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Full text of "An Agta Grammar"

AN ACTA GRAMMAR 



Phyllis M. Healey 

Summer InstiUite of Linguistics 




MAmui 

BUBEAU OF PBINTING 
1960 

007460 



CONTENTS 

Pass 

0.0 Introduction 1 

0.1 Acknowledgments 2 

0.2 The Purpose 2 

0.3 The Approach 3 

0.4 The Presentation 3 

0.5 Phonology 3 

0.6 Symbols and Abbreviations „ 3 

1.0 Morphology 5 

1.1 Derivational Prefixes 5 

1.2 Word Base Morphology 6 

1.3 Morphophonemics 1 1 

2.0 The Equation 12 

2.1 Noun YA Noun 13 

2.2 Equations Involving Ponouns 15 

2.3 Equations Involving MAG Class and PAG Class Verbs .... 19 

2.4 "Understood" YA 24 

2.5 Double YA 25 

3.0 Attribution 26 

3.1 An Attributive with Noun as Head Word 26 

3.2 An Attributive with Verb as Head Word 33 

4.0 The Oblique 41 

4.1 The Non-Focused Goal in the Oblique 42 

4.2 The Accessory in the Oblique _ 45 

4.3 Place or Direction in the Oblique 47 

4.4. Time in the Oblique 50 

4.5 The Adverbial Phrase in the Oblique 51 

5.0 Apposition 52 

5.1 Nouns in Apposition _ 53 

5.2 Nouns and Pronouns in Apposition 54 

6.3 Pronouns in Apposition 65 

5.4 Nouns and Verbs in Apposition 55 

5.5 Pronouns and Verbs in Apposition 57 

5.6 Verbs in Apposition 57 

5.7 Apposition of Whole Terminals Including Ligatures 62 

6.0 Adverbs 63 

6.1 Post-Adverbs 63 

6.2 Pre-Adverbs 70 

7.0 Co-Ordination 73 

7.1 Word Bases in Co-ordination 73 

7.2 Clauses in Co-ordination 75 

8.0 A Clause as Terminal 78 

8.1 A Clause as Second Terminal of an Equation 78 

8.2 A Clause as Attributive 80 

8.3 A Clause in the Oblique 80 

V 



VI 

Paga 

9.0 Non-Equational Sentences 84 

9.1 Exclamations 84 

9.2 Onomatopoeic Words _ 86 

9.3 A Word Base without Ligature 86 

9.4 A Word Base with an Optional Ligature 87 

9.5 A Word Base with Ligature 88 

9.6 A Single Word Base Clause 88 

Appendices _ 89 

Appendix 1 — Summary of Ligatures and Pronouns 89 

Appendix 2 — Negatives 90 

Appendix 3 — Interrogatives 91 

Appendix 4 — 'have' 93 

Glossary op Engush Grammatical Terms 95 

Bibliography 100 

Footnotes 102 



0.0 INTRODUCTION 

There are about 600 negritos calling themselves Agta and 
speaking the language, upon which this analysis is based, living 
in the central region of Cagayan Province, Northern Luzon, 
Philippines. Two dialects are recognised. Southern Agta being 
the one spoken by the larger number. This dialect is spoken 
in the municipalities of Amulung, Baggao, Alcala and Gatta- 
ran, while Northern Agta is spoken in the municipalities of 
Lal-lo, Calamaniugan and Buguey. Elsewhere in Cagayan 
Province at least four other languages are spoken by other 
sections of this tribe of negritos, which numbers about 2,000 in 
all. 

The Agta are semi-nomads, their life being divided between 
hunting and collecting forest products on the one hand, and 
working as casual labourers for lowland farmers on the other. 
They therefore live on the fringe, between the cultivated Ca- 
gayan river flats and the forested hills. All of them speak at 
least one other negrito dialect, and most have a good knowledge 
of Ilocano and/or Ibanag also. They are completely illiterate 
to date, although one or two are attending barrio schools in 
some places. 

The Agta language belongs to the Malay o-Polynesian (Aus- 
tronesian) group of languages as do all the other languages of 
the Philippines, and is specifically a member of the Ilocano- 
Ibanag group of languages, having about 50 per cent cognates 
in common with these. Culturally, the Agta are very similar 
to the other forest dwellers in other parts of the Philippines, 
and their non-material culture, including religion, kinship sys- 
tem, and marriage customs, has much in common with that of 
the less acculturated communities of the Philippines as a whole. 

Materials for the present analysis were gathered at barrio 
Bagunut, Baggao, during the years 1955-57 under the auspices 
of the Summer Institute of Linguistics. All data were collected 
by the monolingual approach, there being no intermediate 
language familiar to both parties. The grammar is based only 
upon text materials, that is, utterances caught by pen or tape 
during conversations or periods of story telling, and all examples 
used in the grammar are from such text. The Agta speakers 
involved were many, but notable among our language helpers 



were Mr. Pedro (Illu) Tumbali, Mr. Sitong Tumbali and wife, 
Mrs. Ijoring of Alcala municipality, Mr. Ipi Gammad and wife, 
Mrs. Upin of Cumao, and Mrs. Victorina of Baggao munic- 
ipality. 

0.1 Acknowledgments 

The author is primarily indebted to Alan Healey, for although 
the presentation of the Agta Grammar is the author's, the 
preceding collection of material and analysis of it was a piece 
of husband- wife teamwork, and it is impossible to make any 
realistic division of the work into two spheres of responsibility. 
Much is also owed to W. J. and L. F. Gates, who commenced 
the work among the Agtas, and passed on a Phonology, a Voca- 
bulary, and a number of hints on the grammar. As far as the 
theory underlying the thesis is concerned, the author is in- 
debted to R. S. Pittman for an introduction to analysis and 
presentation based on the relationship of pairs of immediate 
constituents, and to both Pittman and Charles C. Fries for the 
concept of the natural self-ordering and self-interpretation of 
a language. An attempt has been made to avoid cumbersome 
terminology in order to gain clarity and understandability, but 
such linguistic terminology as is used owes its origin to previous 
studies of Philippine languages, to Pittman, or to the older 
descriptive linguists, mediated by E. A. Nida. 

0.2 The Purpose 

The purpose of this thesis is threefold, (a) It is the presen- 
tation of the grammar of a little known language.' Although 
Agta is structurally similar to the other languages of the 
Philippines, and particularly to the Ilocano-Ibanag group of 
languages, it differs sufficiently from them to necessitate separate 
treatment. (&) The thesis has been prepared to assist other 
linguists to learn the language. Other members of the Summer 
Institute of Linguistics have taken up residence among the 
Agtas, and this work is for them, (c) An attempt has been 
made to present the materials in a pedagogically useful order, 
that is, one that is determined by the structure of the language, 
and that does not at any stage presuppose knowledge of ma- 
terial not already dealt with in the grammar. It is submitted 
that the reader of a grammar should not need to refer forward 
to later material in order to understand a matter under dis- 
cussion. On the other hand, knowledge of matters previously 
discussed is assumed throughout the grammar. 



0.3 The Approach 

The approach utilises Pittman's application of Hjelmslev's 
theory, relationship based on overt and covert ligatures being 
basic, and classes of word bases being determined only by 
class and construction markers. 

0.4 The Presentation 

The presentation is, hovi^ever, the result of trial and error. 
The present order appears to agree vsrith the intrinsic structure 
of the language itself. The procedure has been to allow pre- 
sentation to be moulded to structure, not vice versa. 

Each basic construction has a chapter to itself. Each chapter 
is internally patterned thus: (a) theoretical reasons for the 
particular analysis, (6) description of the construction accord- 
ing to the analysis, and (c) partly graded illustrative examples 
taken from text. An appendix draws together the different 
Agta ways of handling the equivalents of a single English 
grammatical mechanism, and a glossary indicates where equiva- 
lents of English grammatical categories, identified by their 
traditional names, may be found in the grammar. Discussions 
of the lateral morphemes and their morphophonemics are sub- 
sumed under those syntactic constructions in which they occur. 

0.5 Phonology ^ 

The phonemes of Agta are a, b, k, d, e, f, g, h, i, I, m, n, ng 
(velar nasal), o, p, q (glottal stop), r (alveolar flap), s, t, 
u, V, w, y, z. The symbols / and v represent bilabial fricatives. 
Phonemic vowel length, represented by (O, occurs with the 
vowels a, i, and u, but not e and o. Due to the incomplete 
analysis of vowel length, especially of its morphophonemics, 
there are some inconsistencies in its recording in the examples 
used in the following materials. 

0.6 Symbols and Abbreviations 

The following symbols and abbreviations have been used in 
the literal translations of examples and the symbolisation of 
types of constructions : 

indicates morpheme boimdaries in both the language material 
and the literal translation, and also where relevant in construc- 
tion symbolisation. Except for expanded word bases and situa- 
tions where the process of reduction has removed the overt 
morpheme boundary, all morpheme boundaries have been thus 
indicated. Possibly further morphological break down than 



has been attempted might he legitimate, especially in the cases 
of Pronouns (see Section 2.2) and Post-Adverbs (see Section 
6.1). Infixes and prefix-suffix combinations have been indicated 
in the literal translation as though they were prefixes. 



/ (a) divides the semantic elements of semantically complex mor- 

phemes (portmanteau morphemes, or morphemes whose class 
is indicated together with their meaning); (6) divides the 
meanings of sequences of morphemes which are formally in- 
divisible as a result of morphophonemic change, such as re- 
duction; (c) separates the words of an English translation 
where several English words are required to translate a single 
Agta morpheme. 

Word boundaries in language material, literal and free trans- 
lations are indicated by a single space. 
YA The occurrence of the equational ligature is marked by the 

NA capitalised commonest form YA in the literal translation and 

TA construction symbolisation, that of the attributive ligature by 

NA, and that of the oblique ligature by TA. The Pronoun 
classes corresponding to these ligatures are respectively marked 
by YA/, NA/, and TA/ in the literal translation and con- 
struction symbolisation, with the specific translation of the 
particular Pronoun in question immediately following the /. 
(YA) Brackets around the translation of these morphological units 
(YA/it) indicate that the item is not overtly present in the utterance, 
although it is presupposed by the ligatures used with other 
items in the sentence and/or the affixes of the Verb, 
actor The abbreviated meanings of the verbal affixes used in the 

literal translation are listed in the tables in Section 2.3. 
past/ The past tense of a verbal affix is indicated by "past/" before 

the meaning of the affix. The more frequent present/future 
tense is unmarked, 
sg, pi Singular and Plural are thus marked. 

Where the meaning of a morpheme is not known, the morpheme 
is written out in full and underlined in the literal translation. 

Morphological complexities in the word base have not been 
indicated beyond Section 1. 

Examples have been arranged in the order: (a) language 
text, (b) morpheme-by-morpheme literal translation, (c) free 
translation. Examples commencing with a capital are complete 
sentences; those commencing with a lower case letter are com- 
plete phrases, but not sentences. Since spontaneous utterances 
by native speakers of Agta have alone been used as examples, 
there are a few amongst them which deviate slightly from the 
norm upon which this grammar is based. As in all communi- 
ties, an occasional speaker has idiolectical idiosyncracies. 



1.0 MORPHOLOGY 

The non-affixable roots in Agta are divided into the following 
classes: Ligatures, Post-Adverbs, Pre-Adverbs, Connectives, 
and Exclamations. In addition, there are the Pronouns, which 
may take certain pronominal suffixes. Finally, there are the 
Word Bases, which include by far the majority of roots in the 
language, and which may or may not occur with verbal and/or 
pronominal affixes. 

The phonological unit, to which the syntactically significant 
affixes (verbal, pronominal, and -n, allomorph of na 'now', 
'already') may be joined, may or may not be morphologically 
minimal. The minimal morphological unit is the root or simple 
word base. But the addition of derivational affixes to the 
simple word base and various types of word base reduplication 
occur, and these affect its meaning but not its syntactic function. 
The expanded word base thus formed behaves in the same way 
as does the simple word base in taking lateral syntactically 
significant affixes. 

In this section. Morphology, the morpheme boundaries within 
the expanded word base are, of course, indicated for illustrative 
purposes. In the rest of the grammar, however, these are not 
shown, the expanded word base being treated as a single unit 
and shown as such in the literal morpheme-by-morpheme 
translation. 

1.1 Derivational Prefixes 

There are two inner layer derivational affixes ^ which may 
be prefixed to word bases, in which case word base plus affix 
functions as an expanded word base for purposes of reduplica- 
tion as well as taking other affixes. These are pa^ 'causative' 
and Jcor- of obscure meaning. When reduplication occurs on an 
expanded word base containing pa- or ka-, the phonemes of the 
prefix become the initial CV (consonant and vowel) for redu- 
plicative purposes, e.g. liwdt 'fault', pa-liwat-an 'blame', pal- 
paliwat-an 'blame' ; sidug 'sleep', ma-sidug 'sleep', awe-na maka- 
kas-kasidug 'he can't sleep a wink'. Similarly, the phonemes 
of the prefix become the initial CV for purposes of infixation, 
e.g. Present/Future tense pa- -an becomes Past tense p-in-a-; 
and the form p-um-a- also occurs. 



The following examples illustrate some uses of pa-; mag- 
tangit 'he is crying', pa-tangit-an 'make (someone) cry'; mag- 
susu 'he is sucking', pa-susu-n 'give suck'; g-um-atang 'it is 
hurnmg', pa-gatang-an 'light (a fire)'. 

When the pa- prefix is followed by a root initial i or u, there 
is a tendency for the ai to become e, and the au to become o. 
E.g. mag-pa-idda becomes mag-pedda 'lay (something) down' 
(from mag-idda 'lie down') ; mag-pa-inum becomes mag-penum 
'give (someone) a drink' (from um-imim 'drink') ; i-pa-ita be- 
comes i-peta 'show (something)' (from Ud-7i 'see') ; ma-pa-ulu 
becomes ma-polu 'first' (from ulu 'head') ; ma-pa-uhet becomes 
ma-pohet 'bring out' (from im-uhet 'come out') ; ma-pa-uyung 
becomes ma-poyung 'undecided' (from mag-uyung 'dizzy'). 

1.2 Word Base Morphology 

The following types of reduplication occur: 

(a) Gala-, 'diminutive' ; in which the initial consonant, if any, 
of the stem followed by ala is prefixed to the stem.* 

ala- This type is very commonly used, and may occur 
with any known simple word base. 



assang 


'smair 


alaq-assang 


'very small' 


wer 


'creek' 


wala-wer 


'small creek' 


talobag 


'beetle' 


tala-talobag 


'lady-bird' 


bakbakat 


'granny' 


bala-bakbakat 


'little granny' 


bag 


'g-string' 


bala-bag 


'small g-string' 


kwa-k 


'mine' 


kwala-kwa-k 


'my small thing' 


pirak 


'money' 


pala-pirak 


'a little money' 


abbing 


'child' 


alaq-abbing 


'a little child' 


bahuy 


'pig' 


bala-bahuy 


'a little pig' 


pesuk 


'peso' 


pala-pesuk 


'one little peso', 
'a mere peso' 


kuga 


'so' (Pre-Ad- 


kala-kuga awan 


'so minute it's 




verb) 




almost not 
there' 


raag-poray 


'angry' 


mag-pala-poray 


'a bit angry' 


mag-simul 


'take a mouthful' 


mag-sala-simul 


'take a nibble' 


pan-arelig-an 


'some where to 


pan-ala-tareligan 


'a little spot to 




lean' 




lean' 


(b) CVC-, 


'plural'; in which the initial three segments (con- 


vc- 


sonant, vowel, consc 


>nant) , or two se 


gments (vowel, 



consonant) in the case of vowel initial word bases, 



are reduplicated. This is a common type of redu- 
plication, but is not the commonest type of plura- 
liser. Occasionally it redundantly occurs with the 
commoner pluraliser kid. Under (i) below are 
listed examples where the meaning of the redupli- 
cation is clearly 'plural'. The remainder are not 
so straightforward. Examples listed under (n) 
are intensified rather than pluralised, with the 
further meaning 'diminutive' in the reduplications 
at-dtu and bal-balatdng. Under (m) are listed 
those forms where it is not possible to tell whether 
the meaning of the reduplication is 'plural' or 
'intensive' — something between the two perhaps. 
All the examples in (iv) were found in negative 
expressions, where the meaning of negative plus 
reduplication is 'not a scrap' or 'not at all'. 



(^■) 








uffu 


'thigh' 


uf-uffu 


'thighs' 


takki 


'leg' 


tak-takki 


'legs' 


labang 


'patch' 


lab-labang 


'patches' 


ulu 


'head' 


ul-ulu-da 


'their heads' 


karuba 


'neighbour' 


kar-karuba kid- 


'the neighbours' 


bari 


'body' 


en 
bar-bari-k kid-in 


'my whole body* 


hiklam 


'night' 


ka-hik-hiklam 


'every night' 


araw 


'day' 


k-ar-araw 


'every day' 


na-gusat 


'split in two' 


na-gus-gusat 


'split in three or 
more' 


na-wakay 


'lost' 


na-wak-wakay 


'many things 
lost' 


me-saned 


'be spread (over 


me-san-saned 


'be spread (over 




one thing)' 




several things)' 


mag-saddu 


'leak' 


mag-sad-saddu 


'leak in many 
places' 


d-um-atang 


'arrive' 


d-um-at-datang 


'keep on arriving 
one after 
another' 


(ii) 








adanuk 


'long' 


ad-adanuk 


'very long' 


addu 


'many' 


ad-addu 


'very many' 


apisi 


'small' 


ap-apisi 


'very small' 


abfkan 


'near' 


ab-abikan 


'very near' 


atu 


'dog' 


at-atu 


'puppy' 


balatang 


'girl' 


bal-balatang 


'little girl' 


inya 


'who?' 


Inq-inya ka-n. 


'Whoever are 



you? 



ma-bangi 

ma-bangog 
paliwat-an 

(m) 

gafu 

t-um-abbag 

tulpaw-an 

maka-bilag 

(iv) 
takwan 

baggat 

danum 

dulay 

maka-sidug 

mag-si tang 

pidwa-n 



(c) CV-, 'intensive'; in which the initial two segments (con- 
V- sonant and vowel), or the initial vowel of vowel 
initial stems, are reduplicated. Cases with straight 
'intensive' meaning are listed under (i) below. Two 
cases where the meaning appears to be 'diminutive' 
are listed under (ii), and cases with other changes 
of meaning under (in) . 



'delicious- 


ma-bang-bangi 


'very delicious- 


smelling' 




smelling' 


'fragrant' 


ma-bang-bangog 


'very fragrant' 


'blame' 


pal-paliwat-an 


'blame' 


'reason' 


gaf-gafu 


'meaning', 'sense' 


'answer' 


ma-tab-tabbag 


'argue' 


'poke' 


tul-tulpaw-an 


'poke repeatedly' 


'able to run' 


maka-bil-bilag 


'keep on running' 


'another' 


Awan ta tak-tak- 


'There is no 




wan. 


other.' 


'rice' 


Awan ta bag- 


'There's not a 




baggat. 


grain of rice.' 


'water' 


Awan ta dan- 


'There's not a 




danum. 


drop of water.' 


'bad' 


Awan ta dul-du- 


'Nothing's 




lay. 


wrong.' 


'sleepy' 


Awe-na maka- 


'He couldn't 




kas-kasidug. 


sleep a wink.' 


'make a noise' 


Awe-na mag-sit- 


'He isn't making 




sitang. 


a sound.' 


'do again', 


Awe-mi-n san- 


'We'll never do 


'repeat' 


gaw pid-pid- 
wa-n. 


it again.' 



(i) 








assang 


'small' 


aq-assang 


'very small' 


dakal 


'big' 


da-dagkal 


'very big' 


dana 


'old' 


da-dana 


'very old' 


ngangay 


'a long time' 


(in nga-ngangay 


'a long time' 




months) 




(in years) 


mag-bida 


'talk about' 


mag-bi-bida 


'talk intently' 


mag-bilag 


'run' 


mag-bi-bilag 


'run hard and 
far' 


mang-uyoyung 


'tease' 


mang-uq-uyo- 


'tease him a lot' 






yung 


'thoroughly un- 


ma-poyung 


'undecided' 


ma-po-poyung 


decided' 



(ii) 

mag-ariit 
m-ata 


'flow swiftly' 
'green', 
'unripe' 


mag-aq-driit 
m-aq-ata-n 


'flow slowly' 

'pale green', 

'ripening' 


(w) 
fiirab 


'afternoon' 


fu-furab 


'late afternoon' 


laqwat 

mag-kan 

l-um-ammad 


'tomorrow' 

'eat' 

'sink' (sun) 


la-laqwat 

mag-ka-kan 

la-lammad-an 


'morning' 
'keep on eating' 
'west' 



(iv) This reduplication regularly occurs with sinang-'likejiesa' 
and pigd-'how often'. 



ulu 


'head' 


sinang-uq-ulu 


'the shape of a 
head' 


tolay 


'person' 


sinang-to-tolay 


'like a person' 


bilyon 


'twenty 


sinang-bi-bilyon 


'the size of a 




centavos' 




twenty cen- 
tavo piece' 


mag-toli 


'return' 


piga-to-toli-n 


'return often' 



(d) Ca- 'plural actor'; in which the initial consonant of the 
stem followed by a constitutes a prefix. The implica- 
tion of this form of reduplication is that both or all 
of the actors are actually involved in the action. 



mag-dafung 'meet' da-dafung-an-da 'they all gather 

round (some- 
one)' 
d-um-atang 'arrive' mag-da-datang 'they all arrive' 

kid (e.g. for wed- 

ding) 
nag-duma 'different' nag-da-duma kid 'they are differ- 

ent from each 
other' 
nag-gitta 'same' nag-ga-gitta kid 'they are the 

same as each 
other' 
nag-ken 'be wear i n g a nag-kaq-ken kid 'they were all 

skirt' wearing skirts' 

mag-bida 'talk about' mag-ba-bida kid 'they are talking 

together' 
mag-welwel 'scold' mag-wa-welwel 'they are all tel- 

kid ling (him) oft'' 



10 
(e) CVCiOV- This is rare and its meaning is still obscure. 



mag-bilag 


'run' 


bila-bilag-an 


'run gently' 


mag-tulad 


'tell a lie' 


mag-tula-tulad 


'tell a fib' 


mag-fulat 


'hold onto' 


Mag-fula-fulat 


'The night is 






ya hitlam. 


pitch dark.' 



(f ) Complete Reduplication 'intensive'. This is rare. 

magi-kuyat 'kick' (some- mag-kuyat-kuyat 'twitch' (in death 

thing) throes) 

mang-uma 'clear planting mag-uma-uma-n 'slash under- 
ground' growth' 

toko 'stupid' mag-loko-loko 'behave stupidly' 

(g) -eC-, The first -VC- of some words is reduplicated, if the 
-oC- first vowel is i or u. The vowel of the reduplica- 
tion is changed from i to e, or from u to o, and the 
reduplication is infixed after the first syllable, thus: 
CiC-eC-VC or CuC-oC-VC. There is a possible ele- 
ment of 'diminutive' meaning in this reduplication, 
but the meaning of the word is usually very much 
changed, and the change is not predictable. This 
type of reduplication is not active in the language, 
although there are many examples of its occurrence, 
and may best be regarded as derivational. The i 
involved in this reduplication may belong to an in- 
flectional verbal prefix. 



bilag 


'sun' 




mam-il-el-ag 


'bask in the sun' 


umuk 


'nesf 




mag-um-om-uk 


'wrap up against 
wind' 


udan 


'rain' 




ud-od-an 


'lot of rain' 


mag-uyung 


'mad' 




mang-uy-oy-ung 


'joke', 'fool', 
'tease' 


mag-itiid 


'stay put' 


awe-na makaq-it 


'he can't stay 








-et-ud 


put' 


gilat 


'barbed 


steel 


gil-el-at 


'small barbed 




arrow 


head' 




bamboo arrow 
head' 


ulag 


'snake' 




ul-ol-ag 


'insect' 


ulat 


'blanket' 




ul-ol-at 


'cape', 'outer gar- 
ment' 


hutug 


'bow' 




hut-ot-ug 


'small bamboo 

bow' 
'be ignorant' 


lavun-an 


'guess' 




maki-1-el-avun 


talun 


'forest' 




i-t-et-alun-an 


'forest dweller' 



11 

1.3 Morphophonemics 

The morphophonemics of specific affixes are discussed in the 
sections in which those affixes are handled. However, there 
are some general tendencies requiring mention. 

Glottal stop (q) occurs as a phoneme in Agta, occurring 
between vowels and as first or second member of a consonant 
cluster. It also occurs before utterance initial vowel and after 
utterance final vowel, but it has not been marked in these 
positions as it disappears in sequences when consonants are 
contiguous to it. This follows current Philippine usage. How- 
ever, except in cases of reduction which are specifically men- 
tioned in the grammar, such as after the prefix pa- and a few 
roots beginning with d, a glottal stop occurs between two vowels 
coming together at a morphome boundary. Such glottals are 
marked, being written as the final segment of the first of the 
two morphemes. E.g. atuq-en 'the dog', tabaq-in 'the fat', 
baliq-in 'the house', maq-azi 'dispensed with', nagaq-intak 'stop- 
ped' (i.e. wind), magaq-uddn 'it is raining continuously', maq- 
ulqulig 'sleep very deeply', maq-umug 'stifle', maq-dmu 'know', 
maq-dldn 'many'. Among the few exceptional roots beginning 
with a, before which the a oi the affix is lost, are : m-dta 'green', 
'unripe', m-dlsut 'sour', m-dmit 'sweet'. 

Probably the most common morphophonemic change is the 
shifting of vowel length, which has not been completely ana- 
lysed. 

Word base final n usually assimilates to the point of articula- 
tion of the initial consonant of a contiguous following suffix, 
or free word in the same phrase. Similarly, the final ng of 
the prefixes ing- and mameng- assimilates to the point of ar- 
ticulation of following consonants, except for r, I, and h. E.g. 
asin 'salt', asing-ku 'my salt', asim-mi 'our salt'; pana 'arrow 
shaft', mag-im-pdna 'put shaft on (arrow head)'; pingit 'edge', 
mag-im-pingit 'be on the edge' ; tallu 'three', mamen-tallu 'three 
times'; pitu 'seven', mamem-pitu 'seven times'. 



2.0 THE EQUATION 

The major sentence-forming construction " in the Agta lan- 
guage is the equation. That is, apart from exclamations, some 
brief commands and responses, the minimal complete sentence 
contains two word bases (i.e. roots or stems which may be 
affixed), or a word base and a pronoun or two pronouns, and 
these word bases are linked together by the form YA. There 
are three linking mechanisms of this type in Agta, which have 
been termed ligatures * after current Philippine usage, YA being 
the clause-forming ligature. YA has two simultaneous func- 
tions : 

(a) it syntactically and seniantically links the two word bases as 

the two terminals ' of an equation, 
(&) it brings into focus the second of the two terminals as the 

continuing topic' of the paragraph or conversation. 

Thus a very literal rendering of the Agta equivalent for 'The 
man is running.' would be 'The-one-who-is-running is the-man.', 
while 'The man is red.' could be rendered 'The-red-thing is the- 
man.', and 'The man is ^ soldier.' could be rendered 'Soldier is 
the-man.'. 

Whereas unaffixable roots belong to a number of small, dis- 
tinct classes according to their occurrence and syntactic func- 
tion, word bases behave functionally as one class. All word 
bases may occur as either first or second terminal of an equa- 
tion, whether actually affixed in a particular occurrence or not. 
They include stems and derived forms, which can be affixed 
in the same way as simple word bases (roots). Basically, then, 
any equation may be represented by the formula: Word base 
YA word base. However, for the sake of greater understand- 
ability to speakers of English, word bases actually occurring in 
sentences will be divided into two "classes". That occuring with 
an inflectional affix or affixes (other than pronouns) will be 
termed "Verb" ; while that occurring without inflectional affixes 
(apart from pronouns) will be termed "Noun". The terms 
"Noun" and "Verb", then, are entirely grammatical, referring 
to particular actualisations of a word base. The word base 
itself is intrinsically neither a "Noun" nor a "Verb" apart from 
a specific grammatical environment. This grammatical environ- 
ment is morphological rather than syntactic, as the basic sen- 
12 



13 

tence-forming construction is the same whether its terminals 
are "Noun" or "Verb". 

A clause in Agta contains one equation only, that is, one YA 
construction with one focused item. It is possible, however, for 
a clause to fill any position normally occupied by a word base, 
such as terminal of an equation, etc. Except for exclamations, 
brief commands and responses, a minimal sentence contains one 
equation. Sentences often contain more than one clause, and 
thus more than one equation. 

2.1 Noun YA Nown 

There are three possible forms of the ligature YA when its 
following terminal is a Noun: 

(a) ya occurs with all word bases except those specified below 
for yi and yig. 

Imurung ya adet na kalsada. Imurung YA end NA road. 'Imurung 
is the end of the road.' 

Ka-hikhiklam-in k-araraw-in ya damdam-k-in. event-pl/night-NA/this 
event-pl/day-NA/this YA sadness-NA/I-NA/this. 'My sorrow con- 
tinues night and day.' 

(b) yi occurs with all personal names, as well as the follow- 
ing kinship terms. 

abay 'daughter', 'girl' 

abe 'older sibling' (term of address) 

aleng 'son', 'boy' 

atawa 'spouse' 

babo 'grandparent' 

kabirat 'spouse of sibling-in-law' 

kaka- 'older sibling' (term of reference) 

kayung 'brother-in-law of man' 

dama- 'father' (term of reference) 

hina- 'mother' (term of reference) 

ipag 'sibling-in-law other than kayung' 

masina 'aunt' (true or by marriage) 

lite 'uncle' (true or by marriage)' 

wagi 'younger sibling' 

All other kinship terms than the above occur with the non- 
personal ligature ya. Among these others are : manuhang 'child- 
in-law', katuhangdn 'parent-in-law', afu 'grandchild', pangdna- 
kdn 'sibling's child', kasinsin 'cousin', andk 'offspring', kdbaydn 
'boy's sister', kalakydn 'girl's brother'. 

Takwan yi hina-na. another YA mother-NA/he. 'He had a different 

mother.' 
Kaluhung-ku yi Tinoy. relative-NA/I YA Tiroy. 'Tinoy is my relative.' 



14 

(c) yig occurs with all personal names, and the kinship terms 
listed above for yi. Its use implies that the person named 
has companions, and often that the companion is a spouse 
of the person named and that spouse stands in taboo 
relationship to the speaker and must not be named. 

Commonly occurring without verbal affixes and therefore 
classified as Nouns are a number of word bases corresponding 
to numerals, adjectives of measurement and of colour in English. 
They may occur as first terminal in an equation, in which case 
their behaviour is exactly the same as other Nouns, and they 
carry such meanings as 'three units', 'the-tall-thing', 'the-black- 
thing'. However, their usual adjectival semantic equivalents 
have been given below. 

Cardinal Numbers: 



1 


tataqday 


6 


annam 


2 


diiwa 


7 


pitu 


3 


tallu 


8 


walu 


4 


appat 


9 


siyam 


6 


lima 


10 


ma-fulu 


12 


ma-fulu diiwa (etc.) 


60 


annama-fulu 


20 


dwa-fulu 


70 


pitu-fulu 


30 


tallu-fulu 


80 


walu-fulu 


40 


appata-fulu 


90 


siyama-fulu 


50 


lima-fulu 


100 


ma-gatut 


103 


ma-gatut a tallu 


200 


dwa-gatut 


133 


ma-gatut a tallu-fulu tallu 


300 


tallu-gatut (etc.) 


1000 


ma-ribu 


2000 


dwa-ribu (etc.) 


Measurements : 






abikan 'near' 


apisi 


•short' 


adalam 'deep' 


assang 'small', 'few' 


adanuk 'tall', 'high' 


assi 


'shallow' 


adayu 


'far' 


dakal 


'big' 


,addu 


'many', 'much' 


dappug 'huge' 


alawa 


'wide' 


ngamin 'all' 


Colours : 








asul 


'blue' 


furaw 


'white', 'pale' 


kiyaw 


'lemon yellow' 


ngila 


'yellow' 


darag 


'red', 'brown' 


ngisit 


'black', 'dark' 



Tallu ya barawasi-na. three YA dress-NA/she. 'She has three dresses.' 
Assang ya bilag. small YA sun. 'The sun was far down.' 
Dakal na yi abay. big now YA little/girl. 'Girlie is big now.' 



15 

Adaddu ya ganna ta radang ni abay. very/much YA phlegm TA chest 
NA daughter. 'There's a lot of phlegm in my daughter's chest.' 

Darag ya mukat-na. red YA face-NA/he. 'His face is red.' or 'He 
has a red face.' 

Ababikan na ya ball na Agta. very/close now YA house NA Agta. 'The 
Agta houses are very close now.' 

Also occurring without verbal affixes and therefore classified 
as Nouns are the following : ittd 'there is', awdn 'there is none', 
and bakkan 'it is not'. Although most frequently occurring as 
first terminal, they are distinguishable from Pronouns in that 
they may occur either as first or second terminal of the equa- 
tion without changing class, and when they are in second ter- 
minal position the YA ligature procedes them, whereas the 
ligature is incorporated in the form of Pronouns. 

Itta ya laman. there/is YA boar. 'There was a wild pig.' 

Itta ya Ugsin. there/is YA lowlander. 'There was a lowlander there.' 

Itta ya walawer na assang. there/is YA small/creek NA small. 'There 

was a small creek.' 
Itta ya dulay teyak. there/is YA bad TA/I. 'There is something wrong 

with me.' or 'I have something to complain about.' 
Itta paqen sina ya kaluhung-ku kid-en. there/is reply TA/there YA 

relative-NA/I pl-NA/that. 'I have some relatives here.' 
Awan na ya bida na laman. there/is/none now YA story NA boar. 

'There'll be no more pig stories now.' 
Awan ya lalaki-mi kid-en. there/is/none YA man-NA/we pl-NA/that. 

'Our menfolk aren't here.' 

2.2 Equations Involving Pronouns 

In any construction in which a Noun may occur, there is a 
corresponding class of Pronouns which may substitute for it, 
plus its preceding ligature, if any. A separate class of Pro- 
nouns exists for each ligature as well as a class which substi- 
tutes for a Noun without a preceding ligature. Listed hereunder 
are the INTU Class Pronouns which substitute for a Noun 
without a preceding ligature, occurring as the first terminal 
of an equation; and the YA Class Pronouns which substitute 
for a Noun with a preceding YA ligature, occurring as the 
second terminal of an equation. 



30NAL Pronouns 








Singular: 


INTU Class: 


YA 


Class: 


First Person (1) 


iyak 




ak, yak 


Inclusive Person (1 + 2)' 


ikita 




kita 


Second Person (2) 


iko 




ka 


Third Person (3)" 


intu 




— 



16 



Plural: 






First Person (1) 


ikami 


kami 


Inclusive Person (1 + 2) 


ikitam 


kitam 


Second Person (2) 


ikamuy 


kam 


Third Person (3) 


ikid 


kid 



The allomorph dk of the first person singular of the YA Class 
occurs after stem-final consonant, yak after stem-final vowel. 
There is no overt morpheme for the third person singular of 
the YA Class, but overt morphemes do occur for third person 
singular in all other Pronoun series. A zero morpheme is there- 
fore postulated for third person singular, YA Class.^^' . 

The meanings of the above Pronouns are exactly as indicated 
by the numerals, namely, in order: 'I', 'we' (you and I), 'you', 
'he' or 'she' or 'it', 'we' (excluding you), 'we' (all of us, in- 
cluding you), 'you', 'they'. Although it is impossible and un- 
profitable grammatically to try to draw morphological bounda- 
ries within the forms of these Pronouns, yet it is interesting 
to compare the forms ka 'you' (sg) and kdm 'you' (pi) with 
the forms kita 'we' (you and I) and kitdm 'we' (all of us, 
including you) . On formal grounds as well as semantic grounds, 
the Personal Pronouns divide themselves into two groups of 
four, for Singular and Plural. That kita (and its counter- 
parts for ligatures other than YA) patterns as a Singular 
Pronoun, despite the meaning of its English equivalent, is 
evidenced by the parallelism of the above forms, and by the 
fact that there is a separate form for each of the meanings 
'I plus you' {kita) and 'we plus you' (kitdn). A further 
evidence of this is to be found in Section 7.1(a). 

Corresponding to both the INTU and YA Class Personal 
Pronouns above, there is a single series of hnpersonal Pro- 
nouns or Deynonstratives. These occur in the same positions as 
the Personal Pronouns. Their English equivalent would be 
demonstrative pronouns. 

Impersonal Pronouns: INTU and YA Class 
this (near me) yan 

that (near you, or referred to by you) yana 

that (in middle distance) yewan 

that (in far distance, out of sight, re- yen 

f erred to by me) 

These Impersonal Pronouns may be pluralised by the suflSxation 
of-kid, e.g. yerjan^-kid 'these', yana-kid 'those (near you)', ye- 
wan^-kid 'those', yen^-kid 'those'. 



17 

The prefix ye- may occur with these Impersonal Pronouns, 
slightly emphasising their demonstrativeness. There may or 
may not be a glottal stop between the two morphemes in the 
first two cases, thus: 



yeqyan 


or 


yeyan 


yeqyana 


or 


yeyana 


yeqyewan 






yeqyen 







With the two more distant Pronouns, yo sometimes occurs, 
emphasising the great distance. 



yo yewan 
yo yen 



(a) Noun Y A/ Pronoun 



Tataqday ak. one YA/I. 'I'm alone.' 

Dappug ka. huge YA/you/sg. 'You're enormous.' 

Bababang kid. Very/many YA/they. 'There were lots of them.' 

Takwan. another (YA/it). 'It was different.' 

Dakal na. big (YA/he) now. 'He's big now.' 

Hitlam na. night (YA/it) now. 'It's already night.' 

Dulay yan. bad YA/this. 'This is no good.' 

Sabadu kami. Saturday YA/we. 'We'll go on Saturday.' 

Balabaqbaqat ak la. little/old/woman YA/I only. 'I'm just a little 

old woman.' 
Duwa kid ay. two YA/they emphatic. 'There are two of them.' 
Tallu kam mantu ay. three YA/you/pl then emphatic. 'Then there are 

three of you.' 
Magge abikan kami-n ta ili. almost near YA/we-now TA town. 'Now 

we were fairly close to town.' 
Kuman-en kami. likeness-Na/that YA/we. 'We are the same.' or 'We 

are just like that.' 
Itta kid na. there/is YA/they now. 'Here they are now.' 
Itta yak-in. there/is YA/I-NA/this. 'Here I am.' 
Itta ka-n mantu. there/is YA/you/sg-now then. 'So you're here!' 
Itta ta talun. there/is (YA/he) TA forest. 'He's in the forest.' 
Awan kid. there/is/none YA/they. 'They aren't here.' 
Awan kid na ta ball, there/is/none YA/they now TA house. 'They 

aren't home.' 
Awan ak ta barawasi. there/is/none YA/I TA dress. 'I have no dress.' 
Awan ka ta nonot. there/is/none YA/you sg TA mind. 'You've got no 

sense.' 
Awan kami ta bagbaggat. there/is/none YA/we TA pl/rice. 'We haven't 

a grain of rice.' 
Bakkan ak ta babbay. it/is/not YA/I TA woman. 'I'm not a woman.' 
Bakkan yana ta tarong. it/is/not YA/that TA egg/plant. 'That's not 

egg-plant.' 
097460 2 



18 

(b) Pronoun YA Noun 

Intu kan ya dalan. it he/says YA trail. 'He says this is the trail.' 
Yan ya m-apya na dalan. this YA state-good NA trail. 'This a good 

trail.' 
Yan ya Agtaq-in yan. this YA Agta-NA/this this. 'This Agta is the 

one.' 
Yen ya uhohug ni Pedruq-en. that YA/word NA Pedro-NA/that. 'Those 

were Pedro's words.' or 'That's what Pedro said.' 
Yen ya gafu na ka-paqgang-ku. that YA reason NA event-cautious- 

NA/I. 'That's the reason for my caution.' or 'That's why I'm 

being cautious.' 

For examples of first and second person Pronouns as the first 
terminal of an equation see Sections 2.3(d) and 2.4. 

Besides Personal and Impersonal Pronouns of the INTU 
Class, there is a further set of Pronouns which occur in first 
terminal position in an equation, and nowhere else. These are 
the Interrogatives. 



anu 


'what?' 




kanu 


'when?' 




umanu 


'how? 'what 


. . . like?' 


had 


'where?' 




inya 


'who?' 




Piga 


'how many?' 


'how much?' 



Both kdnu (i.e. ka- + anu) and umanu (i.e. um- -f anu) are 
morphologically complex. Now um- and ka- are verbal affixes, 
sufficient morphological reason for including umanu and kdnu 
amongst Verbs rather than Pronouns. However, they have 
not the free distribution of affixed word bases. They share 
the limited distribution of this small class of Interrogative 
Pronouns, so have been retained with them. 

Anu pano ya ma-sikan na bida ta ayan-in. what ever YA state-strong 

NA talk TA time-N A/this. 'Whatever will be good to talk about 

now?' 
Umanu ya bali-da. what/like YA house-NA/they. 'What are their 

houses like? 
Had ya dalan-in where YA trail-NA/this. 'Where's the trail?' 
Had ya assang-en lata, where YA small-NA/that tin/can. 'Where's that 

small tin can?' 
Inya ya tolay, inya ya babbay. who YA person, who YA woman. 'Who 

are the people, who is the woman?' 
Piga kan ya laqbaq-en. how/many they/say YA basket-NA/that. 'They're 

asking how many baskets you want.' 



19 

(c) Pronoun Y A/ Pronoun 

Within the limits of semantic reasonableness, a Pronoun of 
the INTU Class (including Interrogatives) and a Pronoun of 
the YA Class may be equated the one to the other. 

Intu yeyan. it YA/this. 'This is it. or 'This is the one.' 

Intu yen-ina. it YA/that-NA/that/mentioned/by/you. 'That's the one you 

asked about.' 
Anu yen. what YA/that. 'What is that?' 
Anu yeyana. what YA/that/near/you. 'What is that?' or 'What have 

you got there?' 
Inya yana. who YA/that/near/you. 'Who is that?' 
Kanu ta laqwat. when ( YA/it) TA tomorrow. 'What day is it tomorrow?' 
Umanu ka la. how YA/you/sg only. 'How are you? 

2.3 Eqtiations Involving MAG Class and PAG Class Verbs 

There are several classes of verbal affixes, each class cor- 
responding to the focusing ^^ of a different item in the clause. 
If a MAG Class verbal affix occurs, then the actor is focused 
(marked by YA). If an AN Class verbal affix occurs, then 
the goal or accessory is correspondingly focused. The focused 
item (the second terminal as actor, goal or accessory) may in 
fact itself be the verbal form having the relevant affix. In this 
section only those equations will be discussed in which the actor 
is the topic or item in focus. 

Semantically, the actor is the doer or influence responsible for 
the action or the experiencer of the state; grammatically, the 
actor is the word base (or Pronoun) immediately following a 
word base occurring with verbal affixes. The actor obliga- 
torily occurs with all focus-carrying Verbs. 

The MAG Class includes the following affixes: 



mag- 


nag- 


'activity', 'prog^ress 


actor 


mang- 


nang- 


towards a state' 




-um- 


-um- 






maga- 


naga- 






uma- 


uma- 


'continuous activity' 


continuous 


maka- 


naka- 


'ability or liability to 
act', 'responsibility', 
'continued action'^ 


ability 


maki- 


naki- 


'corporate action' 


corporate 


ma-'" 


na- 


'state', 'condition' 


state 


meka- 




'ordinal number' 


ordinal 


mameng- 


mameng- 


'number of times' 


times 


tag-, sag- 




'number each', 
'number at a time' 


each 



20 



In addition, the following combinations occur: 



maging- 




naging- 




'come into or be in 
tion' 


posi- 


position 


tnagsaga- 




nagsaga- 




'extended activity', 




more 


Tiagka- 




nagka- 




'more' 






ftiagi- 




nagi- 




'reciprocal activity' 




reciprocal 


mangi- 




nangi- 




'activity' 




actor 


me- (ma- 


+ i-) 


ne- (na- - 


i-i-) 


'state', 'condition' 




state 


ma- -an 




na- -an 




'state', 'condition' 




state 



The inner layer affixes occurring in these combinations are: 
mflr-'position' ; saga- 'more' ; kd- 'reciprocal' ; i- 'accessory focus' ; 
-an 'goal focus'. Apart from these combinations, the goal and 
accessory morphemes occur contrastively to MAG. 

With all MAG Class affixes except -um- the initial m- indicates 
Present/Future tense, that is, the activity will take place in the 
future, or is beginning in the present and will continue into the 
future. Occasionally this form is also used for narrative Past 
tense. The initial n- indicates Past tense, that is, the activity 
has already taken place. Further refinements of time are 
indicated outside the morphology of the Verb. 

The affix -um- is prefixed to vowel initial stems, but occurs 
after the first consonant of consonant initial stems. The form 
-im- occurs interchangeably with -um-, although the particular 
dialect studied tends to favour -um-. Stems occurring with 
-um- (as against mag-, which occurs with few of the same stems 
as -um-) cannot easily be predicted, so require memorisation. 
One group of word bases, however, always takes -um-, namely 
the measurements and colours discussed in Section 2.1 above, 
e.g. abikan 'near', um-abikan 'approach'; assang 'small', um- 
assang 'shrink'; dakal 'big', d-um-akal 'grow big', grow up'; 
dardg 'red', d-um-ardg 'redden'; furdw 'white', f-um-urdw 'be- 
come white', 'be bleached', 'fade'. 

The following reductions usually occur when the final ng 
of mang- (and also the prefixes ang- and pang-) is contiguous 
with a stem initial consonant (both when the stem is a simple 
word base and when an expanded word base contains the 
prefixes pa- or ka-) ; 

ng plus h, f, or p becomes m, 

ng plus d, s, or t becomes n, 

ng plus k becomes ng, 

but no change occurs before vowels, semi-vowels, /, r, /;, or g. 



21 



The prefixes mameng- and ing- differ from the above in that 
although ng assimilates to the point of articulation of the follow- 
ing consonant (except I, r, or h), no reduction takes place. 

The PAG Class of affixes, which occur with word bases in 
positions usually other than that of first terminal of an equa- 
tion, is focusless. Past tense is indicated by the prefixing of 
ne- to pag-, pang-, paka-, paki-, ka- and their combinations. 
ag-, ang-, and combinations including them are tenseless. The 
same morphophonemic rules apply in the cases of pang- and 
ang- as apply to mang-. 

The PAG Class includes the following affixes: 



Meaning 



Symbol used in 
literal translation 



pag. 
pang- 
paka- 
paki- 

ang- 

ag- 

-an 



'time of, reason for, instrument used event 

for, manner of an activity' 

'reason for continued activity' continued/event 

'time of, reason for corporate activity' corporate/event 

'time of, reason for, manner of an event 

activity' 

'instrument, method used in activity' instrument 



In addition, the following combinations occur: 





Meaning 


Symbol used in 
literal translation 


paging- 
pagka- 
ka- -an 


'time of activity' 

'time of reciprocal activity' 

'fellow' 


event 

reciprocal/event 

fellow 


pag- -an 


'time of, reason for an activity' 


event 


pang- -an 
pag- -an 


'place of an activity' 


place 


pang- -an 
ka- -an 

pagi- -an 


'place of an activity' 
'superlative' 
'time of, reason for an activity' 


superlative 
event 


pangi- -an 
pagi- -an 


'place of an activity' 


place 


pangi- -an 
ag- -an 


'instrument used in activity' 


instrument 


ang- -an 






agi- -an 







The contrastive identification of -an and -an is difficult where 
a pronoun is suffixed, with attendant morphophonemic changes 
in the occurrence of vowel length. 



22 

Although 'time' and 'reason' are the usual meanings of the 
pag- group of affixes, and 'instrument' is the usual meaning 
of the ag- group of affixes, as indicated above, many cases have 
been found in textual data where pag- seems to mean 'instru- 
ment', and v/here ag- means 'time' or 'reason'. 
The use of ka-dn in the sense of 'superlative' is illustrated by 
the following : ma-sikan 'strong', ka-sikan-dn 'the strongest one' ; 
dulay 'bad', ka-dulay-dn 'the worst one'. 

Ka-kurug-an ya gilat-in yana. superlative-true YA arrow/head-NA/thia 
that/near/you. "That arrow-head is the real thing.' 

(a) Verb YA Noun 

In this construction the first terminal is a word base with 
a MAG Class verbal affix as its outermost layer, the second is 
a Noun and is in focus, that is, it is the topic of conversation 
or discourse, the centre of attention. Very literally, the first 
terminal has the structural meaning of "one who is doing", so 
that Mag-bida yi Pedru (actor-story YA Pedro) is literally 'One- 
who-is-telling-a-story is Pedro', but the best English equivalent 
is 'Pedro is telling a story.' Where the prefix ma- is used, the 
structural meaning is "one who is being", so that Ma-sikan ya 
uddn (state-strong YA rain) is literally 'What-is-strong is rain', 
but the best English equivalent is 'The rain is heavy'. 

Nag-tugut ya atu. past/actor-walk YA dog. 'The dog walked away.' 
Mag-ahut ya igung. actor-flow YA nose. '(My) nose is running.' 
Nag-terJnap yi abe. past/actor-dream YA older/sibling. 'Abe was dream- 
ing.' 
Mag-dagkong yi Namaradpadan. actor-crawl YA Namaradpadan. 'Na- 

maradpadan is crawling.' 
Nag-bannad ya ufufFu-k-in. Past/actor-numb YA thighs-NA/I-NA/this. 

'My thighs have gone numb.' 
TJ-im-alkalfug ya gaddang. actor-peel YA skin. 'The skin is peeling 

(from sunburn)'.' 
Ij-um-asang ya bildg. actor-rise YA sun. 'The sun rose.' 
■B-im-ilag ya ugtaq-en. actor-run YA deer-NA/that. 'The deer ran 

away.' 
Ma-sikan ya paddad. state-strong YA wind. 'The wind is strong.' 
Ma-kuldag ya dalan. state-slippery YA trail. 'The trail was slijipery.' 
Na-basa ya barawasi. past/state-wet YA dress. '(My) dress is wet.' 
Ka-blin na ya daget-naq-in. past/state-finish now YA sewing-NA/.she- 

NA/this. 'Her sewing is finished already.' 
Ne-lipit ya papel. past/state-clamp YA paper. 'The papers are clamped 

together.' 
Ne-kulzat yi ipag ta dalan. past/state-slip YA sibling/in/law TA 

trail. 'Ipdg slipped on the trail.' 
Naka-datang ya araw. past/ability-arrive YA day. 'The day arrived.' 



23 

(b) Verb Y A/Pronoun 

A Pronoun of the YA Class may also occur as second terminal 
of an equation with a Verb as the first. 
Mag-talaw ak. actor-fear YA/I. 'I'm scared.' 
Mag-abak kita. actor-race YA/we/two. 'Let's have a race.' 
Nag-tunud kami. past/actor-accompany YA/we/ (excluding/you). 'We 

were together.' 
Mag-udan. actor-rain (YA/it). 'It is raining.' 
Naka-bilag. past/ability-run (YA/he). 'He could run.' or 'He was 

a good runner.' 
K-im-arkaraw ak. actor-start YA/I. 'I started (in fright).' 
Maka-bllag ka hapa? ability-run YA/you/sg also. 'Can you run too?' 
Mag-tugut kita-n. actor-leave YA/we/two-now. 'Let's go now.' 
Mag-sigong kitam bit. actor-shade YA/we/all a/little/bit. 'Let's all sit 

in the shade for a while.' 
Na-hunak kid na hapa. past/state-fall YA/they now also. 'They have 

fallen down too.' 
M-apya yana. state-good YA/that/referred/to/by/you. 'That's good.' 
M-apya yana na alad. state-good YA/that/near/you NA fence. 'That's 

a nice fence.' 

(c) Noun YA Verb 
In this construction it is the second terminal which is a 
word base with verbal affixes. Being the second terminal, it 
is the verbal form which is focused in this case, and the Noun 
which is equated to it. Any MAG or PAG Class affix may 
occur with a word base in this position, but those most com- 
monly used are ynang- and maka-. 

Itta ya mang-pasikkal. there/is YA actor-talk/a/lot. 'There's someone 
(here) who likes to talk a lot.' 

Itta ya um-ange ta saksi ta bali na kofun-tam. there/is YA past-come 
TA Jehovah's/Witnesses TA house NA friend-NA/we/all. 'There was 
an occasion when Jehovah's Witnesses came to our friends' place.' 

Takahabi ya awe-na ne-pang-an. yesterday YA not-NA/he past-event- 
eat. 'It was yesterday he didn't eat.' 

Pake dakal ya ag-sitang-na. very big YA instrument-noise-NA/ho. 'He 
has a very loud voice.' 

Hi ya pag-gafii-n na ngatngat na Ugsin. town YA place-origin NA 
tobacco NA lowlander. 'The lowlanders get their tobacco in town.' 

Itta sangaw ya pag-kolan-an-na teyak. there/is later YA event-tire- 
NA/he TA/I. 'The time will come later on when he'll get tired 
of me.' or 'He'll get tired of me later on.' 

(d) Pronoun YA Verb 

In place of a Noun, an INTU Class Pronoun may occur as 
the first terminal of the construction. 

Inya ya maka-liqbag. who YA abllity-muddy/water. 'Who muddied the 
water?' 



24 

Inya ya mang-awe. who YA actor-not. 'Who won't?' 

Inya ya naka-Iiwat kekamuy. who YA past/ability-fault TA/you/pl. 
'Which of you is the guilty one? or 'Who is the guilty one among 

you?' 

Anu ya ka-poray-m-in. what YA event-angry-NA/you/sg-NA/this. 'What 
are you mad about?' or 'Why are you angry?' 

Anu ya mag-hehit-in ta sihat-k-in. what YA actor-move-NA/this TA 
stomach-NA/I-NA/this. 'What's this moving round in my stomach?' 

Kanu pano ya ka-balin-na. when ever YA event-finish-NA/it. 'When- 
ever will it be finished?' 

Umanu ya ka-dakal-na. how YA event-big-NA/it. 'How big is it?' 

Yana ya mag-alap ta uhohug. that YA actor-collect TA word. 'It's 
the thing that picks up words.' (i.e. tape recorder) 

lyak la ya e-m pag-sitang-an. I only YA come-goal/NA/you/sg place- 
noise. 'I'm the only one you come and talk to.' 

Intu ya k-ange pag-sitang-an. she YA event-go place-noise. 'She's the 
one to go and talk to.' 

Yeqyan ya e-m-mi me-pag-pasyar. this YA go-goal-NA/we past- 
event-visit. 'This is the time we went visiting.' or 'This is when 
we went visiting.' 

(e) Verb YA Verb 

It is possible for any verbal form as first terminal (within 
the limits of 2.3(a) above) to occur vv^ith another verbal form 
as second terminal (within the limits of section 2.3(c) above). 

Awe-na na-paparefu ikid na awe-na nag-gagita ya ne-pang-atad na 
Namaratu ta panonot. not-NA/it past/state-same they NA not- 
NA/it past/actor-same YA past-event-give NA God TA mind. 'The 
mental orientations given by God aren't exactly the same (for every- 
body).' 

2.4 "Understood" YA 

Parallel to each of the above types of equation (included 
under Sections 2.1, 2.2, and 2.3), there are a minority of ut- 
terances which contain no overt YA and yet have in all other 
respects the form of the equation. They occur as complete ut- 
terances in isolation, and they do not parallel any of the other 
constructions in Agfa. It would therefore seem that the liga- 
ture YA may optionally be omitted from utterances whose 
structural shape is unambiguous, especially in fast or excited 
speech. With the examples hereunder the type of equation has 
been indicated. 

Itta hilag-na. there/is (YA) light-NA/it. 'It has a light.' 
Itta sobra-naqin. there/is (YA) more-NA/this. 'There is more of it.' 
Itta afuy ta umag. there/is (YA) fire TA inside. 'There is a fire 
inside.' 



25 

Babbay la itta sin. woman only (YA) there/is TA/here. 'Only the 

women are here.' 
Itta la sangaw araw na paging-babar-tam. there/is only later (YA) 

day NA event-talk-NA/we/all. 'Later on there will be a day for 

us to talk.' 

Pronoun YA Noun 

Had kunna. where (YA) likeness. 'How?' 

Anu paha serbi na na-labag-ewan alad. what still (YA) use NA past/ 
state-rotten-NA/that fence. 'What's the use of that rotten fence.' 

Noun YA Verb 

Itta um-unek ta ball, there/is (YA) actor-go/up TA house. 'Someone 
had come up into the house.' 

Pronoun YA Verb 

Ikita kan mag-bida. we/ two they/say (YA) actor-story. 'They are 

asking us to tell a story.' 
Intu mantu nang-awawan ta taddung-en. he then (YA) past/actor-lose 

TA hat-NA/that. 'Then he's the one who lost the hat.' 
Iko hud la mak-amu na lalaki mam-alsiquit. you/sg interrogative only 

(YA) ability-know NA man actor-shoot. 'Do you think you're the 

only man who knowns how to shoot?' 
Anu hamampa k-awan na ta sirbi-na. what hamdmpa (YA) event-none 
now TA use-NA/it. 'Why ever is it no use now?' 
Inya k-um-in. who (YA) actor-say. 'Who said so?' 
Inya ma-polu tekita m-asi. who (YA) state-first TA/we/two state-die. 

'Which of us will be the first to die?' 

The omission of the ligature YA does not occur where the 
second terminal is a Pronoun or a personal name or kinship 
term. 

2.5 Double YA 

Where the first terminal of an equation is a personal name 
or kinship term, it is necessary to indicate the fact formally 
by preceding- the name with yi or ijig. Apart from apposition 
in the second terminal, this is the only case where two YA 
ligatures occur in the same clause. Otherwise, each YA means 
a new equation and a new clause. Here, however, the mor- 
phemic aspect of yi and yig takes precedence over the syntactic 
function of YA as a construction marker or ligature. 

Yig kwa ya ange ta iten flnugu na bebay. YA thing YA go TA there 
island NA sea. 'So-and-so and her companions were the ones who 
went there, to the island of the sea.' 



3.0 ATTRIBUTION 

The non-sentence-forming function of linking an attributive 
to its head word (or central, or nucleus)'* that is, the word 
base it qualifies, is performed by the ligature NA. The head 
word may be either first or second terminal in an equation, or 
it may be another attributive (that is, a word base following 
the ligature NA), or it may be a word base following the 
ligature TA. It may be a Noun, a Verb, or even occasionally 
a Pronoun. The attributive itself may also be a Noun, Verb, 
or Pronoun. The general structural meaning of the attributive 
relationship is possession or responsibility, the former partic- 
ularly when the head word is a Noun and the latter particularly 
when the head word is a Verb. In this latter case the attri- 
butive is the person or thing responsible for the action of a goal 
focused Verb, and so is the actor of a goal focused Verb. Under 
possession may be subsumed such relationships as possessor to 
possessed, e.g. huli na atu (rump NA dog) 'the dog's rump'; 
the whole to the part which is included in it, e.g. harsi na kayu 
(flower NA tree) 'flower of the tree' ; the substance to the item 
made of it, e.g. lubid na magi (string NA abaca) 'string'; and 
positional referent to location, e.g. utum na bebay (top NA sea) 
'over the sea' or 'above the sea'. The latter case of attribution 
is the equivalent of the English prepositional phrase. In an 
attributive construction, the first terminal (that is, the word 
base preceding the ligature NA) is the head word (that is, 
the action, possessed, part, made item, or location), and the 
second terminal (the word base following the ligature NA) is 
the attributive (that is, the actor of a goal focused Verb, the 
possessor, the whole, the substance, or the positional referent). 
The attributive is therefore lateral syntactically to the word base 
to which it is linked by NA. 

3.1 An Attributive ivith Noun as Head Word 

(a) Noun NA Noun 

There are three forms of the attributive ligature NA parallel 
to the three forms of YA (Section 2.1 above), na occurs with 
all word bases except personal names and the kinship terms 
26 



27 

listed for yi in Section 2.1(&), and these two categories take 
the form m. The form nig is used before personal names and 
the same list of kinship terms if the person specified has com- 
panions, and especially if the companion is the spouse of the 
person named and that spouse stands in taboo relationship to 
the speaker and must not be named. 

bida ra lainan story NA wild/pig 'a story about wild pig' 

zigzig na karayan bank NA river 'the river bank' 

ball ni Isus house NA Isus 'Isus' house' 

bllsag na manuk flesh NA chicken 'chicken meat' 

fun na hila base NA tongue 'root of the tongue' 

palad na takki sole NA foot 'sole of the foot' 

piyak na itik chick NA duck 'duckling' 

adug na afuy sound NA fire 'sound of a fire' 

kayu na dupat treq NA banana 'banana palm' 

guhu na igung hole NA nose 'nostril' 

uhohug ni Tomi word NA Tomi 'Tomi's word', 'what Tomi said' 

radang ni abay chest NA daughter 'my little girl's chest' 

manuhang ni Andres son/in/law NA Andres. 'Andres' son-in-law' 

hull na anwang-en rump NA water /buffalo-NA/that 'the back of the 

water-buffalo' 
igupan ni dama-k-en food NA father-NA/I-NA/that 'Father's food' 
bida nig Pedru story NA Pedro/plus 'what Pedro and his companions 

told' 
siksik na bari na talihut scales NA body NA boa/constrictor 'the body- 
scales of a boa constrictor' 
nagan na kayu na anyog name NA tree NA coconut 'the name of the 

coconut palm' 
ball na kofun na Agta na Adawag house NA friend NA Agta NA 

Adawag 'the house of a friend of the Agtas of Adawag' 
ball na furaw na tolay house NA white NA person 'white man's 

house' 
Kuman ka na tukak. likeness YA/you/sg NA frog, 'you are like a 

frog.' 
The following are examples of the attributive being a substance: 
hutotug na ballang small/bow NA anahaw/wood 'a small bow made 

of anahaw wood' 
taletay na hulu bridge NA bamboo 'a bamboo bridge' 

The Agta equivalent of the English preposition is a Noun, that 
is, an unaifixed word base which may occur without an at- 
tributive, or may be followed by another word base functioning 
as an attributive to it and having the semantic significance of 
positional referent. Such Nouns include the following: 

abak 'half way along' 

akban 'bottom', 'down' (of hill, etc.) 



28 

adet 'as far as', 'extent' 

adun 'underneath', 'below' (house only) 

atubang 'front' 

bikat 'near' 

dammang 'across', 'the other side' (of river, valley) 

fun 'base', 'finish', 'bottom', 'end' 

lagum 'inside' (house only) 

lekud 'back' 

lehut 'around' (also pag-lehut) 

lingad 'behind' 

liwan 'outside' 

pingit 'edge' 

rat 'between' (two similar things) 

tagad sin 'this side' 

tagad ten 'that side' 

tangan 'middle', 'between' 

taqakub 'the other side' (of house, hill, etc.) 

lid 'front', 'top', 'start' 

umag 'in', 'inside', 'under (water)' 

unan 'beyond' 

utun 'top', 'over' 

One exceptional case in the above list is that of bikat, which 
always occurs with an attributive, but abikan 'nearby' occurs 
without an attributive. Adet and lehut also always occur with 
an attributive. 

Im-uhet kami ta bikat na ball na Ugsin. actor-emerge YA/we TA 

near NA house NA lowlander. 'We came out near a lowlarder's 

house.' 
Mag-ibebay ta adun na bali. actor-hang/ clothes (YA/she) TA under- 
neath NA house. 'She's hanging clothes under the house.' 
Adaddu na bida ta lagum na bali na Ugsin. very/much NA talk 

(YA/it) TA inside NA house NA lowlander. 'There was a long 

conversation in the lowlander's house.' 
Na-polu yak ta dammang na assang na walawer. past/state-first YA/I 

TA across NA small NA small/creek. 'I was the first across the 

little creek.' 
Nag-sigong kami ta fun na mangga. past/actor-shade YA/we TA base 

NA mango. 'We sat in the shade at the foot of a mango tree.' 
D-um-atang kami ta pingit na ammay. actor-arrive YA/we TA edge NA 

rice. 'We reached the edge of the rice field.' 
S-im-ahok kami ta umag na ammay. actor-enter YA/we TA in NA rice. 

'We went right into the standing rice.' 
Itta ya walawer ta abak na dalan ta utun tambak. there/is YA 

small/creek TA half/way NA trail TA top dyke. 'There was a 

small creek half way along the trail on top of the dyke.' 
Itta kid na ta liwan na langit. there/is YA/they now TA outside NA 

sky. 'They were already outside the sky.' 



29 

(b) Noun N A/Pronoun 

Corresponding to the NA ligature, there is a NA Class 
series of Pronouns. One of these may replace the Noun at- 
tributive plus the preceding ligature NA. 

Personal Pronouns 



Singular: 


NA Class 


First Perons (1) 


-ku, -k 


Inclusive Person (1 + 2) 


-ta 


Second Person (2) 


-mu, -m 


Third Person (3) 


-na, -n 


Plural: 




First Person (1) 


-mi 


Inclusive Person (1 + 2) 


-tarn 


Second Person (2) 


-muy 


Third Person (3) 


-da 



The above series of Pronouns are suffixed to their head word, 
for they exert a regressive morphophonemic influence upon the 
head word, and the allomorphs -k and -m of the first and second 
persons singular respectively are not of a phonemic shape to be 
separate words. The allomorphs -k and -m occur following 
vowel final stems, and the stem final vowel is lengthened. When 
the final consonant of the stem is an n, it assimilates to the point 
of articulation of the first consonant of the Pronoun. In the 
case of the second person singular, the stem final n is lost, and 
the allomorph -m of the Pronoun occurs. No change occurs 
where the stem final consonant is other than an n, and the 
allomorph -mu occurs for the second person singular. The 
allomorph -ku, first person singular, occurs except following 
vowels. The allomorph -n of the third person singular -na 
occurs only in a sequence where the YA Class Pronoun dk 
follows. Similarly, -k and -m occur before a vowel initial 
suffix. 

Impersonal Pronouns NA Class 
of this (near me) na inin 

of that (near you, or referred to by you) na inina 

of that (in middle distance) na inewan 

of that (in far distance, out of sight, na inen 

referred to by me) 

These NA Class Impersonal Pronouns may be pluralised by the 
suffixation of -kid in the same manner as the YA Class Imper- 
sonal Pronouns above (Section 2.2). 



30 

Although the ligature na occurs before the forms inin, inina, 
inewan, and inen of the Impersonal Pronouns (and the liga- 
ture ta occurs before the equivalent form isin, isina, iteivan, and 
iten in the TA Class), these whole forms have been considered 
complex Pronouns rather than ligature plus Noun in each case. 
A Noun may follow any ligature without changing its form, 
but these Impersonal Pronoun series contain a unique set of 
forms for each ligature. 

kofun-tam friend-NA/we/all 'our mutual friend' 

kofum-mi friend-NA/we 'our friend' 

kofung-k-en friend-NA/I-NA/that 'my friend' 

kaluhung-ku companion-NA/I 'my companion' 

bari-na body-NA/she 'her body' 

hutotug-mu small/bow-NA/you/sg 'your little bow' 

bida-da tale-NA/they 'what they said', 'their account' 

damd-k father-NA/I 'Father', 'my father' 

gadwa-na half-NA/it 'half of it' 

sobra-naq-in more-NA/it-NA/this 'more of it (this)' 

bali-muy-in house-NA/you/pl-NA/this 'these houses of yours' 

damdam na nonot-k-in sadness NA mind-NA/I-NA/this 'the sorrow of 

my heart' 
atawa na inin spouse NA this 'the husband of this person' 
kuman na inin likeness NA this 'like this fellow' 
kaluhun na inina companion NA that 'that person's companion' 
anak na inewan offspring NA that 'that person's child' 

There is in Agta a very versatile word base kwa. When 
used as a Noun (i.e. when it occurs without verbal affixes) its 
meaning is 'thing'. With verbal affixes it often has the meaning 
'do' or 'make'. When, however, the unaffixed form occurs 
followed by a NA Class Personal Pronoun, the whole has the 
meaning 'mine', etc., and behaves like any other Noun NA/ 
Pronoun construction. 

kwa-k 'mine' kwa -mi 'ours' (excluding you) 

kwa-ta 'ours' (we two) kwa-tam 'ours' (including you) 

kwa-m 'yours' (sg) kwa-muy 'yours' (pi) 

kwa-na 'his', 'hers', 'its' kwa-da 'theirs' 

(c) Noun N A/Impersonal/ Pronoun {-in type) 

More closely parallel structurally (though not semantically) to 
the NA Class Personal Pronouns is the following series of Im- 
personal Pronouns. 

IMPEKSONAL PRONOUNS NA Class 

this, here (near me) -in 



31 

that, there (near you, or referred to by -ina 

you) 
that, there (in middle distance) -ewan 

that, there (in far distance, out of sight, -en 

referred to by me) 

These are suffixed to the word base like the Personal Pronouns, 
though when both are present the Personal Pronouns take first 
order suffixial position next to the stem, and the Impersonal 
Pronouns take second order suffixial position. Demonstrating 
the suffixial status of these Impersonal Pronouns, when the first 
order affix is first or second person singular, and an Impersonal 
Pronoun follows, the Personal Pronoun takes the form -k or -m 
respectively, even where the stem is consonant final. E.g. 
nonot-k-in (though-NA/I-NA/this) 'my thought'. 

Semantically this -in type of Impersonal Pronoun differs from 
the other NA Class Pronouns in that the element of possession 
is lacking. It is suffixed to the word base simply to indicate 
where the thing is in relation to the speaker and the hearer, 
but its emphasis is very mild, its significance being roughly 
equivalent to 'the' in English, where its absence would on the 
whole be roughly equivalent to 'a'. It is almost obligatory 
where a particular thing is being referred to. It is not 
equivalent to the 'Demonstrative Adjectives' of English, 'this', 
'that', 'these', 'those' ; the addition of an INTU Class Impersonal 
Pronoun following word/base-NA/Impersonal/Pronoun/ (-in 
type), and in apposition to it, giving such a significance. 

There are a number of examples of the usages of the NA 
Class Impersonal Pronoun {-in type) in Section 3.1 (&) above, 
and elsewhere. 

Ma-patu ya bilag-inn. state-hot YA sun-NA/that. 'The sun (that you've 

been tallcing about) is hot.' 
Had ya dalan-in. where YA trail-NA/this. 'Where is the trail?' 
yeyan ya uhohug ni Pedruq-en. this YA word NA Pedro-NA/that. 

'This is what Pedro (who is not present) said.' 
E yak ta dama-k-ewan. go YA I TA father-NA/I-NA/that. 'I'm going 

to Father (who is over there).' 

Word bases are not intrinsically singular or plural, and 
usually number is not overtly marked. However, if it is desired 
to indicate unambiguously that something is plural, the form 
kid may be used in combination with the appropriate -in type 
Impersonal Pronoun. If a NA Class Personal Pronoun is 



32 

present, it is suffixed to the word base. The Impersonal 
Pronoun is suffixed to kid. 

ngamin kid-in all pl-NA/this 'everybody here' 

kalaba kid-en bee pl-NA/that 'the bees (in the story), 

bali-da kid-en house-NA/they pl-NA/ 'their houses' 

that 

Itta paqen sina ya kaluhung--ku kid-en. there/is reply TA/there YA 
companion-NA/I pl-NA/that. 'I have some companions here (near 
you).' 

It is not polite or good form to mention a body part together 
with a second person NA Class Personal Pronoun. In partic- 
ular, the genitals and liver used in such a combination constitute 
swearing. If, therefore, someone's body part must be referred 
to, the -in type NA Class Impersonal Pronoun is the usual 
euphemism for the Personal Pronoun, and is quite acceptable, 
e.g. kamat-ina (hand-NA/that/near/you) 'your hand'. 

(d) Pronoun NA/Impersonal/Pronoun (-in type) 

A NA Class Impersonal Pronoun of the -in type may also 
occasionally be suffixed to a YA Class Pronoun. 

Itta yak-in. there/is YA/I-NA/this. 'Here I am.' 

Intu yen-ina. it YA/that-NA/that. 'It's the one (out of sight) (you 
asked about).' 

In oratorical (susuma) texts, singular Pronouns may be plu- 
ralised by the addition of kid plus the appropriate -in type 
Impersonal Pronoun. This construction replaces the use of the 
usual plural form of the Pronouns. 

E yak kid-in maq-uhohug teko. come YA/I pl-NA/this state-talk TA/ 
you/sg. 'We've come to talk to you.' 

(e) Noun NA Verb 

A word base with verbal affixes may occur as an attributive 
where the head word is a Noun. 

araw na paging-babar-tam day NA event-discuss-NA/we/all 'a day for 

us all to talk things over' 
palatav? na mang-pakannaq-ina knife NA actor-talk /a /lot-N A/that /near 

you 'the knife of the talkative person (near you)' 
Yen ya gafu na ka-paqgang-ku. that YA reason NA event-cautious- 

NA/I. 'That's w^hy I'm cautious.' 



33 
3.2 An Attributive with Verb as Head Word 

When the head word of an attributive construction is a Verb, 
then the attributive is actor of a goal or accessory focused Verb 
and its relationship to its head could be described as responsi- 
bility. In this case, the head word is marked by an AN Class 
verbal affix, which indicates that the actor is not in focus. The 
whole construction Verb plus attributive in a non-sentence- 
forming unit, which may be the first or second terminal of an 
equation. If it is the first terminal, then the second and focused 
item is structurally goal or accessory in the situation. Acces- 
sory may include such semantic significances as instrument, 
agent, recipient, or purpose. It is therefore obligatory that 
the construction Verb plus attributive be followed by an item 
marked by the ligature YA except where it itself is the second 
terminal of an equation, and therefore marked by YA and 
structurally the focused item of the utterance. An attributive 
is obligatory to a Verb with an AN Class affix. 

The literal meaning of an AN Class Verb plus its attributive 
is illustrated by the following. In-azi na abbing ya barawdsi-na 
(past/goal-remove NA child YA dress-N A/she) 'The child 
took oif her dress' is literally 'Taken-ofi'-by-the-child is her- 
dress'. Similarly, Iq-e na abbing ya igupan ni dama-na (ac- 
cessory-come NA child YA food NA father-NA/she) 'The child 
is bringing her father's food' is literally 'Being-caused-to- 
come-by-the-child is her-father's food'. The centre of attention 
is 'dress' and 'food' respectively, and the verbal head word 
with its attributive construction in first terminal position is 
being equated to it in each case. 

The AN Class includes the following affixes: 

-an (Present/ Future tense), -in-, -in- -an (Past tense) 'activity', 'progress 
towards a state' (goal focus), -in- and -in- -^m. are allomorphs of 
apparently unpredictable distribution, -an and -an are the only 
sufflxial verbal affixes, but -an is equivalent to the MAG Class prefixes 
in that it determines the focus of the Verb. The presence of the 
suffix -an causes the loss of vowel length (o, i, u), if any, in the final 
syllable of a word base ending in a consonant, and the lengthening 
of a word base final vowel. In the latter case the suffix has the 
allomorphic form -n. The final nasal of the suffix assimilates to the 
point of articulation of a following consonant when a NA Class 
suffixial Pronoun is present, except in the case of the second person 
singular, where the final n of the suffix -an is replaced by m. The 

007460 8 



34 

allomorphs resulting from these processes are set out in the fallow- 
ing table: 



Word Base Final 






Following Pronoun 








Consonant 




Vowel 






-an 


-n 


-ta, 


-tarn, -na, -da 


-am 


-m 


-mi, 


-muy 


-ang 


-ng 


-ku 




-a, -a 




-m 





The basic form -an has been ascertained from its occurrence when no 
Pronoun follows. The Past tense form -in- is prefixed to a vowel 
initial word base, and is infixed after the first consonant of a 
consonant initial word base. The form -in- -an behaves morphologically 
as -in- plus -an. The suffix -an enters into combinations mag- -an, 
mang- -an (with Past forms nag- -an, nang- -an), and pag- -an, all 
apparently equivalent semantically to -an. 
i- (Present/ Future tense), ne- (Past tense) 'activity', 'progress towards 
a state' (accessory focus). This occurs as an inner layer affix, but 
it also occurs with a word base as the only affix, in which case it 
often contrasts with -an in the item which comes into focus after it. 
This item is an accessory to the action rather than the direct goal, 
and may be agent, instrument, recipient, or purpose. This contrast 
is illustrated by the following. At-ad-a^n dk bit ta bag (give-goal- 
NA/you/sg YA/I please TA g/string) 'Please give me a g-string'; 
or, Iq-atad-mu bit ya bag teydk (accessory-give-NA/you/sg please 
YA g/string TA/I) 'Please give me a g-string'. The following 
examples, with the focused item in brackets, show the contrast f urthei- : 
akil-an 'add to (twine)', iq-akil 'add (third component) to twine'; 
alap-an 'get (something)', iq-aldp 'get something with (e.g. money)'; 
bdr-an 'speak to (someone)', i-bdr 'tell (something)'; luglug-an 'rub 
off (dirt)', i-luglug 'rub with (soap)'; unndn-an 'outdistance (some- 
one)', iq-unndn 'bring (something) first'; toli-n 'return for (some- 
thing)', 'bring (someone) back', i-toli 'return with (something)', bring 
(something) back. There is a gottal stop after the prefixes i- and 
ne- when the stem following begins with a vowel. 

(a) Verb NA Noun -\- YA Noun 

P-in-aligat na abbing-en ya kabayuq-en. past/goal-hit NA child-NA/ 

that YA horse-NA/that. 'The child whipped the horse.' 
In-ibat-an ni Karyu ya anwang-naq-en. past/goal-let/go NA Carlo YA 

water/buffalo-NA/he-NA/that. 'Carlo let his water buffalo go.' 
Ne-bilag-na-n na ugaw-en ya barawasi-m-en. past/accessory-run-NA/it- 

now NA monkey-NA/that YA dress-NA/you/sg-NA/that. 'The 

monkey has run off with your dress.' 



35 

In-alap-na hapa na baqbaqat-en ya asitay-en. past/goal-take-NA/she 

also NA old./woman-NA/that YA baby-NA/that. 'And the old woman 

took the baby.' 
Ne-burud-na hapa na abbing-en ya kalaba kid-en. past/accessory-spill- 

NA/he also NA child-NA/that YA bee pl-NA/that. 'The child also 

tipped out the bees.' 

Whenever any item comes in between the attributive and its 
head word, as in the last three examples above, the attributive 
is redundantly indicated by the third person singular suffixed 
NA Class Pronoun. 

(b) Verb NA Noun -f- Y A/Pronoun 

Where the focused item (goal or accessory) is a YA Class 
Pronoun, the Pronoun takes precedence over the Noun in its 
position in relation to the Verb. That means that the normal 
order of head words, that is. Verb, actor, goal, is changed, the 
positions of focused goal (or accessory) and actor being re- 
versed. The principle stated in 3.2(a) above then comes into 
play; the attributive to the Verb is redundantly indicated by 
the third person singular suffixed NA Class Personal Pronoun, 
for an AN Verb is obligatorily followed immediately by an 
attributive with NA or a suffixed NA Class Pronoun. This 
principle also applies even in cases where TA Class Pronouns 
occur in the utterance. These also tend to take precedence of 
position over a Noun actor, in which case the actor is redun- 
dantly indicated as above. However, where the goal of the 
equation is a third person singular YA Class Personal Pronoun, 
which is represented by zero, no transposing of the order of 
the head words in the utterance is necessary. 

Ne-bilag na ugaw. past/accessory-run (YA/it) NA monkey. 'A monkey 
ran away with it.' 

Awey-an-na de na lalaki. not/like-goal-NA/he (YA/she) maybe NA man. 
Maybe the man didn't like her.' 

I-kayat na kaluhu-m-in. accessory-like (YA/it) NA companion-NA/you 
/sg-NA/this. 'Your companion likes it.' 

G-in-afut-n-ak na na sibrung. Past/goal-grab-NA/he-YA/I now NA kid- 
napper. 'A kidnapper had grabbed hold of me.' 

Ne-bar-na teyak na dafu-tam-ewan. past/accessory-tell-NA/he (Ya/it) 
TA/I NA Lord-NA/we/all-NA/that. 'Our Lord told me something.' 

Bagu ita-n-na ka na anitu a ballaw-an-na ka-n hapa. newly see-goal- 
NA/it YA/you/sg NA spirits and curse-goal-NA/it YA/you/sg-now 
also. 'The spirits have only just seen you and now they're putting a 
curse on you.' 



36 
(c) Verb N A/ Pronoun + YA Noun 

Ange-n-ta ya utun. go-goal-NA/we/two YA top. 'The top is our des- 
tination' or 'Let's go to the top.' 
Iq-aray-na ya tabako. accessory-arrange/on/bamboos-NA/he YA tobacco. 

'He's arranging tobacco between bamboos.' 
In-azi-k ya barawasi-k. past/goal-remove-NA/I YA dress-NA/I. 'I took 

off my dress.' 
D-in-angag-ku yi abe. Past/goal-goal-hear-NA/I YA older/sibling. 'I 

heard Abe.' 
Iq-inenat-mu ya kattab. accessory-careful-NA /you /sg YA blade. 'Be 

careful of (with) the blade.' 
I-doya-m ya lata. accessory-swing-NA/you/sg YA tin/can. 'Swing the 

tin can.' 
H-in-ulut-mi ya halsada. past/goal-follow-NA/we YA road. 'We fol- 
lowed a road.' 
Iq-ated-ku ya ulat. accessory-give-NA/I YA blanket. 'I'll hand over the 

blanket.' 
I-bar-ku ya bahuy-k-en. accessory-talk-NA/I YA pig-NA/I-N A/that. 'I'm 

talking about my pig.' 
I-polu-m ya tabaq-ina. accessory-first-NA/you/sg YA fat-NA/that. 'Put 

the fat in ifirst.' 
Zigut-an-da hapa ya abbing. bath-goal-NA/they also YA child. 'They 

also bathe the child.' 
Iq-e-k ya igupan ni dama-k-en. accessory-come-NA/I YA food NA 

father-NA/I-NA/that. 'I'll bring Father's food. 
I-duqdut-ang-ku ya manuk-in. accessory-feathers-dn-NA/I YA chicken- 

NA/this. 'I'm plucking the chicken.' 
P-in-ohut-ang-ku ya dalan. past/goal-as-NA/I YA trail. 'I inquired 

about the trail.' 
Ne-lubeg-an-na ya anak na fugu. past/accessory-squash-aw-NA/he YA 

offspring NA pigeon. 'He trod on the pigeon's child.' 
E-m-mi ita-n ya bali-da. go-goal-NA/we see-goal YA house-NA/they. 

'We're going to see their houses.' 
Awe-k na la i-bar ya bahuy. not-NA/I now only accessory-talk YA pig. 

'Well then I won't talk about pigs any more.' 
Iddung-kin-ang-ku ya gafan na laman. look/down-like/this-goal-NA/I YA 

tracks NA wild/pig. '1 looked down like this and saw the tracks 

of wild pig.' 

There are a very few word bases in Agta which behave in 
all their occurrences like AN Class Verbs, yet which often 
occur without any of the verbal affixes. By definition they 
should be classed with the Nouns, but they combine with only 
Verbs in apposition constructions, so have been classed as 
Verbs. Among these are dmu- 'know' and awe- 'not', both of 
which are illustrated above. 



37 

(d) Verb N A/Pronoun + YA/Pronoun 

Where both actor and goal (or accessory) of an AN Class 
Verb are Pronouns, the actor Pronoun and the goal Pronoun 
become fused in several persons. The table of Double Pronouns 
below gives all the possible combinations. All are normal and 
predictable from the forms of NA and YA Class Pronouns 
respectively and from morphophonemic rules enunciated above, 
except those with first person singular actor and second per- 
son goal (where the Inclusive Singular Pronoun is used in 
actor position instead of the First Person Singular), and those 
with second person actor and first person plural goal (where 
the Third Person Singular and Plural Pronouns are used in 
actor position instead of the Second Person Singular and 
Plural respectively). 



Actor 


ISg 
-ku, -k 


1+2 Sg 
-ta 


2Sg 

-TOM, -TO 


3Sg 
-na, -n 


1 PI 
-mi 


1+2 PI 
-tarn 


2 PI 

-muy 


3 PI 
-da, -d 


Goal: 
ISg 

Ak, ydk 


— 


— 


-mak 


-n4k 


— 




-muy ak 


-d&k 


1X2 Sg 
kiia 


— 




— 


~na kita 






— 


-da kita 


2Sg 
ka 


-taka 


— 


— 


-na ka 


-mi ka 


— 


— 


-da ka 


3Sg 


-ku, -k 


-ta 


-mu, -m 


-na 


-mi 


-tkm 


-muy 


-da 


1 PI 

kami 


— 


— 


-na kami 
-ng kami 


-na kami 


— 


— 


-da kami 


-da kami 


1+2 PI 
kitam 


— 


— 


— 


-na ki- 
tim 


— 


— 


— 


-da kit&m 


2 PI 

kam 


-ta k&m 


— 


— 


-na k&m 


-mi k&m 


— 


— 


-da k^m 


3 PI 

kid 


-kukid 
-kkid 


-ta kid 


-mu kid, 
-mkid 


-na kid 


-mi kid 


-tiim kid 


-muy kid 


-da kid 



I-tuqbang-na kid. accessory-release-NAyhe YA they. He releases them.' 
Bon-an-ta ka. send-goal-NA/we/two YA/you/sg. 'I'm sending you.' 



38 

In-akkaw-ang-ku kid. past/goal-circle/in/front-NA/I YA/they. 'I moved 

round in front of them.' 
I-kallak-m-ak bit. accessory-pity-NA/you/sg-YA/I please. 'Please take 

pity on me.' 
I-lillik-mu yeyan. accessory-get/out/of/theway-NA/you/sg YA/this. 

'Put this out of the way.' 
Ayag-a-m yan. call-goal-NA/you/sg YA/this. 'Call this (child).' (I 

don't want him.) 
Lidlid-ang-ku. scratch-goal-NA/I (YA/it). 'I'm scratching it.' 
Paluk-a-m. hit-goal-NA/you/sg (YA/it). 'Hit it.' 
Ibal-an-na. hold-goal-NA/she (YA/it). She's holding it.' 
Iq-arutiit-mu. accessory-rub-NA/you/sg (YA/it). 'Rub it.' 
Neq-anup-mi. past/accessory-hunt/with/dogs-NA/we (YA/it). 'We hun- 
ted them (i.e. pig) with dogs.' 
Paruba-n-ta. try-goal-NA/we/two (YA/it). 'Let's try it.' 
Neq-ange-da. past/accessory-come-NA/they (YA/it). 'They brought it.' 
I-datang na ineng-kid. accessory-arrive (YA/it) NA that-pl. 'those folks 

are bring:ing it.' 
Awe-ta ka gamma-n. not-NA/we/two YA /you /sg stop-goal. 'I won't stop 

you.' 
Awe-da p-in-aga-n. not-NA/they (YA/it) past/goal-pay. 'They didn't 

pay for it.' 
Awe-m kid patavwar-an. not-NA/you/sg YA/they send/away-goal. 'Don't 

send them away.' 
Awe-n-ak igsil-an. not-NA/he-YA/I sit/on-goal. 'He isn't sitting on me.' 
E-m-mi kanan alap-an. come-goal-NA/we YA/you/pl/ now take-goal. 

'Now we're going to take you with us.' 
E-m ak bit hulun-an, ibat. come-goal/NA/you/sg YA/I please accompany- 

goal ibat. 'You come with me please, ibat.' 
E-m ha alap-an yeqyewan. go-goal/ NA/you/sg again get-goal YA/that. 

'Go and get that again.' 

The Agta equivalent of the English Imperative is illustrated 
above in many instances. There is no structural difference 
between goal or accessory focused sentences in which the actor 
is a second person NA Class Pronoun and those in which the 
actor is any other Pronoun, yet the former constitutes a com- 
mand in Agta, while the latter may be any narrative-type sen- 
tence. There are a few word bases, however, which are in- 
trinsically incapable of occurring in goal focused constructions, 
and commands are framed on these word bases as actor focused 
constructions using a MAG Class affix and a YA Class Pronoun. 

Maga-nonot ka kad na pakwa. continuous-think YA/you/sg properly 

now do. 'You consider thoroughly what to do.' 
Mang-wa ka ta uhung kung-ku a. actor-make YA/you/sg TA pig/pen 

say-NA/I a. 'Make a pig-pen, I tell you.' 
Im-unek kam bit la ta isin. actor-come/up YA/you/pl please only TA 

here. 'Do just come up here.' 



39 

(e) Verb NA Noun + YA Verb or Verb N A/ Pronoun 
+ YA Verb 

As is the case with Verbs of the MAG Class, it is possible 
for AN Class Verbs to occur either as first or as second ter- 
minal of an equation, provided always that the AN Class Verb 
is followed by an obligatory attributive. It is therefore pos- 
sible for both first and second terminals to be verbal forms, 
as in Section 2.3(d) above. Where the first terminal is in the 
AN form, it is possible for the second terminal to be in the MAG 
form or the AN form although it is more usual for the MAG 
form to be used as the second terminal is itself the focused 
item. The AN form only occurs where the Verb has an 
attributive. 

Anu-n-na sangaw ya ang-gantub-ku. why-goal-NA/it soon YA event- 

cut-NA/I. 'Why should I cut it short?' 
E-n-na ita-n n-agyan ta litup na bali-daq-in. go-goal-NA/he see-goal 

(YA) past/state-stay TA door NA house-NA/they-NA/this. 'He's 

going to see who was at the door of their house.' 
Awe-k amu ya i-datang na takit-ang-ku ta bari-k. not-NA/I know YA 

accessory-arrive NA sick-goal-NA/I TA body-NA/I. 'I don't know 

when sickness will overtake my body.' 
Pag-pamabat-a-m ya e-m kid-ina ma-sitang teyak. event-enough-NA' 

you/sg YA come-goal/NA/you/sg pl-NAthat state-noise TA/. 'You've 

said enough of what you (all) came to talk to me about.' 

(f ) Verb NA Verb + YA Noun or Verb NA Verb 
-f YA/Pronoun 

These are theoretical possibilities for which no examples have 
yet been found. However, the third example in Section 3.2(e) 
above illustrates how a Verb may be attributive to another Verb 
as head word in a manner parallel to Noun NA Verb in Section 
3.1(d) above. I-datang na takit-ang-ku means literally 'item of 
arrival of my getting sick*. 

(g) Noun -|- YA Verb NA Noun or Pronoun 
-f- YA Verb NA Noun 

An AN Class Verb may be second terminal of an equation 
after a Noun or Pronoun as first terminal in the same way as 
a MAG Class Verb. (See Section 2.3(c) and (d).) The AN 
Class Verb then becomes the focused item of the equation, and 
the Noun or Pronoun in first terminal position is equated to it. 



40 

Itta ya ne-bar-na teyak na dafu-tam-ewan. there/is YA past/accessory- 

tell-NA/he TA/I NA Lord-NA/we/all-NA/that. 'Our Lord did tell 

me something.' 
Hitlam-in yeqyan ya ne-bar na dafu-tam-ewan teyak. night-NA/this 

this YA past/accessory-tell NA Lord-NA/we/all-NA/that TA/L 

'Tonight is what our Lord told me.' 

(h) Noun + YA Verb NA/Pronoun or Pronoun 
+ YA Verb NA/Pronoiin 

Adadayu ya in-ange-mi. very/far YA past/goal-go-NA/we. 'We've come 

a very long way.' 
Appat ya k-in-ang-k-en. four YA past/goal-eat-NA/I-NA/that. 'I ate 

four of them.' 
Kurug de ya kin-ang-k-en. truth maybe YA say-goal-NA/I-NA/that. 'Is 

what I say true?' 
Laqwat kan ya i-datang-an-da. morning they/say YA accessory-arrive- 

aw-NA/they. 'They said they'd bring it back in the morning.' 
Assang la ange-da sin. small only (YA) come-NA/they T A/here. 'They 

only came here a little.' 
Itta ya p-in-ohut-ang-ku. there/is YA past/goal-ask-NA/I. 'There's a 

question I wanted to ask.' 
Itta i-bar-ku teko. there/is (YA) accessory-say-NA/I TA/you/sg. 'I 

have something to say to you.' 
Yen ya i-bar-na. that YA accessory-say-NA/he. 'That's what he's say- 
ing.' 
Yeyan ya ange-m-muy. this YA go-goal-NA/you/pl. 'This is your way.' 
Intu ya b-inon-da sin. he YA past/goal-send-NA/they TA/here. 'They've 

sent him here.' or 'This is the person they sent.' 
Anu ya kin-an-naq-en. what YA say-goal-NA/he-NA/that. 'What's he 

saying?' 
Anu ya ne-datang-mu. what YA past/accessory-arrive-NA/you/sg. 'What 

did you bring back?' 
Kanu ya ne-datang-da. when YA past/accessory-arrive-NA/they. 'When 

did they arrive?' 
Had ya in-ang-en sin. where YA past/goal-go-NA/you /sg TA/here. 

'Where did you go here?' 
Had ey-am muy. where (YA) go-goal-NA/you/pl. 'Where are you 

going?' 



4.0 THE OBLIQUE 

The sentence forming construction with YA, the equation, 
is essentially binary in character, that is, attention is being 
drawn to the relationship between two terminals, represented 
by two word bases. Everything else in the clause or sentence 
therefore has to be out of focus. When some other item 
besides the focused item (marked by YA) and the non-focused 
actor (if there is one, marked by NA) occurs in the sentence, 
then it is joined to the rest of the sentence by the oblique 
ligature TA. The term "oblique" is taken from current usage 
in Philippine linguistics, as introduced there by Bloomfield.^^ 
Very roughly, its English equivalents are Object, Indirect Ob- 
ject, Prepositional phrase, time phrase or Adverb of Time, 
Adverb of Place, and occasionally Adverb of Manner. The 
head word of the oblique expression or phrase may be a Noun, 
Pronoun, or Verb. When reference is made to "the Oblique", 
then, it is the whole oblique expression that is referred to, 
including the head word and its laterals, if any, plus the 
preceding ligature TA. 

In an actor focus clause or sentence, that is, one which con- 
tains a MAG Class verbal affix, the goal, if there is one, is in 
the Oblique. In any clause or sentence, whatever the focus, if 
an unfocused agent or instrument, place or direction, or time 
is mentioned, then it occurs in the Oblique. Where a clause 
is goal focused, that is, marked by the verbal affix -an, the 
accessory (agent or instrument) occurs in the Oblique; however, 
where the clause is accessory focused, that is, marked by the 
verbal affix i-, then it is the goal which occurs in the Oblique. 
For example, compare the following: 

Atad-a-m bit yi atawa-k ta bag. give-goal-NA/you/sg please YA spouse- 
NA/I TA g/string. 'Please give the g-string to my wife.' 

Iq-atad-mu bit ya bag te atawa-k. accessory-give-NA/you/sg please YA 
g/string TA wife-NA/I. 'Please give the g-string to my wife.' 

See also the comparisons listed in Section 3.2. 

There may be more than one oblique item in the same clause, 
in which case the oblique expressions would normally occur in 
the following relative order after the two terminals of the 
equation: (1) the non-focused goal, (2) the accessory (agent, 
instrument, etc.), (3) the place or direction, (4) the time. 

41 



42 

Each of these expressions would be marked and preceded by the 
ligature TA. Where any one of these expressions is a Pronoun, 
there is a tendency for such a Pronoun to occur after the ex- 
pression which is the first terminal of the equation, that is, 
most frequently, the Verb plus its attributive Pronoun (plus 
the focused goal Pronoun, if there is one) . However, oblique 
Pronouns as frequently occur in the relative order listed above 
after the whole equation. If a time expression is present in a 
sentence, it most frequently occurs first in the sentence, that is, 
before the whole equation. As always, it is preceded and 
marked by the ligature TA. If, however, it occurs after the 
equation, it is preceded by any other oblique expression present. 

4.1 The Non-Focused Goal in the Oblique 

(a) With a Noun in the Oblique 

There are three forms of the oblique ligattire TA parallel to 
the three forms of YA (Section 2.1 above) and of NA (Section 
3.1 above), ta occurring with all word bases except personal 
names and the kinship terms listed for vi in Section 2.1(5), 
and these two categories take the form te. The form teg is 
used before personal names and the same list of kinship terms 
if the person specified has companions, and especially if the 
companion is the spouse of the person named and that spouse 
stands in taboo relationship to the speaker and must not be 
named. 

Mang-alap kid ta uway. actor-get YA/they TA rattan. 'They are 

getting rattan.' 
Mag-azi ta iming. actor-remove (YA/he) TA beard. 'He's shaving.' 
D-um-akit kami ta wer. actor-cross YA/we TA creek. 'We crossed a 

creek.' 
Im-unek ak ta kayu. actor-climb YA/I TA tree. 'I climbed a tree.' 
Mag-ayag ta datdatay. actor-call (Ya/he) TA spirits/of /dead. 'He's 

calling the spirits of the dead.' 
Im-atubang ta huli na anwang-en. actor-face (YA/she) TA rump NA 

water/buffalo-NA/that. 'She faced the back of the water buffalo.' 
Ma-damdam ak na te atawa-k-en. state-sad YA/I now TA spouse-NA/I- 

NA/that. 'I'm pining for my husband (who is away).' 
Nag-unonek ak ta walawer-en. past/actor-go/up YA/I TA small/creek- 

NA/that. 'I worked my way up the little creek.' 
Nag-taletay kami ta taletay na hulu. past/actor-bridge YA/we TA 

bridge NA bamboo. 'We crossed a bamboo bridge.' 
S-um-inap ya danum ta lutak-en. actor-soak/in YA water TA ground- 

NA/that. 'The water soaks into the ground there.' 
Mag-suqkut ya palataw ta alag. actor-withdraw/from YA knife TA 

sheath. 'The knife is being drawn from a sheath.' 



43 



Na-penam kid ta bapor. past/state-used/to YA/they TA boats. 'They 

are used to boats.' 
I-karu-na ya bag ta alad. accessory-pay-NA/he YA g/string TA fence. 

'He's earning a g-string by fencing.' 
I-tu-m ta banga. accessory-fill/up-NA/you/sg (YA/it) TA pot. 'Put 

it in the pot.' 
Mag-ita ka ta takwan na dalan. actor-look YA/you/sg TA another NA 

way. 'You look for another way.' 
Medyo na-bayag kami mag-apag ta dalan ta pingit na ammay. rather 

past/state-long/time YA/we actor-search TA trail TA edge NA rice. 

'We were rather a long time looking for a trail at the edge of 

a rice field.' 

(b) With a Pronoun in the Oblique 

Equivalent to the ligature TA plus Noun is the TA Class 
Pronoun, which may occur in any of the above four oblique 
expressions. The TA Class Impersonal Pronouns may occur 
in non-focused goal position, but are more usually found in place 
or direction expressions. There are tv^^o sets of TA Class Im- 
personal Pronouns, and these do not seem to have contrastive 
functions. Possibly Set II below is an abbreviation of Set I. 
As has already been discussed in Section 3.1(6), the forms ta 
isin, ta isina, ta itewan, and ta iten have to be considered 
as complex Pronouns rather than ligature plus Noun, in view 
of the fact that the forms isin, isina, itewan, and iten only 
occur after the ligature TA, and have equivalent but different 
counterparts occurring after the ligature NA and incorporating 
the ligature YA. 

P>ERSONAL Pronouns: 
Singular 

First Person (1) 
Inclusive Person (1 -|- 2) 
Second Person (2) 
Third Person (3) 
Plural 

First Person (1) 
Inclusive Person (1 -f- 2) 
Second Person (2) 
Third Person (3) 

IMPERSO NAL PRONOUNS: 

this, here (near me) 

that, there (near you, referred 
to by you) 

that, there (in middle distance) 

that, there (oiit of sight, re- 
ferred to by me) 



TA Class 


TA Class 


teyak 




tekita 




teko 




tentu 




tekami 




tekitam 




tekamuy 




tekid 




Set I 


Set 11 


ta isin 


sin 


ta isina 


sina 


ta itewan 


tewan 


ta iten 


ten 



44 

Giving added emphasis to TA Class Impersonal Pronouns are ye 
and yo, ye emphasising nearness and yo emphasising distance. 
They occur with the Set II Pronouns, ye only occurring with 
sin and sina, and yo with tewan and ten. 

Itta ye sin. there/is (YA/it) near TA/here. 'It's right here.' 
Itta yo ten. there/is (YA/it) far T A/there. 'It's way over there.' 

Often a NA Class Impersonal Pronoun acting as an attributive 
to one of the word bases in the sentence and a TA Class Im- 
personal Pronoun in the same sentence appear to be semanti- 
cally incompatible. There is a semantic resolution of this 
incompatibility, for -in sin means 'I know it's here and I can 
or should be able to see it', while -en sin means 'I know it's here 
but I can't see it for some reason, say, because it's dark'. 

Had ya ma-takit-in sin. where YA state-sore-NA/this TA/here. 'Where 

is the sore spot (on your back here) ?' 
Had-en ya hilag-en sin. where-NA/that YA light-NA/that TA/here. 

'Where is the light (I can't see it in the dark)?' 

The above four examples, however, illustrate the use of TA Class 
Pronouns in place or direction expressions. The following 
examples illustrate the use of both Personal and Impersonal TA 
Class Pronouns as non-focused goal. 

Ma-damdam kami-n tekamuy. state-sad YA/we-now TA/you/pl. 'We are 

missing you.' 
Ma-zigman 4k teko. state-hate YA/I TA/you/sg. 'I hate you.' 
Itta i-bar-ku teko. there/is (YA) accessory-talk-NA/I TA/you/sg. 'I 

have something to tell you.' 
Inya ya g-um-atang ta isin. who YA actor-buy TA this. 'Who bought 

this?' 
Had nang-alap-a-m sin. where (YA) past/goal-get-NA/you/sg TA/this. 

'Where did you get this?' 

In the last two examples the goal became oblique after the 
occurrence of another item, namely a verbal form, in focused 
position. In the three examples to follow, it is the focusing of 
the accessory (the item involved in the interaction of actor and 
goal), which causes the goal to become oblique. Several exam- 
ples in Section 4.1 (a) also illustrate this. 

Iq-e-m bit sin O palatug-en. accessory-come-NA/you/sg please TA/here 
O (YA) gun-NA/that. 'Please bring the gun here.' or 'Please bring 
me the gun.' 

E-u-na ne-datang ya palatug teko. come-goal-NA/he past/accessory-arrive 
YA gun TA/you/sg. 'He has brought you the gun.' 



45 

(c) With a Verb in the Oblique 

Nang-alap kid ta ne-kayat-da in-alap. past/actor-take YA/they TA Past/ 

accessory-want-NA/they past/goal-take. 'They took what they wanted 

to take.' 
Na-paqgang ka ya hapala ta na-paqgang-a-m. past/state-cautious YA/ 

you/sg emphatic just TA past state-cautious-NA/you/sg. 'You were 

cautious just for the sake of being cautious.' 

4.2 The Accessory in the Oblique 

The accessory is any third item involved in the interaction of 
actor and goal. It is grammatically optional except in an equa- 
tion in which it is in focus, but it is semantically implied in at 
least some word bases. That is, some word bases have a 
traditional goal which is in focus when the word base has the 
Tcrbal affix-an, and a traditional accessory which is in focus 
when the word base has the verbal affix i-. The accessory may 
be an instrument, that is, something used in the course of the 
action by the actor upon the goal, e.g. there are several word 
bases for each of the English words 'cut' and 'hit' according to 
what instrument is used for the 'cutting' or 'hitting'. Or, it 
may be an agent, that is, a person whose services are utilised 
by the actor in respect of the goal, in such semantic contexts as, 
for example, 'send'. Or again, the accessory may be definable 
as neither an instrument nor an agent, as in the case of that 
which is 'sent', 'brought', 'given', etc. by the actor to the goal. 

Lattuk-ang-ku ya papel-in ta lansaq-in. hole-goal-NA/I YA paper-NA/ 

this TA nail-NA/this. 'I'm piercing the paper with the nail.' 
G-in-using-an ni aleng ya palataw ta batu. past/goal-chip/edge/oflf NA 

son YA knife TA stone. 'My little boy chipped the edge of the knife 

on a stone.' 
Ulolat-an-da-n hapa ta dakal na ulat. wrap-goal-NA/they-(YA/it)-now 

also TA big NA blanket. 'They are also wrapping it up in a big 

blanket.' 
In-atad-an-n-ak ta tallu na ulat. past/goal-give-NA/she-YA/I TA three 

NA blanket. 'She gave me three blankets.' 
Atad-an-ta ka hapa sangaw ta tahu. give-goal-NA/we/two YA/you/sg 

also soon TA honey. 'Ill give you some honey soon too.' 
Paga-n-da yi anak-k-en ta pirak. pay-goal-NA/they YA offspring-NA/I- 

NA/that TA money. 'They will pay money for my son.' 

(compensation for death) 
Anu ya kin-am-muy-en te Pedru. what YA say-goal-NA/you/pl-NA/that 

TA Pedro. 'What did you tell Pedro?' 
Suqkut-ang-ku ya palataw ta alag-naq-in. withdraw-goal-NA/I YA knife 

TA sheath-NA/it-NA/this. 'I'm taking the knife from its sheath.' 



46 

A further type of accessory, which is always in the oblique 
when present, is the optional hearer in an utterance involving 
direct speech. The linguistic fragment which is being quoted 
is always in focus, the Verb kun- 'say' is always followed by 
an attributive actor, and thus the optional hearer must be 
oblique. The usual clause order is changed for direct speech, 
the quotation occurring first un-marked by the ligature YA, 
then the predicate terminal (normally first) kun-, and this equa- 
tion is followed by the accessory hearer in the Oblique and other 
optional oblique expressions in the normal order.i^ 

' ,' kung-ku hapa te Upin. ' ' say-NA/I also TA Upin. '" ," 

I added to Upin.' 
' ,' kum-mi ta adaddu na Ugsin ta lagnm na tyenda. ' ' say-NA/we 

TA very/many NA lowlander TA inside NA store. ' " ," we told 

the crowd of lowlanders in the store.' 
'E-m alap-an ulat-m-en,' kun-na hapa teyak. 'go-goal/NA/you/sg get-goal 

(YA) blanket-NA/you/sg-NA/that' say-NA/she also TA/I. ' "Go and 

get your blanket," she said to me.' 

Another item occurs in the Oblique after awdn 'there is none' 
and bakkan 'it is not'. When there are several oblique expres- 
sions present in the one clause, this item precedes place or 
direction and time expressions. However, it cannot be defin- 
itely identified as either a non-focused goal or an accessory, in 
view of the fact that the first terminal of the equation is a 
Noun, and therefore lacks focus determining verbal affixes. 

Awan ka ta nonot. there/is/none YA/you/sg TA mind. 

'You have no sense.' 
Awan ak ta barawasi. there is/is/none YA/I TA dress. 'I have no 

dress.' 
Awan ta fuyak. there/is/none (YA/it) TA mud. 'There wasn't any 

mud.' 
Awan ta mag-sitsitang. there/is/none (YA/it) TA actor-pl/noise. 

'There's no one making any noise.' 
Awan na mag-alikkad ta bagaw-in. there/is/none (YA/it) TA actor-play 

TA yard-NA/this. 'There's no one playing in the yard.' 
Awan ta kaluhung-ku ta baliq-ewan ta bagetay. there/is/none (YA/it) 

TA companion-NA/I TA house-NA/that TA hill. 'I had no com- 
panion in the house up the hill.' 
Bakkan ta gaddang. it/is/not (YA/it) TA skin. 'It isn't skin.' 
Bakkan ak ta babbay. it/is/not YA/I TA woman. 'I'm not a woman.' 
Bakkan yana ta tarong. it/is/not YA/that TA egg/plant. 'That's not 

egg-plant.' 



47 
4.3 Place or Direction in the Oblique 

(a) With a Noun in the Oblique 

A place or direction expression may have as head word a 
place name, the name of a geographical location (such as 'hill', 
'island', etc.), a personal name, or any other item in reference 
to which a position may be fixed. This item may be a Noun, 
a Pronoun, or a Verb with a PAG Class affix. Included among 
the Nouns commonly occurring in this position are those listed 
in Section 3.1(a). Occurring in isolation, one of these is 
equivalent to the English Adverb of Place; but when followed 
by an attributive, the attributive being the referent by which 
the position is fixed, it is equivalent to the English Preposition. 

Itta de ta umag. there/is (YA/it) maybe TA inside. 'Perhaps it's 

inside.' 
Itta de ta umag na lata, there/is (YA/it) maybe TA inside NA tin/can. 

'Perhaps it's in the tin can.' 

The above two examples illustrate place expressions in which 
there is respectively no attributive (equivalent to Abverb of 
Place), and the presence of an attributive (equivalent to a 
prepositional phrase). 

Itta kami-n ta pake ili. there/is YA/we-now TA very town. 'Now we 

were right in town.' 
Dangag-ang-ku kid ta Dalyan. hear-goal-NA/I YA/they TA Dalyan. 

'I heard them at Dalyan Creek.' 
Um-ange yig Sitong ikid ni ipag ta Tuguegarao. past-go YA Sitong 

they NA sibling/in/law TA Tuguegarao. 'Sitong and Ipdg went to 

Tuguegarao.' 
Itta ta finuguq-en. there/is (YA/she) TA island-NA/that. 'She's at the 

island (i.e. Tamban).' 
Ne-tawag kami ta dalan. past/state-lost YA/we TA trail. 'We got lost 

on the way.' 
Nag-besin ta kayu. past/actor-hang/upside/down (YA/it) TA tree. 

'It hangs upside down in a tree.' 
N-asi ya ugta ta taqday-en wer. past/state-die YA deer TA another- 

NA/that creek. 'The deer died at the other creek.' 
Mag-gani ta pagay ta bagetay. actor-harvest (YA/he) TA rice TA hill. 

'He's harvesting rice up the hill.' 
Nang-alap yi Sitong ta sili ta alad. past/actor-get YA Sitong TA chili 

TA fence. 'Sitong brought in some chilis from the fence.' 
Itta ya baggat ta baril. there/is YA rice TA pail. 'There is rice in a 

pail.' 
Adaddu ya ganna ta radang ni abay. very /much YA phlegm TA chest 

NA daughter. 'There's a lot of congestion in my little girl's chest.' 

or 'My little girl has a bad cold in the chest.' 



48 

Ita-m ta tuldug-ina. look-goal/NA/you/sg (YA/it) TA floor-NA/that. 

'Have a look for it on the floor there.' 
Pakaddu-m ya inafuy ta banga. make/much-goal/NA/you/sg YA rice 

TA pot. 'Make plenty of rice in the pot!' 
Itta inafuy ta umag. there/is (YA) rice TA inside. 'There's some 

cooked rice inside.' 
Awe-na naka-dangag ta liwan. not-NA/she past/ability-hear TA outside. 

'She couldn't hear outside.' 
I-sarpat-mu ya pinggan ta utun-ina. accessory-shelf -N A /you/sg YA 

dishes TA up-NA/that. 'Put the dishes on the shelf up there.' 
Ne-kwa-da ta utun na lamesa. past/accessory-do-NA/they (YA/it) TA 

top NA table. 'They put it on the table.' 
Itta kami ta bikat na Adawag. there/is YA/we TA near NA Adawag. 

'We were near Adawag.' 
Mag-toli kami ha ta dammang na wer. actor-return YA/we again TA 

across NA creek. 'We went back across the creek again.' or 

'We retraced our steps across the creek.' 
In-ita-k ya dalan ta utun na tambak. past/goal-see-NA/I YA trail TA 

top NA dyke. 'I saw a trail along the top of a dyke.' 
Ne-kulzat yi ipag ta dalan ta utun na tambak. past/state-slip YA 

sibling/in/law TA trail TA top NA dyke. 'Ipag slipped on the trail 

along the top of the dyke.' 
Mag-kirkiret ya duyug ta umag na lata, actor-pl/rattle YA bailer TA 

inside NA tin/can. 'The bailer is rattling round inside the tin can.' 

Further examples containing place or direction expressions 
which are equivalent to English prepositional phrases may be 
found in Section 3.1(a) above. 

In the case of adet 'extent', 'end', 'as far as', there are twro 
slightly different oblique constructions possible, with slightly 
different meanings. Where, parallel to the above examples, 
ta adet na . . . occurs, the meaning is 'to (or at) the end of; 
where adet ta replaces the simple ligature ta, the meaning is 
'as far as'. Compare: Um-ange kid ta adet na kalsdda (past- 
go YA/they TA end NA road) 'They went to the end of the 
road' and, Um-ange kid adet ta kalsdda (past-go YA/they as/ 
far/ as TA road) 'They went as far as the road'. Either a 
Direction or a Time expression may follow adet ta. 

Maka-tugtugut kami-n na adet ta pingit na ammay. ability-pl/walk 
YA/we-now again as/far/as TA edge NA rice. 'We kept on hiking 
again as far as the edge of the rice fields.' 

There is one other case in which the ligature is compounded 
in the manner of adet ta, namely where an oblique item is 
compared to the focused item of an actor focus clause, and 
the structural link is the form am ta. This is the Agta equi- 
valent of comparative degree. The first terminal of the equa- 



49 

tion is the quality relating to which the second terminal is 
superior to the item in the Oblique. A rough translation of 
am ta would therefore be 'more than'. 

Pake laqlaqay na babagu am teyak. very old/man NA young/bachelor 
(YA/he) than TA/I. 'He's an older bachelor than me.' 

Pake ma-singat am ta laman. very state-delicious (YA/it) than TA 
wild/pig. 'It's much tastier than wild pig.' 

There is also an equivalent for English superlative degree in 
Agta, either within the above construction or apart from it. 
The verbal affixes ka- -an occurring with the qualitative item 
have the meaning 'the most . . .', e.g. assi 'shallow', kaq-assi-n 
'shallowest'; dulay 'bad', ka-dulay-dn 'worst'; m-apya 'good', 
k-apya-n-oM 'best' ; m-dmit 'sweet', kaq-dmit-dn 'sweetest' ; 
kurug 'true', 'truth', ka-kurug-dn 'the real thing'. 

(b) With a Pronoun in the Oblique 

Itta ye sin. there/is (YA/it) intensive TA/here. 'It's right here.' 
Sa itta kid sin. all there/is YA/they TA/here. 'They're all here.' 
1-king-ku ta isin. accessory-like/this-NA/I (YA/it) TA here. 'I'm put- 
ting it here.' 
Iq-e-m sin. accessory-come-NA/you/sg (YA /it) TA/here. 'Bring it here.' 
Itta de sina ya bahuy-k-en. there/is maybe TA/there YA pig-NA/I-NA/ 

that. 'Is my pig there?' 
Itta ya dulay teyak. there/is YA bad TA/I. 'There's something wrong 

with me.' 
S-im-ahok ye sin. actor-go/in (YA/it) intensive TA/here. 'It went in 

right here.' 
M-agyan ka sina Loring. state-stay YA/you/sg TA/there Loring. 'You 

stay right where you are, Loring.' 
Ma-sidug ak na ta isin. state-sleep YA/I now TA here. 'I'll sleep here 

now.' 
Ma-patu ta isin ta Bagunut. state-hot (YA/it) TA here TA Bagunut. 

'It is not here in Bagunut.' 
Um-ange ya babbay teyak. past-come YA woman TA/I. 'A woman came 

to me.' 
Ayag-a-m kid mantu sin. call-goal-NA/you/sg YA/they then TA/here. 

'Well, call them here, then.' 

After such verbs as e, ange 'go', s-im-ahok 'go in', im-uhet 'go 
out' occurring in the MAG form or with i-, an oblique phrase 
may be ambiguously a place or direction expression or an 
oblique goal. Thus ta wer in Um-ange kid ta wer (past/actor- 
go YA/they TA creek) 'They went to a creek' may be regarded 
either as a non-focused goal or a location. The ambiguity is 

007460 4 



50 



more obvious with a Verb in the -an form, where an item 
meaning direction or place may occur both as a focused goal 
(marked by YA) and as a place or direction expression (marked 
by TA). 



Ange-n-ta ya utun. go-goal-NA/we/two YA top. 

or 'The top is our destination.' 
I-n-ta ta bagetay. go-goal-NA/we/two TA hill. 



'Let's go to the top.' 
'Let's go up the hill.' 



4.4 Time in the Oblique 

(a) With a Noun in the Oblique 

When used with time expressions in the Oblique, the suffixes 
-in and -en have respectively the meanings 'present/future' 
versus 'past'. 



ta-ahaw-in 

ta-hitlam-in 

ta lunis-in 

ta meka-tallu-in 

lunis 
ta sangaw-in 



'today' 

'tonight' 
'next Monday' 
'three weeks 
next Monday' 



ta ahaw-en 

ta hitlam-en 

ta lunis-en 

ta meka-tallu-en 

lunis 
ta sangaw-en 



'today' (said dur- 
ing evening) 
'last night' 
'last Monday' 
'three weeks ago 
last Monday' 
'a little while 
ago' 



Apisi ta ayan-in. short (YA/it) TA time-NA/this. 'It's short now.' 
Awe-na pakan-an adet ta ayan-in. not-NA/he (YA/he) eat-goal as/far/as 

TA time-NA/this. 'He hasn't been fed till now.' 
Awe-tam nag-takay ta lalaqwat-en, awe-tam nag-takay ta ayan-in. not- 

NA/we/all past/actor-ride TA morning-NA/that not-NA/we/all past/ 

actor-ride TA time-NA/this. 'We didn't get a ride this morning and 

we didn't get one now!' 
D-um-atang na yi dama-daq-en ta fiirab. actor-arrive now YA father-NA/ 

they-N A/that TA afternoon. 'Their father arrived in the afternoon.' 
Yen ya in-uhohug-naq-en teyak ta karabiq-an-en. that YA part/goal-say- 

NA/she-NA/that TA/I TA yesterday-dn-NA/that. 'That's what she 

said to me the day before yesterday.' 



(b) With a Verb in the Oblique 

Awe-k na maka-kasidug ta na-pe-gafu ta naki-pag-kin^ang-k-en. not-NA/ 
I now ability-sleep TA past/state-pe-origin TA past/corporate-event- 
say-NA/I-NA/that. 'I haven't been able to sleep since the beginning 
of what I've been telling you.' 

Awe-k amu ta pamozan-an na araw am itta sangaw ya pag-kolan-an-na 
teyak. not-NA/I know TA ultimate-event NA day if there/is later 
YA event-get/tired/of-NA/he TA/I. 'I don't know that he won't get 
tired of me eventually.' 



51 

4.5 The Adverbial Phrase in the Oblique 

There is one further oblique construction, which has not been 
discussed in relation to the above four types of oblique (non- 
focused goal, accessory, place or direction, and time) because it 
does not enter into a relative order with these at the end of the 
utterance. This oblique occurs immediately after the first ter- 
minal of the equation plus Pronouns, if any, and before the 
second terminal, except where the latter is a Pronoun. There 
is a very limited separate class of unaffixable roots which occur 
in this position also, and these have been termed "Post-Adverbs" 
and are discussed in Section 6.1. This expression is structurally 
lateral to the first terminal of the equation in the same manner 
as the Post-Adverbs, and the whole phrase, preceded by the 
ligature TA, occurs in Post-Adverb position. It is semantically 
equivalent to the English Adverb of Manner. The head word 
of this adverbial phrase may be either unaffixed, and therefore 
a Noun, or affixed, and so a Verb. 

(a) With a Noun in the Oblique 

Mag-angat ta dakal. actor-breathe (YA/he) TA big. 'He is sighing.' 
Ne-tawag kami ta assang. past/state-lose YA/we TA small. 'We got 

slightly lost.' 
Medyo ma-bayag ta assang mag-toli kami ha. rather state-long/time 

(YA/it) TA small actor-return YA/we again. 'It took us rather a 

long time to retrace our steps.' 
Mag-bali ta dakal ya ulolag ta ag-ita-n. actor-change TA big YA insect 

TA instrument-see. 'The insect becomes much bigger under the 

microscope.' 

(b) With a Verb in the Oblique 

Mag-katawa yak ta ma-sikan. actor-laugh YA/I TA state-strong. 'I am 
laughing loudly.' 

A sangaw pake ita-m-ml bilbig-am-mi ta m-apya. and then very see-goal- 
NA/we (YA/it) watch-goal-NA/we (YA/it) TA state-good. 'And 
then when we could see it well we took a good look at it.' 



5.0 APPOSITION 

Besides the equation, the sentence-forming construction of 
Agta, there is a construction which equates two head words 
(as does the equation) or more to one another without being a 
sentence-forming construction. Within one terminal of an 
equation, or the position normally occupied by the head word 
of a subordinate construction, it is possible for two or more 
head words to stand together in a relationship of apposition 
to one another. Nouns, Verbs, and Pronouns may be related 
to each other in this way — an evidence, incidentally, in favour 
of the thesis that word bases in Agta do not belong to separate 
grammatical classes or "parts of speech". Within this apposi- 
tion construction in Agta are included the equivalents of English 
apposition and of English qualification. It is impossible in 
Agta to establish a structural relationship of qualifier to its 
head word. For example, words having meanings equivalent 
to the English Adjectives may optionally occur either before or 
after the head word that they would traditionally "qualify" in 
position, and their form might be either nominal, that is, un- 
affixed, or verbal, that is, having verbal affixes. In general, 
cardinal numerals and words of colour or measurement occur 
more frequently unaffixed, while the equivalents of most other 
English Adjectives occur most frequently in verbal form. 

balabag-m-ina asul small/g/string-NA/you/sg-NA/that blue 'your small 

blue g-string' or 
asul-m-ina balabag blue-NA/you/sg-NA/that small/g/string 'your small 

blue g-string' 
assang-en walawer small-NA/that small/creek 'the small creek', or 
walawer-en assang small/creek-NA/that small 'the small creek' 

Where two or more word bases are in apposition, the first only 
takes NA Class Pronouns as suffixes. 

It is common for the Noun Noun relationship to be expressed 
by Noun NA Noun, and the Verb Noun relationship to be ex- 
pressed by Verb NA Noun. In such usage the NA ligature 
loses any of the structural meanings it has when linking an 
attributive to its head word. The apparent ambiguity resulting 
from the use of NA in two very differing constructions is re- 
solved upon expanding the head words on either side of the NA 
with NA Class pronominal affixes. If the construction signalled 

52 



53 

by NA is one of attribution to a head word, then the attributive 
may be expanded by NA Class Pronouns, but the head word is 
not so expanded, e. g. huli na anwdng (rump NA water /buffalo) 
'a water buffalo's rump', huli na anwdng-en (rump na water/ 
buff alo-N A/that) 'the water buffalo's rump', huli na anwdng 
ni Karyu (rump NA water/buffalo NA Carlo) 'the rump of 
Carlo's water buffalo'. The head word of an attributive must 
be followed immediately by the attributive itself. If the con- 
struction signalled by NA is one of apposition, however, it is 
the first word base in the series which takes the NA Class 
affixes, in which case the NA ligature drops out, e. g. taqday 
na iver (another NA creek) 'another creek', taqday-en wer 
(another-NA/that creek) 'the other creek'. 

5.1 Nouns in Apposition 

(a) Noun Noun 

baqbaqat Bilelag old/woman Bilelag 'old lady Bilelag' 

taqday babbay na Ugsin one woman NA lowlander 'an Ilocano woman' 

Upin Agta Upin Agta 'Upin the Agta' 

(b) Noun-N A/hnpersonal/Pronoun Noun 

taqday-en babbay one-NA/that woman 'the one woman' 

dappug-ina laman huge-NA/that/referred/to/by/you wild/pig 'the huge 

pig (you were talking about)' 
taqday-in lente another-NA/this lantern 'the other lantern' 
dakal-in parayuk big-NA/this frying/pan 'the big frying pan' 
ngAmin kid-in tolay all pl-NA/this person 'everybody (here)' 
atawa-naq-en laqlaqay spouse-NA/she-NA/that old/man 'her husband, 

the old man' 
kanan-k-en kahel food-NA/I-NA/that orange 'my food, the orange' or 

'the orange I'm going to eat' 
kwa ten kofun-tam-ev/an Upin thing TA/there friend-NA/we/all-NA/that 

Upin 'what's her name over there, our friend Upin' 

(c) Noun NA Noun 

taqday na babbay one NA woman 'a (one) woman' 

tanap na bagetay cleared/field NA hill 'a bare hill' 

taqday na wer another NA creek 'another creek' 

waiawer na assang small/creek NA small 'a small creek' 

assang na .waiawer small NA small/creek 'a small creek' 

dakal na ulat big NA blanket 'a big blanket' 

pake laqlaqay na babagu very old/man NA young/unmarried/man 

'a very old bachelor' 
diiwa na pesuk two NA peso 'two pesos' 
lima na kaban five NA bag 'five bags (i.e. of rice)' 
ma-fulu na wer one-ten NA creek 'ten creeks' 



54 

There are several word bases, mostly of the weights-and-meas- 
ures variety, which may be qualified in the manner above, that 
is, be in structural apposition with a cardinal numeral, but 
which may behave also like the multiple cardinal numerals -fulu 
'tens', -gatut 'hundreds', and -ribu 'thousands', which have the 
numerals prefixed to them. Amongst these are: 

appa 'double arm span' 

araw 'day' 

bara 'cubit' (finger-tip to elbow) 

bilyon 'twenty centavos' (= $.10) 

kaban 'bag' (of rice; = 75 litres) 

kilu 'kilo' 

kupil 'cooked rice wrapped In a leaf 

dangan 'hand-span' 

darun 'year' 

dawa 'head (of rice)' 

dawit 'share, strung portion (of meat)' 

futut 'sheaf (of rice)' 

galgal 'cut piece' (by sawing motion) 

gallang 'portion, piece (of fish)' 

gantub 'chopped piece, portion' 

hitlam-an 'night' (spent somewhere) 

hukal 'seed', 'piece (of fruit, bamboo — anything round)' 

hulan 'mouth' 

pesuk 'peso' (= |.50) 

pissang 'torn piece' 

salub 'ganta' (unit of grain measurement = 3 litres) 

samuldu 'finger's width' 

sipuk 'thumb to knuckle of index finger' (about •>") 



As well as dwa-fulu 'twenty' tallu-gatut 'three hundred', etc. 
(see Section 2.1 above), then, these occur; dwa-darun 'two 
years', td-hukal 'one piece (e.g. of fruit)', td-kaban 'one bag', 
dwa-salub 'two gantas', tallu-pesuk 'three pesos', appdta-bilyon 
'eighty centavos', etc. 

5.2 Nouns and Pronouns in Apposition 

(a) Noun-N A /Impersonal/ Pronoun Pronoun 

In this and the following variants of the apposition construc- 
tion an INTU Class Impersonal Pronoun may occur in apposi- 
tion with a Noun or Nouns, regardless of where the whole 
occurs syntactically. That is, the whole may be either first or 
second terminal of an equation, or an attributive following NA, 
or an oblique following TA, but the Pronoun used in the apposi- 
tion construction remain INTU Class. The INTU Class Pro- 



55 

noun is always second in a sequence of items in apposition, and 
any one of the four INTU Class Impersonal Pronouns {yan or 
yeyan or yeqyan, yana, yewan, yen) may occur there. How- 
ever, the suffixed NA Class Pronoun is always -in in this type of 
construction. 

Inya tolay-in yan. who (YA) person-NA/this this. 'Who is this?' 
Anu ya bidaq-in yana. what YA talk-NA/this that. 'What's that you're 

talking about?' 
Anu ya hitlam-in yeyan. what YA night-NA/this this. 'What night is 

it tonight?' 
Ka-kurug-an ya gilat-in yana. superlative-true YA arrow/head-NA/this 

that. 'That arrowhead is the real thing.' 

(b) Noim-N A /Impersonal/ Pronoun Pronoun Noun 

Bakkan la ta dalan-in yan tataqday. it/is/not (YA/it) only TA way- 

NA/this this one. 'This isn't the only way.' or 'This way isn't the 

only one.' 
Tataqday-laq-in yan dalan ya e yak ne-gangat-an. one-only-NA/this this 

way YA come YA/I ne- -dw-infatuated. 'This is the only way I've 

become infatuated with.' 

(c) Pronoun Noun 

A Noun may occur as a further definitive in apposition with 
any Pronoun. 

A ange pano yen Tomiq-en. and go ever YA/that Tomi-NA/that. 

'Wherever is she . . . Tomi going?' 
Yig kwa ya ange ta iten finugu na bebay. YA thing YA go TA there 

island NA sea. 'So-and-so and company are the ones who went there, 

to the island of the sea.' 

5.3 Pronouns in Apposition 

A Personal and an Impersonal Pronoun of the INTU Class 
may occur in apposition as first terminal of an equation. 

Intu yeyan O ey ya dalan. it this O friend YA trail. 'This is the trail, 

friend.' 
Ay intu yen ya bali-muy-in. oh it this YA house-NA/you/pl-NA/this. 

'Oh, so these are your houses.' 
Intu yen ya siri na uhohug. it that YA lie NA word. 'That's a lie!' 

5.4 Nouns and Verbs in Apposition 

(a) Noun Verb 

Inya ya tolay nangi-tiin. who YA person past/actor-put. 'Who put it 

there?' 
Ange-n na danum ya uniag na hulu um-ange ta tuldug. go-goal NA water 

YA inside NA bamboo past-go TA veranda. 'The hollow of a bamboo 

going down to the veranda was a water channel.' 



56 

(b) Noun-N A /Impersonal/ Pronoun Verb 

ngamin kid-in p-in-aratu na Nam-aratu all pl-NA/this past/goal-create 
NA past/actor-create 'all God's creations (creatures)' 

' . . ,' kung-ku ta Ugsin-en in-ita-mi. '....' say-NA/ TA lowlander-NA/ 

that past/goal-see-NA/we. ' " " I said to the lowlander we'd 

seen.' 

On ay te ya ngamin kid-in nang-alap ta ne-kayat-na in-alap. yes emphatic 
because/of YA all pl-NA/this past/actor-take TA past/accessory-like- 
NA/he past/goal-take. 'Yes, because of all those who took what they 
wanted to take.' (reply) 

(c) Verb-N A /Impersonal/ Pronoun Noun 

The majority of verbal forms occurring first in an apposition 
sequence are prefixed with a MAG Class prefix, and are seman- 
tically equivalent to qualifyers or adjectives in English. A 
number of verbal forms only occur in the Past tense in this 
usage for semantic reasons, namely, that certain states could 
only prevail if they had begun in the past, e.g. na-labag 'rotten'. 
Ordinal numerals occur as verbal forms first in an apposition 
sequence, being prefixed by meka-. The cardinal form occurs 
as the stem, e.g. meka-duwa 'second', meka-tallu 'third', etc. 
The one exception is 'first', in which a different word base from 
the cardinal is used, namely, ulu 'head'. The form is ma-polu 
{ma- + pa- + ulu) 'first'. 

mag-talip-en tolay actor-dance-NA/that person 'the person who's 

dancing' 
na-labag-ewan alad past/state-rotten-NA/that fence 'the rotten fence 

over there' 
ne-galut-in anwang past/state-tie/up-NA/this water/bufFalo 'the tethered 

water buffalo' 
meka-talluq-en ligwan ordinal-three-NA/that week 'three weeks ago' 

(d) Verb NA Noun 

na-bayag na araw past/state-long/time NA day 'a long time ago' 
nag-duma na abbing past/actor-differ NA child 'a different child' 
mak-amu na lalaki mam-alsiqit ability-know NA man actor-shoot/with/ 

catapault 'a man who knows how to shoot with a catapault' 
M-apya yana na alad. state-good YA/that NA fence. 'That's a nice 

fence.' 

The final example involves a first terminal containing two word 
bases in apposition with a Pronoun as second terminal in an 
equation. In such cases, the Pronoun follows the first of the 
word bases in apposition, thus displacing in position the second, 
though the latter is part of the first terminal. 



57 

5.5 Pronouns and Verbs in Apposition 

Itta yak keng-angay teko pang-ita-m ta ka-takit anna ka-damdam na 
nonot teko. there/is YA/I event/position-all/day TA/you/sg place- 
see-NA/you/sg TA event-love and event-sad NA mind TA/you/sg. 
'I'm with you all day where you can see my love and pining for you.' 

5.6 Verbs in Apposition 

The juxtaposing of word bases with verbal affixes is apposi- 
tion in the structural sense, that is, the occurrence in sequence 
of a number of Verbs without ligatures between them. The 
word bases in the sequence are not necessarily, however, being 
equated to one another (as in the normally accepted semantic 
content of apposition), but are rather semantically supplement- 
ary to one another. Two or more word bases may be involved, 
the whole sequence occupying but one syntactic position, such 
as terminal of an equation, head of an attributive expression, 
etc. 

Except in certain specific conditions discussed hereunder, the 
focus of the Verbs in a sequence is in agreement, that is, a 
MAG Class Verb occurs with another MAG Class Verb, and an 
AN Class Verb occurs with another AN Class Verb, the focus 
of the whole utterance then obviously being actor focus and 
goal or accessory focus respectively. 

All YA and NA Class Pronouns (including the redundantly 
marked non-focused Noun actor) and all Post-Adverbs im- 
mediately follow the first Verb of an apposition. 

Some of the more common word bases that occur as the first 
of two Verbs are listed below along with the affixes normally 
occurring with them in such appositions. Structurally they are 
Verbs, although several of them are the equivalents of English 
Adverbs. When awe- occurs in apposition with i-kaydt, e or e-n 
it precedes them, i-kaydt precedes e or e-n, and these always 
precede the other word bases listed. The majority of these 
word bases also occur apart from apposition. 



alag- 


'hurry up' 


amu- 


'know how to' 


anu-n 


'why?' 


awe- 


'not to' 


na-balin 


'finish' 


ma-bayag 


'a long time', 'late' 


ma-kafuy 


'softly', 'quietly', 'gently' 


kapye- 


'before' 


i-kayat 


'want to', 'like to' 


mag-dafun 


'at the same time' 



58 



e, e-n, ange, ange-n 

maging-gafan 

mame-gafu 

mag-imang 

mag-inennat 

mag-indang 

paruba-n 

pidwa-n 

ma-polu, i-polu 

mag-rebing 

ma-sesenuk 

ma-sikan 

uli-n 

ma-vit 



'last' 

'start', 'begin' 

'stop' 

'slowly' (of walking only) 

'in unison', 'together' 

'try' 

'again' 

'first' 

'together', 'side by side' 

'unevenly' 

'vigorously', 'loudly', 'quickly', 'cleverly' 

'fix' 

'quickly', 'a short time' 



Similarly occurring as first member of two or more Verbs 
in sequence are the Temporal Numerals. The basic form of 
the 'times' prefix is mameng-, which occurs except before la- 
bials and dental stops, in which case regressive assimilation 
occurs to the point of articulation of the stem initial consonant. 
However, there is also word base reduction in 'twice' and 
'four times'. The Past tense form is nameng-. 



mittan 

mamidwa 

mamen-tallu 

mamempat 

mameng-lima 

mameng-annam 

mamem-pitu 

mameng-walu 

mameng siyam 

mamem-fulu 



'once' 
'twice' 

'three times' 
'four times' 
'five times' 
'six times' 
'seven times' 
'eight times' 
'nine times' 
'ten times' 



(a) Two MAG Class Verbs 

The following illustrate agreement of focus in actor focus 
equations. A few of the cases show tense disagreement. 

E yak mina mangi-bar. go YA/I ought actor-speak. 'I ought to go and 

ask.' 
E kami mag-pasyar. go YA/we actor-visit. 'We're going visiting.' 
Mag-dafun kid d-um-atang. actor-at/the/same/time YA/they actor-arrive. 

'They will arrive at same time.' 
Nag-sitang na-sidug. past/actor-call/out (YA/she) past/state-sleep. 

'She called out in her sleep.' 
Na-bayag na-tolay. past/state-long/time (YA/he) past/state-live. 'He 

lived a long time.' 
Ma-lelewat mag-bida. state-intensive/slow (YA/he) actor-story. 'He's 

very slow telling a story.' 



59 

Mag-inennat kitam mag-paqyat. actor-slowly YA/we/all actor-step. 'Let's 

all step carefully.' 
Ma-sesenuk na-lutu. state-unevenly (YA/it) past/state-ripe. 'It ripens 

unevenly.' 
Um-ange kami nag-lente ni Sitong. past-go YA/we past/actor-spot/light/ 

shooting NA Sitong. 'Sitong and I went spot light shooting.' 
Naineng-annam ne-payad ya taddung-k-en. past/times-six past/state-blow 

YA hat-NA/I-NA/that. 'My hat blew off six times.' 
Iko hud la mak-amu na lalaki mam-alsiqit. you/sg interrogative only 

(YA) ability-know NA man actor-shoot/ with/catapault. 'Do you 

think you're the only man who knows how to shoot with a catapault?' 
Medyo na-bayag kami mag-apag ta dalan. rather past/state-long /time 

YA/we actor-search TA trail. 'We were rather a long time looking 

for a trail.' 
Magge n-agyan kami la ten nag-lelehut. almost past/state-stay YA/we 

only TA/there past/actor-intensive/around. 'We almost got stuck 

there going round in circles.' 

(b) Two AN Class Verbs 

The following illustrate agreement of focus in non-actor focus 
equations. 

Uli-m takup-an. flx-goal/NA/you/sg (YA/it) patch-goal. 'Fix it with 

a patch.' or 'Fix it by patching.' 
I-kayat-mu dangag-an ya bida nig Pedru. accessory-like-NA/you/sg 

hear-goal YA story NA Pedro/plus. 'You want to hear what Pedro 

and the others are talking about.' 

Whereas the unaffixed form anu occurs as an INTU Class 
Pronoun meaning 'what?' and as a Pre- Adverb meaning 'why?, 
anu-n is an AN Class Verb, and occurs as the first Verb in an 
apposition sequence meaning 'why?' in a non-actor focus 
equation. 

Anu-m ak apag-an. why-goal/NA/you/sg YA/I search-goal. 'Why are 

you looking for me?' 
In-anu-m h-in-usat. past/goal-why-NA/you/sg (YA/it) past/goal-split. 

'Why did you split it?' 
In-anu-na-n t-in-ultulfu ya papel-in. past/goal-why-NA/she-now past/ 

goal-pl/edge YA paper-NA/this. 'Why has she arranged the paper 

edge-to-edge?' 

The four word bases kaptje- 'before', alag- 'hurry up', dmu- 
'know how to', and the very frequent awe- 'not' have the form 
of Nouns, in that they do not take verbal affixes when occur- 
ring in apposition with Verbs. However, they have been 
regarded as AN Class Verbs because an attributive Pronoun 
actor immediately follows them in such appositions, instead of 
occurring after the Verb in second position. 



60 

Ma-polu bit ya gaidang kapye-m galgal-an ya ulu-naq-en. state-first 
short/time YA honeycomb before-NA/you/sg cut-goal YA head-NA/ 
it-NA/that. 'You deal with the honeycomb first before you cut the 
top of the hive.' 

Awe-k na datdatang-an. not-NA/I (YA/it) now intensive/reach-goal. 
'I can't reach it.' or 'I can't get to it.' 

Awe-da mantu i-kaskasu. not-NA/they (YA/she) then accessory-hear. 
'Then they won't be letting her know.' 

Awe-m ak persa-n pevwat-an. not-NA/you/sg YA/I force-goal get/up- 
goal. 'Don't make me get up.' 

Awe-m paha amu i-kamat ya bari-m. not-NA/you/sg yet know accessory- 
modest YA body-NA/you/sg. 'You don't know how to be modest yet.' 

More frequent and versatile than any other word base occur- 
ring in the first position of a Verb sequence is e 'go', 'come'. 
It most often occurs as the AN form e-n {i-n with Inclusive 
Person suffix) in verbal appositions. 

Although dmu-, mve- and e-n distinguish between Past and 
Present/Future tenses by affixation when they occur in other 
constructions, in verbal appositions they show no such contrast, 
but retain the Present/Future form irrespective of the tense 
shown by the Verb in second position. Similarly, kapye- and 
alag- are not marked for tense. 

E-n-d-ak i-logot. go-goal-NA/they-YA/I accessory-let/down. 'They'll go 
away and let me down.' 

I-n-ta kam i-darum. go-goal-NA/we/two YA/you/pl accessory-accuse. 
'I'm going to accuse you.' 

E-m unek-an ya kayu. come-goal/NA/you/sg climb-goal YA tree. 'Come 
and climb a tree.' 

E-n-na mina i-pahulot ni Ayop. go-goal-NA/he (YA/it) ought accessory- 
carry/through NA Ayop. 'Ayop may go ahead with his plan.' 

E-m-mi in-uli w-in-atay ya kayuq-en te ma-dammat. go-goal-NA/we past/ 
goal-fix past/goal-square YA tree-NA/that because state-heavy 
(YA/it). 'We went and fixed up the tree by squaring it because it 
was so heavy.' 

(c) AN Class Verb vMh MAG Class Verb 

There is a small group of commonly used word bases which 
only occur in goal or accessory focusing form in verbal apposi- 
tions. These include : dmu- 'know how to', awe- 'not to', kapye- 
'before', i-kaydt 'like to', parubd-n 'try to', pidwa-n 'again'. 
When one of these occurs preceding a MAG Class Verb in an 
apposition sequence, the actor Pronoun, which immediately 
follows the first Verb, is in the NA Class. (This, of course, 
includes the redundantly marked non-focused Noun actor.) 
The utterance contains no item marked by the focusing ligature 



61 

YA, despite the fact that goal and accessory, if present, go into 
the Oblique. Because of the occurrence of goal and accessory 
in the Oblique, together of the occurrence of a MAG Class 
Verb, it has been deduced that the utterance is, in fact, an 
actor focused equation. It has therefore been concluded that 
the focus of an equation involving a verbal apposition follows 
that of the last Verb in the sequence. The last Verb in a 
sequence may then be regarded as being syntactically the out- 
ermost layer, while the first is syntactically innermost. The 
syntactically innermost Verb determines the Pronoun, while the 
outermost determines the focus of the equation, resulting in this 
case in lack of agreement. 

Amu-na makaq-apappod. know-NA/she ability-stand/up. 'She (baby) 

knows how to stand up.' 
P-in-aruba-da im-ubar. past/goal-try-NA/they actor-fly. 'They tried to 

fly.' 
Awe-na para ma-pepenam ta talun. not-NA/he yet state-used TA forest. 

'He's not yet used to the forest.' 
Awe-na makaq-itud na nonot-ku. not-NA/it ability-concentrate NA mind- 

NA/I. 'I can't concentrate.' 
Awe-k i-kayat mag-paga. not-NA/I accessory-like actor-pay. 'I don't 

want to pay.' 
E-n-na mag-apag ta pag-pagerger-da. go-goal-NA/he actor-search TA 

instrument-haul-NA/they. 'He's gone to look for their water buifalo 

sled.' 
Mag-adade ka ay mantu te kapye-k hapa mag-gitara. actor-sing YA/you/ 

sg emphatic then because before-NA/I also actor-play/guitar. 'Well 

you sing then before I play the guitar.' 

Occasionally an actor focused form of e 'go', 'come' replaces 
the form e-n in an apposition sequence, and this may occur 
where the Verb following is in the AN form. This is especially 
the case in the first person singular, e yak being most frequently 
used. It is therefore possible to get a situation which is the 
reverse of that discussed above, in which the last Verb is in 
the AN form, and both actor and goal are in the YA Class. 

E yak kid apag-an. go YA/I YA/they search-goal. 'I'm going to look 

for them.' 
Um-ange p-in-aquru yi abay. past-go (YA/she) past/goal-get/treated 

YA daughter. 'She's gone to get medical attention for the little girl.' 

The form e-n occurs in sequences with Verbs in the PAG 
Class, the whole sequence functioning as does the PAG Class 
Verb. 

Yeqyan ya e-m-mi ne-pag-pasyar. this YA go-goal-NA/we past-event-visit. 
'This was when we went visiting.' 



62 

5.7 Apposition of whole terminah incltiding ligatures 

It is possible for an equation to have two terminals, each 
marked by the ligature YA, in second position. The two ter- 
minals, each following- YA, may each consist of minimal or 
expanded Noun or Verb, or one may be a Pronoun. Despite 
the apposition relationship, the content of the terminals in 
apposition may differ structurally. 

Yen ya ange-m-mi ya takwan na dalan. that YA go-goal-NA/we YA 
other NA trail. 'That should be our way, the other trail.' 

Ayag-a-m kid mantu sin ya atu ikid na ugta ikid na taggam. call-goal- 
NA/you/sg YA/they then TA/here YA dog they NA deer they NA 
ant. 'Then call the dog, deer, and ant here.' 

Intu k-ange pag-sitang-an ya mayor-naq-en. she (YA) event-go place- 
noise YA guardian-NA/she-NA/that. 'Her guardian, she's the one 
to go and talk to.' 

Similarly, two oblique terminals, each following TA, may 
occur in apposition, as exemplified by the following: 

Awan ta amu-k ta ne-bar-na teyak. there/is/none (YA/it) TA know- 

NA/I TA past/accessory-tell-NA/he TA/I. 'I know nothing about it, 

he hasn't said anything to me.' 
I-bar-ku tentu am had agyan na dalan ta Ugsin. accessory-speak-NA/I 

TA/he if where (YA) stay NA trail TA lowlander. 'I'll ask him - 

the lowlander - where the trail is.' 

In the first example, either of the two ta- dmu-k or ta ne-bar-na 
teydk might well have followed awan by itself; in either case 
the sentence would have been complete. That is, the two ob- 
lique expressions are structurally mutually substitutable after 
awan just as either of the two YA expressions would have been 
in the three examples pertaining to the second terminal of the 
equation. In the second example of apposition of TA express- 
ions, the two items in apposition, tentu and ta Ugsin are 
discontinuous, although tentu occurs in a position often occupied 
by oblique Pronouns. It might just as easily have happened 
that the two oblique expressions occurred side by side at the 
end of the clause. However, as will be noted from Section 4.0, 
it is possible for a clause to contain more than one oblique 
expression, without apposition, as the oblique may signal several 
structural meanings, namely, goal after a MAG Class Verb, 
accessory, place or direction, and time, in that preferential 
order. 



6.0 ADVERBS 

There are two small word classes that function as qualifying 
laterals to the first terminal of an equation, one class imme- 
diately preceding the first terminal and therefore termed Pre- 
Adverbs, the other class immediately following the first terminal 
and any NA and YA Class Pronouns that may occur after it, 
and therefore termed Post-Adverbs. The first terminal may 
be a Noun, a Pronoun, or a Verb. (See Sections 2.1, 2.2, and 
2.3 respectively.) The term "Adverb" has been used to repre- 
sent these two word classes for want of a better name, and 
because they occur in a construction that often corresponds 
to an English predicate as qualifiers of its head word. Many 
of the members of the Pre-Adverb and Post-Adverb classes are 
the semantic equivalents of English Adverbs. 

6.1 Post-Adverbs 

Post-Adverbs are a limited class of about 20 non-affixable 
roots, occurring immediately after the Noun, Pronoun or Verb 
which is the first terminal of an equation plus such Pronouns 
of the NA and YA Classes as may be connected with it. That 
is, the Post-Adverb follows any NA and/or YA Class Pronouns 
that happen to be present after the first word base in first 
terminal position. If there are Nouns present other than that 
occurring in first terminal position, the Post-Adverb precedes 
them. In a sequence of Verbs in apposition, the Post-Adverbs, 
like the Pronouns, follow the first Verb of the sequence. Al- 
though many Post-Adverbs correspond to English Adverbs, 
there is a considerable diversity of meanings in the class as a 
whole, and the meanings of some are too broad to be readily 
ti'anslated in a few English words. 

In the following list of Post-Adverbs, some of the forms are 
not morphologically minimal. This has been illustrated by 
marking the possible morpheme boundaries here, although they 
are not marked elsewhere in the grammar. However, as the 
meaning of the whole is not the sum of the meanings of the 
constituent morphemes, further division is not profitable. 

bit 'please', 'for a moment' (rare usage) 

kad 'properly', 'thoroughly', 'really' 

kampon, pon (marker of frivolity) 

kdn 'he says that . . .', 'they say that . . .', 'I think 

63 



64 



daqah 
de 

ha 

hamampa 



ha-la 
ha-pa 
haq-en 
hud 

la 
malat 

mantu 
mina 
na, -n 



naman 
pa 

pa-ha 
pano 

paq-en 



they feel that . . .', 'supposed to' (indirect 
report) 

(marker of boredom, reluctance) 

'maybe', 'perhaps', 'might be', (question indicator 
expecting affirmative reply) 

'again' 

Tentative meanings: 'always', 'never' (with nega- 
tive') 'already', '(not) yet', 'however'. (This 
is very commonly used, but its meaning is still 
uncertain. It frequently occurs in clauses after 
te 'because'.) 

'merely', 'just' 

'also', 'too' 

'too' 

(question indicator anticipating negative reply; 
negative in face of positive suggestion) 

'only', 'just' 

(strong affirmative in face of contrary sug- 
gestion) 

'then', 'therefore'; 'indeed' (response of surprise) 

'ought', 'should' (but did not) 

'now', 'already' {na occurring after a final con- 
sonant in preceding word, -n after a final 
vowel ) 

'at last' 

'also' 

'still', 'yet' 

'-ever' (used after interrogative Pronouns, indi- 
cating completeness of ignorance) 

'of course', 'I told you before that . . .' (reply 
indicator, often mildly impatient) 



Iq-arutut-mu bit ya hitlag-k-in. accessory-rub-NA/you/sg please YA 

back-NA/I-NA/this. 'Please rub my back.' 
E yak bit ma-sidug. go YA/I for/a/little/while state-sleep. 'I'm going 

to sleep for a bit.' 
M-apya kad ya bagong-en. state-good really YA fish-NA/that. 'The fish 

was quite good.' 
Amu-na kan. know-NA/he (YA/it) he/says. 'He says he knows.' 
E ka kan sin. come YA/you/sg he/says TA/here. 'He says to come here.' 
E yak na daqah. go YA/I now boredom. 'I'm going now (because I'm 

tired of waiting).' 
Awan de ta udan. there/is/none (YA/it) maybe TA rain. 'There 

mightn't be any rain.' 
TJm-ange kid de ta talun. past-go YA/they maybe TA forest. 'Maybe 

they went to the forest.' or 'Did they go to the forest?' 
Mag-toli ha. actor-return (YA/he) again. 'He's coming back again.' 
Assang hamampa ya anaw-in. small hamampa YA palm/leaf-NA/this. 

'There's not much of this palm leaf.' 



65 

. . . am mag-udan ma-sanaw hamampa. . . . when actor-rain (YA/it) 

state-cold (YA/it) hamampa. '. . . it's cold when it rains.' 
E yak hala. go YA/I just. 'I'll go just the same (though I don't want 

to).' 
Ma-damdam hapa yi Loring. state-sad also YA Loring. 'Loring is sad 

too.' 
Bon-an-ta ka haqen. send-goal-NA/we/two YA/you/sg too. 'I'm sending 

you along too.' 
Mag-tarinap ka hud. actor-dream YA/you/sg interrogative. 'Are you 

dreaming?' 
Anwang ak hud. water/buffalo YA/I interrogative. 'I'm not a water 

buffalo.' or 'Am I a water buffalo?' 
Mag-patu la ya bari-na. actor-hot only YA body-NA/she. 'It's just her 

body that's getting hot.' 
Intu la yen. he only YA/that. 'It's only him.' 
Itta malat. there/is (YA/it) certainly. 'It's here all right.' 
Awe-m malat alap-an. not-NA/you/sg (YA/it) certainly take-goal. 

'Don't you dare take it!' 
Tallu kam mantu ay. three YA/you/pl then emphatic. 'Then there are 

three of you.' 
I-bilag-ku mina. accessory-run-NA/I (YA/it) ought. 'I ought to run 

with it.' 
Na-banta-n ya hitlag-k-in. past/state-stiff-now YA back-NA/I-NA/this. 

'My back is already stiff.' 
E yak na ten. go YA/I now TA/there. 'I'm going there now.' 
Anu naman yana. what at/last YA/that. 'What's that you're doing?' 

(said after forbidding it) 
Awe-mi paha um-ange ta talun. not-NA/we yet past-go TA forest. 'We 

haven't yet gone to the forest.' 
Itta paha ta umag. there/is (YA/it) still TA inside. 'It's still inside.' 
In-alap-ku paqen ta talun. past/goal-get-NA/I (YA/it) reply TA forest. 

'I got it in the forest.' (answer to 'Where . . .?') 
Kanu pano ya ka-balin-na. whenever YA event-finish-NA/it. 'When- 
ever will it be finished?' 

As in the case of the focused goal Pronouns (see Section 
3.2(b)) and Verbs in apposition (see Section 5.6), so also Post- 
Adverbs displace a non-focused (NA Class) Noun actor. The 
third person singular Pronoun occurs to satisfy the require- 
ment that goal focus Verb forms be immediately followed by 
an attributive, and the Noun actor, preceded by the ligature 
NA, follows the Post-Adverb. 

'Kurug,' kun-na hapa ni abe. 'true (YA/it) ' say-NA/she also NA older/ 

sibling. ' "That's right," Abe replied.' 
Laflafun-an-na la na tolay. guess-goal-NA/he (YA/it) only NA person. 

'A person is only guessing.' 

007460 5 



66 

Sangaw ne-sabit-na-n na bakbakat-en. then past/accessory-roll/up/in/ 
clothing-NA/she-(YA/it)-now NA old/woman-NA/that. 'Then the old 
woman wrapped it up in her clothing.' 

D-in-agdag-na hapa na atuq-in. past/goal-follow-NA/it (YA/it) also NA 
dog-NA/this. 'The dog also followed it.' 

Beside the double Pronouns listed in Section 3.2(d), there is 
another set of combined pronominal forms involving the Post- 
Adverb na, -n 'now', 'already', 'then' (in a sequence). Where 
two alternative forms are shown for a particular Pronoun, 
either may occur in the same environment. 



YA Class 


NA Class 


Pronoun 


Pronoun + no 


Pronoun 


Pronoun -f- no 


ak, yak 


ak na, yak na 


-ku, -k 


-ku-n, -k na 


kita 


kita-n, kitanan 


-ta 


-ta-n, -tanan 


ka 


ka-n 


-mu, -m 


-mu-n, -m na 


— 


na 


-na 


-na-n 


kami 


kami-n 


-mi 


-mi-n 


kitam 


kitanan 


-tam 


-tanan 


kam 


kanan 


-muy 


-muy na 


kid 


kid na 


-da 


-da-n 



Whereas a Verb in the Past tense in Agta is equivalent to the 
English simple past tense, the addition of the Post-Adverb na 
'now', 'already' gives the additional sense of completed action, 
so that Past tense plus na is equivalent to the English present- 
perfect 'have done'. Similarly, whereas the Agta Present/Fu- 
ture tense remains ambiguous, the addition of na defines the 
time as present. The examples immediately above illustrate 
this, as do the following. 

Um-alit ka-n ha. actor-move YA/you/sg-now again. 'You're on the move 

again.' 
Na-bayag kanan mantu la. past/state-long/time YA/you/pl/now then 

only. 'You have been a long time.' 
Mag-toli kitanan. actor-return YA/we/all/now. 'Let's all go back now.' 
E-m-mi kanan alap-an. come-goal-NA/we YA/you/pl/now take-goal. 

'We're going to take you with us now.' 

Most of the Post-Adverbs may occur in combinations with 
each other. Combinations of two and three Post-Adverbs are 
commonly used, but the occurrence of larger combinations is 
doubtful. Since combinations no larger than three occur, then. 



67 



it is not possible nor of great significance to construct a detailed 
diagram of preferential orders of occurrence. A tentative dia- 
gram for the twelve most versatile Post-Adverbs is given below. 



kad 
hud 



bit 



ha 
mantu 



mantu 
ha 



kan 



mina 



paha 
hapa 



de 



la 



bit 



The following 
na 



la 



hapa 



kdn 



paha 



mantu 



ha 



hud 



de 
kad 

mina 
hamampa 



actual combinations have been observed: 

kad na, hud na, na kan, na mina, na ha, na 

mantu, na hapa, na paha, na de, na la, na 

hamampa, na pano, na malat, na pa, na paqen, 

na daqah, na naman or naman na; 

kad na pa, kad na la, hud na la, na hapa la, na 

la mantu, na la daqah. 

na la, hud la, la bit (or rarely, bit la), kan la, 

mina, la, ha la, mantu la, hapa la, paha la, de 

la, naman la; 

kad na la, hud na la, kan paha la, mantu ha la 

and ha mantu la, hapa la sangaw, na hapa la, 

hamampa ha la, na la daqah, na la mantu, ha 

la sangaw. 

na hapa, hapa la, kad hapa, kan hapa, mina hapa, 

hapa de ; 

na hapa la, hapa la sangaw. 

na kan, kan la, bit kan, kan mina, kan paha, kan 

haqen, kan hapa; 

kan paha la. 

na paha, paha la, hud paha, paha bit, kan paha, 

mantu paha ; 

kan paha la. 

na mantu, mantu la, hud mantu, bit mantu,, 

mantu paha ; 

ha mantu la or mantu ha la, na la mantu. 

na ha, ha la, ha de; 

ha mantu la or mantu ha la, hamampa ha la, ha 

la sangaw. 

hud na, hud la, hud paha, hud mantu; 

hud na la. 

la bit (or rarely, bit la), bit kan, bit mantu, paha 

bit, bit haqen. 

na de, de la, ha de, hapa de. 

kad na, kad hapa; 

kid na la, kad na pa. 

na mina, mina la, mina hapa, kan mina. 

na hamampa; hamampa ha la. 



68 

haqen kan haqen, bit haqen. 

pa na pa; kad na pa. 

naman na naman or naman na, naman la. 

daqah na dequah, na la daqah. 

paqen na paqen. 

pano na pano 

malat na malat 

Nag-dawa paha la. past/actor-flower (YA/it) still only. 'It has flowered 

already.' 
Nag-tarinap mantu la yi abe. past/actor-dream then only YA older/sister. 

'Why, it was just Ahe dreaming!' 
Pahig-ku ta itta ya ulag aya tukak mantu ha la. mistakenly/thought-NA/ 

I TA there/is YA snake but frog (YA/it) then again only. 'I 

thought there was a snake but it was only a frog.' 
Awe-k na la i-bar ya bahuy. not-NA/I now only accessory-talk YA pig. 

'I won't talk about pigs any more.' 
Im-unek kam bit la ta isin. actor-come/up YA/you/pl please only TA here. 

'Won't you just come up for a while.' 
E kami-n mantu. go YA/we-now then. 'Then well be going now.' 

The Post Adverb la 'only', 'just' also enters into the attrib- 
utive construction. As an attributive, it occurs suffixed to the 
head word of the phrase, before the -in type NA Class Imper- 
sonal Pronoun. E.g. ta sangaw-en 'a little while ago', ta san- 
gaw-ldq-en 'just a little while ago'. 

Tataqday-laq-in yan dalan ya e yak ne-gangat-an. one-only-NA/this this 
way YA come YA/I ne- -dw-infatuated. 'This is the one way that 
I've become infatuated with.' 

Dalan-laq-in yan ya e yak naq-ita. way-only-NA/this this YA come YA/I 
past/state-see. 'This is the only way I've come to see.' 

The form sangaw 'soon', 'later', 'someday', 'then' may behave 
as a word base, taking affixes and occurring as the head word 
of a phrase, as in the example ta sangaw-en above and its 
parallels (see Section 4.4(a)). But its more frequent usage is 
as a Post- Adverb, and in this usage it is not affixable. It enters 
into combinations with other Post-Adverbs, the following com- 
binations having been observed : hapa Id, sangaw, ha Id sangaw. 

Iq-atad-mi ka sangaw. accessory-give-NA/we Ya/you/sg later. 'We'll 

give you some later.' 
Itta la sangaw araw na paging-babar-tam. there/is only soon (YA) day 

NA event-discuss-NA/we/all. 'There will be a day for us to talk it 

over later on.' 

Sangaw may also behave like adet in time expressions in the 
Oblique, where it occurs in such phrases as : sangaw ta ayan-in 
(soon TA time-N A/this) 'soon', 'almost at once'; sangaiv ta 



69 

mittdn (soon TA once), sangaw ta pidwa (soon TA again), 
sangaw ta uli (soon TA again) 'another time', 'some time'. 
(See Sections 4.3(a), 4.4 (a).) Further, sangaw may occur 
either by itself or in the combination a sangaw as a sentence 
connective, its meaning then being 'then' or 'and then'. This 
usage is very common in narrative, where many sentences may 
begin with sangaw. 

Two other forms enter into combinations in Post-Adverb 
position like sangaiv, and, like sangaw, they have much wider 
usages than other Post-Adverbs. These are ay and O, whose 
behaviour is partly adverbial (in that they may be lateral to 
the first terminal of an equation), partly connective (in that 
they may link successive speeches in conversation), and partly 
exclamatory. 

(a) aij 'emphatic' 

When it has the meaning of 'emphatic', ay occurs either as 
the last item in the utterance, or in Post-Adverb position. In 
the latter case it often occurs last after all other Post-Adverbs 
in combinations, although it may occur elsewhere. In this 
usage, ay functions semantically to reinforce a command, or to 
reinforce the truth of a reply. The following are very fre- 
quent : on ay te . . . 'yes, because . . .' ; on ay ammi . . . 'yes, 
but . . .' ; On mind ay (yes ought emphatic) 'It's possible'; 
On ay de (yes emphatic maybe) 'Maybe'. 

Itta ay. there/is (YA/it) emphatic. 'It's here!' 

Diiwa kid ay. two YA/they emphatic. 'There are two of them.' 

On ay ammi iyak ay. yes emphatic hut I (YA/it) emphatic. 'Yes, but 

I'm the one.' 
A amii ay. oh I/don't/know emphatic. 'Oh, I don't know.' 
A gantub-a-m ay. oh cut-goal-NA/you/sg (YA/it) emphatic. 'Oh, cut it 

short!' 
Ifca-m aw5, paspasikkal-an-na ha ay. see-goal/ NA/you/sg whether/not 

talk/a/lot-goal-NA/she again emphatic. 'See if she isn't on the old 

theme again.' 

(b) ay 'corrective' 

Occurring in sentence initial position, ay indicates that this 
sentence is to be substituted for the incorrect preceding state- 
ment, which may be a full utterance or an interrupted sentence 
fragment. Or it may mean that the speaker has just under- 
stood the significance of what another was saying. 

Ay on mantu. corrective yes then. 'Why, yes!' 

Ay danum mantu. corrective water (YA/it) then. 'Oh, it's water! 



70 

Ay intu yan ya bali-muy-in. corrective it this YA house-NA/you/pl-NA/ 

this. 'Oh, so this is your house.' 
Itta ya ... ay alap-a-m bit sin Kilsag. there/is YA . . . corrective 

bring-goal-NA/you/sg (YA/it) please TA/here Kilsag. 'There's 

a ... I mean please bring it here, Kilsag.' 
Nag-bilag ya atuq-en ... ay ugtaq-en. past/actor-runYA dog-NA/that 

. . . corrective deer-NA/that. 'The dog . . . no, the deer, ran away.' 

(c) O 

Similarly, O may occur sentence initially, sentence finally, at 
the end of the first clause in a multi-clause sentence, or in 
Post-Adverb position. It follows ay when the two occur con- 
tiguously. Its basic meaning is mildly honorific, expressing 
friendship and informality. O is normally used in conversation 
between two men, and may not be used between the sexes. It 
does not occur in narration or oratory. Initially, it has the 
added semantic function of drawing the attention of the hear- 
er— 'Hey, mate! . . .', 'Say! . . .' 

Awan O assang. there/is/none small (YA/it. 'No, No! It's small.' 

Assang O. small (YA/it) O. 'Yes, it's small.' 

Makaq-inum ak O. ability-drink YA/I O. 'Say, I could do with a drink!' 

O ita-m yeyana O ey. O look-goal/NA/you/sg YA/that O friend. 'Say, 
friend, take a look at that!' 

I-n-tanan O te awan ta bala-ta. go-goal-NA/we/two/now because there/ 
is/none (YA/it) TA bullet-NA/we/two. 'Let's go now as our am- 
munition has run out.' 

Personal names used in address often occur in Post-Adverb 
position, following the first terminal. 

Anu ipag ya kin-a-m-en. what sibling/in/law YA say-goal-NA/you/sg- 
NA/that. 'What did you say, Ivag?' 

Had-en ipag kin-a-m-en uru. where-NA/that sibling/in/law (YA) say- 
goal-NA/you/sg-NA/that medicine. 'Where's the medicine you're talk- 
ing about, Ip&gV 

6.2 Pre-Adverbs 

As do the Post-Adverbs, the Pre-Adverbs can accompany any 
type of word base or word base plus affixes that occurs as first 
terminal of an equation. The Pre-Adverbs are also non-afliix- 
able, and are a very small class. They occur immediately pre- 
ceding the word base of the first terminal except where there 
are two Verbs in apposition (see Section 5.6 above), in which 
case it precedes that Verb to which it is most relevant, even 
when that Verb is a second or later one. Pre-Adverbs only 



71 

occur singly, not in combinations. However, anu 'why?' as a 
Pre-Adverb may be followed by the Post-Adverb pano '-ever', 
the combination preceding the first terminal. 

ampade 'I wish', 'ought', 'should' 

anu 'why?' (occurring before awe- 'not', actor focus 

Verbs, Nouns, and Pronouns) 

ape 'sham', 'appear' 

azo 'each', 'both' 

bagu '.iust', 'newly' 

kuga 'so', 'so much' 

dana 'first', 'in the first place' 

magge 'nearly', 'almost' 

maski 'that's all right', 'it doesn't matter' 

medyo 'more or less', 'rather', 'fairly', 'middling' 

pake 'very', 'right', 'real' 

sa 'air, 'thoroughly' (refers to focused item in the 

clause) 

sang 'a little (more)' (only precedes aflSxed word bases) 

Of the above list, kuga and maski occur also as clause connect- 
ives. Thus the Pre-Adverb class and the Connective class over- 
lap slightly. 

Ampade p-in-aligat-na ya pel ni ute-m. I/wish past/goal-spank-NA/he 

YA rump NA uncle-NA/you/sg. 'I wish your uncle had spanked your 

tail!' 
Anu awe-m ak hinghingil-an. why not-NA/you/sg YA/I/obey-goal. 'Why 

don't you obey me?' 
Ape b-um-ilag ak. sham actor-run YA/I. 'I'll pretend I'm running.' 
Azo nang-an kami-n. each past/actor-eat YA/we-now. 'Each one of us 

has eaten.' 
Bagu ita-n-na ka na anitu. newly see-goal-NA/it YA/you sg NA spirits. 

'The spirits have just seen you.' 
Kuga addu kid. so/much many YA/they. 'They are ever so many.' 
Anu kuga i-bar na mamanuk-in. what (YA) so/much accessory-speak 

NA bird-NA/this. 'What's the bird got so much to say about?' 
Magge ne-lubeg-ku yi Sitong. almost past/accessory tread/on-NA/I YA 

Sitong. 'I nearly tripped over Sitong.' 
Magge abikan kami-n ta Hi. almost near YA/we-now TA town. 'We 

were now pretty close to town.' 
Maski awan kid. it/doesn't/matter there/is/none YA/they. 'It doesn't 

matter if they aren't there.' 
Medyo assang ya bilag. rather small YA sun. 'The sun was rather far 

down.' 
Pake ma-sikan ya udan. very state-strong YA rain. 'The rain is very 

heavy.' 
Pake dakal ya ag-sitang-na. very big YA instrument-noise-NA/he. 'He 

has a very loud voice.' 
Sa itta kid ten. all there/is YA/they TA/there. 'They're all there.' 



72 

Awe-m sa i-burud. not-NA/you/sg (YA/it) all accessory-spill. 'Don't 

pour it all out.' 
Sang-um-akban ya kulam. a/little/more actor-bottom ya cloud. 'The 

clouds are coming down a little bit lower.' 
Sang i-tullu-m. a/little/more accessory-raise-NA/you/sg (YA/it). 'Raise 

it a bit.' 

Pake 'very', 'right', real' has a wider distribution than other 
Pre-Adverbs. Although it normally occurs before the word 
base which is the first terminal of an equation, it can also occur 
as an attributive of a word base after a ligature, in which case 
it is a qualifier of the head word of the expression following 
the ligature, and has the meaning 'real', 'right'. Whereas 
wagi, for example, refers to classificatory brothers, including 
cousins, pake wagi refers only to one's blood brother. Pake 
occurs immediately preceding the head word as elsewhere. 

Intu ya pake nagan-na. it YA real name-NA/he. 'It's his real name.' 
Sangaw itta kami ta pake Hi. then there/is YA/we TA right town. 
'Then we were right in town.' 



7.0 CO-ORDINATION 

7.1 Word Bases in Co-ordination 

The construction which links together within one major 
position (e.g. terminal of an equation, attribution, or oblique 
construction) two otherwise unrelated word bases is the plural- 
isation of the first ivord base plus the ligature NA before the 
second. This construction is the grammatical equivalent of the 
English co-ordination with 'and'. There are three varieties of 
this construction according to the nature of the first of the two 
word bases, (a) If the first word base is a Pronoun (of the 
YA, NA, or TA Class), then the Pronoun will occur in the 
relevant person in the plural (even where a singular Pronoun 
would occur in an equivalent construction in English), and 
will be followed by the ligature NA plus the second word base. 
Thus, 'Pedro and I', in actor focus position would be: kami ni 
Pedru (YA/we NA Pedro), {h) If the first word base is a 
Verb, or a Noun other than a personal name or kinship term, 
it occurs in apposition with the INTU Class Pronoun ikid 'they', 
and word base plus Pronoun is followed by the ligature NA 
plus the second word base, (c) The first word base may be a 
personal name or one of the kinship terms listed for yi in Sec- 
tion 2.1(6) above, in which case the ligature preceding it will 
be the plural form yig, nig, or teg, the INTU Class Pronoun 
ikid 'they' occurs in apposition with it as in 7.1(6) above (al- 
though this is sometimes omitted), and the whole will be fol- 
lowed by the ligature NA plus the second word base. 

A further evidence for the Inclusive Pronoun kita, -ta, tekita 
being singular is afi'orded by the co-ordinate construction. 
This Pronoun does not occur as the first word base in a co- 
ordinate construction. See Section 2.2. 

(a) Where the first word base is a Pronoun 

Um-ange kid de ta talun ni Isus? past-go YA/they maybe TA forest NA 

Isus. 'Did he go to the forest with Isus?' 
Intu yen ya bida-mi ni Bittorina. it that YA conversation-NA/We NA 

Victorina. 'That's what we were tallying about with Victorina.' or 

'That's what Victorina and I were talking about.' 
Mag-babida kami hapa na Ugsin kid-en. actor-pl/talk YA/we also NA 

lowlander pl-NA/that. 'And we talked together with the lowlanders.' 
Um-ange kami nag-lente ni Sitong ta talun ta hitlam. past-go YA/we 

73 



74 

past/actor-spot/light/hunting NA Sitong TA forest TA night. 
'Sltong and I went spot light hunting in the forest at night.' 

(b) Where the first word base is a Verb or ordinary Noun 

Itta hapa ya baqbaqat ikid na laqlaqay. there/is also YA old/woman they 
NA old/man. 'There was an old man and an old woman.' 

Nag-adwa ikid na nag-attay. past/actor-vomit (YA/he) they NA past/ 
actor-defecate (YA/he). 'He vomited and defecated.' 

Awe-na na-paparefu ikid na awe-na na-gagita. not-NA/it past/state- 
intensive/same they NA not-NA/it past/state-intensive same. 'It 
wasn't the same by any means.' 

Ita-n-na ya anwang ikid na bahuy ikid na baka. see-goal-NA/he YA 
water/buffalo they NA pig they NA cattle. 'He sees water buffalo, 
pigs, and cattle.' 

(c) Where the first ivord base is a personal name or 
kinship term 

Yig Maring ikid ni baqbaqat Bilelag. YA Maring/plus they NA old/ 

woman Bilelag. 'Maring and family and old lady Bilegag.' (a reply 

to a question) 
Itta-n de yig Sitong-en ikid ni ipag. there/is-now maybe YA Sitong/plus- 

NA/that they NA sibling/in/law. 'Perhaps that's Sitong and Ipdg 

now.' 
Had-en ya pake ma-sikan ta bida nig Sitong ni Pedru ikid ni Loring. 

where-NA/that YA very state-strong TA story NA Sitong/plus NA 

Pedro they NA Loring. 'Who is the best story teller out of Sitong, 

Pedro, and Loring?' 

In the language of oratory, known as susuma, which is used in 
some story-telling, speech-making, formal conversation such as 
that employed in proposing and saying farewell, etc., there' are 
a number of stylistic differences from ordinary colloquial speech. 
There are susuma synonyms for vocabulary items in colloquial 
speech, standardised circumlocutions, and much more rarely, 
grammatical substitutes. One notable grammatical substitute 
is the use of anna 'and' in place of the above constructions to 
link word bases in co-ordination. Anna 'and' also occurs as the 
linking mechanism between clauses in susuma in place of the 
colloquial form d 'and'. 

takit anna damdam na nonot-k-in love and sadness NA mind-NA/I-NA/ 

this 'the love and pining of my heart' 
Itta la sangaw araw anna dariin. there/is only later (YA) day and 

year. 'There will be a day and year later on.' 
Anu sangaw ya ag-pamabat-na anna ag-adet-na. what soon YA event- 

say/enough-NA/it and event-end-NA/it. 'When will enough be said 

and the end of the matter be reached?' 



75 

7.2 Clauses in Co-ordination 

There is a small class of words which link clauses together 
in a single utterance. A clause has been defined as one equa- 
tion, that is, one structural unit containing YA. A sentence 
may contain several clauses linked together by members of this 
small class of clause connectives. There is no grammatical 
criterion for setting up one clause as subordinate to another 
within this relationship. The link is therefore one of co-ordina- 
tion as is that between word bases in Section 7.1 above, despite 
the fact that this construction includes equivalents of the tra- 
ditional adverbial clauses of reason, condition, time, purpose, 
etc. in English, and the class of clause connectives includes 
equivalents of English "subordinate conjunctions", which tra- 
ditionally "introduce subordinate clauses", as well as equivalents 
of the traditional co-ordinate conjunctions, such as d (or anna 
in susuma style) 'and', o, ono 'or', and ammi 'but'. 

It has already been shown that anna 'and' replaces both the 
pluralisation plus NA construction between word bases dis- 
cussed in Section 7.1 above and the equivalent a 'and" between 
clauses in the susuma or oratorical style. The following exam- 
ples illustrate both colloquial a 'and' and oratorical anna 'and'. 

Assang ya bari-na a pake ya ag-sitang-na. small YA body-NA/he and 
very big YA instrument-noise-NA/he. 'His body is small but his 
voice is very big.' 

Nag-sitang ya atu a nag-bilag ya ugaw. past/actor-noise YA dog and 
past/actor-run YA monkeys. 'The dog made a noise and the monkey 
ran away.' 

Awe-k i-padangag anna awe-k awey-an. not-NA/I (YA/it) accessory- 
cause/to/hear and not-NA/I (Ya/it) deny-goal. 'I won't say yes and 
I won't say no.' 

The clause connective class includes the following: 

& 'and', 'but' 

am 'if, 'when' (in future only), 'whether' 

am awa 'if not' 

am aya 'but' 

am . . . mina 'if (supposition or analogy) 

ammi 'but' 

anna 'and' (in oratory style) 

awa 'whether', 'not' 

baka 'seeing that', 'unless' 

bakawa 'seeing that' (followed by negative) 

kuga 'so much so that', 'immediately' 

maski 'even if 

maski am 'even if 



76 



0, ono 


'or' 


petta 


'so that', 'in order to' (pettam in fast speech) 


petta talo 


'so that' 


talo 


'in case' 


talo am 




te 


'because', 'so' 


te am 


'because if 


te petta 


'so that' 



In the analogical or hypothetical use of am, the Post-Adverb 
mind 'should' occurs in regular Post-Adverbial position in both 
clauses. One other Post-Adverb often enters into clause con- 
nection (and also sentence connection in a narrative), namely 
sangaw 'soon', 'later'. Hovi'ever it combines with the clause 
connective, and the whole occurs in connective position between 
clauses, not in regular Post-Adverb position. A sangaiv as a 
connective means 'and then' or 'next'. Similarly, sangaw am 
as a connective means 'as soon as'. The combinations aTn . . . 
sangaiv 'if . . . later' and am . . . d 'if . . . and' also occur, with 
the composite meaning of 'when'. Clauses following te very 
frequently contain hamdmva but the exact difference of mean- 
ing has not been ascertained. Kuga and masJci occur both as 
Pre-Adverbs and as clause Connectives. 

Ukad-ang-ku haqen te ita-ng-ku. open-goal-NA/I (YA/it) too because 

see-goal-NA/I (YA/it). 'I'm opening it up to have a look at it.' 
Lidlid-ang-ku ya mata te ma-katal. scratch-goal-NA/I YA eye because 

state-itchy (YA/it). 'I'm scratching my eye because it's itchy.' 
Itta Agta ta iten o awan. there/is (YA) Agta TA there or there/is/none 

(YA/he). 'Are the Agtas there or not?' 
E yak na hapa la awa ma-sitang. go YA/I now also only if/not state-noise 

(YA/it). 'I'll go now if it's not going to be playing.' (i.e. tape 

recorder) 
Awe-k hud amu bakawa amu-k paha la. not-NA/I (YA/it) interrogative 

know seeing/that know-NA/I (YA/it) already only 'Do you think I 

don't know about it when in fact I already know?' 
Paluk-a-m kad na petta igup-an-tam. hit-goal-NA/you/sg (YA/it) prop- 
erly now so/that eat-goal-NA/we/all (YA/it). 'Hit it (chicken) 

properly now so that we'll all be able to eat it.' 
Sangaw am d-um-atang kiiga mag-tugut la. later if actor-arrive (YA/he) 

immediately actor-leave (YA/he) just. 'As soon as he comes here he 

immediately goes off again.' 
Mattiin-a-m ta danum te petta ma-lunag. stir-goal-NA/you/sg (YA/it) 

TA water so/that state-lather (YA/it). 'Stir it in the water so it'll 

lather.' 
Nag-tugut kami-n mina ammi nag-udan na. past/ actor-leave YA/we-now 

ought but past/actor-rain (YA/it) now. 'We should have gone but 

it rained just then.' 



77 

I-kayat-ku ay am iq-atad-mu teyak. accessory-like-NA/I (YA/it) em- 
phatic if accessory-give-NA/you/sg (YA/it) TA/I. 'I'd like it if you'd 
give it to me.' 

Am itta laman iq-atad-mi ka sangaw. when there/is (YA) wild/pig ac- 
cessory-give-NA/we YA/you/sg later. 'When there's some pork later 
on we'll give you some.' 

E kami mam-alaybay talo alap-am-mi ya kazzi. go YA/we actor-trap/ 
fowl in/case get-goal-NA/'we YA wild /fowl. 'We're going trapping 
in the hope of taking a wild fowl.' 

Laflafun-an-na la na tolay ya pag-udan na baka itta ya senyas-na. pi/ 
guess-goal-NA/he only NA person YA event-rain now vmless there/is 
YA sign-NA/it. 'A person is only guessing when it will rain unless 
there's some sign of it.' 

Paqey-am-mi ta taqday na babbay na Agta am aya itta mantu kaluhun-na. 
mistakenly/ though t-goal-N A/we TA one NA woman NA Agta (YA/ 
she) however there/is then (YA) companion-NA/she. 'We thought 
there was a lone Agta woman but she turned out to have a companion.' 

Kurug ta kunna ten ta adaddu na dalan am awa dalan-laq-in yan ya 
e yak naq-ita. true (YA/it) TA likeness TA/that TA very /many 
(YA/it) NA ways but way-only-NA/this this YA come YA/I past/ 
state-see. 'It's true, as you say, that there are many ways but this 
is the only way I've come to investigate.' 

A amu-na hapa te am iyak la ya e-m pag-sitang-an a awan ta sirbi-na. 
and know-NA/she (YA/it) also because if I only YA come-goal/NA/ 
you/sg place-noise and there/is/none (YA/it) TA use-NA/it. 'Oh she 
knows too, because if I were the only one you were to consult it 
would be useless.' 



8.0 A CLAUSE AS A TERMINAL 

A clause (that is, an equation in which two terminals are 
linked by the ligature YA, the second terminal being focused 
by the YA) may occur in place of a phrase with a word base 
as head as the second terminal of an equation, as an attributive 
of a head word, and as an oblique expression in non-focused 
goal or time positions. 

8.1 A Clause as Second Terminal of an Equation 

A clause may occur as second terminal of an equation, in 
which case it is the focused item of the main clause of which it 
is a terminal. It may be marked by the ligature YA like any 
other focused terminal. 

(a) A Clause as Second Terminal after YA 

As has been mentioned in Section 2.4, the ligature YA may 
optionally be omitted from equations whose structural shape is 
unambiguous. This statement holds true before a clause in. 
second terminal position. However, the clause from which YA 
has optionally been omitted contrasts in several formal features 
with types 8.1(b) and (c) below. In direct speech the sentence 
order changes from the normal, and in the case of the focused 
goal after itd-n 'see' and dmu- 'know', the goal clause is intro- 
duced by am aivd or am plus an interrogative INTU Class 
Pronoun, and in both these cases YA is always absent. 

Had-en g-in-afut-n-ak na sibrung. where-NA/that (YA) past/goal-grab- 

NA/he-YA/I NA kidnapper. 'Where is the kidnapper who grabbed 

hold of me?' 
Awe-k i-kayat ya uyoyung-an-n-ak na tolay. not-NA/I accessory-like YA 

fool-goal-NA/he-YA/I NA person. 'I don't like a person who makes 

a fool of me.' 

(b) Direct Speech 

A fragment of speech being directly quoted is always the 
focused item of the sentence containing it. The Verb kun- 'say' 
is always followed by an attributive actor, and the optional 
hearer, if mentioned, occurs in the Oblique. Direct speech is 
not marked by the ligature YA, but its focused status is un- 
ambiguous in view of the fact no other item in the clause is 
marked by YA, whereas the actor is obligatorily marked by the 
78 



79 

ligature NA, and the accessory, the hearer, is obligatorily 
marked by TA if present. The normal sentence order is al- 
tered in that the fragment of direct speech always occurs first, 
followed by the normally first predicate terminal kun-, and this 
equation is followed by the accessory hearer in the Oblique and 
any other oblique expressions that happen to be present in 
norm.al order. If the quoted utterance is of any length, the 
kun- and its attributives are inserted after the first equation 
of the quote, and another kun- often comes after the rest of the 
quote. The fragment of direct speech may or may not be a 
clause, but the discussion of the subject is included here in view 
of the fact that the majority of quotes are clauses. 

'E-m alap-an \ilat-m-en,' kun-na hapa teyak. 'go-goal/NA/you/sg get-goal 

(YA) blanket-NA/you/sg-NA/that' say-NA/she also TA/I. ' "Go and 

get your blanket," she said to me.' 
'E yak ta talun,' kung-ku. 'go YA/I TA forest' say-NA/I. ' "I'm going 

to the forest," I said.' 
'Itta sina paqen,' kun-na hapa ni Luhing. 'there/is (YA/it) TA/there 

reply' say-NA/she also NA Luhing. ' "It's there near you," replied 

Luhing.' 
'E yak mag-pasyar ta talun,' kun-na hapa na atu. 'go YA/I actor-visit 

TA forest' say-NA/it also NA dog. ' "I'll go and visit the forest," 

said the dog.' 

(c) A Clause as focused goal after itd-n 'see' and 
dmu- 'knoiv' 

After a very few Verbs, such as itd-n 'see' and dmu- 'know', 
the connectives am 'if, atvd 'whether' and am awd 'if not' in- 
troduce a clause which is the focused goal of the equation, 
although unmarked by the ligature YA. 

Ita-m am awa kurug. see-goal/NA/you/sg if /not true (YA/it). 'You'll 

see if it isn't true!' 
Ita-m awa paspasikkal-an-na ha ay. see-goal/NA/you/sg whether pl/talk/ 

a/lot-goal-NA/she (YA/it) again emphatic. 'See if she isn't holding 

forth again.' 
Awe-k amu awa Agta la na Kumaw de. not-NA/I know whether Agta 

(YA/it) only NA Cumao maybe. 'I don't know whether it's just 

Agtas from Cumao.' 

Also occurring after the above-mentioned Verbs, a clause 
occurring similarly as a focused goal and second terminal of an 
equation may be introduced by the connective am 'if plus an 
interrogative INTU Class Pronoun (see Section 2.2(6) above). 
The goal clause has the form of a Pronoun YA Noun (2.2(6)) 
or a Pronoun YA Verb (2.3(d) ) type equation, and is therefore 



80 

a question in Agta. The English equivalent of this construction 
is the "noun clause", and the English equivalent of the interro- 
gative INTU Class Pronouns in this construction is the relative 
pronoun. 

Amu am had um-ey-an-daq-en. I/don't/know/ (exclamation) if where 

(YA) past-go-goal-NA/they-NA/that. 'I don't know where they've 

gone.' 
Awe-k amu am anu araw pag-toli-da. not-NA/I know if what (YA) day 

event-retum-NA/they. 'I don't know which day they'll return.' 
Awe-k k-in-akkap-an am im-anu. not-NA/I past/goal-taste if how (YA/ 

it). 'I didn't taste what it was like.' 
I-bar-ku tentu am had agyan na dalan ta Ugsin. accessory-speak-NA/I 

TA/he if where (YA) route NA trail TA lowlander. 'I'll ask him- 

the lowlander-where the trail is.' 

8.2 A Claxise as Attributive 

A clause may occur after the ligature NA as an attributive 
of a head word. The form of the equation of which the clause 
consists may be any regular equational structure, and the posi- 
tion it occupies in the sentence is the same as that occupied by 
an attributive expression. It's head word is usually second 
terminal of an equation, and may be morphologically a nominal 
or verbal form, usually having an abstract type of meaning. 

Yen ya gafu na itta yak sin. that YA reason NA there/is YA/I TA/here, 

'That's why I'm here.' 
Yen ya gafu na gantub-a-m. that YA reason NA cut-goal-NA/you/sg 

(YA/it). 'That's why you should cut it short.' 
Anu hamampa k-awan na ta sirbi na e yak kid-in maq-uhohug teko. whal 

never (YA) event-nothing now TA use NA come YA/I pl-N A/this 

state-talk TA/you/sg. 'Why is it absolutely no use our coming tc 

talk to you?' 
Kuman na awan ta huplano ta uray-k-in. likeness (YA/it) NA there/is/ 

none (YA/it) TA aeroplane TA will-NA/I-NA/this. 'It seems to me 

that there is no aeroplane (there).' or 'It looks as though there is 

no aeroplane (there).' 

8.3 A Clause in the Oblique 

A clause may occur in place of a word base plus its laterals 
in any one of the types of oblique expression listed in Section 
4.0 above. Each of these will be discussed in turn. 

(a) A Clause as Non-Focused Goal 

A clause may follow the oblique ligature TA as a non-focused 
goal. This is a special case in that the only word bases which 



81 

are followed by an oblique goal clause are pahig- 'mistakenly 
thought', pagey-an 'mistakenly thought', and agu 'I mistakenly 
thought.' The first of these, pahig- (which resembles kun- 
'say', dmii- 'know', etc. in that it has the form of a Noun but 
takes an obligatory attributive actor) is the preferred form 
in Southern Agta, while the other two forms are preferred by 
Eastern Agta and are in use in Southern Agta. The form agu 
is intrinsically first person singular, and occurs without Pro- 
nouns and without affixes. The other two forms occur with the 
NA Class Personal Pronouns in all persons. This is an excep- 
tional case in which the Verb is intrinsically and unalterably 
in the AN form and therefore is followed by an attributive 
actor, and yet the goal is always in the Oblique. There is no 
alteration for tense, and the form of paqey-an remains Present/ 
Future although the semantic content of the word is Past. 

Pahig-ku ta m-apya ya dulay. mistakenly/thought-NA/I TA state-good 

YA bad. 'I thought what was bad was good.' 
Pahig-mi-n hapa ta dulay na tolay. niistakenly/thought-NA/we-now also 

TA bad (YA/he) NA person. 'We too were just thinking that it 

was some bad person.' 
Pahig-mu hud ta awa na-bisin ak. mistakenly /thought-N A /you /sg in- 
terrogative TA whether past/state-hungry YA/I. 'Did you think I 

wasn't hungry?' 
Paqey-ang-ku ta itta tekamuy ta ayan-in. mistakenly/thought-goal-NA/I 

TA there/is (YA/he) TA/you/pl TA time-N A/this. 'I thought that 

he was with you at present.' 
Paqey-am-mi ta taqday na babbay na Agta amni . . . mistakenly/thought- 

goal-NA/we TA one (YA/she) NA woman NA Agta but . . . 'We 

thought that there was only one Agta woman but . . .' 
Agu ta in-alap-mu ya palatug-en. I/mistakenly/thought TA past/goal- 

get-NA /you /sg YA gun-NA/that. 'I thought you got the gun.' 
Agu ta ka-liwat-an-da hapa. I/mistakenly/thought TA fca-forget-goal- 

NA/they (YA/it) also. 'I thought they'd forget it too.' 

(b) A Clause as Non-Focused Accessory 

Awe-k i-padangag anna awe-k awey-an ta kuman na e-m kid-ina maq- 
uhohug teyak. not-NA/I (YA/it) accessory-cause/to/hear and not- 
NA/I (YA/it) deny-goal TA likeness (YA/it) NA come-goal/NA/ 
you/sg pl-NA/that state-talk TA/I. 'I won't say yes and I won't 
say no to what you've come to talk to me about.' 

Awan na la ta e-n-na pake tug-an anna pake bikuk-an-na ta kuman iko 
ta ngamin kid-in e yak ma-sitang. there/is/none (YA/she) now only 
TA go-goal-NA/she (YA/it) very thread/beadwork-goal and very 
knot/beadwork-goal-N A/she (YA/it) TA likeness you TA all pl-NA/ 
this come YA/I state-talk. 'Out of all the people I've been to see, 
there's no one who can thread and knot beadwork like you.' 

007450 6 



82 

(c) A clatise as Place or Direction 

Mang-uyoyung na naman adet ta awa mag-tangit ya taqday. actor-tease 
(YA/he) now at/last as/far/as TA whether actor-cry YA other. 
'He teases to the point where the other person cries.' 



(d) A Clause as Time 

The structural equivalent of the English time clause intro- 
duced by 'when' in the future tense is in Agta a clause co-ordi- 
nated with other clauses in the utterance by the connective am 
'if, 'when'. But in the Past tense, the focused actor of the 
time clause in Agta goes into the TA Class and occurs clause- 
initially, that is, before the first terminal of the equation 
(instead of as a YA Class actor following the first terminal). 
The first terminal, if a Verb, remains in the MAG Class, and 
this is the evidence for the clause being actor focused despite 
the alteration in the form of the actor. When it occurs, the 
Post-Adverb na 'now', 'already' as a rule immediately follows 
the TA Class actor, not the first terminal of the equation. 

Assang paha yi abay tekamuy-en nag-tugut. small still YA daughter 

TA/you/pl/-NA/that past/actor-leave. 'My little girl was still small 

when you left.' 
Itta kami paha la ta talun tentu nag-udan. there/is YA/we still only 

TA forest TA/it past/actor-rain. 'We were still in the forest when 

it rained.' 
Tekami naka-datang ta wer naq-azap ya hilag. TA/we past/ability-arrive 

TA creek past/state-extinguish YA light. 'As we reached the creek 

the light went out.' 
Inya ma-polu tekita m-asi. who (YA) state-first TA/we/two state-die. 

'Which of us will be first to die?' 
'. . . .,' kung-ku teyak-en na-hukal ta ahaw-en. '....' say-NA/I TA/I- 

NA/that past/state-wake/up TA day-NA./that. '". . . .," I said 

when I had wakened up today.' 
Tentu na-balin nang-hungan a ne-bolsa-na a tentu nangi-bolsa nag-tugut 

na. TA/he past/state-finish past/actor-wrap and past/accessory- 

pocket-NA/he (YA/it) and TA/he past/actor-pocket past/actor-leave 

(YA/he) now. 'When he'd finished wrapping it he pocketed it, and 

having pocketed it he departed.' 

The oblique time clause is always actor focused with a MAG 
Class Verb. This frequently results in exceptions to the prin- 
ciple of focus. The general rule is that the continuing topic of 
conversation or narrative shall be in focus, but, as can be seen 
in several of the above examples, the focused actor of the time 
clause may well be the same person as the attributive actor in 



83 

the main clause, and it is the latter which is more likely to be 
in line. with the continuing topic. 

The last example above illustrates the possibility of other 
types of time clause in the Oblique than that to which this sec- 
tion has been primarily devoted. In this case, a further time 
clause occurs which is introduced by adet ta in a similar manner 
to the time phrase discussed in Section 4.3 (a) and illustrated in 
Section 4.4(a). 

The third and the penultimate examples are further evidence 
for the existence of a zero third person singular YA Class 
Pronoun, in that the tentu of these time clauses is a "trans- 
form"" of (YA/it) in an independent clause. See Section 2.2. 



9.0 NON-EQUATIONAL SENTENCES 

The clause in Agta has been defined as one equation, con- 
taining two terminals linked together by the ligature YA. A 
sentence has therefore been said normally to contain at least 
one clause, and often more. And, in fact, most sentences, how- 
ever brief, do contain an equation. However non-equational 
sentences do occur, and these are mostly brief exclamations, 
commands, responses, and the like. 



9.1 



Exclamations 



Often entering into brief non-equational sentences are the 
members of a special, limited class of Exclamations. These 
Exclamations are non-affixable roots (except for ara 'Hurry 
up!') and they usually occur in isolation or in the place nor- 
mally occupied by a whole clause in a sequence. However, they 
are often punctuated by ay or O (see Section 6.1 above). 

ahii 'Gosh!' 

anay 'Wonderful!' 

aqanu 'Yes.' (agreement) 

adadi 'You don't say!' (amazement) 

agayoy (expresses disappointment or sorrow) 

agi 'Ouch!' (cry of pain) 

ama (expresses distress, annoyance) 

amu, ammu 'I don't know!' 

anggem 'So that's the reason!' 

ara 'Hurry up!' (occasionally heard simply as ara, 

but more usually in combination with the al- 
lomorph -n of na 'now'. A plural form may 
occur reflecting the second person plural Pro- 
noun plus na combined form kdnan, the form 
being ardnan.) 

ari (response to one's own clumsiness, spilling some- 

thing, etc.) 
(strongest expression of disgust or surprise) 



asakay, asakkay, 

kay 
attaqi 
atsi, atsiqi, atsi 

O, tsi O 
awe 
aqay 

ey 
84 



(expresses amazement, wonder, delight) 

'Ugh! don't do that, I don't like it' 'Terrible 

ideal' 
(expresses surprise at impending danger) 
'Sorry!' 'Pardon me!' (said after stepping on 

someone's toe for example) 
'Friend!' 'Mate!' 'Pal!' 'Buddy!' (address word 

for 'friend' only, the usual reference word 



85 



ha 

hala 
hehe 
iddah 

inayoy 

ma 

mm 

mqm 

O 



sit 
umpal 



ya bit 



yeee 



yeh 



being kofun. Usually occurs, not alone, but in 
the combination O ey and ey 0) 

'What's that?' 'What did you say?' 'Report 
that!' 

(exclamation of parent to shame child) 

'Wait!' 

'Give me!' (also occurs in politer form idda 
bit) 

(expresses amazement) 

'Shh!' 'Quiet!' 

'Oh yeah?' 'I don't believe you!' 

(expresses offended negation) 

'Hey!' (sometimes in isolation to attract atten- 
tion, but more often in utterances as shown in 
Section 6.1 above, and frequently as a Post- 
Adverb) 

'Yes.' (This is the basic affirmative. It often 
occurs alone, but also frequently occurs in such 
combinations as on 0; on ay — more emphatic; 
a on, awd on — used as a signal to continue 
conversation — 'yes . . . yes . . . yes . . .'; 
ay on 'Oh, yes!' — with connotation of correc- 
tion or more information in the stimulus; ore 
ay O — emphatic and familiar.) 

'Psst!' (to catch attention) 

'True!' 'I agree!' (This is a secondary response 
after someone else has replied to a stimulus. 
It is somewhat akin to 'Hear, hear!') 

'Please keep quiet!' (The Post-Adverb hit 
'please' is obligatory after ya which does not 
occur alone.) 

'Oh yeah?' 'I don't believe you!' (There is a 
characteristic intonation with this word, a down 
glide followed by an up glide.) 

'Here, take it!' (a possible response to iddah) 



The following examples illustrate the occurrence of Exclama- 
tions preceding one or more clauses in a sentence. 

ita-m yeyana O ey. O see-goal/NA/you/sg YA/that O friend. 'Say, 

friend, take a look at that!' 
Hehe te mag-alap kan ta sitang. wait because actor-pick/up (YA/it) 

they/say TA noises. 'Wait a bit, because they say it picks up noises.' 

past/accessory-get/up emphatic. 'Horrors, don't let it up any more!*^ 
A on ay te i-bar-ku ya bahuy-k-en hapa la. oh yes emphatic because 

accessory-talk-NA/I YA pig-NA/that also only. 'Yes, because I'm 

just telling about my pig.' 
Yeh gapang-a-m bit yan. here cut-goal-NA/you/sg please YA/this. 

'Here! Cut this please!' 



86 

9.2 Onomatopoeic Words 

Onomatopoesis words may occur once, or repeated several 
times, in the position normally occupied by a terminal. It often 
occurs as the goal of kun- 'say' in a direct quotation. 

sound of animal moving on rubbish in forest 

sound of crushing paper, dry tobacco 

sound of bell — 'ring', 'rattle' 

sound of running feet 

creaking sound 

knocking sound, kita-kitol 'clickety-clack' 

'flash' (from shiny surface, for example) 

'Bang!' 

'Woof!' (of dog) 

sound of something rolling 

sound of trotting feet 

sound of laughing — 'ha, ha' 

sound of pig's grunt 

sound of pig's squeal 

'Bang!' 

creaking noise 

sound of wood beginning to break 

sound of thunder 

sound of cracking nuts 

(also alumferet) accompanies an ungraceful spit 

sound of incessant talking — 'yak yak' 



karab 

karos 

kireng 

kitab 

kitet 

kitol 

dilab 

libang 

keng 

dakrds 

dayong 

ngak 

ngiik 

ngwa 

pong 

puro 

rikat 

ranget 

ratek 

ratok 

tuferet 

wak 

wele 



'Puro pure,' kun-na nagaq-anup. 'puro puro' say-NA past/continuous- 
hunt/with/dogs. ' "Puro puro," went the folks out hunting.' 

'Pita-pitung kita-kitol kita-kitol kita-kitol,' kun-na-n mantu na ugtaq-en 
ta karabi. 'clickety/clack' say-na/it-now then NA deer-NA/that TA 
yesterday. ' "Clickety-clack" went the (horns of the) deer yesterday.' 

Dangag-ang-ku ya ng:wa k-um-in kid-in. hear-goal-NA/I YA squeal actor- 
like/this pl/-NA/this. 'I hear them squealing.' 

Dayong dayong dayong yl Maliton. trot trot trot-YA Maliton. 'Maliton 
came trot-trotting along.' 



9.3 A Word Base Without Ligature 

(a) Commands 

Most commands are equations, the majority being goal or 
accessory focused, while some are actor focused. 

Lintuk-a-m. swallow-goal-NA/you/sg (YA/it). 'Swallow it.' 
I-warad-mu-n. accessory-throw-away-NA/you/sg-(YA/it)-now. 

'Throw it away.' 
Um-iMiek ka. actor-come/up YA/you /sg. 'Come on up.' 



87 

However, a large number of commands do not contain an 
equation. Among the Exclamations listed in Section 9.1 above 
are several which constitute commands, and almost any word 
base occurring in isolation (except perhaps for attributives) 
without a ligature may be a command. 

(i) Mentioning the name of an object can mean 'Give me the . . . .!' 
Apit-mu ay. betel/bag-NA/you/sg emphatic. 'Pass over your betel bag!' 
Lisag. areca/nut. 'Give me an areca nut!' 
Palataw-ina. knife-NA/that/near/you. 'Hand me the knife!' 

(ii) The naming of a body-part or body-function, usually with a second 

person NA Class Pronoun, means generally 'Attend to the . . .!', 

and may specifically mean 'Mind your ....!' or 'Get your . . . out 

of the way!' 

Ag-sitang-mu. instrument-noise-NA/you/sg. 'Mind your voice!' or 

Lower your voice!' 
Takki-m ay. legs-NA/you/sg emphatic. 'Move your legs!' or 'Get your 

legs out of the way!' 
Kamat-ina. hand-NA/that/near/you. 'Mind your hand!' 
Huli-n. rump-now. 'Next wash his rump!' 

(b) Swearing 

However, naming a body part with a second person NA Class 
Personal Pronoun also constitutes swearing, especially if the 
liver or genitals are mentioned. When the single word occurs 
in isolation, the swearing is exclamatory in character. 
Aggal-mu. liver-NA/you/sg. 'Your liver!' 
Huli-m. rump-NA/you/sg. 'Your back side!' 
Lasag-mu. testicles-NA/you/sg. 'Your testicles!' 

9.4 A Word Base With an Optional Ligature 

(a) Questions Introduced by d 

A word base preceded by d may constitute a question such a3 
'What about . . .?' or 'Where is . . .?' The ligature YA may 
optionally occur before the word base and between it and d. 

A kasafego-m-en. a matches-NA/you/sg-NA that. 'Where are your mat- 
ches?' 

A yan O. d this O. 'Say, what's this? 

A ya arikavwat-en O ey. d YA purse-NA/that O friend. 'Say, friend, 
what about the purse there?' 

(b) Responses Following te 'because' 
A word base, optionally preceded by YA, may follow an 
affirmative plus te 'because' in a response to a question where 
some justification is required, and the item repreoijnted by the 
word base is given as justification. 



88 

On ay te inafuy-in. yes emphatic because cooked/rice-NA/this. 'Yes, 

because of the rice here.' 
On ay te ya ngamin kid-in. yes emphatic because YA all pl-NA/this yes, 

because of all the people? 

9.5 A Word Base with Ligature 

In response to such questions as 'Where is . . .?' a whole 
Oblique Place or Direction expression, including the preceding 
ligature, may be given in reply. Similarly, in response to 
'When . . .?' or to a command, an Oblique Time expression may 
be the response. 

(a) Oblique Place or Direction Phrase 

A ta isina. oh TA there. 'Oh, over there.' 
Te Ute Iton. , TA uncle Maliton. 'To Uncle Maliton.' 
Ta bali-da. TA house-NA/they. 'At their place.' 

Yo ta Patudwan O. far TA Patudwan O. 'Way over at Patudwan 
Creek.' 

(b) Oblique Time Phrase 

Sangaw ta pidwa. later TA again. 'Another time.' 

On ay, sangaw ta pidwa, sangaw ta uli. yes emphatic later TA again 
later TA again. 'All right, (well do it) again another time.' 

9.6 A Single Word Base Clause 

It should not be supposed from the above examples that all 
single w^ord bases occurring in isolation are non-equational 
utterances. In fact, by far the majority of them are equational 
in structure, the word base being the first terminal before a zero 
third person singular YA Class Pronoun. 

Itta ay. there/is (YA/it) emphatic. 'There is some.' 
Awan. there/is/none (YA/it). 'There isn't any.' 
Bakkan 0. it/is/not (YA/it). 'No, that's not right.' 

The following may often be responses to 'Who . . .?' or 
'What . . .?' 

Tomi. Toml (YA/it). 'It's Tomi.' 

Yi Liqdag-en. YA Water/ Snail-N A/that (YA/it). 'It was Liqdag.' 

Goma. rubber (YA/it). 'It's rubber.' 

Kwa ni Kora. thing (YA/it) NA Cora. 'It's Cora's.' 

Lubban la ikid na asin. pomelo (YA/it) only they NA salt. 'It's only 

pomelo and salt.' 
Intu. it (YA/it). 'It's the one.' 
Iko ay. you/sg (YA/it) emphatic. 'You do it.' or 'It's you.' or 'You 

be the one.' 



APPENDICES 



Because of the very considerable differences between English 
and Agta grammatical structure, the handling of the equivalents 
of certain English constructions has been scattered throughout 
this grammar. In order to make matters clearer for English 
speaking readers and learners, the scattered threads have been 
drawn together in these appendices, each of which summarises 
the various Agta mechanisms which are together equivalent to 
an English construction. In addition, the Agta pronoun system 
has been summarised for further clarity, and for purposes of 
comparing the equivalent forms in the several classes. 

Appendix 1. — Summary of Ligatures and Pronouns 



II, 



Person, Etc. 

LIGATURES 

(a) PerHonal 

Singular 
Plural 

(b) Impersonal 

PERSONAL PRONOUNS 
(a) Singular 

First (1) 
Inclusive (1 -f 2) 
Second (2) 
Third (3) 



TA Class INTU Ctaaa 



yis 
ya 



&k. yak 

kita 

ka 



(b) Plural 

First (1) kami 

Inclusive (1 -j- 2) kitam 

Second (2) kam 

Third (3) kid 

III. IMPERSONAL PRONOUNS 



( a ) Singular 

this, here 

that, there (near 

you) 
that, there (in 
sight) 
that, there (out of 

sight) 

ib) Plural 

this, here 

that, there (near 

you) 
that, there (in 
sight) 
that, there (out of 

sight) 



yan 

yeqyan 

yana 

yeqyana 

yew an 

yeqyewan 

yen 

yeqyen 

yeyan kid 
yeqyan 
yeyana kid 

yewan kid 

yen kid 



iyak 
ikita 
iko 
intu 

ikami 
i kitam 
ikamuy 
ikid 



yan 
yegyan 
yana 
yeqyana 
yewan 
yeqyewan 
yen 
yeqyen 

yeyan kid 
yeqyan 
yeyana kid 

yewan kid 

yen kid 



m 



nig 

na 



-ku, -k 
•ta 
-mu, 
-na, -n 

-mi 
-tarn 
-muy 
-da, -d 



-in 

-na inin 

-ina 

-na inina 

-ewan 

-na inewan 

-en 

-na inen 

kid-in 

-na inin kid 

kid-ina 

-na inina kid 

kid-ewan 

-na inewan kid 

kid-en 

-na inen kid 



TA Class 



te 

teg 

ta 



teyak 
tekita 
teko 
tentu 

tekami 
tekitam 
tekamuy 
tekid 



ta isin 

sin 

ta isina 

sina 

ta itewan 

tewan 

ten 

ta iten 



89 



90 

Appendix 2. — Negatives 

(a) Negating an Equation with a Verb as First Terminal 

An equation with the shape Verb YA X (where X is any of 
the possibilities for second terminal) is negated by the addition 
of the verbal form awe- to the first terminal, where it occupies 
the position of first in a verbal apposition sequence. 

Mag-udan. actor-rain (YA/it). 'It is raining.' 

Awe-na mag-udan. not-NA/it actor-rain. 'It isn't raining.' or 'It 

won't rain.' 
Na-basa ya barawasi. past/state-wet YA dress. 'The dress is wet.' 
Awe-na na-basa na barawasi. not-NA/it past/state-wet NA dress. 

'The dress isn't wet.' 
Palulc-a-m. hit-goal-NA/you/sg (YA/it). 'Hit it!' 
Awe-m paluk-an. not-NA/you/sg (YA/it) hit-goal. 'Don't hit it!' 
I-tuqbang-na kid. accessory-release-NA/he YA/they. 'He will release 

them.' 
Awe-na kid i-tuqbang. not-NA/he YA/they accessory-release. 'He 

won't release them.' 

(b) Negating an Eqvxttion with ittd as First Terminal 

An equation with the shape Ittd YA X (where X is any of 
the possibilities for second terminal) is negated by the sub- 
stitution of ittd 'there is' by awdn 'there is none'. The focused 
second terminal then becomes Oblique. 

Itta de ya udan. there/is ' maybe YA rain. 'Perhaps there will be 

some rain.' or 'Will there be any rain?' 
Awan de ta udan. there/is/none (YA/it) TA rain. 'Perhaps there 

won't be any rain.' or 'Won't there be any rain?' 
Itta-n ay. there/is-(YA /it) -now emphatic. 'There is some.' 
Awan na ay. there/is/none (YA/it) now emphatic. 'There isn't any.' 
Itta ya barawasi-k. there/is YA dress-NA/I. 'I have a dress.' 
Awan ak ta barawasi. there/is/none YA/I TA dress. 'I have no 

dress.' 

(c) Negating an Equation with another Noun as First 

Terminal 

An equation with the shape Noun YA X (here the Noun is 
other than ittd, and X is any of the possibilities for second 
terminal) is negated by means of bakkan 'it is not'. Bakkan 
occurs in first terminal position, and the first terminal Noun 
becomes Oblique. 

Gaddang-. skin (YA/it). 'It is skin.' 

Bakkan ta gaddang. it/is/not (YA/it) TA skin. 'It isn't skin.' 



91 

Babbay ak. woman YA/I. 'I am a woman.' 

Bakkan ak ta babbay. it/is/not YA/I T A woman. 'I'm not a woman!' 

Tarong yana. egg/plant YA/that. 'That's egg-plant.' 

Bakkan yana ta tarong. it/is/not YA/that TA egg/plant. 'That's 

not egg-plant.' 
Bakkan. it/is/not (YA/it). 'It isn't!' or 'No!' 

(d) The Use of aive- 'not' apart from Verbal Apposition 

The word base av;e- 'not' occurs unaffixed as first member of 
a verbal apposition sequence. It may also occur in an affixed 
form, it's meaning then being 'not like'. In the first person 
singular, the unaffixed form awe-k occurs with this meaning as 
well as the goal focused form awey-ang-ku. 

Awe-k O. not-NA/I (YA/it) O. 'I don't like it!' 'I won't do it!' 
Awey-an-na. not/like-goal-NA/he (YA/it). 'He doesn't like it.' 
In-awek-k. past /goal-not /like-NA/I (YA/it). 'I didn't like it.' 'I 

wouldn't do it.' 'I didn't do it.' 
Awe-k ya tarong. not-NA/I YA egg/plant. 'I don't like eggplant.' 

(e) The Negative Use of hud 

The Post-Adverb h%id is basically an interrogative indicator, 
often used when a negative reply is anticipated. However, it 
can also be a negation of the utterance that contains it. Hud 
may negate an equation of any shape. 

Babbay ak hud. woman YA/I interrogative. 'I'm not a girl!' 
Itta hud dandanum. there/is interrogative (YA) pl/water. 'There's 

not a drop of water.' 
Kunna hud sina. likeness (YA/it) interrogative TA/that. 'Don't do 

that!' or 'Not like that!' 
L-um-itap hud la. actor-disappear (YA/it) interrogative only. 'It 

didn't just disappear!' 
Gamma-n-ta ka hud. stop-goal-NA/we/two YA/you/sg interrogative. 
- 'I won't stop you!' 

Appendix 3. — Interrogatives 

Sometimes there is no segmental question indicator in an 
Agta sentence, and it is plain that there are contrastive into- 
national features, though as j'et unanalysed, which signal a 
question. However, most questions are signalled by formal 
grammatical features, including interrogative INTU Class 
Pronouns, Post-Adverbs, and Verbs. Sometimes more than one 
of these are redundantly used. 



92 

(a) Questons ihsing Interrogative Pronouns 

A question may be signalled by one of the following inter- 
rogative INTU Class Pronouns in first terminal position. 

anu 'what?' 

kanu 'when?' 

umanu 'how?' 'what . . . like?' 

had 'where?' 

inya who?' 

piga 'how many?' 

Anu k-in an-naq-en. what (YA) past,'goal-eat-NA/that. 

'What did he eat?' 
Anu amu-k tentu. what (YA) know-NA/I TA/it. 'What do I know 

about it?' 'How should I know?' 
Kanu ya ne-pag-tugut-daq-en. when YA past-event-leave-NA/they- 

NA/that. 'When did they leave?' 
Umanu ya k-adalam na karayan-en. how YA event-deep NA river- 

NA/that. 'How deep is the river?' 
Had nang-alap-a-m ta isina. where (YA) past/goal-get-NA/you/sg 

TA that. 'Where did you get that?' 
Had sin bali. where TA/here (YA) bali. 'Which house?' 
Inya ya g-um-atang ta isin. who YA actor-buy TA this. 'Who 

bought this?' 
Inya ya mang-gatang ta kayu-in yan. who YA actor-burn TA tree- 

NA/this this. 'Who burned this tree? 

(b) Questions using Interrogative Post-Adverbs 

The Post-Adverb hud may indicate a negative, as indicated 
above in Appendix 2, but its more usual usage is as an inter- 
rogative indicator, especially where the anticipated reply is 
negative. The Post-Adverb de 'maybe', 'perhaps' is not a ques- 
tion indicator in all its occurrences, but it may have a mild 
interrogative force where an affirmative reply is probably 
anticipated. 

Itta hud ya danum. there/is interrogative YA water. 'Is there any 

water?' 
Mag-tarinap ka hud. actor-dream YA/you/sg interrogative. 'Are 

you dreaming?' or 'You're not dreaming, are you?' 
Anu hud kwa-m-muy. what interrogative (YA) do-goal-NA/you/pl. 

'What are you doing?' 
Had-en hud. where-NA/that (YA/it) interrogative. 'Where is it?' 
Um-ange kid de ta talun ni Isus. past-go YA/they maybe TA forest 

NA Isus. 'Did he go to the forest with Isus?' 
Mang-an kanan de. actor-eat YA/you/pl/now maybe. 'Have you 

eaten yet?' 
Kurug de ya kin-ang-k-en. true maybe YA say-goal-NA/I-NA/that. 

'Is what I say true?' 



93 

(c) Questions using anu 'why?' as a Pre-Adverb 

With the meaning 'why?', the form anu occurs as a Pre- 
Adverb before a Noun, Pronoun, actor-focused Verb, and awe- 
'not'. 

Anu itta ka, fugu. why there/is YA/you/sg pigeon. 'Why are you 

here pigeon?' 
Anu ma-patu. why state-hot (YA/it). 'Why is it hot? 
Anu pano awe-da ne-datang-an ta furab-in. why ever not-NA/they 

(YA/it) accessory-arrive-dn TA afternoon-NA/this. 'Why ever 

don't they bring it this afternoon?' 

(d) Questions using ami-n 'why?' as a Verb 

With the meaning 'why?', the form anu-n occurs as a goal 
focused Verb before another goal or accessory focused Verb in 
first terminal position. 

Anu-m para apag-an ya ag-tolay. why-goal/NA/you/sg still look/for- 
goal YA instrument-live. 'Why are you still looking for some staple 
(i.e. rice) ?' 

In-anu-m p-in-isang ya igaw-en. past/goal-why-NA/you/sg past/goal- 
tear YA winnowing/basket-NA/that. 'Why did you break the win- 
nowing basket?' 

With the meaning 'what are . . . doing?', the form anu-n also 
occurs apart from apposition sequences. 

Anu-m yana. what/do-goal/NA/you/sg YA/that. 'What are you 

doing with that?' 
Anu-ng-ku hapa ta isina. what/do-goal-NA/I (YA/it) TA that. 

'What will I do with that?' 

(e) Questions marked by a and te 

The form d occurring first in an utterance indicates a ques- 
tion. Similarly, te 'because' at the beginning of an utterance 
indicates a question. Sometimes d te occur together. 

A iko la. a you (YA/it) only. 'Are you the only one?' 

A yig hina-m. a YA mother/plus-N A/you /sg (YA/it). 'Where is 

your mother and her friends?' 
A te awe-muy um-ange ta boda. a because not-NA/you/pl past-go TA 

wedding. 'Why didn't you go to the wedding?' 

Appendix 4. — 'have' 

There is no word base in Agta which corresponds to 'have' in 
English. There are, however, three structural devices which 
may be used in equivalent circumstances to the use of 'have' in 
English. These are the equations Noun YA Noun, where the 



94 

first Noun is ittd 'there is' most often, but other Nouns also 
occur, and Noun YA Verb with a similar first terminal, and 
Noun Y A/Pronoun, where the Noun is atvdn, and the possessed 
item is in the Oblique. 

(a) Noun YA Noun 

In this case, the second terminal always has an attributive, 
as does the Noun YA Verb equation. 

Tallu ya barawasi-na. three YA dress-NA/she. 'She has three 
dresses.' 

Takwan yi hina-na. another YA mother-NA/he. 'He had a differ- 
ent mother.' 

Itta paqen sina ya kaluhung-ku kid-en. there/is reply TA/there/ 
near/you YA companion-NA/I pl-NA/that. 'I have some com- 
panions here.' 

(b) Noun YA Verb 

Itta ey-ang-k-in. there/is (YA) go-goal-NA/I-NA/this. 'I have 

somewhere to go.' 
Itta i-bar-ku teko. there/is (YA) accessory-say-NA/I TA/you/sg. 

'I have something to say to you.' 

(c) Awdn YA/Pronoun 

Where the meaning is 'not to have', the Pronoun possessor 
follows awdn 'there is none' and is focused. The possessed is 
in the Oblique. 

Awan ak ta barawasi. there/is/none YA/I TA dress. 'I have no 

dress.' 
Awan ka ta nonet, there/is/none YA/you/sg TA mind. 'You have 

no sense.' 
Awan kami ta bagbaggat. there/is/none YA/we TA pl/rice. 'We 

haven't a grain of rice.' 



GLOSSARY OF ENGLISH GRAMMATICAL TERMS 

Because of its great structural differences from English, it has been 
found necessary to describe Agta from its own point of view as far as 
possible, and to divide the description into its own categories rather 
than those of English. It is therefore now necessary to equate the gram- 
matical categories of English to those of Agta, and to indicate where the 
equivalents of those English categories are discussed above. 

Adjective, Demonstrative. See NA Class Impersonal Pronouns, Section 
3.1(c), p.30. Section 5.2(a), p.54. 

, Descriptive. See Verbs, Section 5.4(c) and (d), p. 56, Nouns 

(especially colours, words of measurement, numerals). Section 2.1, 
pp.13-14. 

, Distinguishing, (i.e. Articles). See NA Class Impersonal Pro- 
nouns, Section 3.1(c), p.30. 



, Interrogative. Pronmin YA Noun Verb, where the Pronoun is 

an Interrogative Pronoun, listed in Section 2.2(6) and (c), pp. 
18-19, and the second terminal is a Noun Verb apposition, see 
Section 5.4, p.55. Also, inya YA maka-. . ., Section 2.3(d), pp. 
23-24. See also Appendix 3(a), p.92. 

: , Possessive. See NA Class Personal Pronouns, Section 3.1(6), 

P!p.29-30. 

, Relative. See construction using am plus Interrogative Pronoun, 

Section 8.1(c), pp.79-80. 

Adjectival Clause. The equivalent of this is usually indicated by the 
verbal prefixes mang- or maka- in a construction such as Noun YA 
Verb, Section 2.3(c) and (d), pp.23-24, or Verb NA Noun, Section 
5.4(6), (c), (d), p.56. 

Adjectival Phrase. A word base with the prefix ne- in apposition with 
another word base. Section 5.4(e) and (d), p.56. 

Adverb, of Degree. See Pre-Adverbs, Section 6.2, pp.70 ff., and Post- 
Adverbs, Section 6.1, pp.63 ff. 

, of Manner. See verbal apposition. Section 5.6, pp.57 ff., and 
Post-Adverbs, Section 6.1, pp.63 ff. 

, of Place. See TA Class Impersonal Pronouns, Section 4.1(6), 

pp.43-45, and NA Class Impersonal Pronouns, Section 3.1(c), p.30. 

■ , of Time. See verbal apposition, Section 5.6 pp.57, ff., Post-Ad- 
verbs, Section 6.1, pp.63 ff., and Time in the Oblique, Section 4'.4, 
p.50. 

Adverbial Clause, of Condition. See am, awd, sentence connectives. Section 
7.2, pp.75-77. 

• , of Degree, adet ta 'as far as', Place or Direction in the Oblique, 

Section 4.3, p.47, also 4.4, p.50. Also, kuman na . . . ya ka- . . , 
-na (likeness NA . . . YA event- . . . -NA/it) 'It is as . . . 
as . . .' 

, of Manner, kuman na . . . ya . . ., where the second terminal 

after YA is a verbal form other than the above. 

95 



96 

Adverbial Clause, of Place. A Verb used in the Oblique, Section 4.3, 

pp.47 ff. 

• , of Reason. See te 'because', Section 7.2, pp.75-77. 

, of Result. See te, te/petta, petta, Section 7.2, pp.75-77. 

, of Time. See A Clause in the Oblique, Section 8.3(d), pp.82-83, 

and am 'if, 'when' for future tense. Section 7.2, pp.75-77. 
Adverbial Phrase. Usually an Oblique expression with a Noun as head 

word, see Sections 4.2, 4.4, pp.45 ff. 
Apposition. See Section 5.0, pp.52 ff. 

Article, Definite. See NA Class Impersonal Pronouns, Section 3.1(c), p.34. 
, Indefinite. Comparable to the absence of any NA Class Impersonal 

Pronoun suffix. Section 3.1(c), p.30. 
Auxiliary Verb. See Post-Adverbs de 'might', 'may', mind 'ought', 'should', 

and Pre-Adverb ampade 'should have'. Section 6.1, pp.63 ff.. Section 

6.2, pp.70 ff. 
Case, Nominative. (See Subject.) 

, Accusative. (See Object, Direct.) 

• , Genitive, (i.e. Possessive) Indicated by ligature NA or NA Class 

Pronoun, Section 3.0, pp.26 ff. 
• , Dative. Usually an Oblique Noun expression. Sections 4.2, 4.3, 

pp.45 ff., but may be focused goal after a word base with the verbal 

pi-efix i- or Tie-, Section 3.2 pp.33 ff. 

, Ablative. Oblique Noun expression. Sections 4.2, 4.3, pp.45 ff. 

Clause. See Section 2.0, pp.12 ff. (See also Adverbial Clauses, and Noun 

Clause, and Adjectival Clause.) See also Section 8.0, pp.78 ff., 

Section 7.2, pp.75 ff. 
Complement. The equivalent of this is the second terminal of the type 

of equations discussed in Sections 2.1, 2.2, pp.18 ff. 
Conjunction, Co-ordinate. See Section 7.2, pp.75 ff. 

, Subordinate. See Section 7.2, pp.75 ff. 

Degree, Comparative, am TA, Section 4.3(a), p.47 

, Superlative. Indicated by the affixes ka- -an. Section 4.3(a), p.47 

Demonstrative Adjective. (See Adjective.) 

, Pronoun. (See Pronoun, Demonstrative.) 

Exclamation. See Sections 9.1, pp.84-85, and 9.3, p.86. 

Gender. Not definitive in Agta. If definition is required, babbay 'female 

and lalaki 'male' may be used in apposition with the word base tc 

be defined. Section 5.0, pp.52 ff. 
"have" See Appendix 4, pp.93-94 

Modification of Verbs. See Adverbs, Section 6.0, pp.63 ff. 
Mood, Indicative. All equations are indicative, except commands. Section 

2.0, pp.12 ff. 
Mood, Infinitive. Not a useful concept for Agta. However, when a usu- 
ally affixed word base is talked about in the abstract, the mag- 

form is generally used. 
. , Imperative. The usual verbal command form is verb / base- AN- 

NA/you/sg (YA/it), Section 3.2, pp.33 ff., but some word bases do 

not seem to occur in this form, but appear in the MAG form as 

commands— MAG-word/6ase YA/you/sg. There are also single 

word base commands, Section 9.1, pp.84-85, and 9.3, p.86. 



97 

Negatives, awe-, awdn, bakkan, hud. Appendix 2, pp.90 fT. 

Noun, Common. Indicated by ligatures ya, na, ta, Sections 2.1, p.l3; 3.1, 
p.26; 4.1, p.42. 

, Proper. Indicated by ligatures yi, ni, te when one person is 

involved; yig, nig, teg when others are implicated. They include 
the major relationship terms. Sections 2.1, p.l3; 3.1, p.26, 4.1, 
p.42. 

Noun Clause. Equation containing Post-Adverb kdn 'they say that', 'he 
says that', Section 6.1, pp.63 ff. Also clauses beginning with am 
awd or am plus an Interrogative Pronoun, Section 8.1(c), pp. 
79-80. 

Number, Singular. Not indicated, or, if very definitive, indicated by 
tatdqday 'one', Section 5.1, pp.53-54. 

, Plural. Indicated by: (1) Reduplication of the first (C)VC 

of the word base, Section 1.2, pp.6 if.; (2) kid. Section 3.1(c), p.30 
and Appendix 1, p.89; (3) yig, nig, or teg ligatures in the case 
of a Proper Noun, Section 7.1, pp.73-74; (4) change of form in 
the case of Pronouns, Appendix 1, p.89; (5) a few word bases 
have a different plural form, e.g. babbay 'woman' becomes bdbay. 

Numerals, Cardinal. See Section 2.1, p.l3. 

, Ordinal. Indicated by the prefix meka-. Section 5.4(c), p.56. 

, Temporal. Indicated by prefix mameng-, Section 5.6, p.57. 

Object, Direct. Occurs as the first Oblique expression after MAG Verbs, 
Section 4.1, p.42. Occurs as the focused goal after YA following 
AN Verbs, Section 3.2, pp.33 ff. The equivalent TA Class (Section 
4.1(6), pp.43 ff. and YA Class (Section 2.2, p.l5; 3.2(d), p.37). 
Pronouns may occur in actor-focus and goal-focus clauses re- 
spectively. 

, Indirect. Indicated by the ligature TA (or a TA Class Pronoun) 

in both actor-focus and goal-focus clauses. Sections 4.1, 4.2, 4.3, 
pp.42 ff. May be the focused item after YA in an accessory 
focused clause where i- is the verbal affix. Section 3.2, pp.33 ff. 
It is the focused goal after atad-an 'give'. Section 3.2, p.33. 

Participle, Past Active. Equivalent usage is the tentu construction with 
the past tense, Section 8.3(d), pp.82-83. 

Participle, Past Passive. The equivalent of this is a word base with the 
affixes nv- or na- -an, occurring in apposition with another word 
base. Section 5.4(c) and (d), p.56. 

, Present Active. Equivalent of this used as a qualifier is a word 

base with a MAG Class affix, Section 5.4(c) and (d), p.56 equiva- 
lent of this used as a Noun is sometimes a simple word base, some- 
times a word base with MAG or AN Class affix in present tense 
(in Noun YA Verb construction), especially niang- or maka-. 
Section 2.3(c) and (d), pp.23-24. 

, Present Passive. Equivalent is a word base with prefix me- 

occurring in apposition with another word base, Section 2.3, pp.19 
ff. 

Person. See Section 2.2, pp. 15-16; Appendix 1, p.89. 

Possessive Case. Indicated by the ligature NA or a NA Class Pronoun. 
See Section 3.0, pp.26 ff. 

007460 7 



98 

Possessive Pronoun. (See Pronoun) 

Predicate. This is the first terminal of the equation in Agta, no matter 

what the form. This is evidenced by the fact that both types of 

Adverb are lateral to the first terminal. See Section 2.0, pp.12 flf.; 

Section 6.0, p.63. 

Preposition. The structural equivalent is a Noun, Sections 3.1(a), pp. 

26-28; 4.3, pp.47-50. 
Pronoun, Demonstrative. See Section 2.2, p.l6, and Section 3.1(6) and 
(c), pp.29-32. See also Appendix 1, p.89. 

, Interrogative, anu 'what?', kdnu 'when?', umanu 'how?', hdd 

'where?', inya 'who?', pio<^ 'how many?'. See Section 2.2(6), pp.18- 
19, Appendix 3(a), p.92. 

, Personal. See Section 2.2, pp.15-16, Appendix 1, p.89. 

. , Possessive. These are NA Class Pronouns, or kiva plus NA Class 

Pesonal Pronouns. Section 3.1(6), pp.29 ff. 

, Reciprocal. The equivalent is the verbal affix fed-. Section 2.3, 

pp.19-24. 

, Reflexive. The equivalent is 6ari 'body' plus a NA Class Pronoun, 

i.e. ' . . 's body', occurring in goal position. In many cases it is 
not indicated at all. 

, Relative. The prefixes mang- and maka- in the construction Noun 

YA Verb have the significance of 'the person who . . .', Sectior 
2.3(c) and (d), pp.23-24. The interrogative Pronouns when used 
in a clause following am are also equivalent to the English relativ« 
pronoun, Section 8.1(c), p.79. 
Qualification. Nouns, and Verbs with MAG Class prefixes are the equi 
valents of Noun qualifiers. Amongst the Nouns are numerals 
colours, and words of measurement. The structural equivalent o: 
qualification is apposition in Agta. See Section 5.0, pp.52 ff. 
Question. Indicated by anu as a Verb or as a Pre-Adverb, by inter 
rogative Pronouns, or by the Post-Adverbs hud and de. Se( 
Appendix 3, pp.91 If. 
Response. See Section 9.0. pp.84 ff. 

Sentence. Except for Brief Responses (Section 9.0, pp.84 ff.), Exclama 
tions (Section 9.1, pp.84-85), and some Commands (although mos 
of these are equations. Section 9.3, p.86), a sentence contains a 
least one equation. Section 2.0, pp.12 ff. 
Subject. In general, the actor of an Agta clause is equivalent to th( 
English Subject. In an actor-focus clause (with a MAG Verb) 
the actor is marked by the ligature YA, and constitutes the seconc 
terminal of the equation. Section 2.3, pp.19 ff. In a goal-focu: 
clause (with an AN Verb), the actor is marked, and joined to th( 
Verb as its attributive, by the ligature NA, Section 3.0, p.26 anc 
3.2, pp.33 ff. 
Tense, Present Punctiliar. Indicated by the affixes -um-, mag-, ma-, -an 
i-, etc. Section 2.3, pp.19 ff., and Section 3.2, pp.33 ff. 

, Present Continuative. Indicated by the prefix maga-, by maka^ 

plus (C)VC- reduplication of the word base (Section 1.2, pp.7, 8) 
or by the affixes -um-, mag-, ma-, an-, i-, etc. plus the Post-Adverl 
wa 'now'. See Section 2.3, p.l9, and Section 6.1, p.G3. 



99 

, Imperfect (i.e. Simple Past). Indicated by affixes -um-, nag- 

na-, -in-, etc. See Section 2.3, p.20, and 3.2, pp.33-40, 

, Past Continuative. Indicated by the prefix naga-, or by naka- 

plus (C)VC- reduplication of the word base. See Sections 2.3, p.20, 
and 1.2, pp.7-8. 

, Perfect. This is indicated by one of the aflSxes listed for the 

Imperfect Tense plus the Post-Adverb na 'now', 'already'. See 
Section 6.1, p.63. 

, Pluperfect. Indicated by the prefixes nang- or naka- in a tentu 

construction, Section 8.3(a), pp.80-81. 

, F'uture. Indicated as for the Present Tense, although a Time 

expression is often used also, e.g. the Post-Adverb sangaw 'soon', 
'later', or one of its combinations, Section 6.1, p.63; or a Time 
expression in the Oblique, Section 4.4, p.50. 

Verb, Transitive or Intransitive. A Verb in Agta is any word base oc- 
curring with a verbal affix. The concepts Transitive and Intran- 
sitive do not seem to be very pertinent to Ag:ta. The nearest equi- 
valent contrast would be the use of a MAG Class affix for Intran- 
sitive, and the affix combination pa- -an for Transitive. 

Voice, Active. The Actor Focics Verb is roughly equivalent to this. See 
Section 2.3, pp.19 ff. 

, Passive. The Goal Focus Verb is roughly equivalent to this, but 

used far more often than the English Passive. See Section 3.0, p.26, 
and 3.2, pp.33 ff. 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 

AsCHMANN, Herman and Wonderly, William, "Affixes and Implicit Cate- 
gories in Totonac Verb Inflection", International Journal of Ameri- 
can Linguistics, Vol. 18 (1952), pp.130-145. 

B1.00MFIELD, Leonard, Language, New York, 1933. 

, "Outline of Ilocano Syntax", Language, Vol. 18 (1942), pp. 193- 

200. 

Fries, Charles C, The Structure of English, New York, 1952. 

Healy, a., "Notes on Yogad", Oceania^ Linguistic Monograph, No.3, 
"Studies in Philippine Linguistics", University of Sydney, Australia, 
1958, pp.77-82. 

Healey, Phyllis M., "An Agta Conversational Text", Oceania Linguistic 
Monograph, No.3, "Studies in Philippine Linguistics", University of 
Sydney, Australia, 1958, pp.65-72. 

Hjelmslev, Louis, "Prolegomena to a Theory of Language", Indiana 
University Publications in Anthropology and Linguistics, Memoir 7 
of International Journal of American Linguistics, 1953 (Translation 
by Francis J. Whitfield of Omkring sprogteoriens grundlaeggelse, 
1943). 

McKaughan, Howard, "The Inflection and Syntax of Maranao Verbs", 
Publications of the Institute of National Language, Manila, 1958. 

McKaughan H. and Forster, J., Ilocano, An Intensive Language Course, 
Grand Forks, North Dakota, 1953. 

Nida, Eugene A., Morphology, Ann Arbor, 1949. 

Gates, W. J. and L. F., "The Phonemes of Central Cagayan Negrito", 
Oceania Linguistic Monograph, No.3, "Studies in Philippine Lin- 
guistics", University of Sydney, Australia, 1958, pp.34-46. 

Olmsted, David L., "Covert (or Zero) Morphemes and Morphemic Junct- 
ure", International Journal of American Linguistics, Vol. 17 (1951), 
pp.163-166. 

PiTTMAN, Richard S., "Nuclear Structures in Linguistics", Language, 
Vol. 24 (1948), pp.287-292. 

— ■ , "The Priority of Valence over Phonological Attachment and Rela- 
tive Order in Descriptive Grammar", Unpublished paper read at 
2nd August 1953 meeting of Linguistic Society of America in 
Bloomington, Indiana. 

PiTTMAN, Richard S., "A Grammar of Tetelcingo (Morelos) Nahuatl", 
Language Dissertation, No.50, Baltimore, 1954. 

, "Relative Relevance to Total Structure as Criterion for Deter- 
mining Priority of Statement Sequence in Descriptive Grammar", 
Intematio7ial Journal of American Linguistics, Vol. 20 (1954), 
pp.238-240. 

, "The Four Minimal Structural Units of Descriptive Grammar", 

Proceedings of the 8th Pacific Science Congress, Manila, (yet to be 
published) . 

100 



101 

The Summer Institute of Linguistics and the Institute of National Lan- 
guage, Philippines. The Intensive Tagalog Course, Manila, 1957. 

Thomas, David, "Three Analyses of the Ilocano Pronoun Sjrstem", Word, 
Vol. 11 (1955), pp.204-208. 

Vano\'ERBERGH, Morice, "Some Underscribed Languages of Luzon", Coin- 
mission D'Enquete Lingtmtique, Publication No.3, Nymegn, Ne- 
therlands, 1937. 

Wells, Rulon S., "Immediate Constituents", Language, Vol. 23 (1947), 
pp.81-117. 



FOOTNOTE 

1. Section O.S Page 2. Known previous publications on Agta arer 

Morice Vanoverbergh, "Some Undescribed Languages of Luzon" 
(1937), which includes a word list; W. J. and L. F. Gates, "The 
Phonemes of Central Cagayan Negrito" (1958) ; and Phyllis M. 
Healey, "An Agta Conversational Text" (1958), which contains a 
brief preliminary summary of this grammar. 

2. Section 0.5, Page 3. The alphabet used here is based on, though not 

identical with, that presented by W. J. and L. F. Gates in "The 
Phonemes of Central Cagayan Negrito" (1958). 

3. Section 1.1, Page 5. "Derivational" seems to be the best contrastive 

term to describe the inner verbal affixes pa- and ka- as against 
the outer, clearly inflectional ones. However, pa- and ka- may 
not have all the classical attributes of a derivational affix. 

4. Section 1.2, Page 6. The term "stem" is used synonymously with 

"expanded word base". 

5. Section 2.0, Page 12. The term "construction" is used throughout 

as synonymous with Wells' "constitute" (Rulon S. Wells, "Im- 
mediate Constituents" (1947)). 

6. Section 2.0 Page 12. Although the term "ligature" has been taken 

from previous writers on Philippine languages, this usage of the 
term differs from theirs. Whereas Tagalog at 'and', ay (inversion 
marker), and na (descriptive marker) have often been called 
"ligatures", ang, nang and sa have most often been called articles. 
Although Agta YA, NA and TA are syntactically similar to 
Tagalog ang, nang and sa, their function is that of "construction 
marker" ("overt valence") rather than "class marker" (Richard 
S. Pittman, "The Four Minimal Structural Units of Descriptive 
Grammar" (1954) and "The Priority of Valence over Phonological 
Attachment and Relative Grder in Descriptive Grammar"). The 
term "ligature", then, is more appropriate than the popular 
"article". 

7. Section 2.0, Page 12. The term "terminal" (Richard S. Pittman, 

op. cit.) is synonymous with Bloomfield's "immediate constituent" 
(Leonard Bloomfield, Language, 1933, pp.161 if.) and Hjelmslev's 
"functive" (Louis Hjelmslev, "A Prolegomena to a Theory of 
Language", 1953). 

8. Section 2.0, Page 12. The term "topic" is taken from Howard Mc- 

Kaughan, who uses it similarly in "The Inflection and Syntax of 
Maranao Verbs", 1958. 

9. Section 2.2, Page 1-5. The term "Inclusive Person" was coined by 

A. Healey to describe the same phenomenon in Yogad ("Notes on 
Yogad" (1958)). The concept of a person quite distinct from first 
person was first presented by David Thomas for Ilocano in "Three 
Analyses of the Ilocano Pronoun System" (1955). "The Intensive 
Tagalog Course" gives a similar analysis for the Tagalog Pronoun. 

102 



103 

10. Section 2.2, Page 16. The case for the use of zero morphemes as 

a descriptive device has been given by David L. Olmsted, "Covert 
(or Zero) Morphemes and Morphemic Juncture" (1951), and the 
case against zeros has been given by Herman Aschmann and 
William Wonderly, "Affixes and Implicit Categories in Totonac 
Verb Inflection" (1952). 

11. Section 2.S, Page 19. The term "focus" is used by A. Healey in 

"Notes on Yogad" (1958), and here refers to the same phenomenon. 
Elsewhere in Philippine linguistics this phenomenon has usually 
been termed "voice", as, for example, in Howard McKaughan'a 
"The Inflection and Syntax of Maranao Verbs" (1958). Because 
there is no automatic translation equivalent between the two En- 
glish voices and the three Agta ones, the term "focus" was adopted 
to emphasise the non-English nature of Agta grammar. 

12. Section 2.3, Page 20. It is possible to regard ma- as a goal focus 

affix (and me- and m.a- -an as accessory focus). Both ma- and 
goal focus -an together occur with a few stems, and both affixes 
bring into focus the same semantic item of the situation described 
by the stem. These stems include afut 'consume', aldp 'get', azap 
'extinguish', azi 'dispense with', kdn 'eat', lab 'smell', tukkaiv 
'strike', uli 'repair'. 

13. Sectimi 2.3, Page 21. It is an open question whether the fco- intro- 

duced here is the same morpheme as that described in Section 1.1, 
Page 5. 

14. Section 3.0, Page 26. The terms "central", "nucleus", "lateral" are 

among those listed for describing the head and subordinate im- 
mediate constituents of a construction by Richard S. Pittman in 
"Nuclear Structures in Linguistics" (1948). 

15. Section U.O, Page Ul. Leonard Bloomfield, "Outline of Ilocano Syn- 

tax" (1942). 

16. Section 4.2, Page i5. The term "predicate" is used as a convenient 

name for the first terminal of an equation. 

17. Section 8.3(d), Page 8S. The term is taken from Zellig S. Harris, 

"Co-occurrence and Transformation in Linguistic Structure", 
Language, Vol.83 (1957), pp.283-340. 

O