r_
8 ROMAN SACRIFICIAL ALTARS
AN ARCHAEOLOGICAL STUDY
OF MONUMENTS IN ROME
BY
A DISSERTATION
PRESENTED TO THE FACULTY OF BRYN MAWR COLLEGE IN
PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR
THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
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IDG
133
[B6
1913
c. 1
IROBA
PRESS OF
THE NEW ERA PRINTING COMPANY
LANCASTER. PA
1913
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V
ALTAR OF VERMINUS. No. 1.
ROMAN SACRIFICIAL ALTARS
AN ARCHAEOLOGICAL STUDY
OF MONUMENTS IN ROME
BY
HELEN COX BOWERMAN
A DISSERTATION
PRESENTED TO THE FACULTY OF BRYN MAWR COLLEGE IN
PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR
THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
PRESS or
THI New ERA PRINTINS COMPANY
LANCASTER. PA.
1913
TABLE OF CONTENTS
PAGE
INTRODUCTION 1
CATALOGUE 10
DEVELOPMENT OF TYPES 59
Class I 59
Class II 72
A 73
B 76
C 78
Z> 81
DECORATION 83
CONCLUSION 95
INDEX 96
iii
ABBREVIATIONS
AJA — American Journal of Archaeology.
AZ — Archdologische Zeitung.
Arch. Am. — Archdologischer Anzeiger; Beiblatt zum Jahrbuch des
Archdologischen Instituts.
BC — Bulletino della Commissione Archeologica Communale di Boma.
BSA — Annual of the British School at Athens.
CIL — Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum.
DS — Daremberg et Saglio, Dictionnaire des Antiquites.
IL8 — Inscriptions Latinae Selectae, ed. Dessau.
JHS — Journal of Hellenic Studies.
NS — Notizie degli Scavi di Antichitd communicate alia B. Accademia
dei Lincei.
RM — Mittheilungen des Jcais. Deutschen Archdologischen Instituts:
Bomische Abtheilung.
WV — Wiener Vorlegeblatter fur Archdologische Uebungen.
INTRODUCTION
In the earliest stages of Eoman life of which we now
have any definite knowledge the idea of sacrifice formed an
essential part of the religious conceptions of the race.
This found formal expression in the word sacrificium, the
making sacred of any object as the exclusive property
of the divinity.1 In the words of Warde Fowler :2 " The
word sacrificium, ... in its widest sense, may cover any
religious act in which something is made sacrum, i. e. (in
its legal sense), the property of a deity. . . . Sacrificium
is limited in practical use by the Romans themselves to
offerings, animal or cereal, made on the spot where the
deity had taken up his residence, or at some place on the
boundary of land or city (e. g., the city gate) which was
under his protection, or (in later times at least) at a tem-
porary altar erected during a campaign."3 The destruc-
tion of the offering in a manner prescribed by ritual, typi-
fying and securing its complete transference to the deity,
was the essential element of sacrifice.
Many theories have been advanced to account for the
origin of sacrifice,4 but it is difficult to find in any one of
1 Cf. Isidorus, Etymol., VI, 38 : sacrificium quasi sacrum factum.
' The Religious Experience of the Eoman People, pp. 171-172.
•Cf. also Hubert and Mauss, Essai sur la nature et la fonction du
sacrifice in L'annee sociologique, 1898, pp. 39-40: " On doit appeler
sacrifice toute oblation, meme ve"getale, toutes les fois que 1' offrande
ou qu ' une partie de 1 ' offrande est detruite, bien que 1 ' usage paraisse
rfiserver le mot de sacrifice a la designation des seuls sacrifices
sanglants. ' '
4 For convenient summaries cf. Fowler, op. cit., pp. 172ff.; Ency-
clopaedia Britannica, Eleventh Edition, article Sacrifice, by N. W.
Thomas.
1
2 BOMAtf SACRIFICIAL ALTARS
them an explanation that is completely satisfactory for all
cases. One of the weaknesses of most of these theories is
that they have been framed with the idea of universal ap-
plication, but as has been pointed out in recent years,5 it
is hardly probable that all forms of sacrifice arose from the
same primitive conception. The fundamental idea, how-
ever, seems to be that the gods are capable of sending good
or ill ; if man is to be happy the favor of these powers must
be won and their ill-will averted. The chief means to this
end is the sacrifice, whether it be expiatory, honorific or
sacramental in origin.
In the simple life of early Rome the sacrifices must have
been performed in a manner fitting the character and en-
vironment of the people. For these sacrifices some primi-
tive form of altar would be required. A few unhewn
stones6 or a temporary structure of turf and branches7
would be sufficient for the simple ceremonial of this early
worship. Gradually these temporary altars would give
place to more permanent structures, where the sacrifices
were offered in a manner but little more elaborate than
earlier generations had known.
By degrees, with the growth of the Roman state, this
simple worship became more complex and the official cults
and priesthoods were established. Doubtless much was
lost in this process of evolution and through the growing
intercourse with Etruria and Greece much was gained, but
through all these changes the idea of sacrifice remained as
a central and essential feature of Roman religion, both
domestic and national, and of necessity the altar held a
' Hubert and Mauss, op. cit.
• Cf . a relief from the Ara Pads Augustae now in the Museo
Nazionale, Borne. Illustrated, Strong, Eoman Sculpture, PL IX, 2;
Photo. Alinari, 27323.
* Vergil, Aen., VI, 177 f.; XII, 117 ff.; Ovid, Met., XV, 573 ff.;
Trial., V, 5, 9; Statius, Theb., VIII, 298 f.; Apuleius, Met., VII, 10.
INTRODUCTION 3
most important place in all religious observances of which
the rite of sacrifice formed a part.
In descriptions of Roman sacrificial rites five different
terms for designating the altars are commonly used : focus,
foculus, mensa, am and altaria. Of these, the last two
appear most frequently, but the others are used often
enough to make an investigation of their meaning nec-
essary.
The ancient etymologists derive the word focus from
fovere8 and Servius adds in one passage9 that a focus is an
indispensable adjunct of both public and private sacrifices.
However unsound etymologically this derivation may be,10
it undoubtedly expresses the real significance of the focus,
— that it was a place where the sacred fire was tended, at
first the hearth of the individual home, the center of the
domestic worship, but with the gradual growth of the state
religion becoming a necessary adjunct of the public sacri-
ficial altar. The use of the word in the familiar phrase
arae focique11 as expressive of all that was most sacred
from a religious point of view was an attempt to unite in
one the public and private aspects of religion.
Originally the term focus may have been applied to the
part of the altar which actually contained the sacrificial
fire,12 or to a small portable brazier placed upon the altar
at the time of sacrifice,13 but in most cases where it is used
in, descriptions of sacrificial rites it seems to be practically
synonymous with ara or altaria.14 Garlands are hung
•Varro, quoted by Isidorus, Origines, XX, 10; Festus, p. 85,
Miiller; p. 60, Thewrewk; Servius, ad Aen., XI, 211; XII, 118.
• Ad Aen., Ill, 134.
19 Cf . Walde, Lat. Etym. Worterbuch, Focus.
u Cf . Sallust, Catiline, 52 ; Cicero, De Nat. Deorum, II, 27.
" Cf . D8, Focus.
" Forcellini, Lexicon, Focus.
» Ovid, Met., IV, 753.
4 ROMAN SACRIFICIAL ALTARS
upon it;15 it may be constructed of turf;16 the exta of the
victims are burned upon it.17 All this shows that its
original significance was gradually lost and that the dis-
tinction between it and altaria and ara came to be disre-
garded, especially by the poets.
The term foculus may be dismissed in a few words. It
appears frequently in the Acta Fratrum Arvalium and
seems there to refer to a portable vessel or tripod,18 which
in certain instances at least was of silver.19 It could not
have been large, as it was carried about from place to
place.20
The mensa or table was a necessary part of the furniture
of the sanctuary. Here were kept the sacred vessels and
implements when they were not in actual use,21 and here
the offerings of the worshippers were deposited.22 Festus
gives the term anclabris as a special name for the sacred
table.23 As a sacrificial term mensa seems to have pre-
served more of its original meaning than did focus,24
although there is mention of a sacrifice made upon a
mensa,25 which in this case therefore can hardly denote an
ordinary table for the sanctuary. Cicero uses the term in
regard to a monument for the dead,26 presumably the ordi-
a Tibullus, I, 2, 82.
"Ovid, Met., IV, 753.
» Ovid, Fasti, TV, 935.
M Henzen, Acta Fratrum Arvalium, p. 23.
J» Henzen, op. cit., CCIII, 19.
30 Cicero, Pro Domo, 47; Pliny, N. H., XXII, 11; Varro, L. L.,
VI, 14.
91 Cf . Clarac, Musee de Sculpture, II, 185.
"Macrobius, Sat., Ill, 11, 5-6; Servius, ad Aen., VIII, 279.
*P. 11, Miiller; p. 8, Thewrewk. Cf. also p. 77, Miiller; p. 54,
Thewrewk.
*Macrobius, Sat., Ill, 11, 5-6; Servius, ad Aen., VIII, 279.
"Festus, p. 64, Miiller; p. 45, Thewrewk.
*DeLegg., II, 26.
INTBODUCTION O
nary grave-altar. A second passage of Festus27 shows that
mensae were used as altars in aedibus sacris. This quali-
fying phrase is probably to be explained by the fact that
the actual sacrificial altars were usually, for reasons of con-
venience, placed outside the temple proper.28 A passage
in Petronius29 gives a widely different meaning to the
term. Here it appears to be an immediate adjunct of the
altar itself, a sort of brazier or grate placed upon it at the
time of sacrifice.
In discussing ara and altaria, the terms most frequently
used, it may be well to take up the derivation first. Festus
gives as one explanation of the derivation of altaria the
following:30 altaria ab altitudine dicta sunt, quod antiqui
diis superis in aedificiis a terra exaltatis sacrafaciebant.31
This may be correct, though other explanations have been
suggested by modern scholars.32
The word ara appears to be the more ancient. There is
"P. 156, Miiller; p. 151, Thewrewk.
" Cf. Pauly-Wissowa, Seal-Encyclopddie, article Altar, II, 1649.
" Saturae, 135 : Mensam veterem posuit in media altari, quam vivis
implevit carbonibus.
"P. 29, Miiller; p. 21, Thewrewk.
n With this Servius, ad Eel., V, 66 (altaria , . . quae ab altitudine
constant esse nominata), and Isidorus, EtymoL, XV, 4, 14 (altar e
autem ab altitudine constat esse nominatum quasi alta ara), agree.
Cf. also Corp. Gloss. Lot., V, 438, 53, and Scholiast on Statius, Theb.,
IV, 459.
3aPott (Etym. Forschungen, II, 4, 299) finds in the word a com-
pound of the root as, to sit, and the prefix alt-, a high seat. This he
regards as more probable than a derivation from altus by means of
the suffix -arts. Vanicek (Etym. Worterbuch, p. 21) derives it from
the root al-, to grow or nourish, from which come also altus and
altitudo. Walde (Lot. Etym. Worterbuch, Altar) condemns this
derivation as meaningless and unsatisfactory from the point of view
of formation and connects it with the verb adoleo. A second passage
of Festus (p. 5, Miiller; p. 4, Thewrewk) agrees with this.
6 ROMAN SACEIFICIAL ALTARS
abundant testimony to the primitive form asa,33 before the
law of rhotacism became effective. This old form is closely
connected with the Umbrian and Marsian asa and aso34
Oscan aasa,36 Volecian asif36 which have a common root
*as,37 meaning to burn or glow. The root meaning of the
word would thus seem to be a place for burnt offering,
although in the earliest times now known to us it had be-
come the common designation for any place of offering,
without regard to the use of fire in the ritual. The ancient
writers seem to be confused and uncertain as to the deriva-
tion of the word.38 Modern scholars are fairly well agreed
in finding in the root the idea of burning.89
The Romans seems to have been aware of an original
distinction between ara and altaria,40 although in practice
"Cf. Terentius Scaurus, 2252, Keil, Gram. Lot., VII, 13: item
Furios dicimus quos antiqui Fusios et aras quas illi asas. Cf. also
Fronto, Laud. Fumi, ed. Naber, p. 213; Macrobius, 5at., Ill, 2, 8;
Servius, ad Aen., IV, 219; Placidus, ed. Deverling, p. 51, 15.
**Vanicek, op. cit., p. 34; Bucheler, TJiribrica, pp. 131, 137 et
passim; Archiv fur Lat. Lex., I, 104; Walde, op. cit., p. 40. For the
difficulties connected with the Umbrian asa cf. von Planta, Gram-
matik der Osk.-Umbr. DialeTcte, I, 527.
M Mommsen, Unteritalische Dialelcten, pp. 137 and 244 ; Vanifiek,
1. c.; Walde, I. c.; Huschke, Die Oskischen und Sabellischen Sprach-
denkmdler, p. 19.
M Walde, I. c.; Bucheler, Archiv, I, 104.
"Cf. Varro, L. L., V, 38; Isidorus, Etymol, XV, 4, 13; Walde,
I. c.; von Planta, Grammatik, I, 527.
88 Cf. for example Varro, quoted by Macrobius, Sat., Ill, 2, 8;
Servius, ad Aen., II, 515; Isidorus, I. c.
** For other derivations cf . Pott, Etym. Forsch., II, 4, 299 ; Vaniiek,
op. cit., p. 34; Fick, Gott. Gelehrt. Anzeiger, 1894, p. 237.
40 In the case of the latter word the form altaria is used almost
exclusively during the classical period. According to Phocas, Keil,
Gram. Lat., V, 428, 13, the word is not used in the singular. Later
the forms altar (GIL, XII, 5338, fifth century), altare (Festus, p.
371, Miiller; p. 4, Thewrewk; Cassiodorus, Keil, op. cit., VII, 209, 3)
and altarium (OIL, VI, 414b, 191 A. D.) appear. An accusative
form, altarem, is frequently found in the Itala and in the Christian
writers.
INTRODUCTION 7
this distinction was commonly disregarded. Servius has
two important passages bearing on this point: superorum
et arae sunt et altaria, inferorum tantum arae.41 Novimus
enim aras et diis esse superis et inferis consecratas, altaria
vero esse superorum tantum deorum.*2 Varro, quoted by
Servius in the first of these passages, makes the further
distinction that diis superis altaria, terrestribus aras, in-
feris focos dicari. In a third passage43 Servius makes this
distinction: mortuorum arae, deorum altaria dicuntur,
. . . quamvis hoc frequenter poeta ipse confundat, and
Isidorus supports this when he says:44 inter altaria et
aras hoc interest, quod altaria deo ponuntur, arae etiam
defunttis. That arae as opposed to altaria were originally
connected with the cult of the heroized dead is shown by
this same commentary of Servius on Eclogue. V, 66, where
it is expressly stated that altaria were erected to Apollo,
quasi deo, while Daphnis by virtue of his mortal nature
received only arae. Too much importance, however, must
not be attached to passages of this sort, since we have the
testimony of Servius that Vergil was not consistent in his
use of the terms, and other writers were probably no more
exact than he. The choice of one word rather than the
other was doubtless often determined merely by metrical
or rhetorical considerations. Altaria, as the more sonorous
term, is frequently preferred by the poets. A large num-
ber of cases might be cited where apparently there is a
distinction between ara and altaria,*5 but these would be
counterbalanced by an equally large number of cases where
the terms are used promiscuously.46 An examination of
41 Ad Aen., II, 515.
a Ad Eel., V, 66.
«• Ad Aen., Ill, 305.
44 Liber Diffvrentiarum, 440.
*E. g., Pliny, Panegyric, I; Lucan, III, 404; Tacitus, Ann.,
XVI, 31.
"Ovid, Met., V, 36; Statius, Silv., Ill, 3, 24; Silius, III, 29.
8 KOMAN SACBIFICIAL ALTARS
the literary evidence fails to support the statements of
Servius and Isidorus quoted above, that both arae and
alia/no, were used in the worship of the celestial divinities,
while sacrifice was offered to the gods of the lower world
on arae, alone. One illustration may suffice: in I, 46 of
the Punica Silius uses altaria as synonymous with an arae
previously used, which he expressly says were erected
caelique diis Ereboque potenti.
From a comparison of passages where the two terms are
used,47 with the support of etymology, certain writers48
have tried to show that altaria was the term used for the
upper part of the altar, as contrasted with ara, the base
of the structure. Others again49 have attempted to limit
altaria to a separate portable support or frame of metal or
terra cotta placed upon the ara at the time of sacrifice.
That such accessories were used is abundantly attested by
the monuments,50 and they would be a necessity in the
case of marble altars which would be calcined by direct
contact with fire. In spite, however, of the evidence for
this practice, the use of the term altaria as applied only
to these accessories is scarcely justified by the literary
evidence.
Before proceeding to a discussion of the various types
of sacrificial altars, a brief catalogue of the examples in
Rome at the present day may be helpful.1 The altars con-
4IVitruvius, IV, 9; Lucan, III, 404; Quintilian, Decl., XII, 26;
Prudentius, Cath., VII, 203, Peristeph., XIV, 49; Servius, ad Eel,
V, 66.
** Forcellini, Lexicon, Altars.
"Ruggiero, Die. Epig., I, 594; Walde, op. cit., p. 20.
50 Cf. Gerhard, Antike Denkmdler, fig. 418.
1 The catalogue includes altars in the Museo Nazionale, Museo
Capitolino, Palazzo dei Conservatori, Antiquarium, Museo Laterano,
Museo Vaticano, in the Forum and on the Palatine. A list believed
to be practically complete for Borne at the present time is given in
the index.
INTBODTTCTION 9
sidered have been divided into two main classes — those
with a curving profile or outline and those with a straight
profile. The first class, though numerically much the
smaller,2 far surpasses the second in interest and impor-
tance. The second class has been divided into four groups :
(A) altars having pulvini or bolsters at the sides; (5)
those with pointed appendages or "horns" at the corners
of the top; (C) flat-topped altars; (Z>) altars with shallow
depressions of various shapes and depths in the upper sur-
face. In a few instances an altar may be classified in two
of these groups — for example, an altar with pulvini or
horns may also have the depression characteristic of Class
II, D — but as a general rule the divisions are clearly
marked. The absence in most cases of any satisfactory
criteria for dating has made even a roughly chronological
arrangement impossible. The altars have therefore been
grouped within the different classes according to their pres-
ent location.
'Only three of the eighty-seven altars considered are included in
Class I.
CATALOGUE
CLASS I
1. Altar of Verminus.
Antiquarium (Magazzino Archeologico) .
OIL, VI, 3732 = 31057; ILS, 4019; BC, Vol. IV,
1876, pp. 24-28; Vol. XXVI, 1898, pp. 164-165;
Lanciani, Ancient Rome in the Light of Recent Excava-
tions, p. 52 ; Studniczka, Oest. Jahreshefte, Vol. VI,
1903, p. 142; Hiilsen, RM, Vol. XX, 1905, pp. 41-42;
Plainer, Ancient Rome2, p. 491.
Illustrated: BC, 1. c., Tav. Ill; Oest. Jahreshefte,
I c., fig. 90 ; RM, I c., p. 42, fig. 8.
Peperino. Height, 1.032 m. ; breadth and depth,
.752 m.
The altar was found in 1876 on the Via del Maccao,
near the present Ministry of Finance. In form it repro-
duces almost exactly that of the altar of Calvinus on the
Palatine,3 except that the top is flat, and not furnished
with pulvini. The base is formed by a quadrangular
plinth, above which is a torus, and a section with curving
outline, narrowing in to the central section, which is com-
posed of a trochilus, bordered by narrow fillets. The three
upper sections reproduce with reversed outline the three
lower sections. The inscription is cut on the front of the
upper plinth:
VEEMINO
A . POSTUMIUS • A . F . A . N . ALBI
DUO • VIB . LEGE PLAETORIA
•Class I, 3.
10
CATALOGUE 11
Next to the altar of Calvinus, the closest parallel is found
in the so-called Altar of Bovillae,4 which is also of the same
material. The altar of Verminus is probably to be dated
in the time of Sulla.5 The divinity to whom the altar is
dedicated is otherwise unknown, and the derivation of the
name is uncertain.6
2. Altar of Veiovis.
Gardens of the Villa Colonna.
C IL, I, 807 = XIV, 2387 ; Nibby, Analisi, I, p. 210 ;
Gell, Rome and its Vicinity, I, p. 219; Canina, Via
Appia, I, pp. 209, 213, 232 ; Dressel, Annali, Vol. LI,
1879, p. 281; Studniczka, Oest. Jahreshefte, Vol. VI,
1903, p. 142.
Illustrated: Bltschl, Pris. Lai. Mon. Epig., 56 F;
Oest. Jahreshefte, I. c., fig. 9.
Peperino. Height, 1.25 m. ; breadth and depth, .95
m. Owing to extensive restoration these measurements
are approximate only.
The altar was found at Bovillae in 1826. Its general
form is similar to that of the Altar of Verminus7 and the
Altar of Calvinus.8 Some differences may, however, be
noted. The front face of the upper plinth, on which the
inscription is cut, projects sharply from the section below,
whereas in the other two altars there is no such projection.
A more important difference is that the upper of the two
• Class I, 2.
' Studniczka (Oest, Jahreshefte, 1903, p. 142) identifies the dedi-
cator of the altar with an A. Postumius Albinus, who was consul in
151 B. C., but as Hiilsen has pointed out (CIL, VI, 31057; SM, Vol.
XX, 1905, p. 41) the forms of the letters and of the words belong
rather to the time of Sulla.
• It appears to be connected with vermis, verminatio. (CIL, I. c.)
7 Class I, 1.
8 Class I, 3.
12 BOMAN SACBIFICIAL ALTAES
sections with curving outline is considerably wider and
deeper than the lower of these sections. In the other
altars of this type the middle sections are of the same size.
No torus mouldings occur on this altar, as on the other
two. The style of the letters points to the first century B. C.
3. Altar of Calvinus.
Southwest slope of the Palatine.
GIL, I, 632 = VI, 30694 ; ILS, 4015 ; Lanciani, EM,
Vol. IX, 1894, p. 33; Richter, Topographic, p. 142;
Marucchi, Le Forum Romain et le Palatin, pp. 310 ff. ;
Studniczka, Oest. Jahreshefte, Vol. VI, 1903, p. 142;
Platner, Ancient Rome2, p. 140 f.
Illustrated: Photo. Alinari, 28692; Marucchi, op.
cit.f p. 311 ; Blinkenberg, Archaologische Studien, p.
124.
Travertine. Height, at center, 1.06 m. ; breadth, .82
m. ; depth, .665 m.
The altar was discovered in the early part of the nine-
teenth century,9 but nothing is known of the circumstances
of its finding. The fact that it now stands 12 m. above
the ancient level10 is sufficient proof that it is not in situ.
A quadrangular section, finished by a torus moulding,
forms the base, above which the outline is carried inward
in a bold curve. The breadth and depth at this point are
reduced to nearly half of the measures of the base. Above
the narrowed portion comes a section whose outward curv-
ing outline brings the altar back to its first dimensions.
This is followed by a torus and a quadrangular plinth, on
the front face of which is cut the inscription :
•Lanciani, EM, Vol. IX, 1894, p. 33, says it was discovered in
1820; Marucchi, Le Forum Bomain et le Pcdatin, p. 310, gives 1829.
u Lanciani, I, c.
ALTAR OF CALVINUS. No. 3.
CATALOGUE 13
SEI . DEO . 8EI . DEIVAE . SAC
C - SEXTIUS . C . F . CALVINUS . PE
DE . 8ENATI SENTENTIA
EESTITUIT
The uppermost member is formed by two pulvini, between
which the upper surface, slightly set back from the edge
of the plinth, runs in a gentle concave curve. The pulvini
are ornamented with scales and bound about the middle
with a broad band or balteus, while the circular ends are
worked in a floral form with a prominent pistil.
Attempts have been made11 to show that this altar is
identical with the one erected by the Romans to Aius
Locutius, in commemoration of the warning of the ap-
proach of the Gauls given them by a mysterious voice,12
but this view is no longer held.13 It seems much more
probable that it was erected to some local divinity.
On grounds of style the altar is to be ascribed to the
11 Nibby, Analisi, I, 321, followed by Mommsen, CIL, I, 632.
"Cicero, De Divin., I, 45; Varro, ap. Gell., XVI, 17; Livy, V, 32.
MHiilsen, CIL, VI, 30694; Marucchi, op. tit., p. 312; Platner, op.
tit., p. 141; Pascal, BC, Vol. XXII, 1894, pp. 188 ff. Topographical
considerations are against the view of Nibby and Mommsen, since the
voice was heard near the Via Nova and the sacred grove of Vesta, on
the opposite side of the hill. The fact that the altar was not found
in situ furnishes some negative evidence for this view, though this
in itself is of small importance. Furthermore, as Pascal pointed out
(op. cit.), it seems strange that the name Aius Locutius does not
appear on the altar, if it was dedicated to him, since the name of that
divinity was well known. Pascal drew attention to a passage of
Dionysius (AR, I, 32) which states that in ancient times there were
near the Lupercal (in the general region of which this altar was
found) a grove and an altar sacred to Pan. The formula used in
clearing a grove was " si deus, si dea es quoium illud sacrum est."
(Cato, De Agr., 139.) It seems reasonable then to connect the altar
of Calvinus with the local genius of this lucus. Visconti and Lan-
ciani, Guida del Palatino, p. 76, suggest that the altar was dedicated
either to some local genius of this part of the hill, or to the genius
of Eome.
14 EOMAN SACRIFICIAL ALTAES
Republican period.14 A C. Sextius Calvinus was consul
in 124 B. C., and it was probably a son of his by the same
name who was a candidate for the praetorship in 100
B. C.15 The Calvinus of the inscription is probably to be
identified with the praetor,16 in which case the altar would
date approximately from the time of Sulla. An original
inscription of this date would not use the form deivae, so
it seems clear that the Sullan inscription is a copy of one
of a much earlier period. It is reasonable to assume also
that the altar itself is a reproduction of the earlier one.
We have then a third example of the Republican Roman
altar, with a date more or less closely defined.
CLASS II, A
4. Altar of I sis.
Museo Nazionale.
GIL, VI, 30915; ILS, 4370; N8, Ser. 4", Vol. VI,
1888, p. 626; BC, Vol. XVII, 1889, p. 37; Jordan,
Topographic, I, 3, p. 305, n. 50.
Marble. Height, .87 m. ; breadth, .38 m. ; depth,
.26 m.
The altar was found in 1888, in the construction of a
sewer on the Via Labicana, near the Baths of Titus. It is
known that there was in this locality a Temple of Isis and
Serapis,17 from which the Region took its name. The
altar is probably to be connected with some shrine or chapel
within the area of the temple. It has a moulded base,
cornice and sides, and the top is flanked by plain pulvini.
"In general appearance it recalls the sarcophagus of L. Cornelius
Scipio Barbatus in the Vatican.
1SCIL, VI, 132; Cicero, Brut., XXXIV, 130; De Orat., II, 61, 249.
19 Mommsen, CIL, I. c.
"Jordan, Topographic, I, 3, pp. 304-305, and Anm. 48; Platner,
Ancient Eome* p. 449, and note 7.
CATALOGUE 15
A patera is represented in relief on the right face ; the left
is plain. In the top, between the pulvini, is a shallow
round depression.18
5. Altar of the, Lares Curiales.
Museo Itfazionale.
N8, Ser. V, Vol. IV, 1907, p. 465 ; BCf Vol. XXXVI,
1908, p. 42.
Illustrated: N8, 1907, p. 466, fig. 39; BC, 1908,
Tav. IV.
Tufa, of a lighter and more friable variety than that
of the altars of the Lares Viales and Lares Semitales,
which were found with it. Height, 1.30 m. ; breadth,
.65 m. ; depth, .65 m.
This altar, together with the two following, was found in
1907, on the Via Portuense, 1.70 m. below the present
level. The three altars were placed in a row, .50 m. apart;
their front faces were towards the road, which was a little
more than 2 m. distant.
The base and cornice are perfectly plain. The top is
flat, flanked by simple pulvini of moderate size, whose
outer surface, in section, is not curved, but continues the
vertical line of the cornice. As a result, the pulvini are
18 The inscription is as follows:
ISIDI . LYDIAE
EDUCATBICI
VALVAS . CUM
ANUBI ET ABA
MUCIANUS AUG
LIB . PBOC
It is interesting as presenting two epithets of Isis previously un-
known— Lydia and educatrix. The first appears to be taken from
Asia Minor, and may refer to the particular form of the Isis cult con-
nected with this shrine. Educatrix probably refers to the functions
of Isis as guardian and nurse of the infant Horus. (Of. BC, Vol.
XVII, 1889, p. 37.)
16 ROMAN SACRIFICIAL ALTARS
not so sharply differentiated from the rest of the altar as
in most cases. The general form of the altar is quite
similar to that of the other two, but the base and pulvini
are higher. The form of the letters also is somewhat dif-
ferent, pointing to an earlier date. It has been suggested19
that this altar was the first of the three to be erected and
stood alone for a time, and that later the other two were
set up beside it.20
6. Altar of the Lares Semitales.
Museo Nazionale.
For references cf. no. 5.
Tufa. Height, 1.30 m. ; breadth, .68 m. ; depth, .65 m.
In form this altar practically reproduces that of the
Lares Curiales (no. 5).
7. Altar of the Lares Viales.
Museo Nazionale.
For references cf. no. 5.
Tufa. Height, 1.30 m. ; breadth, .68 m. ; depth, .65 m.
Similar in form to the two preceding.
8. Altar of Silvanus.
Museo Nazionale. Court.
Marble. Height, .845 m. ; breadth, .495 m. ; depth,
.285 m.
19 Gatti, BC, I. c.
20 The first letters of the second word of the inscription are now
illegible, but there seems to be little doubt that it is to be restored
as CUEIALES. Rurdles naturally suggested itself, as this name for
a vicus of the Fourteenth Kegion is known from CIL, VI, 975, right
side, III, 1, but there is space for more than one letter between the
E and the L. If the reading curiales is correct, we have here a new
epithet for the Lares. It is undoubtedly derived from curia, and
may, as Gatti suggests (BC, L c.), preserve the memory of one of
the ancient curiae.
ALTAR OF SILVANUS. No. 9.
CATALOGUE 17
The base and cornice are elaborately moulded, and sim-
pler mouldings frame the different faces. The middle of
the front face is occupied by a recessed panel, in which is
a full-length figure of Silvanus. He stands full front,
nude, except for a short cloak fastened on the right shoulder,
and high boots. He holds a pruning knife in his right
hand, and his left hand grasps the corner of his cloak, in
the folds of which various fruits and a pine cone are seen.
At his right is a dog looking up at him ; a pine tree with
cones is at his left hand.
The top is flanked by plain round pulvini, which are not
sharply differentiated from the rest of the altar. The flat
upper surface is slightly higher than the pulvini.
9. Altar of Silvanus.
Museo Nazionale. Sala XVIII.
OIL, XIV, 51 ; NS, Ser. 3°, Vol. VII, 1881, pp. 195-
196 ; Helbig, Fuhrer, II, pp. 206-207 ; Strong, Roman
Sculpture, pp. 241-243.
Illustrated: NS, April, 1881, Tav. II; Strong, op.
cit., Pis. LXXIII-LXXIV; Photo. Anderson, 2471-
2473; Photo. Moscioni, 9117, 911&1.
Carrara marble. Height, including the pulvini, 1.095
m. ; depth and breadth, at the cornice, .945 m. ; below
the cornice, .63 m.
The altar was found at Ostia in the spring of 1881, in
a portico behind the theater. It shows great richness and
variety in the sculptured scenes which adorn the four faces,
and in the conventional ornamentation and mouldings.
The base is formed by a quadrangular plinth, .07 m. high,
which bears part of the inscription. The profile of the
altar is set back several centimeters from the edge of this
plinth, which is followed by a second narrower plinth.
18 BOMAN SACRIFICIAL ALTARS
Above this are an astragal, and a broad cyma reversa deco-
rated with a floral design suggestive of the leaf and dart
motive so common in Ionic architecture.21 The cornice is
composed of three mouldings — a cyma recta, adorned with
finely wrought leaves, between whose tips more slender
leaves are seen ; below a narrow fillet a platband with boldly
projecting dentils, and lastly a cyma reversa with a leaf
pattern similar to that of the base, but less elaborate. The
angles of the different cymae are adorned with graceful and
delicately wrought acanthus leaves.
The pulvini are covered with laurel leaves, arranged in
a pattern resembling scales. They contract slightly at the
middle, where they are bound by a braided balteus. Their
ends are elaborately worked in a floral design, with parts
in fives. In the center of the flat upper surface of the
altar is an irregular hole, varying in depth from .055 m.
to .12 m.
The sculptured scenes of the altar have been too fre-
quently described to require more than a brief mention.
The angles below the cornice are occupied by boldly
wrought rams' heads, from whose horns depend fillets and
heavy garlands of fruit bound with fluttering ribbons.
The lower angles seem to have been occupied by sphinxes
or other fantastic animals, of which but scanty traces are
now left. Their almost complete disappearance suggests
that they were wrought from separate pieces of marble.22
The front of the altar has a scene representing the court-
ship of Mars and Venus, while the back has a charming
version of the birth of Romulus and Remus. On the sides
amorini are mischievously busy with the arms and chariot
of Mars.
21 Cf. Marquand, Greek Architecture, fig. 183.
**For a better preserved example of this motive, cf. an altar in
the Ludovisi Collection, Museo Nazionale. Illustrated: Altmann,
Edm. Grdbaltdre, fig. 69.
ALTAR OF SILVANUS. No. 8. ALTAR OF THE LARES AUGUSTI. No. 14.
ALTAR OF THE LARES AUGUSTI. No. 70. ALTAR OF VICTORIA AUGUSTA. No. 10.
CATALOGUE 19
The inscription on the plinth enables us to ascribe the
altar to the year 124 A. D.
10. Altar of Victoria Augusta.
Museo Nazionale, Court, 30355 bis.
A quadrangular marble altar, with moulded base and
cornice of several members. The faces are slightly con-
cave between flat mouldings at the corners. Height, .84
m. ; breadth, .45 m. ; depth, .435 m.
On the front face, surrounding the dedication, is a laurel
wreath, tied with ribbons. On the sides are smaller, lighter
wreaths, through which palm branches pass. On the back
are a patera and an urceu$. The top is flat, with pulvini
at the sides, adorned with large leaves with crinkly mar-
gins. There is a decided contraction at the middle of the
pulvini. The ends, now much broken, seem to have been
worked in rosettes. Across the front, between the pulvini,
is a conventional spiral design.
11. Altar of Mater Deum.
Museo Capitolino.
OIL, VI, 492 ; ILS, 4096 ; Preller-Jordan, Romische
Mythologie, II, p. 58, anm. 1 ; Roscher, Lexicon, II, p.
481 ; Philologus, Vol. LII, 1899, pp. 581-582 ; Helbig,
Fuhrer, I, pp. 291-292.
Illustrated: Baumeister, Denkmdler, fig. 864; DS,
fig. 2243.
Marble. Height, (at center), .815 m. ; breadth, .52
m. ; depth, .45 m.
The altar was found during the pontificate of Clement
XI (1700-1721) on the banks of the Tiber at the foot of
the Aventine.23 The base, cornice and sides of the various
"It was at first taken to the Vatican; later, under Clement XIII
(1758-1765), it was transferred to the Capitoline.
20 ROMAN SACRIFICIAL ALTARS
faces are simply moulded. The top is furnished with plain
pulvini, which are not sharply differentiated from the rest
of the altar. On the front is represented in low relief the
well-known legend of the bringing of the image of Magna
Mater to Rome in 204 B. C., and the part played in its
reception by the Vestal Claudia Quinta.24 A seated
figure of the goddess is placed on the deck of a ship, which
a woman, characterized as a Vestal by the suffibulum over
her head, is drawing to the shore.25 On the right face is a
lituus, on the left a pileus.
12. Altar of Sol Sanctissimus.
Museo Capitolino.
C7L, VI, 710; ILS, 433T; Strong, Roman Sculpture,
p. 312.
Illustrated : Strong, op. cit., PI. XCVL
Marble. Height, .85 m. ; breadth and depth, .45 m.
* Ovid, Fasti, IV, 247 ff.
55 The inscription
MATEI . DEUM . ET NAVISALVIAE
SALVIAE VOTO SUSCEPTO
CLAUDIA SYNTYCHE
D. D.
has given rise to considerable discussion. It is uncertain whether
NAVISALVIAE is to be read as one word or two. If it is one word,
it must be regarded as referring to the Vestal Claudia Quinta, who
would then be honored side by side with the mother of the gods, — a
canonization for which there is as yet no parallel. It seems more
reasonable to suppose that Salvia was the name of the ship. A tri-
reme of this name is mentioned several times as belonging to the
praetorian fleet of Misenum. (Cf. Ferrero, L' Ordinamento delle
Armate Eomane, p. 29.) This view is supported by Orelli (1905),
Helbig, Henzen and Bloch (Philologus, I. c.). In this case the repe-
tition of the word Salviae in the second line would probably be due
to a mistake of the stone-cutter, though Bloch suggests that the Greek
freedwoman Claudia Syntyche, as a result of her limited knowledge
of Latin, used it in the sense of pro salute. (For the epithet Salvia
applied to Proserpina cf. Am. Journ. of Philology, 1912, supp. pp.
17, 18 et passim.')
CATALOGUE 21
Simple mouldings form the base and cornice. The lower
part of the front face, above the base, is occupied by the
inscription, which is framed by a moulding. Between the
inscription and cornice the background is sunk, and a flat
plain moulding surrounds the field thus formed. On the
ledge made by the recessing of the background stands an
eagle with partly opened wings, recalling the Hadrianic
eagle in the porch of the 88. Apostoli.26 He bears on his
wings a bust of the youthful sungod, whose radiate hair is
surrounded by an aureole. The boy wears a chlamys, fas-
tened on the right shoulder by a round brooch. The whole
composition has a simplicity and sweet gravity that render
it very attractive.
On the right face is the bust of a veiled priest, who holds
a sickle. A quadriga drawn by winged horses occupies
the left face. The charioteer, who is just stepping into
the chariot, is being crowned by Victory. On the back is
a cypress, in the midst of which appears a head.
The top has small pulvini at the sides, which are bound
about the middle. The ends of the pulvini are worked in
five-petaled rosettes, between which the front rises in a
gentle curve. A wreath tied by fluttering ribbons fills the
central space of the front, and between the ribbons and the
rosettes are palmettes of the " spreading "2T type. The
upper surface has a square shallow depression.
13. Altar of Bono, Dea.
Palazzo dei Conservatori.
OIL, VI, 30855.
Quadrangular marble altar. Height, including top,
1.05 m. ; breadth, .50 m. ; depth, .39 m.
* Illustrated : Strong, Eoman Sculpture, PI. LXIX.
* Cf. Riegl, Stilfragen, p. 210 and fig. 110. The terms "spread-
ing" and "drooping" have been used to translate Eiegl 's "ge-
sprengt" and " iiberf attend."
22 EOMAN SACRIFICIAL ALTARS
The base, cornice and sides are simply moulded. The
upper surface has a quadrangular depression in the middle
and is flanked by plain pulvini, which contract at the
middle, and grow smaller again just before reaching the
end.28 The ends of the pulvini are not sharply differ-
entiated from the front, but are covered by part of the
general design, which consists of spirals ending in rosettes.
The angles are filled with palmettes.29 On the right face
a patera is represented, on the left an urceus.
14. Altar of the Lares Augusti.
Palazzo dei Conservatori.
OIL, VI, 30957 ; IL8, 3615 ; N8, Ser. 4", Vol. IV,
1888, p. 498 ; BO, Vol. XVI, 1888, pp. 327, 379 ; Vol.
XVII, 1889, pp. 69-72 ; EM, Vol. IV, 1889, pp. 265 ff. ;
Strong, Roman Sculpture, pp. 73, 74; Altmann, Rom.
Grabaltdre, no. 232.
Illustrated: Photo. Moscioni, 10465; BC, 1889, Tav.
Ill ; Koscher, Lexicon, II, p. 1895 ; RM, 1889, pp. 266,
267 ; Strong, op. cit., Pis. XXIII and XXIV ; Altmann,
op. cit., figs. 141 and 141*.
Marble. Height, 1.05 m. ; breadth and depth, .54 m.
Three of the upper corners are restored, but the restora-
tion has been made on the basis of what remains and is
therefore perfectly certain.
The altar was found in 1888, on the Via Arenula, 8 m.
below the present level of the street. It stood on a founda-
tion of two courses of travertine blocks, on which the part
of the inscription giving the name of the vicus was cut.
The base is formed of three mouldings ; the central one
is worked in scales, and the topmost one is decorated with
28 For an illustration of this form of pulvinus cf . Altmann, Bom.
Grabaltdre, fig. 94.
* For this scheme of decoration cf. Altmann, op. cit., figs. 62 and 63,
CATALOGUE 23
a leaf pattern that recalls that of the lowest moulding of
the cornice of the Silvanus altar from Ostia (no. 9). The
various faces are framed by two flat mouldings. The cor-
nice is composed of a cyma recta with a rich leaf pattern
and a platband with dentils. The top is flanked by pulvini
whose diameter is the same throughout. The scheme of
decoration is different from anything heretofore noticed.
They are bound about the middle with two broad braided
bands, which are followed on either side by a section about
a quarter of the length of the whole pulvinus covered with
a scale pattern. The concluding sections are channeled in
the manner of an Ionic column. The front ends of the
pulvini are not differentiated, but the design runs across
the entire width of the altar. This design consists of broad
spirals or volutes, with small four-petaled rosettes in the
oculi and half palmettes of the "spreading" type in the
angles. The top has a small square depression.
On the front face is represented the sacrifice of the four
vicomagistri who dedicated the altar. They wear togas,
and are veiled for sacrifice. They are grouped about a
plain square flat-topped altar, two on the right side and two
on the left. Their right arms are extended over the altar,
and the foremost man on the left seems to be making a liba-
tion with a patera. At the left two victimarii are bringing
in the victims, a pig for the Lares, a bull for the Genius
Augusti. In the rear, at the extreme left, is a third at-
tendant with a bundle of rods, while behind the altar a
tibicen is playing on a double flute. On each of the side
faces a Lar is represented, standing on a small square
pedestal, which suggests that the type was taken over from
some work in the round. They wear the usual short flut-
tering tunic, girded with a broad sash with pointed ends.
They carry laurel branches in their right hands. The
object in the left hands has been destroyed, but on the
24 BOMAN SACBIFICIAL ALTAES
analogy of similar representations it is probably to be
restored as a rhyton.30 On the back was a corona civica,
of which only the ribbons are left.
The altar was dedicated to the Lares Augusti by four
magistri of the vicus Aescleti31 in the ninth year after the
revival of the cult of the Lares by Augustus.32 The orders
of Augustus were completely carried out in the city in the
year 7 B. C.,33 so this altar, erected in the ninth year of
the restored cult, dates from 2 A. D.34
15. Altar of Caius Marilius.
Museo Laterano.
OIL, XI, 3616 ; Annali, Vol. XXX, 1858, pp. 5-17;
Vol. XXXIV, 1862, p. 309 ; Bulletino, 1859, pp. 172 ff. ;
Benndorf-Schone, Die Antiken Bildwerke d. Lot. Mu-
seums, no. 216; Altmann, Rom. Grdbaltdre, no. 235;
Helbig, Fuhrer, I, p. 454, no. 681.
80 Cf . for example, the altar of C. Manlius, no. 15.
w The name of this vicus is otherwise unknown. Gatti (BC, Vol.
XVI, 1888, pp 379 ff.) suggests that Aescleti is contracted from
Aesculeti, and that the vicus may have been so named from its near-
ness to an aesculetum or oakgrove. (Cf. Varro, L. L., V, 152, and
Pliny, N. H., XVI, 37.)
MCf. Cassius Dio, LV, 8; Pliny, N. H., Ill, 66 Suetonius, Aug.,
XXX ; Marquardt, Bom. Staatsverwaltung, III, pp. 204 ff . ; Momm-
sen, Edm. Staatsrecht, I, p. 328; p. 391, anm. 5.
* Cf . Henzen on CIL, VI, 454.
91 Only two other altars dedicated to the Lares Augusti by vico-
magistri are known — one in the Vatican, Sala delle Muse, CIL, VI,
445, the other in the Uffizi, CIL, VI, 448. They are adorned with
sculptured scenes similar to those of the altar in the Conservator!,
except that in the first case the genius of Augustus is represented, in
the second Augustus with his wife and son. To quote the words of
Gatti, BC, Vol. XVII, 1889, pp. 69 ff.: "These two altars show the
connection between the public cult of the Lares and that of Augustus,
bearing as they do a personification of the genius of the family of
the Caesars, or the images of Augustus, his wife and his son. The
Ara Aescleti indicates this connection in cult solely by the scene of
sacrifice, where the two animals are the proper victims for sacrifice
to the genius of the Emperor and in honor of the Lares."
ALTAR OF CAIUS MANLIUS. No. 15.
CATALOGUE 25
Illustrated: Mon. dell' Inst., Vol. VI, 1858, Tav.
XIII; Altmann, op. cit., figs. 143 and 143°.
Marble. Height, .90 m. ; breadth, .65 m. ; depth, .50 m.
The altar was found in 1846 at Cerveteri. The base and
cornice are composed of simple unadorned mouldings, and
narrow mouldings frame the different faces, which are
slightly sunk. A scene of sacrifice is represented on the
front face. Below the cornice at right and left are bou-
crania in low relief, between which is suspended a garland
of olive leaves. The sacrificial scene below falls into two
groups. At the right is a small quadrangular altar with
moulded base and cornice, piled with fruit. Wreaths are
suspended from the boucrania at the corners, and in the
spaces above the wreaths are small paterae. At the right
stands the priest, clad in tunic and toga, one fold of which
is drawn up over his head in the usual manner. He is
pouring a libation upon the altar from a small patera held
in his right hand. Directly behind the altar stands the
camillus clad in a short-sleeved tunic. A fringed mappa
is thrown over his left shoulder, and in his right hand is
the urceus, from which he has filled the priest's patera. At
his right is the tibicen playing upon the double flute. The
head and shoulders of a fourth figure are faintly indicated
in the background, between the priest and the camillus.
According to Henzen,35 this is the praeco, according to
Garucci,36 the monitor or praecentor. At the left of the
altar two kneeling, half-nude victimarii are holding the
head of the bull in position to receive the fatal blow about
to be delivered by the popa at the extreme left. Behind
the bull is a second popa, bearing a malleus on his right
shoulder, and holding a flat dish of fruit or cakes in his
* Annali, Vol. XXX, 1858, p. 11.
88 Monumenti del Museo Lateranense, pp. 27-29.
26 ROMAN SACBIFICIAL ALTARS
upraised left hand. The execution is poor, but the whole
scene is one of exceptional interest for the ritual of sacrifice.
The sides are occupied by figures of Lares which in gen-
eral conception and pose recall those of the altar of the
Vicomagistri (no. 14). Here, however, the figure is placed
between two small laurel bushes ; the rhyton on one side is
in the upraised right hand, on the other in the left, while
the other hand holds a small patera.
The back is occupied by a scene that has not yet been
satisfactorily explained. In the middle is the figure of a
woman, apparently a goddess, seated on a throne which is
placed on a high rock basis. The throne has an elaborately
wrought back, and is furnished with a footstool. The god-
dess is clad in a stola and a palla, which is drawn up over
her head. The outstretched right hand holds a patera,
and her left arm supports a large cornucopia. At her right
is a group of three women, whose dress is the same as hers.
The one nearest to her lays her right hand upon her knee,
apparently in supplication, while the other two have their
hands upraised, as if in entreaty. At the left of the god-
dess are three men, clad in tunic and toga. The one in
the middle is grasping his neighbor to the right by the
throat, as if to threaten him, while the man nearest the
throne looks with interest at this scene.37
The top is flanked by pulvini which vary but little in
w This scene has been variously interpreted. Benndorf-Schone,
Henzen and Helbig see in the goddess a representation of Fortuna
or possibly Salus (Henzen), to whom the sacrificial scene on the front
is to be referred. Cavedoni suggests (Bulletino, 1859, pp. 173 ff.)
that the goddess is Concordia and interprets the group of three men
as a debtor oppressed by a usurer, with a kindly disposed citizen,
probably Manlius, trying to make peace between them. The three
women would represent the wives of oppressed debtors relieved by
Manlius. This interpretation seems too fanciful to be accepted, and
it is more reasonable to explain the scene as some phase of the cult
of Fortune.
CATALOGUE 27
diameter. They are bound about the middle by a triple
battens, and adorned with long leaves with crinkled edges.
The ends are worked in a coarse rosette form. The pulvini
are sharply differentiated from the rest of the top, which
extends in a flat surface between them.
16. Altar of Diana.
Vatican, Museo Chiaramonti, 119.E7.
GIL, XIV, 2212; ILS, 3244; Amelung, Sc. des Vat.
Mus., I, p. 385.
A small quadrangular marble altar, with moulded base
and cornice.38 A patera is represented on the right face,
an urceus on the left. The top has small pulvini whose
ends are worked in floral forms. The upper surface be-
tween the pulvini is broken, but apparently was flat origi-
nally. It has a shallow square depression.
Although dedicated to Diana Nemorensis this altar need
not necessarily have come from Nemi, as altars may have
been erected to this goddess at Rome also.
17. Altar of Diana.
Vatican, Museo Chiaramonti, 1234.
Amelung, Sc. des Vat. Mus., I, p. 390.
Illustrated : Amelung, op. cit., I, Taf. 41.
Fine-grained yellowish marble. Height, .79 m. ;
breadth, .505 m. ; depth, .33 m.
Simple mouldings form the base and frame the various
faces. The cornice projects at the sides, but is flat in
front. Volutes, meeting and fastened at the middle and
ending in flowers apparently of the lily family, adorn the
front face above the upper mouldings. At the sides are
88 1 was not allowed to take measurements in the Vatican. In cases
where dimensions are given, they have been taken from Amelung,
Sc. des Vat. Mus.
28 EOMAN SACBIFICIAL, ALTARS
small pulvini, not sharply differentiated from the rest of
the top, whose ends are worked in floral forms.
A rustic shrine is represented on the front face. On a
slight rise of ground is a rock altar, against which rest a
quiver, a bow and two spears. At the left of the altar is
a female figure in a long garment, holding a torch in each
upraised hand. Behind the altar is a tree. The right
face has a representation of a deer lying on the ground
under a small oak tree, facing to the right. On the left
face is a large hound, seated and facing to the right.
The work is of the first century A. D.
18. Altar of Dispater and Hercules.
Vatican, Museo Chiaramonti, 2695.
GIL, VI, 139 ; Amelung, 8c. des Vat. Mus., I, p. 489.
Illustrated: Amelung, op. cit., I, Taf. 50.
A very small marble altar, with moulded base and cor-
nice. At the sides of the top are small pulvini of the same
diameter throughout. They are decorated with a single
row of long pointed leaves. The ends of the pulvini are
finished with a plain band, so the leaves do not extend their
entire length. A similar band passes about the middle of
the pulvini. Between the pulvini the front and back faces
rise in a low curve. A shallow quadrangular depression is
thus formed in the top.
19. Altar of the Genius Horreorum.
Vatican, Museo Chiaramonti, 634A.
GIL, VI, 235 ; IL8, 3663 ; Euggiero, Diz. Epig., Ill,
15, p. 462 ; Amelung, Sc. des Vat. Mus., I, p. 736.
Illustrated: Amelung, op. cit., I, Taf. 78.
A medium sized marble altar, with moulded base, cor-
nice and sides. The top has small pulvini at the sides, which
ALTAR OF THE DIOSCURI. No. 21.
CATALOGUE 29
contract slightly at the middle and taper toward the end.
They are decorated with long slender overlapping leaves,
and are bound about the middle with a narrow balteus.
The ends are worked in rosettes. The top is flat at pres-
ent, though its appearance suggests that it may have been
cut off. The front between the pulvini is adorned with
volutes ending at the middle in rosettes.
The altar dates from the year 75 A. D.
20. Altar of Hercules.
Vatican, Museo Chiaramonti, 2924.
GIL, VI, 262 = XIV, 3905; Amelung, 8c. des Vat.
Mus., I, p. 504.
Illustrated: Amelung, op. cit., I, Taf. 51.
Fine-grained bluish marble. Height, .48 m. ; breadth,
.355 m. ; depth, .28 m.
The base, cornice and sides are simply moulded. The
top is occupied by two cushionlike elevations, running from
side to side of the altar, and not from front to back, like
the ordinary pulvini. On the right face is a patera, on the
left an urceus. On the front face below the inscription is
a sunken circle, .14 m. in diameter, in the midst of which
is a deep round hole. This, as has been pointed out,89 can
hardly have served for libation purposes, but may have
been due to the use of the altar at some period as a fountain
head.
21. Altar of the Dioscuri.
Forum. Precinct of Juturna.
RM, Vol. XV, 1900, p. 343; Vol. XVII, 1902, pp.
68 ff.; N8, Ser. V, Vol. VIII, 1900, p. 292; Ser. V,
Vol. IX, 1901, pp. 94 ff.; EC, Vol. XXXI, 1903, p.
"Amelung, I. c.
30 ROMAN SACRIFICIAL ALTARS
192, n. 1 ; Neue Jahrbucher, Vol. IX, 1902, p. 379 ;
Marucchi, Le Forum Romain, p. 194; Hiilsen-Carter,
The Roman Forum, pp. 166-167; Plainer, Ancient
Rome2, p. 219.
Illustrated: NS, 1901, pp. 95-99 ; Hiilsen-Carter, op.
cit., figs. 93 and 94; Neue Jahrbucher, I. c., fig. 4;
Photo. Moscioni, 6763.
Fine-grained white marble with grayish veins. Height,
1.40 m. ; breadth, .82 m. ; depth, .60 m.
The altar was found in the spring of 1900, during the
excavation of the Lacus Jutumae. It stands on a high
plinth, above which are three mouldings, an astragal, a
cyma reversa and a cyma recta, carrying the profile in-
ward. The cymae are adorned with leaf patterns. The
various faces are framed by a broad flat band, followed by
a cyma reversa with a leaf pattern, within which the field
is deeply recessed. A ledge is thus formed, on which stand
the figures sculptured in high relief. The cornice is com-
posed of an astragal, and two cymae with patterns similar
to those of the base. Above the cornice is a plinth of con-
siderably smaller dimensions, flanked by pulvini. They
contract at the middle, where they are bound by a balteus
with beaded edges, and a similar band is used again just
before the end. The ends are worked in five-petaled ro-
settes, and long slender leaves with entire edges adorn them
lengthwise.
On one of the long sides of the altar are represented the
Dioscuri, nude except for the chlamys fastened on the
right shoulder. They wear the high pointed cap or pileus
with a star at the apex, and carry a spear in the right hand
and a sword in the left.40 On one of the short sides is rep-
40 For this type, probably of Alexandrian origin, cf. Beinach,
Repertoire de la Statuaire, II, p. 109, 4.
ALTAR OF JUTURNA. No. 22.
CATALOGUE 31
resented Jupiter, standing with his right hand resting on
his spear. His himation is thrown loosely over his left
shoulder, leaving the upper part of the body bare. Leda
and the swan occupy the other short side. As in the case
of Jupiter, the upper part of the body is bare, but the
himation passes in heavy folds about the figure, as if blown
by the wind, forming a background for the head and torso.
The swan crouches at her feet. On the fourth side is the
figure of a woman, clad in a long Doric chiton, and holding
in her hands a long torch. She has been identified as
Diana Lucifera,41 but it seems more reasonable to suppose
that she is Helen in the guise of Selene.42 Thus the family
circle is complete.
The altar must date after the restoration of the Locus
Juturnae by Tiberius.
22. Altar of Juturna.
Forum. Precinct of Juturna.
N8, Ser. V, Vol. VIII, 1900, p. 202 ; Ser. V, Vol.
IX, 1901, pp. 79 ff. ; EC, Vol. XXVIII, 1900, p. 68 ;
EM, Vol. XVII, 1902, p. 70; Neue Jahrbucher, Vol.
IX, 1902, p. 378; Marucchi, Le Forum Romain, p.
192; Thedenat, Le Forum Romain, p. 280; Hiilsen-
Carter, The Roman Forum, pp. 169-170; Platner,
Ancient Rome2, p. 216.
Illustrated: NS, 1901, p. 80; Neue Jahrbucher, I. c.t
fig. 3 ; Hiilsen-Carter, op. cit., p. 170, fig. 96 ; Marucchi,
op. cit., p. 191 ; Photo. Moscioni, 67624.
Marble. Height, .875 m. ; breadth, .62 m. ; depth,
.395 m.
ttSo Thedenat and Marucchi, op. cit.
0 Petersen, EM, Vol. XV, 1900, p. 343, Deubner, Neue Jahrbucher,
I. c., and Hiilsen-Carter, op. cit., follow this interpretation.
32 ROMAN SACRIFICIAL ALTAES
The altar was found in 1900, in the course of the exca-
vations at the precinct of Juturna, lying on its face to serve
as a step to a puteal. The base is formed by a plinth fol-
lowed by three mouldings — an astragal and two cymae with
leaf and tongue patterns. The front face is framed by a
flat band, followed by a cyma reversa with a coarse leaf
ornament. The field is deeply recessed. Two mouldings
adorned with leaf patterns form the cornice. The top con-
sists of a low plinth of smaller dimensions than the cornice,
at the sides of which are pulvini. They are of the usual
type — bound about the middle, and growing slightly smaller
towards the ends, which are worked in five-petaled rosettes.
Between the pulvini the top is slightly depressed, and has
two shallow square holes, placed nearly opposite each other
in the short axis. Boni suggests43 that they may have been
used for the attachment of some accessory at the time of
sacrifice.
On the front of the altar are represented a man and a
woman, apparently in lively conversation. The man, who
stands at the left, wears a tunic and cuirass, over which is
a chlamys, fastened on the left shoulder. He carries a
spear and a shield. The woman wears a Doric chiton and
himation, and holds a scepter in her left hand. Her right
arm is outstretched towards the man. There is little doubt
that these figures represent Turnus and Juturna, as they
are described by Vergil.44 On the right face is a patera
in high relief, on the left an urceus.
The style of the work seems to be that of the time of
Severus.
CLASS II, B
23. Altar of Sol Invictus Mithras.
Museo Nazionale.
"N8, 1901, pp. 79 ff.
«* Aen., XII, 872-886.
.IMlCtNiO
ETFvONjVS
'VF
ALTAR OF HERCULES PRIMIGENIUS. No. 24.
CATALOGUE 33
OIL, VI, 3724 = 31041.
Marble. Height, 1.04 m. ; breadth, .43 m. ; depth,
.32m.
The altar was found near the Ministry of Finance. The
base, cornice and sides of the different faces are simply
moulded. On the right side is a patera in relief, on the
left an urceus. There are no pulvini, but the front has
simple horn-shaped appendages at the corners.
24. Altar of Hercules Primigenius.
Museo Capitolino.
OIL, VI, 30907; ILS, 3433; N8, Ser. 4°, Vol. IV,
1888, p. 571 ; BC, Vol. XVI, 1888, p. 405.
Coarse-grained marble. Height, including top, 1.05
m. ; without top, .87 m. ; breadth, .46 m. ; depth, .385 m.
The altar was found near the Porta Salaria in 1888.
The base, cornice and sides are moulded. The top is fur-
nished with pointed horns at the four corners. Between
those of the front face rises a pointed fastigium, or gable,
in which is an eagle with outspread wings in low relief.
Palmettes fill the spaces at the sides. Between the horns
of the sides and the fastigium of the front face the upper
surface of the altar is elevated to about the height of the
horns, thus presenting a flat raised surface .22 m. X .15 m.
On the right face is a patera in relief, on the left an urceus.
25. Altar of Neptune.
Museo Laterano.
GIL, XIV, 3558; ILS, 3292.
Coarse marble. Height, at center, .775 m. ; breadth,
.435 m. The altar is built into a wall, so its original
depth cannot be ascertained.
34 ROMAN SACRIFICIAL ALTARS
The base, cornice and sides of the faces are moulded.
The top, which is set back from the cornice, has blunt horns
at the corners. Between them the top is carried over in
a gentle curve, which rises to the same height as the horns.
On the right face is a praefericulum and above it an arcula.
26. Ara Taurobolata.
Vatican, Galleria Lapidaria, 31.
OIL, XIV, 39;ILS,4155.
A marble altar of medium size, found at Ostia or Portus.
The front face has small horns at the corners. Except for
these the upper surface is flat. The consular date assigns
it to the year 199 A. D.
27. Altar of Aesculapius.
Vatican, Galleria Lapidaria, 196.
OIL, VI, 17 ; Amelung, Sc. des Vat. Mus., I, p. 301.
A small marble altar, with simply moulded base, cornice
and sides. On the right face a patera is represented, on
the left an urceus. At the corners are hornlike appendages,
between which the front face is carried upward with a
boldly curving outline.
CLASS II, C
28. Altar of Diana.
Museo Nazionale, Court, 102.
OIL, VI, 30861; N8, Ser. 4°, Vol. II, 1886, p. 52;
BC, Vol. XIV, 1886, p. 88.
Marble. Height, 1.04 m. ; breadth, .475 m. ; depth,
.505 m.
The altar was found in 1886, in a pozzolana pit, on the
Via Ardeatina. It is unusually well preserved. The base,
cornice and sides are moulded, and the top is flat.
CATALOGUE 35
29. Altar of Dispater.
Museo Nazionale, Court, 78.
OIL, VI, 137.
A plain marble altar, with moulded base, cornice and
sides. Height, .975 m. ; breadth, .67 m. ; depth, .47 m.
The top is flat.
On the right face is a patera in relief, on the left an
urceus.
30. Altar of Lares Augusti.
Museo Nazionale, Court, 47808.
OIL, VI, 446 ; ILS, 3612.
A fragmentary marble altar. Present height, 1.03
m. ; breadth, .70 m. The original depth cannot be
determined.
, The altar was found in 1676, on the island of the Tiber.
At the corners are olive branches, between which is a
wreath of oak leaves. The base is moulded. The top is
much broken, but appears to have been flat originally.
31. Altar of Liber.
Museo Nazionale, Court.
OIL, VI, 30965 ; NS, Ser. 3°, Vol. XIII, 1884, p.
375 ; EC, Vol. XII, 1884, p. 39, no. 765.
Pavonazzetto marble. Height, .82 m. ; breadth, .46 m.
The original depth cannot now be determined.
The altar was found near the Villa Farnesina in 1884.
It has a simply moulded base and cornice and a flat top.
The letters are poorly cut.
32. Altar of Lucina.
Museo Nazionale, Court, 306.
36 EOMAN SACRIFICIAL ALTAES
OIL, VI, 3695 = 30918; Visconti e Lanciani, Guida
del Palatino, p. 67.
A circular marble altar. Height, 1.01 m. ; diameter,
.525 m.
This altar, together with a similar one dedicated to
Minerva (no. 33), was found in the Farnese Gardens on
the Palatine, near the Clivus Victoriae. The base and cor-
nice are simply moulded. The decoration consists of three
wreaths tied with ribbons. The wreaths are lighter than
those of the altar of Minerva, and the ribbons are longer
and more flowing.
33. Altar of Minerva.
Museo Nazionale, Court, 309.
GIL, VI, 3704=30981; Visconti e Lanciani, Guida
del Palatino, p. 67.
Marble. Height, 1 m. ; diameter, .52 m.
This altar was found together with the altar dedicated
to Lucina (no. 32), which it closely resembles in decoration.
34. Altar of Sanctissimus Hercules Invictus.
Museo Capitolino.
C7L,VI, 321-, ILS, 3446.
A plain marble altar with moulded base, cornice and
sides. Height, .59 m. ; breadth, .34 m. ; the depth can-
not now be determined.
The inscription dates the altar in the year 149 A. D.
35. Altar of Isis.
Museo Capitolino, Court, 24.
OIL, VI, 344.
Marble. Height, .865 m. ; breadth, .42 m. ; depth,
.41 m.
CATALOGUE 37
The base and cornice are moulded and the top is flat. A
cista mystica is represented on the front face. It is deco-
rated with a crescent moon and ears of wheat, and a snake
is coiled about the top. On the right face is Anubis with
a palm branch, and on the left face Horus holding a corn-
ucopia. He is nude except for a cloak thrown over the
left shoulder. On the back are represented the patera,
urceus and sacrificial knife.
36. Altar of Jupiter Optimus Maximus.
Museo Capitolino.
OIL, VI, 402; ILS, 4396; Helbig, FuJirer, I, pp.
353-354; Strong, Roman Sculpture, p. 312 ; Altmann,
Rom. Grabaltare, no. 249.
Illustrated: Strong, op. cit., PL XCVII; Altmann,
op. cit., fig. 149.
This large marble altar was found in 1745 on the Via
Appia, between S. Sebastiano and the tomb of Caecilia
Metella. The top and bottom are broken. The fields of
the various faces are surrounded by simple mouldings.
The front face is occupied by an oak wreath tied with
ribbons, within which the inscription is placed. The ex-
ecution of the wreath is admirable. On the right face is
a representation of a trophy, at the left of which stands a
figure of Victory, while the goddess Roma is at the right,
seated on a rock. The left face represents the prepara-
tions for a sacrifice. At the left is a victimarius leading
a bull, and at the right stands a man, probably the dedi-
cator Scipio Orfitus himself. His head is veiled with his
toga for sacrifice and he holds a patera in his right hand.
The back of the altar is occupied by a scene the meaning
of which is not clear. In the background is seen a walled
town, whose towers and trees appear above the enclosure.
38 ROMAN SACRIFICIAL ALTARS
A garland suspended from the wall indicates a festival of
some kind. In the right foreground before the city gate
is T,ellus, reclining on the ground, in an attitude similar to
that which she has on the cuirass of the Augustus found at
Prima Porta.45 Her left arm is thrown about the child at
her side, while her right hand holds her mantle extended,
disclosing the fruits with which her lap is piled. At the
left, mounted upon a bull charging towards Tellus, is a man
in armor, possibly the representation of an emperor. He
holds a cornucopia in his left hand and a branch of laurel
in his right. The shape of the head has suggested an
identification with Caracalla, whose devotion to the cult of
Serapis is well known,46 but the head is too mutilated to
make this certain. A more trustworthy means of dating is
afforded by the inscription, since this Scipio Orfitus is
probably to be identified with the Lucius Cornelius Scipio
Orfitus who offered a taurobolium in the year 295 A. D.47
37. Altar of Mercury.
Museo Capitolino.
OIL, VI, 518 = 30784; IL8, 3190.
An altar of peperino having the form of a truncated
cone. Height, .505 m. ; diameter of upper surface, .47 m.
The top is flat. The base and cornice are decorated
with egg and dart mouldings and astragals and with guttae.
The character of the letters points to the time of the
Republic.
**Cf. Brunn-Bruckmann, Denkmdler der Gr. u. Edm. Sculptur, PI.
225; Strong, op. tit., PI. III.
" Hiilsen in Rhein. Mus., N. F., Vol. XLIX, 1894, pp. 394-396.
4T CIL, VI, 505, 506; IL8, 4143, 4144. Strong and Altmann accept
the later date, but Helbig on grounds of style prefers the time of
Caracalla.
CATALOGUE 39
38. Altar of Deus Sanctus.
Palazzo del Conservator!.
GIL, VI, 2807 = 32582; ILS, 4068.
Marble. Height, .455 m. ; breadth, .195 m. ; depth,
.185 m.
The base and cornice are moulded. The top presents an
interesting variation from the usual types. It is flat, but
on the front and sides are represented in very shallow relief
the horns so frequently found worked in the round. The
front is further elaborated by a circle in relief between the
horns. The work is rough, and this device may have been
used to suggest the more elaborate and expensive form.
39. Altar of Silvanus.
Palazzo dei Conservatori.
Marble. Height, .68 m. ; breadth, .315 m. ; depth,
.22 m.
The base and cornice are not differentiated, but a flat
moulding frames the front face, on which the inscription
is cut. The top is flat. The workmanship is poor.
40. Altar of Deus or Dea.
Museo Laterano, Room XXI.
OIL, I, 1114= XIV, 3572; ILS, 4017.
Travertine. Height, .885 m. ; breadth, .365 m. ; depth,
(at present), .10 m.
The altar was found at Tibur. Only the base is moulded ;
the top is flat. The depth was probably much greater origi-
nally than it is at present, as the back has been cut away to
allow the altar to be built into the wall.
41. Altar of the Dioscuri.
Museo Laterano, Room XIII, 888.
40
OIL, XI, 3777; IL8, 3387; Benndorf-Schone, Die
Antiken Bildwerke des Lat. Museums, p. 335, no. 478.
Marble. Height, .915 m. ; breadth, .72 m. ; depth,
.50 m.
The altar was found at Veii, perhaps in the excavations
of 1810. The base and sides are moulded and the top is
flat. On each of the side faces is a spear and a pileus
ornamented with a star. The dedicator may be identical
with a C. Julius Merula who is mentioned in an inscrip-
tion of 26 A. D.48
42. Altar of Hercules (Ara Giustiniani) .
Museo Laterano.
CIL, VI, 277; Jahn's Jahrbuch, Vol. XLI, 1844, p.
101 ; Vol. XLIII, 1845, p. 449 ; Annali, Vol. XXXVI,
1864, p. 317 ; Benndorf-Schone, Die Antiken Bildwerke
des Lat. Museums, pp. 322 ff.
Grayish Greek marble. Height, .83 m. ; breadth, .58
m. ; depth, .46 m.
The back side of the altar, which was formerly walled
up in the Palazzo Giustiniani, is the best preserved. The
base and cornice are formed of slightly projecting mould-
ings ; the top is flat. Between the two parts of the inscrip-
tion, which is cut on the front face, is a group in very low
relief. In the middle is an altar of the same type as the
large altar on which it appears. It has a moulded base
and cornice, and is adorned with reliefs on the front face.
The details are scarcely distinguishable, but it seems to be
decorated with garlands, and some object, perhaps a burn-
ing offering, lies on it. At the right of the altar is Mi-
nerva, facing to the left. She wears a long girded chiton,
helmet and aegis. A shield is on her left arm, and a spear
«• CIL, XI, 3805, line 22.
CATALOGUE 41
in her left hand. Her right arm is extended, as if to hand
some object, which cannot now be made out, to Hercules,
who stands at the left of the altar. His right hand is
extended to receive this object, or perhaps to make a liba-
tion. He is nude, and carries the lion skin on his left arm,
and the club over his left shoulder. The twelve labors
are represented on the four sides of the altar, running from
right to left. They follow the usual arrangement, except
on the third side, where the order is the reverse of that
usually found.49
The details of the various groups can no longer be made
out. The head of Hercules is preserved only in the scene
of the cleansing of the Augean stables. The hair is ar-
ranged in semi-archaic fashion, in small round curls. The
execution of the whole is fairly good.
43. Altar of Jupiter Gustos.
Museo Laterano, Room XXI.
OIL, XIV, 3557.
A quadrangular marble altar. Height, .755 m. ;
breadth, .47 m. ; present depth, .125 m.
The base is formed of projecting mouldings ; the top and
sides have flatter mouldings. The altar is much broken,
but the top appears to have been flat originally. On the
right face is a patera.
44. Altar of Pantheus.
Museo Laterano, Room IV.
OIL, VI, 559 ; Annali, Vol. XVI, 1844, p. 87.
A quadrangular marble altar. Height, .89 m. ; breadth,
.41 m. ; depth, .41 m.
The base, cornice and sides of the different faces are
moulded. The top, now much broken, was originally flat.
" Klugmann, Annali, I. c.
4
42 ROMAN SACRIFICIAL ALTARS
45. Altar of Pietas.
Museo Laterano.
OIL, XI, 3779; IL8, 3791; Annali, Vol. XVIII,
1846, pp. 244 ff. ; Bulletino, 1847, pp. 79 ff.
Illustrated : M on. dell' Inst., IV, 1844, Tav. 36.
Marble. Height, .64 m. ; diameter, .50 m.
The altar is round, with a decided increase in diameter
at the middle. It was found at Veii, in the early part of
the nineteenth century. The decoration, in high relief,
consists of four lyres, between which is suspended a heavy
garland of fruits, grains and flowers. Below the garland
are four symbols of Vulcan — an anvil, a hammer, a pair
of tongs and a pileus adorned with a spray of olive.
Canina first pointed out that this altar was an imitation
of the puteal Libonis.60
46. Altar of Apollo.
Vatican, Sala della Biga, 622.
OIL, XI, 3572; ILS, 3227.
A plain quadrangular marble altar, with a moulded base
and cornice and a flat top. A patera is represented on the
right face, an urceus on the left.
47. Altar of Bona Deo.
Vatican, Belvedere.
A small quadrangular marble altar, with moulded base
and cornice and pilasters at the sides. The top is flat.
48. Altar of Diana.
Vatican, Belvedere.
OIL, VI, 125.
Illustrated: Amelung, Sc. des Vat. Mus., II, Taf.
IV, 24.
" Annali, I. c.
CATALOGUE 43
A small quadrangular marble altar, with moulded base,
cornice and sides. The top is flat.
49. A liar of Fortuna.
Vatican, Museo Chiaramonti, 2691?.
GIL, VI, 172 ; Amelung, 8e. des Vat. Mus., I, p. 489.
Illustrated : Amelung, op. cit., I, Taf . 50.
A small quadrangular marble altar, with rudely moulded
base and cornice. The top is flat.
50. Altar of Genius Centuriae.
Vatican, Galleria Lapidaria, 175.
OIL, VI, 211.
A marble altar with simply moulded base, cornice and
sides. The top is flat. On the right face is a patera in
relief; on the left an urceus.
The consuls mentioned in the inscription held office in
174 A. D.
51. Altar of Genius Familiae.
Vatican, Museo Chiaramonti, 625.
OIL, VI, 239.
Illustrated: Amelung, Sc. des Vat. Mus., I, Taf. 37.
A quadrangular marble altar of moderate size. A num-
ber of simple mouldings form the base and cornice and
frame the different faces. The top is flat.
52. A Itar of Genius Noricorum.
Vatican, Galleria Lapidaria.
GIL, VI, 250 ; ILS, 3675 ; Kuggiero, Diz. Epig., Ill,
15, 471.
A small quadrangular marble altar, with moulded base,
cornice and sides. The top is flat.
44 BOMAN SACBIFICIAL ALTARS
53. Altar of Hercules.
Vatican, Galleria Lapidaria, 188.
GIL, VI, 308; ILS, 3439.
A large quadrangular marble altar. Height, 1.38 m. ;
breadth, .50 m.
The altar was found in 1869, on the Via de' Balestri.
The base, cornice and sides are simply moulded ; the top is
flat. The date, as shown by the inscription, is 193 A. D.
54. Altar of Hercules Comes et Conservator.
Vatican, Museo Chiaramonti.
GIL, VI, 30734.
Illustrated: Amelung, Sc. des Vat. Mus., I, Taf. 57.
A large quadrangular marble altar, with moulded base,
cornice and sides. The top is flat.
55. Altar of Hercules and Silvanus.
Vatican, Galleria Lapidaria, 197.
A plain quadrangular marble altar. The top is much
broken, but appears to have been flat originally. A patera
is represented on the right face, an urceus on the left.
56. Altar of Isis.
Vatican, Museo Chiaramonti, 19J..
GIL, XIV, 20.
Illustrated: Amelung, Sc. des Vat. Mus.} I, Taf. 34.
A quadrangular marble altar of moderate size, found at
Ostia. The base, cornice and sides are moulded; the top
is flat. The patera and urceus appear as usual.
57. Altar of Juno.
Vatican, Museo Chiaramonti.
CATALOGUE 45
GIL, VI, 367; ILS, 4322; Amelung, 8c. des Vat.
Mus., I, p. 421.
Illustrated : Amelung, op. cit., I, Taf . 43.
A small quadrangular marble altar, with moulded base
and cornice ; the top is flat. The inscription dates it in the
year 218 A. D.
58. Altar of Jupiter.
Vatican, Galleria Lapidaria, 61.
OIL, VI, 411; ILS, 4314.
A small marble altar found on the Aventine. The base
and cornice are moulded ; the top is flat.
59. Altar of Jupiter.
Vatican, Belvedere.
OIL, VI, 433; ILS, 3042; Amelung, Sc. des Vat.
Mus., II, p. 227.
A plain quadrangular marble altar, with flat top. The
dedicator is Nummius Albinus. A man by this name was
consul in 206 A. D., and another Nummius Albinus held
the office in 246 and again in 263.
60. Altar of Lares Augusti.
Vatican, Belvedere.
OIL, VI, 876; Annali, Vol. XXXIV, 1862, pp.
305 ft. • AZ, NF, Vol. IV, 1872, p. 122 ; Koscher, Lexi-
con, II, 1897 ; EM, Vol. XVI, 1901, pp. 238 and 240 ;
Vol. XXI, 1906, pp. 299-300 ; Altmann, Rom. Grabal-
tdre, p. 175, no. 230 ; Amelung, Sc. des Vat. Mus., II,
pp. 242 ff.
Illustrated : RM, 1906, p. 300 (one side) ; Amelung,
op. cit., II, Taf. XV, 87a and I.
Marble. Height, .95 m.; breadth, .97 m. ; depth,
.67m.
46 ROMAN SACRIFICIAL ALTARS
The base consists of a low plinth, followed by three
mouldings — a torus adorned with scalelike leaves ; a cyma
reversa with a delicate design in which pairs of acanthus
leaves alternate with star-shaped flowers, and a concave
moulding with a leaf design. ~No other mouldings occur
on the altar, which has a flat top.
On the front of the altar is represented a considerable
elevation of ground, on which stands a flat pillar, with a
laurel tree at either side. A Victory, poised on widely
spread wings, is fastening a round shield to the pillar.
The inscription is cut on the shield.
On the right side a scene of sacrifice is represented.
Slender pilasters frame the face, from whose capitals a
heavy garland is suspended. A rocky elevation is indi-
cated, on which stands a square altar, adorned with a gar-
land. The top is furnished with horns and the flames of
the sacrificial fire are represented. At the right of the
altar stands a man clad in a toga, with his head veiled for
sacrifice. At the left of the altar, facing him, is a woman.
Their right hands are extended over the altar, and each
holds the figure of a Lar, of the usual type. Behind the
man are two youthful male figures, and behind the woman
two similar figures are dimly discernible. Above the gar-
land between the pilasters are represented a lituus, a patera
umbilicata and an urceus.
An apotheosis is represented on the back of the altar.
At the left, moving to the right, is a quadriga drawn by
winged horses, in which is a man wrapped in a mantle.
Behind the chariot is a small toga-clad figure. At the
right, facing the spectator, is the figure of a woman in
tunic and mantle. A child, also in a toga, stands at either
side, and the woman's right arm is extended toward the
figure in the chariot. The scene is framed by a palm tree
at the left and a laurel tree at the right. Above the woman,
CATALOGUE 47
appearing from the clouds, is Caelus, represented as a
bearded man, holding a billowing mantle in his uplifted
hands. At the left is represented the chariot of the Sun,
between which and Caelus traces of an eagle are to be seen.
On the left side is a representation of the prodigy of the
Alban sow. As on the other sides, a rocky elevation is
indicated. A male figure is seated at the left, wrapped in
a mantle and holding a roll in his hands. A second man
stands at the right, leaning upon his staff. Between them
on the ground is the sow, surrounded by her young.
The interpretation of the various scenes has been much
discussed. The central figure in the apotheosis has been ex-
plained as Julius Caesar,51 as Augustus,52 and as Aeneas.53
In the last case, the man standing at the left would be
Ascanius, and the woman with the children would repre-
sent Lavinia with Romulus and Remus. If the deification
of Caesar is represented, the other figures would be Au-
gustus, Livia, Tiberius and Drusus.
The standing figure in the scene of the prodigy is com-
monly interpreted as Aeneas, though Amelung suggests that
it may be merely a herdsman or Faunus. The seated
figure with the roll evidently has some close connection
with the oracle.
The male figure in the sacrificial scene is undoubtedly
Augustus, and the reference is to his revival of the cult of
the Lares.
The inscription on the shield of the front face gives the
title of Pontifex Maximus to Augustus, an office which he
first assumed in the year 12 B. C., so the altar must be
later than that date.
"Altmann and Amelung, I. c.
» Eizzo, EM, Vol. XXI, 1906, p. 299.
81 Amelung, I. c.
48 ROMAN SACRIFICIAL ALTARS
61. Altar of Lares Augusti.
Vatican, Sala delle Muse.
OIL, VI, 445; ILS, 3613; Annali, Vol. XXXIV,
1862, p. 304 ; Altmann, Rom. Grabaltdre, p. 177, no. 234.
Illustrated : Altmann, op. cit., fig. 142.
Height, .875 m. ; breadth, .58 m. ; depth, .72 m.
A square marble altar with a flat top. The base consists
of a low plinth, above which is a torus with a scalelike
pattern, and a cyma reversa adorned with leaves. The
background of the different fields is deeply sunk, and
framed by broad plain mouldings.
At the left of the front face stands Augustus, with his
head veiled for sacrifice, holding a patera, in his right hand.
At the right are two Lares in short tunics, crowned with
laurel. Each holds a rhyton, one in the right hand, the
other in the left. The action of the other hands is not
clear; they may have been joined, or they may have held
paterae. Near them are two laurel trees. On the back of
the altar are an oak wreath and two laurel branches.
On the right and left faces are identical scenes of sac-
rifice. A small quadrangular altar occupies the center of
the scene. It has a moulded base and cornice and a flat
top, and is adorned with a garland. Fruits are piled upon
it. At the right of the altar stands a toga-clad man, pour-
ing a libation ; at the left is a similar figure, who seems to
be scattering incense upon the altar. Behind the altar is
a flute-player.
Above the sacrificial scenes is a band of ornament in low
relief. It consists of three boucrania, between which are
laurel branches tied with ribbons.
62. Altar of Mercury.
Vatican, Galleria Lapidaria, under no. 45.
OIL, VI, 516.
CATALOGUE 49
A quadrangular marble altar with moulded base and
sides. The front and side faces are decorated with reliefs,
which are much defaced. On the front, above the inscrip-
tion, is a figure of Mercury with a ram. On the right face
a patera is represented, on the left an urceus. Below the
sacrificial vessel on each face is an animal in low relief, but
it is impossible to make out what kind.
63. Altar of Mithras.
Vatican, Museo Chiaramonti, 125A.
GIL, VI, 744.
Illustrated: Amelung, Sc. des Vat. Mus., I, Taf. 41.
A quadrangular marble altar of moderate size. Simple
mouldings form the base and cornice and frame the faces.
The top is flat. The patera and urceus appear as usual.
64. Altar of Mithras.
Vatican, Museo Chiaramonti, 59 1A.
GIL, VI, 724; Amelung, Sc. des Vat. Mus., I, 709.
Illustrated: Amelung, op cit.} I, Taf. 76.
A quadrangular altar of fine-grained gray marble.
Height, 1.24 m. ; breadth and depth, .62 m.
The base and cornice are formed of several simple
mouldings, and similar mouldings frame the front face,
on which the inscription is cut. Above the flat top is a
circular section, whose diameter is equal to the width of
the top. Coiling about this circular block is a crested ser-
pent, holding in his mouth his bushy tail, on which is rep-
resented a crescent in relief. In each corner of the flat top
is a deep round hole.
The inscription dates the altar in the year 194 A. D.
65. Altar of Nemesis.
Vatican, Museo Chiaramonti, 516.F7.
50 ROMAN SACRIFICIAL ALTARS
GIL, VI, 531; ILS, 3739; Amelung, 8c. des Vat.
Mus., I, p. 654.
Illustrated: Amelung, op. cit., I, Taf. 69.
A tall narrow quadrangular marble altar, with moulded
base and cornice. The top is flat.
66. Altar of Pantheus.
Vatican, Museo Chiaramonti, 4924.
OIL, VI, 558 ; Amelung, 8c. des Vat. Mus., I, p. 630.
Illustrated : Amelung, op. cit., I, Taf. 66.
A small quadrangular marble altar, with moulded base,
cornice and sides. The top is flat. A patera is repre-
sented on the left face, an urceus on the right. It is to be
noted that the usual position of the sacrificial vessels is
reversed.
67. Altar of Silvanus.
Vatican, Museo Chiaramonti, 516.
GIL, VI, 618; Amelung, Sc. des Vat. Mus., I, p.
652; Annali, Vol. XXXVIII, 1866, p. 211, 1.
Illustrated: Amelung, op. cit., I, Taf. 69; Annali,
1. c., Tav. I, 1, 2 and 3.
A quadrangular altar of fine-grained white marble.
Height, .73 m. ; breadth, .53 m. ; depth, .24 m.
The base and cornice are moulded. The front face is
occupied by the inscription. The right face is divided
horizontally into two fields, of which the upper is the larger.
It is filled by an oak tree, under which is a ram, facing
to the left. In the lower field is a boar, also facing to the
left. On the left face Silvanus is represented, standing
on a flat rock, facing to the right. He is entirely nude,
and holds an oak branch in his left hand. Seated on the
CATALOGUE 51
ground at the right is a dog, looking up at him. The front
of the flat top has a volute design, but it is now much
broken.
68. Altar of Silvanus.
Vatican, Museo Chiaramonti, 211Z7.
OIL, VI, 627.
A small quadrangular marble altar, with moulded base
and cornice. The top is flat.
69. Altar of Silvanus.
Vatican, Galleria Lapidaria, 165.
OIL, VI, 646 ;ILS, 3570.
A small quadrangular marble altar. The base, cornice
and sides of the different faces are simply moulded. The
top is flat. On the right face is a patera, on the left an
urceus. This may be a basis, and not an altar, as there
are holes in the top, which may have served for the attach-
ment of the feet of a statue.
70. Altar of the Lares Augusti.
Forum.
GIL, VI, 30954; NS, Ser. 3a, Vol. Ill, 1879, p. 286;
EC, Vol. VIII, 1880, p. 12, no. 156; Altmann, Rom.
Grabaltare, p. 179, no. 238.
Illustrated : Photo. Moscioni, 2448 ; Altmann, op. cit.,
fig. 144.
Marble. Height, .95 m. ; breadth, .59 m. ; depth,
.51 m.
The altar was found in 1879, in the Eoman Forum, in
front of the Temple of Deified Eomulus. At the sides are
unfluted pilasters, with capitals of a degenerate Ionic type.
Above them the cornice projects sharply. The face be-
52 BOMAN SACRIFICIAL ALTAfcS
tween the pilasters is framed by simple mouldings. An
eagle with outspread wings was represented as standing
on the cornice, but only the lower part is preserved. The
pateria and urceus are represented as usual. The rear of
the altar has a small niche, in which an image of a Lar
may once have stood.
CLASS II, D
71. Two altars of Hercules.
Museo Nazionale.
GIL, VI, 30891 ; NS, Ser. 4a, Vol. VI, 1889, p. 244;
RM, Vol. VI, 1891, p. 149, and Vol. VII, 1892, p. 331.
Illustrated: NS, I c.; RM, 1891, p. 149.
The two altars, bearing the same inscription, were
found in 1889, near the Via Portuense. One is of
travertine, the other of peperino. Height, .75 m. ; breadth
and depth, .50 m.
The altars belonged to a shrine of Hercules, which con-
sisted of a small recess, stuccoed and painted. Before this
recess, raised on two gradines, was a table, with traces of
stucco decoration that seem to represent a dance. The
altars when found were overthrown, but were intended to
stand side by side before the table on a travertine base,
.60m. X 1.25m.
The altars are exactly alike, except for the difference in
material. The base and cornice are composed of simple
fillet mouldings of various widths. The front and back
faces, above the cornice, are finished by simple pointed
gables. The sides have plain pulvini without decoration
of any kind and of the same diameter throughout. The
top of the altars is not cut down between the fastigia to
form a flat surface, as is usually the case, but slopes up-
ward to the line connecting the angles of the fastigia. In
CATALOGUE 53
the center of this rooflike surface is a round shallow de-
pression.
The shrine and the altars are perhaps to be dated by a
tiiulus found in the same place in 1632,54 dedicated to
Hercules Victor by P. Plotius Romanus, who was consul
suffectus at some period after the time of Marcus Aurelius.
This dating is confirmed by the fact that at the shrine were
found seven Roman portrait heads of the second century.
72. Ara Taurobolata.
Museo Nazionale.
A quadrangular marble altar of peculiar form. Height,
.94 m. ; breadth, at top, .22 m. ; depth, at top, .175 m.
The altar is divided horizontally into three sections. The
lowest, which occupies about three quarters of the entire
height of the altar, slopes inward slightly from the simply
moulded base. On the front face is a boucranion, above
which is the inscription. The next section, with vertical
outline, is decorated with acanthus leaves, one at each cor-
ner and one in the middle of each face, somewhat in the
manner of the capital of a Corinthian pilaster. The top-
most section is a low quadrangular block, considerably nar-
rower than the section below it. In the top is a square hole.
73. Altar with Plane Leaves.
Museo Nazionale, Room XIX.
Wickhoff, Roman Art, p. 34; Strong, Roman Sculp-
ture, p. 69.
Illustrated: Wickhoff, op. cii., PL IV; Strong, op.
cit., PL XXI; Photo. Anderson, 4696.
Marble. Height, .74 m.; breadth, .865 m.; depth,
.72 m.
H CIL, VI, 332.
54 ROMAN SACEIFICIAL ALTAKS
The altar was found on the bank of the Tiber, on the
site of the theater of Apollo. Its mouldings are especially
rich. The base is formed of a cjma recta and a hawk's
beak moulding, above two plain narrow mouldings. The
cyma is adorned with an elaborate floral design, in which
motives borrowed from palmette forms and leaf patterns
may be recognized. The upper surface of the hawk's beak
moulding has a simple tongue pattern. The cornice con-
sists of a hawk's beak moulding with bold profile, deco-
rated with a variant of the egg and dart pattern, in which
heart-shaped motives alternate with shell-like forms. Be-
low this is a beaded moulding. Each face of the altar is
adorned with a boucranion and crossed plane branches.
The boucrania are, to quote Mrs. Strong, " magnificent in
their realism," while the delicate beauty of the plane leaves
is almost unique in Roman art. The grace of the design
and the masterly technique of the execution combine to
make it one of the most charming examples of Roman art
left to us. On grounds of style it is to be assigned to the
Augustan Age.
The entire upper surface of the altar is occupied by a
quadrangular depression, about .05 m. deep.
74. Altar of Fortuna.
Museo Capitolino.
OIL, VI, 182 -,ILS, 3720.
A quadrangular marble altar. Height, .76m.; breadth,
.31 m. ; depth, .185 m.
The base, cornice and sides of the faces are moulded.
The patera and urceus appear as usual. Above the cornice
is a low quadrangular structure, with a square depression
in the middle. The front face of this part is adorned with
a wreath tied with ribbons. The four corners were origi-
fORTVNAB
BALVERVLi
CHOSTTllVS
ALTAR OF FORTUNA. No. 74.
CATALOGUE 55
nally decorated with representations of masks ; the one on
the rear left corner has been destroyed.
75. Altar of Nepiune.
Museo Capitolino.
GIL, X, 6642 ; ILS, 3277 ; Wissowa, Religion und
Cultus der Romer, p. 252.
Illustrated: Overbeek, Atlas der Gr. Kunst-Mytholo-
gie, III, PI. XII, 19.
A round marble altar. Height, .63 m. ; diameter, .36
m. It was found at Anzio, together with nos. 77 and 78.
The base and cornice are moulded. On the front is the
projecting beak of a ship, below which is a standing figure
of Neptune. He is nude, except for a cloak over the left
shoulder. His left hand grasps a trident which rests on
the ground, and in his extended right hand he holds a dol-
phin. The top has a circular cuplike depression.
76. Altar of Sol, Luna, Apollo and Diana.
Museo Capitolino.
GIL, VI, 31032.
Marble. Height, including top, 1.03 m. ; without top,
.89 m. ; breadth, .43 m. ; depth, .37 m.
The altar is said to have been found near the Porta S.
Sebastiano. It has a moulded base, cornice and sides. A
patera is represented on the right face, an urceus on the
left. In the middle of the top is a depression, .28 m. X .28
m. At the corners are low horns, between which the front
face rises in a curve. The middle of this space is filled by
a wreath with fluttering ribbons ; palmettes adorn the horns,
and birds fill the spaces between the wreath and the pal-
mettes. The side faces are terminated by a straight line,
which runs but little below the tips of the horns. Below
56 BOMAN SACEIFICIAL ALTARS
this line the outline of the horns is represented by chiseling,
and a heavy line connects them a little above the base, as
if to suggest the sunken space actually found on the top.
77. Altar of Tranquillitas.
Museo Capitolino.
OIL, X, 6643 ; ILS, 3278.
The form and the dimensions are the same as those of
no. 75. Below the rostrum is a ship under full sail. A
seated figure in the bow holds the sheets.
78. Altar of Venti.
Museo Capitolino.
OIL, X, 6644 ;7LS, 3279.
»••
The form and dimensions are the same as those of no. 75.
Below the rostrum is a flying figure with a trumpet at his
lips. He is nude except for a cloak about the shoulders,
which is blowing in the wind.
79. Altar of Dii and Deae.
Vatican, Museo Chiaramonti, 1194.
GIL, VI, 100 ; Amelung, Sc. des Vat. Mus., I, p. 384.
A small quadrangular marble altar, with moulded base
and front face. The top has a circular ring.
80. Altar of Fortuna.
Vatican, Galleria Lapidaria, 171.
OIL, VI, 183.
A small round marble altar with moulded base and top.
On the front is a quadrangular panel, slightly recessed, on
which the inscription is cut. The upper surface has a
round shallow depression between which and the outer
edge of the altar runs a sunken ring.
CATALOGUE 57
81. Altar of Genius Centuriae.
Vatican, Galleria Lapidaria, 172.
OIL, VI, 208a; Amelung, Sc. des Vat. Mus., I, p.
291 ; Kuggiero, Diz. Epig., Ill, 15, 478.
A marble altar of cylindrical form, flattened in front.
On the upper surface is a quadrangular depression. The
altar dates from 130 A. D.
82. Altar of Jupiter.
Vatican, Museo Chiaramonti, 424/7.
GIL, VI, 290 ; Amelung, Sc. des Vat. Mus., I, p. 590.
Illustrated: Amelung, op. cit., I, Taf. 61.
A very small quadrangular marble altar, with simply
moulded base and cornice. The greater part of the top is
occupied by a shallow square depression.
83. Altar of Jupiter.
Vatican, Galleria Lapidaria, 22.
OIL, XIV, 2253; Amelung, Sc. des Vat. Mus., I,
p. 183.
A quadrangular marble altar, with moulded base, cor-
nice and sides. The patera and urceus are represented in
the usual positions. The top is much broken, but seems
to have been flat, with a square depression in the middle.
84. Altar of Silvanus.
Vatican, Galleria Lapidaria, 153.
CIL, VI, 698; ILS, 3569; Amelung, Sc. des Vat.
Mus., I, p. 280.
A small quadrangular marble altar, found on the Via
Labicana. The base, cornice and sides of the faces are
moulded. The top seems to have had a shallow depression
in the middle.
5
58 EOMAN SACRIFICIAL ALTARS
85. Altar of Silvanus.
Vatican, Galleria Lapidaria, 186.
GIL, VI, 608 ; Amelung, Sc. des Vat Mus., I, p. 295.
A small quadrangular marble altar, with moulded base,
cornice and front face. The patera and urceus occur as
usual. The top is broken, but appears to have had high
points at front and back, with a depression in the middle
running out to the sides.
86. Altar of Sol Inmctus Mithras.
Vatican, Galleria Lapidaria, 160.
OIL, VI, 745.
A quadrangular altar of coarse travertine. The base and
cornice are rudely moulded. The workmanship throughout
is rough, and the lettering poor.
The top is flat, with a shallow cuplike depression in the
middle. This is surrounded by a ring raised to the same
height above the surface of the top as the narrow band
which runs around the edge of the upper surface. The
consular date has not as yet been definitely determined.
It may be 154 A. D. or 177 A. D.
87. Altar of Stata Mater.
Vatican, Museo Ghiaramonti, 95.F.
OIL, VI, 763 ; Amelung, 8c. des Vat. Mus., I, p. 371.
Illustrated : Amelung, op. cit., I, Taf . 38.
A small quadrangular marble altar, found in the eight-
eenth century, near Florence. The front face has a simply
moulded base and cornice. The top is depressed between
the front and rear faces, and in the middle of this depres-
sion are the remains of a metal clamp.
DEVELOPMENT OF TYPES
The foregoing catalogue may suffice to show that Roman
sacrificial altars present in general two widely different
types — altars with curving profiles and those with straight
profiles. Questions as to the origin of these two types and
their historical and religious significance naturally arise,
and an attempt must now be made to give an answer to
these queries.
A study of the development of the first class of altars
may well begin wih a list of such altars and bases actually
in existence, and of representations of them on urns and
mirrors. Such a list has been given by Studniczka in an
article in the Jahreshefte des Oesterreichischen ArcJido-
logischen Instiiuts, Vol. VI, 1903,1 and to this a few
other examples have been added.
1. Statue base represented on an Etruscan mirror in the
Bibliotheque Rationale, Paris. The date is about 500
B. C. Fig. 83 in Studniczka' s article.
1 Altar -e mit Grubenkammern. The list is given in connection with
a discussion of the two tufa bases under the "Black Stone" in the
Eonian Forum. Studniezka regards them as bases for the figures of
lions mentioned in the accounts of the Grave of Eomulus. (For the
testimonia cf. Carter, The Death of Eomulus, in AJA, Ser. II, Vol.
XIII, 1909, pp. 19 ff.) Carter thinks they are "to be restored into
the shape of the so-called altar to Aius Locutius on the Palatine, or
the altar of Verminus discovered on the Viminal. . . . The two altars
were in all probability ornamented above with pulvinaria, similar to
the altar on the Palatine, which would preclude the placing of lions
on them." Studniczka thinks the bases are not older than the fifth
century B. C. or later than the second century B. C. The upper limit
ia probably correct, but as Hulsen has pointed out (EM, Vol. XX,
1905, pp. 41 ff.), altars and bases of this form continued to be used
at least down to the time of Sulla.
59
60 BOMAN SACEIFICIAL ALTARS
2. Statue base represented on a relief from Marzabotto.
Fifth or fourth century B. C. Studniczka, fig. 84.
3. An altar represented on a red-figured amphora in
Leipzig. Beginning of the fourth century B. C. Stud-
niczka, fig. 86.
4. An altar represented on a red-figured crater of Falis-
can work. Fourth or third century B. C. Reinach, Reper-
toire des Vases Feints, II, p. 157.
5. Altar from a representation of the sacrifice of Iphi-
genia on a cinerary urn of the second century B. C. in
Perugia. Studniczka, fig. 87. Brunn, I JRilievi delle Urne
Etrusche, I, Tav. 42, 14. A similar altar is shown in
Brunn, op. cit., I, Tav. 45, 21.
6. Altars, perhaps of Julia Moneta, represented on coins
of the last two decades of the first century B. C., the origi-
nals being of course of earlier date. Babelon, Monnaies
de la Republique Romaine, I, pp. 113, 257, 358; II, pp.
99, 251, 404, 524, 525.
7. Trachyte basis of a small cippus of polished serpen-
tine, the typical grave-monument of the Necropolis of
Volsinii-Orvieto. Probably fifth or fourth century B. C.
Museo Archeologico, Florence. Studniczka, fig. 89. Of.
Gamurrini, NS, Ser. 4a, Vol. Ill, 1887, pp. 344 ff., Tav.
VII, 1-7.
8. A similar basis in the Berlin Museum. Beschreib. d.
ant. Sculpt., 1244.
9. Altar of the locus sacer of Fiesole. Studniczka, fig.
88. Milani, Rendiconti d. accad. d. Lincei, Vol. IX, 1900,
p. 295.
10. Miniature terra cotta altars from the Necropolis on
the Esquiline, in the Palazzo dei Conservator!, and other
collections. The profile is curved only on the sides; the
front is flat for decoration in relief. The date is not
much before 200 B. C. Mon. dell' Insl., Vol. XI, 1879,
DEVELOPMENT OF TYPES 61
Tav. 10 and 104. Annali, Vol. LI, 1879, pp. 253 ff. ; LIT,
1880, pp. 322 ff. Furtwangler, Antike Gemmen, III, 266.
11. Capital block of the statue basis of M. Claudius
Marcellus, consul for the second time in 155 B. C. GIL,
I, 539 = XI, 1339. In Florence.
12. Altar of Verminus. No. 1 in the foregoing cata-
logue. Studniczka, fig. 90.
13. Part of an altar, similar to the preceding. In the
Antiquarium, Rome.
14. Altar of Bovillae. No. 2 in the catalogue. Stud-
niczka, fig. 91.
15. Altar of Calvinus. No. 3 in the foregoing catalogue.
16. Altar on a sarcophagus from Chiusi. Studniczka,
fig. 92. Mon. dell' Inst., 1864-69, Vol. VIII, Tav. 2.
To these examples cited by Studniczka may be added
the following:
17. Altar represented on an Etruscan cinerary urn.
Brunn, op. cit., I, Tav. LXIII, 32.
18. Altar represented on an Etruscan mirror. Gerhard,
Etruskische Spiegel, I, 38.
19. Altar represented on an Etruscan mirror. Gerhard,
op. cit., II, 239.
20. Altar represented on an Etruscan mirror, formerly
in the Campana collection. Gerhard, op. cit., IV, Taf.
CCCLI, 1.
21. Altar represented on an Etruscan mirror in the
Berlin Museum. Gerhard, op. cit., IV, Taf. CCCLI, 2.
22. Altar represented on an Etruscan mirror in the Ber-
lin Museum. Gerhard, op. cit., IV, Taf. CCCLI, 3.
23. Altar represented on an Etruscan mirror. Gerhard,
op. cit., V, 36.
24. Altar represented on an Etruscan mirror. Gerhard,
op. cit., V, 128.
25. Basis represented on an Etruscan mirror. Gerhard,
op. cit., V, 144.
62 EOMAN SACBIFICIAL ALTARS
26. A round altar, with the characteristic curving profile
and contraction at the middle, on a bronze relief in Copen-
hagen, of the first century A. D. Published by Blinken-
berg, Archaeologische Studien, Taf. II. Same illustra-
tion, Roscher, Lexicon, article Sabazios, fig. 8.
27. Altar or basis in an Etruscan tomb painting. Mon.
dell' Inst., Vol. IX, 1870, Tav. XIII.
28. Altar or basis in an Etruscan tomb painting. An-
tike Derikmaler, II, 42.
The Etruscan character of the large majority of these
examples is evident at once. With regard to only two or
three of them can any doubt be felt. Studniczka makes
no statement as to the workmanship of the red-figured
amphora, no. 3, but it may well be Etruscan. Several of
the triumvirs whose names appear on the coins under no. 6
belong to families of Etruscan origin,2 which may lend
some support to the assumption that the altars3 repre-
sented on these coins reproduce Etruscan forms. The
miniature terra cotta altars from the Esquiline have been
thoroughly discussed by Dressel in the articles mentioned
above. If his conclusions are correct,4 "the altars . . .
were probably manufactured in Latium, but were certainly
made by Etruscan workmen." The additional examples
of this form cited under nos. 17-28 are all undoubtedly
a Cf. for example, Annius, Schulze, Zur Geschichte Lateinischer
Eigennamen, p. 122 ; Sisenna, Schulze, op. cit., p. 94.
• Dressel pointed out, Annali, Vol. LI, 1879, p. 281, n. 4, that the
objects represented on the series of coins were not anvils but altars.
This is shown not only by the striking resemblance to certain altars,
but also by the fact that in some instances garlands are used for
decoration and flames are represented on the upper surface.
* Annali, 1. c., p. 294. His conclusions are based on a comparison
of the altars with cistae from Praeneste, and urns, mirrors and vases
of Etruscan manufacture (pp. 285-286). The use of colors is also
characteristically Etruscan (pp. 286-287).
DEVELOPMENT OF TYPES 63
Etruscan, with the possible exception of no. 26. It is not
known where this relief was found, but the style seems to
be Roman rather than Etruscan. Leaving out of account
the few cases in regard to which any doubt may be felt, we
still have convincing testimony that this type is essentially
Etruscan.5 The same fondness for curving or broken out-
lines may be seen in many of the architectural forms em-
ployed by the Etruscans.6 The facts then seem to justify
the belief that the Altar of Verminus, the altar from Bo-
villac and the Altar of Calvinus are Etruscan in form.
In view of the profound influence which Etruria exer-
cised upon Rome, it is not surprising to find an essentially
Etruscan type of altar taken over by the Romans. The
people to whom Rome owed such important institutions as
the science of augury, the haruspicina, and the Capitoline
Triad may well have left traces of their influence in lesser
religious matters. It is quite possible that the men who
dedicated the three Roman altars of this type came from
families of Etruscan origin. This possibility finds support
in the names of the dedicators, which in the case of the
Altar of Verminus and the Altar of Calvinus show forms
that are clearly Etruscan.7 In view of these considera-
tions it seems not altogether hazardous to venture the sug-
gestion that the mysterious Verminus of the altar erected
by A. Postumius Albinus may be an Etruscan divinity,
whom the dedicator sought to honor by this monument
erected in Rome. This hypothesis can hardly be tested,
however, in the present state of our knowledge of the
Etruscan language.
Why is it that so few altars of this type have been found
in Rome ? Its limited employment may have been due to
* The Etruscan character of this type has been pointed out before,
for example, by Blinkenberg, op. cit., note 54.
• Of. for example, Martha, L 'Art Etrusque, figs. 132, 151, 161.
T Cf . Schulze, op. cit., on Sextius and Postumius.
64 BOMAN SACKIFICIAL ALTAES
the theory suggested above: that it was a form favored
especially by men of Etruscan ancestry, and so may never
have been adopted by the great mass of the inhabitants of
Home. It seems to have been given up comparatively
early, and possibly for that reason fewer examples of the
type have been preserved. It is impossible now to deter-
mine the causes which led to its disuse. The explanation
is perhaps to be sought in changing religious tendencies,
and the coming in of other influences more or less opposed
to the Etruscan ; but of this we cannot be sure.
The question now arises as to whether this form was
worked out by the Etruscans after they reached their final
home on Italian soil, or whether they brought it with them
in their migrations from earlier abiding places. This
question involves the whole Etruscan problem, with all the
difficulties which up to the present time at least seem almost
incapable of solution. Yet some progress has been made
in recent years, and it is now generally thought that the
tradition preserved by Herodotus8 is in its main outlines
correct. According to this tradition the ancestors of the
Etruscans came out of the East, and after various stops
along the way finally came by sea to the southern and
western coasts of Italy.9 This theory of an eastern origin
finds strong support in the similarity of many of the insti-
tutions of the Etruscans to those of the Babylonians.10
• I, 94.
• Cf . Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encyclopaedie, article Etruslcer by Kb'rte,
and Historische Zeitschrift, III, 12, 1912, pp. 1 ff., article by von
Scala on Die Anfdnge GeschicMlichen Lebens in Italien.
10 Cf. Pauly-Wissowa, op. cit., 61; 744; Carter, The Religious Life
of Ancient Rome, p. 19, and especially Die Etruskische Disciplin by
Thulin in Goteborgs Hogskolas Arsskrift, Vol. XI, 1905. In the
introduction to this last-named work these relations are discussed,
and the similarity pointed out in matters of astrology and divination,
especially the haruspicina, in the observation and interpretation of
nature, and in various artistic and architectural forms. Mention
DEVELOPMENT OF TYPES 65
There seems to be little doubt that at one period of their
history they were closely in touch with the civilization of
the eastern Mediterranean basin. In the words of von
Scala,11 "Die Etrusker erscheinen . . . als ein Volk des
kretisch-minoischen Kulturkreises, dem sie durch die Be-
waffnung (Helm und Schwert), durch die Doppelaxt,
durch die Haustypen und Grabbauten, durch Goldtechnik
und Weissagungskunst, durch einzelne Buchstaben ohne
dies nahezustehen schienen." The conclusion of von Licht-
enberg12 may also be cited: "Auf diese Weise gelangten
die tyrrhenischen Turuscha nach Italien, wo es ihnen ge-
lang, Teile der Westkiiste zu besetzen, durch Blutmischung
auch weiter ins Innere ein zu dringen und so das Misch-
volk der Etrusker und das etruskische Staatswesen zu
begrunden. Lange genug waren sie aber mit agaischen
Volkern auf der Wanderung gewesen, um auch von deren
Kultus einiges auf zu nehmen, so dass auch die altesten
etruskischen Denkmaler neben sicher Fremden auch
agaische Bestandteile aufweisen."
Inasmuch as the theory of the Asiatic origin of the
Etruscans is now held by many, a study of Etruscan altars
will naturally include an examination of the altar-forms
employed by the peoples of the Asiatic mainland. If we
are to look to the East for the ancestors of the Etruscans,
we may expect to find some resemblance between Asiatic
altar-forms and those which as we have seen are decidedly
characteristic of the Etruscan civilization. Religion is
always one of the most conservative of the forces affecting
mankind, and if these connections actually existed, it is
reasonable to suppose that the religious institutions of the
should also be made of the work of Miiller, Deeeke, and Boissier in
this connection. (Cf. Thulin, op. cit., p. XII.)
u Hist. Zeitschrift, 1. c., p. 22.
"Die Aegdische Kultur, p. 142.
66 ROMAN SACRIFICIAL ALTARS
peoples concerned would bear some witness to the fact.
The characteristic Etruscan altar-form is so individual that
when found among different peoples it may almost be ac-
cepted as proof that some close relationship existed between
them. If, therefore, it can be shown that the peculiar
form of altar which we have called the "Etruscan," and
which as we shall see later was used also by the Myceneans
and Cretans, occurs on the Asiatic mainland, it may be
accepted as one more bit of evidence of a connection be-
tween Etruria and Babylonia.
A study of the Asiatic forms may conveniently be made
with the help of two works by William Hayes Ward.13
Here have been gathered together representations of Asiatic
scenes of sacrifice, especially as found on the seal cylinders.
The Babylonian altars show two distinct and clearly marked
types. In the words of Ward,14 " one of these is a square
altar, reduced on one side near the top by a step, so that it
constitutes two shelves."18 " It was probably a light con-
struction, of reeds or palmleaf stems, and so not suitable
for the burning of a victim."16 The earliest representa-
tion of this type is on " a very archaic shell cylinder which,
if we can judge from its style, is considerably older than
the time of Sargon I, whose date has been usually assigned,
on the authority of Nabonidos, to 3800 B. C., although
Lehmann and others who follow him believe that this date
u Appendix G to Curtiss' Primitive Semitic 'Religion Today. This
appendix treats of Altars and Sacrifices in the Primitive Art of
Babylonia. Also The Seal Cylinders of Western Asia, Chap. LXVI
on Altars and Sacrifices.
14 Seal Cylinders, p. 360. Cf. also Curtiss, op. cit., p. 267.
M For illustrations cf . Seal Cylinders, figs. 1229-1233, and Curtiss,
op. cit., App. G, figs. 1—4. Five examples of this type are now known.
Cf. also AJA, Ser. I, Vol. II, 1886, p. 263, fig. 30, and Vol. VI, 1890,
PI. XVIII, 4.
18 Seal Cylinders, p. 361.
DEVELOPMENT OF TYPEJ3 67
is a thousand years too early."17 It is noteworthy that
altars of similar form are occasionally found on Greek
vases.18
Representations of the, second type are more numerous.19
This is what Ward has called the "hourglass" form.20
The altar in these cases appears to be round, and is more
or less contracted at the middle. In some instances it is
absolutely plain, without mouldings at the top or bottom
or at the middle.21 A close parallel is afforded by the
altars on the Mycenaean gems to be cited later,22 which
are likewise perfectly plain. The only noticeable differ-
ences are that the outline of the Mycenaean altars is some-
times represented by double lines, instead of a single one,
as is invariably the case in the Babylonian forms, and that
the sides of the Mycenaean altars show a more pronounced
concave curve than do the Babylonian examples. The out-
line, however, is essentially the same.
In other instances the Babylonian altars have a single or
double torus moulding at the narrowest point,23 which is
usually at the middle of the altar, though this is not always
the case.24 None of the Mycenaean altars show this fea-
11 Curtiss, op. cit., p. 267. For the most recent discussion of
Sargon's date cf. The Nation for March 14, 1912, in which Professor
Jastrow reviews a paper by Professor Vincent Shell, of Paris. Sheil
has shown, on the evidence of a new cuneiform tablet, that 2500 B. C.
is the earliest possible date for Sargon.
18 Cf. for example, a sacrificial scene on a black-figured amphora,
Baumeister, Derikmaler, I, fig. 164.
18 Cf. Curtiss, op. cit., App. G, figs. 5-14; Seal Cylinders, figs.
1234-1248.
" Curtiss, op. cit., pp. 269 ff. ; Seal Cylinders, pp. 361 ff.
» Curtiss, op. cit., App. G, figs. 5, 8, 10, 12, 13 ; Seal Cylinders, figs.
1239, 1240, 1243, 1245.
" For illustrations cf . JHS, Vol. XXI, 1901, figs. 36-38.
"Curtiss, op. cit., App. G, figs. 6, 7, 9, 11, 14; Seal Cylinders, figs.
1235-1238, 1241, 1242, 1244, 1247, 1248.
»*Cf. for example, Seal Cylinders, fig. 1242, where the narrowest
diameter is above the middle, and fig. 1244, where it is below the
middle.
68 ROMAN SACRIFICIAL ALTARS
ture, but a very close parallel is found in the altar on the
bronze relief published by Blinkenberg25 already referred
to.26 Here the altar, apparently, is round, which is not
the case with Mycenaean altars, and it is bound by a torus
moulding at the narrowest point. It differs from the Baby-
lonian forms in having a base and top formed of separate
plinths, and in having its sides fluted. In spite of these
differences, it shows an astonishing similarity to the Baby-
lonian examples. Other altars of the Etruscan form, such
as the Altar of Bovillae,27 although quadrangular in plan,
have a torus at the narrowest point, and so are closely anal-
ogous to this Babylonian type. As a general rule, the
diameter of the base and top in the Babylonian altars is the
same, but in some cases, usually where the narrowest diam-
eter is above or below the middle, one measure is greater
than the other.28
A parallel for this peculiarity is again afforded by the
Mycenaean gems29 and by many of the examples cited in
the list of Etruscan altars and bases.30 An altar repre-
sented in Seal Cylinders, fig. 1241, bears an especial re-
semblance to some of the Etruscan forms.31 Some of the
Babylonian examples are exceedingly slender, almost col-
umnar,32 and others again are very thick.33 These varia-
48 Archaeologische Studien, pp. 66 ff. and Taf . II.
* No. 26 in the list of Etruscan altars and bases.
27 No. 2 in the catalogue.
38 Cf. for example, Seal Cylinders, figs. 1244, 1245, 1248; Curtiss,
op. cit., App. G, figs. 7 and 8.
» Cf. JHS, Vol. XXI, 1901, p. 159, fig. 37.
30 Cf. for example, nos. 1, 3, 7, 22.
81 For example, no. 22 in the list of Etruscan altars and bases.
Illustrated, Gerhard, Etruskische Spiegel, V, 36.
a Cf . Seal Cylinders, figs. 1235, 1239, 1240 ; Curtiss, op. cit., App. G,
figs. 8, 10, 11.
33 Cf. Seal Cylinders, fig. 1247; Curtiss, op. cit., App. G, fig. 14.
DEVELOPMENT OF TYPES 69
tions reappear in the Mycenaean and Etruscan forms.
This " hourglass " type, also, is of extreme antiquity.34
The Assyrian, Persian and Hittite altars, as well as
Babylonian, may be studied with the help of cylinders.
The Assyrian forms35 present greater variety than the
Babylonian, but there is nothing very similar to the " hour-
glass" type. The altars represented in Seal Cylinders,
figs. 1259-1261, have curving outlines and salient mem-
bers, and so bear some resemblance to certain Etruscan
forms. Representations of Persian altars are rare,36 and
when they do occur, there is no close resemblance to Baby-
lonian forms. The same is true of Hittite altars.37 A
study of the available material shows that among Asiatic
forms the " hourglass " type of altar is peculiar to Babylonia.
In view of what is generally accepted as a fact, namely,
that the Etruscans at some period prior to their arrival in
Italy were in close touch with the bearers of the Mycenaean-
Cretan culture, a brief examination must be made of the
forms which altars and bases assume in the lands affected
by this civilization.
It is at once evident that altars or bases of the " Etrus-
can" type — i. e., with incurving sides — were frequently
used by the inhabitants of the eastern Mediterranean basin.
Two familiar examples that have been known for many
years occur on the Lions' Gate of Mycenae, and on the
small gold "dove-shrines," three of which were found in
the Fourth Shaft Grave of the Necropolis on the same
site.38 The form in each of these instances is practically
M Seal Cylinders, p. 361 ; Curtiss, op. cit., p. 269.
"Seal Cylinders, figs. 1253-1261; Billerbeck and Delitzsch, Die
Palasttore Salmanesers II von Balawat, Taf. 1A; Perrot and Chipiez,
Histoire de I' Art, II, figs. 107-109.
38 Seal Cylinders, figs. 1262-1264.
" Seal Cylinders, figs. 1266-1268.
"For illustrations cf. Schliemann, Mycenae and Tiryns, PL III
and fig. 423.
70 ROMAN SACKIFICIAL ALTARS
the same. The sides curve inward strongly, and plain
quadrangular plinths form the base and upper member.
It is difficult to determine whether the structures on the
Lions' Gate are altars or bases. Evans, whose wide ac-
quaintance with Mycenaean forms makes his opinion au-
thoritative, regards them as altars.39 In either case the
relief is valuable, as giving us a representation of the
Mycenaean altar or basis on a large scale. Considering
the fact that the small gold reliefs are generally regarded
as representing a triple shrine, there can be little doubt that
the object apparently on the roof of the central part of the
sanctuary is an altar. Evans describes it as a " Mycenaean
altar of the ordinary type."40 At least three other altars
of this form are represented on gems from Mycenae. In
each case the altar serves as a base on which rest the fore-
paws of two heraldically opposed animals, as on the Lions'
Gate. On the first gem41 the representation of the altar
is very similar to that on the dove-shrines. The sides are
represented by two strongly curving lines on each side, the
innermost of which meet at the center; the quadrangular
base and top are represented by parallel lines. At the
sides of the top, projecting but little above the upper sur-
face, are almond-shaped appendages. The altar on the
second gem42 differs from the others in having a base which
is only about half the width of the top. The upper sur-
face in this case is finished at the sides by round append-
ages. The third gem43 shows an altar of similar form,
88 JHS, Vol. XXI, 1901, p. 157.
*> JHS, 1. c., p. 191.
41 Illustrated, JHS, I. c., p. 158, fig. 36; Tsountas and Manatt,
Mycenaean Age, p. 254, fig. 131; Furtwangler, Antike Gemmen, III,
p. 44, fig. 18.
0 Illustrated, JHS, I c., p. 159, fig. 37 ; 'E<£. 'Apx-, 1888, PI. X, 30 ;
Furtwangler, op. tit., PI. Ill, 24.
"Illustrated, JHS, 1. c., p. 159, fig. 38; 'E0. 'ApX., 1888, PI. X, 2;
Furtwangler, op. tit., PI. Ill, 23.
DEVELOPMENT OF TYPES 71
represented in a much simpler fashion. The top and bot-
tom are not differentiated from the rest of the altar, as in
the case of the other gems, and single lines are used for
the upper and lower surfaces. The base is slightly broader
than the top.
A fourth gem, from the Idaean Cave in Crete, shows an
altar closely resembling this in form. The chief difference
is that the top slightly exceeds the base in breadth. This
series of six representations may be sufficient to show that
altars and bases of the " Etruscan " form were used by the
Mycenaeans and Cretans, particularly in their tree and
pillar cult.44 As in the case of the Etruscans, this type
may have been derived from the Asiatic mainland.
It is evident from the foregoing discussion that altars
with curving outlines and boldly projecting members are
found in Rome itself, in Etruria, in various parts of the
eastern Mediterranean basin, and in Babylonia. Although
these altars present many individual variations, they all
show these strongly marked peculiarities, and these fea-
tures are so characteristic that they may be regarded as
affording some evidence of a connection among the peoples
who employed these forms. Such connections have indeed
long been regarded as established in the case of some of the
peoples with whom we are here concerned ; in others they
are little more than hypothetical. There is no doubt what-
ever that Rome was profoundly influenced by Etruria in
matters of religion and art.45 To what extent the Etrus-
cans were indebted to the Aegean civilization is an open
"Although they do not afford an exact parallel in the matter of
form, an interesting analogy is offered by the small stone "tables
of offerings" which were found around the altar in the Dictaean
Cave, in Crete. They show the fondness of the Minoans for broken
or curving outlines. Illustrated, BSA, Vol. VI, 1899-1900, PI. XI,
especially nos. 3 and 4.
" Cf . for example, Walters, The Art of the Eomans, p. 14.
72 ROMAN SACEIFICIAL ALTARS
question,46 but the survival of certain Mycenaean forms
in the Etruscan civilization would seem to point to a con-
tact between the two peoples at some period in their his-
tory. If the Etruscans arrived in Italy about 800 B. C.47
it may well be that in their journey westward they were
for a time under the influence of the last manifestations
of the Aegean culture before its final eclipse by the brighter
light of classical Greece. However that may be, and what-
ever the relations of the Aegean civilization to those of Asia
may have been — and undoubtedly the influence of Asia
upon the eastern Mediterranean basin was strong48 — it
seems clear that certain of the religious institutions of the
Etruscans were derived from those of Babylonia, which
renders extremely probable the theory that the Etruscans
came out of the East.49 To the evidence pointing to this
conclusion already gathered may now be added the fact that
Etruscan altars show many points in common with those
employed by the Babylonians.
The second class of altars presents no problems of espe-
**Cf. for example, Blinkenberg, Darstellungen des Sabasios, in
Arch. Studien, n. 54: "Ich war seit jeher der Meinung, class die
altetruskische Basis- und Altar-form von der mykenischen abgeleitet
1st. . . . Mykenisches Erbgut findet sich ja auch in anderen altitali-
schen Kunstformen wieder. " Pauly-Wissowa, Beal-Enc., 6,, 746;
"Ein direkter Einfluss mykenischer Kultur auf Mittelitalien ist
sicherlich ausgeschlossen. " (Korte.) Von Lichtenberg, Die Aegaische
Kultur, p. 156: "So zeigt die ganze etruskische Kultur eine Ver-
mischung einheimisch etruskischer, also (loch kleinasiatischer Gedanken
mit griechisch-agaischen, wie ja auch das Volk selbst ein Mischvolk
aus arischen und kleinasiatischen Elementen war." Cf. also Peet in
BSA, Vol. XIII, 1906-1907, The Early Aegean Civilisation in Italy.
n Carter, The Eeligious Life of Ancient Borne, p. 17.
** Cf. von Lichtenberg, op. cit., pp. 137 ff.
** Carter, op. cit., p. 19; Pauly-Wissowa, Beal-Enc., 6j, 744; Korte,
Die Bronzeleber von Piacenza in EM, Vol. XX, 1905, pp. 348 ff., espe-
cially p. 377: "Die Etrusker haben die Kunst der Eingeweideschau
allem Anschein nach noch in der alten kleinasiatischen Heimat iiber-
nominen, weiter ausgebildet wohl erst in Italien. "
DEVELOPMENT OF TYPES 73
cial interest. The quadrangular altar with straight sides,
the simplest and most easily constructed form, was used
by all the ancient peoples that concern us here. The round
altars were a later development of the same type, which
was especially favored by the Greeks. The four subdi-
visions of Class II will be treated briefly in turn.
The pulvinus of many Roman sacrificial altars is a fea-
ture which is more or less distinctively Roman. It does
not appear on Etruscan altars, and in its characteristic
Roman form at least was not used by the Greeks. There
are many examples of Greek altars the upper surface of
which is treated like an Ionic capital,50 but in no case are
the pulvini as sharply differentiated from the central part
of the upper surface as in the majority of Roman altars.
An organic connection is always felt as existing between
the pulvini and the surface between them. An Ionic capi-
tal has been extended laterally until it is wide enough to
serve as the crowning member of the altar. In some cases
a square plinth is placed above the pulvini in the fashion
of an abacus,51 so that the resemblance to a capital is fur-
ther emphasized. Another essentially Ionic feature is the
palmette which is sometimes placed in the angle of the
volute,52 as on the capitals of the Propylaea in Athens.53
Again, a decorated moulding similar to the necking of a
capital is sometimes added below the pulvini.6* These
facts show that this form of top in Greek altars55 was archi-
50 For example, <AZ, N. F., Ill, 1871, Taf. 45, 33 ; AJA, Ser. II,
Vol. IV, 1900, p. 185; Hartwig, Meisterschalen, XL; WV, V, 6, 1-2;
Furtwangler-Reichhold, Gr. Vasenmalerei, 73.
81 Heydemann, Gr. Vasenbilder, IX, 1.
B Overbeck, Atlas, V, 20, 9.
"Bohn, Die Propylaeen der Acropolis zu Athen, Taf. 12; Mar-
quand, Greek Architecture, p. 198, fig. 231.
»AZ, Vol. XI, 1853, Taf. LV.
"Many of the representations of this type of Greek altar present
a peculiar feature which cannot be readily explained by the existing
6
74 ROMAN SACRIFICIAL ALTARS
tecturally conceived and treated, which is not the case in
the Roman altars that approach this form most nearly.56
The Greek form is therefore fundamentally different from
the pulvinus, which in many instances has little or no
Ionic character. A dependence upon Ionic models is most
clearly to be seen in the earliest dated Roman altar with
pulvini — the altar of Calvinus on the Palatine. Here the
upper surface between the pulvini is not flat, as in the
later altars of this type, but is carried across in a shallow
curve recalling the sagging channels of many Ionic capi-
tals.57 The similarity in style between this altar and the
sarcophagus of Cornelius Scipio in the Vatican has already
been mentioned. In the case of the sarcophagus the Ionic
character is heightened by the floral forms, apparently lotos
buds, placed in the angles of the volutes. A peculiar fea-
ture characteristic of the Corinthian style is found in the
cauliculi from which the volutes spring.58
In the later altars, such as that of Silvanus found at
monuments or by literary evidence. ( WV, V, 6, 1-2 ; Murray, Designs
from Greek Vases in the British Museum, IX, 33 ; Annali, Vol. XXI,
1849, Tav. D; AJA, Ser. II, Vol. IV, 1900, p. 185.) An extra mem-
ber is represented above the pulvini, extending across the entire top
of the altar. It usually follows the curve of the pulvini quite closely,
and often ends above the volutes in more or less of a point. The
fact that an offering or flames are represented in very few cases
where this feature is found seems to show that it is not intended to
represent a portable adjunct placed upon the altar at the time of
sacrifice. It may simply be the artist's attempt to represent from
the front the rear pulvini of the altar, which he found beyond his
power to draw in correct perspective.
84 The origin and development of the Roman pulvini will be dis-
cussed later.
"For example, those of the Propylaea at Athens, and the Erec-
theum. Marquand, Greek Architecture, figs. 231 and 234.
B*A note in Altmann's Architectur und Ornamentik der Antiken
Sarcophage, p. 44, is apparently to be interpreted as meaning that
the same feature occurs on the altar of Calvinus, but the altar in its
present state at least seems to have no trace of such a form.
DEVELOPMENT OF TYPES 75
Ostia, the altar of C. Manlius in the Lateran, and the altar
of the Vicomagistri in the Capitoline, the pulvinus is
treated as a member entirely separate from the rest of the
top, and having no organic connection with it. It is as
independently conceived as if it were separately worked
and laid when completed in position on the top of the altar.
This structural independence is even more apparent in the
altar in the Temple of Vespasian at Pompeii59 and in the
altars of Juturna and of the Dioscuri in the Roman Forum.
In the altars first mentioned the pulvinus is placed some-
what below the level of the upper surface of the altar, and
is therefore slightly subordinated to it, but in the other
examples it lies almost entirely above the upper plinth,
and as a result is completely independent structurally of
the rest of the altar.
In spite of the breaking away from Ionic tradition, if
indeed this was ever effective for any length of time in the
history of the type, some traces of Ionic influence are rec-
ognizable in the pulvinus, especially in its form and deco-
ration. The contraction at the middle, the braided or
twisted balteus and the use of small scalelike leaves, or of
long slender pointed ones, for the decoration of the pul-
vinus, are all features that occur again and again in the
Ionic capital. The decoration of the ends of the pulvini
with floral forms instead of the volutes of the Ionic capital
is a natural result of the independence of Ionic influence.
Any evidence then to show that the pulvinus of the
Roman altar was a direct imitation of the Ionic capital is
so slight as to make the connection a matter of great uncer-
tainty. Only in one altar of an early date is much of
strictly Ionic character to be found, and the great majority
show little in common with Ionic forms except the decora-
89 Photo. Alinari, 11408.
76 ROMAN SACRIFICIAL ALTARS
tion, which is naturally a field where superficial resem-
blances very readily occur.
It seems far easier and more natural to explain the pul-
vinus merely as the development of some simple means
employed by the priests and attendants in early times to
keep the sacrificial fire in place on the altar and as a pro-
tection against the wind. A more elaborate device is found
in the canopy or hood which is occasionally represented as
in use on altars.60 The fact that for motives of conve-
nience the sacrificial altar was regularly placed in the
forecourt of the temple and not within the building itself
would frequently render some such means of protection
necessary. In view of the simple character of early Roman
religion it may not be too fanciful to suppose that two of
the logs brought for the building of the sacrificial fire were
placed at the sides of the rude altar of turf or fieldstone
as a means of protection against the spreading and scatter-
ing of the fire. When, with the establishment of settled
forms in religion and a more elaborate ritual, permanent
altars became the rule, this simple expedient may have
been translated into stone and gradually assumed the form
we find upon the altars of the late Republic and the Em-
pire. A similarity to Ionic forms would undoubtedly in-
fluence its evolution and its decoration, the naturalistic
character of which in many cases may have recalled the
earlier device.
The altars with hornshaped appendages at the corners,
included in Class II, B, form a relatively small group, only
80 Cf. for example, a Pompeian wall painting, illustrated in Gazette
Archeologique, Vol. IV, 1878, PI. II; Annali, Vol. XXXIX, 1867, p.
106, and Tav. E, reproducing a drawing from an unknown original,
formerly in the possession of Braun ; the relief from the Tomb of the
Haterii, Mon. dell' Inst., Vol. V, 1849-53, 7 and 8, and Photo. Alinari,
6387; a relief in the Louvre, Clarac, Musee de Sculpture, II, PI.
217, 314.
DEVELOPMENT OF TYPES 77
five of the eighty-seven examples being included in it.
This form of top is much more frequently used for grave
altars than for sacrificial altars, and on the grave monu-
ments it assumes more elaborate forms.61 The horns of
the sacrificial altars of this type are all perfectly plain,
but on the grave monuments they are frequently orna-
mented with palmettes and other designs borrowed from
architectural forms,62 such as masks and eagles.
Like the pulvinus, these hornshaped appendages prob-
ably had their origin in some simple device adopted by
the priests for convenience in sacrificing. A stone placed
at each corner of the altar or some such expedient would
prevent the scattering of the fire, or where a bloodless sac-
rifice was to be performed would help to keep the fruits or
other offerings in , place. These appendages would also
serve as points of suspension for the garlands frequently
employed in the decoration of the altars, which otherwise
could hardly be kept in place.63 As the utility of these
primitive horns was gradually established they would as-
sume a stereotyped form and be regularly used in certain
cases. This form of top, however, seems never to have
been as much used as that with pulvini. The reason for
this preference cannot now be determined. The altars in
existence point to no reason of cult on account of which one
form should be preferred to another. Next to the flat-
topped altars the form with pulvini seems to have been the
M For numerous illustrations of this form of top cf . Altmann, Edm.
Grdbaltare.
«2 Cf. for example, Altmann, op. cit., figs. 121, 129, 180.
63 Garlands are frequently represented as hanging from the ends of
pulvini. (Cf. for example, a relief in the Louvre, Clarac, Musee de
Sculpture, II, 219, 312; Photo. Giraudon, 1927.) That representa-
tions of altars of this class (II, J5) with garlands suspended from
the horns are not found must be due to the comparative infrequency
of the type.
78 ROMAN SACRIFICIAL ALTARS
one preferred for sacrificial altars,64 but the reasons for
this preference, aside from those of practical convenience,
are not clear.
Whatever the origin of the horns, they show clearly the
influence of architectural forms in shape and decoration.
As has been said, the horns of the sacrificial altars of this
type are quite plain, but many decorated examples are
found among the grave monuments. Here both form and
decoration are influenced by the acroteria frequently found
on the covers of sarcophagi and other monuments that re-
produce more or less closely the forms of houses or temples.
The outline of the horns is often exactly the same as that
of the acroteria at the corners, and the decoration with pal-
mettes is also a direct imitation of the architectural forms.
It is a recognized principle that the minor arts reflect the
tendencies of the great art of the time, and this small and
comparatively unimportant class of altars plainly shows
influences that may be traced also in larger contemporary
monuments.
The altars of Class II, C, those with flat tops, are numer-
ically the most numerous. As has been pointed out, this
form is the simplest that an altar can assume, and so nat-
urally it is the one most frequently employed. Its use is
common to all the peoples with whom we are here concerned.
Again we are indebted to Etruscan urns and mirrors for
many examples of this type. Brunn, I Rilievi delle Urne
Etrusche and Gerhard, Etruskische Spiegel, will afford
illustrations too numerous to be cited here. In a few in-
stances the altars are round,65 but generally they are quad-
94 Schbne, quoted by Nissen in Das Templum, p. 196, expresses the
opinion that pulvini are an essential part of an ara, but the existence
of many altars without pulvini and the fact that in many representa-
tions of sacrificial scenes the sacrifice is being performed on flat-
topped altars show that this view is incorrect.
65 Brunn, op. tit., I, XLIV, 18 and 19 ; IP, 88, 1.
DEVELOPMENT OP TYPES 79
rangular. The base and cornice are usually composed of
several mouldings, which as a rule project further than in
the Eoman examples of this type. These mouldings show
many variations; some are plain, but there is a strongly
marked tendency to employ Greek forms, such as dentils
and astragals, in their decorations. Flutings like those of
an Ionic column also occur on the main plinth.66 Wreaths
and fillets of various kinds are frequently used to decorate
these altars67 and the patera, is employed as a decoration
in at least one instance.68 The tops of these altars are
usually quite flat, but in a few cases rounded or pointed
appendages are found at the corners.69 The pulvinus in
the form commonly found on Roman altars does not occur.
The representation of flames on the top of the altar is com-
mon.70 It will be seen that the Etruscan altars of this
type differ but little from the Roman examples. The
Etruscan altars present closer affinities with Greek forms
to be noticed below than do the Roman altars, especially
in the forms and decoration of the mouldings.
These Etruscan altars have many features in common
with those represented on Greek vases and reliefs. Here
also the architectural character of the altars is emphasized
by strongly accentuated bases and cornices, and by the
employment of architectural details, such as triglyphs and
metopes.71 One feature of the Greek altars not found in
Etruscan or Roman forms is a member of rectangular sec-
tion, placed at the sides of the top, sometimes flush with
the sides, sometimes set in, and apparently answering the
" Brunn, op. cit., IP, 88, lj II, LIV, 3; IP, 85, 9.
87 Brunn, op. cit., I, XI, 24; I, XVI, 33.
98 Brunn, op. cit., I, XIV, 30.
8»Brunn, op. cit., IP, LXXVII, 6; Gerhard, op. cit., IV, CCCXII.
T0 Brunn, op. cit., I, XXXVIII, 7; I, XLIII, 7; IP, 88, 1.
"Hon. dell' Inst., Vol. VI-VII, 1857, Tav. LXXI, 2.
80 BOMAN SACRIFICIAL AXTARS
purpose of the Roman pulvinus.72 The same thing is
found in Pompeian wall paintings,73 and in a painting
from the Palatine.74 It seems to be an essentially Greek
feature.76
This type of altar was commonly used by the people of
the Minoan civilization, as is shown by numerous repre-
sentations on vases, etc., and by models and actual remains
of such altars. A familiar example of this form occurs
nWV, V, 9, 3; Mon. dell' Inst., Vol. II, 1834-1838, Tav. XLIII;
AZ, Vol. XXIV, 1866, Taf. CCVI, 4.
» WV, B, III, 4.
"Overbeck, Atlas, II, 7, 7; Bevue Arch,, 1870, PI. XV.
T5 In many representations of Greek sacrificial scenes, especially in
vase paintings, the sides of the altar are flecked or spotted, pre-
sumably with the blood of the victim. (Of. for example, Furtwangler-
Eeichhold, Gr. Vasenmalerei, I, 8, 25, 34; II, 73; WV, V, 6, 1-2;
Hartwig, Meisterschalen, III, 2; Arch. Am., 1910, p. 461, fig. 4.)
The spots vary in number from one to three. This has frequently
been explained by the statement that Greek sacrificial altars were
furnished with channels leading from the upper surface and dis-
charging at the sides, through which the superfluous blood was car-
ried away. (Cf. for example, Baumeister, Denkmdler, I, p. 56:
"Altare fur blutige Opfer hatten, wie wir auf Vasenbildern oft
sehen, an den Seiten flache Locher und im Innern Kanale, welche
dem Blute und Fette einen Abfluss nach aussen gestatteten. ") How-
ever, the complete absence of evidence for such a practice in the altars
themselves renders this explanation extremely improbable. The fact
is rather that blood was sprinkled on the sides of the altar at the
time of sacrifice, not only for purposes of purification, but as a sign
that the sacrifice had been properly carried out. Numerous refer-
ences in literature support this hypothesis (cf. Stengel, Opferbrauche
der Griechen, pp. 18 and 19, and the references there given), and
negative evidence is furnished by a pyxis in Berlin (Arch. Am., Vol.
X, 1895, p. 38, fig. 13), on which is represented a rude altar of earth
or stone with flecks of blood exactly like those on a permanent altar
of stone on the same vase. An altar of this character would not be
furnished with any elaborate device for carrying off the blood, so the
spots must be due to a ritualistic sprinkling of the altar with the
blood of the victim. This practice furnishes a partial explanation
for the necessity of frequently renewing the stucco coating of cer-
tain altars.
DEVELOPMENT OF TYPES 81
on a fragment of a steatite pyxis, found at Knossos.76 A
sacred grove is represented, surrounded by a wall, before
which stands a small quadrangular altar, constructed of ten
courses of small squared stones. The top is formed by a
plinth, projecting slightly beyond the courses below, on
which are placed the familiar " horns of consecration." As
Evans has pointed out,77 this altar probably reproduces the
form of the four altars whose bases have been found in the
Palace at Knossos. The altar in the Dictaean Cave seems
to have been of this form.78 A further example is afforded
by a small votive offering of terra cotta in the form of an
altar found in the Palace at Knossos.79 Here a projecting
plinth forms both the base and top. The majority of these
altars seem to have been oblong in plan rather than square.
As has been remarked, this form of altar is the simplest
and easiest of construction, so it is not surprising to find
that it is the one commonly employed by most primitive
races. Although as we have seen, it is one form used by
the peoples who were the cultural ancestors of the Romans,
it does not in itself carry any convincing testimony as to
connections between these stocks. In this it stands in
decided contrast to the Etruscan form, which seems to offer
evidence of some connection between the peoples that em-
ployed it, and not to be the result of the independent work-
ing out of artistic and religious tendencies.
The last division, Class II, D, composed of altars with
shallow depressions of various shapes and sizes in the upper
surface, presents few difficulties. In one case, that of the
altar adorned with plane leaves in the Museo Nazionale,80
74 Illustrated, JHS, Vol. XXI, 1901, p. 103, fig. 2.
" JHS, 1. c., p. 102. Cf. also La Grange, La Crete Ancienne, p. 52.
78 BSA, Vol. VI, 1899-1900, p. 98.
79 Illustrated, La Grange, op. tit., p. 83, fig. 62 ; von Lichtenberg,
Die Aegdische Kultur, p. 121, fig. 73.
"No. 73 in the catalogue.
82 ROMAN SACRIFICIAL ALTARS
the depression occupies the entire top. So large a depres-
sion would hardly have been required for libation pur-
poses ; it probably served for the attachment of some acces-
sory, such as a grate or brazier, at the time of sacrifice.
Such a device would be especially necessary in the case of
an elaborate and beautiful altar like the one in question, to
protect it from injury by the fire.81
A depression of this size is, however, exceptional; as a
general rule it is smaller and more cuplike in form. The
three round altars from Anzio now in the Capitoline82 may
be taken as typical of this class. Here the depression is
perfectly round and has the form of a shallow bowl. Such
altars are clearly intended for the libations or drink offer-
ings which formed a part of many sacrificial rites. As is
shown by the monumental evidence,83 libations were poured
on flat-topped altars with or without pulmni, but the exist-
ence of the special class of altars with a form of top plainly
intended for libation purposes points to rites of which the
libation formed the chief feature.
81 Cf. an article by Boni on the altar of Juturna in N8, 1901, pp.
79 ff. Boni thinks that this accessory was the sacred table or mensa
frequently mentioned in connection with sacrifices, and that it repre-
sented the caespes of the primitive altar.
82 Nos. 75, 77 and 78 in the catalogue.
"Of. for example, the relief on the altar of Manlius, no. 15 in
the catalogue.
DECORATION
Although many of the altars considered are absolutely
plain except for the simple mouldings that usually frame
the various faces, the decoration of the more elaborate
examples affords an interesting study. The observer is at
once struck by the fact that as a rule the sacrificial altars
are much simpler than the grave altars.1 In the latter
class a perfectly plain altar is exceptional, but among the
sacrificial altars examples with no decoration other than
simple mouldings or the conventional patera and urceus
form the majority. Undoubtedly the most elaborate exam-
ples in both classes of altars have perished, as they would
prove most attractive to the Vandals of the Middle Ages,
but some inferences may be drawn from those that remain.
Apparently the simplest form would often suffice for an
altar intended for the worship of the gods, although in
cases that seem to have been somewhat exceptional the sac-
rificial altar assumed more elaborate forms. The monu-
ments intended to perpetuate the memory of the dead, on
the other hand, are usually decorated more or less richly,
in a measure depending undoubtedly on the purse of the
one erecting the altar. Such a distinction between altars
dedicated to the gods and those erected in memory of the
dead is natural; the monument in the latter case was in-
tended to honor one for whom the survivors felt a close
personal affection, grief for whose loss would naturally be
expressed by the most costly and elaborate memorial at
their command, while altars to the gods expressed at best
1 For numerous illustrations of grave altars cf. Altmann, Bom.
Grdbaltare.
83
84 ROMAN SACRIFICIAL ALTARS
only an impersonal affection or a sense of gratitude for
favors received.2
The decoration of the sacrificial altars may conveniently
be considered under two heads : first, the simple and more
or less conventional decoration, such as the mouldings,
wreaths and palmettes; secondly, the more elaborate deco-
ration, especially the sculptured scenes in relief. The
second group may be subdivided into representations of the
gods and sacrificial scenes.
The majority of the altars have their faces framed by
simple flat mouldings, but in a number of cases, noticed
in the catalogue, more elaborate forms are employed.
These mouldings are the same as those commonly used in
architecture, Greek and Roman — the torus, trochilus and
fillet ; the astragal ; the cyma recta and cyma reversa, and
the hawk's beak moulding. The decoration of the mould-
ings is as a rule borrowed from the Greek. The familiar
"tongue" ornament and various forms of the "egg and
dart" and leaf patterns appear most frequently. As we
should naturally expect, the work is inferior to the Greek
and shows the degeneration that most Greek architectural
forms suffered at the hands of the Romans. Refinement
and delicacy of execution have yielded to a coarsened taste
and a mechanical technique. Even the finest of the sac-
rificial altars from the artistic point of view, the altar with
the plane leaves in the Museo Nazionale,8 is character-
istically Roman in the dull and lifeless character of its
mouldings, and the same is true to a greater degree of the
2 The businesslike aspect of the relationship between man and the
gods is well illustrated by the large number of ex voto monuments in
existence — i. e., altars erected in gratitude for the god's fulfilment
of his part of a contract.
8 No. 73 in the catalogue.
DECORATION 85
altar of Silvanus from Ostia4 and the two altars in the
precinct of Juturna in the Forum.5
The boucranion was a feature with which the Romans
were more successful. The splendid execution of those on
the altar with the plane leaves, just referred to, has already
been mentioned. Altmann has pointed out the differences
between the Roman boucranion and the form used by the
Greeks,6 and those on the Terme altar are typically Ro-
man in the slender, almost oblong shape of the skull and
the faithful delineation of the bony structure.
The employment of ram's heads as a decoration for the
corners dates, in Roman art, according to Altmann,7 from
the time of Claudius, although as Winnefeld pointed out8
it was a form much used by the Greeks. It lends itself
especially well to the decoration of altars, where it makes
a pleasing break in the otherwise straight line of the side,
and offers convenient points of suspension for the garlands
so frequently represented. A new feature developed by the
Romans was the filling of the lower corners with sphinxes,
eagles or other forms, to correspond to the rams' heads
above.9 The Altar of Silvanus from Ostia affords a good
example of this style of decoration, though as has been men-
tioned the sphinxes of the lower angles have almost entirely
4 No. 9 in the catalogue.
8 Nos. 21 and 22 in the catalogue.
* Architectur und Ornamentilc, p. 64. The Greek form is almost tri-
angular, while the Boman form is long and slender, as would naturally
be the case, since the heads of the cattle of the Boman Campagna are
of that type. The Greeks frequently represented the boucranion as
covered with hide and hair (cf. Marquand, Greek Architecture, fig.
280), while the Romans represented only the bony structure of the
skull.
1 Rom. Grdbaltdre, p. 68.
8 Quoted by Altmann, op. cit., p. 69.
* Altmann, op. cit., p. 70.
86 ROMAN SACRIFICIAL, ALTARS
disappeared. The motive appears frequently on grave
monuments.10
To a limited extent conventionalized vegetable ornaments,
such as palmettes, spirals and rosettes, are used. Here again
the execution is mechanical and the forms are sometimes
employed without much reference to the space they are
intended to fill. The freer naturalistic ornament on the
other hand is often more successful. The altar of Victoria
Augusta in the Museo Nazionale,11 although a small and
unimportant monument, shows considerable delicacy and
refinement in the wreaths and palm branches which adorn
it. The oak wreath on the altar of Jupiter in the Capi-
toline12 is very successfully treated. Wreaths of fruits,
grains and flowers are employed to a certain extent,13
though far less than on the grave altars. They are undoubt-
edly intended as an imitation or reminiscence of the actual
wreaths frequently hung upon altars at the time, of sacri-
fice.14 As a rule they are heavy, recalling the wreaths
later so effectively used by the artists of the Italian Renais-
sance, and the execution is often mediocre. The most suc-
cessful piece of naturalistic decoration left to us is on the
altar with the plane leaves, to which reference has already
been made. It is difficult to see how the simple yet pleas-
ing theme could have been more successfully treated. This
masterpiece should go far towards dispelling the feeling
that the Romans were lacking in delicacy and refinement
of conception and in mastery of the subtler resources of the
sculptor's art.
Frequently some object connected with the cult of the
10 Of. Altmann, op. tit., figs. 62-72.
11 No. 10 in the catalogue.
M No. 36 in the catalogue.
13 For example, the altar from Ostia (no. 9), the altar of Pietas
(no. 45) and the altar of C. Manlius (no. 15).
"Ovid, Met., VII, 242; Trist., Ill, 13, 15.
DECORATION 87
divinity to whom the altar is dedicated is employed as a
feature of the decoration. Thus the cista mystica appears
on an altar of Isis;15 the spear and starred pileus are used
on an altar of the Dioscuri.16 The objects most frequently
represented on the altars in this way are the patera and
urceus. They occur occasionally on the rear, but more
often on the side faces, one on the right, the other on the
left. An almost invariable law regarding the position of
these vessels runs throughout the series. Of the eighty-
seven altars considered, twenty-three are decorated with the
patera and urceus, and in twenty-two of these cases the
patera is found on the right face of the altar and the urceus
on the left. The same principle holds true in grave altars.
The explanation of this uniformity is not far to seek. It
is undoubtedly to be found in the position of the sacrificing
priest with reference to the altar. Numerous representa-
tions of sacrificial scenes show that it was the almost invari-
able custom for the priest to stand facing the worshippers,
at the right of the altar, so that he could most conveniently
pour the libations and perform the other ritual acts with
his right hand. This would be the most natural position
for a right-handed person. The camillus*7 whose duties
included the carrying of the urceus containing the wine
for libation, commonly stands at the left of the altar. It
is but natural therefore that the two vessels which are sym-
bolic of the functions of these two important members of
the sacrificial group should come to be represented almost
invariably on the sides of the altar most closely associated
with them.
MNo. 35 in the catalogue.
MNo. 41 in the catalogue. For the use of the pileus and star in
connection with the Dioscuri, cf. Pauly-Wissowa, Eeal-Enc., 5t, article
Dioscuri, 1122-3.
17 For a discussion of the Camillus ef. Spaulding, The "Camillus-"
Type in Sculpture, Columbia University Dissertation, 1911.
88 ROMAN SACRIFICIAL ALTARS
A brief examination of a few of the many sacrificial
scenes preserved on altars, sarcophagi and other monuments
may serve to make this point more clear. A number of
such scenes have already been met with on the altars con-
sidered. The altar of the La/res Augusti in the Palazzo dei
Conservatori1 8 presents an interesting group, in which the
four vicomagistri appear to be making a libation or per-
forming some other sacrificial rite in common. That the
four men instead of one are here carrying out the priestly
functions is shown not only by their position about the
altar but also by the veiling of their heads. This makes
it impossible to draw any inference from this scene as to
the usual position of the sacrificing priest. The altar of
C. Manlius in the Lateran19 has upon its front face a sac-
rificial scene of the usual type. The priest stands at the
right of a small square altar, upon which he is pouring a
libation from the patera held in his right hand. In this
case the camillus stands directly behind the altar. A third
instance is afforded by the altar of the Lares Augusti in
the Vatican,20 on the right side of which a scene of sacrifice
is represented. The priest stands as usual at the right of
the altar. A second altar of the Lares Augusti in the Vat-
ican21 shows two men, one on either side of a small altar;
the one at the right is pouring a libation, while his com-
panion on the left is apparently scattering incense on the
altar. As has been pointed out, the altar of the Vicomag-
istri is dated by its inscription in the year 2 A. D., and it
is probable that the other altars cited here also belong in
the Augustan age,22 although the two last are so defaced
18 No. 14 in the catalogue.
19 No. 15 in the catalogue.
*° No. 60 in the catalogue.
81 No. 61 in the catalogue.
22 Cf . Strong, Roman Sculpture, pp. 73 ff.
DECOEATION 89
as to make any accurate judgment based on points of style
impossible.
The relief sculpture of the Augustan age furnishes a
further example of a sacrificial scene. Two fragments
from the Ara Pads Augustae,25 now united in the Museo
ISTazionale at Rome, represent a sacrifice, perhaps in honor
of Tellus. The center of the scene is occupied by a rude
altar built up of courses of field stone. A wreath hangs
upon it and the top is piled with fruit. At the left are
two young attendants, the mctimarii, leading the pig in-
tended for sacrifice, and the camillus, who carries the
urceus and a flat dish of fruit. The sacrificing priest,24
who is represented as a man of mature years and grave
aspect, stands at the right of the altar. He is clad in an
ample mantle which is drawn up over his head in the usual
fashion, while his right arm and part of his chest are left
bare. The right hand has been broken off above the wrist,
but the position of the arm, and the waiting attitude of the
camillus who stands with urceus lowered as if the act of
filling the patera, had just been completed, make it certain
that the priest was pouring a libation upon the altar.
A series of reliefs that might be extended almost indefi-
nitely carries the representation of sacrificial scenes down
nearly to the time of Constantine. A relief in the Vati-
can,25 probably from an altar, furnishes an example which
may date from the Claudian period. The left half of the
"For illustrations cf. Strong, op. tit., PI. IX, 2; Photo. Alinari,
27323.
** Petersen, Ara Pacis Augustae, pp. 54 ff., interprets this figure as
the genius of the Koman Senate, and this is followed by Mrs. Strong,
op. tit., p. 46. Sieveking, Oest. Jahreshefte, Vol. X, 1907, pp. 187 ff.,
rejects this interpretation and explains the scene as a representation
of the sacrifice of Aeneas to the Penates after his landing in Italy.
36 Illustrated, Amelung, Sc. des Vat. Mus., II, Taf . 61 ; Photo. An-
derson, 3932.
7
90 ROMAN SACRIFICIAL ALTARS
relief is occupied by the victimarius and the victim, in this
case a bull, while the sacrifice is represented at the right.
A small quadrangular altar forms the central point of the
group. It has a simply moulded base and cornice and the
top is flanked by small pulvini connected by volutes, be-
tween which the sacrificial fire is represented. At the left
of the altar stands a woman who holds an incense-box in
her left hand, from which she is sprinkling incense upon
the flames with her right hand. At the right is the priest
clad in tunic and mantle. The heads of both the man and
the woman are veiled in the usual fashion. The priest is
pouring a libation upon the altar from a small flat patera
held in his right hand.
A variation of the usual position is found on the front
face of the altar in the Temple of Vespasian at Pompeii.26
Here the priest stands at the left of the tripod which serves
as an altar, and pours a libation upon it from a patera held
in his right hand. A bull in charge of two victimarii
occupies the space at the right of the tripod, and the other
attendants, including a tibicen, lictors and a tiny camillus,
are grouped behind the tripod and the priest. No reason
is apparent for this departure from the usual arrangement.
Nothing unusual is indicated in any other feature of the
group, so it seems probable that the change in position was
due simply to a misunderstanding of the ordinary arrange-
ment on the part of the sculptor, or to a desire for novelty
in the grouping. The artistic advantages of the usual
arrangement will be at once apparent upon comparison
of this group with any of the usual type.
The column of Trajan, dating from 113 A. D., presents
a series of eight sacrificial scenes representing events in
"Illustrated, Mau-Kelsey, Pompeii, p. 107, fig. 43; Photo. Alinari,
11408.
DECOBATION 91
various campaigns of the emperor.27 The altars in this
series are all quadrangular, sometimes constructed of
courses of masonry, but more often monolithic. The base
and cornice are usually moulded and in seven of the eight
scenes the altar is adorned with a wreath. In most cases
flames are represented on the top of the altar. In two of
the eight scenes the priest does not appear; in two of the
remaining six he stands at the left of the altar, and in four
he is found in the usual position at the right of the altar,
with the patera in his right hand.
Four sacrificial scenes are found among the medallions
now on the arch of Constantine.28 In three of these scenes
a priest appears twice at the right of the altar, once at
the left.
A relief of the Antonine period, now in the Palazzo dei
Conservatori,29 presents the same variation from the usual
type as that found on the altar in Pompeii. The sacrificial
group is gathered about a small tripod, upon which the
emperor-priest, who stands slightly behind and to the left
of it, is pouring a libation. Again the awkwardness of
this arrangement from the sculptural point of view is ap-
parent in the undue prominence given to the right arm of
the emperor.
A medallion of Julia Domna30 represents a sacrifice to
Vesta. Six Vestal virgins with veiled heads are grouped
Tor illustrations cf. Cichorius, Die Beliefs der Trajansiiule, Taf.
X, VIII; Taf. XXXVIII, LHIj Taf. LIX, LXXX; Taf. LXII,
LXXXV; Taf. LXIII, LXXXVI; Taf. LXVI, XCI; Taf. LXXII,
XCIX; Taf. LXXVI, GUI.
"For a discussion as to the date of these medallions cf. Strong,
Roman Sculpture, pp. 131 ff. Sieveking, BM, Vol. XXII, 1907, pp.
345-360, advances the theory that those of the south side are Flavian
and those of the north side Hadrianie. For illustrations cf. Strong,
op. tit., Pis. XL and XLI.
» Illustrated, Strong, op. tit., PI. XCI, 8 ; Photo. Alinari, 6043.
30 Illustrated, NS, 3", Vol. XIII, 1883, Tav. II.
92 EOMAN SACRIFICIAL ALTARS
about a small round altar before the Temple of Vesta. The
priestess to the right of the altar is pouring a libation from
a patera held in her right hand, while her companion to the
left appears to be sprinkling incense on the flames.
The basis of a column erected in the Roman Forum by
Diocletian31 has on one side a sacrificial scene. The relief,
though of poor workmanship and much defaced, is valuable
as a witness to the persistence of early forms down to the
latest days of paganism. The emperor, about to be crowned
by Victory, stands at the right of the small tripod-altar,
upon which he is pouring a libation from a patera umbili-
cata held in his right hand. As in many earlier scenes,
the tibicen stands almost directly behind the altar, while a
small camillus with an incense-box in his hands is at the
left. The group is completed by other attendants and
officials to right and left.
More than three hundred years intervened between this
basis and the earliest monuments considered, but the sac-
rificial group in what we have found to be its normal form
occurs again and again throughout this period. Variations
do appear, as has been noted above, but they are so few
comparatively that they may serve only to emphasize the
regularity with which the usual type occurs. There can
be no doubt that in the ordinary sacrifices the regular posi-
tion for the sacrificing priest was at the right of the altar,
a position justified not only by its convenience but also by
its more pleasing appearance from the spectator's point of
view. In this customary grouping of the priests and at-
tendants about the altar, therefore, is to be found the expla-
nation of the almost invariable rule governing the appear-
ance of the patera and urceus as a decoration of altars.
The patera is placed upon the right face as the vessel most
closely associated with the sacrificing priest, while the
31 Of. Hiilsen-Carter, The Soman Forum, pp. 97-98.
DECORATION 93
urceus is emblematic of the camillus, whose regular place
is at the left of the altar.
Altars with more elaborate decoration, such as repre-
sentations of the gods or sacrificial scenes, are naturally in
the minority. The reliefs representing gods are in many
instances taken over from statues in the round, and in
some cases statues of the same type are still extant.32
Add to this the fact that the altars were for the most part
the work of humble stonecutters, of whom no originality
could be expected, and it becomes highly probable that the
greater part of the more elaborate decoration in relief was
a more or less faithful copy of works already in existence.
The mechanical and lifeless execution of most of the reliefs
shows how little real skill the artists possessed. In spite
of this mediocrity, however, they have a certain interest as
specimens of the art of the people.
Reference has already been made to the sacrificial and
cult scenes on the altars. Their full import is not clear
in all cases,33 but there can be little doubt that they re-
ferred directly to the cult with which the altar was con-
nected. The same is true of the mythological scenes with
which certain of the altars are decorated.34 The principle,
therefore, running through the entire field of the decoration,
with the exception of the purely conventional ornament,
such as palmettes and mouldings, is that it is directly con-
nected with the sacrifice performed upon the altar. The
MFor a statue of the same type as the relief on the altar of Sil-
vanus, no. 8 in the catalogue, cf. Reinach, Repertoire de la Statuaire,
I, p. 220, 818. For the relief of Neptune on the altar in the Capi-
toline, no. 75, cf. Reinach, op. cit., I, p. 428, 1796, which is of the
same type, except that it lacks the cloak. A Pompeian wall painting,
Overbeck, Atlas, III, XII, 23, reproduces the type exactly.
88 Cf . for example the relief on the rear face of the altar of Manlius,
no. 15 in the catalogue.
34 For example the altar of Hercules in the Lateran, no. 42 in
the catalogue.
94 BOMAN SACRIFICIAL ALTABS
wreaths of stone reproduce actual floral decoration; the
boucrania and rams' heads recall the part that the victims
had in the sacrifice; the patera and urceus symbolize the
functions of priest and camillus, while more elaborate deco-
rations depict the god and events in his life or represent
the sacrifice performed upon the altar. Thus even the
monotonous repetition of the sacrificial vessels possesses a
certain interest and the decoration as a whole bears witness
to a once vital religious feeling.
CONCLUSION
The results of this investigation may be summarized as
follows :
1. Roman sacrificial altars present in general two widely
differing types, — those with curving profiles and those with
straight profiles.
2. The first of these types was derived from Etruria and
bears a marked resemblance to altar-forms employed by
peoples further to the East, especially the Babylonians and
the bearers of the Aegean civilization.
3. The second of the two types was too widely diffused
and too little individualized to afford any conclusions as to
the relations of the peoples using it.
4. The decoration of the altars was largely determined
by their function as the chief accessory of the sacrifice and
reflects the more important art of the time.
Although the sacrificial altars form a group of compara-
tively unimportant monuments, they may yet serve to play
some small part in determining the historical and artistic
relations of the forces that produced them.
95
INDEX
The following list includes the altars discussed in the catalogue
and others known to be in existence in Borne at the present time. It
is thought to be practically complete.
PAGE
AESCVLAPIVS 34
Aesculapius, Vatican, Galleria Lapidaria. CIL, VI, 16 = 30685.
Aesculapius, Villa Borghese. CIL, VI, 4.
Aeternus Sanctus. CIL, VI, 3671 = 30847.
Agathos Daemon, Vatican. CIL, XIV, 3533.
Aisculapius Augustus, Vatican, Galleria Lapidaria. CIL, VI,
12 = 30684; ILS, 3837.
ALTAK WITH PLANE LEAVES 53
APOLLO 42
Apollo, Villa Borghese. CIL, VI, 25.
Apollo, Palazzo Maffei. CIL, VI, 36.
Apollo, built into the wall of a house on the corner of the Via di
San Bartolommeo de' Vaccinari and the Via Fiumara. CIL,
VT, 45; ILS, 3222.
ABA TAUROBOLATA 34
ABA TAUROBOLATA 53
Asclepius, Vatican, Galleria dei Candelabri. CIL, VI, 8.
Asclepius, S. Maria dell' Orto. CIL, VI, 13.
Bellona, Villa Ludovisi. CIL, VI, 2232; ILS, 4181.
BONA DBA 21
BONA DBA 42
Bona Dea, Villa Giustiniani. CIL, VI, 55.
Bona Dea. CIL, VI, 59 = 3674.
Bona Dea. CIL, VI, 71; ILS, 3505.
Campestres, Villa Maraini. CIL, VI, 31157.
Civitas, Vatican, Galleria Lapidaria. CIL, VI, 88.
Deus Arimanius, Vatican. CIL, VI, 47 ; ILS, 4263.
Deus Paternus. CIL, VI, 2801 = 32572.
Deus Patrius. CIL, XIV, 3.
DEUS SANCTUS 39
Deus Sanctus, Palazzo dei Conservatori. CIL, VI, 2807 = 32582 ;
ILS, 4068.
Deus Sanctus, Palazzo dei Conservatori. CIL, VI, 2830 = 32555.
DEUS sive DEA 39
DEUS sive DEIVA 12
96
INDEX 97
DIANA 27
DIANA 27
DIANA 34
DIANA 42
Diana, Antiquarium. CIL, VI, 30864.
Diana, Aventine. CIL, VI, 3677 = 30863.
Dia Suria, Museo Capitolino. CIL, VI, 115 = 30696; 1L8, 4276.
Dii Custodes, Antiquarium. CIL, VI, 30860.
Dii Penates, Museo Kircheriano. CIL, VI, 561.
Dii Sancti Patrienses, Museo Capitolino. Fragmentary. CIL,
VI, 32574.
Dn et DEAE 56
Dii, Deae et Juppiter. CIL, VI, 31168; IL8, 4342.
DIOSCURI 29
DIOSCURI 39
DISPATER 35
DISPATER et HERCULES 22
Dracones, Museo Kircheriano. CIL, VI, 143 ; ILS, 3896«.
FORTUNA 43
FORTUNA 54
FORTUNA 56
Fortuna, Vatican, Sala delle Muse. CIL, VI, 189.
Fortuna, Villa Borghese. CIL, VI, 201.
Fortuna, Villa Giustiniani. CIL, VI, 20870.
Fortuna Primigenia, Palazzo dei Conservatori. CIL, VI, 3681
= 30875.
Genius, Vatican, Galleria dei Candelabri. CIL, VI, 245.
GENIUS CENTURIAE 43
GENIUS CENTURIAE 57
Genius Coloniae Ostiensium, Vatican, Galleria Lapidaria. CIL,
XIV, 8.
GENIUS FAMILIAE 43
GENIUS HORREORUM 28
GENIUS NORICORUM 43
HERCULES 29
HERCULES 40
HERCULES 44
HERCULES 52
Hercules, Museo Nazionale. CIL, VI, 30889.
Hercules, Museo Capitolino. CIL, VI, 284.
Hercules, Museo Kireheriano. CIL, VI, 279.
Hercules. CIL, VI, 30909.
Hercules, Villa Maraini. CIL, VI, 31162.
Hercules Augustus, Museo Laterano. CIL, VI, 300.
98 BOMAN SACBIFICIAL ALTABS
Hercules Augustus, Museo Laterano. OIL, XIV, 2426.
Hercules Augustus Dispensator, Villa Ludovisi. CIL, VI, 8832.
HEECULES COMES et CONSERVATOR 44
Hercules Conserbator, VUla Albani. CIL, VI, 307; 1LS, 3440.
Hercules Defensor, Villa Albani. CIL, VI, 309 ; IL8, 3466.
Hercules Invictus, Museo Capitolino. CIL, VI, 313.
Hercules Invictus, Vatican, Galleria Lapiclaria. CIL, XIV, 3545.
Hercules Invictus, Villa Ludovisi. CIL, VI, 327.
Hercules Invictus, Museo Borgiano. CIL, VI, 329 = 30738 ; IL8,
3469.
HERCULES PRIMIGENIITS 33
HERCULES SANCTISSIMUS INVICTUS 36
Hercules Sanctus. NS, 1892, p. 48; SC, 1892, p. 182.
Hercules Victor, Museo Capitolino. CIL, VI, 328 ; IL8, 3434.
Hercules et Genius, Villa Maraini. CIL, VI, 31150.
HERCULES ET SILVANUS 44
Hercules et Silvanus, Museo Laterano. CIL, VI, 3690.
Isis 14
Isis 36
Isis 44
JUNO 44
JUPPITER 45
JUPPITER 45
JUPPITER 57
JUPPITER 57
JUPPITER GUSTOS 41
JUPPITER OPTIMUS MAXIMUS 37
Juppiter Optimus Maximus, Museo Capitolino. CIL, VI, 30950a;
IL8, 4073.
Juppiter Optimus Maximus, Museo Capitolino. Fragmentary.
CIL, VI, 32585.
Juppiter Optimus Maximus, Museo Capitolino. Fragmentary.
CIL, VI, 2839,= 32592.
Juppiter Optimus Maximus, Palazzo dei Conservatori. Fragmen-
tary. CIL, VI, 2813 = 32586.
Juppiter Optimus Maximus, Antiquarium. CIL, VI, 30939.
Juppiter Optimus Maximus, Villa Pamphili. CIL, VI, 393.
Juppiter Optimus Maximus. CIL, VI, 2815.
Juppiter Optimus Maximus, Villa Maraini. CIL, VI, 31173.
Juppiter Optimus Maximus Capitolinus, Palazzo dei Conservatori.
CIL, VI, 2817 = 32588.
Juppiter Optimus Maximus Deus Sabadius, Villa Maraini. CIL,
VI, 31164.
INDEX 99
Juppiter Optimus Maximus Purpurio, Villa Albani. GIL, VT,
424; 1LS, 3040.
Juppiter Sanctus, Palazzo dei Conservatori. C1L, VI, 2811
= 32593.
Juppiter Territor, Museo Kircheriano. CIL, XIV, 3559.
Juppiter Tutor, Museo Capitolino. CIL, XIV, 25.
Juppiter Optimus Maximus et Genius, Villa Maraini. CIL, VI,
31147.
Juppiter Optimus Maximus, Juno, Mars. CIL, VI, 31176.
Juppiter Optimus Maximus, Juno, Minerva, Hercules, Fortuna,
Felieitas, Salus, Fata, Genius, Villa Maraini. CIL, VI, 31138.
Juppiter Optimus Maximus, Juno, Minerva, Mars, Victoria, Mer-
curius, Felieitas, Salus, Fata, Campestres, Silvanus, Apollo,
Diana, Epona, Matres Sulevae, Genius, Villa Maraini. CIL,
VI, 31141, 31142.
Juppiter Optimus Maximus, Juno, Minerva, Mars, Victoria, Mer-
curius, Felieitas, Salus, Fata, Campestres, Silvanus, Apollo,
Diana, Epona, Genius, Villa Maraini. CIL, VI, 31143, 31144.
Juppiter Optimus Maximus, Juno, Minerva, Mars, Victoria, Her-
cules, Fortuna, Mercurius, Felieitas, Salus, Fata, Campestres,
Silvanus, Apollo, Diana, Epona, Matres Sulevae, Genius, Villa
Maraini. CIL, VI, 31145, 31146, 31148, 31149; ILS, 4833.
Juppiter Optimus Maximus, Silvanus Sanctus et Ceteri Dii, Pa-
lazzo dei Conservatori. CIL, VI, 3697 = 30940.
Juppiter Optimus Maximus, Sol Divinus et Genius Venalicius,
Museo Capitolino. CIL, VI, 398 ; ILS, 3673.
Juppiter, Juno, Castores et Apollo, Museo Laterano. Fragmen-
tary. CIL, VI, 413 ; ILS, 4320.
JUTURNA 31
LARES AUGUSTI 22
LARES AUGUSTI 35
LARES AUGUSTI 45
LARES AUGUSTI 48
LARES AUGUSTI 51
Lares Augusti, Museo Capitolino. CIL, VI, 443.
LARES CURIALES 15
Lares Salutares, Museo Capitolino. CIL, VI, 459; ILS, 3630.
LARES SEMITALES 16
LARES VIALES 16
LIBER 35
LUCINA 36
MANLIUS, Altar dedicated by 24
Mars Sanctissimus et Genius, Villa Maraini. CIL, VI, 31151.
Mars Sanctus, Villa Maraini. CIL, VI, 31177.
100 ROMAN SACRIFICIAL ALTARS
MATER DEUM 19
Mater Deum, Villa Albani. CIL, VI, 505 ; IL8, 4143.
Mater Deum, Campo Santo di San Lorenzo. CIL, VI, 30968.
Mater Deum et Attis, Museo Capitolino. CIL, VI, 506 = 30782 ;
1L8, 4144.
MEBCURIUS 38
MERCUBIUS 48
Mercurius, Vatican, Galleria dei Candelabri. CIL, VI, 514.
Mercurius. CIL, 3703 = 30978.
MINERVA 36
Minerva, Archaeological Institute. CIL, VI, 525.
MITHRAS 32
MITHRAS 49
MITHRAS 49
MITHRAS 58
Mithras. CIL, VI, 571.
NEMESIS 49
NEPTUNUS 33
NEPTUNUS 55
PANTHEUS 41
PANTHEUS 50
PIETAS 42
Semo Sancus, Vatican, Galleria Lapidaria. CIL, VI, 567 =
30795; IL8, 3474.
SlLVANUS 16
SlLVANUS 17
SlLVANUS 39
SlLVANUS 50
SlLVANUS 51
SlLVANUS 51
SlLVANUS 57
SlLVANUS 58
Silvanus, Museo Nazionale. CIL, VI, 31152.
Silvanus, Villa Albani. CIL, VI, 594.
Silvanus, Villa Albani. CIL, VI, 603.
Silvanus, Villa Albani. CIL, VI, 665.
Silvanus, Villa Albani. CIL, XIV, 49.
Silvanus, Museo Kircheriano. CIL, VI, 653.
Silvanus, Museo Kircheriano. CIL, VI, 654.
Silvanus, Villa Ludovisi. CIL, VI, 622.
Silvanus, Antiquarium. CIL, VI, 31000.
Silvanus, house in Piazza Paganica, 6. CIL, VI, 616.
Silvanus, in gardens near the Forum. CIL, VT, 661.
Silvanus. CIL, VI, 679.
UTDEX 101
Silvanus, Museum of University of Eome. OIL, VI, 927.
Silvanus. C1L, VI, 31029.
Silvanus Gustos, Villa Ludovisi. CIL, VI, 310; ILS, 3467.
Silvanus Salutaris. CIL, VI, 3716 = 31013 ; ILS, 3566.
Silvanus Sanctus, Museo Nazionale. CIL, VI, 31024.
Silvanus Sanctus, Museo Nazionale. Fragmentary. CIL, VI,
31016.
Silvanus Sanctus, Museo Capitolino. CIL, VI, 690.
Sol, Villa Ludovisi. CIL, VI, 703.
Sol, Museo Nazionale. CIL, VI, 704 = 30816.
Sol. CIL, VI, 31031.
Sol, Vatican. CIL, XIV, 2583.
Sol Invictus, Museo Capitolino. CIL, "VT, 715.
Sol Invictus, Vatican, Galleria Lapidaria. CIL, VI, 717; ILS,
4217.
Sol Invictus et Luna Aeterna, Vatican, Galleria Lapidaria. CIL,
VI, 755; ILS, 3940.
SOL, LUNA, APOLLO, DIANA 55
Sol, Luna, Silvanus, Genius, Museo Capitolino. CIL, VI, 706;
ILS, 3941.
Sol Mithras, Vatican, Galleria Lapidaria. CIL, VI, 741.
SOL SANCTISSIMUS 20
Spes, Vatican, Galleria Lapidaria. CIL, VI, 758.
STATA MATER 58
Sulevae, Villa Maraini. CIL, VI, 31161; ILS, 4778.
Suleviae, Vatican, Galleria Lapidaria. CIL, VI, 767.
TRANQUILLITAS 56
Undae Cyaneae, Museo Capitolino. CIL, VI, 555.
VENTI 56
VEIOVIS 11
VERMINUS 10
VICTORIA AUGUSTA 19
Victoria Augusta, in house in Piazza Colonna. CIL, VI, 3780.
VITA
I, Helen Cox Bowerman, was born in Rochester, New
York, July 27, 1878. My father was Daniel Bowerman,
my mother Mary Weeks Bowerman. I was prepared for
college by the Rochester Free Academy and from 1897 to
1901 I was a student at Mount Holyoke College, from
which I was graduated in 1901 with the degree of Bachelor
of Arts. During 1902-1903 I studied at the University
of Rochester and at the end of that year received the degree
of Master of Arts. In 1908-1909 I held a scholarship in
Classical Archaeology and Latin in Bryn Mawr College and
in the two following years I held the resident Fellowship
in Archaeology. The year 1910-1911 I spent in study
abroad, at the University of Bonn and the American School
of Classical Studies in Rome. In the fall of 1911 I re-
turned to Bryn Mawr College as the holder of the '86
Fellowship of Mount Holyoke College, and during that
year completed the required work for the Doctor's degree.
From 1903 to 1905 I taught in the High School at Mace-
don, New York, and from 1905 to 1908 I was Instructor
in Latin in Western College, Oxford, Ohio.
My work at Bryn Mawr has been under the direction of
Professor Caroline Ransom, formerly of the Department
of Archaeology, now of the Metropolitan Museum in New
York; of Professor Arthur L. Wheeler and Professor
Tenney Frank, of the Department of Latin; and during
the last year, of Professor David Moore Robinson, of Johns
Hopkins University, who had charge of the graduate work
in Archaeology at Bryn Mawr College for that year. My
examinations for the doctorate were taken in May, 1912.
102
VITA 103
My major subject was Classical Archaeology, my minor
was Latin.
My special thanks are due to Professor Ransom, Pro-
fessor Wheeler and Professor Frank, with whom the
greater part of my work was done, and to Professor Kobin-
son for the direction of my dissertation. It is a pleasure
to acknowledge their unfailing kindness and interest in
my work. My thanks are also due to Professor Jesse
Benedict Carter, Director of the American School in Rome,
from whom the first suggestion for this study came.