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ROME OF THE PILGRIMS
AND MARTYRS
ROME OF THE PILGRIMS
AND MARTYRS
A STUDY IN THE MARTYROLOGIES, ITINERARIES
SYLLOGiE, & OTHER CONTEMPORARY DOCUMENTS
BY
ETHEL ROSS BARKER
AUTHOR OF "BURIED HERCULANEUM "
WITH FOUR MAPS
LONDON: METHUEN & CO. LTD.
NEW YORK
GEORGE H. DORAN COMPANY
MAR 1 6 1956
C'est la verite qui est notre voie et notre vie . . .
notre piete n'est point dans I'illusion et dans le
mensonge.
TiLLEMONT, Mdmoires . . . i. xiv.
PREFACE
In approaching the study of the stones of Christian Rome
with the object of collecting some material for elucidating
the still obscure story of the first three centuries of
Christianity, the student is constantly confronted with cer-
tain early Christian documents — the Liber Pontificalis or
History of the Popes, the Itineraries or Pilgrims' guide
books, the Acta Marty rum or Acts of the Martyrs, the
Marty rologies, and the Syllogcs, or Collections of Inscriptions.
Many questions at once arise. What is the date and
authorship of these documents ? What the general charac-
ter of their contents? In what sense are they of historical
value? What is their precise relation to the monuments?
What light does the collated evidence of monument and
document throw on the history of the period ? What texts
are available, and what have scholars already contributed to
the subject? The answer to some of these questions is to
be found in certain great monographs, too long and some-
times too technical for any but the specialist, and inaccess-
ible from their rarity or costliness : a few points have been
treated in foreign periodicals difficult to collect. Very little
has been written in English: all the texts are in Latin,
there are practically no translations, and there is no adequate
account in a single book of the total results of research.
This book is an attempt to supply the need of a con-
nected history of all these documents ; to show their relation
one to the other ; and to collate the topographical informa-
tion on the martyrs' shrines which is contained in them all,
viii ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
and forms a link between them. There is further, in the
introductory chapters, a description, derived from contem-
porary sources, of the pilgrimages to Rome in the early
ages ; and in the last chapters, an indication of the method
of applying the documentary evidence to the identification
of the monuments as revealed by the excavations, which are
now in progress day by day in the catacombs.
While some of these documents are mainly topographical,
others are only incidentally so. These latter have been
described in all their aspects, so that each document may
be judged as a whole. Each section of the book, therefore,
is complete in itself within the prescribed period.
There are many chapters here which do but present the
results of the recent researches of scholars in their respective
branches — of Duchesne and De Rossi; of Delehaye, Har-
nack, and Leclercq ; of Marucchi, Wilpert, and many others ;
and there is scarcely a line which does not owe something to
these great specialists who have, one and all, dealt with
questions of historical fact in a spirit of scientific criticism.
It is hoped the book may interest the general reader,
for whose benefit a large number of translations from the
originals have been made. These are as literal as possible,
and shortcomings in matter and form are, sometimes at least,
faithful reflections of the Latin. In quoting the Latin itself,
the curious spellings, so characteristic of the documents, have
generally been preserved. The student too may perhaps
find some help in it ; especially in the bibliography, appen-
dices, and footnotes, which form an introduction to more
specialized study in these or kindred subjects.
Documents so different in character have each required
a different method of treatment. In some the human inter-
est prevails : others seem but to furnish a theme for topo-
graphical and literary disquisition. Yet even the latter are
in touch with life. As we study the Index Oleorum, can we
not see the figure of Abbot John trudging patiently down
PREFACE ix
the suburban roads, tying his little labels of Saints to his
bottles of holy oil ? So too, in the confusion of the Sylloge
of Centula we can watch the monastic scribe laboriously and
unsuccessfully piecing together two imperfect originals ; and
in the wearisome lists of the Itineraries we can hear the feet
of the pilgrims passing to and fro to the shrines.
In a book of this kind, involving minute research over a
large field, mistakes in detail are almost inevitable. Cor-
rections of these, and suggestions in respect of the matter
dealt with, will be most gratefully received from those who
are interested in the subject.
It remains to express my most grateful thanks to the
many who have assisted me with advice and encouragement :
especially to Commend. O. Marucchi, Professor of Christian
Archaeology in the University of Rome, who has interpreted
for me some difficult passages in the Syllogae; and to the
Rev. J. Arbuthnot Nairn, D.Litt, Headmaster of Merchant
Taylors' School ; and to Mrs. Stuart-Moore, who have given
me much helpful criticism and advice, and by whom the
proof-sheets have been read ; and to Miss M. Nicholson who
has revised some of the proof-sheets.
E. R. B.
All Saints^ 191 2
CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION
CHAP. PAGE
I. Topography and Monuments . . . . i
II. The Pilgrimages and the Shrines . . .16
III. The Pilgrimages: The Beliefs of the Pilgrims . 35
PART I
THE DOCUMENTS
IV. The Liber Pontificalis : Sources and Date . 48
V. The Liber Pontificalis : Form of the Lives, Papal
Chronology, The Martyred Popes, Disciplin-
ary Decrees . . . . • -63
VI. The Liber Pontificalis-. The Inventories of Ec-
clesiastical Property . . . .84
VII. The Itineraries . . . . . -93
VIII. The Itineraries {continued) . . . .112
IX. Acts of the Martyrs : Criticism, Ancient and
Modern . . . . • • .127
X. Acts of the Martyrs : The Acta Proconsularia . 134
XI. Acts of the Martyrs : Classification of the Texts :
Three Classes of Authentic Documents . 146
XII. Acts of the Martyrs: Classification of Texts:
Three Classes of Authentic Documents {contd.) 161
XIII. Acts of the Martyrs: Documents of the Fourth
Class 178
xii ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
CHAP. PAGE
XIV. Acts of the Martyrs : The Work of Tradition
AND OF THE HAGIOGRAPHERS . . . .18$
XV. Acts of the Martyrs : The Roman Gesta . . 199
XVI. The Martyrology of Jerome : Place and Date
of Compilation . . . . . .205
XVII. The Martyrology of Jerome : The Ancient
Sources . . . . . . .218
XVIII. The Syllogae: Their Sources and Literary
Style . . . . . . . 230
XIX. The Syllogae : Analyses .... 240
XX. The New Sylloge of Cambridge : The Sumite
Controversy ...... 254
XXI. The Syllogae: Some Examples of Inscriptions . 278
XXII. Document and Monument .... 297
PART II
APPENDICES
I. BIBLIOGRAPHY
A, General Bibliography
1. {a) Dictionaries and {b) History . . 320
2. Patristic — {a) Texts, (^) Translations . .322
3. Archaeology— («) General, {b) Catacombs . 323
B. The Documents
1. Liber PoNTiFiCALis—{a) Text and History, {b)
Philocalian Calendar, {c) Papal Chronology . 325
2. The Itineraries — (a) General Topography and
Plans, {b) General Texts, {c) Monographs . 327
3. Acts of the Martyrs— («) General History,
ib) Texts, {c) Translations . . . 330
4. The Martyrology of Jerome and Others 333
5. The Syllogae— {a) General History, {b) Sylloge
of Verdun, {c) Sylloge of Cambridge, {d) Dis-
cussions on {b) and {c) . . . . 335
CONTENTS xiii
PAGE
II. LIST OF POPES, WITH Dates, Places of Burial, Etc. 336
III. (A) DEPOSITIO EPISCOPORUM and {B) DEPOSI-
TIO MARTYRUM of the Philocalian Calendar,
WITH (C) LIST OF MARTYRS IN it arranged
ALPHABETICALLY . . . . . -337
IV. INDEX COEMITERIORUM XVI. and the True
Number of the Cemeteries .... 340
V. LIST OF PASSIONS in the Passionary of Gregory
(Sixth Century) ...... 341
VI. LIST OF SEVENTY -SEVEN MARTYRS OF the
First Three Centuries in Ado's Martyrology
(Ninth Century) ...... 343
VII. LIST OF MARTYRS whose Passions are referred
to in the Chapters on the Acts of the
Martyrs . . . . . . . 346
INDEX 351
TABLES AND PLANS
Table showing Relations of Liber Pontificalis,
Martyrologies, etc. ..... Frontispiece
PAGE
Table of Shrines on the Via Appia (collated from the
Itineraries) . . . . . . .298
FACING PAGE
I. Plan of Rome in the First Seven Centuries of
OUR Era ....... I
II. Plan of the Suburban Cemeteries of Rome . 92-93
III. Plan to illustrate the Itinerary of Einsiedeln . 119
IV. Plan of the Areas of S. Callixtus, Via Appia . 297
ROME OF THE PILGRIMS
AND MARTYRS
INTRODUCTION
CHAPTER I
TOPOGRAPHY AND MONUMENTS
General topography — The fourteen regions of Augustus — Persistence of
paganism — Secular buildings under Christianity — The preservation and adapta-
tion of pagan monuments — Splendour of Rome in the sixth century — Destruction
of the monuments — Ecclesiastical Rome : buildings prior to the Peace of the
Church — The triumph of Christianity : the parish churches {tituli) — The
churches for the stations — The basilicas and other churches — Churches without
Rome.
Exaudi regina tui pulcherrima mundi
Inter sidereos Roma recepta polos,
Exaudi genetrix hominum genetrixque deorum,
Non procul a caelo per tua templa sumus.^
Quam speciosa potest esse Hierusalem coelestis, si sic fulget Roma terrestris I ^
General Topography — Hills, Bridges, Monuments. —
Before entering on a detailed study of the early Christian
monuments of Rome, and of the documents which interpret
them, it is well to form a general idea of the form of the city,
of the civil and ecclesiastical divisions, and of the change
^ Claudius Rutilius Namatianus, De Reditu suo, i. 47 : ^^ Hear me, 0 Romey
thou loveliest queen of the xvorld which thou hast made thine; thou who hast
been welcomed among the constellations of heaven! Hear me, O mother of men,
0 mother of the gods; by thy temples we are not far from the heavens where
they dwell''
2 Vita Fulgentii, c. 13, in Migne's Patrologia Latina ("/'.Z."), 65, col. 130 :
^^ If earthly Rome glows before us in such splendour^ what must be the beauty of
the heavenly lerttsalem ! "
I I
2 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
in the character of her monuments at the transition from
paganism to Christianity.^
The public buildings, the palaces, the mansions of the
rich were usually situated on one or other of the seven hills
— on the Palatine and Capitoline in the very heart of Rome,
and on those curving round them in a semicircle on the east,
from north to south: the Quirinal, Viminal, Esquiline and
Coelian.2
In the depressions between the hills, so much deeper in
those days than now, lay, for the most part, the great chain
of forums, the markets, the circuses, the Colosseum, and
the long lines of the arches of the aqueducts. The Tiber,
flowing S-shaped from north to south, bounds the city on
the west, though two great districts, the Vatican and the
Trastevere {Transtiberim) with the Janiculum, lay to the
west of it, and are connected with the rest of the city by
seven bridges.
The whole city, excluding the Vatican, but including the
Janiculum, was encircled by the immense towered wall, raised
by Aurelian (270-276), and repaired by Honorius in 403.
It was pierced at intervals by seventeen gates, through which
the pilgrim passed out along the great highways; and on
these roads all round Rome, at a radius of from two to three
miles, are the catacombs, some thirty in number.
These main roads, to which we shall constantly refer,
are, proceeding in a clockwise direction from the north :
the Viae Flaminia, Salaria Vetus and Nova, Nomentana,
Tiburtina, Praenestina, Labicana, Latina, Appia, Ardeatina,
Ostiensis, Portuensis, Aurelia, Cornelia.
Within the Aurelian Wall is the inner girdle of the
Servian Wall, pierced also by gates about ten in number.
The Fourteen Regions of Augustus. — The city was
divided in the time of Augustus into fourteen regions, each
controlled by forty-eight overseers {vicomagistrt) and two
^ For this chapter I am greatly indebted to Grisar, History of Rome and the
Popes (see Bibliography — Itineraries), to which the reader should refer for
details. Many points alluded to in these introductory pages are treated at length
in the following chapters.
^ The names of the "seven" hills are variously given, even in the ancient
records.
TOPOGRAPHY AND MONUMENTS 3
curators of public monuments (curatores). Each region was
subdivided into districts (vici) from 7 to (in a single case) 78 in
number, making a total of 424. These vici contained, in various
proportions, mansions {doinus), tenement houses {insulae),
barracks, baths {balnea), mills {pistrina), warehouses {horrea).
We cannot linger here to enumerate the monuments
of every description — fountains, drains and aqueducts;
basilicas, temples and theatres ; forums, porticoes and statues
of the gods — in a word, all the " marvels of Rome," to which
nearly every writer of the time alludes, and which he
sometimes describes with a wealth of detail.
At this point the question arises : How did the transition
from paganism to Christianity affect the monuments?
Persistence of Paganism. — AH evidence, literary and
monumental, shows that paganism died hard ; that long after
the Edict of Milan (313) Isis, Cybele, Mithra, together with
the ancient gods of Rome, were worshipped side by side with
Christ, not only by the village folk {pagani), but by emperor
and patrician. Rome was not, even externally, wholly
Christianized before the days of Theodosius (379-395), the
friend of Ambrose, the last great emperor who united under
his rule East and West. Even in 382 the praetorian prefect
Flavianus Nichomachus celebrated in public the mysteries of
Cybele, submitted to the taurobolium — the bloody baptism
of Mithra — and through a solemn three months purified the
city from the pollution of Christianity. As late as the days
of Leo the Great (440-461) we find that pope rebuking his
flock because, when they have mounted the great flight of
steps to S. Peter's
before entering the basilica they turn round and
bend themselves to the rising sun, and with bowed heads
incline their bodies in honour of the splendid orb. We
greatly grieve at this, done partly through the vice of
ignorance, partly in a spirit of paganism.^
The Sacramentary of Leo," compiled about the sixth
century from more ancient documents, still preserves a
prayer against " vain superstitions and diabolical figments "
1 Sermo 27, in P.L. 54, 218.
" Feltoe, Sacramentarium Leonianum, or in P.L. 55, coll. 83 and 377.
4 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
and for the abolition " of every rite of pestilential antiquity
ipestiferae vetustatis), and the renouncing of all abominations."
The fifth century poem of Rutilius, quoted at the head of
this chapter, celebrates the glories of the ancient gods alone.
In a sermon, too, of Augustine ^ we read :
Look how many Christians are half heathen : they
have joined us with their bodies, but never with their
heart and soul.
Secular Buildings under Christianity. — Yet paganism
died out at length. What, then, was the fate of the ancient
buildings ?
In the purely secular buildings all Roman citizens,
whether Christian or pagan, took pride and delight.
Christians still flocked to circus and theatre : even gladia-
torial games continued to the time of the Emperor Honorius
(395-408), and Pope Leo reproaches his flock ^ for preferring
these diversions to attendance in church on the feast of
Peter and Paul, the anniversary too, of the day when Genseric
the Hun ceased plundering Rome :
Devils are served with more zeal than the holy
apostles, and senseless spectacles attract bigger crowds
than the burial-places of the martyrs. Was it the circus
sports which saved you from falling by the sword, or
was .it not rather the intercession of the saints who
brought salvation to the city, who snatched it away
from captivity, who defended it from slaughter ? Was
it through the circus sports or the care of the saints, by
whose prayers sentence of divine wrath is averted, that
we, who merited destruction, are preserved for pardon ?
The Emperor Theodosius^ (379-395) expresses the
general feeling when he says :
It is not seemly that aught should be destroyed from
which the time-honoured pleasures of the Roman people
have been derived.
Yet the troubled times through which Rome was passing,
^ Sermo 62, in P.L. 38, 423. Cf. infra, p. 27.
2 Sermo 84, in P,L. 54, 433.
^ For references to the imperial edicts quoted in this chapter see the fine
edition of Mommsen and Meyer, Theodosiani Libri xvi . . ., lib, xv: De Operi-
bus PubliciSf i. p. 801, 3 vols, : Berlin, 1905.
TOPOGRAPHY AND MONUMENTS 5
and, above all, the transference of the seat of government
to Constantinople must have rendered many of the public
buildings useless.
The Preservation and Adaptation of Pagan Monu-
ments.— Many of these secular buildings were converted at
that period into places of Christian worship. For example,
the ancient Senate House {Curia Senatus) in the Forum was
converted into the Church of S. Hadrian by Pope Honorius
(625-640), and the imperial library in the Forum, at the foot
of the Palatine, into S. Maria Antiqua about the sixth
century. The secular basilica of the Sessorian Palace
became under Constantine the Church of the Holy Cross
{S. Croce in Gerusalemme). The circular covered market
{Macellum Magnum)^ on the Coelian Hill was converted
by Pope Simplicius (468-483) into the round church now
called S. Stefano Rotondo. The church of S. Andrew
Catabarbara on the Esquiline, which has now disappeared,
was built in the time of Simplicius in the hall of the
mansion of Junius Bassus (consul in 317). S. Balbina on
the Aventine, existing in the sixth century, was probably
once part of the house of Cillo, the favourite of Septimius
Severus, and the Baths of Novatus, or Timothy, near the
present church of S. Pudentiana, were converted by Pius I.
(158-167) into a parish church, known as the Titulus
Romanus.
Some of the temples, too, which were perhaps for secular
rather than religious purposes, were converted into churches.
Thus the so-called Temple of the Holy City {Teinpluni
Sacrae Urbis) with the rotunda of Romulus- attached,
which stands in the Forum, was probably used as a registry
for the survey and assessment rolls, or perhaps as a library.^
On to it was affixed the marble slab on which was engraved
the plan of the city made by Septimius Severus.* This
building was converted into a church dedicated to SS. Cosmas
and Damian by Felix IV. in 526. Again, the Temple of
^ The best example of a Macelhim is to be seen in the Forum of Pompeii.
2 Infant son of the Emperor Maxentius.
' Huelsen, Forum Romanum, Rome, 1906 (trans, in English and French).
* Infra, p. 94.
6 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
Saturn in the Forum was the storehouse of state treasure,
and was used as such by the Christians.
In the pagan temples, dedicated to strictly religious
purposes, worship might cease owing to change of faith,
persecution, or worldly wisdom. The buildings were,
however, preserved as national monuments and museums.
Further, many a statue was brought from some inner shrine
into the light of day, and, its divinity forgotten but its
beauty worshipped, adorned the public baths or the
forums.
As an example of many similar edicts we may quote
that of Honorius (395-408) :
As strongly as we forbid idol worship, so strongly do
we desire to preserve public monuments as ornaments
to the city.
Again the same Emperor, in 408, decrees :
In towns and suburbs, temples are to be treated as
state property, but their altars must be everywhere
overthrown.
Of the statues, Theodosius remarks in one of his
decrees :
These images are to be prized for their value as
works of art . . . not to be feared on account of their
divinity.
And the Christian poet Prudentius (d. 348) puts into the
Emperor's mouth the words : ^
Cleanse the marble statues which have been defiled
by your hateful lustrations, and leave them in their
simple beauty. They are the works of great masters,
and it is my will that they adorn your city, and be no
longer disfigured by an evil use of them.
Splendour of Rome in the Sixth Century. — Neither
the sack of Rome in 410 by Alaric the Goth, who respected
nothing save the shrines of Peter and Paul, nor the
systematic plundering in 455 by the Vandal Genseric,^ who
^ Contra Symmachum^ i. 500, in P. L. 60.
^ He carried off even the copper cooking pots of the imperial palace of the
Palatine.
I
TOPOGRAPHY AND MONUMENTS 7
bore off down the Tiber shiploads of the finest statues, and
vast treasures of gold and precious stones from pagan and
Christian monuments, to beautify his African capital, per-
manently impaired the beauty of the eternal city.
Procopius, the Greek historian, writes in the sixth
century : ^
I know of no people who so love their city as the
Romans, and they are zealous to beautify and preserve
her. Though she suffered from the barbarians she
preserved her buildings and her adornments.
About the same period Cassiodorus, the minister of
Theodoric and, later, the monk of Vivarium, writes : ^
The ancients reckoned seven wonders of the world,
. . . but who would any longer think much of these
when in one single city he sees so much for amazement?
Innumerable passages in very different writers of about
the same date bear witness to the enduring splendour of
Rome.
Destruction of the Monuments. — It is in the main
to the later political disasters of the city, the perpetual war-
fare of the Middle Ages, and the hand of Time that we owe
the loss of many of the monuments of Rome.
Yet the Romans themselves are responsible for the
deliberate destruction of certain of their monuments when
materials were required for new buildings. This is not,
however, a peculiar characteristic of the early Christian,
but a habit of the Romans as a people, in the fifth as in the
twentieth century. This fact accounts for the vast number
of antique columns and of sculptures, as well as of less
recognizable fragments, incorporated into the Christian
basilicas.
The edicts and codes of the Emperors Valentinian
(364-379), Theodosius (379-395), Majorian (457-461) and
Justinian (527-565) illustrate these facts.
Valentinian enacts :
Whoever wishes to erect any new building in the city
1 De Bello Gothico, iv. 22.
2 Variat-um libri duodecim, 7 ; No. 15 in P.L. 69, col. 719.
8 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
must procure his own materials; he is not at liberty to
use everything which happens to come handy, to dig up
the foundations of famous monuments, to cut anew
stones taken from public structures, to deface public
buildings by appropriating thence blocks or slabs of
marble.
Honorius permitted buildings which were quite in ruins
to be put up to sale. Majorian, moved by the fact that
private dwellings were erected with the stones of public
buildings, forbids any one to lay sacrilegious hands on
temples or monuments.
Ecclesiastical Rome — Buildings prior to the Peace
of the Church. — To the splendour of the surviving pagan
monuments the citizens of Rome added the beauty of the
Christian basilicas.
Even before the Peace of the Church, many a private
house,^ whose natural construction of inner court {atrium)
and outer portico lent itself so admirably to purposes of
Christian worship, had been consecrated permanently.
Thus the house of the patrician lady Cecilia, that of Pope
Clement, that of Pudens (the host of S. Peter),^ all became
churches which are standing to-day. The larger houses
had private halls {basilicae) attached : some of these too, as
we have seen,^ were converted into Christian basilicas, whose
architecture seems to be derived mainly from the public
secular basilica, and partly from the plan of a private house.*
Further, a few oratories at least, of a humble character,
had been raised already over the graves of the martyrs of
the catacombs.
Of Anacletus, the third pope, we read in the Liber
Pontificalis : ^
^ The plan of Roman houses can be seen admirably at Pompeii.
2 This tradition has strong historical evidence in its support : see Barnes,
S. Peter hi Rome, London, 1906, with bibliography, on the whole question of
Peter's sojourn and martyrdom in Rome.
^ Supra, p. 5.
^ This point is much disputed : the similarity to a secular basilica is obvious,
though the weight of modern scholarship seems to incline to the house as the
chief model of the Christian basilica.
^ Liber Pontificalis, ed. Duchesne. For an account or this document ste
infra, Cha-ps. IV. -VI. For further details on the erection of the churches see
Chap. VI.
TOPOGRAPHY AND MONUMENTS 9
Anacletus constructed the memorial chapel {memorid)
of blessed Peter, inasmuch as he had been ordained
priest by blessed Peter.^
A confirmation of this fact is found in the words of the
Roman priest Gaius,^ writing early in the third century :
I can show you the trophies {tropaeci) of the apostles
if you go on the Vatican or on the Ostian Way : ^ there
will you meet the trophies of those who founded the
Church.
Eusebius, speaking of the transition from paganism to
official Christianity under Constantine, says : *
We saw temples again rising from their founda-
tions . . . receiving a splendour far greater than the
old ones which had been destroyed.
Optatus,^ Bishop of Milevis in Numidia {circ. 365-378),
referring to the very beginning of the fourth century, says
there were more than forty Christian basilicas in Rome at
that period.
The Triumph of Christianity — Parish Churches {tituli).
— From the reign of Constantine, the money formerly ex-
pended on baths, amphitheatres and palaces was diverted to
the erection, at incredible speed, of great basilicas over the
tombs of the martyrs, and of rotundas on the model of the
pagan mausolea and nymphea to serve as tombs and baptis-
teries ; while the palace on the Lateran which belonged to
the Princess Fausta became in 313 the headquarters of the
Bishops of Rome.
We have only to turn over the pages of the Liber
Pontificalis to find a minute account of the number of the
buildings, and of their amazing splendour.
This growing Church required organization ^ : in the
early days as a persecuted sect; in the third century when, it
^ See Barnes, op. cit.y for the Petrine question.
^ Eusebius, Historia Ecclesiasiica, ii. 25.
^ The burial-place of S. Paul.
^ HisL Bales, x. 2.
^ De Schismaie Donatistarutn^ ii. 34, \n P.L. 11, col. 954.
^ See Kehr, Regesta Pontificum, 2 vols. : Berlin, 1906.
10 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
appears, the catacombs (hitherto respected as private pro-
perty) were recognized by the government as the property of
a burial confraternity, of which the Bishop of Rome was
the responsible representative; in the fourth century, with
the sudden increase in her material resources, and the
simultaneous thronging into the fold of thousands of half-
Christianized pagans.
There is no reason to doubt the statement of the Liber
Pontificalis that Peter appointed seven deacons in Rome,
and that succeeding popes, Fabianus (240-254) and others,
maintained that institution.
Of more practical importance, as a guide to historical
investigation, is the division of the city into parish churches
{tituli)} each with a priest attached. Anacletus, the third
pope, according to the Liber Pontificalis, appointed twenty-
five such priests. The fifth pope, Evaristus, made a similar
appointment, and finally we read that Marcellus in 308
established twenty-five tituli in the city of Rome as
dioceses for baptism and reception of penitents among
the multitude who were converted from paganism, and
for the (care of the) burial-places of the martyrs.^
No doubt the persecutions of Domitian (81-96) and
Diocletian (284-305) necessitated the reorganization of the
parishes and accounts for the attribution to several popes of
similar decrees concerning the tituli.
The comparative antiquity of, at least, most of the tituli,
which no doubt were formed gradually, is proved by the fact
that the names of some of them occur in fourth-century
inscriptions.^ We have, further, a complete list of the twenty-
five together with a few more, with the names of the priests
attached, appended as signatures to the decrees of the
* Barnes, S. Peter in Rome, points out that iitulus as used here means a
consecrated stone altar, and quotes the old Latin version of Genesis xxviii. i8,
recording the dream of Jacob at Bethel: "And Jacob arising in the morning
took the stone which had lain under his head, and set it up for a title {erexit in
titulum), pouring oil upon the top of it." The word, however, might well be
derived from the ordinary classical meaning of tiiulus, a boundary stone (also,
the inscription on a boundary stone). For tituli see infra, Chap. V. p. 76.
^ i.e. for the administrations of the cemeteries.
' De Rossi, Inscriptiones Christianae, i. No. 262 (cf. 377).
TOPOGRAPHY AND MONUMENTS ii
Roman Council of 499/ and again a list almost exactly
similar appended to the decrees of the Council held under
Gregory the Great in 595,2 ^here the number given is
twenty-four, 5. Anastasia, though it was certainly a titular
church, being omitted.
The names of these tituli occur so frequently in the
documents which we are about to study that a complete list,
parallel with that of the secular divisions of the city into
fourteen regions, may be useful. It will be seen that the
tituli are usually clustered together in districts remote from
the heart of the city : another proof, perhaps, of antiquity.
Further, scarcely a single titulus has been founded on the
site of a famous secular monument.
It will be noted that in this ancient list of churches, as
well as in a similar list of the cemeteries which were attached
to them,^ the names used are those of the founders. It is
only in the following centuries, when the bodies of the martyrs
were brought from the catacombs, and laid in the ancient
titular churches, that the latter were called after the saint who
lay beneath the altar. Even then, in early documents, the
name appears without the prefix sanctus. Between the sixth
and the eighth century the names of the tituli are frequently
changed, and by this we can detect, as by a sort of pulse
chart, the fluctuating popularity of various saints and the
results on the hagiographical traditions.'*
Except in the case of the titulus Cyriaci, of which no
traces have been discovered as yet, churches called by one
or other of the ancient names stand to-day ^ on the ancient
sites ; and to-day, as in ancient times, the Cardinal priests
of the Roman Church take their titles from the "titular"
churches to which they are appointed.^
^ Thiel, Epistolae Romanorum pontifiaini, pp. 651-3.
2 Gregorii I. Registrum epistolaru77i, v. 57, ed. Ewald and Hartmann, t. i.
pp. 562-7.
^ For Index Coerniteriorum see infra, pp. 97-102 and 340. For the Notitia
regionum urbis XIK, see p. 95. Cf. Plans I. and II.
^ Infra, Chap. XIV. with bibhography.
^ Cf. Baedeker, Guide to Italy, Rome : this book with its admirable plans
and concise historical notices is of real assistance in identifying the ancient sites.
^ E.g, , Cardinal Bourne holds the title of S, Pudentiana, (See No. 10 in the list. )
12 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
LIST OF THE REGIONS AND TITULI^
Regions.
I. Porta Capena '.
II. Caelimontium 2
III. Isis and Serapis^ .
Tjtuli.
1. Titulus Crescentianae (or Sixti [ii.]?).
595. (SanSisto.)
2. Byzanti or Pammachii. 401-417. (SS.
Joannis et Pauli. )
3. (Aemilianae? or) Quattuor Coronatorum.
Fourth century.
4. Clementis. 366-384.
5. Marcellini et Petri. 595.
6. Apostolorum (or Eudoxiae, or ad Vincula
Petri). 431.
7. Equitii or Silvestri. 499. [(San Silvestro e
Martino ai Monti. )
IV.
Templum Pads ^ .
. No titulus.
f 8. Praxedis. 491.
V.
Regio Esquiliae .
. \ 9. Eusebii. Fourth century.
1 10. Pudentis or Pudentianae. 384.
Tii. Vestinae (S. Vitalis). 401-417.
VI.
AltaSemita« . .
. <12. Gai or Susannae. Fourth century.
ii3. Cyriaci. 499.
VII.
Via Lata' . . .
14. Marcelli. 308.
VIII.
Forum Romanum.
. No titulus.
'15. Lucinae, or Laurentii in Lucina." S.
366.
IX.
Circus Flaminius ^
16. Daniasi, or Laurentii in Damaso.
384.
17. Marci (San Marco). S. 336.
366-
X.
Palatium . . .
. No titulus.
XI.
Circus Maximus^"
18. Anastasiae. S. 366-384.
^ For more detailed information, see Duchesne, Mdatiges cf arcUologie et
d^hisloire, t. vii. p. 217 (1887); Liber Pontijicalis ', Grisar, op. cit. S appended
to the name of a church denotes a stational church (see infra^ p. 14, n. i).
Later names of tituli are in brackets. The modern Italian name is only added
where the Latin name is not sufficient for identification. The date indicates the
period when the church is first mentioned.
^ Porta Capena is in the Servian Wall, south-east of Rome on the Via Appia.
^ North of Region I., with the Lateran palace on the east.
* Contains the Flavian Amphitheatre (Colosseum).
^ Includes the Sacra Via, running from the Colosseum through the Arch of
Titus to the Forum.
^ The name of a path going straight up the Quirinal (modern Via del Quiri-
nale and Via Venti Settembre).
' The Via Lata forms the lower part of the Via Flaminia, and leads up to the
Pincian Hill.
^ Includes the low lands of the Campus Martius with the Circus Flaminius.
" i.e. S. Laurence in (the parish of) Lucina.
*'* In the low land south-west of the Palatine Hill (Region X.).
TOPOGRAPHY AND MONUMENTS 13
Regions. Tituli.
fig. Fasciolae.3 (SS. ^
1 20. Balbinae. 595.
/21. Sabinae. 422-432.
vTT T>- • r. ui- 1 /i9' Fasciolae.'' (SS. Nerei et AchiUei.) 377.
XII. Piscina Pubhca ^ . • 1 t^ ,l. ^ / j//
1 20. Balbmae. 595.
XIII. Aventinus . . . . 1 ^^ ti • / :> t- -j \
I22. Pnscae ( ? Tigridae). 499.
. Julii et Callisti (S. Maria in Trastevere).
XIV. Transtiberim . . . -! ^^' .J^^~^^^' ,
. Caeciliae. Fourth century.
. Chrysogoni. S. 499.
There were, further, many churches which were not tituli,
or, if tztuli, fulfilled some other function as well.
The Churches for the Stations. — For example, another
list of churches comes from the seventh century Itinerary ^
De locis Sanctis mai'tyrum (Concerning the holy places of the
martyrs). After a description of the route to the various
catacombs comes the following list : —
NOW THESE ARE THE CHURCHES WITHIN ROME
1. The Constantinian Basilica (the Lateran Basilica).
2. S. Maria Maggiore.'* 352-366.
3. S. Anastasia. T.^
4. S. Maria Antiqua (in the F'orum).
5. S. Maria Rotunda (the Pantheon).
6. S. Maria in Trastevere.*^ T.
7. SS. James and Philip (Santi Apostoli).'
8. SS. John and Paul. T.
9. SS. Cosmas and Damian. 526-530.
10. S. Laurence {i.e. in Lucina). T.
11. S. Peter in Chains. T.
12. S. Hadrian (in the Forum).
13. S. Chrysogonus. T.
'14. S. George (San Giorgio in Velabro).
15. S. Clemente. T.
16. S. Agatha.8 459-472.
17. S. Stephen (San Stefano Rotondo). 468-483.
18. S. Mark. T.
^ A great pond on the low lands near the Baths of Caracalla.
* Infra, p. 187.
^ Infra, p. 115. Dates and words in brackets are not found in the original.
^ Known in earlier times as the Liberian Basilica, founded by that pope
(352-366) ; repaired and dedicated to S. Mary by Sixtus iii. (432-440).
^ T indicates a titular church.
^ Formerly called the Basilica Julii, founded by that pope (341-352).
' Also known as the Basilica Julia.
8 Now S. Agatha dei Goti, in the Suburra : founded originally by Ricimer for
the Arian Goths of Theodoric,
14 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
19. S. Marcellinus. T.
20. S. Michael Archangel (that near S. Peter's).
21. S. Boniface (S. Alessio on the Aventine).
22. Bas {i.e. basilica) : (here is a blank space).
23. Bas ,, ,, ,,
24. Bas ,, ,, ,,
25. Bas ,, ,, ,,
26. Bas ,, ,, ,,
In all these churches Stations ^ are held at appointed seasons.
Of these twenty-six churches for the stations, of which
the names of twenty-one are given, nine have appeared
already in the list of titular churches, though under different
names sometimes.
The Basilicas and other Churches. — Some of the blank
spaces should, no doubt, be filled in with the names of stational
churches wit/iota RomQ, such as (i) S. Peter's on the Vatican
and perhaps (2) S. Paul's. In the time of Gregory the Great
(3) S. Valentine on the Via Flaminia and (4) S. Sabina on
the Aventine were stations. The omission of the great
Sessorian (5) Basilica of Constantine (Region V.), where
Helena placed the relic of the true Cross, is inexplicable; it was
certainly a stational church in the seventh century. These
five, then, if our conjectures are correct, should fill the five
blank spaces. The other great basilicas — the Constantian
Basilica (Lateran), the Liberian (S. Maria Maggiore) and
the Julian (Santi Apostoli) — all appear in this list of stational
churches. If we add the names of S. Andrew Catabarbara ^
on the Esquiline, and quite near, S. Bibbiana, both founded
by Simplicius (468-483), and the Basilica Theodorae, now
unknown, but existing in 418, our list of important
Roman churches existing in the sixth century is fairly
complete.
Churches without Rome. — Further, without the walls,
1 A station was the reunion of the faithful at some appointed spot for public
prayer, recitation of psalms, etc. These stations probably originated before even
the second century, and usually took the form of vigils. The liturgy here recited
is the origin of the evening and night recitation of Vespers, Matins and Lauds
— the most primitive part of the Roman office. These vigils were usually
terminated by a stational Mass. The stations in Rome for many of the Masses
are still indicated in the Roman Missal, and are observed on certain occasions. ^'
2 Supra ^ p. 5.
TOPOGRAPHY AND MONUMENTS 15
over the shrines of the martyrs were innumerable basilicas
and oratories, some of them existing even before the Peace
of the Church. A long list could be made from the Liber
Pontificalis of those in existence in 530, the date of the
compilation of that volume, and as they are frequently
referred to in the Itineraries, etc., a list of the more important,
arranged topographically with the name of the original
founder, may be of use.
LIST OF SUBURBAN ROMAN CHURCHES ^
Via Flaminia. — Basilica of S. Valentine, founded by Julius i. (341-352).
Via Salaria. — S. Felicitas, founded by Boniface i. (418-423)]; and, just
within the walls, S. Saturninus, founded by Felix iv. (526-530) ; and the
Basilica of Silvester, founded by that pope (314-337).
Via Nomentana. — S. Agnes, founded by Constantine.
Via Tiburtina.— S. Laurence, founded by Constantine {.Basilica ad Corptcs)^
and a second larger basilica, above it, by Sixtus ill. (432-440). S. Agapitus,
founded by Felix ill. (483-592), and S. Stephen by Simplicius (468-483).
Via Labicana. — SS. Marcellinus and Peter near the Emperor Constantine's
villa Ad duas lauros.
Via Latina. — S. Stephen, founded by Leo i. (440-461).
Via Appia. — Basilica Apostolorum ad Catacumbas (S. Sebastian), founded by
Damasus (366-384). S. Cornelius, founded by Leo i. : the oratory of
S. Sixtus (11.), and that of S. Soteris, all in the Catacomb of S. Callixtus.
Via Ardeatina.— Basilica of S. Mark, built by that pope (337-341); SS.
Nereus et Achilleus, restored by Pope John i. (523-526) ; Basilica of
Damasus, erected by Damasus.
Via OsTiENSis. — S. Paul's, founded by Constantine ; SS. Felix and Adauctus,
restored by John i. (523-526).
Via Portuensis. — Basilica of Julius, built by Pope JuHus (341-352) to the
martyr Felix.
Via Aurelia. — S. Pancras, built by Pope Symmachus (498-514), and also a
church to S. Agatha.
Via Cornelia. — S. Peter's, founded by Constantine.
^ For details see infra, Bibliography — Catacombs, and the Liber PontificaliSy
under the names of the respective popes. Cf. Plan H.
CHAPTER II
THE PILGRIMAGES AND THE SHRINES
The Catacombs — Most ancient monuments — Adornments by popes — De-
stroyed by the barbarians — The Lombard invasion and translation of bodies. —
The Pilgrims at S. Peter's and at the Catacombs — Descriptions of pilgrimages
in Jerome, Prudentius, Chrysostom, Augustine — Emperors and patricians at S.
Peter's — The sermon of Leo — English kings in Rome — The popes and the
Eastern Church — Arrangements for the pilgrims — Excesses of the pilgrims
described by Paulinus and Augustine. — Relics, their character and uses — Some
historic relics.
Twv 5^ 8o6\o:v rod XptoroO Kai rcn cr-qixara XafXTrpa rrjv ^acrcKiKOJTdTrjv Kara-
Xa^bvra irdXiv, /cat at rj/x^pai /cara^avets eopTTjv rrj oiKov/nivri Troiovaai ... /cat
oi Td<poi, tG}V dovKoiv tov crravpcodhros Xafxir pbrepoi. rdv ^o^cCkiKQiv eiciv avXQu.
Chrysostom, Ilopt. in 2 Cor. (No. xxvi.).^
The Ancient Tombs of the Catacombs. — The most ancient
Christian monuments must be sought in the many-storeyed
catacombs 2 which, lying along the great highways which
radiate from Rome, encircle the city within a radius of three
miles from the Aurelian Wall. Here, from the first century
to the fourth, among a thousand undistinguished dead, were
laid the bodies of the martyrs in graves, cubicles or crypts.
These shrines were usually of considerable size, and bore in-
scriptions ; the crypts were adorned with frescoes, hung with
lamps, and formed into little chapels where once a year at
least, on the anniversary of the death {natalis\ the feast of
the saint was kept. Sometimes, even in the earliest days,
tiny oratories were raised above the crypt.
Adornment by the Popes. — With the Peace of the
Church, succeeding popes vied with each other in adorning
^ Migne, Patrologia Graeca ("/'. (7."), 6i, 582. For translation see infra ^
p. 21.
^ For a description see infra, Bibliography — Catacombs.
16
I
THE PILGRIMAGES AND THE SHRINES 17
the martyrs' shrines, in raising memorial chapels and basilicas,
and in repairing the damages suffered, especially by the
northern catacombs, in the invasions of Rome, notably in
that of Witigis in 535. Several popes provided that Masses
should be said more or less frequently on days other than
the anniversaries.^
The Lombard Invasion and the Translation of Bodies. —
Then came the Lombards in 756; and the shrines were again
invaded and desecrated. Paul I. (757-768), who first translated
within the walls certain of the bodies of the martyrs, writing in
761 to the Abbot of S. Stephen and S. Sylvester, after graphic-
ally describing the ruin wrought by the barbarians, continues : ^
The faithful have ceased by indolence and by negli-
gence to render at the cemeteries the cult which is due :
animals have penetrated into these: they have been
transformed into cattle-sheds and sheep-folds : they
have been defiled by every kind of corruption. I have
witnessed this indifference for such holy places, and
deplored it profoundly, and I have thought good, with
the help of God, to withdraw from these ruined places
the bodies of the martyrs, the confessors and the virgins
of Christ ; and, amid hymns and spiritual songs, I have
transported them to the city of Rome, and have placed
them in the church which I have recently constructed in
honour of S. Stephen and S. Sylvester on the site of the
house in which I was born. . . .
Succeeding popes tried in vain to maintain worship in the
ancient shrines; Pope Pascal (817-824) finally transferred
the last of the bodies to churches within the city. For eight
centuries the catacombs were deserted, and fell into ruin.
In the sixteenth century they were again discovered, and
plundered, rather than excavated.^ Finally in modern times
^ Liber PontificaliSy ed. Duchesne, under Vigilius (537-555), y^-^« ///. (561-
574), Sergius I. (687-701), Gregory ill. (731-741). The question of the develop-
ment of the cult of the Martyrs is of the highest importance. For a detailed
treatment see E. Lucius, Die Anfdnge des Heiligenkults in der Christlichen
Kirche, Tubingen, 1904 ; H. Delehaye, Les Origines du ailte des Martyrs,
Brussels, 1912. Cf. infra, Chaps. XIV., XV.
^ Mansi, Concilia, xii. 646. Cf. De Rossi, Roma Softerranea, i. 220.
^ An exception must be made in favour of Bosio (i 576-1 629) who inaugurated
the scientific method of research.
2
1 8 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
the great De Rossi, and later scholars who are proud to call
themselves his pupils, have undertaken the systematic ex-
cavation of the earliest monuments of Western Christianity.
The Pilgrims at S. Peter's. — During the seven centuries
prior to the Lombard invasions the catacombs were a centre
of devotion.^ Pilgrims from every land : some from the
remote East, some faring to or from the holy places in
Jerusalem ; swarthy Africans, Spaniards, and the fair-
haired children of the North from German forests, from the
lowlands of the Rhine, from the far shores of Britain and
Ireland, all flocked to Rome. They availed themselves of
the admirable roads which bound together the Empire from
the Euphrates to the Pillars of Hercules, and from Ethiopia
to farthest Britain. They trod in the steps of ambassadors,
scholars and tourists ; merchants, actors and doctors ; quacks,
magicians, destitute aliens and the rest who sought fame,
fortune or food in Rome. They came to perform a
penance imposed, to seek answers to their prayers, remis-
sion of their sins, healing in their sickness, and relics to
take home.
Among all the martyrs, Peter has ever maintained the
first place in the affections of the pilgrims; and his shrine
surpassed all the others in the splendour of the gifts
received.2
Next in favour was the shrine of S. Paul. The golden
vessels of these two churches were respected by Alaric the
Goth when he sacked Rome. Those of S. Peter's were
guarded " by a consecrated virgin now advanced in years "
in a house far distant from the basilica. The contemporary
Spanish historian, Orosius,^ vividly describes the incident.
When a Gothic chieftain burst into the house, the custodian
said to him :
* These are the sacred vessels of Peter the apostle.
Touch them if you dare. You will see what will
^ Guiraud, "Rome ville Sainte au V'^™e siecle," in Revue (Thistoire et de
littSrature, 1898.
" These are recorded in the Liber Pontificalis under the lives of successive
popes.
' Orosius, Hist. vii. 39, \Xi P.L. 31, 1163. This work was translated into
Anglo-Saxon by Bede.
THE PILGRIMAGES AND THE SHRINES 19
happen.' . . . But the barbarian, moved to religious
awe, and touched by the fear of God and the fidelity
of the virgin, reported the matter to Alaric, who ordered
all the vessels, as they were, to be carried to the basilica of
the Apostle. [A great procession is formed]. . . . Raised
high over their heads the gold and silver vessels are
borne along publicly : the holy procession is defended
by drawn swords: barbarian and Roman raise hymns
aloud to God. The trumpet of salvation rings far and
wide amid the slaughter in the city ... the chosen
vessels ( Vas) of Christ rush together from all sides to
the vessels of S. Peter, and many pagans mingle with
the Christians.
The Pilgrims in the Catacombs. — From these two
churches most of the pilgrims passed on to the catacombs.
They usually started from the North, from the Via Flaminia,
and passed round Rome in a clockwise direction from shrine
to shrine till they had completed the circuit.
And in addition to the pilgrim, the hundreds who were
drawn to Rome primarily for some business, ecclesiastical
or secular, would not fail to pay a visit to the shrine of
S. Peter at least.
Who were the pilgrims who made this journey ?
What was the point of view of the simpler pilgrims,
of the priests and bishops who directed them, of the
learned doctors of the Church ? Were there any abuses,
obvious even to those who devotedly believed in pilgrim-
ages ? Were there any voices raised against the whole
practice ?
We find answers to all these questions in stories of
individual pilgrims preserved in national records, in friendly
letters, in acrimonious pamphlets, in sermons, in treatises, —
all contemporary with the pilgrimages, and of indubitable
authenticity. Incidentally some vivid pictures of the pilgrims
themselves are presented. The material is abundant, the
difficulty only in the choice. We will content ourselves with
the quotation of a few representative passages, and con-
fine ourselves mainly to writers of the fourth and fifth
century.
Then, with these documents in our hands as commen-
20 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
taries, we will walk in the footsteps of the pilgrims along the
tracks that connect the shrines,^ pass down the broad
stairs to this tomb, ascend again to another, descend once
more to a third: we will read the graffiti^ scrawled on the
passage walls and in the crypts ; look at the frescoes,
inscriptions, and phials containing the martyrs' blood, on
which the pilgrims gazed fifteen hundred years ago. Then
we will make a longer halt at some shrine converted into a
liturgical chapel, adorned with marble and fine stuffs, where
the frescoes are blurred by the smoke of the candles, and where
great lamps, fed with oil of balsam, burn perpetually before
the shrine. It was here the weary pilgrims would rest awhile
on the stone bench that runs round the walls, while over the
altar tomb the priest said the Mass of the saint in the words
still used on their festivals to-day ; or some great preacher,
Jerome, Augustine, Leo the Great, delivered in the basilicas
above the tombs, sermons which we can still read after
fifteen hundred years.
Descriptions of the Pilgrimages: — By Jerome. —
S. Jerome (346-420), in a passage recalling his boyhood,
describes the catacombs : ^
When I was a boy in Rome being instructed in
liberal studies, on Sundays, with others of my own age,
I used to wander about the sepulchres of the apostles
and martyrs ; and I often went into crypts dug out
of the depths of the earth, which have along the
walls, on each side as you enter, bodies of the dead ;
and everything is so dark that those words of the
prophet are almost fulfilled : — ' They descend alive into
heir (Ps. liv. 16). Now and then {raro) a light from
above modifies the horror of the darkness, but it seems
rather a hole pierced to let down the light than a
window. . . .
1 Schneider is attempting to discover some of these ancient tracks, of the
highest importance for determining the sites : see Nuovo Bidlettino di archeologia
cristiana, 1910, p. 17.
2 De Rossi points out that the discovery oi graffiti and broad stairways in the
course of excavations always indicates the proximity of a consecrated shrine
visited by pilgrims.
^ Commentarium in Ezechielum, xii. 50, in P.L. 25, 375. (The greater part of
S. Jerome has been translated by Wace and Schaff ; see Bibliography — Patristic. )
THE PILGRIMAGES AND THE SHRINES 21
In another passage he describes the pilgrims at the
shrines : ^
Where save at Rome do they crowd with such zeal
and frequency to the churches and sepulchres of the
martyrs? Where, as here, does Amen re-echo like
heavenly thunder, and the temples, emptied of their
idols, shiver? Not that Rome has a faith different
from that of all the Churches of Christ, but because
devotion in her is greater, and simplicity in belief.
By Prudentius. — Prudentius^ (b. 348) describes the
pilgrims to the tomb of Hippolytus :
In the morning they rush to greet him : all the youth
worship : they come, they go, till the setting of the sun.
They press kisses on the shining metal of the inscrip-
tion : they pour out spices : they bedew his tomb with
'tears. And when ... his feast day returns, what
throngs are forced thither by their earnest zeal . . . : the
wide fields can scarce contain the joy of the people. . . .
In the words of the Fathers and in the pages of history
we read of the reverence paid by emperors and kings to the
shrine of Peter. The Fathers generally draw therefrom the
moral of the pre-eminence of the spiritual over the material,
and inculcate the virtue of humility.
By Chrysostom. — Chrysostom ^ (347-407) in one of his
most eloquent sermons says :
Of the servants of Christ the very tombs are glorious,
seeing they have taken possession of the most royal
city : and their days are well known, making festivals
for the world. . . . The tombs of the servants of the
Crucified are more splendid than the palaces of kings
... he that wears the purple goes to embrace these
tombs and, laying aside his pride, stands praying to the
saints to be his advocates before God . . . the son of
Constantine the Great thought he should be honouring
his father with great honour if he buried him in the
Porch {atrium) of the Fisherman . . . the place that
^ Comm. in Epist. Galat. ii., in P.L. 26, 355.
- Peristephanon, xi. 189, in P.L. 60, 550.
^ Horn. 26 in 2 Cor. xii. 10, in P.G. 61, 582 (trans.: Pusey, Library of the
Fathers).
22 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
doorkeepers fill in the halls of the kings is filled by
kings in the basilica of the apostle.^
By Augustine. — Similar in tenor are the words of
Augustine : ^
. . . Behold what is noble and pre-eminent in this
world — the emperor comes to Rome : whither does he
hasten? To the temple of the emperor or to the
memorial of the Fisherman ?
Emperors and Patricians at S. Peter's : the Sermon of
Leo. — In February 450 the western emperor Valentinian III.,
with his wife Eudoxia, the daughter of the great Theodosius,
and his mother Galla Placidia, paid one of his rare visits
to Rome, and on the 22nd ("the anniversary of the
Chair of Peter " as we read in the Philocalian Calendar of the
fourth century^), after attending the vigil, and offering
rich gifts, they all entered the Basilica of S. Peter in full state,
and Leo the Great (440-461) preached the sermon :*
. . . See! the government of the first and greatest
city of the world has been bestowed by Christ on a
poor man of no account like Peter. The sceptres of
kings have bowed down before the wood of the Cross :
the purple of the Court has submitted to the blood
of Christ and of the holy martyrs. The emperor,
decked with his glittering diadem and accompanied by
a host of warriors, comes to seek the Fisherman's
intercession, and desires to be adorned with his merits
rather than be decked with jewels. The noble and
exalted prostrate themselves before the burial-place of
a man of the lowest estate.
Conviction, loyalty, or the fashion soon induced patrician
* An allusion to the tombs of Valentinian (364-379) and Honorius (395-423)
at the entrance of S. Peter's in Chrysostom's day : at a later date Otho II. was
buried there and some of the Anglo-Saxon kings who died when pilgrims to
Rome : see infra^ p. 23.
^ Comm, in Psahn, cxl., in P,L. 37, 1830. (For translation see Schaff, op.
cit. in Bibliography.)
2 Infra, Appendix III. B.^ Dep. Mart.
* Morin, Anecdota Maredsolana, i. 409, 1893, from a new codex. Cf. Leo,
epist. 55, in P.L. 54, 858. (Selections from Leo have been translated in Wace
and Schafif, ^/. cit,)
THE PILGRIMAGES AND THE SHRINES 23
and plebeian to follow the emperor's example. Prudentius ^
describes the scene :
. . . They come to the holy sanctuaries of the
followers of the Nazarene . . . the descendants of the
Anii, the noble children of the Probi . . . the high-born
Anicius . . . the Olybrii lay low the fasces of the
Bruti before the threshold of the martyrs. . . . After
this turn your eyes on the people : what part of them
does not despise the altar . . . of Jupiter? Every man
of them who . . . treads the stony ways ... to the
heights of the Vatican where lie the ashes of the beloved
father (Peter).
The sovereigns of the newly-converted Teutonic peoples
were among the most devout of pilgrims.
When Charlemagne and his suite went to spend their
Easter in Rome in 774, they performed the last thirty miles
on foot, and Charlemagne ascended the steps of S. Peter's
on his knees, kissing each step as he went up. The pope
received him, they embraced, prayed in the church, and then
" descended together to the body of blessed Peter."
English Kings at S. Peter's. — Many of our Anglo-
Saxon kings 2 from time to time ceased to fight for their
precarious crowns in order to make a visit to Rome.
Cadwalla, after many a bloody deed, went to Rome and was
baptized by Pope Sergius
On the holy Saturday before Easter in the year of
our Lord 689, and being still in his white garments, he
fell sick and departed this life on the 20th of April, and
was associated with the blessed in heaven.
He was named Peter, and was buried in S. Peter's, and
honoured with a long epitaph.^ His successor, Ina, gave up
his kingdom, having reigned thirty-seven years :
and went away to Rome to visit the blessed apostles
. . . being desirous to spend some time of his pilgrimage
* Contra Symmachum, i. 550, in P.L. 60, 164.
^ See Bede, Historia Eccksiastica, in P.L. 95 (also edited with translation
by Giles, Patres ecclesiae anglicanae, London, 1843 : also translated by A. M.
Sellar) ; Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (in Bohn's Library together with Bede's
Ecclesiastical History),
^ Infray p. 231.
24 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
on earth in the neighbourhood of the holy place, that he
might be the more easily received by the saints in
heaven. The same thing was done by many of the
English nation, noble and ignoble, laity and clergy,
men and women.^
Another king imitated the example of Ina:^
Coinred, who had for some time nobly governed the
kingdom of the Mercians, did a much more noble act
by quitting the sceptre of his kingdom and going to
Rome (709), where, being shorn when Constantine was
pope, and made a monk at the threshold of the apostles,
he continued to his last hour in prayers, fasting and
almsgiving. . . . With him went the son of Sighere,
king of the East Saxons, whose name was Offa, a
youth of most lovely age and beauty, and most earnestly
desired by all the nation to be their king. He with
like devotion quitted his wife, lands, kindred and
country for Christ and for the gospel. . . . He also,
when they came to the holy places at Rome, receiving
the tonsure, and adopting a monastic life, attained the
long-wished-for vision of the blessed apostles in heaven.
Ethelwulf in 855
went to Rome in great state and remained there twelve
months . . . [later] Alfred, his third son, he sent to
Rome ; and when Pope Leo heard that Ethelwulf
was dead he consecrated Alfred king, and held him
as his spiritual son at confirmation, even as his father
Ethelwulf had requested on sending him thither.
Alfred's sister, Queen Ethelswitha, died on her way
to Rome, and her body lies in Pavia.
It would be tedious to multiply names. A single remark
of the Chronicle shows the frequency of these journeys from
England to Rome :
In that year (899) no journey to Rome was under-
taken except that King Alfred sent two couriers with
tithes.
Truly might Leo I. ^ exclaim :
(Peter and Paul) have raised Rome to such glory
1 Bede, op. cit. v. 7. 2 /^^^ ^^ jg^
' Sermo 82 in P.L. 54, 422 (trans, in Wace and Schaff, op. cit.) : the
translation above is not entirely by Wace and SchafF.
THE PILGRIMAGES AND THE SHRINES 25
that she has become a holy nation, an elect people,
a royal and priestly city, and the head of the world,
thanks to the blessed seat of Peter. . . . And what a
multitudinous offspring these two glorious plants of
the divine seed have produced, her thousands of blessed
martyrs bear witness ; who, in emulation of the triumph
of the apostles, have girt our city with a people robed
in purple, whose glory shines far and wide : and they
have crowned her, as with a diadem, studded with the
splendour of innumerable precious stones.
The Pope and the Eastern Church. — In the letter of
Theodoret,^ Bishop of Cyrrhus in Syria, to this same Leo we
have the view of a learned Oriental :
. . . Your city is great among all because she is the
head of the world, and sees great multitudes pressing
within her walls ; . . . but her chief glory is the faith
to which the divine Paul bore witness. . . . Your city
possesses the bodies of Peter and Paul, the fathers of
us all, our masters in the faith, whose tombs illumine
the hearts of the faithful. These blessed two, inspired
by God, have arisen in the East, and spread on all sides
their rays : but it is in the West they have found their
setting, it is from the West that they illumine the
world. It is they who have given to your seat an
incomparable glory: they are the most precious of
your possessions.
Arrangements for the Pilgrims. — Arrangements were
made for the comfort of this throng of pilgrims. They
brought with them introductions, and were received on the
way in the Bishops' houses, in monasteries and in guest-
houses. Pope Symmachus (498-514) had established three
hospices in Rome, at S. Peter's, S. Paul's and S. Laurence's ;
and Belisarius, the general of Justinian, built and mag-
nificently endowed a hospice in the Via Lata. In the time
of Charlemagne there was a special guest-house for the
Franks, the Schola Francorum ; and other little national
colonies were formed, — Saxons, Frisians, Lombards — in the
precincts of S. Peter's. Here also were two great fountains
^ Ep. lii. in P. L. 54, 847 (trans, in Wace and Schaff, op. cit. vol. iii.
p. 293, Ep. cxiii. ).
26 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
for the pilgrims to wash in,^ stalls at which to buy food
and "objects of piety," and a place under the arcades of
the Atrium where, from the earliest days, the poor were
fed on the feast day of S. Peter.
Ansa, wife of the Lombard king Desiderius, built a
hospice about 740 on Mount Garganus, on the Adriatic : Paul
the Deacon put up an inscription on it :
Go on thy way safely, pilgrim from the western
shores, who seekest the temple of blessed Peter and
the rock of Garganus and the blessed cavern. Safe
under his protection thou shalt not fear the robber's
dagger, nor cold nor storm in the dark night : the
queen has provided you with spacious shelter and with
refreshment.
Excesses of the Pilgrims described by Paulinus and
Augustine. — The pilgrims at times took only too good
advantage of the opportunities afforded them. Their
devotions paid, they indulged freely in revels and feasting,
a characteristic also of an ordinary funeral repast ^ in those
days. Many passages from the Fathers have illuminated
for us this phase of the complex aspects of the pilgrimages.
When Eustochium, that pious daughter of the pious
Paula, sent a present to Jerome on the Feast of S. Peter,
he replied to her with some serious advice conveyed in a
light tone, and remarked : ^
We must be careful to celebrate the Feast (of
S. Peter) not so much by abundance of food as by
exaltation of spirit: for it is absurd to try to honour
by such excess a martyr whom we know to have
pleased God by his fasting.
No doubt the description of the scenes at the tomb of
S. Felix of Nola which we owe to Paulinus of Nola * would
apply to the Roman pilgrims :
In throngs they spend the whole night in vigils and
^ We have the inscription for the fountain {cantharus) in the Atrium of
S. Paul's. See infra, p. 286.
^ See Augustine, Confessions , vi. 2 ; Paulinus of Nola, Ep, xiii. in P,L.
61, 207.
3 Ep. 31 ad Eustochium, in P.L. 22, 445 (trans. Wace and SchafT).
* Carmen, xxvii. 555, in P.L. 61. For Paulinus' life, cf. infra, p. 36.
THE PILGRIMAGES AND THE SHRINES 27
rejoicing. . . . Would that this rejoicing manifested
itself in sober {sanus) prayers, and that they did not
fill high the wine cups on the threshold of the saints, . . .
The simple credulously hold that the saints rejoice in
the fumes of the wine poured forth on their sepulchres
. . . the altar tomb (inensa) of Peter receives what the
doctrine of Peter abhors.
Another description of these excesses, their origin, and
the effort of the Church to combat them is found in a letter
which S. Augustine wrote in 395, when still only a priest,
to Alypius, Bishop of Thagaste,^ stating how he dealt
with the question. After describing how he rebuked his
congregation he continues :
Lest, however, any slight should seem to be put by
us on those who before our time tolerated . . . such
manifold excesses of an undisciplined multitude, I
explained to them the circumstances out of which this
custom seems to have necessarily risen in the Church, —
namely, that, in the Peace . . . crowds of heathen
who wished to assume the Christian religion were kept
back, because, having been accustomed to celebrate
the feasts connected with their worship of idols in
revelling and drunkenness, they could not easily refrain
from pleasures so hurtful and habitual. Therefore it
seemed good to our ancestors, making for a time a
concession to their infirmity, to permit them to celebrate,
instead of the festivals which they renounced, other feasts
in honour of the holy martyrs ; which were observed not
as before with a profane design but with similar self-
indulgence. . . . The example of daily excess in the
use of wine in the church of the blessed Apostle Peter
was brought forward in defence of the practice. I said
in the first place that I had heard that these excesses
were often forbidden, but because the place was at a
distance from the bishop's control, and because in such
a city the multitude of carnally-minded people was
great, the foreigners especially, of whom there is a
constant influx . . . the suppression of so great an evil
had not been possible.
S. Augustine again, in a well-known passage in his
1 Ep. 29 ad Alypiujn, in P.L. 33, 114 (trans. Wace and Schaff).
28 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
Confessions} describes how in Milan his mother was bringing
the usual offerings for the anniversaries of the saints. The
same custom prevailed in Rome. She was wont to bring
with her —
A basket full of pottage, bread and wine to be tasted
by herself, and then given away . . . when called upon
to attend the memorials of the dead ; . . . and when
she learnt that that illustrious preacher and godly
prelate (Ambrose) had forbidden these things to be
done even by those who did them in all sobriety, lest
any occasion of excess should be given to the in-
temperate, and, further, because these memorials were
too like the superstitious Parentalia (funeral feasts)
of the Gentiles, she willingly submitted, and in place
of her basket full of fruits of the earth she learned
to bring to the memorials of the martyrs a bosom full
of purer offerings, so that she might give what she
could to the poor, and that thus the Communion of
the Lord's Body, in imitation of whose Passion the
martyrs were sacrificed and crowned, might be cele-
brated at the anniversaries in this way.
The Character and Uses of Relics (for Dedications of
Churches, etc.). — As we study the story of individual
pilgrims we shall note that the majority of them brought
back relics.2 What were these relics ? What view did the
pilgrims take of them ?
Very often it is a bishop who requires relics of the
martyr to whom his church is dedicated, in order to place
them in the altar, even as in quite primitive days the altar
stone ^ {titulus) was itself a martyr's tomb. The gift of
relics made by the popes to kings and great people is a
commonplace of papal correspondence. We shall note, too,
how often deacons were sent with petitions for these treasures,
and further, often brought back from the archives documents
of historical importance incorporated by a Bede* or a
^ Bk. vi. 2, in P.L. 32, 719 (trans, by Bigg, " Library of Devotion " : London,
1905).
'^ A. de Waal, "Andenken an die Romfahrt im Mittelalter," in Romische
Quartalschrift, 1900, p. 54, with further bibliography.
^ Supra^ p. 10. * Infra^ p. 37.
THE PILGRIMAGES AND THE SHRINES 29
Gregory of Tours ^ into their histories. These relics could
heal sicknesses, save from shipwreck, and, on one occasion
at least, were miraculously preserved amid the flames. In
some few cases the relics were, or professed to be, actual
portions of the body of the saint, or else a splinter of the
true Cross enclosed in a cross, or a minute fragment of the
chain which had bound Peter or Paul, or of the gridiron of
Laurence and such like.
In the vast majority of cases, however, the relics were
nothing but objects which had been in proximity to the holy
tombs, — a cloth which had been placed on the tomb of S.
Peter or S. Paul ; a key or a golden model of a key which
had unlocked the door of their confession ; a lamp or a little
vessel 2 containing oil that had burnt before the shrines of
the martyrs ; facsimiles of the nails of the true Cross ; medals
with portraits of the apostles. Some of the familiar
portraits of Peter and Paul made with gold leaf inserted in
crystal {vetri) no doubt served this, as well as other purposes.
A tiny medal somewhat of this character, with a metal ring
attached for hanging round the neck, has actually been
found in the catacomb of Priscilla.^ There was in the pre-
cincts of S. Peter's then as to-day, a depot of ** objects of
piety " to supply the needs of pilgrims. Such relics are very
similar to the objects brought home by the Catholic pilgrim
now, — a blessed medal, a rosary laid on the tomb of a saint,
some grains of earth from the catacombs enclosed in a
crucifix, — and were probably regarded in much the same
light then as now.
The passages illustrating these statements are numerous :
reference to a few only will be sufficient for our purpose.
Among the bishops who sought for relics we read that
Amantius, Bishop of Como,* visited Rome in 440, and re-
turned with relics of SS. Peter and Paul and placed them in
1 Infra, p. 31.
2 There are some beautiful examples of such vessels in the Treasury of Monza :
see infra, pp. 102 and following. For illustrations see Garucci, Storia delP arte
cristiana, vol. vi. pi. 433-435 : Prato, 1 880.
^ De Rossi, in Bull, di archeoL crist. 1864, p. 81 ; 1891, p. 127 ; Garucci, op.
cit. tav. 174, 176.
* Ughelii, Italia Sacra, v. 258 : Venice, 1720.
30 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
his Cathedral Church dedicated to these apostles. Germanus,
Bishop of Auxcrre,^ brought into Britain in 429 " relics of
all the apostles and of several martyrs," and worked many
miracles with them.
The letter of Gregory the Great to Palladius, Bishop of
Saintes 2 {Santones) in Gaul is worth quoting :
Leuparic your presbyter, the bearer of these presents,
when he came to us, informed us that your Fraternity
has built a church in honour of the blessed apostles
Peter and Paul and also of the martyrs Laurence and
Pancras; and placed there thirteen altars,ofwhich welearn
thatfour have remained asyetundedicated,becauseofyour
desire to deposit there relics of the above-named saints.
And, seeing that we have reverently supplied you with
relics of the saints Peter and Paul and also of the
martyrs Laurence and Pancras, we exhort you to receive
them with reverence, and deposit them with the help of the
Lord ; providing before all things that supplies for the
maintenance of those who serve there be not wanting.
For the same purpose Avitus, Bishop of Vienne in
Southern France, sends his deacon Julian to Pope Symmachus
(498-511) to beg for a fresh supply of relics.^
Some Historic Relics. — Among the innumerable presents
of this kind offered to kings and bishops we read how Pope
Pelagius I. (555-560)* sent relics to King Childebert by the
monks of the monastery of the island of Ldrins, off Provence,
and to Sapaudius, Bishop of Aries, through a sub-deacon
called Homobonus. Pelagius II. ^ in 580 sent Aunarius,
bishop of Auxerre, relics "with blessing attached" (cum
cohaerente sibi sanctificatione).
A few drops of the holy oil which had burnt before the
martyrs' shrines, collected into little bottles, was a sufficiently
magnificent present for the great Pope Gregory to make to
^ Bede, Ecclesiastical History, i. 18.
2 Gregorii Magni Epistolae^ vi. 49, in P.L. 77, 834 (trans. Wace and Schafif,
op. cit.).
3 Aviti Vitensis Epistolae, xxvii., in P.L. 59, 243.
* Jaff(6, Regesta Pontificum Romanorum, No. 942. For L^rins, see infray
p. 250, and note i.
^ Ibid., No. 1048.
THE PILGRIMAGES AND THE SHRINES 31
the Lombard queen Theodelinda for the cathedral which she
had founded at Monza. They have been preserved as the
greatest of treasures to the present day, and form the subject
of countless learned treatises.^
A similar relic, some Oleum S. Crucis, or oil burnt before
the shrine of the Holy Cross, was presented to Pope Gregory
the Great by the ex-consul Leontius.^
A most instructive passage is found in the pages of
Gregory of Tours. Agiulphus,^ the deacon of Gregory,
visited all the sanctuaries of Rome, and brought back some
relics for the church of Tours. He recounted to Gregory all
he had seen there, and all that he had heard concerning the
passions and shrines of the martyrs. This has been
embodied in the De Gloria Martyrum^ of Gregory, in
which the following passage occurs :
S. Peter is buried in a church called from ancient
times the Vatican. . . . His sepulchre, which is placed
under the altar, is very rarely entered. However, if
any one desires to pray, the gates by which the place is
fenced are opened, and he goes in above the sepulchre ;
and then having opened a little window {i.e. the
fenestrella confessionis) puts his head within, and makes
request concerning his needs. Nor is the result delayed,
if only the petition be a just one. For if he desires to
carry away with him some blessed memorial, he throws
within a little handkerchief that has been carefully
weighed, and then, watching and fasting, he prays most
fervently that the apostle may give an effective answer
to his devotion. Wonderful to say, if the faith of the
man prevails, the handkerchief, when it is raised from
the tomb, is so filled with divine virtue that it weighs
much more than it did before ; and then he who has
raised it knows that he has obtained the favour which
he sought. Many also make golden keys to unlock the
gates of the blessed sepulchre; then they take away
those which were used before as a sacred treasure, and
* For a full account of the treasure see infra ^ p. 102.
2 Gregorii Magni Epistolae, lib. viii., No. 35 in P.L. 77, 938. (Wace and
Schaff, op. cit.)
^ Duchesne, " Le Liber Pontijicalis en Gaule " in Melanges d^ archiologie et
cPhistoire, 1882, 277 ; Gregory of Tours, Historia Francortim^ x. i,
* De Gloria Martyrum, i. 28, in P.L. 71, col. 728,
32 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
by these keys the infirmities of the afflicted are cured.
For true faith can do all things.
As a further illustration of the practices here mentioned,
we find certain bishops petitioning Pope Hormisdas in 520
to lay some cloths ibrandea) actually upon the tomb of the
Apostles Peter and Paul : ^ they ask, further, for a portion of
the chains of the apostles, and a fragment of the gridiron of
Laurence. Their requests are granted.
Again, one of the keys described above was sent by
Gregory the Great to Theoctista,^ sister of the Emperor
Mauricianus and governess of the royal children. In the
letter which accompanies it the pope says :
I beg you to take especial care to instruct in good
morals the little lords you are bringing up. . . . Further,
I send you, as a blessing from S. Peter the Apostle, a
key from his most sacred body : with respect to which
key the miracle has been wrought which I now relate.
Then follows the story of the sacrilegious Lombard who
was trying to steal what he believed to be a golden key, and
cut his own throat by mistake.
A similar key was sent by him to Anastasius, patriarch
of Antioch,^ with the words :
I have sent you the keys of blessed Peter the Apostle
who loves you : these, laid upon the sick, are splendid
with many miracles.
These keys sometimes contained in addition actual relics
of S. Peter's chains,* as did those sent to King Childebert^
" which, hung round the neck, will protect you from evil."
Many of the pilgrims so wore their relics, on twisted chains
(tortulae),^
When the Empress Constantina made a bold request
to Gregory the Great for the head of S. Paul, the pope
replies : ^
I am distressed that I neither can nor dare do what
^ Borgia, Vaticana Confessio^ p. clxi : Rome, 1776.
2 Greg. Ep. Ivii., No. 26 in P.L. 77. ^ /^/^^ \^ 5^
^ Ibid. i. 30. ^ Ibid. vi. 6. ^ Sufra, p. 29.
■^ Ibid, iv, 300.
THE PILGRIMAGES AND THE SHRINES 33
you enjoin. For the bodies of the apostles Peter and
Paul glitter with so great miracles and terrors in their
churches, that one cannot even go to pray there without
great fear. . . . Moreover, let my most tranquil lady
know that it is not the custom of the Romans, when
they give relics of saints, to presume to touch any part
of the body : but only a cloth {brandeuni) is put into a
box {pyxis), and placed near the most sacred bodies
of the saints : and when it is taken up, it is deposited
with due reverence in the church that is to be dedicated,
and such powerful effects are thus produced there
as might have been if the bodies themselves had been
brought to that special place. . . . But since so religious
a desire of my most serene lady ought not to be wholly
unsatisfied, I will make haste to transmit to you some
portion of the chains which S. Peter the apostle himself
bore on his neck and hands, from which many miracles
are displayed among the people: if, at least, I should
succeed in removing it by filing. ... A priest attends
with a file, and in case of some seekers a portion comes
off so quickly from these chains that there is no delay ;
but in the case of other seekers, the file is drawn a long
time over the chains, and yet nothing can be got from
them.
Of the miraculous powers ascribed to such relics we have
further examples. The deacon Agiulphus, who was bring-
ing back manuscripts to Gregory of Tours, was nearly
shipwrecked on his journey home,^ but in the end all on
board reached their journey's end —
For there were on board relics of the apostles, of
S. Paul, of SS. Laurence and Pancras, of S. Chrysanthus
and the maiden Darias, of S. John and the other Paul
his brother. . . .
This same Gregory of Tours ^ tells of a certain John who
went on a pilgrimage to the Holy Land, and was healed of
leprosy. Coming back " he fell among thieves in the lofty
solitudes of the Alps." They beat him, left him half dead,
and threw on to the fire the little casket {capsd) in which
^ Gregory of Tours, De Gloria Martyruniy i. 83.
2 Ibid. i. 19.
34 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
were relics. The relics remained intact, and John recovered
and went back to Gaul.
Gregory himself was given a cloth in which the Holy
Cross had been wrapped up. He tore the stuff into small
fragments, and apportioned them to various religious houses,
whereby were wrought miracles of healing.^
Beside the human interest in these stories, these relics
have often thrown light on historical questions, as in the case
of the celebrated treasure of Monza.
^ Gregory of Tours, De Gloria Martyrtim, i. 6. For further examples of
pilgrims see supra, pp. 23, 24. Cf. p. 37.
CHAPTER III
THE PH^GRIMAGES: THE BELIEFS OF THE
PILGRIMS
Some individual pilgrims : early martyrs, pilgrims from Gaul, Paulinus of
Nola, English pilgrims — Pilgrimage privileges attached to local churches —
The beliefs of the pilgrims as shown in the <^ra^/z— Spirit of materialism — Burial
ad Sanctos : views of Augustine — Jerome on pilgrimages — The inscription of
Achilles at Spoleto — The controversial pamphlets of Jerome and Vigilantius.
Unde duo ista praeclara divini seminis germina in quantam subolem pullula-
rint, beatorum millia martyrum protestantur : quae, apostolicorum aemula
triumphorum, urbem nostram purpuratis et longe lateque rutilantibus populis
ambierunt, et quasi ex multarum honore gemmarum conserto uno diademate
coronaverunt. — Leo, Sermo?-
Individual Pilgrims: Early Martyrs. — We may
linger yet a little over the personalities of the pilgrims ; who
are sometimes interesting in themselves, and whose records
throw light on the beliefs of that day. The writers of the
Acta Sanctorum'^ love to relate how several of the early
martyrs perished while in prayer at the tombs of their
forerunners. Zoe, one of the converts of the martyr S.
Sebastian,^ was arrested as she was praying at the shrine of
S. Peter on his feast day. Her fellow-convert Tranquil-
lianus cried : " Are women to win their crowns before us ?
Why then should we live ? " : and, descending to the tomb of
S. Paul on the octave of his feast, he too was martyred.
These Acta are almost all compilations of the fifth and sixth
century, but occasionally they have preserved the tradition
aright, and at least give us the traditions as known to the
pilgrims.
1 Supra, p. 25. ^ Infra^ p. 128.
3 Acta Sanctorum (•• A.SS:'), Jan, 20.
35
36 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
We come again to genuine historical pilgrims with
Fulgentius of Africa,^ the historian of the Vandal invasion,
who came to Rome in 500 and
reverently went all round to all the holy places of
the martyrs.
Pilgrims from Gaul. — Among the earliest of the foreign
pilgrims were those from Gaul, which had given many martyrs
to the Church. Hilary, Bishop of Aries in 429, was wont
to visit the sanctuary of the apostles and martyrs,^ and, as a
true pilgrim, made the whole journey on foot Apollinaris
Sidonius (430-483), Bishop of Clermont - Ferrand,^ who
has described his journey, was in Rome in 456 and again
in 467.
Gregory of Tours* tells a characteristic story of Ara-
vatius (or Servatius), Bishop of Tongres in the middle of the
fifth century. Fearing the possible horrors of a Hunnish
invasion of Gaul, the bishop made a pilgrimage to Rome to
fast and to pray for the intercession of the apostle to avert
the scourge. S. Peter replies that God has sanctioned the
invasion, but that Servatius shall be spared the sight by swift
death. One wonders if the bishop went home comforted.
Paulinus of Nola. — An ardent pilgrim and devout
believer in relics was Paulinus,^ once a wealthy patrician of
Bordeaux, then Senator and Consul of Rome. In 394 he
gave up wealth and position to live a life of monastic poverty
with his wife at Nola in Southern Italy, where he built a great
church to S. Felix ; and of this district he became bishop
in 409. He was in constant correspondence with Augustine
and Jerome. He was wont to make an annual pilgrimage
to Rome on 29th June, "the anniversary of the blessed
apostles " {beatorum apostoloi'um natalis).
In 399 he writes to his friend Severus,^ saying he has
been ten days in Rome, and spent all the mornings in
prayer at the sanctuaries of the apostles and martyrs, and
the afternoons in visits. Again, in 340 he writes to
' P.L. 65, 130. 2 jisS. May 5. 3 ^^SS. August 23.
* Historia Francoriim^ ii. 5, in P.L. 71.
P Infra, pp. 41, 44- ^ ^A 17, in /'.Z. 61, 235.
PILGRIMAGES: THE BELIEFS OF THE PILGRIMS 37
Delphinius,^ Bishop of Bordeaux, that he has made his
wonted pilgrimage to Rome on the anniversary of the blessed
apostles, and been kindly received by Pope Anastasius.
Chrysostom expresses regret in one of his sermons that
he cannot visit the shrine of S. Paul : ^
If I were free from ecclesiastical cares, and my body
were in sound health, I would eagerly make a pilgrimage
merely to see the chains that had held Paul captive.
The English Pilgrims. — The national chronicles of
the various peoples would yield much further interesting
information on pilgrims.^ Let us confine ourselves, however,
to the pages of The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle and to Bede's
Ecclesiastical History, to see what adventurous and pious
Englishmen made the somewhat perilous journey to Rome
during the sixth and seventh centuries.* In the preface to
his history, Bede writes that Nothelm (who was afterwards
Archbishop of Canterbury)
with the permission of Pope Gregory sought the
archives of the holy Roman church . . . and brought
documents home to be inserted by me in my history.
We have seen already how Germanus, Bishop of Auxerre,
brought into Britain "relics of all the apostles and of
several martyrs" (429). Mellitus, Bishop of London, sat
in the Roman Synod of 605. A certain Wighard,^ on his
way to Rome in 665 for consecration as bishop, died there.
Pope Vitalian writes to King Oswy to inform him of the
fact, and to tell him that Wighard lies in the Church of the
Apostles. With the letter the pope also sends presents,
relics of the blessed apostles Peter and Paul and of
the holy martyrs Laurence, John and Paul, Gregory
and Pancras.
^ Ep. 20 ; cf. Epp. 43, 45. 2 ff^f„^ g jji Ephes.y in P. G. 62, col. 57.
^ There is an admirable monograph on famous pilgrims from Gaul by
Zettlinger, " Die Frankischen Rompilger bis zur zeit Gregors des Grossen " in
the Romische Quartahchrift, Supplementheft xi. p. i.
^ See supra, p. 23. There is a special rite for blessing the robes, and the
pilgrim's staff and scrip in the Sarum Missal, with prayers for the safety of the
traveller.
' Bede, Hist, Eccles. iii. 29.
38 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
To the Queen Elfleda he sends
a cross with a golden key in it, made out of the most
holy chains of the apostles Peter and Paul,
Wilfred,^ the great Archbishop of York, journeyed to
Rome in 6yS and on two other occasions, accompanied once
by " Biscop called Benedict," Abbot of Wearmouth, Bede's
own monastery.
Willibrord,^ monk of Ripon, the English missionary of
Friesland, " made haste " to go to Rome in 692 —
hoping to receive from the pope some relics of the
blessed apostles and martyrs of Christ : to the end that
when he destroyed the idols, and erected churches in the
nation to which he preached, he might have the relics of
the saints to hand to put into them : and having de-
posited them there, might accordingly dedicate these
places to the honour of each of the saints whose relics
they were.
Willibrord's foresight was crowned with success, and he
returned to Rome four years later to be made archbishop
of his new converts.
Bishop Acca, a pupil of Wilfred of York —
made it his business to procure relics of the blessed
apostles and martyrs of Christ from all parts, and place
them in altars. . . .
He accompanied Wilfred to Rome on one occasion (709).
It would be tedious to prolong the list, but the names of
Oftfor, future Bishop of Worcester and disciple of Archbishop
Theodore; of Archbishop Wulfred (812); and of Wigbert,
Bishop of Sherbourne (812), are worth recording.
Pilgrimage Privileges in Local Churches. — For the
benefit of the pious who could not make the pilgrimage to
Rome, churches were built in honour of S. Peter, often on
the actual plan of S. Peter's in Rome. If we search the
charters of foundations granted by the kings, and the papal
* A.SS. April 24, and Bede, op. cit.
^ For Alcuin's life of Willibrord see Jaffe in Bibliotheca rerum Germanicarufft,
vi. 39 : Berlin, 1866.
PILGRIMAGES : THE BELIEFS OF THE PILGRIMS 39
charters of privileges,^ we find such is the case for many of
our English churches. For example, the Cathedral of Peter-
borough* was founded and dedicated to S. Peter as a
monastic church during the years 650-656. In the charter
of 656 of King Wulferus, nephew of the famous Penda of
Mercia, we read :
... I will also that here we all seek S. Peter, we who
are not able to go to Rome.
And in the charter of privileges granted by Pope Agatho
(678-682) :
(This church) where, as we possess blessed Peter in
the body, so you possess him ever present in the spirit :
where by you, and all your kingdom he is sought out, as
if at Rome, and venerated by the pious prayers of the
faithful.
There follows a long passage conferring on this local S.
Peter's, privileges equivalent to those to be obtained in Rome.
The Abbey church of S. Peter's, Westminster, was conse-
crated, according to the legend, by S. Peter himself, and to
it, as to the Cathedrals of Exeter, Gloucester, Ely, and the
Abbey of Ripon, special privileges were attached.^
In the Chronicle of Eadmer the Monk * (eleventh century)
we read, of the Cathedral of Canterbury :
That church was the work of Roman workmen, as
Bede bears witness in his history, and was in some part
an imitation of that church of blessed Peter, the prince
of the apostles, in which his holy relics are venerated by
pilgrims from all the world.
Beliefs of Pilgrims as shown in the Graffiti. — Some of
our documents, monumental and literary, enable us to pene-
trate a little deeper into the spirit of the pilgrims. On the
inscriptions of the catacombs we must not linger here. Of
special interest, however, are the scrawlings {graffiti) on the
wall of passage and cell made by these ancient tourists in
^ Dugdale, Monasticon (Eng. trans, by Colly) : London, 1846.
2 Ibid. i. 344 (note h) and 379. 2 /^/^,^ ^^, cit. for charters.
^ P.L. 159. Cf. Bede, op. cit. i. 33 : ''Augustine . . . recovered a church
which, he was informed, had been built by the ancient Roman Christians."
40 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
the neighbourhood of the shrines of martyrs.^ Many a time
have these graffiti^ unearthed after fifteen hundred years,
directed the unerring instinct of De Rossi to the shrine itself.
In the majority of cases the pilgrim left his own name on the
wall, coupled with a prayer to the local saint for his inter-
cession. In the crypt of S. Cecilia in S. Callixtus there is
something like an official list of a body of priests who visited
her shrine. The pilgrim sometimes added his nationality or
profession, and the odd variety of names proves from what
far distant lands these travellers fared.
A few of these graffiti taken at random in S. Callixtus
will serve as examples :
JERUSALEM CIVITAS ET ORNAMENTUM MARTYRUM.
(The heavenly) Jerusalem , city and glory of the martyrs.
PETITE SPIRITA SANCTA ^ UT VERECUNDIUS CUM SUIS
BENE NAVIGET.
Pray, Holy Spirits (of the dead) that Verecundius
may make a safe voyage with his friends.
SANTE SUSTE IN MENTE HABEAS IN HORATIONES
AURELIU REPENTINU.
Holy Sixtus (ll., pope) remember in thy prayers
Aurelius Repentinus.
MARCIANUM SUCCESSUM SEVERUM SPIRITA SANCTA
IN MENTE HAVETE ET OMNES FRATRES NOSTROS.
Holy spirits, remember Marcianus Successus Severus
and all our brothers.
In S. Priscilla, near the tomb of the martyr Crescentianus
we find :
SALVA ME DOMNE CRESCENTIONE.
Save me, Lord Crescentianus.
In SS. Peter and Marcellinus :
MARCELLINE
PETRE PETITE
PRO GALL . . .
CHRISTIANO.
O Marcellinus and Peter, pray for Gallus a Christian.
^ Many of the graffiti are addressed by friends and kinsmen to their own
dead — not martyrs, and, touching and beautiful as they are, do not concern
us here.
2 Spiritum (neuter) is late Latin for spiritus.
PILGRIMAGES: THE BELIEFS OF THE PILGRIMS 41
Materialism : Burial Ad Sanctos. — All through the
story of the pilgrimages we discern here, too, that everlasting
tendency of human frailty to materialism in things spiritual.
Among the early Christians it manifested itself in various
ways, — in an eager desire to be buried near the martyrs — in
a devotion to the relics rather than the spirit of the martyrs
— in a desire to secure worldly welfare rather than spiritual
gifts from these all-powerful intercessors.
As we walk down the passages of the catacombs how
many frescoes over a martyr's tomb do we not find ruthlessly
pierced that one or more shelf-like graves {loculi) may be
provided for the dead who wish to lie " beside the martyrs."
Again and again in the inscriptions on their tombs we read
the words AD MARTYRES, AD SANCTOS — (Buried) Near the
martyrs, Near the Saints.
The more scrupulous spirits did not commit this violence.
The noble epitaph of Damasus ^ set up by the graves of the
martyred popes in S. Callixtus terminates with the words :
I confess that I, Damasus, would fain have laid my
limbs here, but I fear to disturb the holy ashes of the
saints.
Again, in the epitaph of the deacon Sabinus who was buried
in all humility at the entrance of the basilica of S. Laurence,
" a doorkeeper of the holy place," we read :
It profits nothing that he digs a grave close by the
tombs of the pious. It is a life of virtue which brings
him near the merits of the saints. Let us cleave to them
not in body but in spirit, which shall itself be the
salvation of our bodies.
Views of Augustine. — Paullnus of Nola thought that
such pious desires were not altogether foolish, and buried his
infant son near the tomb of the martyr Justus in Alcala, and
commended himself and his wife to the prayers of the saint.
He writes, however, to ask Augustine's opinion, and the latter
replies by his treatise On Care to be given to the Dead{De Cura
pro Mortms gerenda),^ written about 421. He says that the
very good do not require such help, and the very bad are
^ /njra, pp. 291, 292. ^ p £ ^q^ ^^j (trans. SchafF, oJ>. at.).
42 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
beyond it : and that the bodily proximity to the saint's tomb is
only beneficial because visitors to the tomb were reminded to
offer prayers to the saint on behalf of the dead man buried
near, and that these prayers alone can profit him. He adds
that the Church, as the common mother of us all, makes a
general commemoration of her dead for the especial benefit
of those who have no kinsman to pray for them.
There is much more of great interest on the same subject ;
and the treatise is still the basis of arguments in favour of
the beliefs and practices we are describing.
Augustine combats another aspect of materialism in an
eloquent sermon preached on the feast of SS. Peter and
Paul,^ immediately after the sack of Rome by Alaric in
410, and endeavours to persuade his flock to seek spiritual
rather than material benefits from the saints :
See, Beloved, what things are laid upon the servants
of God in this world, on account of the future glory
which shall be revealed to us. . . . Men say " the body
of Peter lies in Rome — the body of Paul, the body of
Laurence : the bodies of the other holy martyrs lie in
Rome: and Rome is in misery, Rome is laid waste,
afflicted, crushed, consumed by fire. Great is her
desolation by death through famine, through pestilence
and through the sword. Where are the memorials of
the martyrs ? . . . Lo, when we sacrificed to our gods
Rome stood, Rome flourished, . . . now that these
sacrifices are forbidden, see what Rome suffers." . . .
You are not called to inherit the earth, but to win
heaven. . . . Lay up for yourself treasures in heaven, . . .
the sanctuaries of the apostles which ought to prepare
you for heaven, are they only to serve to protect your
theatres? . . . was S. Peter martyred and buried in
Rome in order that the stones may not fall from your
theatres ?
Jerome on Pilgrimages. — Both in the friendly corre-
spondence and in the acrimonious controversial pamphlets
of a group of famous men, we gain further light on the
question of pilgrimages and veneration of martyrs.
Paulinus, Bishop of Nola, an ardent pilgrim, had
1 Sermo 296, in P,L. 38, 1352.
PILGRIMAGES: THE BELIEFS OF THE PILGRIMS 43
evidently intended to prolong his travels as far as Jerusalem,
and writes to consult Jerome, who was living in Bethlehem
and keeping a hospice for pilgrims. Jerome writes about
395 to dissuade Paulinus from his purpose/ on the
ground that it is contrary to his vocation as a monk
{fnonachus) to visit such a busy and crowded city as
Jerusalem :
What is praiseworthy is not to have seen Jerusalem
but to have lived a good life while there, . . . the city
we are to praise and seek is not that which has slain
the prophets, and shed the blood of Christ, but that
which is made glad by the streams of the river, and
which is set upon a mountain, and so cannot be hid. . . .
Access to the courts of heaven is as easy from Britain as
from Jerusalem, for the kingdom of God is within you.
. . . When I take into consideration your vows and the
earnestness with which you have renounced the world,
I hold that as long as you live in the country, one place
is as good as another. . . . Seek Christ in solitude. . . .
My advice does not concern bishops, priests, or the
clergy, for these have a different duty. ... I am
speaking only to a monk. . . . Had the scenes of the
Passion and of the Resurrection been enacted elsewhere
than in a populous city with a court and garrison, with
prostitutes, play-actors and buffoons . . . then the city
would be a desirable abode for those who have
embraced the monastic life . . . the true temple of
Christ is the believer's soul.
That Jerome did not disapprove of pilgrimages, however,
is clear from many other portions of his writings : for example,
in the letter of condolence to Eustochium on the death of
her mother Paula, he mentions in the course of his eulogy
the holy places she has visited.^
Inscription of Achilles at Spoleto. — The same spiritual
point of view is put before the pilgrim in an inscription ^
set up by Achilles, Bishop of Spoleto, about 430, in the
^ Ep. 58, in P.L. 22, 579 (trans. Wace and Schaff, op. cit.).
^ Ad Eustochium, Ep. io8. Cf. ad Marcellunty Ep. 46, in which Jerome urges
many reasons in favour of pilgrimages.
^De Rossi, Inscriptiones Christianae urbis Roinae {.^^ LC,^'\ ii. p. 113. Cf.
Bull. Arch. Crist., 1871.
44 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
church dedicated by him to S. Peter, which contained relics
of the chains of the apostles. Spoleto was for this reason
itself a place of pilgrimage, and lay on the road of the
traveller from Milan, down the Via Flaminia to Rome.
The inscription reads :
Achilles, the devoted bishop of Christ our Lord,
raised this lofty temple in honour of holy Peter. Let
no one think that this court has no share in his vener-
ated name because it is not the home of his body.
Great Rome preserves his venerated sepulchre, where
for the name of Christ he suffered and died. But
monuments cannot confine his merits (jneritum), nor the
stones which contain his body hold his spirit. For a
victor over this world, having overcome death, his
triumphant spirit journeyed to the stars to the highest
God. Since he rested in Christ while life lasted, so,
when he died, the martyr, body and spirit, returned to
Christ, Who offers to all believers (the merits of)
His saints, through whom He brings aid to his
suppliant servants.^
Controversial Pamphlets of Jerome and Vigilantius. —
There were not lacking those, however, who raised their voices
against the veneration paid to the martyrs. The Emperor
Julian (360-363), the satirist of Christianity in general,
mocks at those
who adore at unclean sepulchres for the purpose of
deriving from them magic powers.^
Cyril of Alexandria,^ in a well-known pamphlet, defends the
" honour and veneration paid to the holy martyrs."
The next opponent of the veneration paid to the saints,
and also of all forms of asceticism, was Vigilantius, a Spanish
priest and at one time a friend of Paulinus of Nola and
Jerome. His pamphlet on the subject, written about 403, is
^ Cumque sit in Christo vita durante repostus
Ad Christum totus martyr ubique venit,
Ille suos sanctos cunctis credentibus offert
Per quos supplicibus praestat opem famulis.
^ Neumann, yiw/?'a«2 Imperatoris librormn contra Christianos quae stipersunt^
Leipsic, 1880.
^ Contra Julianum^ x., in P.G, 76, 1018.
PILGRIMAGES: THE BELIEFS OF THE PILGRIMS 45
now lost : his views were supported by his bishop, and also
spread in Gaul.
To stem the tide of this fifth-century Protestantism,
Desiderius, priest of Aquitaine, and Riparius, a priest of
Aquileia, wrote to consult Jerome at Bethlehem. Jerome
replies at once to the letter of Riparius : ^
You tell me that Vigilantius . . . has again opened
his fetid lips, and is pouring forth a torrent of filthy
venom upon the relics of the holy martyrs : and that
he calls us who cherish them ashmongers and idolaters.
. . . We refuse to worship or adore, I say not only the
relics of martyrs, but even the sun and moon,^ the
angels and archangels. . . . For we may not serve the
creature rather than the Creator. . . . Still we honour
the relics of the martyrs that we may adore Him whose
martyrs they are. . . . And do we, every time we enter
the basilicas of the apostles and prophets and martyrs,
pay homage to the shrines of idols? Are the tapers
which burn before their tombs only the tokens of
idolatry ? ... if the relics of martyrs are not worthy
of honour, how comes it that we read : " Precious in
the sight of the Lord is the death of His saints." . . .
You tell me, further, that Vigilantius execrates vigils,
. . . the vigilant one will not hearken to the Saviour's
words : " What, could ye not watch with me one hour ? "
Some time later the actual pamphlet of Vigilantius was
sent to Jerome, and in 406 the latter wrote an answer in his
Contra Vigilantium? We have no means of knowing if
Jerome is representing his opponent fairly in the following
quotations :
"What need is there," you (Vigilantius) say, "for
you to pay such honour, not to say adoration, to the
thing, whatever it may be, which you carry about in a
^ Ep. cix., ad Riparium, in /'.Z. 22, 906 (trans. Wace and Schaflf).
^ For this curious remark, compare Pope Leo's prohibition against bowing
before the rising sun, supra, p. 3.
^ P.L, 23, 339 (trans. Wace and Schaff). Of this pamphlet Dean Fremantle,
in his life of Jerome (in Diet, of Christ. Btog., ed. Wace and Piercy) remarks :
'•This is the treatise in which Jerome felt most sure he was in the right, and the
only one in which he was wholly in the wrong." Who shall judge between
Jerome and the Dean ?
46 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
little vessel and worship ?"..." Why do you kiss and
adore a bit of powder wrapped up in a cloth ? " . . .
" Under the cloak of religion, we see what is almost a
heathen ceremony introduced into the churches: in-
numerable tapers are lighted, while the sun is still
shining, and a bit of paltry powder wrapped up in a
costly cloth is kissed and worshipped. Great honour
do men of this sort pay to the blessed martyrs who,
they think, are to be made glorious by trumpery tapers,
when the Lamb who is in the midst of the throne, with
all the brightness of His majesty gives them light."
To this Jerome replies :
Madman, who in the world ever adored the martyrs.
. . . And have you the audacity to speak of the
" mysterious something or other which you carry about
in a little vessel and worship." I want you to know
what it is you call " something or other." Tell me more
clearly . . . what you mean by the phrase *'a bit of
powder wrapped up in a costly cloth in a tiny vessel."
It is nothing less than the relics of the martyrs which
he (Vigilantius) is vexed to see covered with a costly
veil, and not bound up with rags or hair cloth . . . [here
follow examples of honours paid by the emperors to
the relics]. Are the bishops not only sacrilegious but
silly into the bargain, because they carry that most
worthless thing, dust and ashes, wrapped in silk in a
golden vessel ? Are the people of all the churches fools,
because they go to meet the sacred relics ? . . .
He then goes on to argue that the saints "who follow
the Lamb whithersoever He goes" are all about us, and not
necessarily confined " in a place of refreshment or under the
altar of God, that they cannot leave their tombs." He
continues :
You say in your pamphlet, that as long as we are alive
we can pray for one another, but once we die, the prayer
of no person for another can be heard. ... If apostles
and martyrs, while still in the body, can pray for others
. . , how much more must they do so when once they
have won their crowns, have overcome and triumphed ?
. . . Shall Vigilantius the live dog be better than Paul
the dead lion ? You bring before me an apocryphal
book called Esdras, read by you and those of your
PILGRIMAGES: THE BELIEFS OF THE PILGRIMS 47
feather, and in this book it is written that after death
no ones dares pray for others. I have never read the
book : for what need is there to take up what the
Church does not receive? ... As to the question of
tapers . . . once upon a time even the apostles pleaded
that the ointment was wasted : but they were rebuked
by the voice of the Lord. Christ did not need the
ointment, nor do the martyrs need the light of tapers :
yet that woman poured out her ointment in honour of
Christ, and her heart's devotion was accepted. . . .
Does the Bishop of Rome do wrong when he offers
sacrifices to the Lord over the venerable bodies of the
dead men Peter and Paul . . . and judges their tombs
worthy to be Christ's altars ? And not only the one
bishop, but the bishops of the whole world ?
Having thus gained some idea of the belief touching the
saints, their relics and their shrines, which was held by
those who compiled the documents concerning them, we
can examine these documents in some detail for further
light on the history of martyrs.
PART I.— THE DOCUMENTS
CHAPTER IV
THE LIBER PONTIFICALIS: SOURCES AND DATE
The sources : — Papal records of the second century : Hegesippus and
Irenaeus — Records of the third century : Eusebius and Hippolytus — The
Philocalian (Liberian) Calendar of 354 — Patristic literature of the fourth century
— The Roman Catalogue of the fifth century — The Laurentian fragment of 520.
The date : — Prefatory letters of Damasus and Jerome proved apocryphal — The
language of the Liber Pontificalis — Summary of contents — View of Duchesne : the
latest date-limit is seventh century : earliest limit sixth century : book belongs to
early sixth century, the Gothic period, and the precise date is 530, fixed by Felician
and Cononian abridgments — View of Mommsen : date early seventh century.
Isti sunt viri per quos tibi Evangelium Christi, Roma, resplenduit. . . .
Isti sunt qui te ad hanc gloriam provexerunt ut gens sancta, populus electus,
civitas sacerdotalis et regia per sacram beati Petri sedem caput orbis effecta,
latius praesideres religione divina quam dominatione terrena."^
Leo Magnus, Sermo Ixxxii. in Natali apostolorum Petri et Pauli.
Among the documents which throw light on the monu-
ments of Rome, the first place must be given to the
Liber Pontificalis or Acts of the Popes. It is fitting, too, to
begin our detailed studies with the leaders of the Church —
her directors in things temporal and spiritual, and often,
too, the first to show their flock the path to martyrdom. In
this book are recorded, among other things, the death of
each pope, and his place of burial, the buildings he erected
over the martyrs' shrines, the donations he received, his
^ P.L. 54, 422 : *' These are the men through whom the Gospel of Christ shone
upon you, 0 Rome. . . . These are the men who have raised you to such glory
that you have become a holy race, a chosen people, a royal priestly city through
the holy seat of blessed Peter, and you rule the capital of the world with wider
sway through divine religion than by earthly domination.''^
48
LIBER PONTIFICALIS : SOURCES AND DATE 49
liturgical and disciplinary decrees. Here, then, we have
a sort of guide to the monuments which once existed,
nearly all of which have now been identified.
Papal Records of the Second Century : — Hegesippus,
Irenaeus. — It seems probable that the Christian Church
from the earliest days remembered, by oral tradition or
written record, those who ruled over her: hence the claim
of any given city to be an apostolic foundation is not
necessarily fictitious. It was the purpose of investigating
the question of apostolic succession which, in the time of
Pope Anicetus (about 167-175), brought Hegesippus, a
Syrian, to Rome, where he drew up a list of popes from
Peter to his own day.^ Irenaeus,^ writing on the same
question in the time of Eleutherius (? 182-189), extends the
list to that pope, and in his letter to Pope Victor ^ (? 189- 199)
part of the same list is repeated backwards; elsewhere
in his works certain details of their lives are given.* Linus
is identified with the " Linus mentioned by S. Paul in his
epistle to Timothy " ; ^ Clement " had talked with the apostles,"
and had written an epistle to the Corinthians ; ^ Telesphorus
was martyred.
The order of the popes in this tradition of Irenaeus, followed
later by the historian Eusebius, is — Peter, Linus, Anacletus,
Clement, Evaristus, Alexander, Sixtus (l.), Telesphorus
(martyr), Hyginus, Pius, Anicetus, Soter, Eleutherius, Victor.
An anonymous writer^ of the time of Zephyrinus
(199-217) states that Victor (189-199) was the thirteenth
pope after Peter ; which agrees with the list given above.
A passage in TertuUian ^ and recent studies ^ on ancient
^ Quoted in Eusebius, Historia Ecdesiastica (*' H.EJ^), iv. 22, P. G. 20. See
infra, Bibliography — Liber Pontificalis: Papal Chronology, and Appendices
II. and III. The dates of the early popes can be given only approximately.
^ Irenaeus, Contra Haereses^ ii. 31, /*. 6*. 7; also quoted in Eusebius, H,E.
V. 6.
^ Eusebius, H.E. v. 24.
^ Irenaeus, Contra Haer. i. 25 and 27, iii. 3 and 4. * 2 Timothy iv. 21.
^ See Lightfoot, Apostolic Fathers, pt. i. vols. i. and ii.
' Quoted in Eusebius, H.E. v. 28.
^ De Praescriptio7tibus, 30, in P.L. 2.
^ Harnack, die Zeit des Ignatius, p. 74, Leipsic, 1874 ; cf. infra, Bibliography
—Liber Pontificalis : Papal Chronology.
so ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
papal catalogues, show that from the time of Victor the
names were accompanied by dates.
Papal Records in the Third Century : — Eusebius and
Hippolytus. — The papal list is carried down to Marcellinus
(296-308) by Eusebius in his Chronicle and in his Ecclesiasti-
cal History, but there are slight variations in the length of
rule attributed to some of the popes in these two lists.^
In the early part of the third century we come to the
interesting personality of Hippolytus, the learned Roman
priest, whose statue, discovered in 1551 near his place of
burial on the Via Tiburtina, stands now in the Christian
Museum of the Lateran. Hippolytus is seated in a chair : on
its arms and back are engraved the names of his works, in-
cluding that of the famous Chronicle^ or universal history of the
world, which contained, among purely secular records, a list of
the popes down to 235, carried on by an anonymous and con-
temporary writer to 254. The original document, in Greek,
has been lost, but it appears in the Liber Generationis^
(which Mommsen ^ and Krusch * have shown to be a Latin
translation from the Greek chronicle) ; this, enlarged and
brought up to date is embodied in the famous Philocalian
Calendar^ which is the foundation of the Liber Pontificalis.
Philocalian (Liberian) Calendar of 354. — This
Calendar^ is named Liberian^ since it was compiled in 354
under Pope Liberius. It is called Philocaliafi, after its
author Philocalus ; who, as secretary of Pope Damasus (366-
384), also carved, in the beautiful characters which bear
his name, the epitaphs of the martyrs in the catacombs.
The Calendar forms part of a composite work signed by
the compiler, Furius Dionysius Filocalus titulavit, and
dedicated to a certain Valentine, unknown, but probably
a private patron who appreciated beautiful writing. The
^ S. Jerome, in his Latin version of the Chronicle of Eusebius {P.L. 27),
replaces the original figures by those found in the Ecclesiastical History.
2 Contained in a mutilated manuscript at Cheltenham, in the library of Sir
Thomas PhiUipps.
^ Mommsen, Ueber den Chronographen voni Jahre 3^4.
* Krusch, JVeues Arc/iiv, t. vii, (1882) p. 457.
" Duchesne, Liber Pontificalis^ i. p. vi ; cf. infra^ BibHography — Philocalian
Calendar, and Appendix III.
LIBER PONTIFICALIS: SOURCES AND DATE 51
whole forms a manual of universal history, combined with
the kind of information found in directories and almanacs.
1. The Liber Generatlonis. — The compilation contains, as
we have seen, the chronicle of Hippolytus (the Lzder Genera-
tionis), a history which very properly begins at Adam, and
passing through the divisions of the world to the sons of Noah,
gives the story of the Jewish kings, priests and prophets
and of certain of the Macedonian and Persian monarchs.
2. Annals of the City of Rome. — Another item in
Philocalus' work is the history of the city of Rome, with
a list of consuls and prefects, kings and emperors, down to
the period of the author ; closed by a citation of that most
useful topographical account of the fourteen regions into
which the Emperor Augustus had divided the city, the
Notitia regionum xiv urbis Romae^ remarkable because no
single Christian building is mentioned in it.
3. Pagan Calendar. — There is, further, a surprisingly
pagan calendar which contains the names of gods, the
anniversaries of victories, and notes the days for games
and feasts. For December 25 we read the Mithraic entry:
"The birthday of the Invincible" {Natalis Invictt).
4. Depositio Eplscoporum and Depositio Martyrum. — In
the Christian portion of the work is a paschal table and,
most important for our purpose, the Christian Calendar
proper, consisting of a list of the anniversaries of the burial
days of the popes (depositio episcoporum) and one of the
martyrs {depositio martyrum), with the names of the cata-
combs where they were buried. Those popes who were at
once bishops and martyrs,^ namely, Callixtus (217-222),
Pontianus (230-235), Fabianus (236-251), and Sixtus 11.
(257-259), appear in the second list only, among the martyrs.
The first list is as follows : —
The burial day of the bishops.
Dec. 27. Dionysius in Callixtus.
Dec. 30. Felix in Callixtus.
Dec. 31. Silvester in Priscilla.
1 Infra, pp. 95, 96.
' There is great uncertainty as to which of the other popes were actually
martyrs. See infra, pp. 66-73, a^^ Duchesne, op. cit. i. p. Ixxxix. See infra.
Appendix III. for text.
52 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
Jan. lo. Miltiades in Callixtus.
Jan. 15. Marcellinus in Priscilla.
Mar. 5. Lucius in Callixtus.
Apr. 22. Gaius in Callixtus.
Aug. 2. Stephen in Callixtus.
Sept. 26. Eusebius in Callixtus.
Dec. 8. Eutychianus in Callixtus.
Oct. 7. Marcus in Balbina.
Apr. 12. Julius on the Via Aurelia at the third
milestone in Callixtus.^
The Depositio Episcopoi^uin begins at the same date as
the list of the prefects of Rome.
Both the list of bishops and that of the martyrs is
derived from the Roman Calendar of 312,2 compiled at the
Peace of the Church.
The Depositio Martyrum^ contains over fifty names of
martyrs, all of whom suffered in Rome, except the three
African martyrs, Cyprian, Bishop of Carthage, and Perpetua
and Felicitas. A few extracts will show the form of the
document : —
Dec. 25. Christ born in Bethlehem of Judaea.^
Jan. 20. (pope) Fabianus (buried) in Callixtus and
Sebastian in the Catacombs.^
Jan. 21. Agnes in (Via) Nomentana.
Feb. 22. The feast {natale) of the Chair of Peter.
June 29. Peter in the Catacombs,^ and Paul on the
Via Ostiensis in the consulship of Tuscus
and Bassus (258).
^ i.e. in the Cemetery of Calepodius, where Pope Callixtus was buried : not
in the " Cemetery of Callixtus " on the Via Appia. For the catacombs and
martyrs mentioned see Index.
^ Infra, Chap. XVII., Martyrology of Jerome.
2 For a complete list see infra. Appendix III., B and C.
* This is the first definite reference to the feast of Christmas, though Clement
of Alexandria (about 190), Hippolytus (about 120) and other writers had dis-
cussed the date, which varied between March and December and other months.
The feast was introduced at Antioch about 375 (S. John Chrysostom, Scrfnon
for Christmas Day, in P.G. 49, 351). The feast of the Epiphany was more
ancient.
^ The catacombs now known as S. Sebastian, on the Via Appia.
• i.e. of S. Sebastian. See supra, p. 8, note 2 : cf. p. 305.
LIBER PONTIFICALIS: SOURCES AND DATE 53
Aug. 6. (pope) Sixtus (ll.) in CalHxtus, and in
Praetextatus, Agapitus and Felicissimus.
Aug. II. Laurence in (Via) Tiburtina.
Oct. 14. (pope) Callixtus on the Via Aurelia at the
third milestone.
There are no fixed church festivals, other than feasts of
martyrs, mentioned in this Calendar except Christmas Day.
This list is important, not only for topographical reasons,
but as indicating what martyrs were venerated in Rome in
the fourth century.
5. The Papal Biographies. — There follows in our
document a chronological list of the popes from Peter to
Liberius, with the length of their reign in years, months and
days, and the date, indicated by the consuls. Occasionally
a few other facts are added. The earlier portion of the
list is derived from Hippolytus. It contains a few errors
in the order of the popes, and where it differs from the
Irenaean list ^ the latter is certainly correct. We cannot be
sure that these errors were in the original document of
Hippolytus, and " Cletus-Anacletus " of the Calendar looks
like a copyist's blunder. The point of divergence from the
Irenaean tradition ^ are indicated below by italics : —
Peter Linus Clement Cletus Anacletus Aristus (for
Evaristus). . . . Anicetus Pius Soter. . . .
The form into which these notices of the popes are cast
is invariable; the dates, derived from those of the con-
temporary consuls and emperors, are not always correct.
The notice of any one of the popes will serve as an
example of the style :
Alexander (reigned) vii years II months I day. He
reigned in the times of Trajan from the consulship of
Palma and Tullius to that of Helianus and Veter
(109-116).
^ This list is followed in the Canon of the Mass : Cofumumcantes et
memoriam vetteraiites beatorum Apostoloruni et Martyrum tuoriim Petri et
Fault . . . Lint, C/ett, dementis, Xysti, Cornelii. . . .
^ Su/>ra, p. 49.
54 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
Patristic Literature of the Fourth Century. —
There are very slight variations in those papal lists of
the fourth and fifth centuries, which we find mainly in the
patristic literature defending apostolic continuity against
heretics. The African bishops Optatus^ and Augustine,^
the unknown author of the Poem against Marcion} Jerome
in his Latin translation of the Greek Chronicle of Eusebius,*
and Epiphanius,^ have all given lists copied later by the
historians of the fifth century.
Roman Catalogue of the Fifth Century. — There is
also a well-known Roman Catalogue of the fifth century ^
depending partly on S. Jerome and partly on the Liberian
Catalogue, and in some respects more correct than the latter,
i,e. it gives Anacletus and omits his double, Cletus; and
places Clement after Anacletus, and Anicetus after Pius, in
accordance with the most ancient tradition preserved in
Irenaeus. All subsequent catalogues are derived from this,
and such catalogues were widely known in the East as well
as the West.^
The Laurentian Fragment. — Of the various other
papal chronicles, the most important is perhaps the muti-
lated Laurentian Fragment^ written about 520, in the
time of Pope Hormisdas, and discovered in a sixth-century
manuscript at Verona. It is independent of the Liber
Pontificalis, and contains contemporary lives of the popes
Anastasius and Symmachus ; it is schismatical, and supports
the anti-pope Laurence, the opponent of Symmachus, and is
perhaps a fragment of a lost Liber Pontificalis. The rivalry
between Symmachus (498-514) and the anti-pope called
^ Optatus, De Schisniate Donatistarum, ii. 3, in P.L. ii.
^ Augustine, Epistola Generoso, No. 53 in Corpus scriptorum ecclesiasiicorurn
Latinorum, t. xxxiv. i.
^ Fabricius, Poetarum veierum ecclesiasticorui7i opera, 258, Bale, 1564, The
work is probably of the late fourth century, see Duchesne, Liber Pontificalis,
i. p. xi.
^ P.L. 27.
° Adv. Haereses, xxvii. 6, in P.G. 41, col. 571.
, ^ Duchesne, op. cit. i. p. xii.
' Cureton, Ancient Syriac documents, pp. 41, 63, London, 1864.
^ Duchesne, op. cit. i. p. xxx ; De Rossi, Roma Sotterranea, i. 122 ;
Mommsen, Liber Pontificalis, p. viii.
LIBER PONTIFICALIS: SOURCES AND DATE 55
forth a mass of poetry and literature, a good deal of which
was pure forgery.^
The Liber Pontiffca/ls : The name of the work. — Such
are some of the contributions to early papal history. They
are all more or less absorbed into a work which, in spite of
obvious defects, remains a noble monument of Christian
history, — the Acts of the Popes. There are many manu-
scripts of this document which bear no title at all ; ^ later
appear various headings, — Acta Beatorum pontificum^ Gesta
pontificalia (in the Mai'tyrology attributed to Bede),^ and,
finally, the name it usually bears, the Liber Pontificalis,
Prefatory Letters of Damasus and Jerome apoc-
ryphal.— The compiler put his book under the patronage of
Pope Damasus (366-384) and his learned friend S. Jerome
in two letters placed at the beginning. Jerome writes :
Jerome to the blesstd Pope Damasus.
Our humility implores the glory of thy sanctity . . .
that thou wouldst deign to narrate to us in order the
deeds {gesta) that have been done in thy seat, the deeds
from the reign of the blessed Peter the apostle up to
your* own times : that our humility may know who of
the bishops of the seat mentioned above deserved to
be crowned with martyrdom, or who on the other hand
is known to have transgressed the Canons of the
Apostles. Pray for us most blessed pope {papa).
To which Damasus replies :
Damasus bishop to Jerome priest.
. . . Whatever deed (gestum) has been done which
we could find by the zeal of our office {sedis\ we have
sent rejoicing to thy affection. Pray for us that we
may have a holy resurrection, brother and priest. Fare-
well in Christ our Lord God. . . .
It might have seemed suitable that this friend of Jerome,
this great pope who had set the church in order, repaired
the catacombs, sought out the history of the martyrs and
set up epitaphs in their honour, should occupy himself
with the history of his predecessors who lay in the sacred
^ See infra, p. 8i. ^ Mommsen, op. cit. p. xii.
^ Bede, Martyrologiu7n^ viii. idus Aug.., in P.L. 94, col. 999.
^ The ihy . . . your is in the original.
56 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
precincts of the Vatican, or in the great papal crypt of S.
Callixtus, or in that most ancient cemetery of Priscilla. But
the authenticity of these letters was disproved, as early as the
seventeenth century, by Schelestratus.^ The poverty and
inaccuracy of the fourth-century records in this volume, and
the discrepancies between the Liber Pontificalis and Jerome's
Chronicle, are alone sufficient to disprove the authorship of
Damasus.
The contents of the Liber Pontificalis may give us some
clue to the disputed question of the date. The weight of
evidence seems to be in favour of Duchesne's view, which is
accepted by most scholars.^
The Date and the Language of the Liber Pontificalis.
— We may note, first, that the language of the Liber
Pontificalis is the popular decadent Latin similar to that of
the Gesta Mai'tynim ^ of the fifth and sixth centuries, and of
the Christian inscriptions of the same date, though the style
of the book compares favourably with the Gesta. One
orthographical peculiarity of the Liber Pontificalis, namely,
the spelling Maburti for Mavorti (the consul of 527), appears
in two dated Roman inscriptions of the year of that consul.*
Date and the Summary of Contents. — The Liber
Pontificalis contains lives of the popes from Peter to
Pius II. (1458-1464). For present purposes we shall
seldom need to carry our investigations beyond Silverius
(536-537).
The nucleus of the book is, as we have seen, the brief
records of the popes down to Liberius(352), contained in the
Philocalian Calendar, which is itself based on earlier sources.
For the period following, down to Gelasius (492), there is
no indication of dates, except for Felix III. (483) ; and the
accounts are unreliable, and obviously not by a contemporary
hand.
For the eight popes that follow, from Anastasius (496)
to Agapetus (535), we have a contemporary record of which
^ Schelestratus, Antiquitates Ecclesiae, i. 369, Rome, 1692 ; cf. Mommsen,
op. cit.
2 But cf. infra, pp. 61-2. ^ ggg infra, Chaps. XIII., XIV., XV.
* De Rossi, Inscriptiones Christianae, i. pp. 460, 463.
LIBER PONTIFICALIS: SOURCES AND DATE 57
the minute exactitude can be checked by numerous contem-
porary documents. The story is vivid, full of detail and
passionately partisan.
A contemporary, or rather two contemporaries, record
the life of Silverius (536-537), who lived in the stormy days
when Belisarius, the great general of Justinian, was winning
back Italy from Theodatus, the Gothic king (534-536), who
succeeded Theodoric (493-534). The account is again
vivid and partisan. There was the same rivalry between
Goth and Byzantine in the ecclesiastical as in the political
world ; the writer of the first part of the life is Byzantine
in sympathy, and pours contempt on Silverius as a creature
of Theodatus :
Silverius . . . was raised up by the tyrant Theodatus,
without deliberation of the Assembly, which Theodatus
corrupted by money : and he threatened with the sword
any of the clergy who would not consent to the ordina-
tion. . . . But after two months, by the divine will,
Theodatus the tyrant perished and Witigis was made
king (536-540).
Witigis then goes to Ravenna, and carries off by violence
the daughter of Queen Amalasuenta. Justinian, under whose
protection she was, " sent Vilisarius (Belisarius) with an
army to liberate all Italy from the captivity of the Goths."
Belisarius takes Naples and sacks it (536), enters Rome
in December, and undergoes there a terrible siege by
Witigis :
In those days the city was besieged so that none
might come out or enter in. Then all possessions both
private and of the state and of the church were con-
sumed by fire : but the men perished by the sword :
some fell by the sword, some by famine, some by dis-
ease. And the churches and the bodies of the holy
martyrs were exterminated by the Goths. . . .
After a year the Goths raise the siege (538) and fly to
Ravenna, and a universal famine ensues. All these facts are
accurate and can be checked by Procopius and other writers.
It may be noted, however, though the Liber Pontificalis does
not relate it, that Silverius had been deposed in March 537,
58 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
that is,sosoon as Belisarius arrived in Rome,and Vigilius(537-
555), the Byzantine candidate had been enthroned as pope.
It is at this point that a fresh hand is visible. Immedi-
ately after the account of the famine following the siege of
Rome in 538, we read :
At the same time Belisarius went to Naples (536), set
it in order, and afterwards came to Rome in (536). He
was kindly received by Silverius.
This is immediately followed by the story that the
Empress Theodora, the wife of Justinian, sent an order to
Silverius to reinstate the patriarch Anthemas, whom he
had deposed for heresy. The " blessed " Silverius refused :
Belisarius was sent to Rome to depose him : false witnesses
were brought forward (it is evident that the analogy of the
trial of our Lord is in the writer's mind), and Silverius was
deposed,made a monk,and died in exile in the Pontianlsles,in
West Italy, where miracles of healing were worked at his tomb.
Thus we see that Silverius, who enters on his career as
the creature of the Gothic king, supported by fraud and
violence, ends his days as the " blessed " Silverius and almost
a martyr. It is clear, too, that we have a double account of
the capture of Naples and the siege of Rome, and that, in
fact, a different writer, with different politics from his prede-
cessor, has taken up the work in the middle of the life of
Silverius.
View of Duchesne: the Latest Date limit, Seventh
Century. — These facts, taken in combination with others,
will be of some assistance in determining the date of the
original Liber Pontificalis, The latest possible limit of date
that can be fixed is the seventh century, as the Naples
manuscript ^ (ending at Conon, d. 6Z'j') is of that date. Bede
also frequently borrows from it.^
Earliest limit of Date, Sixth Century. — The inaccuracy
of the facts from Liberius (352-366) to Anastasius (496)
shows that the book was compiled later than the fifth
century.
^ Duchesne, op. cit. i. p. clxxvi.
2 Monumenta Germaniae Historica: Audoruni Antiquorum i. xiii. pp. 223,
334, ed. Mommsen, Berlin, 1898 ; Quentin, Marty rolo§es du moyen age, 1908,
LIBER PONTIFICALIS: SOURCES AND DATE 59
To what portion, then, of the sixth century or early
seventh century does the Liber Pontificalis belong ? To the
days of the Gothic kings, — Theodoric (493-526), Theodatus
(534-536), Witigis (Vitigis) (536-540), Totila (541-552),—
or to the brief years of the triumph of Justinian from 552
onwards ?
It belongs to early Sixth Century, the Gothic Period. —
Now, of the great ecclesiastical changes which took place
under the Byzantine restoration, there are no traces in the
Liber Pontificalis} and a writer under Justinian would
certainly have betrayed, by anachronisms in the history of
earlier popes, the circumstances of his own day. This, then,
would indicate the Gothic period as the date of the book.
Further, though the language in which it is written could
perhaps belong to either period, certain details of expression
could belong only to the days of the Gothic domination, as,
for example, the mention of the single Latin consul and the
omission of the Greek representative.^ For this second
reason, then, the book seems to belong to the Gothic period
and to be therefore earlier than 552.
A third fact points to this conclusion. In the list of
cecumenical, or universal, councils given in the Liber Ponti-
ficalis under Hilary (461-468), three only are mentioned, —
Nicaea, Ephesus, Chalcedon, — and the second council, that of
Constantinople (381), is omitted. This council, however, was
not recognized as oecumenical until Vigilius (537-555),
who speaks of it with enthusiasm.^ The Liber Pontificalis
therefore appears to be earlier than 540, that is, to belong to
the early portion of the sixth century, a date already indi-
cated by Schelestratus * in the seventeenth century.
Precise Date, 530, fixed by Felician and Cononian
Abridgments. — De Rossi ^ and Duchesne have even deter-
mined the actual year when the first compiler began his
work. There exists a condensed account of the Lives of the
^ Duchesne, op. cit. i. p. xxxvii.
^ After the division of the empire one consul represented the West and the
other the East.
^ JaiTe, Regesta Pontificum Romanortim, i., Nos. 910, 925. See also Labb6,
Concilia^ vii. p. 1 139, where, in a document of 483, this council is omitted.
^ Schelestratus, Ant. Ecdes. i. 354. ^ Roma Sotterranea, i. 122.
6o ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
Popes, proved by Mommsen and Duchesne to be derived
from the Liber Pontificalis. It is known as the Felician
Abridgment,^ since it stops at the death of Pope Felix in
530. The document was compiled in France, certainly not
earlier than the end of the sixth century. Duchesne ^ shows,
fairly conclusively, that it was known in Gaul by 590, and
used by Gregory of Tours (538-594) in his Historia Fran-
corum and De Gloria Martyrmn.
From the fact that the Felician Abridgment stops
abruptly at Felix, Duchesne has concluded that the original
Liber Pontificalis stopped at this date, namely, 530: that the
compiler then took up the work under Boniface (530-532)
and carried it on as far as Silverius (536-537) ; in the middle
of this life occurs, as we have seen, the curious change of
hand, where a second compiler took up the work. The
compiler, then, of 530 would have been a contemporary of
the preceding popes also, as far back at least as Anastasius
(496) ; and the accuracy of these lives, from Anastasius
onwards, has already been noted, and is now accounted
for.
There is yet another abstract from the Liber Pontificalis
known as the Cononian Abridgment,^ since the papal list
is carried down to Conon (686-687). It was compiled in a
Burgundian monastery in 741. This must have been made
from one of the earliest copies brought over the Alps. This
document is used in a French chronicle, compiled by various
authors about the year 800 at Autun, which exists in a
manuscript at Leyden.*
A comparison of the Liber Pontificalis with the Felician
and Cononian Abridgments will reveal the interesting fact
that the compilers of these two documents had before them,
as far as the year 530, an earlier version of the Liber Ponti-
ficalis than the edition, retouched and revised, which we
^ Duchesne, op. cit. i. pp. xli, 48 ; Lipsius, Chronologic der Romischen
Bischofe, 1869.
^ Duchesne, " Le Liber Pontificalis en Gaule," in Mdlanges cf Archiologie et
d' Histoire^ 1882, p. 277.
^ Duchesne, op. cit. i. pp. liv, 48 ; Mommsen, op. cit. p. xv.
^ Waitz in Neues Archiv, t. v. (1880) p. 475. See infra, Bibliography — LiBER
Pontificalis.
LIBER PONTIFICJLIS: SOURCES AND DATE 6i
possess. The Cononian Abridgment, for the years 530 to
687 (where it ends), follows the Liber Po7itificalis as we have
it, which seems a confirmation of the fact that the original
book ended in 530.
View of Mommsen : Date early Seventh Century. —
Such is Duchesne's account in his great work on the Liber
Pontificalis. De Rossi, as we have seen, is in agreement
with him, and so, too, is Lipsius,"^ on the main points, though
the last writer places the first edition of the book some half-
century earlier than Duchesne.
Mommsen, however, while paying a tribute to the work
of Duchesne, and agreeing with him on many points,
ascribes the Liber Pontificalis to the first decade of the
seventh century and the Felician Abridgment to the
eighth.^
The reasons, which are somewhat technical, do not seem
entirely convincing, and leave some difficulties unsolved.
It is possible, of course, that the writer of the lives of
Anastasius and his successors, whom Duchesne believes
to be a contemporary, may, as Mommsen says, have been
only using contemporary documents ; but if this is so, the
abrupt termination of the Felician Abridgment is unexplained.
Mommsen, again, denies Duchesne's assertion that Gregory
of Tours is using the Liber Pontificalis^ and points out
that neither Pope Gregory I. (d. 604), nor Isidore of Spain
(d. 636), nor the compiler of the Chronica Francica of
642, known as Fredegaire,^ seem aware of the existence
of the Liber Pontificalis^ and that it is Bede who first
mentions it.
The style, too, Mommsen thinks, is rather of the decadent
seventh century than of the early part of the sixth, when
Theodoric the Goth was ruling and his minister Cassiodorus
was writing.
Duchesne has maintained his original views in a series
^ See ^;^/'ra, Bibliography — LiBER Pontificalis : Papal Chronology.
2 Mommsen, op. cit. Prolegomena. Waitz places the Liber Pontificalis at the
end of the seventh century, and the Felician Abridgment at the end of the sixth
century. For his contributions to the subject see Bibliography.
^ Mon. Germ. Hist. : Script. Rer. Meroving. vol. ii. ed. Krusch, Hanover,
1888.
62 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
of articles,^ and the question has been discussed with an
urbanity on both sides which does not always distinguish
such Hterary contests.
The date, however, of the Liber Pontificalis is definitely
fixed by universal consent between 530 and 710, and the
weight of evidence seems to indicate precisely the year 530.
A study of the manuscripts from the seventh to the
fifteenth century shows how frequently the work was revised
and brought up to date, and bears witness to its popularity.
It exercised great influence, was an indispensable volume
in every episcopal and conventual library, and a model
for all similar compositions. Many writers, including our
own Bede, are indebted to it, and the Martyrology of Jerome'^
is related to it.
It was first printed in Mayence by Busaeus in 1602,
under the title of AnastasiP bibliothecarii Vitae seu Gesta
Romanorum Pontificum,
^ Duchesne, ** La date et les recensions du Liber Pontificalis^^ in Revue de
questions kistoriques, vol. xxvi. p. 493 (1879) ; *' Le premier Liber Pontificalis,'"
ibid. vol. xxix. p. 246 (1881); "La nouvelle edition du Liber Pontificalis,^' in
Mdanges <£ Archdologie et d^ Histoire, vol. xviii. p. 381 (1898).
2 See infra, Chap. XVIL
^ See Bibliography. Anastasius was for a long time the reputed author of
the work. There were no less than three editions between 17 18 and 1724 by
Bianchini, Muratori and Vignoli respectively, all based on the same inferior
manuscript.
CHAPTER V
THE LIBER PONTIFICALIS: FORM OF THE
LIVES, PAPAL CHRONOLOGY, THE MARTYRED
POPES, DISCIPLINARY DECREES
Form of the Lives — Examples : Linus, Telesphorus — The contemporary
lives of Anastasius, etc — Statements in the Liber Pontijicalis on Papal Chron-
ology.— The Martyred Popes : (i) In the Philocalian Calendar (2) In the
fifth-century liturgies (3) In the Liber Pontijicalis : sources of Error — A com-
parison of the Liber Pontijicalis with the Gesta Martyi'um : for i. Urban,
2. Cornelius, 3. Gaius, 4. Marcellus, 5. Sixtus IL, 6. Pontianus, 7. Lucius,
8. Marcellinus — Date and place of burial. — Disciplinary Decrees : Sources
of the statements in the Liber Pontijicalis (i) Authentic : examples of Decrees
(2) Forgeries : Constitutum Silvestri SLud the Constitution oj the Synod oj Bishops
— Forgeries in the Lives of Silvester, Julius, Liberius, Felix, Sixtus III., etc.
Statuit ei Dominus testamentum pacis, et principem fecit eum : ut sit illi
Sacerdotii dignitas in aeternum.
Mis sale : Commune uniits martyris pontijicis [Ecclesiasticus 45).^
Form of the Lives. — The statements in the lives of the
earlier popes in the Liber Pontijicalis are arranged under the
same invariable headings as are found in the original
source — the Philocalian Calendar. Some of these statements,
however, are somewhat enlarged in the later work : the
parentage and country of the pope are given, and almost
invariably are added the disciplinary decrees enacted,
buildings erected, the number of priests, deacons and bishops
ordained, and the date and place of burial.
As typical lives may be quoted those of Linus, the
successor of Peter, and, according to Irenaeus, the Linus of
the epistle to Timothy ; ^ and that of Telesphorus, the eighth
pope from Peter.
^ ** The Lord established with him a covenant of peace, and made him a prince ,
that he should hold the honour of the priesthood for ever. ''^
^ Supra, p. 49.
63
64 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
Linus, an Italian by nation, of the region Tuscia : his
father was Herculanus. He sat (in the episcopal chair) 1 1
years 3 months 12 days. He lived in the time of Nero,
from the consulship of Saturninus and Scipio (50 A.D.) to
that of Capito and Rufus {6'j). He is crowned with
martyrdom. In accordance with the precept of blessed
Peter, he decreed that a woman should enter the church
with veiled head. He made 2 ordinations, — 15 bishops
and 18 priests {presbyteros). He was buried beside the
body of blessed Peter in the Vatican on December 23rd.
Telesphorus, by nation a Greek, and an anchorite, ruled
II years 3 months 21 days: he lived in the times of
Antoninus and Marcus. He decreed^ that the seven
weeks before Easter should be kept as a fast. He was
crowned with martyrdom. He decreed that Masses at
night should be celebrated on the anniversary (natalis)
of our Lord Jesus Christ : for usually no one may
celebrate Mass before the third hour is past, at which
hour our Lord ascended the cross. And before the
sacrifice, the angelic hymn was to be sung, that is Glory
to God in the highest and the rest, but only on the night
of the anniversary of the Lord. He was crowned with
martyrdom.2 He was buried beside the body of blessed
Peter in the Vatican on January 2nd. He made 4
ordinations in the month of December, 12 priests, 8
deacons and 13 bishops in different places. The
bishopric was vacant 7 days.
Contemporary Lives of Anastasius, etc. — For the lives
of a few only of the earlier popes are any additional facts
given. Truly with the Peace of the Church under Pope
Silvester (314-337), we find inserted in the lives long inven-
tories of church property;^ but it is not till the time of
Anastasius (496-498) and his successors that the hand of a
contemporary draws a vivid picture of the great figures that
come upon the scene. He describes the conflict between
Theodoric the Goth and Justinian : how Belisarius and
Witigis wasted the fair face of Italy : how successive popes
— Anastasius, Hormisdas (514-523), John (523-526) — strove
to heal the schism with the Eastern Church caused by the
1 Infra, pp. 77-79-
2 Note that this is recorded twice. ' Infra, p. 84.
LIBER PONTIFICALIS: FORM OF THE LIVES 65
papal excommunication of the heretic patriarch Acacius ;
and how the rulers of the East and West threw themselves
into the struggle. Then comes a description of the long dis-
sensions ^ between the " blessed " Symmachus (498-514) and
the antipope Laurence ; and of the judgment of Theodoric,
who, after summoning the antagonists to his court at Ravenna,
decided in favour of Symmachus, " who loved the clergy and
the poor, and was good, prudent, kindly and gracious." We
note that this excellent, if unorthodox, monarch is freely
called a heretic by the writer of the life of Pope John ; and so
great is the mental preoccupation with the burning theological
questions of the day, that Pope Agapitus, sent on a political
mission by Theodatus, the successor of Theodoric, to
Justinian, discourses at length to that emperor on the dual
nature of Christ. Then comes the curious double record of
the life of Silverius, with whose death, six years after the date
of the compilation of the original Liber Pontificalis^ we may
close our investigations.
Statements in the Liber Pontifical is : (1) Papal Chron-
ology ; (2) Martyred Popes ; (3) Disciplinary Decrees. —
Concerning ourselves especially with those lives of the earlier
popes which may throw some light on the history of the
martyrs, their shrines, and their cult, let us consider how far
the statements of the Liber Pontifi calls are reliable as regards
(i) the papal chronology, which is important for determin-
ing other dates ; as regards (2) the martyred popes, and the
places of their burial; for these statements, collated with those
found in the Martyrologies, Itineraries, Acts of the Martyrs
and Syllogae, and all applied to the elucidation of the monu-
ments, form an integral part of our present study ; as re-
gards (3) the disciplinary decrees, which sometimes concern
the cult of the martyrs, and the means taken for collecting
documents concerning them. These decrees must be con-
sidered as a whole, in order to determine their sources and
authenticity; as regards (4) the records of buildings raised
by the popes as a memorial to the martyrs.
The statements in the Liber Pontlficalls, relating to this
early period, require severe scrutiny. For this we must
^ For the literature called forth by this struggle see infra, p. Zj.
5
66 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
refer the reader to Duchesne's critical notes. We shall here
merely indicate the line of criticism that may be taken, or
point out occasionally the particular source, whether authentic
or apocryphal, of these statements. Even inaccurate state-
ments have historical value, as indicating the condition of
things at the time of the writer.
Papal Chronology. — The first question that arises is
that of the chronology of the popes. We have already
noted the double tradition, — the Irenaean and the Liberian,^
— and that, in most cases, the Liber Pontificalis follows the
second, and less correct, source. On the other hand, for the
duration of the rule of each pope, where the two sources differ,
the Liber Pontificalis has followed the fifth-century Catalogue ^
in preference to the Liberian.^ The length of the duration of
the vacancies is usually incorrect. It is only with Pontianus
(230-235) that dates of accession can be determined with
certainty : they are doubtful for the preceding popes.
For the facts as to the parentage of the popes, the sources
are too uncertain to inspire any confidence. The same is
true as regards their country of origin up to Felix III.
(483-492), after which period the statements can be checked.
According to the ascriptions of the Liber Pontificalis^ of
the 56 popes who ruled up to 530, 26 were Roman, 11
Italian, 9 Greek, and 3 African, among whom was Gelasius :
Damasus was a Spaniard and Anicetus a Syrian. The
statements can sometimes be traced to local tradition or the
Acts of the Martyrs,^
The Martyred Popes (1) in the Philocalian Calendar. —
A question of considerable interest arises in connexion with
the martyrdoms of the popes as recorded in the Liber
Pontificalis. The sources of the information may usually
be traced either to genuine historical fact, or to an obvious
confusion of such facts, or to a definite tradition.
1 Supra, pp. 49-54. ^ Supra, p. 54.
^ See Duchesne, op. cii. i. p. Ixxx, for a comparative table of dates. For a full
discussion of the whole subject see infra, Bibliography — Liber Pontificalis :
Papal Chronology.
^ On the question of the ordinations see Harnack, ** Ueber die Ordinationen
im Papstbuch," in Sitzungsberichte der Koniglichen Preussischen Akademie der
Wissenschaften^ 1897, p. 761 : Berlin.
LIBER PONTIFICALIS: THE MARTYRED POPES 67
Combining the biographical notices of the popes with the
Depositio Afartyrumyhoth. found in the Philocalian Calendar,
we find that the first martyrdom ^ recorded is that of Callixtus
(217-222), followed by those of Fabianus (236-251), of
Cornelius (251-253), which is recorded in the words "he
fell asleep with glory " (cum gloria dormitionem accepif), and
of Sixtus II. (257-259). All these martyrdoms are thoroughly
authenticated from contemporary, or reliable, historical
evidence ; and, except in the case of Callixtus, who was
buried elsewhere, by the existence of tomb and epitaph in
the catacomb of S. Callixtus on the Via Appia.
If we add to the list Telesphorus (142-154), on the con-
temporary authority of Irenaeus,^ and, Pontianus (230-235),
who, like Cornelius, died from the results of the hardships of
exile, the roll of martyr popes is perhaps complete.
(2) In the Fifth-Century Liturgies. — Tradition has,
however, increased the number. In the liturgies of the fifth
century, the period of the formal crystallization of the Canon
of the Mass (which, in essentials, is far older), nearly all the
popes up to the Peace of the Church find a place as martyrs.
Here, in these liturgical Martyrologies, as in the case of
the late Acts of the Martyrs {fiesta Martyrum) of the same
period, may be noted that remarkable rise of apocryphal
literature in the fifth century, which Gelasius, Hormisdas and
other popes endeavoured to control.^
(3) In the Liber Pontiji calls : Sources of Error. — In the
Lider Pontificalis, as we have it,* the crown of martyrdom
is ascribed to twenty-two of the thirty-two popes who pre-
ceded Silvester. Many of the sources of these erroneous or
doubtful statements can be traced.
For example, Pope Clement is called a martyr by
Rufinus^ (345-410), by Pope Zosimus^ (417-418) and
^ For the martyrdoms of these popes see infra. Index, and infra, p. 200.
' Contra Haereses, iii. 3, in P.G. 7, 851. ^ Infra, p. 192.
* In this second edition which we possess {supra, p. 60), four additional
names are found, namely, Anicetus, Eutychianus, Gaius, Marcellus, which do
not appear in the abridgments derived from the first edition. For a complete list
see infra, Appendix II.
t'^ Jerome, Apologia adverstis libros Rufini, ii. 17, in P.L. 23, 439.
68 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
by Gregory of Tours ^ (d. 594). The story of his passion,^
a fourth-century document at the earliest, probably arose
out of the confusion between the pope and a martyr called
Clement, venerated in the Chersonesus.^
Again, Pope Alexander is probably confused with the
authentic martyr Alexander, who is buried on the Via
Nomentana;* and Sixtus I. with Sixtus li., who was, in fact,
martyred.
Thus a confusion of persons is probably responsible for
some of the false ascriptions of martyrdom.
It is fairly certain, too, that neither Victor (189-199) nor
Anteros (235-236) were martyrs, as their deaths are recorded
in the Philosophumena^ of the early third century without
any mention of martyrdom.
A Comparison of the Liber Pontificalis with the Gesta
Martyrum. — These traditions of the martyred popes were
embodied in various Gesta Martyrum {ox Passiones Ma7'tyrum\
of which some are lost ; ten, however, still exist.® Their dates
of compilation range from the fourth to the sixth century,
and the records hover between the fourth class of such docu-
ments, which contain some grains of truth, and the purely
apocryphal. There are no Gesta for two authentic martyrs
— Telesphorus and Fabianus — and the spurious Passion of
Cornelius does not invalidate the fact of his martyrdom.
A comparison of these Gesta with the very few details of
the martyrdoms given in the Liber Pontificalis^ will show the
obvious dependence of the latter on the Gesta in two cases :
for that of Urban, who is only a Confessor, according to the
Liber Pontificalis, and for Cornelius, who is counted a martyr,
having died of the hardships of exile. In a few other lives
there are slight resemblances between the Liber Pontificalis
and the Gesta, but for Sixtus II. there are marked differences
existing between the authentic record in the Liber Pontificalis
and the Gesta as we have them. For three lives, Pontianus,
1 De Gloria Martyrum, c. 35, 36, \n P.L. ^ji.
^ Funk, Opera Patrum Apostolicormn, iii. 29.
3 De Rossi, Bull. arch, crist., 1864, p. 5 ; 1868, p. 18.
* Marucchi, Le Cataconibe Romane, p. 379.
^ Philosophumena, ix. 12, P.G. 16 (3), 3381.
« See infra, Chap. XV.
LIBER PONTIFICALIS: THE MARTYRED POPES 69
Lucius, Marcellinus, the Liber Pontificalis depends on Gesta
now lost.
1. Urban (222-230). — The Hfe of Urban, quoted below
from the Liber Pontificalis, follows, with certain variations, the
fifth-century Passion of S. Cecilia} in which are related the
deeds of a certain Urban, an authentic martyr buried in
the catacomb of Praetextatus. Later writers, by mistake,
identified this martyr with the pope of the same name,
whose tomb and epitaph have been discovered in the papal
crypt of Callixtus.2 Hence the attribution of martyrdom
to Pope Urban, as well as of various incidents taken from the
life of the martyr Urban.
Urban was a Roman by nation ; his father was Ponti-
anus. He ruled 4 years 10 months 12 days. He caused
the sacred vessels to be made all of silver, and gave 25
silver plates {patenae). He boldly confessed in the time
of Diocletian.^ By his tradition he converted many
(others) to baptism and the faith, and also Valerianus, a
distinguished man, betrothed to Saint Cecilia, whom he
led to the crown of martyrdom : and by his admoni-
tions many were crowned with martyrdom. He held
5 ordinations in the month of December, of 19 priests
and 7 deacons ; and bishops in various places to
the number of 8. He was buried in the cemetery
of Praetextatus on the Via Appia: blessed Tiburtius,
brother of S. Cecilia, buried him on May 19th. And
the bishopric was vacant for 30 days.
2. Cornelius (251-253). — The story of the martyrdom
of Cornelius quoted below, from the Liber Pontificalis, may
be compared with the Passion of S. Cornelius : *
. . . after that, Cornelius the bishop was banished to
Centumcellae and there received a letter from Cyprian
(Bishop of Carthage) which Cyprian had written in
person. At this time, at the request of a certain matron
Lucina he took the bodies of the blessed Peter and
Paul from the catacombs at night: first the blessed
^ Mombritius, Sanauartum, i. 332, ed. 1910.
^ Marucchi, op. cit. 158, 217.
' Pope Urban died under Severus (222-235), and was buried in S. Calltxtus.
* Schelestratus, Antiquitates Ecdesiae, i. 188.
70 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
Lucina laid the body of blessed Paul in her own garden
{praedium) on the Via Ostiensis, near the place where
he was beheaded : the blessed Cornelius, the bishop,
received the body of blessed Peter, and laid it beside
the place where he was crucified, among the bodies of
the holy bishops in the temple of Apollo in Montorio in
the Vatican by the palace of Nero, on May 30th.^ . . .
After this Cornelius walked at night at Centumcellae.
At the same time Decius heard that he had received a
letter from blessed Cyprian the bishop of Carthage. He
sent to Centumcellae, and ordered the blessed Cornelius
the bishop to be brought before him to Tellus by night
before the temple of Pallas. As he approached Decius
addressed him :
" Do you intend neither to consider the gods nor fear
the precepts of our ancestors nor our threats, that you
receive and send letters against the state ? "
Cornelius the bishop answered, saying :
" I received letters about the crown (of martyrdom) of
our Lord, not against the state, but rather for redeeming
souls."
Then Decius full of wrath ordered the mouth of
blessed Cornelius to be struck with leaded whips {plum-
batis)^ and ordered him to be led to the temple of Mars
to worship : and if he did not do so he should be be-
headed. And this was done. He was executed in the
place mentioned above, and became a martyr. And
blessed Lucina with the clergy gathered up his body by
night, and buried him in a crypt beside the cemetery of
Callixtus on the Via Appia in her garden {praediuni) on
September 14th. And the bishopric was vacant 66 days.
3. For Gaius (283-296). — Certain of the details following,
together with the interpolated passage in brackets, all from
the Liber Pontificalis^ concerning the sufferings of Gaius, are
found also in the Passion of S. Susanna^ which does not,
however, record the death of the pope :
He (Gaius) fled from the persecution of Diocletian ^
and dwelt in the crypts. He was crowned with martyr-
dom eight years after. [Who eleven years after, with his
^ See Barnes, S. Peter in Rome.
^ Acta Sanctorum {A.SS.)y Aug. il.
^ The persecution of Diocletian began seven years after the death of Gaius.
LIBER PONTIFICALIS: THE MARTYRED POPES 71
brother Gavinlus and the daughter, called Susanna, of
the priest Gavinius, was crowned with martyrdom.]
4. Marcellus (308-309). — The story of Marcellus in the
Liber Pontificalis is hopelessly confused : it depends on the
Passion of Marcellus : ^
When Marcellus was setting the church in order,
he was seized by Maxentius, who tempted him to
deny that he was a bishop,^ and to humiliate himself
by sacrificing to demons. Marcellus contemptuously
mocked at the words and precepts of Maxentius, and
he was condemned to the service of the public trans-
ports ^ {in catabulum\ He served in the stables many
days, and ceased not to serve God by prayer and fasting.
But in the ninth month by night all his clergy came
and rescued him from the stables. And a certain
matron Lucina, a widow, who had lived with her hus-
band Mark fifteen years, took up (? the body of) the
blessed man : and she dedicated her house under the
name of the Parish church {titulus) of blessed Marcellus,*
where day and night with hymns and prayers they
confessed our Lord Jesus Christ. Hearing this, Maxen-
tius sent and again seized blessed Marcellus, and ordered
that boards should be laid down in the church, and that
the animals for the public transports should be brought
there, and that blessed Marcellus should look after them.
During his service in the stables he died, clothed only
in a garment of goats' hair {nudus amicto cilicio). The
blessed Lucina took his body, and buried him in the
cemetery of S. Priscilla on the Via Salaria on January
1 6th.
5. Sixtus II. (257-259). — For an example of the occasional
differences between the Gesta as we have them, and the
Uber Pontificalis, the accurate record of Sixtus II., as given
in the latter, may be quoted, and compared with the un-
1 A.SS., Jan. i6.
^ Marcellus, though a bishop in the sight of the Church, had probably not
been recognized by the civil power, owing to the confiscation of property during
the Diocletian persecution. This perhaps accounts for the omission of his name
in the Depositio Episcoporum of the Philocalian Calendar.
^ This involved the care of the animals. In the Passion also it is said that
the church in the house of Lucina was converted into these stables.
* The modern church of S. Marcellus in Via Lata.
72 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
authentic Passion of Laurence} of the sixth century, where
the story of Sixtus is found :
Sixtus was crowned with martyrdom. He lived in
the time of Valerian and Decius when there was a great
persecution. At the same time he was seized by Valer-
ian and brought that he might sacrifice to demons.
He despised the precepts of Valerian.^ He was be-
headed on August 6th, and with him six deacons besides,
FelicissimusandAgapitusJanuarius,Magnus,Vincentius,
and Stephen. And priests ruled over the church from
the consulships of Maximus and of Gravio (Glabrio) for
the second time (255) to Tuscus and Bassus (258). . . .
And after the passion of blessed Sixtus, on the third
day, blessed Laurence his archdeacon suffered on August
loth, and the sub-deacon Claudius and Severus the
priest and Crescentius the reader {lector) and Romanus
the doorkeeper (ostiarius) . . . Sixtus was buried in the
cemetery of Callixtus on the Via Appia : the six deacons
named above were buried in the cemetery of Praetextatus
on the Via Appia : the above named blessed Laurence
in the cemetery of Cyriaca in the property called
Veranus, in a crypt with many other martyrs. . . .
6. Pontianus (230-235), 7. Lucius (253-254) and S.Marcel-
linus (296-308). — The passages quoted below from the
Liber Pontificalis depend on some Gesta now lost:
Pontianus . . . was crowned with martyrdom. ... At
the same time Pontianus the bishop and Hippolytus the
priest were exiled by Alexander to Bucina (?),^ in Sardinia,
in the consulship of Severus and Quintianus (235). In
this same island he was torn and tortured with cudgels,
and he died October 30th. . . . And blessed Fabianus,
with the clergy, brought him back by sea, and buried him
in the cemetery of S. Callixtus on the Via Appia.
Lucius . . . was crowned with martyrdom ... he
was exiled : afterwards by the will of God he returned
safe to the church ... he was beheaded by Valerian *
on March 4th ... he was buried in the cemetery of
S. Callixtus on the Via Appia.
^ A.SS., Aug. 6.
^ Note the similarity of phrase in the life of Marcellus.
' Another reading is in insula nociva (in an unhealthy island).
* An anachronism: Valerian's persecution began in 257 ; Lucius was dead in 254.
LIBER PONTIFICALIS: DISCIPLINARY DECREES 73
... At this time (reign of Diocletian) there was a
great persecution, so that within thirty days, seventeen
thousand Christians of both sexes throughout all the
provinces were crowned with martyrdom. Wherefore
Marcellinus was brought to the sacrifice to offer incense :
which he did. And a few days after,being penitent,he was
beheaded and crowned with martyrdom for the faith of
Christ, together with Claudius and Cyrenus and Antonius.
And after this their holy bodies lay exposed in an open
space, for an example to the Christians, for twenty-four
days by order of Diocletian. And then Marcellus the
priest, with the priests and deacons took up their bodies
by night, and singing hymns they buried them on the
Via Salaria, in the cemetery of Priscilla, in the chamber
{cubiculuni) which lies open {patet) to the present day, as
Marcellus himself had ordered after his repentance, when
he was being led to execution ; the chamber is in a crypt
near {juxta) the body of S. Crespentius.^
Date and Place of Burial. — The anniversaries of the
burial days of the popes, given in the Liber Pontificalis^ agree
with those of the Philocalian Calendar {depositio episcoporuni)^
of the earlier portion of the Martyrology of Jerome^ and with
those given in the earliest liturgical tradition.
The place of burial indicated is also, with few exceptions,
exact.2 Such topographical facts are usually correct even
in the most apocryphal documents, such as some of the Gesta ;
for the obvious reason that the shrines were in existence,
well known, and frequently objects of pilgrimage.
Many of the papal tombs have been identified by actual
excavation, and will be described in due course.
Disciplinary Decrees. — There are few popes to whom
is not attributed in the Liber Pontificalis some disciplinary
decree, often vaguely described in the formula :
He made a constitution {constituity fecit constitutum)
about the church, which is to-day laid up in the archives
of the church.
^ For the famous forgeries, Gesta Liberii and Gesta de Sixti Purgatione, which
have supplied details for the lives of certain popes who suffered persecution, but
not death, see infra, p. 82.
^ See infra, p. 220, and Appendix II.
74 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
In other places the compiler briefly notes the decrees,
merely stating the fact they were enacted, rather than giving
a full exposition of contents. These statements are isolated
one from another, so that it is impossible to deduce a
complete body of law or custom on any of the points of
which the decrees treat, — liturgical uses, baptism, penance,
fasting, the discipline and organization of the various orders
of clergy, the treatment of heretics, etc.
Such decrees were usually promulgated at the councils
held annually by the popes on the anniversary of their
ordination {natale oi^dinationis).
Sources of the Statements in the Liber Pontifl calls : (1)
Authentic Sources. — The value of this record of decrees
passed lies mainly in the information which it gives as to the
discipline of the Church at the date of compilation of the
Liber Pontificalis in the sixth century.
To determine the accuracy of the statements, it is
necessary to discover the sources of information. When-
ever these sources can be traced, they prove to be some-
times genuine, sometimes apocryphal. More often, however,
it is impossible to check the statement, as there remains no
complete codified collection {prdo, consuetudd) of laws made
specifically for the Church in Rome to which we can refer.
But no doubt these local Roman edicts closely resembled
those letters of instructions (decretals) issued by the popes
to the other churches throughout the world, from the time of
Clement the fourth pope onwards. These decretals possess
almost the authority of the laws or canons made in the
(Ecumenical Councils, and are binding on the universal
Church.^
Dionysius' Collection of Canons of the Councils and
of the Apostles. — These authentic Canons, together with
the so-called Canons of the Apostles^ had already been
^ See C. J. Hefele, A History of the Christian Councils to 787, 5 volumes
(English translation by W. Clark, Edinburgh, 1871-1896). See infra, Biblio-
graphy— General History.
2 The latter collection is a compilation of the fourth or fifth century, declared
apocryphal by Gelasius (492-496) in his decree De Recipiendis (see i^ifra, p. 182)
and by Hormisdas (514-523). Dionysius himself felt dubious of its authenticity.
See Hardouin, Concilia^ i. col. i.
LIBER PONTIFICALIS: DISCIPLINARY DECREES 75
collected into a final edition, and translated into Latin by
Dionysius, a Scythian monk settled in Rome, about 500
under Symmachus (498-514). This was soon followed by
his edition of the Papal Decretals from Siricius (384-399) to
Anastasius (496-498). These two works were held in high
esteem, commended by Cassiodorus,^ the founder of the
monastery of Vivarium in Calabria, and accepted as an
official version (liber canonunt) by the popes.
There would certainly be a copy of these in the archives
of the Roman Church ; but curiously enough the writer of
the Liber Pontificalis has made little use of the great
collection, and of the twenty decretals he quotes, from
Siricius (384-399) to Hilary (461-468), two only are found
in Dionysius' collection, — concerning the reconciliation of
heretics under Siricius, and concerning the Sabbath fast
under Innocent (401-417).
In other cases where the sources of an edict have been
traced, we often find it ascribed, in the Liber Pontificalis^
to some pope other than the one who is quoted as author in
the original document: and the edict is usually <3:«/^dated
in the Liber Pontificalis, Sometimes, on the other hand, a
pope is said to issue a rule when he is only confirming
an ancient custom.
But, though frequently misdated, most of the edicts
found in the Liber Pontificalis were really enacted, and
were certainly in force in the sixth century, and many
of them earlier.2
Examples of Decrees : (1) Duties of the Clergy. — A few
examples of the decrees will indicate their general character
and historical value.
Several of them concern the discipline of the clergy,
especially as regards their duties in collecting the records
of the martyrs, and the care of the cemeteries.
We read that Clement (90-1 12 (?))
Made seven regions and apportioned them to faithful
^ Cassiodorus, De institutione divinarum litterarum^ c. 23, in P.L. 70,
col. 1 137. • For text of Decretals and Canons see P.L. 67.
^ Some of the statements, however, are derived from less respectable sources.
See infra, p. 80.
^6 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
notaries of the Church who were dih'gently and curiously
to seek out, each in his own region, the deeds {gesta)
of the martyrs.^
Again Anteros (235-236)
Sought out diligently the Gesta Martyrurn by means
of notaries and laid them up in the Church.
And Fabianus (236-251)
Allotted the regions to deacons, and made seven
subdeacons who should superintend the seven notaries,
and faithfully collect the Gesta Martyrurn.
As regards these statements, it is probable that deacons
did exist from the very earliest times in Rome, as in
Jerusalem. The seven regions were organized by Fabianus
in all probability : it is doubtful if these existed as early as
Clement. The true function of the notaries is clearly defined
in the Liber Pontificalis under "Julius" (337-352), namely,
to afford legal assistance to the bishops in their judicial
functions and to preserve documents relating to the
donations to the church.^ Though it is an established fact
that individual notarii from the earliest times collected the
Acta and Gesta of the martyrs,^ the notarii were not created
for this purpose specifically ; nor is there any other evidence
in support of the existence of an established order of
notaries at all, as early as Clement. The purpose of these
statements, an example of antedating, is to lend authority
to the Gesta at a moment when the Church was much
occupied in discriminating between authentic and apocryphal
documents.*
With regard to the care of the martyrs' tombs we read :
Dionysius (259-269) allotted churches to the priests,
and arranged the cemeteries and parishes in dioceses.
And—
Marcellus (308-309) made parishes in the city of
Rome, as dioceses for the baptism and imposition of
1 See infruy p. 134 et seq, ^ Infra, Chap. VI. ; L,P. under "Julius."
^ Infra ^ p. 136. ^ Infra, p. 192.
LIBER PONTIFICALIS: DISCIPLINARY DECREES 77
penance on the many converts from paganism, and for
the administration of the tombs of the martyrs.
Since the former pope ruled after the persecution of
Valerian (253-266), and the latter after that of Diocletian
(284-305), it seems probable that they did in fact carry out a
scheme of reorganization which the necessities of the times
rendered imperative.
As an example of postdating we note that Zephyrinus
(199-217) is only re-enforcing a primitive custom when
he commands the presence of all the clergy and faithful
laity at the ordinations "whether of a clerk, a levite {i.e.
deacon), or a priest."
There is no confirmation elsewhere of the decree of
Lucius (253-254) that two priests and three deacons should
everywhere accompany the bishop as witnesses to his life
{propter testimonium ecclesiasticum). The difficulties of
finding witnesses in the accusations brought against Pope
Symmachus (498-514) may have appeared to the writer
of the Liber Pontificalis an excellent reason for suggest-
ing such a practice. Gregory the Great in the council of
595 replaced the laymen in attendance on the popes by
clergy or monks; but the avowed purpose was that the
example of the bishop might minister to the edification of
his attendants. This ordinance may have suggested to the
writer of the Liber Pontificalis, or to a later reviser, the
decree ascribed to Lucius.
There is a reference to the most ancient hierarchy of
the clergy in the decree of Gaius (283-296) that none should
be a bishop unless he had already passed through the lower
degrees of the priesthood — doorkeeper (pstiarius), reader,
exorcist, acolyte {sequens\ subdeacon, deacon and priest.
This decree is repeated under Silvester with the addition
of the office of " keeper of the martyrs."
(2) On Fasting. — There are several decrees on the
subject of fasting. Telesphorus^ (142-154) ordained a fast
of seven weeks before Easter. Now it is true that fasts of
varying duration had been kept from the earliest times, and
Telesphorus had in fact made decrees on the question, as
^ Supra, p. 64.
78 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
we see from Irenaeus' letter to Pope Victor ; ^ but a fast
of seven weeks' duration is posterior to the time of Pope
Gregory I. This fact is adduced by Mommsen as a reason
for attributing the Liber Pontificalis to this later period,
while Duchesne holds that the writer is trying to introduce
a salutary reform by making a false historical statement.^
A decree of Eleutherius (182-189) on the subject is
evidently directed against the Manichaean heresies on the
subject of evil, and the consequent practice of abstinences :
He again established that no reasonable human food
which God had created should be refused by Christians,
especially those baptized [i.e. no longer mere cate-
chumens).
A similar purpose inspires thedecreeof Miltiades(3i 1-314)
that none of the faithful should fast on Sunday or Thursday,
because on those days the pagans keep a sacred fast ; this is
directed against the Manichaeans as well as the pagans.
The number of decrees in the Liber Pontificalis and
elsewhere, directly or indirectly concerning heretics, penitent
and impenitent, and the powerful effect exercised by these
heretics, as we shall see presently, on Christian literature,^
show yet again how heresies and schisms — the double
divergence in dogma and discipline — came near to strangling
the infant Church, like another Herakles, in the very
cradle.
(3) Liturgical Decrees. — Among liturgical decrees are
several concerning the Canon of the Mass,* which, however,
throw little light on that obscure period of its history in the
third and fourth centuries, — the period of transition from the
Greek liturgy of the second century, quoted by Justin Martyr
(about 165) and by other writers, to the crystallized Latin
* Eusebius, Hist. Eccles. v. 24, in P. G. 20, col. 502.
* Mommsen might well have drawn attention to the edict under Lucius
{supra, p. 77) concerning the clerical attendants on the pope. Was the writer
giving his own interpretation of a custom in force already in his own day,
or only a counsel of perfection before Gregory had introduced the change ?
^ See infra, pp. 192-195.
* Cabrol, Diet. Arch. Chrit., art. "Canon"; Catholic Encyclopedia, art.
**Mass, Liturgy." The best book on the subject is Adrian F'ortescue, The
Mass : London, 191 2.
LIBER PONTIFICALIS: DISCIPLINARY DECREES 79
rite ^ of the sixth century. To the existence of this Latin rite
the letter of Pope Vigilius to Profuturus in 538 bears witness,^
as does also the Sacramentary of Leo (sixth century, and
almost contemporary with the compilation of the Liber Ponti-
ficalis) and that of Gelasius (early eighth century).^ This rite
is, in all essentials, the Canon of the Mass as it exists to-day."*
The Liber Pontificalis attributes various small modifica-
tions to Alexander (i 21-132), Telesphorus (142-154), and
Leo I. (440-461); but none to Damasus (366-384), who
probably had some share in forming the Canon ; nor to
Gelasius (492-496), to whom a constant tradition ascribes
a strong influence on it, and who gave his name to one of
the earliest Sacramentaries ; nor to Vigilius (537-555), who
legislated concerning the Preface of the Mass,^ as we see in
the letter referred to above.
We may examine the decree attributed to Telesphorus
as an example of such edicts, and of the antedating of them.
It is stated that he introduced the use of the Gloria in ExcelsiSy
and caused Masses to be celebrated on Christmas Eve : the
number is not specified. Now the feast of Christmas
{Natalis Domini) was probably not observed in Rome till
the fourth century.^ There is no Mass for Christmas Eve
even in the Sacramentary of Leo (sixth century), but three
Christmas Masses "^ were said in the time of Gregory.^
A vague decree that Masses are to be said above {supra)
^ The change of language does not necessarily imply a total change of rite,
and there are passages in Justin, as in fourth and fifth century Fathers, which
still appear in the Canon of the Mass in use to-day. The ultimate origin of the
Mass is probably the liturgy of the Jewish Passover.
"^P.L. 69, col. 18.
^ Muratori, Liturgia Romana Vetus^ t. i. pp. 318 ^/ seq.^ and p. 696.
* Gregory the Great (590-604) made some additions, and in the eighth century
the Roman Canon was fused with the Galilean rite, and the order of the prayers
rather lamentably confused.
^ i.e. the passage Vere dignum et justuni esty aequum et salutare . . . (Truly
it is fitting and right, just and salutary . . . ).
* See supra, p. 52, note 4. The Gloria was sung at an early period in Christmas
and Pontifical Masses, but not generally in the ordinary Mass till the sixth century.
"^ See Roman Missal for text.
^ Gregorii Hofnilia, i. 8, in F.L. 76, 1 103 : ** Because by the goodness of God
we are about to-day (Christmas day) to celebrate thrice the oflice of the Mass, we
cannot speak at length on the passage of the Gospel that has been read."
I
80 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
the Memoriae^ or shrines of the martyrs, is attributed to Felix
(269-274). Feasts of the martyrs were certainly kept in the
East from the second century.^ S. Augustine ^ describes the
Mass celebrated on the anniversary of the martyrdom of
S. Cyprian at his tomb. The custom of saying Mass over
the body of a martyr was firmly established in Rome by the
fourth century.^ But if, as seems likely, the funeral feast
{agape) was closely associated with the Eucharist, the
practice goes even farther back to the very earliest times,
and is an inheritance from paganism.
Among edicts concerning other ceremonies, Alexander
(i 21-132) ordered that houses should be blessed by
sprinkling them with water mixed with salt, as is, in fact,
done at the present day among Catholics ; and Eutychianus
(275-283) that of the fruits of the earth only beans and
grapes should be blessed on the altar. This refers to the
blessing of the firstfruits on the altar during the Canon of
the Mass.* Ascension Day was the occasion chosen from
the fourth century at latest.
There are many edicts concerning vestments: among
these a decree of Stephen (254-257) forbidding priests and
deacons {sacer dotes et levitas) to wear their consecrated
garments elsewhere than in church.
Sources of the Statements in the Liber Pontiflcalis:
(2) Forgeries. — In addition to the authentic sources of the
^ In the Martyrdom of S. Poly carp (see infra^ p. 162, and Eusebius, Hist.
Eccl. iv. 15) we read : We gathered up his bones, more precious than jewels,
and more glorious than tried gold, and deposited them in a fitting place. There
also, as far as we can, the Lord will grant us to gather together, and celebrate
the anniversary {natalis) of his martyrdom in joy and gladness, both in com-
memoration of those who have finished their contest, and to exercise and prepare
others for the future.
2 Sermo, 310, c. 11, in P.L. 39, col. 1413.
8 Prudentius, Peristephanon^ xi. 171, in P.L. 60, 549.
* For the text of these prayers see Roman Missal, and compare the Gelasian
Sacramentary in Muratori, op. cit. The prayer for the blessing of the firstfruits
{fruges novae) in the latter runs : Bless, O Lord, these firstfruits, whether
of grapes or beans, which Thou hast deigned to bring to maturity by the
dew from heaven, and the inundation of the rains, and by serene and
tranquil weather ; that we should receive them with thanksgiving, in the
name of our Lord Jesus Christ, through whom all these things, O Lord,
are good.
LIBER PONTIFICALIS: DISCIPLINARY DECREES 8i
Liber Pontificalis, there is also a group of forged documents,
from which are derived certain of the decrees, as well as
other details in the lives.
Forgeries : — Constitutum Sl/uestri and Constitution of
the Synod of tiie Bisiiops. — Most of the edicts quoted above
bear true witness, as we have seen, to the customs of the time
of the writer. But the entire lives of Silvester (314-337) and
of his immediate successors depend partly on a famous
group of forgeries of the year 501, whose purpose is to
glorify Symmachus at the expense of his rival, the anti-
pope Laurence.^ The best known of these is the Consti-
tutum Silvestri?' which claims to be a collection of the
Canons promulgated by that pope, at a council held in the
Baths of Trajan in Rome, in the presence of the recently
baptized Constantine.^ In certain of the clauses of these
false edicts those heretics are condemned who were offering
opposition to Symmachus.
A second Constitutum Silvestri^ purports to be drawn
up also by Silvester in the Baths of Trajan in the presence
of Constantine some years later, as a confirmation of the
Council of Nicsea (in 325). Duchesne calls it the Constitu-
tion of the Synod of the Two hundred and Seventy-five
Bishops^ to distinguish it from its predecessor.
Forgeries and the Life of Silvester. — The disciplinary
edicts given by the Liber Pontificalis in the life of Silvester
depend on these documents, and especially on the second,^
but the importance of the variations from the originals shows
how little respect the writer of the Liber Pontificalis felt for
his documents. He actually divides the various pseudo-edicts
of the Synod of the Bishops among six popes : Evaristus
(112-121), Victor (189-199), Zephyrinus (199-217), Silvester
(314-336), Siricius (384-399) and Boniface (418-423),— a
remarkable series of antedated edicts !
^ See supra, p. 54, Maassen, Geschichte der Quellen unci der Literatur des
Canonischen Rechts ini Abendlande^ i.
2 P.L. 8.
^ As a matter of history, Constantine was baptized on his deathbed at
Nicomedia.
* Hardouin, Concilia, i., col. 285, and P.L. 8.
^ For parallel passages see Duchesne, op. cit. i. p. cxxxviii.
6
S2 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
Derived from the Constitutum Silvestri is that decree of
Silvester found in the Liber Pontificalis which, as Duchesne
says,^ was never proclaimed, nor applied, nor found in any-
authentic text :
No layman shall bring a charge against a member of
the clergy ... no one of the clergy, for any cause
whatsoever, shall go into Court, nor plead his cause
before the public judge, but only before the Church.
A portion of this edict is repeated under Julius (337-352),
and bears witness to the jealousy between civil and ecclesi-
astical courts.
The following edict of Silvester (314-337), though derived
from the same apocryphal source, is on many points in
agreement with authentic documents. It enacts, as in the
edict of Gaius,^ that the future bishop must pass through
the lower steps of the hierarchy, and further that
He must be approved in every respect, and have good
witness to his character from those outside his house, be
the husband of one wife, married with the blessing of
the priest.
Forged Gesia also a Source of the Lives of Julius,
Liberius, Felix, Sixtus iii. — Belonging to this group of
forgeries, and of the same date, is the Gesta Liberii, whose
purpose is again the glorification of Symmachus, by showing
that he is the antitype of the Liberius (352-366) who was
persecuted by the Arian emperors. History is not so well
assured as to the conduct of Liberius under persecution.^
The Gesta Liberii have supplied certain facts, too, in the
lives of Julius, Liberius himself, and Felix II.; but the com-
piler has used the legend with great freedom, combined it
with other sources, and produced a document hostile in spirit
to Liberius, and hence opposed to the Gesta Liberii.
In another document of this group, the Gesta de Sixti
' Duchesne, op. cit. pp. 189, 190, notes 20, 23.
2 Supra, p. 77.
' For a discussion of the much-disputed question as to the orthodoxy of
Liberius, see F. Savio, Nuovi Studi suUa questione di Papa Liberio, Rome,
1909.
LIBER PONTIFICALIS: DISCIPLINARY DECREES 83
purgatione} is related the story of the vindication of
Sixtus III. (432-440) from false charges before the Emperor
Valentinian. Under these names of Sixtus and Valentinian,
the writer describes a pretended triumphant refutation be-
fore Theodoric,of the accusations brought against Symmachus
(499-5 14). As a matter of history, neither Sixtus nor Sym-
machus were given an opportunity of justifying themselves.
This fantastic story has been used with modifications in the
life of Sixtus III. in the Liber Pontificalis.
There are some curious incidents, derived from similar
sources, recorded in the lives of other popes. Two may be
quoted here as examples.
The legend of the finding of " the Cross of our Lord Jesus
Christ" in the time of pope Eusebius (309-311), and that of
the baptism, and simultaneous healing of leprosy of the
Emperor Constantinc by Silvester, are derived from the
Acta Silvestri and De Inventione Crucis respectively, both
apocryphal works, condemned in the Gelasian decree De
Recipiendis?
In another passage we read that Pope Eleutherius re-
ceived a letter from Lucius, King of Britain, asking to be
made a Christian. Bede repeats this statement in his
Ecclesiastical History? The origin of the legend is prob-
ably the existence of a famous British Christian corps of
soldiers in the Roman armies in Gaul, in the fifth century, or
perhaps the frequent immigrations from Britain to Gaul, or,
perhaps, the presence in Rome, in the fourth century, of the
celebrated British monk Pelagius, and others of the same
country.*
^ Baronius, in Annales Ecclesiaslict, anno 443, t. vii. p. 462, ed. i74i> gives
the Gesta^ which he characterizes as corrupta, depravaia, mendosissima.
2 See infra, p. 182. ^ Bede, Hist. Ecdes. i. 4.
* Duchesne, op. cit. i. chap. ii. ; Mommsen, "De Historia Brittonum," in
Neues Archiv, 1894, p. 291 ; Bede, op. cit. i. x. ; Williams, Christianity in
Early Britain, Oxford, 1 91 2.
CHAPTER VI
THE LIBER PONTIFICALIS: THE INVENTORIES OF
ECCLESIASTICAL PROPERTY
Ecclesiastical buildings in Rome and their endowments — Gifts under Silvester,
Liberius, Damasus, Sixtus in. and others — Royal -gifts — Restorations after the
ravages of the barbarians — Criticism of the records and their sources — Number
of Churches in the sixth century — Inventories of treasures — The landed properties
of the Church — The inventory of S. Peter's — Sources of the records : charters
of Foundation — The Charta Cornutiaiia.
Domine Deus in simplicitate cordis mei laetus obtuli universa: et populum
tuum, qui repertus est, vidi cum ingenti gaudio : Deus Israel, custodi hanc
voluntatem.
Missale, In Anniv. Dedic. Eccles. (i Paralip. xxix.).^
Ecclesiastical Buildings in Rome and their Endow-
ments.— From the earliest times we have brief notices of
buildings erected by the popes : — the Memoria over the tomb
of Peter, erected by Anacletus (78-90);^ structures in the
catacombs, and other buildings by Zephyrinus (199-217),
Callixtus (217-222), and Fabianus (236-251). But it is
only with the Peace of the Church in 312 that begin those
fuller notices of the foundation, adornment and endowment
of the famous Roman basilicas, which form the most reliable
and not the least interesting portion of the Liber Pontificalis.
These churches were raised in nearly every case over
some ancient shrine of a martyr, and sometimes replaced or
incorporated a chapel already existing.
Gifts under Silvester. — At the " suggestion " of
Silvester, Constantine founded no less than nine churches.
^ " 0 Lord, in the uprightness of my heart I have willingly offered all these
things : and now I have seen with joy Thy people who are present here. . . .
0 God of Israel^ prepare their heart tinto Thee^ (Authorized Version,
1 Chron. xxix. )
2 A. S. Barnes, S. Peter in Rome ; cf. Dufourcq, Attide sur les Gesta
Martyrum romains, loi.
84
LIBER PONTIFICALIS: THE INVENTORIES 85
These include the Constantinian basilica, known as the
Lateran, S. Peter's, S. Paul's, the basilica ^ built in the Ses-
sorian Palace, "where Constantine enclosed in gold and
gems the wood of the Holy Cross of our Lord Jesus
Christ," and basilicas by the tombs of S. Agnes, on the Via
Nomentana, and of S. Laurence, on the Via Tiburtina.
Liberius. — Liberius (352-366) began the Liberian
basilica,^ which retains, at the present day, more of its ancient
beauty than almost any church in Rome.
Damasus. — Damasus (366-384) was a great builder:
He made two basilicas : one to blessed Laurence
near the theatre,^ and another on the Via Ardeatina,
where he himself rests:* and the Catacombs where lay
the bodies of the holy apostles Peter and Paul,*^ (in
which place is the platonia, where were laid their holy
bodies) he adorned with verses.^ And he sought and
found many bodies of the saints, of whom he told in
verses.'^
Then follows an inventory of this basilica to S. Laurence
which was called after himself, Titulus Daniasi.
Sixtus III. and Others. — Sixtus in. (432-440) embel-
lished the Liberian basilica, and we still read in mosaic, over
the triumphal arch : "Sixtus the Bishop for the people of God."
He also erected a second great basilica to S. Laurence, made
a monastery for the service of the catacomb, where S. Peter
and S. Paul and, later, S. Sebastian had lain ; and erected in
the papal crypt of S. Callixtus, a marble tablet inscribed
with the names of the bishops who lay there.^
^ Now S. Croce in Gerusalemme.
2 Now S. Maria Maggiore, or Our Lady of the Snows.
' SaTi Lorenzo in Damaso, near the Theatre of Pompey.
^ Not yet discovered. For a summary and bibliography of the whole question
see E. Barker, " S. Callixtus," m Journal of Roman Stud?'es, vol. i. pt. i., London,
1911.
^ Where is now the Church of S. Sebastian, Via Appia. See A. S. Barnes,
op. cit. chap. V.
^ De Rossi, Inscriptiones Christianae, ii. pp. 32, 89, 105.
■^ Epjgrainmata Damasi, ed. Ihm, in the scries Anthologia Latina. For these
and other inscriptions see i^ifra, Chaps. XVIIL-XXL, especially Chap. XXL
^ For the inscriptions he put up in the Liberian basilica and in S. Callixtus
see infra, pp. 282, 292.
86 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
Hilary (461-468) gave an immense treasure of church
plate, Gelasius (492-496), ''the lover of the poor," and
Symmachus (498-514) raised basilicas and oratories, John I.
(523-526) beautified the catacombs, Felix IV. (526-530)
converted into the Church of SS. Cosmas and Damian ^ the
pagan temple to the little Roman prince, Romulus (309),
on the Via Sacra in the Forum. Indeed, nearly every
pope in his day, contributed something to the splendour of
the churches, and especially to the shrine of S. Peter, to
which the greater part of the offerings flowed.
Royal Gifts. — Emperors and kings, too, were munificent
in their donations. Under pope Hormisdas (5 14-523), vessels
of gold and silver, precious fabrics, and books of the gospels
bound in gold, and set in gems came from the Eastern
emperor, Justinus, for the shrine of S. Peter; two silver
candlesticks from Theodoric ; " a golden crown [regnus) with
precious stones from Clovis, the Christian king of the
Franks;" and, a few years later, under John II. (533-535),
equally splendid gifts from Justinian.
Restorations after the Ravages of the Barbarians. —
The successive ravages of the barbarians necessitated fre-
quent restorations. Celestinus (422-432) made gifts to the
Julian basilica,^ and to S. Peter's and to S. Paul's, after the
sack of Rome by Alaric (Aug. 410) ; though the Gothic
king seems to have shown respect to the sacred vessels of
S. Peter's and extended protection to fugitives to S. Peter's
and S. Paul's.^
The Emperor Valentinian, at the request of Pope
Sixtus III. (432-440), gave a silver ciborium to the Lateran
basilica, to replace that carried away by the barbarians
under Alaric; and in the life of Leo (440-461) we read
that, after the Vandal invasion, he replaced the sacred
vessels in all the parish churches, besides executing other
improvements.
A Criticism of the Records and their Sources. — It is
noticeable that in the Libei' Pontificalis there is no mention,
under Siricius (384-399), of three churches at least which
* For the inscription see infra, p. 287. ^ S. Maria in Trastevere.
* Supra, p. 18 ; cf. Orosius, Historiarum libervii., c. 39, in P.L. 31, col. 1163.
LIBER PONTIFICALIS: THE INVENTORIES 87
were connected with his name — S. Pudentiana, S. Clement
and the Church of the Apostles (also called S. Peter ad
vinculo) on the Esquiline. This fact raises the questions :
How far are these records in the Liber Pontificalis adequate
or accurate, and what are their sources ?
The Number of the Churches in the Sixth Century.
— Taking the middle of the sixth century as the limit of our
investigation, the Liber Pontificalis mentions twenty parish
churches {tituli) ^ as built up to that period in Rome. That
there were in reality twenty-five at least is clear, for their
names and those of their parish priests are appended to
the account of the Roman Council of 499.^
In the list, too, of suburban churches, many are miss-
ing which appear in the seventh-century Itineraries^ and
certainly date from the fifth century or earlier.
As a walk round the city would have enabled the writer
to complete his lists, one may conjecture that he is using,
somewhat mechanically, written documents which are either
incomplete or abridged by himself.
The Inventories of their Treasures. — It is noticeable that
he is not writing as an historian or connoisseur : the structure
and architectural features of the church, the sculptures and
mosaics are passed over in silence, or only mentioned to
indicate the marbles that covered the pillars, or the weight
of gold used to gild the apse, or the jewels in the eyes of a
statue. For it is with the objects of value that the writer is
preoccupied, and in the lives from Silvester (314-337) to
Sixtus III. (432-440), for which period the notices are most
detailed, we find, for the nineteen churches built during
that period, accounts of the gifts made to each church at
foundation, set out in minutest detail, and always according
to the same plan : namely, there is, first, a catalogue of
liturgical vessels, containing always the same items, which
vary only in number and value, with a note of the material
* On tihilis,ee supra, pp. 9 etseq. ; cf. H, Grisar, History of Rome and the Popes
in the Middle Ages, i. p. 188, London, 191 1 (the translation is by L. Cappadelta).
2 Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Auctorum Antiqitorwn , vol. xii. p. 410,
ed. Mommsen, Berlin, 1894.
3 Infra, Chaps. VII., VIII.
88 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
of which they were made, and the weight. A second
catalogue contains a list of lamps and candelabra, described
with the same detail.
The Landed Properties of the Church. — These cata-
logues are followed by a list of landed properties for the
endowment of the churches, and especially to provide for the
expenses of the lighting {in servitio luminum).^ These pro-
perties {massae, fundi, agri,possessiones) are generally situated
near the church : for instance, S. Agnes had property in the
Via Nomentana and the Via Salaria ; S. Laurence in the
Via Tiburtina.
Other Roman churches were supported by lands in
S. Italy, Sicily, Africa, Numidia. The churches of S.
Peter and S. Paul depended on revenues from the eastern
provinces. The revenues of these lands are given in solidi'^
and sometimes in kind. For through the ports of these far-
off lands flowed the treasures of the East — oil from Cyprus,
myrrh from Arabia, nard and pepper from India, cinnamon,
saffron and cloves from the Moluccas, and balm from the
banks of the Jordan. Some of these were offered to the
service of the dead, and for the lights of the Sanctuary.
Gregory the Great ^ sends aloes and incense, storax and
balm, "as offerings to the bodies of the holy martyrs." In
408, part of the ransom paid by Rome to Alaric was three
thousand pounds {ura&(jjOi) of pepper,* and in the eighth
century Lullus, the future bishop of Mayence, sends to
Eadburga, abbess of Thanet, a handsome present of storax
and cinnamon.^
The Inventory of the Church of S. Peter's. — It is
worth while to examine one of these inventories. We
may choose, as the most complete and most famous, that
recording the donation of Constantine to the ancient little
1 I am indebted to my friend, Rev. O. Apthorp, for the fact, that from similar
charters of the thirteenth century in England, we learn that the lights in many
English churches, too, were paid for out of landed properties devoted to the
purpose.
^ A solidus was worth about £(>.
^ Gregorii Epistolae, ix. 52, in P.L. 77, col. 989.
^ Zosimus, Historia, v. 41.
^ Jaffe, Monumenta Mognntina, in Bibl. rer. Germ., t. iii. p. 214.
LIBER PONTIFICALIS: THE INVENTORIES 89
shrine of S. Peter, already existing since the time of Pope
Anacletus, at the end of the first century; this Con-
stantine converted into the famous Church of S. Peter's, only
destroyed when the present church was begun in the
fifteenth century. The account is found, together with the
emperor's other donations, in the life of Silvester : ^
At the same time Constantine Augustus made a
basilica to blessed Peter the apostle, near the temple
of Apollo. The tomb {loculus) with the body of Saint
Peter he thus covered over : the tomb itself he shut in
on every side with Cyprian bronze, so that it was
fixed : 2 at the head 5 feet : at the feet 5 feet : at the
right side 5 feet : at the left side 5 feet : beneath 5 feet :
above 5 feet ; thus he enclosed the body of blessed
Peter the apostle, and covered it over. And he adorned
it above {i.e. on the altar above) with porphyry columns
and other columns carved with vines, which he brought
from Greece.
And he made an apse {camera basilicae) shining with
plates of gold ; and above the body of blessed Peter,
above the bronze which enclosed it, he made a cross of
purest gold, weighing 150 pounds according to the
measurement of the place ; and on it is written : CON-
STANTINE AUGUSTUS AND HELENA AUGUSTA SUR-
ROUND THIS ROYAL DWELLING [? ancient shrine of
S. Peter] WITH A COURT SHINING WITH LIKE SPLEN-
DOUR,^— written in letters of niello on the cross itself.
He made also candelabra of gilded bronze, 10 feet in
height, 4 in number, wrought in silver, with silver statues
of the apostles, weighing each 300 pounds.
4 golden chalices, with jewels of prase and jacinth*
each of which has 45 jewels, and each weighs 12
pounds.
^ For certain difficulties in the readings and translation, and for criticisms and
explanation of the text, see the admirable and exhaustive work of A. S. Barnes,
S, Peter in Rome and his Tomb on the Vatican Hill, London, 1900, with
bibliography, and Duchesne, op. cit. i. "Silvester." Bede gives the donations
of Constantine, obviously taken from the Liber Pontifcalis, in De Temporum
Ratione.
^ i.e. the whole was built up with masonry.
^ The original is constantinus Augustus et Helena augusta hang
DOMUM REGALEM SIMILI FULGORE CORUSCANS AULA CIRCUMDAT {^sic).
^ The prase is a kind of green jasper, the jacinth is yellow.
90 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
2 silver metretae^ (vessels for holding the wine)
weighing 2(X) pounds.
20 silver chalices weighing each 10 pounds.
2 golden amae (vessels for holding the oblations of
wine) weighing each 10 pounds.
5 silver amae, each weighing 20 pounds.
A golden patena (plate) with a tower {turris)'^ of
purest gold, with a dove adorned with jewels of prase
and of jacinth, with 215 pearls, weighing 30 pounds.
5 silver patenae each weighing 1 5 pounds.
A golden crown before the body which is to serve as
a stand for candles {farus cantharus)^ with 50 dolphins,
which weighs 35 pounds.
32 silver /<:zr^ 2 in the nave of the basilica with dol-
phins ; weighing each 10 pounds.
In the right aisle of the basilica 30 silver stands for
candles, weighing each 8 pounds.
The altar itself of silver gilt is adorned on all sides
with jewels of prase and jacinths and pearls {albis\ the
number of jewels 400, weighing 350 pounds.
An incense-burner of purest gold adorned with jewels
on all sides, to the number of 60, weighing 15 pounds.
Further, the gift which Constantine Augustus offered
to blessed Peter throughout the diocese of the East : * —
In the city of A ntioch :
the house of Datianus producing 240 solidi.
a bath in Cerateas producing 42 solidi (mills,
gardens, etc.).
In the suburbs of Antioch :
the property of Sybille given to Augustus,
producing 322 solidi, 150 decades of leaves
of papyrus, 200 pounds of spices, 200 pounds of
oil of nard, 35 pounds of balsam.
/;/ the suburbs of Alexandria :
(various properties).
Throughout Egypt in the suburbs of Armenia :
^ Really a measure of about 40 litres.
^ Used for containing the consecrated Host.
^ FaruSf t,\s feminine, hwtfara is the plural given in L.P. Similarly Can-
tara (sic) is plural of Cantharus or Canthara (m, or f.).
* One of the twelve dioceses into which Diocletian divided the empire.
Selections only are quoted from this portion of the document.
LIBER PONTIFICALIS: THE INVENTORIES 91
The property Passinopolimse producing 800
solidi, 400 decades of leaves of papyrus, 50
medimni of pepper, 100 pounds of saffron, 150
pounds of storax, 200 pounds of spiced cassia,
300 pounds of oil of nard, 100 pounds of balsam,
100 measures of linen, 150 pounds of cloves,
100 pounds of oil of Cyprus.
In the province of the Euphrates in the suburb of
Cyprus :
[varied produce].
Such is the form of these inventories. They are some-
times greatly condensed. In the donation to the basilica of
S. Paul we read merely :
All the holy vessels, whether of gold or silver or
bronze Constantine gave, as in the basilica of blessed
Peter the apostle, so in the basilica of blessed Paul the
apostle. And he also placed a golden cross over the tomb
{locus) of blessed Paul the apostle, weighing 150 pounds.
Then follows the list of landed properties.
A further examination of some other of the inventories
will show they are not quite complete. After Sixtus III., the
details concerning the landed property are omitted.
Frequently the fact is just stated, — that a basilica has been
built, or a cemetery adorned or church plate supplemented.
The Sources of the Records: Charters of Founda-
tion. — The character of these records, the choice of
facts, the minuteness of detail, and the uniformity of the
manner of expression, indicate as sources of the information,
the original charters of foundation or donation, church
inventories, account books and such-like; the phraseology
used in some cases indicates documents of considerable
antiquity.^
Some of these original records were no doubt found in
those archives of the Roman Church to which the writer of
the Liber Pontificalis frequently refers.
^ Duchesne, op, cit. i. pp. cl, cxlix.
92 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
We have seen that under Julius (337-352) the notaries
are entrusted with the care of documents concerning wills,
donations, debts, etc., preserved in the ecclesiastical chests ; ^
some of these documents may have provided material for the
inventories of the Liber Pontificalis. Duchesne, however,
conjectures that the bulk of the inventories may have come
from the offices of the Treasurer of the holy See ( Vestiarius
sanctae Sedis)? The first we hear of this treasury is in the
life of Pope Severinus, under whose predecessor it had been
sacked (in 638) by the Roman army for the sake of " the
money heaped up by Honorius " (625-638). We have no
means of knowing how long it had been established ; but
some such institution must have been necessary from the
moment that the Church held property.
The Charta Cornutiana. — We do not possess the
originals of any of the inventories used by the writer of
the Lzder Pontificalis ; but Duchesne quotes at length ^ an
example of just such a charter of foundation as must have
been the source of those records. It is known as the Charta
Cornutiana: the manuscript, which is of the twelfth century,
is in the Vatican. The charter is dated 471, and by it
Flavius Valila Theodorius gives a house on the Esquiline
to a little country church near Tivoli. The document opens
with the further donation of a dozen farms, for the repair of
fabric, and service of the lights ; and of land for the houses
and gardens of the clergy. Then follows a list of liturgical
vessels and other furniture, " for the adornment of the same
church and the celebration of the above mentioned holy
mystery." Finally, there is a long list of beautiful stuffs
and linens of lovely design and colour, and of certain codices
— the four gospels, psalter, etc. These last two items are
usually omitted in the inventories of the Liber Pontificalis,
which in all other respects closely resemble the form of the
Charta Cornutiayta.
^ Supra, p. 76. - Duchesne, op. cit. i. p. cliii.
2 Duchesne, op. cit. i. p. cxlvi.
PLAN II
THE CHIEF SUBURBAN CEMETERIES OF ROME IN
THE FOURTH CENTURY /
Valentini.
Ad Septem Columbas [in Clivum Cucumeris],
Basillae ad S. Hermetem [S. Pamphilii].
Priscillae ad S. Silvestrum.
Maximi ad S. Felicitatem.
Jordanorum ad S. Alexandrum.
Thrasonis ad S. Saturninum.
Ostrianutn {Coem. Majiis or Ad Nyniphas Petri\
S. Agnetis et Emereiitianae et Nicomedis.
Cyriaci ad S. Laurentium \et S. Hippolytiwi\
i\d duas Lauros ad SS. Petrum et Marcellinum
[S. Castuli].
Aproniani ad Sanctam Eugeniam [S. Gordiani].
Praetextati ad S. Januarium.
Catacumbas ad S. Sebastianutn.
Calixti ad S. Xystum.
Domitillae Nerei et Achillei ad S. Petronillam.
Balbinae ad SS. Marcum et Marcellianum.
Basilei ad S. Marcum.
Commodillae ad SS. Felicem et Adauctum.
Pauli in p?-aeda Ltuinae [ Theclae et Timothet].
Ad insalatos ad S. Felicem.
Pontiani ad Ursum Pileatum.
S. Pancratii {^Processi et Martiniani\
S. Ltuinae ad S. A gat ham ad Giruhim.
Calepodii ad S. Calixtum.
S. Petri.
Flaminia
I.
Salaria Vetus .
2.
)> ))
3.
„ Nova .
4-
j> j> • •
5-
>5 JJ
6.
)> >3
7.
Nomentana .
8.
,, . . .
9.
TiBURTINA .
10.
Labicana .
II.
Latina
12.
Appia .
13-
,, . . .
14.
J, . . . .
15-
Ardeatina .
16.
>>
17-
,, . . .
18.
OSTIENSIS .
19.
J>
20,
PORTUENSIS .
21.
JJ
22.
Aurelia
23.
JJ
24.
JJ
25.
Cornelia
. 26.
All the cemeteries are mentioned in the Index Coemiteriorutn of the fourth century (see
p. 98) except those in italics, some of which are the oldest of all. Owing to the undefined area
of the cemeteries, the incompleteness of the excavations and disputed identifications, the
position of the cemeteries can only be indicated approximately.
It was over some of these shrines that the earliest basilicas were built. See p. 15.
CHAPTER VII
THE rriNER ARIES
The Itineraries and their authors.— Plan of Rome of Septimius Severus (a.D.
193-21 1). — Notiiia urbis regiomim XIV. (334) and Curiostwi urbis (357). —
Lateradus Polemii Silvii (449). — Topography of Zaccarias of Mitylene (540).
— Index Coeiniterionim (fourth century) appended to Notitia : date and the
number of the cemeteries (16?). — The Papyri of Monza (sixth century): the
tradition of the treasure : the pilgrimage of Abbot John : text of the labels
{pittacia) and the list of labels {index oleorum) : Sepulcri's theory as to the
origin of the papyri : history of the treasure : topographical value of the papyri
and the position of Sedes of S. Peter.
Accipe hunc baculum sustentationis itineris ac laboris peregrinationis tuae :
ut devincere valeas omnes catervas inimici, et pervenire securus ad limina sanc-
torum, quo pergere cupis : et peracto obedientiae cursu, ad nos iterum revertaris
cum gaudio. Per Christum. . . .
Missale ad usum ecclesiae Sarum : se>-vitium peregrinorum.^
The Itineraries and their Authors. — It was to guide
the pilgrims on their way, that the Roman Itineraries ^ were
compiled, between the fifth and the eighth centuries. The
information afforded by them is adequate to its purpose, if
not very copious. We find, as a rule, a list of shrines given,
the cemetery in which they are found, and the most striking
oratory, etc., which stands in that cemetery above ground.
It is the rarest thing to find any biographical note. We are
told, further, on what road, and, sometimes, on which side of
the road, the cemeteries lie ; the precise nature of their monu-
ments,— crypt, or basilica, or oratory; — whether above or below
ground ; method of access ; even, sometimes, the number of
^ The blessing of the pilgrim's staff: Take this staff to support you on the
journey and in the toil of your pilgrimage : that you may be able to overcome all
the bands of enemies, and reach in safety the thresholds of the saints whither you
desire to journey : and having performed the command laid upon you, may
return to us again with joy, through Jesus Christ. . , ,
^ Infra, Bibliography— ITINERARIES.
93
94 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
steps the pilgrim ascended or descended ; and the relative
positions of the shrines among themselves. The Itineraries
all follow a definite topographical order, moving round Rome
either clockwise — starting from the Via Flaminia and passing
by the Via Salaria and Via Nomentana, to end at the Vatican
on the Via Cornelia — or counter-clockwise, from the Via
Aurelia by the Via Portuensis, Via Ostiensis, Via Appia, etc.
The distance of the shrines, measured in miles from the
Aurelian Wall, is sometimes stated.
De Rossi has called the Itineraries " the topographical
key of the suburban tombs of the martyrs and the popes."
The precision and the phraseology of these documents
make it evident that they were written on the spot, and
hitherto it has been accepted that the pilgrims themselves
were the authors of the Itineraries. Schneider ^ has, how-
ever, recently suggested that they were written by residents
in Rome, most probably by some lower order of clerk ; and
that an educated or wealthy pilgrim may have purchased a
copy, or even made his own copy, and taken it back to his
native land. The suggestion in itself appears likely to be
true, and if none of the reasons adduced by Schneider, taken
alone, afford absolute proof, yet taken together they afford a
pretty strong argument in favour of his theory.
Under the general name of Itineraries we will discuss, not
only the Christian Itineraries proper, but also some important
secular works of topography kindred to them, which throw
light on the Christian monuments : also some Christian
topographical documents, such as the Papyi'i of Monza, of a
different form from the Itineraries.
Plan of Rome of Septimius Severus. — Various official
documents enable us to form a vivid and minute picture of
imperial pagan Rome ; but the most precious of all, the plan
of Rome as it was at the beginning of the third century, has
been lost since the Middle Ages, save for a few fragments
preserved in the garden of the Capitoline Museum. The
^ G. Schneider, **Gli autori e il criterio di compilazione degli antichi
itinerari delle Catacombe Romane," in Nuovo BuUettino di archeologia cristiana^
1909. For technical terms of architecture, etc., used, ibid. 191 1, p. 153, and
of. 1910, p. 17.
THE ITINERARIES 95
original plan^ was engraved on marble by orders of Sep-
timius Severus (193-21 1) and affixed to the exterior wall of
the Temple of Romulus ^ in the Forum.
Notitia urbis regionum XIV. — Our next document is a sort
of municipal guide to the city. The Notitia urbis regionum
XIV. (Register of the fourteen regions of the city) ^ was com-
piled under Constantine in 334 from earlier documents in
the urban archives. It describes the boundaries of the
regions, and the streets and monuments in them. There are
appended two supplemental lists, i.e. one of the monuments,
classified under " obelisks," " theatres," " bridges," " aque-
ducts," etc., the other a brief epitome {breviariunt) of the
first list. No Christian building is mentioned. The Notitia
was incorporated into the Philocalian Calendar of 354; and
into the Notitia Dignitatum utriusque iiuperii ^ (Register of
the officials of both empires, i.e. Eastern and Western),
compiled in the time of Honorius (395-408) at the final
division of the Empire.
Curlosum Urbis. — The Curiosum Urbis Roniae regionum
XIV. cum breviariis suis is practically the same as the
Notitia and was compiled about 357. In this document also
there is no mention of Christian buildings ; and had we no
other evidence on the topography of Rome than these two
early and authentic records, we might conclude, not unreason-
ably, that there were no Christian monuments — and hence,
perhaps, no Christians — at the beginning of the fifth century,
when the Notitia Dignitatum was compiled.
The description of a single region will show the general
character of the rest.
Region xi. The Great Circus {Circus Maxi-
mus). It contains the Temple of the Sun and Moon
and the Temple of Mercury, the sanctuary of the
Mother of the Gods and of Jove : (temple of) Ceres,
12 gates, the Porta Trigemina, (the statue of) Apollo
looking skyward, of Hercules with an olive, the district
^ Richter, Topographic von Rom. See infra, Bibliography — Itineraries.
^ Supra, p. 5. ^ For a complete list see supra, p. 12.
* Infra, p. 199. O. Seeck, Notitia Dignitatum, Berlin, 1876. The Notitia
Regionum has not been printed in this edition.
96 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
Velabrum, the Arch of Constantine : (the region contains)
21 quarters {vici)y 21 little temples (of the Lares)
(acdiculae)^ 48 superintendents {yicoinagistrt)^ 2 over-
seers of monuments (curatores), 2500 (I ID.) tenement
houses {insulae)^ 89 mansions (domus), 48 warehouses
for food ijiorrea), 44 public baths (balnea), 90 fountains
with basins {laci), 20 public mills {pistrina). It contains
1 1,500 feet (X ID.).
The supplemental list of the monuments takes the
following form : —
1. 28 Libraries.
2. 6 Obelisks. — In the Circus Maximus 2, the lesser
measuring 87 feet, the greater 122 feet. In the
Vatican i, 75 feet in height, etc. . . .
3. 8 Bridges. — Aelian, Aemilian, Aurelian, Molvian,
Sublician, Fabrician, of Cestius, of Probus.
4. 7 Hills. — Coelian, Aventine, Tarpeian, Palatine,
Esquiline, Vatican, Janiculum.
5. 8 Open Spaces {Campi) [list].
6. II Forums [list].
7. 10 Basilicas (pagan) [list].
8. II Public Baths {Thermae) [list].
9. 19 Aqueducts [list].
10. 29 Roads [list of those within, and leading out of,
the city].
The remaining information is still further condensed in
the Breviarium, which reads :
2 Capitols, 2 Circuses, 2 Amphitheatres, etc. ... 37
gates, 423 districts {vici) . . . 46,602 tenement houses
{msulae) ... 856 public baths (balnea) . . . 254 public
mills {pistrina)y 46 lupinariae. . . .
Latercu/us Polemii Siluii.— The Latejxulus Polemii Silvii
(Register of Polemius Silvius) is a register of imperial Rome.
It was compiled in 449 by Polemius Silvius, and consists of
a list of the emperors and the Roman provinces and dioceses,
and, under the heading, " What there is at Rome " {Quae sint
Romae), a brief note of the hills, bridges and buildings. The
writer ignores the pagan temples : of the Christian buildings
he merely remarks that there are " some sacred buildings
together with innumerable holy tombs of the martyrs."
Perhaps the " sacred buildings " include pagan temples.
THE ITINERARIES 97
Topography of Zaccarias of Mitylene. — A small con-
tribution to Christian topography, is found in the Ecclesiastical
History'^ of Zaccarias the Rhetorician, who was afterwards
Bishop of Mitylene in Lesbos. It was written in 540 under
Justinian, and incorporated in it is a somewhat inaccurate
description of Rome, under the title of "A Short History of
the Beauties of the City of Rome." This is based on some
earlier document (probably the Notitia or Curiosum), since
many statues and other treasures are enumerated, which had
disappeared long before 540, during the Gothic invasions.
The only reference to Christian monuments is in the
following extract :
. . . There are in Rome the (? two) Churches of the
Blessed Apostles and 24 (? other) Catholic Churches, 2
great (secular) basilicas, 324 great spacious roads, 2
Capitols, 80 great golden statues of the gods . . . and
there are 5000 places of burial, where they gather
together and bury (the dead). . . ?
It is unknown from what early document Zaccarias derives
his information on this point. The number of twenty-six
churches almost corresponds with that given in the itinerary
De Locis Sanctis?
Index Coemiteriorum (Fourth Century). — The first docu-
ment of real importance for the Christian monuments was
discovered by De Rossi, in a beautiful fifteenth-century
manuscript in the Vatican. Of the various documents
copied by this fifteenth-century scribe, one was an eleventh-
century manuscript of the Notitia Regionum^ exactly corre-
sponding with the text of that document as found in the
Notitia Dignitatuni (date about 400), with the highly
^ The Syriac Codex in the Vatican is corrupt, and the translation of Cardinal
Mai {Scriptortim veterum nova Collection x. p. xii, and p. 361 : Rome, 1838)
somewhat obscure. There is an epitome of this Codex in a manuscript in the
British Museum : see Ign. Guidi, "II testo Syriaco della descrizione di Roma
nella storia attribuita a Zaccaria" in Bull, della Commissione archeologica
Commimale di Roma, 1884, p. 218.
^ According to De Rossi's emendations of Mai's text : followed also by Guidi.
See Roi7ia Sotteranea, i. p. 130. The " five thousand places of burial" might
include pagan as well as Christian tombs.
^ This number almost corresponds to that of the twenty-five parish churches
of Rome (tihili) (see supra, pp. 12, 13).
7
98 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
important addition of a list of sixteen cemeteries in Rome
{Cimiteria totius Romam (sic) . . . Cimiteria XVI.).
The following is the text of the Vatican Codex re-
arranged in topographical order : ^
INDEX XVI COEMITERIORUM OF THE VATICAN CODEX
ARRANGED IN TOPOGRAPHICAL ORDER
Via Flaminia.
Via Salaria Vetus
Via Salaria Nova .
Via Nomentana
Tiburtina
Via Labicana
Cemetery of S. Valentine.
Coemiterium ad Sanctam Columbam ad
caput S. Joannis in Clivum Cucumeris.
[C. Coem. ad septem palumbas, etc.]
[L. Coem. ad septem columbas, etc.]
Coemiterium Basillae ad S. Hermen Via
Salaria. P.
[C. L. Coem. Basille ad S. Hermetem.
Via Salaria Vetere.]
C. L. Coem. Priscillae ad S. Silvestrum
Via Salaria. P.
Cemetery of Maximus at S, Felicitas.
C. L. Coem. Jordanorum ad S. Alexand-
rum Via Salaria. P.
C. L. Coem. Thrasonis ad S. Saturninum
Via Salaria. P.
Cemetery of S. Agnes. P.
or Emerentianae, or ^^ Ostrianum^^ or
''Coem. Majus" or ''Ad Nymphas
Petri:'
Cemetery of S. Laurence, of Hippolyttis. P.
Coem. ad duas lauros ad SS. Petrum et
Marcellinum Via Labicana. P.^
[C. Coem. inter duas lauros ad S.
Marcellianum ^ Via Labicana. ]
[L. Coem. inter duas lauros ad
Marcellinum et Petrum.]
S.
^ The order of the cemeteries in the manuscript is : Priscilla, Jordani, Prae-
textatus, Domitilla, Catacumbas (S. Sebastian), Callixtus, ad duas Lauros,
Balbina, ad Sanctam Columbam, Felix, Pontianus, Basilla, Basileus, Commodilla,
Calepodius, Thraso. The letter P indicates that the cemetery is mentioned in
the Depositio Martyrum or Depositio Episcoporum of the Philocalian Calendar
{infra. Appendix IIL).
There are other manuscripts of this Index, e.g. those of the Biblioteca Chigiana
and of the Biblioteca Laurenziana. The letters C, L indicate the readings of
the Chigiana and Laurenziana respectively (see infra. Appendix IV.). The
names of the chief cemeteries omitted are added in italics. For the Index
of cemeteries in the Mirabilia Urbis Romae see itifra, p. 124.
2 Under a different name in the Philocalian Calendar (see infra^ Appendix III. ).
* A mistake for Marcellinum^
THE ITINERARIES
99
[Via Latina] ....
[Making a seventeenth
cemetery] ....
Via Appia ,
Via Ardeatina. . .
Via Oatiensis . .
Via Portuensis .
Via Aurelia .
Via Cornelia . .
Not in Vatican codex.
[C. L. Coem. Aproniani ad sanctam
Eugeniam ^ Via Latina.]
7. C. L, Coem. Praetextati ad S. Januarium
Via Appia. P.
8. C. L. Coem. Catacumbas ad S. Sebas-
tianum Via Appia. P.
9. C. L. Coem. Calisti ad S. Xystum Via
Appia. P.
[O. C. L. Coem. Domitillae, Nerei et Achillei
ad S. Petronillam Via Ardeatina.
[I. L. Coem. Balbinae ad SS. Marcum et
Marcellianum Via Ardeatina. P.
[C. Coem. Balbinae ad SS. Marcum et
Marcellinum ^ Via Ardeatina.]
[2. C. L. Coem. Basilei ad S. Marcum^ Via
Ardeatina.
[3. C. L. Coem. Commodilla ad S. Felicem
et Adauctum Via Ostiensi.
Cemetery of Paul, and of Thecla and
Timothy.
[4. C. Coem. ad insalatos ad S. Felicem Via
Portuensi. [L. Coem. ad(o)mphalatos,
etc.]
15. C. L. Coem. Pontiani ad Ursum pileatum,
Abdon et Sennen Via Portuensi. P.
Cemetery of S. Pancras.
. C. L. Coem. Calepodii ad S. Calixtum
Via Aurelia. P.**
Cemetery ofLucina at S. Agatha ad Giruhim.
Cemetery of S. Peter on the Vatican.
The information contained in this Index is in agreement
with the best authenticated information from other sources.
The Date. — Since this document was appended ^ to the
Notitia Regionuni and the Notitia Dignitatum^ it is clear
that it is an official, secular list. That it is of the same
^ See infra, p. 193.
2 A mistake for Marcellianum (see supra. Via Labicana, No. 6).
^ Marcus is the pope (337-341) who built a basilica in the cemetery of Balbina,
in the cemetery now called S. Callixtus : the foundations have been identified.
The other Marcus and Marcellianus, fellow-martyrs of the Diocletian persecution,
wexefrst buried in the same catacombs, and then transferred to a basilica on the
Via Ardeatina. The whole question of these burial-places is controversial (see S.
Callixtus , . . '\x\ Journal of Roman Studies, vol. i. pt. i. p. 107 : London, 191 1).
■* Under a different name in the Philocalian Calendar.
^ Stipra, p. 97.
100 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
date as the documents to which it is appended is also clear.
Among other reasons we remark that, while in the Notitia
there is no mention of the later monuments erected between
379 and 383 by Gratian, so in the Index there is no mention
of the basilica for his own tomb made by Damasus (366-384)
on the Via Ardeatina.
The Number of the Cemeteries in the Index and in
the Philocalian Calendar. — If, again, we compare the list
of cemeteries in the Index with those in the Depositio
Martyrum and Depositio Episcoporum of the Philocalian
Calendar, we shall find a close resemblance ; especially when
we consider that the Index is a secular list of cemeteries,
while the Calendar is only concerned with martyrs' anniver-
saries for liturgical purposes. The Index, as we have seen,
contains sixteen cemeteries, the Calendar fourteen. No less
than eleven are common to both documents, and, with two ex-
ceptions,^ bear identical names (Nos. 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8,9, 11, 15).
Three cemeteries omitted in the Index appear in the
Calendar, ix. (i) S. Agnes on the Via Nomentana; (2) SS.
Paul, Timothy and Cyriacus, on the Via Ostiensis ; and (3)
S. Laurence on the Via Tiburtina. On the other hand, the
Calendar omits five given in the Index (Nos. i, 10, 12, 13,
14). If to those given in the Index (in one or other of the
manuscripts), namely, seventeen, we add the three in the
Calendar which are omitted in the Index, and also two more
omitted in both documents (S. Peter's, and S. Valentine on
the Via Flaminia), we have a list of twenty-two, which
includes all the chief cemeteries.^
De Rossi and other scholars account for the omission of
some half-dozen important cemeteries from the Index by a
mutilation of the manuscript.
RampoUa, who had more material to work on than De
Rossi, believes the manuscript to be complete.
If, then, the manuscripts are complete, why are at least
^ The two exceptions are the (i) Coem. ad duas lauros ad SS. Petrum et
Marcellinum Via Labicana (No. 6), referred to in the Calendar in V. id Sep.
Gorgoni in Via Labicana, and (2) Coefn. Calepodii ad S. Calixhmt Via Aurelia
(No. 16), referred to in the Calendar in Prid. id. Oct. Calisti in Via Aurelia.
2 For a full discussion see /«/ra, Appendix IV,
THE ITINERARIES lOi
half a dozen important centres of cemeteries omitted ? ^ It
is a fact, though it may be unconnected with the omissions
in the Index, that at nearly all these places omitted, building
operations were being carried on, as we learn from the
Liber Pontificalis: that is (i) on the Via Flaminia, in the
cemetery sometimes called S. Valentine, where that martyr
lay, Pope Julius (337-352) was actually engaged, at the time
of the compilation of the Index, in raising the basilica to
S. Valentine ; (2) on the Via Nomentana Constantine was
raising a basilica over the tomb of S. Agnes, and also (3) on
the Via Tiburtina over the tomb of S. Laurence. Also at
the shrines of (4) S. Peter, Via Cornelia, and of (5) S. Paul
on the Via Ostiensis, Constantine was building great basilicas.
Both these shrines are omitted in the Indexes, though the
cemetery of Felix and Adauctus on the Via Ostiensis, near
S. Paul's, is mentioned.
The building operations probably rendered these par-
ticular catacombs inaccessible. What havoc and ruin was
wrought in them can easily be imagined, and several
passages in the Liber Pontificalis and elsewhere bear
witness to it. We read how Damasus (366-384) ^ found the
remains of the martyrs — scattered, lost, submerged in water
— and buried them. Perhaps, then, these five cemeteries were
omitted as not being in actual use? They all appear in the
Philocalian Calendar, except S. Valentine's and S. Peter's.
Possibly, too, some of those omitted were still private
property, and others small or unimportant, and therefore
not entered on the Index. The precise history of each of
these cemeteries, to be elucidated by excavations not yet
undertaken, remains an interesting and important question
to investigate.
^ Neither in the fourth century nor in the present day can the "number" of
cemeteries be very precisely defined. In the days of the Itineraries, various
portions of what we now consider one cemetery were each called "a cemetery."
For example, the cemetery now known as S. Callixtus contained, according to
the Index, S. Callixtus (proper) near the shrine of Sixtus li., and the cemetery
of S. Basileus at the shrine of Pope Mark. The famous cemeteries are usually
agglomerations of various burial centres.
"^ Infra, p. 279; Damasi epig. 4, ed. Ihm ; Gesta Liberii, in P.Z. viii.,
1392 ; Vita Damasi, in L.P.
102 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
It is probable that all the cemeteries were private property
till the third century, and some of them later. They are
still called, in these fourth-century documents, by the ancient
names — those of their owners ^ — or, sometimes, are indicated
by the name of the locality. Thus we have the cemeteries of
Priscilla (3), Apronianus (17), Praetextatus (7), Domitilla
(10), Commodilla (13), the Jordani (4) and Thraso (5), or
else the " Cemetery at the sign of the Seven Doves " {ad
septem Columbas) (i), "At the Bear in the Cap" {ad
Ursum Piieatum) (15), " Between the two Laurels " {inter duas
Lauros) (6). To these indications is often added the name
of the principal shrine in the cemetery — as the Cemetery
belonging to Praetextatus at the shrine of S. Januarius (7).
In later days the cemeteries were known by the names of
the martyrs themselves — as the cemetery of S. Sebastian
(i.e. ad Catacumbas) (8).
The Papyri of Monza. — We pass on from these purely
secular documents to the study of the famous relics preserved
in theCathedral of Monza,a town about eight miles from Milan.
The cathedral is associated with the Lombard kings, whose
iron crown is preserved there; and especially with Queen Theo-
delinda, who founded it in 590, and to whom Pope Gregory
the Great (590-604) wrote several letters,^ accompanied, it
seems, by relics which still form the nucleus of the cathedral
treasure. The chief of these consists of forty-four vessels»
about eight centimetres in height : twenty-eight are of glass,
and sixteen of pewter. They once contained oil from the
lamps burning before the shrines of the martyrs in Rome,
and remains of it can still be detected in some of them.
^ Cf. the names of the tituli, supra, p. 12.
^ SteMonumenta Gerinatiiae Historica Epistolarum tomus, ii. 431, for a charm-
ing letter of Gregory, congratulating Theodelinda on the birth of her son, and the
fact that he will be a Catholic : he tells her he himself has gout, and sends her
several presents — a cross containing a small relic of the wood of the true Cross, a
copy " of the holy Gospel," and rings set with jacinths and pearls for the lady's
daughters. From " Pauli Historia Langobardorum," in Mon. Germ. Hist. Script.
Rer. Langob., p. 117, we learn that Gregory wrote four books on the lives of the
Saints, and sent them to Theodelinda; and further, of all the good the Queen did
for the Catholic Church (p. 118) and of a letter of thanks (p. 119) from Gregory.
Some of the letters are translated in Wace and Schaff, Post-Nicem Fathers^
1900. Cf. supra, p. 30.
THE ITINERARIES 103
All have a string round them for fastening a label. Many of
these labels have been lost : a few were found detached by
Marini,^ and some, though damaged, are still attached to the
bottles. In all, nine labels {pittacia ampullarum) are still in
existence.
Further, a list {notula^ index oleorum) ^ has been made on
a diptych of the names inscribed on the labels. The text of
this Index is very close to that of the labels, with a few
additions and corrections ; it contains some names which,
obviously, were once found on labels now lost.
Both the labels and the Index are in Lombard characters,
and most scholars believe the two are contemporary.^
The Tradition of the Treasure — Gregory and Theo-
delinda. — According to the tradition, a certain Abbot John,
in the time of Pope Gregory, collected, according to a
common practice of the time, small measures of the holy
oils burning before the shrines of the martyrs, as a present
from that pope to Theodelinda, Queen of the Lombards.
The fact that there was an authentic correspondence and
interchange of gifts between Gregory and Theodelinda, and
that she founded the Cathedral of Monza (in 590) appears to
support the tradition.
The Pilgrimage of Abbot John. — John may have been
an inhabitant of Rome, or he may have been sent from Lom-
bardy by the Queen. It is just possible he bought his oils
at what would now be called a " depot for objects of piety."
It seems more likely, however, that, as a pious pilgrim, he
performed himself the somewhat arduous journey from
shrine to shrine : and that he would do it according to the
route traced out for us in various Itineraries. At whatever
road he began, or whether he went round Rome clockwise,
or counter clockwise, the order of his visits can be indicated
by the route :
Viae Cornelia, Salaria Veius, Salaria Nova, Nomen-
tana, Tiburtina, Appia, Ardeatina, Ostiensis, Aurelia.
^ Gaetano Marini, / papiri diplomatici raccolti ed ilhistrati, p. 208 : Rome,
1805.
2 For text of the Index and of some of the labels see infra, pp. 105-8.
^ But see infra, p. 108.
104 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
This list can be read forwards (for clockwise direction) or
backwards (for counter clockwise direction).
Text of Index and Labels. — As he walked from road
to road, John would fill each bottle with various oils, and
tie on a label containing the names of the saints. We
might expect, then, that a group of names on a label would
indicate that these saints lay all together on the same road.
Excavations have enabled us to identify all the shrines
mentioned in the Index and the labels (except the Sedes uhi
prius sedit Petrus of Label VIL), and this conjecture is proved
true for Labels I., XL, III., IV., V., VI 1 1., IX.,i i.e, all the
shrines mentioned on each single label, are in the same road.
If, however, there were a great number of saints on
one road, naturally more labels than one were necessary.
For example, the seventeen saints of the Via Appia are
divided between Labels IV. and VIII. The sixteen saints
of the Via Salaria Nova are divided between Labels II.,
part of VI., and VII. The remaining part of VI., and the
Label V. contain saints of the Via Salaria Vetus. It may
be noted that the Salaria Vetus and Salaria Nova were
adjacent roads.
From this it is clear (i) that any given label does not
necessa7'ily contain all the names of shrines on any given
road ; (2) the names on any single label do not always
necessarily belong to shrines on the same road.
The following text of the Index, with the spelling as
given by Sepulcri, and with the additions of the road, and
of the number of the corresponding label, will show the
relation of Index and labels. It will be seen that some labels
are missing ; but there could never have been many more
than twelve. The few lacunae in the existing labels can
easily be supplied from the Index.^
It may be noted that no shrines are mentioned in the
Index, nor found on the labels, for the Viae Portuensis, Latina,
^ Infra, pp. 105-8.
^ The arabic numerals indicate the correct topographical order of the labels.
For the actual text, with its curious misspellings, and for photographs of the diptych
and pittacia, see Sepulcri, / papiri della Basilica di Monza . , . (^/. cit. in
Bibliography — Itineraries : Papyri of Monza).
THE ITINERARIES
105
Labicana, Flaminia.^ Perhaps bottles and labels were lost
before the list was made.
INDEX 0 LEO RUM
Roads
Labels
[pittacia)
I. Via Cornelia
:i. Via Ostiensis .
12. Via Aurelia
5. Via Salaria Nova
7. Via Tiburtina .
Within Rome on ■\
the Coelian Hill )
6. Via Nomentana
9. Via Appia
Sci Petri Apostholi
Sci Pauli Apostholi
Sci Pancrati
Sci Arthemi
See Sofiae cum tres filias
suas {sic)
See Paulinae
See Lucinae
Sci Processi
Sci Martiniani
Sci Grisanti
See Dariae
Sci Mauri
Sci Jason et alii Sci multa
milia
Sci Saturnini
See . . . pinionis
Sci Systi
Sci Laurenti
Sci Yppoliti
Scorum Johannis et Pauli
See Agnetis et aliarum
multarum martyrum
Sci Y . . . ion
See Sotheris
See Sapientiae
See Spei
See Fides
See Caritas
See Ceciliae
Sei Tarsieii
Sci Cornilii et multa milia
Scorum
Label lost
Label lost
Label L
Label IL
Label lost
Label in.
Label lost
V Label IV.
^ The cemetery on this road is also omitted in the Index Coemiteriorum.
See supra, p. 98.
io6 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
INDEX OLEORUM—conWnyxt^
Roads
Labels
{pit t acta)
2. Via Salaria Vetus
3. Via Salaria Nova
Via Salaria Vetus
Not certainly
known . . .
4. Via Salaria Nova
8. Via Appia .
Sci Johannis Sci Liber -
alis
[See Lucine]
Scs Blastro et multorum
Scorum . . . alii Sci id est
CCLXii. in unum locum
etaliicxxii. . , . xlv.
quos omnes Justinus prb
collega Sci Laurenti
martyris sepelivit
See Felicitatis cum septem
filios suos {sic)
Sci Bonifati
Sci Hermitis
Sci Proti
Sci Jacynti
Sci Maximiliani
Scs Crispus
Scs Herculanus
Scs Bauso
Sea Basilla
Oleo de Side {sic) ubi prius
sedit Scs Petrus
Sci Vitalis
Sci Alexandri
Scs Martialis
Scs Marcellus
Sci Silvestri
Sci Felicis
Sci Filippi et aliorum
multorum sanctorum
Sci Sevastiani
Sci Eutycii
Sci Quirini
Sci Valeriani
Sci Tiburtii
Sci Maximi
Sci Orbani
Sci Januarii
Label V.
Label VL
} Label VIL
Label VIIL
THE ITINERARIES
107
INDEX OLEOR UM— conimv\(tA
Roads
Labels
{pittacia)
See Petronillae Sci Petri
\
Apostoli
Sci Nerei
10. Via Ardeatina \
Sci Damasi
Sci Marcelliani
Sci Acillei
' Label IX.
\
Sci Marci
Quae olea sea temporibus
Domni Gregorii Papae
adduxit Johannis in-
dignus et peccator
Domnae Theodolindae
Reginae de Ronia.^
TEXT OF SOME OF THE LABELS
Arranged Topographically
Via Nomentana
Lost
Via Salaria Nova
Sedes ubi prius sedit Petrus et oleo ^
[Scs Vitalis ses Alpexander ses Martialis scs Mareellus
[...]* sci Siivestri sci Felici sci Filippi et aliorum
multorum Scorum.
vn.
Sci Grisantis [sesque Darias scs Maurus] '
Sci Jason et ali[i sancti multa milia]
Sci Saturnini [et scs aupinio (?) ]
IL
^ *'*The holy oils which in the time of our Lord Pope Gregory, the
unworthy sinner John brought from Rome to the Lady Queen Theodelinda."
^ Position not determined : the other shrines are on the road indicated.
Note the order of this label, VII. (No. 4), and the following, IL (5) is inter-
changeable, since both contain names of shrines on the Via Salaria Nova
and no others — except for the doubtful Sedes Petri.
^ Words in brackets are supplied from the Index.
* Illegible name omitted in the Index.
^ Words in brackets in this label were legible in the time of Marini.
See supra, p. 103, note i.
io8 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
Via Salaria Nova and Vetus
Sea Felici[tas cum septem filios suos] Scs Bonifatius Scs liermis
Scs Protus Scs Qacynthus Scs Mjaximilianus Scs Crispus
Scs Herculanus [Scs Bauso Sea Bajsilla
VI.
Via Salaria Vetus
Scs Systus Scs Liberalis Scs . . .
Scs Blastro et multa milia. s[corum} et aliicxxii. et alii Sci XL.
A glance at the indications of the order of the roads
in the text quoted above, will show that the Index oleorum
is not written in topographical order. The writer probably
took each bottle as it came to hand, and copied the
label ; so that the gi^oups in the Index are correct if the
labels are so. It is obvious the topographical order of the
labels should be— V., VI., VII., II. (or II., VIL), IV., IX., I.,
— or the reverse way.^ In conclusion, then, the merely
topographical value of the Index oleorum taken by itself is
little ; the labels, however, arranged in proper order, give
some valuable indications of the position of shrines in
many cases.
Sepulcri's Theory as to the Origin of the Papyri. —
The tradition of the origin of the papyri of Monza is
accepted by most scholars. It is in harmony with the
known historic facts concerning the relations of Gregory
and Theodelinda, and with all other evidence concerning the
customs of pilgrims and collectors of relics.^ Sepulcri,^
however, notes that there is no evidence beyond the tradi-
tion, that it was Gregory who sent these treasures to
Theodelinda ; and he thinks that this donation was ascribed
to the pope through the tendency to concentrate round one
famous name deeds performed in reality by many different
1 Supra, p. 103.
^ See supra, pp. 16-47. Schneider in his article on the authors of the Itineraries
{op. cit. p. 94, note) accepts this tradition, as is evident from an incidental reference
to the papyri on p. 90. So also does Bonavenia (see infray p. iii, note 2).
' Op. cit. p. 104.
THE ITINERARIES 109
individuals. It is so that Diocletian has become responsible
for many persecutions of which he was innocent, and Anu-
linus, for every cruel sentence executed on the martyrs during
several centuries. Sepulcri asserts that ih^pitiacia are inscribed
by different hands, and is inclined to date them at the end
of the seventh century ; basing his reasons on a minute study
of the handwriting and of the extremely bad Latin. He
notes certain mistakes in the topography which do not
appear in the Itineraries contemporary with Pope Gregory,
and do appear in the Itinerarium Einsiedlense ^ of the eighth
century. He regards the Index as of slightly later date
than the labels. Moreover, he states that the See Sapientiae^
Spei, Fides (sic), Charitas (sic) of the Papyri, do not appear in
the Martyrologies till the ninth century.
Taking this last statement first, however, we note, that in
the catacomb of S. Callixtus, not far from the crypt of S.
Cecilia, in exactly the place which the label indicates, has
been found a fragmentary inscription of the fourth century, on
a great marble slab, with the names PISTIS ( = FIDES) SPES:^
a fact which entirely invalidates this particular argument of
Sepulcri. None of the other reasons he adduces in disproof of
the ancient tradition appears quite convincing. The topo-
graphical errors are very slight, and mankind is liable to
such errors in any century. The bad Latin, which is,
moreover, characteristic of many sixth-century documents,
amounts to little more than extraordinary Lombard mis-
spellings of a string of proper names. Perhaps John was a
Lombard. If, too, the Abbot was writing his labels en route^
this would perhaps account for peculiarities in the calli-
graphy. One clings rather fondly to this old and picturesque
tradition, till the severe light of higher criticism has really
shown there is nothing in it.
History of the Treasure. — The history of the treasure
is not without interest. The Ampullae and the Index were
originally kept, with other relics, in a wooden coffer. In a
general catalogue of the cathedral treasure made in 1042,
there is a brief note of them : the number of the vessels is
given as forty-two, and before this entry is an imperfect tran-
^ Infra^ p. 1 19. ^ Marucchi, Le Catacgm^e Romane^ p, 170,
no ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
scription of the Index oleorum. This inventory was made on
the occasion of the transference of the ampullae to a marble
urn, placed behind the high altar. The ampullae were ex-
posed to the veneration of the public in the thirteenth
century, and put back again. In 1576 they were again ex-
posed, and finally placed under the altar in the side chapel
of S. Maria, and a fresh inventory was made. In 1606 they
were enclosed in crystal cases, and placed in two tabernacles
by the pillars of the high altar.
The vicissitudes of the Index are not so well known.
It was discovered in the local library Settaliano by Mabillon
in 1685 ; and there studied also by Muratori,^ Frisi, Gori,
Ruinart, Marini, and others. It finally reached the library of
the Conte di Firmiano, and was restored to the basilica in
1782. In 1 88 1 Ampullae and Index v^&xq placed together in
the Cathedral Treasury.
The Topographical Value of Labels in Test Case of the
Sedes of S. Peter. — A test case for the topographical value
of the labels may be examined, which will also give an ex-
ample of the method of using the documents.
The only shrine about whose position there is any doubt
is the Sedes ubi prius sedit Petrus, quoted on Label VI I. ^
Of other shrines on that label, Vitalis and Alexander and
Martialis are in the Cemetery of the Jordani, and MarcelluSy
etc., in Priscilla; both cemeteries being on the Via Salaria
Nova. Hence, the Sedes would belong either to the nearest
group on its own label, i.e. Cemetery of the Jordani on the
Via Salaria Nova ; or to the label which had last been filled
up, but was too small to contain all the names. If the labels
are taken in the natural topographical order, VII., II., VI.,
v., the label in question (VII.) would come next to the
lost label of the Via Nomentana, so that the Sedes might
have properly belonged to that group. If, however, the
labels were taken in an equally natural order, i.e. II., VII.,
VI., v., then the Sedes might possibly belong to the group
Grisantis^ Darias^ etc., in Label II.; i.e. shrines in the
Cemetery of Thraso on the Via Salaria Nova.
^ Anecdota Latina, ii. 191 : Milan, 1697.
2 For list of labels see supra, p. 107.
THE ITINERARIES ill
It makes no difference to this question whether the
pilgrim was moving clockwise or counter-clockwise.
If then we grant, as seems reasonable, that the pilgrim
was making his journey in a natural manner, and if we ex-
pect that he is employing his usual methods of label-writing
in the case of the Sedes^ we have, as we have seen, three
alternative places where the Sedes might be: i£. either (i)
on the Via Nomentana ; or else on the Via Salaria Nova in
one of its two cemeteries — i.e. either in the (2) Cemetery of
Thraso or (3) the Cemetery of the Jordani.
There has been much discussion as to the precise place
"where Peter first sat."^ An old and strong tradition
points to the neighbourhood of S. Agnes in the Via Nomen-
tana, and Bonavenia thinks the label supports the tradition.
Marucchi believes that the words sedes ubi Petrus . . . have
been displaced, and should come on Label VII., after
Martialis^ and belong to the Marcellus-Silvester group of
Priscilla. This seems a somewhat arbitrary supposition,
and, if correct, would deprive the labels of the sole topo-
graphical value they possess — that of correct grouping.
Much other evidence has been brought to bear on the
question of the locality of the Sedes, but the testimony of
the Papyrus of Monza does not contribute anything final to
the solution.2
^ i.e. the place where he exercised his episcopal functions in the official chair
— Sedes or Cathedra. See Philocalian Calendar, Depositio Mariyrwn, where
February 22nd is marked as the feast day (cf. supra, p. 52).
2 For a full discussion of the whole question see Bonavenia, La Silloge di
Verdun, 1903, and a series of articles (mainly by Marucchi) in the Nuovo
Bullettino di archeologia cristiana from 1900 onwards; and in the Rotnische
Quartalschrift, 1907. The discovery, in 1900, of the ancient Baptistery of S.
Priscilla affords, perhaps, stronger support to Marucchi's opinion than the Papyrus
of Monza (see Marucchi, Le Catacombe Romane, and Nuovo Bullettino and
Rd?nische Quartalschrift quoted above).
CHAPTER VIII
THE ITINERARIES (contimied)
De Locis Sanctorum Martyrum of the Wiirzburg Codex (sixth or seventh
century) — Two Salzburg-Vienna Codices: {\) Notitia Ecclesiarmn urbis Romae
(or liinerarium Salisburgense) (seventh century, depending on document of
fourth) ; (2) Epitome de Libro de Locis Sanctis Martyrum (sixth or seventh
century) — Notitia Portarum viarum ecclesiarum circa urbem Romam (Itinerarium
Malmesburiense) (649-683) — Itinerarium Einsiedlense (eighth century) — Ordo
Romanus of Benedict and Mirabilia urbis Romae (twelfth century) — The
Itineraries and the identification of the monuments.
It is a great penance that a layman lay aside his weapons, and travel far
barefoot, and nowhere pass a second night, and fast and watch much and pray
fervently by day and by night, and willingly undergo fatigue, and be so squalid
that iron come not on hair or on nail.
Edgar, King of England, Ancient Laws (ed. Thorpe).
The documents to be described in this chapter are
strictly Itineraries.
De Locis Sanctorum Martyrum of the Wiirzburg Codex. —
The Z^e Locis Sanctorum Martyrum quae sunt f oris civitatis
Romae was found by Eckhart in a Codex of the ninth or
tenth century, appended to a manuscript of the Martyrology
of Bede at Wiirzburg; and published by him in 1729 in his
Co7nmentarii de rebus Franciae Orientalis (i. pp. 831-833).
It is almost the same as the De Locis Sanctis Maj'tyrum
of the Salzburg Codex, and is the basis of that document.
Two Salzburg- Vienna Codices : (1) Notitia Ecclesiarum
urbis Romae (Itinerarium Salisburgense) ; (2) De Locis Sanctis
Martyrum. — At Salzburg in 1777 was found and printed
a manuscript of the works of Alcuin, at the end of which
were two topographies of Rome.^ The first, a manuscript of
^ The manuscripts of the two topographies are now in Vienna. De Rossi
saw them there, and detected the various interpolations, especially numerous in
\\t second document {De locis Sanctis) : see Roma Sotterranea, i. 136.
IIZ
THE ITINERARIES 113
the tenth century, was named Notitia Ecclesiarum Urbis Romae
(Notice of the Churches of the City of Rome), somewhat
incorrectly, since it deals almost entirely with the cemeteries
outside the wall ; it is usually called now the Itinerarium
Salisburgense, The second of the documents, of the ninth
or tenth century, preserved in the Salzburg manuscript, is
known as De Locis Sanctis martyrum quae sunt fores civitatem
Romae (Of the holy places of the martyrs without the city
of Rome), a title not entirely correct either, since many
shrines mentioned in it are within the city. The title in
the manuscript is De Libro de locis . . . {From the book
concerning the holy places . . . ) and indicates that the
document is an epitome of some other volume. It is indeed
based on, and almost exactly similar to the Wiirzburg
manuscript discovered by Eckhart,^ with additional notes
from other sources. The particular topographical arrange-
ment, described below, indicates, too, an epitome, rather than an
original document. Some German pilgrim must have carried
home with him the original versions of these manuscripts.
The dates of the documents can be determined pretty
exactly.
1. Notitia Ecclesiarum {/tin. Sal isburgense).— The Notitia
Ecclesiarum {Itinerarium Salisburgense) is earlier than 649,
since it ignores the translation of the bodies of Primus
and Felicianus from their shrines on the Via Nomentana
to the Church of S. Stephen, on the Coelian Hill, by Theodore
(642-649).2 It is earlier also than 642, since there is no
mention of Anastasia, who was martyred in Persia in
627, and whose body was brought to Rome by Theodore
in 642. Neither are the repairs of the catacomb of
S. Valentine on the Via Flaminia, by Theodore, mentioned.
It is, however, later than Honorius (625-638), since that
pope is referred to three times, as embellishing the cemeteries
of S. Valentine on the Via Flaminia, S. Agnes on the Via
Nomentana and S. Pancras on the Via Aurelia.
^ Supra, p. 112. Marini confused together the manuscripts from Wiirzburg,
Salzburg and Einsiedeln (see infra, p. 119).
2 For this and the following statements see Duchesne, Liber Pontijicalis^
under the name of each pope.
8
114 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
A peculiar feature of this Itinerary is, that from the
notices of the papal tombs can be constructed a complete
list (with two omissions) of the popes from Silvester
(314-335) to Celestinus (422-432). Why does the papal
list suddenly cease here? Dufourcq^ conjectures that the
original Itinerary was written under Sixtus ill. (432-440),
the successor of Celestinus ; and that it, in turn, depends
on the early Roman Calendar of 312,^ contemporary with
the reorganization of the Church under Silvester, which is
also the source of the Depositio Episcoporum and Depositio
Martyrum in the Philocalian Calendar.
At the latest, then, this document is of the early seventh
century : whilst parts of it may very possibly be of the fifth,
and depend on documents of the beginning of the fourth.
If this is the case, we know from it the precise name,
place of burial and date of anniversary of the martyrs
something like ten years after the last persecution, a fact
which makes this Itinerary of the highest importance.
Dufourcq remarks that the Itineraries of the seventh century
differ little in information from this document, and prove
the continuity of the tradition.
This Itinerarium Salisburgense is a true Itinerary of the
highest value, from which we can exactly follow the pilgrim
in the route he took. After visiting the shrine of SS. John
and Paul, on the Coelian Hill, within the city, he starts on
his circular tour outside the city from the Via Flaminia,
in the north, proceeding clockwise. The points of the
compass are clearly indicated, as well as the positions of
the shrines, on the right or left hand side of the road. The
nature of each shrine is also recorded — whether above
{sursuni) or below (deorsum) ground; whether a sepulchral
chamber (cubiculum), which may be above or below ground,
or a church (ecclesia), which is always above ground, or an
underground chamber (antrum, spelunca, sub tei^rd)?
^ See Dufourcq, Etudes sur les Gesta Martyrum romainsy p. 21, for a full
discussion of this important point.
2 Infra, p. 224.
2 Cf. Schneider, " I termini dell' architettura cimiteriale . . . negli Itinerari
dei Pellegrini," in Nuovo Bull. 191 1, p. 153. Cf. ibid. 1909, p. 79; 1910,
p. 17. For certain difficulties as to the route see De Rossi, R.S. i. 138, 147.
THE ITINERARIES 115
The Itinerary begins :
Firstly in the city of Rome rest the bodies of the
blessed martyrs John and Paul, in a great and very
beautiful basilica. Then you enter (and go) through
the city towards the North, till you come to the Porta
Flaminia, where lies the martyr Saint Valentine, on
the Via Flaminia, in a great basilica which Honorius
repaired ; and other martyrs in a northern direction
{plaga) underground. Then you go towards the East,
until you come to the church of John the martyr, on
the Via Salaria, where rest Diogenes, the martyr, and
in another cubicle Boniface, the martyr, and Fistus
{Sixtus) under the earth. . . . Afterwards on the
same road you come to Saint Pampulus {Pamphilius)^
martyr, to whom you descend under the earth by
24 steps. Then you come to Saint Felicitas on
another road which is also called Salaria : there
she rests in a church above ground, and Boniface
pope and martyr in another place, and her son
down below under the earth . . . afterwards ascend-
ing on this same road you come to the church of
S. Silvester. . . .
So the pilgrim continues by the Viae Nomentana,
Tiburtina, Appia, Ardeatina, Ostiensis, Aurelia, to end at the
Via Vaticana and the " Basilica of Blessed Peter." ^
2. De Loci's Sanctis Martyrum.— The De Locis Sanctis
Martyrum of the Salzburg Codex is perhaps a trifle later
than the Notitia Ecclesiarmti {Itin. Salis.). In this document
are mentioned, as already on the Via Ostiensis, the relics of
S. Anastasia. The Itinerary, then, is later than 642. It
seems possible, however, that it was written not long after
this date, for it speaks of the " magnificent adornments "
{mirifice ornata) of the Catacomb of S. Valentine, on the
Via Flaminia, which was, in fact, restored by Theodore ; and
of " the marvellous beauty " of the Basilica of S. Agnes, on
the Via Nomentana, which was restored by Honorius
(625-638); also the Basilica of S. Laurence on the
Via Tiburtina is described as ^^ new and wonderfully
beautiful"; S. Laurence was rebuilt by Pelagius 11. (579-
* There follows an account of a pilgrimage to Milan.
Ii6 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
590). So this Itinerary appears to be of the seventh
century.^
In this the pilgrim starts at S. Peter's and journeys
counter-clockwise. The Itinerary opens with the following
passage : —
First in the western part of the city by {juxta) the
Via Cornelia at the first milestone (without the city)
Peter rests in the body, and all the pontifical order
except a few, rest in the same place in their own
tombs. . . . Near this same road Saint Rufina and Saint
Secunda . . . and many other saints lie.
Thence, not far off on the left hand, near the
Via Aurelia, S. Processus, S. Marcianus, S. Pancras,
S. Paulinus, S. Arthemius, S. Felix, S. Callixtus,
S. Calopus (?) with many others lie buried.
Near the Via Portuensis, which is also in the western
part of the city, S. Abdon, S. Sennen . . . and the place
of sleep of S. Beatrix.
But in the southern part of the city by the Via
Ostiensis, Paul the Apostle lies, and Timothy bishop
and martyr, of whom the Book of Silvester speaks,
sleeps there. . . .
The Itinerary then continues by the Viae Ardeatina,
Appia, Latina, Labicana, Tiburtina, Nomentana, Salaria.
Then follow the words: "These are the churches within
the city of Rome," with a list of twenty-six churches (of
which five places are left blank), where liturgical stations
were held.^
It will be seen that this Itinerary is less precise than
the Notitia Ecclesiarum. Is it correct topographically?
Examining the opening sentences we note :
(i) That the graves of Rufina and Secunda are, in fact,
ten to thirteen miles distant from the city.
(2) The very next sentence runs : Not far off on the left
handy near the Via Aurelia y S. Processus ^ etc.
Now the saints mentioned in this group lie on both sides
* De Rossi and Dufourcq think it may even be contemporary with Pelagius,
and that the Itinerary as we have it, is only a second edition of a late sixth-
century document.
2 Supra y p. 13.
THE ITINERARIES 117
of the Via Aurelia, at distances from one to three miles from
the Aurelian Wall. The rest of the Itinerary will furnish
similar examples. The explanation of the apparent in-
accuracy is that the directions are given with respect to
the 7'oads and not to the shrines. Thus, " Not far off on
the left hand" refers to the Via Aurelia (and not to the
shrines) ; that road being near the Via Cornelia and on the
left of a pilgrim walking out of the city down the Via
Cornelia. Though such indications are not as precise as
one might wish, there is yet not that topographical con-
fusion in the Itinerary which appears to exist at the first
glance, and the document offers a striking example of the
need of careful interpretation.
Notitia Portarum Viarum . . . (/tin. Ma/mesburiense). —
It is to an English historian that we owe the preservation
of one of the most reliable of the Itineraries. The
Notitia Portarum Viarum Ecclesiarum ciixa U7'bem Roman ^
(Notice of the gates, roads and churches round the city of
Rome) has been inserted by William of Malmesbury in his
Gesta Regum Anglorum (Deeds of the English Kings), of the
twelfth century, in his account of the Crusade under Pope
Urban II. : hence the document is often known as the
Itiiierarium Malmesburiense. The date of this Itinerary
can be determined pretty exactly. We find that Primus
and Felicianus have already been removed from their resting-
place in the catacombs on the Via Nomentana to the church
of S. Stephen on the Coelian Hill. This translation took
place under Pope Theodore (642-649): the Itinerary is
therefore later than that pope. On the other hand, the
majority of the martyrs are still in the catacombs, whence
their bodies were removed to various churches in Rome by
Paul I. {7^7-767). The Itinerary is therefore earlier than
Pope Paul. Since, however, there is no mention of Simplex,
Faustinus and Beatrix, who were translated from the
cemetery of Generosa on the Via Portuensis to S. Bibiana
in 683 by Pope Leo II. (662-684), De Rossi thinks the
Itinerary is probably earlier than 683. At all events, the
^ Best edition, Duff Hardy, Willebni Mahnesbiiriensis Gesta regum anglorum^
London, 1840.
Ii8 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
document is of the seventh or early eighth century, and was
very likely compiled between 649 and 683. It is curious to
find the only version of this complete and reliable Itinerary
in the works of the twelfth-century English monastic
historian.
In this Itinerary the pilgrim is supposed to start in
succession from each of the fourteen gates of Rome that
open in the Aurelian Wall, whence the great roads, lined
with cemeteries, stretch out over Italy. He starts at the
Porta Cornelia (or Porta S. Petri) and passes on, in a clock-
wise direction to the Porta Flaminia, Porta Porticiana {i.e,
Pincian Gate) . . . Nomentana, Tiburtina . . . and round to
the Porta Aurelia.
A brief extract will suffice to show the character of the
document : —
The Fourth Gate
The fourth gate on the Via Salaria which used to be
called the Gate of S. Silvester. There, near the road,
rest S. Hermes and S. Vasella {Basilla) and Protus
and Jacinthus, Maxilianus {Maximillianus) Herculanus,
Crispus ; and in another place rest the holy martyrs
Pamphilius, Quirinus (descending) seventy steps below
the earth. Then comes the basilica of S. Felicitas
where she rests, and Silanus her son, and not far off
the martyr Boniface. In the same place, in another
church, are Chrysanthus and Darias and Saturninus
and Maurus and Jason and their mother Hilaria and
innumerable other saints. And in another basilica
S. Alexander, Vitalis, Martialis, sons of S. Felicitas :
and seven holy virgins, Saturnina, Hilarina, Dominanda,
Rogantina,Serantina, Paulina, Donata. Then the basilica
of S. Silvester, where he lies covered with a marble tomb :
and the martyrs Celestinus, Philip and Felix : and there
three hundred and sixty-five martyrs rest in one
sepulchre : and near by, Paul and Crescentianus, Prisca,
Semetrius (?), Praxed and Potentiana rest.
Bede tells a story which illustrates the manner in which,
on one occasion, at least, an Itinerary of the Far East became
known in the remotest parts of England.
2
Oh
m
THE ITINERARIES 119
In his Ecclesiastical History^ he has inserted a portion
of an Itinerary of Jerusalem. He copied it, he says, from the
work of a learned Irish abbot, Adamnan, '' a good and wise
man, and remarkably learned in Holy Scripture." He then
tells how Adamnan obtained his information :
Arculf, a French bishop, had gone to Jerusalem for
the sake of the holy places. . . . Returning home by-
sea, a violent storm drove him upon the western coast
of Britain (703). After many accidents he came to the
aforesaid servant of Christ, Adamnan, . . . who com-
mitted to writing all that Arculf said he had seen re-
markable in the holy places. . . . Adamnan presented
this book to Alfrid (King of Northumbria), and through
his bounty it came to be read by lesser persons. ... I
believe it will be acceptable to our readers if we collect
some particulars from the same, and insert them in our
history.
Itinerarium Einsied/ense.—SUghtly different in character
on account of its original method of sight-seeing, and from
its inclusion of a number of secular monuments among the
Christian buildings, is the Itinerarium Einsiedlense preserved
in a manuscript of the ninth or tenth century in the library
of the Monastery of Einsiedeln, in Switzerland. It was first
published by Mabillon in 1685,^ but all other versions have
been superseded by that of De Rossi, and the new edition
by Lanciani.^
Appended to it is a collection {Sylloge) of inscriptions
copied from the monuments, which affords some assistance in
determining the date. The latest of the inscriptions quoted
in this Sylloge are of the time of Pelagius II. (578-590) and
Honorius (625-640). Also in the Sylloge the epitaphs of
Protus (No. 72), and Jacinthus (No. 73) (on the Via Salaria
Vetus) ; of Nereus and Achilleus (No. 74) (on the Via
Ardeatina) ; and of Felix and Adauctus (No. ^6) (on the Via
Ostiensis) are quoted as still in position in the catacombs.
These facts would indicate the seventh or the early part
of the eighth century, prior to the translation of the bodies.
* Eccles. Hist. v. 15. 2 Vetera Analecta, iv. 350.
^ Vltinerario di Einsiedeln . , . {pp. cit. Bibliography — Itineraries).
120 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
But though the general topography of Rome, as de-
scribed in this Itinerary, indicates a date prior to the altera-
tions undertaken by Pope Leo IV. (847-855), yet several
features of the city are noted which point to a period not
earlier than the days of Charlemagne. The document would
therefore appear to be of the later part of the eighth century.
Comparing it with some of the earlier Itineraries, we note the
city does not seem to have changed greatly.
It is one of the most precise and vivid of all the Itineraries.
It takes the pilgrim a series of eleven walks in Rome in every
direction : for example, Route 3 is from the Porta Nomentana
(near the Baths of Diocletian) on the north-east, to the Forum
in the west central district of Rome ; Route 4, from the Porta
Flaminia in the extreme north-west to the Via Lateranensis,
passing by the basilica of that name in the extreme south-
east ; Route 9, from the Porta S. Petri, near S. Peter's, on the
right bank of the Tiber, at the end of the Via Cornelia,
right down to the south, and the tomb of S. Paul on the Via
Ostiensis. On each excursion are indicated, in two parallel
columns, the monuments passed on the right hand and on
the left. Where the pilgrim passes under an arch (Arch of
Severus), or arch of an aqueduct (the Forma Virginis — the
pure or virgin water), or through a forum {Forum Romanum),
or over a bridge (the Pons Major)^ the name of the monu-
ment is written between the two columns. Sometimes
portions of different routes are the same.
Let us follow in detail the sixth route. By means of
the text below and the plan (III), together with the detailed
knowledge we have of the monuments mentioned, many of
which, either in their original form or rebuilt, still stand, we
can realize Rome as that eighth-century German pilgrim
saw it, as easily as the modern traveller finds his way about
with his Baedeker.
ITINERARIUM EINSIEDLENSE.
Route 6. From the Porta Aurelia as far as the Porta Praenestina
On the left On the right
The Fountain of S. Peter(?), where is The Windmills {Molinae). Mica
his prison. Aurea.
SS. John and Paul. S. Maria, S. Chrysogonus, S. Cecilia.
k
THE ITINERARIES 121
Over the Pons Major
S. George and S. Sergius. The Palatine. S. Theodore.
Under the Arch (? of Severus)
The Capitol. The Umbilicum. S. Maria Antiqua.
The Horse of Constantine
S. Hadrian. SS. Cosmas and Damian.
The Roman Forum
S. Cyriacus and the Baths of Con- The Palace of Trajan. There is (the
stantine. Church of S. Peter) in Chains {ad
vincula).
The Suburra
The Monastery of S. Agatha. S. Lucia in Orpheus {? Orthea).
S. Laurence in Formonso. SS. Silvester and Martin.
S. Vitalis (or Vitus). The Palace near Jerusalem.
S. Pudentiana and S. Euphemia. Jerusalem.
The Palace of Pilate (?). S. Maria The Amphitheatre (sc. Castrense).
Maggiore. S. Vitus. A Fountain The Lateran Aqueduct.
{nymphaeum). The Monastery of Honorius.
S. Bibiana. The Porta Praenestina.
Claudian Aqueduct.
On the Via Praenestina without the Wall
Claudian Aqueduct. S. Helena. SS. Marcellus and Peter.
The pilgrim starts, as we see, from the Porta Aurelia
(now S. Pancras) in the Aurelian Wall at a point a mile
west of the Tiber. He goes in an easterly direction, down
the steep Janiculum, past the windmills {Molinae), follows
the road called Mica Aurea to cross the Tiber at the Pons
Major (Aemilian Bridge). In the Trastevere district, through
which he has just passed, he has seen on his right three
famous churches, still standing: S. Maria (in Trastevere),
S. Chrysogonus and S. Cecilia. On his left are the heights
where now stands S. Pietro in Montorio, built there in 1472
owing to a false legend which identified this spot as the place
of S. Peter's martyrdom. Neither "the prison" nor the
" fountain " can be identified. There appears, from other
authorities, to have been a church of the fellow-martyrs, John
and Paul, on the hill, but it cannot be identified with certainty.
Crossing the bridge, and passing through the Argiletum,
he sees, on the heights to the right, the mansions of the
122 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
Palatine Hill, with the little circular church of S. Theodore
at its foot, and, on the left of the road, what is now San
Giorgio in Velabro, with the Capitol rising high beyond.
Passing under an arch, which we cannot certainly identify,
he finds himself in the Forum, by the "Umbilicum," the
marble-faced brick column that was " the sacred heart of
Rome " ; just on his road is the equestrian statue of Constan-
tine. He only notes, on his left, the Church of S. Hadrian,
which was converted into a place of Christian worship by
Pope Honorius (625-638), having formerly been the Curia
or Senate House. On the right, some way off, is S. Maria
Antiqua, whose structure can still plainly be seen, and which
is still adorned by wonderful Byzantine frescoes of the time
of Justinian. Before its conversion into a church it had
formed part of the library of the Imperial Palace. Quite
near, on the right, is the Church of SS. Cosmas and Damian,
converted into a church by Pope Felix (526-529) from the
Temple of the Holy City, with its round church attached,
built to the memory of Romulus, the infant son of the
Emperor Maxentius.
On his leaving the Forum, the portion of the route as far
as S. Lucia, in the district called Orpheus (?), is identical with
Route I (from the Porta S. Petri to S. Lucia in Orphed),
and the same monuments are mentioned in both. Leaving,
on the left, the Church of S. Cyriacus and the Baths of
Constantine, near the Quirinal; and on the right, the
Palace of Trajan (just north-east of the Colosseum), and
the church dedicated by the Empress Eudoxia to the
Chains of Peter (S. Pietro in Vincoli), standing high up
on the Viminal, he passes through the Suburra to enter
on a district thick with famous churches all existing
to-day : S. Agatha in Subtirra^ S. Laurence {in Fonuonso
or in Panispernd), S. Vitalis, S. Vitus, S. Bibiana and
S. Pudentiana, — around which cluster traditions of Peter and
Pudens and Priscilla, — S. Euphemia (in the Vico Patricio)
and S. Maria Maggiore, still one of the most beautiful
churches in Rome. Does the unexplained Palace of Pilate
refer to some building standing where is now the Scala
Santa^ the flight of twenty-eight marble steps said to have
THE ITINERARIES 123
been taken from the Palace of Pilate in Jerusalem, by the
Empress Helena, who brought it to Rome in 326 and placed
it near her former palace, recently given to the popes ? ^ It
would stand quite near the Monastery of S. Honorius, but
on the pilgrim's right, rather than left, as stated. The Church
of S. Praxed (San Prassede), with the ancient mosaics, is
omitted from the Itinerary. The next church, S. Martin, on
the right, was built by Pope Symmachus, and the oratory near
was called perhaps after Silvester.^ Thence the pilgrim passes
under the Arch of Gallienus down the Via Labicana Antica
to the "Palace near Jerusalem," — the famous Sessorian
palace whose secular basilica was converted under Constan-
tine into a church (Jerusalem), now known as the Church
of S. Croce in Gerusalemme. Near by is the Amphitheatre
called Castrense, and then some more churches. Far away
on the right is the Monastery, dedicated to S. Andrew, and
founded by Honorius (625-640), on the spot where now
stands the great Lateran hospital. As the pilgrim at length
ends his journey, he passes out by the Porta Praenestina, with
the beautiful arches of the Aqua Claudia (called also Marcia,
Tepula, Julia) and the Aqua Lateranense (Celimontana)
stretching out on his left and right.
Ordo Romanus of Benedict and Mirabi/ia urbis Romae. —
The 07^do Romanus ^ of Benedict the Canon, of the twelfth
century, giving an accurate account of the processions made
by the pilgrims through Rome, describes a city of too late
a date to be of very great assistance for the study of an
earlier Rome. Since, however, for part of the way it follows
one of the routes of the Einsiedeln Itinerary, it sometimes
elucidates the latter. The Mirabilia urbis Romae of a date
a trifle earlier, gives us some interesting details among many
doubtful statements. It contains a list of monuments
classified under : "the walls of the city," "the names of the
gates," " the arches," etc.
Under "hills " and " baths " are the following entries : —
Of the Hills, — These are the hills within the city :
^ Pilgrims still ascend these steps (now covered with wood) on their knees.
^ The origin of these two (?) churches has not been determined with certainty.
^ See Lanciani, Ultinerario di Einsiedeln . , .
124 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
Janiculum. Aventine which is also called the Quirinal.
The Coelian Hill. The Capitol. The Palatine. The
Esquiline. The Viminal.
Of the Baths. — The Baths of Antoninus. The Baths
of Domitian. Of Maximius. OfLicinius. Of Diocletian.
Of Tiberius. OfNovatian. OfOlympias. Of Agrippina.
Of Alexander.
There are two brief notices of Christian monuments :
These are the places which are found mentioned in
the Passions of the Saints : Without the Appian Gate
where the Blessed Sixtus (ll.) was beheaded, and where
the Lord appeared to Peter who said to Him : Lord,
whither goest Thou ? {^D online, quo vadis f) . . .
The Aqua Salvia near S. Anastasius where the
blessed Paul was beheaded. The garden of Lucina^
where is the Church of S. Paul and where he rests. . . .
There follows a list of cemeteries : ^
INDEX COEMITERIORUM IN THE MIRABILIA URBIS ROMAE
Via Flaminia omitted.
Coem. ad clivum cucumeris. I.
Coem S. Hermetis et Domitillae.^ I.
[Coem. S. Marcelli Via Salaria Vetera,
in Ordo Benedicti Canonici\
Coem. Priscillae ad pontem Salarium. I.
Coem. Felicitatis.
Coem. Thrasonis ad S. Saturninum. I.
Coem. S. Agnetis.
Coem. Fontis S. Petri.
Coem. in agro Verano ad S. Laurentium.
Coem. inter duas lauros ad S. Helenam. I.
Coem. Gordiani foris portam Latinara.
^ i.e. the private crypt of Lucina on the Via Osiiensis.
2 I have added the names of the roads, and arranged the whole in the same
topographical order as the Index of the Vatican Codex {supra, p. 98), that the two
may be compared : they are in the main identical. Of the nineteen cemeteries
given in the Mirabilia, thirteen are in the Vatican Index, and are indicated by the
letter I. There are some mistakes in the remaining six, from mutilation of the
names or confusion between two different cemeteries. The MS. of the Index of
the Mirabilia is in topographical order (except for two mistakes) and begins at
the Coem. Calepodii oiihe. Via Aurelia, proceeding in a counter-clockwise direction.
2 "Domitillae" is a mistake. It should, I think, be transposed with the
" Jordanorum " of No. 14.
I.
Via Salaria Vetus .
2.
Via Salaria Nova .
■(t
Via Nomentana . .
M
Via Tiburtina. . .
Via Labicana . . .
Via Latina. . . .
. 8.
9-
10.
THE ITINERARIES 125
ViaAppia |J^'
Via Ardeatina
Via Ostiensis . .
Via Portuensis .
Via Aurelia . .
Coem. Calixti juxta Catacumbas. I,
Coem. Praetextati inter portam Appiara. I.
13. Coem. Balbinae Via Ardeatina. I.
14. Coem. Jordanorum ^ Nerei et Achillei Via
Ardeatina. I.
15. Coem. S. Cyriaci Via Ostiense.
[Coem. Innocentium ad S. Paulum, from
Ordo Benedidi Canonici.'\
Coem. Ursi ad Portuensem (viam). I.
Coem. S. Felicis Via Portuensi. I.
18. Coem. Calepodii ad S. Pancratium. I.
19. Coem. S. Agathae ad Girulum.
[Coem. Julii Via Aurelia, in Ordo Benedicti
Canonici.'\
|i6.
\i7.
There are further notices of Christian buildings scattered
about the document. For example :
In the Palace of Licinius is the temple of Honor and
of Diana. Where is now S. Maria Maggiore was the
temple of Cybele. Where now stands S. Peter ad
Vincula (S. Peter in chains) was the temple of Venus.
The Itineraries and the Identification of the Monu-
ments.— The passages quoted above have been taken at
random from various parts of the Itineraries merely to
show the general character of these documents.
To derive any topographical information of value from
them, it is necessary to focus the attention on a definite area,
combine the information obtainable from all the Itiner-
aries with regard to it, and then study the actual monuments
mentioned in them.
In this collation of document and monument, it is neces-
sary to remember that the Itineraries are not always in
accord, nor complete, nor quite accurate. With regard to
the monuments, there are in the catacombs, both crypts
below, and also oratories above ground, that have either
not been certainly identified, or perhaps wrongly identified.
Moreover, no single one of the catacombs has been entirely
excavated, and a vast number of monuments have perished.
Yet the fact remains that the co-ordinated study of the
Itineraries and monuments has enabled us to establish with
certainty the place of burial — and hence the existence — of a
1 "Jordanorum" is a mistake.
126 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
large number of martyrs and confessors of the first three
centuries. In cases where shrines, such as S. Soteris,
and S. Zeno, have not been identified, we sometimes know
where to look for them, thanks to the united testimony of
the various Itineraries. It was, indeed, in this way that the
site of shrines, buried deep and without sign of existence,
beneath field and garden, was first determined ; and actual
excavation has, again and again, justified the accuracy of
the Itineraries, and the correct interpretations of De Rossi
and his disciples.^
^ To compare adequately the information derived from the Itineraries with
the actual monuments as they have been revealed, and are daily being revealed,
by excavation, would require volumes. As an example of method, a brief
study has been made of the shrines on the Via Appia and the Via Ardeatina,
infra^ Chap. XXII.
CHAPTER IX
ACTS OF THE MARTYRS: CRITICISM, ANCIENT
AND MODERN
The task of criticism. — Criticism in the sixteenth century (Baronius, Tille-
mont). — The Ada Sanctorum and the Analecta Bollandiana of the Bollandists. —
The Acta Sincera of Ruinart. — The Theory of Interpolation. — Authentic docu-
ments and modern critics. — Modern methods of criticism. — Monuments and
documents throwing light on the Acta.
Contenta nitore suo veritatis, pura simplicitas, eo pulchrior quo incultior
recte sentientibus esse solet.^ — Baronius, Annales Eccles. t. iii. p. 262 (1738).
Task of Criticism. — For the lives of the Roman martyrs
of the first three centuries,^ we have a mass of documents
known as Acta^ Vitae^ PassioneSy Gesta, which have been
compiled in the course of many centuries, and differ widely
in historical value.
The task of the critic is to discover the date, circumstances
of composition, and sources of the documents ; to classify
them according to their degree of authenticity ; and, in the
case of the less trustworthy compositions, to sift the few
grains of historical truth from the mass of legend and
rhetoric in which they are embedded.
Criticism in the Sixteenth Century. — These problems
of criticism are not peculiar to the twentieth century. While
the Golden Legend {Legenda aured) of the Dominican poet,
^ " Pure simplicity is content with the splendour of the truth which is hers, and
the less she is adorned the more beautiful she appears to those who feel aright."
2 All criticisms on the authenticity of the Acta Sanctorum refer to the lives
of saints of these centuries only. For texts of Passions, etc. , see Bibliography —
Acts of Martyrs, and Appendix VII. Nearly every Passion referred to is
found in the Acta Sanctorum {A.SS. ) of the Bollandists under the date mentioned :
many are found in Ruinart, Acta Sincera (/l.i'.) and translations into French, and
critical notes in Leclercq, Les Martyrs . . .
127
128 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
Jacobus de Voragine (1230-1298), reveals the absolute con-
fidence reposed in these records in the Middle Ages, the
critical spirit was already awake in the sixteenth century.
Cardinal Baronius (i 538-1607), friend of S. Philip Neri, and
author of the Ecclesiastical Annals (i 508-1607), regards the
Acta with suspicion,^ but though some of the documents
were, as Baronius says, vitiated " by the craft of Satan, the
foolishness of the faithful (colentium), and the depravity
{nugacitas) of heretics," he uses them as material for his
history.
Tillemont, too, in his M^moires pour servir h thistoire
ecclhiastique has applied sound criticism to many of the
Passions. His conclusions, if at times sceptical, appear only
too just.2 He writes :
The death of the saints is the greatest and most
certain fact in their history, while their earlier life is
almost always obscure.
Again, he concludes his criticism of the Acts of S, Caesarius
[Nov. 4] with the words :
I think that the safest course is to leave him among
the number of those whose sanctity we know, while we
are ignorant of all the rest.
The fifteenth and sixteenth centuries saw various editions
of the Lives of the Saints. Mombritius published in Milan,
in 1475, his Sanctuarium, sive vitae Sanctorum^ collect ae ex
codicibus manuscriptis ^ (Collected Lives of the Saints) ;
Lipomann,in 155 1, at Rome, his Historia de Vitis Sanctorum
(History of the Lives of the Saints); and the Carthusian
Surius, in 1562, at Liibeck, his work, De probatis sanctorum
historiis (The Authentic Histories of the Saints). In spite of
the attempts at criticism of the age, these writers are more
preoccupied with the elegancies of their own style than the
historical contents of the documents.
The Acta Sanctorum of the Bollandists (1643 . . .). —
^ Annales Ecclesiastici, t. iii. p. 262.
^ Tillemont, Mimoires pour servir d, Vhistoire ecclisiastiquey i. 6, ii. 573.
^ This has been re-edited in 1910 by the Benedictine Fathers. See Bibliog-
raphy— Acts of Martyrs.
ACTS OF THE MARTYRS: CRITICISM 129
It was the Jesuit, Hubert Rosweyde (i 569-1629) of Antwerp,
who first conceived the necessity for a collation of the texts,
with a view to restoring the original readings ; but it was left
to another Jesuit, Bollandus of Antwerp (i 596-1665), and
his fellow-workers and successors, to carry out the idea
in the sixty-four great volumes already published of the
Acta Sanctorum. The work has been carried on in Belgium,
in the face of many difficulties, from 1643 to the present
day, and is still incomplete. The ideal of the Bollandists has
not, perhaps, always been realized, owing to inadequacy of
material, imperfection of method, and diversity of authors.
It is unfortunate that the biographies are arranged according
to the calendar, instead of in chronological order, grouped
according to the respective localities of the saints.
The modern Bollandists are collecting material for future
volumes in the Analecta Bollandiana, published quarterly
since 1882 in Brussels, and in their study of the manuscripts
are laying a sure foundation for some final edition of the
Lives of the Saints. They have already published cata-
logues of the manuscripts in the libraries of Belgium, and
of Paris and Chartres, examined their age, origin, form and
contents, and have given us many new or revised texts of
the Lives.
The value of their work has been justly estimated by
Salomon Reinach : ^
The Bollandists, modest men of learning, are quietly
accomplishing an immense labour . . . there reigns in
the Analecta a spirit of tolerance, urbanity and liberal
criticism calculated to astonish those who, for lack of
information, place in the same category all the writers
of the Society of Jesus.
The criticism of the earlier Bollandists seemed very
advanced in their own day. In the first volume for April,
Papebroch, the fellow-worker of Bollandus, cast doubt on the
tradition that Elijah founded the Carmelite order ;2 where-
upon the first fourteen volumes of the Acta were censured
^ Revue Archiologique^ 1895, p. 228 ; cf, Duchesne, in Bulletin Critique^
April 1890.
2 Acta Sanctorum, April 8 {De Alberto patr. Hieros).
9
130 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
by the Office of the Inquisition at Toledo in 1695, though
only one of the volumes, the Propylaeum Mail, was put on
the Index of forbidden books/ where it remained till 1900.
Papebroch died broken-hearted, protesting to the last that
he was a faithful son of the Church.
The Acta Sincera of Ruinart (1689). — In the period follow-
ing, Ruinart, a Benedictine, attempted to sift from the volumes
of the Acta Sanctorum those records relating to the first
three centuries which he believed to be authentic. The
result is the volume, Acta Sincera^ containing about a
hundred and twenty documents of various character. Even
this modest number has been greatly reduced by modern
criticism.
The Theory of Interpolation. — It is in the Acta
Sanctorum of the Bollandists that we first find, vaguely
indicated in various passages, the theory that the later
legends reproduce some original authentic document which
can be distinguished by the critic from the mass of fiction
that has overlaid it. This is known as the Theory of
Interpolation.^ It is implicitly accepted by Ruinart.
A more sceptical estimate of the Acta is that of Cardinal
Valerius, the friend of S. Carlo Borromeo, who was of
opinion that the majority are mere rhetorical monastic
exercises on a given martyr.
The Theory of Interpolation has found able exponents
in modern times. Edmond Le Blant, in his learned study,
Les Actes des Martyrs: Supplement aux Acta Sincera de
Ruinart^ has applied the theory in a detailed examination
of a vast number of apocryphal legends, in which he hopes
to discover traces of the original documents. The same
principle inspires the critical methods of De Rossi, Allard,
Heuser, Aub^ and Neumann.
Authentic Documents and Modern Critics. — The number
of documents now unanimously recognized as in various
degrees authentic, at least in their main outlines, by
Preuschen, Kriiger, Leclercq, Delehaye, Van den Gheyn, and
Harnack, is about forty. The Benedictine Dom Leclercq
1 Index librorum prohibitorum ^ p. 301, Turin, 1891,
2 See infra^ p. 197,
ACTS OF THE MARTYRS: CRITICISM 131
has published a French translation of these Acta, with
critical notes, in the first three volumes of his invaluable
work Les Martyrs, — Recueil de pieces authentiques \ he
relegates to the appendix documents containing only a
slight substratum of truth.
Delehaye, one of the Bollandists, shows a more sceptical
spirit than Ruinart or Leclercq, and in his illuminating
volume, Les L^gendes hagiographiques, he reduces the hundred
odd documents of the Acta Sincera of Ruinart to thirteen,
and classes among " historical romances " several of Leclercq's
" authentic " records. Perhaps the divergence between these
two modern critics is rather of words than ideas : an
"authentic" document of inferior value contains only a
small proportion of truth, while the historical romance may
be based on the essential facts of the story.
It is a good omen in the cause of truth when we find
a long roll of ecclesiastics and monks, from Baronius and
Rosweyde in the past, to Leclercq and Delehaye in our
own day, applying sound principles of historical criticism to
these legends, with the purpose of restoring, in a few cases
at least, the austere beauty of the original documents. We
may perhaps apply to all these wi iters, in some degree, the
tribute paid to the greatest of ecclesiastical historians, Mgr.
Duchesne, on his reception among the "Immortals" of the
French Academy : " He combined a sceptical mind with a
religious spirit." We have here a definition of the ideal
critic of hagiographical documents.
Modern Methods of Criticism. — We have indicated the
nature of the problem of criticism, and the spirit in which
past ages have dealt with it. What material have we in the
twentieth century towards a final solution ?
The task is one of peculiar difficulty. There are few
good texts, no fixed principles of criticism, and seldom any
history of the documents ; while, with a few exceptions, the
best records are compilations of the fifth and sixth centuries,
that is to say, composed from two to five hundred years
subsequent to the events.
We need not dwell here on the methods of criticism — philo-
logical and historical — universally employed in establishing
132 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
the character of all texts, but confine ourselves to the methods
peculiar to an investigation of hagiographical records.
In dealing with these we need to study not only the ex-
ternal facts, but, as Tillemont pointed out in his preface
to the M^moireSy to penetrate deeply into the spirit which
inspires the genuine records of the martyrs, and so to learn
to recognize the true from the false by a certain unerring
instinct. There is something quite distinctive in the spirit
which dominates those Passions known to be authentic, and
these can be used as a touchstone for testing less trust-
worthy records.
The investigation of the causes of successive deformations
of the originals is a natural continuation of this task.^
Again, no text can be finally established till all the
manuscripts from remote libraries and monasteries are in
our hands. We are sometimes put on the track of such
documents by references in later writers. For example,
Ado, Archbishop of Vienne (860-874), states that in compiling
his Martyrology he used " a venerable and ancient " Calendar
of Ravenna sent by the pope to some bishop of Aquileia.^
Again, Pope Gregory I., in a famous letter of 598, states that
he has in his possession " a single volume " concerning the
deeds of the martyrs "which contains very little." ^ The
Ravenna Calendar has not been found ; but a search for
the book referred to by Gregory resulted in the discovery of
a Passionary of the Roman martyrs.^ Research on these
lines may bring to light other ancient documents.
This brings us to the question — What are the original
sources of our Lives, and how far have the sources been
faithfully embodied in later compilations > ^
Documents and Monuments throwing Light on the
Lives. — Again, the contents of the Lives can be checked by
information derived from contemporary literature, — both
from pagan writers, especially when they are dealing with
1 See infra, Chap. XIV.
2 See infra, p. 299, and cf. Dufourcq, J^tude sur les Gesta Martyrum
romairis, p. 31.
^ Infra, p. 201.
* See infra, Appendix V., p. 341, and cf, Dufourcq, ojf). cit. p. 78.
» See infra. Chaps. X.-XV,
ACTS OF THE MARTYRS: CRITICISM 133
methods of criminal procedure, local customs, or social con-
ditions/ and also from patristic literature ^ and early liturgies.
We find some curious similarities between the last class of
literature and the Lives. Many documents — Calendars,
Martyrologies and Itineraries — dating from the fourth to the
eighth centuries, deal solely with the history of the martyrs,
but tell us little more than the name of the saint, place of
his shrine, and anniversary of his death.
The actual monuments in Rome — tombs, crypts, sculptures,
frescoes, epitaphs — throw further light upon the question.
Stones cannot lie, but how strangely has their story been
interpreted !
In collating our various sources of information — Lives,
Calendars, monuments — we are faced with the delicate
task of determining their mutual relations and interdepend-
ence. Do the Lives depend on the Calendars, or vice
versa ? How many stories did the popular imagination
weave, inspired by the frescoes of some venerated shrine?
What pious romances in our Acta were based on the simple
entry of a name and date in the Martyrology? How many
names have crept into the Calendar of saints and martyrs
from passages imperfectly understood in the Lives ? ^
Such are, roughly speaking, the main lines of investiga-
tion with which we shall deal, beginning with the question
of the original sources of the documents.
1 hifra^ p. 197.
2 Harnack, Geschichte der altchristlichen Literatur bis Eusebius, erster Theil,
Bd. ii. p. 808 . . . ; cf. Bibliography— Patristic.
3 See infra, Chap. XIV.
CHAPTER X
THE ACTS OF THE MARTYRS: THE ACTA
PROCONSULARIA
Ada Proconsularia and the Notarii. — The Acta Publica. — Christian copies
of the Acta Publica. — Destruction of documents under Diocletian. — The formula
of the Acta Proconsularia (identification of accused, charge, etc.). — The
preparation for martyrdom.
Tamquam aurum in fornace probavit illos, et quasi holocausti hostiam accepit
illos. Commune plurimorum Martyrum {Liber Sapientiae)}
Aota Proconsularia and the Notarll. — Among the main
sources for all subsequent Lives of the Martyrs, are the Acta
Proconsularia, that is to say, the official records of the trials
of the martyrs before the proconsuls in the provinces, or the
praetors in Rome.
Shorthand notes {notae) were taken of the proceedings by
clerks {notarii, exceptores\ and then copied out to form part
of the public acts {acta publica^ of the judicial archives
{archivium proconsulis). In several works of art we see
the notarii"^ taking down their notes. Asterius, Bishop
of Amasia, in Pontus (fourth century), in a sermon^
in honour of S. Euphemia, martyred [Sept. 16] under
Diocletian, describes one of a series of paintings on canvas
which adorned her shrine :
The judge is seated on a raised bench, looking at the
maiden with an angry countenance. Around are the
guards and many soldiers and clerks {notarii), holding
their tablets and their styles. One of these, raising his
* ** He tried them as gold in the furnace, and received thevi as a burnt sacrificed
'^ Cf. Le Blant, Stippl^ment aux Acta Sincera de Ruinart, pp. 62, 65 ; Les
Persicuteurs et les martyrs, p. i, etc.
» P.G. t. 40, col. 335. See Ruinart, Acta Sincera (" A.S."").
THE ACTA PROCONSULARIA 135
hand from his wax-covered tablet, is looking fixedly at
the maiden, as if to ask her to speak more distinctly, so
that not having any difficulty in hearing, he may avoid
all error in the transcription of her answers.
There are many references to these notarii in pagan and
Christian literature.
In the Acts of Maximus ^ [May 14] we read :
While Magnilianus the clerk was taking down the
answers of the Christians, the Proconsul Gabinius said
to him : " Have you taken down the names of all ? "
Magnilianus answered : " If your worship commands I
will read my text." The Proconsul said : " Read it."
Then Magnilianus said : " The names I have taken
down are as follows : Maximus, Dadas, Quintilian."
In various Acts the conversions of notarii are recorded, —
of Neon 2 and Eustratius,^ and of Cassian [Dec. 3], the
African clerk who, converted in court by the constancy of the
prisoner, the soldier Marcellus [Oct. 30], flung down his tablets
and perished, pierced in a hundred places by his own stylus.
The story of S. Genesius of Aries [Aug. 25] is worth quoting :
S. Genesius . . . studied with great application, and
exercised with great success that useful art by which
he was able at a single stroke to take down words on
paper, and by the speed of his hand equal the rapidity
of the discourse of an orator, and to render, word for
word, with abridged notes, the pleadings of counsel,
the depositions of witnesses, and the answers of the
accused. . . . Now it happened one day, while he was
performing his duties as clerk of the court before the
judge at Aries, there was read out an impious and
sacrilegious edict which the Emperors had published
throughout all the Provinces. The ears of the pious
clerk were wounded, and his hand refused to imprint
them on the wax. He did more, he rose, he flung down
his registers at the feet of the judge, and renounced for
ever such an evil employment.
He then, " in accordance with the precept of the Gospel,"
1 Ada Sanctorwn of the BoUandists ('M.55."), May 14.
^ Acta S, Speusippi, A.SS., Jan. 17.
' Surius, De probatis sanctorum historiis, Dec. 12.
136 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
seeks to hide himself, fleeing from town to town. Then the
story continues :
Yet, as he thought that he had need to be fortified
in the faith by baptism, for he had not yet been
regenerated by water and the Holy Spirit, he sent his
demand to the bishop by some faithful persons : but
whether the bishop was meanwhile arrested himself, or
that he, distrusting the youth of Genesius, would not risk
conferring the sacrament, and put it off: the bishop only
told him that his blood shed for Jesus Christ would
take the place of the baptism he had so ardently
desired to receive. And I think myself that it was not
without a special dispensation of Providence that the
bishop made difficulties. It was without doubt that
heaven wished alone to consecrate him, and that Jesus
Christ had prepared him a double baptism, that of
water and blood which flowed from the side of the
divine Saviour. ...
He was finally captured and executed on the banks of
the Rhone.
The Acta Pub/ica. — The great collection of Acta Publica,
stored, as we have seen, in the Archiviu77i Proconsulis, were
frequently consulted ; both by the judge, on taking up his
annual functions, for information with regard to cases passed
on to him ; ^ and also by historians, as they themselves bear
witness.2 The Byzantine writer, Lydus,^ who died in 565,
states that he was able to use the Acta Publica as far back
as the reign of Valens, that is, for a period of two centuries.
Copies by Christians of Ada Pub/ica.— The Christians
regarded these records with positive veneration, and some-
times sought permission from the officials to make copies
of them.* Sometimes, no doubt, they took down their own
notes in court,^ and from both these sources copies would
^ Le Blant, op. cit. p. 68.
^ Apuleius, Floridortim libri quattuor^ i. 9.
^ Lydus, De Magistratibus Populorum Romauorum, 1. iii. c. 20.
■* Passio S. Pontii, in Baluze, Miscellanea, t. i. p. 33.
^ We read in the Liber Pontijicalis, i. pp. 123, 147, 148, that there existed,
from the time of Clement, official Christian notarii for this purpose. Duchesne
{ad loc.) and Delehaye (in Les Legendes hagiographiques) point out the improba-
bility of this statement. (See supra, p. 76.)
THE ACTA PROCONSULARIA 137
be multiplied. S. Cyprian,^ in the third century, in a letter
to his priests and deacons, writes :
Finally, note the days on which they (the martyrs)
depart this life, that we may celebrate the memories of
them among the memorials of the martyrs . . . and
that there may be celebrated here by us oblations and
sacrifices in commemoration of them.
In the Acts of S. Felix [Jan. 14] we read :
We carried away with us the remains of his blood,
together with the Gesta (i.e. Acta), that we might enjoy
his aid in this present life, and, in the future, under his
patronage, attain life everlasting with the help of our
Lord Jesus Christ who crowned his martyr with peace.
The Christians no doubt at times ran some risks in
obtaining and circulating copies, and the government did
not favour such proceedings. Sometimes its wrath fell
upon the clerks. In the Acts of S. Victor^ the Moor
(Mar. 8) we read :
Then Anolinus {sic^ the magistrate ordered all the
clerks {exceptor es^ who were in the palace to be seized,
that no one might conceal any documents or papers, if
he possessed them. Then they all swore by the gods
and by the safety of the Emperor, that no one concealed
any document; and when they had all brought their
papers, Anolinus had them burnt before him by the
executioner; an action which greatly pleased the
Emperor.
We may remark of this Anolinus (or Anulinus) that
he is the typical bloodthirsty persecutor of the Christian
imagination. He figures in the Acta at an impossible
number of places, and during a period exceeding the span
of human life. The concentration in one person of many
persecutors satisfied the double mental need for historical
simplification and for a spectacle of deep-dyed iniquity.
On other occasions the documents were seized in the
hands of the Christians ; ^ sometimes, as in the trial of
^ Cypriani epistolae, xii. 2, ed. Hartel, t. iii. 502, in Series Corpus Scriptorum
Latinorum.
"- Prudentius,. Peristephanon^ i. 75-78 {P.L. 60, col. 767).
138 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
S. Vincent of Saragossa [Jan. 22], it was forbidden to report
the proceedings. Though we are here using very doubtful
authorities, it is probable that they depict a true condition
of affairs.
Destruction of Documents under Diocletian. — How
many such documents there were in the hands of the
Christians it is impossible to say, and also what varying
degrees of accuracy they may have possessed.
Modern historians lay stress on the universal destruction
of documents under Diocletian, but again, we know little
of the truth of the matter. Eusebius ^ relates that together
with other property, Diocletian ordered the destruction of
the Christian writings. In the authentic Acts of S. Satur-
ninus [Feb. 11], who, with his forty-seven companions, was
arrested, " while celebrating the mystery of the Eucharist,"
at Carthage in 304, we find they were martyred on the
double charge of holding illegal meetings, and of refusing to
give up the holy books to idolaters. Some of the books,
given up by more timid Christians, were publicly burnt
in the Forum.
Such incidents are frequently recorded, and, even when
found in apocryphal Acts, indicate clearly the nature of
the Diocletian persecution. In this same year, 304, the
deacon Euplus [Aug. 12] was beheaded in Catana with
a copy of the gospels hung round his neck ; and the three
maidens. Agape, Irene and Chione [April 3], of Thessalonica,
fled to the mountains with the sacred documents, and endured
untold hardships till their arrest in the following year.
The Church, when the persecutions were over, dealt
severely with those who had given up the sacred books
{traditores). In S. Augustine ^ we read a detailed account
of the trial, in 320, of a certain Silvanus, bishop of Cirta.
He was accused by the deacon Nundinarius of this offence,
committed when the bishop was only a subdeacon and serving
under a certain bishop Paul, now dead. In the course
of the evidence is read the official report {Acta) ^ of certain
* Eusebius, Historia Ecclesiastical viii. 2 {P. G. 20, col. 744).
2 Augustine, Contra Crescojtium, iii. 29, 70 {P.L. 43, coll. 512 and 539).
' Text in Gebhardt, Acta niartyrum selecta ; and elsewhere.
THE ACTA PROCONSULARIA 139
domiciliary visits made by the flamen Felix to seize church
treasure in accordance with the Emperor's edict. These
Acta are different, of course, from the official Acta Pro-
consularia. The passage may be quoted as throwing light
on the method of procedure and, incidentally, on the
functions of the different orders of the Church hierarchy ;
the incidents, moreover, are not without a touch of humour.
. . . When the officials came to the house where the
Christians were accustomed to assemble, Felix, perpetual
flamen and curator of the colony of Cirta, said to the
bishop Paul : " Bring out the writings of the Christian
law and anything else you have here, that you may
obey the edict." Paul said: "The readers {lectores)
have the writings, but what we have here we will give
you." Felix said to the bishop : " Produce the readers
or send for them." Paul said : " You know them all."
Felix said : " We do not know them." Paul said :
''They know them at the office of public records
{pfficiiiin publicuni), that is the clerks {exceptores) Edusius
and Junius know them." Felix said : " The question
of the readers, on which the officials (officiurn publictim)
will enlighten us, can wait: give us what you have
yourself."
Here follows a list of names of church officials present, —
with the exception of the readers, who were perhaps in
hiding, — namely, the bishop Paul, four priests {presbyteri),
three deacons, four subdeacons, among whom is the Silvanus
in question, six sextons {fossores) " and other sextons."
Then Victor, the secretary of Felix, takes an inventory,
not without interest, of church plate and clothing for the
poor; and Felix appeals in turn to the subdeacons and
sextons to bring out treasures, and reminds them that their
words are taken down. Then, in the words of the Acta :
Afterwards in the library were found empty cupboards.
There Silvanus brought out a vase (capittilata) and a
silver lamp which he declared he had discovered behind
a coffer ; and they said to him : " If you had not found
them, you would have been a dead man." Felix said :
" Search diligently that nothing remains." Silvanus
said : " Nothing remains, we have brought out every-
thing."
140 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
There is a further search in the dining-room {tricliniuni)^
with Httle result, and then :
Felix said : " Bring out the writings you have, that
you may obey the imperial edict." Catulinus (the
subdeacon) produced a very large document. Felix
asked the subdeacons : " Why have you only given me
one : bring out the writings that you have." The sub-
deacons answered : " We have no more, because we
are subdeacons ; but the readers have the documents."
Felix said : " Point the readers out to us." Two of
the subdeacons said : " We do not know where they
are." Felix said : " If you don't know where they are,
tell me their names." The subdeacons answered : " We
are not traitors {proditoj-es) ; here we are, have us
killed." Felix said : " Take them into custody."
The Acta then continue to describe six more visits,
producing some thirty documents.
Again, we find the testimony of the Acta invoked at
the Council of Aries in 314^ in a clause directed against
traditoi^es ; and by Cyprian ^ and Eusebius ^ to prove public
apostasies.
The Formula of the Acta Proconsularia.— The use of the
Acta Proconsularia with which we are mainly concerned,
is their embodiment, with various degrees of accuracy, in
the Christian records of the martyrs. None of the original
Acta Proconsularia have come down to us, but from a
comparison of other pagan records of criminal procedure *
with the authentic Christian documents which embody the
Acta^ we can restore the formula of the original Acta^ and
use it as a test in criticizing documents of doubtful
authenticity.
The official account of a trial opened with the name of the
consuls (to date the year), the day of the month, the names of
the judge, and of city and building where the trial took place,
^ Concil. Arel. anno 304, c. xiii., in Labbe, Concilia.
^ Cypriani epistolae, 67, 86, ed. Hartel.
^ Eusebius, Hist. Eccles. v. 18, in P.G. 20, col. 479.
* Rambaud, Le Droit criminel romain dans les Actes des martyrs, Lyons,
1885 ; Walter, Histoire du droit criminel chez les Romains, 1863.
* For fuller details consult Le Blant, op. cit.
THE ACTA PROCONSULARIA 141
and the name of the accused. This formula occurs again
and again.
As a typical example we may quote the authentic
Acts of Cyprian : ^
When the Emperor Valerian was consul for the
fourth time, and Gallienus for the third, on August 30th,
in his private audience chamber, Paternus, proconsul of
Carthage, said to Cyprian the bishop.
Then follows a more or less lengthy identification of
the accused,^ in the course of which he is asked his name,
parents, country, profession, and social status. This is
followed by the actual prosecution, in which the form of
interrogation varied. For the persecution of the Christians
assumed very different aspects at different epochs,^ and
in different parts of the empire at the same epoch. At
least half the period between the first persecution of Nero
in 64 and the Peace of the Church in 312 was passed in
tranquillity : for the persecutions were intermittent. They
were sometimes the result of a caprice on the part of the
Emperor — as under Nero and Domitian : sometimes dic-
tated by an outburst of Jewish or pagan prejudice : some-
times inspired by a settled imperial policy. The persecution
was directed now against the Christians as a corporate
body — in which case the bishops and clergy alone suffered,
and property was confiscated, as under Valerian in 258 :
now against converts and their instructors, as under Septimius
Severus in 202-203. Under Decius, in the persecution of
250, individuals — men, women and children — were system-
atically sought out and accused, often on anonymous
information, in the hope of restoring the worship of the
ancient gods, and totally suppressing Christianity. Under
Diocletian in 303 the policy appears to have been one
of the total extermination of a sect of invincible obstinacy.
^ See infra, p. 147.
"^ Eusebius, Hist. Ecdes. v. i ; Baluze, Misc. t. i. p. 22 ; Passio S. Pioni
and Passio S. Symphoriani {RmndiXi, A.S.).
' See Bibliography— Acts of Martyrs : General History ; Cabrol, Did.
arch. chrH.: Accusa/ions centre les chrHiens, p. 266 ; Mommsen, " Der Religion^-
frevel nach romischen Recht," in Historische Zeitschrift, 1890.
142 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
It was in these last two cruel persecutions that the greater
number of the victims fell.
The processes against them were carried out sometimes
in accordance with already existing laws, — as, for example,
those against illegal associations or against treason — which
applied to pagan and Christian alike. Sometimes the pro-
secution was in accordance with a definite edict or rescript.
There were no witnesses, and in nearly every case recanta-
tion would have secured the acquittal of the accused ; for the
purpose of the judge, even in the application of torture,
was to secure such a recantation, as is clearly seen in the
authentic Acta,
Again, the interpretation and execution of the law would
vary with different judges, the peculiar conditions of the
locality, and the particular circumstances of each case.
The Christians were accused now of crimes and infamous
practices ; and we find, in the case of the martyrs of Lyons,^
that many apostate Christians were executed on these charges
alone, and were " sadly tormented by their own consciences."
They were sometimes charged with holding illegal meetings,
as we have seen, or with magical practices, and a refusal to
give up their sacred writings. Frequently the mere pro-
fession of the name of Christian was its own condemnation.
A passage in the Passion of S, Saturninus [Feb. ii] throws
light on the last two accusations. Felix, one of the accused,
has just confessed to being a Christian. " I do not care
what you call yourself," said the judge, " but tell me if you
have been present at illegal meetings or refused to give up
the sacred writings." Most frequently the charges brought
against them resolved themselves into that of treason, — a
refusal to perform their military service or to pay the formal
worship due to the divinity of the Emperor. In the case
of noble Romans, — Pomponia Graecina, Flavia Domitilla,
Clement the Consul, Acilius Glabrio, — it is difficult to dis-
tinguish the political from the religious offence. Finally,
the penalties might involve banishment, death, confiscation
of property, private or collective, and refusal of permission
of burial, though this last is somewhat rare.
^ Eusebius, Hist, Eccles, v. i, 2.
THE ACTA PROCONSULARIA 143
This complexity of cause and character in the persecu-
tions is brought out in Acta which for other reasons are
accepted as authentic, and is in itself a reason for regarding
certain Acta as authentic, at least in parts. In the actual
trial scenes these Acta usually show us, on the one hand, the
judge as the impassive Roman official, conscientiously dis-
charging his duty in a rapid capable manner in accordance
with the lines laid down by law or edict ; and on the other
the Christians, serene and confident, answering briefly in the
words they had been instructed to utter.^
The Preparation for Martyrdom. — For the martyrs
came to their trial "prepared and exercised," as Eusebius
says. At the first threat of persecution the pastors gathered
their flock around them to instruct the candidates for martyr-
dom, and themselves often set a practical example. For the
persecutions were frequently directed against ecclesiastics
alone, and they form a large proportion of the martyrs.
So Cyprian writes :
Since fresh persecution is near ... let us be ready
and armed for the combat ... let us fortify ourselves
by the Body and Blood of Jesus Christ, and, satisfied
with this divine food, let us find in the Eucharist our
safeguard against the enemy.
And his disciples, condemned to the mines of Numidia,
answer him when he is already in banishment after his first
trial : 2
Like a good and true teacher you have first pro-
nounced in the Acta Proconsularia what we your
disciples, following you, ought to say before the judge ;
and as with a trumpet call, you have roused to battle
the soldiers of God equipped with heavenly arms.
We read, on the other hand, in Eusebius, how the faithful
of the churches of Lyons and Vienne, owing to the sudden-
ness with which the persecution came upon them, went to
their trial " unprepared and untrained."
^ LeBIant, "La Preparation au m2,x\.yxey^\nM^J7ioiresdeP Acad. des Inscriptions ^
t. xxviii. 2*« partie ; Rufinus, Historia Monachorum, c. xix., in P.L. 21, col. 441.
^ See infra, p. 148 ; Cypriani epistolae^ ed. Hartel, 54, 72 {2), 78.
144 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
Again, in the times of the Diocletian persecution, the priest,
Epictetus, gave the following instructions to Astion:^ —
If, dearest son, the judge shall ask us to-morrow what
is your race, your name, of what province are you and
whence do you come, — let us answer him nothing at all,
neither tell our name, race, or country of origin : but let
us only say this, that we are Christians, and this is our
name, this our race, this our country . . . and again, if
after this confession he orders us to be put to the
torture, let us say nothing else as we lie in torment
except " Lord Jesus, may Thy will be done in us."
Astion and his companions carried out in full their instruc-
tions. After enduring many tortures they were finally beaten
until they breathed forth their spirit. And those
blessed athletes of Christ said nought save " Lord God,
may Thy will be done in us."
S. Chrysostom,^ again, in a sermon on S. Lucianus, a
priest of Antioch [Jan. 7, 312?], after relating how to each
of the questions of the judge the Saint replied, " I am a
Christian," continues :
For he knew in such conflicts there was no need of
eloquence but of faith, not of fluency of speech, but of
a spirit fired with the love of God ... for he who says
" I am a Christian " has told all, — his country, his estate
and profession.
In fact, when we turn to the Acta we find the same
dialogue between judge and accused repeated perpetually.
" What is your name ? " " I am a Christian," or, " First I
will say the most beautiful name of Christian." *' What is
your condition ? " " The coming of Christ has set me free."
" What is your country ? " " Our true father is Christ, and
our mother the faith by which we believe in Him." " Have
you a wife, children or parents ? " " No," replied Irenaeus
of Sirmium, who had a wife and children. " Who then were
those weeping round you at the last audience ? " " God has
said," replied Irenaeus, " ' He who prefers his father, his mother,
^ Vi'^ae SS. Epicteti et Astionis^ xii., xvii., in Rosweyde, Vitae Pairum, 216,
218, Antwerp, 1628 (also in F.L. 73, col. 593).
^ ffgmilia m S. Lucianum^ 83 {P.G. 50, col. 524).
THE ACTA PROCONSULARIA 145
his wife, his brother or his children to Me, is not worthy of
Me.' " The last quotation is irom Acta of dubious authenticity;
but the answer is in harmony with primitive sentiment. Of
the martyr Carpus [April 13], undergoing torture, we read :
He continued to repeat "I am a Christian," till the
moment when, fainting from excess of suffering, he lost
his voice.
Again, to the question : " Where have you hidden your
sacred books ? " we find a fixed form of reply : *' They are
written in my heart."
Though some of the examples quoted occur in apo-
cryphal Acts, in which later compilers frequently assisted their
failing imaginations by borrowing, for their own narratives,
some happy or edifying phrase on the lips of an early
martyr, yet the fact seems established by Le Blant that the
martyrs did indeed receive definite instructions as to their
words when on trial.
On the lips of the martyrs in their agony we hear the
same cries, in this case surely inspired by the same need,
rather than any form of instruction. "Lord, help Thy
servants," — " Lord Jesus Christ, help me by Thy passion," —
" O give victory to my heart and body to endure torments."
They are summed up in the single petition of Perpetua at
her baptism, for grace to endure suffering;^ and a fitting
commentary is found in the words of Phileas of Alexandria
[Feb. 4] at his martyrdom : " Now that I begin to suffer pain,
I begin to be a disciple of our Lord Jesus Christ."
Later compilers love to imagine miraculous deliverances
in answer to these prayers ; but in the authentic records the
martyrs usually endure to the end, and " by patience they
consummate their martyrdoms," to quote the words of
Tertullian.
We have thus reconstituted approximately the form of
the official Acta Proconsularia, and established a standard of
criticism for documents based upon them. These we will now
examine, and attempt to classify, according to their fidelity
to the Acta and other sources.
^ Passio S. Perpetuae, in Texts and Studies ^ vol. i., 1891 (see infray p. 165).
10
CHAPTER XI
ACTS OF THE MARTYRS: CLASSIFICATION OF
THE TEXTS : THREE CLASSES OF AUTHENTIC
DOCUMENTS
Authentic texts as touchstones of criticism. — Number and classification of
authentic texts — Class I. Documents depending on the Acta Proconsularia —
Examples: (l) Acts of Cyprian — (2) Of the Scillitan Martyrs — (3) Of Justin
Martyr — (4) Of Fructtiosus.
Mera ravra drj \onrbv ets ttcLv eldos dtripeiTO to. jxapripia Trjs e^68ov avTwv. ck
8ia<f>6p(j}v yap XjOW/idrwj/, /cai irdyToiwv avOCov, 'iva TrXefavres crr^cpavov irpoa-qveyKav
T<^ Trarpi. ixPW 8'oSv tovs yevvaiovs ddXrjTCLS ttoik'CKov virofxeivavras dydva, koI
fxeydXus viKrjcravTas dTroKa^eiv rbv fi4yav rr}^ d(pdap(rias <rTi(f>avov.^
Eusebius, Hist. Eccles. v. i.
Authentic Texts as Touchstones of Criticism. — Since,
as we have seen, none of the original Acta Proconsularia
have survived, the word Acta, used by hagiographers,
indicates a document which is, or professes to be, derived
from these originals. Genuine documents of this description
stand in the first class as regards authenticity.
Strictly speaking, we are concerned with the Acts of the
Roman martyrs only. Since, however, these documents are
of doubtful authenticity, and cannot be analysed without some
touchstone whereby to test them, we must extend the limits
of our inquiry, and briefly indicate those Acts of the
Eastern, Galilean and African churches which may provide
us with types of every kind of authentic document. These
will serve as models of the style of genuine Acta, supply
examples of Roman procedure in trials of Christians, and
show the mutual attitude of judge and accused; they will
^ ^^ After this, by death through every kind of martyrdom, they wove a single
crown of divers colours, and all kinds of flowers, and offered it to the Father.
For these valiant athletes had to undergo a manifold contest , and win a great victory
before they could carry off the great crown of immortality.''^
146
THREE CLASSES OF AUTHENTIC DOCUMENTS 147
also afford authentic information on the circumstances of
the imprisonment and death of the martyrs. Further, these
facts can frequently be checked by information derived from
other sources, and the authenticity of the Acta themselves
proved from contemporary evidence. The text of these
documents, too, will illustrate, better than pages of criticism,
the spirit in which the martyrs met their death. It is, after
all, this spiritual atmosphere pervading certain Acta, which
is, as it were, the hallmark of authenticity.
The Number and Classification of Authentic Texts. —
There exist in all, as at present discovered, about forty
documents of high historical value, and twelve of these are
of first-hand authority. They cover the whole period of the
persecutions; many recount martyrdoms of the second
century — of the Scillitan martyrs, Ignatius, Polycarp, the
martyrs of Vienne and Lyons, Carpus, Apollonius, Thecla.
The Decian persecution of 250 has given us the Acts of
Procopius, Pionius and Acacius. The systematic persecution
of the Christians as a body, accompanied by confiscation of
property under Valerian, in 258 and 2 59, produced many others
— of Pope Sixtus II. in Rome,^ of Jacobus and Marianus, and
of Montanus and Lucius, both in Africa, and of Fructuosus in
Spain ; and the other persecutions have found worthy historians.
Even the authentic documents may be divided into
three classes: \. Those records depending directly on the
original Acta Proconsularia. II. Documents depending
mainly on the accounts of eye-witnesses. III. Records
depending on documents of Classes I. and IT.
Class I. : — Documents depending on the Acta Procon-
sularia : (1) Acta S. Oypriani, 258. — In the Acta Proconsularia
S. CyprianV^ [Sept. 14, 258] we have a record which is
^ The fact of his martyrdom is certain, but there exist no authentic Acta
(see supra, p. 71).
2 Cypriani epistolae, ed. Hartel, p. ex, in Series Corpus Scriptorum Latin-
orum Ecclesiasticorum, t. iii. ; for a translation see Pusey, Library of the Fathers,
vol. iii ; cf. Monceaux, " Examen critique des documents relatifs au martyre de
Saint Cyprien," in Kevue Archeologique, Serie 3, t. xxxviii., 1901, pp. 249-271 ;
Studia Biblica, iii. 217, iv. 189. Where no other reference is given, the text of
the Acta mentioned in the following pages is found in the Acta Sanctorum {A.SS.)
of the Bollandists under the date mentioned.
148 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
unique. It is a compilation of three distinct documents :
(i) A copy of the official Acta Proconsularia of the first trial
in 257, after which the bishop was banished ; (ii) a copy of
the Acta of the second trial in 258, when he was executed ;
(iii) a brief account of his death, added by the compiler,
together with a few words to connect the various parts. In
some of the manuscripts the third part is omitted, in others
the break between Parts I. and II. is evident. In spite
of the length and the familiarity of the document it is quoted
in full below, as affording the most perfect type of a Roman
trial :
When the emperor Valerian was consul for the
fourth time, and Gallienus for the third, on August 30th,
in the private audience chamber, Paternus the proconsul
said to Cyprian the bishop : " The most sacred emperors
Valerian and Gallienus have deigned to give me letters
in which they have commanded those who do not
follow the Roman religion to observe that ceremonial
henceforth. For this reason I have sought you out;
what do you answer me?" Cyprian the bishop
answered : " I am a Christian and a bishop ; I know
no other gods but the one and true God who made
heaven and earth, the sea and all that is in them.
This God we Christians serve : to Him we pray day
and night, for ourselves and for all men, and for the
safety of the emperors themselves." Paternus the pro-
consul said : " Do you persist in this intention ? " Cyprian
the bishop answered : "A good intention, which acknow-
ledges God, cannot change." Paternus the proconsul
said : " You will, then, according to the edict of Valerian
and Gallienus depart an exile to the city of Curubis."
Cyprian the bishop answered : " I depart." Paternus
the proconsul said : " The emperors have deigned to
write to me not only about the bishops, but about the
priests : I wish therefore to know from you who are the
priests who live in this town." Cyprian the bishop
answered : " By your laws you have wisely forbidden
any to be informers {esse delatores) : so I am not able to
reveal their names, and betray them. But they can be
found in their towns." Paternus the proconsul said :
" I will to-day seek them out in this place." Cyprian
said : " Our discipline forbids that any should volun-
tarily give himself up, and this is contrary to your
THREE CLASSES OF AUTHENTIC DOCUMENTS 149
calculations ; but you will find them if you look for
them." Paternus the proconsul said : " I will find
them," and added : " The emperors have also forbidden
any assemblies to be held in any place, and also access
to the cemeteries. If any then has not observed
this salutary precept, he incurs the penalty of death."
Cyprian the bishop answered : " Do what is ordered
you." Then Paternus the proconsul ordered the blessed
Cyprian to be exiled. When he had already been
some time in his place of exile (A.D. 258) Galerius
Maximus the proconsul succeeded to Aspasius Paternus
the proconsul. The former ordered the holy Cyprian,
the bishop, to be recalled from exile and brought before
him. When Cyprian, the holy martyr chosen by God,
had returned from the city of Curubis (where he had been
in exile according to the decree of the then proconsul
Aspasius Paternus), he remained in his own gardens
according to the imperial decree, hoping daily that they
would come for him, as had been revealed to him (in a
dream). And while he was staying there, suddenly on
September 13th, in the consulship of Tuscus and Bassus
(258), two officers of the proconsul came to him, one the
chief gaoler of the proconsul Galerius Maximus who
had succeeded Aspasius Paternus, and the other marshal
of the guard of the same office. They put him in a
carriage, and placed him between them, and took him
to Sexti, whither Galerius Maximus the proconsul had
retired to recover his health. This same Galerius
Maximus the proconsul ordered the trial of Cyprian
to be deferred to another day, and the blessed Cyprian
was taken to the house of the chief gaoler of this same
Galerius Maximus the proconsul, and remained as a
guest with him in the quarter called Saturn, between the
Street of Venus and the Street of Health. Thither all
the brethren came together. And when holy Cyprian
learnt this, he ordered that the young girls should be
protected, since all remained together in that quarter
before the gate of the officer's house. The next day,
September 14th, in the morning, a great crowd came
together to Sexti according to the command of Galerius
Maximus the proconsul, who ordered Cyprian on that
same day to be brought before him in the court
called Sanciolum. When he was brought, Galerius
Maximus the proconsul said to Cyprian the bishop :
50 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
"You are Thascius Cyprianus?" Cyprian the bishop
answered : " I am." Galerius Maximus the proconsul
said : " You have made yourself the pope {papa)
of these sacrilegious men?" Cyprian the bishop
answered : " Yes." Galerius Maximus the proconsul
said : "The most sacred emperors have ordered you to
sacrifice." Cyprian the bishop answered : " I will not
sacrifice." Galerius Maximus said : " Reflect." Cyprian
the bishop answered : " Do what is commanded you :
there is no place for reflexion in so just a matter."
Galerius Maximus, having discussed the matter with his
council, gave sentence most reluctantly {vix et aeg7'e)
as follows : " You have lived long in sacrilege ; you have
gathered round you many accomplices in unlawful
association ; you have made yourself an enemy to the
Roman gods and their holy religion ; and our most
pious and sacred princes, Valerian and Gallienus, the
August,^ and Valerian, also most noble Caesar,^ have
not been able to recall you to the practice of their rites.
Therefore, since you are found to be the author and
ringleader of shameful crimes, you yourself shall be
made an example to those whom you have associated
with you in your crime : your blood shall be the con-
firmation of the laws." At these words he read the
decree from a tablet : " Thascius Cyprianus shall be put
to death by the sword." Cyprian the bishop said :
"Thanks be to God."
When this sentence was passed, the crowd of the
brethren said : " Let us be beheaded with him." For
this reason a tumult of the brethren arose, and a great
crowd followed him. So Cyprian was led forth into the
plain of Sexti, and there he took off his cloak, and knelt
down, and prostrated himself in prayer to God. And
when he had taken off his dalmatic ^ and given it to his
deacons, he stood up in his linen undergarment, and
waited for the executioner. When the executioner
came, Cyprian ordered his friends to give him twenty-
five pieces of gold. Sheets and napkins were laid down
before Cyprian by the brethren. After this, blessed
Cyprian bandaged his eyes with his own hand {inanu
sua oculos texit). When he could not himself fasten the
sleeves of his garments, Julian the priest, and Julian the
^ Augustus and Caesar were titles bestowed on the emperors.
2 An ordinary secular tunic, afterwards an exclusively ecclesiastical vestment.
THREE CLASSES OF AUTHENTIC DOCUMENTS 151
subdeacon fastened them for him. So blessed Cyprian
suffered ; and his body was laid in a place near by, to
satisfy the curiosity of the pagans. Thence by night
it was carried away with candles and torches, with
prayers and with great triumph, to the gravel yard of
Macrobius Candidianus the procurator, which is on the
road to Mappala, near the reservoirs. A (qw days after
Galerius Maximus the proconsul died.
These Acta Cypriani, as well as others describing this
persecution, show clearly that the edicts of Valerian were
directed against the clergy only, and that the multitude of
the faithful could freely approach their bishop, bury him
in triumph, and carry away napkins, soaked in his blood,
as relics. The document shows also the precise charges
brought, the method of investigation, the judge's desire
that his prisoner should recant, and the general consideration
with which the bishop was treated.
At the end of the year 257 a copy of the Acta of that
year was in the hands of the confessors condemned to the
mines in Numidia, as we see from the letter they wrote to
Cyprian quoted above.^
The authenticity of these Acta is further attested by
letters of Cyprian himself,^ and of Pontius, his friend and
deacon, who wrote the Passion of S. Cyprian^ based partly
on the Acta. S. Augustine,* in a sermon in honour of S.
Cyprian, refers to the " Passion of the blessed Cyprian which
has just been read," and describes the deeds of the martyr
in words closely resembling the Acta as we have them.
(2) Acts of the Scillitan Martyrs, 180. — There is no other
record whose authenticity, based on internal and external
evidence, is so well attested as that of the Acta Cypria?ti^
though a certain number of documents closely reproducing the
originals may be classed with them. Of these the best known
are the Acts of the Scillitan Martyrs ^ [Carthage, July 17, 180] :
On July 17th under the consulship of Praesens for
^ Supra, p. 143. 2 Epistolae, 76, 80, 81. ^ Infra, p. 163.
^Sermo 14, in P.L. 46, col. 864 ; and Sermones 309-313, in P.L. 38, col. 1410.
' Texts and Studies, i. p. 104, 1891. The Latin version appears to be the
original form of the Acta.
152 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
the second time, and of Claudian — Speratus, Nartzalus
and Cittinus, Donata, Secunda and Vestia appeared in the
private audience chamber at Carthage. The proconsul
Saturninus said : " You can obtain grace from our
master the emperor if you return to a reasonable frame
of mind." Speratus answered : " We have never done
any evil nor lent ourselves to any iniquity : we have
never said any evil, but have returned thanks for ills
suffered because we obey our emperor."
The pi'oconsul Saturninus said. — " We also, we are
religious, and our religion is simple. We swear by the
happiness of our master the emperor, and we pray for
his safety. You should do the same."
Speratus. — " If you truly wish to lend me an attentive
ear, I will explain to you the mystery of the true
simplicity."
Saturninus, — " I will not lend my ear to your im-
pertinences against my religion. Swear rather by the
happiness of our master the emperor."
Speratus. — " I do not acknowledge the kingdom of this
present age, but I only serve with greater fidelity my God
Whom no man has seen, and Whom mortal eyes cannot
see. I have not committed theft. If I labour at any
trade, I pay the taxes, because I know our Lord the
King of Kings and of all peoples."
The proconsul Saturninus addressing himself to the
other accused persons. — " Give up this vain belief."
Speratus. — " There is no dangerous belief except that
which permits homicide and false witness."
The proconsul Saturninus. — " Cease to be the accom-
plices of this folly."
Cittinus. — " We have, and we fear only one God, our
God who is in heaven."
Donata. — " We render to Caesar the honour due to
Caesar, but we fear God only."
Vestia. — " I am a Christian."
Secunda. — " I am a Christian and wish to remain so."
Saturninus to Speratus. — "Do you remain a Christian?"
Speratus. — " I am a Christian."
All the accused associated themselves with him.
Saturninus. — " Do you wish for a delay to reflect ? "
Speratus. — " In so just a cause there is no need to
reflect."
Saturninus, — " What do you keep in your archives ? "
THREE CLASSES OF AUTHENTIC DOCUMENTS 153
Speratiis, — "The books of the Gospels, and the
Epistles of Paul, a holy man."
Saturninus. — " Take thirty days' delay, and reflect."
Speratus said again. — " I am a Christian."
All the accused associated themselves with him.
Saturninus the proconsul read the decree on the
tablet :
"Speratus, Nartzalus, Cittinus, Donata, Vestia,
Secunda and others have declared that they live in
the manner of the Christians ; and to the proposal made
them to return to the manner of living of the Romans,
have persisted in their obstinacy : we condemn them
to die by the sword."
Speratus. — " Let us thank God."
Nartzalus, — "This very day as martyrs we shall be
in heaven. Thanks be to God."
The proconsul Saturninus ordered the herald to read
the arrest :
" I order that :—
" Speratus, Nartzalus, Cittinus, Veturius, Felix,
Aquilinus, Laetantius, Januaria, Generosa, Vestia,
Donata and Secunda be put to death."
They all said. — " Thanks be to God."
Thus all at the same time were crowned with
martyrdom, and they reign with the Father and the
Son and the Holy Spirit. Amen.
The similarity between these Acta and those of Cyprian
is apparent. The doxology appended indicates that they
were read liturgically.
(3) Acts of Justin Martyr, 163. — The Greek Acts of
Justin the philosopher [April 13, 163?],^ one of the earliest
authentic accounts of a martyr in Rome, may be quoted :
Justin and those who lived with him, were brought
before the prefect of Rome, Rusticius. As soon as
they were before the tribunal Rusticius said to Justin :
" Submit to the gods and obey the emperors." Justin
answered : " No one can be blamed or condemned for
having followed the laws of our Lord Jesus Christ."
Rusticius. — " What science do you study ? " Jtistin. —
" I have successively studied all the sciences : but in the
end I abide in the doctrine of the Christians, though
^Studi e Testi^ vol. viii. p. 25, 1902,
154 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
it is displeasing to those led away by error." Rusticius.
— " Unlucky man, is that the science you love? " — " Yes,
I follow the Christians because they possess the true
doctrine." "What is this doctrine?" "This is the
doctrine the Christians follow religiously : to believe
in one God, Creator of all things visible and invisible.
To confess Jesus Christ, the Son of God, foretold of
old by the prophets, the future judge of the human
race, Messenger of salvation, Master of all those who
are willing to learn of Him. I, a weak man, am too
feeble to be able to speak worthily of His infinite
divinity: it is the work of the prophets. Throughout
the centuries, by inspiration from on high, they have
announced the coming into the world of Him Whom
I call the Son of God." The prefect asked in what
place the Christians assembled. " Wherever they can,"
answered Justin. " Do you think," he continued, " that
we all assemble in the same place ? Not at all. The
God of the Christians is not shut up anywhere; in-
visible, He fills heaven and earth ; in all places the
faithful adore Him, and praise Him." " Come, tell me,"
said Rusticius, "the place where your meetings take
place and where you assemble your disciples."
" I have lived up to this day near the house of a
certain Martin, beside the Baths of Timothy.^ This
is the second time that I have come to Rome, and I
know no other dwelling save that. To all those who
wished to come and find me, I have imparted the true
doctrine."
— " You are then a Christian ? "
" Yes, I am a Christian."
The prefect said to CJiariton. — " Are you a Christian,
you too ? "
— " By the help of God I am."
The p7'efect said to CJiarita. — " Are you also of the
faith of Christ ? "
She answered. — " By the grace of God I also am a
Christian."
Rusticius said to Euelpistus. — " And you, what are
you ? "
Euelpistus. — "I am a slave of Caesar, but being a Christian
^ Close to the house of Cornelius Pudens (who was connected, on very good
evidence, with the sojourn of S. Peter in Rome), which is now the site of the
Church of S. Pudentiana {see sttpra, p. 8).
THREE CLASSES OF AUTHENTIC DOCUMENTS 155
I have received liberty from Christ ; by His benefits, by
His grace I have the same hopes as these others."
Rusticius to Hierax. — " Are you a Christian ? "
Hierax. — " Certainly I am a Christian : I love and
adore the same God as these."
Rusticius. — " Is it Justin who has made you a
Christian ? "
Hierax. — " I have always been a Christian and I
shall be always."
Paeonius got up and said. — " I also, I am a Christian."
The prefect. — "Who has instructed you?"
Paeonius. — " I learnt the good doctrine from my
parents."
Euelpistus said. — " For myself, I listen with great
pleasure to Justin, but I learnt the Christian religion
from my parents."
The prefect said. — " Where are your parents ? "
Euelpistus. — " In Cappadocia."
The prefect to Hierax. — " And you, of what country
are your parents ? "
Hiei^ax. — " Our true father is Christ, and our mother
the faith by which we believe in Him : my parents
according to the flesh are dead. For the rest, I was
brought hither from Iconium in Phrygia."
The prefect said to Liberianus. — " What do you call
yourself? Are you too a Christian and impious towards
the gods?"
Liberianus. — " 1 am a Christian, and I love and adore
the true God."
The prefect returned to the case of fustin. — " Listen,
you who are called eloquent, and who think you possess
the true doctrine : if I have you beaten and then
beheaded, do you think you will then mount to heaven ? "
fustin said. — " I hope to receive the reward destined
for those who keep the commandments of Christ, if I
suffer the punishments you promise me. I know that
those who have lived thus will keep the divine favour
till the end of the world."
Rusticius. — " You think, then, that you will mount to
heaven to receive a reward there ? "
Justin. — " I do not think it, I know it. I am so assured
of it, that 1 have no doubt about it of any kind."
The prefect. — " Enough : come, and all together
sacrifice to the gods."
156 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
Justin. — " No one in his senses will abandon piety
for error."
The prefect — " If you do not obey orders you will be
tortured without mercy."
Justin. — " It is our most earnest desire to suffer in the
cause of our Lord Jesus Christ, and be saved : so that
we may present ourselves, assured and tranquil, before
the terrible tribunal of this same our God and Saviour
whither, according to the divine ordinance, the whole
world will pass all together. What thou wilt, do quickly :
we are Christians, and do not sacrifice to idols."
Then the prefect passed sentence :
" That those who have not consented to sacrifice to
the gods, and obey the orders of the emperor, shall be
beaten and led away to suffer the penalty of death in
accordance with the laws."
In consequence the holy martyrs, glorifying God, were
led to the ordinary place of execution, and after being
beaten they were beheaded, thus consummating their
martyrdom in the confession of Christ.
Some of the faithful took up their bodies secretly,
and put them in a suitable place, sustained by the grace
of our Lord Jesus Christ, to Whom be glory for ever
and ever. Amen.
The peculiar interest of these Acta lies in the ancient
confession of faith by Justin, in the topographical allusion
to one of the earliest places of worship in Rome, and in the
answer of Euelpistus, showing that as early as 163 there was
a second generation of Christians in Cappadocia.
Other Examples of Class I. — The Passion of SS.
Maxima, Donatella and Secunda^ [Africa, July 30, 304 (?)]
may be included in this class. Like the Acts of Justin, it
closes with the doxology. In this document every detail of
the judicial proceedings is correct and according to ancient
custom — the early hour of the trial, the formula of interroga-
tion, the various ranks of the officials.
Closely related to this in type are the Passion of S.
Typasiics'^ [Ticabis, N. Africa, Jan. 11, under Diocletian]
^ Analecta Bollandiana, 1889, p. 5 ; 1897, p. 64. Texls and S Indies, vol. i.
p. 106, 1891. Bulletin critique, ii. p. 229, 1882.
^ Anal, Boll., 1890, p. 116,
THREE CLASSES OF AUTHENTIC DOCUMENTS 157
and the Acts of Maxiinilian^ the conscript of Namidia
[March 12, 295]; those oi Marcellus^^. centurion [Tangiers,
Oct. 30, 298], oi Maxhnus\^'^\i^s,\x2, (?), May 14 (or April 30),
250], and of Cassian (Tangiers, Oct. 30, 258).
(4) Passion of Fructuosus, 259. — The Passion of S.
Fructuosus, Bishop of Tarragona [Jan. 21, 259], quoted below,
combines a version of the Acta with details that only an eye-
witness could have supplied. S. Augustine in a sermon,^ and
Prudentius in a poem,^ quote from a passion closely resembling,
and probably identical with, the document before us. It is
written in the style of the third century, and the indications
of dates and days of the week are correct and evidently noted
by a contemporary. This characteristic noting of days and
dates appears also in the Passion of S. Pionius?
In the reign of Valerian and Gallienus, in the consul-
ship of Aemilius and Bassus, on January i6th, a Sunday,
Fructuosus the bishop, Augurius and Eulogius, deacons,
were arrested. Fructuosus had just gone to bed when
the soldiers arrived. They were called Aurelius,
Testucius, Aelius, Pollentius, Donatius and Maximus.
The bishop, hearing the sound of their steps, jumped out
of bed, and came to the threshold of the door. The
soldiers said to him : " Come, the governor has sum-
moned you with your deacons." Fructuosus answered :
" Let us go. Will you let me put on my shoes ? " " As
you like." They took them to prison. Fructuosus
exulted at the thought of the crown which was offered
him : he prayed without ceasing. All the community
came to see him, they brought him food, and com-
mended themselves to his remembrance. On one of the
days which followed his imprisonment, he baptized a
catechumen called Rogatianus. The accused remained
six days in prison. The sixth day, January 21st, a
Friday, they appeared in court.
The governor A emilianus said. — "Bring in Fructuosus
the bishop, Augurius and Eulogius the deacons." An
official answered : " They are present."
Aemilianus said to Fructuosus. — "You know the
orders of the emperors ? "
^ Serfuo 213, c. 2, 3, in P.L. 38, col. 1248.
^ Peristephanon, vi., in P.L. 60, col. 767. ' Infra, p. 169.
158 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
Fructuosus. — " No, but I am a Christian."
Aemilianus, — "They have ordered you to adore the
gods."
Fructuosus. — " I adore one God only, Who has made
heaven and earth, the sea and all things."
Aemilianus. — " Do you know that there are gods ? "
Fructuosus. — " I know nothing of it."
Aemilianus. — "You will learn it."
Fructuosus raised his eyes to heaven and prayed in
silence.
Aemilianus. — " Who then will be obeyed, feared and
honoured, if one refuses worship to the gods, and adora-
tion to the emperors ? "
Aemilianus said to Augurius the deacon, — " Do not
listen to what Fructuosus says."
Fnutuosus answered. — " I adore God the almighty."
Aemilianus to Eulogius the deacon. — " Do you adore
Fructuosus ? "
Eidogius. — " I do not adore Fructuosus, but I adore
the God Whom Fructuosus adores."
Aemilianus to Fructuosus. — " You are a bishop ? "
Fructuosus. — " I am."
Aemilianus. — " You have been." He ordered all
three to be burnt alive.
During the passage to the amphitheatre the people
showered pity upon Fructuosus, for all. Christians and
pagans, loved him. He was the perfect type of a
bishop, such as the Holy Spirit had portrayed it by the
hand of that vessel of election, the doctor of the Gentiles.
The brethren who thought of the glory which awaited
him, were more inclined to joy than sadness. Several
among them presented to those who were to die a cup
of spiced wine. " The hour for breaking fast has not
yet sounded," said Fructuosus. It was ten o'clock. The
martyrs had solemnly celebrated in prison the day of
the station ^ the preceding Wednesday, and they
advanced, joyous and calm, to finish the station of that
day, Friday, with the martyrs and the prophets, in the
paradise which God has prepared for those whom He
loves. At the moment when they reached the amphi-
theatre a man rapidly approached the bishop. It was
his reader, Augustalis, who, with tears in his eyes, asked
permission to unfasten his shoes. " Go away, my child,
* See stipra, p. 14, note i.
THREE CLASSES OF AUTHENTIC DOCUMENTS 159
I will take off my shoes myself," said the martyr,
tranquil, joyous and assured of obtaining the promise
of the Lord. When this was done, one of our people,
Felix, took the right hand of the bishop, praying him to
have remembrance of him. The old man then said : " I
must think of the Catholic Church spread from the
East to the West." As the moment approached when
the martyr was going to meet glory, rather than suffer-
ing, in the presence of his brethren, under the attentive
gaze of the soldiers, who could hear these words dictated
by the Holy Spirit, Fructuosus said : *' You will not be
deprived of your shepherd : the goodness and promise
of God will not fail you, either now, or in the future.
What you see is but the misery of an hour."
Having comforted the brethren, the martyrs advanced
towards the place which was to be their salvation, grave
and radiant at the moment of obtaining the fruit which
the Scriptures promise. Like the three Hebrew
children,^ they brought to mind the Trinity. In the
midst of the flames the Father did not abandon them,
the Son aided them and the Holy Spirit stood in the
midst of the furnace. When the cords which bound their
wrists were burnt, free in their movements they knelt
down in the ordinary attitude of prayer, assured of their
resurrection, and recalling by hands outstretched the
triumph of Christ : they did not cease to pray till the
moment when they gave up their spirit. Then divine
miracles manifested themselves : the sky opened and two
of our brethren, Babylas and Mydonius, belonging to the
house of the prefect, and even the daughter of this
officer, saw Fructuosus and his deacons, with brows
crowned, entering into heaven while their dead bodies
were still fastened to the stake. They called
Aemilianus : " Come, see your condemned prisoners ;
see how according to their hope you have opened
heaven to them." Aemilianus ran up, but he was un-
worthy to enjoy this sight.
The community was sorrowful, like a flock of sheep
deprived of their shepherd : uneasiness oppressed all,
not that they pitied Fructuosus, on the contrary, they
envied him.
At nightfall the faithful hastened to the amphitheatre:
^ A favourite subject for frescoes in the Roman catacombs from the third
century.
i6o ROxME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
they carried with them wine to extinguish the bones
half carbonized in the fire. Then each took for himself
some portions of the ashes as relics. Another miracle
exalted the faith of the brethren and served as a lesson
to the youngest. It was needful that Fructuosus should
bear witness in his death both to the resurrection of the
body, and to the truth of that which he had promised
in our Lord and Saviour when he taught in this world
by the mercy of God. It happened, then, that after his
martyrdom he appeared to the brethren, and warned
them to restore, without delay, whatever portion of his
ashes, each one, by devotion, had carried away ; so that
they might be gathered together into the same place.
He also appeared to Aemilianus : he was accompanied
by his deacons, and all wore the robe of glory. He
rebuked the judge roundly, showing him the uselessness
of what he had done, for these whom he saw in glory
were those whom he thought to be buried in the earth.
O holy martyrs, proved by fire as precious gold,
covered with the breastplate of faith and the helmet
of salvation, as the price of the victory over the devil
whose head you have crushed, you have received a
diadem and an imperishable crown !
O holy martyrs, you have merited a dwelling in
heaven, standing on the right hand of Christ, blessing
the Father Almighty and His Son our Lord Jesus
Christ. God has received His martyrs in peace for
their faithful confession. Glory and honour to Him
for ever. Amen.
CHAPTER XII
ACTS OF THE MARTYRS: CLASSIFICATION OF
TEXTS: THREE CLASSES OF AUTHENTIC
DOCUMENTS {continued)
Class II. Documents depending on eye-witnesses : Passions of Ignatius,
Polycarp, Procopius, Cyprian, Perpetua, of Jacobus and Marianus — Class III.
Documents depending on records of Class I. or Class II. : Passions of Pionius, of
Montanus and Lucius — Characteristics of genuine documents.
Justorum animae in manu Dei sunt, et non tanget illos tormentum malitiae.
Visi sunt oculis insipientium mori : illi autem sunt in pace.^
In Vigilia Omnium Sanctorum [Liber Sapientiae, 3).
Class II. : Documents depending on Eye-Witnesses.
— Other sources of information are the writings of the
martyrs themselves, or records by eye-witnesses. These
documents we may place in a second class. In them we
miss the impersonal note of the Acta^ but we have sometimes
a vivid and touching record of the incidents. They are
usually known as Passions : their value varies greatly,
according to the opportunities and abilities of the writers.
The best of them very nearly approach the original Acta in
historical value, and include nine documents of established
authenticity. Five of these are preserved for us by Eusebius,
who clearly indicates the original sources.^
(1) Passion of Ignatius, 107. — For Ignatius,^ Bishop
of Antioch [Rome, Feb. i, 107], he quotes first the saint's
^ ** The souls of the righteous are in the hand of God, and there shall no torment
touch them. In the eyes of the foolish they seem to die : but they are in peace.^'
^ There are some other authentic accounts of martyrdoms which are not
Passions to be found in the Ecclesiastical History of Eusebius, and in other
writers.
^ Eusebius, Historia Ecclesiastica, iii. c. 36 ; Lightfoot, Apostolic Fathers, pt,
ii. vols. i. and ii.
II l6j
i62 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
authentic Letter to the Romans, written at Smyrna on his
way to martyrdom at Rome, a first-hand authority ; next a
passage from Irenaeus, a second-hand authority ; thirdly,
he mentions tradition (Koyog h' g%6/).
(2) Passion of Polycarp, 156? — An encyclical letter
written by the Church of Smyrna to that of Philomelium,
records the martyrdom of Polycarp,^ Bishop of Smyrna
[April 25, 156?].
(3) Martyrs of Vienne and Lyons, 177. — For the martyrs
of Vienne and Lyons ^ [June 2, 177] we have the letter written
from those churches to their brethren in Asia and Phrygia.
(4) Martyrs of Alexandria, 250. — For the martyrs
who suffered at Alexandria (in 250) the letter written by
their bishop, Dionysius, to Fabius, Bishop of Antioch.^
(5) The Passion of Procopius, 250. — The Passion 0/
Procopius,^ the reader [Caesareain Palestine, July 8, and Nov.
22, 250], first recorded in a book of Eusebius, the Martyrs of
Palestine, is preserved in a Latin Passionary. Eusebius was
himself an eye-witness of that persecution, and a shortened
form of the passion is found in his Ecclesiastical History :
Procopius was the first of the martyrs of Palestine.
He was a man of celestial grace. From his infancy
to his martyrdom he had sought, all his life, chastity and
all the virtues. His body was so emaciated that one
might have thought it without life : but his spirit was so
valiant beneath the action of the divine words, that one
might have thought that it alone sustained the life of
the body. He lived on bread and water, and moreover
only ate every two or three days, and sometimes only
once a week. His contemplation was prolonged night
and day. All his study was that of the holy books :
beyond this he knew little. Born in Jerusalem, he had
settled at Scythopolis, where he fulfilled the office of
reader, exorcist and official translator of the Scriptures.
This he did by reciting to the people, in the common
^ Hist. Eccles. iv. c. 15 ; Lightfoot, op, cit, vol. iii. ; Shidia Biblica, i. 175,
ii. 105.
2 Hist. Eccles. v. c. i, 2. ^ Hist. Eccles. vi. c. 41.
* Eusebius, *' Paralipomena," in Die Griech. Christ. Schriftstellen, vol. 2,
II. p. 907, Leipsic, 1908; also in Hist. Eccles., Appendix to bk. viii. ;
Anal. Boll., 1897, 113 (see infi-a, p. 195).
THREE CLASSES OF AUTHENTIC DOCUMENTS 163
tongue, the passage of the holy books read in the
liturgy in Greek. Transferred with his colleagues from
Scythopolis to Caesarea, he was taken at the gate of the
city, and conducted straight before the governor Flavianus,
who commanded him to sacrifice to the gods. "There
are not many gods but one only. Creator of all things,"
said Procopius. The governor, touched, was contented
with the answer, and sought something else : he com-
manded Procopius to offer incense to the emperor.
" Listen," said Procopius, " to these lines of Homer :
' It is not good to have so many masters ; let there be
one master, one king.' "
At these words the judge fancied he saw some intention
to insult the emperor, and pronounced sentence of death.
So Procopius attained to glory. It was July 7, the
day of the Nones, as the Latins say, of the first year of
the persecution. He was the first martyr of Caesarea.
Jesus Christ reigns. To Him be honour and glory for
ever. Amen.
(6) Passio Cyprianl, 258. — In the Passion of Cyprian ^
we have recorded some incidents in the life, trial, and martyr-
dom of the Bishop of Carthage by his deacon, Pontius, his
friend and companion in exile. The writer is therefore an eye-
witness, who has also access, as he tells us, to the Acta S.
Cypriani. And yet this document, accepted as contemporary
with the events, is little but a panegyric of Cyprian ; it is inade-
quate as concerns his life, and, though five times the length
of the Acta, omits much, notably the incidents of the
passion, and contains little more than the original docu-
ment, with which, in certain details, it is discrepant. It is
instructive to compare these two accounts as an illustration
of the difference between a primary and secondary document.
A few extracts are given below from the small portion which
deals with the trial and death.
. . . Banishment followed on these excellent and pious
actions, for impiety always makes this return, paying
back good with evil. And what this priest of God
replied to the interrogations of the proconsul, there are the
Acts which relate it. He is shut out from the city, he
^ See supra, p. 147. For a translation see Roberts and Donaldson, AnU-
Nicene Fathers, vol. viii.
1 64 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
who did good for the salvation of the city, he who had
laboured that the eyes of the living should not suffer
the horror of the infernal dwelling. . . .
At last that other day dawned, that destined, that
promised, that divine day which, if the tyrant himself
had wished to put off, he would not have been able :
a day joyful at the knowledge of the future martyr, and
radiant with the clear light of the sun, when all clouds
were scattered through the whole circle of the earth.
He left the house of the chief officer, himself an officer
of Christ and God, and he was encompassed on all sides
by an army of a mixed multitude. . . . But when he
had come to the praetorium, as the proconsul had not
yet come forth, a private place was allotted him.
So the judge read the sentence from the tablet . . .
a spiritual sentence not rashly to be spoken, a sentence
worthy of such a bishop and such a witness, a glorious
sentence in which he is called the ringleader of the sect ;
and enemy of the gods ; and told that he was to be made
an example to his people, and that the law would begin
to be confirmed by his blood. . . .
And when he left the doors of the praetorium, a band
of soldiers accompanied him ; and, lest anything should
be lacking in his passion, centurions and tribunes stood
on each side of him . . . but now his eyes being bound
by his own hands he tried to hasten the executioner
whose duty it was to wield the sword, and who could
hardly grip it with trembling fingers in his failing
right hand, until, at the right hour for the glorifica-
tion, power was given from above to strengthen his
hand for carrying out the death of this so rare spirit.
His passion being thus accomplished, brought about
that Cyprian, who had been an example of all good,
was also the first in Africa to dye his priestly crown
with martyrdom ... for from the time at which the list
of bishops in Carthage is recorded, no one at all, even of
the good men and priests, is said to have suffered death.
Greatly, oh greatly do I exult at his glory, yet grieve
more that I stayed behind.
THREE CLASSES OF AUTHExNTIC DOCUMENTS 165
(7) Passion of S. Perpetua, 202 or 203. — The fierce
persecution of the later years of Septimius Severus (193-21 1)
produced many martyrs. Among the most celebrated is
S. Perpetua.
The author of the Passion of S. Perpetua ^ [Carthage,
March 6, 202 or 203] states that Perpetua and her companion,
Saturus, wrote the account of their own visions, and that he
himself, an eye-witness, added the story of the martyrdom.
This statement has been accepted as true, and Dr. Armitage
Robinson distinguishes the differences of style in the three
portions. He further conjectures that Tertullian himself
may have been the compiler of the work, and he believes the
Latin version to be the original of the Greek translation —
and not vice-versa, S. Augustine quotes freely from these
Acts in his sermon for S. Perpetua's day.^
The story is familiar to all. Perpetua had many relatives
living, and was of distinguished birth and education. She
was twenty-two, married, with an infant at the breast. Her
five companions were also young; two were slaves and
catechumens, of whom one was Felicitas, who was waiting
for the birth of her child. The father of Perpetua ill-treated
his daughter on account of her faith. She seized the
opportunity of his absence from home to receive baptism,
in consequence of which she was imprisoned. The martyrs
received some alleviations in their captivity from the minis-
trations of two " dear deacons " who looked after them, and
Perpetua was permitted to have her child with her.
Perpetua then has the first of her celebrated visions :
I saw a brazen ladder of marvellous length, for it
reached to heaven, and very narrow, for one could only
mount singly. On the steps of the ladder were fastened
iron instruments of all sorts, — swords, lances, hooks,
knives, — arranged so that if one mounted carelessly and
without looking above his head, he would have been
torn to pieces, and his flesh would have remained spiked
^ J. Armitage Robinson, in Texts and SHidies, vol. i. 6i, 1891 ; Fio
Franchi de' Cavalieri, in Rdmische Quartahchrift , 1896, Suppl. 5; Anal. Boll.
1892.
^ Sermo 280, 281, 282, in P.L. 1%, col. i2£o.
1 66 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
on all these instruments of iron. At the foot of the
ladder was crouched a dragon of marvellous greatness,
who lay in ambush for all those who were mounting
the ladder, and terrified them to prevent their mounting.
Saturus (the catechist) mounted first. He had just
given himself up for our sake, because he was absent
when we were arrested. He reached the summit of the
ladder, and turned to me and said : " Perpetua, I am
waiting for you : but take care the dragon does not bite
you." I answered : " In the name of Jesus Christ he
will do me no harm." As if he were afraid of me, the
dragon gently raised his head, but when once I had
reached the first rung I crushed him. I mounted then
and discovered an immense garden, in the midst of
which there was seated a man of tall stature, with
white hair, clothed like a shepherd : he was seated and
busy in milking his flock. Around were many
thousands in white robes. The shepherd raised his
head, looked at me, and said : " You have come well,
my child, you have come without hindrance." He
called me and gave me a piece of curdled milk. I joined
my hands to receive it, and I ate, while all those present
answered, A^nen.
The subject of the martyr having overcome the dragon,
mounting to heaven by a ladder, is represented in a fresco
in the catacombs of S. Callixtus.^ The subject of our Lord
represented as a Shepherd milking His flock, and other
conceptions, almost identical, are also found in the catacombs
with a Eucharistic significance. In the earliest days of the
Church, the Eucharist was received in the hands, folded
crosswise, and those present said Amen.
The visions here recorded throw light on Christian
iconography, and further show that the minds of these
martyrs were saturated with passages from the Apocalypse,
and from that popular allegory, the Shephe^'d of Hernias?
This reproduction of current literature, and also of passages
from early liturgies,^ is a fairly common feature of the Acta.
^ Wilpert, Le pitture. delle catacombe romatte, p. 445, pi. 553, 1910 (Italian
translation from the German original).
2 Lightfoot, op. cit., " Miscellaneous Texts," 1891.
' Cabrol, Diet. Arch. ChrU. : Ades des Martyrs, p. 418.
THREE CLASSES OF AUTHENTIC DOCUMENTS 167
After Perpetua has resisted the prayers of her father
to recant, the prisoners are tried. The dialogue closely
resembles that in other authentic Acts. They are con-
demned to the beasts, and sent back to prison to await
death, while the child of Perpetua is taken from her. They
pass the time in prayer. Perpetua prays for her brother
Dinocrates :
During that night I had a vision : I saw Dinocrates
coming forth from a place of darkness, and many others
were there, burning with heat and with thirst. Dino-
crates had on a soiled dress : his face was sad, pale,
disfigured by the wound which he had when he died.
Dinocrates had been my brother in the flesh, dead at
seven years old of a cancer in the face in circumstances
which caused horror to every one. Between him and
me I saw a great space which neither the one nor the
other could pass. In the place where Dinocrates was,
I saw a basin full of water, whose edge was too tall for
a child to reach. Dinocrates stood on tiptoe as if to
drink, and I was grieved to see this basin full of water,
and the edge too high for him to reach.
She awoke from her dream and continued to pray night
and day for him. Then she had another vision :
The place which I had seen full of darkness, was full
of light, and Dinocrates was cleansed in body, well
clothed, cared for, refreshed. The wound in his face
was healed, and the edge of the basin had become
lower, and reached half way up him : the child drank
freely. On the edge of the basin was a golden vessel
filled with water : Dinocrates drank of this water but
it diminished not. When he had drunk enough he
went away, and began to play like the child that he
was. Then I awoke, and understood that my brother
had quitted the place of suffering.
This vision shows the belief of the Church in the efficacy
of prayers for the dead. S. Augustine, in The Origin of the
Soul, discusses the vision at length and states that Dino-
crates was suffering for sins committed after baptism.^
^ De Origine Animae, i. lo, and iii. 9. It seems very unlikely in the cir-
cumstances that the child was baptized.
i68 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
On the eve of martydom Perpetua has yet another
vision : she sees herself, as a male athlete, anointed with oil,
wrestling and overcoming an immense Egyptian in the
arena, — a symbol of the devil.
Felicitas, whose one grief was that her martyrdom was
to be delayed, three days before the games, in answer to
the prayers of her comrades, gave birth to a daughter, who
was adopted by a Christian woman. One would like to
know the story of this child of Felicitas.
The story of their death, related with such simplicity, is
too familiar to need quotation.
(8) Passion of Jacobus and Marianus, 259. — Of the
same type is the less well-known Passion of SS. Jacobus and
Marianus^ [April 12, 259] respectively deacon and reader
in the Church of Cirta, who perished in the same persecution
as the bishops Sixtus li. in Rome, Cyprian in Carthage, and
Fructuosus at Tarragona.
The author relates that he was united to these martyrs
" by a particular affection and a close friendship." A few
extracts must suffice. After Jacobus and Marianus had
been seized, tried and tortured they were sent back to
prison, thanking God for the joy of their recent victory.
Marianus in a dream sees a judge on his platform, and
a throng of confessors condemned to death. Among them
is Cyprian, martyred that very year : a loud voice calls on
Marianus, and Cyprian helps him on to the platform among
the confessors. Then the scene changes, and amid the
gardens of Paradise (described with exquisite feeling),
Cyprian offers Marianus a cup of water from a heavenly
source. Jacobus, too, has a vision of a divine figure who
offered him two purple girdles, one for himself and one for
his friend, and bade them quickly follow him. He awakes,
trembling with joy. Their fellow-confessors, also, have
visions. Their death is recorded as follows : —
They led the confessors to the place of triumph : it
was an enclosed valley traversed by a river whose banks
rose in a gentle slope like the seats of a natural amphi-
^ Studi e Testis i. 47, 1900; Dufourcq, Etudes sur les Gesta Martyrum
romains, iii. 135.
THREE CLASSES OF AUTHENTIC DOCUMENTS 169
theatre. The blood of the martyrs flowed in a little
stream to the river, and this scene had a mysterious
symbolism for the saints, who, baptized in their own
blood, went to receive in the waters as it were new
purification. . . . The executioner having a number to
strike, placed his victims in long rows so that the blows
flew wildly from one head to another. . . . According
to custom they bound the eyes of the condemned before
execution : but no darkness could limit the free range
of vision of their hearts, in which was shed an ineffable
and dazzling light. . . . When all were killed the
mother of Marianus, joyous as the mother of the
Maccabees, and assured now that the passion of her son
was fulfilled, congratulated, not so much him as herself,
for having brought forth this child. She embraced the
body, fruit and glory of her own body, and lovingly
kissed the severed neck. Oh blessed Mary, blessed
mother of such a son, happy to bear so beautiful a
name. . . .
We may add to this class the Passion of Carpus^ Papylus,
and Agathonice^ [Pergamos, April 13, 160-1 80 (?)], considered
by Harnack to be a contemporary document of the second
century; that oi Apollonms^ the senator [Rome, April 8, 183
(?)], and that of Crispina^ [Tebessa in Africa, Dec. 5, 304].
Class III, : Documents depending on those of the first
two Classes. — Texts of the third class depend on the
documents of the first and second classes, and include the
remaining twenty-four Passions which Leclercq recognizes
as authentic. Some of these have suffered severely from
interpolations, and Delehaye^ very justly relegates nearly
half of them to the inferior class of historical romances.
(1) Passion of S. Pionius, 250. — Among the better
authenticated documents is the Passion of S. Pionius^ the
priest [Smyrna, March 12, 250], which appears to be nearly
^ Text in Aube, Revtie Archeologique, December 1881, p. 348 ; cf. V^glise et
V ^tat dans la seconde moitii dtt troisicme siecle, Appendix I. p. 499. Duchesne,
Bull. Crit., May 1882, p. 469.
^ Text in Anal. Boll., 1895, p. 284. See Leclercq, Les Martyrs, i. p. 112, for
bibliography ; F. C. Conybeare, The Acts of Apollo iiius (for translation).
1^ Studi e Testi, vol. ix. p. 23, 1902.
* Delehaye, Les Ligendes hagiographiqties, p, 136.
I70 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
contemporary with the events, and is full of vivid local colour.
Eusebius ^ gives a summary of the incident ; and of the sub-
ject-matter of the long speeches Pionius made in the forum on
his way to judgment, and in prison : a portion of the Passion
which would otherwise seem the most open to suspicion.
The historical fact that the persecution of the Christians was
frequently caused by the enmity of the Jews is brought out
in these Acts. The scene in the forum may be quoted :
When they arrived in the forum, an immense crowd
poured into it, occupying all the empty spaces, and
covering to the roof the pagan temples and houses.
There was an incredible number of women there,
because it was the Sabbath, and so the Jews of the
town were free. The immense throng of all ages
wanted to see: those who were too short got up on
stools and on boxes, showing great ingenuity in remedy-
ing their natural defects.
Pionius then makes a lengthy speech, addressed especially
to the Jews, and quoting from the Jewish law. Even the
writer of the Passion remarks, " He said many other
things, for his speech was of great length, and there was no
end to it."
The trial follows much the usual course. Pionius and his
companions return to prison, and pass their time " in evil-
smelling cellars," in chanting hymns, and in silent meditation.
They are visited by the faithful, by pagans anxious to
convert Pionius, by those "weeping hot tears" who had
succumbed and sacrificed to idols, and by those also who
had been pressed by the Jews to return to the synagogue.
Pionius makes them another " long discourse," full of com-
passion, and weeping himself Among his fellow-prisoners
is a woman, Macedonia, a Montanist; and at the stake
Pionius suffers with Metrodorus, a Marcionite priest. The
statement of the unwelcome fact that Pionius suffered with
two heretics seems a guarantee of authenticity ! Their death
is recorded as follows :
They put up the stakes to which Pionius and Metro-
dorus (the Marcionite priest) were fastened. . . . Pionius
1 Eusebius, Hist. Eccles. iv. c. 15, in P.G. 20, col. 363.
THREE CLASSES OF AUTHENTIC DOCUMENTS 171
kept his eyes and spirit fixed on the sky. They brought
wood and fuel : the fire flamed up with a joyful crack-
ling. Pionius had closed his eyes, and prayed in silence
that he might rest in blessedness. Soon after, his face
lighted up with a great joy : he said Amen^ and gave up
his spirit like a soft breath: commending it to Him
from Whom he awaited his reward, and Who has
Himself promised to do justice to spirits unjustly con-
demned, and saying: " Lord, receive my spirit."
The precision of the days and dates further confirms our
impression that we are here dealing with an authentic
document :
This passed in the proconsulship of Julius in Asia,
Proculus and Quintilianus being magistrates : under
the third consulship of the emperor Decius, and the
second of Gratian : according to the Romans, the fourth
day before the ides of March (March 12): according
to the Asiatics, the twelfth day of the sixth month :
finally, according to our method of reckoning, a Satur-
day at 10 o'clock, in the reign of our Lord Jesus
Christ, to Whom be honour and glory for ever and
ever. Amen.
(2) Passion of Montanus and Lucius, 259. — The writer
of the Passion of Montanus and Lucius^ [Carthage, Feb. 24,
259] states that the saints themselves wrote the greater
part. The document is obviously modelled on the Passion
of S. Perpetua, but the accent of truth can be detected in
spite of the imitation, the verbosity and the accumulation
of marvels which disfigure it. It was probably compiled
some years after the event by a writer whose style occasion-
ally recalls that of S. Cyprian.
The earlier part of the recital is in the first person, and
records the hardships of the life in prison and the series of
visions that encouraged the confessors — that of the matron,
Quartellosa, who partakes of a cup of milk,^ an ancient
^ Pio Franchi de' Cavalieri, in Komische Quartalschrift^ 1 875, Suppl. 8 ;
Anal. Boll.f 1899, p. 67 ; Sttidi e Testi, 1900, vol. iii. p. 7, and 1909, fasc.
3. p. I.
^ Cf. The vision of Perpetua, supra., p. 166.
1/2 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
symbol of the Eucharist, being especially interesting. The
passage following illustrates a common Christian practice :
The next day, as we were waiting for the hour when
the administrator of the prison should bring us, not
food, for we had had none for two days, but something
to make us feel our privation, suddenly, as drink comes
to him who thirsts, and food to him who hungers, and
martyrdom to him who longs for it, even so the Lord
granted us refreshment {j'efrigeriuni) by means of the
priest, dearest Lucian, who forcing his way through the
strictest barricade, sent us two cups by means of Heren-
nienus, subdeacon, and Januarius, the catechumen, who
brought to all that Food which diminishes not. This
help sustained the sick and weak . . . and all rendered
to God thanks for His glorious deeds.
A very human incident occurs in prison. Montanus had
had with a certain Julian, a sharp discussion about a woman
who, excluded from Communion, had yet partaken. When
the dispute was ended " there was a certain coldness between
the confessors." The following night Montanus has a vision.
They are all together, a great company of martyrs, with
Cyprian and Lucius, clothed in white, and with flesh whiter
than their white raiment, in an immense plain bathed in
light. Montanus perceives some stains on his own breast.
On waking he told the story to Julian and added : " Whence
came these stains? It is because I am not reconciled with
Julian. ... So I conclude, dearest brothers, that we should
strive with all our strength to preserve peace and concord
and oneness of mind among us."
The story of the trial and tortures is told by the friend
of the confessors, and their deaths are recorded in the
following words : —
The executioner was ready, his long sword already
suspended above the neck of the condemned, when they
saw Montanus lift his hands to heaven, and heard him
pray God with a loud voice . . . that Flavian, separated
from his companions, might follow in three days. And
as if to give a pledge that his prayer was granted, he
tore in two pieces the bandage that bound his eyes, and
bade them keep the other half for Flavian.
THREE CLASSES OF AUTHENTIC DOCUMENTS 173
Now that he was sure to die, Flavian walked full
of joy, and talked freely to those about him. ... As
he talked, his spirit dwelt already in the Kingdom
where, in a few moments, he would reign with God ; . . .
after he had encouraged each one there, and given the
kiss ... he mounted on to a little height and said . . .
" Dearly beloved brothers, you have peace among you
if you remain in peace with the church : preserve one-
ness of spirit in love . . . our Lord Jesus Christ Him-
self said shortly before His Passion, * I leave you the
commandment to love one another.' "
Other Documents of the Third Class. — Very similar in
character, and belonging to this class, are the Acts of AcaciuSy
Bishop of Antioch in Pisidia [March 31, 250], of the priest,
Saturninus, and his companions [Carthage, Feb. 11, 304], of
Agape, Irene^ and Chione^ [Thessalonica, April 3, 304], of
Felix^ Bishop of Tibiuca in North Africa [Aug. 30, 303],
of Phileas and Philoromus [Alexandria, Feb. 4, 306],^ and
perhaps the Passion of S. Thecla [Iconium, about 47],
rejected by Baronius, but now generally accepted as a
composition of the second century.*
We have now examined three classes of documents, of
which those in the first two classes possess a high degree of
truth, and those in the third retain at least the main outlines
of the story.
Characteristics of Genuine Documents. — To distin-
guish sharply between authentic documents and those of
inferior value is not possible, even after applying the critical
tests indicated above, as the various classes do, in fact, over-
lap. Yet certain of the records are pervaded by a peculiar
spiritual atmosphere : they are stamped genuine as with a
hall-mark. It may be possible to define in words something
of this spirit and its manner of expression.
^ Stndi e Tesii, 1902, vol. ix. p. i.
2 Anal. Boll., 1897, p. 27 ; 1903, p. 460.
^ Le Blant in Anal. Boll., 1897, and in Nuovo Bullettino di archeologia
crisiiana, 1906, p. 27.
* For bibliography see Leclercq, op. cit. p. 141 ; Cabrol, Diet, : Actes des
Martyrs, p. 374 ; F. C. Conybeare, op. cit. for translation. Text in Gebhardt,
Acta martyruni selecia,
174 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
(1) Simplicity of Style. — The heroic story is told in
simple language as if it were an ordinary event : whether the
martyr is at his trial, or in prison, or suffering torture or
death, there is a perfect measure in word and deed. " So
Jesus Christ crowned them with peace," — thus concludes the
story of the death of many a martyr. Again, of the seven
sons of Symphorosa^ [July 17] we read :
They gathered up the remains, and placed them in
tombs : their names are written in the book of life.
And of Crispina : ^
" I bless God who has thus deigned to deliver me from
your hands. Thanks be to God ! " And signing her
brow with the sign of the cross and stretching out her
neck, she was beheaded for the name of our Lord Jesus
Christ to Whom is honour for ever and ever. Amen.
These are a few out of many examples.
(2) Homeliness of Certain Incidents. — Many a homely
incident, a human touch, bring these martyrs very near to
us : Cyprian, who cannot fasten the sleeve of his garment ;
Fructuosus, who jumps out of bed at the knocking of the
soldiers at his door, and asks if he may stop and put on his
shoes ; Montanus and Lucius, who await death with so perfect
a courage, yet quarrel over the orthodoxy or morals of one of
the women, their fellow-prisoner, and then make peace again
with such exquisite charity ; Perpetua in prison who, when
her infant is restored to her there, "suffered no more; all
my pains and anxieties passed away and the prison became
for me a house of pleasure." How natural, too, is her ex-
clamation— "When we were put in prison I was terrified,
because I had never endured such darkness." And again,
after being worn out by the persecution and pleading of her
father, she writes, on his departure : " He did not come back
for several days, and I thanked God : his absence was such
a relief."
(3) Inspiration of Certain Phrases. — Yet, here and
1 Leclercq, op. cit. i. 209. This Passion is certainly based on an authentic
document.
2 Supra, p. 169.
THREE CLASSES OF AUTHENTIC DOCUMENTS 175
there, in the simple narrative, some inspired utterance flashes
forth almost unconsciously from the white heat of spiritual
experience. Thus, at the end of the account of the horrors
inflicted on the martyrs at Lyons, we read :
So they wove one crown of divers colours and all
kinds of flowers, and offered it to the Father.
After Polycarp had been martyred
They gathered up his charred bones, more precious
than precious stones and purest gold.
Phileas cries :
I have never suffered ; and now that I begin, I begin
to be a disciple of our Lord Jesus Christ.
There is the mother " who died seven times over at the
death of each of her sons ; " and Blandina, one of the martyrs
of Lyons, is described as
A noble mother that had fired her sons to fight
valiantly, and sent them on first as victors to the great
King.
(4) The Individuality of the Martyrs. — These repeated
stories of martyrdoms might well become monotonous, yet,
from the very force of their truth, these Acta unconsciously
preserve the sharp outlines of individuality and variety of
psychology, so that the persons of the drama live before us.
There is the Bishop Polycarp, eighty-six years old, whose
one thought is for his flock, and who, on the way to
martyrdom, prays
For all those whom he had known in his long life,
great and small, illustrious and obscure, and for the
whole Catholic Church throughout the world. . . .
Ignatius, in his desire for martyrdom, implores his fellow-
Christians not to prevent his condemnation :
Let me offer myself a sacrifice while the altar is
ready. ... I am the wheat of God, and am ground by
the teeth of wild beasts that I may be found pure bread.
176 HOME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
Bishop Pothinus of Lyons ^ is ninety and
so weak in body that he could scarcely draw breath,
and yet the ardour of his soul and eager desire for
martyrdom roused his remaining strength.
Contrast with these Perpetua, as revealed in her auto-
biography, who can be humorous in an African prison.
Truly she writes of herself:
I have always been gay, I shall be more gay in
another world.
She goes singing to her death on that " day of victory,
day of glory, promised and divine day," and her last thought
is for another. After being tossed in the arena she gets up,
and seeing her companion, Felicitas, lying on the ground, she
goes to her, gives her a hand to lift her up, and kisses her.
How different again is Flavian.^ In prison, awaiting his
death, he sees in a vision the martyred Cyprian, in whose
footsteps he is longing to follow. How natural is the
question he asks Cyprian — " Does the death-blow hurt ? "
and Cyprian replies :
The body suffers nothing when the spirit is with God.
The same note of triumphant ecstasy is struck by
Symphorosa, who cries :
Whence comes this joy that I can be sacrificed with
my sons to God ?
And by the martyr "who did not feel her tortures because
the Lord suffered in her place." Even so Carpus, as they
lit the fire at the stake, cries out :
Blessed be Thou, Lord Jesus Christ, Son of God, who
has deigned to make me, a sinner, companion of Thy
heritage.
From these triumphant saints we turn to Blandina, a
slave woman, " delicate, infirm, despised." Her mistress had
grave fears for her constancy : we can almost hear her
discussing the question with the anxious bishop ! After
^ Eusebius, Hist. Eccles. v. c. i.
2 Passion of Montanus and Lucitis, Leclercq, op. cit. ii. 143.
THREE CLASSES OF AUTHENTIC DOCUMENTS 177
watching the tortures, the heroisms and the apostasies of
her fellow-citizens, Blandina herself died fearless, "talking
with God." For there were apostates as well as martyrs,
and the fears of the Church were better justified in some
cases than in that of Blandina.
And how subtly drawn again are the different characters,
and the precise circumstances of the apostacy ! There
were those who rushed to deny their faith, and those who
succumbed only at the sight of the wild beasts, or to the
prayers of their kinsfolk, or after enduring torture. Some,
like the woman Biblias,^ after a first apostasy returned and
won their crown.
But amid all this diversity, the vast majority of the
martyrs are alike in their burning enthusiasm, unflinching
courage and joyous serenity ; and it is this perhaps that is
their most striking characteristic. "Assured and tranquil,"
" grave and radiant " — the words occur again and again in
the Acta. Amid the horrors of prison, and tortures, worse
than death, they pray and sing and meditate. And what
visions of peace are theirs ! They dream of shining plains
and flowing rivers, and themselves, a white-robed throng,
refreshed at celestial waters, and sharing in the heavenly
banquets; or of the Good Shepherd receiving the faithful
in the gardens of Paradise, fresh with fountains, where strange
birds flutter among the leaves of the trees. These are the
pictures we see above their shrines on the walls of the
catacombs.
* Eusebius, Hist. Eccles. v. i.
12
CHAPTER XIII
ACTS OF THE MARTYRS : DOCUMENTS OF THE
FOURTH CLASS
History of the documents up to the fourth century. — The hagiographical
collections of Eusebius. — Pilgrimages and monasticism. — Records of the Roman
martyrs in the fourth century (Damasus, Augustine). — The Church on the
authenticity of the Gesta. — Poverty of authentic records in the sixth century
(Gregory the Great). — Martyrologies of the seventh and eighth centuries.
O Vetustatis silentis obsoleta oblivio.^
Prudentius, Po-istephanon, i. 73.
Documents of the Fourth Class. — Of the vast number
of hagiographical records dealing with the first three
centuries we have found only forty which may be called
authentic. As regards the rest, for our present purpose we
may neglect altogether those documents which are forgeries
or pure inventions. There remain, however, a large number
of records which certainly contain some grains of truth.
Pending further criticism of the individual Passions, we may
place them, a strangely mixed company, in a fourth class ;
and attempt to delineate some of their common character-
istics, whether of form or contents, to show the conditions
under which they were composed, and thence account for
the process of successive deformations. The best of the
Passions of Roman martyrs belong to this class.
History of the Documents up to the Fourth Century. —
There are few details of the history of these documents.
Copies of the Christian versions of the Acta were no doubt
multiplied, and encyclical letters carried the name of many
a martyr beyond the bounds of his own locality. These Acta
were read liturgically in most of the churches from the middle
of the second century. A general council of the African
^ /*. Z. 60 : " Alas, for the dim oblivion of the silent ages I "
178
DOCUMENTS OF THE FOURTH CLASS 179
churches at Hippo in 393^ authorizes this custom on the
anniversaries of the martyrs, when, as we learn from Cyprian,
Masses were offered, and feasts celebrated at their shrines.^
No doubt, already even in those early days, the com-
pilers filled in from their imagination the bare outlines of
the historic fact. Then came the destruction of the records
under Diocletian. Wherever these Acts and Passions were
used liturgically it was a practical local necessity, as well
as a pious duty, to replace the original documents as far as
might be : from oral tradition, from such scant documents
as remained, and from pure imagination.
Hagiographical Collections of Eusebius. — There is,
however, no record of any hagiographical collection prior to
the great works of Eusebius. The most important of these
was his Collection of Aftcient Martyrdoms {^vvayooyri ra/v
fjjOcpTvpcov ccp')(^ocictjv) — a complete account of the subject, now
lost, but known in Alexandria, though not in Rome, as late
as the sixth century.^ A few of these Passions survive
in liturgical documents. This work established, on a sure
historical basis, the Martyrology of Asia Minor ^ which we have
in an abridged Syriac translation in a manuscript of A.D. 412 ;
and this latter document is one of the sources of the
so-called Martyrology of S. Jerome.^
Many records of the martyrs are found in the familiar
Ecclesiastical History. In this the writer often refers us to
his earlier work. Finally, in the Martyrs of Palestine (Hsp/ roov
b YloCKonffTivyj [/jccprvprjadvrcov), Eusebius describes the persecu-
tion at Caesarea from 303 to 310, of which he was an eye-
witness.
These records of Eastern martyrs need not detain us.
Pilgrimages and Monasticism. — With the sudden
triumph of the Church in 312, following so closely on the
horrors of the Diocletian persecution (303-304), there swept
over Rome a passionate wave of enthusiasm for the martyrs ;
' Ilardouin, Concilia, i. 886.
^ See supra, p. 137. Cf. Tertullian (about 160-240), De Corona, c. 3, in
P.L. I, col. 79 : *' We offer Masses for the dead on their anniversaries as a
commemoration rite."
3 See infra, p. 183. * See infra, Chap. XVI.
i8o ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
and precisely at this date was compiled the Roman Calendar ^
(containing brief notices of the date of their deaths and the
locality of the shrines), and in 354 the Philocalian Calendar,^
containing a list of forty-seven Roman martyrs and three
African.
The great Constantinian basilicas and oratories were being
built in honour of the martyrs ; Pope Damasus (366-384)
restored and decorated their shrines in the catacombs, and his
famous secretary, Philocalus, author of the Calendar, carved in
beautiful characters the epitaphs^ composed by his master.
During the centuries that followed, the faithful flocked
to the catacombs,^ and pilgrims came from east and west
to worship at the shrines of the martyrs.
Eastern monasticism, too, was taking root in the West.
There arose, at that moment, a double need : of an oral
tradition to satisfy the pilgrims, and of written documents
for liturgical and private use in the monasteries. To supply
these needs the Roman Gesta ^ appeared.
On what historical truth were they based ?
Records of the Roman Martyrs in the Fourth Century :
Damasus, Augustine. — Already in the early fourth century
the fame of the martyrs who sowed the seed of the Church
had paled before the more recent and familiar glories of
the heroes of the Diocletian persecution. The names of
Telesphorus, the martyr pope,^ and of Justin, the philo-
sopher,^ both of the second century, nowhere appear; and
the forty-seven Roman martyrs of the Philocalian Calendar
all belong to the third century.
If we turn to the epitaphs of Damasus, we derive little
definite information from them, save the fact of the
existence of the martyr, and the place of his shrine. The
verses are filled up with generalities and platitudes, and
the poet himself seems conscious of his ignorance. " Anti-
^ Infra, p. 224. 2 Supra, p. 50.
^ Epigrammata Damasi, ed. Ihm ; cf. infra, p. 291.
^ Chaps. II., III. on Pilgrimages.
^ The word Gesta (deeds) was applied, from the fifth century onward, to
the lives of the martyrs, as well as the older words Acta (for a document presumably
based on the Acta Proconsularia), Passiones, Vitae.
*> Supra, p. 67. ' Supra, p. 153.
DOCUMENTS OF THE FOURTH CLASS i8i
quity could not retain the names or the number of the
Saints" (^Sanctorum . . . nomina nee numerum potuit
retinei'e vetiistas)^ he inscribes on the shrine of an unknown
martyr. Yet Damasus as a child knew some of the
actual actors in the drama : " An executioner told this
to me, Damasus, when I was a child."
Prudentius,2 in his Crown of Martyrs (409), sadly
echoes him :
We saw innumerable ashes of the saints in Rome . . .
You ask the names and inscriptions carved on their
graves? It is difficult for me to answer . . . many
sepulchres give the name of the martyr and some
epitaph, but there are also mute marbles closing silent
tombs . . . Christ alone has their names complete.
The same poet, after singing of the deeds of his own
Spanish saints, mentions only Hippolytus, Pope Sixtus II.
and Laurence out of all the Roman martyrs. And the
incidents he records are legendary. It is indeed just
these saints, with the addition of Agnes, Sebastian and
Agatha, whom alone of the Roman martyrs we find
mentioned in S. Augustine and S. Ambrose.^ On the rare
occasion when the Aeta exist, S. Augustine quotes them
freely and accurately, as we have seen in the cases of
Cyprian, Perpetua, Fructuosus.^ It is obvious, then, that
authentic records were lacking. Even in favoured Africa
there seems a dearth of such documents, for S. Augustine
in one of his sermons^ says :
While we can hardly find any Gesta of the
other martyrs which we can read on their festivals,
the Passion of this saint (Stephen) is in a canonical
book.
The Church on the Authenticity of the Gesta.— \r\ the
general organization of affairs in the fifth and sixth centuries,
^ Epig. No. 42.
2 Peristephanon, xi.: S. Hippolytus, in P.L. 60, col. 530.
^ For a complete list of references see Dufourcq, Iitudes stir les Gesta
Martyrum rofnains, p. 28.
■> Supra, Chap. XI. ^ Serm. 315 in RL. 38, col. 1426.
1 82 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
the Church paid especial heed to fixing the canonical and
authentic books.^
In the Roman Synod of 494, held under Pope Gelasius
(492-496),' nearly all the Gesta of the martyrs are excluded,
in the decretal De Recipiendis, from the number of authentic
works :
. . . The (S'^^^^of the holy martyrs . . . in accordance
with ancient custom, by a special precaution are not
read in the Roman Church: because the names of those
who wrote them are entirely unknown ; and they are
considered to be written by the infidels or the ignorant,
and contain what is superfluous or inadequate to the
truth : as, for example, the Passion of a certain Ciricus
and Julitta^ [June 16], and of George, and other
Passions of this kind, which are said to have been
composed by heretics. Wherefore, lest the slightest
occasion of mockery should arise, they are not used
in the Roman Church . . . the Acts of blessed Silvester,
chief {praesul) of the apostolic seat (may be read), also
the writing about the Finding of the Cross of our Lord,
and the Finding of the head of John the Baptist. For
they are new records, and some Catholics read them :
but when these come into the hands of Catholics let
them follow the precept of the blessed Apostle Paul :
" Prove all things, hold fast that which is good."
This document points to the existence in the fifth century
of many Gesta of doubtful authenticity.
A desire to establish the authenticity of the Gesta is
apparent in the mind of the compiler oi\h.Q Liber Pontiftcalis.
Pope Clement (? 90-1 12), he tells us,* allotted the seven
regions of the city of Rome to faithful notaries of the
Church, who should eagerly seek out, each in his own district,
the Gesta of the martyrs : further, Anteros (235-236) continues
this organization, and Fabian (236-251) appoints seven
sub-deacons to overlook the notaries. Again, the compiler
^ Liber Pontif., ed. Duchesne, i. page c.
^ Thiel, Epistolae Koinanorufii Pontijicum^ i. 458 : Leipsic, 1872 ; or in
P.L, 59, col. 168. It is not absolutely certain that Gelasius is the original author
of the decretal he is promulgating, which has been ascribed to Damasus (366-
384). On the Decretum Gelasianum see Texte und Unfersuchungen (3*^ Reihe,
8*" Band), vol. 38, 1912. Cf. infra, p. 192.
^ Anal. Boll., 1882, p, 192. ^ See supra^ p. 75.
DOCUMENTS OF THE FOURTH CLASS 183
of the Constitution of Silvester^ {Constituturn Silvestri),
a forgery of the year 501, states that at the Council held
by this pope sat fourteen notaries of the Church, who
narrated in order the Gesta of the martyrs. Duchesne treats
these statements with the scepticism which they deserve.
Poverty of Authentic Records in the Sixth Century ;
The Passionary of Gregory : the Martyrology of S. Jerome. —
Another document bears witness to the paucity of authentic
records in the sixth century. This is the famous letter of
Pope Gregory ,2 written in 598 in answer to a letter from
Eulogius, Bishop of Alexandria, asking for a copy of the
Collection of Ancient Martyrdoms i^vvayooyTi) of Eusebius.
Gregory writes that he is not even aware of the existence of
the volume for which Eulogius asks him, and possesses
nothing except the other books of Eusebius ; a Roman
Calendar with no details beyond the date and place of the
martyrdoms (identified as the famous Martyrology of S.
Jerome^^ ; and "a single volume which contains very little"*
( The Roman Passionary of Gregory).
Martyrologies of the Seventh and Eighth Centuries.
— Suddenly, however, in the seventh and eighth centuries
appear the many famous Martyrologies : that called by
the name of the Venerable Bede (672-735) at Yarrow; that
of Rabanus Maurus in Germany (about 845); that of
Florus of Lyons (848); that of Ado, Archbishop of Vienna
(860-874) ; and that of Usuard (875).^
By this time, too, we find, from a letter dated 794 of Pope
Hadrian to Charlemagne,^ that Passions may be read " even
in church " when the anniversaries are celebrated : further, in
an eighth-century manuscript^ there is a note that Passions
are to be read at Office in the Church of S. Peter.
It is then mainly between the fourth century, when there
are practically no documents, and the ninth, with its detailed
^ Liber Pontif. i. page c. ; cf. supra ^ p. 8i.
^ Jaffe, Kegesta pontijicum Romanorum^ i. i8o; Leipsic, 1885.
^ Infra, p. 215. •* See infra, p. 201.
^ Texts of martyrologies are in P.L. 94, col. 799; 110, col. I121 ; 119,
col. 95 ; 123, cols. 201 and 599. See infra, p. 228.
8 P.L. 98, col. 1284.
' MS. Parisin. 3836. See Cabrol, Did. : Acta Martyrtnn, p. 387.
1 84 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
Marty rologies, that the lives of the martyrs are compiled.
How, during those ages, has the double influence of oral
tradition and of written document affected the original
historical facts ? What are the characteristics of the Gesta ?
Can we by study of them define their date more closely?
What residuum of truth do they contain ?
CHAPTER XIV
ACTS OF THE MARTYRS: THE WORK
OF TRADITION AND OF THE HAGIOGRAPHERS
The work of tradition : The imagination of the people ; the suggestion ot
the monuments; tradition and epigraphy. — The work of the hagiographers :
Anachronisms and mistranslations ; expansions of the original documents ;
plagiarisms ; variety of the tradition and conventionality of the Gesta ; polemical
character of the Gesta (preoccupations with questions of authenticity ; heretics
and the deformation of the Gesta ; asceticism and oriental influence). — Example of
the successive deformations of the Passion of S, Procopius. — The residuum of
truth in the Gesta : Le Blant and the Theory of Interpolation.
Multitudo martyrum quorum nee numerum nee nomina colligere potuimus.
Dominus enim eos in libro vitae conscripsit.^
Gregory of Tours, Hist. Franc, i. 27.
The Work of Tradition on the (?esfa.— The hagio-
graphical traditions,^ while preserving a vast body of truth,
have yet been contaminated by those errors inherent in the
nature of all traditions, as well as by some peculiar to them-
selves ; and the very preservation, modification, and deforma-
tion of these traditions depend on the living cult of the
Martyrs as it has existed through all the ages, sometimes
as a reasonable veneration of the heroes of Christianity, but
often debased by materialism, ignorance, and superstition.
The Imagination of the People. — It was around the
shrines, venerated by the faithful, and visited by pilgrims,
that for five hundred years tradition wove the legends
embodied in the Gesta ; and the dependence of the Gesta
on these traditions rather than on authentic documentary
^ '* ^ 77iultitude of martyrs . . . whose names and number we cannot collect ;
but God has written them in the book of life. ''^
^ Delehaye, Les L^gendes hagiographiques , to whose work I am indebted for
this chapter ; cf. works quoted above, p. 17, note I.
185
1 86 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
sources is shown by the fact that in them are pre-
served the names of many authentic martyrs who are yet
unknown to the Philocalian Calendar (an obvious source,
it might seem) or even to the Martyrology of Jerome. In
the somewhat rare cases where the topographical statements
are identical in Gesta and Calendar ^ it is because they both
depend on local tradition. However ruthlessly these Gesta
may be criticized, even the least reliable have often pre-
served accurately the name, and place and date of burial
of a martyr otherwise forgotten. Of these martyrs who
lay in the catacombs, — a servant of the household of
Caesar, some Greek pilgrim worshipping at the shrine of
S. Peter, a lad surprised on the road bearing the Eucharist,
— what was known, save that when the call came they were
ready, and laid down their lives, and were buried with
rejoicing? At their shrines, year after year, on their
anniversaries, — their " birthdays " {natales), — Mass was cele-
brated. And if there were no other details of these
otherwise obscure lives to satisfy the fervour of the simple,
and the desire for edification on the part of their instructors,
what wonder that the lively Latin imagination should have
supplied them ; should have coloured the story with the least
remote memories of the great Diocletian persecution ; con-
fused names, places, and dates ; brought into the account the
politics, the theology, the controversies of a later day ;
and heightened the strange and the miraculous element to
the further glory of the local shrines, and to strike awe into
the foreign pilgrim?
Suggestions of the Monuments. — The human mind is
ever prone to materialize the spiritual, and no doubt, pilgrim
and guide alike were more interested in a legend about this
stone or that relic, than in the spiritual combats of the
martyrs ; and thus the monuments, frequently misinterpreted,
gave rise to many deformations of the truth. In Prudentius'
Hymn to S. Hippolytus ^ the poet seeks for his facts in
the frescoes depicting the martyr's death by being torn
^ For a complete analysis see Dufourcq, Etudes sur les Gesta Marty rum
romainsy Paris, 1900.
^ Feristephanon, xi. in P.L. 60, col. 767.
WORK OF TRADITION AND HAGIOGRAPHERS 187
asunder by wild horses. The whole story resembles too
closely the legend of the Greek hero Hippolytus to escape
suspicion.^
We have seen 2 how the bishop Asterius, consults the
paintings at S. Euphemia's shrine to supply him with details
of her martyrdom. Again we read, in the Passion of S.
Eleutherius [April 13],^ that the saint preached to the
beasts, and that they all raised their right foot to praise
God. Is it a picture of Orpheus, adorning the martyr's shrine
that the writer is unconsciously describing?
Often a legend of fellow-martyrs or of brothers develops
around the shrines of saints whose only connexion is that
they are buried near each other.
The confusion of the monuments resulting from the sack
of Rome, and the subsequent restorations must have contri-
buted further to deformations of the legends.
Delehaye gives a curious example of a name creating a
legend.* The parish (titulus) where stands the Church of
SS. Nereus and Achilleus was known as that of Fasciola.
History is uncertain as to the origin of the name, but legend
knows no doubts, and relates that when the blessed Peter left
prison his leg had been injured by the heavy chain, "and the
bandage (^fasciola) fell off before the Septisolium in the Via
Nova." We may remark, in passing, that the topographical
exactitude of the details does not prove the truth or antiquity
of the legend.^
Tradition and Epigraphy. — A misunderstanding of
the epitaph of Damasus ^ to Felix and Adauctus [Aug. 30]
has given rise to the story of two brothers, both called Felix,
which we find in Ado's Martyrology ; to the romance known
as Vita Sancti Felicis preshyieri [Jan. 14], in the Acta
^ Cf. Studi e Testis 1908, t. xix. p. 123, for other classical reminiscences.
2 Supra, p. 134. 3 Studi e Testi, 1901, vi. p. 137.
* Delehaye, op. cit. p. 53. ^ /«/m, p. 198.
* "Oh how truly and rightly named Felix, happy, you who with faith
untouched, and despising the prince of this world have confessed Christ, and
sought the heavenly kingdom. Know ye also, brothers, the truly precious
faith by which Adauctus too hastened a victor to heaven. The priest, Verus, at
the command of his rector, Damasus, restored the tomb, adorning the thresholds
ot the saints" {Epigranimata Datnasiy No. 7, ed. Ihm).
1 88 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
Sanctorum ; ^ and to endless further confusion of the historical
facts. It seems probable, too, that the Passion of SS. Digna
and MeiHta [September 22] owes its existence to another
epitaph misinterpreted, in which the words digna et merita
(worthy and deserving) are used as epithets.^ Another epitaph
of Damasus,^ misunderstood, gave rise to the legend that
Eastern pilgrims came to steal the bodies of Peter and Paul.
Such is the fashion in which tradition worked upon the
original historical facts. A critical study of these Roman
Gesta^ created around definite shrines, would throw further
light on the inquiry.^
The Work of the Hagiographers : Anachronisms :
Mistranslations. — When we turn to the Gesta in which
these traditions are embodied, internal evidence confirms
the belief that they were written between the fourth and
the ninth centuries. The philological peculiarities^ — of
orthography, vocabulary, syntax, and structure of sentence
— show that they belong to that period when classical
Latin was developing, gradually and unbeautifully, into the
modern languages of Europe.
Further, there are mistakes of fact which no writer
contemporary with the events could have made, — in the
chronology, in the identity of places and persons concerned,
in the titles of officials. The incidents and attendant circum-
stances recorded are those of a period subsequent to the
persecutions : for example, the Gesta of the martyrs of the
first and second centuries are highly coloured with the
fresher recollections of the Diocletian persecution.
Sometimes a trivial blunder betrays the fact that our
document is a Greek translation from a Latin original, as in
the Passion of S. Leo and Paregorius [June 30],^ where we
^ See Anal. Boll., 1897, p. 19. ^ Anal. Boll., 1897, p. 30.
^ Ep. Dam. 26: "Here [i.e. Catacombs of S. Sebastian) ... lay S. Peter
and S. Paul. . . . The East sent us disciples, a fact which we gladly acknow-
ledge . . . but it was Rome who merited to guard (the bodies of) her citizens
(i.e. Peter and Paul, who had lived and died in Rome)."
^ Dufourcq, op. cit,
'^ Dufourcq, op. cit. p. 45, with bibliography ; F. G. Mohl, Introduction a la
chronologic du Latin vtilgaire, Paris, 1899.
^ Ruinart, Acta Sincera, with reference to Greek version.
WORK OF TRADITION AND HAGIOGRAPHERS 189
find hvTBpog ( = the second) as a rendering, without sense, of
the Latin secundus ( = favourable or second) (^Imperatoribus
. . . quos secundos servatores et deos . . . nos vocamus).
These mistakes have sometimes a far-reaching con-
sequence on the tradition. For example, in the Passion
of S. Marciana [Jan. 9] we read that when the saint was
exposed to a lion in the arena, the beast, having smelt
her ipdoratus) refused to touch her. A copyist wrote
" adoratus " for " odoratus," and hence the mediaeval legend
of the lion in adoration.^
The Acts of the Scillitan Martyrs opens with the familiar
formula :
Praesente bis et Candiajto cansulibus . . .
When Candianus was consul, and Praesens for the
second time . . .
The transcriber took pi^aesente for a present participle, and
boldly altered the rest of the text to make sense. Later
transcribers, however, were not contented with his rendering,
and still further " emended " the readings, till the chronology
of these authentic Acts was in confusion.^
The Expansions of the Original Documents. — These
confusions of fact, and anachronisms are due to sheer
mistakes. More deliberate offences on the part of the
compilers have further deformed the records. In late docu-
ments we note the tendency to expand the original, and in
the rare cases in which we possess the latter, a close com-
parison of the double or triple record is most instructive.
Of the original Acts of the Scillitan Martyrs referred to
above, we have several later versions, each more inaccurate
and lengthy than the last.
We have already quoted the early version of these Acts?
The following extract from a somewhat later version will
illustrate the tendency to expansion : —
In those days, brought into the private audience
chamber of Carthage by the officials^ Speratus, Nartzalus
^ Breviarium Gothicum, July I2 in P,L. 86, col. 1 149.
- Delehaye, op. cit. p. 89 ; Monceau, Histoire litth'aire de VAfrique
chritienne^ i. p. 62, Paris, 1901.
' Supra, p. 151.
ipo ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
. . . (etc.) were addressed all together by the proconsul
Saturninus, who said : " You can win pardon from our
lord the emperor if you return to a reasonable
frame of mind and observe the ceremonies of the gods."
Holy Speratus said : " We are not conscious of ever doing
evil, neither by deed nor consent have we lent ourselves
to iniquity. We are never found to have spoken ill of
any, but evilly treated and hai^assed we have ever given
thanks to God, 7iay, we have ever prayed for those whose
enmity we have unjustly endured. Wherefore we look
to our emperor, by whom this rule of living is permitted
to us."
This difference in style is clearly seen by a comparison
of the familiar and authentic record of the martyrdom of
Ignatius ^ with the Greek text of the Acta of the fourth
century.2 In spite of the existence of five versions, dis-
cordant in some details, of this fourth-century document, these
Acts contain a considerable amount of truth. Some extracts
will show the general style. There is, first, the dialogue
between Ignatius and the Emperor Trajan at Antioch :
When he was before the emperor this prince said to
him : " Who are you, evil spirit, who dare to violate
my orders, and to inspire others with contempt of
them ? " Ignatius replied : " None but you, prince, ever
called Theophorus (it was thus Ignatius was named)
by this insulting name. Far from that, it is the evil
spirits which tremble and fly at the voice of the servants
of the true God. I know that I am hateful to them,
which is what you intended to say. Christ is my King,
and I destroy their snares." " And what is this Theo-
phorus ? " said the emperor.
" It is whoever carries Jesus Christ in his heart."
" Do you think, then, that we have not also in our
hearts the gods who fight for us ? "
" Gods ? You deceive yourself, they are only demons.
There is only one God Who has made heaven and earth
and all they contain : and there is only one Jesus
Christ, the only Son of God, of Whose love I am
assured."
"Whom do you say? What, this Jesus whom
Pilate fastened to a cross ? "
* Supra, p. i6i. " Lightfoot, Apostolic Fathers, ii. 2, p. 363.
WORK OF TRADITION AND HAGIOGRAPHERS 191
" Say, rather, that this Jesus Himself fastened to the
cross sin and its author, and that He gave, since then, to
all those who bear Him in their breast, the power to lay
low hell and its might."
" You bear, then, Jesus Christ within you ? "
"Yes, assuredly," answered Ignatius; "because it is
written : I will dwell in them and will accompany all
their steps."
After the sentence and the thanksgiving of Ignatius, and
details of the long voyage to Rome the Acts conclude :
All Rome had rushed to the amphitheatre, and
drank with avidity the blood of the martyr who, having
been given to two lions, was in an instant devoured by
these cruel animals. They left of his body only the
largest bones, which were gathered up with respect by
the faithful, carried to Antioch, and placed in the church
as an inestimable treasure. . . .
Such variations from the original tradition arise out of
blunders or simple verbosity. But there are other and
more potent causes of deformation.
Plagiarisms. — Frequently the writer is indulging in
pure romance, for the sake of imparting pleasure or edifica-
tion : he borrows incidents wholesale from the lives of other
saints to fill out his own meagre story, and even pagan
myths find a place in his pages. That the results were
incoherent mattered little, and if at the end he can scarcely
distinguish fact from fiction, it is pretty certain his audience
will accept the whole as fact.
Variety of the Tradition and Conventionality of Gesta.
— The Gesta were compiled at a period when the traditions
were living and infinitely varied in the forms in which they
were embodied. The compiler was forced to use those
which were available; out of these he always seems to
choose the most commonplace version. He simplified com-
plicated historical facts; he obliterated delicate psycho-
logical distinctions of character; he omitted those homely
details which carry conviction of authenticity ; he developed
the simple utterances of the martyrs into interminable
harangues ; he fastened on the miraculous element and exag-
192 HOME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
gerated it ; and finally produced those dreary documents in
which the martyrs have no distinctive personality ; all share
in the same remarkable antecedents ; utter the same inter-
minable platitudes, by which they convert innumerable
multitudes ; undergo impossible tortures prolonged by im-
probable miracles; and frequently perish by the simple
expedient of having their heads cut off. How far are we
here from the spirit of the genuine records ! And it is,
unfortunately, this type of document that proved popular.
Hence it is always the conventional version of a Passion
which is reproduced in numerous manuscripts, while the
more characteristic records, in the rare cases when they
exist, are found in a few manuscripts only.^
Polemical Character of the Gesta. — Sometimes the
Gesta are polemical or didactic in character.^ The writers
are preoccupied with just those questions, doctrinal and
disciplinary, that are discussed in papal decretals and other
documents whose dates we know, and which so accurately
reflect the spirit of some definite epoch, and indicate the
phases of some controversy.
(1) Preoccupations with Questions of Authenticity. —
For instance, the energy displayed by the Church of the
fifth and sixth centuries in establishing a list of canonical
and authentic writings^ is reflected in the anxiety with
which the compilers of the Gesta seek to gain confidence for
their work. Again and again they insist on the authenticity
of the Gesta, on the edification to be derived from reading
them, especially as a defence against the activities of the
heretics. The writer states that his work was dictated by
the martyr himself, or based on one of his letters, or on
original Acta, or on newly discovered documents. The
ofilicial Church, however, more sceptical, as often, than her
children, regarded these compilations with distrust, and the
Gelasian edict * was no doubt bitterly resented by many an
unknown writer.
(2) Heretics and the Deformation of the Gesta. — There
is frequent reference to heretics in the Gesta, many of which
^ See Catalogue of Manuscripts, published in the Analecta Bollandiana.
2 Dufourcq, op, cit, p. 323. ^ Supra, p. 181. * Supra, p. 182.
WORK OF TRADITION AND HAGIOGRAPHERS 193
are permeated by the fierce controversial atmosphere of the
period. Some are written with the avowed purpose of com-
bating heresies by spreading abroad the knowledge of the
martyrs. The compiler of the Aats of Nereus and Achilleus
passionately deplores the zeal of heretics, and the lukewarm
spirit of Catholics. Sometimes it is the heretics themselves
who compile the Gesta^ and modify the tradition for their
own purposes — as witness again the Gelasian decretal.^ We
have some definite facts on this point in the works of the
learned Rufinus,^ between whom and S. Jerome there existed
such bitter enmity. Writing in 397 he says :
Whenever the heretics have found, in any of the
renowned writers of old days, a discussion of things
pertaining to the glory of God . . . they have not
scrupled to infuse into these writings the poisonous
taint of their own false doctrines.
After giving examples of interpolations made in the
writings of Clement of Rome, Clement of Alexandria,
Origen, and others, Rufinus continues :
The whole collection of letters of the martyr Cyprian,
is usually found in a single manuscript Into this
collection certain heretics, who hold a blasphemous
doctrine about the Holy Spirit, inserted a treatise of
TertuUian . . . and from the copies thus made they
wrote out a number of others ; these they distributed
through Constantinople at a very low price.
The Catholics were not behindhand in furnishing orthodox
versions of the legends by the same methods.
In the ancient Armenian version of the Acts of Eugenia"^
^ Supra, p. 182.
2 Epilogue to Rufinus' Translation of Pamphilius' Apology for Origetiy
Wace and Schaff, "Ante-Nicene Fathers," vol. iii. p. 421. We find there a
further account of an ingenious falsification of a word in a manuscript bearing
on a controversial question.
^ P.L. 21, col. H05 ; F. C. Conybeare, in Monumejits of Early Christianity,
London, 1894, for translation and criticisms. The nucleus of the story is of the
third century, about 225 ; the Armenian text about 250 ; the Latin version about
400 (by Rufinus of Aquileia (?)). Discoveries in the catacombs have established the
truth of parts of the Acts. Cf, Dufourcq, op. cit. p. 222.
13
194 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
[Dec. 25] we read that this saint chose as her model,
Thecla, the convert of S. Paul. The fact, however, that
Thecla, a woman, had administered the rite of baptism was
unacceptajple to Christians of a later day ; and in the fourth-
century Latin Acts of Eugenia the name of Thecla does not
appear.
The compilers sometimes frankly reveal their methods.
Thus a certain Hilarion, in editing the Acts of Athanagines^
a martyr of Nicomedia, who was perhaps an Arian, states
that he has " made orthodox all that was said."
Again, the various versions of the Acts of Peter and the
Acts of Paul^ which replaced the primitive traditions, are
due to the Manichaean controversy. This controversy also
explains that preoccupation with the question of the volun-
tary nature of martyrdom which appears in the Passions of
Processus and Martinianus^ the gaolers of S. Peter, of
Andrew^ and of Thomas,^ and elsewhere. The Catholic
Passion of S. Cyriacus [Aug. 8] appears to be a romance
actually based, in a spirit of rivalry, on the story of Manes,
the founder of Manichaeism. A clause in the Gelasian
decretals, defining the orthodox belief concerning the Apostle
Paul, is implicitly directed against the Manichaeans. Thus
the Acts mentioned above, and others coloured by this
controversy, may be dated as of the fourth and fifth
centuries.
(3) Asceticism in the Gesia, — To this epoch belongs
that enthusiasm for the ascetic life which was filling the West
with monasteries. It is expressed in the Gesta by an exalta-
tion of the virtue of virginity, at the expense of historical
truth and the true teaching of the Church. As examples
similar to many others may be noted the Passion of Nereus
and Achilleus [May 12], which contains a long attack on
marriage,^ and those of 5. Cecilia^ SS. Chrysanthus and
Darias [Oct. 25], and 55. Julian and Basilissa [Jan. 9].
^ Lipsius, Acta apostolorum apocrypha, vol. i., 3 vols. Leipsic, 1891.
2 A.SS., July 2. ^ Lipsius, op. cit. vol. ii.
* Lipsius, op. cit. vol. iii.
'^ Tillemont criticizes this Passion as "une tres mechante piece, digne des
Manicheens, ennemis dumariage" {M^moires, ii. p. 127).
^ Mombritius, Sanctnarium, i. p. 332 (ed. 1910).
WORK OF TRADITION AND HAGIOGRAPHERS 195
Here, too, the zeal of the compilers was perhaps spurred into
rivalry by the ascetic virtues of the heretics.
(4) Oriental Influence on the Gesta. — We may note, in
theology, politics, art, the potent influence of the East upon
Rome. Here, again, the Gesta reflect the spirit of the age.
Many a record of oriental martyrs is found among the
Roman Gesta ; and their shrines are seen in the catacombs ;
S. Anastasia and SS. Cosmas and Damian ^ take their place
beside Laurence and Sebastian and Agnes ; and a large
number of Gesta of Roman martyrs are full of incidents
which connect them with the East.
Such are but a few of the influences which have moulded
the Gesta.
Example of the Deformation of a Document : Passion
of S. Procopius. — Delehaye has pointed out that we have a
unique example of the process of the deformation of the
original sources, in the various Passions of S. Procopius ; ^
because for this saint, by a rare good fortune, there exists
not only the contemporary Passion, but also a series of
records, proving independently his existence and very
early cult.
S. Procopius [July 8 and Nov. 23] was martyred at
Caesarea in Palestine, under Diocletian ; and the original
account of Eusebius, an eye-witness, in the Martyrs of
Palestine^ has been preserved for us in a Latin Passionary.
It is a simple, dignified, and very human document.
In a Greek manuscript in Paris, and in a Latin
Passionary at Monte Cassino, the main outlines of the
story are embodied in a version known as the First
Legend of S. Procopius. It is seven times the length of the
original ; full of inaccuracies, of rhetoric, and of incidents,
miraculous and otherwise, invented and borrowed from other
sources.
Based on this and considerably longer, is ^Second Legend
— a fantastic confusion of incidents from half-a-dozen differ-
ent Passions, with scarcely a fact correct. It was well known
in the eighth century.
^ Stipra^ pp. 12, 13.
2 See supra, p. 162 j Delehaye, of. cit. p. 142.
196 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
Differing little from this is the Third Legend, of which the
Greek version is published in the Acta Sanctorum of the
Bollandists.^ The account is extremely lengthy, and
the whole truth contained in it can be summed up in two
lines : Procopius of Jerusalem was martyred by the sword,
under Diocletian, by the judge, Flavianus.
We may add that the writer of the first legend was in
possession of the original document of Eusebius, as is evident
from many similarities. If only we had the sources of the
later Passions of other martyrs, we might find an equally
small residuum of truth in these; while, on the other hand, if
we had not, in this rare example, ample evidence to prove
the existence and cult of S. Procopius, the spurious character
of the Passion in the Acta Sanctorum might justly lead us
to doubt if he existed at all.
The confusion, first, between the Procopius, reader and
exorcist of Eusebius' record, and the Procopius wLo has
become a pagan convert and soldier in the second legend ;
and, secondly, between the Caesarea in Palestine and that in
Cappadocia, has caused endless confusion in the Oriental
calendars : the least of which is a double entry for S.
Procopius — July 8 for the soldier, and November 22 for the
reader and exorcist.^
The Residuum of Truth in the Gesta, — We have thus
indicated in a general manner the work of tradition and of
the hagiographer on the historical facts relating to the
martyrs. All authorities, from the Jesuit Delehaye, who
is perhaps the severest critic, to Leclercq, Harnack, and
Bardenhewer, who are somewhat more lenient in their judg-
ments, agree that there is some residuum of truth in these
Gesta of the fourth class ; even if, as in the case of S. Procopius,
it is only the fact of the existence of a saint, of his shrine, and
of his cult. We may further note that the legendary char-
acter of the Gesta of any saint does not necessarily invalidate
his existence ; and that, in fact, the saints whose existence is
best authenticated, and at whose shrines the faithful assembled,
have suffered most from the extravagances of tradition.
^ Synaxarium ecclesiae Conslantinopolitanae, pp. 245, 805, in Acta SS.,
November, propylaeum (ed. Delehaye, 1902).
WORK OF TRADITION AND HAGIOGRAPHERS 197
There now remains the laborious and deh'cate task of
determining what is the residuum of historical fact in the
Gesta.
By bringing all our critical apparatus — philological,
historical, psychological — to bear on each of the Gesta, we
can frequently approximate to a true result.
Le Blant and the Theory of Interpolation. — Certain
critics of these legends have, as we have said, accepted im-
plicitly or explicitly, the Theory of Interpolation/ which
supplies a general principle of criticism applicable to all
Gesta. Le Blant, in a work of great learning, has, in fact,
applied it to over two hundred of the Acts which are excluded
even from Ruinart's Acta Sincera. He attempts to show
that traces of original documents may be discerned even
in the most fictitious records. He perceives these traces in
passages which correctly reproduce the formulae of the pagan
Acta Proco7isularia ; or in the official names of that com-
plicated hierarchy which assisted at the arrest, trial, and ex-
ecution of prisoners ; or in the names of the buildings (theatre,
circus, tribunal, secretarium, etc.) where the trials took place.
He catches a glimpse of early manuscripts, in the use of
words, phrases, and technical terms belonging to the first
three centuries ; in the precision of certain indications of day,
date, month, and year ; and in the knowledge shown of the
ancient costume, and of curious incidents, social customs, and
details of legal procedure of the period. He lays peculiar
stress on the exactitude of topographical detail, especially in
the Roman Acts.
Most modern authorities on the subject, as we have seen,
adopt this theory, though they vary in the method of
application.
But, though we were to accept Le Blant's conclusions, the
grains of gold in these legends are few and hard to dis-
tinguish. Even granting, for the moment, the dependence
of these Gesta on earlier documents, this fact is of little use
to us if we remain in ignorance of the character of these
authorities : they might well be more ancient than the Gesta
without possessing a high degree of authenticity.
^ Supra, p. 130.
198 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
But can we accept all these characteristics which Le Blant
indicates, as equally valid proofs of dependence on an original
source ? If we consider the anxiety of the writers of the Gesta
to gain credit for their work as depending on reliable sources,^
and their shameless plagiarism,^ it seems natural to suspect
that in some cases at least the archaisms are the result of
deliberate copying of any older document that came to hand.
Again, topographical exactitude^ indicates nothing except
that the writer of the Roman Gesta in the fifth or sixth
century is perfectly well acquainted with, say, the shrine of
Nereus and Achilleus, or of Felicitas and her seven sons.
We have already seen what errors arise from traditions
woven around shrines.^
These remarks are only intended to indicate that Le
Blant's application of the Theory of Interpolation is open to
criticism. That it sometimes has resulted in the discovery
of truth is equally certain. Fitly to appraise the justice of
his results would demand an exhaustive study of each of
the two hundred and twenty Gesta of which he treats, and
the experimental application of his theory to others, especi-
ally in cases where we possess some independent material
wherewith our conclusions may be checked.
^ Supra, p. 192. 2 Supra, p. 191 ; Delehaye, op. cit. chap. iii.
^ Supra, p. 186. * Supra, pp. 185 seqq.
CHAPTER XV
ACTS OF THE MARTYRS : THE ROMAN GESTA
Dates of the Roman Gesta : Internal evidence — External evidence : references
to Gesta in Gregory of Tours. — Connexion of the Gesia with the Liber Pontific-
alisy with the Passionary of Gregory the Great, and with the Martyrology of
Ado. — An examination of individual Gesta.
Bonum agonem subituri estis in quo agonothetes Deus vivus est : Xystarches
Spiritus Sanctus : Corona aeternitatis brabium angelicae substantiae, politia in
caelis, gloria in saecula saeculorum.^ — TertuUian, Ad Marty res.
Dates of the Roman Gesta : Internal Evidence. — If
we now turn our attention to certain of the Roman Gesta, we
can in some cases bring forward fresh evidence for ascribing
them to the fifth and sixth centuries. If a certain general
similarity, philological and psychological, characterizes, as we
have seen, the later Passions in general, a yet closer relation-
ship of form and of spirit binds together many of our
Roman Gesta, — as Dufourcq has demonstrated in his " Gesta
Marty rum romains," — and indicates that they were compiled
at more or less the same period. On purely philological
grounds, this period cannot be earlier than the fifth century ;
since the technical terms employed, especially those of
officials, belong to the age subsequent to the division of the
Empire in 395.2 The word Gesta itself, as applied to the
deeds of the martyrs, appears first in the fifth century.
External Evidence : References to Gesta in Gregory
of Tours. — On the other hand, we have, as we have seen,
^ '* You are about to pass through a noble struggle, in which the master of the
games is the living God: in which the trainer is the Holy Spirit : in which the
prize is an eternal crown of angelic substance, citizenship in heaven, and glory for
ever and ever. ''^
2 For an analysis of these terms, and a comparison with the Notitia Dignitatum
(ed. Seeck, Berlin, 1876), of the time of Honorius, see Dufourcq, op. cit, p. 279.
199
200 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
references in the fifth- and in the sixth-century writings to
Gesta already in existence.^ Gregory of Tours (d. 594), too,
in his book Concerning the Glory of the Martyrs ^ {De gloria
martyrum)y mentions three Gesta of Roman martyrs, — the
Gesta of Pope Clement^ [Nov. 23] {th^fact of whose martyr-
dom is dubious), of Chysanthus and D arias [Oct. 25], and
of 5. Pancras^ [May 4]. With regard to the other Roman
martyrs he says :
There are many martyrs of the city of Rome whose
Passions and history have not come down to us entire.
Connexion of the Gesta with the liber Pontiflcalis.
— There are ten Gesta Martyrum existing which record the
passions of the popes prior to the Peace of the Church,
namely, the Passions of Clement, Alexander^ Callixtus^
Urban (in the Passion of S. Cecilia)^ Cornelius^ Stephen^
Sixtus W.}^ Gaius (in the Passion of S. Susanna)}^ Marcellus^^
and EusebiusP The Liber Pontiflcalis ^* of the sixth century
borrows ^^ from these Gesta for the lives of Urban and
Cornelius, and possibly depends on them for the few in-
cidents recorded of Gaius and Marcellus, while the record
there of Sixtus II. is independent of the Gesta. It makes no
use of the other Gesta quoted above.
For certain popes, however, namely, Pontianus, Lucius,
and Marcellinus, the Liber Pontiflcalis depends on Gesta now
lost ; as perhaps also for the mere fact of martyrdom recorded
for the other popes.
^ See supra, pp. 76, 182.
* De gloria martyrum^ c. 35, 38, 39, 40; in P.L. 71, col. 737.
^ Mombritius, Sanctuarium, i. p. 341, ed. 1910 ; P.G. 2, col. 617 ; F. Funk,
Opera patrum apostolicorum, ii. p. 29. This spurious passion was not adopted in
the Roman liturgies before the ninth century. The Clement venerated in the
Chersonesus is not identical with the pope. See supra, p. 67.
^ Anal. Boll., 1 891, p. 53.
^ Confused with the authentic martyr of the Via Nomentana. See A.SS.,
May 3.
^ A.SS., October 14,
'Mombritius, op. cit. i. p. 332, ed. 1910; Surius, De probatis sandortim
historiis, November 22.
^ Schelestratus, Antiquitates ecclesiae, i. p. 188. * A.SS., August 2.
i« A.SS., August 6. " A.SS , August 11. ^^ ^^SS., January 16.
" A.SS., September 26. ^^ Supra, Chaps. IV. -VI. ^^ See supra, p. 68.
THE ROMAN GESTA 201
The Gesta and the Passionary of Gregory the Great. —
The most important indication, however, of the existence of
Roman Gesta is found in the letter, dated 598, about the
Martyrologies, of Gregory the Great to Eulogius, Bishop of
Alexandria, referred to above.^ In it he mentions " a single
volume containing very little."
Dufourcq^ proves, fairly conclusively, that he has dis-
covered this volume in a tenth-century manuscript, known as
the Codex Vindobonensis, in the Imperial Library in Vienna.
Among other documents in the Codex, is a copy of a
Passionary of Roman origin which Dufourcq attributes to the
latter part of the sixth century at latest, which he calls the
Passionary of Gregory. It contains^ the Gesta of twenty-seven
Roman martyrs, five Umbrian, and four of other places,
arranged liturgically, in fairly correct order, except in the case
of the nine saints foreign to Rome, who are all out of place,
and probably interpolated later at the expense of some other
martyrs. Internal evidence shows that the Passionary is an
incomplete and modified version of some earlier volume, as
yet undiscovered, which Dufourcq calls the Book of Martyrs
{Liber Martyruni),
Thus, from internal and external evidence, it is clear that
there were already some Gesta of Roman martyrs in existence
in the fifth and sixth centuries.
The Gesta and the Martyrology of Ado. — In the ninth-
century Martyrology of Ado ^ are one hundred and seventy-
eight Roman martyrs or groups of martyrs : to one hundred
and twenty-nine of these are attached brief Lives, from four to
thirty lines in length, and for seventy-seven of these Lives Ado
quotes various " Passions " and " Gesta " as his authorities.
We may note that about twelve of the seventy-seven saints
mentioned are in the Philocalian Calendar, and another twelve
in the Passionary of Gregory, but that only some four names
are common to the three lists, — Pope Callixtus, Agapitus,
Alexander, and Cyriacus. We can conclude, then, that a
large number of Gesta were in existence before the ninth
^ Supra, p. 183.
2 Dufourcq, op. cit. p. 77. ^ por a complete list see Appendix V.
* P.L. 123, col. 139. For full list see Appendix VI.
202 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
century, and that some of them, as we have shown, existed
in the fifth and sixth.
An Examination of Individual Gesta. — A critical
examination of individual Gesta will enable us to fix a more
definite date for certain of them, and will incidentally afford
us illustrations of the action of tradition.
For example, the Gesta of S. Cecilia are earlier than the
first compilation of the Liber Pontificalis (5 14-523), since the
latter uses these Gesta. On the other hand, they are later
than Tertullian (d. 240), whose Apology is quoted ; later than
the publication in 416 of the De Trinitate of S. Augustine;
and later than the history of the Vandal persecution {de
persecutione Vandalicd)} published in 486 by Victor, Bishop
of Vita, an eye-witness : both works being quoted or copied in
the Gesta, The date, then, of their compilation is between
486 and 523.
By somewhat similar methods we may definitely ascribe
to the fourth century, with developments in the fifth and sixth,
the Acta Petri \'^ to the fifth century the Gesta of the Greek
Martyrs} and of 5. Sebastian [Jan. 20] ; to the early sixth
century those of 5. Pancras [May 4], 5. Laurence [Aug. 10],*
and vS. Eusebius [Sept. 26]. The Gesta of fohn and Paul [June
25] were probably written between 498 and 514, while the
Gesta of Processus and Martianus [July 2], and of Nereus
and Achilleus [May 12], are of the sixth century.^
A further investigation on similar lines will no doubt
enable us to fix the dates of other individual Gesta with
greater certainty, and perhaps within narrower limits.
To criticize in detail the Gesta which concern the early
Roman martyrs would require volumes dealing largely with
minute details of monumental, as well as of literary, evidence.
Dufourcq, in his original and enlightening work, has briefly
discussed some seventy of them. As an example of the
method of criticism we may take the Gesta of S. Callixtus, the
pope (217-222).
1 P.L. 58.
^ Lipsius, Acta Apostolorum apocrypha, 3 vols., Leipsic, 1891-1903.
^ De Rossi, Roma Sotterranea, iii. p. 201.
* Surius, iv. p. 581. ^ For further details see Dufourcq, op. cit.
THE ROMAN GESTA 203
The story of the martyrdom of Callixtus, condensed from
the Gesta of Callixtus [Oct. 14], is as follows : —
In the time of Macrinus and Alexander, the consul
Palmatius accuses the Christians of burning a part
of the Capitol, and partly burning various other places.
The soldiers whom he sends to seize Callixtus in the
Trastevere are blinded : a vestal virgin, Juliana, is
seized by the devil on a day of solemn sacrifice.
Palmatius is baptized by Callixtus in the quarter
called Ravenna, as well as his wife and forty-two
persons of his house. Palmatius, arrested by the
tribune Torquatus, confesses Christ before Alexander,
and is handed over to the Senator Simplicius. He heals
Blanda, wife of Felix ; and converts Simplicius and his
family, who are baptized by the priest Calepodius and
the bishop Callixtus. Calepodius is beheaded on
the first of May: his body, thrown into the Tiber, is
taken out and buried in the cemetery which bears his
name, on the tenth of May. Callixtus hides in the house
of Pontianus in the quarter called Ravenna: he con-
verts the soldier Privatus, but is discovered and thrown
into a well. The priest Asterius buried him in the
cemetery of Calepodius, on the Via Aurelia, on the eve
of the fifteenth of October.
With regard to these Gesta Dufourcq points out, with
full references to the original authorities, that the Church
of S. Callixtus, still in existence, is mentioned in documents
as early as 352; that the district Ravenna is, in fact, in
the Trastevere, and so called because a portion of the fleet
from Ravenna was quartered there. F'urther, the year,
day, and place of burial are attested in the Philocalian
Calendar (354), the Martyrology of Jerome, and the
Itineraries. The cemetery of Calepodius and the ruins
of the cemetery where Callixtus is stated to have been
buried have been discovered on the Via Aurelia.^ The
manner of the death of Callixtus indicates rather the
vengeance wreaked in a popular rising than the execu-
tion of a legal sentence, and the charge against the
Christians seems inspired by the same feeling : these facts
^ Marucchi, Le Catacombe Romane^ p. 62.
204 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
are in harmony with history, for CalHxtus perished in the
reign of Alexander Severus, who was favourable to the
Christians. The general conclusion is, therefore, that these
late Gesta Callixti have preserved for us the historic
facts.
CHAPTER XVI
THE MARTYROLOGY OF JEROME: PLACE AND
DATE OF COMPILATION
The Calendars in general. — The Martyrology of Jerome: The Codex of
Berne, the Codex of Epternach, and others — The original compilation of the
Martyrology at Auxerre, in Burgundy, in the sixth century, between 592 and 600
— Quotation from the Calendar of Auxerre — Gallicisms in the terms used —
The contents of the document : The prefatory letters (Chromatius and Heliodorus
to Jerome), etc. — Extract from the Martyrology. — References by Cassiodorus and
Gregory the Great to the Martyrology. — A North Italian version, between 431
and 541.
O Lector, vive, lege, et pro me ora . . , Tuorum, Domine, quorum nomina
scripsi sanctorum, eorum quaeso suffragiis miserum leva Laurentium : tuque
idem, Lector, ora.
Laurentius presbyter {circ. 705) in Martyrologium Hieronymianwn}
The Calendars in General. — Every Church from the
earliest times possessed its diptychs and calendars. "You
have, O Christian, your tables of feasts" {fastos\ says
Tertullian. These primitive records formed the basis of
the first Martyrologies, which were compiled about the time
of the Peace of the Church, — the Roman Martyrology of
312,2 ^\^Q Greek Menology of the fourth century ,2 the African
Calendar^ of about the same date. These early calendars
were then combined in various ways to form a general
Martyrology (^Martyrologium Universale^, including saints
^ Laurence, the priest and scholar and the friend of the English bishop,
Willibrord, wrote this prayer at the beginning of the manuscript of the
Martyrology of Jerome, which he was transcribing: "O Reader, live, read,
and pray for me ... Do Thou, 0 Lord, by the suffrages of Thy saints whose
names I have inscribed here, lift up, I pray Thee, miserable Laurence : and
do thou also, Reader, pray for him^ See stipra, p. 38.
2 Infra, p. 224. '^ Infra, p. 218.
* Infra, p. 219. For the relations of the documents see frontispiece.
305
206 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
of all lands ; and were brought up to date by the addition
of the names of later saints. The Martyrology was then
adapted for local use by the addition of local saints, local
church dedications, translations of relics, and lists of
bishops. During the troubled centuries for Italy that
followed, the copies of these Martyrologies disappeared.
It is in the libraries of France, Germany, and the British
Isles that we now find manuscripts of them, dating roughly
from the sixth century onward ; together with the popular
abbreviated versions {Breviarid), which are often more
correct, being based on better manuscripts, now lost, than
the unabbreviated versions of the Martyrologies which we
possess.
Those who used the Martyrologies, and especially the
monks, found they required something more than a mere
entry of the name of the saint, and place and date of burial.
Hence, to provide edifying reading, passages from the
Gesta Martyrum ^ were often inserted into the old Martyr-
ology and so formed the historical Martyrologies of Bede,
Ado, and other ninth-century compilers.
Martyrology of Jerome: The Codex of Berne, of
Epternach, and others. — The whole process is illustrated
in the great central Martyrology of the western world,
the Martyrology of Jerome, which gathers up the substance
of the most remote Calendars, and is the source of all
later Martyrologies. We will examine it in detail, starting
with the latest form, when the document has been adapted
for local use, and tracing it back to the earliest sources,
when we shall find it is related as " brother " or " cousin "
to some of the ancient documents we have already
described.
The Martyrology which bears the name of Jerome
(Martyrologium Hieronymianuni) is, then, as we have
seen, a compilation from various sources, with later addi-
tions. In this it resembles the Liber Pontificalis and the
Itineraries,
Forty of the manuscripts in which this Martyrology is
preserved have been described by De Rossi, and more fully
^ See infra, p. 229.
THE MARTYROLOGY OF JEROME 207
by Duchesne in his great work.^ The two most important
texts are (i) the Codex of Berne {Codex Bernensis)^ discovered
by De Rossi, and considered by him to be the most im-
portant manuscript of all, owing to the fullness of its topo-
graphical details — a point which would especially appeal
to De Rossi. It has been published separately in a con-
venient little volume by the BollandistsJ The second
highly important manuscript is (2) the Codex of Epternach
{Codex Epternacensis). This document is slightly abbreviated,
even to the actual words, from some other earlier text.
We owe this great manuscript, which Duchesne considers
the best, to the English bishop, Willibrord, the missionary of
the Frisians,^ and to Laurence, his friend and scribe, whose
petition is inscribed at the head of this chapter. It is from
this Codex that quotations are usually made in these pages.
These two manuscripts, together with two others, have been
published jointly by De Rossi and Duchesne in four parallel
columns : no one has as yet attempted a final version of the
Martyrology.
The other manuscripts depend on these two, and vary
greatly in general character, in accuracy, and in the omissions
and additions found in them. We can account for this by
the fact that the original compilation, with its primitive roll
of Eastern, Roman, and African martyrs,^ had to be adapted
now for monastic use, now for liturgical use, in various
districts and local churches ; each of which made additions
of their own local saints. To quote only two examples, the
Codex of Corvie {Codex Corbeiensis), in France (Somme),
contains a number of local French saints otherwise unknown.
Again, when the Martyrology had passed through the hands
of Bede* it appeared enriched with the names of the English
saints of Canterbury and Northumbria, — Augustine, Paulinus,
King Oswald, Cuthbert, and others.
The Original Compilation of the Martyrology ; Gallic
in Origin. — But beneath all these variations we can discern
^ See Bibliography — Martyrology of Jerome.
2 See supra, p. 38.
' For a full account of these original sources see infra, pp. 218-228;
* Bibliography— Martyrology of Jerome,
2o8 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
one early original common text of the compilation. To
discover this, to describe its character, date, and birthplace,
let us turn for some indication to the Calendar itself, and
study the lists added by the local churches.
We are struck first by the large proportion of Gallic
saints : there is scarcely a day on which one name at least
does not appear. Further, while the rest of the Calendar is
in considerable confusion, the notices of the Gallic saints are
accurate and sometimes detailed.
Of the Sixth Century. — // is clear, then, that Gaul is the
birthplace of that compilation of the Calendar prese7'ved in the
manuscripts we now possess. Further, while for the saints of
other lands the commemorations cease after the fifth century,
the notices of Galilean saints include those of the sixth
century. The approximate date^ then, of this Gallic version is
the sixth century.
But place and date can be defined more precisely.
Of Auxerre in Burgundy. — These Gallic saints all belong
to Southern Gaul, and are, moreover, very unequally distri-
buted among the different cities. To take a few cases only : for
Auxerre {Autussiodorum) we find thirty names in the Martyr-
ology, for Autun (Augustodunum) twenty-five, for Lyons
twenty-six.^ Then, with a sudden drop, eight for Vienne,
the home of so many martyrs,^ seven for Tours, and only
two or three apiece (rarely five or six) for forty other places.
It is clear, then, that the Martyrology was compiled for
the use of Auxerre, or Autun, or Lyons. Among these three,
Auxerre, as we see, has a pre-eminence which is all the more
remarkable because the local saints of that town are less
important than those of Lyons or Autun. Further, for
Auxerre we have the list of the burial days {Deposition of
her seventeen bishops complete (with one exception), and to
one bishop, Germanus (418-448),^ no less than three festivals
are assigned. For this church, too, the topography is exact
^ For text of this portion of the Calendar see De Rossi and Duchesne, Martyro-
logium Hieronymianum, in A.SS., Nov., p. xli. For information on the Gallic
bishops and saints see Duchesne, Pastes Episcopaux de Vancienne Gaule, 2 vols.,
Paris, 1900, and Gams, Series Episcoporum Ecclesiae Catholicae, i vol., Ratisbon,
1873.
2 Supra, p. 162, ^ Supra, p. 30; cf. p. 210,
THE MARTYROLOGY OF JEROME 209
and there is frequent mention of festivals, of translations of
relics, and anniversaries of dedications of churches, all totally
unimportant save locally.
For Lyons, on the other hand, we note that only fourteen
bishops are mentioned and twelve are omitted.
For Autun, though the episcopal records are too mutilated
to enable us to check the Martyrology by them, the festivals
of that church are obviously recorded less completely than
for Auxerre.
Auxerre^ then, is the birthplace of the Gallican version of the
Martyrology.
Between 592 and 600. — If we further examine the
commemorations for Auxerre and Autun we shall be able
to define the date more exactly. It was De Rossi ^ who
first remarked that in the notices for the bishops of Auxerre,
for all, with one exception, the date of burial {Depositid) is
noted in the usual way according to the model of the
Depositio Episcoporum of the Philocalian Calendar and
kindred documents. For Bishop Aunarius (or Aunacharius)
{c. 561-605),^ however, the anniversary of his consecration
as bishop is mentioned, and there is no notice of his death ;
from which we conclude that the Martyrology was compiled
in his lifetime. Again, turning to the notices of the bishops
of the neighbouring town of Autun, we note precisely the
same fact concerning Bishop Syagrius,^ who was consecrated
bishop about 561 and died in 600. Thus the evidence seems
sufficient for affirming that the Martyrology of ferome was
compiled at Auxerre in the sixth century in the lifetime of
Aunarius, Bishop of Auxerre, and of Syagrius^ Bishop of
Autun, i.e. betzveen ^60 and 600.
A third series of commemorations of Gallican bishops
confirms this fact. We read for January 21 the entry:
XII. kal. feb. . . . Arvernius depos [beati]* aviti
epi.
Jan. 21. ... In the district of the Arverni {i.e.
Avergne) the burial of blessed Avitus, bishop.
^ Rofna Sotterranea, ii. p. xvi. ^ Gams, op. cit. p. 50.
^ Ibid. p. 499 ; cf. Duchesne, Pastes, ii. p. 427.
* In Codex Bernensis.
14
210 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
This Avitus was the teacher and friend of Gregory of
Tours, to whom the latter so often refers in his works, and
from whom we learn that Avitus was alive in 59 1. ^ From
the Martyrology we learn that Avitus did not die before
January 21, 592.
Therefo7'e^ the Martyrology is not earlier than 5^2 nor, as
we have seen, later than 600.
Quotation from the Calendar of Auxerre. — A brief
quotation from that part of the Calendar concerning the
saints of Auxerre {Kalendarium Autissiodoj^ense) which has
proved so important for determining the date and birthplace
of the Martyrology is not without interest : ^
April 15. — In Auxerre in Gaul, the dedication of the
baptistery, which is near the basilica of S. Germanus,
bishop and confessor, where are laid the relics of S. John
the evangelist. On the same day the dedication of the
altar of S. Julianus, martyr, who came from the district
of Brest \^Brivate\
May I. — In the city of Auxerre the burial of S.
Amator, bishop.
May 6. — At Auxerre the burial of Valerian, bishop.
May 26. — At Auxerre the Passion of Priscus.
June 30. — At Auxerre the burial of S. Germanus,
bishop and confessor, and the anniversary of Aunarius,
bishop.
Sept. 22. — xA.t Auxerre, Germanus, bishop : in Gaul, in
the city of Auxerre, the arrival and reception of the
body of S. Germanus, bishop and confessor, from Italy.
Oct. I. — In Gaul, in the city of Auxerre, the burial of
S. Germanus, bishop and confessor.
Gallicisms in the Terms used for the Festivals. —
^ Gregorius Turonensis, Hts^. Franc, x. 6, m P.L. 71.
* See also Martyrologium insignis ecclesiae Autissiodorensis (of tenth century),
in P.L. 138, col. 1209.
THE MARTYROI.OGY OF JEROME 211
Further, as Duchesne points out,^ the very names of the feast
days are Gallican, and certain feasts are either absent from the
Roman Calendar or found there under another name. For
example, the entry of the Martyrology of Jerome
KL. JAN. [LAETANIAS INDICENDAS]^ CIRCUCISIO DNI
[nri ihu xri secd carne].
Jan. I. — Litanies to be sung. The Circumcision of
our Lord Jesus Christ according to the flesh.
is known in the Roman Calendars as the octa vum domini,
that is the Octave of Christmas Day.
The following entry is unknown to the Roman Calendars,
at least on the day indicated : —
XV kl. feb depos scae mariae ^ et cath petri in roma.*
Jan. 18. — The burial of S. Mary [the Virgin] and the
Chair of Peter in Rome.
The following entries are altogether unknown in the
early Roman Calendar ; —
VIII k ap hieros dns crucifixus est.
VI k ap resurf dni ni ihu hieros.
V nofi m[ai] in hierosolima inventio scae crucis
[dni nri ihii xi-i ab helena regina in monte golgotha
post passione dni anno ducentissimo XXXIII regnante
Constantino imperatore].
IV k Sep passio sci ioh babtis.
VI k jafi adsumpto sci ioh evang apud ephesu et
ordinatio episcopatus sci Jacobi ff diii qui ab apostolis
primus ex Judaeis hierosolimis est aepiscopus ordinatus
et in medio paschae martyrio coronatus hierosol cuius
pas VIII k ap.
March 25. — At Jerusalem the Lord was crucified.
March 27. — Resurrection of the Lord Jesus at
Jerusalem.
^ The brief assertions made here are proved by many references to other
calendars given in Duchesne, op. cit. p. xl.
2 The passages in brackets are from the Codex Bernensis in all the quotations
which follow.
' Unknown also in the African Calendars.
* This feast of S. Peter was kept in Rome on February 22, as we see from
the Philocalian Calendar (fourth century).
212 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
May 3. — At Jerusalem the Finding of the holy Cross
[of our Lord Jesus Christ by Helena the queen on
Mount Golgotha in the two hundred and thirty-third
year after the Passion of the Lord in the reign of
Constantine the emperor].
Aug-. 29. — The Passion of S. John the Baptist.
Dec. 27. — The Assumption of S. John the Evangelist
at Ephesus, and the ordination as bishop of S. James
the brother of our Lord who, first of the apostles, was
ordained bishop by the Jews at Jerusalem, and in the
middle of Easter was crowned with martyrdom at
Jerusalem, whose Passion is March 25.
The Notices of Monthly Litanies a Gallicism. —
Another Gallicism in this Calendar is the rubric at the
beginning of each month : laetanias indicendas, i.e. that
litanies were to be sung. From the earliest times at Rome
and elsewhere litanies were universally recited on certain
days of the year, as we learn from many liturgical documents
and edicts bearing on them. But the recitations of monthly
litanies is characteristic of Auxerre, as we see from the
decree ^ of Bishop Aunacharius (Aunarius) {c. 561-605), " that
every month on the first of the month a litany is to be
celebrated " at one of the twelve (stational) urban basilicas
(which he enumerates), and " on other days of the months as
above."
Having thus determined the date and place of origin of
the earliest compilation that we possess, let us turn to the
document itself, and examine it in its entirety.
The Contents of the Document: — (1) The Prefatory
Letters of Chromatins and Heliodorus to Jerome, with
Reply of Jerome. — According to a common custom of the
time, one of the earliest compilers commended his work to
the public by two prefatory letters which claimed to be
the correspondence with Jerome of two bishops of North
Italy, — of Chromatius of Aquileia, the friend of Ambrose,
and of Heliodorus of Altinum. Chromatius and Heliodorus
^ De Gestis episcoporum AuHssiodorensium, pars prima^ cap. xix., in P.L.
138, col. 234. For texts of some tenth-century litanies (based on earlier docu-
ments) see P.L. 138, col. 885. There are to be found in these Gesta some
interesting details on the history of the diocese of Auxerre.
THE MARTYROLOGY OF .JEROME 213
write that in a council of bishops held at Milan, at the
summons of "the august and most religious" Emperor
Theodosius,
We all unanimously determined to write to your
Charity {ad tuam Caritateni) to ask you to examine
in the archives the most famous Ferial of Eusebius,
priest of Caesarea in Palestine, and to send us notes of
the feast days of the martyrs ; that the Office of the
martyrs may be performed better and more perfectly
through your holy industry.
The reply of Jerome is as follows :
Jerome, priest, to Chromatius and Heliodorus, bishops.
It is well established that our Lord receives daily (in
the liturgy) the triumphs of His martyrs whose passions
we have found, written by saint Eusebius of Caesarea.
For when the Emperor Constantius entered Caesarea,
and bade the bishop ask for some favour for the church
at Caesarea, Eusebius is said to have answered . . .
that he was possessed by an earnest desire, that what-
ever action in the Roman state had been taken with
regard to the saints of God throughout the whole
Roman world, as one judge succeeded another, should
be sought and examined by a careful scrutiny of all the
public monuments; and that, by the royal command,
notices taken from the archives should be sent to
Eusebius himself, concerning the names of the martyrs,
under what judge they suffered, in what province or
state, on what day, and by what manner of death they
won the palm of perseverance.^
After describing how Eusebius' petition was granted, and
how he compiled his history of the martyrs from the
documents so provided, Jerome continues :
And since, offering the sacrifice daily to God, you
desire to remember the names of those who on that day
on which the sacrifice is offered stood up as victors over
the devil, and glorious and shouting for joy with the
triumph of their martyrdom reached the presence of
Christ their King — for this reason we have arranged the
feast days month by month, and day by day as you
deigned to command me, saying that there would be an
^ Cf. supra, p. 179.
214 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
everlasting commemoration of our humble self when
the feast day of the names of the saints is celebrated on
all the days through the spaces of the years.
He then explains that, since for each day of the year there
are, from all lands, at least five hundred martyrs, he has
abbreviated the Calendar for fear of wearying his readers.
Further, that he has arranged all together at the beginning,
out of the due order of the months, the feast days of the
apostles.
(2) Prefatory Notices of the Apostles. — Thus the
compiler prefaced the work, and though the letters appear
to be apocryphal, we shall see that the facts contained in
them are true.
The Calendar opens, as stated in the letter, with a brief
biographical notice of each of the apostles, including Judas,
Paul and Matthias. There follows a notice of ten feast days
dedicated to them, from which a few quotations may be
made: ^
June 29. — The anniversary of the apostles Peter and
Paul in Rome.
Nov. 30. — The anniversary of Andrew the apostle in
the city of Patras in the province Achaia.
Dec. 27. — The anniversaries of the apostles S. James
the brother of our Lord and of John the evangelist.
June 24. — The anniversary of the falling asleep
idormitid) of John, the apostle and evangelist, in
Ephesus.
(3) Some Extracts from the Martyrology. — Then
begins the Calendar proper at December 25. For each
day of the year there are a large number of saints: their
country is usually indicated, and for some, more minute
topographical details are given. A brief extract will show
the general character of the document. Preference has been
given to those days which contain some details on Roman
martyrs :
Dec. 25. — In Bethlehem the birth of our Saviour the
Lord Jesus Christ according to the flesh. At Rome,
* Codex Be7'fiensis.
THE MARTYROLOGY OF JEROME 215
Jovinus Pastor Victoriana Agellius Euticetus Sim-
phroniana Saturninus Timedus Ignatius Cyriacus Gagus
Januaria Dativus. And in the cemetery of Apronianus
on the Via Latina at Rome, the passion of S. Eugenia
Virgin.^ Sirmius and Anastasia. At Milan, Felicitas,
and in Pergamos, Saturninus. At Constantinople, S.
Anastasius, virgin.
Jan. 16. — At Rome on the Via Salaria in the cemetery
of Priscilla the burial {depositid) of S. Marcellus, pope
and confessor; and on the Via Appia in the cemetery
of Callixtus, the passion of S. Martha. Audeinus,
martyr. On the Via Corniva (? Cornelia) in the cemetery,
nine soldiers, and another thirteen whose names are pre-
served written in the book of life. In Africa, Saturninus,
Faustinus, Fravianus and six others. At Aries the
burial of S. Honoratus, bishop.
• ••..•••
June 1 1. — At Rome on the Via Salaria the anniversary
of Saint Basilla. Also on the Via Nomentana, at the
seventh milestone from the city, the anniversary of S.
Crispolius, Restitutus and elsewhere the translation
of the body of Fortunatus, bishop and martyr. In
Aquileia, Emeritus Aritus Victorianus Victor, and
elsewhere the anniversary of Nabor and Felix.
References to the Martyrology by Cassiodorus and
Gregory the Great. — Some earlier version of this work
was known to Cassiodorus (469-562), the minister of
Theodoric, and the founder of the Monastery of Vivarium.
He writes to his monks in about 541 urging them to read
constantly*
The Passions of the martyrs, which you will certainly
find among other things in the letter of S. Jerome
to Chromatius and Heliodorus — those martyrs who
flourished all over the world ; that their holy invitations
pricking you on, may lead you to the heavenly
kingdoms.
This work is again referred to in a famous letter of
^ Supra, p. 193.
^ De institutione divinarnm Utteraruni, c. 32, in P.L. 70, col. 1147.
2i6 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
Gregory the Great/ which is important also for the references
it contains to other works. Eulogius, Bishop of Alexandria,
had written to him, asking for the well-known volume of
Eusebius, A Collection of Ancient Martyrdoms. Gregory
writes, in answer, in 598, that he knows nothing of this
work, and then continues :
Except whatwe read in the books of this same Eusebius
{i.e. in the Ecclesiastical History) concerning the deeds
{gesta) of the martyrs, I know of nothing, either in
our own archives, nor in the libraries of the city of
Rome (except a few things collected in a single volume,
i.e. Passionary of Gregory). But we have collected into
a single volume {i.e. Martyrology of Jerome) the names
of nearly all the martyrs with a separate passion for
each day, and on all these days we celebrate the
Mass in honour of them. But what each one suffered
is not related in the same volume, but only the name,
the place and the date of the passion is given. . . .
The last part of this letter describes a document so closely
resembling the Martyrology of Jerome that there can be
little doubt as to the correctness of Duchesne's identification.
Gregory seems to have in his mind, too, the contents of the
prefatory letters.
This Version was an Earlier Compilation than the
Gallican, and made in North Italy between 431 and 541. —
Is it possible to discover traces in our Gallican edition of
that earlier compilation know to Cassiodorus ?
Setting aside the Gallican additions, of which we have
given an account, and also the fundamental portions derived
from very ancient Roman, Eastern and African Calendars,
which we will discuss in detail presently, what remains?
We may note in passing a few Spanish saints from Cordova,
Tarragona (Fructuosus,^ Augurius and Eulogius), Valentia.
^ Gregorii Magni Epistolae, viii. 29, in P.L. 77, col. 930, or in Jaffe, Regesta
pontificum Romanortmi, No. 15 1 7. Many older scholars, as well as Duchesne
and nearly all modern scholars, have so identified the work referred to by
Cassiodorus and Gregory (see supra, p. 201). It is to Dufourcq, Etudes sur les
Gesta Martyrum rojnains, that we owe the identification of the Passionary of
Gregory referred to in this letter (see supra, p. 201, and Appendix V.).
^January 21 {XII. kal. Feb.). For authentic Acts see supra, p. 157.
THE MARTYROLOGY OF JEROME 217
Also a few from Dalmatia, Pannonia (S. Quirinus),
Rhaetia and the neighbouring districts. Except in local
calendars, S. Alban is the only English saint whose name
appears in the Martyrology. We note, however, a very
large number of saints from various cities of Italy and Sicily
— from Milan, Aquileia, Ravenna, Verona, Placentia, Perugia,
Spoleto ; and in the south from Capua, Naples, Nola, Puteoli,
Baiae, Beneventum, Catana, Syracuse. The entries are
correct, and the topography detailed. The feast days too, of
their bishops, as late as the fourth century, appear — Ambrose
(d. 397), Paulinus of Nola (d. 431) and others. It is for
Northern Italy that we have the greatest number of names
— for Milan, Aquileia, Ravenna — and it is precisely for North
Italy, too, that feasts of translations of relics, dedications,
etc., of purely local interest, are inserted.
All these facts point to an earlier North Italian version
of the Martyrology. This version it is to which Cassiodorus
refers, and which must have been compiled betweeen 431,
as it records the death of Paulinus of Nola, and 541,
the date of Cassiodorus' letter. Cassiodorus, as we have
seen, knew the version when it was already prefaced with
the correspondence of Chromatius and Heliodorus with
Jerome. Yet again we find that these apocryphal letters
preserve something of historical truth, when they make the
request for a version of the Martyrology emanate from two
northern bishops (Aquileia and Altinum) sitting in council
at Milan.
CHAPTER XVII
THE MARTYROLOGY OF JEROME: THE
AxNCIENT SOURCES
The ultimate sources of the Martyrology and their combination: (l) Greek
Menology of the fourth century, and Syriac abridgment of 412, (2) African Calendar
of the fourth or fifth century and Carthaginian Calendar of the sixth, (3) The
Roman portion of the Martyrology : Quotation of papal entries — Similarity with
the Philocalian Calendar. — Four papal ordinations indicate four periods of com-
pilation of Martyrology. — The original Roman Calendar of 312 and subsequent
revisions — Other double papal entries — An analysis of the entries for the
Roman martyrs, — Views of Krusch on the date and place of compilation of the
Martyrology ; Luxeuil, seventh century. — Later Martyrologies.
Nos insensati vitam illorum aestimabamus insaniam, et finem illoriim sine
honore : ecce quomodo computati sunt inter filios Dei, et inter sanctos sors
illorum est. — Commune Mai'tyrum {Liber Sapientiae, iii.).^
The Ultimate Sources of the Martyrology and their
Combination. — We have described in the last chapter the
local additions to the Martyrology, and have thereby been
enabled to trace something of its history.
We now come down to the fundamental portion ; which
consists of the feasts of martyrs of (i) the East, (2) of
Africa, (3) of Rome. We shall find that the sources of
these entries can be traced back to very early national
Calendars. There are, moreover, a few saints common to
two, or even to all three of the Calendars, as SS. Peter and
Paul, the martyred Pope Sixtus II., Cyprian of Carthage,
Perpetua of Africa.
(1) Greek Menology of the Fourth Century and the
Syriac Abridgment of it in 412. — Let us consider first
the sources of the Oriental portion of the Martyrology, which
is accurate, and abounds in topographical detail.
^ " We fools accounted their lives madness, and their end without honour : now
are they numbered atnong the sons of God, and their lot is among the saint s,^^
2l8
THE ANCIENT SOURCES 219
There is in existence a Syriac Martyrology of the year
412.1 Comparing this document with the Martyrology of
Jerome we find the two so similar that it is clear they
are derived from a common source. The Martyrology of
Jerome is, however, a good deal fuller in detail. The
original source of both these documents is some Greek
Menology (Martyrology) of Asia Minor, compiled probably
at Nicomedia in the fom'th century, and itself depending
on earlier Calendars (of Antioch, Alexandria, etc.) and the
works of Eusebius. Duchesne thinks the Syriac abridg-
ment of 412 was probably made from the Martyrology ol
Jerome, though others believe it may have been derived
direct from the Greek Menology.
The arrangement of this Syriac version is interesting.
The saints in it are divided into two classes : (i) the martyrs
of the Eastern Roman Empire, (2) the martyrs of the Far East
— of Babylon and Persia — all arranged, not in the order of the
Calendar, but according to their position in the hierarchy.
Here again we note the correctness of the facts recorded
in the prefatory letters which make the works of Eusebius
one of the sources of our Martyrology.
(2) The African Calendar of the Fourth or Fifth Cen-
tury and a Carthaginian Calendar of the Sixth Century.
— The African Calendars have the peculiarity of referring
to their saints, at times, not by their names, but by the
name of the town or district to which they belong:
^vS". Scillitanorum, SS. Maxilitanorum, SS. Turburbitanorum
(the Scillitan martyrs . . . ). The roll of African saints
appears in the Martyrology of Jerome with, as a rule, the
single topographical indication " In Africa."
This portion of our Calendar may be compared with a
well-known Martyrology of Carthage of the sixth century.^
^ The most ancient manuscript is preserved in the British Museum. It has
been published, with an English translation, where it can easily be studied, by
W. V^n^i, Journal of Sacred Literahtre, t. viii. (new series), 1866, pp. 45, 423,
and re-edited by Graffin, A.SS., November. Fuller details of the Eastern
Calendar are found in Duchesne, in Melanges (Tarchiologie, 1S85, quoted in
Bibliography — Martyrology of Jerome.
2 Mabillon, Vetera Analecta, iii. 398 ; Ruinart, Acta Sincera, at the end ; and
Duchesne, A.SS., Nov., p. Ixxi.
220 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
The two documents (of which the Martyrology of Jerome is
the fuller) are closely alike, and depend on those numerous
and accurate early Calendars for which Africa was famous.^
The immediate source of this Carthaginian Martyrology
was a Calendar compiled before the Vandal invasion, since
the names of none of those martyrs who perished at that
period are found in it. It is therefore of the fourth or fifth
century.^
(3) The Roman Portion of the Martyrology. — We
now come to the study in the Martyrology of Jerome of
the Roman martyrs with whom we are especially concerned.
We note first the accuracy of the topographical details given,
— the information as to basilicas and stational churches, the
precision with which the locality of shrines on the suburban
roads are noted. These topographical notices should be
compared with those given in the Liber Pontificalis^
the Itineraries, and the Gesta Martyrum. To illustrate
this part of the Calendar, we will extract those portions
referring to the bishops of Rome. Such an extract will
illustrate all the general characteristics referred to above ;
it possesses, moreover, a peculiar historic interest, and will
furnish facts for determining some important dates. For
this series of entries, too, there exists ample collateral
evidence, documentary and monumental. We will further
note certain errors that have crept in, which will be of
assistance in forming a critical estimate of the document :
The Papal Entries in the Martyrology.^
January
(3rd) III non Jan. — Rom(se) Antheri pap(a)?.
(lOth) nil id Jan. — Rom in Cimiter(io) Via Appia
^ Stipra, p. 178.
^ Achelis, Die Martyrologien, ihre Geschichte und ihr Wert, 1900 (see Bibl.),
believes the document to be of Catholic origin, not, as some hold, a Donatist
compilation.
^ The text following is taken almost entirely from the Codex Bernensis.
There is a further discussion of some of the details on pp. 223-226. I have
added in brackets the letters which complete the contracted forms, and some-
times the correct form of a name, for the assistance of the reader.
THE ANCIENT SOURCES 221
Caelesti (Callixti) (depositio) Melchiades ^ (sic)
epi (scopi).
(i6th) XVII kl. febs. — Rom Via Salaria in cimiterio
Prescelle (Priscillae) depos(itio) Sci Marcelli
papae et conf(essonss).^
(20th) XIII kalfeb, — Rom(a)e Via Appia in Cim(iterio
Callisti) Fabiani ^ epi.
March
(4th) I III non mar. — Rome in Cimiterio Calesti Via
Appia depos Julii epi(scopi).*
(i2th) II 1 1 id mart. — Rome depositio Sci Innocenti epi.*^
(i4tb) pi'id id mar. — Rome Leonis epi et martyris . . .^
Innocenti'' epi.
April
(nth) III id aprael — Rome Leonis pap?.
(i2th) pridi id apl. — Rome in Cimit Calepodi Via
Aurelia tertio miliario depos Juli epi.
(22nd) X kl mai. — Roma(e) in cimit Calesti Via Appia
Sci Gagi (Gaii) pap?.
May
(17th) XVI kl jun. — Rome Via Salaria Vetere . . .
depositio Liberi epi.^
(25th) VIII kl jun. — Via Nomentana miliario VIII
natal(is) Urbani epi.^
^ Correct. See VI. non. Jul. (July 2), which is the day of the ordination,
not of burial. Translation : ^^ At Rome on the Via Appia in the cemetery of
Callixtus the burial day of Melchiades, bishop. '' The other passages can be
readily translated from this example.
^ There is the second (and incorrect) entry for Marcellus ; cf. Non. Oct.
(Oct. 7). The na?ne here should be Marcellinus, who is omitted altogether.
^ Among martyrs {Dep. Mart.) in Phil. Cal.
* The name Jtdii is a mistake for Ltccii (see Phil. Cal.) ; the correct entry
for Julius is o\\ prid. id. Apr. (April 12), as in Phil. Cal.
^ Correct. See XII. kal. Jan. (Dec. 21) for day of ordination. The entry
ioxprid. id. Mart. (March 14) is a mistake (?).
^ The single example of the subsequent addition of a pope later than Boniface
(418-422). The entry for the following day is that of his translation.
' A mistake (?). This is the third entry for Innocent. See note 5 above.
^ For day of burial see VIII. kal. Oct. (Sep. 24). This is day of
ordination.
^ Topographically incorrect : not in Phil. Cal.
222 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTVHS
July
(2nd) VI non jul. — Romae. In cimitef Damasi . . .
Via Appia in cimiterio Calesti natal(is) Eutici
et depos Melc(h)iadis (Miltiadis) pape.^
August
(2nd) II II non ags. — Komae in cimit Calesti Via
Appia sci Stefani epi et mar.
(6th) VIII id ags. — Rome in cimit Calesti Via Appia
nat(a)l(is) Sixti ^ epi.
(9th) V id ags, — Rome in cimiterio Calesti Via Appia
depositio Dionisi ^ epi.
(13th) Id a{u)gustas. — In Via Appia Calesti Scorum
Pontiani epi.^ . . .
September
(4th) prid no sep, — Rome in cimit Maximi Via Salaria
Bonifaci epi.
(14th) XVIII kl Oct. — Romae Via Appia in cimiterio
Calesti Cornili epi et Dionisi epi.*
(24th) VIII >^ oc{f). — Rom depos Liberi epi.^
(26th) VI kl Oct. — Rome Via Appia in cimitr Calesti
depos sci Eusebii epi.
October
(7th) notias Oct. — Rome Via Appia depositio Marcelli
epi et Marci epi.
(14th) pi'id id oct. — Rome Via Aurelia in cimiterio
Calepodi Calesti epi.^
^ A mistake : this is the day of his ordination. See ////. id. Jan. (Jan. 10)
footnote.
'^ In Dep. Mart, of Phil. Cal.
' Day of translation : for day of burial see VII. kal, Jan. (Dec. 26). Cf.
XVIII. kal. Oct. (Sep. 14).
^ Cornelius is not in the Phil. Cal. This is the third entry for Dionysius. Is
it a mistake? For burial see VII* kal. Jan. (Dec. 26) and translation V. id,
Aug. (Aug. 9).
" Not in Codex Bern, but in Codex Eptern Cf. XVI. kal. Jun. (May 17).
• In Depos. Mart, of Phil. Cal,
THE ANCIENT SOURCES 223
December
(8th) VI id dec. Rom depos Euticiani epi.^
(lOth) IIII id dec. — 'Kom . . . Pontiani^ . . . Rom
Damasi epi.^
(nth) III id dec. Rom depos Damasi.^
(20th) XIII k jafi. — Rom depos Zephirini epi.^
(21th) XII kl Jan. — Rome dep Sci Innocenti epi.*
(26th) VII kl janu{a)r. — Rom deps Sci Dionisi.^
(29th) IIII kl jamiar. — Rom . . . Bonefatii epi de
ordinatione.
(30th) III kl januar. — Rom Felicis epi.
(31st) pr kl jan Rom . . . depos SCi Silvestri epi.
Similarity with the Philocalian Calendar. — We note
at once a close resemblance between these entries in the
Martyrology, and the papal list compiled from the Dcpositio
Episcoporum and Depositio Martyrum of the Philocalian
Calendar.^ The formula of entry — name, date, place of
burial — is the same. Both documents really begin with
Pope Lucius (253-254), any earlier bishops who are given
in either, being martyrs, namely, Callixtus (217-222),
Pontianus (230-235), Fabianus (236-250) and Cornelius
(25I-253)-'
^ Not in Codex Bcrnensis.
^ Not in Codex Bernensis. This entry is the date of the translation of his
relics from abroad, where he died a martyr : he is in Depos. Mart, of the Phil.
Cal.
3 Not in Phil. Cal.
^ This entry is a mistake : it is the day of the ordination of Innocent. For
day of burial see IV. ides Mart. (March 12). Cf. Prid. id. Mart. (March 14).
f^Cf. XVIII. kl. Oct. (Sep. 14); also V. id. Aug. (Aug. 9) for
translation.
^ Infra, Appendix III.
' The last pope is omitted from the Depositio Martyrum of the Philocalian
Calendar, probably by a copyist's error. It is curious, however, that we find in
the Martyrology the names of the earlier popes, Zephyrinus (199-217) and
Anteros (235-236), who were not martyrs. The third name, Urban, for May 25
( VIII. kal. Jun) is probably not the pope (227-233) at all, but that Bishop
Urban who played a part in the martyrdom of S. Cecilia (p. 69). Further, while
Marcellus (304-309) is omitted from the Philocalian Calendar, perhaps because
he was not recognized by the Government (p.' 71), he appears correctly in the
Martyrology on October 7 {non. Oct. ), while Marcellinus (296-304) is wrongly
entered as Marcellus in the Martyrology on January 16 {XVII. kal. Feb.).
224 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
Both the Calendars, too, in reality end at Julius (337-352).
It is true that the Martyrology carries the list down to Boni-
face (418-422), but there is a complete cessation of all topo-
graphical details for the popes between Julius and Boniface
(i.e. for Liberius, Felix II., Damasus, Siricius, Anastasius,
Innocent I., Zosimus) till we come to Boniface himself
The name of Leo the Great (440-461) on March 14
{prid. id. Mart) is the only pope later than Boniface who
appears in the Martyrology. He is, of course, added by a
later hand.
We thus see the close resemblance between the Philo-
calian Calendar and the Martyrology. It is true that the
latter, being designed for ecclesiastical and liturgical use,
contains more details than the Philocalian Calendar, which
was an almanac of secular information.
Four Papal Ordinations as Indication of Date. —
There is, moreover, an entry peculiar to the Martyrology,
namely, the feast of the ordination (de ordinatione) of four
popes: (i) For Miltiades (or Melchiades). For this pope
there are two entries of deposition : January i o (////. id.
Jan), which is correct, and July 2 ( VI . non. Jul), which is a
mistake, and is in reality the day of his ordination, as we
know from other sources. (2) For Liberius (352-366) the
day of his death is marked September 24 ( VIII. kal. Oct),
which is correct, and May 17 {XVI. kal. Jun), which is
a mistake, and is really the day of ordination. (3) For
Innocent (401-417) March 12 {IV. idus Mart) is correctly
given as the day of burial; December 21 {XII. kal.
Jan) is the day of his ordination. (4) For Boniface
(418-422) alone are both entries correct, namely,
December 29 (////. kal. Jan) as the day of ordination
{de ordinatione) and September 4 {prid. non. Sep) as day
of deposition.
The Original Roman Calendar of 312 and Subse-
quent Revisions. — Since the days of consecration of the
bishops were observed only in their lifetime, and, as soon
as they were dead, the commemoration of their day of
burial was substituted, it follows that the original Roman
Calendar was completed under Miltiades, about 312, and
THE ANCIENT SOURCES 225
subsequently revised three times, — under Liberius, Innocent
and Boniface.^ Boniface, as we have seen, is the last of the
popes mentioned in the Calendar, with the exception of
Leo the Great (440-461) March 14, — an addition by a later
hand.
We remark, further, that though no dedications of churches
in Rome are noted as a rule, there are no less than four
such entries for churches dedicated under Sixtus ill. (432-
440), namely, the Baptistery of the Lateran, on June 29
{III. kal. Jul.)^ S. Peter-in-Chains on August i {kal. Aug:\
S. Maria Maggiore on August 5 (non. Aug), and the churches
of SS. Sixtus (II.), Hippolytus, and Laurence on November 2
{IV. non. Nov.). These notices seem to be added to the
Martyrology by a contemporary, and to be the latest revision
which we can trace.
It is on this Calendar of 312, too, as we have already
shown, that the Philocalian Calendar depends : this fact
accounts for the close similarity between the Philocalian
Calendar and the Martyrology, — two documents independ-
ent of each other, — and further accounts for the fact that the
paschal table of the Philocalian Calendar begins at the
arbitrary date of 312.
Hence the ultimate source of the Roman portion of the
Martyrology of Jerome is the so-called Calendar of Miltiades
of about the year 312, which was completed only some dozen
years later than the last persecution, and composed at the
first moment the Church enjoyed peace. The martyrs'
graves, sealed and inscribed, were as yet untouched by
barbarian invasions. We can, then, with very few excep-
tions, rely on the Martyrology as topographically correct,
especially when we note the agreement between this docu-
ment and the Itineraries compiled on the spot with the
actual tombs before the writers' eyes. The anniversaries,
too, are usually reliable. In the actual names themselves
there are occasional blunders, which are not surprising
when we consider how difficult is accuracy in this respect,
^ It is so that the date of the compilation of the sixth-century Gallican version
was determined by the entries of the days of ordination of Aunacharius and
Syagrius. See supra, p. 209.
15
226 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
and through how many copyists' hands this ancient Martyr-
ology has passed.^
Other Double Papal Entries. — In addition to the four
double papal entries noted above, we remark the same double
entries for several other popes. In some cases it is obviously
a mistake, — sometimes merely a mistake of one day, result-
ing, possibly, from a copyist's error (it is so easy to write
//// for ///, or X VII for X VIII ^ or copy a line twice over !) ;
or possibly from a confusion of the day of death, and day of
burial. Sometimes, also, it can be explained, as Dufourcq
has pointed out, by the fact that the second date is the day
of translation of relics.
A list of these nine double (or sometimes treble)
entries may be useful for reference.^
Depositio.
Pontianus .
Dionysius .
Marcellus .
Miltiades .
Julius . .
Liberius
Damasus .
Innocent .
Boniface .
Leo . . .
id. aug. (Aug. 13th).
VII kal. Jan. (Dec. 26th).
non. oct. (Oct. 7th).
IV id. Jan. (Jan. loth).
prid. id. apr. (April 1 2th).
VIII kal. oct. (Sept.
24th).
IV id. dec. (Dec. loth).
IV id mart (March 12th).
prid. non. sep. (Sept. 4th).
prid. id. mart. (March 14th)
IV id. dec. (Dec. loth) (translation).
V id. aug. (Aug. 9th) (translation).
XVII kal. feb. (Jan. i6th). Name
should be MarcelUnus.
VI non Jul. (July 2nd) (ordination).'
IV non. mart. ( March 4th). (Name
should be Lucius. )
XVI kal.jun. (May 17th) (ordina-
tion).
/// id. dec. (Dec. 9th). (Surely a
mistake. )*
XII kal. Jan. (Dec. 2ist) (ordina-
tion), prid. id. Mart, (a mistake (?)).
//// kal. Jan. (Dec. 29th) (ordina-
tion).
///. id. april{A^. nth) (translation).
* We may quote a single example of such an error. In three different
codices of the Martyrology we read :
prid. id. Jan. {Cod. Bern.) . . . Romae . . . Basilledis Tribuli Nagesi (?)
Magdaletis.
{Cod. Epter.) Tripoli Magdaletis Rom Basilis.
( Cod. Wissenb. ) . . Romae Baseledis Tripoli Macidaletis.
June 12. — At Rome, Basillis ; in Tripoli, Magdales.
In the versions of the Middle Ages, however, we find the reading,
Romae, Baselidis Tripodis Magalis,
where the place-name Tripoli has become a saint Tripos.
2 For further criticisms see Duchesne, Lib. Pont, under respective popes.
' So Duchesne : not here translation, as Dufourcq. See £tudes sur les Gesta
Martyrum romains, p. 95, and following pages for Martyrology of Jerome.
* Dufourcq, op. cit.j says this is the day of translation. Cf. July 2nd, supra,
p. 222.
THE ANCIENT SOURCES 227
These double papal entries require more minute investiga-
tion than we have been able to give them here, but are quoted
as the kind of errors that appear in the Calendar.
Analysis of the Entries of the Roman Martyrs. — The
Martyrology is obviously somewhat more detailed, even in
the papal entries, than the Philocalian Calendar, and the
notices of the saints are incomparably fuller. For while in
the earlier Calendar we have but 47 Roman saints, or groups
of saints, there appear in the Martyrology 213 saints, or groups
of purely Roman saints, according to Dufourcq's ^ most useful
and laborious reckoning. Of these, as he points out, 86 have
no topographical indication except " Rome." Among these
S6 are found some of the most famous names, — some of the
popes, S. Agnes (Jan. 21st : X/I K fed.), SS. John and Paul
(June 26th : VIK./u/.), S. Cecilia (Sep. i6th and Nov. 22nd :
XVI. K. Oct. and X K. dec), etc. For the remaining 127,
different places of burial are given for 11. For 40 out of
the entire 213 more than one day of deposition is noted.
For about 20 of these 40, however, the fact of a translation
or papal ordination can explain the discrepancy; but the
facts of each case require most careful investigation on its
own merits.
If we compare the names of martyrs inscribed in the
Martyrology with our information from other sources, — Gesta,
actual tombs, epigraphy, — we shall find some curious omis-
sions.2 Where are Clement the Consul and his wife Flavia
Domitilla, both relations of the Emperor Domitian ; Acilius
Glabrio, of a noble patrician family, who had served the
state for generations, and whose first-century tomb forms the
nucleus of the catacomb of S. Priscilla ; Justin Martyr,^ and
many another less well known ?
Dufourcq has analysed the number of martyrs and the
topographical indications found in the Calendar, and in the
Gesta respectively, and notes that for each great cemetery-
lined road of Rome, from two to fifteen martyrs are peculiar
^ Dufourcq, op. cit. p. 1 8. The total number, of course, is much higher. For
instance, " Parthenius and Calocerus," or "John and Paul," is each counted as
'• one group."
2 See Dufourcq, op. cit. p. 95. ^ Supra, p. 153.
228 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
to the Gesta and absent from the Calendar. The general
conclusion would seem to be that the two sets of documents
are independent, and that the Gesta derive their information
from oral tradition and other sources.^
Such is the history of the Marty rology, according to De
Rossi, and to Duchesne, who has devoted twenty years to the
study of it. In practical agreement with them are Achelis,
Harnack, Mommsen, Urbain, Dufourcq, and other scholars.^
This account of the Martyrology, however, has not passed
quite unchallenged.
Views of Krusch : Martyrology compiled at Luxeuil
in the Seventh Century. Duchesne's Theory carries Con-
viction.— Krusch,^ who has had the advantage of studying
Duchesne's great work, while he agrees with Duchesne on
the difficult question of the classification of the manuscripts,
and the construction of the Martyrology, believes that
the document was compiled, (i) not at Auxerre, but at
Luxeuil, (2) nor yet in the sixth century, but about 627.
Of the Italian version he will hear nothing; and further
denies that Cassiodorus and Gregory the Great are referring
to this work in the passages quoted above ; and holds that the
apocryphal introductory letters belong to the original com-
pilation. It would be too long to enter minutely into this
controversy, and both parties to it are in agreement as to the
composition of the document : as to its Gallican origin —
both Luxeuil and Auxerre being in Burgundy — and even
to its date within about forty years. To most students the
replies of Duchesne to Krusch will appear to vindicate amply
the correctness of Duchesne's conclusions.*
Later Martyrologies : (1) Bede (Eighth Century). —
We may complete this account of the Martyrology of Jerome
^ SuprUy p. 185.
2 Harnack, Theologische Literaturzeitung^ 1888, p. 351, Leipsic; Mommsen,
Gestorum Pontificum Romanorum^ vol. i. p. xi, note, and p. xix, in series
Monument a Germaniae Histo7-ica, Berlin, 1898 ; Dufourcq, £.tude sur les Gesta
Martyrum romains, p« 77 ; Achelis, Die Martyrologien . . . {op. cit.).
' See Bibliography — Martyrology of Jerome.
* The whole controversy is found in the pages of the Bulletin Critique^
Analeda Bollandiana^ and the N'eties Archiv, quoted in the Bibliography—
Martyrology of Jerome.
THE ANCIENT SOURCES 229
by a brief note of later Martyrologies depending mainly
on it. They are all what we may call historical Martyr-
ologies/ with biographies, more or less detailed, of the saints
included in them.
First and foremost is the so-called Martyrology of Bede'^
of the early eighth century, based on the Martyrology of
Jerome, on the Liber Pontificalis^ and on other works. It
was in use in the north of England, at Yarrow, Wearmouth,
lona, and Bangor.
(2) Little Roman Martyrology (Eighth Century). —
Probably contemporary with this is the Little Roman Martyr-
ology (^M artyrologium Romanum Parvtnn), compiled at Rome
in the eighth century.
(3) Of Rabanus Maurus, 850. — To the ninth century,
about 859, belong the Martyrology of Rabanus Maurus and
that of Florus of Lyons.
(4) Of Ado (Ninth Century). — The most important of
all these Martyrologies is that of Ado^ composed at Lyons
before he was Archbishop of Vienne, between 860 and 874.
Ado makes use of all the earlier Martyrologies, except that
of Maurus. It is much fuller in the biographical details than
previous works. Notices are given of 178 Roman saints,
or groups of saints, and to 129 of these are attached little
biographies, varying in length from five lines to several
pages, derived from various Gesta and Passiones. There is
also an allusion in it to '* A very ancient Martyrology " which
Ado saw at Ravenna. This most interesting document has
not been identified, but from the entries from it in Ado it can
be shown to be quite distinct from the Martyrology of
Jerome. Wherever the statements of Ado can be checked
by other sources of information, he is found to be following
ancient and authentic documents.
(5) Of Usuard (875) : Roman Martyrology. — Another
Martyrology was compiled by Usuard, a monk of S. Germain
des Pres, in 875, who dedicated it to Charles the Bold. From
it is directly derived the Roman Mai'tyi'ology at present in use.
^ Supra^ p. 206. Cf. Quentin, Martyrologes historiques du moyen age, 1908.
"^ For texts of the Martyrologies following see Bibliography.
^ See Bibliography and Dufourcq, op. cit, p. 31, and infra, p. 343.
CHAPTER XVIII
THE SYLLOGAE: THEIR SOURCES AND
LITERARY STYLE
Inscriptions, secular and religious. — Syllogae of the sixth and seventh centuries.
— Syllogae of the Carolingian epoch : influence of Alcuin. — The c)s\\&i Syllogae and
the geographical distribution of the manuscripts : (i) Northern French group —
(2) S. Gall group. — Inscriptions in anthologies. — The subject-matter of the
Syllogae and the original topographical arrangement. — The manuscripts and their
deformation. — Date and literary style. — The authors. — Imitations from the
classics. — Paganism of some Christian epitaphs. — Plagiarism in inscriptions. —
Historical value of the inscriptions.
Inscriptions, Secular and Religious. — A considerable
part of the history of Rome is written in the numerous
inscriptions on the monuments, secular and religious. Of
the originals scarcely one-fifth remain, but a certain number
have been preserved in the collections known as Syllogae.
We must confine ourselves here to the study of those
Syllogae concerning Christian Rome which are earlier than
the tenth century.^
Syllogae of the Sixth and Seventh Centuries. — Syllogae
of Christian inscriptions were compiled as early as the sixth
and seventh centuries, and were thus contemporary with some
of the Itineraries, to which they are in some respects akin.
The inscriptions contained in these Syllogae were taken down
direct from the monuments, and arranged in topographical
order with indications of locality affixed. Though none of
these original Syllogae now exist, these facts can be deduced
from the analysis of the later Syllogae depending on them.^
^ There are many interesting local Syllogae (Milan, Nola, Tours, etc.), as well
as mediaeval Syllogae of the twelfth century and later, such as those of Peter
Mallius (twelfth century), Nicholas Laurentius (fourteenth century), and others.
2 See Chaps. XIX., XX. For texts and full details see De Rossi, Inscrip-
tiones Christianae Urbis Romae, t. ii. (** I.C.^^) (All the inscriptions quoted are
found in this second volume of De Rossi
23c
THE SYLLOGAE: THEIR SOURCES AND STYLE 231
The authors of the Syllogae are unknown. Perhaps they
were members of the lower orders of clergy, perhaps scholars
from the monasteries, perhaps those professional guides who
are known to have existed in the great cities of the Roman
Empire.
The interest in the Roman inscriptions spread far, and was
especially keen in England, a real home of learning at that
date. In the poetical works ^ of Aldhelm, Abbot of Malmes-
bury, and, later. Bishop of Sherbourne, are found inscriptions
either derived from th^Syllogae^ or copied from the monuments
themselves by Aldhelm when summoned to Rome by Pope
Sergius. Aldhelm himself, when there, composed some verses
in honour of SS. Peter and Paul,^ which appear to have been
used as inscriptions for S. Andrew's on the Vatican.^
Bede, too, quotes the epitaph of Cad walla,* the Saxon king,
and of Gregory the Great ; ^ and the epitaph of Pope Boniface
II. (530-532)^ was borrowed for the English bishop, Boniface
(d. 755), the apostle of the Germans. Turning far in the other
direction, we find that Roman inscriptions are imitated in
African basilicas,'' and, nearer at home, in the cities of Italy.
Syllogae of the Carolingian Epoch (Eighth and Ninth
Centuries) : Influence of Alcuin (735-800). — At the close of
the eighth century came the revival of learning, under the
patronage of Charlemagne, due directly to the efforts of
Alcuin and the band of scholars who were his pupils. One
of the aspects of this many-sided movement was the interest
taken in the inscriptions of Rome and in the ancient
Syllogae and Itineraries, which resulted in new compilations
based on the earlier documents.
The poems of Alcuin himself^ consist largely of inscrip-
1 P.L. 89, col. 291. 2 jijI^^ col. 297.
' Cf. De Rossi, Inscriptiones Chrisiianae Urbis Romae, p. 257, Nos. i, 2,
with P.L. 89, col. 291 (ii,), 293 (iv.). Aldhelm also quotes Virgo Maria
tibi (see infra^ p. 282) in his De re gramniatica et metrica (Mai, Classicorum
auctorum t. v. p. 539).
^ Hist. Eccles. v. c. 7 ; /. C. p. 70, No. 40.
^ Op. cit. ii, c. I ; LC. p. 112, No. 73.
* I.e. 126, No. 2. ' Infra^ p. 310.
^ P.L. loi, col. 738; DUmmler, Poetae latini aevi Carolingi, t. i. pp. 169-
351, in Mon. Germ. Hist. ; I.C. p. 285.
232 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
tions — some original, some borrowed ^ either from the older
Syllogae or from the monuments themselves. If we follow in
the track of his labours,^ extending to the length and breadth
of Charlemagne's kingdom, we find that at every place with
which he was connected he left some monument of learning ;
and among these are to be found some of the Syllogae,
Alcuin was educated at York in the traditions of Bede;
probably took the tonsure, and then migrated to the Court
of Charlemagne, where he gathered round him a band of
scholars, of whom a large proportion were English. He
spent his days in spreading abroad learning and piety, and
in the reorganization of the monasteries. He became him-
self Abbot of S. Martin's at Tours.
The Chief Syllogae and the Geographical Distri-
bution of the Manuscripts. — Turning to the Syllogae^
we find they originate mainly in two distinct districts — in
N. France (and mainly in the N.E.) and in the monasteries
more or less within the sphere of influence of S. Gall, near
Lake Constance, namely, at Reichenau and Einsiedeln.
(1) Northern French Group of Syllogae. — Among the
French Syllogae, the Sylloge Turonensis came from the actual
monastery of which Alcuin was abbot. The Sylloge Centu-
lensis (or Corbeiensis) was compiled by the Englishman Angil-
bert, a pupil of Alcuin and abbot of the Monastery of S.
Richarius, Centula (modern S. Riquier, dep. Somme) ; later
the manuscript was sold to the neighbouring Monastery of
Corvie,* whose abbot, in earlier days, had been Adalard,
also a pupil of Alcuin. These two Syllogae, then, depend
directly on the influence of Alcuin. Further, the best manu-
script of the Sylloge of Vatican Inscriptions {Inscriptiones
Vaticanae) is found in Paris. To this group must be added
the Sylloge Virdunensis, from Verdun (dep. Meuse), though
this, as far as we know, has no connexion with Alcuin.
^ e.g. His solidata fides . . . (Diimmler, <?/. cit. i. p. 345, No. III.) which
Alcuin copied from the inscription in S. Peter ad Vincula in Rome {LC. p. IIO,
No. 64), which is itself copied from Arator, De acHs apostolorum, i. 1070.
Many other examples might be given. Cf. /. C. p. liv.
^ De Vita Alcuini, P.L. loi, especially cols. 52, 57, 59.
^ For the history and analysis of each Sylloge see Chaps. XIX. , XX.
* It is now in the library of S. Petersburg.
THE SYLLOGAE : THEIR SOURCES AND STYLE 233
(2) S. Gall Group. — From the S. Gall ^ district, around
Lake Constance where, tradition says, Alcuin himself
taught, comes the Sylloge Einsiedlensis (or Reichenavensis)y
compiled at the monastery of Reichenau, and now preserved
in the Benedictine monastery of Einsiedeln in Switzerland.
The Sylloge Laureshamensis comes from Lorsch (Lauriacum),
south-west Germany, not far from Einsiedeln. It was com-
piled in the ninth century by a monk of Lorsch, of which
the Abbot was Samuel, another pupil of Alcuin. The little
Sylloge Wirceburgensis from Wiirzburg (Germany), not far
east of Lorsch, belongs geographically to this group. Our
list of Syllogae will be complete if we add the Sylloge of
Cambjndge} preserved in the University Library of that town.
The Vetus Meinbrana Scaligerif though it contains but
a single Roman inscription, must be mentioned on account
of its antiquity and fame. It is perhaps the oldest of the
Syllogae, and consists of a mere fragment, probably of the
sixth century. It was discovered in a French monastery
by Pithou in the seventeenth century, and the single copy
existing was made by Scaliger, and is now in the Vatican
Library. It contains fourteen inscriptions in prose, secular
and religious : of the cities of Rome (one only), Ravenna
(four), Ariminum (Rimini) (one) and Treviri (Triers) in the
Rhine district (eight), arranged in groups. The most ancient
inscription is that at Ravenna (No. 2), relating how Theodoric
(493-526) drained the marshes and wrought other improve-
ments in that city.
Inscriptions in Anthologies. — Inscriptions, too, are
sometimes found in the collected works of the poets who
composed them.* They are also preserved by being quoted
in histories, as in that of Bede.^ They are found in collec-
tions of anthologies,^ such as the Anthologia Salmasiana,
derived from a sixth-century source, preserved in a Paris
manuscript of the seventh century; the Anthologia Carmi-
^ This monastery was a centre of learning for many centuries ; it was peopled
largely by English and Irish monks. Under Abbot Angilbert (924-933) the
valuable library of manuscripts was taken to Reichenau on account of the
threatened invasion by the Huns.
2 Chap. XX. 3 jQ^ p^ 2. * Supra, pp. 231, 232.
» Stipra, p. 231. 6 I.e. p. 238.
234 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
mim in Codice Parisino 8071 of the eighth century, pre-
served in a manuscript of the tenth or eleventh ; the
Anthologia Isidoriana of the seventh century, forming
part of the manuscript of the Sylloge of Tours ; and many
others.
The Subject-Matter of the Syllogae and Original
Topographical Arrangement. — The contents of these
Syllogae consist mainly of Roman inscriptions covering the
period from the fourth to the ninth century. The subject-
matter of each Sylloge has been analysed by De Rossi
according to the original sources which compose it. The
Syllogae are then seen to contain much in common. They
all contain some at least of the inscriptions of S. Peter's,
derived from a sixth-century document of Vatican inscrip-
tions {Inscriptiones Vaticanae). All alike, too, contain
inscriptions of suburban churches, and of the crypts of the
catacombs, derived from some Itinerary of the seventh
century. The third element common to all the Syllogae is
inscriptions of other basilicas and churches within the city,
derived, too, from early sources. Other inscriptions belong to
secular monuments (which often bear Christian inscriptions),
and to cities other than Rome (Spoleto, Ravenna, Ticino) ;
and sometimes to the monasteries which possessed the manu-
scripts (as Tours and S. Riquier (Centula)).^
From this analysis it is further evident that, in the pro-
totypes from which the Syllogae were compiled, indications
of locality were appended to the inscriptions ; and that they
were arranged, as were the Itineraries, in the topographical
order in which the pilgrims made their journey. It is prob-
able, also, that these prototypes were complete in themselves.
For example, in the Inscriptiones Vaticanae if complete,
the list would proceed methodically from atrium, font, and
portico by way of side chapels, tombs, and shrines on to the
triumphal arch, the apse and the altar. A similar method
would be followed in the collection of inscriptions of the
urban stationaP basilicas and other churches. It is certain,
too, that the inscriptions from the catacombs and suburban
shrines would be at least as complete as the Itineraries,
1 Infra, pp. 248, 250. ^ Supra, pp. 13, 14.
THE SYLLOGAE : THEIR SOURCES AND STYLE 235
and include a// the great roads filled with sepulchres along
which the pilgrim passed.
The Manuscripts of the Syl/ogae; their Deformation. —
Such were the prototypes on which the Syllogae were
based.
These prototypes passed through the hands of the eighth-
century compilers, thence through the hands of various
copyists, till they reached us, much changed from the
originals, in manuscripts of the tenth, eleventh and twelfth
centuries. The texts themselves of these manuscripts are
faulty: not infrequently a few lines from one inscription
are accidentally appended to another on a totally different
subject. The indications of locality are often entirely
lacking, and the inscriptions run on without any break.
The original topographical order has been confused in
many places. Moreover, any given portion of a Sylloge
is usually incomplete. Many inscriptions of the urban
basilicas are entirely omitted, a few only are given from
S. Peter's, and the inscriptions of the suburban roads are
frequently confined to two or three out of at least twenty —
usually the Via Salaria and the Via Nomentana being
chosen.
It is difficult to tell exactly how far the compilers and
copyists are responsible for these errors. They are some-
times obviously using incomplete originals, and the constant
omission of the roads with which the pilgrims' way opened
and closed, namely, the Via Flaminia and the Via Cornelia,
suggests that these venerable guide-books had become worn
in the pilgrims' hands, and had lost their first and last
pages. Sometimes the scribe is using two incomplete
versions which he has unskilfully pieced together, with
repetitions and overlapping. On many of the manuscripts
are corrections and notes ; some by hands contemporary
with the documents, or nearly so, and some as late as the
seventeenth century.
Yet with all their defects the Syllogae have preserved a
large number of inscriptions otherwise lost, and many traces
of the original documents ; for, in spite of omissions, there
are still many topographical indications remaining, and even
236 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
in the most confused Syllogae are found groups of inscrip-
tions arranged in topographical order.
Further, the Syllogae mutually supply each other's
defects — each gives some epitaph omitted in others, some
place-name, or correct reading. From a variety of other
sources, literary and monumental, light is thrown on these
documents. There still remain, however, inscriptions not
yet identified, which form the subject of many studies and
of wide diversity of opinion among scholars.^
Date and Literary Style of the Inscriptions. — The
inscriptions of the Syllogae are nearly all in verse — hexa-
meters or elegiacs — and consist of two lines or more, the
commonest length being of six or eight lines. They cover
a period of six centuries, from the fourth to the ninth;
and alike in contents and style reflect the vicissitudes of
the ages in which they were composed. There is a note
of exaltation in the early days of the triumph of the Church.
Compare Constantine's conception of "^4 world rising
triumphant to the stars under the leadership of Christ " ^ with
the misery revealed in verses of the succeeding centuries,
with their perpetual prayer for peace amid the successive
invasions of Goth, Greek and Lombard.^ And again we
can trace in the inscriptions a short period of revived hopes
under the rule of Theodoric and Justinian.
The Authors. — The style of the verses is as varied as
the contents. The best of the inscriptions retain something
of classic beauty, and are sometimes the work of well-known
poets— of Paulinus, Bishop of Nola (353-431), of Ambrose
of Milan (340-397), of Jerome, of Publius Optatianus Por-
phyrins of the court of Constantine, of Sidonius Apollinaris
(431-489), Bishop of Clermont in Auvergne, of Prudentius
the Spaniard (b. 438), of Anicius Bassus, consul in 408 and
in 431, who wrote the epitaph of Monica (d. 387), mother of
S. Augustine.*
To the majority of the inscriptions the name of some
pope is attached, and often he was actually the maker of the
verses, as well as of the buildings referred to in them.
1 See Chap. XX. ^ /„y^^^ p, 278.
» /n/ra, p. 281. ■* Anthol. hid., No. 2, in I.C. p. 252.
THE SYLLOGAE : THEIR SOURCES AND STYLE 237
Damasus (366-384)^ wrote nearly all the epitaphs of the
catacombs, and many others as well ; Boniface I. (418-423)
those to S. Felicitas ; ^ and various monuments once recorded
the names of Celestinus (422-432), Sixtus (433-414), Sym-
machus (498-514) and Honorius (625-640).^
Imitation from the Classics. — As in art, ritual and
philosophy, Christianity has ever embraced what seemed
good, or at worst indifferent, in paganism, so in the inscrip-
tions are found whole lines and phrases inspired directly by
pagan sources, and especially by the poet Virgil. Sometimes
the effect is happy ; sometimes the verses read like a parody.
Damasus' version *
Tityre tu fido recubans sub tegmine Christi
Divinos apices sacro modularis in ore
of the familiar lines of Virgil ^
Tityre tu patulae recubans sub tegmine fagi
Silvestrem tenui Musam meditaris avena
is scarcely successful.
Paganism of Christian Inscriptions. — Some of the
epitaphs indeed, — usually those of obscure or unknown
persons, — bear no signs of Christianity, though some at least
are known to belong to graves of Christians. Most of these
are of quite remarkable beauty. As examples among many
similar may be noted a group of five on the Via Salaria,^ and
another three on the Via Tiburtina,^ all found in the Sylloge
Centulensis ; the last (No. 6^^ being the epitaph of an actor.
In the Sylloge Laureshamensis IV. is the epitaph of Diony-
sius, a pious deacon and also a doctor, quite un-Christian in
sentiment ; followed by the exquisite inscription made by
Dionysius himself to his wife Rhodine;^ and in the same
^ For collected poems see Daniasi epigrammatai ed. Ihm, in series Antho-
logia Latina : I-eipsic, 1895.
2 Infra, p. 293. ^ Infra, pp. 280-288.
^ Epigram, No. 3. ^ Bucolica, i. i.
8 Sylloge Centulemis (" Cent.''), Nos. 50-54 (in I.C. p. 90).
' Nos. 65-67 (in I.C. p. 93).
^ Sylloge Laureshamensis (** Laur.'") IV., Nos. 49, 50 and 54 (forming one
epitaph) (in I.C. p. 106); cf. in €ame Sylloge Nos. 76, 77, 78> 86, 90, 94, loi,
102.
238 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
collection are the inscriptions of a senator, and of an
unknown person, both buried in S. Peter's, and equally
devoid of all pious sentiments.
Plagiarism in Inscriptions. — Not only were inscrip-
tions borrowed^ from the poets, pagan or Christian, but
certain phrases and lines seem common property of all
writers of such verses, and occur again and again : they were,
in fact, useful " tags " in an age when verse-writing did not
come easy. Sometimes entire inscriptions were borrowed
ft-om one building to serve for another, and were slightly
modified or enlarged to adapt them to the new situation.
It was not unknown for a pope to add a line or two to an
old inscription, claiming the honour of the work executed,
or to substitute his own name for that of a predecessor —
sometimes often with disastrous metrical effects. These
borrowed inscriptions often travelled far. An inscription of
the Vatican, Justitiae sedes^ and an inscription of S. Peter
ad Vincula, composed by Sixtus III. (432-440), Cede prius^
are both found in a sixth-century inscription of a basilica
at T€q^s,s2. {Theveste) in Numidia, North Africa;* and the
English Boniface, we have seen, lay at rest beneath the
borrowed papal epitaph of his namesake.^
If some of the inscriptions are of rare beauty, the
majority are somewhat commonplace, and frequently obscure
in sense and defective in grammar and metre. Some of
these, however, are inspired by a religious fervour which
almost redeems their banality. The examples of inscriptions
given in a subsequent chapter ^ will illustrate the diversity of
style and subject-matter.
Historical Value of the Inscriptions. — Historically
these inscriptions are of the highest importance. Often the
entire history of the fabric of a church can be read in the
verses of successive centuries affixed to its walls. The papal
* Many examples of plagiarism will be found in the next three chapters,
a I.e. p. 55, No. 8.
^ I.e. p. no, No. 67.
* Bull. arch, crist.y 1878, p. 7 ; 1879, p. 163 (see infra, p. 310).
5 Supra, p. 231.
® Chap. XXI. The translations there attempted are as literal as possible,
and, like their originals, sometimes fail in respect of sense and beauty.
THE SYLLOGAE : THEIR SOURCES AND STYLE 239
inscriptions, extending over a period of four centuries,^
frequently yield a complete biography: and a papal bio-
graphy is a summary of the history of the Church — of her
discipline, struggle with heretics, relation with the civil
powers, internal strife, architecture and ritual. A history of
dogma can be compiled from the dedicatory inscriptions for
churches, baptisteries, altars and votive offerings. The
history of many a martyr and of his cult can be traced from
the inscription on the catacomb where he lay first, to that
in the suburban church raised over him ; and thence to that
in the urban basilica to which his body was transferred ; and
finally the successive dedications of a single church reveal
the ebb and flow of his popularity. Here, too, in the
epitaphs can be read the story of many a stranger and
pilgrim, great or obscure, who came to Rome and never
returned : of Cadwalla the Saxon king who " purified by the
grace of Christ in the water of regeneration straightway
passed to heaven, still in his white baptismal robe," or of
Elpis, the Sicilian woman "whom love for her husband drove
far from her fatherland."
^ Exclusive of the brief epitaphs of the earlier popes (see I'n/ra, p. 300 e( seq.).
CHAPTER XIX
THE SYLLOGAE: ANALYSES
History, place of compilation, date, analysis of contents of the following : —
Sylloge Einsiedlensis {Reickenavensis), Sylloge Laureshamensis, Sylloge Vir-
dunensis, Sylloge Turonensis, Sylloge Centulensis {Corheiensts) Inscriptiones
Basilicae Vaticanae, Sylloge Wirceburgensis,
It remains to consider briefly the sources, date and birth-
place of the more important Syllogae, The Analyses will
show their contents and their topographical arrangement.
From a comparison of these analyses, all inscriptions re-
ferring to any given church, shrine or locality which are
found in two or more of the eight Syllogae in question
could be grouped together for purposes of any special
investigation.
Sylloge Einsiedlensis: — (a) the Manuscript Eighth or
Ninth Century. — The Sylloge Einsiedlensis^ (or Sylloge
Reichenavensis) came originally from the monastery of
Reichenau to the Benedictine monastery at Einsiedeln, and
belongs to the Carolingian epoch — eighth or early ninth
century. It exists, in a manuscript of the ninth or tenth
century, as an appendix to the Itinerariuni Einsiedlense} It
is followed by an exact liturgical description of the cere-
monies of Holy Week, as the author saw them performed by
the pope in Rome — a document of the highest value — and
by a Latin anthology of no topographical interest. In De
Rossi's opinion these sections of the manuscript are of the
same age, by the same hand, and compiled at Reichenau.
A very few leaves are missing.
^ /. C. p. 9. The text is also printed with the Itinerary in Uhrlichs, Codex
urbis Rontae Topographicus^ 1871. Cf. also Jordan, Topographic der Stadt Rom
im Alterthum, vol. ii. pp. 156, 330 : Berlin, 1871.
2 Supra, p. 119.
240
THE SYLLOGAE: ANALYSES 241
(d) Character of the Sylloge. — The Sylloge contains
eighty-two entries, nearly all concerning Rome, each with
definite topographical heading. As the Itinerary of Ein-
siedeln differed in some respects from the other Itineraries,
— in arrangement, in the interest shown in secular as well as
sacred monuments, and in the precision of topographical
detail, — so the Sylloge possesses some of the peculiar
characteristics of the Itinerary to which it is appended.
In the first and second portions (Nos. 1-7 1) there is even
a preponderance of secular over religious inscriptions. In
the brief third portion (No. 71-77) half the inscriptions (J,e.
Nos. 73a, 73b, 74a) are taken straight from some Itinerary,
and are a mere topographical list of names. Jordan, indeed,
believed that both Itinerary and Sylloge were derived from
a common source. De Rossi, however, pointing out marked
differences in the topographical terms, and in other respects,
between the documents, believes them to be derived from
different originals.
Many of the inscriptions recorded in this Sylloge are
peculiar to it.
(c) Analysis of Component Parts. — It can be divided
into four parts, bearing traces of four distinct earlier sources,
probably of the seventh century.
ANALYSIS OF THE SYLLOGE EINSIEDLENSIS
I. Secular and Religious (mainly Urban)
1-60. — Secular inscriptions for bridges, aqueducts,
columns, theatres, tombs, etc. Among them
certain Christian inscriptions for the churches
of S. Peter (Nos. 6, 10, 11), S. Paul (Nos. 52,
53), SS. John and Paul (No. 51), S. Anastasia
(No. 25), S. Sabina (No. 27), S. Pancras (No.
28), S. Sebastian (No. 34), The Library of
Gregory the Great (No. 55).
II. Set of Inscriptions for the Tomb of Hadrian
61-71. — -Of these, 61, 62, 63 are found in the preceding
portion (Nos. 4, 5, 6).
None of these seventy-one inscriptions are
later than the sixth century.
16
242 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
III. Catacomb Inscriptions (except No. 75)
72-77,— {a) Via Pincia (72, 73), with a passage (73a)
quoted from an Itinerary of the district ; {b)
Via Appia (73b) being a portion of an Itin-
erary, (74) ; (c) Road from Porta S. Petri
to S. Paul's (74a), from an Itinerary; {d)
Via Ostiensis (75 a pagan Greek epitaph)
(76); {e) Via Appia again (S. Sebastian, 77).
IV. Inscriptions of Papias in North Italy
78-82. — Three inscriptions to Emperors, one to a flamen
and one, in Greek, for the base of a bronze
statue of S. Peter in the basilica of Ticinum
(Ticino), North Italy.
Corporis Laureshamensis Syllogce: Four Component Parts.
— The composite document renamed by De Rossi Corporis
Laureshamensis Syllogce^ is found in a Codex of the Vatican
known as the Palatine, whence its old name Codex Palatinus.
It can be analysed into four component parts :
I. Qorp, Laur. Sylloge /., Ninth Century : Thirty-Four
Inscriptions of Churches, many Urban. — In the ninth cen-
tury a certain monk from the monasteryof Lauriacum(Lorsch)
in south-west Germany, made a collection of thirty-four inscrip-
tions taken direct from Roman churches, ^.^. S. Peter's (10 in
number), S. John Lateran (6), S. Anastasia (2), SS. John and
Paul (2), S. Maria in Trastevere (i), S. Cecilia (i), S. Laurence
in Dainaso (3), S. Chrysogonus (i), SS. Cosmas and Damian
(i), S. Stephen (6), and S. Laurence on the Via Tiburtina (i).
The document is earlier than 846, in which year various
treasures, here described as existing, were destroyed by the
Saracens. The topographical indications at the head of the
inscriptions were probably added by a later hand.
This forms the first of the elements of the Corporis Laure-
shamensis ^ and is called by De Rossi Corporis Laureshamensis
Sylloge I?
II. Corp, laur, Sylloge II. , Seventh Century : Pontifical
Epitaphs of S. Peter's. — To complete his collection, the
1 Nos. VIIL, XL, XIIL, XVL, in IX, 2 Nq, xIIL, in I,C. p. 142.
THE SYLLOGAE: ANALYSES 243
monk of Lorsch incorporated with it three other older
Syllogae. The second element, then, in our document is
the Corporis Laureshamensis Sylloge II.} a seventh-century
document containing thirteen of the pontifical epitaphs in
S. Peter's, from Anastasius (496-498) to John V. (684-686).
Nine out of these thirteen inscriptions are of the seventh
century. Most of them bear the heading Epyt {epitaphiunt).
They are not arranged in strict order of date. Arranged
chronologically, the numbers of the inscriptions should
run— IV., III., II., v., VI., I., IX., VII., X., VIII., XL,
XII., XIII.
III. Qorp, Laur, Sylloge III. : North Italian Epitaphs. —
The third contribution, the Corporis LaureslLamensis
Sylloge III^ is a local collection of thirty-six inscriptions of
the Subalpine district and Po Valley {Sylloge Circumpadana
et Subalpind). These inscriptions do not concern us here,
but some of the epitaphs are of great poetic beauty.
IV. Corp. Laur. Sylloge 11/., Seventh Century : Urban
and Suburban Epitaphs. — The most important element
is the Corporis Laureshamensis Sylloge IV,^ a collection of
the seventh century, containing one hundred and four in-
scriptions, secular, religious, and purely pagan, of basilicas,
suburban tombs and other monuments. This list is ex-
tremely confused topographically, and there are very few
indications of locality appended to the inscriptions. There
are, however, traces of a certain order that once existed.
The following analysis will give some idea of the contents,
and the precise degree of disorder. It appears to be incom-
plete ; whether we consider the inscriptions of the great
churches, — of which three only are mentioned, — or of the
catacomb shrines, of which few are given beyond those of
the Via Salaria and Via Nomentana, or of the inscriptions,
few in number and mostly unidentified, within the city.
1 No. XL, in I.C, p. 124. 2 j^o. XVI., in I.C, p. 159.
3 No. VIII., mix. p. 95.
fi3-
-19;
21-
-28;
30;
33-
-39;
Ui
244 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
ANALYSIS OF THE CORPORIS LAURESHAMENSIS
SYLLOGE IV.
I. Basilicas
Nos.
1-3. S. Peter's, Vatican. 4, 5. S. Paul's. 6. S. Maria
Maggiore.
II. Suburban Tombs
Nos.
7-12. Neighbourhood of S. Peter's.
~20. Via Ardeatina] . . ."iNos. 13-41.
29. Via Labicana] . . . Via Salaria and the
:3i. ViaAppia. 32 ViaOstiensis] ^^-le^ni
40. Via Ostiensisj . . . (except those in
j brackets).
42-45. Via Ardeatina and adjoining Via Appia.
46-54. S. Laurence in Agro Verano, i.e. Via Tiburtina,
and adjacent Via Labicana.
55-56; [57? 58. Via Salaria], 59-62; [63 ?]. Via Appia
and Via Ardeatina.
la. Basilicas and Churches
Nos.
64-68. S. Peter ad Vincula\ [69? 70?]. 71 S. Sabina.
72-73. Tombs near S. Peter's, Vatican ; [74-78 ?].
79-82. Inscriptions of S. Peter's, Spoleto.^
I la. Suburban Tombs
Nos.
r83-88 ; [89. S. Vitalis, Ravenna] . . Uria Salaria and
\oO— 99 / Via Nomentana.
100-103. Probably S. Laurence in Via Tiburtina.
104. Via Nomentana.
Sylloge l/lrdunensls, Eighth Century: — (a) Date. — The
Sylloge Virdunensis'^ contains thirty-two inscriptions, of
which many are peculiar to it. Internal evidence shows
1 For the collocation of inscriptions from three different churches of S. Peter
see infra, p. 252,
2 No. Xn.,in/.C. p. 131.
THE SYLLOGAE: ANALYSES 245
that it was written at a period when the bodies of the
martyrs were still in their catacomb tombs, i.e. before 817.^
It was written, however, after Paul I. had removed the body
of Pope Silvester from the catacomb church which bears his
name, in S. Priscilla, to the urban monastery of 5. Sihestro
in Capite'^ in 761; for the heading in the Sylloge to the
inscription of Silvester (No. 21) reads :
AD SCM SILVESTRUM UBI ANTE PAUSAVIT SUPER
ILLO ALTARE
i.e. (the inscriptions) above the altar of the church of
S. Silvester where that pope formerly lay.
The latest of the inscriptions is that of Leo the Great
(440-461), made by Sergius I. in 688.
{b) The Manuscript. — The Sylloge has been preserved
in a manuscript of the tenth century in the Monastery of
S. Vito, Verdun : it is now in the Library. It has been
annotated by a later, though early, hand. In the original
Sylloge there were full and accurate topographical indica-
tions, many of which are now lost. We can, however, dis-
cern very clear traces of a topographical arrangement in the
document as we have it; though it is true, as Bonavenia^
remarks, that many of the inscriptions are in wrong order,
and that the headings {i.e. the name of the church or of
the martyr) would often be misleading if we could not
correct or supplement them from other sources. It is
obviously incomplete as regards the list of cemeteries and
the basilica inscriptions.
ANALYSIS OF THE SYLLOGE VIRDUNENSIS
I. Inscriptions of Urban Churches
Nos.
I, 2, 3. S. Peter ad Vincula.
4. SS. Cosmas and Damian.
5, 6, 7. S. Laurence in Dainaso.
^ Supra ^ p. 17.
2 The church for English-speaking Catholics in modern times.
^ La Sylloge di Verdun : Rome, 1903.
246 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
II. Inscriptions of Suburban Cemeteries
Nos.
8-16. Via Sal aria.
17, 18, [19?] Via Nomentana.
20-24. Via Salaria.
[25 and 26?] Via Salaria.
la. Urban Churches (probably a portion of Part I.)
Nos.
27. The Apostles (SS. James and Philip).
28. S. Maria Maggiore.
29. Lateran Basilica.
III.
After a heading, *'We found these epitaphs in the
church of S. Peter's," follows the beginning only of a list
of papal epitaphs, — namely, three (Nos. 30, 31, 32) in
S. Peter's, — followed by the words, " For the rest of this
catalogue see the book of Hegesippus the historian."
The heading suggests that the compiler of the Sylloge
took down these inscriptions himself.
(c) Value of Topographical Indications. — The precise
degree of topographical accuracy of this Sylloge can best
be gauged by putting in their correct order, as the pilgrim
would walk, the epitaphs of the Via Salaria and Via
Nomentana :
Vm Salaria
12, 13, 13a, 14, 15. — S. Felicitas group,^ i mile N. of the
city.
8, 9, 10, 16. — Chrysanthus and Darias group, 2 miles N.
of the city.
II. — Saturninus' tomb,^ quite near the last.
20. — Tomb of Alexander,^ 2\ miles from the city.
21, 22, 23, 24. — Church of S. Silvester,^ 3 miles from the
city.
^' ' * Via Nomentana
17, 18, 19. — S. Agnes in Via Nomentana, ij miles from
city.
^ In Coemeterium Maximi (see Index Coemiterioru7n, supra, p. 98, and
Appendix IV. ).
2 In Coem. Thrasonis. ^ In Coem. Jordanorum. * In Coem. Priscillae.
THE SYLLOGAE: ANALYSES 247
As the locality of the inscriptions Nos. 25 and 26 form
the subject of a lively controversy, whose main outlines will
be indicated later,^ an analysis is appended here of that
portion of the document. It is interesting in itself as an
example of a connected portion of a Sylloge.
DETAILED ANALYSIS OF PART OF THE
SYLLOGE OF VERDUN ?•
21. — Ad Sanctum Silvestrum ubi ante pausavit super illo
altare.
[S. Silvester, in the Catacomb of S. Priscilla.]
(10 lines, epitaph of Pope Siricius.)
22. — Epitaphium Marcelli papae.
[S. Silvester, in the Catacomb of S. Priscilla.]
(8 lines, epitaph of Pope Marcellus.)
23. — Epitaphium Sanctorum Felicis et Philippi Martyrum.
[S. Silvester, in the Catacomb of S. Priscilla.]
QUI NATUM PASSUMQUE DEUM REPETISSE PATERNAS
SEDES ATQUE ITERUM VENTURUM EX AETHERE CREDIT
JUDICET ET VIVOS REDIENS PARITERQUE SEPULTOS
MARTYRIBUS SANCTIS PATEAT QUOD REGIA COELI
RESPICIT INTERIOR SEQUITUR SI PRAEMIA CHRISTI
[S. Silvester, in the Catacomb of S. Priscilla.]
2\? — CULTORES DOMINI FELIX PARITERQUE PHILIPPUS
HINC VIRTUTE PARES CONTEMPTO PRINCIPE MUNDI
AETERNAM PETIERE DOMUM REGNUMQUE PIORUM
SANGUINE QUOD PROPRIO CHRISTI MERUERE CORONAS
HIC DAMASUS SUPPLEX VOLUIT SUA REDDERE VOTA
25. — Isti versiculi scripti sunt ad fontes:
SUMITE PERPETUAM SANCTO DE GURGITE VITAM
CURSUS HIC EST FIDEI MORS UBI SOLA PERIT
ROBORAT HIC ANIMOS DIVINO FONTE LAVACRUM
ET DUM MEMBRA MADENT MENS SOLIDATUR AQUIS
^ Infra, p. 270 et seq. ^ For translations see mfra, pp. 270-272.
^ De Rossi first saw that 2j and 24 were two distinct inscriptions.
248 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
AUXIT APOSTOLICAE GEMINATUM SEDIS HONOREM
CHRISTUS ET^ AD CAELOS HANG DEBIT ESSE VIAM
NAM GUI SIDEREI GOMMISIT LUMINA^ REGNI
HIC HABET IN AMPLIS ^ ALTERA GLAUSTRA POLI
26. — Isti versiculi script! sunt ubi pontifex consignat
infantes :
ISTIG INSONTES GAELESTI FLUMINE LOTAS
PASTORIS SUMMI DEXTERA SIGN AT OVES
HUG UNDIS GENERATE VENI QUO SANGTUS AD UNUM
SPIRITUS UT GAPIAS TE SUA DONA VOGAT
TU GRUGE SUSGEPTA MUNDI VITARE PROGELLAS
DISGE MAGIS MONITUS HAG RATIONE LOGI
27. — Isti versiculi scripti sunt ad Apostolos insuper
liminare :
(Distich of Pelagius.)
28. — Isti versiculi scripti sunt ad Sanctam Mariam
Majorem.*
VIRGO MARIA TIBI ....
[Here follow inscriptions of the Lateran,
S. Peter's, etc.]
Sylloge Turonensis :—{a) Place and Date. — Two local and
dated inscriptions in the Sylloge Turonensis ^ give us the place
and date of compilation of this Sylloge.^ Both inscriptions
belong to Tours : the second (No. 39) is an inscription on a
votive tablet placed by lonatus, otherwise unknown, " On
a lofty mountain hanging over the greater monastery of
S. Martin, patron of Tours " {i£. in the famous monastery of
Marmoutier), "while Bishop Chrodobertus ruled gloriously
over it." As Chrodobertus was Bishop of Tours about
^ MS. is Xps . , . ad caelos. (The / of Xps is a mistake from confusion
with Greek Xp. ) De Rossi and Marucchi read Christus et ad . . . ; Bonavenia
reads Christus tit ad. . , .
2 De Rossi and Marucchi emend to limina.
3 De Rossi and Marucchi emend to templis. ■* See infra^ p. 282.
^ No. VI., in I.e. p. 58. « Supra, p. 234.
THE SYLLOGAE: ANALYSES 249
6yo-6y6, the Sylloge was compiled at Tours in the seventh
century.
(d) Manuscripts. — The Sylloge is preserved in two
manuscripts of the eleventh or twelfth century, one at
Klosterneuburg, near Vienna, and one in the Abbey of
Gottvvei in S. Austria.
(c) Contents. — It contains forty-two inscriptions. With
the exception of those of Tours (Nos. 38, 39) and five from
basilicas (Nos. 18, 19, 40, 41, 42), derived from a sixth-
century source, these are all taken from the suburban
cemeteries, and with few exceptions are of the fourth century,
by Damasus. Very few of these are still in existence. The
document depends on some seventh-century Itinerary.
Though there are but three indications of locality (Nos. 15,
20, 29) in the whole of this portion, nearly all the epitaphs
have been identified, and are found to be arranged in strict
topographical order, proceeding, as in the case of the Itiner-
aries,^ in a clockwise direction, beginning with the Via Salaria
Nova, thence by the Viae Nomentana, Tiburtina . . . round
to S. Paul's on the Via Ostiensis. Certain roads are missing
in the list — namely, the Viae Flaminia and Salaria Vetus
at one end, which were the usual starting-points, and the
Viae Portuensis, Aurelia, Cornelia, with S. Peter's, at the other
end. The copyist was evidently using a version of which
the first and last pages were missing. The following
analysis will show the topographical arrangement.
ANALYSIS OF THE SYLLOGE TURONENSIS
I. Suburban Epitaphs
Nos.
1-4. Via Salaria Nova.
5, 6. Via Nomentana : — Basilica of S. Agnes.
7-10. Via Tiburtina : — S. Laurence in Agro Veraiio.
11-15. Via Labicana and near it.
16-17. Via Latina.
[18, 19. Misplaced: within the city, the basilica of SS.
Philip and James.]
1 Supra, Chaps. VII., VIII., pp. 93-126.
250 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
Nos.
20-27. Via Appia: — S. Sebastian (20, 21) and the
Catacomb of S. Callixtus (22-27).
28. Via Ardeatina.
29-37. Via Ostiensis and S. Paul's.
II. Local Inscriptions of Tours
38, 39.
III. Basilicas
40. Vatican (epitaph of Cad walla, Saxon king)
added later.
[40a. Misplaced : " in praise of the island of Lerinum "
(L^rins).i]
41. SS. Cosmas and Damian.
42. S. Maria Maggiore.
Sylloge Centulensis : (a) Place and Date of Compilation.
— In the Sylloge Centulensis^- as in the Sylloge Turonensis^
an inscription in the Sylloge (No. 68) gives the place and
date of compilation, and, moreover, the probable author.
This inscription, a century later than any other in the
Sylloge, is the epitaph of a Scotch priest, Caidocus, buried
in the Monastery of S. Richarius in Centula (S. Riquier).
Tomb and inscription were made by Angilbert (740-814),
his fellow-countryman, the friend and pupil of Alcuin, and
Abbot of S. Richarius. At this period "Scotch" often
referred to an Irishman. The inscription is as follows : —
MOLE SUB HAC TEGITUR CAIDOCUS JURE SACERDOS
SCOTIA QUEM GENUIT GALLICA TERRA TEGIT
HIC DOMINI CHRISTI GAUDENS PRECEPTA SECUTUS
CONTEMPSIT PATRIS MENTE BEATUS OPES
HINC SIBI CONCREVIT CENTENA COPIA FRUCTUS
ET METIT AETHERII PRAEMIA LARGA SOLI
HUIC ANGILBERTUS FRETUS PIETATE MAGISTRA
ET TUMULO CARMEN CONDIDIT ET TUMULUM
^ An island off Provence. The monastery, founded here by Honoratus,
Bishop of Aries, in the fifth century, was famous for its learning till the seventh.
The inscription was written by Dynamius (d. 6oi), a correspondent of Gregory
the Great. Cf. supra, p. 30.
2 No. VII. in I.e. p. 72. Cf. De Rossi in Bull. arch, crist., i88r, p. 5 ; also
1890, p. 123; and 1883, p. 7.
THE SYLLOGAE: ANALYSES 251
Beneath this monument is buried Caidocus, lawful
priest,^ whom the Scottish land bore, and the earth of
Gaul covers. He rejoiced to follow the precepts of Christ
the Lord; and, blessed in spirit, despised the wealth of his
father. Hence there increased for him fruit a hundredfold,
and he reaps a rich reward in the harvest fields of heaven.
For him Angilbert made the epitaph on the tomb and
also the tomb, trusting to be helped by his goodness.
The Sylloge, then, is of the eighth or early ninth century,
and was probably compiled by Angilbert at Centula.
The library of this monastery was famous. Angilbert was
at least four times in Rome (once engaged in collecting relics
for Alcuin), and from thence perhaps brought back some of
the two hundred codices which he presented to the monastery,
among them no doubt some of the sources of this Sylloge.
(d) The Manuscript. — The manuscript is in Lombard
characters of the same period. It was long preserved at the
neighbouring monastery of S. Peter at Corvie, and is now
in S. Petersburg, whence it was sent, on loan, to De Rossi by
the Czar Alexander II. in 1881. The document is anno-
tated by a contemporary hand.
(c) Contents. — The Sylloge contains sixty-eight inscrip-
tions, the latest being of the time of Pope Honorius (625-638),
concerning whom there are no less than five, all made in his
lifetime ; and it is certain that the sources of the eighth-century
compilation belonged to the reign of this pope. The in-
scriptions are incomplete, without local indications, and
topographically confused. It seems as if the copyist had
before him two imperfect versions of the document and was
endeavouring, somewhat unsuccessfully, to piece them
together. The Sylloge consists of two parts :
I. Inscriptions of the Vatican Basilica
(Nos. 1-9), depending on the Inscriptiones Vaticanae of
the seventh century. There follow three inscriptions (10-12)
^ Sacerdos is frequently used for a bishop, which is the probable meaning here.
Cf. infra, p. 289, note i. The difficult phrase, Fretus pietate magistral conjidens
auxilio pietatis. I am indebted to the kindness of Prof. Marucchi for this and
other interpretations.
252 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
of S. Peter's at Spoleto, out of place, but inserted here on
account of the connexion between the two churches.^
II. Suburban Inscriptons (Seventh Century).
A series of suburban inscriptions (21-67), of which most
belong to the Via Salaria. It is obviously incomplete and
curiously confused. Though inferior in accuracy, it resembles
portions of the Sylloge Laureshamensis and the Sylloge
Turonensis^ — all three depending on the same seventh-century
suburban Itinerary.
ANALYSIS OF THE SYLLOGE CENTULENSIS
I. Inscriptions of S. Peter's
Nos.
1-9. S. Peter's. [10-12] S. Peter's, Spoleto.
II. Suburban Inscriptions
13-20. Via Ostiensis and S. Paul's.
21—22. Via Tiburtina and S. Laurence.
21-43 [?44]- Via Salaria and Via Nomentana.
45,46. Via Appia.
47, 48. Via Labicana.
49. Via Latina.
50-54 [55 Ravenna]. Via Salaria.
56-67 (rather doubtful). S. Laurence, Via Tiburtina.
/nscriptiones Basi/lcae Vaticanae (Seventh Century). —
Derived from some original document of the seventh century,
and preserved in a mutilated manuscript of the Vatican
of the fifteenth century, we have twelve inscriptions of the
Vatican Basilica, named by De Rossi Inscriptiones Basilicae
Vaticanae^ {e codice Pal. Vat. 591). Unlike every other
Sylloge, these are correctly arranged. They are all earlier
than the seventh century, except four (Nos. 1-4), which
belong to that century, of which the latest is the epitaph
(No. 2) of Pope Agatho {6'jZ-6'^2).
^ Supra, p. 244. Cf. Corp. Latir. IV., Nos. 79-82 of S. Peter's at Spoleto,
appended to S. Peter's of the Vatican (72, 73) and to S. Peter ad Vincula
(64-68).
2 No. V. in /. C. p. 52.
THE SYLLOGAE: ANALYSES 253
A Paris manuscript of the ninth century has supplied
another seven inscriptions of the Vatican Basilica, Appendix
Inscriptionum Basilicae Vaticanae (e codice ParisinOy 8071).^
Sylloge Wirceburgensis of Ninth Century. — Another
series of ten inscriptions of basilicas is found in the small
Sylloge Wirceburgensis^ of Wiirzburg. It is of the ninth
century, and added by a later hand on a spare leaf of
Cicero's De Arte Rhetorica. The inscriptions must be
taken from some larger work. Nos. 1-5 bear indications
of locality :
ANALYSIS OF THE SYLLOGE WLRCEBURGENSIS
No. I. S. Paul's. 2. S. Sabina. 3 (and 9). S. Laur-
ence in Agro Verano (?). 4 (and 7 and 8). S. Peter's.
5. S. Pancras. 6. S. Cecilia [7 and 8. S. Peter's].
[9. S. Laurence.] 10. S. Peter ad Vincula.
1 No. V. in LC. p. 56. » No. XIV. in LC. p. 155.
CHAPTER XX
THE NEW SYLLOGE OF CAMBRIDGE : THE
SUMITE CONTROVERSY
The Sylloge of Cambridge, forming part of the Liber Pontifualis : the
manuscript and the sources. — Analysis of the Sylloge, with quotations. —
Peculiarities of the Sylloge : (a) Topographical errors, mainly in the Symmachus
inscriptions : analysis of the subjects and localities of the inscriptions (/;) Textual
peculiarities, mainly in the same : ascriptions to Symmachus. — Conclusions from
the analysis. — Explanation of false attributions. — The discussion concerning ^'wwzV^
and Istic inscriptions : {a) Interpretations of the text of the Verdun Codex (3) The
locality, according to the Sylloge of Verdun (i) Via Salaria or Via Nomentana?
(2) S. Peter's or S. Priscilla? — (r) The locality, according to the Sylloge of Cam-
bridge: (i) S. Michael's or (2) S. Priscilla, and then S. Michael, or {3) S. Peter's?
Sylloge of Cambridge, forming Part of the Uber
Pontiflcalis. In 1910 Dr. Levison drew attention to the
Sylloge of Cambridge, which forms part of a version of the
Liber Pontiflcalis contained in a twelfth-century codex^ of
the University Library of Cambridge. The codex contains
also other documents, some of the twelfth century and some
earlier.
This new text of the Liber Pontiflcalis presents no
particular features of interest. It records the deeds {Gestci)
of the popes from Peter to Gelasius II. (1118-1119). A
few pages are missing, among them those containing the
Gesta Sixti (ill.).
The special characteristics of this manuscript is the in-
sertion, in the text of certain Gesta, of the inscriptions set up
on the buildings, tombs, votive offerings, etc., connected
with their heroes. These inscriptions are found in the Lives
of several popes from Damasus (366-384) to John Vll.
(705-708), whose epitaph is the latest inscription in the
' KK. IV. 6. Most of the Sylloge has been transcribed by I^evison, by
Duchesne, and by Marucchi : See Bibliography— Sylloge OF CAMBRIDGE.
254
THE NEW SYLLOGE OF CAMBRIDGE 2$ 5
collection. The inscriptions are generally inserted im-
mediately after the passage in the Liber Pontificalis
describing the erection of the monument.
The Manuscript. — The manuscript is not very accurate,
and some twelfth-century hand has constantly erased words
and substituted others ; the original words being often
distinctly legible.
The Sources. — It is unknown from what source the
twelfth-century scribe copied these inscriptions into his
version of the Liber Pontificalis-. what was its scope,
what the method of arrangement, — topographical or
biographical, — and in what fashion the copyist adapted
the inscriptions to his work.^ The date of the source is
certainly of the eighth century, since the latest inscrip-
tion is that of John vil. (705-708), whilst the fact
that the history of the Liber Po7itificalis is brought up
to the year 11 19, i.e. to Gelasius (1118-1119), proves the
whole composite document to be of the twelfth century.
Analysis of the Sylloge. — The criticisms concerning
these inscriptions will bear on the questions of (i) topo-
graphical attributions and (2) peculiarities of the text ; and
will be more easily appreciated after an analysis of the
Sylloge and some quotations of the inscriptions.^ The
short quotation from the passage of the Liber Pontificalis
which precedes each inscription, or set of inscriptions, will
show the context of the latter. To the ordinary text of
the Liber Pontificalis the author of the Sylloge of Cambridge
frequently adds (i) words to introduce the inscriptions,
and (2) headings to the inscriptions themselves. There are
also (3) some extraordinary divergencies from the readings
of the same inscriptions which we find in the other
Syllogae}
1 Infra^ p. 269. 2 j^fra^ pp. 256-262.
^ These three variations from the ordinary texts are all indicated by italics
in the following quotations. Passages of the original omitted in the quotations
are marked by dots. I have added in brackets the locality ascribed to each
inscription in the Sylloge of Cambridge : these ascriptions are frequently incorrect.
The inscriptions already familiar will be found in the Inscriptiones Christianae II.
of De Rossi : some are quoted in this book, Chap. XXI. and elsewhere. I have
numbered the inscriptions and lines for purposes of reference.
256 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
ANALYSIS OF THE NEW SYLLOGE OF
CAMBRIDGE
Gesta Damasi
... In quo loco platonam ipsam, ubi jacuerunt
corpora sancta, versibus exornavit ^
Versus Damasi papae.
[S. Sebastian on the Via Appia is implied.]
1. CINGEBANT LATICES ^ . . .
. . . Qui etiam sepultus est Via Ardeatina in basilica
sua . . . et cessavit episcopatum dies XXXI.^
Epitaphium Damasi
[Via Ardeatina, in his own basilica.]
2. QUI GRADIENS PELAGI * . . .
(There are no inscriptions for the next seven popes after
Damasus.)
Gesta Leonis
. . . Qui etiam sepultus est in basilica beati Petri, III.
id April; et cessavit episcopatum dies VII. Hujus corpus
tempore Sei'gii papae de abdito inferioris secretarii trans-
latum et in loco eminentiori est positum et super eum hoc
epitaphium scriptum : ^
Epitaphium Leonis papae [in S. Peter's].
3. HUJUS APOSTOLICI^ . . .
(There are no inscriptions for the four popes after Leo.)
* In that place (S. Sebastian) Damasus adorned with verses the platonia
where the holy bodies (of SS. Peter and Paul) once lay.
2 CiNGEBANT, sce infra^ p. 279.
^ He was buried on the Via Ardeatina in his own basilica . . . and the
bishopric was vacant 31 days,
* Infra, p. 290.
^ He was buried in the basilica of blessed Peter, April 11, and the
bishopric was vacant 7 days. In the time of Sergius the pope his body was
removed from the lower chamber and put in a higher place, and above him this
epitaph is written.
«/.C. p. 98, No. I.
THE NEW SYLLOGE OF CAMBRIDGE 257
Gesta Anastasii
. . . Qui sepultus est apud beatum Petrum in Vati-
canum Xlll. kal. Dec. et cessavit episcopatum dies IV. et hoc
epitaphium in tumba ejus est scriptum.
Epitaphium ejus. [in S. Peter's].
4. LIMINA NUNC SERVO ^ . . .
Gesta Symmachi
Hie fecit basilicam Sancti Andreae apostoli apud
beatum Petrum ubi fecit . . . arcus argenteos IV. singulos
pensantes LX.^
5. INGREDERIS QUISQUAM RADIANTIS^ . . .
[S. Andrew on the Vatican],
(of which the concluding distich is) :
(5) ORNAVIT PRAESUL VENERANDUS SYMMACHUS AEDES
(6) PRISCAQUE CESSERUNT MAGNO NOVITATIS HONORE
Oratorium Sancti Thomae apostolae . , . arcum argen-
teum qui pensat lib. XVI.
6. QUISQUIS AD AETERNAM* . . .
[Chapel of S. Thomas in S. Andrew's].
6a ^ SYMMACHUS HAS ARCES CULTU MELIORE NOVAVIT
MARMOREIS TITULIS NOBILITATE FIDE
NIL FORMIDO VALET MORSUS CESSERE LUPORUM
PASTORIS PROPRIUM CONTINET AULA GREGEM
Confessionem Sancti Cassiani et Sanctorum Proti et
Hyacinthi . . .
^ I.e. p. 126, No. 4.
^ Symmachus built the basilica of S, Andrezv the apostle near S, Peter's, and
made there . . . four silver arches each weighing 60 pounds.
3 /. C. p. 53, No. 5. 4 1. C. p. 57, No. 19.
^ Symmachus has arces . . . is an inscription quite distinct in subject (and
metre) from QuiSQUis ad aeternam, though the two are written as one in the
codex. Symmachus restored and adorned these arches with marble inscriptions,
nobility, and faith : there is no more fear (from schismatics); the biting of the
wolves (sc. the followers of the antipope Laurence) have ceased ; this temple
enfolds the true sheep of the Shepherd. This inscription is new : the contents
show the date to be about 507, the year of the restoration of peace.
17
258 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
Item basilicam SS. martyrum Proti et Jacinthi ubi fecit
hos versus
[for the "basilica" {i.e. Confession) of SS. Protus and
Jacinthus in S. Andrew's on the Vatican].
7. TEMPLA MICANT^ . . .
(closing with distich)
(7) SYMMACHE QUAPROPTER VIVAX JAM FAMA PER AEVUM
(8) NARRABIT TITULIS AMPLIFICATA PUS
7a. O LAETA JUCUNDA^ . . .
(ending with the distich)
(5) SYMMACHUS ANTISTES TANTI SACRATOR HONORIS
(6) HAEC FECIT TITULIS COMMEMORANDA SUIS
Item ad fontem in basilica Sancti Petri apostoli . . .
crucem ex auro cum gemmis, ubi includit lignum dominicum
ubi scripti sunt hi versus?
8. FORTIS AD INFIRMOS . . .
[Baptistery of S. Peter's].
Intra civitatem romanam, basilicam sanctorum Silvestri
et Martini a fundamento construxit. . . . Ad beatum
Johannen et Paulum fecit gradus post absidam ubi super
picturas veteris et novi testamenti hos versus fecit.^
[SS. John and Paul],
9. TEMPLUM INGENS DOMINO . . .
(lines 1-9 known, lines 10-17 are new)
Item ad archangelum Micaelem basilicam ampliavit et
gradus fecit, et aquam introduxit ad baptisterium cum his
versibus}
[Baptistery of S. Michael].
i/.C. p. 246, No. 8.
2 The last four lines of a familiar inscription, /. C. p. 246, No. 8a. This,
again, is quite distinct from the Templa micant . . . which precedes.
' Also in the baptistery of the basilica of S. Peter the apostle . . . he made a
gold cross set with gems, and enclosed in it a relic of the Lord's cross ^ and wrote
on it these verses. See infra, p. 285. This inscription is new.
* Within the city of Rome he built the basilica of SS. Silvester and Martin
and raised it from the foundations. . . . At the church of blessed John and Patil
he made steps behind the apse, where, above the pictures of the Old and New Testa-
ments, he made these verses. See I.C. p. 150, No. 21.
^ Also he enlarged the basilica of the archangel Michael, and made steps, and
conveyed water to the baptistery with these verses. See ittfra, pp. 270-277, fov
translations and discussion, and stipra, pp. 247, 248.
THE NEW SYLLOGE OF CAMBRIDGE 259
10. SUMITE PERPETUAM ...
(lines 1-4 as usual)
(5) AUXIT APOSTOLICAE GEMINATUM SEDIS HONOREM ^
(6) CHRISTUS ET AD CAELOS HANC ^ DEDIT ESSE VIAM ^
(7) NAM 4 GUI SIDEREI COMMISIT LIMINA [LUMINA] ^ REGNI
(8) HIC HABET IN TERRIS ALTERA REGNA POLI [POLIS] ^
(9) S VMM A CHUS HUNC STA TUIT SA CRI BAPTISM A TIS USUM
(10) SUB QUO Q UIDQ UID ERA T INC I PIT ESSE NO VUM
11. ISTIC INSONTES CAELESTI FLUMINE LOTAS
(2) PASTORIS SUMMI DEXTERA SIGNAT OVES
(3) HUG UNDIS GENERANDE VENI QUO SANCTUS AD UNUM
(4) SPIRITUS^ UT CAPIAS TE SUA DONA VOCAT
(5) TU CRUCE SUSCEPTA MUNDI VITARE PROCELLAS
(6) DISGE MAGIS MONITUS HAG RATIONE LOCI
Item versus de eodem ^ [Baptistery of S. Michael].
12. HAEG DOMUS EST FIDEI ». . .
Ite7n ad S. Mariam ^^ [S. Maria].
13. JUSTICIAE SEDES . . .
(As usual — with a new distich)
(5) SYMMACHUS ISTA TIBI PERSOLVIT VOTA SACERDOS
(6) UT BENE QUOD MERUIT REDDERET IPSE DECUS^^
Item sub clipeo argenteo in arcu argenteo qiiem fecit in
medio presbiterio^'^ [In choir of S. Maria (?)].
^ Codex amorein.
^ Codex hinc.
^ Codex vitam.
* Codex /a w.
^ The original lumina of the Codex has been erased and Ihnina substituted.
® The original s oi polls has been erased, zxA poll is the reading.
' Codex Christus.
^ sc. baptisierio.
^ LC. p. 68, No. 31.
^" sc. Majorem. See /. C, p. 55, No. 8.
" Symmachus the priest { = bishop) has made this offering to thee, and renders
(to this monument) the glory which is due to it.
^^ Also on the silver shield on the silver arch which he made in the middle of
the choir (? of S. Maria Maggiore). These seven lines of verse are new and form
two inscriptions : the first is for a votive offering of a silver shield : the second
refers to the ctiling of S. Peter's,
26o ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
14. VOTORUM COMPOS LAETUS TIBI MUNERA SOLVO
PARVA SALUTIFERAE REDDENS NUNC PRAEMIA LEGIS
SUSCIPE DONA PRECOR MENTIS PIA PIGNORA NOSTRAE
14a. SEDIS APOSTOLICAE PULCHRUM ET SUBLIME LACUNAR
ANTIQUAM SPECIEM VINCIT HONORE SUO
SYMMACHUS HOC PRAESTAT VENERANDUS IN URBE SACERDOS
NE POSSIT TEMPLO LONGA NOCERE DIES ^
Item in Oratorio Salvatoris de Nominibus Ejus ^
[Oratory of Our Saviour].
15. SPES, RATIO . . .
(the last line is new)
(8) SYMMACHUS ISTA TIBI PIE JESU NOMINA LUSIT
Item supra portam urbis quae dicitur Porta Sancti Petri
quam ipse ornavit [The city gate called S. Peter's].
16. INNOVAT^ ANTIQUUM ...
(lines 1-4 in elegiacs, already known ; 3 and 4 are
new)
(3) ANTISTES PORTAM RENOVAVIT SYMMACHUS I ST AM
(4) UT ROMA PER EUM NIHIL ESSET NON RENOVATUM
Item in lamina argentea regiae Sancti Petri quam ipse
fecit.^ [The great silver doors of S. Peter's].
17. LUX ARCANA DEI . . .
(lines I -1 7 as usual)
^ (14) Having won an answer to my prayers^ joyfi^^ I offer gifts to Thee,
making now a little return for Thy law of salvatiojt. I pray Thee receive these
gifts, the token of the gratitude of our heart. (14a) The fair and lofty ceiling of
the seat of the Apostle (S. Peter's) surpasses the ancient beauty by its splendour.
Symmachus the priest, honoured in the city, made this, that the passing of time
might not injure the temple. (Should not the reading be jure sacerdos instead of
in urbe sacerdos} Cf. stipra, p. 250, " Caidocus jure sacerdos.")
2 Also in the Oratory of Our Saviour (? in S. Mary) concerning the Holy
Name. For the inscription see infra, p. 286.
^ Codex invocat. For inscription see /. C. p. 99, No. 9.
* Infra, p. 282 ; /. C, p. 53, No. 3.
THE NEW SYLLOGE OF CAMBRIDGE 261
(18) SED BONUS ANTISTES DUX PLEBIS SYMMACHUS ARMIS (?)
(lines 19-24 as usual)
Item ad sanctam Mariani^ Oratorium Sanctorum
Cosmae et Damiani a fundamento construxit (and so on,
the usual text of the Liber Pontificalis).
Gesta Hormisdadis
Eodem tempore fecit papa Hormisdas apud beatum
Petrum apostolum trabem . . . in quo hi versus scripti sunt.
[S. Peter's].
18. QUAMVIS PRAECIPUIS . . .
(inscription of 8 lines hitherto unknown)
(The remaining inscriptions are all correctly placed :
19. Inscription of Felix iv. in SS. Cosmas and Damian.^
The next ten are all papal epitaphs, found at the end of the
reign of each pope. The inscriptions are all known.
[S. Peter's].
Epitaphs of Felix iv. (20): Boniface il (21): John ii.^
(22): John hi. (23): John l (?) (24): Benedict l (25):
Gregory l (26) : Boniface hi. (27) : Boniface iv. (28) :
Deusdedit (29) : Boniface v. (30).)
Gesta Honorii
. . . Fecit absida ejusdem basilicae (S. Agnes) ex
musibo (mosaic) ubi etiam et multa dona obtulit.
[S. Agnes, Via Nomentana].
31. VIRGINIS AULA MICAT VARUS DECORATA METALLIS *
SED PLUS EST MERITIS SPLENDIDA VIRGINEIS
^ These words of the Liber Pontificalis are repeated a second time, as the
passage was broken here to insert the inscriptions 13-17 (see above).
2 Infra ^ p. 287.
^ Four popes have no inscriptions recorded here — Agapetus, Silverius,
Vigilius, Pelagius I. : Pelagius ii. is omitted after Benedict I., and Sabinian
after Gregory.
^ Infra, p. 288.
262 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
31a. AUREA CONCISIS SURGIT PICTURA METALLIS^
ET COMPLEXA SIMUL CLAUDITUR IPSA DIES
FONTIBUS E NIVEIS AURORA SUB/RE VIDETUR
DISCUTIENS NUBES RORIBUS ARVA RIGANS
VEL QUALEM LUCEM PER NEBULA PERVEHIT IRIS
VEL QUI PUR PUR EO PA VO NITORE NITET
QUI POTUIT NOCTI LUCEM PRAESTARE PROFUNDAE
MARTIRIS E BUSTIS REPPULIT ILLE CHAOS
VIRGINIS AGNETIS MAG NO DEVOTUS HONOR I
PRAESUL HONORIUS HAEC VOTA DICATA DEBIT
VESTIBUS ET FACTIS SIGNANTUR PRAESULIS ORA
LUCET ET ASPECTU LUCIDA CORDA GERENS
32. Epitaph of Agatho : 33. of JOHN V. : 34. of JOHN VII.2
Peculiarities of the Sylloge : (a) Topographical Errors
in the Following Inscriptions. — We have then, scattered
about in the text of the Liber Pontificalis, a Sylloge
of thirty-eight inscriptions.^ Of these, six are hitherto
unknown, namely, Nos. 6a, 8, 14, 14a, all of Symmachus ;
No. 18 (of Hormisdas); and No. 34 (the epitaph of
John VII.).
Of these thirty-eight inscriptions, nearly half, namely, six-
teen, belong to Symmachus, and it is among these that nearly
all the peculiarities of the Sylloge are seen.
Gingebant (No. i). — The topographical errors are entirely
confined to the Symmachus inscriptions (Nos. 5 to 17), with
the exception of a single inscription of Damasus, Cingebant
(No. i). This familiar inscription is in reality a dedication
for the Baptistery of the Vatican, made by Damasus. There
^ I.C, p. 89, No. 42. See hifra, p. 287, note 3. Her picture arises all golden
amid the cut mosaics, and seems to hold the very day itself. From the snowy
sources the daivn seems to rise, and, scattering the clouds, to water the fields zuith
its dew, like the rainbow lights that Iris dratvs across the heavens, or as a peacock
shines in glowing splendour. He Who could spread light over the deep darkness
of night. He has saved from ruin the shrine of the martyr. The Pope Honorius
with deep devotion has consecrated these offerings to the glory of the Virgin,
Agnes. In (pontifical) robes, bearing (a basilica in his hand) a sign of what he
has wrought, his image gleams as bright as the joy in his heart.
"^ There are no inscriptions inserted for the nine popes before Agatho, nor for
the two after Agatho, nor for the three before John vii.
^ Always counting as two inscriptions these which are in reality distinct,
though written as one, e.g. 6 and 6a, 7 and 7a, 14 and 14a, 31 and 31a.
THE NEW SYLLOGE OF CAMBRIDGE 263
is no mention of this baptistery to introduce the quotation
in the Gesta Dainasi of the Liber Pontificalis ; and so, in the
Sylloge of Cambridge, the inscription has been inserted at
random, and happens to follow the passage in the Liber
Pontificalis describing the Catacomb of S. Sebastian on the
Via Appia.
Symmachus Inscriptions: (Nos. 5-17). — Coming to
the Symmachus inscriptions (5-17), there are at least seven
attributions definitely wrong, and three more probably so,
but so vaguely indicated in the Sylloge of Cambridge as to
be unidentifiable.
Ingrederis (5), Quisquis (6). — The first two in reality be-
long to the atrium of S. Peter's, i.e. Ingrederis (5), a dedica-
tion, and Quisquis (6), the epitaph of John I. They should
properly have been inserted after the portion of the text of
the Liber Pontificalis describing the improvements executed
in S. Peter's by Symmachus. Instead of that they follow
the description of building executed in the Church of
S. Andrew's on the Vatican.
Templa (7) and 0 Laeta (7a). — Of the next two, Templa
micant (7) and O Laeta (7a) are correctly indicated as being
in S. Andrew's on the Vatican. There is a mistake here,
however. The verses (7) and (7a), given as one inscription,
form two\ one (7) belongs, as indicated, to the shrine of
Protus and Jacinthus, the other (7a) to that of S. Sossius :
the latter (7a) is therefore misplaced, and should come a few
lines down after the reference to Sossius in the text of the
I^iber Pontificalis. We may note also that in the headline
to the verses inserted by the scribe the shrine is described
as " a basilica," instead of an " oratory " (oratorium, i.e. side
chapel), or " confession " (confessionem) — the correct word
used in the Liber Pontificalis.
Sumite ( i o) and Istic (11); Haeo Domus ( 1 2). — The follow-
ing three inscriptions, i.e. Sumite (10), Istic (11), — a distinct
inscription from (10) though written all together, — and
Haec Domus (12) all belong to baptisteries, and are as-
cribed here to a church of S. Michael ; probably meaning
S. Michael in the Via Urbana, near S. Pudentiana, since the
other four churches of S. Michael in existence at the time of
264 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
Symmachus are excluded for various reasons.^ The true
position of Smnite and Istic is a matter of dispute ; ^ Haec
Domus belongs to the baptistery of S. Paul's.
Justiciae Sedes (13). — To insert the next inscription,
Justiciae sedes (13), the text of the Liber Pontificalis is inter-
rupted in the middle of a sentence, and the lines placed
after the words ad Sanctam Maj-iam (apparently S. Maria
Maggiore). Whatever may be the church intended, the true
locality is S. Peter's.
Symmachus Has (6a)^ l/otorum (14), Sedes Apostolicae
(14a), Spes Ratio (15). — The new inscription Symmachus
Jias (6a) probably belongs to the rest of that group in the
Vatican. It is not clear what position the writer of the
Sylloge of Cambridge intends to attribute to the following
inscriptions — Votorum (14), for a votive offering, Sedis apos-
tolicae (14a), which certainly belongs to S. Peter's, as the
verses indicate, and Spes Ratio^ {i^)-. they might well all
form a group with the last inscription, Justiciae sedes (13),
falsely ascribed to S. Maria.
Analysis of the Subjects and Localities of the In-
scriptions.— The local ascriptions for the rest of the
Sylloge are correct. Having discovered, then, the correct
ascriptions of locality we find that, out of a total of thirty-
eight inscriptions, no less than twenty-one certainly belong
to S. Peter's, or places on the Vatican immediately connected
with it. The sixteen remaining include the epitaph of
Damasus (2) on the Via Ardeatina, and inscriptions of
SS. John and Paul (9), S. Paul (12), SS. Cosmas and
Damian (19), S. Agnes (31 and 31a) — all most important
churches which find a place in almost any collection. Of
the rest it is almost certain that (6a) and (8) also belong to
S. Peter, and extremely probable that some at least of
certain others, i.e. Nos. 10 and 11, 14, 14a, 15, do so too.
^ (a) A very ancient church on the Via Salaria, seven miles from the city ;
{b) S. Michael in Fagana, near Tivoli {L.P. ii. 40) ; [c] near the Vatican, with a
baptistery since the time of Damasus ; {d) S. Michael ad Porticum Ottavium
(called S. Paul till 770).
^ Infra, p. 270 et seqq.
^ There was an Oratory of Our Saviour in S. Petronilla, one of the group of
Vatican churches, but it did not exist earlier than 757.
THE NEW SYLLOGE OF CAMBRIDGE 265
Among these thirty-eight inscriptions there are no less than
fourteen papal epitaphs, all of S. Peter's, except that of
Damasus. It almost seems as if the source of the compila-
tion were a Collection of Vatican Inscriptions,^ or of Papal
Epitaphs.
{d) Textual Peculiarities : in the Following : — As re-
gards peculiarities of the text, the readings of the Sylloge of
Cambridge often differ considerably from those of the older
Syllogae. Since the familiar reading is often represented,
without any important variations, in several of the older
Syllogae, we may conclude that the readings of the latter
represent more truly the original inscription, as it stood on
the actual building, than does the text of the Sylloge of
Cambridge.
In Aurea Concisis (31a). — Turning, for an example, to the
familiar inscription Aurea Concisis (sia),^ put up by Honorius
(625-640) in the basilica of S. Agnes, Via Nomentana, we
see from the lines in italics the considerable differences
between the text of the Sylloge of Cambridge and that of
the three older versions of the Sylloge Centulensis^ Sylloge
Laureshamensis, and Sylloge Virdunensis.
It is true that the Cambridge version is an improvement on
the original — it makes sense, and it is poetical ; it is, in fact,
like a set of boy's verses touched up by a master, and is
probably the work of the twelfth- century copyist. But, by
good fortune, the actual inscription can be read on the
golden mosaic of the apse of S. Agnes — and it is in the
older Syllogae that it is faithfully reproduced.
In Papal Epitaphs. — The papal epitaphs are, on the
whole, more correct in reading, but there are considerable
variations in some of them, as well as a false attribution to
Benedict I. of the epitaph of Benedict II.
Several of the papal epitaphs have been curtailed,
namely, those of Boniface III. (No. 27 in Sylloge of
Cambridge), Postquani mors Christi) of Deusdedit (29), Cur
titulata diu ; of Boniface V. (30), Da mecuni gemitum. That
of Boniface IV. (28), Vita hominum brevis^ has been almost
rewritten.
^ Supi-a, p. 252. 2 SuprUy p. 262.
266 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
In Ascriptions to Symmachus : (1) in Verses already
known (5, 7, 7a) or occurring in New Inscriptions (6a, 14a).
— Returning again to the Symmachus inscriptions, we find
some peculiarities in the text. No less than ten of these in-
scriptions contain a line, or lines, naming Symmachus as
the author of the work described. Of these, two inscriptions
(6a, 14a) are entirely new; three (5, 7, 7a) are familiar
inscriptions which already contained the Symmachus lines.
(2) In Verses newly added to Familiar Texts. —
To the remaining five inscriptions already familiar
(10, 13, 15, 16, 17) new lines have been added attributing
the inscriptions to Symmachus. Are these attributions
correct? Whether correct or not, how did they come to
be inserted?
Sumite (10). — Of this group of five familiar inscriptions
with Symmachus additions, the first is Sumite (10), known
hitherto only in the Syllogeof Verdun. The whole question
of the date and locality of this inscription will be discussed
elsewhere.^
Justitiae (13). — In Justitiae (i 3), though the Symmachus
couplet is an addition, yet the couplet itself (not the inscrip-
tion) appears incorrectly, in the Sylloge Centulensis, as belong-
ing to the basilica of S. Paul's, in the following form : ^ —
Haec tibi Honorius persolvit vota sacerdos
Ut bene quod meruit redderet ipse decus.
It may be noted that the inscription Justitiae really
belongs to S. Peter's (though ascribed in the Sylloge of
Cambridge to S. Maria). We may suppose either that the
compiler, wishing to attribute this inscription to Symmachus
(perhaps correctly), has borrowed, altered and added the
Honorius couplet in S. Peter's. (It is true that Honorius
does not scan, but verse was loosely written in those days.)
Or, on the other hand, Honorius himself may, at some time,
have borrowed the convenient Symmachus couplet. At all
events, the couplet does not properly belong to the inscription
Justitiae, though it may belong to Symmachus. That the
compiler was in truth guilty of the offence suggested in the
1 Infra, p. 270. = LC. p. 81, No. 18.
THE NEW SYLLOGE OF CAMBRIDGE 267
former hypothesis, is amply proved in the case of the Lux
arcana (17) inscription.
Lux Arcana (17). — This inscription was made by Honorius
(626-638) for the great silver doors of S. Peter's : it celebrates
the Incarnation, and gives a history of the successful suppres-
sion in 628 of the heresy in Istria which opposed that dogma.
The name of Honorius occurs in line 18 — Sed bonus antistes
dux plebis Honorius alinus. In the Sylloge of Cambridge we
find the whole inscription under Symmachus (496-514), with
the words Symmachtis armis (?) substituted for Honorius almus.
It may be noted that the inscription gives an account of the
suppression of a heresy which arose more than a century
later than the death of Symmachus.
In this case, then, it is perfectly clear that the compiler
has inserted under Symmachus the inscription of a pope
living more than a century later, and has falsified the in-
scription by changing the name Honorius to Symmachus.
Innovat (16). — Innovat{\6) is correctly attributed to that
gate of the city known as the Porta S. Petri. The
Symmachus distich (which seems an echo of that in Sumite
(10)) is in hexameters, the rest of the poem being in elegiacs.
This in itself suggests a later addition. Moreover, it does
not seem very likely that Symmachus performed the repairs
mentioned, which in his time, under Theodoric the Goth,
were the office of the State.^ Under Justinian, the Church
became responsible, and the inscription very probably
belongs to a pope later than Symmachus, but has been
adopted again for Symmachus by the compiler.
Spes Ratio (i 5). — The curious verses Spes Ratio {i^) were
already known and attributed to " Severus," ^ and elsewhere
to "Silvius."^ In the Sylloge of Cambridge they are attri-
buted (in an extra line) to Symmachus, and said to be in
the " Oratory of Our Saviour " : from the context this oratory
would appear to be in S. Maria.
Bonavenia is of opinion that the name of the author
^ Duchesne, Melanges, 1910, Nov.-Dec, p. 301.
" Fabricius, Poetarum veierum ecdesiasticonun opera Christiana, p. 774, and
p. 430; of Commentary : Bale, 1564.
^ Reise, Anthologia Latina, ii, p. 162, No. 689 : Leipsic, 1906.
268 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
had been forgotten ; that the true author was in fact
Symmachus, and that in lapse of time his name, beginning
with an S, was wrongly changed into Silverius and Severus.
It seems a little difficult to accept this explanation : and the
words Silvius and Severus appended to the original poem
may look much alike in manuscript, and one may be a
mistake for the other. Further, Bonavenia's explanation
does not account for the additional line Sytfwiachus ista in
this poem. Here, again, it looks as if the twelfth-century
scribe had adapted the inscription to Symmachus.
(3) Two Inscriptions (6, 12) without Symmachus'
Verses found under "Symmachus." — All these inscriptions
contain the Symmachus lines. There are two, however,
without them found under Symmachus' reign, which must be
excluded from the inscriptions which belong to this pope :
Quisquis ad aeternam (6), which is the epitaph of John I.
(523-526), who began to reign nine years after the death of
Symmachus, and Haec domus est (12) of the Baptistery of
S. Paul's.
Conclusions from the Analysis. — To sum up, then, the
results of this investigation of the Symmachus inscriptions,
we find that topographically only three inscriptions (7, 9, 16)
out of sixteen are known to be correct, though there are
seven more (6a, 8, 10 with 11, 14, 14a, 15) which may possibly
be so ; the remaining six are certainly incorrect, namely,
Nos. 5>6, 7a, 12, 13, 17.
Concerning the attributions of the sixteen inscriptions
attributed to Symmachus by the fact of inclusion under his
reign, and also, generally, by the addition of the Symmachus
verses, five attributions are certainly correct, namely, Nos. 5,
6a, 7, 7a, 9; seven are doubtful, namely, Nos. 8, 10 and 11,
12, 13, 14, 14a, 16; four are certainly wrong, Nos. 6, 13,
15, 17.
Most of the Symmachus inscriptions are inaccurate in
both respects, and only about half the inscriptions are correct
either topographically or in respect of the Symmachus
attributions.
To explain these false attributions of place and persons
two theories have been propounded :
THE NEW SYLLOGE OF CAMBRIDGE 269
Explanation of the False Attributions : — (a) Transfer-
ence of Inscriptions. — The new attributions are to be
explained by the fact that inscriptions were common pro-
perty, and were freely borrowed for different buildings, and
sometimes altered a little to adapt them to the new situation ;
and that Symmachus did, in fact, borrow all these inscriptions.
If this be so, Symmachus must have been a greater plagiarist
than even most of his contemporaries ; whilst in the one
case, Lux arcana (17), where the facts are really known, this
explanation does not hold good.
{b) The Work of the Twelfth-Century Scribe. —
The alternative explanation is that the twelfth-century scribe
has inserted his inscriptions carelessly, probably taking them
from some document which is arranged topographically. This
would account for the fact that a whole group (Nos. 5, 6, and
perhaps 6a, 7, 7a, 8) are approximately correct, topographically \
in that they all belong, in fact, to churches on the Vatican,
and are attributed in the Sylloge to this region. If this be
true, the blunder of inserting the epitaph of John I. (6) under
Symmachus is quite natural, since that epitaph was in the
Atrium of S. Peter's, as was inscription (5), and possibly (6a).
Not content, however, with these random insertions, the
scribe seems to have freely touched up the verses, and to
have deliberately added the Symmachus verses to inscriptions
which did not possess them. The case of Lux arcana^ (17)
supports this view. Yet these alterations and insertions in
the twelfth century seem strangely purposeless. Had they
been made at the beginning of the sixth century, an explana-
tion might have been found in the strong partisan feeling for
Symmachus in opposition to his rival, the anti-pope Laurence,
a struggle indeed recorded in one of the inscriptions (6a).
At this period there did exist a fragment of a Liber Ponti-
ficalis showing anti-papal feeling, and known as the Laur-
entian fragment? It is possible to imagine the existence of
a Synimachan fragment \ but there is absolutely no evidence
of this, and the date of the inscriptions of the Sylloge, namely,
of the fourth to the eighth century, about which there can
be no doubt, precludes the supposition. The problem can-
^ Supra, p. 267. ^ Supra, p. 54.
270 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
not really be solved by a single explanation including all the
inscriptions. Each case requires the most minute investiga-
tion on its own merits, and even then enough material is
hardly forthcoming to provide an answer.
The Discussion concerning Sumite (i8) and /stic (i i).
— Such a minute investigation has, however, been applied to
the two inscriptions Sumite (lo) and I stic (i i). Perhaps it is
worth while to indicate the main features ^ of the controversy
concerning the interpretation, date and locality of these
verses, as an example both of the method of using these
documents, and of the application, to the solution of a single
problem, of various branches of knowledge, not excluding
some new information contributed by excavation.
The question had already been discussed long before the
discovery of the Sylloge of Cambridge, the inscriptions being
found in the Sylloge of Verdun.^
(a) The Interpretation of the Text of the Verdun Codex.
— The first question that arises is that of the interpretation
of the text of the Sylloge.
It is evident at once from the heading and contents that
Sumite (25) is an inscription for a baptistery, I stic (26) for a
consignatorium?
The translation of Sumite as it stands in the Codex is :
For the Baptisteiy. Put on everlasting life from
this holy stream : this is the way of faith by which alone
death perishes. The washing here in the divine spring
strengthens our souls, and with the wetting of our limbs
our spirits are made strong by the water. Christ
increased the twofold honour of the apostolic seat when
He granted this to be the way to the heavens. For he
to whom Christ committed the lights of the starry realm,
has other habitations in the wide spaces of heaven.
The sense of the last four lines is not very clear.
^ For full details of the various points raised see Bibliography — Syllogae
Dy and especially, for the new material, literary and monumental, Marucchi
{Nuovo Bulhttino) and Bonavenia [Osservatore Romajto).
2 Supra, p. 245 and pp. 247-248 for text. Except in cases of obvious copyist's
blunders the text of the Codex has been given ; other readings and emendations
are added in the footnotes.
^ Infra, p. 284,
THE NEW SYLLOGE OF CAMBRIDGE 271
The somewhat violent emendations of De Rossi, accepted
by most scholars, do not entirely elucidate matters, nor do
the numerous alternative interpretations offered by them. A
suggestion of Marucchi, accepted by Bonavenia (who on
other matters is in disagreement with him), is helpful ; he
interprets claustra as meaning, not, as usual, " habitations,"
but as the pozver of the keys conferred on Peter.^ The last
four lines with De Rossi's reading, and Marucchi's interpreta-
tions appear to mean :
Christ increased the twofold honour of the Apostolic
seat and granted this {i.e. baptism) to be the way to
heaven. For he (Peter) to whom He committed the care
of the threshold (limina) of the starry realms, has here
in this temple {templis) (built in his honour) other keys
to the heavens (by way of baptism and confirmation).
There are still problems to elucidate. Does the Honorem
geminatum mean the double gift to the convert of baptism
and confirmation ? or does it refer to Peter, and mean either
the double honour he enjoys on earth in his church, and
above, in the regions of heaven ; or the double power of the
keys to bind and loose ; or the power to open the way to
heaven by baptism and penance ? And how is the twofold
honour increased ?
It seems very probable that between confusion of
thought, and the inability to express so much dogma in so
few lines the writer himself did not know exactly what he
meant.
The meaning of Istic (26) is simpler :
TJiese verses are written where the pope confirms
the children. Here the right hand of the chief shepherd
signs the sheep, washed pure in the divine stream ; Come
hither, O thou born of water, to where the Holy Spirit
calls each one, that thou mayst receive his gifts. Taking
^ For a similar use of claustra compare the lines in the inscription made by-
Achilles, Bishop of Spoleto in 419, for the local church of S. Peter's — Dixit
enim tu es magno mihi nomine Petrus Et tibi caelorum fortia claustra dedi [Laur,
iv., No. 80, in I.C. viii. p. 114) ; and those in the inscription for the baptistery of
the Lateran of almost the same date — Petrus regia claustra tenens{Laur. i. 15, in
I.C. xiii. p. 148). For the Spoleto inscription see Bull. arch, crist., 1871,
117.
272 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
up thy cross learn to escape the storms of this world
admonished by the teaching of this place.
(b) The Locality of Sumite—lst/c according to theSylloge
of Verdun. — Whatever is the precise meaning of Sumite,
it is quite clear, as we have seen, that these inscriptions are
for a Baptistery and Consignatorium respectively. While
the cryptic references to the power of Peter would be quite
in place in any baptistery — where the adult convert had
to do penance for his sins, and make a profession of faith
previous to receiving the sacrament — they would yet be
peculiarly appropriate to a church dedicated to, or con-
nected with, Peter. What further indications have we as
to locality ?
Turning first to the Sylloge of Verdun ^ it will be seen
that Sumite (25) and Istic (26) come at the end of a series
of suburban inscriptions, all of the Via Salaria or Via
Nomentana. Of those closely preceding Sumite^ Nos. 17-19
are of the Via Nomentana, No. 20 Via Salaria, also Nos.
21-24, of S. Silvester in the catacomb of S. Priscilla.^
Sumite and Istic are followed by inscriptions of the churches
of the Apostles (SS. James and Philip) (27), S. Maria
Maggiore (28) and others within the city.
(1) On Via Salaria or Via Nomentana? — We have
already noted ^ that no absolute reliance can be placed on
the topographical indications of this Sylloge. At the same
time, they are sometimes correct. Looking at the position
of Sumite^ it seems probable that it belongs to the previous
group, that is, to the Via Nomentana-Salaria group, and
possibly even to S. Silvester itself. It might also belong
to the following group of churches within the city. Con-
'^ Supra ^ p. 245.
^ There is practically no doubt that No. 23 does in truth belong here. It is
closely attached to No. 22, as also in the Sylloge of Tours {I.C. p. 62, No. 23).
It forms a portion of a creed due to that Pope Celestinus (423-432) who summoned
the Council of Ephesus to combat Nestorianism. Celestinus was buried in this
church of S. Silvester in S. Priscilla (for his epitaph see Sylloge of Tours, I.C.
vi. I, p. 63), and it would be very suitable to inscribe the creed near his grave.
The translation is : And he believes that God was born and suffered and sought
again His Father s hojne : and that He will come again from heaven to judge
both the quick and the dead, etc.
^ Supra, p. 245.
THE NEW SYLLOGE OF CAMBRIDGE 273
sidering purely literary evidence, the heading AD FONTES
would support the former supposition, since this phrase is
constantly used to indicate the inscriptions of a baptistery
of a church whose other inscriptions have just been quoted.^
On the other hand, the eighth-century compiler may have
been using a mutilated copy, or be copying carelessly, and
the heading may have lost the name of the basilica. To
what actual baptistery within or without the city could
these inscriptions refer?
Before approaching this question, the date of the in-
scriptions must be determined, — a somewhat difficult matter
in the absence of the original stone. They have usually
been attributed to the fourth century. Bonavenia, however
{before the discovery of the Sylloge of Cambridge), judging
from the inferior Latin, and the peculiar use of claustra (if
it is so used here is a matter not finally decided), attributed
them both to the fifth century and to the reign of
Symmachus.
What baptisteries were there in the fourth and fifth
centuries? What identifications have scholars made?
(2) The Baptistery of S. Peter or the Catacombs of
S. Priscilla. — Before the recent excavations in S. Priscilla,
which he did not live to see, De Rossi attributed these
inscriptions to S. Peter's on the Vatican; remarking that
the position of the inscriptions in the Sylloge indicated a
building on the Via Nomentana or Via Salaria, but that
there was no baptistery there. If the inscriptions belong to
S. Peter's, the complete heading should read, Ad fontes
Basilicae Sancti Petri.
Since then, Marucchi has discovered, in the Catacomb
of Priscilla, on the Via Salaria, a portion of a building
which is undoubtedly a baptistery ; it is to this building
that he would ascribe the two epitaphs, which do in fact
close a series belonging mainly to the Via Salaria, and
come immediately after a series of epitaphs (21-24) actually
^ Cf. inscriptions for the baptisteries of the Vatican, infra^ p. 279 (/. C,
p. 147, No. 10); S. Paul's {I.e., p. 28, No. 53; cf. p. 68, No. 31);
S. Laurence in Damaso, infra, p. 283 (/.C, p. 135, No. 6); S. Anastasia
(/.C, p. ISO, No. 19).
18
574 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
in the church of S. Silvester, in S. Priscilla. Moreover, the
use oi Ad Pontes supports this identification, as does the
possibiUty of the close connexion of Peter with S. Priscilla
through the family of Pudens, some of u^hom are buried
there.^
Marucchi's hypothesis seems at first sight convincing.
The question, however, arises, did the popes go out to the
Catacomb of S. Priscilla two miles outside the city to
baptize and confirm in the fourth or fifth centuries?
It would take too long to examine in detail this point,
but the general results of research seem to indicate that
they did not do so habitually at that date, and that therefore
these inscriptions did not stand here. This does not, of
course, disprove the use of the Baptistery of S. Priscilla in
primitive times.
(c) Locality of Sumlte and Istio in the Sylloge of Cam-
bridge : New Readings and Attributions. — Bonavenia, al-
ways sceptical with regard to the topographical indications of
the Sylloge, still adhered to De Rossi's theory that S. Peter's
is the baptistery in question. The discussion had reached
this point when Dr. Levison drew attention to the Sylloge
of Cambridge.2 jj^ this document (i) Suniite (No. lo) and
Istic (No. ii) are written as one inscription, instead of two;
(2) they are attributed to the baptistery of S. Michael ; and
(3) Sumite ends with two additional lines ascribing the work
to Symmachus. There are further, some differences in the
readings. In this Codex, as in that of Verdun, the original
word is lumina (in line 7 of Sumite). Modern scholars^
changed this to limina in the Verdun, and the twelfth-
century scribe also erased lumina^ and substituted limina
in the Sylloge of Cambridge.* In line 6 the new Sylloge
reads terris . . . regna in place of the Verdun amplis . . .
claustra.
^See Nuovo Bullettino, 1901, 1902, 1903, 1906, 1907, 1908,1 910 for a full
description of excavations. It may be added that the Istic inscription is found
in close connexion with what is supposed to be a portion of the epitaph to a
certain Eucharis (which stood in S. Priscilla) in the Anthologia e Codice Parisino,
8071 {I.e. p. 247, No. 11). This proximity of text may possibly indicate the
proximity of the originals, and so supports Marucchi's attribution.
2 Supra, p. 254 et seqq. ^ Supra, p. 248, notes. * Supra, p. 259.
THE NEW SYLLOGE OF CAMBRIDGE 275
Do Sumite—lstic belong: (1) to S. Michael's, Via Urbana?
— As to the attribution of these inscriptions to the Baptistery
of S. Michael's, identified as S. Michael of the Via Urbana,^
nearly all authorities — Levison, Marucchi, Grisar and Bona-
venia — are agreed that the inscriptions did, in fact, stand
here; they are also agreed as to the identification of the
church. If this conclusion is correct, does not the text of
the Sylloge of Cambridge refer to S. Michael — "to whom
were committed the li^^kfs {lumind) of heaven, and who had
on earth (in his church) another heavenly dwelling {regna
poll) " — rather than to S. Peter ?
Then arises the question — what of the different readings
and different local attributions? Here Marucchi and Bona-
venia take different views.
Bonavenia already, as we have seen, before the discovery
of the Cambridge Sylloge, attributed Smnite and Istic
to the time of Symmachus, and never accepted the Priscilla
attribution. The new Sylloge appears to confirm his
conjecture. He holds that it was composed for the church
of S. Michael by Symmachus. He accounts for the varia-
tions of reading by copyist's mistakes, and thinks that the
Sylloge of Verdun is mutilated — hence the absence of the
Symmachus distich — and that the heading there is also
incomplete, and should read, Ad Fontes Basilicae S.
MiCHAELIS.
The difficulty in accepting the latter part of the explana-
tion is that it contradicts the facts as we know them in the
case of the other Symmachus inscriptions. It is these in-
scriptions whose text is deliberately changed, and to these
inscriptions that the Symmachus lines are always added.
Bonavenia appears to accept this explanation for all the
other inscriptions.^ As a further point against the authen-
ticity of this attribution to S. Michael's, it may be noted that
^ On the identification, see supra, p. 264, note i. It is perhaps just worth
noting, that both in the Sylloge of Verdun and of Cambridge, this inscription
is quite close to an inscription ascribed to S. Maria Maggiore, which stands
very near the church of S. Michael in question : — Verdun : Sumite No. 25, Istic
No. 26 (S. Maria Maggiore 283) ; and Cambridge : Sumite No. 10, Istic No. il
(S. Maria 13).
' Except Spes, ratio (15), see supra, p. 267.
276 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
the information as to the building of a Baptistery of S. Michael
is peculiar to the Cambridge manuscript. In the ordinary-
text of the Liber Pontificalis it is merely recorded that water
was laid on to the basilica.
(2) Or to S. Priscilla originally, and then S. Michael's ?
— Marucchi still believes that the inscriptions Sumite and
Istic stood originally in the baptistery and consignatorium
recently discovered in S. Priscilla; and that when Symmachus
built his Baptistery of S. Michael, which had to serve too, as
a consignatoritim, he took the ancient inscriptions, combined
them into one, and inserted the distich about himself. Various
facts support this conclusion. There was a close connection
between the church of S. Pudentiana, in whose parish
S. Michael's stood, and the catacomb of S. Priscilla; indeed,
in the Middle Ages the crypts of S. Pudentiana were called
Coemeterium S. Priscillae. Moreover, the difference of text
in the Sylloge of Verdun and that of Cambridge could be
accounted for by the fact that the two copyists were using
two different originals. It was also quite in harmony with
the practice of the time to borrow inscriptions. The
thought, too, suggests itself that if Marucchi is correct
in his hypothesis, perhaps the word claustra and limina
stood in the Priscilla buildings with their association
with Peter, and that regna and lumina stood in S. Michael's,
as a happy adaptation in honour of the patron of the
baptistery.
(3) Or to S. Peter's ? — Duchesne recognizes the number
of false attributions in the Sylloge of Cambridge, and the
fact of the addition of the Symmachus lines by the twelfth-
century compiler. He includes among false ascriptions
the local attribution to S. Michael of Sumite and Istic, and
holds that the inscriptions should be ascribed to S. Peter's
baptistery on the Vatican, which Symmachus did in fact
repair.
In that case, apparently, the Symmachus lines would be
genuine? If so, why do they not appear in the Verdun
version? It may, of course, as Bonavenia holds, be
mutilated.
There are difficulties whichever explanation we adopt,
THE NEW SYLLOGE OF CAMBRIDGE 277
and the material is not sufficient to form a final opinion;^
but the investigation itself is valuable as an example of
method, of the precise weaknesses of the Syllogae, and of
the wide divergence of view among scholars on all such
matters.
^ Is it just possible that the inscriptions belong to S. Michael, 7 miles N.
of Rome on the Via Salaria ? If so, the heading of the Verdun Sylloge should
be Ad Pontes S. Michaelis, and the inscription would then stand in correct
position in the Sylloge, namely, just after the inscriptions of S. Silvester, on the
Via Salaria, 2 miles N. of Rome. The fact that Sumite occurs in the Sylloge of
Cambridge among a set which are ** within the city " {Intra civitatem) does not
carry much weight in such a document.
CHAPTER XXI
THE SYLLOGAE: SOME EXAMPLES OF
INSCRIPTIONS
Inscriptions mainly Urban : S. Peter (Nos. 1-6) — on papal authority,
baptism, the Incarnation, etc. ; S. Maria Maggiore (No. 7) — on the Incarna-
tion ; S. Laurence in Damaso (8) and S. Priscilla (?) (No. 9) and an
African Church (10) — on baptism and confirmation; the Oratory of the
Cross in the Baptistery of S. Peter's (?) (11)— on the Redemption and the
Eucharist; Oratory of the Saviour, S. Peter's (?) (12)— on the Holy
Name; S. Paul (13) — for a cantharus ; SS. Cosmas and Damian (14); S.
Agnes {1$).— Inscriptions for secular buildings: Archives of S. Laurence in
Damaso (16); the Library of Gregory the Great {i^j).— Inscriptions from
suburban tombs, mainly by Damasus -. Epitaph ON HIMSELF (18); in the
PAPAL crypt OF S. Callixtus (19, 2o) ; of Gordianus, near Via Labicana
(21) ; of Tiburtius on Via Tiburtina (22) ; Epitaphs by Boniface on S. Felicitas,
Via Salaria (23, 24) ; Inscription of Vigilius on the Via Salaria (25). —
Relics in S. Stephen on the Vatican, and in S. Silvester in Capite (26).
Inscriptions mainly Urban: S. Peter's. — As might be
expected, it is in the Basilica of S. Peter's that the inscriptions
are most abundant and varied in character.
1. Of Constantine on the Triumphal Arch (Fourth
Century). — The earliest of all is that of Constantine ^ over
the triumphal arch of the basilica he had just erected on the
site of the little memorial chapel of Pope Anacletus :
I. In Arcu Sancti Petri.
QUOD DUCE TE MUNDUS SURREXIT IN ASTRA TRIUMPHANS
HANC CONSTANTINUS VICTOR TIBI CONDIDIT AULAM
Because under Thy leadership the world arose
triumphant to the stars, Constantine the victor
(sc. over his enemies at the Mulvian Bridge) has
founded this temple to Thee.
^ Sylloge Einsiedlensis (in /. C. p. 20, No. 6).
278
SYLLOGAE: EXAMPLES OF LNSCRIPTIONS 279
2 and 3. Damasus for the Baptistery (Fourth Century).
— In the crypt of S. Peter's is still to be seen the inscription
of Damasus/ recording the discovery of the spring on the
Vatican Hill destined to supply the new baptistery with
water :
2. CINGEBANT LATICES MONTEM TENEROQUE MEATU
CORPORA MULTORUM CINERES ATQUE OSSA RIGABANT
NON TULIT HOC DAMASUS COMMUNI LEGE SEPVLTOS
POST REQUIEM TRISTES ITERUM PERSOLVERE POENAS
PROTINUS ADGRESSUS MAGNUM SUPERARE LABOREM
AGGERIS IMMENSI DEJECIT CULMINA MONTIS
INTIMA SOLLICITE SCRUTATUS VISCERA TERRAE
SICCAVIT TOTUM QUIDQUID MADEFECERAT HUMOR
INVENIT FONTEM PRAEBET QUI DONA SALUTIS
HOC CURAVIT MERCURIUS LEVITA FIDELIS
Streams of water surrounded the (Vatican) hill, and,
gently winding, drenched the bodies, bones and
ashes of many. Damasus could not endure
that thus buried indiscriminately they should
again suffer grievous pains when they had won
peace. So at once venturing on the great toil,
he laid low the summit of the immense hill.
Carefully scrutinising the inmost depths of the
earth, he dried everything which the water had
made sodden. Then he discovered a spring
which brings us the gift of salvation (sc. water
for baptism). Mercurius, the faithful deacon,
executed this work.
For the baptistery itself Damasus wrote the following
lines :^
3. Ad Pontes.
NON HAEC HUMANIS OPIBUS NON ARTE MAGISTRA
(line missing)
SED PRAESTANTE PETRO CUI TRADITA JANUA CAELI EST
ANTISTES CHRISTI COMPOSUIT DAMASUS
^ Inscriptio7tes Vaticanae (in /. C. p. 56, No. 14) ; for a reproduction of the
original, see P. Dionysius, Vaticanae Basilicae Cryptae Monumenta^ p. 61, pi.
xxvii., Rome, 1773.
^ Sylloge Laureshamensis (in I.C. p. 147, No. iq),
28o ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
UNA PETRI SEDES UNUM VERUMQUE LAVACRUM
VINCULA NULLA TENENT quem lavat iste liquor.
For the baptistery.
This is not the work of worldly wealth, nor of a
master's art (but the work of God, . . . ) ; but
relying on Peter, to whom has been committed
the gate of heaven, Damasus the representative
of Christ, composed these lines. There is one
seat of Peter, one true baptism, and no chains
bind him whom this water has washed.
There are several more inscriptions for baptisteries with
which that of the Vatican may be compared — for S. Laurence
in Darnaso} written by Damasus ; for S. Paul, the Lateran,
S. Anastasia and others.^
4. Simplicius on the Papal Power (Fifth Century). —
The idea of Damasus concerning the *•' one seat of Peter," and
himself as the representative of Christ, is developed in the
inscription ^ of Simplicius (468-483), which stood over the
entrance doors of S. Peter's, and shows the conception that a
fifth-century pope held of his office :
4. Super limina in introitu ecclesiae (S. Petri)
QUI REGNI CLAVES ET CURAM TRADIT OVILIS
QUI CAELI TERRAEQUE PETRO COMMISIT HABENAS
UT RESERET CLAUSIS UT SOLVAT VINCLA LIGATIS
SIMPLICIO NUNC IPSE DEDIT SACRA JURA TENERE
PRAESULI QUO CULTUS VENERANDAE CRESCERET AULAE
Above the threshold at the entry of the Church.
He Who handed over the keys of the kingdom
and the care of the sheepfold; He Who committed
to Peter the reins of heaven and earth, that he
should open to those imprisoned, and loose the
chains of those who are bound ; has now Himself
granted to Simplicius as ruler to wield the
sacred rights, that the worship in these holy
courts might increase.
^ Infra^ p. 283.
2 For other churches, see infra^ pp. 283, 284.
^ Laur, i. (/. C. p. 144, No. ^).
SYLLOGAE: EXAMPLES OF INSCRIPTIONS 281
5. Pelagius i. on the Incarnation (Sixth Century). —
The doctrine of the Incarnation is expounded, in opposition
to Nestorianism and kindred heresies, in an inscription of
Pelagius I. (5 5 S— 559)^ which stood, suitably enough, on some
part of the altar. The last verses throw light on the troubles
of the times :
5. In Altare Beati Petri.
vox ARCANA PATRIS CAELI QUIBUS AEQUA POTESTAS
DESCENDIT TERRAS LUCE REPLERE SUA
HAEC DEUS HUMANAM SUMENS DE VIRGINE FORMAM
DISCIPULOS MUNDO PRAECIPIENDA DOCET
QUAE MODO PELAGIUS PRAESUL CUM PLEBE FIDELIS
EXERCENS OFFERT MUNERA SACRA DEO
UT ROMANA MANU CAELESTI SCEPTRA REGANTUR
SIT QUORUM IMPERIO LIBERA VERA FIDES
PRO QUIBUS ANTISTES REDDENS HAEC VOTA PRECATUR
SAECULA PRINCIPIBUS PACIFICATA DARI
HOSTIBUS UT DOMITIS PETRI VIRTUTE PER ORBEM
GENTIBUS AC POPULIS PAX SIT ET ISTA FIDES
On the altar of blessed Peter.
The hidden Word of the Father, to Whom (sc. to
the Word and the Father) is equal power in
heaven, came down to fill earth with His light.
God, the Word, taking on Him human form from
a Virgin, taught His disciples what they were to
teach to the world. The faithful Pelagius, now
performing these instructions, as ruler, together
with the people, offers these holy gifts to God ;
(and prays) that the Roman sceptre may be
wielded by a Divine hand, and that under that rule
the true faith may be free. For our princes, the
representative (of God) offering up these petitions,
prays that they may be granted a time of peace,
and that all enemies, being overcome through-
out the world by the power of Peter, to all
the peoples there may be peace and this faith
(sc. in the Incarnation).
6. Honorius on the Incarnation (Seventh Century). —
These lines were evidently in the mind of Honorius (626-638)
^ ^aur. i. (/.C p. 145, No. 7).
282 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
when he put up his inscription ^ directed against similar
heresies on the great silver doors of S. Peter's :
6. Item in ostia majore Sancti Petri.
LUX ARCANA DEI VER13UM SAPIENTIA LUCIS
ATQUE CORUSCANTIS SPLENDIDA IMAGO PATRIS
AD NOS DESCENDIT NEC QUO FUIT ESSE RECESSIT
UT CAECAS MENTES ERUERET TENEBRIS
PLENUS HOMO IN NOSTRIS ET VERUS NASCITUR ISDEM
VIRGINIS EX UTERO TOTUS UBIQUI DEUS
On the great door of S. Peter.
The hidden light of God, the Word, the Wisdom,
and the resplendent Image of the dazzling light
of the Father, came down to us, yet ceased
not to be where ^ He was before : that He
might deliver our blind spirits from darkness ;
He is born perfect man among us, and like-
wise, from the womb of a Virgin, perfect all-
present God.
There follows a passage concerning the power of Peter,
an account of " The seven and tenfold pestilential schism "
which arose in Istria, and was put down by Honorius, and the
inscription concludes with a prayer to Peter, "the gentle
guardian of the gates of heaven," to give quiet times to his
flock.
7. S. Maria Maggiore : Sixtus iii. on the Incarnation
(Fifth Century). — The same idea is expressed in an inscrip-
tion of Sixtus III. (432-440).^ He beautified the basilica built
by Liberius (352-356), and dedicated it to S. Mary, as a
memorial of the victory over Nestorianism at the Council
of Ephesus held under Celestinus (423-432).
7. In basilica Sanctae Mariae Majore.
VIRGO MARIA TIBI SIXTUS NOVA TEMPLA DICAVI
DIGNA SALUTIFERO MUNERA VENTRE TUO
* Ins. Vat. {I.e. p. 53, No. 3).
2 Or, quod—*^ He ceased not to be what He was before, i.e. God."
' Sylloge Turonensis (/. C. p. 71, No. 42). For another inscription on the same
subject see Laur. iv. (/. C. p. 109, No. 63), probably set up in the palace of the
widow of Boethius ; also an inscription of the fifth or sixth century in the palace
of the Vandal king of Carthage, Qualiter intacta . . . (/.C. p. 241, No. 6).
SYLLOGAE: EXAMPLES OF INSCRIPTIONS 283
TE GENETRIX IGNARA VIRI TE DENIQUE FETA
VISCERIBUS SALVIS EDITA NOSTRA SALUS
ECCE TUI TESTES UTERI TIBI PRAEMIA PORTANT
SUB PEDIBUSQUE JACET PASSIO CUIQUE SUA
FERRUM FLAMMA FERUS FLUVIUS SAEVUMQUE VENENUM
TOT TAMEN HAS MORTES UNA CORONA MANET
O Virgin Mary, I, Sixtus, have dedicated a new
temple to thee, an offering worthy of the womb
that brought us salvation. Thou, a virgin, didst
bear, a maiden didst thou bring forth our Salva-
tion. Behold these martyrs, witnesses to Him
Who was the fruit of thy womb, bear to thee
their crowns of victory, and beneath their feet
lie the instruments of their passion, — sword,
flame, wild beast, river, and cruel poison: one
crown alike awaits these divers deaths.
The latter part of the inscription refers evidently to a
representation of martyrs offering up their victorious crowns ;
depicted, probably in mosaic, round the walls of the church.^
8. S. Laurence in Damaso: Damasus for the Baptistery
(Fourth Century). — Another inscription 2 for a baptistery,
also by Damasus, existed in S. Laurence in Damaso,
8. Item ad fontem (S. Laurentii in Damaso).
ISTE SALUTARES FONS CONTINET INCLITUS UNDAS
ET SOLET HUMANAM PURIFICARE LUEM
MUNIA SACRATI QUAE SINT VIS SCIRE LIQUORIS
DANT REGNATRICEM FLUMINA SANCTA FIDEM
ABLUE FONTE SACRO VETERIS CONTAGIA VITAE
O NIMIUM FELIX VIVE RENATUS AQUA
HUNG FONTEM QUICUMQUE PETIT TERRENA RELINQUIT
SUBJECIT ET PEDIBUS CAECA MINISTERIA
This glorious spring contains the waters of salva-
tion, and purifies human guilt; if you wish to
know what are the gifts of the sacred stream,
this holy river gives a triumphant faith. Wash
away in the holy spring the stains of your old
^ There are many examples of such representations still existing in churches
and on sarcophagi in Rome, Ravenna, and elsewhere.
2 Sylloge Virdunensis {I.C. p, 135, No. 6). See supra, p. 247.
284 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
life; O thrice happy man, live, born again of
water. Whoever seeks this spring forsakes
earthly things, and tramples under foot the
works of darkness.
9. S. Priscilla : Baptistery and Consignatorlum (? Fifth
Century). — We possess another inscription for a bap-
tistery, followed i mmediately by one for a ccnsignato
I'ium (or place of confirmation) in the Sylloge of Verdun.^
The locality of these inscriptions is, as we have seen, a
subject of some discussion.
The rite of confirmation, or sealing {consignatio) with the
sign of the cross with holy oil {crismd), was administered to
the neophyte immediately after baptism ; both rites being
performed by the bishop — in Rome by the pope — sitting in
the episcopal chair. Sometimes the neophyte passed from
the font to the side of the baptistery ; sometimes the rite
was performed in a distinct building, the consignatoriuni?
There were consignatoria at the Vatican in the time of
Symmachus (498-514), and in the Lateran in the time
of Hilarius (461-468), both dedicated to the Holy Cross.
10. An African Church: for a Conslgnatorium (Fifth
Century). — Of about the same date are two inscriptions, for
baptistery and consignatorlum respectively, for an African
church unknown. This consignatoriuni also is dedicated
to the Holy Cross, and the inscription ^ is as follows :
10. Versus Sanctae Crucis.
HINC CRUX SANCTA POTENS COELO SUCCESSIT ET ASTRIS
DUM RETINET CORPUS MISIT IN ASTRA DEUM
QUI FUGIS INSIDIAS MUNDI CRUCIS UTERE SIGNIS
HAC ARMATA FIDES PROTEGIT OMNE MALUM
CRUX DOMINI MECUM CRUX EST QUAM SEMPER ADORO
CRUX MIHI REFUGIUM CRUX MIHI CERTA SALUS
VIRTUTUM GENETRIX TONS VITAE JANUA CAELI
CRUX CHRISTI TOTUM DISTRUIT HOSTIS OPUS
^ For text and general discussion see supra, pp. 247, 270 et seqq.
2 The whole ceremony can be seen in Westminster Cathedral on Holy
Saturday if there happens to be an adult baptism.
^ Anthologia Salmasi'ana (in I.C. p. 241, No. 5).
SYLLOGAE: EXAMPLES OF INSCRIPTIONS 285
The Holy Cross has risen mighty to the stars of
heaven. While it retained the body (of our
Lord) it set free God to return to the stars.
Thou who dost flee the snares of this world,
use the sign of the Cross. Armed with this,
faith protects against all evil. The Cross of the
Lord is with me, it is the Cross which I ever
adore ; the Cross is my refuge, the Cross is my
assured salvation. Parent of virtues, fountain
of life, gate of heaven, the Cross of Christ has
utterly destroyed the work of the enemy.
11. Oratory of the Holy Cross in the Baptistery of S.
Peter's (?) : by Symmachus : (498-514) on the Redemption
and Eucharist. — It was probably for the chapel of the
Holy Cross in the baptistery of S. Peter's that Symmachus
(498-514) put up the following inscription^ concerning the
Redemption and the Eucharist. The last two lines are
familiar from the office of the Exaltation of the Cross.^
II. FORTIS AD INFIRMOS DESCENDENS PANIS ALENDOS
HOC FRACTUS LIGNO EST UT POTUISSET EDI
HIC AGNI MEMBRIS PROPRIO MORS DENTE LIGATA EST
ET PRAEDAM PRAEDAE JAM GEMIT ESSE SUAE
O MAGNUM PIETATIS OPUS MORS MORTUA TUNC EST
QUANDO HOC IN LIGNO MORTUA VITA FUIT
The Strong One came down to the weak ; and,
Bread to those who need food, He was broken
on the wood of the Cross, that we might feed on
Him. On this Cross the limbs of the Lamb
bound death with his own bonds, — death which
now groans that it is preyed upon by its Prey.
O great work of love 1 then death died when on
this Cross our Life hung dead.
12. Oratory of our Saviour, S. Peter's (?): by Sym-
machus, in honour of the Holy Name. — The new Sylloge ^
contains the inscription consisting of a series of invocations
to the name of Jesus, a model, doubtless, for the " Litany
1 MSS. KK. IV. 6, at Cambridge. See supra, p. 254.
2 Roman Breviary, Sept. 14th. ^ ^gS. KK. IV. 6, Cambridge.
286 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
of the Holy Name" and similar later compositions. It is
here ascribed to Symmachus for " The Oratory of our
Saviour." The poem was already known without the last
line and attributed to a certain Silvius, or Severus.^
12. Item in Oratorio Salvatoris de nominibus Ejusdem.
SPES RATIO VIA VITA SALUS SAPIENTIA MENS MONS
JUDEX PORTA GIGAS REX GEMMA PROPHETA SACERDOS
MESSIAS SABBAOT RABBI SPONSUS MEDIATOR
VIRGA COLUMBA PETRA FILIUS EMMANUELQUE
VINEA PASTOR OVIS PAX RADIX VITIS OLIVA
FONS AGNUS PANIS ARIES VITULUS LEO JESUS
VERBUM HOMO RETE LAPIS TECTUM DOMUS OMNIA CHRISTUS
SIMMACHUS 1ST A TIB I PIE JESU NOMINA LUSIT
Hope. Reason. The Way. Life. Salvation.
Wisdom. Mind. Mountain. Judge. Door.
Giant. King. Jewel. Prophet. Priest. Messiah.
Sabbaoth. Rabbi. Bridegroom. Mediator. Rod.
Dove. Rock. Son and Emmanuel. Vineyard.
Shepherd. Sheep. Peace. Root. Vine. Olive.
Fountain. Lamb. Bread. Ram. Calf. Lion.
Jesus. Word. Man. Net. Stone. Covering.
House. All things Christ. Symmachus made
this play on Thy Names, O gentle Jesus.
13. S. Paul : Leo i. for a Cantharus (Fifth Century). — In
the Basilica of S. Paul is an example by Leo L (440-461) of
an inscription 2 for the basin of the fountain {cantharus)
which stood in the centre of the atrium. It was here
that the pilgrims would wash before actually entering
the church.
13. Isti versiculi in atrio Sancti Pauli scripti sunt.
PERDIDERAT LATICUM LONGAEVA INCURIA CURSUS
QUOS TIBI NUNC PLENO CANTARUS ORE VOMIT
PROVIDA PASTORIS PRAE TOTUM CURA LEONIS
HAEC OVIBUS CHRISTI LARGA FLUENTA DEDIT
UNDE LAV AT CARNIS MACULAS SED CRIMINA PURGAT
PURIFICATQUE ANIMAS MUNDIOR AMNE FIDES
* Supra, p. 267. * Sylloge Centulensis {I.C. p. 80, No. 13).
SYLLOGAE: EXAMPLES OF INSCRIPTIONS 287
QUISQUIS SUIS MERITIS VENERANDA SACRARIA PAULI
INGREDERIS SUPPLEX ABLUE FONTE MANUS
Through the neglect of ages the stream of waters
had been lost which now the full-mouthed
fountain pours forth for thee. The provident
care in all things of your shepherd, Leo, gave
these broad streams to the flock of Christ where-
with to wash away the stains of the body. But
faith, purer than this water, cleanses from guilt
and purifies our souls. Whoever thou art who
enterest as a suppliant to the shrine of Paul,
made holy by his merits, — wash thy hands in
this fountain.
14. SS. Cosmas and Damian: by Felix iv. (Sixth
Century). — The Greek saints Cosmas and Damian were
extremely popular in Rome. The inscription ^ on the apse
of their basilica composed by Felix (526—530) is still in
existence. The first two lines seem to have been suggested
by the opening words of an inscription ^ of Symmachus
(498-514) for an altar in S. Andrew on the Vatican con-
taining relics of Protus and Jacinthus :
TEMPLA MICANT PLUS COMPTA FIDE QUAM LUCE METALLI
Temples shine more glorious adorned with faith
than with the light of precious metals.^
The verses of SS. Cosmas and Damian are as follows :
14. In Basilica Cosmae et Damiani.
AULA DEI CLARIS RADIAT SPECIOSA METALLIS
IN QUA PLUS FIDEI LUX PRETIOSA MICAT
MARTYRIBUS MEDICIS POPULO SPES CERTA SALUTIS
VENIT ET EX SACRO CREVIT HONORE LOCUS
OBTULIT HOC DOMINO FELIX ANTISTITE DIGNUM
MUNUS UT AETHERIA VIVAT IN ARCE POLI
The temple of God shines glorious with bright
1 Tur. {/.C. p. 71, No. 41).
^ Anthol. Cod. Paris {I.C. p. 246 and note). Cf. supra, p. 258.
^ The word inetallis seems to be of somewhat general significance, including
marbles, metal- work, and referring especially to mosaics. Cf. supra, pp. 261,
262.
288 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
metals ; but the precious light of faith shines
here more splendid. A certain hope of safety
came to the people in their martyred physicians,
and the church arose from the holy reverence
paid them. Felix offered this gift worthy of its
patron saint, that he himself might live in the
heavenly city above.
15. S. Agnes : by Honorius (Seventh Century). — These
verses again certainly inspired Honorius (625—640) in his
distich ^ for the arch of S. Agnes in Via Nomentana.
15. Item in arcu.
VIRGINIS AULA MICAT VARUS DECORATA METALLIS
SED PLUS NAMQUE ^ NITET MERITIS FULGENTIOR AMPLIS
The Court of the Virgin gleams adorned with
divers precious metals : but she herself shines
more glorious with her great merits.
Somewhat similar are the opening words of another
inscription ^ in the apse of S. Agnes :
Sanctae Agnae {sic) Martyris.
AUREA CONCISIS SURGIT PICTURA METALLIS
Her image rises all in gold among the cut mosaics.
16. Inscriptions for Secular Buildings: Archives of S.
Laurence in Damaso, by Damasus (Fourth Century). — The
secular buildings, too, had their full share of inscriptions.
As an example we may give the inscription Damasus set up
in the portico adjoining the church of S. Laurence in Damaso
where the ecclesiastical archives were kept.*
16. In Ecclesia beati Laurentii Martyris in qua requiescit
Sanctus Damasus papa.
1 Tur. {LC. p. 63, No. 6). Cf. supra, p. 261.
2 Is this word correct ?
2 Laur. iv. (/. C. viii. p. 104, No. 36). Cf. stipra, p. 262.
^ Latir. i. (in /. C, p. 151, No, 23). The body of Damasus was translated from
the Via Ardeatina to S. Laurence in Da?naso by Hadrian I. (772-795) ; see
Lib. Pont.
SYLLOGAE: EXAMPLES OF INSCRIPTIONS 289
HINC PATER ^ EXCEPTOR LECTOR LEVITA SACERDOS
CREVERAT HINC MERITIS QUONIAM MELIORIBUS ACTIS
HINC MHil PROVECTO CHRISTUS CUI SUMMA POTESTAS
SEDIS APOSTOLICAE VOLUIT CONCEDERE HONOREM
ARCHIBIS FATEOR VOLUI NOVA CONDERE TECTA
ADDERE PRAETEREA DEXTRA LAEVAQUE COLUMN AS
QUAE DAMASI TENEANT PROPRIUM PER SAECULA NOMEN
In the church of blessed Laurence the martyr,
where rests S. Damasus, pope.
Here my father grew up. He was clerk, reader,
deacon, priest (probably bishof). Here he grew
in grace through his good deeds. Here, as I
grew old, Christ, in whom is the supreme power,
willed to grant me glory of the apostolic seat {i.e.
he became pope). I confess I wished to erect
a new building for the archives, and to add
columns on the left and right {i.e. make a
portico), which should bear as their own the name
of Damasus through the ages.
17. Library of Gregory the Great, by Agapetus (Sixth
Century). — Another inscription for a library is that over the
library of Gregory the Great on the Coelian Hill.^ It had
been built by Pope Agapetus (535-536), and adorned with
representations of the Fathers of the Church, with Agapetus
among them.
17. In bibliotheca Sancti Gregorii qui est in Monasterio
Clitauri ubi ipse dialogorum (sc. libros) scripsit.
SANCTORUM VENERANDA COHORS SEDET ORDINE longO
DIVINAE LEGIS MYSTICA DICTA DOCENS
^ This reading, rather than the alternative puer^ is accepted as correct by
most scholars, — so the verses would apply to iht father of Damasus. If puer is
read, the whole inscription becomes autobiographical (see pp. 311 et seqq. for a
discussion on the life of Damasus). The word sacerdos (priest) is frequently
used by Damasus of a bishop ; see his reference to himself (No. 42, ed. Ihm :
reddit sua vota sacerdos)', and to the popes Miltiades (No. 12: pace sacerdos),
Siricius (No. 93 : magnus sacerdos) and others. It is used by other popes in
their inscriptions of themselves r—ywr^ Sacerdos =^x\^\Sx!\ bishop, or pope. Cf.
supra, pp. 250, 260 ; cf p. 290.
2 Eins. (in I.C. p. 28, No. 55).
19
290 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
HOS INTER RESIDENS AGAPETUS JURE SACERDOS
CODICIBUS PULCHRUM CONDIDIT ARTE LOCUM
GRATIA PAR CUNCTIS SANCTUS ^ LABOR OMNIBUS UNUS
DISSONA VERBA QUIDEM SED TAMEN UNA FIDES
For the library of Saint Gregory, which is in the
Monastery on the slope of Clitaurus, where he
wrote his Dialogues.
A noble band of the saints is ranged around,
teaching the mystic words of the divine
law. Among these sits Agapetus, the lawful
bishop; he fashioned with skill this fair place
for the manuscripts. Equal is our gratitude
to all these, even as the holy toil of each
was the same. For divers were their voices, but
one their faith.
Inscriptions for Suburban Tombs (Damasus, etc.). — By
far the largest number of inscriptions were written by
Damasus, and destined to adorn the martyrs' tombs. Some,
however, as we have seen, were for churches.^ Later, we
will consider the group of his own family epitaphs from
which we gather some facts about his life.^
Among the surburban inscriptions, however, we note
the epitaph of Damasus* himself. It once stood, together
with that of his mother Laurentia, and his sister Irene,
in the basilica which he built for himself on the Via
Ardeatina, where the three lay side by side.
18. Epitaph on Damasus by Himself (Fourth Century),
Via Ardeatina.
1 8. Epitaphium papae Damasi quod sibi edidit ipse.
QUI GRADIENS PELAGI FLUCTUS COMPRESSIT AMAROS
VIVERE QUI PRAESTAT MORIENTIA SEMINA TERRAE
SOLVERE QUI POTUIT LETALIA VINCULA MORTIS
^ Or Sanctis? ^ Supra, pp. 279, 283.
• On the epigrams of Damasus, see Bull. Arch. Crist,, 1884, p. 7. On
other inscriptions and details of his life, see infra, p. 311 et seqq,
* Anthol. hidor, (in /. C p. 252, No. i). Many lines of this epitaph have
been borrowed for other inscriptions; see I.C. p. 170, No. 27 ; p. 323, No. 5.
SYLLOGAE: EXAMPLES OF INSCRIPTIONS 291
POST TENEBRAS FRATREM POST TERTIA LUMINA SOUS
AD SUPEROS ITERUM MARTAE DONARE SORORI
POST CINERES DAMASUM FACIET QUIA SURGERE CREDO
He Who walking on the waves could calm the
bitter waters, and Who grants life to the dying
seeds of the earth ; He Who could loose the mortal
chains of Death ; Who, after the darkness, could
bring back to the upper world again, on the
third day, the brother for his sister Martha : I
believe He will make Damasus rise again from
his ashes.
19. Papal Crypt, S. Callixtus ; by Damasus. — Turning
to the martyrs' tombs, the epitaph which stood in the papal
crypt of S. Callixtus ^ strikes, as it were, the keynote of the
whole series :
19. HIC CONGESTA JACET QUAERIS SI TURBA PIORUM
CORPORA SANCTORUM RETINENT VENERANDA SEPULCRA
SUBLIMES ANIMAS RAPUIT SIBI REGIA CAELI
HIC COMITES SIXTI PORTANT QUI EX HOSTE TROPEA
HIC NUMERUS PROCERUM SERVAT QUI ALTARIA CHRISTI
HIC POSITUS LONGA VIXIT QUI IN PACE SACERDOS
HIC CONFESSORES CHRISTI QUOS GRAECIA MISIT
HICJUVENESPUERIQUESENES CASTIQUE NEPOTES
QUIS MAGE VIRGINEUM PLACUIT RETINERE PUDOREM
HIC FATEOR DAMASUS VOLUI MEA CONDERE MEMBRA
SED CINERES TIMUI SANCTOS VEXARE PIORUM
If thou seekest them, here lies in little space
a throng of holy ones. Their honoured
sepulchres hold the bodies of the saints,
but the realms of heaven have rapt away
their lofty spirits. Here are the comrades
(Laurence and his fellow deacons) of Sixtus
(the martyred pope), who wrested victory
from the enemy; here the band of our leaders
who serve the altars of Christ (i.e. bishops
of Rome). Here is laid the priest (Miltiades,
311-314) who lived long days in peace; here
are the confessors of Christ whom Greece sent
1 Twr. (/.C. p. 66, No. 23).
292 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
forth (the Greek martyrs Hippolytus, Adrias,
Neo, etc.). Here are young men and boys,
old men and children, whose will it was
to preserve their virgin purity. I confess
that I, Damasus, would fain have laid my
limbs here, but I feared to trouble the holy
ashes of the saints.
20. The Papal Crypt: List of Popes. — In this same
crypt was a marble slab put up by Sixtus III. (432-
440), inscribed^ with the list of popes and others buried
here:
20. SIXTUS (II.), DIONYSIUS, CORNELIUS, FELIX, PONTIANUS,
FABIANUS, GAIUS, EUSEBIUS, MELCHIADES, STEPHANUS,
URBANUS, LUCIUS, MANNUS (?), ANTEROS, NUMIDIANUS,
LADICEUS, JULIANUS, POLYCARPUS, OPTATUS.
21. Gordianus, Martyr, near Via Labicana : by
Damasus. — One of the most beautiful of the epitaphs ^
is that of the youthful martyr Gordianus, buried between
the Via Labicana and Via Latina :
21. In Metropi (sic) Via.
HAEC QUICUMQUE VIDES NIMIO PERFECTA LABORE
DESINE MIRARI MINUS EST QUAM ^ MARTYR HABETUR
HIC AETATE PUER RUDIBUS JAM VICTOR IN ANNIS
TEMPORE SUB PAUCO MATURA LAUDE TRIUMPHANS
ASPERA INNOCUO MACULAVIT TELA CRUORE
ET SITIENS TENERO SUXIT SIBI SANGUINE PRAEDO
SIC VICTOR SUPERAS AURAS REGNUMQUE PETIVIT
ET NOS CAELESTI PLACIDOS DE SEDE REVISIT
NOMINE GORDIANUS CHRISTI QUEM PALMA CORONAT
MARMORE CONCLUDENS ARCHAM CINERESQUE BEATOS
PRESBYTER ORNAVIT RENOVANS VINCENTIUS ULTRO
You who look upon this grave, perfected with so
great a labour, cease to wonder: it is less
wondrous than the martyr it enshrines. He,
a boy in age, a victor in his youthful years,
in a little space triumphed, ripe for glory.
* Tur. [J. C. p. 66, No. 24). The names are in the genitive in the text.
2 Tur, {I.e. p. 64, No. 15). 3 De Rossi emends to ^uia.
SYLLOGAE: EXAMPLES OF INSCRIPTIONS 293
He stained the cruel weapons with his innocent
blood : his murderer thirstily drank up the
blood of the tender prey. Thus victorious
he sought a supernal kingdom and from
his heavenly dwelling visits us who enjoy
peace. His name is Gordianus, whom the
palm of Christ crowned. The priest Vincentius
adorned and repaired the tomb at his own
expense, enclosing the chest and the blessed
ashes in marble.
22. Tiburtius, Via Tiburtina : by Damasus. — Another
well known inscription^ is that of Tiburtius on the Via
Tiburtina :
22. TEMPORE QUO GLADIUS SECUIT PIA VISCERA MATRIS
EGREGIUS MARTYR CONTEMPTO PRINCIPE MUNDI
AETHERIS ALTA PETIT CHRISTO COMITANTE BEATUS
HIC TIBI SANCTUS HONOR SEMPER LAUDESQUE MANEBUNT
CARE DEO UT FOVEAS DAMASUM PRECOR ALME TIBURTI
At the time when the sword was piercing the
heart of our holy mother (the Church), this
glorious martyr, despising the prince of this
world, sought, blessed one, with Christ as com-
panion, the heights of heaven. Here (at the
tomb) for ever shall be holy honour and praise
to thee. O gentle Tiburtius, dear to God, I
pray thee cherish Damasus.
23, 24. Epitaphs on S. Felicitas, Via Salaria ; by Boni-
face (Fifth Century). — Boniface i. (418-423) is the author
of two epitaphs ^ to S. Felicitas for her church on the Via
Salaria. The first represents her standing before the
judge :
23. Epitaphium Sanctae Felicitatis.
DISCITE QUID MERITI PRAESTET PRO REGE FERIRI
FEMINA NON TIMUIT GLADIUM CUM NATIS OBIVIT
CONFESSA CHRISTUM MERUIT PER SAECULA NOMEN
^ Tur. [I.e. p. 64, No. 12). The first line is repeated in two other epitaphs
of Damasus, both on the Via Salaria {I.C. pp. loi and 103, Nos. 21, 34a).
^ l'i7'd. {I.e. p. 136, Nos. 12, 13, 13a),
294 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
Learn how great a merit it is, to be slain for
Christ the King. A woman feared not the
sword : she perished with her sons : having
confessed Christ, she earned for ever her name
(Felicitas).
In the second inscription, at the entrance to the church,
she is enjoying a somewhat Virgilian paradise :
24. Iste versiculi sunt scripti in introitu ecclesiae.
CORPOREIS RESOLUTA MALIS DUCE PRAEDITA CHRISTO
AETHERIS ALMA PARENS ATRIA CELSA PETIT
INSONTES PUEROS SEQUITUR PER AMOENA VIRECTA
TEMPORA VICTRICIS FLOREA SERTA LIGANT
PURPUREAM RAPIUNT ANIMAM CAELESTIA REGNA
SANGUINE LOTA SUO MEMBRA TENET TUMULUS
SI TUMULUM QUAERIS MERITUM DE NOMINE SIGNAT
NE OPPRIMEREr bello dux FUIT ISTA MIHI
Freed from the pains of the body, with Christ as her
leader, the gentle mother seeks the lofty dwell-
ings of the heavens. Through green meadows
she follows her innocent sons, and flowery
wreaths bind her victorious temples. The
realms of heaven have rapt away her shining
spirit : the tomb contains her limbs washed
in her own blood. If you seek her tomb, it is
marked with the name (Felicitas) she earned.
To me (who made the epitaph) she has been
a (leader in conflict?) that I should not be
overcome.
25. S. Vitalis, Via Salaria : by Vigilius (Sixth Century).
— An inscription^ of Pope Vigilius (537-555) for the tombs
of SS. Vitalis, Martialis and Alexander on the Via Salaria
describes the restorations made after the Gothic devastation
of the northern suburbs :
25. Sancti Vitalis Martyris et Sancti Martialis et Sancti
Alexandri.
^ Laur. iv. {I.C. p. lOO, No. 18).
SYLLOGAE: EXAMPLES OF INSCRIPTIONS 295
DUM PERITURA GETAE POSUISSENT CASTRA SUB URBE
MOVERUNT SANCTIS BELLA NEFANDA PRIUS
ISTAQUE SACRILEGO VERTERUNT CORDE SEPULCRA
MARTYRIBUS QUONDAM RITE SACRATA PUS
QUOS MONSTRANTE DEO DAMASUS SIBI PAPA PROBATOS
AFFIXO MONUIT CARMINE JURE COLI
SED PERIIT TITULUS CONFRACTO MARMORE SANCTUS
NEC TAMEN HIS ITERUM POSSE LATERE FUIT
DIRUTA VIGILIUS NAM MOX HAEC PAPA GEMISCENS
HOSTIBUS EXPULSIS OMNE NOVAVIT OPUS
When the Goths set their camps, destined to
perish, against the city, they first waged a
shameful war on the saints ; and with sacrilegious
hearts rifled those sepulchres once solemnly con-
secrated to the holy martyrs. For pope Dama-
sus, under the divine guidance, had proved them
to be martyrs; and he put up inscriptions to
them and commanded that they should be duly
honoured. But the marble was broken, the
sacred inscriptions perished ; and a second time
they could not escape the eyes of the foe.
Vigilius the pope, lamenting over these ruins^
after the enemy was expelled, restored all
things.
26. Relics in S. Stephen's and S. Silvester In Oapite :
by Leo III., Paul I. (Eighth Century). — Inscriptions, too,
are found in honour of the bodies of martyrs, or of their
relics, which have been translated to churches within the
city.
A prose inscription^ by Leo (795-816) was set up over
an altar containing the relics of the martyred deacons
Stephen and Laurence in the monastic church of S. Stephen
on the Vatican.
26. SERVANTUR IN HAC ARA RELIQUIAE SANCTORUM
MARTYRUM ATQUE LEVITARUM STEPHANI ET
LAURENTII
Preserved in this altar are the relics of the holy
martyrs and deacons Stephen and Laurence.
Sometimes the inscription takes the form of a list of
' Excerpta ex anthol. var., I.C. p. 275, No. 7.
296 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
names of such saints or relics. Such a one, of the eighth
century, exists in the crypts of the Vatican Basilica.^
In the church of S. Silvestro in Capite there can still be
seen a calendar of saints ^ whose bodies were brought here
from the catacombs by Paul I. (757-768). Similar inscrip-
tions are found in S. Praxed, S. Martin, and S. CeciHa^ as
well as in the provincial cities of Italy.
^ Mai, Script. Vet. Nov. V., pp. 44, 56 ; Dionysius, Vat. Bas. Crypt. Mon.y
p. 10 1, pi. xxxix.
* Mai, op. cit. pp. 38, 46, 48.
PLAN IV.— THE AREAS OF S. CALLIXTUS, VIA APPIA
Based on plans by Wilpert, Schneider, Scaglia, and Marucchi
From the Jottrnal of Roman Studies, i., i. 191 1 (London)
C, Crypts of Lucina with tomb of Cornelius. F, S. Callixtus proper with papal crypt and shrine
of S. Cecilia. E, Shrine of Eusebius and area of Parthenius and Calocerus. H, Arenarium of
Hippolytus. W, Area of S. Soteris (?). L, Ruins. M, Basilica of S. Mark and S. Balbina (?).
A, Crypt of the! Apostles (? Shrine of Damasus). B, Crypt of the Columns (? SS. Marcus and
Marcellianus). Pj Crypt of Laurentia's epitaph. S, Ancient stairs to A and B. G, Basilica called
S. Sixtus and S. Cecilia (?S. Zephyrinus). D, Basilica called S. Soteris (? Basilica of SS. Marcus
and Marcellianus). ■.'.'.'.'.'.','.'.■. ancient road discovered by Schneider {N-uovo Buliettino, 1910).
CHAPTER XXII
DOCUMENT AND MONUMENT
Document and monument. — Itineraries as the key to the monuments : Vz'a
Appia and the identifications of the three cemeteries : (a) S. Callixtus (Crypts
of the popes, S. Cecilia, etc.): {b) Praetextatus (S. Januarius) : {c) Ad
Catacumbas (SS. Peter and Paul, S. Sebastian). — Syllogae as key to the
monuments : Via Ardeatina, Domitilla (SS. Nereus and Achilleus and
S. Petronilla) : North Africa, an inscription. — Combination of documentary and
monumental evidence applied to the life of Damasus (family epitaphs, etc.). —
The tradition of S. Cecilia and the excavations.
Nobis quoque peccatoribus famulis tuis, de multitudine miserationum tuarum
sperantibus, partem aliquam et societatem donare digneris cum tuis Sanctis
Apostolis et Martyribus : cum Joanne, Stephano, Matthia, Barnaba, Ignatio,
Alexandro, MarcelHno, Petro, Felicitate, Perpetua, Agatha, Lucia, Agnete,
Caecilia, Anastasia et omnibus Sanctis.-^ — Canon Missae.
Document and Monument. — In the attempt to establish
certain facts in the history of Christian Rome of the first three
centuries there are innumerable ways, and combinations of
ways, in which the documents throw light on the monuments,
and vice versa. The interpretations of the evidence, however,
sometimes give rise to considerable variety of opinion, as we
have seen in the minute discussion of the difficult questions
raised in the attempts to determine the localities of the " Chair
of Peter " by means of the Papyrus of Monza ; ^ and of the
Sumite inscription by means of the two Syllogae, Verdun
and Cambridge;^ and the true number of the Roman
cemeteries in connexion with the Index Coeniiterioi'um}
In the majority of cases, however, the relations between
\_Continued p. 300.
•^ *' Ti? us loo, sinners, Thy servants, hoping in the multitude of Thy mercies,
deign to give some part and share luith Thy holy apostles and martyrs : with
John, Stephen,^^ etc.
' Supra, p. no. ' Supra, p. 270. ■* Appendix IV. p. 340.
297
TABLE OF SHRINES
FROM THE
INDEX
Coemeteriorum'
from
Notitia
Regionum xiv.
INDICES OLEORUM
[of Monza].^
PITTACIA.
INDEX
OLEORUM.
ITINERARIUM
SALISBURGENSE.8
Coemeterium
Praetextati
ad
s. Januarium
via Appia.
Coemeterium
Catacumbas
ad
s. Sebastianum
via Appia.
Coemeterium
Calisti
ad s. Xystum
via Appia.
[Label iv.]
. . . Sea Sapi-
entia, sea Spes,
sea Fides,
sea Caritas,
sea Caeeilia,
ses Tarsicius,
ses Cornelius
et multa milia
sanetorum.
[Label viil]
Sci Sebastiani
Ses Eutycius
Ses Quirinus
Ses Valerianus
Ses Tiburtius
Ses Maximus
Ses Urbanus
Ses Januarius
See Sotheris
See Sapientiae
See Spei
See Fides
See Caritatis
See Ceeiliae
Sei Tarsieii
Sei Cornilii
et multa milia
sanetorum.
Here follow
names from
the two Viae
Salaria.
Sei Sebastiani
Sei Eutyeii
Sei Quirini
Sei Valeriani
Sci Tiburti
Sei Maximi
Sei Urbani
Sei Januari
Postea pervenies via Appia ad s.
Sebastianum martyrem, cujus eorpus
jaeet in inferiore loeo, et ibi sunt
sepulehra apostolorum Petri et PauH,
in quibus XL annorum requies-
eebant. Et in oeeidentali parte
eeelesiae per gradus descendis ubi
s. Cyrinus papa et martyr pausat.
Et eadem via ad aquilonem ad ss.
martyres Tiburtium et Valerianura
et Maximum. Ibi intrabis in spe-
luncam magnam et ibi invenies s.
Urbanum episeopum et confessorem,
et in altero loco Felieissimum et
Agapitum martyres et diaconos
Syxti, et in tertio loeo Cyrinum
martyrem, et quarto Januarium
martyrem. Et in tertia ecclesia
rursum s. Synon [Zeno] martyr re-
quiescit. Eadem via ad s. Cae-
eiliam, ibi innumerabilis multitude
martyrum. Primus Syxtus papa et
martyr, Dionisius papa et martyr,
Julianus (?) papa et martyr, Flavi-
anus [Fabianus] martyr, s. Caeeilia
virgo et martyr, LXXX martyres
ibi requiescunt deorsum. Geferinus
[Zephyrinus] papa et confessor sur-
sum quiescit. Eusebius papa et
martyr longe in antro quiescit.
Cornelius papa et martyr longe in
antro altero quiescit. Postea per-
venies ad s. virginem Soterem et
martyrem : eadem via venis ad
eeelesiam parvam ubi deeollatus est
s. Xystus cum diaeonibus suis, cujus
eorpus jaeet ad Aquilonem.
1 Supra, page 98.
2 Supra, page 105.
298
^ Supra, page 112.
ON THE VIA APPIA
ITINERARIES
EPITOME LIBRI
DE LOCIS SANCTIS
MARTYRUM.^
ITINERARIUM
MALMESBURIENSE.5
(Notitia Portarum . . . )
ITINERARIUM
EINSIEDLENSE.«
Juxta viam Appiam in orient-
ali parte civitatis ecclesia est
s. Suteris [Soteris] martyris,
ubi ipsa cum multis martyribus
jacet, et juxta eandem viam
ecclesia est s. Syxti papae ubi
ipse dormit. Ibi quoque et
Caecilia virgo pausat, et ibi
s. Tarsicius et s. Geferinus
[Zephyrinus] in uno tumulo
jacent et ibi s. Eusebius et s.
Calocerus et s. Parthenius per
se singuli jacent et DCCC mar-
tyres ibidem requiescunt. Inde
haud procul in coemeterio Cal-
isti, Cornelius et Cyprianus in
ecclesia dormiunt. Juxta ean-
dem viam quoque ecclesia est
multorum sanctorum, id est
Januarii qui fuit de septem filiis
Felicitatis major natu, Urbani,
Agapiti, Felicissimi, Cyrini,
Zenonis, fratris Valentini, Ti-
burtii, Valeriani et Maximi et
multi martyres ibi requiescunt.
Et juxta eandem viam ecclesia
est s. Sebastiani martyris ubi
ipse dormit ubi sunt sepulturae
apostolorum in quibus XL
annos quieverunt. Ibi quoque
et Cyrinus martyr est sepultus.
Undecima porta et via dici-
tur Appia. Ibi requiescunt s.
Sebastianus et Quirinus, et olim
ibi requieverunt apostolorum
corpora. Et paulo propius Ro-
man sunt martyres Januarius,
Urbanus, Xenon, Quirinus, A-
gapitus, Felicissimus. Et in
altera ecclesia Tiburtius, Vale-
rianus, Maximus, nee longe ec-
clesia s. Ceciliae martyris ; et
ibi reconditi sunt Stephanus,
Sixtus, Zefferinus, Eusebius,
Melchiades, Marcellus, Euti-
chianus, Dionysius, Antheros,
Pontianus, Lucius papa, Op-
tatus, Julianus (?), Calocerus,
Parthenius, Tharsitius, Poli-
camus, martyres. Ibidem ec-
clesia s. Cornelii et corpus.
Et in altera ecclesia sancta
Soteris, et non longe pausant
martyres Hippolitus, Adrianus,
Eusebius, Maria, Martha, Pau-
lina, Valeria, Marcellus ; et
prope papa Marcus in sua
ecclesia
On Route 8 from
De Septem Viis to
Porta Metrovia : —
In via Latina in dex-
tera : ' Sci Januarii,
oratorium Sci Syxti.
On Route g from
S. Paul's via Osti-
ensis, down the via
Ardeatina : Inde ad
Scum. Soterum. Inde
ad sanctum Sixtum.
Ibietscus. Favianus
et Antheros et Mil-
tiades. Inde ad
scum. Cornelium;
inde ad scum. Sebas-
tianum. Inde rever-
tendo per viam Ap-
piam ad ecclesiam
ubi scs. Syxtus cum
suis diaconibus de-
collatus est, inde ad
portam Appiam.
[^Isolated names are
found in other
routes. "X
* Supra, page 115.
' Porta Metrovia is S.E. of Rome.
5 Supra, page 117. ^ Supra, page 119.
The ' ' In Via Latina in dextera " is the /^j?-hand side of the Via Appia.
299
300 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
document and monument have been definitely determined ;
and a consideration of a few typical examples will be a
sufficient indication of method.
Itineraries as the Key to the Monuments. — One of
the most obvious methods of investigation, is to take the
Itineraries, and excavate all along the routes indicated by
them. Each martyr should then be looked up in the
Philocalian Calendar and the Martyrology of Jerome: his
Acts should be studied, his inscription sought in the
Syllogae, and any possible reference in the Liber Ponti-
ficalis to himself or his shrine noted. The sum of this
evidence should establish some facts concerning the
martyrs.
This task of excavation was first attempted by De Rossi
in the days when the greater part of the catacombs was
unknown.^
Via Appia and the Identification of the Three Ceme-
teries.— As an illustration of this method of research we will
select for examination an area familiar to all visitors to
Rome, one which has been extensively excavated, and where
new discoveries are being made yearly, namely, the Via
Appia; and compare the written records with the actual
monuments.
The Itineraries ^ record many shrines on this road : the
Index Coemitei'ioruin ^ mentions three distinct cemeteries, as
does the Philocalian Calendar* in the Depositio Marty rum:
"XIII. kal. febr. Fabiani in Calisti, et Sebastiani in Cata-
cumbas . . . VIII. id. augusti Xysti in Calisti, et in
Praetextati, Agapiti et Felicissimi."
{a), S. Callixtus : (1) Cornelius in the Crypt of Lucina.
^ For the catacombs, see Bibliography — Archaeology : Catacombs. Aa
immense and somewhat controversial literature concerning the sites of the
shrines of S. Callixtus has just grown up, stimulated by the discoveries there,
chiefly in 1903, 1908, and 1910. For a summary of the whole question, and
a complete bibliography, see E. Barker, "The Topography of the Catacombs
of S. Callixtus," \Xi Journal of Ro?nan Studies {J.R.S.), vol. i. pt. i., London,
1911.
2 Supra, pp. 93 et seqq. and 298, 299. It would take too long to collate here
the Itineraries with the other documents.
' Supra, pp. 98, 99. * Appendix III. p. 337.
DOCUiMENT AND MONUMENT 301
— The first step in the identification of these three areas was
taken by De Rossi. In 1849 he discovered on the Via
Appia, on a property known as the Vigna Ammendola, a
fragment of an inscription which read —
. . . NELIUS MARTYR
This he recognized as a portion of the epitaph of Pope
Cornelius who, as the documents tell us, was buried in the
Crypt of Lucina [C on Plan IV.] on the Via Appia. Around
this crypt grew the cemetery known later as S. Callixtus.
Excavating here in 1852, the remaining portion of the
inscription was discovered :
COR ...
EP
i.e, Cox{nelius) Bishop. It was found in a crypt adorned
with a remarkable series of frescoes, some Pompeian in char-
acter, some Eucharistic in significance, all of the first or
second century. Here assuredly was the Crypt of Lucina.
(2) Crypt of S. Cecilia. — In 1854, with the discovery
of a large crypt [F'] containing a series of papal epitaphs, and
of the adjoining crypt, decorated with frescoes of S. Cecilia
of the fifth to the seventh century, the identification of
" Calisti ad Xy stum " — situated on the right (west) side of the
Via Appia, about one mile from the Porta Appia in the
Aurelian Wall — was complete.^
(3) Papal Crypt. — Not only was the cemetery identified,
but nearly every shrine mentioned in the Itineraries, the
Liber PontificaliSy and the epigrams of Damasus (preserved
in the Syllogae and in other documents), has been discovered.
From these we learn that all the fifteen popes of the third
century, with two exceptions,^ and two of the fourth were
buried here. Of these fifteen popes in S. Callixtus, ten lay
^ i.e. as the name was applied in the time of the pilgrims. ** S. Callixtus"
now indicates an agglomeration of these, and various other centres, known in
those days under different names.
'^ Callixtus (221-227) himself perished in a riot in the Trastevere, and was
buried in the cemetery Calepodius : Marcellinus (296-304) (and several of the
succeeding popes) lay in S. Priscilla. The name of Pope Soter Q 175-182) in
the Itineraries is probably a mistake, owing to confusion with Soteris, a woman
martyr who was buried in S. Callixtus [W ?] : Soicr was buried in the Vatican.
The name Mmxellus is aUo a mistake : he was buried in PriscjUa,
302 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
actually in the papal crypt ; we have the epitaphs of six of
them inscribed on their tombs. These epitaphs, except that
of Cornelius, are all in Greek, and of the form :
LUCIUS "EViiscopus).
The inscriptions of the two martyred popes read :
FABIANUS l£.Vl{scopus) u{ar)T{y)K,
and
PONTIANUS EPISC(^/^J) U{ar)T(j)K}
Though the epitaphs of some of the popes have been lost,
the names are all given on the inscription put up in the
papal chamber by Sixtus lll.^ (432-440); and for Sixtus 11.,
though no epitaph is forthcoming, there are numerous
pilgrims' graffiti^ to prove his burial here. The five popes
who lie in other parts of the catacomb are (i) Zephyrinus
(199-217), who built and adorned the papal crypt, and at the
time of the pilgrims lay quite near it in a chapel above
ground, — probably that known as S. Sixtus and S. Cecilia [G],
though the point is disputed; (2) Cornelius (251-253), the
discovery of whose tomb in the crypt of Lucina [C]has been
described above; (3) Eusebius (309-311), whose shrine [E]
lies in the region to which he gave his name; (4) Gaius
(283-296), fragments of whose inscription have been found
near the tomb of Eusebius ; (5) Miltiades (31 1-3 12), whose
shrine has not been identified. The following table will
elucidate monument and Itinerary : —
Popes of the Third Century in S. Callixtus, etc.
I. . . (i) Zephyrinus (? 203-231) . Buried near the papal crypt in
a chapel above ground : not
certainly identified,
in Calepodius.]
Inscribed tomb in papal crypt.
"2
. Callixtus .
3 .
. Urban .
4 •
. Pontianus
5 .
. Anteros .
6 .
. Fabianus
^ For the abbreviations of Martyr in both these inscriptions, and its possible
later addition — also for an account of the discovery of the Pontianus inscription
in iQioby Mgr. Wilpert, and for a reproduction of it, see/.J^.S., loc. cit.
2 Su^a, p. 2^2. ' Supra^ pp. 39, 40.
DOCUMENT AND MONUMENT
303
(2) Cornelius
. Lucius
. Stephen .
. Sixtus II.
. Dionysius
. Felix I.
. Eutychianus
(3) Gaius
. Marcellinus (296-308)
. Marcellus ^ (308-309)
(4) Eusebius (309-311) .
(5) Miltiades^ (311-314)
Inscribed tomb in crypt of
Lucina, S. Callixtus.
Inscribed tomb in papal crypt,
(name appears in Sixtus iii.'s
inscription in papal crypt.)
,, ,, and pilgrims'
graffiti.
name in Sixtus iii.'s inscription
)) >i )>
Inscribed tomb in papal crypt,
fragmentary inscription in region
of Eusebius, S. Callixtus.
in Priscilla.]
in Priscilla.]
in S. Callixtus in the *' Region
of Eusebius."
in S. Callixtus, not identified,
but there is an inscription of
Damasus.
[Cyprian and Optatus]. — We find in the Itineraries
the name of Cyprian^ the martyred bishop of Carthage,
connected with that of CorneHus; and that of another
African bishop, Optatus^ with the papal crypt. The reason
of the mistake is that these bishops are depicted together
with Cornelius and Sixtus II. in the Byzantine frescoes
with which the crypt of Cornelius was adorned in the sixth
century ; perhaps as examples of bishops who worthily
performed their office. All except Optatus were martyrs.
According to the Passion of Cornelius} Cyprian and
Cornelius wrote to each other. None of the three were
buried with Cornelius. But the festival day of S. Cyprian
on September 14th was kept in this crypt in the fourth
century, as we see from the Philocalian Calendar.
(4) Parthenius and Calocerus. — Other martyrs men-
tioned in the Itineraries are Parthenius and Calocerus, whose
names the pilgrims have scrawled all over the wall in the
region of Eusebius [E on Plan IV].
(5) Tarsicius. — The grave of the boy martyr Tarsicius
has not been positively identified ; but very possibly he was
^ Supra^ P- 71-
2 The possible grave of Miltiades (oj Melchiades) has been discovered in a great
sarcophagus not far from the region of Eusebius. ^
^ Supra, p. 69.
304 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
ultimately placed with Zephyrinus in the great grave of
the basilica called S. Sixtus and S. Cecilia [G]. The
existence of the grave is proved by the epitaph of Damasus.
(6) "An innumerable multitude of Martyrs." — "The
innumerable multitude of martyrs," "The eight hundred
martyrs," and such expressions in several Itineraries might
well refer to the great collection of skeletons found in recent
excavations under the Crypt of S. Cecilia, and other similar
ossuaria found elsewhere in the catacomb. These are
probably not the bones of martyrs.
(7) Pope Mark. — The foundation of the basilica of
Pope Mark [M on Plan IVJ has been identified beneath the
garden of the present Trappist Monastery.
(8) Hippolytus, Paulina, etc. — The names of Maria, Neo,
and the following Greek martyrs — Hippolytus, Adrias and
Paulina — occur in two epitaphs said to be by Damasus.
(9) Fides, Spes, Caritas. — A fragment of inscription
has been found near the crypt of S. Cecilia bearing the
words PISTIS (Greek form of Fides) SPES . . .^
{b). Praetextatus ; (1) Shrine of Januarius. — Leaving
now the shrines of Callixtus, where is the Coemeterium Prae-
textati ad S. Januarium ? Excavating near the road almost
opposite S. Callixtus, De Rossi discovered in 1863 a great
crypt, adorned with lovely frescoes of the earliest period,
representing the seasons. The wall was covered with the
graffiti of the pilgrims, a trifle misspelt : Give us refreshment^
Januarius^ Agatopus (Agapitus), Felicissimum (Felicissimus)
Martyrs. The shrine is certainly that of Januarius, son
of S. Felicitas, martyred with his mother in 162.
(2) Spelunca Magna, with Felicissimus and Agapitus. —
The Spelunca Magna of the Itineraries has been discovered
in the great main artery of the catacomb, which begins
at the modern entrance ; and the walls covered with the
pilgrims' inscriptions (^graffiti) bear witness to the presence
of revered shrines. Among the graffiti here may be read
again the names Felicissimus and Agapitus, the deacons
of Pope Sixtus II. and colleagues of S. Laurence, all
martyred with the pope on the Via Appia in 258. Frag-
^ Supra, p. 109.
DOCUMENT AND MONUMENT 305
ments also of the epitaph of Damasus in their honour,
already known from the Syllogae^ have been found here.
(3) Quirinus (Cyrinus). — An inscription of the fourth
or fifth century bears the names of the last-mentioned
saints associated with that of Quirinus ; and another, of
the third century, bears the name Yacinthus (Hyacinthus)
Martyr, who is not mentioned in any of the Itineraries
as being on the Via Appia.^
A ruined crypt near the Spelunca Magna, might be the
shrine of Quirinus, martyred under Hadrian.
(4) Urban, Bishop. — The tomb of the Bishop Urban
(not the pope), connected with S. Cecilia, may be revealed
by further excavations but is at present unknown.
(5) ? S. Zeno : also the Family of Cecilia. — Above the
cemeteries are remains of little chapels in one of which perhaps
S. Zeno, a martyr of the third century, lay ; and doubtless
in one of them the husband and relatives of S. Cecilia —
Tiburtius, Valerianus, and Maximus. An inscription bearing
the name of the Caecilii shows that the family of S. Cecilia
was connected with the cemetery.
(^.) Ad Catacumbas: Shrines of (1) SS. Peter and Paul. —
The third of the cemeteries is found quite near, on the west
side of the Via Appia ; namely, the cemetery Ad Catacumbas,
of the first century, situated beneath the Church of S.
Sebastian, originally built in the fourth century. These
catacombs are now called S. Sebastian. Here has been
discovered a sepulchral chamber known as the Platonia.
It serves as a confessional to the church above. In the
middle of the Platonia is a great double compartment
divided in the centre by a slab of marble, and capable of
holding two sarcophagi. This discovery, together with
various literary evidence, including that of an epitaph of
Damasus preserved in a manuscript, leaves little doubt
that the bodies of Peter and of Paul did indeed rest here, for
a period, in 258, after being removed from their own famous
cemeteries in the Vatican and on the Via Ostiensis to an
^ The names Hyacinthus and Protus are found in the Itineraries for
the Via Salaria Vetus : inscriptions to both these martyrs have been found
there.
20
3o6 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
obscure burial-place during the confiscation and possible
desecration of the cemeteries under Valerian.^
(2) Quirinus (Cyrinus), Bishop of Siscia. — Here also has
been found the long inscription of the beginning of the
fifth century of Cyrinus, the martyred Bishop of Siscia in
Pannonia.
(3) S. Sebastian. — Under the altar in the crypt
of the church has been identified the place of burial
of S. Sebastian, the soldier, martyred under Diocletian
about 290.
(4) Eutychius. — An inscription of Damasus com-
memorates the martyr Eutychius, whose tomb further
excavations may bring to light.
The Syllogse, as a Key to the Monuments ; Via
Ardeatina : Domitilla. — Nearly all the documents, and
especially the Syllogae, are used in identifying the position
of the Coemiterium Domitillae Nerei et Achillei ad S.
Petronellam Via Ardeatina mentioned in the Index and
referred to in the Itineraries under the last three names only.^
As to Flavia Domitilla, history relates that she was wife
of Clement, the consul (95), who was nephew of Vespasian ;
and she herself was a near relation of three emperors.
Clement was executed in 96, and Flavia banished to the
Isle of Pandataria (in the Pontian group near Capua and
Terracina), both on a charge of atheism.^
The name of Flavia Domitilla is omitted from the
Martyrology of Jerome, but those of Nereus and Achilleus
are found there — May 12, At Rome: the anniversary of
Nereus and Achilleus ; — and there is an inscription to them
in the Sylloge of Einsiedeln.*
^ Barnes, S. Peter in Rome. The period was probably just over a year,
and not forty years, as the Itineraries state.
^ It is worth noting that in this fourth-century Index the primitive name,
of the owner, is given, while it is omitted in all the Itineraries. See supra,
p. 102. For Nereus and Achilleus see pp. 307 et seqq.
^ A charge of " atheism " certainly indicates that Clement and his wife were
Christians. In spite of the division between scholars as to the identity of Flavia
Domitilla, and the supposition of two martyrs of the name (arising out of various
confusions and later legends), there is little doubt, I think, that there was but
one Flavia Domitilla. On the whole question see Bibliography — Catacombs.
••/.C. p. 31, No. 74.
DOCUMENT AND MONUMENT 307
Finally, the Gesta Nerei et Achillei [May 12], of the
sixth century, relate, — amidst a wealth of imaginative detail
as to Flavia Domitilla, Petronilla, and others, — that Nereus
and Achilleus, servants of Flavia Domitilla, were exiled
with her to the Pontian islands, and executed under Trajan
at Terracina ; and that Auspicius, servant of Flavia Domitilla,
brought them home by ship and "buried them in the
property of Domitilla in the sand pits {crypta arenaria) on
the Via Ardeatina, one mile and a half from the city, near
the sepulchre in which was buried Petronella, daughter of
S. Peter. This information," the writer adds, " we obtained
from Auspicius himself!"
What corroboration is there of these statements in the
facts revealed by excavation ?
Excavations in Domitilla. — A small portion of a
cemetery on the Via Ardeatina was already known to Bosio,
in the seventeenth century, and believed by him to be part
of Callixtus.
(1) Inscriptions of Flavia Domitilla. — Inscriptions,
however, found here in the beginning of the nineteenth
century, bearing the name of Flavia Domitilla, niece of
Vespasian, and referring to rights of burial granted by her,
made it clear that in this catacomb was the Coemiterium
Domitillae^ distinct from Callixtus.
(2) Vestibule of the Flavii. — Excavations here in
1 864-1 865 revealed the noble, classic Vestibule of the Flavii^
built, as might have been expected, in the style of the
first century, adorned with Pompeian frescoes, and containing
remains of sarcophagi. De Rossi then began to search
for the shrine of Nereus and Achilleus.
(3) Basilica of Nereus and Achilleus. — In 1873, built
over a catacomb of the end of the first century (the date given
for the martyrdom of Nereus and Achilleus), was discovered
a basilica of the fourth century. Was this the required
basilica? Two fragments^ of an inscription were dis-
covered, and De Rossi instantly identified them as forming
part of the epitaph preserved in the Sylloge of Einsiedeln *
^ Indicated by capitals in the quotation following.
8/.C. p. 31, No. 74.
308 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
(and in other Syllogae) and attributed there to the graves
of Nereus and Achilleus :
In Sepulchro Nerei et Achillei in Via Appia.
militiae nomen dederant saeVumque gerebant
officium pariter spectantes jussA TYranni
praeceptis pulsante metu serviRE PARati
mira fides rerum subito posueRE FURORem
CONversi fugiunt duels impia castrA RELlNQUUNt
PROliciunt clypeos phaleras telAQ . CRUENTA
CONFESS! gaudent Christi portarE TRIUMFOS
CREDITE Per Damasum possit quid GLORIA CHRISTI
The verses relate how Nereus and Achilleus, soldiers
and servants of the emperor, flung down their arms and
confessed the faith of Christ.
The basilica was therefore identified beyond doubt as
that of Nereus and Achilleus, built, as we learn in the Liber
Pontificalis, by Pope Siricius between 390 and 395. But
still further proof of identity was forthcoming. On a little
broken column, probably belonging to the ciborium, was
a sculptured relief of an execution bearing the name
ACILLEUS. No doubt there was a similar column with the
name NEREUS.
(4) Fresco of Petronilla. — Just behind the apse was
a crypt painted with the figure of a woman leading another
into Paradise. Over the former is inscribed the name of
the saint mentioned in the Itineraries, petronella mart(yr),
over the latter, veneranda dep vii. idus januarias
(Veneranda, buried January 7).
(5) Actual Graves of Nereus, Achilleus, and Petro-
nilla.— Excavations undertaken here in May 1910^ have
revealed what appear to be traces of the original tombs of
Nereus and Achilleus, and of Petronilla, in a cubicle cut out
of the tufa. In the same cemetery have been found a group
of first-century epitaphs of Narcissus — possibly the Narcissus
mentioned in S. Paul's letter (Rom. xvi. 11) — and others.
A " Nereus " is also mentioned in that epistle (ver. 1 5). Can
this be the martyred Nereus ?
1 Nuovo Bullettino, 191 1, p. 82 ; 1912, p. iii. For further details we await
Marucchi's book, to be published some time in 1913.
DOCUMENT AND MONUMENT 309
It has been suggested,^ however, that Nereus and Achilleus
may, in reality, have had no connexion with Domitilla herself,
and that they probably perished in Diocletian's persecution,
which fell very heavily on soldiers. This would account
for the fact that their names are remembered, while those of
earlier martyrs are forgotten. The epitaphs seem quite in
harmony with this supposition.
Authenticity of the Traditions of SS. Nereus and
Achilleus. — The excavations then show that in the first
century there was on the Via Ardeatina a cemetery of
Flavia Domitilla, and that in the fourth century there was
a cult of Nereus and Achilleus, reputed to be martyrs, of
sufficient strength to cause the erection of a basilica over the
supposed site of burial. There seems little reason to doubt
the existence of these martyrs, or that their bodies lay
in the catacomb. Gregory the Great once preached a festival
sermon in their honour in this chapel, and it was just about
that period, two centuries later than the erection of the
basilica, that the Gesta were compiled. These may have
depended on an earlier tradition, or they may have
grown up under the inspiration of the monument of the
fourth century; but if the sculpture and fresco of the basilica
were inspired by a true tradition, as seems not unlikely, the
Gesta may contain considerable elements of truth. There
seems every probability, however, that Aurelia Petronilla, as
a kinswoman of the Aurelii and Flavii, derived her second
name from the Flavii, several of whom bore the cognomen
Peti'o. There is no proof of the truth of the assertion in the
Gesta that she was a daughter (either natural or spiritual) of
Peter, and probably her name misled the writer.^
Thus, by document and monument, we have established
the existence of many primitive martyrs, the position of
their graves, and the fact of a very primitive cult.
We have once or twice used the Syllogae in the
investigations of the monuments.
^ Sttidi e Testis 1909, fasc. 3, p. 43 (with bibliography).
2 In the Vatican is the sarcophagus brought from here by Pascal I. (817-824)
with the inscription To Aztrelia Petronilla dearest inaiden. See Bull, arch,
crist.^ 1879, P' 5-
310 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
Syllogae as a Key to a North African Inscription. — An
example of the identification or elucidation of inscriptions
by means of the Syllogae is afforded by excavations under-
taken in 1877 by Bosredon in Tebessa, in North Africa. In
a church there he found,^ among other things, seven fragments
of inscriptions of the sixth century, which we give below as
first published. Some of the letters were scarcely decipher-
able, but the discovery of the key has made it possible to
supply them correctly.
. . . EMUNUS + AECLESIA
ABET UNA FIDES -f- DON
ET CURA PROBANTI + TIST
VITATI CEDEVET
OTADICARECLI
E SEDES CRISTO
CEDE PRIUS NOMEN
REGIALI TANTI . . RV
HAEC PETRI PAULI QU
RESUNUM DUO
OR CELIBRE . .
V . . ENMICO
5
UDIU . . . VES
. . . U . . . NUS M
. . C S P . . .
USTAS
ET
LIBENTE RESURGIT
EX OFFICINA DI
DONATI ET SIC
IVISV
Bosredon was quite unable to interpret these inscriptions.
De Rossi, however, perceived that they formed part of an
inscription 2 (preserved in the Syllogae) which once stood in
S. Peter's ad Vincula, and was written in honour of the chains
of S. Peter. The fragments, after the correction of errors,
rearranged in the order 3, 2, 6, 5, 4, i, are indicated below in
capital letters and the omissions supplied. It will be seen that
the text so formed varies somewhat from that of the Syllogae.
^ Bull. arch, crist., 1878, p. 7.
I.e. 67, p. no, No. 67.
DOCUMENT AND MONUMENT 311
3 2
CEDE PRIUS NOMEN^^OVITATI CEDE VET
REGIA LAETANTER V OTA DICARE LI
HAEC PETRI PAULIQUE SEDES CRISTO
USTAS
BET
LIBENTE RESURGIT ^
I
SUmitE MUNUS
UOS /^ABET UNA FIDES
ET CURA PROBANTI 2
5 4
UNUW ^UES^/<2RES UNUM DUO
UNUS H<?«OR CELIBRE/ q
pr^'Si^yteri tanm'^ hic opus est
7 (and end of i)
probably gives the names of the donor of the church, of the con-
secrating bishop {antistes) and of the stonemason's yard {pfficina).^
Combination of Documentary and Monumentary
Evidence: Life of Damasus (1) in the Liber Pontificalis.—
Finally, as an illustration of the method of vi^riting history
from the combined evidence of document and monument,
we will attempt to establish a few facts as to the life of
Pope Damasus* in addition to those recorded in the brief
biography of the Liber Pontificalis.
(2) In the Epigram mata Dam asi.— Of the numerous
inscriptions made by Damasus,^ one or two are of an auto-
biographical character.
(3) Inscription referring to Damasus' Father. — Several
facts about his father are recorded in an inscription^
which Damasus composed for the portico adjoining
the Church of S. Laurence in Damaso (near the Theatre
^ This line has been expanded in the African version in a manner disastrous
to the metre, and the following pentameter line of the Roman version, referring to
Pope Sixtus in., entirely omitted for obvious reasons.
2 The name of Probantius, author of the African work, is substituted for
Philippus of the Roman inscription.
^ In the same district were found some more fragmentary inscriptions, which,
correctly pieced together, formed the well-known lines (preserved in the
Syllogae^ I.C. p. 145, No. 6), Jtistitiae Sedes, which stood in the apse of
S. Peter's: Bull. arch, crist., 1879, p. 163.
^ The facts of Damasus' life are still obscure, and the evidence, literary
and monumental, a subject of lively discussion. For a summary of the whole
question see E. Barker, S. CalHxHis . . . in Journal of Roman Studies, i. pt. i.,
191 1. See especially Ntiovo Bullettino, 1903, p. 59; also Bull. arch, crist.,
1881 (p. 48), 1883 (62), 1884-5 ; Rade, Damasus Bischofvon Rom., 1882.
5 Supra, pp. 279, 280, 283, 288-293, 301, 306.
« Quoted above, p. 289 {I.C. p. 151, No. 23).
312 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
of Pompey), which was built by him on the probable
site of his father's house. In the time of Hadrian I.
(772-795) the body of Damasus himself was removed to
this church, as is recorded in the Liber Pontificalis.
Previous to this, as all the documents record, he was
buried, together with his mother and sister, on the Via
Ardeatina, in a basilica which he had himself built.
(4) Epitaph to Himself. — For himself he wrote the
beautiful inscription recording his belief in the resurrection,
which has been preserved in the Syllogae}
(5) Epitaph to his Mother, Laurentia. — The name of
his mother, and the inscription to her, were unknown till
in 1902-3 Mgr. Wilpert discovered, exactly on the spot
indicated by the Itineraries as the burial-place of Damasus
[P, on Plan IV.], the impression on a great slab of what
proved to be the lost epitaph.
HIC DAMASI MATER POSUIT LAURentia membra
QUAE FUIT IN TERRIS CENTUM MINUS OCto per annos
SEXAGINTA DEO VIXIT POST FOEdera sancta
PROGENIE QUARTA VIDIT QUAE laeta nepotes
From this we gather that Laurentia, the mother of
Damasus, lived to be ninety-two ; that she dedicated herself to
God, i.e. lived as a widow or virgin for sixty years after taking
holy vows (of virginity) ; that one of her children at least
(exclusive of Damasus, and, as we shall see, of her daughter
Irene) had grandchildren. At her great age, also, she must
have lived to see her son pope, and probably survived her
husband. It is clear that she died before Damasus (who, as we
know, lived to be nearly eighty), since he wrote her epitaph.
Further, at a few yards from this spot, was discovered a
fragmentary inscription of four letters :
A
NOS
Comparing this with the impressed inscription, Mgr.
Wilpert saw that this fragment was a piece of the original
^ Supra, p. 290. The reference there to Martae . . . sorori (sc. of Lazarus)
has led to a mistake in the Itinerary De Locis Sanctorum Martyium, where we
r?ad : Prope ( Viaju Ardeatinam) Datuasus papadepositus est et soror euis Marth^.
DOCUMENT AND MONUMENT 313
inscription, fitting in at the end of the first two lines (membrA,
anNOS).
So much for the mother of Damasus. But we can learn
something more about his family.
(6) And to his Sister, Irene. — Through the destruction
of monuments, and the removal of material for building
purposes, and for other reasons, many inscriptions have been
discovered far from their original locality. It is in the Church
of SS. Cosmas and Damian in the Roman Forum that
Marucchi discovered, in 1880, a minute fragment of an
inscription^ (indicated in capitals in the following quotation),
identified — thanks again to the Syllogae^ where it had been
preserved — as forming part of the inscription of Irene, the
sister of Damasus, which once stood on the Via Ardeatina :
hoc tumulo sacrata DEO Nunc membra quiescunt
hie soror est Damasi noMEN SI QUAeris Irene
voverat haec sese christo CUM vita MAneret
virginis ut meritum sanCTUS PUDOR iPSe probaret
bis denas hiemes necdum complevERAT aetas . . .
In this tomb now lie her limbs, consecrated to God :
here is the sister of Damasus : her name was Irene. As
long as life lasted she vowed herself to Christ, that her
holy purity should bring her the merit of virginity. Her
days had not yet reached to twice ten winters (sc. she
was not yet twenty) . . .
The rest is a eulogy of Irene.
Hence Actual Identification of Damasus' Father with
Leo, the Bishop. — It is the double source (i) of the
Syllogae which enable us to interpret the fragmentary
inscriptions we are about to discuss, and (2) the sum of the
knowledge concerning Damasus, derived from the inscrip-
tions quoted above, which will enable us to identify the
subject of another inscription, and so fill up some lacunae in
the life of Damasus.
There existed, in the Syllogae^ an inscription of Damasus,^
^ Ntiovo Bullettino, 1903, p. 82. ^ /. C. p. 104, No. 42.
^ /. C. p. 92, No. 62. The capitals in the following quotation indicate the
actual inscription.
314 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
of which \}i\^ first half of nearly every line was missing. In
1 88 1 in the Agro Verano, near S. Laurence on the Via
Tiburtina, was found an inscription in which the last half of
the lines was missing: these two fragmentary inscriptions
were fitted together, and the whole now reads :
OMNIA QUAEQue vides proprio quaesita labore
CUM MIHI GENTILis jamdudum vita maneret
INSTITUI CUPIENS CENSUM COgnoscere mundi
JUDICIO POST MULTA DEI MELIora secUTUS
CONTEMPTIS OPIBUS MALui COgnoSCERE CHRIStum
HAEC MIHI CURA FUIT NUDOs vestIRE PETENTES
FUNDERE PAUPERIBUS QUIDQuid COncESSERAT ANNUS
Immediately after these lines in the Syllogae, and
forming part of the same inscription, were the lines following,
of which also the original inscription had been found in 1857
in the same place as the inscription Omnia quaeque, to which
it belongs :
PSALLERE ET IN POPULIS VOLUI Modulante PROPHETA
SIC MERUI PLEBEM CHRISTI RETIneRE SACERDOS
HUNC MIHI COMPOSUIT TUMULUM LAURENTIA CONJUX
MORIBUS APTA MEIS SEMPER VENERANDA FIDELIS
INVIDIA INFELIX TANDEM COMPRESSA QUIESCIT
OCTOGINTA LEO TRANSCENDIT EPISCOPUS ANNOS
DEP. DIE PRID. IDUS MARTIAS
Translated, the two inscriptions ran :
Everything which you see was acquired by my own toil
while my life was that of a pagan (? gentilis). At first
I desired to know the ways of the world : after much
experience, by the judgment of God, I pursued worthier
objects, and despising wealth chose rather to know
Christ. My care was to clothe the naked who asked,
to lavish on the poor whatever the year had yielded. I
desired to perform the office of chanter and reader
before the people. So as a priest I deserved to govern
the people of Christ. My wife Laurentia made this
tomb for me : her way of life was in harmony with
mine : she was honourable and faithful. Cruel envy at
length lies crushed and still. Leo the bishop lived over
eighty years and was buried March 14.
If we compare this epitaph with that to Laurentia, mother
DOCUMENT AND MONUMENT 315
of Damasus; and with the inscription {Hinc pater exceptor)^
referring to his unnamed father ; the thought at once
arises that Leo, the bishop of the Omnia quaeque epitaph, is
none other than the father of Damasus. The biography of
Leo the bishop, as here given, closely resembles that of
Damasus' father. They both "chose the better way" (cf.
melioribus actis with meliora secutus). It was evidently in
fulfilment of his office as reader {lector) and deacon {levita) that
Leo, as also the father of Damasus, chanted in church, cared
for the poor, and looked after the accounts {quidquid conces-
serat annus). Both, too, are called sacerdos, a word often
used of a bishops and Leo is actually called bishop as well.
Each, too, had a wife Laurentia. These similarities seem
sufficient proof of the identity of Damasus' father with Leo
the bishop.^
If this identification is correct — and if then Leo died at
over eighty and Laurentia at ninety-two, it is clear that the
words of Laurentia's epitaph deo vixit . . . sexaginta annas
. . . post foedera sacra refer, not to widowhood, but to a
state of virginity. Does not the moribus apta meis of Leo's
epitaph refer to this fact? And is not the reason for it
supplied in the fact that "bishops, priests {presbyteri) and
deacons {diacones) and all clerks" were compelled to
separate from their wives by a canon of the Council of
Elvira in 306?* Again, the invidia infelix appears to refer
to the calumnies to which Damasus was subject even before
his accession to the papacy.^
The Tradition of S. Cecilia and the Excavations. —
In dealing with the Gesta and the traditions of the martyrs
it has often been noted that even documents of little or no
historical value — such as the Acta Petri^ the Passions of
Procopius,^ Pope Cornelius,^ Nereus and Achilleus, Sebastian
^ Supra, pp. 288-289. See Marucchi, Nuovo Bullettino, 1903, for this
identification.
2 Supra, p. 289, note i .
^ It is true that the name of Damasus' father is given as Antonius in the Liber
Pontificalis. This, however, is the name of the gens, while Leo is either the
cognomen, or the new name adopted by the convert on baptism.
•* Labb6, Concilia, i. col. 123 1, canon 33. '" Lib. Pont, {sub Damaso),
^ Supra, pp. 194, 202. "' Supra, p. 195. ^ Supra, pp. 69, 200.
3i6 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
— are usually correct as to the existence of a martyr and
the place of his shrine ; as has been repeatedly shown by
excavation and other sources of information. It is seldom,
of course, that the actual body of the saint has been seen in
comparatively modern times. There is, however, this proof
of the truth of the tradition of S. Cecilia,^ whose story, as
told in her apocryphal Acts, has already been substantiated
in some points by the monuments.
The Passion relates that Cecilia, after her martyrdom in
her private house in the Trastevere, was buried in the crypt
of the Caecilii in S. Callixtus. The house was excavated
by Cardinal Rampolla in 1900. The crypt was long an
object of pilgrimage in primitive times.
In the ninth century, during the removal of the bodies
of the martyrs from the Catacombs to the urban churches,
Pope Pascal sought in vain for that of S. Cecilia, which
should have been near the papal crypt of S. Callixtus. We
read in the " false diploma of Pascal I.," and also in the
Liber Pontificalis (with slight variations of detail), how
Pascal fell asleep in S. Peter's during Matins — sung usually
soon after midnight — and dreamed that S. Cecilia appeared
to him, and told him that he had already been so near her
body that she might have spoken to him. Pascal, searching
again, found the sarcophagus; which, as excavations have
revealed, was blocked up by a wall raised to conceal it from
the Lombards. He opened it, and found within the body
of the martyr, "robed in gold tissue with linen clothes
steeped in blood at her feet." The body was placed in
S. Cecilia in the Trastevere, a church built over her house,
dating from the fourth century, and rebuilt by this same
Pascal I.
in 1599, oil the occasion of again rebuilding S. Cecilia's
Church, Sfondrati, its titular Cardinal opened the sarco-
phagus. In it was found the embalmed body of S. Cecilia,
wrapt in cloth of gold with the blood-stained garments
at her feet. " She was not lying upon her back like a
body in a tomb, but upon the right side like a virgin in
^ There is an excellent account of the entire subject in Cabrol, Diet. Arch.
ChrH.
DOCUMENT AND MONUMENT 317
her bed, with her knees modestly drawn together, and
seemingly asleep."
Pope Clement VIII. and all Rome flocked to see the body ;
and before the tomb was closed again Maderno sculptured
the marble portrait which now stands over her grave, and
inscribed it with the words : " Behold the body of the most
holy virgin Cecilia, whom I myself saw lying incorrupt in
her tomb. In this marble I have made for you the image
of that saint, in the very posture in which I saw her."
In Fes to Omnium Sanctorum. jgi2.
dratia par ruttttxs, aattrhta labor omntbua unua
&iaa0na herlra quitrem ^zh tamett una fttiea.
FINIS.
PART II.— APPENDICES
ABBREVIATIONS
Acta Apost. Apoc. ,
Anal. Boll. .
A.S
A.SS.
Bull. Arch. Crist,
Cabrol, Dict..
Corp. Script. Lat. ,
Funk
H.E. .
I.e. .
L.P. .
MiGNE
MOMBRITIUS .
MON. Germ. Hist.
N.B. .
Neues Archiv
P.G. .
P.L. .
PP. Apost.
Rom. Quart.
R.S. .
SURIUS
Lipsius, Acta Apostolorum Apocrypha.
Analecta Bollandiana.
Ruinart, Acta Sincera.
Acta Sanctorum of the Bollandists.
Bullettino di archeologia cristiana.
Cabrol, Dictionnaire d'arch^ologie chritienne et de liturgie.
Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum.
See PP. Apost.
His tori a Ecclesiastica.
De Rossi, I nscriptiones Christianae, vol. ii.
Liber Pontijicalis, ed. Duchesne.
See P.G. and P.L.
Mombritius, Sanctuarium.
Monumenta Germaniae Historica.
Nuovo bullettino di archeologia cristiana.
Neues Archiv der Gesellschaft fUr dltere deuische Ge-
schichtskunde.
Migne, Patrologia Grace a,
,, ,, Latina.
Funk, Opera Patrum Apostolicorutn.
Romische Quartalschrift.
De Rossi, Roma Sotterranea.
Surius, De probatis Sanctorum Historiis.
319
320 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
I. BIBLIOGRAPHY^
J. GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY
1. (a) DICTIONAEIES AND (/j) HISTORY
{a) DICTIONARIES
■''"H. Wace and A Dictionary of Christian Biography and
W. PlERCY 2 Literature^ to the End of the Sixth Century^
I vol. London, 191 1.
W. Smith and A Dictionary of Christian Biography^ 4 vols.
H. Wace London, 1 877-1 887.
(Up to Charlemagne.)
*F. Cabrol, O.S.B. . Dictionnaire d'Arche'ologie chretienne et de
Liturgie. Paris, 1907. In progress.
(The best dictionary for this subject.)
F. Kraus . . . Real-Encyklopddie der Christlichen Alter-
thiimer^ 2 vols. Freiburg-im-Breisgau, 1880-
1886.
W. Smith and Dictionary of Christian Antiquities^ 2 vols.
S. Cheetham London, 1 875-1 880.
Catholic Encyclopedia^ 15 vols. New York, 1907. In progress.
Du Cange and Glossariwn mediae et infimae Latinitatis
DUFRESNE (ed. Favre), 10 vols. Niort, 1883-1887.
A. Potthast . . Bibliotheca historica medii aevi, 2 vols. Berlin,
1896.
{b) HISTORY
Bardenhewer, Duchesne, Harnack, Pfleiderer have all
much to contribute on this period. A few books only are mentioned
below. Compare Bibliography— Acts of Martyrs.
1 In Section A a few books only are mentioned, as likely to be most helpful to
the student. But a reference to any one will give a full bibliography of the subject.
It is hoped that Section B is practically complete, except for the bibliography of the
Acts of the Martyrs, which is too vast, and of which a portion only bears on the
history of the first three centuries. Reference is given to English translations
(where they exist) of foreign works. Works of especial importance are indicated
by a star.
2 This is an abbreviated edition of that issued in 4 vols, in 1877.
APPENDICES
321
A. Harnack
Gebhardt
O. Pfleiderer
A. Harnack . .1. The Mission and Expansion of the Church
in the first Three Centuries (translation by
J. MOFFATT, in Theological Translation
Library), 2 vols. London, 1908.
„ . . 2. The Constitution and Law of the Church
in the first Two Centuries (translation by
F. POGSON, in Crown Theological Library),
I vol. London, 19 10.
and 3. Texte und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte
der Altchristlichen Literatur, 35 vols.
Leipsic, 1883. In progress.
. Primitive Christianity (translation by W.
Montgomery, Theological Translation
Library), i vol. London, 191 1.
Cambridge Mediaeval History, planned by J. B. Bury. Vol. i. The
Christian Roman Empire and the Foundation
of the Teutonic Kingdoms. Cambridge, 1 9 1 1 .
In progress. (There is much that is useful
here. Bibliography.)
F. X. Funk . . Manual of Church History, 2 vols. (English
translation by L.Cappadelta. London, 19 10.)
(A useful brief general history with Biblio-
graphy. Vol i. goes up to the Middle Ages.)
*Mgr. L. Duchesne . Histoire ancienne de VEglise, 3 vols. Paris,
1908-1910. (Fourth edition.) (Transl., The
Early History of the Christian Churchy i vol.
London, 1909-19 12.)
* „ . Origines du culte chrdtien. Paris, 1898.^
(Transl., M'Clure, Christian Worship: a
Study of the Latin Liturgy up to the Time of
Charlemagne. London, S.P.C.K., 1912.)
(These two books form the foundation of
any study of the subject.)
Die Anfdnge des Heiligenkults in der christ-
lichen Kirche. Tiibingen, 1904.
Les Origines du culte des martyrs. Brussels, 19 1 2.
I. " L'organisation des eglises chr^tiennes jus-
qu'au milieu du 111^ si^cle," in Revue des Ques-
tions historiques, t. 44, p. 329. Paris, 1888.
„ . . 2. "L'organisation des eghses chretiennes au
III® si^cle," in Revue des Questions his-
toriques, t. 47. Paris, 1891.
(Also printed separately.)
See also Hartmann Grisar in Bibliography — Itineraries. For
Papal Correspondence and Councils, see Bibliography — Patristic.
E. Lucius
H. Delehaye, S.J.
Ch, de Smedt .
1 Fourth edition in 1908,
21
322 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
2. PATRISTIC
(a) TEXTS
MiGNE . . . Patrologiae Cursus Completus^ containing
Patrologia Latina and Patrologia Graeca^
387 vols. Paris, 1 850-1 884.
(Most useful for general reference. Con-
tains a vast number of texts of Fathers from
the second century, councils, martyrologies,
liturgies, etc., with indices. For critical
study, some of the texts indicated below are
necessary.)
Die Griechischen Christlichen Schriftstellern der ersten drei Jahrhun-
derte^ 19 vols. Leipsic, 1902. In progress.
(Excellent critical German edition, with
contributions by Mommsen, etc.)
* Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum. Vienna, 1866. In
progress.
(Tertullian, Augustine, Ambrose, etc.)
F. X. Funk . i. Opera Patrum Apostolicorum^ 2 vols. Tubin-
gen, 1 88 1.
„ . 2. Die Apostolischen Vdter, i vol. Tubingen and
Leipsic, 1901.
(These volumes contain texts of several
of the Apostolic Fathers, with some Latin
translations of Greek texts, and criticisms.
Also a few Acta Marty rum.)
Gebhardt, Harnack, Patrum Apostolicorum Opera, 4 vols. Leipsic,
and Zahn 1876-1878.
(Texts in Latin and Greek.)
♦LiGHTFOOT . . Apostolic Fathers, 6 vq\s. London, 1890.
(Text, translation and critical notes.)
Compare also Armitage Robinson in Texts and Studies,
Cambridge, 1891 ; Mrs. Gibson and Mrs. Lewis on the Didascalia\
Harnack on the Didachi, etc.
P. F. Kehr . . Regesta Pontificum Romanorum, 2 vols. Berlin,
1 906- 1 907.
Ph. Jaffe . . Regesta Pontificum Romanorum, 2 vols. Leip-
sic, 1885-1888.
A. Thiel . . . Epistolae Romanorum Pontificum, \\o\. 1868.
J. D. Mansi . . Sacrorum Conciliorum Collectio, 31 vols.
Florence, 1 759-1 798. Reprint, Paris, 1901.
In progress.
Cf. Labb^, Hardouin, Hefele, and Quentin {Jean- Dominique
Mansi et les grandes collections conciliaires. Paris, 1900). For trans-
lations, see Bibliography: Patristic — Translations, under Wage and
SCHAFF,
APPENDICES
323
M. J. ROUET DE JOURNEL, SJ.
H. Denzinger (ed. C. Bannwart), SJ.
C. Kirch, SJ
3 vols.
Enchiridion Patristicum
„ Symbolorum
„ Fontium
Historiae
London (Herder), 1910.
A. Roberts and
J. Donaldson
E. B. PUSEY .
*Ph. Schaff
*H. Wage
Ph. Schaff
and
*0. Bardenhewer
{b) TRANSLATIONS
The Ante-Nicene Christian Library^ 25 vols.
Edinburgh, 1 867-1872 and 1897.
(From Clement of Rome to Origen.)
Library of the Fathers of the Holy Catholic
Church previous to the Division of East and
West, 49 vols. Oxford, 1 837-1 850.
Select Library of the Nicene and Post-Nicene
Fathers of the Christian Church. First
Series. 14 vols. New York, 1892.
Select Library of the Nicene and Post-Nicene
Fathers of the Christian Church. New Series.
14 vols. Oxford, 1 890-1 900. In progress.
(Vol.xiv. is The Seven (Ecumenical Councils
of the Undivided Church.)
(Cf. under " Texts," Armitage Robinson,
Lightfoot.)
Patrology: The Lives and Works of the Fathers
of the Church, i vol. Freiburg-im-Breisgau,
1908.
(Eng. trans, by T. Shahan. An invaluable
history with bibliography.)
3. ARCHAEOLOGY
^G. B. De Rossi
*0. Marucchi
H. Grisar
{a) GENERAL
Inscriptiones Christianae urbis Romae vii'>
saeculo antiquiores, 2 vols. Rome, 1857-
1888.
Epigrafia Cristiana. Milan, 19 10.
(Eng. trans, by J. A. WiLLls. A most
useful little volume.)
Analecta Romana, 2 vols. Rome, 1899.
(A useful Collection of Dissertations on
the Texts and Monuments of Rome.)
324 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
*H. Leclercq, O.S.B. Manuel d^ArchMogie Chrdtienne^ 2 vols.
P. Syxtus (Scaglia),
O.C.R.
*0. Marucchi
(Best general introduction to the subject.)
Notiones Archaeologiae Christianaey vol. i. pars
prior. Rome, 1908.
(Useful, up-to-date volume. Compare his
other works, including a fine plan of the
Catacomb of S. Callixtus.)
Aliments d^Archdologie Chrdtienne. Paris, 1903.
(Cf. his other works.)
J. S. NORTHCOTE
and W. Brownlow
O. Marucchi .
Mgr. J. Wilpert
{b) CATACOMBS
*G. B. De Rossi . Roma Sotterranea Cristiana, 2 vols. Rome,
1864-1867.
(The foundation of every other work on
the subject.)
Roma Sotterranea^ 2 vols. London, 1879.
(A condensed translation of De Rossi.
Though of necessity in some respects out
of date, this remains a most useful volume.)
1. Roma Sotterranea Cristiana. Nuova Serie.
Vols. i. and ii. Domitilla. Rome, 1909-1913.
(In progress.)
2. Le Catacombe Romane, i vol. Rome, 1903.
(The best general account.)
I. Die Papstgrdben und die Cdciliengruftin der
Katakombe des HI. Kallistus. Freiburg-im-
Breisgau, 1909.
(^xdccis.^ La Cripta dei Papi. Rome 1 910.)
(A most important work, including the most
recent discoveries.)
* „ . . 2. Die Malereien der Katakomben Roms^ 2 vols.
Freiburg- im-Breisgau, 1903.
(Trans., Le Pitture delle Catacombe
Ro7nane.)
(A magnificent volume of plates of frescoes
already vanishing from the walls, with a
volume of text of interpretations of frescoes.
Compare Wilpert's numerous other works.)
(Compare also De Rossi's publication, Bullettino di Archeologia
Cristiana^ 1863-1894; and the continuation under Marucchi as
*Nuovo Bullettino di Archeologia Cristiana.^ Rome, 1895. In
1 Especially P. Crostarosa, "Noztiie storico-topografiche delle Catacombe
Romane," in Nuovo Bullettino di Archeologia Cristiana, 1900, p. 321 ; being a useful
description of the Catacombs, with a *plan showing their position relative to
the roads.
APPENDICES
325
progress. De Waal, *Romische Quartalschrift fur christliche
Alter thumskunde. Rome, 1887. In progress. ACHELIS, "Die
romischen Katakomben," in Zeitschrift fiir die Neutestamentische
Wissenschaft (1911-1912), Giessen. In progress. All up-to-date
information appears in the Nuovo Bullettino and R'dmische Quartal'
schrift. See also under Bibliography— ARCHAEOLOGY— General.
B, THE DOCUMENTS
1. LIBER PONTIFICALIS
ia) TEXT AND HISTORY
*Mgr. L. Duchesne
T. Mommsen
The BOLLANDISTS
Anastasius Biblio-
thecarius
H. Grisar
F. G. ROSENFELD
G. Waitz .
1. Liber Pontificalis^ 2 vols. Paris, 1 886-1 892.
In " Biblioth^que des ^coles fran^aises
d'Ath^nes et de Rome."
(Texts, critical notes, and complete his-
torical introduction.)
2. " Le Liber Pontificalis en Gaule," in Mdlanges
d\ircheologie et d''histoire^ 1882, p. 227.
Gestorum Pontificum Romanorum vol. i. :
Libri Pontificalis pars prior. Berlin, 1898,
in Monumenta Germaniae Historica.
Acta Sanctorum^ Propylaeum Maii. Antwerp,
1685.
(Text.)
De Vitis Romanorum Pontificum^ in Migne,
P.L., t. 127 and 128.
(Text.)
1. Analecta Romana, t. i. Rome, 1899.
(Excellent outline of the history of the
Liber Pontificalis^ following Duchesne's
theory.)
2. "Der Liber Pontificalis ^^^ in Zeitschrift fur
Katholische Theologie^ vol. xi. p. 417. 1887.
Ueber die Komposition des Liber Pontificalis
bis zu Konstantin. Marburg, 1896.
1. "Ueber die verschiedenen Texte des Liber
Pontificalis^" in Neues Archiv der Gesell-
schaft fiir dltere deutsche Geschichtskunde^
1879, P- 216. Hanover.
2. " Ueber den sogenannten Catalogus Conon-
ianus der Papste," ibid. 1884, p. 457.
3. " Ueber die Italienischen Handschriften des
Liber Pontificalis^^ ibid. 1885, p. 445.
326 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
G. Waitz
4. " Ueber den sogenannten Catalogus Felicianus
der Papste," ibid. 1886, p. 217.
{b) THE PHILOCALIAN CALENDAR
^Duchesne
■*t. mommsen
MiGNE
H. Jordan and
Ch. Huelsen
. Op. cit., supra.
1. Chronographus anni cccliv (i.e. Philocalian
Calendar), in Monumenta Germaniae His-
torical t. ix. (also called Chronica Minora^ t. i.).
Berlin, 1892.
(Text and notes.)
2. "Ueber den Chronographen vom Jahre 354,"
in Abhandlung der phil. hist. Classe der
koniglichen sdchsischen Gesellschaft der Wis-
senschaften.
(An illuminating study of the Philocalian
Calendar, with a nearly complete text.)
Corpus Ins crip tionum Latinarum^ ed. MoMM-
SEN, i. p. 332.
(Text of Pagan Calendar in the Philocalian
Calendar.)
Patrologia Latina, 13, col. 442 and 675.
(For Pagan Calendar.)
Topographic der Stadt Rom im Alterthum^
Bd. ii. Berlin, 1871.
(Text of the geographical portion of the
Calendar, i.e. the Notitia Regionum xiv
urbis Romae.)
3.
{c) PAPAL CHRONOLOGY
*A. Barnes . . S. Peter in Rome. London, 1906.
(The author discusses the whole Petrine question in the light of
evidence, literary and monumental. He arrives at the same con-
clusion as Harnack, Lightfoot, and most modern scholars, that S. Peter
was bishop of Rome, and was martyred there.)
*LlGHTFOOT . . Apostolic Fathers., '^\..'\.vq\.\.'^. 2o\. London,
1890.
(With bibliography and critical study of
the Philocalian (Liberian) Calendar and
Chronicle of Hippolytus.)
Th. Mommsen . " Ordo et spatia episcoporum Romanorum in
Libro Pontificali," in Neues Archiv, vol. 21
p. 335. 1896.
R. A. LiPSlUS . I. "Neue Studien zur Papstchronologie," in the
Jahrbuch fUr protestantische Theologie.^ 1879,
p. 385 ; 1880, p. 78 and p. 233.
APPENDICES
327
LiPSIUS . . 2. Chronologie der rbmischen Bischbfe^ bis ziir
Mitte des vierten Jahrhunderts. Kiel, 1869.
(Also contains a text of the papal bio-
graphies in the Philocalian Calendar.)
J, . . 3. Die Papstverzeichnisse des Eusebios und der
von ihm abhdngigen Chronisten. Kiel, 1868.
A. Harnack . I. "Die alteste christliche Datirung und die
Anfange einer bischoflichen Chronographie in
Rom," in Acta Minora. (Academy of Berlin),
1892, pp. 617-658.
„ . 2. " Die Zeit des Ignatius," in Jahrbuch fiir pro-
testantische Theologie. Leipsic, 1880.
Segna . . . De Successione Romanorum Pontificum. Rome,
1897.
Cf. Kehr, Jaffe, Thiel in Bibliography— Patristic.
2. THE ITINEBARIES
{a) GENERAL TOPOGRAPHY AND PLANS
*Hartmann Grisar
O. RiCHTER
H. Jordan
■^R. Lanciani
Geschichte Roms und der Pdpste im Mittelalter^
3 vols. Freiburg, 1901.
(English translation, History of Rome and
the Popes in the Middle Ages, by LuiGl
Cappadelta. London, 191 1.)
(Gives an admirable general idea of the
topography of Rome, Christian and secular ;
and of the history and the thought of the
first five centuries : there is a plan (see supra,
Plan L), and full references to original
authorities and to recent publications. The
best introduction to more specialised studies.)
Topographie von Rom, published in series
Handbuch der Klassischen Alter thums-
JVissensckaft, diitter Band,dritte Abtheilung.
Munich, 1897.
(Good general topography and text of
Notitia Regionum xiv with plans.)
Topographie der Stadt Rom im Alterthum,
zweiter Band. 2 Bde. Berlin, 1871-1907.
F'orma Urbis Romae, published by the " Regia
Accademia Lyncaeorum " (ed. Hoepli, Milan).
(A magnificent series of forty-six large
plans of Rome — pagan, Christian, and
H
HUELSEN
KlEPERT
and
Ch. Huelsen .
August Schneider
C. A. J. Skeel
328 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
modern, scale i : 1000 ; an indispensable
companion to the Itineraries, etc., dealing
with the interior of the city.)
Forma Urbis Romae Antiquae. Berlin, new
edition, 191 2.
(Plans, with Christian churches, the Four-
teen Regions, etc., with alphabetical index
and bibliography of monuments, both ancient
and modern.)
Romae Veteris Tabula, Berlin, 1901.
Das alte Rom. Leipsic, 1896.
(Five series of historical Maps of Rome,
giving idea of general topography.)
Travel in the First Century after Christ.
Cambridge, 1901.
Compare also De Rossi, Roma Sotterranea^ and Crostarosa,
under Bibliography— Catacombs.
{b) GENERAL TEXTS
De Rossi. . . Roma Sotterranea Cristiana^ i. pp. 128-183.
Rome, 1864.
(Texts of Itineraries in parallel columns
arranged according to the roads.^ The
easiest form in which to grasp them. *Good
account of the documents.)
■••■C. L. Urlichs. . Codex Urbis Romae Topographicus. Wiirz-
burg, 1 87 1.
(Most useful volume of documents refer-
ring to topography of Rome ; contains nearly
all the texts mentioned in chaps, vii. and viii.
of this book.)
H. Jordan . . Topographie der Stadt Rom im Alterthum^
zweiter Band. 2 Bde, Berlin, 1871.
(Text of Itineraries on p. 537. In the
erster Band, dritte Abtheilung, revised by
Huelsen, Berlin, 1907, are some useful
plans, with the Regions, churches,
roads.)
{c) MONOGRAPHS
I. NOTITIA XIV REGIONUM
O. Richter . . In Topographie von Rom, (See General Topo-
graphy.)
1 The same text is given in Scaglia, Notiones Archeologiae ChrisHanae, i. p. 441,
n a convenient little volume. See supra, p. 324.
APPENDICES
329
II. LATERCULUS POLEMII SILVII
Th. Mommsen . Monumenta Germaniae Historica auctorum
antiquorum t, ix. {Chronicorum Minorum^
t. i.), p. 345- Berlin, 1892.
III. INDEX COEMITERIORUM
Cardinal Rampolla. "Di un Catalogo cimiteriale Romano," in Atti
del 11° : ; •^ ' Inter 7tazionale. Rome,
1902.
De Rossi. . .In Bullettino di archeologia cristiana^ 1878.
Rome.
Stevenson . .In Nuovo Bullettino di archeologia cristiana^
1897. Rome.
IV. PAPYRI OF MONZA
*A. Sepulcri . . / Papiri delta Basilica di Monza e le reliquie
inviate da Roma. Milan, 1903, being a paper
read before the " Congresso Storico Inter*
nazionale della Societa storica Lombarda."
(Text, photographs of the papyri, criticism,
and full bibliography.)
G. Bonavenia. . La Silloge di Verdun e il papiro di Monza.
Rome, 1903.
(A good general account.)
V. ITINERARIUM MALMESBURIENSE
T. Duff-Hardy . Willehni Mahnesburiensis monachi Gesta
regum Angloru?n. London, 1840.
VI. ITINERARIUM EINSIEDLENSE
*R. Lanciani . . "L' Itinerario di Einsiedeln," in Monumenti
Antichi of the Accademia dei Lincei, vol. i.
p. 436. Milan, 1890.
(Plans, bibliography, etc. A most illumin-
ating study of an Itinerary.)
Ch. Huelsen . . Lapianta di Roma delV anonimo Einsiedlense.
Rome, 1907.
(Contains two good plans of Rome under
the Empire, — one with the roads and ceme-
teries.)
VII. ORDO ROMANUS of BENEDICT and MIRABIUA
URBIS ROMAE
R. Lanciani . . Op. cit.^ supra.
330 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
P. Allard
3. ACTS OF THE MARTYRS i
(a) GENERAL HISTORY
I. Histoire des persicutions. 4 vols.
Paris, 1892-
H. DOULCET
B. AUB^
2. Ten Lectures on the Martyrs.
(English translation by L. Cappadelta.
I vol. London, 1907. In the International
Catholic Library.)
. Essai sur les rapports de Vdglise chrdtienne
avec Vetat romain. Paris, 1883.
(With bibliography and chronological
tables.)
1. Histoire des persecutions de VSglise jusqu^ct la
fin des Antonins, Paris, 1875.
2. Histoire des persecutions de Vdglise : la poUm-
ique paienne a la fin du second sihle. Paris,
1878.
3. Les Chretiens dans V Empire romain de la fin
des Antonins au milieu du me siecle (a.D.
180-249). Paris, 1 88 1.
4. LEglise et Vitat dans la seconde inoitie du
troisieme siecle (a.D. 249-284). Paris, 1886.
Memoires pour servir a l^ histoire eccUsiastique.
Second edition. 16 tomes. Paris, 1701.
Geschichte der altkirchlichen Literatur, 2 vols.
Freiburg-im-Breisgau, 1902.
■^(Vol. ii. ^.611, Die dltesten Mdrtyrerakten,
With bibliography.)
Geschichte der altchristlichen Literatur bis
Eusebius, erster Theil : Die Ueberlieferung
und der Bestand. 2 Bde. Leipsic, 1893.
^{^Mdrtyrerakten ... In Bd. ii. p. 807.)
Idem.^ zweiter Theil : Die Chronologie der Liter-
atur . . . bis Eusebius, 2 Bde. Leipsic, 1897.
*(" Martyrien . . ." In Bd. ii. p. 463.)
(With complete bibliographies of individual
Acta.)
Die romische Stadt und die allgemeine Kirche
bis auf Diokletian. Leipsic, 1890.
The Church in the Ro?na7i Empire before A.D.
I JO. London, 1894.
1 The Acts referred to in chapters ix.-xv. are nearly all in the Ada Satictorum of
the BoUandists, under the dates given ; or in the more convenient volume, the Acta
Sincera of Ruinart ; and French translations of a large number are found in Leclercq,
Les Martyrs. References, therefore, in those chapters are given only (i) to Acts not
appearing in any of these volumes, or (2) to recent critical texts, vi^hen they exist.
Le Nain de Tille-
MONT
O. Bardenhewer .
A. Harnack
C. J. Neumann
W. M. Ramsay
APPENDICES
33t
E. G. Hardy .
P. E. ViGNEAUX
*H. Leclerq, O.S.B.
*H. Delehaye, SJ. .
E. Le Blant .
Le Bourgeois
*a. dufourcq .
Ch. de Smedt, SJ.
J. Bollandus, SJ. .
*T. RUINART, O.S.B.
MOMBRITIUS, O.S.B,
Christianity and the Roman Government.
London, 1894.
(An excellent little volume.)
Essai sur Vhistoire de la Praefectura Urbis
d. Rome. Paris, 1896.
(An admirable account of Roman criminal
procedure.)
"Acta Martyrum," in Cabrol, Dictionnaire
d'' archeologie chrdtienne et de liturgie. Paris,
1907.
Les Ugendes hagiographiques. Brussels, 1906.
(Trans., The Legends of the Saints^ by
Mrs. V. M. Crawford. 1907. An invaluable
introduction to the study of hagiography.)
1. Les A ctes des martyrs : suppUmentaux k.z\.2,
Sincera de Dom Ruinart. (See supra^
chap, ix.)
2. La Preparation au mar tyre.
(Both published in Mdmoires de VAcadhnie
des inscriptions et belles-lettres^ Paris, t. 30,
1881, andt. 28, 1879, respectively.)
This forms chapter ix. of the following : —
3. Les Persdcuteurs et les Martyrs. Paris, 1893.
Les Martyrs de Rome d^apres Vhistoire et
Varchiologie chritienne. Paris, 1897.
Etude sur les Gesta Martyrum romains.
Paris, 1900.
(A most important contribution to the
study of the Gesta)
Principes de la critique historique. Paris, 1883.
(By the Editor of the Analecta Bollan-
diana. See supra^ chap, ix.)
{b) TEXTS
Acta Sanctorum quotquot toto orbe coluntur . . .,
64 vols. Brussels, 1643. In progress.
(See supra^ chap. ix. The edition of 1887
is the best.)
Acta Sincera. Paris, 1689.
(Contains nearly all the Acts referred to in
chaps, ix to xv.)
Sanctuarium sive Vitae Sanctorum. Milan,
1475. Edited by the Monks of Solesmes,
2 vols. Paris, 1910.
(Arranged alphabetically ; contains a large
number of texts.)
332 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
L. SURIUS . . De probatts Sanctorum Historiis^ 6 vols.
Liibeck, 1562.
O. VON Gebhardt . Acta Martyrum Selecta. Berlin, 1902.
(A small volume with a few authentic texts.)
J. B. LiGHTFOOT . I. Apostolic Fathers^ pt. 2, vols, i.-iii. London,
1889.
„ . 2. Miscellaneous Texts. London, 1891.
(Texts, criticisms, and translations of the
Passions of Ignatius and of Polycarp.)
O. VON Gebhardt i. Texte und Untersuchungen . . ., 14 Bde.
and A. Harnack Leipsic, 1883-1896.
„ „ 2. Texte und Untersuchungen. Neue Folge,
15 Bde. Leipsic, 1 897-1 906.
(See especially 1888, 1893-5-6-7.)
*Analecta Bollandiana, 30 vols. Brussels, 1882. In progress.
Bibliographia Hagiographica Graeca, 2 vols. Brussels, 1895.
Bibliographia Hagiographica Latina. Paris, 1893.
(All these volumes are the work of the
Bollandists, see supra^ chap, ix.)
Bibliotheca Cassinensis seu codicum manuscriptorum qui in tabulario
Cassinensi asservantur series^ 5 vols. Monte Cassino, 1 873-1880,
1894.
A few new texts or new versions appear from time to time in the
following publications.
Texts and Studies, ed. J. Armitage Robinson. Cambridge, 1901 . . .
(For S. Perpetua and for the Scillitan martyrs ; texts and trans-
lations) ; Studi e Testi, Rome, 1900 . . . ; Studia BiBLiCA,ed. S.
Driver, Oxford, 1895. • • Compare also Bardenhewer and Har-
nack under Bibliography— Acts of Martyrs : General History ;
and Lucius and Deleh aye, under General Bibliography— History.
{c) TRANSLATIONS
J. Carnandet et Les Actes des Saints .. cPaprh les Bollandistes.
J. F^vre Vols, i.-iv. January. Lyons, 1866.
„ „ Vols, i.-iv. Lyons, 1865-1867.
(History, criticism, martyrologies : incomplete.)
P. Gui^RANGER, O.S.B. Les Actes des martyrs, 4 vols. 1853-1863.
(A useful collection of Passions, translated
from the Acta Sanctorum^ Ruinart, etc.
Arranged in centuries.)
Droury DE Mau- Les Actes des martyrs. Paris, 1708.
PERTUIS
(Translation of Ruinart's Acta Sincera, A
most useful volume.)
APPENDICES
333
*H. Leclerq, O.S.B. Les Martyrs : Recueil des pihes authentiques^
7 vols. Paris, 1902.
(An invaluable book, containing nearly all
the Acts referred to in this book. Only the
first three volumes deal with records of the
early martyrs ; and with those only which
have some claim to authenticity. Good
bibliography and criticisms.)
F. C. CONYBEARE . Monuments of Early Christianity, London,
1894.
(Translations of a few of the Acta^ with
good notes.)
A few other texts and translations may be found among the books
in Bibhography— Patristic.
S. Baring-Gould . The Lives of the Saints^ 16 vols. London, 1897.
(A modern version of the lives of a selected
number of Saints derived from the Acta
Sanctorum^ etc. Extremely useful for re-
ference, and to gain a knowledge of the
tradition. Somewhat similar is Alban
Butler, Lives of the Fathers^ Martyrs . . .
2 vols. London, 1833.)
4. THE MARTYEOLOGY OF JEROME AND OTHERS
H. Achelis
A. Urbain
H. Lietzmann
*De Rossi
Duchesne
and
Socii Bollandiani
Die Marty rologien, ihre Geschichte und ihr
Wert J in Abhandlungen der Koniglichen
Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften^ phil.-hist.
Klasse, Neue Folge, Bd. iii., Nr. 3. Berlin,
1900.
Ein Martyrologium der christlichen Gemeinde
zu Rom am Anfang des V^ Jahrhunderts.
Leipsic, 1901. Pubhshed in Texte und
Untersuchungen^ Neue Folge, Bd. vi. (or
xxi. in entire edition). Heft 3.
Die drei dltesten Marty rologien. Bonn, 1903.
" Martyrologium Hieronymianum " in Acta
Sanctorum^ November, t. ii., 1894.
(Introduction, four parallel columns of texts
of the manuscripts, bibliography.)
I. Martyrologium^ ex Codice Bernensi, 289,
I vol. Brussels, 1881.
(The most convenient volume of the text
for general reference.)
334 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
♦Duchesne
De Rossi .
H. Grisar
B. Krusch
SOCIIBOLLANDIANI 2. Martyrologium Hieronymianum ex Codice
Trevirensij i vol. Brussels, 1883.
(This Codex is not given in Duchesne's
edition.)
[. (With a brief note by De Rossi), " Les Sources
du Martyrologe Hieronymien" in Melanges
(farcheologie et d'histoire^ 1885, p. 120.
(The best and easiest general introduc-
tion.)
5. "A propos du Martyrologe Hieronymien" in
Analecta Bollandiana^ xvii. (1898) p. 421 ;
and "Un dernier mot sur le Martyrologe
Hieronymien," ibid.^ xx. (1901) p. 241; cf.
also criticism (on " Passiones Vitaeque Sanct-
orum " of Krusch) in Bulletin Critique^ 1897,
pp. 301, 325.
Roma Sotterranea^ ii. p. xvi.
Analecta Romana^ vol. i. p. 231. Rome, 1899.
I. "Zur Afra — legende und zum Martyrologium
Hieronymianum" in Neues Archiv der
Gesellschaft fur alters deutsche Geschichts-
kunde^xxw. (1899) p. 289 ; 2. " Zum Martyro-
logium Hieronymianum, ibid. t. xx. (1895)
P* 437 ; 3- " Nochmals das Martyrologium
Hieronymianum, ibid. t. xxvi. (1901) p. 349 ;
4. "Nochmals die Afra— legende und das
Martyrologium Hieronymianum," in Mittheil-
ungen des Instituts fUr Oesterreichische
Geschichtsforschungj t. 21, p. i. Innsbruck,
1900.
, Etude sur les Gesta Martyrum remains.
Paris, 1900.
(Throughout this study there is constant
reference to the Martyrologies, especially to
that of Jerome. It affords a most instruc-
tive example of the method of using the
documents.)
Martyrologia, in P.L., 94, col. 799.
Martyrologium Romanum Parvum^ in P.L.^ col. 143 (cf. De Rossi,
R.S.^ ii. p. xxvii).
Beati Rabani Mauri Martyrologium^ in P.L.^ no, col. 112 1.
Flori Diaconi . . Martyrologium^ in P.Z., 119, col. 95.
Adonis Archiepiscopi Viennensis Martyrologium^ in P.Z., 123,
col. 146.
Usuardi Monachi . Martyrologium^ in P.Z., 123, col. 603.
A. DUFOURCQ
Bedae Venerabilis
APPENDICES
335
Martyrologium Romanum . . . Martyrologium vetus Romanum . . .
Martyrologiuin Adonis^ edited by H. ROSWEYDE, i vol. Antwerp,
1613.
(A beautiful edition with index.)
Martyrologium Romanum. Rome, 1873.
(Now in use.)
Martyrologe romain, par deux pretres du clerge de Paris. Paris, 1848.
(Translation of Mart. Rom. A useful volume with index of saints.)
H. QUENTIN . . Les Martyrologes historiques du moyen age.
Paris, 1908.
5. THE SYLLOGAE
(«) GENERAL HISTORY
*De Rossi . . . Inscriptio7ies Christianae urbis Romae septimo
saeculo antiquiores^ 2 vols. Rome, 1861-
1888.
(Vol. ii. contains the texts of the Syllogae,
with historical introduction and notes.)
*H. Grisar . I. Analecta Romana, vol. i. p. 76. Rome, 1899.
„ . . 2. "Die altchristlichen Inschriften Roms im
friiherenMittelalter" in Zeitschriftfur Kathol-
ische Theologie, 1889, p. 90. Innsbruck.
{b) SYLLOGE OF VERDUN
G. BONAVENIA . . La Sylloge di Verdun, i vol. Rome, 1903.
{c) SYLLOGE OF CAMBRIDGE
Manuscript, KK. iv., 6, folio 238 in the University Library at Cambridge.
W. Levison . . In Neues Archiv der Gesellschaft fUr dltere
deutsche Geschichtskunde^ vol. 35, fasc. 2,
p. 333, 1910-
Duchesne . . Le recueil Spigraphique de Cambridge^ in
Melanges darcheologie et dhistoire^ Nov.-
Dec. 1 9 10, Paris and Rome.
{d) SOME CRITICAL DISCUSSIONS ON {b) AND {c)
Marucchi . .In Nuovo Bullettino di archeologia cristiana^
1901, 1902, 1903, 1906, 1907, 1908, 1910.
De Rossi . . .In Bullettino di archeologia cristiana^ i^^?)
P- 33-
336 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
BONAVENIA and In Osservatore Romano^ 1910, May 18 and 31 ;
M ARUCCHI June 6, 7 and 8 ; July 6 (cf. also May 8 and 2 1 ).
Zettinger . . Romische Quartalschrift^ 1902, p. 345.
De Waal. . . Ibid.^ 1908, p. 42.
II. LIST OF THE POPES
WITH DATES, PLACES OF BURIAL, Etc.
P . . = recognized as a martyr in the Philocalian Calendar.
L.P. . = ,, ,, ,, Liber Pontificalis.
L.P.(2) = ,, ,, ,, ,, (second edition only).
V . . = buried in the Vatican.
C , . = , , Catacomb of S. Callixtus.
Pr . . = ,, ,. S. Priscilla.
V.
V.
V.
V.
(?)
V.
V.
V.
V.
V.
V.
V.
V.
C.
c.
C.
C.
c.
c.
c.
c.
C.
c.
C.
iThe
dates are
(42).! Peter, L.P., P.
(67). Linus, L.P.
(78). Anacletus, L.P.
(90). Clement, L.P. (buri-
ed in Greece).
(112). Evaristus, L.P.
(121). Alexander, L.P.
(Via Nomenta-
na(?)).
(132). Sixtus I., L.P.
(142). Telesphorus, L.P.
(154). Hyginus, L.P.
(158). Pius I., L.P.
(167). Anicetus, L.P. (2).
(175). Soter, L.P.
(182). Eleutherius, L.P.
(189). Victor, I., L.P.
(199). Zephyrinus, L.P.
(217). Callixtus, L.P., P.
(Calepodius).
(222). Urban, L.P.
(230). Pontianus, L.P.
(235). Anteros, L.P.
(236). Fabianus, L.P., P.
(251). Cornelius, L.P.
(253). Lucius, L.P.
(254). Stephen, L.P.
(257). Sixtus II., L.P., P.
(259). Dionysius, L.P.
(269). Felix I., L.P.
C. . .(275).Eutychianus,L.P.(2).
C. . . (283). Gains, L.P. (2).
Pr. . . (296). Marcellinus, L.P.
Pr. . . (308). Marcellus, L.P. (2).
C. . . (309). Eusebius.
C. . . (311). Miltiades.
Peace of the Church.
Pr. . . (314). Silvester.
Near C, (336). Mark.
(337). Julius I.
dius).
Pr. . . (352).
(355).
(Calei
Pr.
V.
Pr.
Liberius.
Felix II. (Via
elia).
Damasus (Via
deatina and
Laurence).
Siricius.
Anastasius l.\ 'u"*
1(401). Innocent I
(417). Zosimus.
(418). Boniface I. (Via Sa-
laria, near S.
Felicitas).
Celestinus.
Sixtus III. (in S.
Laurence).
The
(366).
. (384).
/(399).
(422).
(432).
rsum
Pile-
atum).
dates are extremely uncertain during the first and second centuries,
not given in Duchesne [Liber Pontijicalis) till Pontianus, a.d. 230,
APPENDICES
337
V. .
. (440). Leo the Great.
V. .
(530). Boniface li.
(461). Hilary (S. Laur-
V. .
(533). John II.
ence).
V. .
(535)- Agapetus.
V. .
. (468). Simplicius.
(536). Silverius (Pontian
V. .
(483) Felix III.
Islands).
V. .
(492). Gelasius i.
(537). Vigilius (Via Sa-
V. .
(496). Anastasius 11.
laria).
V. .
(498). Symmachus.
V. . .
(555). Pelagius I.
V. .
(514). Hormisdas.
V. . .
(560). John III.
V. .
(523). John I.
V. . .
(574). Benedict I.
V. .
(526). Felix IV.
V. . .
(574). Gregory the Great.
III. {A) DEPOSITIO EPISOOPORUM and {B) DEPOSI-
TIO MARTYRUM of the PHILOOALIAN
CALENDAR (FOURTH CENTURY), with (C) A
LIST OF THE MARTYRS in it arranged alpha-
betically
A, DEPOSITIO EPISCOPORUM
Dionisi, in Calisti.
Felicis, in Calisti.
Silvestri, in Priscillae.
Miltiadis, in Calisti.
Marcellini, in Priscillae.
Luci, in Calisti.
Gai, in Calisti.
Steffani, in CaHsti.
Eusebii, in Calisti.
Eutichiani, in Calisti.
Marci, in Balbinae.
Juli, in Via Aurelia,
miliario ill., in Calisti.
B. DEPOSITIO MARTYRUM
VIII. Kal. Janu. . . . Natus Christus, in Betleem
Judeae.
Mense Janiiario.
XIII. Kal. Feb Fabiani, in Calisti, at Se-
bastiani, in Catacumbas.
XII. Kal. Feb Agnetis, in Nomentana.
Mense Febriiario.
VIII. Kal. Mart. . . . Natale Petri de Catedra.
[Dec. 27] .
. VI. Kal. Januarias .
[Dec. 30] .
III. Kal. Januar.
[Dec, 31] .
Prid. Kal. Januar. .
[Jan. 10] . .
nil. Idus Januarias
[Jan. 15]. .
XVIII. Kal. Feb, .
[March 5] .
III. Non. Mar. . .
[April 22] .
X. Kal. Mai . . .
[Aug. 2] . .
nil. Non Augustas
[Sep. 26] . . .
VI. Kal. Octob. . .
[Dec. 8] . .
VI. Id. Decemb. .
[Oct. 7] . . .
Non. Octob. . . .
[Apr. 12]. .
Prid. Idus Apr. . .
[Dec, 25]
[Jan.
20]. .
[Jan.
21]. .
[Feb.
22]. .
22
33S ROME OP THE PILGRLMS AND MARTYRS
Mense Martio.
[March 7] . . Non. Mart Perpetuae et Felicitatis,
Africae.
Mense Maio,
[May 19] . . XIIII. Kal. Jun. . . . Partheni et Caloceri, in
Calisti, Diocletiano vim. et Maximiano viii.
Cons. [304].
Mense Junto.
[June 29] . . III. Kal. Jul Petri, in Catacumbas ; et
Pauli Ostense, Tusco et Basso Cons. [258].
Mense Julio.
[July 10] . . . VI. Id. Jul Felicis et Filippi, in Pris-
cillae ; et in Jordanorum, Martialis, Vitalis, Alex-
andri ; et in Maximi, Silani ; hunc Silanum
martirem Novati furati sunt; et in Praetextati,
Januari.
[July 30] . . . III. Kal. Aug Abdos et Sennes, in Pon-
tiani, quod est ad Ursum piliatum.
Mense Augusta.
[Aug, 6] . . . VIII. Id. Aug Xysti, in Calisti; et in
Praetextati, Agapiti et Felicissimi.
[Aug. 8] . . . VI. Id. Aug Secundi, Carpophori, Vic-
torini et Severiani Albano ; et Ostense vii. balli-
staria, Cyriaci, Largi, Crescentiani, Memmiae,
Julianae et Smaragdi.
[Aug. 11] . . III. Id. Aug Laurenti, in Tiburtina.
[Aug. 13] . . Id. Aug Ypoliti, in Tiburtina; et
Pontiani, in Calisti.
[Aug. 22] . . XI. Kal. Sep Timotei, Ostense.
[Aug. 28] . . V. Kal. Sep Hermetis, in Basillae,
Salaria Vetere.
Mense Septembre.
[Sep. 5] . . . Non. Sept Aconti, in Porto, et Nonni
et Herculani et Taurini.
[Sep. 9] . . . V. Id. Sept Gorgoni, in Labicana.
[Sep. 11]. . . III. Id. Sept Proti et Jacinthi in Bas-
sillae.
[Sep. 14] . . . XVIII. Kal. Oct. . . . Cypriani Africae. Romae
celebratur in Calisti.
[Sep. 22] . . . X. Kal. Oct Basillae, Salaria Vetere,
Diocletiano vim. et Maximiano viii. Cons. [304].
APPENDICES 339
Mense Octobre.
[Oct. 14] . . . Prid. Id. Oct Calisti, in Via Aurelia,
miliario III.
Meftse Novembre,
[Nov. 9] . . . V. Id. Nov dementis, Semproniani
Claudi, Nicostrati, in comitatum.
[Nov. 29] . . III. Kal. Dec Saturnini, in Trasonis.
Mense Decembre.
[Dec. 13] . . Id. Dec Ariston, in Portum.
C. LIST OF MARTYRS IN THE PHILOCALIAN
CALENDAR
G. . = found also in the Passionary of Gregory (sixth century).
A. . = ,, ,, Martyrology of Ado (ninth century).
Rome.
Abdon (and Sennen) (A.). Acontius. Agapitus (G., A.) (and Felicis*
simus). Agnes (A.). Alexander (and Felix). Ariston. Basilla.
Callixtus (G., A.). Calocerus (and Parthenius) (A.). Carpophorus
(Victorinus and Severianus). Claudius and Clement (and Semproni-
anus). Crescentianus. Cyriacus (G., A.). Fabianus. Felicissimus (A.)
(and Agapitus). Felix (and the other six sons of Felicitas). Gorgonius.
Hippolytus. Hermes (A.). Herculanus. Jacinthus (A.) (and Protus).
Januarius (and Felix). Juliana. Largus (and Smaragdus) (G.). Laurence
(A.). Martialis (and Felix). Memmia. Nicostratus. Nonnius. Parthe-
nius (and Calocerus) (A.). Peter and Paul App. (A.). Philip (and Felix).
Pontianus. Protus (and Jacinthus). Saturninus. Sebastian (A.).
Secundus. Sempronianus. Sennen (and Abdon) (A.). Severianus (and
Carpophorus). Silanus (and Felix). Sixtus II. (A.). Smaragdus. Taur-
inus. Timotheus. Victorinus (and Carpophorus). Vitahs (and Felix).
Africa.
Cyprian, Perpetua and Felicitas.
340 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
IV. INDEX COEMITERIORUM XVI
AND THE TRUE NUMBER OF THE CEMETERIES
The answer to the question whether the Index Is complete or other-
wise depends partly on the variations in the codices.^
Besides the (1.) Vatican Codex there are three other versions of the
Index.
2. Index Chiglana. The second of these is known as the Index
Chigiana^ having been discovered in that library by Giorgi. It was pub-
lished by De Rossi.^ It is preserved in a manuscript of the eleventh
century appended to the Dialogues of Pope Gregory the Great. This
list gives an additional cemetery, the Cimiterium Aproniani ad Sanctam
Eugeniam ^ Via Latina, — making seventeen in all. It is in almost the
same somewhat faulty topographical order as the Vatican Codex.
3. Index Laurenziana. The third version of the Index is preserved
in a twelfth-century manuscript formerly in Lord Ashburnham's library,
and now in the Biblioteca Laurenziana in Florence, and has been pub-
lished by Stevenson.* There is a list of seventeen cemeteries, arranged
this time in good topographical order.
4. Cardinal RampoUa's Catalogue. A fourth version of the
Index was discovered by Cardinal Rampolla^ in a fifteenth-century
Codex of the Vatican, also based on a document of the fourth century.
This Codex was transcribed in Rome, as an appendix to the famous
work of Frontinus, " On the Aqueducts of the City " {De Aquaductibus
Urbis).^ It is beautifully written ; various readings from other manu-
scripts are given in the margin, and signed by Johann Vynck, one of the
learned German clerks who worked in the papal library for that fine
scholar Pope Nicholas v. (1447-1455). A study of the manuscripts on
which this document is based throws light on the number of the
cemeteries. On what manuscript, then, does this Catalogue depend ?
There are three ancient manuscripts of Frontinus : (i) The oldest, of
the thirteenth or fourteenth century, at Monte Cassino. (2) A manuscript
1 For texts of the three codices, see supra, p. 98.
2 See Bullettino di archeologia cristiana, 1878, p. 44. 3 Supra, p. 193.
4 Stevenson in Nuovo Bullettino di archeologia cristiana, 1897, p. 255. This
article gives a good summary of the whole question with further bibliography. Both
Giorgi and Stevenson believe the Index to be incomplete ; the latter inserts sixteen
cemeteries which he believes omitted from the original list.
5 Rampolla, op. cit., Bibliography— Itineraries-Index, to whose work I am in-
debted for this paragraph.
<> Frontinus was Commissioner of Waterworks in A.D. 97. His work, De Aqua-
ductibus, was discovered in 1429, and frequently reproduced since. C. Herschel, in
The Two Books on the Water Supply of the City of Rome, Boston, 1899, has published
a fine edition of his works.
APPENDICES 341
of 1345 in the Vatican, called Urbinaie, and closely resembling the manu-
script of Monte Cassino. (3) A somewhat imperfect manuscript of the
fifteenth century in the Vatican, called the Vatican manuscript.
Now, the manuscript of Vynck contains several important facts
absent from all three manuscripts mentioned above. He was therefore
copying from some other document, which is at present undiscovered.
It is possible, however, to determine the date of this prototype. We
note first that Vynck's version contains information concerning the
Aurelian Wall not found in the Notitia and Curiosiim?- Moreover, it
describes fully the wall as it was originally built by Aurelian (270-275)
and Probus (276-282), but ignores the modifications made in it by
Honorius in 403 in his attempt to protect Rome against the Goths. It
is therefore obvious that Vynck's original manuscript was written not
later than 403. The number of cemeteries given in it as existing at
this period is sixteen ; the fact is mentioned twice in different parts of
the text, and also the words occur " Cymiteria xvi.^^
Having now examined all the manuscripts, we can discuss the
question whether the Index is mutilated or not.
The number of the cemeteries as given in the Index. De
Rossi, followed by Scaglia, Giorgi and Stevenson, is of opinion that the
Ifidexoithe. Vatican is mutilated. It must be remembered that these
scholars all wrote before the discovery of Rampolla's catalogue. In
support of his view De Rossi quotes the scholar Fiorenti, who, in his
notes to the Martyrologiiini Hieronymianum^ asserts that he saw at
Lucca a manuscript which contains a list of twenty-one cemeteries.
De Rossi thinks that in this Lucca manuscript we have the original
complete prototype of the various Indexes, giving the correct number of
twenty-one cemeteries. This manuscript, however, has not been found ;
and the evidence of the three other manuscripts quoted by Rampolla
seems to indicate that the original documents on which they are based
contained the names of sixteen or seventeen cemeteries only.
V. LIST OF PASSIONS IN THE PASSIONARY OF
GREGORY (Sixth Century) ^
A = occurs in the Martyrology of Ado
P= ,, Philocalian Calendar
Jan. 14 . . . Felix [Romanus], priest (A.).
Aug. 8 . . . Sisinnius, Cyriacus (P.), (A.), Smaragdus and
Larcius (Largus) (P.).
1 Supra, p. 95 ; the collation of fifteen manuscripts of the Notitia shows that the
prototype was mutilated in the last page, — hence the omission of information on
this wall.
2 The text is given in Dufourcq, Les Gesta Martyrum romains, p. 81.
342 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
Feb. 7 .
. Juliana, Virgin [of Cumae or Nicomedia]
„ 14 .
. Valentine
May 3 .
. Alexander, hermit and pope (A.)
„ 10 .
. Januarius, priest
Domitilla Virgin, niece of Domitian
May 12 .
. Marcellus, Nereus and Archilleus (A.)
Petronilla
Sulpicius and Servilianus
May 19 .
. Praxed and Pudentiana (A.)
June 2 .
. Marcellinus and Peter (A.)
» 9 •
. Primus and Felicianus (A.)
„ 18 .
. Processus and Martinianus (A.)
July 29 .
. Pope Felix (11.) (A.)
„ 10 .
. Rufina and Secunda (A.)
Aug. II .
. Susanna (A.)
„ 14 .
. Eusebius (A)
,,23? .
. Agapitus (P.) (A.)
» 25 .
. Genesius the mime (A.)
» 29 .
. Serapia (A.)
Sept. 14 .
. Pope Cornelius (A.)
„ 22 .
. Mauritius
Oct. 14 .
. Pope Callixtus (P.) (A.)
Nov. 23 .
. Clement, pope and martyr [from Gregory of
Tours]
Nov, I .
. Caesarius (A.)
» 9 .
. Theodore [Greek]
„ 24 .
. Chrysogonus
Sept. 21 .
Donatus, bishop \ ^
. Alexander, bishop and martyr /
April 17 .
. Savinus, bishop with deacons '
Marcellus and Superantius
Jan. I .
. Concordius
Feb. 4 .
. Laurence of Spoleto
■ All Umbrian
March .
. John Penarensis
Dec. 22 .
. Gregory of Spoleto
(Note these are all Roman martyrs except Juliana of Cumae [Feb. 7],
Theodore the Greek [Nov. 9], Donatus and Alexander the Tuscans, and
the last five, who are Umbrians.)
APPENDICES
VI. LIST OP SEVENTY-SEVEN MARTYRS
FIRST THREE CENTURIES
WHOSE PASSIONS ARE REFERRED TO
IN ADO'S MARTYROLOGY (NINTH CENTURY) ^
P=: found in Philocalian Calendar.
G=found in Passionary of Gregory.
343
OF THE
Period of Martyrdom.
Names of Martyrs.
Reference in ^.55.
or elsewhere.
p
Decius
Abdon and Sennen
(P)
See Laurence
Diocletian
Abundius
Sept. i6
G
Domitian
Achilleus
See Nereus
Diocletian
Adauctus
See Felix
PG
Decius
Agapitus (P., G.)
See Laurence
P
Diocletian
Agnes (P.)
Jan. 21
G
Trajan
Alexander pope (G.)
May 3
Diocletian
Alexander Romanus
May 13
))
Anastasia
Mombritius, i. 200
(ed. 1 9 10)
Decius
Anatolia and Vic-
toria
July 9
Diocletian
Anthimius
May II
Julian
ApoUonia
Feb. 9
Diocletian
Apuleius
See Marcellus
))
Auceia
See Luceia
,
Aurelian
Aurea
Aug. 24
Decius
Aurelianus
May 22
Trajan
Balbina
See Hermes
Aurelian
Basilis
June 12
Diocletian
Beatrix (Viatrix)
See Simplicius
Julian
Bib(b)iana
Bibl. Casin.,\\\.,^.
Tr»T
Diocletian
Boniface
191
May 14
Sep. Severus
Bonosa
July 15
G
Domitian
Caesarius (G.)
Nov. I
Al. Severus
Calepodius
May 10
PG
Sep. „
Callixtus (P., G.)
Oct. 14
P
Decius
Calocerus and Par-
thenius (P.)
May 19
Al. Severus (?)
Cecilia
Nov. 23, Mombrit-
ius, i. 332
Aurelian
Chrysanthus and
Aug. 25
Darias
1 For this list with nearly all the details I am indebted to Dufourcq, Les Gesta
Martyrum remains. I have arranged it alphabetically for purposes of reference.
The text of Ado is in P.L. 123, and in Rosweyde, M artyrologivm Romanum . . .
Antwerp, 1613. For references see Bibliography— Acts of Martyrs, and Ab-
breviations (p. 319). The story of most of these martyrs, according to the tradi-
tion pf the sixth century, is found in English in Baring-Gould, Lives of the Saints^
344 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
List of Seventy-three Martyrs — continued.
Period of Martyrdom.
Names of Martyrs.
Reference in A.SS.
or elsewhere.
G
Trajan
Clement, pope (G.)
Mombritius, i. p.
G
Decius
Cornelius, pope (G.)
341
Schelestratus,.<4«-
tiq.Eccles.;\.\%Z
Diocletian
(Quattuor) Coron-
Sitzungsberichte^
atorum
Berlin, xlvii., 1 292
P
5>
Crescenti(an)us
(P.)
Sept. 14
G P
Decius
Cyriaca
Aug. 21, Anal.
Boll., ii. 247
Diocletian
Cyriacus (P., G.)
Anal. Boll., ii. 247
Aurelian
Darias
See Chrysanthus
Decius
Digna and Merita
Sept. 22
Trajan
Eleutherius
Shi die Testi, 1901,
6
P.Z., 21, 1105
Marcus Aurelius
Eugenia
G
Julian
Eusebius (G.)
Aug. 14
Marcus Aurelius
Eusebius and Pon-
tianus
Aug. 25
»
Eustathius
Anal. Boll.^ iii. 65,
172
P
Decius
Felicissimus (P.)
See Laurence
P
Marcus Aurelius
Felicitas
Kiinstle, Hagio-
graphische Stu-
dien, Paderborn,
1894
Diocletian
Felix and Adauctus
Aug. 30
G
)>
Felix Romanus (G.)
Jan. 14
G
Julian
Felix II., pope (G.)
Anal. Boll., ii. 322
G
Diocletian
Felicianus
See Primus
))
Flora
See Lucilla
»
Geminianus
See Lucia
G
5>
Genesius (G.)
Aug. 25
Trajan
Getulius
June 10
Julian
Gordianus
May 10
Decius
(Sanctorum) Graec-
orum
R.S., iii. 201
Trajan
Hermes (P.) and
Balbina
March 31 [May 3]
P
Domitian
Hyacinthus (Jacin-
thus) (P.)
July 26 (Sept. 1 1 ?)
Julian
John and Paul
June 25 and 26
Decius
Justinus
Sept. 17 (April 13?)
P
J)
Laurence, with Ab-
don, Sennen,
Sixtusli.jAgapi-
tus, Felicissimus
(P.)
Surius, iv. 607
APPENDICES
List of Seventy-three Martyrs — continued.
345
Period of Martyrdom.
Names of Martyrs.
Reference in A.SS.
or elsewhere.
Diocletian
Leopardus
Sept. 30
55
Lucia and Gemini-
Bibl. Cass., iii., fl.
anus
270
55
LuceiaandAuceia
June 25
Marcus Aurelius
Lucilla and Flora
July 29
G
Diocletian
Marcellinus and
Peter (G.)
June 2
G
)>
Marcellus, pope
Jan. 16
G
)j
Marcellus and
Apuleius
Oct. 7
Julian
Marinus
Cat.Brux.^ ii. 184
Aurelian
Marius and Martha
Jan. 19
Severus
Martina or Tatiana
Jan. I
Decius
Merita
See Digna
Trajan
Montanus
July 17
G
Domitian
Nereus and Achil-
leus (G.)
May 12
55
Nicomedes
Mombritius, ii.
Diocletian
Pancras
Anal. Boll, x. 52
Decius
Parthenius (P.)
See Calocerus
P
Trajan
Pastor
July 26
Julian
Paul
See John
Diocletian
Peter (G.)
See Marcellinus
G
Nero
Peter and Paul (P.)
Acta A post. Apoc.
P
Marcus Aurelius
Pontianus
See Eusebius
P
Decius
Pontius
Baluze, Miscel-
lanea, i. 29, 75
Trajan
Potentiana and
May 19
G
Praxed (G.)
Diocletian
Primus and Felici-
June 9
G
anus (G.)
Nero
Prisca
Jan. 18
G
5}
Processus and
Martinanus (G.)
July 2
Aurelian
Restituta
Bibl. Cass., iii., fl.
Diocletian
Restitutus
12
May 29
G
Decius
Rufina and Secun-
da (G.)
July 10
Diocletian
Rufus
Anal. Boll., viii.
168
P
))
Sebastian (P.)
Jan. 20
Decius
Secunda
See Rufina
P
55
Sennen (P.)
See Laurence
G
Trajan
Serapia (G.) and
Sabina
Aug. 29
346 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
List of Seventy-three y\.z.xiyxs— continued.
Period of Martyrdom.
Names of Martyrs.
Reference in A.SS.
or elsewhere.
Diocletian
Simplicius and
Beatrix (Viatrix)
July 29
p
Decius
Sixtusii.,pope(P.)
See Laurence
Trajan
Sophia
Bibl. Casin.^ iii.
276
Decius
Stephen, pope
Aug. 2
G
Diocletian
Susanna (G.)
Aug. II
Trajan
Symphorosa
July 18
Severus
Urban
May 25
Decius
Victoria
See Anatolia
1
VII. LIST OF MARTYRS WHOSE PASSIONS ARE
REFERRED TO IN THE CHAPTERS ON THE ACTS
OF THE MARTYRS 1
A.SS. — Acfa Sanctorum of the Bollandists
A.S. — Ada Sincera of Ruinart
Name.
Day.
Reference.
Caesarius
Nov. 4 [Nov. i]
A.SS.
Euphemia
Sept. 16
A.S.
Maximus
May 14
A.S.
Neon in Acta S. Speusippi
Jan. 17
A.SS.
Eustratius
Dec. 12
Surius
Genesius of Aries
Aug. 25
A.S.
Cassian in Passio Marcelli
Oct. 30 [Dec. 3]
A.S.
Cyprian
Sept. 14
Cypriani Epis-
tolae ed. Hartel,
III.
Felix Romanus
Jan. 14
A.S.
Victor Maurus
May 8
A.SS.
Vincent of Saragossa
Jan. 22
A.S.
Saturninus
Feb. II
A.S.
1 These are arranged approximately in the order in which they are mentioned :
for the page, see Index ; for the full titles of the references, see Bibliography—
Acts of Martyrs, and Abbeviations (p. 319). It is sometimes impossible to be
s\ire of the correct day of the anniversary.
APPENDICES
List of Msivtyrs— continued.
347
Name.
Day.
Reference.
Euplus
Aug. 12
A.S.
Pionius
Mar. 12
A.S.
Symphorianus
Aug. 22
A.S.
Martyrs of Lyons
Eusebius, //t'st.
Eccles.
Flavia Domitilla
May 12
A.SS.
Clement the Consul
Acilius Glabrio
Epictetus and Astion
Rosweyde, Vitae
Patrum and
P'L. 73, 593
Lucianus
Jan. 7
A.S.
Irenaeus of Sirmium
Mar. 25
A.S.
Phileas of Alexandria
Feb. 4
A.SS.
Scillitan Martyrs
July 17
Anal. Boll., 1889,
1897
Maxima, Donatella and
July 30
Anal. Boll., 1889
Secunda
Typasius
Jan. II
Anal. Boll., 1890
Maximilian
Mar. 12
A.S.
Justin Martyr (Sep. 17)
Apr. 13
Studi e Testi,
1902
Fructuosus
Jan. 21
A.S.
Ignatius
Feb. I
Lightfoot, op. cit.,
Bibliography
Polycarp
Apr. 25
» ),
Martyrs of Vienne and Lyons
June 2
Eusebius, Hist.
(Blandina, Pothinus, &c.)
Eccles.
Martyrs of Alexandria
M ),
Procopius
Nov. 22 [July 8]
A.SS. Propy-
laeum, and A nal.
Boll, 1897
Perpetua and Felicitas
Mar. 6
Texts and Studies,
1891
Jacobus and Marianus
Apr. 12
Studi e Testi,
1900
(Carpus Papylus & Agathonice
Apr. 13
Revue Arch^o-
logique, 188 1
Apollonius
Apr. 8
Anal. Boll, 1895
Crispina
Dec. 5
Studi e Testi, 1902
Montanus and Lucius (and
Feb. 24
Anal Boll., 1899
Flavian)
Acacius
Mar. 31
A.S.
Agape, Irene and Chione
Apr. 3
St dieTesti,i^02
Felix, Bp. of Tibiuca
Aug. 30
Anal. Boll., 1897
and 1903
Phileas and Philoromus
Feb. 4
Anal. Boll., 1897
Thecla
A.S.
348 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
List of Martyrs — continued.
Name.
Day.
Reference.
Symphorosa and Seven Sons
July 17
A.SS.
Hippolytus
Aug. 13
A.S.
Sixtus II.
Aug. 6
A.SS.
Laurence
Aug. 10
A.S. and Surius,
IV. 607
Agnes
Jan. 21
A.S.
Sebastian
Jan. 20
A.SS.
Agatha
July 25 [Feb. 5]
5)
Ciricus and Julitta
June 16
Anal. Boll., 1882
George
Apr. 23
A.SS.
Eleutherius
Apr. 13
Studie Testiy\()oi
Felix and Adauctus
Aug. 30
A.SS.
Digna and Merita
Sep. 22
jj
Leo and Paregorius
June 30
A.S.
Marciana
Jan. 9
A.SS.
Nereus and Achilleus
May 12
>j
Cornelius, pope
Sep. 14
Schelstratus,
Antiq.Eccles.,\.
188
Eugenia
Dec. 25
Conybeare,
Monuments of
Early Christi-
anity; and in
P.L. 21
Peter and Paul
June 29
Acta Apost. Apoc.
(Lipsius)
Andrew
Nov. 30
Thomas
Dec. 21
)) })
Cyriacus
[Aug. 8; see
Anal. Boll., 1883,
ASS., Jan. 16]
247
Anastasia
Dec. 25
A.SS.
Julian and Basilla
Jan. 9
5>
Cosmas and Damian
Sep. 27
})
Clement, pope
Nov. 23
/'.a,ii.6i7; Mom-
britius, i. 341 ;
Funk, P.P.
Apost., 180
Chrysanthus and Darias
Oct. 25
A.SS.
S. Pancras
May 4
Anal. Boll., 1891,
S. Cecilia
Nov. 23
52
Mombritius, i. 332
Urban in Passio S. Ceciliae
Nov. 23
Surius, Nov. 22
Callixtus, pope
Oct. 14
A.SS.
Stephen, pope
Aug. 2
»
Alexander, pope
May 3
))
Gains [July i], pope, in Passio
Aug. 1 1
)j
Susannae
Susanna
Aug. II
Surius, iv. 597
APPENDICES
List of Martyrs — continued.
349
Name.
Day.
Reference.
Marcellus, pope
Jan. i6
A,SS,
Eusebius, pope
Sep. 26
»
Greek Martyrs
R.S.^ ni. 202
Sebastian
Jan. 20
ASS.
John and Paul
June 25 and 26
ti
Pontianus, pope
Aug. 13
»
Processus and Martinianus
July 2
»
Nereus and Achilleus
May 12
))
Sixtus II., pope
Aug. 6
A.SS. and Surius,
iv. 607
INDEX
References to subjects treated fully and indexed in the chapter headings are
made as follows, e.g. Acta Martyrum, 127 (ch. hd.) seqq., 134 (ch. hd.) seqq.
Brackets indicate a sub-heading, e.g. Popes, burial-places of , . . (mentioned
in L.P.) 69 ; (in M.H.) 200.
The names of documents are in italics.
The names of martyrs from the Martyrologies cannot always be identified.
The words Acta, Fassiones, Gesta, Vitae are practically equivalent in the
ndex. The word basilica may indicate anything, from S. Peter's on the Vatican
to a tiny memorial chapel in the Catacombs. The word Cemetery {Coemiterium)
is used consistently, and is equivalent to Catacomb.
Ap..
A.SS,
B. .
Bas.
Cem.
Coem.
Ch..
E. .
K. .
L.P,
M. .
M.H.
P. .
Phil. Cal
S. .
V. .
ABBREVIATIONS
apostle.
Acta Sanctorum.
bishop.
basilica.
cemetery.
coemiterium.
church, oratory, basilica,
emperor.
king.
Liber Pontijicalis .
counted as martyr in the documents.
Martyrology of Jerome.
pope.
Philocalian Calendar.
shrine of, a general term for cemetery or church
of martyrs,
virgin.
Abbreviations of names of books, 319
Abdon and Sennen MM. of Persia, 343,
345; S. 99, 116, 338, 339, 345
Abundius M., 343
Acacius B.M. of Antioch, Acts of, 147,
173
, , patriarch of Constantinople, ex-
communicated, 65
Academy, French, 131
Acca B., England, 38
Achaia, 214
Achelis, H. , on Martyrology of Jerome,
228
Achilles B. of Spoleto, 43, 44, 271
n. I
Achilleus MM., Nereus and ; see Nereus
Acontius M., 338, 339
Acta ( = transactions), made at domi-
ciliary visits, 138, 139
„ Martyrum^ 65, 68, 73, 127 (ch.
hd.) seqq., 134 (ch. hd.) seqq.,
I46.(ch.hd.)seqq., 161 (ch.hd.)
seqq., 178 (ch. hd.)seqq., 3CX) ;
see Gesta Martyrum
,, Proconsularia, 134 (ch. hd.) seqq.,
146 (ch. hd.) seqq., 197
,, Publica^ 136
351
352 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
Ada Sanctorum of the Bollandists, 35,
128 seqq., 187, 196, 197; passages
discussed, 343 seqq.
Acts, see Acta ; of popes, see Liler
PontificaliSy Gesta
Adalard, Abbot of S. Peter's, Corvie,
232
Adam, 51
Adamnan, Abbot, Ireland, 119
Adauctus MM., Felix and, see Felix
and Adauctus MM.
Ado, Archbishop of Vienne, Martyr-
ology of, 183 ; comparison with Pas-
sional of Gregory^ 341 ; with Phil.
Cal. , 339 ; with Calendar of Ravenna,
132, 229 ; Roman Gesta in, 201-202,
206, 229, 343 seqq.
Adrias (or Adrianus) M. (Greek), S.
and inscription of, 291-292, 299, 304
Adriatic, 26
Aemilianae, titulus (? or ch. of Four
Crowned Saints), 12
Aemilianus, judge of Fructuosus M.,
157 seqq.
Aemilius, Consul (of 259), 157
Africa, Acta Martyrum read liturgically
in, 181 ; Calendars of, 211 n. 3, 219 ;
Calendar of fourth cent, (basis of
M.H.), 205, 207, 216, 218-220;
Martyrology of Carthageoisixih. cent. ,
219; Councilat Hippo (of 393), 179;
inscriptions in churches of, 231, 238,
284-285, 310-31 1 ; invaders from, 7 ;
martyrs of, 52, 135, 138, 147 seqq.,
156, 215, 338, 339; see Alexandria,
Carthage, Cirta, Scilli ; pilgrims
from, 18, 36 ; popes and bishops from,
54, 66 ; revenues to Roman churches
from, 88, 90
Agape (love feast), 80
Agape, Irene and Chione MM. of
Thessalonica, 138; Acts of, 173
Agapetus P., 56; epitaph and inscrip-
tions, 261 n. 3, 289
Agapitus and Felicissimus MM., 72,
261, 342, 343, 344; cf. 291 ; S. and
ch. of, 15, 53, 72, 298, 299, 338, 339;
(excavations at), 304
Agatha M., 181 ; Coem. Lucinae ad S.
Agatham ad Girulum, Via Amelia, 99,
105, 125 ; (ch. of), 15 ; ch. of S. Agatha
dei Goti, in Suburra, 13, 122; monas-
tery of, 121
Agatho P., epitaph of, 252, 262
Agathonice M., see Carpus, Papylus
and
Agellius M., 215
Ager Veranus, on Via Tiburtina, 72,
244, 249, 253, 314
Agiulphus, deacon of Gregory of Tours,
31, 33
Agnes M., 181, 227, 343; cem. of
(also called Emerentiae, Ostrianum,
Majus, ad Nymphas, or Fontis S.
Petri), 98, 100, 105, III, 124;
(basilica of, in cem.), 15, 85, loi,
113, 115 ; (inscriptions in), 246, 249,
261, 264, 265, 288
Alaric the Goth, 6, 18, 42, 86, 88
Alban M. of England, 217
Alcala, Justus M. of, 41
Alcuin and the Syllogae, 1 12, 231 seqq.,
250
Aldhelm B. of Sherbourne, 231
Alessio, S. on the Aventine (old S.
Boniface), 14
Alexander, P.M. [May 3], 49, 53 ; de-
crees of, 79, 80 ; martyr-
dom of, 68 ; Passion of,
200
,, M. [July 10], son of Felici-
tas, of Via Salaria, 338,
339 ; Coem. Jordanorum
ad S. Alexandrum, 98,
106, 107, no, 118, 246
,, M. of Via Nomentana, 68,
200 n. 5
,, Romanus M. [May 13], 343
,, B.M. of Tuscany, 342
,, (Severus) E., 72, 203, 204
,, II., Czar, 251
Alexandria, 179, 201 ; Calendar of, 219;
Clement of, 193 ; Cyril of, 44 ; I>io-
nysius B. of, 162 ; see Eulogius B.
of; martyrs of, 145, 162, 173; church
revenues for S. Peter's from, 90
Alfred K. of England, educated in
Rome, 24
Alfrid K. of Northumbria, 119
Allard, P. on A,SS.^ 130
INDEX
353
Alps, 33
Alta Semita, region called, 12
Altar, martyrs' tombs form, 28, 47
Altinum, Heliodorus B. of, 212, 217
Alypius, B. of Thagaste, Augustine's
letter to, 27
Amalasuenta, Queen, 57
Amantius B. of Como, 29
Amasia in Pontus, shrine of Euphemia
M. at, 134
Amator B. of Auxerre, 210
Ambrose B. of Milan, friend of Emp.
Theodosius, 3 ; and anniversaries of
martyrs, 28 ; references to martyrs,
181 ; in M,H., 217 ; friend of Chro-
matius, 212 ; inscriptions by, 236
Ammendola, Vigna, 301
Amphitheatrum Castrense, 121, 123
Anachronisms in the Gesta^ 186, 188 ;
in the Z./*., 59, 75 seqq.
Anacletus (or Cletus) P.M., name and
order of succession, 49, 53, 54 ;
decrees of, 10 ; builds memorial
chapel (memoria) to Peter, 8, 9, 84,
89, 278
Analecta Bollandiana, 129; cf. 344
seqq.
Anastasia M., of Persia, 195, 215, 343 ;
titulus of, II, 12, 13; (inscriptions
for), 241 ; translation of relics, 113,
"5
Anastasiusi. P., 37
„ II. P., life of in L.P., 54,
56, 58, 60, 61, 64 ;
decrees of, 75 ; epitaph
of, 243, 257
,, M., ch. of, 124
,, patriarch of Antioch, 32
,, Bibliothecarius, reputed
author oi L.P., 62
Anatolia and Victoria MM., 343
Andrew Ap. M., in M.H., 214;
Passion of, 194; ch. of on Vatican,
263 ; (inscriptions for), 231, 257
258, 287 ; ch. of S. Andrew Cata-
barbara on the Esquiline, 5, 14
Angels, worship of, 45
Angilbert, English abbot of S. Rich-
arius, Centula, author of Sylloge
Centuhnsis^ 232 ; and of inscription
23
to Caidocus, 250 ; removes library
to Reichenau, 233 n, i
Anglo-Saxon, see English ; — Chronicle^
37 ; — Kings, 22 n. i
Anicetus P.M., order of succession, 49,
S3 5 ^ Syrian, 66 ; martyrdom of,
67 n. 4
Anicius, 23
Anii, 23
Anniversaries (natales), of apostles, see
Peter, Peter and Paul ; of bishops
and popes, see Depositio Episco-
portim ; of martyrs, see Depositio
Martyrum \ see Martyrs, Acta
Martyrum ; of Mithras, 51 ; of
ordinations of popes, 74, 224, 226 ;
see Calendars, Martyrologies
Ansa, Lombard queen, hospice of on
Mt. Garganus, 26
Anteros P.M., martyrdom of, 68;
decrees of, 76, 182 ; in M.H., 220;
tomb and epitaph, 292, 299, 302
Anthemas, patriarch, deposed for heresy,
5«
Anthimius M., 343
Anthologia Carminuvi, 234
,, hidoriana, 234
,, Latina, 240
,, Salmasiana, 233
Anthologies, inscriptions in, 233
Antioch, Anastasius, patriarch of, 32 ;
Calendar of, 219 ; church revenues
from for S. Peter's, 90 ; Fabius B.
of, 162 ; Ignatius B.M. of, q.v.
— in Pisidia, see Acacius B.M.
Antoninus, E., 64
Antonius M,, companion of Marcellus
P.M., 73
Antwerp, Rosweyde of and A.SS., 129
Anulinus, judge, 109, 137
Apocalypse, known to writers of Acta
Marty rtini, 166
Apocryphal Gesta of fifth century, 73,
138, 178-204 ; rejection by Church,
67, 76, 181 seqq., 192 seqq. ; sources
of L.P., 74, 81, seqq. ; see Acta
Martyrum, Gesta Martyrum
Apollinaris, Sidonius, B. of Clermont-
Ferrand, 36, 236
Apollo, 95 ; temple of, 70, 89
354 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
Apollonia M., 343
Apollonius M., Acts of^ 147, 169
Apostasy, 140, 142, 177 ; cf. 73
Apostles (sc. Twelve), 49; in M.H.,
211,212, 214; founders
of churches, 49 ; Canons
of, 55, 74, 75
,, (sc. SS. James and Philip),
ch. of, see James and
Philip, ch. of
,, (sc. SS. Peter and Paul),
see Peter, Paul, Peter
and Paul ; Catacumbas,
basilica of, Ad ; ch. of
(titulus Apostolorum, or t.
Eudoxiae, called Ad Vin-
cula Petri), see Peter, ch.
of. Ad Vincula ; Tropaea
Apostolorum, 9 ; see
Peter, Memoria of
Appia, Via, 2, 15, 67, 69, 70, 72, 73,
99, 104, 105, 106, 115, 116, 125,
215, 220, 221, 222, 263, 304, 305 ;
excavations on, and collation of
monument and document, 297 (ch.
hd.) — 306; inscriptions of, 240, 250,
252, 256 ; collated lists of shrines on,
from the Itineraries, 298, 299
Apronianus, Coem. Aproniani ad S.
Eugeniam, 99, 102, 215, 340
Apuleius M., 343
Aqua Salvia, 124
Aqueducts, 2 ; Aqua Claudia (or Julia,
Marcia, Tepula), 121, 123 ; Forma
Virginis, 120 ; Lateranensis, 121, 123 ;
De Aquaductibus of Frontinus, 340
Aquileia, Chromatius B. of, 212 ;
martyrs of in M.H., 215, 217;
Riparius of, 45
Aquilinus M. of Scilli, 153
Aquitaine, Desiderius B. of, 45
Aravatius (or Servatius) B. of Tongres,
36
Archangels, worship of, 45
Archives, judicial {archivium pro-
consulis), 134, 136 ; of Church, 74,
75, 91, 213, 216 ; see Laurence in
Damaso, ch. of
Arculf, B. (of France), 119
Ardeatina, Via, 2, 15, 99, 107, 116,
125, 264, 306 ; excavations on, and
collation of document and monument,
307-309 ; inscriptions of, 244, 250,
256
Argiletum, 121
Arians, 13 n. 8, 82, 194
Ariminum (Rimini), inscriptions of,
233
Ariston M., 339
Aritus M. of Aquileia, 215
Aries, Council of, 140 ; Hilary B. of,
36 ; Honoratus B. of, 215 ; Sapau-
dius B. of, 30 ; Genesius M. of,
Acts of, 135
Armenia, revenues from for S. Peter's,
90 ; Armenian version of Acts of
Eugenia, 193
Armitage Robinson on Acts of Perpetua,
165
Arverni (Auvergne), district of, 209
Asceticism, praise of in Gesta, 194,
195; (fasting), 26, 64, 74, 75, 77,
seqq., 162; (virginity), 18, 118,
292, 313, 315
Ashburnham, Lord, library of, 340
Asia, 162 ; — Minor, 219 ; see Greek
Menology of
Associations, illegal, 138, 142
Asterius B. of Amasia, 134, 187
,, priest of Rome, 203
Astion M., 144
Athanagines M. of Nicomedia, Acts of,
194
Atheism, charge of, 306
Auceia M., 343
Audeinus M., 215
Augurius M., companion of Fructuosus,
157, 158, 216
Augustalis, reader, 158
Augustine, Archbishop of Canterbury,
207
,, B. of Hippo, correspond-
ence with Paulinus of
Nola, 36; inscriptions by,
236 ; martyrs, references
to, 20, 22, 41 {De Cura
pro mortuis gerenda), 42,
80, 151, 157, 165, 181 ;
on paganism of Christians,
4, 26 n. 2, 27 seq. ; on
INDEX
355
papa succession, 54 5 on
traditores, 138 seqq. ;
De origine animae, 167;
De Trinitate, 202 ; see
Monica
Augustus E., 2
Aunarius (or Aunacharius) B. of
Auxerre, 209, 212
Aurelia, Via, 2, 15, 52, 53, 99, 105, 113,
115, 116, 117,125,203,221, 222, 337
Aurelian E., 341 ; Wall of, 2, 94, 117,
118, 121,301, 341
Aurelianus M., 343
Aurelii, 309
Aurelius Repentinus, poet, 40
Auspicius, servant of Domitilla, 307
Autun (Augustodunum), 60, 208-209 ;
see Gallic
Auvergne (Arverni), 209, 236
Auxerre (Autussiodorum), see Ger-
manus B. of; place of origin of
M.H. ; 204 (ch. hd.), 208-211, 228 ;
see Gallic
Aventine, 5j I4> 9^
Aventinus, region called, 13
Avitus B. of Vienne, 30
,, B. of Arverni (Auvergne), 209,
210
B
Babylon, martyrs of, 219
Baiae, martyrs of in M.H., 217
Balbina M., 343 ; Coem. Balbinae ad
Marcum et Marcellianum, 52, 99,
125, 337 ; (titulus Balbinae), 13 ; ch.
of on Aventine, 5
Bangor, Martyrology of Bede used at,
229
Baptism, of Cadwalla, 239 ; of Con-
stantine, 81 ; of converts, 10, 76; of
Dinocrates, 167 ; dogma concerning,
see Baptisteries, inscriptions for ; of
martyrs, 136, 145, 169 ; Mithraic, 3 ;
by Thecla, 194 ; in Westminster
Cathedral, 284 n. 2
Baptisteries, circular, built on pagan
models, 9 ; of S. Germanus, Auxerre,
210 ; of Lateran, 225 ; inscriptions
for : of African church unknown,
284 ; of S. Anastasia, 273 n. i, 280 ;
of Lateran, 271 n. i, 280; of S.
Laurence in Damaso, 280, 283 ; of
S. Michael Archangel, 258, 259, 263,
264, 274-277 ; see infra Swnite-Istic
inscriptions ; of S. Paul, 264, 268,
273 n. I, 280; of S. Peter, Vatican,
258, 262, 273, 279, 280, 285; of
S. Priscilla, 247-248, 273-274, 284 ;
Sumite-Istic inscriptions, 244 (ch.
hd.), 247, 248, 270-277
Barbarian invasions of Rome, 6, 7, 17,
18, 36, 64, 86, 97, 187, 220, 225
Bardenhewer on Gesta Mariyrum, 196
Baronius on Gesta Marty rum, 128, 131,
173
Basileus, Coem. Basilei ad S. Marcum,
99
Basilica(s), Christian, 8, 9 ; ad Corpus,
see Laurence, basilica of ; for stations,
(at Auxerre), 212; (in Rome), 13
seq. ; pagan, 5, 8, 97
Basilis M., 343
Basilla M. [Sep. 22] of Via Salaria,
Coem, Basillae ad S. Hermen, 98,
106, 118, 215, 338, 339
Bassus, consul (of 258), 52, 72, 157
,, Anicius, consul (of 408), 236
,, Junius, consul (of 317), 5
Baths, 3, 6, 9 ; list of, 124 ; of Con-
stantine, 121, 122 ; of Diocletian,
120 ; of Timothy (or Novatus), 5,
154; of Trajan, 81
Bauso M., 106, 108
Beatrix (or Viatrix) M., 116, 117, 346
Bede, and Alcuin, 232 ; Martyrology of,
55, 183, 206, 207, 229 ; and relations
of English to Rome, 28, 37 seqq.,
83 ; quotes Liber Pontificalis, 55, 58,
61 ; and Roman inscriptions, 231,
233 ; on an Itinerary, 118
Belgium, home oi A.SS. 129
Belisarius invades Italy, 25, 57, 58, 64
Benedict i. P., epitaph of, 261, 265
,, II. P., epitaph of, 265
,, the Canon, Ordo Romanus of,
123 seqq.
Benedictine, Leclercq a, 130, 131 ;
monastery at Einsiedeln, 233 ; of
Monte Cassino, 195, 340, 341 ;
Ruinart a, 130
356 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
Beneventum, martyrs of in Af.ff., 217
Berne, Codex of, see Codex
Bethlehem, 43, 45, 52, 214
Bib(b)iana M., ch. of on Esquiline, 14,
117, 121, 122, 343
Biblias M. of Lyons, 177
Biscop Benedict of England, 38
Bishops of Rome. See Popes
Blastro M,, 106, 108
Blessing of fruits of earth, 80 ; of
houses, 80 ; of pilgrim's staff and
scrip, 37 n. 4, 93
Boethius, widow of, 282 n. 3
Bollandists, 129-130, 131, 207; see
Acta Sanctorum, Analecta Bollan-
diana
Bollandus, 129
Bonavenia on Syllogae, 245, 267, 268,
271 ; on Suniite-Istic inscriptions,
273-277
Boniface i. P., edicts of, 81 ; in M.H.,
222-226 ; inscriptions by
227, 293 ; builds ch. of S.
Felicitas, 15
,, II. P., in L.P., 60; epitaph
of, 231, 261, cf. 238
,, III., and IV., and v., PP.,
epitaphs of, 261, 265
,, M. of Via Salaria, S. of, 106,
108, 115, 118
M. [May 14], 343
,, , ch. of (S. Alessio on
Aventine), 14
,, B., England, 231, 238
Bonosa M., 343
Bordeaux, Delphinius B. of, 37 ; Paul-
inus of, 36
Bosio, excavations in catacombs by,
I7n. 3, 307
Bosredon, excavations in Africa by,
310
Brandea (cloths) laid on apostles' tombs,
29, 31, 32, 33
Brest, Julianus M. of, 210
Breviaria, of Martyrologies, 206 ; of
the Notitia, 95
Britain, 43, 119; relations to Rome,
18, 30 ; (Lucius), 83 ; see English
British Isles, manuscripts of Martyr-
ologies in, 206 ; see England
Brutii, 23
Burgundy, place of origin of M.H.^
226; Cononian Abridgrtient of L.P.
in monastery of, 60
Burial, 97 ; ad Sanctos, 41 ; confra-
ternity, 10 ; of martyrs, ^qq Depositio
Martyrum ; of popes, see Popes ;
revels at burials, 26 seqq.
Busaeus, first prints L. P., 62
Byzanti (or Pammachii) titulus (ch. of
SS. John and Paul), 12, 13
Bysantine restoration in Italy, 57-59 ;
frescoes, 122, 303
CadwallaK., in Rome, 23, 239 ; epitaph
of, 231, 250
Caeciliae, titulus (S. Cecilia in Traste-
vere), 13 ; see Cecilia
Caecilii, tombs of, in S. Callixtus, 305,
306
Caelimontium, region of, 12
Caesar, slaves of household of, 154,
186 ; cf. Narcissus
Caesarea in Cappadocia, Procopius
M. of, 162, 163, 196
„ in Palestine, Procopius M.
of, 195, 196 ; Eusebius
B. of, 179, 213 ; see
Eusebius
Caesarius M., deacon, 128, 342, 343
Caidocus, Scotch priest, epitaph of, 250,
251
Calabria, 75
Calendar's), 133; of Africa, 205, 2il
n. 3, 216, 218-220 ; [oi Alexandria)^
219; (of Carthage), 218-220, cf.
205; of East, 196, 216, 219; (of
Antioch), 219 ; (of Asia Minor or
Greek Menology), 179, 205, 218, 219 ;
{Ferial of Eusebius), 213 ; Calendar
of Miltiades ; see infra Roman ;
Oriental, see of East; Pagan, 51,
133 ; Roman Calendar (or of Milti-
ades, of 312), 52, 114, 180,183,216,
218, 220 seqq., 224 seqq. ; see
Philocalian Calendar ; of Ravenna,
132 ; of saints in S. Silvester,
296
Calepodius M. priest, 203, 343 ; Coem.
INDEX
357
Calepodii ad S. Callixtiim (or ad S.
Pancratium), 203, 221, 222, 223, 302,
339
Callixtus P. M. , public works of, 84 ;
martyrdom of, 51, 67 ; in Calendars,
201, 339, 342, 343 ; Passion of, 200,
203, 204 ; shrine of in Calepodius,
see Calepodius ; ch. of in Trastevere,
203 ; Coem. Callixti ad S. Sixtum,
40, 51, 52, 53, 70, 72, 1Z, 99, 125,
215, 221, 222, 298, 299, 337, 338,
339, cf. 105 ; (inscriptions and graffiti
of), 40, 291, 292, 302; see Cecilia,
Damasus (inscriptions), Excavations,
Frescoes, Popes (tombs in)
Calocerus, MM., Parthenius and, see
Parthenius
Calopus M., 116
Cambridge text of L.P., and Sylloge of,
see Sylloge of
Canon{s), of Apostles, 55, 74, 75 ; Book
of Canons of Apostles, 75 ; Collec-
tion of Canons of Apostles, 81 ; of
Councils, 74 ; of Scripture, 47, 182,
cf. 153 ; of Mass, see Mass
Canterbury, Cathedral of, 39 ; Noth-
elm, Arbp. of, 37 ; saints of in
Calendars, 207
Cantharus, inscription for, 286 ; see
Fountain
Capito, consul, 64
Capitoline Hill, 2, 121, 122, 203;
museum on, 94
Cappadocia, martyrs of, 155, 156
Capua, 217, 306
Cardinals, titles of, 1 1
Caritas M., 105, 109, 298, 304
Carlo Borromeo, St., 130
Carmelite order, 129
Carolingian epoch, 231, 240; see
Charlemagne
Carpophorus MM., Secundus and, see
Secundus
Carpus, Papylus and Agathonice MM.
of Pergamos, Passion of, 147, 169 ;
(Carpus), 145, 176
Carthage, 282 n. 3 ; Calendar's of, 219-
220; martyrs of, 52, 138, 141, 151,
152, 165, 171, 173
Carthusian, Surius a, 128
Cassian(-us) M. of Africa, 135
,, and Hyacinthus MM.,
epitaph of, 257
Cassino, Monte, vianuscripts and
Passionary of Benedictine Monastery
of, 195, 340, 341
Cassiodorus of Vivarium, 7, 61, 75 ;
and Martyrology of Jerome, 215-217,
228
Catabarbara, St. Andrew, 5
Catabulum, in (transport service), 71
Catacombs, identical with cemeteries,
q.v.
Catacumbas ad S. Sebastianum, Coem.
Ad (shrine of SS. Peter and Paul),
52, 69, 85, 99, 106, 125, 188, 263,
298, 299, 305, 337 ; basilica of,
15, 307 seq. ; (inscriptions of), 241,
256 ; monastery of, 85
Catalogue of Popes, Roman (fifth cent.),
54, 56 ; see Popes
Catana, martyrs of, 138, 217
Cecilia M., 227, 305, 343 ; titular
ch. of in Trastevere, 8, 13, 120, 121,
316; (inscriptions of), 242, 253,
296 : crypt of, in S. Callixtus, 40,
105, 109, 298, 315-317; oratory of
55. Sixtus and, in S. Callixtus, 302,
304; statue of, by Maderno, 317;
tradition of, illustrated by excavation,
315-317 ; Passion of 69, 194, 200,
202, 316
Celestinus P., 114, 282; gifts to
church, Zd ; epitaph,
237, 247, 272 n. 2
M., 118
Cemeteries (or Catacombs), 2, ii, 94 n.
I, loi n. I, 102, 195, 227, 297, 306 ;
Index Coemiteriorum XVI. ^ 96
seqq., 124 n. 2, 298, 300, 306, 340;
Index Coem. in Mirabilia tirbis
Roviae, 124 seqq. ; monuments of,
see Churches, suburban ; organiza-
tion of, 10, 76, 77 ; see Damasus,
Excavations, Frescoes, Pilgrimages,
Translation of bodies
Centula (S. Riquier), 232 ; monastery
of, 234 ; see Sylloge of
Centumcellae (Civita Vecchia), 69, 70
Ceres, temple of, 95
358 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
Chains of Peter and Paul, 28, 29 ;
see Peter, ch, of ad Vincula
Chair of Peter (sedes ubi prius sedit
Petrus or Cathedra Petri), see
Peter, Chair of
Chalcedon, Council of, 59
Charita M., 154
Charitas, see Caritas
Chariton M., 154
Charlemagne, 23, 25, 120, 183, 231,
232 ; see Carolingian epoch
Charles the Bold, 229
Charta CormUiana^ 92
Charters of foundations of churches ^ 38,
39,91
Chartres, library of, 129
Chigiana, Biblioteca and Index ^ 98 n. i,
340
Childebert K., 30, 32
Chione M. See Agape, Irene and
Chione
Christ, 3, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 52, 65,
145. 153, 154, 164, 173, 175, 181,
190, 211, 213, 239, 281, 282, 285;
confession of faith in, 154, 190, 239,
247, 272 n. 2 ; names of, 23, 28,
46, 145, 166, 177, 214, 281, 282,
285 ; Passion and Redemption of,
28, 190, 211, 212; (inscription),
284 ; see Cross ; Resurrection of,
211, 290; see Christmas, Easter,
Eucharist, Incarnation
Christmas, 52 (and n. 4), 53, 64, 79,
211, 337
Chrodobertus B. of Tours, 248
Chromatius and Heliodorus BB,,
letters ofSxi M.H., 212 seqq.
Chronica Francica, 61
Chronicle, Anglo-Saxony 37 ; of
Eadmer, 39 ; of Hippolytus, 50 seqq.
Chrysanthus and Darias MM., 33,
343 ; S. and inscription of, 105,
107, no, 118, 242, 246 ; Passion of,
194, 200
Chrysogonus M., 342 ; titulus Chryso-
goni, in Trastevere, 13, 120
Church, 4, 71 n. 2, 159, 175, 239, 267 ;
archives of, 74, 75, 152, 153, 213,
216; books of, 92, 162, 163;
(authenticity of 6'^j/a), 192 seqq., 181
seqq. ; (Canon of Scripture), 47'
182 ; (destruction of), 138 seqq.,
142, 145, 151, 153, 179; doctrin
of, 167, 194, see Christ, confession
of faith in ; in East, 25, 64, 188
n. 3 ; see Antioch, Constantinople,
Palestine ; organization of, 9, 10,
43 > Hi 181, see Popes ; revenues of,
84-92 ; (from East), 88, 90 ; see
Calendars, Councils, Heretics,
Liturgy, Pagans, Peace of Church,
Persecutions
Churches, dedications of in Calendars^
206 ; foundations by Apostles, 49 ;
parish churches (tituli), 10 ; list of,
12, 13 ; stational churches, list of,
13, 14 ; in Rome in sixth century,
87, 97 > suburban churches, 87 ;
(list of), 15 ; for inscriptions see
Syllogae and under names of churches,
and martyrs, and popes
Cicero, manuscript of, 253
Cillo, 5
Circus Flaminius, region of, 12 ; —
Maximus, region of, 12
Circumpadana et Subalpina, Sylloge,
see Sylloge Laureshamensis
Ciricus (Cyriacus) and Julitta (June 16)
MM., Passion of, 182
Cirta, 138; martyrs of, 168
Cittinus M. of Scilli, 152, 153
Claudian, consul, 152
Claudius, Clement and Sempronianus
MM., 339
Clement P.M., 49, 53, 54, 74, 342,
344 ; decrees and writings
of, 75, 76, 136 n. 5, 182,
193 ; martyrdom of, 67 ;
Passion of, 62,, 200
VII. P., 317
,, M., consul, 142, 227, 306
,, M. of Chersonnesus, 200 n. 3
,, of Alexandria, 193
Clermont (-Ferrand), (Arvernum) in
Auvergne, 209 ; Sidonius B. of, 36,
236
Cletus, P., 53, 54
Clivum Cucumeris, Coem. ad Sanctam
Columbam ad Caput S. Joannis in,
98, 102, 106, 124
INDEX
359
Cloths as relics, see Brandea
Clovis K. of Franks, 86
Codex of Berne {C. Bernensis), of
Corvie {C. Corbeiensis), of Epie?--
nach (C. Epternacensis), of M.H.,
206, 207 ; of Palatine ( C. Palatintis)
in the Vatican, 242, see Sylloge
Laureshatnensis \ of Vienna (C.
VindoboJiensis) of Passionary of
Gregory, 201
Coelian Hill, 25, 96, 113, 114, 117,
289
Coinred K., 24
Collection of Ancient Martyrdotns of
Eusebius, 179, 183, 216
Colosseum, 2, 122
Columbam S., Ad, see Clivum
Cucumeris
Commodillae, ad SS. Felicem et
Adauctum, coem,, 99, loi, 102 ;
epitaph of Felix and Adauctus, 119,
187 ; basilica of, 15
Communion, 28, see Eucharist
Como, Amantius B. of, 29
Concordius M., of Umbria, 342
Confirmation, of King Alfred, 24;
inscriptions concerning, 248, 254
(ch. hd.), 259, 270-277, 278 (ch.
hd.), 284
Conon P., 58
Cononian Abridgment of L.P., 60, 61
Constance, Lake, monasteries round,
232, 233
Constantina Empress, and the head of
S. Paul, 32 seqq.
Constantine E., 5, 9, 14, 15, 21, 95,
193, 211, 212, 236; baptism of, 81 ;
gifts to church, 84, 85, 88 seqq.,
loi, 180, 278 ; basilica of, see
Lateran ; Baths of, 121, 122; horse
of, 121
Constantinople, 5, 65, 96 ; Council
of, 59
Cordova, martyrs of, 216
Corinthians^ Clemenfs letter to, 49
Cornelia, Via, 2, 15, 99, loi, 105, 116,
117, 120, 215, 23s, 249
Cornelius P.M., in Calendars, 222,
223, 342, 343 ; martyrdom of and
Passion, 67, 69, 200, 303 ; Crypt of
(or Crypt of Lucina), 70, 105, 298,
299 ; (excavations, frescoes, and
epitaph), 292, 300 seqq. ; (chapel
of), 15
Coronatorum Quattuor, MM. (Four
Crowned Saints), 344 ; titular church
of (or t. Aemilianae), 12
Corvie, see Codex of; monastery of,
232 ; see Sylloge of Corvie
Council(s), annual papal, 74 ; of Aries,
140 ; Canons of, 74 ; of Chalcedon,
59 ; of Constantinople, 59 ; Collection
of Councils of Dionysius, 74, 75 ; of
Elvira, 315; of Ephesus, 59, 272 n.
2, 282; of Gregory i., 11 ; of
Hippo, 179; of Milan, 213, 217;
of Nicaea, 59, 81 ; oecumenical, 59,
74; Roman (of 499), ii, 87; (of
595), 77 ; of Silvester, 183
Crescentiae, titulus (? San Sisto), 12
Crescenti(an)us M., 40, 72, 73, 118,
338, 339, 344
Cross of Christ, 284 ; ch. of Holy
Cross (Sessorian Basilica, S. Croce
in Gerusalemme), 5, 14, 85, 121, 123 ;
Invention of, 83, 211, 212 ; {Acts of
Invention of, De Inventione Crncis),
182 ; relics of, 14, 29, 31 ; sign of,
174, 284, 285 ; inscriptions for the
Chapel of the Holy Cross (for a
consignatorium in Africa), 284 ; in
Baptistery of S. Peter's, 185 ; see
Confirmation, inscriptions for
Crusade, 117
Cumae, Juliana M. of, 342
Curia Senatus, 5, 122
Cnriosum Urbis Romae regiomim XI V. ,
95» 97, 341
Curubis in Africa, 148, 149
Cuthbert B. , in Martyrology, 207
Cybele, 3, 125
Cyprian B.M., 80, 140, 168, 172, 174,
176, 179, 218, 299; in Calendar,
52, 338, 339; correspondence of,
70, 137, 143, 193 ; Acts of {Acta
Cypriani), 141, 143, 147 seqq., 153,
163, 181 ; Passion of, 163 seqq. ;
Commemoration in Crypt of Cor-
nelius, 303
Cyprus, 88, 91
36o ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
Cyrenus M., companion of Maicellinus
P.M., 73
Cyriaca M. [Aug. 21], 344 ; cem. of
on Via Tiburtina, 72
Cyriaci, titulus (? ch. of in Suburra),
II, 12
Cyriacus, Largus and Smaragdus MM.
[Aug. 8], in Calendars^ 338, 339,
341, 344 ; Passion of Cyriacus, 194 ;
Coem. Cyriaci Via Ostiense, TOO, 125;
ch. of in Suburra (? titulus Cyriaci),
121, 122
Cyricus, see Ciricus
Cyril of Alexandria, 44
Cyrinus (or Quirinus) M., companion
of Agapitus M., in Prae-
textatus, 298, 299, 305
,, B.M., of Siscia in Pannonia,
in Ad Catacumbas, 106,
217, 298, 299, 306
Cyrrhus, Theodoret B. of, 25
D
Dadas M. (? of Ephesus), companion
of Maximus, 135
Dalmatia, martyrs of, in M.H.
Damasus P., Life of, 21 1-3 15, see
infra Inscriptions of; (apocryphal
letters of Jerome and, in L.P.), 55,
56; (and in M.H.), 223, 224, 226.
Public works of, loi, 180, 295; (in
Basilica Damasi of Via Ardeatina),
15, 85, 100, 256, 290, 312-313, 314,
315 ; (in S. Laurence in Damaso or
titulus Damasi), 12, 85 ; (in S. Peter,
Vatican), 262, 279-280, 283-284,
288-289. Inscriptions of, 237, 254,
265 ; (autobiographical and family),
311-315; (epitaph of himself), 256,
264, 290-291 ; (of father, Leo), 289,
311, 313-315; (of mother, Laurentia),
290, 312-313, 314, 315 ; (of sister,
Irene), 312-313; (of martyrs in
general), 50, 55, loi, 180-181, 237,
249, 295 ; (of SS. Peter and Paul,
Ad Catacumbas), 85, 188 n. 2, 305 ;
(of popes in Papal Crypt of S.
Callixtus), 41, 291-292, 301, 303 ;
(of other martyrs in the Catacombs),
187-188, 290-293, 304-305, 308
Darias MM., Chrysanthus and, see
Chrysanthus
Dativus M., 215
DeciusE., 70, 72, 141, 147
Delehaye on Gcsta Marty rum , 130,
131, 169, 185-196
Delphinius B. of Bordeaux, 37
Depositio Episcoporum and Depositio
Martyrum of Calendar of Autun
(Augustodunum), 208 seqq. ; of
Auxerre ( Autussiodorum), 208 seqq. ;
of the Philocalian Calendar ^ 51-52,
n-},, 98 n. I, 100, 114, 303, 337 seqq.,
cf. 341 seqq.
De Rossi, excavations of in catacombs,
18 ; (in Viae Appia and Ardeatina),
300-309 ; on Index Coemiteriorum,
340 ; on Itineraries y 94, 97, 100,
116 n. I ; on M.H., 206, 207, 209,
228 ; on Syllogae, 234, 240, 251, 271,
273-277, 310-31 1
Desiderius B. of Aquitaine, 45
, , K. of Lombards, 26
Deusdedit P., epitaph of, 261, 265
Diana, temple of, 125
Digna and Merita MM., 344, 345 ;
Passion of 188
Dinocrates, brother of S. Perpetua,
vision concerning, 167
Diocletian E., Baths of, 120, 124;
destruction of documents under, 138
seqq., 179; persecution of, 10, 69,
70, 73, 17> 109, 134, 141, 144, 156,
179, 180, 186, 188, 195
Diogenes M., 115
Dionysius P.M., decrees of, 76; in
Calendars, 51, 337 ; (in
M.H.), 222, 223, 226;
S. of, 298, 299; (and
epitaph), 292, 293
,, deacon, epitaph of, and
inscription by, 237
,, B. of Alexandria, 162
,, monk of Scythia, compiler
of Canons of Councils,
etc., 74, 75
Dominanda V., 118
" Domine, quo Vadis," ch. of, 124
Domitian E., 227 ; persecution of, 10,
MI
INDEX
361
Domitilla, Flavia, 142, 227, 306, 307,
309, 342 ; coem. Domitillae, Nerei
et Achillei ad S. Petronillam, 99,
102 ; (excavations in and inscrip-
tions), 307 seq.
Donata V., of Via Salaria, 118
„ M., of Scilli, 152, 153
Donatella MM., Maxima and, see
Maxima
Donatists, 54 n. i, 220 n. 2
Donatus B., of Tuscany, 342
Doxology, 153, 156, 160, 163, 171
Duas Lauros ad SS. Petrum et Mar-
cellinum, coem. Ad, 98, 124
Duchesne, an Academician, 131 ; on
inscriptions, 276 ; on L. P. , 48-92 ;
on M.H., 205-229 ; on notarii, 183
Dufourcq on Itineraries , 1 14, 116 n. i ;
on M.H., 226, 228; on Roman
Calendar, 114 n. i ; on Roman Gesia,
199-205 ; on Passionary of Gregory,
201
Dynamius, 250 n. i
E
Eadburga, Abbess of Thanet, 88
Eadmer, Chronicle of, 39
East, see Asceticism, Calendars, Mar-
iyrologies, Church, Gesta, Heretics,
i\Tonasteries
Ea-ter, 23, 64, 77, 212 ; see Christ,
Resurrection of
Ecclesiastical Annals, see Baronius
,, History, see Bede, Euse-
bius
Egypt, revenues to S. Peter's from, 90 ;
see Alexandria
Egyptian giant, Perpetua's vision of,
168
Einsiedeln, Itinerary of {Itinerarium
Einsiedlense), 109, 1 19-123, 241;
monastery of, 119; see Sylloge of
Einsiedeln
Eleutherius, P.M., 49; and conversion
of Lucius, K. of Britain,
83 ; decrees of, 78
,, M., 344 ; Passion of, 187
Elfleda, queen of England, 38
Elijah, prophet, in A.SS., 129
Elpis of Sicily, epitaph of, 239
Elvira, Council of, 315
Ely, ch. of S. Peter, 39
Emerentianae, coem. , see Agnes, cem. of
Emeritus M., 215
Emperors, Arian, 82 ; edicts of, 4 n. 3,
6, 7, 142 ; see Persecutions ; gifts to
church, 84-92 ; as pilgrims to Rome,
21 seqq. ; prayers for, 152, 281 ; wor-
ship of, 142, 158; see under names
of emperors
England, 118, 217, 229; relations to
Rome, 23 seqq., 37 seqq., 231, 232 ;
monks of, 233 n. i, 250 seq. ; see
Alcuin, Angilbert, Bede, Caidocus,
William of Malmesbury ; and under
the names of kings
Ephesus, Council of, 59, 272 n. 2, 282 ;
see Maximus, M. of
Epictetus, priest, 144
Epiphanius, Adversus Haereses of, 54
Epternach, see Codex of Epternach
Equitii or Silvestri, titulus (SS. Silves-
ter and Martin), 12 ; see Silvester
Esdras, Book of, 47
Esquiliae, region of, 12
Esquiline, 2, 5, 14, 87, 92, 96
Ethelswitha, sister of King Alfred, 24
Ethelwulf, K., 24
Ethiopia, 18
Eucharis, epitaph of in S. Priscilla, 274
n. I
Eucharist, see Martyrs, anniversaries
of; celebrated by martyrs, 138, 143,
158, 172, cf. 186 ; frescoes of in
Catacombs, 166, 301 ; Perpetua's
vision of, 166 ; milk as symbol of,
166 ; see Mass
Eudoxia, empress, 22, 122 ; titulus
Eudoxiae (or Apostolorum), 12 ; see
Peter, ch. oi ad Vincula
Euelpistus M., companion of Justin M.,
154, 156
Eugenia M., 344 ; Acts of 193 ; coem.
Aproniani ad S. Eugeniam, 99, 215,
340
Eulogius B. of Alexandria, correspond-
ence of Gregory the Great
and, 183, 201, 216 ; cf. 132
,, M., of Tarragona, companion
of Fructuosus, 157, 158, 216
362 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
Euphemia, St., ch. of, 121, 122
,, M.,ofPontus, 134, 135
Euphrates, 91
Euplus M., of Catana, 138
Eusebius P.M. [Sep. 26], Passion of,
200, 202 ; in Calendars,
222, 342, 344 ; region of in
S. Callixtus, 303 ; (tomb
and epitaph), 52, 292, 298,
299, 302, 303. 337
,, M. [Aug. 14], Rome, in S.
Callixtus, 299, 342, 344
,, andPontianusMM. [Aug. 25],
Rome, 344
„ historian, 9, 49, 50, 54, 140,
161, 162, 170, 179, 183,
195, 216, 219
Eustathius M., 344
Eustochium, daughter of Paula, friend
of Jerome, 26, 43
Eustratius, 135
Euticetus M., 215
Eutychianus P.M., in Calendars, 67 n.
4, 222, 223, 337 ; decrees of, 80 ;
tomb of, 299 ; (and epitaph) 303
Eutychius M., S. of, 106, 298 ; (and
epitaph), 306
Evaristus P.M., order of succession,
49 ; decrees of, 10, 81
Excavations in Catacombs, in Cale-
podius, 203 ; in S. Callixtus, 67,
297 (ch. hd. ), 300-304 ; (inscriptions
in), 250, 291, 292 ; (in Crypt of
Cecilia), 40, 105, 109, 298, 301, 304,
315-317 ; (in Papal Crypt), 69, 85,
99j 125, 316; (inscriptions in), 291,
292; cf. 51, 52, 72, 73; in Ad
Catacumbas, 305-306 ; in Via Latina,
193 n. 3 ; in Domitilla, 307 seqq. ;
in Praetextatus, 304 ; see Frescoes
Exeter, 39
Expansion of original documents in
Gesta, 179, 186, 1 89-191, 195
Fabianus P.M., buildings of, 84 ; decrees
of, 10, 76, 182 ; martyrdom of, 51, 52,
67, 68 ; tomb of, 221, 223, 298, 300,
337, 339 ; (and epitaph), 292, 302
Fabius B. of Antioch, 162
Fasciolae, titulus (ch. of SS. Nereus
and Achilleus), 13, 187 ; see Nereus
Fasting, see Asceticism
Fathers of Church, fresco representing,
289 ; see Augustine, Jerome, etc.
Fausta, princess, 9
Faustinus M., of Via Portuensis, trans-
lation of, 117
,, of Africa, 215
Feasts, funeral (parentalia), 28 ; (agape),
80 ; see Anniversaries, Calendars
(pagan)
Felician Abridgment of L, P., 59-61
Felicianus MM., Primus and, see
Primus
Felicissimus MM., Agapitus and, see
Agapitus
Felicitas M., of Via Salaria, and her
seven sons, in Calendars,
52, 344 ; coem. Felicitatis,
106, 108, 115, 118, 124,
198, 299, 304 ; (and epitaph),
293 ; (basilica of), 15
, , M. , of Carthage, companion of
Perpetua, 165, 168, 176,
338, 339
,, M., of Milan, 215
Felix T. P.M. [Dec, 30], in Calendars,
223, 337. 342; tomb of,
51, 292 ; (epitaph), 303
,, II. P.M. [July 29], in Calendars,
224, 334; Hfe of in L.P.,
82
,, III. P., in L.P,, 56, 66; builds
S. Agapitus, 15
,, IV. P., buildings by, 15, 86,
122 ; inscriptions by, 261,
287; inZ./'., 60
,, M., son of Felicitas, of Via
Salaria, S. of, 106, 107, 118,
338, 339; epitaph in S.
Silvester, 247
,, M., of Via Aurelia, 116
,, and Adauctus MM., of Rome
[Aug. 30], on Via Ostiensis,
344 ; for cemetery see
Commodillae
,, (and Saturninus) MM. of Car-
thage, 142
,, M. of Nola, 26
INDEX
363
Felix M. of Scilli, 153
,, B.M. ofTibiuca, Acts of, 173
, , of Tarragona, friend of Fructuosus
B.M., 159
,, Cirta, flamen, 139, 140
„ Romanus M., priest [Jan. 14],
in Calendars, 341, 344 ; Acts
of, 137 ; Vita S. Felicis
presbyteri, 187 ; Coem. ad
insalatos (sic) ad S. Felicem
Via Portuensi, 99, 125 ;
(Basilica Julii in), 15
Feridlof Etisebhis, 213 ; see Calendars,
Martyrologies
Fides M., 105, 298, 304
Filocalus, see Philocalus
Fiorentini on Index Coemiterioru}n,Ty\\
Flaminia, Via, 14, 15, 98, 100, loi,
105, 113, 114, 115, 235, 249
Flavia Domitilla, see Domitilla
Flavian M. (*' Fravianus "), 215
„ M. of Carthage, companion of
Montanus and Lucius, 172,
176
,, (-us) judge (in Passion of
Procopius), 163, 196
,, Nichomachus, 3
Flavii, 309 ; Vestibule of, in cem. of
Domitilla, 307
Flora M., 344
Florence, Biblioteca Laurenziana of,
340
Floriis of Lyons, Marty ro logy of, 183,
229
Forbidden Books, Index of, 1 30
Forgeries, 81 seqq., 183 ; of Gesta,
192 seqq.
Fortunatus B.M., 215
Forums, 2, 6 ; of Carthage, 138 ;
Forum Romanum, 5, 6, 86, 120,
121, 122; (Region of), 12; of
Smyrna, 170
Four Crowned Saints, ch. of (Aemili-
anae titulus), 12
Fountain, of St. Peter's Church Vatican,
25 ; of S. Peter (Fons S. Petri), 120,
121 ; see Agnes, cem. of ; of S.
Paul's, 286
Fourteen regions of Rome, see Notitia
regionum XIV
France, mainly manuscripts and libraries
of, 30, 60, 206, 207, 232 ; see Gaul,
and under names of cities
Franks, 25, 86 ; see Gaul
Fredegaire, 61
Frescoes and paintings, in the Roman
Catacombs in general, 133, 159 n. i,
I77j 301; in S. Callixtus, 166; (in
Crypt of Cornelius or Lucina), 301,
303 ; (of Cecilia), 301 ; in Domitilla
(Vestibule of Flavii), 307 ; (of Petro-
nella), 308 ; in Praetextatus (S.
Januarius), of seasons, 304 ; on Via
Tiburlina (S. Hippolytus), 186.
Other frescoes, (of Euphemia) 134,
(of Eleutherius) 187, (in Library of
Gregory i.) 187, (in S. Maria
Maggiore) 283
Friesland, 38
Frisians, 25, 207
Fructuosus B.M. of Tarragona, 168,
174, 216; Passion of, 147, 157 seqq.,
181
Fulgenluis B. of Ruspe, Africa, 36
Gabinius, proconsul, 135
Gaius P.M., edicts of, 77, 82 ; martyr-
dom of in Passion of S.
Susanna, 70, 200 ; tomb,
excavations and epitaph, 52,
292, 302
„ ("Gagus")M.,2is
,, priest, on apostles' tombs, 9
Galerius Maximus, proconsul, 149, 150,
151
Gall, S., monastery of, 232, 233
Galla Placidia, empress, 22
Gallic origin of M.H., 207-212, 228 ;
see Gaul
GallienusE., 141, 148, 150, 157; Arch
of, 123
Gallus, a Christian, 40
Games, gladiatorial, 4
Garganus, Mount, hospice of, 26
Gaul, 45, 83; bishops of, 209, 210;
martyrs and saints of, 146, 208-210 ;
pilgrims from, 34, 36, 37 n. 2 ; see
France, Gallic, and under names
of towns
364 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
Gelasius I. P., 56, 57 ; buildings of,
86 ; decrees of {De recipi-
endis), 182, 192, 193, 194 ;
Sacramentary of, 79
„ 11. P., 254, 25s
Generosa M., of Scilli, 153
,, cem. of, 117
Genesius M., of Aries, Acts of, 135,
342, 344
Genseric, 4, 6
George (Georgius) M., Passion of, 182 ;
eh. of (San Giorgio in Velabro), 13,
121, 122
Germain, S. des Pres, Usuard of, 229
Germanus, B. of Auxerre, 30, 37, 210;
in M.H., 208-210; eh. of (Baptist-
ery), 210
Germany, Germans, 18, 183, 206, 231,
233> 242
Gerusalemme, S. Croce in, see Cross,
ch. of
Gesta, Martyrum, 56, (i^, 73, 127,
178-204, 220, 227, 228, 229,
315 ; in East, 146, 207 ; and
iconography and current
literature, 166 ; hagiographers
and Gesta, 185-198; heretics
and, 182 ; in liturgy, 178, 179,
180, 181, 183 ; monastic use
of, 180 ; oriental influence on,
195 ; Roman Gesta, 199 (ch.
hd.) — 208 ; tradition and Gesta,
185-198 ; Liber Pontificalis
and, 67 seqq., 200; see Acta
Martyrum
,, Regum Anglorum, 117
Getulius M., 344
Giorgi on Index Coemiteriorum, 341
Girulum, see Agatha
Glabrio, consul, 72
„ Acilius, M., consul, 227
Gloria in excelsis, 64, 79
Gloucester, S. Peter's, 39
Golden Legend {Legenda Aurea), 127
Golgotha, 211, 212
Gordianus M., 344; epitaph of, 292;
Coem. Gordiani foris Portam
Latinam, on Via Latina, 124
Gorgonius M., 338, 339
Goths, 13 n. 8, iS, 64, 80, 97, 267 ; in-
vasions of, 236, 294, 295, 341 ; kings,
57> 59 5 see Theodoric, Theodatus
(jottwei, Abbey of, 249
Graffiti, 20, 39, 40, 302, 303, 304
Gratian E., 100
Greek, hero Ilippolytus, 187 ; invasions
of Italy, 236 ; language for liturgy,
78, 79 ; for papal inscriptions, 302,
303 ; liturgy, 163 ; martyrs, 195,
287; the "Greek Martyrs" (Sancti
Graeci), 342, 344; [^Gesta of), 202 ;
(inscription of), 291 ; popes, 66, cf.
64 ; see Calendars
Gregory I., the Great, P., ii, 14, 30,
31,32,37,61,78, 79,88, 132,
250 n. I, 309, 340 ; Council of,
77 ; epitaph of, 231, 261 ; in-
scription for his library, 241,
289; letter to Eulogius, 132,
183, 201, 215; Passionary of,
132, 183, 201, 216 ; and Theo-
delinda, 102, 103, 107, 108
„ of Tours, 29, 36, 68, 210; {De
Gloria Martyrum), 31, 33,
200; and L.P., 60, 61
,, of Spoleto, 342
Grisar on Roman topography, 2 n. i ;
on Su7nite-Istic inscriptions, 275
H
Hadrian, P., 312 ; letter to Charle-
magne, 183 ; epitaphs, 241
„ St., ch. of, 5, 13, 121, 122
Harnack on Acta Martyrum, 130, 169,
196 ; onL.P., 66 n. 4; on M.H. ,22?>
Hegesippus, historian, 49, 246
Helena, Empress, 14, 123, 211,212;
ch. of, see Cross, ch. of ; coem. inter
duas lauros ad S. Helenam, 98, 124
Heliodorus B., see Chromatius
Herculanus M., 106, 108, 118, 338, 339
Hercules, 96
Herennienus, subdeacon, 172
Heretics, 54, 58, 65, 74, 75, 78, 81,
128, 239, 257 n. 5, 267, 281, 282;
and Gesta, 182, 192-195 ; see Arians,
Donatists, Istria, Manichaeans, Mar-
cionites, Nestorians
Hermes M. [May 3 and Aug. 28] of
Via Salaria, 338, 339 ; coem. Basillae
INDEX
365
ad S. Hermetem or coem. Hermetis,
98, 106, 108, 118, 124; — and Bal-
bina, 344
Hierarchy, discipline of, 74-77, 82,
315; grades of, 139, 219, 289; per-
secution of, 141, 143, 147; cf. 139
Hierax M., 155
HilariaM., 118
Hilarina v., 118
Hilarion, 194
Hilary P., 59, 75, 2S4 ; gifts to church,
86
,, B. of Aries, 36
Hippo, Council of, 179; see Augustine
B. of
Hippolytus B.M. of Via Tiburtina,
Chronicle of, 50, 51,
53; legend of, 186;
shrine of, 21, 98, 165,
338, 339 ; (ch. of), 225
,, M., Greek, of S. Callixtus,
S. and epitaph of, 291,
299, 304
,, Greek hero, 187
Holy City, temple of (t. Sacrae Urbis),
5, 122
Holy week, 240
Homer, 163
Homobonus, 30
Honoratus, B. of Aries, 250 n. i, 215
Honorius P., 92, 119, 251, 267;
buildings of, 113, 115,
122 ; inscriptions by,
237, 261, 265, 266,
281, 288 ; monastery of,
121, 123
„ E., 2, 4, 5, 6, 8, 22 n. I,
95, 341
Hormisdas P., 32, 54, 64, 77, 86, 262 ;
inscription by, 261
Hospices for pilgrims, 25, 26
Huns, 4, 36, 233 n. i
Hyacinthus (Jacinthus, Yacinthus)
M., 305, 344 ; see Protus
Hyginus P., 49
I
Iconium, martyrs of, 155, 173 ; see
Thecla
Idols, 6, 27, 35
Ignatius M. [Dec. 25], Rome, 215
,, B.M. [Feb. i], ofAniioch, 175;
Acts of, 147, 161, 190; Acts
(of fourth cent.), 190-191 ;
Letter to Romans, 161
Ina, K. of Wessex, 23
Incarnation, inscriptions on, 267, 281,
283 ^
Index Coemiteriorum, see Cemeteries
,, of Forbidden Books, 130
,, Oleorum {oi'^lowLz), 103 seqq.
India, revenues for Roman Church
from, 88
Innocent i. P., 75 ; cem. of, 125 ; in
M.H., 221-226
Inquisition, office of, 130
Insalatos, see Felix Romanus
Inscriptiones Vaticanae, see Syllogae
Inscriptions, 278 (ch. hd.)-296; see
Baptisteries, Damasus, Syllogae ;
and under names of Churches,
Martyrs, Popes
Interpolation, theory of, 130, 197
Inventories of ecclesiastical properties,
87 seqq., 1 39, 140
lona, 229
lonatus, 248
Irenaeus, B. of Lyons, papal records of,
49, 53, 66 ; on Ignatius,
162
,, M., of Sirmium, 114
Irene MM., Agape and, see Agape,
Irene and Chione
,, v., see Damasus
Isidore of Spain, 6
Isis, 3 ; and Serapis, region of, 12
Istra, heresy of, 267, 282
Italy, Martyrology of N. Italy, 216
Itineraries, 15, 65, 87, 93 (ch. hd.)-
III, 112 (ch. hd.)-i26, 133, 203,
220, 225, 230, 231, 249; list of
shrines from, on Via Appia collated,
298-299 ; and collated with monu-
ments on Via Appia, 297 (ch. hd.)-
306 ; /;:'. De locis Sanctis martyrum,
13, 97, 112, 113, 115 seqq., 299;
It. Einsiedlense, 109, I19 seqq.,
240, 241, 299 ; see Curiosum urbis,
Index Coemitetiorunt, Notitia Regi-
onum, Notula oleorum
366 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
J
Jacinthus, see Hyacinthus
Jacobus de Voragine and Golden
Legend^ 128
,, and Marianus MM., Passion
of, 147, 168 seqq.
James, brother of our Lord, 211, 212,
244
,, (sc. SS. James and Philip),
ch. of (Ad Apostolos, SS.
Jacobi et Philippi, Basilica
Julia, Santi Apostoli), 13, 14,
272; inscriptions for, 246,
248, 249
Janiculum, 2, 96, I2i
Januaria M., Rome, 215
,, M., Scilli, 153
Januarius M., son of Felicitas, Via
Salaria, 72 ; coem.
Praetextati ad S. Jan-
uarium, 99, 106, 298,
299» 338, 339 ; (fres-
coes in), 304
,, priest, 342
,, catechumen of Car-
thage, 172
Jason M., 105, 107, 118
Jerome, 36, 193, 236 ; on Catacombs,
20 ; on cult of martyrs and pilgrim-
ages, 26, 42 seqq. ; and on L.P.^
54 seqq. ; Martyrology of Jerome^
2H-2iy ; see Martyrologies
Jerusalem, 18, 40, 43, 162, 196, 211,
212; see Cross, ch. of; Itinerary
of, 119
Jesuits and A.SS., 129 seqq.
Jesus, invocation of Names of, 285 ;
see Christ
Jews, enmity to Christians, 141, 170;
kings of, 51
John M., of Via Salaria, coem. ad
caput Joannis in Clivum Cu-
cumeris, 98, 102, 106, 124
„ and Paul MM., 33, 37, 105,
114, 115, 120, 121,227, 344;
Gesta of, 202 ; epitaphs of,
241, 242, 258, 264; ch. of,
see Byzanti, titulus
„ Penarensis M., of Umbria, 342
John, Abbot, the pilgrim, 103 seqq. ;
see Monza
,, Ap., Assumption of, 211, 212,
214
,, Baptist, 211, 212; Invention of
Head of , Acts of, 182
Jordan, H., historian, 241
Jordanorum ad S. Alexandrum Via
Salaria, coem., 98, 102, no, in, 125
Judas, Ap., 214
Julia, Basilica, see SS. James and
Philip, ch. of
Julian(us), E., 44
,, deacon, of France, 30
,, priest of Carthage, 150
,, subdeaton of Carthage, 150
,, M., of Via Appia, 292, 298,
299
,, M., of Carthage, companion
ofMontanusandLucius, 1 72
,, M,, of Brest, 210
,, and Basilissa MM. [Jan. 9],
Acts of, 194
Juliana, vestal, 203
,, M. of Cumae or Nicomedia, 342
JuUi, Basilica (S. Felix [Jan. 14], Via
Portuensis), 15
,, et Callixti, titulus (S. Maria in
Trastevere, q.v.), 13 ; cf. Julia
(Basilica)
Julitta M., see Ciricus
Julius P., edicts of, 76, 82, 92; build-
ings of, 15, loi ; in Calendars, 221,
224, 226, 337 ; coem. Julii, Via
Aurelia, 52, 125
Junius Bassus, consul, 5
Jupiter, 23
Justin M., 180, 227, 344; on liturgy,
78 ; Acts of, 153 seqq.
,, E., gifts to church, 86
,, priest, 106
Justinian E., 7, 25, 57 seqq., 64, 122,
236, 267 ; gifts to church, 86
Justus M., of Alcala, 41
K
Keys of SS. Peter's and Paul's, as
relics, 29, 31, 38
Klosterneuberg, 249
Krusch on M,H., 228
INDEX
367
Labicana, Via, 2, 15, 98, 116, 123, 124,
238 ; inscriptions of, 244, 249, 252,
292
Ladder, Perpetua's vision of brazen, 165
Ladiceus (?), in inscription, 292
Laetantius M., of Scilli, 153
Land, revenues of church from, 80, 90,
92
Largus ("Larcius ") and Smaragdus
MM., 338, 339, 341
Lateran, basilica of (Constantinian
Basilica, S. John, S. Giovanni in
Laterano), 9, 13, 85, 86, 123 ;
inscriptions of, 242, 246, 248 ;
baptistery of, 225, 271 n. i ;
consignatorium of, 284 ; hospital of,
123 ; museum of, 50
Laterculus Polemii Silvii, 96
Latina, Via, 2, 15, 45, 99, 105, 116,
124, 292, 299, 340 ; inscriptions of,
249, 252
Laurence, anti-pope, 54, 65, 257 n. 5,
269
„ M., t8i, 19s, 304, 344 ; Gesla,
72, 202 ; coem. in Agro
Verano ad S. Laurentium
and basilica of Via Tiburtina,
15. 41, 53, 85, 88, 98, 100,
loi, 105, 106, 115, 124,
338, 339 ; (inscriptions of),
242, 244, 249, 252, 253,
291, 295, 314; titulus
Damasi (S. Laurence in
Damaso), 12 ; (archives of),
288, 311 ; (inscriptions for),
242, 245, 280, 283 ; ch. of
S. Laurence in Formonso
(or Panisperna), 121, 122 ;
titulus Lucinae(S. Laurence
in Lucina), 12 ; hospice of,
25; relicsof, 29, 30, 33,37,
42
„ M., of Spoleto, 342
,, scribe oi M.H., 205, 207
Laurentia, see Damasus
Lattreniian fragment of L. P., 54, 269
Laurenziana, Biblioteca and Index, 98
n. I, 340
LaureshamensiSf Sylloge, see SyUoge
La uresh amettsis
Lauros ad SS. Petrum et Marcellinum,
coem. Ad duas, 98, 124
Le Blant on A.SS., 130, 145, 197
Leclercq or). A.SS., 130, 131, 169, 196
Leo I. (the Great), P., 3, 4, 20, 22, 24,
25 ; decrees of, 79 ; inscriptions
by, 286 ; epitaph of, 256 ; gifts
and buildings, 15, 86 ; mM.H.,
221, 224, 225, 226; Sacrament-
ary of 3, 79
,, II. P., translations of bodies, 117
,, III. P., inscription by, 295
,, IV. P., buildings of, 120
,, B., father of Damasus (?), 313-
315 ; see Damasus
Leo and Paregorius MM., Passion of
188
Leontius, consul, 31
Leopardus M., 345
Lerins (Lerinum), monastery of, 30,
250
Lesbos, 97
Leuparic, priest, 30
Levison, Dr., on Sylloge of Cambriage,
254, 274
Leyden, manuscript of 60
Liber Generationis, 50, 5 1 ; — Marty rum,
201 ; — Pontificalis, 9, 10, 15, loi,
182, 202, 206, 220, 229 ; 48 (ch. hd.)
seqq., 63 (ch. hd.) seqq., 84 (ch. hd.)
seqq. ; (collated with monuments),
300 seqq. ; (relation to Gesta
Martyrum), 68 seqq., 200 ; (relation
to Syllogae in mamiscript of Cam-
bridge), see Sylloge of Cambridge
Liberalis, M., 106, 108
Liberia, Basilica (S. Maria Maggiore,
q.v.), 13, 14, 85
Liberian Calendar, see Philocalian
Calendar
Liberianus M., 155
Liberius P., 56, 58; buildings of, 14,
85, 282 ; Gestaof 82 ; in M.H., 221-
226
Linus P.M., 49, 53, 62, 64
Lion, legend of Marciana M. and, 188
Little Roman Martyrology {Mar tyro-
logium Romanwn Parvtim), 229
368 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
Liturgy, 14 n. i, 74, 240; papal de-
crees concerning, 78 seqq. ; in Greek,
78, 79 ; Greek liturgy, 163 ; litanies,
211, 212; office in S. Peter's, 183;
relation of Mariyrologies and Gesta
to, 62, 73, 133, 166, 178, 179, 181,
183, 206, 207; vessels for, 18, 69,
87, 89, 97 ; see Eucharist, Mass,
Stations
Local, inscriptions in Syllogae, 248, 250;
entries in Marty rologies^ 206, cf. 208
seqq.
Locis Sanctis Martyrum, De, 299 ;
see Itineraries
,, Sanctorum Martyrum, De, 112
Lombard, invasions, 17, 236, 316;
kings and pilgrims, 26, 32, 102, 103
109 ; handwriting, 103, 251; see
Monza, Theodelinda
London, Mellitus B. of, 9, 37
Lorsch (Lauriacum), monastery of,
242, 243 ; see Sylloge of
Lucca, Index coemiteriorum at, 341
Luceia and Auceia MM., 345
Lucia and Geminianus MM., 345
Lucia in Orpheo (Orthea?), ch. of, 121,
122
Lucian(us) M., of Antioch, 144
,, priest, 172
Lucina, matron, buries Paul on Via
Ostiensis, 124
„ buries Peter and Paul in Ad
Catacumbas (in 258), 69 ;
and MarcellusP.M.in Pris-
cilla (in 309), 71 ; and Cor-
nelius P. M. (in 258) in Crypt
of Lucina, 70; see Cornelius,
Crypt of
coem. Lucinae ad S. Agatham
ad Girulum, Via Aurelia,
99, 105, 125 ; (basilica of
S. Agatha), 15
M. (?) of Via Salaria, 106
Lucius P.M., decrees of, 77; martyr-
dom of, 68, 72; in M.H., 2.-2'i,\
shrine, excavations and epitaph, 52,
292, 299, 302, 303, 337
Lucius MM., Montanus and, see Mon-
tanus
,, K. of Britain, 83
LuUus B. of Mayence, 88
Luxeuil and M.H., 228
Lydus, historian, 136
Lyons, bishops of in M. H. , 209 ; see
Florus of ; martyrs of, 142, 143, 162,
175, 176, 208, 209
M
Maccabees, mother of, 169
Macedonia M., a Montanist, 170
Macedonian kings, 51
Macellum Magnum, 5
Macrinus E., 203
Macrobius Candidianus, procurator, 151
Maderno, sculptor, 317
agic, 44
Magnilianus, clerk, 135
Magnus M., companion of Laurence, 72
Majorian, E., 7, 8
Malmesbury, William of, 117
, , Itinerary of ( Itinerarium
Malmesburiense), 117
seqq. ; monastery of,
118, 231
Manes and Manichaeans, 78, 194
Mannus (?), inscription, 292
Mappala, Africa, 151
Marcellianus MM., Marcus and, see
Marcum
MarcellinusP.M., Passion of, 72 seqq. ;
in Calendars, 221 n.2, 223
n. 7, 337
,, and Peter MM., 345 ; see
Duas Lauros
MarcellusP.M., 73 ; decrees of, 10, 76 ;
martyrdom and Passion of,
71, 200; in Calendar,
345; (in M.H.), 215, 222,
226 ; S. of, 106, 107, no,
III, 124, (epitaph) 247;
titulus Marcelli, in Via
Lata, 12, 71 (and n. 4)
M., of Via Appia, 299
M. (Nereus and Achilleus),
342
M., centurion of Tangiers,
135, 157
and Apuleius MM., 345
and Superantius MM., of
Umbria, 342
INDEX
369
Marciana M., Passion of, 189
Marcianus M., 116
Marcion, Poem against, 54
Marcionites, 170
Marcum et Marcellianum MM., coem.
Balbinae ad. SS., 99, 167
Marcus (Mark) P., in M.H,, 222 ; coem.
Basilei ad S. Marcum, 52,
99, 107, 299, 377, (bas.) 15 ;
ch. of (titulus Marci), 12, 13
,, husband of Lucina, 7
Marcus Aurelius E., 64
Maria (Mary), Virgin, in M.H., 211 ;
inscriptions to, 281 seqq. ; churches
of: S. Maria Antiqua, 5, 13, 121,
122; — Major (Maggiore), 13, 121,
122, 125, 225, 264, 275 n. I, 299 ;
(inscriptions of), 244, 246, 248, 250,
259, 260, 267, 272, 282 seqq. ;—
Rotunda, 13 ;— in Trastevere, 13,
120, 121 ; (inscription of), 242
Marinus M., 345
Marius and Martha MM. [Jan. 19],
345
Marmoutiers (S. Martin, Tours), monas-
tery of, 248
Marriage, see Hierarchy, Asceticism
Mars, temple of, 70
Martha M. [Jan. 16], 215, 299
,, sister of Lazarus, in inscription,
290, 312 n.
Martialis M., son of Felicitas, 106,
107, no, 118, 338, 339 ; epitaph of,
294
Martin, S., monastery of, at Tours,
232, 248
,, ch. of, in Suburra (Titulus
Equitii or Silvestri), 12, I2I,
123, 296
Martina (Tatiana) M., 345
Martinianus MM., Processus and, see
Processus ■
Martyrology{ies\ 65, 67, 133, 300 ;
see Ado, Bede, Gregory ; of Jerome
{Martyrologium Hieronymianum),
205(ch. hd.)seqq., 2i8(ch, hd.)seqq. ;
cf. 62, 73, 179, 183, 186, 203, 300,
306 ; later Martyrologies, list of, 183,
228,229; Martyrologium Universale,
see Calendars
24
Martyrs, word in inscriptions, 302 n. i ;
anniversaries of, 16, 27, 28, 79, 80,
137, 143, 179. 186, 213, 216; auto-
biographies of, 116, 161, 162, 171,
192 ; burial ad Marty res, 41, 42 ;
cult of, 16 (ch. hd.)seqq., 35 (ch. hd.)
seqq., 84 seqq., 180, 279 ; in liturgy,
17, 20, 47, 79, 80, 179, 186, 213,
214, 216; representations of in
frescoes, etc., 283, 303, 308, 317 ;
translation of bodies of, 17, 113, 117,
295> 305* 316; voluntary nature of
martyrdom, 194; see Calendars,
Damasus, Inscriptions, Mass
Marucchi, 271, 273, 274, 313
Mass, Canon ^ 53 n. I, 67, 78 seqq. ;
for Christmas, 64 ; of stations, 14 n. i,
1 58 ; see Eucharist, Martyrs
Materialism, 41 seqq., 186
Matthias Ap., mM.H., 214
Mauritius (Maurice) M., 342
Maurus M., 105, 107, 118
Maurus, Rabanus, Martyrology of, 183,
229
Mausolea, 9
Maxentius E., 71, 122
Maxilitani SS., of Africa, 219
Maxima, Donatella and Secunda MM.,
of Africa, Passion of, 156
Maximillian(us) M., of Via Salaria, 106,
108, 118
,, M., of Numidia, Acts
i of 157
Maximus M., of Via Salaria, coem.
Maximi ad S. Felicitatem,
98
,, M., in Praetextatus, kins-
man of Cecilia, 298, 299,
305
„ M. [May 14], of Ephesus (?)
Passion of, 135, 157
I ,, consul, 72
Mayence, L,P. first printed in, 62
Medals as relics, 29
Melchiades P., see Miltiades
Mellitus, B. of London, 37
Memmia M., 338, 339
Memoria of Peter, 9, 84, 278 ; see
Peter, ch. of, on Vatican
Menology, Greek, 179, 205, 218, 219
370 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
Metalla, meaning of word, 287 n. 3
Metrodorus M., a Marcionite, 170
Mercia, 24, 39
Mercury, temple of, 95
Merita MM., Digna and, see Digna
Mctrovia Via, 292, 299
Mica Aurea, 120, 121
Michael archangel, 14, 275 ; baptistery
of, 258, see Syllogae {Sumite-htic
inscriptions) ; ch. of in Fagana,
Tivoli, 264 ; ad Porticum Ottavium
("S. Paul" till 770) of Via Salaria,
264, 277 n. I ; on Via Urbana, 263,
264 n. I ; on Vatican, 264, see
supra baptistery
Milan, Edict of, 3, 28, 43, 102, 128,
215, 217, 236 ; see Peace of Church ;
Council of, 213, 217 ; Sylloge of,
230 n. I
Milevis, Optatus B. of, 9
Miltiades (Melchiades) P., decrees of,
78; in M.H., 221-226; tomb and
epitaph of, 52, 291, 299, 302, 303,
337
Mirabilia tirbis Roviae, 123
Mistranslations in Gesta, 186 seqq.
Mithra, 3, 51
Molinae, 120, 121
Moluccas, 88
Mombritius, Sanduarium of, 128
Mommsen, on L.P., 61 ; on MM., 228
Monasteries, libraries of, 1 32 ; life of,
24 ; Martyrologies and Gesta adapted
for, 130, 180, 206, 207 ; in East,
180 ; of Centula (S. Richarius),
232, 234, 250, 251 ; of Corvie (S.
Peter), 232, 251 ; of Einsiedeln,
232, 233, 240 ; of S. Gall, 232, 233 ;
of Gottwei (Abbey), 249 ; of Lerins
(Lerinum), 250 ; of Lorsch (Lauri-
acum), 242, 243 ; of Malmesbury,
118, 231 ; of Monte Cassino, 195;
of Reichenau, 232, 233, 240;
of Rome (S. Agatha), 121, (Mt.
Clitaurus, of Gregory I.) 290, (S.
Callixtus, Trappist) 304, (Honorius)
121 and 123, (S. Silvester in Capite)
245, (S. Stephen, Vatican) 295 ; of
Verdun (S. Vitus), 245 ; of Vivar-
ium, 75, 215
Monica, mother of Augustine, 28 ;
epitaph of, 236
Montanists, 170
Montanus and Lucius MM., 147, 171,
174, 176; Passion of , 171 seqq.
Monte Cassino, manuscripts of, 195
Montorio, temple of Apollo in, 70 ; S.
Peter's in, 121
Monuments, collation of, with docu-
ments, 125, 126, 297 (ch. hd.) seqq. ;
destruction of, 187, 313 ; see Excava-
tions, Frescoes, Pagan, Syllogae
Monza, Cathedral of, 31, 102, 109,
no; Papyrus of, 94, 102 seqq.;
treasure of, 34, 102 seqq.
Moon and sun, worship of, 45
Mosaics, 123, 261, 262, 283, 287, 288
Mother of Gods, temple of, 95
Mulvian Bridge, battle of, 278
N
Nabor and Felix MM., 215
Name, Holy, invocations of, 285 ;
litany of, 285
Naples, 57, 58, 217
Narcissus, of S. Paul's epistle, inscrip-
tion of, 308
Nartzalus M., of Scilli, 152, 153,
190
Natales, see Anniversaries
Neo, Greek martyr in S. Callixtus, S.
and epitaph of, 291, 292, 304
Neon M., Acts of, 135
Nereus and Achilleus MM., Passion of,
193, 194, 202, 307, 309, 315 ; in
Calendars, 342, 345 ; Coem. Domi-
tillae Nerei et Achillei, 99 ; (titular
church of, t. Fasciolae), 13, 15, 187,
198 ; (inscriptions and frescoes), 119,
3o7» 308
Nero E., 70, 141
Nestorians, 272 n. 2, 282
Nicaea, Council of, 59, 81
Nicholas V. P., 340
Nichomachus, Flavianus, 3
Nicomedes M., 345
Nicomedia, 81 n. 3, 219, 342
Nicostratus, Claudius and Sempronianus
MM., 339
Noah, 51
INDEX
371
Nola, Felix M. of, 26 ; see Paulinus
B. of; Sylloge of, 230 n. i
Nomentana, Via, 2, 15, 52, 68, 85, 88,
98, 100, loi, 105, no. III, 113,
115, 116, 117, 124, 215, 221, 235,
243, 288, 337 ; inscriptions of, 244,
245, 246, 249, 252, 261, 272, 273 ;
see Agnes
Nonnius M., 339
Northumbria, 119, 207
Notaries, 76, 92, 134 seqq., 182
Nothelm, Archbishop of Canterbury, 37
Notitia Dignilatum, 95, 97, 99
,, Ecdesiarum {Itin. Salisburg-
ense), 112 seqq.
,, Portarujn . . . \ltin. Malmes-
buriense), 1 1 7 seqq.
„ Regionum XIV., 51, 95, 97,
99, 341
Netula oleorum, 03 seqq., see Monza
Novatus, Baths of, 5 ; see Timothy,
Baths of
Numidia, 9, 88 ; (inscription), 238 ;
confessors and martyrs of, 143, 15 1,
157
Numidianus, in inscription, 292
Nundinarius, deacon of Cirta, 138
O
CEcumenical councils, 59, 74
Ofifa K., 24
Oftfor B. of Worcester, 38
Oil as a relic, 30, 31, 102, iii ;
for chrism, 284
Oleorujn, Index, see Monza
Olybrii, 23
Optatus B. of Milevis, 9, 54 ; name in
S. Callixtus, 292, 299, 303
Ordinations, feasts of papal, 74, 224,
226
Ordo Romanm of Benedict the Canon,
123
Orpheus, fresco of, 187 ; ch. of Lucia
in Orpheo [Ortheal), 121, 122
Ossuaria, in catacombs, 304
Ostiensis, Via, 2, 9, 15, 52, 99, icx),
loi, 105, 115, 116, 119, 120, 125,
299. 305, 338 ; inscriptions of, 244,
249, 250, 252
Oswald K., 207
Oswy K., 37
Otho II. E., 22 n. I
Paeonius M., companion of Justin M.,
155
Pagans, paganism, 78, 191 ; Calendar,
51 ; in Church, 3, 4, 10, 26, 27
seq. ; (in inscriptions), 237 ; con-
verts from, 77, 196 ; monuments of,
4 seqq., 95 seqq. ; transition from,
to Christianity, i, 3 seqq., 19;
writers of, 132, 133, 135
Palatine, 25, 96, 121, 122; Codex
Palatmus (or Vaticanus), see Sylloge
of Lorsch
Palatium, region, 12
Palestine, 213; martyrs of, 162; see
Caesarea, Eusebius, Jerusalem
Palladius B. of Saintes (Santones), 30
Pallas, temple of, 70
Palmatius, consul, 203
Palumbas (Columbas), see Clivum
Cucumeris
Pammachius, see Byzanti
PamphiHusM., 115, 118
Pancras M., 345 ; relics of, 30, 33, 37 ;
Gesta of, 200, 202 ; cem. and bas.
(see Calepodius), 15, 99, 105, 113,
116, 203; (inscriptions), 241, 253
Pandataria, island of, 306
Pannonia, martyrs of, 217, 306; see
Cyrinus
Pantheon, 13
Papebroch and A.SS., 129
Papias, N. Italy, inscription of, 242
Papylus MM., Carpus and, see Carpus
Papyri of Monza, see Monza
Paradise, 168, 177, 294, 308
Paregorius MM., Leo and, see Leo
Parentalia, 28
Paris, 129, 195, 252
Parishes, 'jd ; see Tituli
Parthenius and Calocerus MM., 303,
338, 339, 345
Pascal P., False diploma of, 316;
translation of bodies, 17, 316
Passionary, of Gregory, see Gregory ;
Latin, 162, 195
Pastor M., 215, 345
372 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
Paternus, proconsul, 141, 148, 149
Patras, 214
Paul Ap. M., 153, 158, 182, 194, 306,
308, 345 ; martyrdom of, 124 ;
Acts of, 194 ; shrine and basilica
on Via Ostiensis, 14, 15, 18,
32, 35. 52, 70, 85, 86, 97
( ' ' Churches of Blessed Apos-
tles"), 99, 100, loi, 116, 124,
299, 305. 338; (hospice of),
25 ; (inscriptions for), 241, 244,
249, 250, 252, 253, 264, 266,
26S ; (inventory of), 88, 91 ;
see Catacumbas, Ad ; ch. of
(later S. Michael ad Porticum
Ottavium), 26/^. See Peter and
Paul App.
,, I. P., translation of bodies, 17,
117, 245, 295
„ M., Via Salaria, 118
,, M., see John and Paul MM.
,, B. of Cirta, 138
,, deacon, inscription by, 26
Paula, friend of Jerome, 26, 43
Paulina, Greek martyr in Callixtus, 105,
118, 299; epitaph of, 304
,, v., on Via Salaria, 118
Paulinus B. of Nola, 26, 36, 41 seqq.,
217, 236
,, B. of London, 207
M., 116
Pavia, 24
Peace of Church, 8, 15, 16, 52, 64,
84, 141, 179, 205, 225, 236, 291 ;
see Milan, Edict of
Pelagius l. P., inscriptions and epi-
taph, 248, 261 n. 3, 281
,, II. P., 30, 119 ; buildings of,
115 ; epitaph, 261 n. 3
,, British monk, 83
Penance, 74, 76, 112
Penda K., 39
Pergamos, martyrs of, 169, 215
Perpetua M., 52, 145, 174, 176, 218,
338, 339 ; Passion of, 165 seqq., 171
181
Persecutions, 82, 114, 141 seqq., 147,
213, 225 ; cf. 291 seqq. ; caused by
Jews, 141, 170; by pagan enmity,
141, 203 ; of Vandals, 202 see
Diocletian, Domitian, Valerian, Acts
of Martyrs
Persia, martyrs of, 113, 219 monarchs
of, 51
Peter Ap. M., in Rome, 8, 10, 24, 36,
42, 49, 53, 124, 154 n. I, 187,
307, 309; martyrdom of, 70,
121; Acts of, 194, 202, 315;
Feast of, 26, see Peter and Paul ;
Feast of Chair of (or Cathedra,
or Sedes Petri), 22, 25, 52, 104,
106, 107, no, III, 211, 297,
337 ; Fountain of, 120, 121 ;
Fontis S. Petri, coem., see
Agnes, cem. of; prison of,
120, 121 ; power of (inscrip-
tions), 271-277, 279-281 ; see
Popes, inscriptions of; Porta
S. Petri (inscription), 260, 267 ;
Shrine of on Via Appia, see
Catacumbas, Ad ; on Vatican,
99, 100, 305. See infra ch. of
on. Churches dedicated to, in
Rome : — on Vatican, the Mem-
oria of Anacletus, 9, 84, 278 ;
(enlarged to basilica of Con-
stantine), 3, 6, 14, 15 ; (pilgrims
to), 18, 21 seqq.; (papal tombs
iri)j 55, 64, 70, 116 ; see under
names of popes; 97 ("Chur-
ches of Apostles" ) ; (crypts of),
296 ; (landed property and in-
ventory of), 88 seqq. ; (inscrip-
tions of), 235, 238, 241, 242,
244, 248 seqq., 256, 260, 261,
263 seqq., 269, 273 seqq., 278
seqq. ; (liturgy of), 183 ; in
Montorio, 121 ; ad Vincula,
12, 13, 87, 121, 122, 125, 225;
(inscriptions of), 232 n. i, 238,
244, 245, 253, 310; see
Apostles, (titular) church of.
At Spoleto, 44 ; (inscrip-
tions), 244, 251, 271 n. I. At
CoRViE, 232. In England,
list of churches, 38, 39. See
Peter and Paul
,, and Paul App. MM., 24; Feast
(anniversary, natalis), in Cal-
endars, 4, 36, 42, 218, 333,
INDEX
373
339j 345 ; inscriptions, 231,
241, 256, 311 ; portraits of,
29; see Catacumbas (Ad), Paul
Ap. M.
Peter and Marcellinus MM., see Mar-
cellinus
Peterborough, Cathedral, 39
Petersburg, St., 251
Petro, cognomen, 309
Petronilla, 99, 107, 342 ; excavations
and frescoes, 307 seqq. ; ch. of, on
Vatican, 264
Phileas and Philoromus MM. of Alex-
andria, Acts of, 145, 173, 175
Philip and James App., see James and
Philip
,, and Felix MM., sons of Felicitas,
Via Salaria, 106, 107, 118,
338, 339 ; epitaph, 247
,, Neri, St., 128
Philocalian {Liberiaii) Calendar, 22,
50 seqq., 56, 63, 66, 67, 73, 95,
98 n. I, 100, 114, 180, 186, 201,
203, 223 seqq., 227, 300, 303; see
Liber Pontificalis
Philocalus, 50 ; see Philocalian
Calendar
Philomelium, church of, 162
Philoromus MM., Phileas and, see
Phileas
Philosophuniena, 68
Pilate, 190; Palace of, 121, 122,
123
Pilgrims, 16 (ch. hd.) seqq., 35 (ch. hd.)
seqq., 180, 186, 188, 234, 249, 304
Pionius M., Passion of, 147, 157, 169
seqq.
Pistis M., 109, 304
Pithou, 233
Pittacia ampullarum, see Monza
Pius I. P.M., 5 ; order of succession,
49, 53, 54
,, II., 56
Placentia, martyrs of, 217
Plagiarism in Gesta, 191, 198; in in-
scriptions, 237, 238, 266 seqq., 276
Platonia, see Catacumbas (Ad)
Po, valley of, inscriptions, 243
Polemii Silvii Laterculus, 96
Policamus M., 299
Polycarp B.M., 162, 175; Acts of 147
,, in inscription, 292
Pompey, theatre of, 311
Pomponia Graecina, 142
Pontian islands, 58, 306, 307
Pontiani ad Ursum Pileatum, coem.,
Via Portuensis, 90, 102, 105, 125,
338
Portianus P.M., martyrdom and Pas-
sion of, 67, 68, 72, 200 ; in
Calendars, 51, 222, 223,
226, 229 ; shrine, excava-
tions at and epitaph, 302
,, and Eusebius MM., 345
Pontius M., 345
,, author of Passion of Cyprian
163
Popes, decrees of, 73 seqq., 192.
Burial places (mentioned in Phil.
CaL), 51 seqq., 377 seqq. ; (and in
L.P.\ 69 seqq. ; (and in M.H.),
200 seqq. ; in S. Callixtus, 302 seq. ;
(in papal crypt of), 55, 67, 70, 72
73> 85, 291, 301 seqq. ; in Priscilla,
see Celestinus P., epitaph of,
Liberius P., in M.H., Marcellinus
P., MarcellusP., Silvester P., Siricus
P., epitaph of; in Vatican, 55, 64,
70, 116. Inscriptions of and by,
231, 236, 238, 242, 243, 246, 261,
265, 291, 292. List of, 336. Or-
dinations, anniversaries of, 74, 224,
226. Power of, in inscriptions, 279
seqq., 289 ; see Peter, power of.
Gesta of, 200 seqq., 346 seqq. ;
see Liber Pontificalis, and under
names of popes
Porta Appia, 124, 125; Aurelia, 118,
121; Capena, 12; Cornelia, 118;
Flaminia, 115, 118, 120; Latina,
124; Nomentana, 118, 120; S.
Petri, 11 8, 120, 260; Porticiana,
118 J Praenestina, I2i, 123; Tibur-
tina, 118 ; Trigemina, 95
Portuensis, Via, 2, 15, 99, 104, 116,
125, 249
Potentiana, see Pudentiana
PothinusE.M. of Lyons, 176
Praenestina, Via, 121
Praesens, consul, 151
374 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
Praetextati ad S. Januarium, coem.,
53> 69, 72, 99, 102, 125, 298 ; ex-
cavations in, 304
Praxed M., S. of on Via Salaria, 118,
342; titulus Praxedis, 12, 123, 296
(inscription)
Primus and Felicianus MM., 113, 117,
342, 345
Prisca M., 118, 345; titulus Priscae,
13
Priscilla, 122, 274; coem. Priscillae
ad S. Silvestrum, and basilica, 15,
29. 40, 52, 56, 71, 73. 98, 102, 106,
107, no, III, 115, 118, 124, 221,
227, 337, 338 ; (inscriptions), see
Syllogae^ Sumite-htic inscription ; (of
Eucharis), 274 ; (in basilica), 246,
247 seq., 272 seqq. ; (baptistery of),
284 ; (excavations in), 273 ; see
Popes, burial-places in Priscilla ;
coem. Priscillae (or Crypts of S.
Pudentiana), 276
Probus E., 341
Processus and Martinianus MM., 105,
116, 342, 345 ; Gesta of, 202
Procopius, historian, 7, 57
,, M., Acts ofy iXJy 162, 163,
195. 315
Profuturus, Utter of Pope Vigilius to,
79
Protus and Jacinthus (Hyacinthus)
MM., S. and bas., 106, 108, 118,
338, 339; (inscriptions for), 119;
inscriptions for in S. Andrew, Vatican,
257, 258, 263, 287 ; see Hyacinthus
Prudentius, poet, 6, 21, 23, 157, 181,
186, 236
Pudens, host of Peter, 8, 122, 154 n. i,
274 ; titulus Romanus or Pudentis or
Pudentianae, 5, 11 n. 6, 12, 87, 121,
122, 276
Pudentiana, 118, 154 n. i, 342; see
Pudentis, titulus
Puteoli, martyrs of, 217
Quattuor Coronatorum (? titulus Aemili-
anae), 12
Quintilian M., 135
Quirinal, 2
Quirinus M., of Via Salaria, 118
,, of Praetextatus, see
Cyrinus
,, of Ad Catacumbas, see
Cyrinus
R
Rampolla, Cardinal, on Index Coemit-
eriorum, 1 00, 340 ; and excavations
in house ofS. Cecilia, 316
Ravenna, Theodoric at, 65 ; quarter
called, 203 ; martyrs of, 217 ;
Calendar of, 132, 229 ; inscriptions
of, 233, 252, (of Vitahs M. ) 244
Regions, Fourteen, 2 ; list of, 12, 13 ;
seven ecclesiastical, 75, 76, 182
Reinach, S., on Analecta BoUandiana,
129
Relics, 28 seqq., 151, 160, 186, 191,
206, 251 ; inscriptions for, 295
Repentinus, Aurelius, 40
Restituta M., 345
Restitutus M., 215, 345
Rhaetia, 217
Rhine, pilgrims from, 18
Rhodine, epitaph of, 237
Richarius, see Centula
Ricimer, 13 n. 8
Rimini (Ariminum), inscription of, 233
Riparius B. of Aquileia, 45
Ripon, 38, 39
Rogantina V., 118
Rogatianus, catechumen, 157
Romanus M., companion of Sixtus li.,
72
Romulus, Rotunda of, 5, 86, 95, 122
Rosweyde, H., on ^.5'6"., 129, 131
Rufina and Secunda MM., 116, 342,
345
Rufinus, 67, 193 (on Gesta)
Rufus, consul, 64
„ M., 345
Ruinart, Acta Sincera of, 1 30, 13 1, 197
Rusticius, judge of Justin M., 154 seqq.
Sabina M., 345 ; titulus Sabinae, 13,
14, (inscriptions of) 241, 244, 253
Sabinian P., epitaph, 261 n. 3
Sabinus, deacon, 41
INDEX
375
Sacerdos, meaning of, 251 n. i, 289 n. i
Sacra, Via, 86
Sacrae Urbis Tern plum, 5
Sacramentary of Gelasius^ 79 ; of Leo,
3. 79
Saintes (Santones), Palladius, B, of, 30
Saints, 307 ; see Martyrs
Salaria, Via, 2, 15, 73, 88, 98, 105
seqq., no, III, 115, 116, 118, 119,
124, 215, 221, 222, 23s, 237, 243,
293> 338 I inscriptions of, 244, 246,
249, 252, 272, 273, 294, 298
Salzburg, Codex of li2 seqq.
Samuel, Abbot of Lorsch, 233
Sanctuarium of Mombritius, 128
Sanctus, title of, 1 1
Sapaudius, B. of Aries, 30
Sapientia M., 105, 109, 298
Saracen invasions, 242
Saragossa, Vincent M. of, 138
Sardinia, 72
Saruni Missal, 93
Saturn, Temple of, 6 ; quarter of at
Sextii, 149
Saturnina V., 118
Saturninus, consul, 64
,, proconsul, Africa, 152, 153,
190
, , M. [Nov. 29], of Via Salaria,
Coem. Thrasonis ad S.
Saturninum, 98, 105, 107,
118, 124, 339, (inscrip-
tion) 246
,, M. [Dec. 25], of Pergamos,
215
M. [Feb. II], of Carthage,
Acts of, 138, 142, 173
,, M. [Jan. 16], of Africa, 215
Saturus M., companion of Perpetua,
165, 166
Savinus B. , of Tuscany, 342
Saviour, Our, oratory of, in S. Petronilla
and in S. Maria Maggiore, inscriptions
for, 260, 264 (and n. 3), 267, 285
Saxons, 25, 231, 239; see English
Scala Santa, 122, 123
Scaliger on Index Coerniterioruni, 341 ;
Vetus Membrana Scaligeri, 233
Schneider on Itineraries, 20 n. i, 94 n. i ,
108 n. 2
Schola Francorum, 25
Scilli, martyrs of, in M.H. (SS. Scilli-
tani), 219 ; Acts of, i^y, i$i seqq.,
189
Scipio, consul, 64
Scotland, Caidocus of, 250
Scythian, Dionysius the, 75
Scythopolis, Procopius M. of, 162
Sebastian M., 106, 181, 337, 339, 345 ;
Gesta of, 202, 315; see Catacumbas
(Ad)
Secunda M. [July 17], of Scilli, 152,
153
,, and Maxima MM. [July 30],
see Maxima
, , and Rufina MM. , near Via Cor-
nelia, 116, 345
Secundus and Carpophorus (Carpoferus)
MM., 338, 339
Sedes Petri, see Peter, Chair of
Semetrius M., 118
Sempronianus M., 339
Sennen MM., Abdon and, see Abdon
Septisolium, 187
Sepulcri on Papyrus of Monza, 104,
108, 109
Serantina V., 118
Serapia M., 342, 345
Sergius i. P., 231 ; inscription by,
245. 256
,, ch. of St., 121
Servian Wall, 2
Servilianus M., 342
Sessorian Basilica, see Cross, ch. of
Holy
Settaliano, library, no
Severianus (and Carpophorus) MM.,
338, 339
Severinus P., 92
Severus, Marcus Successus, in inscrip-
tion, 40
,, author of Spes Ratio, 267,
268, 286
,, Alexander, E., 72, 203, 204
,, Septimius, E., arch of, 120,
121 ; plan of, 5, 94, 141
,, friend of Paulinus of Nola,
36
,, M., companion of Laurence,
72
376 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
Sexti in Africa, 149, 150
Shepherd of Hermas, 166
Sherbourne, 38, 231
Sicily, 88, 239
Sighere K., 24
Silanus M., son of Felicitas, 118, 338,
339
Silvanus B. of Cirta, 138 seqq.
Silverius P., in Z./*., 56 seqq., 60, 65 ;
epitaph of, 261 n. 3
Silvester P. , 64, 67, 114; Constitutum
Silvestri^ 81, 82, 183 ; public works,
15, 84, 85 ; in Calendars^ 52, 223,
337 ; translation of body, 245 ; Acts
of, 83, 182 ; Book of, 116 ; shrine of,
see Priscillae ad S. Silvestrum,
coem. ; ch. of in Suburra (titulus
Silvestri or Equitii, i.e. SS. Silvester
and Martin),' 121, 123, 258; ch. of,
in Capite, and monastery, 245, 296 ;
Gate of, 118
Silvius, author of Spes Ratio, 267, 286
Simphroniana M., 215
Simplicius P., monuments and inscrip-
tions, 5, 14, 15, 280
,, (Simplex), Faustinus and
Beatrix, MM., 117, 346
Siricius P., edicts of, 75, 81 ; public
works of, 86, 87, 308 ; epitaph of,
247 ; in M. H. , 224
Sirmium, Irenaeus M. of, 144
Sirmius M., 215
Siscia, see Cyrinus B. of
Sisinnius M., 341
Sixtus I. P.M., 49, 68
,, II. P.M., martyrdom of, 67,68,
71, 124, 147, 168, 181, 304;
Passion, 68, 200 ; in Calendars,
51, 53, 218, 222, 338, 339,
346 ; see Callixti ad S. Sixtum,
coem.; oratory of (? titulus
Crescentiae), 12, 15, 225 ;
oratory called SS. Sixtus and
Cecilia, 302, 304
,, III. P., buildings by, 15, %(), 87,
225 ; inscriptions by, 85, 237,
238, 282, 292, 302, 303;
Gesta de Purgatione Sixti, 82,
83, 254
,, M., Via Salaria, 115
Smaragdus MM. , Largusand, see Largus
Smyrna, martyrs of, 162, 169
Sophia M., 105, 346
Sosimus P., see Zosimus
Sossius M., inscription to, 263
Soter P.M., 49, 53
Soteris M., S. and bas., 15, 105, 126,
298, 299
Spain, martyrs of, 147, i8i ; see
Cordova, Tarragona, Valentia ; pil-
grims from, 18; pope from, 236;
Vigilantius of, 44
Spelunca Magna, in Praetextatus, 304
Speratus M., of Scilli, 152, 153, 189,
190
Spes, M., 105, 109, 298, 304
Spoleto, see Achilles B. of; martyrs
of, 217 ; inscriptions, 234, 244, 251
Stations, churches for, 234 ; in Rome,
list of, 13 ; in Auxerre, 212 ; of
martyrs in prison, 158
Stephen P.M., decrees of, 80 ; Passion
of, 200 ; in Calendars, 52,
222, 337, 346 ; tomb and
epitaph, 299, 303
,, M., companion of Laurence, 72
,, M. , of Jerusalem, 181 ; ch.
(and monastery) on Vatican,
inscription for, 295 ; on
Coelian (S. Stefano Ro-
tundo), 5, 113, 117, (inscrip-
tion) 242 ; on Via Latina,
and Via Tiburtina, 15
Suburra, 121, 122
Sulpicius and Servilianus MM., 342
6'«wzV<?-/y/?Vinscriptions,see Baptisteries
Sun worship, 3, 45, 95
Surius, De probatis sanctorum historiis,
128
Susanna M., 342, 346 ; Passion of, 70,
200
Syagrius B. of Autun, 216
Sylloge{ae), 65, 230 (ch. hd.) seqq., 240
(ch. hd.) seqq., 300; collated with
monuments of Via Appia and Via
Ardeatina, 301, 306 seqq. ; and with
other inscriptions, 310 seqq. ; Sylloge
of Cambridge, 233, 254(ch. hd.) seqq. ,
285, 297 ; of Centula (or of Corvie)
{Centulensis or Corbeiensis) 232,
INDEX
377
237, 250 seqq., 265; Circunipadana
et Subalpina, part of S. Lauresha-
mensis, q.v. ; of Einsiedeln (or of
Reichenau) {Einsiedlensis or Reich-
enavensis), 119, 233, 240 seqq., 306,
307, 308 ; of Lorsch (Lauriacum)
{Laureskamensis or Palatinus or
Vaticamis), 233, 237, 242 seqq.,
252, 265 ; o{ Milan, 230 n.i; ofNo/a,
230 n. I ; of Tours ( Ttironensis), 232,
234, 248 seqq., 272 n. 2 ; of Vatican
inscriptions {Inscripiio7ies Vaticanae) ,
232, 234 ; the Vetus Membrana
Scaligeri, 233 ; S. of Verdun ( Virdti-
nensis), 232, 244 seqq., 266, 297 ;
see Suinite-Istic inscriptions ; of
Wurzburg{ fVircebtirgensis) ,2^3, 253
Symmachus P., 30, 54, 65, 77, 78,
81, 82, 83, 284 ; inscriptions by, 257-
277, 285 seqq. ; cf. Sumite-Istic
inscriptions, 272 seqq. ; public works
of, 15, 25, 86, 126, 263 ; Symmachan
fragment of Z./*., 269
Symphorosa M., 174, 176
Synod, of Bishops, 81 ; Roman (of
494), 182 ; (of 605), 37 ; see Councils
Syria, 25, 49, 66
Syriac Abridgment, see Calendars,
Greek Menology
Syracuse, martyrs of, 217
Tangiers, martyrs of, 157
Tarpeian Hill, 96
Tarragona, martyrs of, 157, 168, 216
Tarsicius M., 105, 298, 299, 303
Taurinus M., 339
Taurobolium, 3
Tebessa (Theveste), martyrs of, 169 ;
basilica (inscriptions), 238, 310
Telesphorus P.M., 49, 64, 180 ; decrees
of} 77> 79 j martyrdom of, 67, 68
Temple, of Ceres, 95; of Cybele, 125 ;
of Diana, 125 ; of Isis, 3 ; of Jupiter,
23 ; of Mars, 70; of Mother of Gods,
95; Templum Pacis, region of, 12;
of Pantheon, 13 ; of Romulus, 4 ;
Templum Sacrae Urbis, 5 ; of
Saturn, 5 ; of Venus, 125
Terracina, 306, 307
Tertullian, 49, 145, 165, 193, 202
Thagaste, Alypius B. of, 27
Thanet, 88
Thecla M., 194; Passion of, 173;
cem. of, 99
Theoctista, 32
Theodatus, K. of Goths, 57, 59, 65
Theodelinda, Queen of Lombards, 31,
102, 103, 107, 108
Theodora, Empress, 58
Theodorae, Basilica, 14
Theodore P., 113, 117
,, M., Greek, 342 ; ch. of, 121,
122
Theodoret B. of Cyrrhus, 25
Theodoric, K. of Goths, 7, 57, 59, 61,
64, 65, 83, 215, 233, 236, 267; gifts
to church, 86
Theodorius, Fl. Valila, 92
Theodosius, E., 3, 4, 6, 7, 22, 213
Theophorus, 190
Thessalonica, martyrs of, 138, 173
Theveste, see Tebessa
Thomas, Ap. M., Passion of, 194 ;
oratory, in S. Andrew, Vatican, in-
scription for, 257
Thrasonis ad S. Saturninum, coem., 98,
102, no, III, 124
Three children in fiery furnace, 159
Tiber, 2, 203
Tibiuca, Felix B.M. of, 173
Tiburtina, Via, 2, 15, 50, 53, 85, 88,
98, 100, loi, 105, 115, 116, 124,
237, 249, 293 ; inscriptions of, 252
Tiburtius M., brother of S. Cecilia, 69 ;
S. and inscription, 106, 293, 305
Ticabis, Typasius M. of, 156
Ticino (Ticinum), 234, 242
Tigridae, titulus (?t. Priscae), 13
Tillemont on ^.6'6'., 128, 132
Timedus M., 215
Timothy (Timotheus), Epistle to, 49,
63
,, B.M., of Via Ostiensis, 99,
100, 116, 338, 339
,, (or Novatus), Baths of, 5,
154
Tithes, 24
Titulus Romanus, see Pudens
Tituli, 2, 10 n. I, %•], 187 ; list of, 12
378 ROME OF THE PILGRIMS AND MARTYRS
Tivoli (Tibur), 92, 264 n. i
Toledo, Inquisition at, 130
Tongres, Servatius B. of, 36
Torquatus, tribune, 203
Totila, K., 59
Tours, ch. of, 31 ; inscription at, 250 ;
martyrs and saints of, 208, 248 seqq. ;
monastery of, 234 ; see Gregory of,
Sylloge of
Trajan E., 121, 122, 190, 307
Tranquillianus M,, 35
Translation of bodies of martyrs, etc. ,
II, 17, 69, 115, 119, 226, 227, 245,
256,295
Transtiberim, see Trastevere ; region,
13
Trappist monastery of S. Callixtus, 304
Trastevere, 2, 121 ; see Callixtus,
ch. of, Cecilia, house and ch. of,
Chrysogonus, ch. of, Maria, ch. of
Treasurer of Holy See (Vestiarius
Sanctae Sedis), 92
Treviri (Triers), inscription of, 233
Tropaea apostolorum, 9
Tuscan saints, 342
Tuscus, consul, 72
Turburbitani SS., 219
Typasius M., Passion of, 156
U
Umbilicum, 121, 122
Umbria, martyrs of, 201, 342
Urban i. P.M., in CalHxtus, Passion
of (in Passion of Cecilia), 68
seq., 200, 346; S. and
epitaph, 292, 302, 305
,, II. P., 117
,, B.M., friend of Cecilia, in
Praetextatus, 69, 102, 298,
299
Urbinate, manuscript called, 341
Ursum pileatum, see Pontiani ad
Usiiard, Martyrology of, 183, 229
Valentia, martyrs of, 216
Valentin (Valentinus) M., S. and bas.,
14, 15, 98, 100, loi, 113,
"5, 342
,, patron of Philocalus, 50
Valentinian E., 7, 22, 83, 86
Valeria M., 299
Valerian (Valerianus) M., betrothed
to Cecilia, 69, 106, 298, 299,
305
E., 72, 77, 141, ISO, 151,
157
,, B. of Auxerre, 210
Valerius, Cardinal, 130
Vandals, 36, 202, 220, 282 n. 3
Vatican, 2, 99 ; churches on : see
Andrew, Michael, Peter, Petronilla,
Stephen ; inscriptions for churches
of, see Sylloge of Vatican inscrip-
tions ; library of, 233 ; Codices of,
340, 341 ; see Sylloge of Lorsch ; see
Popes, tombs of in
Velabrum, 98 ; see George M.
Veneranda, fresco of, 308
Venus, street of, 149 ; temple of,
125
Veranus, Ager, on Via Tiburtina, 72,
244, 249, 253, 314
Verdun, monastery of, 245 ; see Sylloge
of Verdun
Verona, 54, 217
Vespasian E., 306, 307
Vestia M. of Scilli, 152, 153
Vestiarius Sanctae Sedis, 92
Vestinae titulus (S. Vitalis), 12
Vetri (gilt glasses), 29
Veturinus M. of Scilli, 153
Via Lata, hospice of, 25 ; region of,
12 ; see Marcellus P.
Vici, 3, 96
Vicomagistri, 2, 96
Victor P.M., 49, 78 ; edicts of, 81 ;
martyrdom, 68
,, B. of Vita, 202
,, secretary of Felix the flamen,
139
,, M., of Aquileia, 215
,, the Moor M., Acts of, 137
Victoria MM., Anatolia and, see
Anatolia
Victoriana M., 215
Victorianus M. of Aquileia, 215
Victorinus M., 338, 339
Vienna Salzburg-, Codices, 112 seqq.
Codex Vindobonensis , 201
INDEX
379
Vienna, Avitus B. of, 30; see Ado,
Arbp. of; martyrs (and Acts of),
143, 147, 162, 208
Vigilantius on cult of martyrs, 44 seqq.
Vigilius P., 58, 59, 79 ; inscriptions,
261 n. 3, 294
Vigna Ammcndola, 301
Viminal, 2, 122
Vincent(ius) M., deacon of Sixtus il.,
72
,, M. of Saragossa, Acts of,
138
„ priest, 292, 293
Vincula, Ad, see Peter, ch. of ad
Vincula
Virgil, 237, cf. 294
Virgin, virginity, see Asceticism,
Mary
Visionsof martyrs, 1 77 ; of Cyprian, 149 ;
at Fructuosus' martyrdom, 159, 160 ;
of Jacobus and Marianus, 168 ; of
Montanus, 172 ; of Perpetua, 165
seqq. ; of Quartellosa, 171 ; of
Servatius, 36
Vita, Victor B. of, 202
Vitalian P., 37
Vitalis M., son of Felicitas, 106, 107,
no, 118, 338, 339, (inscrip-
tion for) 294 ; titular church
of (t. Vestinae), 12, 121,
122
,, M. of Ravenna, ch. of, 294
Vitus M., ch. of (S. Vito), 121, 122
Vivarium, monastery of, see Cassiodorus
Vynck on Index Coemiteriorum, 340
seqq.
W
Wearmouth, Biscop Benedict of, 38
Westminster, S. Peter's Abbey, 39 ;
Cathedral of, 284 n. 2
Wigbert B. of Sherbourne, 38
Wighard, 37
Wilfred, Arbp. of York, 38
William of Malmesbury, 117
Willibrord, of Ripon, 38, 205 n. i, 207
Wilpert, excavations in catacombs,
302, 312 seq.
Wirceburgensis, see Sylloge of Wiirz-
burg
Witigis the Goth, 17, 57, 59, 64
Worcester, Oftfor B. of, 38
Wulferus K., 39
Wiirzburg, Codex of 112 seq.; see
Sylloge of
Xystus, see Sixtus
Yarrow, 183, 229
York, Wilfred of, 38 ; Alcuin at, 232
Zaccarias of Mitylene, 97
Zeno M., 126
Zephyrinus P.M., 49 ; edicts of, 77,
81 ; buildings of, 84 ; tomb of, 298,
302, 304
Zmaragdus M., see Smaragdus
ZoeM.,35
Zosimus P., 67, 224
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