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Full text of "Hopi Dictionary"

PARA6RAPH-SENTENCE-CLAUSE 

The following criteria have been determined to differentiate between 
paragraph, sentence and clause^ 

The paragraph will frequently start with noQw , 'switch subject.' The 
subject is expressed as a noun (either common or proper). There may be a 
change of verb aspect and/or mode at a paragraph boundary. 

Sentences within a paragraph are frequently linked together with the 
conjuction nihoe . 'and so'; nit . 'and then'; niikvanaw . 'but'; or nen , 
'then/so' (in a non-declarative sentence). The subject, if expressed, is 
expressed as a pronoun. There will frequently be consistency in the verb 
aspect and/or mode. [See pages 538-543 below.] 

Sentence is defined as a string containing a finite predicate <a predi- 
cate containing no relational ending). The verb will be at the end of a 
string, or else clauses and phrases following the verb will refer back to it 
by the use of pausal endings. CSee 'Pausal Forms,' page 533 below.] 

A clause is a string containing a predicate, either finite or non-finite. 
All clauses containing the relationals ^,'then'; -kvanow . 'at the same time'; 
-Qe . 'and so, ' are considered coordinate. Many clauses containing the rela- 
tionals -Qw . 'switch subject,' or -e' 'conditional,' are also coordinate. 

A clause is considered coordinate if the relational ending can be dropped 
and a conjunction substituted for it with no substantial change of meaning. 
oam noQvatat no/o/sa. 
she cook ed-and- then ate 
'She cooked and then ate. ' 

gam noovata. nit no/o/sa. 
she cooked and-then ate 
'She cooked and then ate. ' 

520 



The follouing coordinate clause types have been observed- 
1. yerbal: +/" subject + predicate 

a. Intransitive verb : 

oam hanauianta . 
he digging-is 
'He is digging. ' 

b. Transitive verb with object included in verb ^ 

Odn tapwakto. 

he cottontail-hunting-went 

'He went rabbit hunting.' 

iUm natku. 

he self-cut 

'He cut himself. ' 

c. Derived verb similar to verb with included object 

oam ki ' ta . 

he house-has 

'He lives.' (lit. 'He has a house.') 

Dam kiita . 

he house-made 

'He made a house . ' 

d. Transitive verb* with either a direct or 

indirect object , 
pam nav aw vori . 
he hi 5- fat her to-him looked 
'He saw his own father.' 
521 



he dog beat 
'He beat the dog. ' 

e. Quotat ive verb = 

QjLm inumi Qflpgqflwu- P^^' i- inuwi LLid- 

he to-me said to-here to-me he-aaid 

'He said to ne, "Cone here."* 

f . Directional verb = 

he house-to entered 
'He entered the house.' 

2. Equational: subject + noun or adjective 

a. Noptinal^ 

Dam taaoa ina'a . 

that nan ny-father 

'That nan is ny father.' 

b. Adjectival : 

O^n l^jUJiA I^lLqa- 

that nan good 
'That nan is good. ' 

3. Locative: subject + post-position 

pan kiv eo ' e . 

he his-house in 

'He is in his house. ' 

The following subordinate clause types have been observed^ 

1. Purpose clause: (ending in -nioe 'sane subject,' or -nioat 
' di f f erent subject ' ) 

522 



O^n itanuv DohtaniQc oQviv oitu. 
he U3 to-visit therefore cane 
*He cane to visit us . ' 

Ofln itanuv hahlavvanioat ggv^Y filiiA- 
he us/we to-be-happy therefore cane 
'He cane so that uie night be happy.' 

2. Object of volitional verb: (ending in -nioev 'sane subject, 'or 

-nioat 'different subject' > 

a^m kiininiaev naayakna. 
he to-go-to-town wants 
'He wants to go to town.' 

OAQ OUi kiininioat naawakna. 
he hin to-go-to-town wants 
'He wants hin to go to town.' 

3. Object of verb of saying or knowing- (ending in -oev 'sane 

subject , ' -oat ' different subject ' ) 

pan oootaniQev tuwi ' ta . 

She to-nake-piaques knows 

'She knows how to nake plaques.' 

vaw out Qituhoat o^n lavavt i . 
Quotat ive he arrived he said 

'He said that he (other) arrived.' 

4. Conditional clause ^ ( -e' ' sane subject , ' -qw ' di f f erent sub- 

ject') 

523 



if they cone for-us they-will-sing 

'If they come, they will sing for us,' 

if they cone we for-then will-sing 

'If they cone, we will sing for then.' 



INITIATORS 
Seven word classes have been identified as functioning in the "initiator" 
slots of typical Hopi sentences.* These word classes are: 

K Conjunction 

2. Tenporals 

3. Evidentials 

4. Modal izers 

5. Cause-and-ef f ect Markers 
S. Correlatives 

?• Attitude Markers 

Although there is some uord-order flexibility, "if initiators occur together in 
a Hopi sentence, they uould generally follou the order given above. (The 
conjunction always occurs first.) 

1. The conjunctions are: noow . nit . niikvanaw . nihae . and nen . The 
meanings and usage of Hopi conjunctions are discussed under 'Velationals'* 

on pages 545-549 below. 

2. Temporals: 

(a) pahsat 'then' 

(b) pu* 'then, and, now' 

Note s The two above temporals are often used together. 

( c ) qaavo ' tomorrow' 

( d> taavok 'yesterday' 

(e) Many other structures may also be used as temporals: 
uuyistiqw ' when spring comes' 



♦ This discussion is based partly upon Ekstrom's 196® work for a paper 
entitled "Markers of Discourse Levels in Hopi." 

525 



3. There Are three evidentiaia which function at the clause level: 

yaw 'it 15 said* 

kur *it is assumed* 

ura 'according to memory' 

vaw occurs in just about every clause of a Hopi folktale. It 
indicates that the speaker is reporting what he has heard- 

XflM DUhukwflptiWO tuutuva 

quotative Puhukwaptiwa is-sick 

*I hear Puhukwaptiwa is sick,' 
ura is used to indicate something the speaker is repeating from 
memory. 

UEA iUn YuKlwnat au^ 

I-recall we Yukiwma went-to 

'I recall we went to Yukiwma.' 
kur is used when the speaker is assuming from the evidence that so- 
and-so is true*- 

kur kwaatu tsg^nQmokiwta 

assume the- two-eagles are/were-hungry 

' I assume the eagles are/were hungry . ' 
A sentence unmarked with an evident ial indicates that the speaker was 
an eyewitness to what he is report ing. 

4. Modalizers include^ (a) .^ (b) 5^, (c) kur . (d) nawus . (e) kva , 
(f) sen , <g) so'on . (h) han . (i) tuma . 

^^^ UX indicates that the following sentence is a question. It 
normally occurs in yes/no questions, and is optional in content 
quest ions. It is occasional ly replaced by noow . 

va urn Danosoni 

-Q- you to-there-wi 1 1 

526 



'Wil 1 you go there?' 

Lz5lI uri ^^intaaki 

-Q- you are-do ing-what 

•What are you doing?' 

noQUf UQ iUkAi oanQsoni 
and you also to-there-uill 
'And will you also go there?' 

(b) With the declarative (unmarked) node ai indicates that the 
action was ineffective: 

as pan wari 

vainly he ran 

'He ran in vain. ' 
With the potential (marked by *ni ) mode ^^ means 'should' or 
'wish': 

^s. nsn 2^ o^ntin; 

should he not do-like-that 

'He shouldn't do that, * 

-OR- 
'I wish he wouldn't do that.* 

SJ. un ilMni out Utqn; 
wish you to-me that hand 
'Please hand that to me. ' 

(c) With the conditional relational ending kur means 'if ^ 

kur oam pite ' itamunoem tawlawni 

if he arrives f Of — us he-wil l-sing 

'If he comes, he will sing for us.' 

With the verb in potential mode kur means 'let's assume' ^ 

527 



kur um sunat aiivav' tani 
let ' 5-a5sume you twenty doliara-have-wi 11 

'Let's assume you have twenty dollars.' 
Also, with an indefinite and verb in potential node, kur 
indicates 'lack' or ' inability' • 

lack one will-cone 
'There is no one to cone.' 

flfla kUC hihta jfta sisvini 
he lack something with will-pay 
'He had nothing with which to pay.' 

OAQ JLUr: hxn kwilalatanl 

he can' t/couldn' t walk 

'He can't walk. ' 
Combined with the negative a^, kur indicates 'ability' 
(i.e. absence of 'lack'): 

kur hin pan Oi kwilalatani 

can't/couldn't he neg. walk 

'He can walk . ' 
( d > nawus means that the actor acted, or will act , out of 
compulsion- 

nawus nu' panoso'o 

compel led I went -there 

' I had to go there. ' 
(e) kva means 'probably': 

kva nu' soon unoem Pggt^n; 

528 



probably I neg. for-you ui 11-hoe 
*I probably won't hoe for you.' 
^ f ) sen means 'maybe' = 

maybe he will-come 
'Maybe he will come, ' 
^Q^ soon means 'negative'; it is used primarily with the potential 
mode: 

um ?09n piWp; 

you neg . will -come 
'You won't come. ' 
When used with the negative oa, soon means 'must': 

£.2211 UQ 2£ QHuPt 
neg. you neg. will-cone 
'You must come. ' 

(h) Infrequently, especially when one is thinking or talking to 
himself, the form han is used to indicate purpose or 
deliberateness. (This form requires the declarative mode rather 
than the potential mode). 

h^n 21 inav awnen ^1^1 oanoQawu 

I my-father will-go to-him saying 

'I will go to my father and say to hin. ' 

h^ 01 vanti 
I do/did this 
'I Will do this. ' 
( 1 ) When the concept of 'purpose' or 'deliberateness' involves a 

group discussion, the form tuma is preferred. (This for^ also 

529 



requires the declarative node rather than the potential mode). 

tuffa k;UgKiri;Y^ 

let ' 5 to-town 

'Let ' 5 go to town. ' 

3. There are four cau5e-and*-ef f ect markers ^ 

(a ) pi 'because, for' 

<b) ispi 'because, for' (normally requires relational 

ending -Qe'e or -q ' 6 ) 

( c ) ooviy 'therefore, so' 

(d) taq 'lest' 

(a) stdn ni^t^sa. q± t^^ngnQKiwta 

he ate because he-was-hungry 
'He ate because he uas hungry.' 

<b) fiA£l n66sa. ijuu. tsi^nomokiutaQe' e 

he ate because he-was-hungry 
'He ate because he was hungry.' 

(c) o^ tsgSnQmokiwtaQe ogviY uM^J^ 

he was-hungry so he-ate 
'He was hungry so he ate.' 

(d) un tunatvalte' iaa uh oQsn; 

you watch-out lest you will-fall 
'Be careful that you don't fall.' 

B- There are two correlatives, one contrastive and one non-contrast ive. 

(a) piw 'also, again' 

(b) tuwat 'in turn, on the other hand' 
(a) Piw Dam oanso'o 

530 



also he went- there 

'He also went there < in addition to doing other things).' 

(b) un tWW^t gflpgag'Q 

he in- turn went -there 
*He in turn went there.' 

7. There are two markers which indicate the speaker's attitude toward what he 
is saying: 

( a ) okiw 'unfortunately' 

(b) antsa 'truly' 
<a) Qkiw a^n tuutuva 

unfortunately he is-sick 
'He is sick <I'm sorry about it).' 
(b) noQw YAM antsa £££& kuaavQk'at Qflt^ 

and report truly there hi s-pet -eagle was-sitting 
'It's said that really his eagle was sitting there.' 
As illustrated in the preceding example, strings of three or even more 
initiators are common in Hopi sentences . This is especially true at the 
beginning of a paragraph. 



REDUPLICATION 
Reduplication is a highly productive process in Hopi. It occurs both in 
the noun systew and in the verb system. Normal reduplication is formed as 
follows ' 

CWlViC2V2 aaaad reduplicates as C1U1U1C1U1C2V2 fliayaia 
C1U1C2C3U2 tuhoe reduplicates as C1V1U1C1U1C2C3V2 tuutuhoe 
C1U1C2U2 vuku reduplicates as C1^1C1C2V2 vuvku 
Hopi "k-verbs" reduplicate the second syllable to form the progressive 
stem: 

kwala * it boiled' kwalalata *it is boiling' 

kuialalayku 'it was boiling* 
To form the Hopi optative mode the final vowel is reduplicated, with a 
glottal stop between the vowels^ 

yeese 'They sat,' or 'They were sitting.' 
yeese'e 'You ( plural ) sit down, ' 
Noun plurals in Hopi often involve reduplication: 

kiihu ' house' kiikihu ' houses ' 



PAUSAL FORMS 

In Hopi, a word usually has a longer form when occurring either in 

isolation or finally in a main clause (or any clause after the main clause) 
This ''pausal" form occurs in most word classes throughout the language; in 

verbs it occurs only in the relationals. 
Examples : 

PAUSAL NON-PAUSAL 

paasata paasat 

inumi ' i inumi 

kiive'e kiive 

paasi * i paas 

pite'e pite' 

put'a put 

haqaq'iS haqaqw 



MEANING 

'field ( oblique case ) * 

'to me' 

'in the house' 

'carefully' 

'when, if he comes ' 

'him/her/it' 

' from where ' 



The last example, in question form, would be; 
pan haqaq«S ' ? 



'Where did he come from?' 



yERB PHRASE 
A verb phrase consists of a verb which may be modified by one or more of 
the following: 

Modalizer: 

OOQ iiU£ IlLD giavini 
he cannot will-pay 
'He cannot pay. ' 

Adverb' 

0^ iits Duhtsemoki 
he quickly Qot-disgusted 
'He got disgusted quickly.' 

iua lyiLA pgnti 

he once-for-all did- it 
'He did it once for all.' 

he vainly is-working 
'He is working fruitlessly.' 

a^j!I a'niS unanQwav'ta 
he intensive has -a- heart 
'He is brave/courageous/tough. ' 

Negat i ve ■ 

Qj^ fl£ Pity 

he neg. arrived 

'He didn' t come. ' 



534 



OAn ag'OTl Pituni 

he neg, will-cone 

'He won' t cone. ' 

Included Qualifier: 

Q^iSl kwivivuaata 

he proudly-speaka 
'He boasts. ' 



UERB INFLECTION 
In the verb, the Hopi speaker has a large inventory of affixes available 
for modifying the stem: 

GENERAL 

Third-oosit ion Prefix ( furthest from stem) : 

5u- ' suddenly, with intensity' : 

pitu 'he arrived' suptu 'he arrived suddenly' 

Second-oosition Prefix ( nearer ig stem): 

tu- OR tuu- 'others/corn as object': 

laakinta 'is drying it' tuulakinta 'is drying corn' 

navotna 'cause it to tunvotna 'cause people 

be known' to know it' 

na- OR naa- reflexive 'self as object ' , or 'reciprocal ' 'each other 

as object ' = 

tuku 'cut' natku 'cut himself ' 
'reciprocal ' - 

ngu ' a ' grasp ' naangu ' a 'marry ' 
'truncated noun as object': 

535 



taavo 'cottontail' 

i^apto 'went to hunt' tapmaqto 'went to hunt 

cottontails ' 



First^oosition Prefix (cloaeaj^ ^^ sten): : 

Reduplication, with various functions - 

1 . Piuralizat ion- 

tuwa 'he found' tutwa 'they found' 

2. Repeated Action** 

pitu 'he arrived' piptu 'he arrives repeatedly' 

3. To Form Progressive Uerb Stem: 

yuku 'he made' yuyku 'he is making' 
First-position Suffix: 
Causative: 

Inflectional when affixed to intransitive verb stem: 
-na: 

wari < k ) -na 
ran ( themat ic ) cause 
' drove it < as horse or car ) ' 
-toyna: 

poninxta 'it moves about' 
pon in i toyna 'he moves it about ' 
Derivational when affixed to transitive verb stem: 
-na: 

yuku 'make/finish' 

yukuna ' judge' 

UOICE 
Uoice : defined as the relation of the verb action to the subject. 

536 



Second-position Suffix; 
Pagslveg; 

With -lu- : 

•iua Enphasizos the fact, or conpleted act: 

yukiua 'has been finished* 

-iuta* Emphasizes the state, or resultant condition: 
yukiuta 'is in finished condition' 
tuhpeuta 'is roasted' 

'iuma Emphasizes that something is in process: 
.tuhpeuma 'it is roasting' 
Uith -ilti : 

"ilti Emphasizes incipient, beginning state: 
yukilti 'became finished' 

Actives : 

Uith -v' - ['accomplishment of an act']: 

-y' ta» Emphasizes present condition: 
somi'ta 'has it tied' 
tuui'ta 'has learned it' 
yuki'ta 'has finished it' 

"V'va Emphasizes beginning of state: 
tuui'va 'learned it' 
Uith -viuia [Cessative; emphasizes cessation of a state]: 

kuuanviua ' is faded' 

suhuviua 'is no longer salty' 



♦ See also "Number" on pages 539-540 belou. 

537 



ACTIVE PftSSIVE 

( Unmark ed ) : - i 1 1 i : 

COMPLETITIVE: yuku 'he nado it' yukilti 'it is made* 

-y' ta: -iua: 

DURflTIVE: yuki'ta 'he has nade it' yukiua 'it has been made' 

ASPECT 
Aspect : defined as verbal indicators of the manner in which actions are 
performed, or of the intention of the actor. 
Third-aosition Suffixes: 

-to [suffixed to the conpletitive stem] 'go for the purpose of 
maqto 'go for the purpose of hunting' 

tiimayto 'go to uatch a dance' 
With directional verbs -to is used to indicate that the verb is 
moving towards its realization. For example: 
pituto 'is arriving' 
uupto 'is climbing' 

-ma [suffixed to completitive stem] 'come from doing' 

tiimayma 'came from watching a dance' 
-ma [suffixed to progressive stem] linear, 'goes along doing' 

royayatima 'goes along spinning' 
-ta,* or -ti- Continuative; occurs mainly with k_ verbs. ( -ti- occurs 
when combining with other aspects , such as inceptive, 1 inear , or 
spatial ) . 

roya 'give one whirl' 

royayata ' is whirl ing' 

r oyayat ima ' goes al ong whir 1 i ng ' 



♦ See also 'Number', on pages 539-540 below, 

538 



-nuna Spatial? uith progressive stem. 'goes about doing' 

royayat inuma ' goes afaout spinning ' 
-va Inceptive; uith progressive stem. Emphasizes beginning (end of 
process isn't in focus). 

royayat iva 'begin to spin' 

-lauu Durative? uith progressive stem. 'action continues over 

cons i der abl e t i me ' 

langakinlauu 'continues pulling it' 



NUMBER 
Fourth^oosition Suffix : number indicates that the subject is plural. 
(Dual subject takes singular verb ending. Thus if no dual form of the subject 
exists, as in the case of pronouns, a plural subject plus singular verb results 
in dual reference in Hopi.) 

Several of the voice and aspect endings have forms indicating plural 
number : 

Singular Plural 

-ta» -yungua 

-ta*» -tota 

-ti -toti 

-lauu -lalua 

-to -uisa*»* 

-ma -uisa*** 



* Uhen occurring uith Voice suffixes *v' - and zImL- 

** Uhen occurring as Aspect suffix. 

♦♦♦ It is purposive ( -to ) uhen occurring uith completitive stem. It is 
1 inear ( -ma ) uhen occurring uith progressive stem. 

539 



If one of the above is not used, and if the verb is not innately plural, -va is 
suffixed to indicate plural subject. 



MODE 

Flf th-n osition Suffix : There are five nodes in Hopi: declarative, 
generalized, potential, optative, and general-potential. The various 
neanings of Hopi verbal nodes are illustrated in this section. 



NOTE : The nodes operate at a higher level grammatically than the 
other Hopi affixes. Whereas the louer-level affixes affect primarily 
the meaning of the verb itself, the nodal endings affect the neanings 
of the surrounding words, and place certain limitations on the words 
uhich may co-occur with them. When -aa 'negative' occurs uith a 
verb in the declarative mode it is a straight negative, but with the 
potential mode it means 'shouldn't.' In Hopi, urn aa pitu means 'you 
didn't come'. But um oa oituni doesn't mean 'you won't come' but 
rather 'you shouldn't come' or 'don't come', ('You won't come' is 
um so'on aituni , ) 



The declarative node is unmarked and indicates that the action or state 
has taken place or is in progress. 

The generalized mode [called "nomic" by Whorf and "gnomic" by the 
Voegelins] is formed by suffixing -nouu to the verb. It indicates that 
the action or state occurs regularly. 
oam naaoavo niimanawu 

540 



he daily hone-goes 
*He goes hone daily,' 

uuvlsiiau hsJL uti'Myngyq 
uhen-spring-cones one plants 
'One plants when spring cones.' 
The potential node is formed by suffixing -ni to the verb. It indicates 
that the acion or state indicated by the verb is contenplated as possible or 
impossible. It is used for the Indo-European concept of "future", as well as 
for subjunctive mode. 

<a) Future: aaavo oan aituni 

t onorr ou he u i 1 1 - come 
'He'll cone tonorroui- ' 



(b) Inability: 



kur hin oan oituni 
cannot he cone 
'He cannot cone.' 



( c) Necessitative: 



so 'on 
neg. 



Dam 

he 



neg. 



come 



'He must come.' (The double negative results in 

necessitative- ) 



(d) Polite Command: 



yn aa P^'tuni 
you neg. come 
'Don't come. ' 



(e) Contrary to Fact: 



kur auma cut navoti' vunaue' so^on out niinavani 

if they him/it know neg. him will-kill 

'If they had known it/him, they would not have 

k illed him- ' 

541 



The optative node is formed by reduplicating the final vouel of the verb 
(along with insertion of a glottal stop), or by using the pausal forn of the 
post-positional. The optative mode can be used either with second person (the 
command form) or with third person (indicating a uish). 

paki* i ^come in' 

qatu'u 'sit down* 

DSQ QSm lila. Pi•t^'^ 
may he quickly arrive 
'May he arrive quickly,' 

nam vokva'a 
may it-rain 
'May it rain, ' 

to- here 

' Come here, ' 

The general-potential mode is formed by suffixing -mantani to the 
verb. It indicates that one should generally do so-and-so. 

hak tuututuoavnaniaev tuui' te' tutuoavnamantani 
one to- teach- others if-he-knous should- teach 
'The one uho knows how to teach others should teach.' 

hfii :£9£1 pastamantani 
one 1 ike-this should-hoe 
'One should hoe like this,' 

542 



The follouing expansive verb-inflection example shoue a Hopi verb uith 
noat of the affix slots filled: 

tuu-tu-tuoav-na-ti nuw-va-nQuu 
tuu * others' 
tu 

tuqay 
na 
tinum 

ya 

nguu 



(reduplication) 
stem: 'to hear' 
< causative) 
( spatial aspect ) 
( plural ) 
(general mode) 
'They habitually go about teaching people.' 

SOME VERB PftRftDISMS 
IMPERSONftLS 
yooyoki ' it is raining' yooyokni ' it uill rain' 

yokva 'it began to rain' yokvani 'it uill begin to rain* 
yokvana* 'he caused it to rain' yokvanani* 'he uill cause it to rain' 
yoknguu 'it habitually rains' 

yokva'a 'may it rain' 



STflTIVES 
yeese 'they are sitting/living' yesni 'they uill sit/live' 
yesva 'they sat down' yesvani 'they uill sit doun' 

yesvana 'he seated them' yesvanani 'he uill seat them' 

yesnguu 'they habitually live' 

yeese 'e 'you all be seated' 



* This form uould be used mainly uith reference to deity. 

543 



uuuvl 

uupto 

uuuviuta 

uupna 

uuuuuv i 

uupni 

uupnani 

uupnguu 

uupnanguu 

wuuvi* 1 

uupna' a 



DIRECTIONftLS 

'he climbed' 

'he is climbing' 

'he has climbed' 

'he caused him to climb' 

'he climbs repeatedly' 

•he will climb' 

'he will cause him to climb' 

'he climbs habitually' 

'he habitually causes him to climb' 

'climb it' 

'cause him to climb it* 



K- VERBS 

The so-called k-verbs in Hopi usually exhibit the semantic idea of one or more 
undulations, such as stepping, uaving, and boiling. 



kuala 

kualalayku 

kualalata 

kualalatima 



'it boiled' 

' it uas boil ing' 

'it is boiling' 

' it is going 

along boiling' 



kualakni 



'it will boil' 



kualalatani 'it uill be boiling' 

kualalatimani 'it uill go along 

boiling' 



kualalativa 'it began to boil' kualalativani 'it uill begin to boil' 

kualalatinuma 'it is going kualalatinumni 'it uill go about 

about boiling' boiling' 



kualaknaCya] 



'he boiled it' 



544 



kualakin-ta( "tota) 'he is boiling it* 

kualakintivalya] 'he began boiling it* 

kualakinti-na< "uisa) *he went along boiling it' 

kualakintinun-a("ya) 'he uent around boiling it' 

kualakna-to< "uiaa) 'he uent to boil it' 

kualaknanalya] 'he cane fron boiling it' 



VERBS OF HANDLING 
The Hopi verbe of handling (picking up. carrying, leading, etc) indicate 
the number of the object in the root. (ft dual object takee the singular root.) 



Some examples: 

tavi 

kuusu 

uiiki 

yauma 

horokna 

pana 

posna 



'put it down' 
'picked it up' 
'led him/it' 
'carry it' 
'drew it out' 
'put it in' 
'drops it' 



oya 'put them doun' 

bmahta 'picked them up' 

tsaama 'led them' 

kima 'carry them' 

ipua 'drew them out' 

tangata 'put them in' 

liihiikna 'drop them' 



RELATIONflLS 
Sixth-oosition Suffix : In Hopi there are five final-position endings 
which may be suffixed to predicates. If they are non-pausal forms, they 
indicate the relationship to the f ollouinQ predicate. If they are pausal forms 
(or non-pausal followed by ooviv'o ) . they relate to the orecedina predicate. 
Also occurring in this position are four endings which change a verb into a 



545 



noun, [See under 'Noun Derivation,' pages 557-559 below.] 
The relational indicators are: 

-qw (-q'«J) 'switch subject' 

-t<'a) 'next clause follows in tine' 

-qe('e) 'next clause follows in time and is a result of 

this one' (ordinarily used only with the 

declarative mode; the use of -oe with 

other nodes creates specialized meanings.) 

-e'<e) 'following clause is dependent on this one' (all 

nodes except declarative; replaces final 
vowel: Ditu becomes pi te' , ) 
-kyanQw(o ) [plural : -kyahkyangw( o )] 

'next clause happened at sane tine as this one' 
The relational ^i !« assuned to be in the sane mode as the main verb of the 
grammatical string. It is seouential (in tine) when not preceded by 
negative. However, when preceded by a negative, this zL is contrast ive 
(without regard to time). Examples; 
Declarative: 

g^ia n^f^gflt I Daami ' i 
he having-eaten went-to-his- field 
'Having eaten, he went to his field.' 
Optat ive : 

iiini oflKii;, oatu'u 

to- house having-entered sit-down 
'When you enter this house, sit down,' 
Potential = 

pan n<^g>sat . ni imam 

546 



he having-eaten wi 1 1 -go-hone 
'When he has eaten, he will go home.' 

Contrastive Potential- 

un Qa pant it ■ vant ini 

you neg. do- like- that do-iike-thia-will 

'Don't do like that, but do like this.' 

Contrastive General- 

hoii 0^ PqpUti vantinouiu 

one neg, do- like- that do-like-this-( general ) 

'One doesn't do like that, but does like this.' 

Contrastive Potential General; 

hs^ SLA. Pantit , vantiwantani 

one neg. do-like-that do-like-this-(general )-(potential ) 
'One shouldn't do like that, but should do like this.' 
Additional examples of relational usage in Hopi are also contained in the 
illustrative materials on the next few pages. 



CAUSAL: 

SEQUENTIAL: 

SIMULTANEOUS: 



CHART QE RglOTlQmi ENDINGS 
SWITCH SUBJECT SAME SUBJECT 

Declarative Non-Declarative 
-qw -qe -e' 

-qw -t -t 

"Q»*» -kyangw -kyangw 



The five conjunctions which correspond to the Hopi relationals were 

mentioned previously under Initiators (see page 525 above). They are: 

CONJUNCTION RELATIONAL 

1 . noqw -qw 

547 



2. nit -t 

3. niikyangw -kyangu 

4. nihqe "Q« 

5. nen "©' 

The conjunction nay be substituted for the relational ending without change of 
meaning. An exception is niikvanaij vs, -kvanow , where nuKYfltPQW 1« contrastive 
while -kvanow is usually non-contrast ive. 

1. QjLn noovataQw ouwa n66n6sa 
she cooked they ate 
'After she had cooked, they ate.' 

paw noQvata. Nqqw auilA T\i4Pt^^ 
she cooked and [then] they ate 
'She cooked and [then] they ate,' 

2. £sn nt^<Ssat oaswi'l 

he ate-and went -to- the- fie Id 

'He ate, and [then] went to the field. 

paw ni^g^sa, nit oaswi ' i 

he ate and went-to-the-f ield 

'He ate, and [then] went to the field, 

3. oam n^QvataQc. r\66sa 
she cooked-having ate 
*She, having cooked, ate.' 

paw noQvata. nihoe ng^c^sa 
she cooked and ate 
'She cooked and ate.' 

548 



4. adjn hahlavkvanQUi taylawu 

he being-happy is" singing 
'He being happy is singing,' 

Odin q^h^hlaYii.. nllkvanQu taulayy 
he being-unhappy but is-singing 
'He is unhappy, but is singing, ' 

5. aSQH O^n Qlisl itamunaem taulauni 
when he arrives for-us he-will-sing 
'When he arrives, he will sing for us.' 

csLn Pi^unif U&n itflpunocn tawiawm. 

he will -arrive then foi — us he-will-sing 

*When he arrives, he will sing for us.' 
In order to suffix a relational ending to a verb in the general mode (ending in 
-nowu ). it is necessary to put a -ni( h )- between the -nowu and the relational 
ending. For example- 

Odin tawlawnawunikvanQW wunimanouu 

he/she singing-< gen ) -while dance- ( gen ) 

'He/She used to dance while singing. * 



UERB DERIVATION 
In Hopi, verbs are derived from several sources. They may be drived from 
another verb, from a noun, pronoun, adjective, or postpositional. 

Some derived verbs are frozen forms. They exhibit the characteristics of 
a derived verb, but the root from which they have been derived is not longer in 
use . For example^ 

naawakna 'want ' 

549 



tuuwaia 'yatch' [verb] 

tuptsiwa 'believe' 

Some verbs are derived from another verb: 

(a) By reduplication: 

tuuqayta 'hear' 

tutuqayi 'learn' 

(b) By adding causative *na : 

yuku 'make' 

yukuna 'judge' 
Some verbs are derived from adjectives by suffixing zil 'become', -iuta 
'is', or -ta 'causative': 

itsivu 'angry, hot tempered' 

itsivuti 'became angry' 

itsivu'iuta 'is angry' 

aliSngii 'different in kind' 
aliingti 'became different* 

al^ngta 'made it different' 

A few Hopi verbs are derived from postposi t ionals : 

enang 'with* [object with object] 

anangta ' added' 

There is also an idiomatic use of a verb derived from a pronoun or noun. 
The meaning 'want' is implied if the potential ending -ni is added to a noun 
or pronoun: 

m im putni 1 

-Q- you it-will 
'Do you want it?' 
The most common process for deriving verbs is the addition to a noun of 

550 



the possessive ending -v* ta . or the causative endings -ta ( complet it ive ) or 

"lawu ( cont inuative ) • 

k i i hu ' house ' C noun ] 

ki'ta 'has a house (lives)' 

kiita 'made a house' 

kiilauu 'is making a house' 

tumala ' work ' C noun ] 

tumalta 'worked' 

tumalay'ta 'is working' 

Some verbs are derived from nouns by suffixing *niwhti , resulting in a 
meaning of 'became '. Example^ 

n^^ma'atniwhti 

hi s-wif e-became 

'She became his wife.' 
If a noun or postposition/locative needs to take a verbal modal, 
relational ending, or noun derivational ending, the suffix *ni( h )- (for 
singular/dual) or -va- (for plural) is added. Examples^ 

n^dwa'atninowu 

his"wif e-( gen. mode ) 

'She used to be his wife' 

out anokninQWu 

him behind-( gen. mode ) 

'He used to follow him.' 

gut anokvanQwu 

him behind-(pl , )-( gen. mode) 

'They used to follow him,' 

551 



NOUN PHRASE 
fl noun phrase nay consist of: (1) a pronoun, (2) an unmodified noun, (3) 
a modified noun, or (4) a clause with a derivational ending, usually (a) -oa . 
(b) -gat , (c) -oev - or (d> -qu . 
1. pan *he* 

nu" »!' 

Z. taaqa 'man' 

pohk o ' dog ' 

3, pan taaqa 'that man' 
hak taaqa 'some man' 
put yuyat 'his mother' 

4. (a) taaqa itsivutiqa 

man mad- got - uho 

'the man uho got mad' 
^ b ) nu ' taaaat itsivutiaat au yor i 

I man angry-got-uho to-him sau 

'I sau the man uho got angry.' 
- or - 

'I sau that the man got angry.' 
(c) nu' taaoat tuuahaev au lavayti 

I man found-uho to-him spoke 

'I spoke to the man uhon I found.' 
<d) ina it taaoat tuuaa(j nu' au lavayti 

my-father this man found-whom I to-him spoke 

'I spoke to the man whom my father found-' 

uikaanouat um somau tuki 

the-rope you tied broke 

552 



'The rope you -tied broke.' 
Notice that if the subject o4 the verb and of the object clause are the sane, 
then ending -aev is used (see example "c" above). If the subject of the object 
clause is different, the ending is -qu . [See also "Noun Derivation, pages 
557-553 belou.l 



NOUM INFLECTION 
Nouns in the Hopi langup^B nay occur in more varied forms than similar 
nouns in English. 

Hopi nouns are inflected for: 

Case: subject ("direct") or non-subject ("oblique") 
Number: singular, dual , plural 

Possession: the noun is possessed (rather than doing the 
possessing, as in English) 
Hopi case endings are: 

Unmarked for direct case 
*t for unpossessed oblique case 
-y for possessed oblique case 
A noun in the oblique case may occur: ( 1 ) as the direct object of a verb, 
(Z) as the referent of a postposition, or (3) as the referent of a possessed 



noun: 



(1) osn inav uuvahta 
he my-father hit 
'He hit my father' 

(2) cam inav au vori 
he (ly-father to-him sau 
'He sau my father.' 

553 



'my' 



(3) sain inav vuvat ^u yorX 
He ny-father his-mother to-hin sau 
*He sau ny father's mother,* 
Inflection for number varies according to the noun class, as is 
illustrated in the follouing pages. 

Possession is indicated by affixing one of the follouing: 
i- 

uh- *your ( singular) * 

it ah- 'our' 

unuh- 'your ( dual , plural ) ' 

-at 'his/her' 

-an 'their (direct)' 

-y 'his/their oun (oblique)' 

-yat 'belonging to another (oblique)' 

-yanuy 'belonging to others (oblique)' 
Hopi nouns nay be divided into at least five classes, as delineated belou: 
Class I ; fl group of nouns not inflected for number, and which may include 
inanimate nouns such as oaahu 'water' or body parts such as hokva' at 'his 
louer leg'.* Body parts in Hopi are obligatorily possessed. In this 
dictionary ue have chosen to give only the form which shous third-person 
singular possession. 



♦ The correct form for 'four-footed things' Is naaltJQ hokvav' vunQQam 

'foui — legged'. Note that although the sense is obviously plural, there 

is no plural marker. 



554 



Inflections for wa* 'hand/arm* include: 

put na'at 'hia hand (direct)' 

may 'his own hand (oblique)* 

put nayat 'another's hand (oblique)' 

ina 'my hand (direct)' 

inay 'my hand (oblique)' 
Class II : Inanimate nouns which plural ize by reduplicating the first 



syllable: 

paaaa 'field' 

kuasa 'dress' 

The inflections of oaasa 'field' include: 
paasa 'field (direct)' 
'field (oblique)' 
'his field (direct)' 



paasat 
paasa' at 
paasay 

paasayat 
paasa' am 



' his own field ( ob. ) 
'their own field ( ob, ) 



paavasa 

kuakusa 

paavasa 

Pctavasat 
paavasa' at 
paavasay 



'fields' 
' dresses' 

'fields (direct)' 

' fields ( oblique) ' 

'his fields (dir. )' 

'his own fields' 
'their oun fields' 



'other's field (oblique)' paavasayat 
'their field (direct)' paavasa' am 



paasayamuy ' their field ( oblique) ' 



'other's fields' 
'their fields ( d. ) ' 
paavasayamuy 'their fields (o,)' 



ivasa 'my field (direct)' ivavasa 

ivasay 'my field (oblique)' ivavasay 

uhpasa ' your ( sg, ) field ( dir , ) ' uhpavasa 

uhpasay ' your ( sg. ) field ( obi . ) ' uhpavasay 



'my fields ( dir. ) ' 
'my fields (obi. )' 
' your ( sg. ) fields' 
' your ( sg. ) fields' 



In the immediately preceding examples the possessive prefixes it ah- 'our' or 
umuh- ' your ( dual plural ) ' could be substituted for uh- . 

Class III : Usually animate nouns , they are inflected for number 
(singular, dual, plural) and case (direct, oblique). Except in rare instances, 



555 



they are not inflected for possession. The noun hoonauu 'bear' is inflected as 

f ollous: 

hoonauu 'bear (singular direct)' hoonauut 'bear (singular oblique)' 
hoonauut 'bears (dual direct)' hoonautuy 'bears (dual oblique)' 
hoohonaut 'bears (plural direct)' hoohonautuy 'bears (plural oblique)' 

Only three nenbers of this noun class are inflected for possession: 

taaqa 'man, husband' 

ijuhti 'uoman, uife' 

pohko 'dog, domesticated animal, car' 

Pohko inflects as follous to indicate possession: 

pok'at 'his animal (direct)' pokmat 'his animals (direct)' 
pohkoy 'his own animal (oblique)' pokmuy 'his oun animals (ob.)' 
pohkoyat 'other's animal (oblique)' pokmuyatuy 'other's animals (ob.)' 

The noun oohko may be prefixed by the shortened form of another member of this 

noun class, thereby specifying* what animal is being discussed. Thus, kaneel<? 

'sheep' may be shortened and affixed to oohko . giving the form kanelvok'at 'his 

sheep. ' 

Class IV : These nouns denote kinship. They are inflected for number, 

case, and possession. All family-relationship terms in the Hopi language are 

obligatorily possessed.* A good example is tuoko'at 'his younger brother'. 

which may be inflected as follous: 

tupko'at 'his brother (direct)' tupkomat 'his brothers (direct)' 
tupkoy 'his oun brother (ob.)' tupkomuy 'his oun brothers ( ob. ) ' 
tupkoyat 'other's brother (ob.)' tupkomuyatuy 'other's brothers (ob.)' 
tupko'am 'their brother (direct)' tupkomat 'their brothers (direct)' 



♦ As mentioned earlier for body parts, uie have chosen in this dictionary to 
give only the form which shows third-person singular possession. 

556 



tupkoy * their own brother (ob.)' tukomuy 'their own brothers (o.) 
tupkoyamuy 'others* brother (ob. )* tupkonuyatuy 'others' brothers (ob. )' 

itupko 'my brother ( direct ) ' itupkom 'ny brothers ( direct > ' 
itupkoy 'my brother (oblique)' itupkonuy 'my brothers (oblique)' 
In the immediately preceding examples, ijz '"y* could be replaced by itah' 
'our', uh" 'your (singular)', or umuh- 'your (plural)'. 

Class V : Other Nouns: these end in -hu and pluralize by substituting 
-tu for *hu . For example: 

k uaahu ' eagl e ' k uaatu ' eagl es ' 

soohu ' star ' sootu ' stars ' 



NOUN DERIVATION 
Nouns may be derived by (a) combining adjective with noun, (b) combining 
noun with noun, or by (c) nominalizing a verb. 

(a) adjective with noun: mohoe 'first' plus tama'at 'his tooth' result 
in mohpetama' at 'his front tooth', 

(b) Noun with noun: ooosi 'eye' plus caala 'liquid, juice' results in 
DQsvala 'teardrop' • 

(c) Nominal ization of a verb: the final vouel of a verb may be changed 
to i ( "iotization" ) or one of four suffixes may be added to a verb (or to a 
postpositional filling a verbal slot ) , 

Example of iotization: m^ 'hand' plus soma 'tie' plus the change of a to 
i. (iotization) results in masmi 'armband* - 

The verb nominal ization suffixes come in the same position as the 
relational endings discussed earlier (see pages 54S-549 above). These suffixes 



are: 



( 1 ) -qa 'agent' 

557 



(2) -pu / -vu 'result' 

(3) -ni 'result* 

(4) -pi ' instrument ' 
Exanples: 

(1) aorokna 'drill a hole' plus -oa *agont' results in Doroknaoa 'the one 
uho drilled a hole'. 

anak 'behind' plus -nih- * ' verbal izer' plus -oa 'agent' results in 
anaknihaa 'follower*. 

(2) aoro 'exhibit a hole' plus -k- (singular thenatic consonant) plus -ou 
'result' results in aorokpu 'hole'. 

ooro 'exhibit a hole' plus -w- (plural thenatic consonant) plus -vu 
'result' results in oorowvu 'holes'. 

(3) hanaua 'dig a hole' plus -ni 'result' results in hanouni 
'excavation' . 

(4) aoro 'exhibit a hole' plus -k- (singular thenatic consonant) plus -in 
(variation of -na ) ' transitivizer ' plus -oi 'instrument' results in oorok inai 
' auger ' . 

auuui 'sleep' plus reduplication plus -Qi 'instrument' results in 
DuvuuDi 'bed' . 



♦ See above, end of 'Verb Derivation' section, page 551 

558 



+++++++++++++++++++H 

The follouing is an example of a Hopi verb changed by derivation to a 
noun, then changed back to a verb, and finally changed again to a noun. 
tuatsiu-ni-vunQ-aa-w 
tuptsiu 'believe' 

ni (roeult) 

yung (possessive) 

qa ( ggent ) 

w < plural) 

'Those who hold a belief 

+ + + H 



POSTPOSITIONflLS 
The Hopi postpositional system consists of a series of bases to which 
almost tuo dozen endings may be suffixed. The bases are: 
inu- ' first-person singular' 

u- ' second-person s ingul ar * 

a- 'third-person singular' 



itamu- 



umu- 



amu- 



' first-person plural' 
' second-person plural ' 
'third-person plural' 



na- or ne- 



' reflexive' 



nuhtu- 



' others' 



The postpositional form for 'third-person singular', given as a^ above, 
is actually highly irregular in Hopi. This is illustrated by the follouing 
forms: 

559 



au( * 1 ) 
aqu( *a) 
ep( 'a) 



'to hin/her/if 
'toward him/her/it' 
' in him, at hin' 



angqu (anq*iS) 'from hin' 
engen('i} 'on his behalf* 

ehpeui('i) 'against hin' 

ang( 'a) 'upon hin' 
Rs discussed on page 533 above, a longer "pausal" forn is created by adding — 
or exchanging — the sounds given in parentheses. 
The postpositional endings are: 



-ni( 'i) 
-niq( 'a) 
-hpe< 'e) 
- ngaqu( - ngaq ' 6 > 
-ngen< i ) 
-tsviy( 'o) 
-tsve( 'e) 
-tpip( o) 
-pyeve( ' e) 
- ngk ( i ) 
-nun< a) 
-n< 'i) 
-hpeui( ' i ) 
-hsavo< 'o) 
-h3auva< ' a) 
-hpiy( ' o) 
-hpa< 'a) 



'to, into' [second-person base becones au- ] 

'touard* [second-person base becones uu- 3 

'on, in' 

'fron' 

'on behalf of 

'on account of 

'on top of 

'belou' 

'ahead of 

"coning behind' 

'uiith (subject with object)'* 

'like' 

'against ' 

'ahead of 

'net' 

' fron, through' 

' upon' 



560 



-hktjayngyavo< 'o) 
-hkua( 'a) 
aku< ^ a) 
enang 



' in back of 

'in the language of 

'by means of (inanimate)* [3rd-per, sg. ohly] 

*uith (object uith object, or inanimate 
subject uith object)* [3rd-per only] 



The following forms also fill the sane slot as Hopi postpositions (though 
they cannot have a referent as can the postpositions): 



yep< 'e) 
peu< * i ) 
pequ( 'a) 
yangqu( yangq ' 6 ) 
yahpiy( *o) 
pep< 'e) 
pangso( ' o) 
pangsoq( * a) 
pangqu( pangq ' 6 ) 
pahpiy< ' o) 



'at , in here' 
'to here' 
'toward here' 
' from here' 
' from here' 
'from there' 
'to there' 
'toward there' 
' from there' 
' from there' 



POSTPOSITIONRL PHRftSE 
If the postpositional ending is attached to a f irst- or second-person 
base, it can have no modification: 
gam inumi vori 
he to- me saw 
' He saw me . ' 



* This ending is irregular following bases for 'first-person plural' and 
for 'other'. resulting in itamum 'with us' and nuhtum 'with 
others' . 



561 



If the postpositional ending is attached to a third-person base, it can 
be preceded by a referent <a noun phrase): 

oam taaaatuv awuni vori 
he the-tuo-nen to-then sau 
'He sau the tuo nen.' 

oam taaoat tuuahaev au^ Uv^V^i 
he man he-f ound-uhon to-hin spoke 
'He spoke to the nan uhon he had found.' 

In this situation the entire clause 'nan uhon he found' is the referent of 

'to-hin', 

POSTPOSITIONS USED AS PREDICATE 

A postposition nay fill the predicate slot of a Hopi sentence: 

pan out au' i neans 'He uent to hin- ' 

pan put anuna neans 'He uent uith hin-' 

'He is/uas uith hin.' 

pan k iv ep' e neans 'He is in his house.' 

For declarative or optative, the pausal forn is used. For declarative 

plural, -va is suffixed to the short ( non-pausal ) forn. For optative plural 

-va' a is suffixed to the short forn. To obtain the general node or to add 

relationals to the singular forn, -ni- is suffixes to the short forn. The 

inflections of au 'to it/hin/her' is illustrative: 

MODES: . 

Singular Plural 

Declarative: au' i 'he uent to it' auya 'they uent to it' 

Potential: auni 'he uill go to it' auyani 'they uill go to it' 

Optative: au' i 'go to it' auya'a 'you (pi.) go to it' 

General: auninguu 'he goes to it' auyanguu 'they go to it' 

562 



RELflTIONALS: 



Singular 



Plural 



Switch Subject: 

auniqu 'when he goes to it' auyaqu ' uhen they go to it' 
Causative: 

aunihqe ' because he uent to it ' auyaqe ' because they uent to it ' 
Simultaneous: 

aunikyangu 'while going to it' auyakyahkyangu 'uhile going to it' 
Sequential : 

aunit 'after going to it' auyat 'after going to it' 
Conditional : 

aunen 'if /when he goes to it' auye' ' if /when they go to it' 



ADJECTIVES 
There is frequent overlap in Hopi between adjectives and verbs. An 
adjective can occur bound to the noun which it modifies, or as a predicate 
describing the subj ect of the sentence. 

Some adjectives have a bound form and a free form, while others must have 
the passive verb suffix -iwta in order to stand in the predicate position. 
Some adjectives have case endings: 

tsav 'small' (direct case) 

tsakw ' small ' ( obi ique case) 

Examples of adj ect ives which have both bound and free forms: 
loma- lolma 'good' 
hah lav- hahlavi 'happy' 
Other examples of the use of adjectives: 
lomataoa 'a good man' 

taaaa lolma 'The man is good-' 

563 



hahlav'unanoua 'a happy heart' 

iaaaa hahlavi 'The nan is happy.' 

honaakuvi 'crazy uater (uhiskey)' 

taaoa hoonao' iuita 'The wan is crazy/drunk.' 



HOPI DICTIONARY 

Hopi - English 

English - Hopi 

Grammatical Appendix 

by 

P. David Seaman, Ph.D. 

Northern Arizona University 

with the assistance of 
Jonathan O. Ekstrom and others 
(please see Acknowledgements) 

Northern Arizona University Anthropological Paper No.2 

Copyright (c) 1985 Arizona Board of Regents 

Departnent of Anthropol ogy 
Northern Arizona University 
Flagstaff, Arizona 

TSBN"0-9r0953"01-5