Mars. To this earliest stratum may also 
belong in their ultimate origin those quaint sacrificial or semi- 
dramatic rites of which we have had examples in the Lupercalia, 
the Fordicidia, and the Parilia. The casting of , the Argei into 
the Tiber may perhaps also be reckoned here, though connected 
later on with certain divisions of the developed city of which 
the meaning and origin are lost to us. This primitive popula- 
tion knew also of charms and spells and omens, not reduced 
indeed as yet to a definite system, of which the Calendar 
naturally supplies hardly any indications, while in Ovid and 
Cato not a few survivals meet us. But the investigation of 
the oldest culture of central Italy is more especially the 
province of archaeology, and to the archaeologists, who are 
now in Italy doing excellent and elaborate work, I must be 
content to leave it. 

(2) We next come conjecturally to clearly-defined evidence 
of a period in which 'the ordered processes of agriculture, and 
the settled life of the farm-house, are the distinctive features. 
We have the beginnings of a calendar in the observation of 
the quarters of the moon and their connexion with the deities 
of light. We have the discipline of the house, represented in 
the cult of Vesta the hearth-spirit, under the care of the 
daughters of the family, while the sons as flat/nines have their 
special sacrificial duties, the head of the house presiding over 
all, and having as his own special department the worship of 


the spirit of the door-way (Janus). The occupations of the 
family are reflected in the series of festivals which represent 
the processes and perils of pastoral and agricultural industry : 
e. g. the Robigalia, Ambarvalia, Vestalia, Consualia, Opicon- 
sivia, Vinalia, Saturnalia, and Terrainalia : this last indicating 
also the idea of property, whether of the community or the 
individual. We have also clear traces of the union of farms 
in a group (pagus) ; for the Paganalia still survived in the 
full-grown city, and both at the Saturnalia and Compitalia 
the households met together at the winter period of ease and 

(3) The further development of social life is also reflected 
in the annual rites we have been investigating. We see the 
aggregation of small communities in the Septimontium, in 
the Fornacalia or feast of the Curiae, possibly also in the 
ritual of the twenty-four or twenty-seven Sacella Argeorum, 
round which a procession seems to have gone in March and 
May. The Parentalia again is the systematized cult of the 
dead in their own city, outside the walls of the city of 
the living. The Lares Praestites, worshipped on May i, are 
the guardian spirits of the whole community. The Regia, the 
dwelling of the king, is its political and religious centre, with 
its sacrarium of Mars, the peculiar deity of the stock, and with 
the house and hearth of Vesta close by, now grown to be the 
symbol of the State's vitality. The Vestals and Flamines have 
become priests of special worships in an organized state, and 
at the head of all is the Rex, still specially concerned with the 
cult of Janus, but representing in his priestly capacity the 
whole community. The steadily increasing tendency to organize, 
a tendency rooted in the very fibre of this people, is producing 
colleges of pontifices and augurs, to assist by associated effort 
in making sure of the laws of intercourse with the unseen 
world, and of the best methods of divining its will and 
intention. And lastly, not only have we found in the festivals 
traces of the growth and systematization of the life of the city, 
but in the great Latin festival we have also religious evidence 
of the early tendency of the cities of Latin blood to combine in 
some sort with each other. 

We have thus reached what has been called by Preller the 
period of Numa, the king with whose name and personality 

33 6 


the Eomans always associated the redaction of the Fasti and 
the state-organization of their religion : a personality so clearly 
conceived by them as to bear witness at once to its own 
historical reality, and to their conviction of the vital importance 
of his work. Before we go further, let us pause here to 
interrogate the Calendar as to the nature of the divine beings 
who in these same stages of development were the objects of 
popular worship. The simplest way to do this will be to 
present a table showing the list of the most ancient festivals, 
with the deities concerned in them, so far as they can be 
identified, in a parallel column: 
















































Ghosts (unburied). 






























Here it will be noticed that in those festivals which seem to 
be survivals from the oldest stratum of civilization (the period 
of Faunus, as Preller has named it), viz. the Lupercalia, Parilia, 
Fordicidia, Argeorum Sacra, the deities concerned are either 
altogether doubtful, or so wanting in clearness and prominence 
as to be altogether subordinate in interest to the details of the 
ceremony. The Parilia and Fordicidia were believed in later 
times to have belonged to Pales and Tellus ; but our authority 
for the grounds of such belief is not strong, and as a matter 
of fact these two, together with the sacrifice of the October 
horse, were interconnected by details of antique ceremonial, 
rather than separately defined by their relation to particular 
numina. In other festivals which may have possibly come 
down from the oldest period, the deity is almost entirely lost. 
Here is good evidence of the indistinctness of the Koman con- 
ception of the divine ; the cult appealed to this people as the 
practical method of obtaining their desires, but the unseen 
powers with whom they dealt in this cult were beyond their 
ken, often unnamed, and only visible in the sense of being 
seated in, or in some sort symbolized by, tree or stone or 
animal. They are often multiplex, like the Fauni, Silvani, 
Lares, Penates, Semones, Carmentes ; or they run into each 
other, like Bona Dea, Maia, Tellus, Ceres, Dea Dia, and others. 
Only the great deity of the stock stands out at all clearly ; 
Father Mars of the Romans ; Father Diovis of the whole Latin 
race ; to these we may perhaps add the Hercules or Genius, 
and Juno, representing respectively the male and female 
principles of human life. 

In the second and third of the strata which the Calendar 
offers to the excavator, representing the ordered life of the 
household and afterwards of the city, we still find much of the 
same indistinctness. Vesta indeed, the spirit of the hearth-fire, 
becomes clearly though not personally delineated ; so too, but 
in a less degree, does Janus the spirit of the doorway. Two 
other groups of spirits also occupy the house ; the Lares, who 
may have been the spirits of dead ancestors duly buried, and 
the Penates or spirits of the store -chamber; both of them 
becoming sufficiently clear in the popular conception to be 
represented by images at a very early period. But in the 
round of ancient festivals, some at least of the so-called gods, 



so far as we can guess at their original nature, hardly deserve 
that name. Liber and Ceres seem to have been originally 
general names for an ill-defined class of spirits ; Robigus is the 
spirit of the mildew ; Census and Ops are not personalities, 
but numina protecting the gathered harvest, as Saturnus pro- 
bably protected the sown seed. The Compitalia was concerned 
only with the Lares Compitales, spirits of the crossways ; in 
the Paganalia we have but very indistinct information as to the 
object of worship. The Vinalia, marking a later and more 
skilled agricultural process, seems on the other hand always 
to have been clearly connected with Jupiter himself. 

Thus in the so-called period of Numa, the period of the 
earlier monarchy and the first organization of the city-state, 
the religious life of the community had become highly 
systematized in respect of the cult, of the priest in charge of 
it, and the ius which governed all the citizens in their relation 
to the world of divinities. Of any real change however in the 
character of these divinities, of any approach to polytheism in 
the way of an increased individuality of conception, of iconic 
representation, or definite temple-worship, the Calendar then 
drawn up supplies no certain evidence. There may indeed 
have been a tendency towards a clearer definition of numina, 
arising from the very fact of the definite organization of prayer 
and sacrifice, and of the allotment of cults to particular priest- 
hoods or families. There may, even at that early stage in 
Roman history, have been an influence at work on the Roman 
mind, coming from Etruria and Greece, where polytheism 
found its nourishment in works of art and mythological fancy. 
These ai e possibilities of which we must take account, but the 
Calendar has nothing positive to tell us of them. 

It is when we advance to the later monarchy, which we 
may speak of without hesitation as an Etruscan dynasty, that 
we find a change beginning, both in the forms and objects of 
the cult, which marks an epoch in Roman religious history. 
The oldest Calendar, that of the large letters in the Fasti, tells 
us of course nothing of this. But in the additamenta ex fastis, 
and in later literary allusions, we have a considerable body of 
material to help us in following out the character and conse- 
quences of this change. It is at this point, or rather at the 
end of the monarchy, that we begin to hear of the building 


of real temples, as distinct from luci, sacella, arae, or fana ; of 
the introduction into these of statues of the gods, of the Graecus 
ritus in sacrifice, and of the appearance of new deities, some of 
them apparently connected with new elements of population. 

This epoch is most clearly marked by the building of the 
great temple on the Capitol of Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva, 
an Etruscan Trias, perhaps ultimately of Greek origin, whose 
statues, as we have seen, were invited in true polytheistic 
fashion to partake of a feast every year on the Ides of 
September, the dies natalis of the temple. This temple was 
dedicated in B. c. 509, directly after the expulsion of Tarquinius 
Superbus. The next of which we hear is that of the old 
Roman Saturnus (B.C. 497), now strangely represented by a 
fettered statue, and worshipped henceforward Graeco ritu, with 
the head uncovered. Next comes Mercurius (B. c. 495), a god 
unknown to the most ancient Fasti ; then Ceres, the Greek 
Demeter under a familiar Italian name (B.C. 493); next For- 
tuna with a statue (B.C. 486), an imported goddess, to whom 
Servius Tullius, if tradition can be trusted, had already erected 
temples. To this same age belongs probably the temple of 
Diana on the Aventine, with a Greek 6avav and the intro- 
duction of Apollo-worship as a popular cult. If we follow the 
catalogue of dedications during the two centuries following the 
abolition of the monarchy ', we find that out of fourteen of 
which the dates are known to us, six are Greek or Graeco- 
Etruscan, three more admit before long a non-Roman ritual 
under the influence of the duoviri sacris faciundis, and fivo are 
known to have contained statues from an early period. Only 
three, those of Dius Fidius, of Juno Lucina, and of Mater Matuta, 
can be said to have been genuine Roman foundations. Without 
doubt a great change is here indicated which has come over 
the Roman religion, both in cult and theology. New elements 
of population, new relations with conquerors or conquered, 
new commercial enterprise, new experiences of war, famine, 
and pestilence, bring in new deities, suggest recourse to new 
divine aids. The old Rome is almost a thing of the past ; the 
cults and deities of the Numan period no longer suffice, and 
are perhaps already beginning to be forgotten ; the oldest 

1 Collected by Aust in his work de Aedibvs sacnV, pp. 4 foil. 
Z 2 


priesthoods begin to give place in all except empty externals 
to the semi-political colleges of pontifices and augurs, and to 
the important new foundation of duoviri sacris faciundis ; the 
old Italian ritual of simple apparatus and detailed ceremony 
is becoming overshadowed by the showy ceremonial of lecti- 
sternia and supplicationes. 

Was there no reaction, we may well ask, against a tendency 
so expansive and denationalizing ? I answer this question with 
hesitation, for so far as I am aware it has never yet been fully 
investigated. But I am strongly disposed to believe that there 
was such a reaction in the third century B. c., in the period, that 
is, between the Samnite wars and Hannibal's invasion of Italy. 
This, unlike the preceding century, was a period of almost 
uniform success of the Roman arms, and one in which the 
State was at no time in serious peril ; and the temptation to 
have recourse to strange divinities, as a patient betakes himself 
to new physicians, would not present itself to the minds of the 
senate or the priesthoods. If we pursue the history of the 
temple-foundations of this period, under Aust's invaluable 
guidance, the result is very remarkable. Between 304 and 
217 B.C. we know the dates of twenty-five foundations; and 
of these no less than twenty are in honour of indigenous, or 
at least what I may perhaps call, home-made deities. No 
doubt there is a growing tendency to identify Roman gods 
with Greek ; but this does not show itself plainly till the end 
of the century, and the only genuine Greek foundation is that 
of Aesculapius, the consequence of a severe pestilence in 293 B.C. 
Three or four, e.g. those of Fors Fortuna, Minerva Capta, and 
Feronia, were probably of non-Roman origin ; but they were 
transplanted from the near neighbourhood of Rome and may 
almost count as indigenous. 

In contemplating the Roman foundations of this period we 
are struck by certain indications of the activity of the pontifices, 
as distinguished from the duoviri sacris faciundis; i. e. the 
activity of that college of priests whose special charge was 
the Roman religion proper, and who were only indirectly con- 
cerned with foreign introductions. For example, we may note 
with interest a group of four agricultural deities, to whom 
temples were dedicated in the eight years between 272 and 
264 B.C., the years, that is, of the pacification and settlement 


of Italy after the invasion of Pyrrhus 1 . These deities were 
Census, Tellus, Pales, and Vortumnus. Owing to the loss of 
Livy's second decade we cannot be very certain of the imme- 
diate object of these foundations ; but wo may guess that they 
had a definite meaning in connexion with the events of the 
time, and that they were chiefly the work of the pontifical 
college. Less distinct perhaps, but still worth noticing, is 
a group of foundations in honour of deities connected with 
water 2 , i.e. to Tempestates, Juturna and Fons, which seem 
to have had some reference to the naval operations of the First 
Punic War. The temple of Juturna was vowed by Lutatius 
Catulus in the battle at the Aegates Insulae in 241 B.C. ; that 
to the Tempestates by Cornelius Scipio, when the fleet was 
almost destroyed near Corsica in 259 B.C. ; and that of Fons 
in the Corsican war in 231 B.C. It was characteristic of the 
Eoman mind, and of the pontifical methods, thus to connect 
the spirits of the springs in Rome with those of the sea and 
its tempests. 

It is at this time also that we notice the appearance of 
abstractions resolved into deities, such as Salus, Spes, Fides, 
Honos et Virtus, Concordia, and Mens. These, as I have said 
elsewhere 3 , are not genuine old Roman cults, but pontifical 
creations in the spirit of the old Roman impersonal and 
daemonic ideas of divine agency. In connexion with these 
I may mention the conviction which has grown upon me in 
the course of these investigations, that it was in this reactionary 
period, as we may call it, that the . pontifices drew up that 
extraordinary list of deities, classified according to their 
functions in relation to man and his activity and suffering, 
which we know as the Indigitamcnta. This seems to me 
characteristic of the period, inasmuch as it was probably based 
on the old Roman ideas of divine agency, now systematized 
by something like scientific terminology and ordered classifica- 
tion. It is the old national belief in the ubiquity of the world 
of spirits, now edited and organized by skilled legal theologians. 
But it would be beyond the province of this work to venture 
further into this tangled question. 

From the Hannibalic war to the end of the Republic is the 

1 Aust, op. cit , p. 14, note i. ' Aust, op. cit., p. 15, note i. 

* Above, p. 190. 


period of the decay and downfall of the old Roman religion. 
This period need not detain us long ; it has been no part of 
my plan to exhibit this religion on its death-bed, for the Fasti 
do not admit us to that scene. They show us a living and 
genuine, not a spurious and enfeebled religious life. A few 
salient facts shall suffice as illustrations of the slow process of 
this dissolution. 

At the very outset of the period we mark the solemn 
introduction into Rome of Cybele, the Magna Mater Idaea, 
and the stone which was supposed to represent her ; and we 
are thus warned that even the Greek cults, with all their 
adjuncts of art and mythology, are no longer sufficient for 
Roman needs. The State is once more in peril, and the far- 
reaching struggle with Hannibal has brought her into touch 
with new peoples and cults. The Greeks do indeed continue 
to be the chief invaders of the Roman religious territory, but 
the religion they bring with them is a debased one. The 
extraordinary rapidity with which the orgiastic rites of 
Dionysus spread over Italy in 186 B.C. proves at once that 
the Italian religious forms were wearing out, and that the 
Greek substitute was no longer a wholesome one \ From 
this time forward the lower strata of population show a 
tendency to run after exciting Oriental forms of worship, 
which neither the attempted restoration of the old religion 
by Augustus, nor the subsequent rapid growth of Christianity, 
could entirely and permanently check. Among the educated 
classes the old beliefs were being eaten away by the acids of 
a second-hand philosophy. The Greeks had long begun to 
inquire into the nature of the gods, and they passed on their 
disintegrating criticism to their conquerors. Euhemerus, the 
arch-destroyer of ancient faiths, became known to the Romans 
through a translation by Ennius at the beginning of the second 
century B. c. ; and it took only another century and a half to 
produce the sceptical and eclectic treatise of Cicero, De Natura 

Again, nothing is more characteristic of this period than the 
contempt and neglect into which the old priesthoods gradually 
fell ; Rome now swarmed with a mongrel population that 
knew little of them and cared less. In the year 209 B. c. even 

1 See especially the speech of the consul Postumius in Livy 39. 15. 


the priesthood of Jupiter was filled by the youthful black 
sheep of an old patrician family, apparently for no other 
reason than the hope that so objectionable a character might 
be reformed by the many quaint restrictions imposed upon the 
office '. Of the flamines in general, of the Fratres Arvales, 
Salii. Sodales Titii, and others of the ancient priesthoods we 
henceforward hear little or nothing until the revival of learning 
and religion in the Augustan age. Old forms continued to 
be used, but mainly for political purposes, like the obnuntiatio 
or observation of lightning ; and only those religious offices 
which had considerable political power continued to be sought 
after by men of light and leading. 

Temples continued to be vowed and built, especially in the 
earlier part of this period ; but their cults are, with few 
exceptions, of Greek origin, or are new and fanciful forms of 
old worships, such as the Lares Permarini, Venus Verticordia, 
Fortuna Equestris, Ops Opifera, Fortuna Huiusce Diei. Before 
the fall of the Kepublic a great number of the old temples had 
fallen almost irretrievably into decay ; Augustus tells us in his 
record of his own reign that he restored no less than eighty-two 
of them. This too is the period when the identification of 
Roman gods with Greek became a general fashion ; a process 
which had begun long before, but originally with a genuine 
meaning and object, not as the sport of a sceptical society 
educated in Greek speculation. Salus takes the attributes of 
Hygieia, Mater Matuta becomes Leucothea, Faunus Pan, 
Sancus Hercules, Carmenta Nicostrate, Neptunus Poseidon, 
the god of Soracte, Apollo Soranus ; and even the greater gods 
like Mars, Diana, and others assume more and more the 
likeness and mythical adornmpnt of their supposed Greek 

The civil troubles of the age of revolution completed the 
work of disintegration. Men became careless, reckless, self- 
regarding ; the 8fiai8aifinvln of which Polybius could say only 
just before the revolution began, that more than anything 
else it served to knit the Roman state together, was lost to 
view in the tumult of political passion and personal greed. 
Not indeed that it was altogether extinct ; that could nevei; 
be, and never has been the case in Italy. Augustus, who 
1 See a paper by the author in Classical Review, vol. vii. p. 193 foil. 


came by degrees to know the people he governed better than 
any statesman in Italian history, was well aware that to 
inspire the Koman world once more with confidence, he must 
bring the religious instinct into play again. The task he thus 
set himself he accomplished with extraordinary skill and tact ; 
the old religion seemed to live again, the old priesthoods were 
revived, the old minutiae of worship were restored. He did 
what he could to bring to life again even the spirit and the 
principles of the old religio ; and in the Carmen Saeculare of 
Horace, written to his order at a moment when he wished 
to make these things obvious to the eyes of all Komans, we 
probably have the best succinct exposition of them to be 
found in Koman literature 1 . But of the Augustan revival, 
and of the reasons why it could not be permanent, I must 
forbear here to speak further. 

I have yet to say a few words in answer to the interesting 
question whether the religious system we have been examining 
had any appreciable influence on the character of the Eoman 
people : whether it contributed to build up that virtus of the 
State and the individual which enabled them to subdue and 
govern the world, as the pietas of Aeneas in the poem armed 
him for the subjugation and civilization of the wild Italian 
tribes. The question may at first sight seem a superfluous 
one, since the religion of a people is rather the expression 
of its own genius for dealing with the perplexities of human 
life, than a vera causa in determining its character ; yet it is 
worth asking, for it is unquestionable that the peculiar turn 
taken by a nation's religious beliefs and practices does in 
course of time come to react upon its character and morals. 

It has often been said of the Eoman religion that it had 
nothing to do with righteousness, and was without ethical 
value. The admirable criticism of it given by Mommsen in 
the first volume of his History may originally have suggested 
this view ; but if so, the copyists have exaggerated the opinion 
of the master in one particular point, failing to give due weight 
to the general tenor of his exposition. However this may be, 

1 Note for example the way in which Horace has contrived to introduce 
in combination the ideas of the fertility of crops and herbs, of marriage 
and the increase of population, of public morality and prosperity. 


we certainly are now always invited to conclude that this 
great people, which in its dealings with human beings dis- 
covered an extraordinary genius for expansion and adaptation, 
in its attitude to the supernatural remained cooped up within 
curiously narrow mental limits, drawing no real sustenance 
either from its primitive beliefs or its quaint and detailed 
practice. The current views of this kind have just lately 
been so well summed up in an admirable English work on the 
latest age of Eoman society and thought, that I cannot do 
better than borrow a few sentences from it ' : 

' The old Eoman theology was a hard, narrow, unexpansive 
system of abstraction and personification, which strove to 
represent in its Pantheon the phenomena of nature, the 
relations of man in the State or in the clan, every act and 
feeling and incident in the life of the individual. Unlike the 
mythologies of Hellas and the East, it had no native principle 
of growth, or adaptation to altered needs of society and the 
individual imagination. It was also singularly wanting in 
awe and mystery. The religious spirit which it cultivated 
was formal, timid, and scrupulous. . . . The old Roman 
worship was businesslike and utilitarian. The gods were 
partners in a contract with their worshippers, and the ritual 
was characterized by the hard and literal formalism of the 
legal system of Rome. The worshipper performed his part 
to the letter with the scrupulous exactness required in pleadings 
before the praetor. To allow devotional feeling to transgress 
the bounds prescribed by immemorial custom was "super- 

It is impossible to deny that there is much truth in all this ; 
yet I may venture to express a doubt whether it contains the 
whole truth. The fact is that the subject needs a more 
historical treatment, and perhaps also something of the his- 
torical imagination, to do it full justice. 

In the earliest periods of Roman civilization, those of the 
family and the beginnings of the State, the Roman attitude 
towards the supernatural was, if I am not mistaken, a real 
contributing cause towards the formation of virtus. It was 
not merely an attitude of business and bargaining. So far 

1 It gives me pleasure to quote this passage from Roman Society in the 
last century of the Western Empire (p. 63) by my old friend Professor Dill. 


as we know it, the common form of address to the gods was 
not 'send me what I want sun, rain, victory, &c., and you 
shall then have these gifts ' ; but ' I give you these sacrifices 
and expect you to do your part ; in taking all this trouble 
to act correctly by you, I establish a right as against you.' 
It is true that in one particular form of dealing with the gods, 
the vow, or solemn undertaking (votum), the transaction wears 
more the character of a definite bargain ; if the god will do 
certain things, he shall then have his reward. So Cloanthus 
in Virgil addresses the gods of the sea ' 

Di, quibus imperium est pelagi, quorum aequora curro, 
Vobis laetus ego hoc candentem in litore taurum 
Constituam ante aras, wti reus, extaque salsos 
Proiciam in fluctus et vina liquentia fundam. 

But the votum was the exception, not the rule ; it was a 
promise made by an individual at some critical moment, not 
the ordered and recurring ritual of the family or the State. It 
takes its peculiar form simply because the maker of the vow 
is not at the particular moment in a position to fulfil it. The 
normal attitude of the Roman in prayer and sacrifice was not 
this ; it is much more exactly expressed in the formula of the 
farmer's prayer already quoted in these pages : ' Father Mars, 
I pray and beseech thee be willing and propitious to me, my 
household, and my slaves ; for the which object I have caused 
this threefold sacrifice to be driven round my farm and land.' 
This is the usual and natural attitude of all peoples in sacri- 
ficing to their gods, and is far from being peculiar to Kome ; 
but it was the nature of the Eoman to express it in a more 
formal and definite way than others, and this led to an out- 
ward religion of formulae which has done much to obscure for 
us, as indeed for the Eomans themselves, the real thought 
underlying them. 

These exact formulae of invocation and sacrifice were really 
the outward expression of a fear of the unknown, and its power 
to hinder and injure man ; for the old Roman did not know 
his gods intimately, inasmuch as they took no human shape, 
and did not dwell in buildings made by hands. We have 
illustrated this ignorance of his again and again, and the 

1 A en. 5. 235. 


vagueness and fluidity of the religious conceptions of the 
Roman mind. The remedy for this weakness was found, as 
with the Jews, in a remarkable formularity of ritual, both 
as regards time, plac Q , and method of worship : in a series 
of elaborate prescriptions drawn up by experts, going even so 
far as to anticipate the consequence of an unintentional 
omission or error by piacular acts. This in time, and under 
State organization, became a science, and finds its parallel in 
the science of legal formulae. But there was a difference 
between the twjo sciences, even for the Roman. In religious 
acts, the human mind is dealing with the unseen and un- 
known, not with human beings who can be calculated with 
or outwitted. His fear of the unknown was thus for the 
primitive Roman a wholesome discipline ; and his attitude 
towards it he aptly and characteristically called religio, because 
it bound him to the performance of certain regulated duties, 
calculated to keep his footsteps straight as he walked daily 
in this unseen world : duties which even in the family and 
clan must have been to some extent systematized, and which 
when the city-state was reached took the definite form of 
a calendar of public prayers, sacrifices, and festivities. 

Now surely in this motive of fear, thus remedied by exact 
ritual, we may trace a true civilizing element the idea of 
Duty, Pietas, which as Cicero defined it, was ' iustitia erga 
deos': righteous dealing towards the gods, in expectation of 
righteous treatment on their part. And he would be a bold 
man who should assert that ' iustitia erga deos ' had no effect 
in inducing the habit of ' iustitia erga homines ': in other 
words that it could not react upon conduct. In the pietas of 
the one typical Roman in literature both these elements are 
equally present. The pietas of Aeneas is a sense of duty 
towards god and man alike ; to his father, his son, and his 
people, as well as to the will of the gods, and to that solemn 
mission which is at once the religion of his life and the key 
to the great Roman poem '. This is indeed that same sense 
of duty and responsibility which governed every Roman in 
authority in the best days of the State, whether paterfamilias, 
patronus, priest, or magistrate, and which was the motive 
power in the working of a constitution which lasted for cen- 

1 See Nettleship, Essays in Latin Literature, pp. 103, 104. 


turies, though only resting on a basis of trust. In this pieias, 
it is true, we find no sense of contrition for sin, no humbling 
of the individual self before an almighty Governor of the 
world ; but we do find a very sensitive conscientiousness, 
arising from the dread of neglect or trespass in the discharge 
of religious observance, in the trust committed by family or 
State to its constituted representative. And this trust included 
also the discharge of duties to other men, the neglect of which 
might bring down the anger of the Unknown, and even compel 
the surrender of a criminal as sneer to an offended deity. We 
find abundant evidence of this aspect of the religio in the 
language of solemn oaths and treaties, and especially in con- 
nexion with the cult of the great Jupiter. 

I maintain then that in this Eoman religion, in spite of 
its dryness and formality, there was a distinct ethical and 
civilizing element. And in conclusion I may perhaps raise the 
question whether it was really, as has been so often asserted, 
such a conception of the unseen as could never admit of 
elevation and expansion. A religion, which in its best and 
simplest forms, could bind men together in the orderly dutiful 
life of family, gens, state, and federation, could hardly, if left 
to itself, have speedily become an inanity, even though based 
on the motive of fear rather than that of brotherly love. But 
this religion, as the State became more fully matured, came 
under the influence of two retarding causes. First, its ritual, 
always obnoxious to formularism, was gradually deprived of 
its meaning by great priesthoods which from causes which 
need not be here discussed became powerful political agencies. 
Secondly, the contact with a mature system of polytheism, 
adorned and in some sort materialized by art and literature, 
drew away the mind of the simple and wondering Roman from 
the task of developing his religious ideas in his own way. 
When a new world of thought broke on the conquering Roman 
of the Republic, his own religious motives were already drying 
up under the influence of a powerful State- organization. His 
pietas lived on after a fashion for centuries, but more and more 
it lost that hold on the conscience, that appeal to trust and 
responsibility, which had once promised it a vigorous life 
and growth. While foreign gods and cults attracted his 
attention and admiration, or appealed to his sense that there 


was no quarter from which supernatural aid might not be 
called in for the advancement of his State, they failed to bind 
his conscience with the wholesome motives which lay at the 
root of his old native religio. And neither in the reaction 
of the fourth century B.C., nor in the protests of an austere 
Cato in the second, nor in the elaborate revival of Augustus, 
much less in any later effort of philosopher or autocrat to 
return to the old ways, was any permanent resuscitation of 
discipline or conduct possible. The problem of giving a real 
religion to the world-state into which the Koman dominion 
had then grown, was not to be solved either by Koman pietas 
or Hellenic polytheism. 



Obv. AVGVSTVS TR POT Augustus, laureate, on horse- 
back to r. 

Rev. P. STOLO Helmet (apex) between two shields. 

The forms of the helmet and shields are very archaic and 
interesting, appearing to point to a very early period. The 
helmet bears a marked likeness to that worn on Egyptian 
monuments by the Shardana, one of the races that invaded 
Egypt about the thirteenth century B.C. The shield seems to 
consist of two small round bosses connected by an oval boss. 
It is strikingly like the Mycenaean shield as shown on a 
number of monuments, and far earlier than the so-called 
Boeotian shield which was common in Greece from the sixth 
century onwards. The Roman writers themselves seem to 
have been puzzled by this shape (Marindin, article ' Salii ' in 
Smith's Diet. Antiq.), and there can be little doubt that it came 
down from a time when the 'Mycenaean' civilization was 
common to Greece and Italy. 


The figure on the coins of M. Sanquinius (Babelon, Mon. de 
la Repub. Horn. ii. 4 1 7), who wears a horned helmet and long 
tunic and carries a herald's staff and round shield, has been 
identified by several authorities as one of the Salii. This, 
however, is certainly wrong. Both on this coin, and later 
coins of Domitian, the personage is closely connected with the 
Ludi Saeculares. Dr. Dressel, in the Ephem. Epigr. viii. 314, 
maintains him to be a herald proclaiming the festival. This 
would admirably suit the caduceus ; but the decorations of the 
helmet seem to me to be not plumes, as Dr. Dressel thinks, 
but horns, like those on the headpiece of Juno Lanuvina. In 
any case the person is no Salius. 


Obv. Youthful bust 1., hair disordered, striking with thunder- 
bolt. Behind, a monogram. 

Rev. L. CAESI Two young male figures seated to r. Each 
has drapery wrapped round waist, and grasps a spear. Between 
them, a dog, which one of them caresses. In field, in mono- 
grams, LARE Above, head of Vulcan and pinchers (moneyer's 

mark). The monogram of the obverse was read by Mommsen 
AP for Apollo ; but the closed P was not at that time in use: 
the interpretation of Montagu (Numismatic Chronicle, 1895, 
p. 162) as Roma is therefore to be preferred. The head appears 
to be that of Vedius or Vejovis, whose statue at Koine carried 
in the hand a sheaf of arrows, which would naturally be con- 
fused with the Greek thunderbolt. Other heads of Vejovis 
on Roman coins, as those of the Gens Fonteia, are more 
Apolline in type, with long curls and laurel-wreath. 

The two seated figures of the reverse are identified by the 
inscription as Lares. They are clearly assimilated to the Greek 
Dioscuri, early adopted at Rome. The dog, however, which 


sits between them is an attribute properly belonging to them. 
Dr. Wissowa in Koscher's Lexicon (p. 1872) says that they are 
clad in dogs' skins ; this, however, is certainly not the case, an 
ordinary cloak or chlamys falls over their knees. 

This representation of the Lares stands by itself, the deities 
are frequently represented in later art, especially wall-paintings 
and bronze statuettes, but their type is that of boys who hold 
cornucopiae or drinking vessel, and are fully clad. 

P. G. 


Acca Larentia, 74, 93, 275, 276, 324. 

Aedes Herculis : see Forum Boariiun. 

Aedes Vestae : see Vesta. 

Aediles, plebeian, 75, 76, 92. 

Aesculapius, 105, 191, 278 ; con- 
nexion with Vediovis, 122, 278 ; 
temple, 278, 340. 

Agonia : December, 265, 281 ; 
January, 277, 280-2 ; March, 54, 
281 ; May, 121, 281. 

Agonus (or Agonalis), 323. 

Agriculture: festivals, 3, 71, 79-82, 
85-8, 88-91, 113-4, 124-8, 145- 
54, 204-6, 206-9, 212-4, aS 6 - 8 . 
268-73, 324-7, 335. 

Alban Mount : Feriae Latinae held 
at> 95- 97. 227-8 ; temple of 
Jupiter Latiaris, 95-6, 228. 

Ambarvalia, 114, 124-8, 154. 

Anoilia, 38-9, 41-3, 45-6, 250 ; 
lustration, 57-9, 248, 250; moving, 

39. 4i, 43-4, "5- 
Ancillamm Feriae, 176-8. 
Angerona, 274-5 ; goddess of Diva- 

lia, 274, 336. 

Anna Peienna : festival, 44, 50-1, 
53, 163 ; legends, 51-4, 60; popu- 
larity with lower classes, 44, 50-1 ; 
representative of year, 52-3. 

Aphrodite : connexion with Venus, 
69, 86. 

Aplu, 181. 

Apollo, 89, 191, 250 ; comparison 
with Mars, 39 40 ; connexion 
with Aesculapius, 278 ; with 
Vediovis, 122, 181, 225, 278 ; 
coupled with Latona, 181, 186, 
200; festivals, 173, 179-81; func- 

tions, 180, 278 ; Medicus, 180 ; 
restoration of worship by Augus- 
tus, 180 (n. 4), 181-2 ; Soranu?, 
84, 181 ; temples, 180, 182 ; 
worship, 117, 179-82, 339. 

April : character, 6, 9, 33, 66-7 ; 
connexion with Venus, 67, 69 ; 
festivals, 66-97 ; origin of name, 
*> 33. 66 ; prevalence of female 
deities, 67. 

Ara Maxima : see Circus Mr.ximus. 

Argei : see also Sacella Argeorum, 
150, 151 ; explanations of custom, 
114, 116-20; mourning of Fla- 
minica Dialis, 112, 115, 119, 151 ; 
origin of name, 112-3; 118-9; 
puppets thrown into Tiber, 52, 
57, 100, 111-20; substitution for 
human victims, 112, 115, 116-7, 

Armilustrium, 45, 58, 249, 250-1. 

Army : importance of curiae, 303, 
305 ; mustering, 133. 

Artemis, 200. 

Asylum, 122, 183 (n. 3), 327 ; con- 
nexion with Vediovis, 122. 

Attains, King of Pergamus, 69. 

August : character, 189-90 ; festi- 
vals, 189 214. 

Augustus, revival of religion, 19, 
181-2, 190, 280, 342, 343-4, 349. 

Aventine : plebeian quarter, 75 6, 
199 ; temples, 59, 74-6, 101-5, 

158, 198-200, 201, 206, 232, 267, 


Beans : harvest, 130, 255 ; use as 
food, 132-3 ; use in ritual, 83, 

A a 



109-10, 131 ; religious character, 
91, no, 130-1. 

Beating bounds, see Lustrations ; 
productive of fertility, 104, 178- 
9, 262, 302, 311, 315, 318-21. 

Bellona, 134-5. 

Birds : used in augury, 139-40. 

Bona Dea, 95 ; connexion with 
Dainia, 105-6; with Maia, 99, 
100, 123, 210 ; earth goddess, 71, 
103, 104, 106 ; functions, 104-5, 
1 06; men excluded from wor- 
ship, 102-3, 142, 256 ; myrtle not 
allowed in temple, 103-4 : tem- 
ple, 101-5 ; women's sacrifice, 
255-6; worship, 102-6, 150. 

Bouphonia, 176, 329. 

Brutus, M. Junius, 130. 

Caesar (Julius): birthday, 174; 
calendar, 4, 5-6, n, 14-5. 

Cakes : see also Salt-cake ; heads of 
animals decked with, 148, 242, 
244 ; sacrifices, 53-5, 155, 161, 

295, 304. 

Calendar : see a'so Year, 248-50 ; 
authorities on, 13-4, 16-9; diver- 
gences, 36, 45, 241, 265-6; 
Julian : see Caesar; marks of days, 
8-10 ; republican, 14-20 ; secrecy, 
8-9, ii ; surviving, 5-6, 11-4. 

Campus Martius, 247-8 ; festivals, 
50-1 ; races, 44-5, 208, 242, 249, 
330 ; sacrifice of October-horse, 

Capitolium, 129-30, 327 ; connexion 
with Saturnus, 269-70 ; temples, 
43, 85, 129-30, 145, 157-8, 214, 
216-7, 229, 291, 293, 326-7. 

Caprotinae, Nonae : see Nones. 

Cardea : confusion with Carna, 

Caristia, 308 9. 

Carmenta. 167, 291-3 ; festival, 
277, 290-3 ; temple, 291, 293. 

Carrnentalia, 15, 277, 290-3. 

Carmentes : see Carmenta. 

Carna, 130 ; confusion with Cardea, 
131-2 ; festival, 130-3. 

Castor and Pollux : see Dioscuri. 

Cerealia, 15, 72 3, 77 9, 92; foxes 
loosed in Circus Maximus, 77 9, 
94; plebeian character, 70, 77,92. 

Ceres, 73 4, 295, 338 ; connexion 
with Drinettr, 73, 74, 181 ; with 

plebeians, 74-7, 92 ; festival, 
7 a ~3) 77-9t 9 2 > 294-6 ; goddess 
of crops, 67, 71, 73, 126 ; Greek 
influence on, 73, 75-6, 105 ; sac- 
rifices, 103, 105, 295 ; temple, 
74-6, 93. 

Cernunnos : identification with 
Janus. 286. 

Character of Romans, 65 ; influence 
of religion on, 344-9. 

Charlton-on-Otmoor : lustration of 
fields, 128, 246. 

Circus Flaminius : games, 217, 252, 
253 ; temples, 134, 135, 180, 202, 

Circus Maximus, 190 ; altar of 
Census, 178, 190, 206-7, 209; 
Ara Maxima, 138, 189, 190, 193-7; 
festivals, 77-8, 94 ; races, 208 ; 
temples, 92, 160, 202, 204. 

Cnaeus Flavius, n. 

Coins, 350-2 ; heads on, 286-7, 351. 

Comitia Curiata : meetings, 63, 64, 
123. 305. 

Comitium, 57-8. 

Compitalia, 255, 277, 279-80, 294, 

335- 338. 

Conhualia, 115, 178, 189, 206-9, 290; 
Vestal Virgins present, 115, 150 ; 
winter, 267-8. 

Consuls : connexion -with Feriae 
Latinae, 95, 96 ; entrance on 
office, 5, 95, 190, 278 ; laying 
down of office, 216. 

Census, 324, 338 ; altar in Circus 
Maximus, 178, 190, 206-7, 2O 9 > 
connexion with horses, 207-8 ; 
with Ops, 212-3; festivals, 115, 
178, 206-9, 267-8 ; temple, 206, 

Corn : supply, 76 ; trade, 121 ; 
wolf : see Corn-spirit. 

Corn-spirit: animal representation, 
78, 83, 90-1, 94, 244-5, 264; death 
and renewal of life, 83, 118, 246-7, 
316-7 ; human representation, 
177, 245 ; races in rites, 245-6, 
330 ; rites to aid growth of corn, 
41, 83-4 ; rites to propitiate, 90-1, 

Creek Indians : festivals of first- 
fruits, 152-3. 

Cross-roads, 279-80. 

Curiae, 16, 71, 303 4 ; festivals, 
71-2,219,302-6,335; flamen,304. 



Curio Maximus, 303-4. 
Curis, 303. 

Damia : connexion with Bona Dea, 

Days: calendar marks in, 8-ro; 
market, 8 ; number in months, 

Dead: ancestor worship, 161,275-6, 
300, 308-9 ; burial, 108, 109, 
307 ; cult chiefly in February, 3, 
6 33> ic?> 2 99> 30; festivals, 
106-10, 131, 275-6, 306-10 ; offer- 
ings, 308 ; spirits : see Ghosts. 

Dea Dia, 71, 105 ; centre of ritual 
of Fratres Arvales, 74, 105 ; con- 
nexion with Ceres, 74. 

December, 7 ; character, 255 ; festi- 
vals, 33, 255-76. 

Deities : abstractions resolved into, 
190-1, 341 ; chthonic, 207, 210, 
2 1 1-2 ; dualism of male and 
female, 61-2, 212-3, 221 > female, 
67, 71, 74, 106 ; fluctuation be- 
tween male and female, 67, 73 80, 
232-3 ; images : see Images ; im- 
personality, 106, 137, 139, 213; 
221-2,295,311,337 ; multiplicity, 
144, 167, 241, 259-60, 291-3, 337 ; 
prayers : see Prayers ; symbols, 
122, 139, 161, 169, 170, 230, 235 ; 
women's : see Women. 

Delphi : Roman dealings with, 181. 

Demeter, 103,110; connexion with 
Ceres, 73, 74, 181. 

Demons : see Evil spirits. 

Diana : connexion with Artemis, 
200 ; coupled with Hercules, 181, 
186; festival, 198-200; functions, 
198, 200-1 ; Nemorensis, 183 ; 
temples, 198-200, 339. 

Dionysus : connexion with Liber, 
54-5, 74, 88 ; introduction of cult 
into Italy, 88, 342 ; sacrifice at 
Tenedos, 329. 

Dioscuri, 296-7, 351 ; temples, 202, 

Dis Pater, 120. 212, 269. 

DiusFidius, 327 ; antiquity, 135 6; 
connexion with Genius Jovis, 
142-5 ; with Hercules, 137-9, 
142-4 ; with Jupiter, 138-41, 221 ; 
with Semo Sancus, 136-8, 144 ; 
temple. 135, 136, 141. 

Divalia, 274-5. 

Dogs : connexion with Lares prae- 
stites, toi, 351-2; sacrifices, 89- 
91, 101, 209, 311, 312, 314. 

Earth : deities, 67, 71, 74, 103, 104, 
106, 256, 294-5; spiritualized as 
feminine, 103, 106. 

Epulum Jovis : see Jupiter. 

Equirria, 44-6, 330-1. 

Esquiline : cults, 228 ; divisions, 
266 ; temples, 38. 

Etruscans : influence on Roman 
religion, 171-2, 185-6, 200, 219- 
20, 222-3, 22 9> 2 34~5> 338-4 5 
trias, 218, 220, 229, 235, 239. 

Evil spirits : expulsion, 40-1, 43, 
107; human scapegoat, 40- 1, 46-9. 

Fairs, 253. 

Fasti : see Calendar ; Ovid's, see 

Fauna, 103. 

Faunalia, 255, 256-8. 

Faunus, 103, 257-8 ; connexion with 
Lupercalia, 257-8, 262, 312-3 ; 
with Pan, 258, 259, 313 ; deriva- 
tion of name, 258-9 ; festival, 
256 8; functions, 80, 261-3, 2 78 ; 
multiplicity, 259-60, 313 ; origin, 
257-8, 259, 261, 263-5; temples, 
257-8, 278, 302 ; woodland char- 
acter, 260-1. 

Favonius, 258, 259, 264 ; Feb. 7th. 
277, 299. 

February, 3, 4, 6, 7 ; character, 6, 
66, 299; festivals, 3, 6, 33, 298- 
331 ; origin of name, 6, 298. 

Feralia, 10, 107, 306, 309-10. 

Feretrius : see Jupiter. 

Feriae Latinae, 95-7, 227-8, 335. 

Feriae Sementivae, 294-6. 

Feronia, 199, 252-4 ; temple, 253. 

Fertility: customs to produce, 94-5, 
104, 178-9, 262, 302, 311, 315, 

Festivals, 15, 18-9, 44, 336 ; agricul- 
tural, 3, 71, 79-82, 85-8, 88-91, 
113-4, 124-8, 145-54, 204-6,206- 
9, 212-4, 2 56-8, 268 73, 324-7, 
335 ; of curiae, 16, 71-2, 219, 
302 6, 335; domestic, 107, 306- 
10 ; harvest, 124-8, 145-54, 189- 
90, I95- 6 , 2 7-9, 2 i2-4, 2 43-4, 
294-6 ; marked in calendars, 15-6 ; 
men's, 102-3, 142, 194; of monies, 

A a 2 



16, 265-7, 335 ; moveable, 15, 95, 
124, 255-6, 277, 279, 294, 303 ; 
pagi, 16, 257, 294-6, 335; pastoral, 
96-7 ; patrician, 68 (n. 2), 70 ; 
plebeian, 44, 50-1, 68, 70, 92, 163, 
I 7 I t 253; of sacella, 16, 111-20, 
335 ; survival of, 127-8, 312, 321 ; 
times of, 7, 59, 70, 169-70, 174, 
189, 256, 290 ; transition from 
rustic to urban : see Religion ; 
women's, 38, 67-8, 102-3, 142, 
148, 154-6, 178-9, 255-6, 291. 

Fetiales, 230-1 ; declaration of war, 
134, 230 ; lapis silex, 230-1. 

Fidenates : legends about, 174, 175, 
177, 178. 

Fides, 237 ; festival, 237 8. 

Fig-tree of Rumirui, 310, 334. 

Fire: deities, 189, 209-10; sacred 
fire of Vesta : see Vesta. 

Firstfruits : gathering. 151-3; offer- 
ing, 195, 21 1-2. 

Fisovius Sancius : see Fisus. 

Fisus, 137, 139. 

Flamines, 35, 288, 335, 342 3; anti- 
quity of deity proved by, 92, 187, 
201, 237; Flamen Carmentalis, 
292; Flamen curiae, 304; Flamen 
Dialis,86-8, 204. 221, 313 ; Flamen 
Floralis, 92; Flamen Furinalis, 
187 ; Flamen Martialis, 237, 323 ; 
Flamen Palalualis, 267 ; Flamen 
Pomonalis, 201 ; Flamen Portu- 
nalis, 202; Flamen Quirinalis, 89, 
209, 237, 276, 333, 334 ; Flamen 
Volcanalis, 123. 210; Flamen Vol- 
turnalis, 214 ; Flaminica Dialis, 
56 (n.s), 112, 115, I4 6 , 149, 151, 
153, 221 ; representative of sons 
of the family, 36, 147, 288, 334. 

Flora, 92 3, 240, 324 ; festivals, 91- 
5; functions, 67, 93, 94; temples, 
92, 202, 324. 

Floralia, 91-5; haiea and goats 
loosed in Circus Maximus, 94. 

Fons (or Fontus), 240-1, 258 ; tem- 
ple, 341. 

Fontinalia, 240-1. 

Fordicidia, 71-2, 83, 243; character, 
66, 115, 150; share of Vestal Vir- 
gins in, 71, 83, 115, 150. 

Fornacalia, 302-6, 335. 

Fors Fortuna : see Fortuna. 
7 Fortuna, 67 ; connexion with Jupi- 
ter, 166, 168, 223-5; with Nortia, 

171-2 ; with Servius Tullius, 68,^ 
156 7, 162, 171-^; explained as*" 
dawn-goddess, 164-6 ; explained 
as moon-goddess, 1 68-9 ; explained 
as sun-goddess, 168-71; festivals, 
67-9 ; 161-72 ; Fors, 124, 161-3, 
340; functions, -167-8, *i7o-i ; 
huiusce diei, 164-5, 343 ; origin of 
name, 163-4, 166-7; Primigenia, 
72, 124, 165-6, 167-8, 223^4, 254 ; 
statues, 156-7, 339 ; symbols, 169, 
170-1 ; te"mpies. 68, 72, 124, 156- 
7, 161-2, 166, 339, 343; Virilis, 
68 ; women especially worship, 
167-8 ; worshipped at Praeneste, 
72, 124, 166, 168, 223. 
Forum : meeting of curiae in, 305, 
306; temples, 271, 273-4. 296, 

Forum Boarium : Aedes Herculis, 

193 ; temples, 154, 156-7, 339. 
Forum Olitorium : temple, 302. 
Foxes, 78 ; loosed at Cerealia, 77-9 ; 

Fratres Arvales, 42 ; Acta Fratrum 

Arvalium. 17, 125; calendar, 12; 

decline of, 184-5, 343 ; ritual of, 

48, 74, 92 3, 105, 125, 127, 136, 

240-1. 271, 282. 
Freedwomen : worship of Feronia, 

Furiae : confusion with Furrina, 

187, 188. 

Furrina (or Furina), 187-8. 
Furrinalia, 173, 187-8. 

Gaia Caecilia, 141. 

Games (ludi), 15, 50 ; Apollinares, 
173, 179-80; Cereales, 72-3; com- 
pitales, 279-80 ; Florae, 91-5 ; 
horse races, 44-5, 58, 91, 180, 
208, 242, 245-6, 248-9 ; Megale- 
siaci, 69-71 ; plebeii, 180, 217, 
252, 2 53; Romani, 215, 216-7, 
252 ; saeculares, 182. 

Gates : see Porta. 

Geese : sacred to Juno, 129-30. 

Genita Mana, 101. 

Ghosts : purification of house from, 
100, 109-10, 131 ; classification of, 

Gods : see Deities. 

Guilds, 62, 121 ; tibicines, 157-8. 

Harawara, 84. 



Hares : loosed at Floralia, 94. 

Harvest, 154, 189; customs, 177-8, 
245-6 ; festivals, 124-8, 153-4, 
189-90, 195-6, 207-9. 

Healing deities, 104-5, J 8> I 9 I 

Heimdal : equation with Janus, 286. 

Hephaestus, 123. 

Hercules : connexion with Dius 
Fidius or Semo Sancus, I37--9, 
142-4; with Genius. 143-4, 194-5, 
196, 337 ; with Juno, 142-4 ; 
with Mars, 194-5, 196 ; coupled 
with Diana, 181, 186; Invictus, 
201; legends, 102, 112, 138, 193, 
196-7 ; representative of male 
principle, 103, 143, 194 ; temples, 
135, 201; Victor, 138; worship, 
193-7 5 worship confined to men, 
loa, 103, 142, 194. 

Hermes, 120-1 ; connexion with 
Mercury, iai, 186. 

Hirpi Sorani : rites at Soracte, 84, 


Horatius : legend, 238-9. 
Horses : connexion of Census with, 

207-8 ; of Mars with, 330 ; decked 

with flowers, 207-8 ; heads decked 

with cakes, 242, 244. 
Horta Quirini, 324. 

Ides, 8 ; sacred to Jupiter, 8, 10, 

120, 157, 198, 215, 241. 
Iguvium : inscription found at, 17, 

II 4 , 127, 137, 139, 176, 231. 

Images and statue* ef gods, 81, 141, 

156-7, 200, 201, 218, 228, 239. 
Indigitamenta, 71, 191,192,274,341. 
Indigites, 192. 
Inuus, 312-3. 
Isis worship, 252. 

January, 5-7 ; character, 6, 33, 277 ; 
consuls enter office in, 5, 95, 278 ; 
festivals, 6, 277-97 origin of 
name, 6, 7, 33, 99. 

Janus, 270 ; connexion with Cardea, 
131-2 ; with January, 6, 33, 99 ; 
with Saturnus, 270 ; with tigil- 
lum sororium, 238-9; with Vesta, 
282-3, 287-8, 334-5 ; cult-titles, 
289-90; geminus, 286; god of 
entrances, 282-3, 286-9, 335, 337 ; 
origin of cult, 282-9 > ^' x 8ac * 
rorum connected with worship 

of. 282, 288, 334-5 ; temples, 204, 

July, 2, 3. 173; festivals, 174-88. 

June: character, 6, 33; festivals, 
130-72 ; origin of name, 6, 99- 
loo ; 129-30. 

Juno, 312 ; Caprotina, 178 ; con- 
nexion with Boiia Dea, 142 ; 
with Hercules, 142-4 ; with June, 
99-100, 129 ; with Jupiter, 134, 
218, 221, 223-5 > with Mars, 37-8, 
133-4 with tigillum sororium, 
238-9 ; cult at Praeneste, 166, 
224 ; Curitis, 223, 239 ; festivals, 
174, 178-9 ; Kalends sacred to, 
8, 38, 129, 239, 241 ; Lucina, 38, 
105, 156; Moneta, 129 30 ; one 
of Etruscan trias, 218, 220, 229, 
235, 339 ; representative of female 
principle, 38, 141, 143, 178, 221, 
321 (n. i), 337 ; Sospita, 302 ; 
temples, 38, 157-8, 215, 216-7, 
302, 326-7. 

Jupiter, 97,220 1,313 ; Capitolinus, 
97, 158 ; cella Jovis, 217 ; con- 
nexion with Dius Fidius or Semo 
Sancus, 138-41, 221 ; with For- 
tuna, 166, 168, 223-5; with Juno, 
134, 218, 221, 223-5 ; with 
Mercurius. 120 ; with Terminus, 
326-7 ; with wine, 55, 88, 240 ; 
Elicius, 232, 233 ; epulum Jovis, 
215, 216, 217-20, 233-4, 253; 
Fagutalis, 228 ; Feretrius, 229-30, 
23 2 , 334J festivals, 85-8, 157-9, 
174, 216-20, 375, 338; Fulgur, 
239 ; functions, 55, 88, 97, 141, 
322, 229-30, 232, 326 ; Ides sacred 
to, 8, 10, 120, 157, 198, 215, 241 ; 
Indiges, 192 ; Invictus, 158 ; 
Latiaris, 97, 198, 227-8 ; Liber, 
55, 88 ; Lucetius, 222 ; one of 
Etruscan trias, 218, 220, 229, 235, 
339 ; Puer, cult at Praeneste, 166, 
224-7 ; stones connected with, 
230-3, 234 ; temples, 95-6, 157-8, 
315, 216-7, 228, 229, 233, 326-7, 
339 > Viminius, 229 ; worship in 
groves, 183, 227 ; worship in 
Italy, 221-3 i worship on hills, 
95, 222, 227, 234. 

Juturna, 293 ; temple, 341. 

Kalends, 8 ; sacred to Juno, 8, 38 ; 
129, 239, 241. 



Kings, 36, 63, 282 ; represented by 
Pontifex Maximus, 147. 288 ; 
represented by Rex sacrorum, 8, 
213, 282, 288. 

Lapis : see Stones. 

Larentalia, 275-6. 

Larentia : see Acca Larentia. 

L:ires, 136, 309, 337 ; compitales or 

domestic!, 101, 338; praestites, 

100 -i, 335. 

Latin Festival : see Feriae Latinae. 
Latins, common worship of Romans 

and, 95-7, 198 9, 335. 
Latona, coupled with Apollo, 181, 

1 86, 200. 

Laurel, 83 ; sacred to Mars, 35-6. 
Lectisternium, 180-1, 186. 200,273 ; 

connexion with epulumJovis.2i8. 
Lemuria, 100, 106-10, 131, 174, 290. 
Leucothea, 154. 
Liber, 312, 338 ; connexion with 

Dionysus, 54-5, 74> 88. 
Libera, 74. 
Liberalia, 54-6 ; cakes used at, 53-4, 


Litania Maior, 91, 127. 

Lucaria, 15 ^n. i), 173, 174, 182-5, 

Luceres. 185. 

Ludi : see Games. 

Lupercal, 310-1, 318. 

Lupercalia, 298, 299, 310-21 ; deity 
of, 257-8, 262, 312-3; sacrifices 
at, 101, 311, 312-4 ; salt-cake 
used, no, 115, 311 ; whipping to 
produce fertility, 104, 179, 262, 
302, 311, 315, 318-21. 

Luperci, 311, 312-3, 319-20; deriva- 
tion of name, 311, 317. 

Lupercus, 311, 312. 

Lupines, 94. 

Lustrations. 68, 83-5, 298 ; aedes 
Vestae, 148-9, 151-4 ; Argei, 100, 
113-4, 115, 119; arms, 58-9, 248- 
9, 250 i ; bound- beating, 1 14, 125- 
8, 304. 319; crops, 100, 114, 124- 
8, 154 ; ghosts, 100 ; Lupercalia, 
315-6, 319-21; people, 175-6; 
processions, in, 113-4, 125-6, 
3355 rites, 299-302; sheep, 8t ; 
shields, 58-9, 248, 250 ; trumpets, 
63-4, "3- 

Magna Mater Idaea: festival, 67,69- 
71; introduction into Rome, 67, 

69-70, 102, 342 ; stone represent- 
ing, 69-70, 342 ; temple, 70. 

Maia, 98-100 ; connexion with Bona 
Dea, 99, 100, 123, 129 ; with Mer- 
curius, 98-9, 120 ; with Volcanus, 
123, 210. 

Mamuralia, 45-50. 

Mamurius : expulsion of Mamurius 
Veturius. 40-1, 46-9; festival, 44- 
50 ; smith, 39, 45-6 ; variant for 
Mars, 39, 41, 45. 

Manes, 108, 300, 308. 

March, 2, 3 ; beginning of year, 5, 
33, 38 ; connexion with Mars, 33- 
5, 48, 64-5, 99 ; festivals, 5, 35- 
65 ; New Year's Day, 5, 35-43* 
278 ; origin of name, 33, 99. 

Marcus Fulvius Nobilior, n. 

Market days, 8. 

Marriages, 293 ; customs, 142 ; ill- 
omened in March and May, 60, 67, 
loo, 109, 293 ; prohibited, 146, 

Mars, 53, 60, 313 ; birthday, 5, 36- 
8, 60 ; comparison with Apollo, 
39 40 ; connexion with Hercules, 
194-5, 196 ; with Juno, 37-8, 
133-4; with March, 33-5, 48, 
64-5, 99 ; with Minerva, 53, 59- 
60, 62 ; with Nerio, 60-2, 186 ; 
with Quirinus, 322-3; withRobi- 
gus, 89, 324 ; with Romulus, 33, 
37 in. 3) 5 with Silvanus, 55, 194 ; 
festivals, 44-6, 57-63, 123,241-50; 
29, 313. 33 - 1 ; functions, 34-5, 
41, 43, 64-5, 89, 248-9, 250, 262 ; 
god of powers of vegetation and 
reproduction, 34-5 ; 41, 48-9, 64, 
126-7, 196 ; Greek influence, 35, 
37 ; laurel sacred to, 35-6 ; origin, 
34-5, 64; priests: see Salii ; Sac- 
rarium Martis, 39, 44, 324, 335 ; 
shields : see Ancilia ; temples, 133- 
4, 232; war-god, 126, 207, 248, 

Mater Larum, 240. 

Mater Matuta, 154-6, 165. 

Matralia, 154-6, 165. 

Matronalia, 38. 

May, 2, 3 ; character, 6, 33, 100 ; 
festivals, 33, 98-128 ; origin of 
name, 6, 33, 98-100. 

Meals : see also Epulum Jovis ; sac- 
rificial, 81,96-7. 194, 218-20. 308, 



Meditrinalia, 236, 239-40. 

Megalesia, 69-71. 

Men : exclusion from cults, 102-3, 
142, 256 ; oaths of, 138-9, 142. 

Mens, 145. 

Mercurius : connexion with Hermes, 
121, 186 ; with Jupiter, 120 ; with 
Maia, 98 9, 120; coupled with 
Neptunus, 181, 186; god of trade, 
121 ; temples, 121, 339. 

Mildew : see Rust. 

Minerva : connexion with Mars, 
53> 59-6o, 62 ; with Nerio ; 59-62 ; 
festivals, 59, 62, 158 ; goddess of 
trumpet players, 62, 158 ; nail 
driven into cella of, 234-5 ; one 
of Etruscan trias, 218, 220, 229, 
2 35, 339 5 temples, 59, 157-8, 215, 
216-7. 3 2 6-7, 339. 

Mola salsa : see Salt-cake. 

Monies, 266-7 5 festivals of, 16, 

265-7, 335- 
Months, 5-7, 33-4; divisions. 7-8; 

lunar, 7 ; names, 5-7, 33-4, 99- 

100; number of days, 2-3; solar, i. 
Mundus, 211-2 ; open, 211-2, 239, 

Myrtle, 68 ; excluded from temple 

ofBonaDea. 103-4. 

Nails driven into temples, 172, 217, 


Nemesis, 170. 

Neptunalia, 173, 185-7. 

Neptunus, 185-7 i connexion with 
Poseidon, 185, 186, 187 ; with 
Salacia, 186 ; coupled with Mer- 
curius, 181, 186; functions, 185, 

Nerio, 134-5 ; connexion with Mars, 
60-2, 186 ; with Minerva, 59-62. 

Nerthus, 117. 

New Year : see March. 

Nones, 7, 8; Nonae Caprotinae, 174, 

175, !78-9. 

Nortia, 235 ; connexion with For- 
tuna. 171 2. 

November : character, 252 ; festi- 
vals, 252-4. 

Numa : connexion with calendar, 
4 335-6; legends, 262-3, 2 7 8 . 

Numbers : lucky and unlucky, 3. 

Oak of Jupiter Feretrius, 229, 232, 

Oaths, 138 9, 142, 231, 297, 327 ; 
Jupiter's connexion with, 139, 
229-30. 326 ; taken at Ara Maxi- 
ma, 138-9. 

Octaeteris cycle, 2-3. 

October, 2, 3 ; character, 236-7 ; 
festivals, 237-51. 

October-horse, 45, 58, 241-50; blood 
kept by Vestal Virgins, 83, 150, 
243, 247 ; corn-spirit represented 
by, 83, 244-8 ; races, 45, 58. 242, 
245-6; sacrifice of, 83. 241-2. 

Opalia, 255, 273-4. 

Opeconsivia, 115, 150, 189, 212-4, 

Ops, 74, 338 ; connexion with Con- 
sus, 212-3; with Saturnus, 212, 
2 73-4 ! Consiva, 212 ; festival, 
115, 150, 212-4, 273-4; Opifera, 
210 ; temple, 273-4. 

Oracles : Faunus, 262-3. 

Oscilla : see Puppets. 

Ovid : Fasti, 6-7, 13, 14, 36-7, 173, 
236 7. 

Paganalia, 16, 294-6, 335, 338. 

Pagus, 257, 294, 335 ; festivals, 16, 
257, 294-6, 335, 338. 

Palatine: divisions, 266; Lupercal : 
see Lupercal ; mundus : see Mun- 
dus ; rites celebrated, 276, 310-2, 
318-9 ; temples, 70, 180 (n. 4,, 
182 ; union with Subura, 247. 

Palatua, 267. 

Pales, 67, 80, 267 ; festival, 79-85 ; 
offerings, 81, 103. 

Pan : connexion with Faunus, 258, 

259) 3i3- 
Parentalia, 210, 276, 299, 300, 

306-10, 335. 
Parilia, 66, 79-85, no, 243. 247 ; 

character, 66, 115, 150; share of 

Vestal Virgins in, 71, 83, 115. 
Penates, 337. 
Persephone, 75. 
Picumnus, 201. 
Pinarii, 193. 
Plebeians : festivals, 44, 50-1, 68, 

70, 92, 163, 171, 253 ; quarter, 

75, 77 5 secession, 53, 75-7 ; 

temples, 75-6, 92, 199. 
Pomona, 201. 
Pons sublicius, Argei thrown from, 

112, 113-4. 
Pontifices, 114; decline, 3423; 



growing importance. 339-41 ; 
influence on religion, 190-1, 192, 
213, 214, 257-8, 341 ; Pontifex 
Maximus, 147, 288 ; priestesses, 
105-6 ; share in festivals, 112, 
114, 276. 

Poplifugia, 7, 15 (n. i), 173, 174-6, 
179. 183, 328. 

Porta : Agonensis, 281 ; Capena, 
J 33j 2 3 2 > Carmentalis, 180 ^n. 3), 
290, 291, 293 ; Fontinalis, 240 ; 
Sanqualis, 135, 140 ; Trigemina, 

Portunalia, 189, 202-4. 

Portunus, 202-4, 2I 4- 

Poseidon : connexion with Neptu- 
nus, 185, 186, 187 ; Hippios, 208. 

Potit:i, 193. 

Praeneste, 254 ; cult of Fortuna, 
72, 124. 166, 168, 223-4, 254 ; cult 
of Jupiter Puer, 166, 224-7 > 
foreign influence, 166, 227. 

Prayers, 81-2, 89-90, 126-7, 133, 
155, 184, 191, 295, 308, 346. 

Presents given at festivals, 38, 272, 

Priests : see Pontifices. 

Primig-inia : see Fortuna. 

Proserpina, 212. 

Prostitutes, festival of, 93. 

Punic Wars, 19,69-71, 179; insti- 
tution of festivals and temples 
due to, 19, 69, 179, 341, 342. 

Puppets : Argfi thrown into Tiber, 
111-20; oscilla hung on trees, 
96, r 1 6, 296. 

Purification: see Lustration. 

Pythagoreans, no. 

Quinctilis : see July. 

Quinquatrus, 45,57-62, 290; minus- 

culae, 157-9. 
Q -urinal, 237, 281, 322 ; cults, 229, 

322-4 ; temples, 124, 135, 136, 

141, 190-1, 322, 324. 
Quirinalia, 304-5, 322-4. 
Quirinus, 305, 322-4 ; temples, 191, 

322, 323. 
Quirites, 322. 

Races : see Games. 

Regia, 190, 213, 220, 282, 335; 
laurel fixed on, 5, 35 ; sacrarium 
Martis in, 39, 44, 324, 335 ; sacra- 
rium Opis in, 213. 

Regifugium, 174, 327-30, 331. 
Religion, 1 8-2OJ authorities^ 332-3; 
.based dncuftC 20, 333-4.; daemo- 
nistic character, 7*4, io67i37, 139, 

213, 221-2, 226-7, 232-3, 295, 313; 

decline, 341-3 ; 

ence t 171-2, 210-20, 229, 234-5 ', 

Greek intiu- 

. 191, i94 ? 

248-9,273^3^2^^43; influence on 
characTer7344-9 ; Oriental influ- 
ence, 19, 252 ; pontifices' influ- 
ence, 190-1, 192, 213, 2i, 257-8, 
341 ; reaction against foreign 
' 340-1, ^^jrepTesenta; 

tive of "stagea uf growlh, 334-8 ; 
1-eTival by Augustus: see Augustus; 
transition from aniconicto iconic, 
219-20, 229, 233-4 : transition 
from rustic to urban t oo, 91, 103, 
tqJ3^? 1 8-50*^53^8/279' 80, 294. 

Reproduction, spirit fiee"Cofn-spirit. 

Rex sacrorum, 8, 335 ; connexion 
with Janus worship, 282, 288, 
334-5 > representative of king, 
8, 213, 282, 288 ; representative 
of head of household, 213, 282, 
288, 334. 

Robigalia, 66, 88-91. 

Robigus, 324, 338 ; connexion with 
Mars, 89, 324 ; festival, 88-91. 

Romulus, 4 ; connexion with Mars, 
33 37 ( n - 3) J with Quirinus, 322 ; 
legends, 175-6, 229, 310. 

Rust, red, 88-9, 91. 

Sabine women, legend. 178, 208-9. 

Sacella Argeorum, 16, 56-7, 111-2, 

335 procession round, 56, in, 

"3-4- 335- 

Sacrifices, 51. 54, 56, 62, 86, 209, 
267, 313-4 ; bean meal and lard, 
T 3> *33 ; boar, 210; bull, 126; 
cakes, 53-5, 155, 161, 295, 304 ; 
cereals, 292-3 ; cheese, 96, 228 ; 
cow, 71 ; dog, 89-91, 101, 209, 
311, 312, 314 ; fig-tree, 178 ; fish, 
209-10 ; flight after, 176, 328, 
329-30 ; goat, 122, 311, 312, 314 ; 
heifer, 96, 179. 193, 217, 228 ; 
honey, 309, 325; horse, 241-2; 
human, relics of, 112, 115, 116-7, 
"9> 315; kid, 257; lamb, 64, 
i5> 3 2 5 J milk > 81, 96, 103, 228, 



309 ; millet, 81 ; oil, 309 ; pig, 
105, 126, 256, 272, 325; proces- 
sion of victims, 126 ; ram, 282 ; 
red calf, 210 ; sacrificial meal, 81, 
96-7, 194, 228; salt-cake (mola 
salsa), no, 115, 148, 311 ; sheep, 
89, 96, 126 ; sow, 295 ; water, 
309 ; wine, 87, 103, 257, 309, 325. 

Salacia, 186. 

Salii, 36, 39-43, 58, 194, 250, 331, 
334 ; Agonenses, 41, 54, 281, 323 \ 
Carmen Saliare, 39, 41, 45, 49, 
289 ; Collini, 41, 54, 320, 323 ; 
mansiones Saliorum, 41, 44 ; 
number, 41, 42 ; Palatini, 41, 
320, 323 ; shields : see Ancilia ; 
skins worn by, 47-8, 49-50. 

Salt-cake (mola salsa) : made by 
Vestal Virgins, uo-i, 115, 148, 
r 49> I 53i 205, 3" ? used at Ides 
of September, no, 115, 311 ; used 
at Lupercalia, no, 115, 311 ; used 
at Vestalia, no, 115, 148, 311. 

Salus, 190-1, 343. 

Sancus : see Semo Sancua. 

Saturnalia, 15, 177, 255, 268-73,335. 

Saturn us, 120, 268-71 ; connexion 
with Ops Consiva, 212, 273-4 > 
festival, 268-73; functions, 270, 
338 ; temples, 71, 273-4, 339- 

Scapegoat, 176 ; Mamurius Vetu- 
rius, 40-1, 46-9. 

Seianus : owner of statue of For- 
tuna, 156-7, 171. 

Semo Sancus, 160, 327 ; connexion 
with Dius Fidius, 136-8, 144 ; 
functions, 139-41. 

Semones, 136. 

Senate, 134. 

September: character r 2i5~6; festi- 
vals, 215-35. 

Septimontium, 16, 265-7, 335. 

Servius Tullius, 280 ; connexion 
with Fortuna, 68, 156-7, 162, 
171-2, 339 ; Etruscan origin, 157, 
171 ; founder of temples, 68, 162, 

198-9, 339- 

Sextilis : see August. 

Sheep : fold decorated, 80-1 ; lus- 
tration, 81 ; sacrifice, 89, 96, 126. 

Sibylline books, 68, 69, 74, 92, 93, 
145, *79> 181. 

Silvanus, 55, 103, 258, 261, 262 ; 
connexion with Mars, 55, 194. 

Sinus, 90. 

Slaves, 155 ; deities of, 199, 253-4 ; 

festivals open to, 38, 162-3, J 78-9, 

193, 194, 199-200, 272-3, 280; 

manumissions, 253-4. 
Snakes, 104. 
Sol Indiges, 191-3. 
Soranus, 160 ; Apollo, 84, 181. 
Sosigenes, 4. 
Spells, 80-1, 83, 84, 96, 109-10, 150, 

243, 279-80, 296, 301, 309-10; 

rain, 119-20, 232-3. 
Spirits : dead, see Ghosts ; evil, see 

Evil spirits. 
Statues : see Images. 
Stones, sacred, 140 ; lapis silex, 

230-2 ; manalis, 211, 232-3 ; oath 

per lovem lapidem, 138, 231 ; 

representing Magna Mater Idaea, 

69 70, 342 ; Terminus, 230-1, 

326-7, 334- 
Strenia, 278. 

Stultorum feriae, 304-6, 322. 
Subura, 247, 266. 
Summanalia, 161. 
Summanus, 160-1. 241. 
Sun, 84 ; deities of, 35, 168-70, 191- 

3, 283-4 i symbols of, 139, 169-70. 
Supplicatio, 191. 

Tacita, 210, 309-10. 

Tanaquil, 141. 

Tarquinii, 75-6, 121, 280, 327-8; 
worships introduced by, 96, 181. 

Tellus, 67, 71, 74, 294 5 ; festivals, 
71-2, 294-6 ; sacrifices, 71, 295. 

Tempestates, temple, 341. 

Temples, 339-43 ; of Aesculapius in 
insula, 278, 340; Apollo at Ac- 
tium, 182 ; Apollo in Flaminian 
fields, 180 ; Apollo Palatinus on 
the Palatine, 180 (n.4), 182; Bel- 
lona in Circo Flaminio, 134 ; Bona 
Dea on the Aventine, 101-5 ; 
Carmenta at Porta Carmentalis, 
291, 293; Castor and Pollux ad 
Forum, 296 ; Castor and Pollux in 
Circo Flaminio, 202 ; Ceres, Liber, 
and Libera on the Aventine, 74-6, 
339 i Census on the Aventine, 
206, 267 ; Diana on the Aventine, 
198-200, 339 ; Dius Fidius on the 
Quirinal, 135, 136, 141 ; Faunus 
in insula, 257-8, 278 ; Feronia at 
Tarracina, 253 ; Flora ad Circum 
Maximum, 92, 202 ; Flora or 



Horta QuirSni on Quirinal, 324; 
ForsFortuna trans Tiberim, 161- 
2 i 339 5 Fortuna in Foro Boario, 
156-7, 339; Fortuna HuiusceDiei, 
l6 5> 343 > Fortuna Primigenia at 
Praeneste, 72 ; Fortuna Primi- 
genia on the Quirinal, 124 ; For- 
tuna Virilis, 68 ; Hercules near 
the Circus Flaminius, 135 ; Her- 
cules Invictus ad portam trigemi- 
nain. 201 ; Janus ad Theatrum 
Marcelli, 204 ; Juno Lucina on 
the Esquiline, 38 ; Juno Moneta 
in arce, 129-30 ; Juno Sospita ad 
Forum Olitorium, 302 ; Jupiter, 
Juno, and Minerva in Capitolio, 
157-8, 215, 216-7, 326-7, 339; 
Jupiter Elicius under the Aven- 
tine, 232 ; Jupiter Feretrius in 
Capitolio, 229 ; Jupiter Invictus, 
158; Jupiter Latiaris on the 
Alban Mount, 95- 6, 228; Juturna, 
341 ; Magna Mater Idaea, 70 ; 
Mars extra Portam Capenam, 133- 
4, 232 ; Mater Matuta in Foro 
Boario, 154 ; Mens in Capitolio, 
145 ; Mercurius, 121, 339; Minerva 
on the Aventine, 59, 158; Ops ad 
Forum, 273-4 > Quirinus in Colle, 
191, 322 ; round, 193 ; Salus on 
the Quirinal, 190-1 ; Saturnus ad 
Forum, 271, 273-4, 339; Sum- 
manus ad Circum Maximum, 160 ; 
Tempestates, 341 ; Vediovis in 
arce, 43 ; Vediovis in insula, 122, 
277 ; Vediovis inter duos lucos, 
122 ; Venus ad Circum Maximum, 
204 ; Venus Erycina in Capitolio, 
85, I 45; Venus Verticordia, 68, 
343 ; Victory on the Palatine, 70 ; 
Volcanus in Circo Flam in io, 211 ; 
Vortumnus on the Aventine, 201, 


Terminalia, 4, 324-7, 335. 
Terminus, 324, 326-7 ; festival, 

324-7 ; stone, 230-1, 326-7, 334. 
Theatrum Marcelli, 204. 
Tiber, worship, 214. 
Tiber island : temples, 122, 257-8, 

277, 278, 340. 
Tiberinus, 120, 303, 214. 
Tibicines : see Trumpets. 
Tigillum sororium, 238-9. 
Tina (or Tinia), 222-3. 
Tirones, 56. 

Tithes: offered on Ara Maxima, 138 ; 

J 95-7 ! offered to Hercules Victor, 


Toga virilis, assumption of, 56. 
Totemism, 84-5, 101, 231-2, 334. 
Treaties : Dius Fidius' connexion 

with, 141 ; Jupiter's connexion 

with, 229-30, 326; making, 229- 

30; ratified at Ara Maxima, 138. 
Tree-worship, 228-9, 232, 234. 
Tribuni : celerum, 58-9 ; militum, 

58 ; plebis, 75. 
Trumpets, 63-4, 159 ; lustration, 

63-4, 123 ; players, 62, 157-9. 
Tubilustrium, 44, 45, 62-4, 123, 290; 

connexion with Minerva, 62 ; 

festival of Mars, 62, 290. 

Vediovis, 121-2, 160, 225, 277-8 ; 
connexion with Apollo, 122, 181, 
225, 277 ; festivals, 43, 121-2, 
277-8 ; temples, 43, 122, 277. 

Vegetation spirit : see Corn-spirit. 

Veneralia. 67-9. 

Venus : connexion with April, 67, 
69 ; with Fortuna, 68 ; with wine, 
86, 204 ; Erycina, 85, 145 ; festivals, 
167-8, 85-6 ; functions, 67, 86 ; 
Greek influence, 67, 69, 86 ; 
Mimnermia (or Meminia), 145 ; 
temples, 68, 85-6, 145, 204, 343 ; 
"Verticordia, 68-9, 343. 

Vesta : aedes, 148-9, 151-4, 335 ; 
connexion with Janus, 282-3, 
^287-8, 334-5; festival, 145-54; 
functions, 150; hearth-goddess, 
J47-8, 150, 282-3, 287-8, 334, 
337 ; laurels fixed on aedes, 5, 36, 
^53 5 penus Vestae, 83, 148, 149- 
5j I 53) 288 ; origin of cult, 146-8, 
149, 282-3 ; sacred fire, 5, 35, 114, 
M7-8, 150-1, 153- 

Vestalia, 145-54; character, 115, 
126, 154 ; mourning of Flaminica 
Dialis. 115, 146, 149, 151, 153; 
salt-cake used, no, 115, 148. 

Vestal Virgins, 36, 68-9, 306, 324, 
335 > festivals shared in, 52, 57, 
71, 85, 112, 114-15, 150, 256; 
functions, 147, 149-51, 288; re- 
presentative of daughters of 
family, 36, in, 147, 149, 213, 256, 
288, 334 ; salt-cake made by, no- 
i, 115, 148, 149, 153, 205, 311. 

Vet<-hes, 94. 


3 6 3 

Victory, temple of, 70. 

Viminal, cults on, 229. 

Vinalia, 10, 338; connexion with 
Jupiter, 85, 86-8, 338; with 
Venus, 85-6, 204 ; Priora, 85-8 ; 
Rustica, 10, 85, 86, 87, 189, 204-6. 

Vitulatio, 179. 

Volcanalia, 189, 209-11. 

Volcanus, 209-11 ; connexion with 
Maia, 123, 210 ; festivals, 123, 
209-10; functions, 123-4, 210 ; 
temple, an. 

Volturnalia, 214. 

Volturnus. 214. 

Volupia, 274. 

Vortumnus, 201, 341. 

War: conduct of, 216; declaration 
of, 134, 230 ; gods of, 126, 134-5, 
207, 248, 249. 

Water : deities of, 187, 189. 

Weddings : see Marriages. 

Weeks : eight days, 7, 8. 

Wells and springs : sanctity, 240. 

Wheel symbol, 161, 169-70. 

Wills: sanctioned by Comitia Cu- 
riata, 63, 123. 

Wine: festivals, 85-8, 204-6, 236, 
239-40; introduction of vine into 
Italy, 88, 97, 236 ; Jupiter's con- 
nexion with, 55, 88, 240 ; Venus' 
connexion with, 86, 204; vintage, 

Wolf : corn ; see Corn-spirit ; sacred 
to Mars, 31 1, 334. 

Women, 262 ; deities of, 38, 68, 102- 
3, 106, 155-6, 167-8,200-1,291-3; 
excluded from worship of Her- 
cules, 102, 103, 142, 194; festivals, 
38, 67-8, 102-3, 142, 148, 154-6, 
178-9, 255-6, 291 ; oaths, 142 ; 
rites to produce fertility, 94-5, 
104, 178-9, 262, 302, s'ti, 315, 

Woods, importance in religion, 

Year: beginning, 5-7, 35-6, 278; 
lunar, 1-3 ; method of reckoning, 
1-4 ; solar, 1-3. 


Aedes, 135. 
Agone? 281. 
Agonia, 281. 
Amiculum lunonis, 

179, 3ia, 321 (n. i). 
Ancile, 38, 41, 42. 43, 

46, 58, 248, 250. 
Annare perennare, 51. 
Annus, i, 52. 
Aperio, 66. 
Argea, 56. 
Argei, 52, 56, 57, in 

(n.4), 112, 113,118-9. 
Asylum, 122, 183 (n. 3), 


Augurium Salutis, 190. 
Auspicatio vindemiae, 

204, 205. 

Baculum, 64. 
Balineum, 67. 
Bidental, 140. 
Bidentes, 140. 
Bulla, 96 (n. 5). 

Caeli templum, 141. 
Camella, 82 (n. 4). 
Caprificatio, 178 (n. 8). 
Cara cognatio, 306, 


Cardo, 132. 
Carmen, 291. 
Carpentum, 291. 
Casnar, 119 (n. i). 
Cerei, 272. 
Cerfia, 73. 
Cerfus, 73. 
Cerus, 73. 

Cingulum, 142. 

Februum, 6, 83, 298, 

Cippus, 319. 

301, 311,321- 

Clava, 64. 

Feriae, 8. 

Clavis, 203. 

Flamen, 36, 147. 

Clavus, 234, 235. 

Foculus, 55. 

Clypeus, 141. 

Focus, 242. 

Collegium, 157. 

Forda, 71. 

Columella, 134. 

Fornax, 306. 

Comitialis, 9. 

Fur, 187. 

Compitum, 279, 280, 

Furfare, 188. 


Furvus, 187. 

Condere, 207. 

Fuscus, 187. 

Covella, 8 (n. i). 

Creare, 73. 

Genialis, 55. 

Creppi, 262, 318. 

Genius, 55. 

Curia, 16, 71, 303. 

Curio, 304. 

Hostia praecidanea, 

Damiatrix, 105, 106. 
Damium, 105. 
Decumae, 195, 196. 
Decuria, 140. 
Dies parentales, 107, 

Edepol, 297. 
Endotercisus, 10. 
Equorum probatio, 216 
(n- 5). 

Fabariae kalendae , 130. 
Fanum, 135. 
Far, 304. 
Fari, 259. 
Fas (or Fastus), 8. 
Favere, 258. 
Februare, 188, 298 
(n. i). 


Herbarium, 104. 
Horda, 71. 

Impius, 299. 
Incinctus, 309. 
Incubus, 262. 
Indiges, 192, 193. 
Indigitamenta, 191, 
192, 341. 

Janua, 6, 7, 282. 
Janus, 6, 282, 286, 287. 

Lapis Capitolinus, 

Lapis manalis, 211, 

232, 233. 

Lapis silex, 230, 231. 
Larva, 108. 
La u re a. 36. 



Leetisternium, 181, 

200, 218, 273. 
Lectus genialis, 142, 


Lemur, 108, 109, 183. 
Lex templi, 198. 
Liba, 53, 55, 155 (n. 7). 
Liberalis, 55. 
Litania maior, 91, 127. 
Lituus, 64. 
Lucar, 183. 
Lucus, 183, 185. 
Ludi, 15. 
Lupus, 311. 
Lustratio. 58, 66, 175 

(n.8 , 176, 301. 

LUX, 222. 

Maena, 209, 309. 
Mane, 156. 
Manes, 108, 109, 156. 
Maniae, IX& 
Mansiones Salioruin, 

4i, 44- 
Manus, 156. 
Matrimus, 42. 
Maturus, 156. 
Matuta, 156. 
Mecastor. 297. 
Me dius iiclius, 138. 
Me hercule, 138. 
Mellarium, 103. 
Mercator, xai. 
Minium, 218, 223. 
Minusculus, 158. 
Mola salsa, no, 149, 

155 (n- 7) 3"- 
Moneta, 129, 130. 
Montanus, 267. 
Monies, 16, 266-7. 
Mundus, 21 1-2, 283. 
Musium, 240. 

Nefas, 299. 
Nefastus. 9, 151. 
Nemus, 183. 
Nodus herculaneus, 


Numen, 34, 35, 183. 
Nundinae, 8, 270. 

Obnuntiatio, 343. 
Ocris iisiu.s, 222. 

Off a penita, 247 (n. i). 
Orbis, 139, 141. 
Oscilla, 96, 116, 296. 

Paganus, 267. 

Pagus, 16, 114, 257, 

294, 335- 

Palatuar. 80 (n. 3). 
Parentatio, 275, 276, 


Patrimus, 42. 
Pecuarius, 257. 
Penus, 148, 149, 150 

(n. i), 153, 212, 213, 

Per lovem (lapidem), 

138, 230 (n.a), 231. 
Persillum, 202 ^n. i). 
Piamen, 301. 
Pietas, 347-8. 
Pistrina, 304. 
Pomoerium, 133 (n. 3), 

134, an, 302 (n. i), 

319, S 2 ?- 

Pompa, 216 (n. 51. 
Pontifex, 114. 
Portus, 202, 203. 
Postriduanus, 9. 
Primigenia, 165, 223. 
Purgamentum, 301. 
Puteal, 140. 

Quadrata (Roma), 211. 

Fas, 10, 63. 
Quando Stercus Dela- 

t mil Fas, io> 146, 

Quiuquare, 58. 

Regia, 148. 

Religio, 298, 300, 347. 
Religiosus, 9, 151. 
Robigo, 78, 88, 89. 
Ros, 82 (n.^;. 

Sacella Argeorum, 16, 

56, in. 
Sacellum. in, 112, 113, 

!3, 135, 154- 
Sacer, 75, 174, 348. 
Sacra Argeorum, 10, 


Sacrosanctitas, 75. 
Salax, 186. 
Salum, 186 
Sanqualis avis, 139. 
Sapa, 82. 
Satio, 269. 
Sceptrum, 230. 
Serere. 269, 289. 
Sexagenaries de ponte, 

112, 116. 
Sigillaria, 272. 
Simulacrum, 57, 113, 


Solis pulvinar. 191. 
Stolae longae, 159. 
Strenae, 278. 
Strix, 132. 
Stultorum feriae, 304, 


Suffimen, 83. 
Summanalia, 161. 

Tabularia, 269. 
Tibia, 63, 159. 
Tigillum sororium, 

237, 238. 
Tiro, 56. 
Toga libera, 56. 
Trabea, 41. 
Transvectio equitum, 

133, 296 (n. 6 . 
Tribunus celerum, 58, 


Tribunus militum, 58. 
Tuba, 63, 64, 123. 
Tunica picta, 41. 

Urfita, 139. 

Vegrandia farra, 121. 
Vescus, 121. 
Vesta, 282. 
Vestal is, 36. 
Vestigia fugae, 176, 


Vicus, 280. 
Vindemia, 86, 88, 204, 

205, 236. 
Virga, 178. 
Visceratio, 179. 
Vitulatio, 179. 
Vitulus, 179. 
Votum, 346. 






de Genio Socratis, 15 . 

. 1 08 

de Nat. Deor., 2. 27. 67 . 



2. 6l . . 


adv. Nationes, 3. 40 . 


2. 68 


7- 21 

. 312 

. 3. 20 


7- 49 

. 70 

3- 46 



3- 48 . 


de Civ. Lei, 2. 27 . . 


de Divinatione, i. 10 

1 60 

a. 29 . 

. 230 

i. 17. 30 


ff 4- 8 . 

177, 274 

I. 101 


ii 4- " . 

167, 292 

2. 41 


4- 23 

1 60, 326 

de Legibus, i. 14. 40 


AUSONIUS, de Feriis, 9 

. 177 

2. 3. 8 . 


a. 21. 54 


a. 48 . 


CAESAR, Bell. Gatt., 6. 16 . 

117, 286 

de Officiis, 3. 10 . . . 


CALPURHIUS, Ed. T. 8 foil. 

. 263 

de RepubL, 1. 16 



2. 12 . 


de Re Rustica, 83 . . 

. 194 

Brutus, 14. 56 


132 . 

. 218 

20. 78 


J 39 

. 184 

Ep. ad Att., i. 12 . . . 


141 .- 

89, 126 

6. i. 8 . . 


156 foil. . 

. 105 

9. 9. 4 . 


up. Dionys. a. 49 . 


ii 13.52 . 


op. Priscian. 7. 337 . . 

. 198 

M 15-25 



ad Fam. 12. 25 


de Die Natali, 2. 20 

. 66 

ad Q. Fratr., 2. 3. a . 


20. 4 



20. 2 


de Re Rustica, a. 8. a . 255, 



2. 12 


de Harusp. Resp., 12. 24 . 

. 70 

10.311 . 


n- 37 


II. 2 . 178, 2I 4 , 


pro Roscio Amer., 35. 100 . 

112, Il6 

12. 4 


in Verrem, i. 10. 31 



de Domo, 28. 74 . . 

. 267 

Alticus, 20 .... 


in Pisonem, 4. 8 . 


pro Flacco, 38. 95 . . 

. 308 

ENSIUS, Fragm., 5. 477 



FESTUS & PAULUS* (ed. Muller).i>AGE 

FESTUS & PAULUS (ed. Muller) . PAG1; 

P. 2. Aquaelicium . . 232 

326. Thymelici ludi . . 180 

5. Ambarvales hostiae . 125 

333. Scribonianum . . 140 

19. Arniilustrium . . 250 

334. Sexagenaries de ponte 1 1 1 

22. Apellinem . . 180 

340. Septimontium . . 265 

23. Aureliam familiam . 191 

343. Servorum dies . . 199 

33. Bellona - . . 134 

348. Summanalia . . 161 

45. Catularia porta . . 90 

Septimontium . . 266 

56. Claudere . . . 203 

374. Vinalia . . .85 

63. Cingulum . . . 142 

377. Umbrae ... 185 

64. Corniscae . . . 130 

Curiales mensae . 303 

GAIUS, 2. 101 . . . .63 

68. Damium . . . 105 


Daps . . . 218 

Noctes Atticae, 4. 9. 5 . . 9 

75. Depontani . .112 

5. 12 . 122, 1 86, 225 

85. Fontinalia . . 240 

10. 15 

Februarius mensis 

56, no, 115, 313 

298, 321 

10. 24. 3 . . 279 

87. Fagutal . . . 228 

ii. 6. i . . 142 

92. Feretrius . . 138, 230 

12. 8. 2 . . 2l8 

93. Fornacalia . . 304 

13- 23 

97. Gradivus . . .37 

123, 186, 212 

119. Larentalia . . 275 

16. 7 . . 8a 

122. Mater Matuta . . 156 

16. 16. 4 . . 291 

123. Meditrinalia . . 240 

,, 18. 2. ii . . 70 

128. Ma nal is lapis . . 211 

18. 7. 2 . . 291 

150. Marti us mensis . . 5 
154. Mundus . . .211 

20. 2 . . 63 


165. Nefasti dies . . 9 

vol. i. 56 . 184 

178. October equus . . 242 

141 . 325 

179. October equus . . 242 

, 164. 126 

197. Oscines . . . 140 

, 302. 258 

209. Picta toga . . . 206 
210. Piscatorii ludi . . 209 

, 350. 326 
, vol. ii. 263 . 184 

217. Persillum . . . 202 
229. Propter via in . .138 


0(1 I 21 2O I 

Proversum fulgor . 160 

I 28 . 2QQ 

233. PoVtus . . . 203 
238. Praebia . . .141 

i- 35 157, i7> 235, 238 
38 08 

241. Praebia . . . 136 

. o . . . . jo 

242. Pudicitiae Signum . 157 

3- J 7 . a 7 a 
3x8 2^6 

245. Publica Sacra 16, in, 256 
Palatualis flamen . 80 
253. Pollucere merces . 195 

M.U . ~J** 

Sat, i. 8. 24 . . . . 109 
2. 6. 20 foil. . . . 289 

254 Quinquatrus . . 59 

ISIDOKUS, 15. II. I . . . 307 

Quirinalia . . 304, 322 

264. Kustica Vinalia . 86,204 


278. Regifugium . 62, 328 


297. Sororium tigillum . 238 

Sat., 2. 83 foil. . . .256 

309. Subura . . . 266 

2. 86 . . . 105, 256 

316. Stultorum feriae . 304 

6. 314 foil. . . 256 

322. Saturnia . . . 269 

9- 53 .38 

1 Both excerptors being contained in the same volume, they are here 
combined for convenience. 







In$t. (de Falsa Rcligione), 

24. 3 . 

. . I8 3 

i. 15. 8 


25. 13 


OS. 27 5 

26. II . . 

. 199, 253 

i. 21. 45 ... 

y*JJ i *J 

3 2 I 


. 180 

IO3. 106 

27. 6 . . 





. 228 

Bk. i. a 

52, 247 

23 . 

. 180 


265, 312 

29. 10 . . 

. . 69 




. . 69 

10 ... 

. 229 

36 . . 


ID . . 


3- 39 


20 ... 

4i, 233 


. 231 

24 ... 

. in 

3 1 - 21 

. 277 

26 ... 

. 238 

32. i . 

96, 137 


. 227 

33- 25 


32. 12 



257, 278. 302 


. 198 

34- 53 

124, 277, 302 


. 4 

35- 10 

. 242 

a. 5 

. 191 

36. 2 . 

. 217 

21 ... 

. 270 

37- 33 

44, 96, 250 

3. 31, 32 fin. . 


38. 57 




39- 15 


63 ... 

. 180 

40. 34. 4 . 

. 86 

4. 20 

. 229 


. . 96 

5- 13 l8 , 

1 86, 200 


. 180 

19 ... 


41- 13 

. . 140 

23 ... 



. . 96 

40 ... 


LUCAN, 3. 153 . 

. . 269 

52 ... 

. 41 

LUCRETIUS, 5. 654 

. . 156 

85 ... 

. 187 

6. 5 . 



20 ... 

. 13 

Saturnalia i. 7. 34 

. 96, 296 

33 ... 


i. 8. 3 

. 270 

7- 3 


. 9. a 

. 283 

23 ... 


. 9. 16 

. 285 289 

28 . . . 

. 129 

. 10. 2 

. 267 

8. 9 

. 288 

. 10. II 


20 ... 

141, 135 

, . 10. 19 

. 271 

22 ... 

. 136 

, .". 3 6 

. . 178 

9- 30 

. 158 


. 269 

40 ... 

. 41 

, .11.49 

. 272 

4 6 ... 

9, it 

, . 12. 6 

35, 5 r 

xo. 19 ... 

. 134 

, . 12. 12 

. . 67 

23 ... 


, . 12. l6 


31.9 . 

86, 204 

, . 12. l8 

. . 2IO 

46 ... 

. 162 

, . 12. 22 

. 130 

n. (Epit.') 

. 278 

, . 12. 25 

. . 1O2 

14. (Epit.) 

. 160 

, . 12. 30 

. 129 

21. I ... 


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2. 31 

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a. 55 foil- 

2. 267 foil. 

a. 371 foil. 

2. 425 Ml. 

a. 525 . 
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2. 623 

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2. 667 . 

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2. 8 53 . 

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, 6. 650 . 


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Ars Amat. 3. 637 . 

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ad Virg. Aen. 8. 314 . 

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. 278 

4- 4- 75 

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4- 10. 

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Germania, 9 . . . 

. 234 

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Annals, 2. 49 . . 

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. 171 


. 190 

QUINTILIAH, I. 7. 12 . . 

. 191 


206, 318 

Apol. 42 ... 

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Sat. Menipp. fragm., 506 . 


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ap. Nonium, 13 . . 

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189 . . 

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Eel. 5. 66 . . 

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Georg. i. 10 . . 

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28. 29 . . 

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00 - 

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. 236 

B b 2 



AELIAK, Hist. Anim. 12. 34 



Knights, 41 . . . .133 

Lysistrata, 537 . . . 133 

,,69! ... 133 

ARISTOTLE, Oecon., p. 1349 b . 155 


69 . . . . 5 6, 326 

14 . . . 280, 282 

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26 . . . . .199 
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Dio CASSITJS, 16 . . 262 

37- 35 102, 255 6. r . 269, 274 

47-i8 174 13 . 133, 296 

55-77 296 89 75 

58. 7 157 7 i 76 

DlODOBUS SlCULUS, p. 337 9. 60 . . . 135, 141 

(IS- 14) 155 10. 42 75 


1. 21 223 13. 7 130 

31 258 

32 310 EusTATHrns, 

33 . . 206, 246 ad Horn. Od. 22. 335 . . 138 

34 269 

38 . . 112, 116 LUCIAN, Dea Syria 49 . . 92 

40 . . 138, 193 LYDUS, LAURENTTOS, 

79,8o . 310 3. 3 . 294 

88 . . 79, 80, 83 3. 29 . 46, 50 

2. 19 . . . 70 4. a 41, 284, 289 
23 . 305, 313 4- 24 . . 306 
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40 306 4. 42 . 60, 62 

48 323 > 4- 45 67 

50 303 4- 49 7i 

70 39 Fragm. p. 118, ed. Bekker . 265 

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75 237 Vita Caesaris 21 . 320 

3-22 238 

S 2 271 PLUTARCH, 

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Quaestiones Romanae, 

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27 . 

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175 foil. 


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ParaUela 41 . 

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de Bell. Goth. i. 25 . 

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28 . 

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p. 660 (Bk. 10, 8) 

. "7 



The City State of the Greeks and Romans. A Survey 
Introductory to the Study of Ancient History. By W. 
WARDE FOWLER, M.A., Sub-Rector of Lincoln College, 
Oxford. Crown 8vo, 55. 


Ancient Rome in the Light of recent Discoveries. By 
Prof. RODOLFO LANCIANI, LL.D. Harv. With 100 Illustra- 
tions. Small 4to, 245. 


Edited by Professor PERCY GARDNER, LittJ). of the University 

of Oxford, and Professor FRANCIS W. KELSEY, 

of the University of Michigan. 

Each volume will be the work of a thoroughly competent 
author, and will deal with some special Department of 
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of the scholar and of the educated general reader. 

The Series will be characterised by the following 
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each volume to contain not less than 200 pages. 

(2) The illustrations, taken from works of ancient art, 
will be made as complete and satisfactory as possible. 

(3) Each volume will contain a concise bibliography, 
together with complete indexes of Greek and Latin words 
and quotation*, and of Subjects. 

(4) Thus the volumes will together form a handy encyclo- 
paedia of Archaeology and Antiquities for the fields covered. 

(5) The different treatises will not be uniform in respect 
to length or price. 

The following volumes are already published or in pre- 
paration : 

Greek Sculpture. By Prof. ERNEST A. GARDNER, M.A., 
University College, London. Part I, 55. Part II, 55. 
Complete in one vol., IDS. \Ready. 

Greek and Roman Coins. By G. F. HILL, of the Coins 
Department of the British Museum. Illustrated. 


Handbooks of Archaeology and Antiquities (continued). 

The Roman Festivals of the Period of the Republic. 

An Introduction to the Study of Roman Religion. By 
W. WARDE FOWLER, M.A., Sub-Rector of Lincoln College, 
Oxford. Extra crown 8vo. [Ready. 

A Handbook of Greek Constitutional History. By 
A. H. J. GREENIDGE, M.A., Hertford College, Oxford. 
With Map. 55. [Ready. 

Greek Religion. By Louis DYER. 

Homeric Antiquities. By THOMAS D. SEYMOUR, Yale 

Greek Private Life. By Prof. J. WILLIAMS WHITE, 
Harvard University. 

Roman Public Life. By A. H. J. GREENIDGE. 

Greek Commerce. By Prof. PERCY GARDNER, University 
of Oxford. 

The Acropolis of Athens. By Prof. M. L. D'OocE, 
University of Michigan. 

Greek Architecture. By Prof. ALLAN MARQUAND, 
Princeton University. 

Roman Architecture. By Prof. FRANCIS W. KELSEY, 
University of Michigan. 

The Destruction of Ancient Rome. A Sketch of the 
History of the Monuments. By RODOLFO LANCIANI, 
University of Rome. [Shortly. 

Christian Rome. By A. L. FROTHINGHAM, Jr., Princeton 

Roman Sculpture. By SALOMAN REINACH, Muse"e 
St Germain. 

Ancient Painting. By CECIL SMITH, LL.D., British 

Greek Vases. By CECIL SMITH, LL.D., British Museum. 

Scientific Knowledge of the Ancients. By PAUL SHOREY, 
University of Chicago. 

Latin Inscriptions in relation to Literature and Life. 

By Prof. MINTON WARREN, American School, Rome. 








cop. 2 

Fowler, William Warde 

The Roman festivals of th 
period of the Republic 


vrr A T t A/~T"