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Reference Grammar of the Karo/Rawa Languaj^e

2. Word Boundaries

A word in Rawa consists of one or more morphemes which cannot be broken down
further without loss of meaning.

Word boundaries are determined by the following criteria:

• The various clitics that occur only word final:

(present -past -future tense, person number, remote past tense, desirative or
completive aspect; climax, definite, prominence affixes; relative clause affixes;
medial verb affixes; locative affixes)

• Individual word stress and intonation.

(See Section 1.1 for more information on stress and intonation.)

• The emic feeling of the people as to the natural word boundaries. The Karo/Rawa
people have an intuitive feel as to where the word breaks would be.

Some Karo/Rawa words consist of only one phoneme and may occur with no
affixation.

*go down*

€

*talk'

^something'

Numerous words are composed of only one morpheme.

(19)

1. ku

'yam'

2. tie
'eat'

Norma R. and Donald F. Toland

3. no
T

4. nu
*bird*

5. yo
'get*

The majority of the words consist of a stem plus affixation.

(20)

1. y-uto
them-hit.prc.2sp
'hit them!'

2. y-uroo-te-nggo
them-hit-prt-3pl

'they are hitting (kilhng) them'

3. yu-no
them-give
'give it to them!'

4. yu-noo'te-nggo
them-hit-prt-3p

'they are giving it to them'

Reference Grammar of the Karo/Rawa Language

3. Stems

Simple stems composing the base or core of the word can be composed of as few as a
single morpheme or many morphemes without affixation.

(21)

biyomi
*bad'

sanggiri
*angry'

momungo
'round*

oni

'man*

bare

'woman'

3.1 Derived Stems

Derived stems are words which when different affixes are added to it, change its
normal usage and assume the position of its new function is the sentence.

3.1.1 Nouns Becoming Verbals

Nouns may be converted into verbs with the verbal tense affixes such as the
following: -te (present tense) -wa (future tense) -wo (past tense) -we (desirative). The
simple noun stem takes a verbal tense, may take person number as well and then it
functions as a verb.

(22)

sangga sangga-we

spear spear-des

spear* 'to desire to spear*

ioonge-ne doonge-te

:ye-my ]ook-prt.3s

my eyes' 'he is looking*

Norma R. and Donald F. Toland

3. ett^e engge-wa
fruit maturing-ft.3s
*fruit' 'it will mature'

4. engge-te engge-wo
fruit-prt.3s fruit-pt.3s
'it has borne fruit' *it bore fruit'

3.1.2 Verbs Converted to Nouns — Nominalization

Verbs may also be nominalized. This is used in texts or speech when a foreign term
(when no Karo/Rawa word is available for it) needs to be used but the speaker prefers
to use a nominalized verb instead to describe it. These verbs occur as nouns, or as a
descriptive adjective modifying the noun in the Modified Noun Phrase, Appositional
Noun Phrase. The nominalizers consist of a verb plus the nominalizer -weroyi,

CHART 1

verb stem

nominalizer

any verb stem

-weroyi

(23)

1. ne-werayi (RA-3)
eat-nom
^kitchen'

2. sonowoo-weroyi (RA-14)
wash-nom

Vash basin'

3. keno-weroyi (RA-13)
look-nom

View'

4. gimu-weroyi (RA-7)
bat3s-nom
*shower'

The preceding examples were taken from a text describing our three room staff house
at our Linguistic Center to the man's father-in-law back in the village who hadn't
seen it before. Things like showers, kitchen, uble, windows, cupboards, etc. were all
described using nominalizers where there wasn't an equivalent term in the
vernacular.

Reference Grammar of the Karo/Rawa Language

3.2 Compound Steins

Compound stems are used freely in everyday speech and in text materials. New
compound words are created when existing Karo/Rawa words are not adequate to
describe a foreign situation. Compound stems have two or more core stems used
together to make a new word with a different meaning. They may take affixes
according to the noun or verb slot in which it is used. Those with verb affixation
occur in the verb slot and those with noun affixation occur in the noun slots of the
subject, object and locative slots on the clause level.

CHART 2: COMPOUND STEMS

+ stem 1

+ stem 2

± stem 3

± affix

noun

noun affix

noun

verb

verb affix

noun

adj

noun affix

verb

verb affix

adj/adv

verb

verb affix

verb

adj/adv

(24)

oni-simoo-bare

^people'

man-boy-woman

towi-kumba
material-wearing.

apparel

'clothes*

kumbe-ye-ro

'inside of pot'

pot-put-ss

towi'dogont
material-short'

'policeman'

yo-ye

'fence in; contain'

get-put

ari-ye
dry-put

'it is dry'

yo-niningoo
get-straight

'straighten'

Norma R, and Donald F, Toland

'She is filling her string bag.

*to heap'

*to track'

'to walk'

'to go down & up'

8. Si-ye-te.
string. bag-put-prt.3s

9. wata-ye
pile-put

10. ke-yo
leg-get

11. ende-yo
village-get

12. u-r-oore
go.down-go.up

Note: In example 12» because of the CV pattern, two vowels may not occur

contiguously together (the oo phoneme patterns as one vowel). Thus the u
and 00 are an unallowable pattern; so the ris inserted in this compound
word to conform to this restraint. Thus, u 'go down' plus oore 'go up'
becomes u-r-oore in a compound.

When compound nouns are either kinship or body parts, then there is an obligatory
suffix possession marker at the end.

CHART 3

+ stem 1

+ stem 2

+ poss

kinship word

poss suffix

(25)

1. simoo-nambo-ye
boy-daughter-3s poss

2. nango -sim oo -ngge
sons-boy-2s.poss

3. nambo-simoo-ngge
daughter-boy-2s.poss

4. omu-kumundoo-ne
nose-mouth-ls.poss

'his family'
'(all) your sons'
'(all) your children'
'my face'

Reference Grammar of the Karo/Rawa Language

4. Word Level

4.1 Nouns

Nouns are words that refer to objects, people, or entities relevant to the discourse.
This relationship of a noun to its referent is a specific constant one.

Nouns may be divided into two classes on the basis of how they are possessed.

4.1,1 Noun Class One — Obligatorily Possessed Nouns

All body parts and kinship terms have an obligatory suffix marking possession. The
exception would be when kinship terms are used in direct address — then the
possession suffix marker is usually omitted.

This class of obligatorily possessed nouns differs from optionally possessed nouns in
that:

• Possession is marked by an obligatory suffix.

• The plural suffix marker -sumoo, -guriy or -kada 'air occur on class one nouns.

Historically flora words also took obligatory possession suffixation as well. Now
however plant parts and animals optionally may retain the third person singular or
plural possession suffixation.

(26)

1. tk iambi-ni
tree limb-3s.poss
'tree limb'

2. u -yi
leaf-3s.poss
'leaves'

Cultural key words, such as do 'pig' and io 'garden', were historically obligatorily
suffixed for possession. This is rarely used today except by a few of the older people.

Norma R. and Donald F. Toland

(27)

1. bo-ns
pig-3s.poss
*his pig'

2. io -ni
garden-3s
*his garden*

Today bo 'pig' and ko *garden/work' show possession by the use of a free possessive
form as used in the class two nouns section 4.1.2.

(28)

1. ngu~ro bo ■
3s-poss pig

*his pig'

2. ngu-ro ko
3s-poss garden
*his garden'

The Rawa word gabo *dream' is also a class one noun as it is obligatorily suffixed for
possession.

(29)

gabo-fi
dream-3s.poss
'his dream'

4.1.1.1 Noun Class One Suffixation

The first two orders of noun class one suffixation are:

• plural suffixes first order

• obligatory possession suffix second order.

Plural Suffixes (first order) that occur with Class One Nouns: in the examples below
observe the first order plural suffixes on class one nouns.

Reference Grammar of the Karo/Rawa Language

(30)

1. bare-sumoo-ngoo
women-all-3s

*all (oO his wives'

2. nambO'Sumoo-ngge
daughter-all-2s

'all (oO your daughters'

3. aha-guri-ne
brother.in.law-all-ls.poss
'all (oO my brothers-in-law'

4. dooboo-guri-ne
friend-all-ls.poss
'all (oO rny friends'

5. wembu-kada-yi
bones-all-3s

'all (of) his bones'

The one exception that has been found is the use oi -kada 'all' occurring with kiii
'dirt', a class two optionally possessed noun. Usually these plural markers occur only
on class one obligatorily possessed nouns.

(31)

kiti'kada
dirt-all
'all the dirt'

4.1.1.2 Noun Class One Possession Suffixes (second order)

The suffixes for obligatory possession are gSGOnd Older markers and are listed in the
chart below.

Norma R. and Donald F. Toland

CHART 4: POSSESSIVE SUFFIXES

Person

Singular

Dual

Plural

First

-ne —gene

-nare

-none

Second

-ge—ngge

Third

-yi> -ngo, -wo, -ri,
-ni, -yOy -#,

-yari

-ye

Note 1: First person singular possessive suffix -^^^has only been observed on specific
kinship terms.

(32)

1. aha-gene
brother.in.law-ls.poss
*my brother-in-law'

2. kone-gene
younger.sibling-ls.poss
*my younger sibling'

Note 2: In the second person possessive suffix -ge- -ngge as to which ending may
occur, this will need further research but it seems to agree with the
previous consonant point of articulation.

Note 3: The third person possessive markers are morphologically determined
according to its allomorphs. The # or zero morpheme has only been
observed on seme-§ 'his hipbone' and nemi-i^ *his mother*.

Other class one nouns, when first person possession is used, raWe the -ne marker.

Reference Grammar of the Karo/Rawa Language
Some examples of class one nouns are:
(331

BODY PARTS

KINSHIP

DIRECT ADDRESS

omu-ne
nose- Is
*my nose'

kura-ngge
brain-2s
*your brain'

dapa-ge
head-2s
'your head'

namu-n^
m'^ther-ls
'my modier'

namu
'mother'

awa -ngge
father-2s
*your father'

awa
^father'

aha -ge
brothcr.in.law=2s

aha
'brother-in-law'

*your brother-in-law'

10. gaki -ngoo
cheek-3s
*his cheek'

13. nomoo-ni
chest-3s
'his chest'

16.

boto-wo
knee -3s
*his knee'

19. seme-§
hipbone-3s
'his hipbone'

21.

23.

mefoo -yt
teeth -3s
*his teeth'

more-yo
shoulder-3s
'his shoulder'

11. namu-nare
mother- Id
'our mother'

14. namu-nane
mother-lp
'our mother'

17. aha-gene

brother-in-law-Is
'my brother-in-law'

20. doboo-yari
friend-2/3d'
'your/our friend'

22. doboo-ye
friend-2/3pl
'your/our friend'

12.

15.

18.

Flora

kambi-ni
branch-3s
'its branch'

u-yi
leaf-Is
'its leaf

tanggo-ri
fruit-3s
'its fruit'

4.1.1.3 Noun Class One Suffixes

1st -sumool-guril'kada *pluralizers*

2nd Possessive suffixes (See Chart 4 Noun Class One Possessive Suffixes)

3rd -dodo 'air

-n^a definite article (singular) marker on discourse level

4th -hi discourse prominence (plural)

-mo~ -no 'to/at/in*

-mbo—bo instrument/ agent

5th -n^o 'from*

~ya accompaniment

-TO possessive

(34)

1. kame-sumoo-ye-mbo AT .007 p. 513
husband-pl-3pl -subj

'all of their husbands'

2. bare-yi'ga-ku-ndo
wife-his-def,s-prm-subj
*his one wife'

4.1.1.4 Noun Class One Irregular Stems

There are some irregular noun stems that occur in class one. For example in the
kinship noun namu 'mother' (direct address), in the second person singular, the stem
changes to just na and then the second person possessive marker -ngge is used (na-ngge
'your mother'). In the third singular, the entire stem changes to nemi 'his mother' and
there is no possessive marker added to this stem. In most of the examples in the chart
below there is a stem change only in the third person pojat^^iv^ The only exception is
namu 'mother' where the stem is different in all three possessive forms.

Reference Grammar of the Karo/Ruwa Language

CHARTS

gloss

Ls.poss

2s.poss

Ss.poss

'mother'

namu-ne

na-ngge

nem'ut

^father*

awa~ne

awa-ngge

eme-yi

*older sibhng same
sex*

ba-ne

ba-ge

be-yi

*male cousin* (male
speaker)

yaya-ne

yaya-ngge

yeye-yi

^hipbone*

sama-ne

sama-ngge

seme-t

4.1.2 Noun Class Two Optionally Possessed Nouns

Class two nouns may optionally show possession by use of a free possessive pronoun
form which precedes the noun head. This form is suffixed by a third person possessive
form. (See section 4.2.1.2, Pronoun Possessive Suffixes). This is the most widely used
type of possession. With the exception of kinship and body parts which require a
possessive suffix, all other nouns are in this class two category.

(35) Free Possessive Pronoun Form Which Precedes the Noun Head:

1. no~ro ya
Is-poss house
*my house*

2. noore-ngo ko
Ip-poss garden
*our garden*

3. ngu-ro bo
3s-poss pig
*his pig*

(36) Examples of Class Two nouns:

1. oni
'man*

2. yambo ya
'church*

Noriim U. uiiU Donuld F. Toland

3. ngi^ire
'corn*

4. simoo

'boy*

5. Ji?
'dog'

6. //oai'/

*pumpkin'

7. ^^7r((?

*woman/girr

8. de

'tree/firewood/ fire*

9. /aayi

'material'

10. onisimoobare
'people*

11. nusako

'animal*

12. digi

'stone/money*

4.1.2.1 Noun Glass Two Suffixes

1st -ro 'poss,*

'kana ? possibly 'place/on *

eg.,

oort -kana
road on
'on the road*

-mba ? possibly a dialect change from suffix -mbo as this has only
been observed from the Rawa II area.

-ga definite article (singular) discourse level

2nd ko ? *on'

-mu possession

-ngga definite article (singular) discourse level

3rd -no—mo 'to/at/in*

Reference Grammar of the Karo/Rawa Language

*ku plural discourse prominence

-ndo — do subject/agent marker

4th -dodo *air

-ya accompaniment

-nggo *from'

(37) Examples of Noun Class 2 Suffixes:

1. bare-ga AO .002 p. 86
woman-def.s

'one woman*

2. core-ga
road-def.s
'one road'

3. Neyuro~ro
person's name-poss
'Neuro*s'

4. oni -ro
man poss
'the man's'

4.2 Pronouns

Pronouns are a class of words which also refer as nouns do. However in contrast to
nouns, they are a small, closed set of words which do not have a constant relationship
with their referents. Instead they may shift reference.

Pronouns differ from nouns in that:

A. They may refer to, or substitute for a noun.

B. They have only very limited expansion possibilities on the phrase level.

4.2.1 Personal Pronouns

Personal Pronouns may replace or refer to any noun. They are as follows:

Normtt k. unci Donuld F. Toland

CHAR! 6

singular

dual

plural

1st person

noore

2nd person

g<^

yari

3rd person

ngu
ene
eke

eraga

garo

4.2.1.1 Pronominal Affixation:

Pronouns have fewer markers than nouns and only one to two suffixes may occur
ronriguously on pronouns. The pronominal suffix markers show possession,
locatives, accompaniment, agentivity, cmplutic {ene-su tiangge *hc alone*), and
plurality. The emphatic suffix may only occur on pronouns, not on nouns.

4.2.1.2 Pronouns F\)ssession Suffix (-ngo - -ro)

Pronouns take possessor suffixes -ngo or -ro. All pronouns ending with front vowels
take the suffix -ngo. All pronouns ending with mid or hack vowels take the suffix -ro.

(38) Pronominal Possessor Suffixes -ngo^-ro'.

no-ro

Is-poss

*mine'

ene-ngo
3s-poss
'his/hers/its'

garo-ro

3pl-poss

'their'

figy-ro

3s-poss

'his/hers/its*

ge-ngo
2s poss
*yours'(ls)

Reference Grammar of the Karo/l^awa Language

6. yari-ngo
2d-poss
'yours' (2cl)

7. eraga-ro
3d-poss
*thcirs'(3d)

8. No-ro ya-no ngu-no oru-weroJI
Is-poss house-to there-in remain-des
'I want to remain in my house/

*A Nga mbako nga ngu-ro-muj/

this sw, potato here 3s-poss-poss
*These sweet potatoes here are his.'

10. Ge-ngo ko~no u-ro ko ombu-waJI
2s-poss garden-to go.down-poss again come-ft,3s

'She will go down to your garden and then come back again/

11. Ene-ngo ende-mo toonge-weroyi-mbo-ro u-te.ll
3s-poss village-to walk-des-instr-poss go.down-prt.3s
'He wanted to go to his village and so he went down.*

12. Ene yari-ngo ya-no u-ieJI

3s 2d-poss house-to go.down-prt.3s
'She is going down to your (both) house.'

13. Ngu oni-ngga era-ga-ro ko-no ko te -te.ll
that man-def.s two-def.s-poss garden-to work do-prt.3s.
*That man is working in their (both) garden/

14. E^ne garo-ro ko-no u-ro ku se-tejl

3s 3pl-poss garden-to go.down-ss yam dig-prt.3s

'She went down to their (plural) garden and is digging yams/

When the pronominal possessor suffix is used without a noun following it, then an
additional possessive suffix -mu is used. Observe the previous example 38 sentence
number 9 (ngu-ro-mu *his').

4,2.1.3 Pronominal Locative Suffix (-no)

(39)

Ene no-no ombu-teJI
3s Is-to come-prt.3s
*Ile is coming to mc.*

Norintt R. and OonulJ F. Tolanii

4.2.1.4 Pronominal Accompaniment (~ya) and Agentivicy Suffixes {-ndo - -ifo)

(40)

No-ndo ge-ya mande e-wero.H
Is-ag 2s-acc talk say-des
*1 want to talk to you*.

4.2.1.5 F'ronoun Emphatic Suffixes: {-so - -su)

Pmnouns also take -so and -su ^emphatic suffixes* to show that they themselves did
that particular thing.

The suffix -so occurs only on first person singular pronouns and elsewhere -su occurs
with all other pronoun forms. See Section 6.5, Emphatic Pronoun Phrase.

(41)

1. no-so
i-excl

i, myself

2. ngu-su
3s-excl

*he, himself

?). yari-su
2d-excl
'you (2), you (dual) yotirselves*

4. ge-su
2s-emp

*you» yourself

5. noore-su
Id/pl-emp
*we ourselves*

6. ye-su
2pl-emp

*you (ail) yourselves*

7. No'So sono-fio ooro-ro, ko ombu-wo-noJI
Is-emp river-to go-ss, again come-pt-ls

*I alone went to the river and then came back again.*

Reference Grammar of the Karo/Rawa Language

8. Ge-s nangge ombu-woFH
2s-emp only come-pt.3s
AVas it only you who came?*

9. Ene-su nangge u-roore-te.ll
3s-emp only go. down-go. up-prt. 3s
*0nly he went down and up.'

10. Noore-su nangge Ramu Suga-fio u -wa-toJI
Ipl-emp only Ramu Sugar-to go.down-ft-lpl
'Only we will go down to the Ramu Sugar.'

11. Yari'^u nangge kopi dange-ri.!!
2d-emp only coffee pick-2d
*Only you two are picking coffee.'

12. Ye-su nangge Madang u-wa-nggo, binePH
2pl-emp only Madang go.down-ft-2pl perhaps
*Are only you (plural) going down to Madang?'

4.2.1.6 Prono-ninal Plural Suffix {-dodo)
(42)

Garo-dodo yoruwoo-yingo naru-no ombu-yingoJI
3pl-all meet-compl time-at comc-compi

'They all came at the meeting time.'

4.2.2 Interrogative Pronouns

Interrogative Pronouns function in place of nouns and also may occur with the
pronoun possessive suffix marker ro as other pronouns do. There are two
interrogative stems: nda 'what' and oone *who'. These stems and their different forms
and affixes are listed below:

(43)

1. nda

*what/where'

Ngu nda}
That where
'Where is that?'

Normu H. and Donald F. Toland

ndawU'ga
what-def.s
'what is it'

Ndawu -ga tete}
what-def.s do prt.3s
AVhat is he doing?'

ndawu-ga-ro

what-def.s-poss

'why*

(le ndawu-ga-ro tiga oomboonge-wo}
you wliat-dcf.s-poss this break-pt.2s
'Why did you break this?'

ndawu-naru - ngga
what-time-def.s
'what time/when'

Ge ndawu-naru-ngga-no ko ombu-wa'^ll
2s what-time-def.s-at again come-ft.2s
*\Vhen will you return again?'

nda-no
what to
'where'

E.ne nda-no'^.
3s where-to
'Where is he?'

nda-diro

what-niuch

'how many/how much'

Digi nda-diro? /I
stone wliat-nuich
'How much money is that?'

oone
'who'

OonePII
w h o
'Who is it?'

Reference Grammar of the Karo/Rawa Language

8. g-oone
2s-who

*who are you?'

G-ooneFII

2s-who

*Who are you?*

Note: In the above sentence 8, g-oone *who are you\ the g- is a contraction for
ge *you' (2s).

9. oone-ndo
who-ag
'who' (subject)

Oone-ndo nga ko /e-wo?//
who-ag this work do-pc.3s
'Who did this work?*

10. oone-ro
who-poss
'whose'

Nga oone-ro ya?ll
this who-poss house
'Whose house is this?'

11. oone-ro-mu
who-poss-poss

*whose is it'

Nga ya-ngga oone-ro-mu} II

this house-def.s who-poss-poss
'This house is whose?'

4.3 Demonstratives

Demonstrative pronouns nga *this/ here' and ngu 'that /there' occur as free form words
and may take affixation according to its position in the sentence. The demonstrative
pronoun ngu *that /there' has the highest frequency of word usage in the Karo/Rawa
language.

Ngu 'that/there' may occur with the same affixes that nouns take; however it usually
takes no more than two affixes at one time. The ngu *that/there' may occur as a noun
in discourse when the proper name of the participant has been mentioned several

Normu R. und Donald F. Toland

times and then the fi^/4 'that* would occur as a generic reference to that noun again and
would take the appropriate noun affixation. The demonstrative ngu *that* may take
tlic following affixation: possession, location, accompaniment, agentivity, plurality,
tiircerion, tlefinite article and prominence.

Suffixes occurring on Demonstratives nga 'this/here* and /igu *that/there' are:

-ro possession

-n{/o subj. marker noun class 2

-ya accompaniment

-fio ~-mo locative 'to*

-figgo locative 'from*

-ro^o locative *that mark/place/location*

-woore locative 'on top of

-ngga definite article (singular) discourse level

Note: The suffixes used with the demonstratives nga 'this/here* and ngu *that/there*
show that they are not only used as pronouns but they also may be used as nouns
They have a considerably wider range of use than pronouns have.

(44) Text 85.15; Title of Story: Demonstrative Pronoun Possessive Suffix -ro:

Namb Ure-yingo Ngu-ro Mande-ni

cassowary kill-compl that-poss talk-it
'The 'i'alk About the Killing of the Cassowary'

(45) Text 85.16; Clauses 148-149: Demonstrative Pronoun Locative Suffix -nonggo
Trom':

Ko ngu-nonggo Dewuyi Katero era-ga Barimu ende-mo
and that-from David Katero two-def.s Barimu village-in

oore-to-rij no ko ma sosore-ro ioong-yingo.ll
go.up-ds-du.e Is again not afraid-ss leave-compl

*And from that when David and Katero, the two of them, go up to Barimu again,
1 won*t be afraid and run away.*

(46) Text 85.4; Clauses 7-13:Demonstrative Pronoun Locative suflix -no *in':

Boonge-mu ombu-weroyi suwo-ngga-ku-no ngu, no kumbe

landslide-poss come-nom night-def.s-prom-in at Is pan

8 9

yo-rol ngu-no rayisi ka-ioo-we de-do-m nguj yo-rol
get-ss/ that-in rice cook-ds-ls.I done-ds-s,e when get-ss

10 11

koondo-mo moondo-ro ye-rol Teri-ro-mu ino-rol

dish-in pour-ss put-ss Terry-poss-poss give-ss

conj 12 13

ko Mariya-ro-mu ngu-ya ino-ro ngUy fienengo ne-ioo-we

and Maria-poss-poss that-acc give-ss when Is.poss eat-ds-s.i

I'*

oru-woo-io-wo.ll

be-pc-lpl-rpt

'At the time of the landslide in the evening, I got a pot and in that when I had
cooked rice until it was done, I got it and put it ina dish, gave Terry his, and when
I gave Maria hers also, I ate mine and we remained that way.'

Note: In the preceding text, clauses 7, 8, and 12 all have the dependent clause marker
ngu Vhen'; Clause 8 has a demonstrative with a locative suffix -no 'in*; and clause 12
has the demonstrative with the accompaniment suffix -ya 'also'.

(47) Text 85.1; Clauses 47-50: Demonstrative Pronoun Agentivity Suffix ^ndoy
and Locative Suffix -nonggo *from':

47 48 49

Ngu-ndo ngu de nombo-ga-ku se-rol de-ku toongo-yt

that-ag dem fire ashes-def.s-prom dig-ss fire.pl-prom remove-its

50
sa-to-m yoko-rol ngu-nonggo duge-ga-Jtu keno-wo-no-wo.ll

leavc-ds-s.e finish-ss that-from knife-def.s-prom see-pt-ls-rpt

'For that (knife) I dug the ashes from the fireplace until they were all removed,
and from that I saw the knife.'

(48) Text 85.3; Clauses 5-6: Demonstrative Pronoun Plurality Suffix -dodo 'alF:

Ngu naru-no ngUy Mariya Dewuyt nambo-nty ko Ten
that time-at that Maria David daughter-his and Terry

Norma R, and Donald F. Toland

nfiU'doiio oodoo-yel ngu~no boonge-mu~utiiti^a ngu ombu-yingoJI
tlicrc-all bc.ds-plj tliat-at landslide-poss-big that come-compl

'It was at that time Maria David, liis daughter, and Terry that we all were there
when the big landshde came/

(49) Text 85.16; Clauses 76-81: Demonstrative Pronoun Direction Locative Suffix
•sina Mocalion* and Locative Suffix -nggo:

Te-to-ni, awa natno era-ga suwo-nonggo ko-no
do-ds-s.c papa mother two-def.s night-from garden-to

ui-ying-muj ko suwoo-te-io-m ngu-sina-nggo

leavc-compl-poss again night-do-ds-s.e that-location-from

goMri se-rol sinyo-rol ko mbako se-ro siriyo-roj

taro dig-ss fill. string. bag-ss and sw, potato dig-ss fill-ss

(k imbooro waye-yingo.H
wood chop-ss arrive-compi

*I ie did that and in the morning my parents, the two of them, left for the garden
and in the afternoon return again and from that location they dug Chinese taro
and put them in the string bag and dug sweet potatoes and put them into their
string bag and returned home/

(50) Demonstrative Pronoun Definite Singular Suffix -ngga:

nga-figga nga
this-def.s here
*this (one) here'

ngU'Hgga ngu (RA-38)
that-def.s there
'that (one) there'

(51) Text 85.16; Clauses 150-153:Demonstrative Pronoun Definite Singular
Suffix 'ga " -ngga pitis the -ku ^Prominence Suffix':

Ngu-ngga-ku serige-toni doboo-kuri-neku maye-to-yi ngu J

thai-def.s-prom dawn-ds-s.e friend-all- Is. poss-pl. prom arrive-ds-pl.e when

ero yomo~rol kawu-nani daro oore-yingo.ll
say-ss laugh-ss siomuch-our pain go.up-compi

*And in that at dawn, when all of my friends arrived, we all talked and laughed
about that until our stomachs hurt/

The pronominal emphatic suffix -so - -su may not occur on ngu *that/there' as it does
on the other pronouns. Instead the third personal pronoun ene is used with the
cmphauc suffix -su.

(52)

Ene-su nangge ombu-ieJI
3s-emp only come-prt.3s
*l le himself is coming.'

Demonstrative pronouns tiga *this/ here* and ngu *that /there' may occur in both the
prc-head and post-head slots of the Modified Noun Phrase and Locative IMuase; pre-
hcad slot of the Appositional Phrase and Adjective Phrase; and post-head slot to the
Co-ordinate Noun Phrase. When the demonstrative pronouns occur in the pre-head
slot, they mean *this' or 'that' but in the post-head slot they mean *here* or *chere\

Ngu also is used as a dependent clause marker meaning 'when, as, or if.

(53) Text 85,1; Clauses 36-40: Dependent Clause Marker:

Ngu-no yoko-rol ooro-ro bih'tte-rol doonge-ne sono-yi
that-to finish-ss/ go-ss sit-ss eyes-ls.poss water-3s.poss

maye-to-ni nguj duge-ga-ku-ro ingo-roj sendo~wo-no~wo.ll

arrive-ds-s.e when knife-def.s-prom-poss think-ss/ cry-pt-ls-rpt

'I left that, went and sat down and when I thought about the knife, my eyes were
filled with tears and I cried.*

On the discourse level, demonstrative pronouns may also occur sentence final in the
verb post-head position when used as the high point or climax of a discourse. See
section 9. 1.2.4.

(54) Text 85.5; Clauses 24-25:

Namo-ne, no-ndo ge-ya oore-roj were-wa-ro-ku ngulH
mother-my Is-ag 2s-acc go.up-ss sleep-ft-ld-cli dcm
'Mother, I will go up with you and we will sleep (together there)!'

Norma U. and Donald F. Toland

4.4 Adjectives

Adjectives arc descriptive words which usually act as modifiers of nouns. The
following are examples of adjectives: colour, size, length, condition, character,
distance, shape and number.

4.4.1 Colour Adjectives

Colour adjectives often assume the 3rd person singular possessive suffix -yi at the close
of the colour word stem. This is optional. These colour names are taken from the
plant name that the colour is made from. Observe the following examples:

(55)

dori-yi
Ved-its*

gadabi

'green*

koronggo-yi
'yellow-its*

sarayi

'white-its*

dag-yj

'red-its*

mo-yi
'dark-its*

uringgi
'blue*

8. Ngu (owi-ngga ngu kumu dago-yi, uringgi, koronggo-yi ooroo-ie^ll

that material-def.s 3s colour red-its blue yellow-ics be-prt.3s
n'hat material it is the colour of red, blue, (and) yellow.*

4.4.2 Size /Lcngtli Adjectives

(56)

1. bodaga
*smair

Reference Grammar of the Karc/ltawa Language

Z. songura
'small part'

3. piru

'long*

4. gupni
*hair

5. ootuwoo
*shorf

6. oowooyingga

*plenty'

7. gide
*part'

8. bobodi

*tiny'

9. £fftf mande bodaga e-weroJI
3s talk small say-des

*He has some talk he wants to say.'

10. Ngu oni-ngga ngu oni ootuwoo piru kiniJI
that man-def.s there man short long not
'That man there is not long he*s short.*

11. Oni oowooyingga oorengo yoruwoo-fe-nggoJI
man many very meet-prt-3.pl
'Lots of men met together.*

4,4.3 Condition Adjectives

(57)

1. tnetemi
*good'

2. moogikete

Vet*

3. mesaranggo
'good*

4. ariyeie
'dry*

Norma K. and Donald F. Toland

gome
'good'

soriyeie
'dry*

biyomi
'bad'

kookingo
'hot*

ningguri

'sweet'

10,

gtngo
cold*

11.

kowuri

'heavy*

12.

kuniyingo

'sharp*

13.

etnemangge

'easy'

14.

yanggangoo

'strong'

IS.

gakiwi

'strong*

16.

mandoni

'ripe'

17.

keta

'new*

18.

owita

'early/young*

dogon't

'old* (person)

20.

kuri

'before/old*

21.

momungoo

'round'

Reference Grammar of the Karo/Rawa Language

22. nenengoo
'straight*

23. wengguru
'crooked*

24. huwoo
'rotten'

25. Ngu ooga ngu wenngurungo-yingoM
that somet'iVi^Tg' Js cc^3>skcd-<:<h'^^
'7'har \% crooked.*

26. Omukumundoo-ngo kombo kend'tro momungo.ll
face-his moon same round
'His face is as round as the moon.'

27. Ko-no nggire ngu engge owita.ll
garden-in corn 3s fruit young
'The corn in the garden is young yet.*

4.4.4 Character

Adjectives

(58)

mgondudu

'smart*

sugabo
'dirty*

nenengoo
'straight*

yanggangoo
'strong*

urungga
'big'

ootuwo
'short*

metemt
'good*

Ngu om-ngga ngu ingondudu-m urungga J I
that man-def.s 3s smart-3s big
'That man he is very smart.*

Norma K. und Donald F. Toland

9. Q simoo-ye sono-ye-ro etie sugabo-dodo.U
2s chikl-pl watcr-3pl-ss 3pl dirty-all

'You should wash your children because they are dirty.*

10. Nmende ngu ooga ngu-ro yanggango ye-ieJI
inside 3s something that-poss strong put-prt.3s
'liis stomach is strong inside/

4.4.5 Distance/dirccUonal Adjectives

Directional adjectives arc basically locative words but without the locative suffix
markers.

Directionals are used in the Modified Noun Phrase and Appositional Phrase.

(59)

1. awu

'up (far)*

2. awe

'up (close)*

3. amu

'down below (far)*

4. ame

*down below (close)*

5. andu

'far over*

6. ande

'over (close)'

7. Ngu oo-ga ngu awu sangani-mojl
that something-dcf.s 3s up. far on.top-of
'That is up above on top.'

8. Oorowu-ya towi ande-sina ngu yo-ya ombuUI
go-imp material over.close-location 3s get-imp come
'Get that material over there and come!*

*A Hare-ga amu ko-no ko ie-io-ni kenoo-te-no.U

woman-def.s down. far garden-in work do-ds-s.e see-prt-ls
*I see the woman that is working far down below in her garden.*

4.4.6 Shape Adjectives

(60)

1. momungoo

'round*

2. pawangoo
'round*

3. nenengoo
'straight*

4. piru
'long*

5. ootumo
'short*

6. bodaga
'sn^all'

7. bimbiyingo
'crooked'

8. Ngu oore-ga ngu nenengo nanggej/
that road-def.s 3s straight only
'That road it is really straight,'

9. Abu kande-yi ngu bodaga nangge.il
baby hand-3s,poss 3s small only

'A baby's hand is very small.*

10. Ngu de-ga ngu kambi-m bimbi-yingoll
that tree-def.s there limb-3s crooked-compl
'That tree limb there is crooked.*

4.4.7 Number Adjectives

Number adjective words serve to modify the nouns in Modified Noun Phrases by
showing how many or how much is involved. Below will be listed the basic number
units but a detailed description of how numbers are formed, using these basic
numbers, are described on the phrase level. (See section 6.9, Number Phrase formula).

(61)

1 . gura-nangge *one* (one-only)

Norma R, and Donald F. ToJand

era-ya

kabma

'two* (general term for two of anything) When
people are being referred to, if they both are
known, then the term era-ga *two definite
article' is used.

'three'

'four*

Tive*

'twenty'

(hand-one)
(man-dead)

'one group of twenty'

'half

'one stick of 100 ten toea coins*

namoraya

kanik'gura

oni hi

oni-bi-ga
(man-body-one)

8. gumi

9. cioobe

10. Ge mete mun kande-gura yoJI
2s okay orange hand-one get
'It's all right to take five oranges.*

1 1 . Ont oni-bi-ga era-ya ngu yoru-no maye-ie-nggojl
man man-body-one 2-acc that meeting-at came-prt-3pl
'Twenty two men came to the meeting.*

12. Ge-do nga gumi bodaga nga yoUl
2s-ag this part small here get
'Take this small part here!//

4.4.8 Cardinal Numerals

To change the regular numerals to cardinal numerals, with the exception of the first
numeral, the -yi-g^i (its-def s) 'cardinal numeral suffix' is added. The numeral
gu ran a ngge 'one' is the exception. Its cardinal numeral is koretero Tirst*.

Reference Grammar of the Karo/Rawa Language

(62)

Cardinal Numerals

Numeral:
'one*

guranangge

C^ardinal Numc
koretero

:ral:

*firsc*

•two-
'three'

eraya
kabusa

eraya -yi-ga
2-its-def.s
kabusa-yi-ga
3-its-def.s

'second'
*third*

4^.9 intensifying Affix

This intensifying affix -mi Very* may occur on such adjectives as *long\ *good\ *bad\
and 'old*.

<6J)

ptru

long*

pim-mi
long-int.
Very long*

kuri
'before*

kuri-mi
bcforc-int.
long before*

meie

'good*

mete-mi
good-inc
'very good*

Ngu u(o-ngga ngu piru-mi oorengo.//
that rope-def.s 3s long-int very
'That rope is very long.*

Ngu otti-ngga ngu piruJI
that man-def.s 3s long
*That man is long/

Ngu ya-nggt4 ngu kuri-mi oorengoJI
that hou^e-def.s 3s old-int very
*That house is very very old/

4.4,10 Adjective Affix Order

1st

2nci

3rd

4ch

-stna

-woore

-ro

-mi

-mboro

-roko

'ga

-rigga
-ko

'ku

-no — mo

-nggo
-ya

'location of
locative 'on top of
possession
intcnsificr

locative 'that location/that mark
definite article (singular) discourse level

definite article (singular) discourse level

'on' ?

possessive

many/plural -prominence discourse level

'to/at/in'

*from*
accompaniment

4.5 Locatives and Directionals

Locative and Directional words indicate location, distance, position and elevation.

4.5,1 Locatives

Locatives consist of a locative stem» an optional third singular possessive, and a
locative post position marker.

The most commonly used locative marker is -mo — no *to/at/in\ These locative
enclitics occur on such words as locative words, nouns, adjectives, pronoun, and even
occasionally temporal words, according to position in the cla\isc.

Reference Grammar of the Karo/Rawa Language

Locative Suffixes:

•no —mo

'to/at'

'Honggo - -monggo

'from'

-sina

'towards'

'WOO re

*on top of '

'ko

? *on' possibly

-roko

place/a point of reference

1. on-roko

far-place

*far away'

2. dabemi-mo

side-at

*at the side'

3. kootu~yi~sina

behind-3s.poss-towards

^behind it'

4. newende-mo

inside-loc

*inside'

sanga-m~mo
on. top -its -of
*on top of it'

damo-ni-mo
base-its-of
'by its base'

kewoo-roko

middle-from.mark

'middle'

No-ndo de damoni-mo ene-ngo nengguro-ga kenoo-too-we ooroo-teJI
Is-ag tree base-of 3s-poss shift-def.s see-ds-ls.i be-prt,3s
*i see his shirt at the base of tree.'

No-ndo ya tangge-sina ngu-no oni-ngga keno-wo-noM
Is-a^ house edge-towards there-at man-def.s see-pt-ls
M Nviw the man by the side of the house.'

Norma R. and Donald F. Toland

10. Huge bodaga de nombo busare-sina oo-do-ni keno-wo-no.H
knife small fire ashes side-towards be-tls-s.e see-pt-ls

'i saw tl)e small knife by the side of the fireplace/

11. Koo/oori-ga ya goostngo-mo ooroo-te.ll
chicken-def.s house under-in is-prt.3s

' The cliicken is underneath the house.'

12. Koondo oo ye-weroyi ngu newende-mo ooroo-ie.H
dish spec put-nom 3s inside-of is-prt.3s
*'rhc dish is inside the cupboard.'

Nouns, pronouns, and adjectives may also be used as locatives as in the following
examples:

(65)

1. ya-no
house-to/in/at
*at the house*

2. ya-nonggo
house-from
*from the house'

3. y a sin a
house-towards
'towards the house*

Pro

4. eke-mo
it-to
*to it'

Adj

5. biyomi-sina
bad-towards

^towards the lefthand side*

6. Oni ya-sina ooroo-te-ku ngu kenoJI
man house-towards be-prt.3s-rel 3s see
'Look at the man who is there towards the house.*

7. U-ya duge ya-no ngu yo.ll
go. down-imp knife house-to 3s get
*Go down to the house and get the knife.'

8. Nga si'ga nga ya-nonggo yo-wo-no.ll
this string.bag-def.s 3s house-from get-pt-ls

*I got this string bag from the house/

4.S.2 Directional Words

Directional words may occur in basically in the same slots as the locative words as
listed in example (65). They also use the same postpositional suffixes except that they
do not show possession, and the word stem is filled by a directional word. These
directional words give specific directions as to the elevation, direction and distance
from the speaker.

4.5.2.1 General Direction Words

Some general directional words are:

(6^))

1. metemi-sina
good-towards

^towards the good hand' (right hand side)

2. koondo-sina
bowl-towards

^toward the bowl hand* (right hand side)

3. biyomi-sina
bad-towards

'toward the bad hand* (left hand side)

4. dedaresina
left.hand-loc

*toward the side of the left hand*

5. de-stna

contracted form of example 4.

6. nga-sina
here-loc
'towards here'

Norma R, and Donald F. Toland

7. figu-sina
there-loc
^towards there*

8. Duge kandeyt koondo'sina dowoo-ro oo doongoo-teJI
knife hand-3s bovvl-towards hold-ss spec cuc-prc.3s
'lie held the knife towards the righthand side and cut.'

9. No kande-ne de-sina-nggo mete oo ma doongo-wa-noJI
Is hand-niy left-towards-from g(K>d spec not cut-ft-ls

M will not ( not able to ) cut this on my left hand side.'

10. Ngu-sina ngu-no ko~ngga ooroo-ieJI
there-towards that-to work-def.s be-prt.3s
'I'here is work over there.*

4.S.2.2 Distance/Elevation Directionals

^rhere are specific directional words which indicate distance and elevation from the
speaker. Those ending in -// indicate the most distance from the speaker, and those
ending in -vindicates a lesser distance from the speaker.

(67) Specific Direction/ Elevation Words that Indicate Distance from the Speaker
are:

Lesser distance (e final)

1. awe

*up (close)*

Nu'tigga awe de-ga sangani-mo ooroo~ie.ll
bird-dcf.s up.close tree-defs on.top-of be-prt.3s
'The bird is close by, up there in the top of the tree.'

2. ame

*down (close)*

3. ande

'over there (close)*

Greater distance (u final)

4. awu

*up above (far)'

Oni-ngga awu puri-mo awuJI

inan-dcf.s up. far mountain-on up. far
'That man is far up there on the mountain.'

5. ann4
Mown (far)'

6. andu
'over (far)'

4.5.2.3 Go — Come Directions:

'Inhere are four *go-come' verbs.

(68)

1. ll-teJI
^o.down-prt.3s
'He is going down.'

2. Oore-teJI
go,up-prt.3s
4Ie is going up.'

3. U-roore-teJ
go.down-up-prt.3s

'He is going down and up.'

Note: The verb urooreie is a compound verb stem combining u *go down' and oon 'go
up' with the r between the two words to allow for the consonant vowel pattern in the
language. This compound verb uroorete 'go down and up' is used when they are doing
hiking or extensive travelling up and down in mountains.

(69)

Oorowu-ie.ll
go.straight-prt.3s
'He is going straight.'

Note: The verb oorowuie *go straight' is used when the distance is either seen by the
eye to be straight or the distance is so great that the speaker is not sure whether the
distance is up, down, or down and up. Only in these two instances is this verb *go
straight' used.

There are two *come' verbs:

Norma R. and Donald F. Toland

Ombu-ie.l
comc-prt.3s
'Me is coming.'

Maye-ie.ll
come/arrive-prt.3s
*l!e is coming/arriving.'

The most widely \jsed 'come* verb is ombu *come\

When a person is a U>ng ways away and has been seen by the speaker, the speaker
w«>iild say:

Rtte maye-teJI
3s arrive-prt.3s
'He is arriving/

When a person has just arrived, the speaker would acknowledge him by saying:

hdaga ge maye-te-ku?ll
now you arrive-prt.2s-cli
'Have you arrived?*

Yo, maye-ie-no-ku.ll
yes arrivc-prt-ls-cli
'Yes, I have arrived.'

Use of *G(>/C()me' verbs In Relation to the Speaker:

Again the use of which one of the four 'go' verbs that is to be used is determined by the
direction the person is headed away or towards the speaker.

A - the speaker: B ^ the other person:

1. A < B When B is coming towards A the speaker, the A speaker will say:

Ene no ombu-te.ll
3s Is come-prt.3s
*He is coming to me/

The other person B will say:

Reference Grammar of the Karo/Rawa Language

No ombu'te-no.ll
Is come-prt-ls
M am coming.'

2. A > B > When a B person is hiking in front of the A speaker, the A speaker
will say, depending on the direction that B is headed towards:

Ette oorowul ul oorel uroore-tej

3s go. straight go. down go. up go.down.up-prt.3s

*l le is (either) going straight/ going down/ going up/ or going down and up.*

3. B > A > When a person B is following the speaker, speaker A will say:

Rne kootu ombu-tej
3s behind come-prt.3s
MIe is coming behind me.'

The other person B will say, depending on what direction they are headed:

No kootu oorowul ul oorel uroorel~te-no.ll

Is behind go, straight go, down go.up go,down.up-prt Is
'I am (either) going straight/ down/ up/ down and up.'

4,6 Temporals

'I emporals specify time in a clause. They fill the time slot on the Clause level and the
head slot of the Temporal Phrase. Frequently temporals arc a single word:

(70)

1. kootu-yi'sina
behind-3s.poss-towards
later' (^behind'- Pidgin usage)

2. yangeni
'tomorrow'

3. erne
'later'

4. adaga
'today'

5. anangu
'now*

Norma U. and Donflid F* Tolatxd

6. fiaru
'time*

7. Jti4n
'before'

8. kuyowo
^yesterday'

9. Cii' anangu oorowuJI
you now go

'You go now.*

to. Aflaga karv Suga-no u-ie.ll

'today car Sugar-to go.down-prt.3s

* Today ttie car is going down to the Ramu Sugar.*

tt. Em eme-gogo Madang u~wa.ll

3s later-first Madang go.down-ft.3s
'Later on he will go down to Madang.'

12. Km kootu-y'i-una ko itiaye-wa.ll

3s later-poss-towards again come-ft.3s
'tracer on he will come.*

4.7 Adverbs

Adverbs modify Verb I^hrases and usually occur before verbs in clauses. Adverbs also
occur in topic comment type sentences as the comment or predicate. They differ from
nouns in that they fill a different sloe on the clause level and take only very limited, if
any affixation. The intensifier -////" marker may occur on them.

(71)

1. sodedo
'quickly'

2. mete
'good*

3. mete-mi
'good-int'

4. gome

good'

5. kowuri
'heavy'

Reference Grammar of the Karo/Rawa Language

Strong'

7. ngu-ndi-ro
3s-same-poss
Same*

8. biyomi
'bad*

9. yonggango
*hard/strong*

10. urungga
'big'

11. ko

'again'

Note: When the word ko is used as an adverb before a verb, it means 'again'. When it
used as a noun, it means *work'. When the word ko occurs before the verb ie 'do\ it is
not used as an adverb but instead forms a new semantic verb unit meaning 'to work'.

12. (le ngu-ngga sodedo te.ll
you that-def.s quickly do
"Do that quickly.'

13. Nga bare-ga nga, ngu etigge urungga biyo-mi.//
this woman-def.s here she meat big much-intens
'This woman here, she is very fat.'

14. Nga 00 ne-weroyi yaba-ga, ngu kowuri.ll
this spec eat-nom shelf-def.s 3s heavy
'This table for eating, it is heavy.'

15. Nga oo-ga nga^ ngu yanggango oorengo.//
this spec-def.s here 3s strong very
'This is very strong.*

16. Ngu digi'ga ngUy ngu gagiwiJI
that stone-def.s there 3s hard
'That stone there, it is hard.'

17. No ko ombu-wa~no.ll
Is again come-ft-ls

*I will come again.'

Norma K. und OonotU F. Totanil

4.8 Verbs

Verbs arc innected for: tense, mood, aspect, person number, change of subject, same
subject, speaker included or exchidcd from previous clause action, object, relativity,
and at the higli point of tlie discourse, the final verb may also occur with the climax
suffix 'ku.

Verbs occur in the head slot of the Modified Verb Phrase, Double Headed Verb
Phrase, Repetitive Verb Phrase, Progressive Motion Verb Phrase, Idiomatic Verb
Phrase and in the predicate slot of Clauses.

Verbs differ from nonverbal words in that:

A. The verb predicate is the major constituent of all sentence types except the
topic comment sentence.

H. They occur in the predication slot of the clause.

(1 l^nal and medial verbs have object, m(K)d. tense and person number markers,
aspect. Medial verbs have object, aspect, mode, change of subject with the
speaker included from the previous clause action or with the speaker not
included in the previous clause action. Nonverbals do not.

n. They can be the minimum constituent of a sentence.

Transitive verbs take object suffixes, intransitive verbs never do. Both transitive and
intransitive verbs occur with the same aspect, tense and subject markers. At least one
verb occurs in the predicate of each clause (except in those clauses where only noun
phrases occur in the predicate).

General examples of medial, and final verbs in indicative, imperative and
interrogative moods are:

(72)

1. Final verb occurring with tense and person number (indicative mood):

Erie Anuiu-ro mande kandange-tejl
3s God-poss talk read-prt.3s
'He is reading God*s Word.*

2. h'inal verb in the imperative mood — (singular form has no person number
suffixation):

Reference Grammar of the Karo/Rawa Language

Yamuko goodoo.H
door shut
'Shut the door/

3. Medial verb shows serial action (indicative mood):

No yaba yomi-roj ya-no so gasiyo-roj ya yomosiyoo-wo-no.ll
Is bed make-ss house-in weed sweep-ss house straighten-pt-ls.
*I made the bed» swept the house (and) straightened the house.*

4. Medial and final verb in imperative mood:

de oorowu-ya moo yo-ya otnbu-ya ande-no ngu ye. /I
you go-imp taro get-imp come-imp over-to 3s put
'You go, get the taro, come and put it over there/

5. Medial verb showing different subject with speaker excluded from the previous
medial clause action:

Ene mata nakangoo-to-ni no-ndo yomosiyoo-te-noJI
3s story write-ds-s.e Is-ag straighten-prt-ls
*He is writing a story and I am straightening it.'

6. Medial verb showing different subject with the speaker included in the previous
medial clause action:

No so u-yi nakangoo'too-we ene muri ningguri winggoo-ieJI
Is grass leaf-its write*ds-s.i 3s citrus sweet squeeze-prt.3s

'I am writing a letter while he is squeezing the oranges.*

7. Final verb with 2 aspect suffixes (finish and completive aspects):

Ene kuri ngu ko-ngga ngu te-muko-yingo.ll
3s before that work-def-s 3s do-finish-compl
'He finished that work before.'

8. Final verb with the desirative aspect:

A^^ ge-ya mande e-weroJI
Is 2s-acc talk say-des
*I want to talk with you.*

9. Final verb with the continuing aspect, tense and 3rd person number:

Norma II. and Donald F. Toland

Ette ne-roroo-te.ll
M spec cat-c()nt-prt..Ss
'lie is continually eating.*

10. Interrogative Mood:

(k nda-ru-t€?ll

you whe re-go. down -prt. 2s

'Where are you going?*

4.8.1 Intransitive Verbs

Intransitive verbs do not occur with objects. They may be affixed for aspect, tense,
subject, moot), same subject, different subject, suffixation for speaker being included
or excluded from rhe previous medial clause action, relativity, as well as the climax
marker verb final. These affixes and their orders are listed in the following chart:

CHARP 7 IN IRANSmvIi FINAL VERB AFFIXATION

+stem

iaspect

+tense

+Subject number

any

-rom

past

person

sing

'past cont.*

-wo

1st

-no

-ro

•to

intrans.

-roroo

present
-te

2nd

stem

'present cont.'

-ron4
'future cont.'

-PHuko
'conipletive'

future

-wa

3rd

■4

-n

-nggo

-mngo—yingo
^completive aspect'

-wero

'desirative aspect*

Note 1: When tense and subject suffixes occur, the desirative or final completive
aspect may not co-occur. The continuative aspect is optional, but may
co-occur with tense and person number or with the final aspect.

Reference Grflmmar of the Karo/Rawa Language

te-muko-y'tngo. example 73 below

do-finish-compl

'he completely finished it/

Te-muko'WO,

do-finish-prt.3s

*Me finished it completely.'

Note 2: In the completive aspect, the suffix -wingo occurs when the final stem
vowel is rounded and -yingo occurs when the final stem vowel is
unrounded.

Note 3: The past continuous aspect -rora or the completive aspect -muko are the
only aspect (first affix order) that may co-occur with the completive
aspect (second affix order).

(73) Intransitive Verb Stems:

'talk'

oore-

*go up'

ioonge-
*take. leave'

sendo-

*cry*

weto-

'sleep'

ingo-
'think'

(liga-

'stand up'

bibite-

'sit down'

ootooge-

*get up/rise'

10.

sanggih te-

Norma R, and DonalJ F. Toland

i I . sort'

'fall. down'

Iiur V

12. hlne sore -teJI

3s falLdo\vn-prt.3s
'lie fell down.'

Intr V

13. Ene yaba-no bibue~te.ll
she table-at sit-prt.3s
'She sat at the table.'

Intr V Intr V

14. Mariya merako-no ngu sore-ro nguro sendoo-te.H
Mariya ground-on 3s fall-ss because.of cry-prt.3s
*Maria fell down on the ground and because of this she cried/

Intr V

15. Joseph were-weroyi yaba yoko-ro ootooge-ro ku ne-woM
Joseph sleep-nom l>ed leave-ss gei.up-ss yam eat-pt.3s
^Joseph left his bed, got up and ate some yams.'

Conjugation of a Regular Intransitive Verb sendo *cry' using the present tense -te.

Is sendoo-te-no

cry-prt-ls
'1 am crying'

2s sendoo-te

cry-prt.2/3s

'you are/he is crying'

3s same as 2s

Id sendoO'te~ro

cry-prt-ld
'we both are crying*

Ipl sendoo-t -to
cry-prt-lpl
*we all are crying'

Reference Grammar of the Karo/Rawa Language

2/3d sendoo-te-ri
cry-prt-2/3d
*you/ they both are crying'

2/3pl sendoo'te-nggo

cry-prt-2/3pl

'you/ they all are crying'

Tense Markers

Tense occurs only in the final verbs and in the verb head slot of the relative clause.
The following are the tense markers:

-ie present tense

-wa future tense

'WO past tense

The remote past tense includes: -wo 'past tense marker', person number, and the
various remote past markers as shown in the following conjugation of the verb sendo
*cry':

(74) Remote Past Tense of Intransitive verb sendo *cry':

Is sendo-wo~no-wo,

cry-pt-i-rpt
'I was crying long ago'

2/3s sendo-wo-ro-wo
cry-pt-2/3s-rpt
'you/he was crying long ago'

Id sendo-wo-ro-wo

cry-pt-ld-rpt
'we both were crying long ago.'

Note: In the remote past tense, the second, third singular and the first person dual
forms are the same. The context determines which person number is being referred to.

Ipl sendo-woo-to-wo
cry-pt-lpl-rpt
*we all were crying long ago.*

Norma K. and Donald h\ Toland

Note: '\\\c Uawa plioncmic pattern regulates that the phoneme 'o* becomes 'oo'
plioncnic or tiic V///' .sound before the letter 7'.

2/3d sen/Iowo-riyowo
cry-pt-2/3d-rpt
'you/they both were crying long ago'

2/3 pi aendo-wo-n^o-riyowo
cry-pt-2/3pl-rpt
*you/ihcy all were crying long ago'

Note: In the remote past tense in the second and third person plural form, the -riyowo
may be shortened to -ri or -riyo at the discretion of the speaker.

Irregular Intransitive Verb Stem ooroo *to be/remain*:

Present tense verb stem: ooroo

Present tense 3s alternate form ori-yi

remain-3s
Note: this only occurs in the third singular.
Future/l*ast tense verb stem: oru

Medially this verb stem becomes: oo

(75)

No ya-no ooroo-te-noJI
Is house-in be-prt-ls
*1 am in the house/

Ene ya-no ori-yiJI
3s house-in be-3s
ile is in the house/

Ene ya-no ooroo-te.ll
3s house-in be-prt.3s
*He is in the house/

Noore ya-no oru^wa-toJI
Ipl house-in be-ft-lpl
*\Ve will be in the house/

Reference Grammar of the Kuro/Uuwa Lanjiuuj^e

h.ne n^ufidiro oo-do-ni, no~ndo ko omhu-wo-tw,ll
S\ same bc-ds-s.c Is-ag a^;aia conic-pt-ls
'She remained that same way and I returned again.'

Stem (]lungc

There are three verbs, two transitives and one inrransiiivc, wliicli exhibit the same
than^cs in certain environments. The three verbs are: uto 'hit'; muto *shoot'; and weto
Mcc|>'. hi this form they are in the miperative form. Their stem forms in the
imperative and the indicative mood are Hstcd in the following chart,

CMAK'I'X: VKRBS'TKM CHANGES

Imperative
Mood

Indicat
present

ive Mood

future / past

S
I'

uto *hit'

uroo

ure

muto 'shoot*

tfiurno

mutr

weto *slecp'

wero

were

(76)

i> uto! II

Is hit

'You hit him!'

Cie ^-uroo-te.ll
2s him-hit-prt,2s
'You hit him/

(£ ^-ure-waJI
2s him-hit-ft.2s
'You will hit him.*

Weto f II

sleep

'Sleep!'

Norma K. and Donald F. Toland

5. Weroo-te.ll
slcep-prt.3s
MIe is sleeping.*

6. Efw were-x0O.II
3s sleep-pt.3s
'lie slept/

Reduplication of Verb Tense Suffix:

Reduplication of verb tense suffix is infrequently used to convey a repetitive or
continuing action. Tliis is historical useage and is seldom used in today's speech.

(77) Text AU-()14; page 536 (concordance):

te-roo-ie-te-te-te .11
do-con t-prt-prt-prt-prt. 3s
'he cimiinucd on doing it*

4.8.2 Transitive Verbs

Transitive verbs occur in the predicate slot of Transitive Clauses. Transitive verbs
are sub-divided as follows:

Set Is rhose that take object prefixes

Set II Those that take object suffixes

Set III Tiiose that take a free form object before the verb

4.8.2.1 Set I Transitive Verbs That Take Object Prefixes

Set 1 transitive verbs take the following object prefixes

C]nART 9: OBJI^CT PRKFIX FORMS

Person
Number

plural

Object
Prefix

no-

go-

yo-

Note: When the stem of the verb starts with a vowel, the final vowel of the object
prefix is assimilated.

Reference Grammar of the Karo/Rawa Language

(78) Set Is Examples of Object Prefix Transitive Verb:
1. yo
*get*

t JH
*bite'

3. u/o
^hit'

4. mufo
Shoot*

5. itto

'give'

6. Ene n-urooteJI
3s me-hit
*He hit me.'

7. Y'UtoJI
3pl-hit
*Mit them!*

8. A^o /^/yi/y g-unoo-wero./l
is book 2s-give-des

*I want to give you the book.

Note: The verb woo 'to give' does not assume the normal pattern for the object prefix.
The of the prefix |'o and the / of the verb stem i/w 'give' are dropped and the phoneme
y is used instead.

9. BuJtu n-inofll
book 3s-give

'Give the book to him!'

10. Efie no-ki'teJI

3s ls-bite-prt.3s
'It is biting me.'

11. Ginggarii go-ki-tej/
mosquito 2s-bite-prt.2s
'The mosquito is biting you.'

12. Gin^am ki-tej/
mosquito bite-prt.#

'The mosquito is biting him.'

Nomitt U. and Donald F. Toland

13. (iin^ani Jtu yo-ki-ie-nggo.//

mos(|uit()-pI.proni pl-bite-prt-3pl
'The mostpiitos arc biting them/

4.8.2.2 Set II 'IVansitive Verbs Object Suffixation

In Set II, the object suffix on transitive verbs always occurs in the first affix order
before tlie tense affix.

The object suffix forms are as follows:
ClIAUr 10: PKKSON-NIJMBER OHJECrP SUFFIXES

person

singular

plural

1st
2nd
3rd

-nero-

-gero- — nggero-

-ngo-

- yrro -

(79)

gana
\icceive'

yomosi
^straightened

ooroowe
^help'

etu

*show'

erewe
'\\\\\W

owe
^follow*

sobo

'wait*

gosi
'tic'

Reference Grammar of the Karo/Rawa Language

9. daga

'win over*

10. woosoo
*puir

11. lowoo
'try'

12. sure
*send/dispatch'

13. iJobi
*pinch*

14. Ene gana-nero-woj/
3s deceive- ls-pt3s
*He deceived me.*

15. Ene gana-gero-woJI
3s deceive-2s-pt.3s
*He deceived you.'

16. Eraga-do erewi'nggeroo-wo-ri.H
3d-ag hunt-2s-pt-3d

'The two of them were searching for you.*

17. Noore gana-ngo~woo-foj/
1 pi deceive-3s-pt- 1 pi
*\Ve deceived him,*

18. No-ndo gana-yero-yingo.ll

1 s-ag deceive-3pl-compl
'I deceived them.'

4.8.2.3 Set III Transitive Verbs With Free Form Object Word Before Verb

Other transitive verbs do not take an object prefix or object suffixation, but instead,
take the free form object in the pre-vcrb head slot.

(80)

obj verb

1. Yeri ene ooro-ro ene-ngo nengguro yo-yingoJI
Jerry 3s go-ss 3s-poss shirt get-compi

*Jerry went and got his shirt for him.*

Norma R. and Donald F. Toland

(»bj verb

2. Neyuro de imhoo-te.ll
Ncyiiro wood chop-prt.3s
Neyuro is chopping firewood/

obj verb

3. Yum mbako ne-ieJI
Yunu sw. potatoes eai-prt.3s
*Yiinu is eating sweet potatoes.'

Set 111 Irregular Transitive Verbs:

There are a few Set Ml transitive verbs which are irregular in that they either have no
affixation or have very limited affixation.

The verb moore 'liave' takes no affixation but always occurs in the predicate slot and
nuy take a free form object before the verb as other Set III transitive verbs do. Moore
'have' is the only known verb which takes no tense, person, or aspect markers. In this
type of a transitive verb, when there is no tense and person number affixation shown
on the verb, then a time word is always present to indicate past or future action. In
the following example (81), there is no time word. I'his therefore indicates a present
action has taken place. For this transitive verb, the object is indicated only by a noun.

(81)

obj verb

1. No-ndo digi mooreJI
i-ag money have

'I have money,'

obj verb

2. Kurt no-ndo digi moore.H
before Is-ag money get

'I had money before.*

obj verb

3. Kme ngu-ndo digi. moore.H
later 3s-ag money have
'Me will have money later.'

Another Set III transitive verb which takes only limited affixation is the verb ange *to
fill', ^rhis verb may occur with aspect, tense, and only second and third singular
person numlier on the final verb form. It also may occur with the medial verb
markers. 'I'his is the only transitive verb that has been observed in this category.

Reference Grammar of the Karo/Rawa Language

(82)

1. Ce-do ang -te./l
Zs-ag fill-prt.2/3s
*You are filling (it) up*

verb -final

2. Ngu-ndo ange-yirigo.ll
3s-ag fill-comp
1k filled it/

obj verb-med verb-final

3. No'ftdo koondo ange'-ro ya-no ye-le~no.ll
Is-ag dish fill-ss house-in pui-prt-ls
1 filled the dish (and) put it in the house/

obj verb-final

4. Ene-ndo koondo ange-woJI
3s-ag dish fill-pt.3s
\She filled up the dish.*

obj verb-final

5. Ene-ndo koondo ange-wa.H
3s-ag dish fill-fc.3s
\She will fill up the dish/

4.8.3 Medial Verbs

All Rawa verbs, both transitive and intransitive, may occur in either the medial or
final form. We now look at the occurrence of verbs in medial positions and the affixes
that occur in that position.

Medial verbs take two separate sets of suffixes:

Set I Same Subject Affixes

Set II Different Subject Affixes

4.8.3. 1 Set I Same Subject Affixes

If a medial verb has the same subject as the final verb in a sentence, no subject marker
occurs. However, the medial verb takes either the imperative suffix -ya or the
indicative suffix -ro.

Norma U. and Donald F. Toland

(83)

I. Ombuya oo keno.H
come-imp spec see
'Come and look.*

Z. Oorowu-ya abu yo-ya n-unojl
go-imp baby get-imp Is.obj-give

*G() get the baby and give her to me.*

3. No ombu ro oo ne-wo-no.ll
Is come-ss spec eat-pc-ls

*I came (and) ate something.*

4. Em lauta mdemo omhu-ro bare-yi yo-rol
3s Taiita village-to come-ss woman-his got-ss

Neyuroro ya-no u-yingoJI
Neyuro-poss house-in go.down-compl

'Jle came to the village of Tauta, got his wife, and they went to Neyuro*s house.*

4.8.3.2 Set II Different Subject Affixes

When the subject of a metliul verb differs from the subject of a verb in the previous
clause, there are three ortlers of suffixes which occur.

In the tlrst order there is an affix that shows there will be a change of subject. If the
subject of the medial verb is second or third person^ the form -to appears. If the subject
of the medial verb is first person, the form is -too. These markers show no distinction
for person number.

The second order suffix shows both the person and number of the subject of the
medial verb. As with the first order suffix, there is the distinction between whether or
not the speaker has been included or excluded from the previous clause action (or first
person versus second or third person).

Finally, tliere is an optional third order affix -g{4 which shows that the medial verb
action must first occur before the next clause may take place.

These affix forms and their meanings are given in the chart bcJow:

Reference Grammar of the Karo/Raw^ Language

QMRT 11: MEDIAL VERB DIFFERENT SUBJECT AFFIX FORMS

+stem

+different
subject

+subject person
number

Iclause

conj.

higher level

any
verb
stem

'too

speaker included

-ffi^- Is

-^-Id
-3^^-lpl

^sequence*

'to

speaker excluded
-W-2/3S.
-n-2/3du
-y- 2/3 pi

(W)

ombu-to-ni oo ne-wo-no
come-ds-3s.e spec eat-pt-ls
'lie came while I was eating something/

Ombu'toO'lpl'ga oo ne-woJI

come-ds-lsj-seq spec eat-pt.3s

*When I came, he was eating something/

Noore yoru-no ombu-too-re ngu, ngu naru-no
we meeting-to come-ds-ld.i when that time-at
*When we came to the meeting, at that time,

yam bo mamie kuri kini te-wo.U
worship talk before finish do-pt.3s.
the worship service was already finished.'

Ende-mo ya gum kun ye-to-yt noore u-ro ketio-woo-to.U

village-in house a before make-ds-3pLe 3pl go.down-ss sec-pc-lpl
*We went down and saw a house that.they had already made/

Oni era-ya ooreko-no ombu-to-ri yeyo-wo-no.H
man 2-indef road-on come-ds-3d.e see-pt-ls
'I saw the two men who were coming on the road/

Norma U. uniJ Dunuld F. Tolund

4.8,4 iMiral Verbs

i'inal verbs in tlic sentence may be either transitive or intransitive. They show
(onrinuin^ aspect (optional); tense, person number; or completive or desirative aspect;
and at the liigh point of a discourse, the cHniax suffix -ku may occur as well.

The transitivity of verbs (Sections 4.8.1 and 4.8.2); tense and person number (Section
4.8.1); and aspect |in the notes under Chart 7 Final Verb Affixation: (Section 4.8.1)]
liavc already been discussed.

At the high point of a discourse, the climax affix -ku is used verb final. This is
accompanied by a strong emotional stress on the -ku suffix marker.

(85) Text 85.3; Clause 85 -87: Climax Prominence -kul

Ngu-ro ugu, tioore komo oore-ro sa~woo-to-kulll
3s-poss that lj)l must go.up-ss travel-pi-lpl-cli.prom
Mt was because of that, that we had to leave!*

(86) Text 85.4; Clause 41: Climax Prom, -ku ngal

Nambo-ne, no oodooro kumoo-ie-no-ku ngatll
daughter-my Is hungry die-prt-ls-cli.prom dem
'My daughter, ! am hungry!'

(87) Vc\i 85.5; Clauses 24-25: Climax Prom, -ku ngu!

Namo-ne, no-ndo ge-ya oore-rol were-wa-ro-ku ngu!

mother-my Is-ag 2s-inc! go.up-ss sleep-ft-ld-cli.prom diere
^Mother, I will come up and sleep with you there!*

STEM CHANG K

There are three verbs, two transitive and one intransitive, which exhibit the same
steni changes in certain environments, 'i'hc three verbs are: u/o *hit\ mu/o *shoot' and
Li'e/o 'sleep*.

In this form they are in the imperative mood. The imperative is shown by absence of
all affixation. 2nd singular is distinguished from 2nd plural by the free pronoun. In
the indicative mood the tense suffix influences the stem.

Reference Grammar of the Karo/Rawa Language

CMAKT 12: STEM CHANGE

S >•

E >

S >•

Imperative
Mood

Indicative Mood

present

future/past

-> uro
-> muto
-> wero

uroo-te

ure-walwo

weroo-te

were-walwo

1. ^ utoi
2s hit

'you hit (him)!'

2. ^ uroO'te-^
2s hit-pr-2s
'you hit (him)'

3. ^ ure-wa-^
2s hit-ft-2s

'you will hit (him)'

4. wetoi

'you sleep!'

5. weroo-te-^
sieep-pf-3s
'he sleeps'

6. were-wo-^
sleep-p-3s
*he slept'

Norma M. and OonuiJ F. 'Poland

4.9 Particles

l^ariicles are smaller, hut significant items that occur in the language; but, that do
not rate on the level as noiuis, verbs etc., and thus are grouped together under the main
title of ['articles. These particles usually do not take affixation.

4.9.1 Negatives / Affirmatives

4.9.1.1 Negatives:

Negatives can be responses to (juestions; negate clauses; negate phrases; negate a noun;
or may occur in the post position to an adjective as an antonym. The three negative
words are: i//// 'no\ ///^/ 'not' and Jthigo ^nothing'.

Kini 'No^

Ktfii 'no' is the negative word that is used most extensively throughout oral and
written discourse. It may be used as a one word response to a yes/no question or to
negate a word, a phrase, clause, or sentence.

(88) Yes/No Response to a Question:

1. Ck nga-ngga ko ngu ko te-wo?ll KiniJI
2s this-def.s work 3s work do-pt.2s neg
*I>id you do this work?* *No.'

2. Ngu ombu-wofll KiniJI
3s come-pt neg
'Did he come.''* *No.'

3. (ie mbako mooreYll Km, mbako kitii,
2s sw. potato have no sw. potato no

M^o you have any sweet potatoes?' *No, there are no sweet potatoes.'

Kini *no' may itself occur as the verb of a clause to mean *is not* or *does not exist' as
in the previous Ex 88, sentence 3, and in the following examples,

(89) Kini 'no' Used as the Verb of a Clause:

1. Sono kini
water neg.
'(There is) no water*

2. Nga-no kini
here-at neg
*(It is)not here*

Reference Grammar of the Karo/Rawa Language

i No watayi kini.ll

Is understand no
'I don*t know.*

4. Amoo oorengo kinifH Text NR87.1; Clause 123:

true very no
n'ruly it is not!'

(90) Kint *no' Negating a Noun:

1. N^u oni-ngga ttgu, etie simoo-ngo kini.ll
that man-def,s there 3s children-poss no
That man there he has no children.*

Note: In the previous example, the kini *no* is actually negating the comment of the
topic / comment sentence.

2. 'i ext 85.5; Clause 12-13: Negating a Noun:

Kuri-mi ngu-no ya kini, awa-ndo ngu-no oore-roj

hefore-inten there-at house no papa-ag that-to go.up-ss

namo-ro ya tookoo-dodo ye-yingoJI
mama-poss house shelter-all make-compl

'A long time ago there wasn*t a house so father went up there and made a house
shelter for Mother (to give birth to the baby).'

(91) Kini *no' Negating a Sentence:

1. Text 85.3; Clause 26-27:

Ngundiro irtgo-ro sode~ye~ioo~ye nguj ko kini.ll
same hear-ss ear-put-ds-lpl,i when work no
'When we heard that, we listened, but it was not.*

2. Text NR87.1; Clause 89:

No ngu te -weroyi ereremo kini.ll
Is that do-nom able no
'I am not able to do that.'

Kini 'no' also occurs after an adjective to negate the adjective and show the opposite
(antonym).

(92)

1. kowuri > kowuri kini

heavy heavy no

*heavy' 'light*

Norma R. and Donald F. Totand

2. tngondudu > ingondudu kini
smart smart no
'smart' 'dim wittcd7*ignorant*

3. kuniyifigo > kuntyingo kini
sharp sharp no
'sharp' 'duir

Kini 'no* is also used as part of a compound verb kinije -te meaning *not do/finished'.

No-ro ko kitiije-teJI
ls-j)oss work finish-prt.3s
'My work is finished/

Ma 'Not':

Ma 'not' when used to negate a verb phrase means *not* and occurs in the prehead verb
sh)t. Often the verb is understood on the basis of the context in which it is used and
thus only the ma 'not' is used.

(94) Negating a Verb:

1. Ngu-ndo ma ombu-wa.H
3s-ag ncg come-ft.3s
'She will not come/

2. Ngu-ndo ma ombu-wo.U
3s-aK not come-ptJs
'He did not come.'

3. Ngu ma J I
3s ncg

'He doesn't (want to).'

Note: In the prececding example the verb in this sentence is understood in the text
context and therefore tlie ma 'not' is negating the verb.

Ma 'not' when used by itself or as a command means *don't!\

Reference Grammur of the Kiiro/Rawa Language

(95)

1. Command:
ma\

ncg

2. Ngu ma\
that don't!
*Don't do that!*

Ma is also used to negate a nominalized word whereas kini is normally used to negate
all other nouns. Ma *n<)C* occurs before the noun and kini 'no' always occurs after the
noun. They may not co-occur.

(%)

1. Nga sono ngu ma ne-weroyi.
this water 3s neg drink-nom
'This water is not drinkable.'

2. sono kini
water no
*no water'

Kingo ^nothing':

Kingo ^nothing' is another type of negation. It occurs on: the sentence level as a single
word response to a (|ucstion; as modifying a noim; as a tompotind stem; or modifying a
verb,

(97) Kingo ^nothing* Question Response:

1. 61? ndawugaro ombu-te?ll KingoJI
2s why come-prt.2s nothing
'Why have you come?' Tor no reason.'

2. ko kingo
work nothing
'no work*

3. se-kingo
stomach-nothing

'(my) stomach (is) empty'

Normtt R. and J>onald F. Toland

4. 00 kingo umngga
all nothing very
'not very much'

5. Ene kingo ombu-ie.ll
3s nothing come-prt.3s
'Me came for no reason.'

4.9.1.2 Affirmatives

The affirmative word \syo 'yes'. It occurs in response to yes/no questions and may
occur by itself or in a longer sentence.

(98) Affirmative Yo 'Yes':

1. C£ ko-no u-wa?ll Yo I Yo, no ko-no u-wa-no.U

2s garden-to go.down-ft.2 yes yes. Is garden-to go.down-ft-ls

'Are you going down to the garden?' 'Yes.* (or) 'Yes, I am going down to (the)

garden.'

2. (€ mete ooroo-te? Yo, mete ooroo-te-noU
2s good are-prt.2s yes good be-prt-ls
'How are you?' 'Yes, 1 am fine.'

4.9.2 Emphatic Words

I'hc emphatic words komo, 'must' and amoo, 'true / truth', serve to emphasize the
truth or acceptability of an action. Both of these words are very emotive.

Komo 'must / emphasis as true' is a particle which is not affixed and may occur after
noun/noun phrases, pronouns, verb/verb phrases, and after sentence initial
connectors in the sentence. When this word is used, it is a strong statement that it
uMist be done or emphasizing that it is a true statement and that the speaker means
what he said. In example three under tlie section on amoo below, the word komo is used
to show strong emphasis that it was truly good and that he wasn't lying.

(99) Komo 'iVlust / Strong Emphasis':

1. Text 8S J; Clauses 48-49: Modifying a Pronoun:
Noore komo ttgu-woore kingo sore-ro sa-yingo.H
we truly it-on.top nothing fall-ss leave-compl
'Truly we didn't just fall down and run away for no reason.*

Reference Grummur of the Kuro/F^awa Language

2. Text 85.3; Clauses 85-86; Modifying a Pronoun:

Xj^u -ro tigUy noore komo oore—ro sa-woo-to-ku e-ro e-yingoljl
that-poss there Ipl must go.up-ss run-pt-lpl-cli say-ss say-compl
"ic was because of that, that we had to go up and run away!" she said.

i Text 85.3; Clauses 107-112: Modifying a Noun Phrase:
Noore nga-no oo-doo-ye, nga-nonggo sukulu gum-no
we here-at be-ds-lpl.i here-from school a-to

sowe-yeroo-to-yi sa-ro rigu, figu-no ootoo-ro nga mande-ga
send-them-ds-3pl.e leave-ss if there-at bc-ss this talk-def.s

nga komo e-ro ingo-roru-wa-no, e-ro e-yingoJI
3s truly say-ss think-cont-ft-ls say-ss say-compl

*"\Ve are here now but when we are sent to another school and leave here, when
we are there I surely will continue to think about this talk," she said.'

4. Text 85.14; Clauses 50-54: Modifying a verb phrase;
F.ne ebe uto-ro, mera biyom't uio-ro digi-dehi

3pl together hit-ss ground bad hit-ss stones-sticks

kendumoo-to-ri^ dooge-ro uto-ni komo, etie
bump-ds-3d.e break-ss hit.ds-3s.e truly they

ngu-no ebe kendu kendu te-ro oode.H

there-at together bump bump do-ss be

'They fought together, hit the ground, and sticks and stones hit them and really
cut them up but they just continued to fight and to bump each other there.'

5. Text 85.16; Clause 69: Modifying a Sentence Initial Connector:
Ngundiro komo ya mundumi-mo nangge ori-yingoJI

same truly house corncr-in only rcmain-compi

*And truly for that reason 1 remained in the corner of the house.'

Komo is also used as a mild reproof as well in conversational speech. Mothers often use
this with children to let them know that they don't approve of their actions. When
used in this fashion, it could also be just a happy response said with emotion as well.
The context and the ensuing emotion given with this response leaves no doubt in the
minds of the hearer as to just which response it is -pleased or displeased.

(100) Komo ^Showing Emotion or Emphasis:

1. Garo komo!
they emp
^showing disapproval'

Norma It. untJ Donald 1^", Toland

L Ahu kotnol
hahy enip
showing; atfection as the mother holds up the baby and talks to him.'

A///00 'true' is a particle word wluch ser\'es to emphasize the truth of what has been
saiti. It modifies nouns, pronouns, as an intensifier with adjectives, or as response
sentence. 'I'his word is used to emphasize and assure the listeners that it is not a lie but
the truth. On the discourse level amoo 'true' can function as an alternate closing of a
speech.

(101)

1. (ie atnoo e-fe^ll

2s true say-pri.2s

'Are you telling the truth?'

2. Yo, komo atnoo (Primer Story Lesson 20b)
Yes must really

*Ycs, (that is) real'iy true,'

3. Ese, komo gome meiemi e -teJI i4woo.// (Primer Story Lesson 26b)
And must good /cry say-prt.3s ^Prue

'And lie said that k truly was good. Really!'

4. Ngu rtwoo.// (closing of a discotirse)
It true

'It's true.'

4.9.3 Indefinites

Indefmites serve to convey indecision or merely generalities. Some of these words
which convey this are:

1. gura

'another/a*

songo
'other'

no ngu-ndi
Is it-same
i think—'

'something/specifier'

bine

'possil)ly / perhaps'

Reference Grammar of the Karo/Uuwa Language

llic wotds gt^nj 'a' and sorigo *other' are used to modify nouns. 1'hey often are used in
(he setting of a discourse when a participant or a subject is being introduced.

(102)

1. Text 85.2 Clause 3:

Noore mera gura oowoo-yi DorosaJI
I pi ground a named-3s Dorosa
'We have a ground named Dorosa.'

2. Text 85.8, Clause 1:

Mera gura oowoo-yi Dosiyadodo, on't gura
ground a name-3s Dosiyadodo man a

oowoo-yi Bowungge Simbo ende-mo ori-yirtgojl
namc-3s Bowungge Simbo village-at live-compl

Mn a ground named Dosiyadodo, in the village of Simbo lived a man named
Howungge/

3. Term used in Rawa to mean Gentile:
Oni songo gura Yuda oni kinill
man other a Jewish man no

'another group of people (who are) not Jewish*

iVw ngundi *I / 1 think* is used when the person is more or less thinking out loud and
trying to come to some conclusion. This would usually be in the middle of his speech
after he has made some opening comments.

(103)

No ngundi situwa-no oorowu-wa-no.l/
Is or store-to go-ft-ls

'I think I will go to the store.'

Go 'something':

If something is being done or eaten, it must be specifically named. If it isn't named,
then 00 ^specifier' must precede it.

(104)

Ngu-ndo 00 ne-te.ll

3s-ag something eat-prt.3s
M le is eating something.'

Nonim 1(, and Donald F. Tolnnd

Hifie-. 'Perhaps':

Hine 'iiiaybc/peihaps' is used to make a Clause/Phrase indefinite by occurring in the
vcrl) i>osthcad slot. Mine is one of the few words which may occur in this slot. It is used
\\\ (piestions lo ask whether or not something is good or bad. It may occur after a
medial verb, nonn, pronoim, adjective, or as a short response comment to a question,

(105)

1. Nda naru n^ano fij^u ombu-wa?l Maga hine yangeni bine. II
what -linie-tlef.s-at -Vs comc-ftJs now perhaps tomorrow perhaps
'When will he come?' 'Now maybe (or) perhaps tomorrow.'

2. Meie biner* lliyomi btner^H
good perliaps? bad perhaps

*(Is it) good possibly (or is it) bad perhaps?'

3. ()/ii tneie-mi-ngga-do bine— (AV,0I2 p.92)
man g(K>d-very-def.s-ag perhaps

^Perhaps (he is ) a good man.*

4. Biyomi ye-wa bineFH (SB 16)
bad make-ft..^s perhaps
'Perhaps he will make it bad.^'

4.*^. 4 (]oiijnnelii)ns

Conjunction words are rarely used between medial clauses, or between a series of
words in a list. Although there are some conjunctions that may occur between medial
clauses, the principle useage occurs sentence initial as sentence connectors.

4.9.4.1 !nter-('lausal (>onjunctions

Some of the inter clausal conjunctions are

ngund't

'or'

'and'

ami ansalariya

'then'

ngu

Vhen/but/if

Ngund't 'or' and ko 'and':

I'he conjunction ngundt *or' is used when comparing two or more items.

Reference Grammar of the Karo/Rawa Language

(1%)

Yan^efii suwononggo ngundi suwooietoni bine, no ombu-wa-noJI

tomorrow morning or uftcrnoon perhaps Is come-ft-ls

'Tomorrow morning or perhaps in the afternoon I will come.*

'I'he conjunction ko *and' is seldom used to connect medial clauses together or to
connect a series of items. Instead there is a pause between items that are being
mentioned in a series and therefore commas are put at those places to facilitate reading
the text. With the extensive medial verb system that is used, the meaning is quite clear
without many inter-clausal conjunctions.

(107) Primer Page 1 17; Absence of /o 'and* in a List of Items:

E-too-lpl-ga ingo-yi.ll Duge, wa/e, ss, kumbe,

say-ds-ls.i-seq hear-3pl knife spoon string. bag pot

tow't, kumba, koondo ino-yingoJI
material clothes dish give-compl

'I said that and they heard it. T^hey gave a knife, wooden spoon, string bag,
cooking pot, some material, clothes, dish.'

(108) >('tf'and*;

e-io-ni ngu ko oode yoko-rol
say-ds-3s.e that and stay leave-ss
'he said it and then she left — '

(109) Text 85.2, Clauses 58-64: Inter-Clausal Conjunction Arisajasalariya 'then':

Ya wembu-yi ie-muko-ro, asa, awa ko duge
house frame-its do-finish-ss then father again knife

yo-ro ooro~rol gudo u-yi toongoo-rol woosoo-ro

get-ss go-ss pandanus leaf-its cut-ss pull-ss

ombu-rol ya-ngga-ku wiriyo-yingoJI

come-ss house-def-prom cover-compl

'When he had finished the frame of the house, then, father got his knife again,
(and) went, cut some pandanus leaves, pulled them, came to the house (and)
covered the roof of the house.'

Norma U. umJ Donald F. Toland

Ngu Intcr-C^lausal (Conjunction Ngtd Vhen/if/but':

i'iie dcnionscrative n^iu is also used as a conjunction on dependent clauses.

(110) Text 85.1; Clauses 31-35:

Ere~wero ooro-ro ombu~ro ie-rol de nombo-ga-ku
hunt-dcs go-ss coinc-ss do-ss fire ashcs-dcf-prom

pawango-ro oororoj omhu-ro ie-ro ngu, ma keno-yingo,
surroutul-ss t^o-ss come-ss do-ss when not see-compi

'1 wanted lu hunt (for it) (and) came (and) went (here and there) and when I went
and came to the fireplace, I still didn't see it/

4.9.4.2 Inter Sentence Conjunctions and Connectors

l)iNCi>urse C'onnectors are items which occur on the discourse level to connect a story
or text together in a meaningful manner. These connectors occur sentence initial.
Some such words are:

(111)

Ariyal ansa! asa

'therefore then. all right okay* —

Nguttd'trol ugand'tro
'like. that like. this*

Ngundiro ngu-ro

same that-poss

'for this reason/ because of that*

Ngundiro ngu-ya
same that-acc
'along with this/ this also*

Ngu-ro tigUy
that-poss that
'about that/

Ngu-no rigu,
that-in that
'in this,'

' Reference Grammar of the Karo/Rawa Langua^^e

Sj^u-nong^o ngu,
ihat-from there
'From that there,'

h.nel em ffgu-ya

however however that-acc

*now this also/ however, along with this*

(112) Sentence Initial Connectors

I Text 85.7; Clauses 25-26:

Arisa, ene dogi-ga uio-rol gidnuwoo-yingoJI

therefore 3s Jew's. harp-def strum-ss nod-conipl

'Therefore he strummed the Jew's harp (and) nodded (his head in time with the

music).'

I 'I cxt 85.11; Clause 30:

Ngu-nonggo ngu, Simarawe e-ro ooroo-ie-roJI
that-from there close. friend say-ss remain-prt-ld
'From that there, we both remained close friends.'

3, Text 85. 12; Clause 10:
Asa, ngu ngandiroj/
okay it's this. same
'Okay, it's like this.'

Note: This whole sentence was used to connect the setting of the discourse to the main
Iwdy of the discourse.

4. 7ext 85.15; Clauses 150-152:

Ngufidiro ngu~ro, era-marawesa era-ya-ga-ku
same thac-poss 2-friends 2-acc-def-prom

ngu-no yoko-ro ombu-wo-ri-yoJI
that-to leave-ss come-pt-2d-rpt

'Because of that, the two close friends, the two of them, left there and returned.*
4.9.5 Relators

Relators ngund'iro 'same' and kendtro like' are used to compare nouns, and may occur
in the relator slot of the Comparative Relator-Axis Phrase. Ngundiro is also used
extensively as a sentence initial connector whereas kendtro only is used in a
comparison capacity between two or more things. Kendtro is seldom used; but when

Normu R. uiul Donald F. Toland

comparisons are nude, eitlier relator word may be used according to the discretion of
the speaker.

(113)

1. Omukumundoo-ngo kombo kendiro momungo.H
face-his moon same round

'I lis face IS round, the same as the moon.'

2. Text 8.S. 16; Clauses 143-147:

E-to-ni, no ngu ttong^o neneugo nowoondo-ne-monggo
say-ds-3s.c Is that-from my stomach-my-from

ngu n g u n dtro ifigo-yingOy ngu -ro ko ngun diro
tiiat same know-compi that-poss again same

ma toouge-wa-no, e-ro ngundiro ingo~yingo.ll
not leavc-ft-ls say-ss same know-compl

Mle said rliat and from that the same that I knew in my stomach that I would
never again behave like that and run away, this same thing I thought.'

3. Text 85.3; Clauses 19-20:

Oo-dooye-ha, hoonge-mu unmgga-ku awu-no mera

vvere-ds-lpl.i-seq landslitle-poss big-pl.prom up.far-to ground

osowoo ro ngguyi ngu kondiho balusi kendiro omhu-yingo.ll
brcak-ss noise 3s all plane like come-compl

*Wc were there during a huge landslide when the ground broke from far up above
and it soimded like a plane was coming/

4.9.6 Nangge *only'

Nangge *only' is used on the Discourse level at the closing of most stories.

Mande ngu nangge
talk ^'i finish
'The talk is finished.' or *That is all.'

It is \ised in the phrase level, in word level and even on the stem level as well. It is a
very versatile word in its usage and crops up in many places on the clause level. It
may appear modifying a noun, pronoim, adverb, temporal, locative and always
occurs immediately after the word it modifies.

Reference Grammar of the Karo/Rawa Language

(114)

stem:

gura-nangge
one-only
'one'

Ehe, oni gura-nangge maye-ie-ku!
Fleh man one-only come-prt.3s-cli
*Heh, one man is coming!'

modifying a noun:
Oni nangge ombu-teJI
man only come-prt,3s
'Only (the) man is coming.'

modifying an adverb:

ngund'tro nangge (C.F. .002 p274)

same only

'Because of that only.'

Ngund't-ro nangge, no-ndo sodedo-mangge ombu-yingoJI
same-poss only Is-ag quickly-only come-compl
'For this reason only, I came quickly.'

modifying a pronoun:

no-ndo no~so nangge (QG. .012 p 275)

Is-ag i-excl only

*only I myself

No-ndo no-so nangge meye-te-no-kuJI
Is-ag Is-excl only arrive-prt-ls-cli
*Only I alone came.'

modifying a temporal:

adaga nangge (C.G. .015 p 275)

now only

*only now'

Ndawu-naru-ngga-no ge maye~wo?ll Adaga nangge, II
what-time-def.s-at 2s arrive-pt.2s now only
*Whcn did you arrive?' 'Just now.*

Norma K. and DonuliJ I^\ Tolund

5. Word Complexes

Word Complexes are a special group of words which form a close semantic unit. They
arc not on the word level nor are they on the phrase level for these semantic units
function together as complex units in slots on the phrase level. Thus an in-between
level is needed between the word and phrase levels.

(Complexes occur freijucntly and are manifested by units of adjectives, adverbs, and
vcrl)s. '^rhey each occur in their respective positions in the phrase level as adjectives in
the modified noun phrase, adverbs in the modified verb phrase, and verbs in the
niedial/fmal predicate slot on the clause level.

5.1 Word Reduplication Intensifier Complexes

Words are often intensified by use of reduplication of the word several times.

(115)

1. piru pi/v piru
long long long
'very long'

2. sodedo sodedo sodedo
quickly quickly quickly
Very quickly'

Note: this device of word reduplication to intensify the meaning is not used very
much by the young people today. They tend rather to use an adjective with another
intensifier word in the post head slot as in the following example:

Nga oomanongoyingo nga, ngu /fwgguri biyomi!//
this bread here 3s sweet very

'This bread is very delicious!'

5.2 Number Set Complexes

Number set complexes occur in the Number Slot of the modified noun phrase. They
consist of reduplication of the first numeral thus denoting groups or multiples of the
first numeral.

Reference Grammar of the Karo/l^awa Language

016)

1. guranangge guranangge guranangge
one.group one of.one
'one group of one of each*

2. eraya eraya eraya

2 2 of.2

*two groups of two each'

3. kabusa kabusa kabusa

3 3 of.3

*three groups of three each*

5.3 Pluralization Complexes

The reduplication of nouns pluralizes them.

017)

I. os't-yi

niale.ancestor-3s.poss

ostost-yi

'all of his male ancestors*

endeende
Villages*

puripufi

'all of the mountains*

sono sono

'all rivers / much water*

2. ende
village

3. puri
mountain

4. sono
river/water

5,4 Verb Complexes

(Continuation of Verb Action occurs in verb medial positions of the clause level by use
of verb reduplication.

(118)

1.
2.
3.

ne-ro
eat-ss

u-ro
go.down-ss

ombu-ro
come-ss

ne-ro ne-ro

*he continues to eat and eat'

u-ro u-ro

'he continues to go down*

ombu-ro ombu-ro

*he continues to come*

Nomnti R. and Donald F. Toland

4. engge-ro
fruit-NS

5. oode
stay/is

engine- ro engge-ro

'it continues to produce fruit'

oode oode

'stayed and stayed'

S.5 Antonym Complexes

S.S.I Verbal Anlonyins

On certain verbs as keno Mook' and ingo 'to hear/understand*, a reduplication of the
verb produces the opposite in meaning or an antonym of the word used. Thus these
two verbs meaning to look/understand', become the opposite *to ignore what you see
or hear'. These occur in verb medial position on the clause level. As demonstrated in
section 7.2, verb reduplication can also mean a continuation of action as well. Thus
context would determine in the case of the verbs: keno and ingo as to just which
applies.

(119)

1. keno-ya
look-imp

2. ingo-ro
hear-ss

kenoya keno-ya
'ignore what you see*

ingo-ro ingo-ro

'he ignores what he hears*

S.S.2 Adjectiviil Antonym Complexes

The opposites of something are often described by use of die negative word kini *no*
which occurs after the adjective.

(120) Adjectival Antonyms:

kuniyingo

kuniyingo kini

sharp

sharp no
'duir

kowuri

kowuri kini

heavy

heavy no
Might*

ingondudu

ingondudu kini

smart

smart no
*dumb'

Reference Grammar of the Karo/Rawa Language

Nga duge-ga nga ngu kuniyingo kinij}
this knife-def.s here 3s sharp not

*This knife here it is dull/

Nga abu'ga nga ngu kowuri kiniJI
this baby-def.s here 3s heavy not
This baby here is light/

Ngu kootoori-ga ngu ingondudu-ni kiniJI
that chicken-def.s there smart-3s.poss not
*That chicken there is dumb.*

5.6 Adjectival Complexes

Several descriptive words are grouped together in a close semantic unit to convey a
new meaning, 'i^his occurs with several sets of possibilities; a noun with an adjective,
an adjective with another adjective, or a noun with a noun.

(121): Noun with adj or noun with a noun:

1. engss urungga
substance big
'fat'

2. wimbu-yi core-yingo
bone-3s.poss come.up-compl
'thin*

3. ingodudu gome
think good
'smart*

(122) Adjective with Adjective:

1. metem'i gome
good very
Very good*

2. awu oorengo
up. above intens
Vow to God*

3. ningguri btyomi
sweet bad

Very sweet/ delicious'

Norma U. und Donald F. Toland

(123) Noun with a Noun:

i. yambo ya
sing house
'church'

L simoo oore

boy come. up
'young boy'

1 oni simoo bare
men cluldren woman
'people'

6. Phrases

Phrases are groups of words that together have one role or function in clauses.

6.1 Modified Noun Phrase

The Modified Noun Phrase is the rtiain noun phrase occurring in the subject and
ohjcct slots on the clause level. It consists of an optional Specific's pre-head slot,
obligatory Head Slot filled by any noun or question word plus an optional; Colour
post-head, Qualifier, Number and Modifier fixed post-head. This Modified Noun
Phrase differs from the other noun phrases in that:

1) it contains more diversified modifiers than the others;

2) it contains the other smaller phrases and word complexes such as: the
Intensifier Phrase, Adjective Complexes, Nominalizcd Negative Complexes in
the Qualifier Slot and Number Phrase Formulas in the Number Slot.

The enclitics on this phrase usually occur on the last post-head slot with the
exception of the demonstrative pronoun in the final modifier slot. These enclitics arc
optional. The pre-head demonstrative does not usually take affixes. The usual length
of this noun phrase is quite often the pre-head slot, head slot and one to two more
items.

Norma U. and Donald F. Toland

ciiAK r \^: MoniMKi) Noun imikase

+Spcc

+ N Head

±C>oloiir

±Qual

±Num

±Mod

poss.prn

any noun

colour

size/length adj.

Basic
Nu.Ph.

dem.pron

(jucstion
word

conviition

adj.

character

adj.

distance/ direct adj

shape adj.

Intens Phr
Adj.Compixs
Nominalized
Negatives Complexes
direction wd

Inter

Num. Phr

extended

Num.Phr.

gura

/another*

songoo

^another*

poss.pron

(124)

pig

Ge-ngo bo urungga, tigu-ndo no-ro ko yomburiyo-woJI

2s-poss pig big 3s-ag Is-poss garden ruined-pt.3s

'Your big pig, he ruined my garden.'

(elicited- not normally expanded thus far)

No-ro bo dirt oowooyi ururu eraya-ga, nga

Is-poss pig brown big very Z 3s

ngu-nd ya goosingo-mo ooroo-te-ri.U
3pl-ag house imderneath-in be-prt-ld

'Our two very big brown pigs, they are underneath the house.*

ya dogo-ni gura (RA 26)

house old-3s.poss another
'another older house*

I i ngu Ko-ngga (SC 23)

dem work-def.s
^This work'

L ko-yi yatjggango biyomi (SA 22)

\vork-3s.poss strong very
'very hard work*

7. sono ma ne-nteroyt (RA 5)
water not eat-nom
'non-drinkable water'

8. ko kowuri kini
work heavy no
light work'

9. ngu yaba were-weroyi gura (RA 32)
dem bed sleep-nom another
'another bed for sleeping*

10. ya bodaga songoo (RA31)
house small another

'another small house*

11. oni nangge
man only
*only the man*

12. ko kingo
work nothing
'no work*

6.2 Co-ordinate Noun Phrase

The Co-ordinate Noun Phrase consists of an optional pre-head Summary slot, an
obligatory sequential Noun Head and two optional post-head slots of Summary and
Demonstratives. The Co-ordinate Noun Phrase occurs in the subject and/or object
slots on the clause level. It differs from the Modified Noun Phrase in that:

1) it contains a multiple sequential Noun Heads;

2) little or no modification takes place;

3) the 00 Summary Slot is used considerably more.

Sequential Nouns are freely used in Rawa with no use of conjunctions. Conjunctions
rarely occur except in number phrases.

Norma K. and Donald F. Totand

hOiir sc(iucntial items listed would be about the normal length optionally with a
smninary oo either i)re-heud or post-head final. When names of persons are the Noun
ilead ill this (JoOrtiinate Noun Phrase, then a pronoun may be added at any spot but
docs not usually occur at the Head final position.

CHART 14 CX)-()Kl)INA'rH; NOUN PHRASE.

±Summary

+N.H. num. 2-7

tSummary

±Dem

noun

nga

^something*

pronoun

Dep.Double Headed
Noun Phrase

^something*

ngu

Note: 1) Tiie Summary is optional and the pre-head and Post Head Summary
tagmemes are mutually exclusive— only one may occur.

2) A pronoun may appear anywhere in the Noun Head Slot but not usually
at the close of the sequence.

(125) (Trial Primer p. 115)

1. 00 nakango-weroy't, kandange-weroyiy yomosiyo-weroyi
spec writing-nom reading-nom checking-nom
'(for) writing, reading and checking*

2. duge wate si kumbe towi kumba koondo
knife spoon string. bag saucepans material clothes dishes
*knife, spoon, string bag, sauce pans, material, clothes, dishes'

3. W'idanu no Dipenare Gasama (NA 3)
person Is.pron. person person
'Widanu, I, Dipenare, Gasama*

4. bo urumi plana da nono
pig oil flour sugar milk
'oil, flour, sugar, milk*

5. koono moo mbako da

nggine dowi

00 ngu

banana taro sweet.potato sugar corn pumpkin spec there
'banana, taro, sweet potato,sugar, corn, pumpkin, all of these*

Reference Grammar of the Karo/Hawa Language

6.3 Dependent Double-headed Noun Phrase

The Dependent Double-Headed Noun Phrase consists of two Noun Meads that form a
close semantic unit creating a new meaning.

The Dependent Double-Headed Noun Phrase differs from the Modified Noun Phrase
in chat:

1) it contains two Meads that cannot be otherwise expanded,

2) it is a close semantic unit creating a new meaning.

The Dependent Double-Headed Noun Phrase occurs in the Noun Head of the Co-
ordinate Noun Phrase and in the subject and object slots of tlie clause. Mostly this
phrase is needed to describe a culturally foreign situation using the known Rawa
language.

CHART 15 DEPENDENT DOUBLE-FIEADED NOUN PHRASE:

+N, H. 1:

+N. H. 2:

noun
compd. noun

(126)

omanofigo-wingo use-kmgo (SG 3)

bread-compl stomach-nothing
'bread business'

bo urumi (DB 39)

pig grease

^oir

ka-weroyi ya
cook-nom house
*cook house* or 'kitchen'

sotto gimuwoo-weroyi musiyo
water wash-nom place

*che washing place' or *the shower*

Norma U. and Donald F. Toland

6.4 Comparative Relator-axis Phrase

The (>)inparative Uclator-Axis Phrase consists of an obhgatory Axis Head filled by a
noun; Modified Noun IMuase with very limited expansion; Dependent Double Headed
Noun Phrase, a limited ('o-ordinatc Noun iMirase plus an obligatory Relator, filled by
kenduo 'alike' or n^undtro 'same'. 'I^he Relator slot may also include the above two
Rawa words plus ktni 'no* to negate the phrase. The Comparative Relator-Axis
IMuasc occurs in the subject and object slots of the clause level.

CMAUr 16C()MI'AKA'HVK HKI,A'IT)K -AXIS PlIKASK:

f Axis Mead

+ Relator;

noun

Mod.N.Phr.
Dep. Double H. Phr.
Co-ord, N. Phr,

ngundiro *same*
ngundiro kini 'different'
kendiro like'
kendiro kirn 'not alike'

(127)

1. mande ngundiro
talk same

2. nggire koono kendiro kini
corn bananas like no

*corn (and) bananas (are) not alike'

6,5 liinphatic Pronoun Phrase

Pronouns (as listed in Section 4.2) may also occur in the head noun position as subject
or object of the clause.

(128)

1. Adaga ene maye-waJI
today 3s come-ft.3s
'Today he will come'

2. No ge-ya mande e-weroJI
Is 2s-acc talk say-des
'I want to talk with you.'

Pronouns may be suffixed to show emphatic (i.e., as in 'I myself in English). The
first order suffix is -so - -su 'emphatic' and then the word nangge *only' (optional) is
used.

The form -so ^emphatic* occurs only with the first person singular and -su elsewhere.
Except for the third person dual and plural, the emphatic marker occurs on the first
pronoun.

(129)

1. no-so nangge
Is-emp only
*only I myself

2. ge-su mmgge
2s-emp only
*only you yourself

3. yari'Su nangge
2d-emp only

'only you two yourselves*

Whenever the third person dual or plural emphatic form is used» then the pronoun
without any affixation occurs plus an obligatory phrase is added:

ene-su nangge

3pl-emp only

'only they themselves'

(130)

4. eraga ene-su
3d 3s-emp

'they (dual) themselves*

5. garo ene-su nangge
3pl 3s-emp only

*only they (pi.) themselves*

In the third person singular, the Head one slot is filled by the pronoun ene '3s* followed
by the emphatic suffix -su and the word nangge 'only* (optional).

Norma l(. unJ DonulJ F. TolanJ

(l^^I)

n. etie-su nan^e
3s-enip only
'only he hinasclf

The word nangge 'only' is obligatory in the third person dual and plural; elsewhere it is
optional. However, it is still mosdy used whenever this emphatic form is present,

(132)

7. twore-su rtangge
Ipl-emp only
'only we ourselves*

8. noore-su
Ipl-cmp

'we ourselves'

9. One-ndo ombuwa-nggo? Noore-su
who-ag come-ft-3pl Ipl-emp
*\Vho will be coming?' 'Just us'

6,6 Prominence Phrase

Demonstratives usually occur either in the initial or final position in the noun phrase.
( See Section 4.3) However, they also may occur as a noun in the subject or object
position on the clause level.

In the following example, the head demonstrative is suffixed with the -ngga ^definite
singular' and is followed by a final demonstrative. Such a construction is highly
emjihatic and is used to reiterate the subject that is being discussed in a discourse. The
form 'figga 'definite singular' is a discourse level suffix and will be discussed in Section
9.2.2,1.

(133)

nga 'tigga nga
this-def.s here
'this one here'

ngu-ngga ngu
that-def.s there
'that one there'

Reference Grammar of the Karo/Rawa Language

This same emphatic construction may also occur with nouns and is used for
emphasis on die discourse level.

(134)

3. ya-ngga ngu
house-def.s there
'that house there'

4. gumi-ngga ngu
room-def.s there
*that room there*

5. kabusa-ga ngu
three-def.s that
'that three'

6. oore-ga nga
road-def.s here
*the road here'

6.7 Intensifier Phrase

In addition to a single adjective/adverb in a modifier position, they may also occur
with another word from the list which follows:

biyomi

'bad'

urungga

'big'

oorengo

'very/truly

amoo

'truly'

The words biyomi *bad\ urungga *big\ oorengo 'very\ and amoo 'truly' when used as an
intensifier, the meaning is then changed to mean *very'. When these words are used in
the head slot of this phrase, they retain their original meaning. However, the word
oorengo 'very' is only used as an intensifier.

(135)

1. biyomi urungga
bad very
Very bad'

2. urungga biyomi
big very
Very big'

*>.S

Norma R. and Donald F. Toland

3. ufvngga amoo
big true
Vcry/tnily big'

4. amoo oorengo
true very
Very true*

The Intensifier Pluase differs from the Dependent Double-Headed Noun Phrase in

that:

1) the fillers of the slots are different;

2) the relationship between the tai;memes is different (In Dependent
Double-Headed Noun IMirasc, they arc complementary and in Intensifier
Phrase the relationship is one of intensifying);

3) it fills the Qualifier Slot of the Modified Noun Phrase while the Dependent
Double-Headed Phrase fills the Head Slot.

The Intensifier Phrase fills the Qualifier Slot of Modified Noun Phrase, the Modifier
Slot of the Modified Verb Phrase and the Comment Slot of the Topic-Comment
Clause.

6.8 Appositional Phrase

CHART 17: APPOSITIONAL PHRASE

±Mod.:

+App. H.:

+Explan. H.:

±Mod.:

noun

dem

dem.pron.
poss.pron

pron.

Co-ord N.Phr.
locative

pron.

direction wd.

Co-ord N. Phr.

Emph.Pron.Phr.

adj.

locative

Another noun or series of nouns may follow the head of a noun phrase with the
fimction of making the referent of the noun more specific.

For instance, the noun may be followed by a proper noun to make the referent
specific.

Reference Grammar of the Karo/Rawa Language

(135)

1. noore, Neyuro DawaJI
Ipl Neyuro Dawa
'we, Neyuro (and) Dawa/

2. ene-ngo kare, nggons-nggajl
3s-poss marsupial nggons-dtts
'his marsupial, the nggoni,'

Or the proper names may occur in the head slot followed by a further explanation of
chem.

(136)

3. Nomi Don, era-ga-dojl
Norma Don, 2-def.s-ag

'Norma (and) Don, the two of them,'

4. Yoso Narembe, de nguU
tree.type tree. type tree that
'Yoso, Narembe, trees,'

When this appositional phrase is used, there is a pause after the initial noun/pronoun
in the head slot, and then a stronger intonation as the second further explanation is
given.

6.9 Number Phrase

The basic numbers are: (See section 4.4.7)

gura-nangge
one-only
'one* (one-only)

era-ya
'two'

Note: The numeral eraya '2' is a general term for two of anything. When people are
being referred to, if they both are known, then the term era-ga 'two definite article' is
used.

kabusa
'three'

Nomia R. und Donald F. 'I\>land

fiiimoruya
'four*

kande-gura

hand-one

'five'(hand-onc)

on't-bi

man-body

'twenty' (man-dead)

man-body-def.s

*one group of twenty'

The basic numeria! conjunctions which join all the combinations of numerals
togetlicr are:

gidemboro *phis'

ke-ngga Meg*

leg-def.s

ke-gidemboro Meg plus'

leg-plus

ke-ngga gidemboro Meg plus'
leg-def.s plus

It is obvious from this list that higher numerals are formed by addition of words
previously used and, many words may be used in the number position of the noun
phrase.

However, besides the words used to designate the specified whole numerals, such
things as the concept ol gum't Mialf or gu/a I sottgoo 'part' or 'other' can be specified. Or
an additional word such as: bodaga *smair, urungga 'big', ox bobodi *tiny\ may occur
with the quantity to show a whole number and the size of the remaining portion.

(137)

gura gumt nangge
another half only
'another half only'

^ eraya gura gumi bodaga
1 another hall' .^mall
*two and another small part'

The Karo Rawa numbering system is based on the counting of the two hands and two
feet or the base unit of twenty.

(138)

on't-b'i

man-body

'one man finished' or *20*

oni-bi-ga
man-body-def.s
*one group of 20V

Note that the suffix -ga 'definite singular* is a specific way of showing the fact that
only one group of twenty is indicated.

6.9.1 Basic Number Phrase

The basic numerals are the numbers one to Cwc:

gura-nangge
one-only

one

era-ya

'two*

2 -ace

kabusa

*three*

namoraya

*four*

kande-gura
hand-one

'five'

The numerals 6-9 consist of the word kande-gura 'hand one' or 'five*, plus the numerial
conjunction gidemboro 'plus*, and one of the first four numerals as is needed.

Norm I R. and Donald F. Tolund

{13V)

kande-gura gtdemhoro guranangge
haiul-onc pin;; one-only

'one hand plus one* or '6'

kande-gura gidemboro eraya
hand-one plus 2

'one hand phis two* or '7'

kande-gura gidemboro kabusa
hand-one plus 3

'one iiand plus three' or '8'

kande-gura gidemboro namoraya
hand-one plus 4

*one hand plus four' or '9*

CHART 18; BASIC NliMBKR PHRASE (NUMBER 1—9)

f ±

(^Quantifier

±(>onnector)

Ulead

±Mod

±Qual

±Size

kande gura
hand-one
'one hand*

gide-mboro
'part-plus'

gura-nangge
eraya

gide
'part'

gums
'half*

bodaga
'small*

kabusa

gura

urungga
'big'

namoraya

songoo

gide
'part*

kande-gura
hand -one

-gums
'half

bobodi
*ciny'

(140)

Onl kande-gura gideboro eraya maye-ysngoJI
man Itand-one plus 2 arrived-compi
'Seven men arrived.'

100

Reference Grammar of the Karo/Rawa Language

6.9.2 Intermediate Number Phrase ( numerals 10-19)

The numeral ten consists of:

kande eraya
hand two
'two hands* or *10*

For the numerals 11-14, the tens \xv\\i kande eraya '2 hands' is used, plus the numerial
conjunction ke-gidemboro Meg plus' and whatever one of the basic numerals ( 1-4) that
is needed.

(141)

kande eraya MO'

hand 2

kande eraya ke-gidemboro gura-nangge * 1 T
hand 2 leg-plus on-only

kande eraya ke-gidemboro eraya *12'

hand 2 leg-plus 2

kande eraya ke-gidemboro kabusa M3'

hand 2 leg-plus 3

kande eraya ke-gidemboro namoraya *14'

hand 2 leg-plus 4

The numeral 15 consists of:

kande eraya ke-ngga *15*

hand 2 leg-def.s
*two hands and a leg'

For numerals 16-19, the term kande eraya ke-ngga *15' is used, plus one of two numerial
conjunctions (according to the discretion of the speaker) is used plus whatever of the
basic numbers 1-4 that is needed.

(142) Numerial Conjunctions Needed area:

ke-gidemboro
leg-plus
Meg plus*

101

Noriiiu 1(. and i)onuKl F. TolunJ

phis
aphis'

The iHjmcTuJs lS-19 are:

(143)

kande eiaya ke-n^a *15*

hand 1 leg-ilef.s
'two hand jilus a leg'

kamie eraya ke-ttj^a gidemboro gura/mngge M6*

hand 2 leg-dcf.s plus (>ne-i>nly

'two hand plus a leg plus one*

kamk eraya ke~ttgga ke-gukmboro gura-nangge *16*

hand 2 Icg-def.s leg-plus one-only

'two hand plus a leg plus one toe of another foot'

kamk eraya ke-gidemburo gura-nangge '16*

hand 2 leg-plus one-only

'two hand, a leg, plus one toe*

Note: the ahove ilirec ways to say the number M6\ This is according to the discretion
of the si)caker.

kande eraya ke-ugva ke-gidemboro eraya *17*

hand 2 Icg-def.s leg-plus 2

'iwo haiul plus a leg and two toes of another foot*

kande eraya ke-ngga kf^ -gidemboro kabusa M8*

hanti 2 leg-dcf.s leg-plus 3

'two hand plus a leg plus three toes o another foot*

kande eraya ke-ngga ke-gidemboro numoraya M9*

hand 2 Icg-def.s leg-plus 4

'two hand plus a leg plus 4 toes of another foot*

(144) Sciueitce using tlu: numeral 7:

Oni kandegura gideboro eraya maye-yingoJI
tuan haud-one niore-|>lus 2 anived-couipl
Sevt ii men arrived.'

102

6.9.3 Extended Number Phrase: (numeraJs 20 and above)

The Karo Rawa numbering system is based on twenty.

oni-bi-ga
man-dead-def.s
*one group of 20'

oni-bi
man-dead

Note that the suffix -ga 'definite siuKiilar* is very significant in this counting system.
If the -ga 'definite singular* is present, then the numeral following the twenty means
'in addition to* or *one group of twenty plus any number from 1-19\

(145)

o/ii-bi'ga kabusa

man-dead-def.s 3
- 70 -h V or '23*

on't'bi ga kande eraya kegidemboro kabusa

man-dead-def.s hand 2 leg-plus 3

-70 f 13* or ^33*

However, when the suffix -ga 'definite singular* is missing, then the nuniber
following it means *a multiple of.

(146)

oni-bi kabusa
man-dead 3
= '20 X 3 - 60*

Note that the construction in example 145 is the same as this previous example 146,
except that the suffix ga 'definite singular* is present. Thus the three after the
twenty means 'in addition to*, whereas in this last example 146, the three after the
twenty means 'multii)le of.

oni-bi kande-gura
man-dead hand-one
'SgmupsofZO- 100'

103

Nonnu R. unU Donuld F. Tolaiid

oni-bi kande erayu
inan-tlcad haiul 2
MOgr(>upsot'20 = 2(Mr

Note: the -ga \ieflnite ^in^ular' suFilx is missing in the previous example and thus the
niimhcr which occurs after is a multiple of the previous number.

Thus any mmiber tan made by using and combining these three sub phrases.
Whenever the number phrase uses a numerial conjunction of any kind, the number
following this means 'in adthtion to*.

(147)

1. oni-bi'ga
man-dead-def.s
*one 20*

2. oni-bi kabusa gura kabusa
man-dead 3 other 3

'3 groups of 20 + 3 - 63*

Note: this same construction could be used without the numerial conjunction and it
would still mean that the last number means *in addition to the previous amount*.

3. oni'bi-ga guratiangge
man-dead-def.s 1

*one 20pluione*/*2r

4. oni-bi~ga kandegura gidemboro guranangge
man-dead -(ief.s 5 plus 1
*onegroupof 20 + 6~26*

5. ont'bt'ga kande eraya kengga gidembom guranangge
man-dead-def.s hand 2 leg plus I

?0+ 16-36'

6. oni-bi eraya
man-dead 2
70X2-40*

7. oni'bi eraya kabusa
man-dead 2 3
70X2 + 3.43*

8. oni-bi kandegura
man-dead 5
70X5-100*

104

Reference Grammar of the Karo/Rawa Language

6.10 The Doobe Ten Kina Monetary System

With the cessation of trading items for con\modities, the peoples of Papua New
Guinea are now using more currency in exchange for commodities. Thus the Karo
Rawa people started their own indigenous money counting system based on the ten
toea (similar to 10 cents) coin.

They group 100 ten toea coins in a stack and wrap them up. Each wrapped stack of
100 ten toea coins et^uals ten kina (equivalent to $10.00 US) and is called a i/ooi?e *stick\

Their monetary system based on the i/ooi^e *stick*, incorporates the principles of the
counting system as can be seen below.

(148)

stick

*stack of 100 ten toea coins wrapped up'

i/ooSe-ga

stick-def.s

*onc group of 100 ten toea coins wrapped up*

The function of the -ga *definite singular' here is the same as in the counting system
where this suffix is used on the word *twenty\

oni-l^ -ga
man-dead-def.s
*one group of 20'

When the suffix -ga *definite singular' is used on the monetary word i/oodf *stick of
ten kina', any number /number phrase which immediately follows it means *in
addition to'.

(149)

1. doobe-ga nanggg
stick-def.s only

*one group of ten kina'

2. doobe-ga kande-gura gidemboro namoraya
stick-def.s hand-one plus 4

*one group of ten kina plus 9-19 kina*

105

Norma K. and Donald I*\ Tolund

J>. doobe-^a kabusa
snck-dcf.s 3
'oiic group of 10 kiiu plus 3 -* 13 kina'

When the -ga Mcfmitc singular* suffix is not present, then any number phrase
iinmetiiately following the word doobe *stick\ means ^multiples of.

The niinihers of the monetary system are formed just like their counting system only
everytlung is in relation to the doobe 'ten kina'. Thus to show the tens unit, the word
doobe 'ten kina' is used with the number or number phrase following it being a
multiple of ten kina. Any number / number phrase following this would be in
addition to the previous sum.

(ISO)

1. doobe eraya
stick 2

*two groups of ten kina' or *2 (10 kina) - 20 kina'

2. doobe kande-gura gidemboro gura
Slick hand-one plus one
'6( 10 kina) - 60 kina'

3. doobe kande eraya ke-gidemboro eraya
Stick hand 2 leg-plus 2
M2( 10 kina)- 120 kina'

4. doobe kabusa ngu-no tanggori kande eraya
Slick 3 ihat-to fruit hand 2

'3 (10 kina) and to thai add 10 (ten loea coins)- 31 kina'

When the term om bi '20' is used after the conjunction ngu-no 'to that', it is referring
to *20 ten toea coins or a 2 kina note' (etjuivalent to a 2 dollar bill). Thus any number
or number phrase which follows after the oni-bi '20' is again a multiple of the 20; any
number phrase which follows after the 20 with the suffix -ga 'definite singular', this
then would be in addition to the 20.

(151)

1. doobe-ga oni-bi eraya kande eraya
stick-def.s man-dead 2 hand 2
*1 ( 10 kina) + 2(2 kina) + 10 (10 toea) - 15 kina'

106

Reference Grammar of the Karo/Rawa Language

I. doobe eraya ngu-no oni-bi eraya kande eraya
stick 2 that-to man-dead 2 hand 2
'2 (10 kinu) and to that 2(2 kina) + 10 (10 toea) - 25 kina'

3. doobe kabusa ngu-no oni-bi namoraya
stick 3 that-to man-dead 4

*3 (10 kina) and to that 4 (2 kina) » 38 kina'

4. doobe kande-gura gidemboro namoraya ngu sangani-mo
stick hand one-phis 4 that on.top-of

oni-bi-ga ngu soweyoro

man-dead-def.s that join

'9 (10 kina) and on top of that join 1 (2 kina) ~ 92 kina*

Hundreds and Thousands Units

To get hundreds or thousands units, the doobe *ten kina stick* phis the adjoining
number phrase numerals are just repeated the appropriate amount of times.

(152)

1. doobe kande eraya doobe namoraya ngu-ya
stick hand 2 stick 4 that-acc
*10 (ten kina) + 4 (10 kina) as well - 140 kina*

2. doobe kande eraya doobe namoraya ngu-no ko
stick hand 2 stick 4 that-to and

oni-bi eraya tanggori kande eraya
man-dead 2 fruit hand 2

MO (10 kina) + 4 (ten kina) and to that add 2 (2 kina) phis 10 ( 10 toea coins)
- 145 kina'

3. doobe oni-bi-ga kande eraya doobe kabusa sangani-mo ngu-ya
stick man-dead-def.s hand 2 stick 3 on.top-of that-acc
M (20)(10 kina) + 10 (10 kina) plus 3 (10 kina) on top of that as well -
200 +100 + 30 -330 kina*

4. doobe oni-bi-ga doobe kande-gura gidemboro gura
stick man-dead-def.s stick hand-one plus one
'1 (20) (10 kina) + 6 (10 kina) -200 + 60-260 kina*

Whenever just part of ten kina is being referred to, the word ianggori *fruit' is used to
refer to the amount of 10 toea coins left over.

107

Norma H. and Donald h\ To!,

(IS.^)

1. doohe e/aya n^u-fio tanggori kamie eraya ko ianggori kande-gura
stick 2 ilut-io fruit hand 2 and fruit hand-one
7 (10 kiiia) aiui to titat add 10 (10 toea coins) and 5 (10 toea coins) =
20 kina + 1 kina + SO toea - kina 21,50'

2. doobe ont-biga doobe eraya ngu-no oni-bi eraya tanggori kande eraya
.stick nian-dead-dcf.s stick 2 that-to man-dead 2 fruit hand 2

M (20) (10 kina) + 2 (10 kina) and to this add 2( 2 kina)+ 10( 10 toea)
= 200 + 20 kina + 4 kina + 1 kina - 225 kina*

3. tanggori kande-gura gidemboro eraya
f r u i t hand-one p 1 us 2

7 (10 toea) = 70 toea'

Some of the numerial conjunctions which join these numbers are:

'and'

sangani-mo
on.top-of

'on top of

saro saro

'and heaped on that'

soweyoro

*and joined'

tanggon

*fruit' or *toea coins'

ko tanggon

'and fruit' or *and toea coins

ngu -ya
that-acc

'also*

ngu-no
that-to

*and to that'

ngu

*and that'

There are a few alternate ways of saying the same thing according to the discretion of
the speaker.

(154)

1. doobe kande-gura gidemboro namoraya ngu sangani-mo

stick hand-one plus 4 that on.top-of

108

Reference Grammar of the Karo/Rawa Language

oni-bi-ga ngu soweyoro

nian-dead-def.s that join

'9 (10 kina) and on top of that join 1 (2 kina) - *>2 kina'

2. r/oobe kandegura gidemboro namoraya ngu saro saro ont-bi-ga
stick hand-one plus 4 that heap heap ni:in-dead-def.s
*9 (10 kina) and to that heap 1 (2 kina) - 92 kina*

3. doobe oni-bi-ga
stick man-dead-def.s

M (20){10kina)-2OOkina^

4. doobe-no nangge oni-bi-ga
stick-with only nian-dead-def.s
^only 1 (20) (10 kina) - 200 kina^

5. doobe oni-bi-ga doobe gura sangani-mo
stick man-dead-def.s stick another on.iop-of

M (20) (10 kina) and on cop of that 1 (10 kina) - 210 kina'

6. doobe oni-bi-ga doobe gura-nangge
stick man-dead-def.s stick one-only

M (20) (10 kina) -210 kina*

Thus without these people having studied algebraic formulas, they are using them!

6.11 Locational Phrase

Locative and Directional words indicate location, distance, position and elevation.
Locative words as well as any noun, pronoun, adjective, or temporal occurring in the
locative position, will assume the locative enclitic phrase tlnai with one exception — a
demonstrative pronoun may occur after the enclitic is used.

Locative/Directional words occur in the Locational Phrase, with the smaller
Directional Phrase fitting into the modifier two slot of the Locational Phrase; in the
Locative Appositional Phrase and in the location slot of the clause level.

(155)

1, kootu-yi-sina (SC 33)
behind-3s,poss-towards

*later*

2. dagoma sewendi po-no (SG 1)
year 70 4-in

*in the year 1974'

109

Norma K. and DonulU l^\ '^J'olund

riic Locative IMuasc iliffcis from the Directional Phrase in that:

1) five tagnicnies occur;

2) greater range of modification may occur;

3) only noun or location words may occur in the Locative Head Slot whereas
Direction Phrases occur in the Modifier 2 Slots.

CIIAK r 1»>: LOCATIONAIv PIIRASK

tPron. 1:

1
t M<kI.2:

+ Loci I.

± M(Hi. 1

1
+Mod.2:

± Pron. 2

poss.pron
dem, pron.
prom phr

directionals

noun
loc.wd.

adj.
loc.wd.

Directional
wd/Phr.

dem.pron.

Note: 1) When a directional word occurs in the prehead Modifier 2 slots, it usually
is just a (iirection word, not a phrase, and would not assume affixes.

2) In the prehead Pronounl and posthead Pronoun 2 slots, demonstrative
pronouns optionally occur in one or the other but not both.

3) The Locative enclitics occur on the final l^ocative/directional word of
this phrase -never on the final demonstrative pronoun.

(156)

3. ene-ngo yano
3s-poss house-in
'in his house*

4. figu-ffgga ngu amu ya beyt-woore (RA 38)
dem-def.s emp down. below house side-on. top.of

'that side house down below*

5. ya beyi amu-woore ngu
house side down. far-on. top dem
'that side house down below*

(Note: examples 4 and 5 are alternate ways of saying the same thing.)

Reference Grammar of the Karo/R^wa Language

(}. ngu kande~ye dedare-s'tna (RA 32)
dem hand-poss left-towards
*ihere towards (the) left hand (side)*

7. ngu newende-mo (RA 20)
dem inside-of

*inside (oO it'

8. ya gumi-mo (RA 18)
house half-in

'in the room*

6.12 Directional Phrase

The Directional Phrase consists of an obligatory Mead tilled by a direction word pUjs
an optional posthead specifier slot. This phrase occurs in the posthead Modifier 2 slot
of the Locational Phrase.

The Directional Phrase differs from the Locational Phrase in that:

1) it is a close semantic unit and the Locational Phrase is not;

2) it has only two tagmemes with the Head slot being a direction word;

3) it is a smaller phrase occurring in the Locational Phrase posthead Modifier 2
Slot.

6.12.1 Elevation and Distance

This Directional Phrase enables the Rawa speaker to give precise information as to
where something or someone is, in relationship to the location from the speaker's
position. With the use of the Head and specifier Slots, elevation and distance are
specified. The demonstrative pronoun with location affixes then becomes a
directional word.

Noriiiu R. uiiU Ooimld 1^\ Toland

CMAki'ZO: DIRKC'HONAMMIKASK

Note

+ I lead:

direction word

dcni.proiKwitli
lor. affixes

± Specifier:

distance/elevation
directional words

1. The Head Slot lias the suffix -sina 'towards' or -roko 'location*.

2. The Specifier Slot tioes not usually take affixation.

CHAR r 21: DIS'I ANCK AND El.KVATION DIRECTIONS

Using the following chart of a house where the speaker and another person are
located, (on the cliart tliis house is represented by a A ) the following information was
cli( lied and will he recordetl below hy the numbers indicatetl on this chart. This
represents very mountainous terrain where the speaker is looking up the mountains,
tiown the mountains, to the righthand side and to the lefthand side of the house where
they are located. I le is explaining where these other houses are located and is pointing
to the place.

112

Reference Grammar of the Karo/Rawa Language

(157) Direction Words

awu *far up above*

ame *close up above*

andu Vay over to the side*

ande *close by to the side*

'I'he combinations of these above direction words explain the elevation as well as the
sideways position from the speaker*s point of view. Since the speaker was pointing to
the position as well, it was unnecessary to say whether it was on the righthand or
lefthand side. To try to give the oral righthand or lefthand position as well as the
direction of the exact location made very unnatural speech and thus wasn't
something that they would say.

(158)

1. hiyomi'Sina andu
Icffhand.side-towards over. far
'far over there on the lefthand side*

2. hiyomi'Sina ande
lefthand. side-towards over.close
'close by over on the lefthand side*

3. ande-sina amu
over.near-towards down. far

*over a litde towards the side and further down below*

4. amu-sina amu
down.far-towards down. far
*down below and on further*

5. ande-sina ame
over.near-towards down. near

'over a litde ways to the side and down a little*

6. meiemi'sina ngu namoko
righthand. side-towards 3s close
*it's close by on the righthand side*

7. alpi-sina

up. near towards
*up above nearby*

Norma R. and Donald F. Tuland

8. alpi-sina andu
up. ncar-to wards over. far
*up a little and way further over' I;

9. alpi-sina awu ;|
up.near-towards up. far j|
'up and way up more' |

10. awu-stna J

up.far-towards a

'far up above* |j

1 1 . oriroko awu 1
far. away up. far

'a long way up above*

12. oriroko awu andu
far. away up. far over. far

'a long way up above and far over to the side*

13. andu'Sina andu
over.far-towards over. far

Vay over to the side and further on yet*

Note: The -e refers to *close by*, and the -u refers to ^farther away*
from the speaker.

6.12.2 Go/Gome Direction

6.12.2.1 Go/Come Verbs:

The four *Go* direction verbs arc:

u-te 'he is going down*

go.d()wn-prt.3s

oore-te 'he is going up'

go.up-pri.3s

uroore-ie 'he is going down and up*

go.down.up-prt.3s

Note: Vroore-te ('he is going down and up') is a compound verb using the verb u 'go
down' and the verb oore 'go up'. This is the general 'go' verb used when hiking up and
down in these mountains.

114

Reference Grammar of the Karo/Rawa Language

oorowu-te *he is going (straight)*

go.straight-prt.3s

Note: When the verb oorowu-te *go straight* is used, the distance is either very close
and can be seen to be straight ahead or the distance is very far away and the speaker is
not sure whether their destination is up above or down below.

The two *come* direction verbs are:

ombu-te *he is coining*

conie-prt.3s

maye-te *hc is arriving'

arrive-prt.3s

The most widely used *come* verb is ombu-te *he is coming*.

When a person is noticed a long ways away, the speaker will use the verb maye-te 'he is
arriving*.

6.12.2.2 *Go/Come* Directions When Hiking on the Mountains:

1. [A] < < [B]

When a man [B] is coming towards the [A] speaker, the *A* speaker will say:

Ene no-no ombu-te-^.
he me-to come-prt-3s

*He is coming to me.*

2. [A] > > [B] > >

When a man [B] is hiking in front of the speaker *A*, depending whether the man [B]
is going straight, up, down, or is going up and down, the speaker will say:

E.ne oorowu-te.

3s go.straight-prt.3s

*He is going (straight).'

E.ne u-te.

3s go.down-prt.3s

*He is going down.'

115

Normu U. and Donald F. TolanU

Etie oore-ie.

3s go.up-prt.3s

'lie is going \\\i'

Ene uroore~ie.

3s go.down.iip-pft.3s

M Ic is going down and up.'

3. [Bl > > [A| > >

When a man [H] is hiking behind the speaker *A\ the speaker will say:

Ejie kootu ombu-te.
3s behind conne-prt.3s
*lle is coming hehinil me.'

Depending on whether the man ( B ) is going straight, down, up, or down and up, the
man ( B ) who is hiking behind the man *A* would say:

No kootu oorowU'te-no.

I behind go.straight-pri-ls

'I am going (straight) behind him.'

No kootu U'te-no.

1 behind go.down-prt-ls

*I am going down behind him.'

No kootu oore-te-no.
1 behind go.up-prt-ls
'1 am going up behind him.*

No kootu uroore-te-no.

I behind go.down.up-prt-ls

4 am going down and up behind him.'

Wlien people have arrived from a long distance, the speaker with strong emotion will
ask:

Adaga ye maye-te~nggo~ku}
now 2pl arrive-prt-2pl-cli
*Mave you arrived now?'

The reply will be:
116

Yo, adaga noore maye-te-to-kul
yes now Ipl arrive-prt-lpl-cli
*Yes, we have arrived now!'

6.13 Temporal Phrase

The Temporal Phrase consists of an obligatory Head Slot filled by a
temporal/locative word plus two optional Post Head tagmemes: Modifier and
Modifier 2 Slots. This Phrase would occur in the Temporal slot of the clause level.
The Temporal Phrase is not usually expanded beyond just the Head Slot.

CHART 22

TEMPORAL PHRASE

+Head:

temporals

± Modifier
Number Phrase

± Modifier:

adjective

loc. word

adjective

question word

(159)

1. adaga
*now/ today*

2. yangmi
^tomorrow*

3. kuyowo
^yesterday*

4. kootu-yi-sina
behind-poss-towards
Mater'

5. koo(u-yi-sina erne (SC33)
behind-poss-towards later

Mater on*

6. erne gogo
later first
later on*

117

Norma H. und OonulJ F. Tolond

7. fmn4 ndadiro? (Dli 70)
lime how. much
'what time (is it)?'

8. nant guranan^e
time one
'one o'clock'

9. kando naru Vapuwa Nugint {SC4)
rest time Papua New, Guinea
*Papua New Guinean holiday'

10. sono m'Uuku
water time
'rainy season*

11. kuri (KA46)
'hefore'

6.14 Modified Verb Phrase

'1 he Modified Verb Phrase consists of two optional pre-head tagmemes, Negative and
Nh)difier Slots, plus an obligatory Head Slot and an optional post head tagmemc,
Indefinite Slot. The Mead Slot is filled by any verb. Elocution Verb Phrase or Desired
Action Phrase.

The Modified Verb Phrase occurs in the predicate slot final of the clause. In medial
verbs, on the clause level, the Modifier and Indefinite tagmemes, of this Modified Verb
Phrase rarely occur. The Modified Verb Phrase differs from the Repetitive Verb
i*hrasc and the Progressive Motion Verb Phrase in that:

1) this phrase is generally a more widely used phrase type in the Predicate Slot of
the clause level;

2) the Indefinite Slot occurs only on this phrase type;

3) the Head Slot may be filled by the Elocution or Desired Action Phrase; or by
any verb.

118

Reference Grammar of the Karo/Rawa Language

CHART 23

MODIFIED VERB PHRASE

± Negative:

± Modifier

± Head:

± Indefinite:

Intensificr Phr

Transitive v

bine

*not'

'maybe/perhaps'

Adverb

Intransitive v
Elocution v Phr
Desired Action v Phr

(160)

(DA 9)

(Ka 58)

1. yo-ro
get-ss
*get'

2. ma ye-ro
neg pui-ss
'not put'

3) ma mete ie-lo-ni (SB 24)
neg well do-tis-s.e
'he did not do (it) weir

4) sodedo sodedo ursyo-ro-yi
quickly quickly bring-ds-pi.e
'they brought it very quickly'

5) biyomi ye-wa bine
bad make-ft.3s indef
*will it (be) bad perhaps*

6) sumoo e~te-^ bine
ask say-prt-3s indef
*is he asking perhaps'

6.15 Double-Headed Verb Phrases

The Double-Headed Verb Phrase consists of two obligatory Head tagmemes plus the
same optional prehead and posthead tagmemes as the Modified Verb Phrase. Thus this
Double-Headed Phrase occurs in the Head Slot of the Modified Verb Phrase. The

(SG 29)
(SB 16)

119

Norma K. and Donald F. Tolond

Doublc-i leaded IMirasc has two sub-rypcs: the Elocution Verb Phrase and the Desired
Action Phrase.

I'his Double-lleaded Phrase tliffcrs from the Repetitive Verb Phrase in that:

1) ir only has the Double-I leaded tagmemcs in the Head Slots — no more may
occur;

2) the second Head Slot in the Rlociuion Verb Phrase is always fdled by t-
Say/talk' and the Desired Action second Head Slot must always take the verb
ie- 'do/work/make'.

6JS.1 h:i()ciili<)n Verb Phrase

The Klociition Verb Phrase consists of the first obligatory Head filled by elocution
verbs such as: shout, call oui, ask, cry out, eic. The second Head Slot may only occur
with the verb e \say/talk'. The I lead 1 Slot has elocution verb stems as mentioned
ai)ove. i'hc verb stems do not take affixation in the Head I Slot,

'I'he Elocution Verb Phrase differs from the Desired Action Verb Phrase in that:

1. the Head \ and 1 slots have different fillers;

2. the Head 1 Slot takes no affixation.

(:MAKr24

EL(X:U'ri()N VKKB PIIRASK:

+ Head 1:

+Head2:

any elocution verb

e- 'say'

meno

*shout*

'say*

kira

'pray/cry out/

*say'

mande

^talk^

'say'

sumoo

*ask*

*say*

Note; Head 2 takes t

iie usual verb medial

/verb final aff

xes.

120

(161)

1. Meie ge oorowu-ya Yunu meno e,
good you go-imp Yunu call, out say
Tlease go and yell out for Yunu.*

2. Asa, adaga tioore kira e-te-to.

all. right now we call.out say-prt-I.pl
'AH right, now we are going to pray/

3. Ene ngundiro te-to~nu Yeri ko gura sumoo e-wo.

he same do-ds-s.e Jerry again other ask say-pt.3s
'When he did that, Jerry asked some more questions/

6.15.2 Desired Action Verb Phrase

The Desired Action Verb Phrase consists of the Head 1 Slot filled by any verb with
the desirative suffix -wero in place of tense, person suffixes plus Head 2 Slot filled by /e
*do* plus the usual affixation for either medial/final verb position of the clause.

This Desired Action Phrase differs from the Elocution Verb Phrase in that:

1. the Head 1 Slot is filled by any verb taking the desirative -ru'ero suffix;

2, Head 2 is filled by only the verb fe- *do* plus the usual affixation.

CHART 25

DKSIRED ACTION VERB

+ Headl:

+ Head 2:

any verb plus
desirative suffix
'wero

/e-'do'

(162)

mure-wero te-too-we
shoot-des do-ds-s.i
T want to shoot '

ne-wero ie-wo-ro-wo
eat-des do-pt-ld-rpt
*We (dual) wanted to eat*

(DA%)

(BM.005 p.588)

121

Noriiiu H. and I >unulJ F. Toland

1 // wero te-io yi (HA.0()6p. 588)

go.tlowii-des tlo-ds-pl.c
'Tlicy want to go down '

6.16 Idiomatic Verb Phrase

'I'hc Idiomutic Verb Phrase consists of an optional pre-head Manner Slot plus two
obligatory tagmcmes: the Auxiliary Slot and the Head Slot. The Auxiliary Mod. and
the Head niuy be separated by the Manner Slot. Usually the Manner Slot does not
orcur at all but when it does the usual position is between the Auxiliary and the Head
Sl«>t. 'I'his Idiomatic Verb Phrase occurs in the Predicate Slot of both medial and final
verb clauses.

T he Idiomatic Verb Phrase differs from the Modified Verb Phrase in that:

1) the Auxiliary and the verb Head compose a closely knit unit creating a new
idiomatic meaning;

2) the fillers of the Auxiliary and the verb Head are a closed set with definite co-
occuirence restrictions.

The following verbal units work together creating a new idiomatic meaning:

(163) Verb Stem A? 'do'

Om.oni te-u.
happy do-prt.3s
ile is h;ippy.'

Ngund'tro te-te.
same do-prt.3s

4Ie did the same.*

Ngund'tro te-yingo.
same do-compl

'That's how he did it.*

(U>4) Verb Stem >f/^///f>w 'die'

Sayt kumoo-te,
sick die prt.3s
'He is sick.*

122

^* Reference Grammar of the Karo/Rawa Language

No sayi unmg^a biyomi kumoo-te-no.jl
I sick l)ig bad die-prt-h
*I am very sick.*

Oodoro kumoo-te,

hunger die-prt.3s
'He is hungry/

Sono-ro kumoo-te.
water-poss die-prt.3s
*Hc is thirsty.'

(165) Verb Stem ingo 'hear/understand*

GomeMetetni ingoo-te,
good think-prt.3s

*She loves/likes him.*

Metemi hgoo-ie-io.
good hear-prt-l.pl
*VVe arc happy.'

Ogingo urungga ngoo-ro.
pain big hear-ss

'We felt very tired.*

6.17 Progressive Motion Verb Phrase

In the Progressive Motion Verb Phrase, the verb head is always filled by a motion
verb meaning 'go* or *come* and the progressive tagmcmc is always filled by the word
yade (showing current progression) which may occur up to four times to show that
the person is currently progressing from ii long, long way. 'I'his phrase may also have
a long series of locational phrases or appositional phrases used as locationals. These
Locational phrases occur between the Qualifier and the Verb Head Slots.

The Progressive Motion Verb differs from the Modified Verb Phrase in that:

1) the Progressive slot is always filled by yade;

2) the Verb Mead is always filled by motion verb meaning 'go* or *come';

3) much embedding by Locational and or Appositional Phrases used as
locationals may occur within this phrase.

123

Norma R. and Donald b\ Tolunil

CIIAK'I 26: iM«)(;Ki:SSlVK MoriON VERB PHRASE

4- Progressive:

± (Jual:

± Locaiive:

+ Verb Head:

yade
^progressing*

komo
'truly'

Loc.Word/Phr.
App.Phr

Go/Come verbs

u *go.down*
oore- 'go.up'
oorowu- 'go, straight*
ombu- *come*
maye *arrive*
toonge *depart'

(16^))

(HR.012p627)

Yade u-ro,

progressively go.down-ss

*He is progressively going down/

Yade. yade komo awu-no oore-ro ngu

progressively truly farther.up. above-to go.up-ss that
'Uc is govii^ way up above there'

(AO.006)

Note: r/ie komo *truly/niust* is a word that is spoken to tell people that what you arc
saying 'is a fart* and not just a figment of your imagination. Thus it is hard to
translate it into Kngtish.

3. Yade.yade.yade.yade komo awu-no oare~ro ngu. (AG, 003)

progressively truly farther. up. above-to go.up-ss that

'1 le is really progressing, going farther and farther up above.'

6,18 Summary Verb Phrase

The Simimary verb phrase is composed of a summary word such as: ngundiro *Iike
that/same', ngandiro Mike this', ox guradiro *like others'; plus a medial verb.

124

Reference Grammar of the Karo/Rawa Language

CHART 27: SUMMARY VERB PHRASE
+ comparative word

ngundiro
Mike that'

ngandiro
Mike this'

guradtro
like others*

medial verb form

any medial
verb form

(\61)Ngundiro like that*

Ye-to-ni ngu, asa, mindu sangani-mo ye-ro yuwoo-yingo.ll

makc-ds-3s.e when then bark on,top-of put-ss roli.out-compi

Ngundiro yuwoo-roo-to-ni,

like. that roll.out-cont-ds-3s.e

'When it was made, then he put it on top of the bark and rolled it out. Continuing
to roll it out .*

This is a discourse feature and occurs in the beginning of the sentence. It is a device for
summarizing what has already happened in the discourse and then drawing it
together and continuing the sequence progression.

This is part of the Karo Rawa deictic system and acts as an anaphoric reference back
to the participant in the final verb action of the previous sentence.

The medial verb in this summary verb phrase, may either be an echo of the final verb
in the previous sentence (Tail- Head Verb Linkage) or the medial verb /e *do' may be
used as a generic reference to the action of the final verb in the previous sentence.

(168) Text NR87.1; Qauses 65-68: re *do' generic medial verb:

Ya usowoO'fo u-roj ya newende-mo oo-ku

house break-ss go.down-ss house inside-of spcc-prm
*Thcy broke into the house, went inside, (and)

125

Nonna R. und DonaiU F. Toland

Finiil Verb of Sentence
kond'ibo yotnturimba ri-yo-yingoJI
all destroy-get-compl

destroyed everything.

C'ompautive f Cicneric Verb te

Ngundiro te-wo-nggo-ku ngu, ar^a, ndadtro te-wa~nggo?

Same do-pt-^.pl-rel when then what do-ft-3.pl

When tliat kind of thing had been done, what should you (plural) do?*

(169) Text NRS7.1; Clauses 75-77: 6V/rW/>tf 'other kinds' with the Generic verb
ie 'do':

E-rOj fii^u dobo o -ge newende ye-yi sanggiri
say-ss that fricnd-your inside put-3s angry
'You talk and make your friend cross with you,

le-roj doboo-ge ngu-ya newende ye-yi
do-ss friend-your 3s-acc inside put-3s
and then you make your friend feel badly also.

l^inal Verb Summary + Generic Verb

ooro-yiniiojl Ge guradiro te-roj ge—-
go-compl you other.kinds do-ss 2s —
As you d<» these kinds of things, you *

Note: In these examples, the te 'do* generic verb is echoing the final verb action of the
previous sentence.

7. GLAUSES

Clauses have constituents in approximately the following order:

{Time/Location)(Subject Noun Phrase)(Object Noun Phrase) Verb Phrase.

A time (T) or location (Loc) constituent may also occur after the Subject Noun
Phrase and a locative may also occur after the Object Noun Phrase.

(170) Text RA20: Locative Sentence Initial and also After the Object Position of
the Clause:

Loc Subj

Ngu newende-mo ngu pawusi oo kendiro oo

it inside-of that pouch something same something

Obj Loc Predicate

ye-weroyi musiyo ngu-no te-yingoJI
put-nom space 3s-in make-compl

*0n the inside just like a pouch is made they made the space in the cupboard.'

(171) Text KS32: Locative After the Subject Position:

Subj Loc Loc Predicate

Sidu omu-yi-woore manggo-wo-woore ombu-wero.ll

blood nose-3s.poss-on.top.of mouth-3s.poss-on.top.of conie-dcs
*Blood came from his nose and his mouth.*

(172) Text SD15: Time Phrase Sentence Initial:

Time Phr Obj Predicate

Ngundiro suwootetoni mbako gasiyo-yingoJI

same afternoon sweet.potato peel-comp
*That same afternoon they peeled the sweet potatoes.'

127

'■f

Norma H. and Donald F. Toland

(173) Text S5.1; Clauses 1-4: 'rime Word After the Subject Position:

S rimeWd obj V V Obj V

No kuri-mi bodaga-no ko ie-wero e-rol si yo-rol

J beforc-intcn small-at work dcxles say-ss string. bag get-ss

Obj V (.oc l»hr V final

duge yo-rol kopi ko-no u-wo-no-woJI

knife get-ss coffee garden-to go.down-pt-ls-rpt

*A long time before, when I was little, I decided that I wanted to work so I got
my string bag and my knife and went down to the garden.*

The i^redicatc is the only obligatory item in a clause. Whether or not an object noun
phrase occurs, depends on the transitivity of the verb.

(i74)

Predicate
u-ro

go.down-ss
*went down and*

(175)

Ombu
come

'(^me here*

rhere are also stative or equational clauses in which the Predicate consists of a
negative, adjective, or noun phrase.

Thus this is a topic for further research as to the possible status of negatives and
adjectives as verbals in the Karo Rawa language.

(176) Conversational Example:

Subj Neg
Ari ma!
noise don't
'Shut up!*

128

Reference Grammar of the Karo/Rawa Language

ff77) Text SB8:

Topic Comment

Digi ngu-ya kiniJI
scone 3s-also no
The money too (is) gone/

f078) Text SB23:

Topic Comment

Ngu 00 amana kowuri biyomiJI

that something new heavy very
*(The) first time (it is) very hard.*

(179) Text SCI:

Time Topic Comment
Adaga nga dagoma setsmdi po-no.
now this year 70 4-in
*Now here (it is) the year of 1974.*

7.1 Dependent Glauses

There are several types of dependent clauses. The most commonly used dependent
clauses occur sentence initial in medial verb clauses. However, any medial verbs with
ihe appropriate markers constitute a dependent clause. Relative clauses are another
type of dependent clause which occur in after nouns or noun phrases, and also may
occur before the noun head in noun phrases.

7.1.1 Sentence Initial Dependent Clauses

Dependent clauses sentence initial, occur with the usual medial verb affixes and if the
meaning of the clause is *when/ir then the conjunction nm occurs in the final slot of
this clause. The meaning of the conjunction ngu depends on the context of the
discourse. It could be conditional action ('ir)(*whcn') depending on the context. In
clauses denoting simultaneous action (*as'); they do not use the conjunction ngu but
instead arc joined together by the usual medial verb markers as in the example below.

(180) Elicited: Dependent Clause Sentence Initial — Simultaneous Action:

Bo ioonge-ro oorowu-io-ni, oni-ndo ure-yingoJI
pig waik-ss go-ds-s.e, man-ag kill-compl

*As the pig ran out, the man killed him.'

129

Noiniu U. and ]>onalJ F. Tolund

(181) l^licitcd: Dependent (Clause Sentence Initial (no ngu *conjunction)-
Sinuihaneous Action:

.Vo aie-ngo yano omhu-too-we, oo ne-wo-nggojl
1 ,W-p{)ss honsc-to comc-ds-ls.i spec ate-pt-3.pl
'As 1 came to their house, they were eating/

(liS2) Klicited: Dependent ('lause Sentence Initial (no rigu) ^conjunction' )-
Simultaneous Action:

No rayisi kawvo-toowe, Dou-ndo ko te-yiugoJI
I rice c(M)k-ds-ls.i Don-ag work do-compl
'As I was cooking rice, Don was working/

Note: In simultaneous action in a medial dependent clause, there is no ngu
'conjunction*.

In hoth the conditional action and in the contiguous action dependent clauses, the ngu
'conjunction* is present as in the following examples:

(183) Dependent (Mause Sentence Initial — ^Conditional Action:

Sofio-no ombu-to-ni ngu, no ma ombu~wa-noJI
rain-to conie-ds-s.e if 1 not come-ft-ls
'If the rain comes, I will not come.*

(184) Dependent (-lause Sentence Initial — Contiguous Action:

Dasi nga omhuto n't ngu, no-ndo oo ka-too~we ne-wa-toJI
name here conie-ds-s.e when Is-ag spec cook-ds-s.i eat-ft-l.pl
'When Dasi comes, 1 will cook something and we will eat.*

7.1.2 Relative Dependent Clauses

C^Iauses may be used to give an additional specifying comment to a noun phrase
(Relative Glauses). Relative clauses occur in the post position after nouns or noun
phrases in the subject, object or indirect object slot of the sentence; and, they also
occur in the noun phrase before the noun head. They differ completely from the
metiial verb dependent clauses in that they do not occur with the medial verb affixes.
Instead, they take the usual fmal verb affixation (either the completive aspect -yingo,
or the tense and person number affixes) with either the -ku —mu relative clause
markers. Relative clauses, when occurring within another dependent clause, the ngu
'conjunction' is used as well.

130

Reference Grammar of the Karo/Rawa Language

Further research will be needed to show the difference between when the relative
clause marker -ku verses the -mu is to be used.

In order to show examples of the two relative clause markers -ku —mu^ we will show
examples of these in the following order:

-ku 'relative clause marker' after the:
-yingo 'completive aspect*
-ietise ami person number

-mu 'relative clause marker' after the:
-yingo 'completive aspect'
'iense and person number

-# 'absence of the relative clause marker' with:

-yingo 'completive aspect' after the noun head in a phrase

-yingo 'completive aspect' occurring before the noun head in a phrase

Relative Marker -ku\

(185) Text 85.5; Clauses 145-149: Completive Aspect Marker with Relative marker
-ku:

Oore-rol ya-no ye-ro yoko-rol awa-ndo ooro-ro namo
go.up-ss house-to put-ss finish-ss papa-ag go-ss mother

ye-yingo-ku rorowoo-ro mere se-yingo.H
put-compl-rel by.side.of-poss hole dug-compl

'He went up to the house (left his cargo) and went to the grave where he had
bviried mother and dug another grave beside hers.'

(186) Text Y2; line 1: Tense and Person Number Affixes with the Relative Affix
-ku:

Ne oru-wo-nggo-kuy mera-ngga ngu oowooyi Guyusu.il
they live-pt-3.pl-imb ground-def.s that name Guyusu
*The place where they lived, that ground is named Guyusu.'

131

Norma R. and Donald F. Toland

IVo Relative Clauses; one wich mu and one with -ku:

(187) Text NNK87.1; Glauses 13-18: Tense and Person Number Affixes with the
Relative Affix -mu (cl 16) and -ku (cl 14):

13 14

Ngundiro e-ro ooro-roj kan ktmbe-ga kenoro-wa-kuj

same do-ss go-ss marsupial landslide-def.s sce-fl-rcl

15
ko mure-weroyi td't kini, kingo soru nanggjt yo-roj
and shoot-nom bow not nothing light only get-ss

oorowu-wo-ro-mu ngu-ro Megeku-ndo soru ka-roj
go-pt-3s.rpt-rel that-poss namc-ag light cook-ss

17 18

no-nu-noroj e-yingoJI
Is-give-ls-ss say-compl

Mlc did that, went and when he saw a marsupial by the landslide, he didn*t have a
bow to shoot him wich only an unlighted torch so because of that he went and
said to Megcku, "Light the torch and give it to me.*"

(188) Text 85.16; Clauses 92-%; Completive Aspect -j'/V/^o with Relative Clause
Marker -mu (cl 95) and -ku (cl 93):

92 93 94

Efie ombu-roj oo yo-ro tnaye-yingo-kuj ngu yo -roj

3pl come-ss something got-ss arrive-compl-rel that got-ss

95 %

yaba oo ye-weroyi te-yingo-muj ngu-no ye-yingoJI

bed something put-nom do-compl-rel there-to put-compl

*They came and got all that they had arrived with and put it on the shelf that
holds things.*

132

Reference Grammar of the Karo/Rawa Language

Relative marker -mu:

(189) Text Mark 1:32: Completive Aspect -y/zfo with Relative Clause Marker -w//:

Om,ssmoo.barie mbooro biyomi-mbo yo-yo-yingo-mu ^gu-ya
people spirit bad-inst them-get-compl-rel that-incl

yo-yo-ro maye-wo-figgo-nJI
them-get-ss arrive-pt-3.pl-rpt
'The people who had evil spirits they got them also and brought them.'

(190) Text NNK87.4; Clauses %-97: Tense and Person Number Affixes with die
Relative Affix -mu:

% 97

Anya^ bare ngu Gomumu-nonggo yo-wo-no-mu ngu-ro uri

all. right woman that Gomumu-from get-pt-ls-rel that-poss pay

ngu kunawo onibi-ga ko bo-yi ngu kande-gura gidemboro era-yaJI
that shell.beads 20-onc and pig-3s that 5-one plus 2-incl.//

All right, the wife that I got from Gomumu, I paid 20 shell beads and 7 pigs for
her.'

(191) Text NNK 87.1; Clauses 7-8: Tense and Person Number Affixes with the
Relative Affix -mw.

7 8

Arisa, no bodaga-no ko /e-wo-no-muj ngu-ro mande

all.right Is little-to work do-pt-ls-rel that-poss talk

muri-ne-ngga-ku e-weroJI

custom- Is. poss-def.s-prom say-des

*Okay, the work that I did when I was little, that fashion I want to talk about.*

Relative clauses do not usually occur without the relative clause markers -ku or -mu
as the final affix on the medial verb. However, some relative clauses when occurring
with the completive aspect -yingOy do not take the relative clause marker -ku ^-mu.
This differs from the other dependent clauses occurring sentence medial, because the
completive form docs not occur on them, — only in relative clauses.

133

Norma K. and Doimlcl F. TotunU

{V)Z) Tcxi NNK87.4; (Clauses 24-25: Completive Aspect -yirtgo with No Relative
(Clause Marker: occtirrini^ after the noun phrase:

Kro/ no-tuli) ya ^oodoo-yingo bumkoku dowoo-roj ya goosoo-yingojl
say-ss Is-aj^ house close-compl barricade hold-ss house open-compl
*l said that, held the harricatle that had shut the house and opened the house.'

(l*>Ji) Text Luke 1:7: (Completive Aspect -yingo with No Relative Clause Marker:
occurring after the noun phrase:

Ifisaheh, ngu ninggoo te-yiyigo ngu-ro erambarisa eraya-ga
Kli/abcih slie barren do-compl 3s-poss 2. married 2-def.s

ngu, erie simoonambo-yan kiniJI
that 3p children-3p.poss no

'Elizabeth, who was barren, when the two folks were married, they did not have
any chiUiren.'

Relative clauses occurring within other dependent clauses which use the conjunction
ftgu:

(194) Text Luke 1:4: C'ompletive Aspect -yingo with no Relative Clause Marker,
but with the Dependent Clause conjunction ngw.

Naru pifv-ngiia-no no nga mande oo nga-ro sumoo sumoo

time long-dcf.s-for Is this talk something this-poss ask ask

oowooyingga ie-ro mufi bidodo ingor-ro yo-ro; asOy no mande

many do-ss custom all hear-ss got-ss all. right Is talk

nenengo oorengo kuri tunoo-te'yingo ngu^ adaga nakangoo-te-noJI
straight very before come.up-do-compl that now write-prt-ls

*For a long time I have been asking and asking a lot about this talk and now I
understand all these customs; all right, this completely true calk that came up
before, I now write (about that).*

(195) Text NR«7.1; Clauses 123-127: Tense and Person Number Affixes with the
Relative Affix -ku Occurring with the Dependent Clause conjunction ngu\

(€ komo nowoondo-ge amoo yowoorengo-ni^ oni ge doonge~ngge-mo dika-roj
2s must stoniach-2s truly turn-3s man 2s eye-2s-before stand-ss

134

Reference Grammar of the Karo/Rawa Language

ngu-nonggo Anut-ro mande e-te-ku
that-from God-poss talk say-prtJs-rel

nguj etie tngo-yaj ngu amoo oorengo tngolll
when 3s hcar-imp that truly very liear

Tou must truly become converted and when a man stands before your eyes and
says the things that God has said, you hear him and truly listen to him!*

The affix -yingo 'completive aspect' may also occur before the noun head in a noun
phrase. When this occurs, then the relative clause does not use the -mu I ~ku 'relative
clause marker'. This is a device that is often used for the Karo Rawas to describe a
term that is either foreign to their language and needs further explanation or as a
device to fully explain away any possible ambiguity there might be between
participants in a discourse. This is also used much more readily in a translated text
that is unfamiliar to the listeners. When a relative clause occurs before the noun head
in a noun phrase, the completive tense is used with no relative clause affixation.

(1%) Text Mark 2:6: Completive Aspect -yingo with No Relative Clause Marker
occurring Before the Noun Head:

hnutu-ro tnamana mande-ro etu-yero~yingo oni, ene bibite-ro

God-poss law talk-poss instruct-them-compl man 3s sat-ss

oru-wo-nggo-ku, nowoondo-ye-mo ingondudu te-ro ingo-wo-nggo-riJI
remain-pt-3pl-rel stomach-thcir-in understand do-ss know-pt-3pl-rpt

*The men that teach them about God*s laws, they that remained sitting there,
were thinking these thoughts in their stomachs.'

7.2 Medial Verbs and 1^'inal Verbs in Clauses

Most clauses have the possibility of having not only a final verb but one or more
medial verbs as well.

(197) Text 85.1; Clauses 1M5:

dep clause dependent clause dep cl

UroJ de doogo-ni-ngga-ku ka-ro yoko-roj ooro-roj

go.down-ss wood old-3s-def.s-prom cook-ss finish-ss go-ss

13S

Nonnu R. and Donuld F. Tolantl

dep clause dep clause indep clause
kewa de-yt imbo-roj ombu-roj ka-wo-no-woj
kema tree- is cliop-ss come-ss cook-pt-Is-rpt

'1 went down, tlnished making a fire with dry wood, went, chopped some Kewa
firewood, i ame and cooked it.*

Note: 1.) There are no intonation breaks between these medial serial verbs.
2.) Tlie medial serial verbs take -ro as a suffix. However, in the above
example the medial serial verb

ka-ro yoko-ro
cook-ss fiiiish-ss
'completely cooked and—'

these two medial verbs function together as a semantic complex to describe the
aspects of a particular action (See Section 5.0 Word Complexes Section: Sub Section
5.4 Verb Comi>lexes: for further information on these types of medial verb semantic
units.)

3.) In the last example on the last syllable of the final verb, there is a falling intonation
(A),

-\
Ka-wo~no~mo.ll
cook-pt-ls-rpt
*I cooked.'

Reference Grammar of the Karo/l<awfl Language

8. SENTENCE LEVEL

Though in many cases sentences consist of only one independent clause, sentences
may also include one or more dependent clauses.

(198) One Independent Clause Only:

U-te.ll

go.down-prt.3s
*He is going down.*

(199) Text 85.1; Clause 66-67: One Independent Clause Only:

No-ro mandi ngu nanggejl
Is-poss talk 3s only
That's all of my talk.*

(200) Text 85.2; Causes 73-76: 3 Dependent Causes in Sentence:

DepQ DepQ DepQ

Sengetoni ootooge-to-nij de ka-roj mbako ka-ro ne-ro;!

dawn getup-ds-3.e fire cook-ss swect.potato cook-ss cat-ss

Indcp a
asa, noore gudo omo-wero sa-ytngoJI

then Ipl pandanus.nuts search-dcs travcl-compl

*When the dawn came up, we made a fire, cooked and ate some sweet potatoes;
then we searched for pandanus nuts and travelled around.*

(201) Text 85.2; Qauses 131-143: 10 Dependent Clauses in Sentence:

Dep a Dep Q Dep Q

Ya-no maye-roj ya goosoo-roj ya-no u-roj

house-to arrivc-ss house open-ss, house-in go,down-ss

Dep a Dep Q Dep Q

si oo-ku ye-roj de ka-roJ mbako

string.bag something-pl.prom put-ss fire cook-ss sweet.potato

137

Norma U. and Dunuld 1^\ Tolaiid

Gonj DepCl
ku-ro ne-ro tiguj out, kare-n^a-ku use-yi

cook-ss eat-ss wlien then marsupial-def.s-prom stomach-3s.poss

Dcp Gl Dep a

toongo ro yo-roj kare-ngga-ku u-yi ka-roj yomosiyo-ro

cut-ss got-ss marsupial-def.s-prom fur-3s cook-ss straighten-ss

Dcp CI IndepCl

yoko-foj kail? engge-ga-ku ye-roj asa, noore were-yittgoJI

finish-ss marsupial meat-def.s-prom put-ss then we sleep-compl

*We came to the house, opened the door, went down into the house, put down our
cargo, made i fire, and when we liad cooked and eaten some sweet potatoes, then
we gutted the stomach of the marsupial, burned its fur, and completely
straightened it up, put the meat of the marsupial in the string bag, and then we
slept.'

The set of \erb suffixes on a final verb as shown below, mark the end of a sentence in
a discourse.

tense: -ie

present

-wu

future

'WO

past tense

plus person number:

-no

-ro

-to

Ipl

-ri

2d and 3d

-nggo

2pl and 3iil

If the rcmoto past tense is used, then this affix occurs after the other person number
plus these remote past affix markers:

-wo Is and Id and Ipl

-# 2s

-/'tf&'o 3s

/V - fiyo '-nyowo 2tl and 3d

-riyowo 2pl and 3pl

i3«

Reference Grammar of tlie Karo/Rawt^ Language

If tense and person number are not used on the final verb, then completive aspect
•yhigo —wifi^o; or desirative aspect -wero is used. After the usual affixes on the final
verb, a climax marker -Jtu may occur in the suffix final position, l^his is used at the
emotional high point of a discourse and is followed by an optional demonstrative
pronoun ngt4 --nga *that/this* and an obligatory strong emotional intonation as shown
by an exclamation mark. The only other free form that may occur in the post final
verb position is the word bine *perhaps\

(202) Text 85.3; Clauses 85-86: Verb Final Tense, person number, and Climax
Marker -ku:

Ngu-ro ngu, noore homo oore-roj sa-woo-io-ku!

that-poss 3s Ipl must go.up-ss walk-pt-lpl-cli

*It was because of that, that we had to go up (to the house of the headmaster) and

we ran up there!'

(203) Text 85,1; Clauses 1-3: Remote Past Tense:

No kuri-mi bodaga-no ko te-wero e-rol si yo-rol

Is before-inten small-to work do-des say-ss string. bag get-ss

du^ yo-roj kopi ko-no u-wo-no-woJI
knife get-ss coffee garden-to go.down-pt-ls-rpt

'A long time ago when I was small, I thought about doing some work, and I got
my string bag and knife and went down to the coffee garden.'

(204) Text RW86,1; Clause 18: Verb Final with Tense, Person Number and the Free
Form bine 'perhaps':

Nga-no ko ombu-wa, binefll

here-to again come-ft.# perhaps

*Will you come back here again perhaps?*

(205) Text 85.4; Clauses 33-35: Verb Final Completive Aspect:

NasiyoO'ioo-we kokingo ye-to-ni nguj no-ndo yo-roj
warm.up-ds-ls.i hot put-ds-s.e when Is-ag get-ss

nombo dabe-mi~mo ye-yingo.ll
ashes sidc-3s-of put-compl

'I warmed up (the pork) and when it became hot, I got it, and put it by the side
of the fireplace.'

139

Norma K. and Donald F. Toland

(206) Desirative Aspect:

No mande ge-no e-weroJI
Is talk 2s-with say-des
*I desire/want to talk with you.*

Sentences may be declarative, imperative, or interrogative.

8.1 Declarative Sentences

Declarative sentences are marked by a falling intonation on the last syllable of the
sentence.

(207) Declarative Sentence:

Adaga nondo opis-no ko te-te-no.U
Today Is ag office-in work do-prt-ls
*Today I am working in the office.*

There are various types of declarative sentences: reciprocal, reflexive, comparison,
reason-result, conditional, factual, con traf actual, manner, response, purpose, place,
time, instrument, and simultaneous. Although we have listed these sentences as
different types of sentences, they are merely a purely semantic division not a
grammatical division. They are given to show how these things are expressed in the
Karo Rawa language.

(208) Reciprocal: (Elicited)

In the following reciprocal type sentence the word nangge 'only*, with the word ebe
^together* gives the reciprocal semantics.

Enengo mtngg^ ebe uroo-fe-riJI

3d-poss only together hit-prt-3d
Those two arc fighting each other.*

(209) Reflexive: (Elicited)

Nenengo n-uroo-te-noJI
l/2.poss Is.obj-hit-prt-ls
*! hit myself.*

140

Reference Grammar of the Karo/Rawa Language

(210) Text Mark 1:7: Comparison:

When comparisons are made, usually the word daga-neroo~te 'win over me* is used, or
daga-ie *he wins\ This is a very useful term and makes comparisons very easy to use.
in the following scripture text, there is the use of the term daga-neroo-te *win over me*
plus several sentences first explaining how the power of Jesus surpasses the power of
John the Baptist.

Ene mande ngandiro e~ro e-ytngoJI Kooiuyisina^ oni gura no
2s talk same say-ss say-compl later man a Is

ke-nero-ro ombu-wa, Ene ngu ons-ngga ngu yanggango-ni

leg-me-ss come-ft,3s however that man-def.s that power-3s.poss

urungga oorengoJI No-ro yanggango-ne ngu ye ingoo-te-nggoJI
big very Is-poss power-my that 2pl know-prt-2pl

Ene ngu, ngu oni-ngga ngu-ro yanggango-ni ngu no

however that that man-def.s that-poss power-3s.poss that Is

daga-neroo-te.// No enengo JtmJHri oni nangge.//
win-me-prt.3s Is his servant man only

*He Gohn) said this same talk. Later on a man will come after me. However, that
man has much much power. You all know about my power. However, that man
his power surpasses mine. I am only his servant.*

Another way to show comparison is with use of an intensifier after the form that is
greater than the previous one.

(211) Comparisons: (Elicited)

Nga urungga, ene ngu-ngga, ngu urungga oorengoj/

this big however that-def.s 3s big very

*This is big, however that it is truly big.*

In the preceding example, the intensifier oortngo Very' was used after the second
word urungga 'big* and thus this states that it exceeds the first one by comparison.

141

NoriikU U. unJ Oonuld h\ TolunU

(212) Uoason-Resiilt: (Ivlicitcd)

i\'o oodoro kumoo-ro ngu -ro oo ne-te-noM

Is hungry die ss that-poss something eat-prt-ls

M was dying of hunger so I ate something.*/ ^Because I was dying of hunger, I ate

something.*

Note: there are no morphoh)gical forms to indicate reason and/or result. This comes
from content and juxtaposition of clauses.

(213) Conditional: (Klidted)

Sono-no ombu~to-m ngu, no ma omhu-ma-no.ll
rain- to c(»me-ds-s.e if Is not come-ft-ls
*If the rain comes, 1 will not come.*

(214) Factual: (Elicited)

No me yf-yootoo-we, eife ure-wo~nggo.ll

Is them sccHls-s.i together fight-pt-3pl

M saw them, they were fighting.*

(215) Contrafai tual: (b:iicited)

Ko un-yi ma nu-no-yingo ngu-ro no ko ma te-wa-nojl
Work pay- h not Is-give-compl that-poss Is work not do-ft-ls
'If they dont give me my work pay, I will not work.*

(216) Manner: (KHcited)

Dasi-tuio entngo kopi doongo-wo-ku, ngundiro no ngu-ya kopi
Dasi-ag his coffee cut-pt-rel same Is that-inci coffee

doonge-U~noJI
cut-prt-ls

M prune my coffee trees the same way that t)asi pruned his coffee trees.*

(217) Response to a Question:

(£ rayisi Sugano unyo-uwr* Yo.H (or) Yo, yo-wo-no.ll

2s rice Sugar-at t)uy-pt.3s yes yes get-pt-ls

'Did you buy ihe nee ai the Ramu Sugar?' *Yes.* (or) *Yes, I got it.*

142

Reference Grammar of the Karo/Rawa Language

Note: One or two word replies to a question are an acceptable response.

When a child is seen to be doing some unacceptable behavior, the mother's response
will usually be:

Mai (or) Ngu ma!
Don't That don't

*Don't!' (or) *Don't do that!'

(218) Purpose: (Elicited)

No oowari uriyo-wero ombu-te-no.ll

1 s food buy-des come-prt- 1 s

*1 came to buy food.' (or) 'I came because I wanted to buy food.*

(219) Place: (Elicited)

No Dasi-ndo bibite-ro oru-wo-ku-nOy ngu-no btbite-wo-noJI
Is Dasi-ag sat-ss remain-pt-rel-at there-at sat-pt-ls
i sat where Dasi was sitting before.'

(220) Time: (Elicited)

No Dasi kuri oru-wo-ku~no, ombu-wo-no.ll

Is Dasi before be-pt.3s-rel-at come-pt-ls

*I came to the place that Dasi formerly had been.'

(221) Instrument; (Elicited)

Dasi-ndo saporo nu-no-yingo, ngu-ndo de damoni doorige-te-noJI
Dasi-ag axe Is-give-compl 3s-ag tree base cut-prt-Is
*I cut the base of the tree with the axe that Dasi gave me.'

(222) Simultaneous: (Elicited)

Eo toonge-ro oorowu-to-niy oni-ndo ure-yingo.ll
pig walk-ss go-ds-s.e man-ag kill-compl

*As the pig ran out, the man killed him.'

8.2 Imperatives

Imperative sentences are always addressed to a hearer and give a command. A
command is always accompanied by a strong, rising intonation on the primary stress
of the final verb.

143

Norma R. and Donald F. Toland

(223) Command (singular):

Utofll

hit

^Hitit!'

(224) Command (singular):

No-nu-nolll

Is-give-io

(you singular) *Give it to me!*

(22.S) Command (plural):

Mbako y o ya ombu-yilll

sw. potato get-imp come-2pl

(You plural) 'Cict the sweet potatoes and come!*

Note: The imperative affix ~ya occurs on medial verbs. On the final verb, when a
command is given to just one person, only the verb stem occurs with no affixation.
For commands given to several people, the plural person marker is used. Tense does
not occur with the command form.

The polite imperative form includes the word mete *good/please* which occurs
sentence initial,

(226) Polite Command Form:

Mete ^ ya-no so gasiyo.ll

g(K>d 2s house-in weeds scrape

*It would be good if you would sweep in the house.* or TIease sweep the house.*

8.3 Interrogatives

Interrogative sentences ask for information, for a yes-no type answer, or may be
rhetorical. Interrogative words occur after the item being questioned in the clause; or,
they may take the place of the noun in the subject position of the clause.

On all interrogative sentences, there is a rising intonation on the last syllable of the
final word in the sentence.

144

Reference Grammar of the Karo/Rawa Language

(227) Information Question:

Nga dowi nga d'tgi ndadiro?!! Ge-ngo-mboJI

this pumpkin here stone how. much 2s-poss-instr
'How much is this pumpkin here? It's up to you (you state the price).'

(228) Yes/No Response Question:

Desiyo mngguri, binefll (or) Desiyo ningguriPH Yo.H

tapioca sweet perhaps tapioca sweet yes

*Is the tapioca sweet perhaps.^' (or ) *Is the tapioca sweet?* 'Yes.*

Yes/no Response questions have the same word order as declarative sentences except
that the last syllable of the last word in the sentence has a rising intonation.

The word bitte ^perhaps' may occur after the final verb, after medial verbs, after
nouns, adjectives or time words thus changing a declarative sentence to an
interrogative. As in other interrogative sentences, the last syllable of the adverbial
word bine 'perhaps', occurs with a rising intonation.

(229) Bine 'Perhaps' Sentence Medial & Sentence Final:

--/ -/

Awu anduno ngu ttdawugafll Ya bine ngtdndi de, bineP//

up.above(far) far.over-to that what house perhaps or tree perhaps

'Far up there and over more to the side, what is that?Is it a house perhaps or is it
perhaps a tree?'

(230) Text RW86.1; Glauses 18-19: Bine 'Perhaps' Sentence Medial ^ Sentence
Final:

Nga-no ko ombu-wa, binePI/ Mera gura-no bine toonge-wa?
here-to again come-ft.2.s perhaps ground another-to perhaps travel-ft.2s
'Will you return here perhaps? Or will you travel to another area perhaps (to
work)?'

Rhetorical Questions are used to provoke an audience to think about the values that
the speaker is presenting. He is asking a question that is to be answered as a negative
response in the listeners' mind. These rhetorical questions have the same form as the
yes/no questions and the questions for information.

145

Norma \i. and Donald F. Toland

(231) Text NR87.1; Clause 139: Rhetorical Question:

Yi.i/js bine, ngu mufi biyotni rigu wemoo-ro yoko-wa?ll
Jesus perhaps these fashion bad that snuff.out-ss finish-ft.3s
'Is Jesus perhaps able to snuff out and finish these bad ways (of yours)?'

(232) 'i'ext NR87.1; Clause 82-85: Rhetorical Question:

Ngu-ro ngu, no kowun koorowoo-ro ombu-ro ombu-roj adaga
that-poss that Is burdens carry-ss come-ss come-ss now

me tabaugo oni gura one-ndo etie kowuti koorowoo-roj mande

however liead man a who-ag 3s burdens carry-ss talk

ngundirO'tnu wtriko-roj ene-ngo newende-monggo tngoo-tefll
same-poss judge-ss 3s-poss stomach-froni hear-prt.3s

'About that, I have carried and carried your burdens, and now however who is
the hcadnun that will carry your burdens and make the same kind of judgements
that come from the thoughts of his stomach?*

The (|uestion words used in Karo/Rawa are the following:

ndawuga

ndawu naru-ngga-no
what time-def.s-at

ndawugaro

one-ndo
who-ag

one-ro-mu
who-poss-poss

ndadtro

Here are examples of their usage:

(233) Ndawuga 'what*:

Nga ndawugafH
This what
'What is this?*

'what*

Vhat time/ when*

'why*
'who*

'whose/ it belongs to whom*

'how or how much/many*

146

Reference Grammar of the Karo/Rawa Language

(234) Ndanarunggano Vhen*:

Ndawu-naru-ngga-no ko ombu-wafll
what-time-def.s-at again come-ft.3s
*When will you come back again?*

(235) Ndawugaro ' why*:

Van ndawugaro ngundiro t€-yingo?ll
2d why same do-compl

*Why did you both do it that way?'

(236) Onendo *Who*:

(See example - NR87.1: Clauses 82-84; under Rhetorical Questions)

(237) Ooneromu *whose':

Nga oone-ro-muPII
this who-poss-poss
*Whose is this?*

(238) Ndadiro * how much*:

Digi ndadirofll

stone how. many

*How much money is this?*

8.4 Compound Sentences

Due to the structure of the medial verb system, compound sentences consist of
dependent clauses using the usual medial verb affixation and a dependent clause on
the final verb of the sentence. However, two or more independent clauses may occur
when a direct quote is contained within a sentence. The final verb affixes occur both
on the final verb of the direct quote and on the final verb of the sentence as well.

(239) 85.12; Clauses 58-61: Quotation Within a Sentence — 2 Independent Clauses:

Dependent Q

No ngu-ya ye-ndo nga~nonggo meno sambi te-roo-to-yi ngo-roj

Is that-incl 2pl-ag herc-from cry. out loud do-cont-ds-pl.e hear-ss

147

Normu R. and Donald V. 'Poland

1 )ci) ( ^1 Independent CI

i/io Sonomhuru merano awunonggo in^o-roj ombu-te-no-ku ngaj

is name ground up.far-from hear-ss come-prt-ls-cli here

Independent CI
era e-i^'o-roJI
say-ss say-pt.3s-rpt

***! too heard yon all from here loudly cry out and I heard you from all the way up
at Sonomhuru ^roi^nd and so I came here!" he said.*

Other than the ahove type of sentence, most sentences consist of lengthy dependent
t laiiscs using the various medial clause markers and then just one independent clause
sentence final, h'or an example of tins normal sentence pattern, see Sentence Level
exaniple 200; Text NS.2; Clauses 13M43.

S.4.1 I^inkiii^ Clauses in Sentences

( llauses are linked togedier by: serial medial verbs -ro 'same subject* (See section
4.8.3.1); medial verb different subject (speaker included in the previous action)
-too —e, or metlial verb different subject (speaker excluded from the previous clause
action) -to --t (See section 4.8.3.2); inner clausal conjunctions; and or sentence initial
connectors (Sec section 4.9.4.1 and .2).

Serial verbs consist of a series of medial verb actions with a pause between each
action.

(240) Text Primer Page 137; Serial Medial Verbs -m,

Toonge-ro, namba bowera ye-ro oodo-nij no sono

walk-ss cassowary trap make-ss remain-ds.s.e Is water

tneye-ro nu uto-ro wataye-ro oru-wo-nojl
watch-ss bird kill-ss heap-ss remain-pt-ls

'He travelled (and) remained making a cassowary trap (and) I watched by the
river (and) killeti( and) heaped birds.*

Note: There are several medial verbs which are a complex of two verbs which
function together as a particular verb action. In the preceding example, ^^-/t? oodo-ni
'he remained making it* these two verbs actually specify the action and an aspect of
the same action.

148

Dependent medial verb clauses with different subject (speaker included -too — ^and
speaker excluded -to — / from the previous clause action) are also ways clauses are
joined together.

(241) Text 85.16; Clauses 127-131; and Glauses 143-146: Dependent Medial Verb

Clause Showing Different Subject with Speaker Being Included or Excluded
from the Previous Clause Action:

127 Dependent Clause

Suwo-nonggo Dewuyi, Katero, garo-do nga-no oore-rol
night-from Dewuyi Katero 3pl-ag here-to go.up-ss

128 Dependent Clause 129 Dependent Clause
yo-mure-wero te-to-yi, ngu-ro no ombu-rol
pl.obj-shoot-des do-ds-pl.e that-poss Is come-ss

130 Dependent Clause 131 Independent Clause

noore-ngo ya kenoo-too-wej ya goodoo-yingo te-yingo.ll
Ipl-poss house see-ds-s.i house close-compl do-compl

'In the morning Dewuyi and Katero, they came up here desiring to give shots,
and because of that, I came and saw our house and it was closed up.*

8.4.2 Conjunctions and Conneclors

Conjunctions within clauses also connect clauses into sentences. Inner clausal
conjunctions are used in sentences but not to a great extent in the Karo/Rawa
language. (See section 4.9.4.1)

The inter clausal conjunctions arc:

ngundi *or*

ko 'and'

asal arisalariya *then*

ngu 'when/but/if

Yangm't suwononggo ngundi suwooteloni bine, no ombu-w -no.ll
tomorrow morning or afternoon perhaps Is come-ft-ls
'Tomorrow morning or perhaps in the afternoon I will come.*

149

Nonna U. unU I>onuld F. Toland

(242) Sentence Initial Connective Words:

*In that'

that/there-in/to/at

ihis/hcre-in/to/at/here

Nguro
that-poss

Ngu-tionggo
that-from

Ngumiiro-mu
Sanie-poss

Ene

Asal Arisal Afiya

*In this/ here*
*About that'
*From that*
'Same as that*

*Mowever/but*

*A11 right/ then/ however/ but/ therefore'

(243) Sentence Initial Conjunction Phrases:

'In that *

Ngu-no ngu
that-in it»

Ngt4 ndtro ngu - ro
Same that-poss

Ngu-fwnggo Ngu
That-from it

Ngu-ro ngu
that-poss that

NgunJiro tmngge
same only

'Because of that*
*It was from that*
^Because of that*
^Besides that*

Sentence initial connectives are widely used and serve to connect the sentences
together in sequential progression on the discourse level.

Most of conjunctions used on the sentence level, occur sentence initial. These
connectives usually refer back to previously mentioned events as in the following
examples:

ISO

Reference Grammar of the Karo/Rawa Language

(244) Text 85.7; Clause 1-2: Conjunction //^w-/w 'in that*;

Mera gura oowoo-yi ngu B'tgenJI Ngu-no ya ye-ro oru-wo-tiggoJI
ground a name-3s.poss 3s Bigere there-co house make-ss remain-pt-3.pl
'The name of that ground is Bigere. It was there that they made a house and hved.'

(245) Text 85.4; Clause 75: Conjunction nga-no \o this/here'

Nga-no maye-to-ni nguj
here-to come-ds-s.e when
*When he came here,*

(246) Text NNK87.5; Clause 25: Conjunction ngu-ro 'about that':

Ngu-ro ge-ngo-mbo ombu-roj
that-poss 2s-poss-ag come-ss
'About that you yourself come, — *

(247) Text 85.16; Clause 71: Conjunction ngu -nonggo *from that*:

Ngu nonggo ko oore-ro toonge-weroyi nguya kiniJI
there from again go.up-ss leave-nom also not
*From there, there was no way to go up (outside) again.*

(248) Text 85.4; Clause 7: Conjunction ngundiro-mu 'same as that*:

Ngundiro-mu ngu-no oodoo-wel
same-poss there-to remain-ds.ls.i
'It was like that when we lived there,—*

(249) Text NNK87,3; Clause 10: Conjunction ngu-no ngu 'in that it*:

Ngu-no ngu, noore noore-ngo Urungga oo Bidodo Simburi

that-in that Ipl Ipl-poss big something all boss

Simbu-naniy ngu-ro amoo ingoo-ioo-yel
Creator-our that-poss true know-ds-l.pl.i

'And in that, wc can truly understand our Lord and Creator.*

151

Norma H. and Donald F. 'Poland

(250) "I cxt «S.S.16; (Clause 73: (Conjunction ngumliro ngu-tv ^because of chat*:

Ngundtro ugu-to, komo ngu-no ori-yingoJI
same tiem-poss must there-to remain-compl
'Itccausc otthat, I had to remain there.'

(?S1) 'IVxt NNK87.2; (Clause 7: Conjunction ngu-nonggo ngu 'it was from that*:

NgU'Honggo ttgu, no nowoondo-ne samartgoweroyi mande-gUy
that-from that Is stomach-my strengthen-nom talk-def.s

ns^u-ndo no-ro ingondudu-ne yanggango ie-yi-no-yingoJI
3s-af^ Is-poss tlu)ughts-my stror»g do-3s-give-compl

*h>om that they gave me talk which strengthened my stomach which
sirengihened my thoughts.'

(252) Text 85.15; < Clause 161: Conjunction ngu-ro ngu ^because of that*:

Ngu-ro ngu, ette yano maye-rol
tiiat-poss that 3d house-to come-ss
^Because of that, the two of them came to the house,—'

(253) Text NU87.1; Clause 25: Conjunction ngundtro nangge ^besides that':

Ngundtro nangge, doboo-ge-bo-ya ngundtro si-ye-roj

same only friend-2s-ag-incl same string. bag-put-ss

^Besides that you and your friends will be of one mind,—'

8.S Quotations

Direct quotations have the verb e 'say' at the beginning and the ending of the quote,
'['he verb t *say' uses the appropriate medial or final affixation depending on the use
in the sentence. Usually the beginning *say' verb is at the end of the preceding sentence
and then the direct (pjote starts the following sentence and is followed by the *say'
verb at the end of that sentence. However, sometimes the entire quote plus the
beginning and ending *say' verbs are all contained within the same sentence.

(254) 85.12; Clauses 56-61: Direct Quotation Sentence:

*Say' Verb Direct Quote
Awa~ndo gana-yero-roj ngandiro e-wo-roJI "No ngu-ya ye-ndo
papa-ag deceive-them-ss same say-pt.3s-rpt Is that-incl 2pl-ag

152

Reference Grammar of the Karo/Rawa Language

nga-nonggo meno sambi te-roo-to-y't ngo-roj no Sonomburui mera-no
here-from cry. out loud do-cont-ds-pl,e hear-ss I name ground

*Say^ Verb
wu-nonggo ingo-roj ombu-te-no-ku nga"J e-ro e-wo-roJI
p.far-from hear-ss come-prc-ls-cli here say-ss say-pt.3s-rpt

*Father deceived them all when he said this. "From here I too heard you cry out
loudly; I heard you from all the way up at Sonomburu ground and so I came
here!" he said/

Indirect quotes end with the verb e *say* but don't use the *say* verb in the beginning
of the quote. This indirect form is rarely used and further investigation would show if
the use of just the 'say' verb form at the close of the quote is merely another way of
expressing a direct quote. In the following example the *say' verb is not used at the
close of the sentence preceding the quote. This place is marked by two ++ signs.

(255) Text YM 84.9; Clauses 1-5: Indirect Quote:

Indipenisi mande-ga ngu ingo-roj simoo bare-do ngandiro
independence talk-def.s that hear-ss men women-ag same

InDir Quote
ingo-yingo,^+ll Adaga golpi-yi sarayi oni sa-io-yij ende ururu
thought now skin-pl.poss white man leave-ds-pl.e town big

*Say' Verb Clause
nga mera-ko nga noore-ngo yo-wa-to ene ngundiro e-wo-nggo-riJI
this ground-on this Ipl-poss get-ft-lpl 3pl same say-pt-3pl-rpt

*The people heard the talk about Independence and they thought that, "Now that
the white skinned people have left, we can get the ground in the big towns for
us," they said this same thing/

153

9. DISCOURSE LEVEL

9.1 Systems of Participant Tracking in Karo/Rawa Discourse

9. LI Introduction

In Karo/Rawa Discourse, the Independent Pronoun System, the Switch Reference
System and the Demonstrative System are the three primary devices used to track
participants. Karo/Rawa sentences tend to he long with many medial verbs.
iVonouns track the participants through the sentence. After a participant has been
introduced, he is tracked by the verb switch reference and pronominal systems.
However, when there have been several clauses or verbs between die mention of the
participant's name and/or the introduction of other participants or where it is not
clear whom is being referred to, the a proper name, generic term, or noun is again used.

Within the Independent Pronoun System, independent pronouns and noun
phrase/pronoun-verb agreement contribute to the flow and direction of information
in regards to discourse participants.

Within the switch reference system, the use of tail-head linkage provides continuity
for the medial verb switch reference system across sentence boundaries. The
importance and frequency of this feature marking sequence progression in
Karo/Rawa Discourse is discussed in Norma R. Toland, WA^jf^s What in Rawa
Discourse, 1988.

Within the Demonstrative System, the demonstrative forms provide cohesion by
reference to distance in time, space and location. They also add emphasis to a specific
participant and/or action in discourse.

9.1.2 Pronoun System and Discourse Tracking

9,1.2.1 Independent Pronouns:

The same set of independent Pronouns may replace or refer to nouns in subject, object
and indirect object functions. The forms are as follows:

Reference Grammar of tlie Karo/Rawa Language

CMART28: INDEPKNDKNT PRONOUNS

Person/Number

Singular

Dual

Plural

Isc

No ore

2nd

Yari

.Vd

Ngu
Efte

Rke

Eraga

Garo

Note: b.ke is a historic form of third person singular rarely used by today's speakers.
A related set of pronouns sliow possession. These forms are shown in Chart 29, below.

CHAK r 29: PRONOUN POSSKSSION SUFFIXES (-ngo -ro)

Person / Number

Singular

Dual

Plural

1st

No-ro

Noore-ngo

2nd

Ge-ngo

Yari-ngo

Ye-ngo

3rd

Ngu-ro

Efte-ngo
Eke~U

Eraga -ro

Garo-ro

Note 1. All pronouns ending with front vowels take the suffix -ngo. All pronouns
ending with mid or back vowels take the suffix -ro.

2. EM does not take a possessive marker but is followed by ngu-ro *he/she/it
poss' to show possession, i.e., Eke tiguro *His/her/its.*

Since possessive pronouns are only indirectly related to participant tracking in
discourse, I will not discuss them further in this paper.

9.1.2.2 Independent Pronoun Uses:

Rawa Pronouns are a class of words which act as referents much the same as Nouns
do. However, in contrast to nouns they are a small, closed set of words which do not

156

Norma R. and Donald F. Toland

have a constant relationship with a specific referent. Instead they may shift reference.
They identify persons, places, things and indicate which participants are involved
with which actions throughout Karo/Rawa Language Discourse.

Pronominal affixes on verbs carry the burden of tracking participants within a
clause once they have been introduced by a noun phrase or independent pronoun.

Because switch reference affixes can introduce confusion of participants, after a
series of switch reference medial clauses have been used, the subject will again be
identified by the use of an independent pronoun.

Independent pronouns are normally not used with medial verbs or imperative clauses.

9.1.2.3 Independent Pronoun Functions:

Karo/Rawa Independent Pronouns function as a substitute for proper nouns and
show location and possession. They substitute for nouns in Modified Noun Phrases,
Appositional Phrases, Locational Phrases and function as the primary pronoun in
Emphatic Pronoun Phrases at the phrase level. They substitute for nouns in the
Noun Phrase-Verb Agreement Participant Tracking System at the
clause/sentence/discoursc level.

(256) Subject Pronouns

1. No u-wa-no.

Is go.down-ft-ls
*I will go down.*

2. Noore uwaro.
Id/p go,down-ft-ld
*We (two) will go down.*

3. Noore u-wa-/o.

Id/p go.down-ft-lp

*We (several) will go down.*

4. Ge u-wa'§,

2s go.down-ft-2/3s
*You will go down.*

5. Yari u-wa-ri.,

2d go.down-ft-2d
*You (two) will go down.'

6. Ye u -wa-nggo,

2p go.down-ft-2/3p

*You (several) will go down.*

157

Reference (jrummar of the Kuro/Ruwa Language

7. line t4-wa-li

M g(>.do\\'n-ft-2/3s
M ic will go Jown./

8. Eke U'Wa-^ .

"hs g<>.do\vTi-ft-2/3s
i le will g(» down.'

9. Ngu u-wa-^.

3,s go.down-ft-2/3s
Mt will go tiown/

10. Eraga u-uu-ri,

3d go.(l(>wn-ft-3d

"I'hcy (two) will go down/

n. Garo u-wa nggo.

3p go.di)wn-ft-2/3p
n'hey (several) will go down/

(257) Imperative Form

GelYarilYe u-U!

(any second person pronoun) go. down-imp

'You/You twoA'ou all/ go down!'

(258) Possession

1. Noore-ngo ko undn^^a ooroo-ie-io.
Ipl-poss work big is-prt-lpl
'Our work is big.'

2. Ye no-ro mamie ma ingo-fe~nggo.
2pl Is-poss talk ncg hcar-prt-2pl
*You aren't bearing (wbat) I'm saying.'

(259) Location

1. Cie no-no omhU'^\
2s Is-loc come-imp
'You come lo me!*

2. Noore-ndo ene-no ttengguro ye-wero.
Ipl-subj 3s-loc dress put-des
'We want to put a dress on her,'

158

Norma R. and Donald F. Toland

(260) Modified Noun Phrases

Ge-ngo bo urungga, ngu-ndo no~ro ko yomuriyo-u'o

2s-poss pig big 3s-ag Is-poss garden ruin-pt.3s

*Youf big pig, he ruined my garden/

2. No-ro bo diri oowooyi urum eraya-ga nga^
Is-poss pig brown very big two-def.s here

ngu-ndo ya goosingo-mo ooroo-te-riJI
3s/p-ag house underneath-in are-prc-3d

*My two very big brown pigs here, they are underneath the house,*

(261) Co-ordinate Noun Phrases

Widanu no Depenane Gasama, noorendo^ S'tsimba-no u-yingo,

name Is name name Ipl-subj name-loc go.down-comp
'Widanu, Depenare, Gasama (and) I, We went down to Sisimba/

(262) Primary Pronoun in the Emphatic Pronoun Phrase

1. One-ndo u-wa? No-so nangge,

who-subj go.down-ft Is-emp only
*Who will go down? Only myself.'

One-ndo ombu-wa-nggo? Noore-su nangge.
who-ag come-ft-3pl Id/pl-emp only
*Who will be coming?* *Only us.'

(263) Appositional Phrases

1. Noore, Neyuro^ Dawa omanongowingo ngu digi usekingo
Idu/pl person person bread 3s money business

ko gura ooroO'te-ro,
work another be-prt-ld.

*We, Neyuro (and) Dawa, (have) bread as another kind of business to make
money.* (SD84.2/C1-2)

2. Nomi, Don, era-ga-do etu-yero-woriyo-mu.ll
person person 3d-def.s-subj show-obj/pl-rpt-poss

*Norma, Don, the two of them, were our teachers.* (SD84.2/cl22)

In this example noore-ndo functions as an appositional pronoun.

159

Reference Grammar of tlte Karo/Rawa Language

(264) Locatioiial Phrases

Noore-ngo yii-no, ene~ndo oo meiemi ne-wa.

Id/pl-poss house-Ioc 3s-subj something good eat-ft
*At our house, he will eat good things/

9,1.2.4 Pronouns Ac Clause/ Sentence/ Discourse Level

Pronouns suhscitiite for nouns in the Noun Phrase-Verb Agreement Participant
'['racking System at the clause/sentence/discourse level. They can identify the
subject, object, possession, and location of each clause and sentence in discourse.

Noun Phrase/Pronoun — Verb agreement:

Hotli noun phrases and independent pronouns are in agreement with obligatory
pronominal suffixes on verbs.

Both Subject — F'inal Verb Agreement, and Object — Final Verb Agreement track
discourse participants. Verb Agreement does not show the indirect object or
possession on the verb.

Subject — Verb Agreement:

Subject — Final Verb agreement tracks subject participants in simple sentence or
very short discourse level.

(265) Examples of Subject-Final Verb Agreement:

1. Noore ngu himi-mo ka domu te-ro oru-woo~to-wo,
Ipl that light-at lime betelnut do-ss be-pt-lpl-rpt

AVe were eatirtg lime (and) betelnut by the lamp/ (WW85.3/16-17)

2. No iorige sode-ye-ro ara-no
Is (piietly ear-3pl.poss-ss stay-Is
*1 stayed silent.' (WW85.9/46)

160

Norma R. and Donald F. Toland

CHART 30: FINAL VERB AFFIXATION
(Suffixes Used in the Agreement System are Bold)

+stem

laspect

+tense

+Subject

number

any

-rora

past

pers

sing.

past cont.

-wo

1st

-MO

-ro

•to

verb

-roroo

present

stem

present
cont.

-roru
future cont.

•muko
completive

•ie

future
'Wa

2nd

3rd

-n

-nggo

-wingo - -yingo
completive aspect

-Te}ero desirative aspect

Note 1. When tense and subject suffixes occur, the desirative or final completive
aspect may not co-occur.

2. The continuative aspect is optional, but may co-occur with tense and
person number or with the final aspect.

3. When the completive or desirative aspect suffixes are used, no subject
pronominal affixes occur. In this case, participants are tracked only by
independent pronouns and the switch reference system.

Object — Verb Agreement

In transitive sentences, object — verb agreement suffixes and prefixes identify whicii
noun or pronoun is the object and tracks the object through the discourse. Transitive
verbs are sub-divided on the basis of the object forms as follows:

Set I Verbs that take object prefixes:

Set II Verbs that take object suffixes:

161

Reference Grummar of (he Karo/Rawa Language

Set in A very limited nunii)er of transitive verbs that take only a free

form nonn/pronoun object before the verb, limited affixation, or
no affixation.

Sl^T I: Transitive verbs that take object prefixes:

C:MAK'r31: OltJECrr PUKFIX FORMS USFJ) IN AGREEMENT

l^erson
Number

plural

Object
l^refix

no-

gO'

yo-

Note 1. When tlie stem of the verb starts with a vowel, the final vowel of the
object prefix is assimilated as shown in examples 3-8 below.

2. Fi>llowing the final verb subject marker form, zero morpheme marks
third singular object on Set I Transitive Verbs as shown in examples.

(266) l\xamples of Object Prefix Transitive Verbs:

1. u-ki-m

3s.obj-bitc-imp
'You bite it!*

2. U-uto-m
3s.obj-hit-imp
'You hit lum/it!*

3. #-wm/o-#!

*You shooi him/it!*

4. #-iwo-#!
3s.obj-give imp

*You give (it) to him/her!'

5. A'w n-uroir~/e.
he ls-hi( prt
'I le lui nic '

162

6. No buku g'unoo-wero.

I book 2s.obj-give-des
*I wane to give you the book/

7. No buku ^-ino-wero

Is book 3s.obj-give-des

*I want to give him the book.*

8. BuJtu #-/wo-#!

book 3s.obj-give-2s.imp
*You give the book to him!'

9. y-tt/o-#!

3pl-hit-jmp
*Hit them!'

10. Efte no-ki-te~^.

it ls.obj-bite-prt-3s
*It is biting me/

11. Gmggam gO'ki-te-§,
mosquito 2s.obj-bite-prt-3s
'The mosquito is biting you/

12. Ginggani #-^/-/^-#.
mosquito 3s.obj-bite-prt-3s
'The mosquito is biting him,*

13. Ginggani-ku yo-ki-u-nggo.
mosquito-pl.prom pl.obj-bite-prt-3.pl
*The mosciuitos are biting them.'

14. Noore Anutu-ndo y-ure-ni e-ro e-to-ni-gogo ngu,
Ipl God-subj pl.obj-kill-ds,3s say-ss say-ds-3s-first that

y-ure-wa-U,
pl.obj-kill-ft-3s

2
The verb ino 'to give' does not assume the normal pattern for the object prefix. The

'6* of the prefix go and the V of the verb stem ino *give' are dropped and the phoneme

'w' is used instead.

-J

The different subject marker ~io is sometimes dropped from the medial verb forms
ofmune 'shoot' and i4re 'hit/kill' and the switch reference is signaled by the person-
number marker only.

163

Reference Grammar of the Karo/Rawa Language

*If CjocI has thoughts of killing us, he said first, (then) he will kill us.*

(\V\V85..VH9-91 Direct Speech

SHT II: I'he object suffixes on transitive verbs always occur in
the first affix order before the tense or aspect affix.

CHART 32: FlKST ORDER OBJECT SUFFIX FORMS USED IN AGREEMENT

person

singular

plural

1st

2nd
3rd

-nero-

'gero—nggero-

~ngo-

•yero-

Note: All pronouns ending with front vowels take the suffix -nggero. All

pronouns ending with mid or back vowels take the suffix -gero.

(267) Examples — Transitive Verbs With Object Suffixation:

gana
'deceive*

yomosi
^straightened

ooroowe
'help*

etu

*show*

erewe

'hunt*

owe
'follow*

sobo

'wait*

gosi
'tie*

daga
'win over*

164

Norma R. and Donald F. Toland

10. woosoo
*puir

11. towoo
'try-

12. sure
*scnd/dispatch*

13. dobt

*pinch*

14. Ene gana-nero-wo-^.

3s deceive- 1 s.obj-pt-3s
*He deceived me.'

15. Ene gana-gero-wo-^.

3s deccive-2s.obj-pt-3s
*He deceived you.*

16. Eraga-do erewe-nggeroo-wo-ri.
3d-ag hunt-2s.obj-pt-3d

*The two of them were searching for you.'

17. Noore gana-ngo-woo-to.
Ipl dcceive-3s.obj-pt-lpI
*We deceived him.*

18. No-ndo gana-yero-yirtgo.
Is-ag deceive-pl.obj-compl
*I deceived them.*

19. Ngu-ndo ge yomburi-gero-wa-^.
3s-subj 2s ruin-2s.obj-ft-3s

*Hc will ruin you. *(If he isn*t a Christian)
(Sara Ltr/56)

20. Namo-ne kawuytdodo Gotnumu nga-no maye-ro nga-no
mother- Is.poss pregnant village. name herc-Ioc arrive-ss here-loc

no Insi-nero-ysngo,
Is birth-Is. obj-compl

*My mother was pregnant (and when she) arrive here at Gomumu, here (she) gave
birth to me.*

165

Rcftirciicc Gruinmttr of Uic Kuro/Ruwa Language

Sin' III: Transitive Verbs That Are Irregular.

A very limited number of transitive verbs take only a free form noun/pronoun object
l)efore tlie verb, limited subject affixation, or no affixation.

Free i'orm Object Verbs

The tliree free form object forms are;

yo
'get'

imbo
'chop'

ne
*eat'

(268)

Yen etie ooro-ro ene-ngo nengguro yo-yingo.H
Jerry 3s go ss 3s-poss shirt. obj get-compl
*Jerry went and got his shirt for him.*

(269)

Neyuro de imhoo-te-^.

Neyuro wood. obj chop-prt-3s
*Neyuro is chopping firewood.'

(270)

Yutm mbako fte-te-i^.

Yunu sw. potatoes. obj eat-prt-3s
'Yunu is eating sweet potatoes.'

Limited Subject Affixation

The verb ange *io fill' may occur with aspect, tense, and only second and third
singular person number on the final verb form. It also may occur with the medial
verb markers.

\(A^

Norma R. and Donald F, Toland

(271)

No-ndo koondo ange-ro ya-no ye-teno,
Is-subj dish fill-ss house-in puc-prt-ls
'I filled the dish (and) put it in the house/

(272)

Ene-ndo koondo ange-wa-U.
3s-ag dish fill-ft-3s
'She will fill up the dish.*

No Affixation Verb

The verb Moore *have' is the only known verb which takes no tense, person, or aspect
markers. In this type of a transitive verb, when there is no tense and person number
affixation shown on the verb, then a time word is always present to indicate past or
future action. No time word will indicate present tense. The object is marked by a
noun.

(273)

1. no-ndo digi moore.
Is-ag money have

*1 have money.'

2. Kurt no-ndo dtgi moore,
before I-ag money got

'I had money before.'

3. Erne ttgu-ndo digi moore.
later 3s-ag money have
'He will have money later.'

At the present level of research, no way of predicting which verb will be in which set,
either phonological or morphological, has been found.

9.1.3 Switch Reference System

The Rawa speaker/writer, as in most Papuan languages, relies on the system of the
medial verbs to do detailed tracking of discourse participants. The forms used for the
switch reference are only used on the medial verbs. The Rawa final verbs use only the
Noun Phrase/Pronoun-Verb Agreement System which is discussed in section 9.1.2.4.

167

Reference Grammar of the Karo/Rawa Language

In the Rawa medial verb system, the device of switch reference carries information
such as person number, modaliry (indicative verses imperative), same or different
participants oi the next verb action, and the speaker involvement or non-
involvement lor each medial verb.

CHART 33: MKDIAI. VERB -SAME SUBJECT

+ stem

+ medial suffix

any
verb
stem

imperative->a
indicative-ro

If the medial verb is not marked with forms that show a change of subject, then it
will have one <»f two markers indicating only modality. When the verb is in the
indicative mood, the marker is -ro. When the verb is in the imperative mood, the
marker is ~ya.

Consider the following examples:

(274) Indicative Mood — Same Subject

Noore de toongo-ro samango toongo~ro songo wata ye-ro ye-ro
Ipl tree cut-ss forked. post cut-ss other pile put-ss put-ss

u~wa-to,
go.down-fi-lpl

*We will cut down a tree, cut forked posts (and) put the (posts) in a separate pile
(then) go down.*

(275) Imperative Mood — Same Subject (YM87.10)

Ge de toongo-ya samango toongo-ya songo wata ye-ya

2s tree cui-ss.imp forked. post cut-ss. imp other pile put-ss. imp

ye-ya i/-#.

put-ss. imp go. down-imp

'You will cut down a tree, cut forked posts (and) put the (posts) in a separate pile
(then) go down.*

168

Norma R. and Donald F. Toland

The form of the different subject and person number marker of the medial verb
indicates the number of people involved in the medial verb action and the
involvement or non-involvement of the speaker.

CHART 34: MEDIAL VERB—DlFFERKNT SUBJECT

+ stem

+ different

+ person

number

± Sequence

subject

conj

any

first

first person

verb

person

'We - Is

stem

-too

-r^-ld
•ye- Ip

'sequence*

non-first

person

-to

-ni - 2-3s
-ri - 2-3d
-yi - 2-3pl

Note 1. The optional third order affix -ga which shows that the medial verb
action must first occur before the next clause may take place.

The -ioo indicates that the speaker was included in the clausal action. With the first
person marker, a different set of person number markers -we Tirst person singular*, -re
Tirst person dual inclusive*, -ye Tirsr person, 3 or more inclusive* indicates the
number of people the speaker is involved with in this verb. These person-number
markers only occur in conjunction with the speaker inclusive change of subject
marker.

Consider the following:

(276) Person-number — first person

1. No maye-too-we ne-wo-to.
I arrive-ds-ls.i eat-pc-lpl
*I arrived, (and) we ate.*

169

Reference (jrantinur of the Karo/Ruwa Language

L Noore mayt-ioore ne-wo-lo,
Ipl arrivc-ds-ld.i eat-pt-lpl
\Vc two arrived, (and) wc all (more than two) ate.*

-V Noore mayftooye ne-wo-n^o,
Ipl arrivc-ds-lpl.i eat-pt-3pl
Wc (3 or moic) arrived, (and) they (three or more) ate.*

On tiic other hand, tlie -/(* inciicates that the speaker is not included as a subject in the
present action.

If -/o occurs, will also he a different set of person-number markers -nt *non-first
person singular', -r% 'non-first person dual\ -yi *non-first person 3 or more' which
shows how manv people other than the speaker were involved in the previous action.

(277) Person-number — non-first person

1. Ge maye-to-n ne-wo-to.

2s arrivc-ds-2-3s.e cat-pt-lpl
*You arrived, (anil) wc (3 or more) ate.'

1, Yari maye-to-W ne-wo-to.

2d arrive-ds-2-3d.e eat-pt-lpl
'You two arrived, (and) we (3 or more) ate.*

3. Ye maye-to-^*! ne-wo-to.

2pl arrive-ds-2-3pl.e eat-pt-lpl
'You (3 or more) arrived, (and) we (3 or more) ate.*

This aspect of the medial verb system makes it possible to track the speaker's
mvolvement in a series of verbal actions without any noun phrase-verb agreement,
noun phrases, pn)nouns or demonstratives.

(Consider this example:

(278)

Ombutoo-wey ka-to-niy ne-too-ye^ were-io-ni,

corne-ds.i-ls cook-ds.i-lpl ds.i-ld slecp-ds.e-ls

'The speakei came, another person cooked, speaker ate with two other people, one

of the others went to sleep

170

Norma R. and Donuld F. Toland

e-too-re, sa-wo-no,

talk-ds.i-ld walk-pt-ls

while the speaker and the remaining person talked, after which the speaker

walked (left).*

Within a particular sentence or discourse, medial verbs may show either same or
different subject affixation.

For example:

(279)

Ombu-toO'We^ bibue-ro, e-too-ye, ka-to-ni,

come-ds.i-ls sit-ss talk-ds.i-lpl cook-ds.e-ls

*The speaker came and sat down; the speaker and two others talked; one of the

others cooked;

ne-too-ye^ were-to-ni^ e-too-re^ yomo-ro,

eat-ds.i-ld sleep-ds.e-ls talk-ds.i-ld laugh-ss

the speaker ate with two other people; one of die others went to sleep; the speaker

and the remaining person talked and laughed;

sa-wo-no.

walk-pt-ls

the speaker walked (left).'

Tail- Head Linkage

To accommodate the continuity of the reference system at sentence junctures, the
average Rawa speaker will frequently begin a new sentence with an echo verb that is
the same base form as the fmal verb of the previous sentence. This echo verb will have
the medial verb affixation that show the hearer whether or not the subjects of the
next verb will be the same or different. This device for keeping track of subject
participants is called tail-head linkage. It is primarily used to mark same or different
subject participants, to remind the hearer of the subject participants of the previous
sentence, the previous action and allows for sequence of action to be marked in the
same sentence.

(280) Tail-Head same subject (\VW85. 1/21-24)

De urungga ka-ro ngu sangam-woon gobiri-ku ka-wo-no-wo.
Fire big cook-ss that up.high-on.top taro. type-all cook-pt-ls-rpt.

171

Iteference Grammar of the Karo/Rawa Languaf^e

Ka-ro...

'I (made) a fire to cook then cooked all die taro on top of it. I cooked and...*

(281) TaiMIead different subject (W\V85.2/149-152)

^'AJaga H-waro, ngundi nga-no oru-wa~ro, bine?**

Now go.down-ft-ldu or here-at be-ft-ld perhaps

"Will we go down now or perhaps stay here?**

E -yingo . h to-n i, n o - ndo
say-compl. say-ds-2/.3s, Is-ag
M le said. Me said (this and) 1 *

9.1.4 I^emonstnitivcs

There are two demonstrative forms which play roles in discourse. Karo/Rawa
speakers use the demonstrative form ngu to carr>' the meaning of distance in time,
si>ace, location and reference. The demonstrative form nga carries the meaning of
nearness in time, space, location and reference. Of these two demonstrative forms the
ngu IS used the most frequently.

9.1.4.1 Demonstraiivc Functions:

Demonstrative Prunouns are used throughout Karo/Rawa Discourse in the following
ways: modifiers, s|>eciriers, clause level markers, deixis, emphasizers, and sentence
(onncctors. Demonstrative Word F'orms are as follows:

(^82) ngu 'that/there/those/it's/given that*

Ngu am 00,
that true
*That*s true.*

When the completive or desirative aspect suffixes arc used, no subject pronominal

affixes occur. !n this case, participants are tracked only by independent pronouns
and the switch reference system.

172

(283) nga *this/here/these'

Sorto ndanoF Nga.
water where here
*Where is the water? Here/

When the Demonstrative ngu or nga are used as locative or directional words, they
can take all of the locative/directional word suffixes.

ngufnga-no *at that/this place*

ngu/nga-sina 'toward that/this direction*

ngulnga-woore *on top of that/this*

ngulnga-nonggo ' from that/this*

At discourse level ngu-nonggo and nga-nonggo refer the hearer/reader back to
previous events in the discourse.

There are two demonstrative forms that function as comparative words at word
level.

(284) Ngundiro *Like that/those* (WW85.8/cK54-55)

Dowoo-ro kekande-yt gosiyo-ro bo ngundiro mem kuri

Hold-ss leg.hand-3s.poss tie-ss pig like. those ground old

gosiyo-yingo.
tie-compl

*(He) held his legs and hands (and) ued (him) like pigs used to be tied on the
ground.*

(285) Ngandiro *Like this/these'

Ene ngu-no oode, ngandiro te-wo-riyowo.
3s there-loc is like. this do-pt-2d.rpt
*They (2) remained there (and) did (lived) like this.*

9.1.4.2 Demonstratives at Phrase Level

At the phrase level demonstrative pronouns serve in the following phrase functions:
as modifiers; as an indefinite noun; as an emphasizer.

173

Reference Cranimar of the Kuro/Rawa Language

Demonstratives function as modifiers in noun phrases. When a demonstrative
pronoun occurs phrase initial, it modifies the noun and when it occurs phrase final, it
additionally emphasizes the noun phrase.

(286)

1. Kabusa~ga vgu, garo-ndo ko-no ke-te-te-nggo.
thrce-dcf.s those 3pl-suhj garden-loc work-do-pt-3pl
*' Those three, they are working in the garden.*

2. Oore-ga n^a, Ngano kar yomboriyo-yingo.
road-def.s hrre here-loc car wreck-corn pi
*'rhe road here, (is) where the car was wrecked.*

3. Ya uruttgi^a ngu, kamleye dedare-sinQy
house big there hand-3s.poss left-toward
"There on die lefthand side of the big house,

ngu yaba u^ere-weroyi gura ooroo-ie, (RA 23)
there bed sleep-nom another be-pt
there is anodicr bed for sleeping.'

4. No-ro bo dirt oowooyi ururu eraya-ga nga,
Is-poss pig brown big very 2d-def.s diese
''These two very big brown pigs of mine,

etie-ngo ko yomboriyo-yingo.

3s-poss garden destroy-compl
destroyed his garden.'

5. Koono moo mbako da nggire dowi, oo ngu
banana taro sweet. potato sugar corn pumpkin something these
'Banana, taro, sweet potato, sugar, corn, pumpkin, these things,

no-ndo no-ro ko imi~wero.

Is-subj Is-poss garden plant-des
I want to plant in my garden.'

6. Ngu kare, nggoni-ngga^ Mari ianggori ne-ro
'That marsupial nggoni-dcWs tree. type fruit eat-ss
"That marsujiial, the nggoni, was eating Mari fruit

oodo-ni omb/.'-ro keno-ro, Neyuro-ndo ngundiro e~yingo.
be-ds conu'-ss sec-ss Neyuro-subj say-compl

(ami) Neyuro came, saw (it and) said like that,

174

Norma R. and Donald F. Toland

^'Kare-ngga ngu, " e-yingo.
Marsupial-def there say-compl
"There*s the animal/* (he) said/

Demonstratives Function As An Indefinite Noun In The Head Of A Noun Phrase.

(287)

1. N^a-ngga nga, amoo mande oorengo.
this-def,s here true talk really/completely
*This here (is) really the truth/

2. yV^tt-ngga ngu, amoo mande oorengo,
that-def.s there true talk really/completely
*That there (is) really the truth.*

Demonstrative Prounouns can optionally occur both initial or final to the Primary
Noun of a Locational Phrase but never at the same time. When a demonstrative
pronoun occurs phrase final, it functions to emphasize the phrase.

(288)

1. Ngu kande-ye dedare-sina
There hand-poss left-towards
*There towards (the) left hand (side).*

2. Ya beyi amu-woore ngu
house side down.far-towards there
*Further down toward the side of the house there.'

Demonstrative Pronouns may function as an indefinite noun for the primary
direction word in Directional Phrases.

(289)

Ngu-no, andu-sina, ngu ooroo-te-#.

There-loc ovcr.far-toward 3s be-pt-3s
*There, on further over, is where its at.*

The demonstrative forms ngundiro like that/those* and ngandiro Mike this/these*
function as indefinite nouns before the primary medial verb in a Summary Verb
Phrase. The primary function of the Summary Verb Phrase is that of discourse
connector as discussed in more detail under ("ausc-Iiffcct.

175

Kefcrence (iramntar of the Karo/Rawa Language

9.1.4.3 Demonstrative lM>rms At Clause/ Sentence Level

iM)rms identical m the demonstrative forms discussed above occur as conjunctions in
sentence initial dependent clauses.

At liie very end of sentence initial dependent clauses, Karo/Rawa speakers use ngu to
function as a conjunction. Ngu may indicate either a conditional clause or a clause
with a previous action.

(290) Dependent Clause, Sentence Initial, Conditional Action— *IF*

Sono-tw omifu-to-ni ngu, no ma ombu-wa-no,
rain-to contc-ds-s.e if Is not come-ft-Is
*lf the rain ciMUcs, I will not come.*

(291) Dependent Clause, Sentence Initial — Previous Action — *WHEN*

Dast nga ombuto-ni ngu, no~ndo oo ka-too-we, ne-wato
name here come-ds-s.e when Is-ag spec cook-ds-s.i eat-ft.lpl
*When Dasi comes, I will cook something and we will eat.*

Demonstratives as Markers for Relative Dependent Clauses

Some Relative Clauses use the marker ngu as an extended use of this demonstrative
form to connect clauses in discourse.

(292)

Naru piru-n^a-no no nga mande oo nga-ro sumoo sumoo

time long-dcf.s-for Is his talk something this-poss ask ask

oowooyingga le-ro mun btdodo ingor-ro yo-ro; asa, no mande

many tlo-ss custom all hear-ss get-ss all. right Is talk

nenengo oorengo kuri tunoo-te-yingo ngu, adaga

straight very before come.up-do-compl that now

nakangoO'te-no.ll
write-prt-Is

M^'or a long time I have been asking and asking a lot about this talk and now I
understand all these customs; all right, this completely true talk that came up
before, 1 now write (about that).'

176

Norma R. and Donald F. Toland

9.1.4.4 Demonstratives at Discourse Level

The Demonstrative Pronoun forms ngu 'that* and nga 'this* are one of only two
demonstrative free forms that may occur in a sentence after the usual suffixes on the
final verb . At the emotional high point of discourse, the final verb takes the suffix
marker -ku *climax marker* and the demonstratives nga or ngu may optionally
occur after the final verb. When this occurs, it further emphasizes the climax of the
discourse and is always accompanied by a strong intonation on the final
demonstrative.

(293) Climax Prominance Marker. -Jtu ngulnga\

\. Namho-ne, no oodooro kumoo-te-no-ku ngalll

daughter-my, Is hungry die-prt-ls-cli.prom dem
'My daughter, I am hungry!* (Text 85.4; CI 41)

2. Namo -ne, no-ndo ge-ya oore-rol were-wa-ro-ku ngu!

mother-my Is-ag 2s-!ncl go.up-ss/ sleep-ft-ld-cli.prom dem
'Mother, I will come up and sleep with you there!' (Text 85.5; Clauses 24-25)

In this function, demonstrative forms are being used primarly in an emphatic sense.
(For more detail on this see Norma R ToWnd.What's Whaiin Rawa Discourse, 1988).

Demonstrative Discourse Connectors

Acting as connectors in discourse, ngu and nga may occur as various complex forms
as they track places, times and cause-effect in discourse.

Discourse connectors will most frequently refer back to previous statements. These
forms may be followed by the forms ngu or nga to give further emphisis.

Place Ngu/nga-no *At that/this (place)*

(294) (WW85. 1/3-4)

Noore mera gura oowoo-yi DorosaJI

Ipl ground another name-3s Dorosa
*We have another area named Dorosa..

The only other free form that may occur in the post final verb position besides ngu
and nga is the word bine 'perhaps*.

177

Uefercnce (jrummur of llie Kuro/Rawtt Language

Dorosa mera

< <

Ngu-no gudo yo-wero sa-wa-rol

that-Ioc pandaniis get-des walk-Ft-ldu

We will walk there and get pandanus (nuts).'

(295) (\V\V85.3/1)

school
< <

sukuru-ga oowoo~yi lauta Komuniti SukurUy ngu-no..*

school-tlcf namc-.^s Taiita Community School, that-loc...
*thc sctiool named Tauta (.onununity School, there../

(2%) (\VVVS5.8,cl/26-31)

< <

Oore-ro nguj ma, ngu-no ngu me bo gedare-ga-ku sono
go.up-ss conj tlien that-loc dem 3s pig other-def-prom water

newende-mo ye-wo-ro-mul ngu keno-wo-ro-wo.ll
inside-loc put-pt-3s-poss dem look-pt-3s-rpt

*\Vhen he went up on top, okay, it was there that he saw part of the pig inside the
water.

< <

Keno-rol ngu-no yoko-rol asa^ ene Simbo ende ombu-wo-ro-woJI

scc-ss that-loc !eave-ss then 3s Simbo village come-pt-3s-rpt
lie saw it and left there, then, he came to Simbo village.'

Time Ngu/n^a naru-no *At that/this time'

Demonstratives referring to time are often used sentence initial to help the
hearer/reader better understand how lime is affecting the participants movement in
discourse. Tiiis Demonstrative Complex referring to time is frequenriy used in
discourse settin^^s at the beginning of each story or major event line.

17«

Norma R. and Donald F. Toland

(297) (VV\V85.3/1)

< <

Kuri~mi dagoma 1983, ngu naru-no,

before-inten year 1983 that time-at
'Before (in the) year 1983, at that time,*

(298) (VVVV85.3/4-5)

< < < <

Oodoo-ye, ngu naru-no $uwo gura-no boonge-mu urungga
be-lpl.i that time-at night other-at landslide-poss big

ombu-yingojl
come-compl

'We were there (and) a time in the night (a) big landslide came.'

< <

Ngu naru-no ngu, Mariya, Dmfuyi nambo-ni,
At that-time there Maria David daughter-poss
*At that time, Maria, David's daughter../

Cause- Effect

Demonstrative form ngundtrol ngandiro ngu-ro 'Because of that/this\ functions as
sentence a connector that connects an effect to a previous cause in discourse.

(299) (NR87,l,cl/53-58)

Ngu ko ge-ngo-mbo ko-ys te-rol
dem work 2s-poss-instr work-3s do-ss
'This work you yourselves

< <

ogingo ingo-ro oru-waJI Ngundiro ngu-ro,
pain feel-ss remain-ft same dem-poss

did and felt the pain of it. Because of this,

ngundtro oo-ga ngu ootooge-roj ariya,

same something-one dem get.up-ss then
this very thing you should raise up then, okay

179

Keference Grummar of Ltie Karo/Rawa Language

ururu bobodi ngu oo-ga ngu-ro om.om te-roj

hig small ticm something-one dem-poss happy do-ss
you who are big and those who are small should be happy

ngu oo-ga ngu te-ro sa-ie-nggoJI

dem something-one dem do-ss travel-prc 3pl
about the things they doing continually.

< — <

Ngundiro ngu-ro, adaga ngu, ngu
Same dem-poss now dem dem

because of this, right now, that*s

kowuringgij nt^u, ge ooro~ro bibiie-roj ko

problems-foe dem 2s go-ss sit.down-ss and

the problen» it is, and what are you going to sit down and

ndadtro ie-waPII
what do-ft
do (about it)?'

Other Uses As Connectors In Discourse

In the following example the two words in the form Ngundiro ngu-ro switch word
order. In this onler, ilie phrase means *it's like that' which functions as a summary of
the previous statement.

(3(K)) (VVVV«5JS/cM 43-150)

**Cedo no-ndo l^rrsu ngano-ku oodo-nil

2s-subj Is-subj wild. fowl here-loc-rel be-3s.e
"You say that I have the wild fowl her,

< <

ngu-ro ngundiro e-ie-UFll
dem-poss same say-pt-3s

are you saying those things?"

Gawawi-ngo ngundiro e-yingojl
Gawawi-poss same. as. that say-compl
Gawawi said it that way.

180

Norma R. und Donald F. Toland

E-io-ni ngul ene-ngo moonde~yari-mo doongete-wo-riyo-muj
Say-ds-3s.e dem 3s-poss skin-2d-loc see-pt-2d.rpt-poss
He said that (and) the two of them looked at their bodies

namba-bo oo yomburiyo-ro yoko-roj komo (oonge-yingoJI

cassowary-subj something destroy-ss quit-ss,/ truly leave-compl
(and) the cassowary had messed up everything (and) left, really gone/

(301) (NNK87.1/cl.20-21)

Nga~no oni simoo bare doonge-ye-mo gjg ngu mine.
There-loc people eye-pl.poss-loc 2s dem headman.

*In the eyes of the people here you are the headman (Kate).

Ngu-ro muri ngandiro,
Dem-poss meaning like.this
Which means this:

ge simoobare-ro tabango koreie-yingo nga, e-yingo.
2s people-poss head flrst-compl dem say-compl
you are really the peoples* primary leader, (he) said.'

When the demonstrative ngu or nga occurs before ngundirol ngandiro it functions as
the independent pronoun 'it' and carries the meaning 'it's like tliat' ngu ngundiro, or
'it's like this' ngu ngandiro.

(302) (WW85.15,cl/14M47)

Ngu ene Sut Marasin, oni ene sayi mambu oni
*That 3s shot medicine man 3s sick sore man

ngu nangge yu-no-wero endeyoo-te-nggo-ku ngUy
that only pl.obj-give-des walk-pt-3pl-prom emp

They told me that they came around to give shots of medicine only to sick people.

e- ro e-yingo, E -to -ni, no ngunonggo

talk-ss talk-compl talk-ds,e-ls Is from. this
They said this and from this talk

181

Keference Grammar of the Karo/Rawa Language

< <

netiengo nowoondo-ne-monggo ngu ngandiro ingo-yingo.

mine stomach- 1 s.poss-from it same. this imderstand-compl

it was like tins (I) really understood in my heart.

Nguro ko ngandiro ma toonge-wa-no, e-ro ngund'tro
dcm.poss work same. this neg run.away-ft-ls talk-ss same. that
\h\x that work I won't run away, like that

ingo-yingo,
knew-compi
I thought/

In example (303)» we see an example of the discourse connector referring forward to
the reason why the participant thought as they did. In most occurances this
connector form will refer back to the reason.

(303) (\V\V85.3/CL/21-25)

Noore-ndo boonge-mu ngguyi-ga ngu ingo-rol
Ipi-ag landslide-poss noise-one dem hear-ss
*\Ve heard the noise of the ground breaking

ngu ngandiro ingo-yingo.// Barusi-ngga bine suwo-no

dem this. same hear-compl plane-foe perhaps night-Ioc
(and) we had this thought. Maybe it*s a plane

Madang-nonggo ombu-ro/ Reyi oorowu-wero/

Madang-from come-ss Lae go-des

coming from Madang and going to Lae in the night.

ngu ingo-yingo.//
dem hear-compl
(and we) thought this.*

Summary Verb Phrase

The Summary Verb Phrase fimctions as a discourse connector. In this phrase, the
demonstrative-like forms ngundiro or ngandiro are used as an indefinite noun and
occur before the verb. It is used sentence initial to verify continuation of the previous
sentence action.

182

Norma R. and DoiialJ F. Toland

(304) ngundiro + Media! Verb (\VD87. 1/78-80)

Ye-ioni ngu, asa, mmiu sangani-mo ye-ro

make/put-ds-3s when/rel okay bark on.top-of make/put-ss
*When it was made, okay (then he) put it on top of bark

< <

yuwoo-yingo.ll Ngundiro yuwoo-roo-to-ni,
roll.out-compi like. that roll.out-cont-ds-3s,e
(and) rolled it out. Continuing to roll it like that,

psru uto ngundiro te-yingo,
long rope like. that do-compl
it made it like a long rope.'

(305) (WW85.3/CI-28-35)

Noore-ndo ya oru-woo-to-ku
Ipl-subj house be-pt-lpl-rel
*When we were in our house

ngu kondibo imimi yo-yingo, Ngundiro te-to-ni,

3s everything shook put-compl Like. that ds-3s.e
ii really got to shaking eveything. As it was doing this,

awuno mera digi de oo urungga-ku ombu-ro

above. far-loc ground rock tree something big-pl comc-ss

lots of ground, rock, trees (and) things came (from) above

sukul-no mem uto-ro te-yingo. Ngundiro te-ro,
school-loc ground hit-ss do-compl Like.that do-ss
(and) hit the school grounds. As it did that,

noore-ngo ya-ngga-ku imimi urungga oorengo yo-yingo.
Ipl-subj house-def-prm shook big truly get-compl

our house really truly got to shaking badly.*

9.1.5 Summary

We have seen from the discussion in this paper that in Karo/Rawa Discourse there are
three principle systems that are direcdy involved with participant tracking. Two of
those systems (Independent Pronoun & Switch Reference) are used for identification
and tracking of participants and one system (Demonstrative) is used for information

183

Ucfercncc (jrumniar of the Kuro/Ruwa Language

rohcsioii of [he overall tracking system. I'his paper has described the functions of
these systems as follows:

The liidependent Pronoun System is used to track subject and object participants
within sentences. Hoth noun phrases and independent pronouns are in agreement
with obligatory pronominal affixes on verbs. These affixes carry the main burden of
identifying and tracking participants.

Tiic .Switch Reference System is used to track the number of participants in each
clausal action. The Switch Ueference System also tracks the speaker/writer's
involvement or non involvement in the clausal action through the use of a switch
referent marker and different set of participant number markers. Tail-Head Linkage
is also part of the switch reference system and shows continuity of the reference
system across sentence boundaries.

The Demonstrative System is by far the most complex of the three systems because
of the variety of fimctions that occur on the word, phrase> clause, sentence and
discourse level. The system is based on the demonstrative forms ngu *that/those/it' or
nga *this/these/it. Ngu carries the meaning of far distance while nga carries the
meaning of near distance. The demonstratives of this system provide cohesion by
retcring to already mention places and locations.

The demonstratives also add emphasis to a specific participant and/or action.

On the discourse level, these demonstrative forms also function as a reference system.
They either refer hack to a previt)us event or refer forward to an event about to take
place.

The Snmn^ary Verb Phrase wliich includes a complex demonstrative form, is used as
a discourse connector. In this function it is used initially in sentences to verify
continuation of the previous sentence action at the beginning of a new sentence.

It should be noted that in a word count of the 45 Karo/Rawa texts used for this study,
words with the base form ngu occured 806 times and words with the base form nga
occured 83 times. This is largely due to the fact that Karo/Rawa Speakers view
present time as a very short period of only a couple of hours and near distance as one or
two meters. Thus, most objects, times, and places would be at further distance and be
referred to by the ngu form.

9.2 General Feature of Karo Rawa Discourse

Rawa discourse is composed of three major components: The Setting; The Main Body
of the Discourse; and The Closure of the Discourse.

184

Data Papers on Papua New Guinea
Languages Volume 38

Reference Grammar

of the Karo/Rawa

Language

Norma R. and Donald F. Toland

Summer Institute of Linguistics
Ukarumpa via Lae
Papua New Guinea

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