Studies in Philippine Linguistics

THE PHONOLOGY OP SIBUTU SAMA: A LANGUAGE
or THE SOUTHERN PHILIPPINES

E* J. Allison
Summer Institute of Linguistics
Philippine Branch

. Introducti on

1. Presentation and Arrangement of the Data

2. Suspect Data

3. Phonemes

1+. The Syllable

5. The Phonological Word

Footnotes

Appendix: Tables 3-T and Text

0, Introduction

The speech of Sihutu Island in the Philippine Sulu Archipelago is
one of several closely related languages and dialects comprising
Southern Sama, a language family extending from Tanduhas Island (in the
Tawi-Tavl group) south through the remaining islands of the archipelago
and west as far as the northeast coast of Borneo. ^ Southern Sama
itself is a member of the Sama-Bajaw subgroup of the Austronesian
language family. 2 Speakers of Sibutu dialect nximber about 10,000,
almost 13^ of the approximately 78,000 speakers of Southern Sama. ^

1, Presentation and Arrangement of the Data

The sound system of Sibutu Sama is summarized in the phone chart of
Table 1.^ A number of phones occxir there which are not ordinarily
encountered in other Philippine languages, notably the voiced implosive
stops and the lengthened contoids and vocoids.

Circled segments show the allophones which are grouped within
phonemes by the analysis. The suprasegmentals shown on the chart are
only discussed incidentally in this paper, because they have not yet
been fully investigated. All of the suprasegmentals shown are phonemic
except stress, which is noncontrastive.

6k The Phonology of Sibutu

CONTOIDS

STOPS

vl
vl unreleased
vl lengthened

vd
vd implosive
vd lengthened
FLAP

vd
AFFRICATES
vl grooved
vd grooved
FRICATIVE

vl

vd
vl grooved

vl grooved lengthened
RESQNANTS
vd lateral
lengthened lateral
nasal
nasal lengthened

¥

s

s

1

1

m

n

m:

n

dz^

V

s

BilaBial

Alveolar

Retro-

Alveo

Velar Glottal

flexed Palatal

Alveo-

lar

P

t

k q

Pl

t1

kl

p:

t:

k:

h

d

g

l'

d^

<
g

-b:

d:

V

r

g:

8

n

Table la. Phonetic Chart of Sibutu Sanaa

MID OPEN

LOW CLOSE

The Phonology of Sihutu 65

70C0IDS

FRONT

CENTRAL

BACK

HIGH CLOSE*

HIGH OPEN

I5I:

u»u:

MID CLOSE

e,e:

0,0:

LOW OPEN

a.a:

SUPRASEOENTALS

STRESS

JUNCTUREl+J PAUSE OR SILEHCEC#]

Primaiy [']
Secondary ["]

Pitch levels [l],l2],l3]
Terminal contours [+], C+l^Cl]

Table lb. Phonetic Cb€urt of Sihutu Sama.

* High close vocoids realize the high vowels in the syllable nucleus
as well as the send vowels in non-nuclear syllable positions.

66 The Phonology of Sibutu

2. Suspect Data

It is necessary to establish the statiis of foiir types of siispect
segments and seqiiences: complex phones, high vocoids, lengthened seg-
ments, and word-stem initial consonant clusters.

2,1 Complex phones

There are three ccarrplex phones contained in the phonetic data:
[dz, s, n^]. The analysis has shown [s] to be an allophone of /s/ .
(See Section 3 for a description of the conditioning environment.) The
status of [dz] and [n^] requires further discussion.

2.1.1 [dz]

The voiced alveopalatal grooved affricate [dz] is interpreted as a
xanit phoneme for the following reasons :

(1) It occxirs word-stem initially as a syllable onset, and no consonant
clusters function in this way in the nonsuspect data. Only single seg-
ments may fill onset and coda positions. Examples of [dz] word-stem
initially are as followsi

['dza.a] 'a k.o. confection'
[dz.u. '^a.lan] 'fried bananas'
['dzan.tan] 'ugly'
[ ' dza. lair] • seldom'

(2) It occurs with other consonants in clusters, and the nonsuspect data
do not permit more than two consonants in a single cluster. Por example:

['lon.dzok] 'raise the hand'
[bal.'dzan. dziq] 'Muslim prayer book*

(3) It occurs as a geminate cluster, in which each member must function
as a single segment. Examples are:

['had.dz'q] /'haj.J'q/ 'title of Mecca pilgrim'
['bad.dz'uq] /'baj.juq/ 'clothes'

The phonetic realization of /jj/ as [dd^] is discussed in Section 2.3.1.1)*

2.1.2 n^

The voiced alveopalatal nasal In^] is also interpreted as a unit
phoneme, becaxise it freely occurs in the syllable onset position. The
interpretation of the feature of palatalization as a vowel is to be re-
jected, since this featvure never occurs with syllabicity.

The Phonology of Sibutu 6?

2.2 High Vocoids

The high vocoids ^ij ^J Q-^e interpreted as vowels /i,u/ when they
occur as syllable pesiks and as consonants /yjw/ when they occur else-
where. A description of the environments in which they occur follows:

2.2.1 Environment of the High Vocoids

(1) Between consonants
['si.p^tl] 'clip' ['bu.lsuti]
['sig.pi^tl] 'tight' ['bun.kuki] 'humpbacked'

(2) Between a consonant and silence (i.e., jimcture or pa\ise)<

'back J dorsal'

['ka*li] 'dig' ['ha.lu]

['i.li] 'there' ['u.lan]

(3) Clustered with a low vocoid.

a) adjacent to a consonant.

['si.ag] 'tube-like skirt' ['pu.as ]

[ si . ' a. ka] ' older sibling ' [ 'pu. ' a. sa]
['ke.itl ] 'safety pin'

b) adjacent to silence.
' orphan '
'why?'
'past particle'

['SA.Ukl]

[' a.t^m]
['qa^ ]

.u

[be^ ]

['"akl.tu]
['b^^.lu]

['ta^.ta^] 'to cross abridge' fta.lA^]
['pa.te^ ] 'kill' ['sa.g^^ ]

{k) Clxistered with each other

a) adjacent to a consonant

['ti.upT] 'to blow' ['hu.is]

b) adjacent to word-final silence

[ba. 'li.u] 'wind' ['tu.ij

c) adjacent to word-initial silence

^incite'

'rain'

['^ukl]

'say'

.u

[' i.li]

'after'
'fasting'

'dipper'

' time '

'odor'

'k.o. rice cake'

'to fear'

'busy'

'Judge'
'directly'
'personal name'

68 The Phonology of Sihutu

(5) Between vocoids

a) Between nonsuspect vocoids

['da. an] 'princess' ['la. ari] 'door'

[ ' lo . okl ] ' rattle ' [ ' ta. al] ' incantation '

b) between other vocoids

['gu. ud] 'drag' [''ba, i. 'ba. i] 'epilepsy'
['ka. u ] 'tree' ['tA .ua ] 'correct'
['ku. a ] 'monkey' ['da. un] 'oar'

2.2.2 Interpretation of the High Vocoids

In environments (l) and (2) above, the high vocoids are sLLways
syllabic, f;mctioning as syllable peaks, and so are interpreted as
vowels. This is widely supported in nonsuspect data.

['da.patl] 'opportunity' ['be. lad ] 'dirty-eyed'
['lan.katl] 'dismantle' pben.ten] 'carry by hand'

['da. las] 'extravagant' ['b^n.to! ] 'straight'

['ba.ha ] 'shoulder' ['a.bas ] 'skin rash'

In environment C3a) the high vocoids are interpreted as vowels also,
since (l) they are syllabic, (2) they may occur with primary stress, and
(3) nonsuspect data do not admit a CC cluster in the same syllable.
Vowel clusters of the type in CSa) are also well supported l^y non-
suspect data.

['de.oq] 'under' ['ko.aki] 'ground depression'

[ 'be.aq] 'accompany' [he. 'a.na] 'its greatness'
['bo.'aq.na] 'his mounth'

In environment (3b) the high vocoids are never syllabic. When any
of the forms ending in a high vocoid are suffixed (whether the stem is
one or more syllables) the primary stress is not permuted to the high
vocoid, as it would be if the vocoid were syllabic. For example
['hiw ] 'c?dor' becomes ['bA .han] 'bad odor', not *[bA 'u.han];
['ta . ta^] 'to cross a bridge' becomes ["pa.ta . !ta .an] 'place of
crossing'. If the high vocoid in a word like ['ta .ta ] were syllabic,
the rioles of stress would require the stem to be stressed as
*["ta.i. 'ta.i] . Therefore, the high vocoids in'this enrironment are
interpreted as consonants. Other examples are:

[' a.t^m] 'orphan' [' akl.tu] 'time'

The Phonology of Sibutu 69

[^qa^] 'why?» [»bA^] 'odor'

['ta .ta ] *to cross a [*ta.lA ] *feax'

bridge*

In (Ua) and (Ub) the high vocoids are interpreted as vowels, since
they always function as syllable peaks • Vowel cliisters in this
environment are supported by nonsxaspect data.

[ 'me . on] • cat ' [ »ke . atl] 'red'

[»bo.a] 'carry' ["pa. ke* 'a, tun] 'make it red'

In (Uc) the high vocoids are nonsyllabic and are interpreted as
consonants:

[' uk] 'say' [ ili] 'personal name'

This is analogous to the interpretation of (3b) where nonsyllabic high
vocoids cl\ister with low vocoids word-initially.

In environment (5) the high vocoids are interpreted as consonants,
inasmuch as (l) they do not function syllabically, (2) never carry
stress, and (3) there is no support in nonsxispect data for a three-vowel
cluster. The nonsuspect data, of co\irse, widely support the occurrence
of intervocalic consonants.

2.3 Lengthened Segments

All vowels and all consonants except /n /, /q/and /h/ occur with
phonemic length. Such lengthened segments are interpreted as geminate
clusters. The reasons for this interpretation are given in the follow-
ing discussion.

2.3.1 Lengthened Consonants

Nons\ispect data do not permit the interpretation of any consonant
cl\ister as occurring within the same syllable. The distribution of con-
sonant clusters is such that they always occur across a syllable^ bo\indary ,
the first member as a syllable coda, and the last member as a syllable
onset. Such clusters do not occur word finally, but they do occiir word
initially. (See section 2.U.) Inasmuch as lengthened consonants follow
the same rules as nonsuspect consonant clusters, they are interpreted as
two identical segments, i.e., geminate clusters. The distribution of
consonant clusters in nonsuspect data is shown below, along with some
examples of geminate clxisters.

['han.taklj 'fall hard' J'brd.dakl] 'face powder'

['dag. tuq] 'to yank' ['del.laq] 'tongue'

['sig.p^^tlj 'tight' [*l^l,P*Pi.tl] 'carry under arm'

70 The Phonology of Sibutu

[^srua.dai] * enduring' ['hhn.nal] 'true'

There are many exanrples of mnimal contrast between geminate

clusters and single segments of the same type as that making up the
clxister. A few are shown here.

['ka.pal] 'thick' [*k^p.pal] 'ship'

['be.teq] 'similar' ['bet.teq] 'to trip'

['ba.sa] 'because' ['bNS.sa] 'to read'

['ha. la] 'defeated' ['hid. la] 'hiisband'

['ta.naq] 'ground' ['tAn. naq.] 'put'

2.3.1.1 The Lengthened Affricate

The phonetic sequence [ddz] is interpreted as /jj/. This follows
Pallesen's^ interpretation of the same phenomenon in the Siasi language,
and for the same reasons: (l) [dz] is a confilex phone, an affricate
with [d] as the first member, and phonetic realization of /Jj/ is highly
probable as [ddz]; and (2) [d] does not occur elsewhere internal to a
word stem as the first member of a consonant cluster, except when it
occurs as a geminate cluster. In addition, therg is one example in^the
Sibutu Sama data of minimal ^contrast between [ddz] and [dz]: ['ad.dzal]
'to prepare food' and ['a.dzal] 'to preach a sermon'. Other exanples
of [ddz] and [dz] are:

['bad.dzuq] 'baj. juq/ 'clothes'

['had.dziq]/'haj.jiq/ 'title of Mecca pilgrim'

["ka.dza.'lang.ki^n] /"ka. ja. 'lang.'kiri/ 'scorpion'

[lad. 'dzi-kiq] /laj . ' ji.kiq/ 'material blessing'
["ka.la. 'dza.qan]/"ka.la. ' ja.qan/ 'behaviour'

2.3.2 Lengthened Vowels

Vowels occurring with phonemic length are also interpreted as
geminate clusters. This interpretation is based on the following con-
siderations.

(1) The nonsuspect data do not give evidence for any type of complex
vocoid as syllable peak.

(2) All nonsiispect vocoid clusters are distributed across syllable
boundaries.

(3) The interpretation leads to a symmetrical phonemic system with both
vowels and consonants occurring in geminate clusters.

The Phonology of Sihutu 71

Some exanqples of minimal contrast follow.

['boq] 'jxist now' ['bo-oq] 'bamboo'

['ba] 'exclamatoiy particle' ['ba. a] 'embers'

f'bu.ku] 'knot' [bu. 'u.ku] ^wy hair'

['ka.mi] 'we (neutral focus) [ka. 'mi.i] 'we (topic focus)

['e^.le] 'that, far' [e.'e^.le] 'that, very

remote '

2.i* Word-Initial Consonant Clusters

Homorganic and geminate consonant clxisters occur word-stem
initially in the phonetic data. Exan4)les are:

['p.paq]

•address to

father'

[•t.tuci]

'address to

older brother'

I'k.kaq]

•address to

older sibling or cousin'

[•b^.byn]

•porpoise'

['d^.d;»pl]

•nightmare'

['g\gai:l]

' belch •

['l.lKw]

'sun, day'

E'm.lDai]

•no'

[•n.da]

•wife^

I'n.gacJ

'mother'

In phonetic sequences of this type, the first member of the cluster
is interpreted as a syllable peak, and the second member as the onset of
the following syllable. The reasons for this interpretation are as

follows :

r

(1) There are no nons\ispect examples of a consonant cluster filling an
onset or coda position. Therefore, when a consonant cluster occurs
between vowels word-medially, it must be analyzed as falling across
syllable boundaries. It follows that this same interpretation ought
to be made when a consonant cluster occurs word-stem initially.

(2) When a cliister of this type occurs word-stem initially, the first
member of the cluster takes primary word stress if it is in penul-
timate position, jtist as does any vowel-peaked syllable in the same
position. The stress then permutes to the penultimate syllable
when a suffix is added, precisely the same as in vowel-peaked
syllables.

72 The Phonology of Sibutu

['m.boq] 'grandmother' [m. *boq.ku] 'my grandmother'

I'n.daJ 'wife* [n, 'da.ku] 'my wife'

For a similar phenomenon in the Siganggang dialect of Siasi Sama,
Pallesen has postulated the presence of a phonemic schwa before the word-
stem initial consonant cl\ister. However, for Sibutu Sama this inter-
pretation must be rejected for the reasons given in points 3 through 5,
following.

(3) There are no phonetic data in Sibutu Sama indicating the pi*esence of
a phonemic vowel. The first member of a consonant cluster in word-
stem initial position is uttered by a native speaJier without a pre-
ceding vowel sound. For example, [m] and the implosive [b<] are
sounded with the lips closed. Initial [p] is formed silently with
the lips closed, the second [p] being released as the onset of the
next syllable.

(U) When a consonant-final prefix occurs before these clusters, only a
very minimal transition sound, and frequently no sound at all,
occurs between the affix and the cluster. Native speakers will not
accept a perceivable vowel sound in this position. "For example,
if the prefix [mag-J ('distributive action with fociis on actors')
is added to ['g<.gskl3 ('belch') the resulting (full) form is
[mAg. 'ga*itan] 'they are belching'. The implosive allophone is lost
leaving only the geminate cluster [gg] without any intervening
vowel soimd."

(5) When a stem-initial consonant cluster is preceded by a consonant
which has an intervocalic allophone, the allophone does not occ\ir,
as would be expected if a phonemic vowel.were present in initial
position on the stem. For example ['ma. ad m. 'boq.ku] 'my grand-
mother, will pay' does not have the [r] allophone of [d] as in
*['ma."^ar ^m. 'boq.ku] . This latter utterance is rejected by a
Sibutu speaker. (in the language investigated by Pallesen, the
allophone does occur. )

3» Phonemes

The phonemic inventory of Sibutu Sama consists of twenty-two seg-
mentsil phonemes, seventeen consonants and five vowels. They are
identified in the phoneme chart of Table 2.

The Phonology of Sibutu 73

Table 2. Phonemes of Sibutu Sama

CONSONANTS

ALVEO
BILABIAL ALVEOLAR PALATAL VELAR

GLOTTAL

STOPS

Simple:

vl

P

t

vd

b

d

Affricated:

FRICATIVES

vl

vl grooved

s

RESONANTS

Lateral

1

Nasal

m

n

SEMIVOWEL

w

k
g

ng

TOWELS

PRONT

CENTRAL

BACK

HIGH

MID
LOW

u

3«1« Consonants

Tables 3 throvigh 5 deinonstrate the phonemic status of the consonants.
(Table T is an English index to the vords used in these tables.) The
phonemes /h/ and /rr / do not occixr in word- final position. Neither does
the phoneme /J/, except in borrowed words (e.g. /haj/ 'pilgrimage to
Mecca'). The glottal stop /q/ occurs in all positions, but it is
Gontrastive only word medi€J.ly and word-finally, having lost its phonemic
status word initially. The remaining consonants contrast in all
positions.

3.1.1 /p,t,k/

The voiceless stops /p,t,k/ myay be considered together, inasmuch as
they have common distinctive properties, and the conditioning environment
for their allophones is identical.

7^ The Phonology of Sibutu

The phoneme /p/ is a bilabial with an unreleased allophone [pi]
and a slight-to-zero aspirated allophone [p] ; phoneme /t/ is an
alveolar with an unreleased allophone [tl] and a slight-to-zero
aspirated allphone [t] ; and the phoneme /k/ is a velar with an unreleased
allophone [kl] and a slight-to-zero aspirated allophone [k] .

The unreleased allophones [pl,tl,kl] occur only in the syllable
coda position, either (l) preceding pause /#/, (2) before a consonant
in the same word, or (3) preceding word juncture /+/ in the same pause
group. In the latter case, when the following word begins with a
consonant, [pl^tljkl] invariably occxir; however, when the following
word begins with a vocoid [p1,t1,kll vary freely with [p,t,k] repectively.

The allophones [p,t,k] occur as syllable onset in all environments.
As Just noted, they also occur as syllable coda before a vocoid in a
following word, varying freely with unreleased [ pl,t1,kl]. The rule may
be summarized as follows:

r (c) V _/#/

{ p1,tl,kl] / J (C) v_cv(c)

L (c) v_/+/c

/p,t,k/-* \ [pT,tl,k1]'v-[p,t,k] / (C) V_/+/V

[p , t ,k ] /elsewhere

Following are examgples illustrating the conditioning environments of the
voiceless stops.

['ta.pa] ^broil'

["ta.ka. 'ta.kal 'continually'

[ * tapi. tapl] * steadfast '

[' sati . satT ] ' distraction '

['dakl.dakll 'vash clothes'

[be""" 'la.tapl ma "sam.bu.an .an]'there wa^ a flood in Zamboanga. '

['la.qipl'v'la.qip 'a.nu 'na.anl'that one is stupid'

[♦ke.atlna "bu.aq'bu.aq 'e.lej'that frxiit is already red'

[^ke.atl'x^'ke.at 'a.nuna.an] 'that one is red.'

['lN.ukl,ma.ka 'bu.as ] 'viand and rice'

['IN .ukT^^'lA.iik a. 'nu.na] 'his viand'

The Phonology Of Sihutu 75

3.1.2 /b.d,g/

The only voicing contrast in the phonological system occtjts between
the voiced and voiceless stops. Like their voiceless counterparts , the
voiced stops /b^djg/ are most economically described together.

The phoneme /b/ is a bilabial with voiced fricative [l>] voiced
inrplosive [b ], and voiced stop [b] allophones.

The phoneme /d/ is an alveolar with voiced flap [r] , voiced
iirrplosive [d ], and voiced stop [d] allophones.

The phoneme /g/ is a velar with voiced fricative [-c] i voiced
implosive [g ], and voiced stop [g] allophones.

The voiced fricatives [te,g] and the voiced flap [r] occur inter-
vocalically, either within a word or at word boundaries. In these
positions [te,g] alternate freely with [b,g]; [r] however is not in free
alternation with [d] .

The voiced implosives [b ,d ,g ] occ^ only as the first memTjer of
a word-initial geminate cluster, as in ^b .bong] 'poipoise', ["d -d^p]
'nightmare' and [g .gak] 'belch'.

The voiced stop allophones [b,d,g] occur elsewhere. The rule is
summarized a^:

/■b.g/

[te,g]'\'lb,g]/V_V
< Il)^,g'']/+.#/_yT3»g/ respectively
[ ["b.d.g ] /elsewhere
" [r] / V_V

I

/d/ i [d^]/+/_/d/

[d /elsewhere ^

Exaii5)les follow for the voiced stops

I'a.bu]'V'['a.bu] 'ashes'
['si.«a]'v/['si.6aj 'plural'
['ha. ran] 'hody'

I'b*^.bun] 'porpoise'

£• gad. dun] 'green'

['g .gakl] 'belch'

[ ' d^ . d>p1 ] ' nightmare '

j;'ha.g^^d]'\'['ha.g(^d] 'match'
I'dag.tuq] 'yank'

'I'geh.hel]

fat waist'

T6 The Phonology of Sibutu

3.1.3 /ci/

The phoneme /q/ i
in both syllable onset
limitation being that
initial position, [q]
any other phoneme, but
q varies freely with
another word that ends
ending in a consonant.

s realized as the glottal stop [q] . It occiirs

and coda positions, its only distributional
it does not form geminate clusters. In the word-
does not enter into a distinctive opposition with
in order positions it functions contrast ively.
its absence when it occurs word-initially following
in a vowel. Following pause, or following a word
it occurs invariably.

The rule is as follows:

/q/

Examples are:

[q.M^]/ V/+/

ic/+/_v

V

J

[*min.ga 'qa.nu ma *qa.ku?]'v
i'min.ga 'a.nu ma *a,ku?]
['s^l.li qa. 'ku.u 'no. bet 'qi.yaj'v^
['s^l.li a. 'ku.u'no.bet 'qi.ya]
['qa.ku ni dJfam. 'ba.tan]

'where is mine?'

'I love to pinch her'
'I'm going to the wharf

3.1.H /J/

The phoneme /j/ is realized as a voiced alveopalatal grooved
affricate, [d5f] , which occurs in both onset and coda positions. As
coda, [dz] does not cluster with any other consonant within a word
stem except a geminate in the following syllable. [dz] does not occur
in word- final position except in borrowed words (e.g. [hadif] 'pilgrimage
to Mecca' ).

The following examples illustrate the distribution of [dz] .

['dzaji.dXiq]
[baJL. 'dzan.dziq]
['sid.dza]/rsij.ja/
[•mas.dz^^d]

'promise'

'Muslin prayer book'

' only '

'mosque'

The Phonology of Sibutu 77

3.1.5 /h/

The phoneme /h/ is realized as a voiceless pharyngeal spirant, ([ hj,
which occiirs freely in the syllable onset position. It does not occur
in a consonant cl\ister within a word stem, nor does it occur word finally
except in borrowed terms (as in L'al.lahj *godM»

Examples are:

['ha. la]

[•hal.la]

['hu.^^s]

['ba.hanj

I'ko.hal]

'defeat'
'husband'
'judge a case'
'vine'

'cough'

3.1.6 /s/

V

The phoneme- /s/ has a voiceless grooved alveopalatal allophone [s]
and a voiceless grooved alveolar allophone [s] . The [s] allophone varies
freely with [s] in unstressed syllables preceding /ia/. The [s] allo-
phone occurs elsewhere. Thus:

/s/

\sJa.[sJ / _/i.'aC/

>

[s*] / elsewhere

Examples are as follows:

[si. 'a.ka]'^[^i. 'a.ka]
Isi. 'a.lij'^lsi. 'a.lij
Isi. 'a.pu]'^[si. 'a.pu]
[pa. 'si.al]
I 'si. am]

I'sa^liqJ
I'ba. sa]
I'ka.tas]

'older sibling'
■younger sibling'
'waterspout'
'stroll'

nine'

'same '

'becaiise'
'paper'

78 The Phonology of Sibutu

3.1.7 /I/

The phoneme /l/ is a resonant with a voiced retroflexed alveolar
lateral allophone [1] and a voiced alveolar lateral allophone [l] . The
retroflexed lateral [1] occurs only as a syllable coda (l) before paiise,
or (2) before a consonant other than /l/ in the same vord stem or
(3) before a consonant in the folloving vord. It never occurs as a
syllable onset. The non-retroflexed alveolar lateral [l] occurs freely
as syllable onset. As syllable coda it occurs only as the first member
of a geminate cluster, or in word- final position before an initieil
vocoid in the following word. The following rule applies:

/I/

(C)Y_^#/

Cc)v_c,c?^ /I/ L y
(c)v_/+/c

/ elsewhere

Examples :

[^la.latl] 'lightning'

[ ' la. pal] ' utterance '

[ ' bal - 1 ^^tl ] ' reversed'

['a.ne^ 'pal. pal a. 'ku.u] 'why, am I deaf?

I'm. bal du sab] 'certainly not.

3.1.8 /m,n,ng,n^/

The nasal resonant phonemes /m, n, ng, n^/ are realized as [m, n,
n, n^], respectively. [m] is a voiced bilabial nasal; [n] a voiced
alveolar nasal; [n] a voiced velar nasal; and [n^] a voiced alveopalatal
nasal, [m, n, n] occur freely in the syllable onset and coda positions.
[n^J occurs only in the syllable onset position and does not form con-
sonant clusters.

Examples :

[ma]

['lu.mu]

['ll^m.miq.]

'at'

'tired'

'dirty'

[ 'ka. am]
I'lam.batl]
Ina ]

'you (pi. ) '

'slow'
'now'

The Phonology of Sibutu 79

[ ^ha.qan]

I 'lan.duqj
I 'no.betl]
I^ka.nag]

[pa, *n^a.am]

'sneeze' { »ka.nan]

'very' I'b^n.nalJ

'is pinching' ['ba.an]

'parrot' I'lan.katT]

'irritable' Ibu. 'ha.n^ag] 'to spread'

'pancake' I'n^a.^] 'soul, spirit'

'left'

'true'

'if

'to dismantle'

3.1.9 /v,y/

The phonemes /v,y/ are realized as the vocoi
I, [ ' J occur freely, but in the syllable ons

ds [ ' ] • As syllable
coda, L"'" J occur freely, but in the syllable onset position, they are
limited in regard to the formation of consonant cloisters, occurring in
geminate cloisters only. Examples include the following:

[^ a-k^]

[•kA^l

L'bA^.kal]

[' sA .mul]
[' a.t^m]

['se .tan]

' agent '

'you'

'bushes'

' alvays '
' orphan '
'past particle'
' demon '
'vocative'

['ka. akl] 'groxmd depression'

u

['bA^.lu]

u

I'kA .sun]
['tA . aqj
['ko/^k7]
['be^.la]
['pe^.gaq]

'k.o. rice cake'
'brown'
'correct '
'to rattle'
'dance'
'search for'

3.2 Vowels

The five vowel phonemes are /i, u, e, o, a/. Unlike many other
Sama dialects, Sibutu Sama does not have the schwa phoneme. There are
restrictions on the combinations of vowels that will form clusters, the
permissible clusters being /iu, ia, ei , eo, ea, ui, ua, oa, au/. In
addition, each vowel also enters into geminate clxister combinations
(this being the interpretation given to phonemic length). The phonemic
status of the vowels is demonstrated in Table 6 (see Appendix).

3.2.1 /i/

The phoneme /i/ has two SLllophones: [J , a high open front
unrcu .ded vocoid; and lij , a high close front imrounded vocoid. [J
occurs in unstressed closed syllables (exgept where the onset or coda is
filled by a glottal stop), and preceding homorganic and geminate con-
sonant clusters followed by /i/;^ [i] occurs in all other environments.
The rule is:

80 The Phonology of sibutu

/i/

Examples are as follows:

[a. 'lis.tu]
['bi.li^kl]
['di.ki]
[•di.ri]
[*h|^l.l|^n]
[•in. dam]
{b(^s. 'sa.la]
I'b^^s.si]

10 I

[i] /

unstressed C ^C, where C ^ /q,/

/CCi, where CC = a homorganic or

geminate cluster

elsewhere

' clever •

'room*

'little'

'ugly'

'sound'

'borrow'

'speak'

'iron (metal)'

3.2.2 /u/

The phoneme /u/ has two allophones: [u] , a high half-close back
rounded vocoid; and [u] , a high close back rounded vocoid. £o] occurs
in unstressed closed syllables (except where the onset or coda is filled
by a glottal stop); and preceding homorganic and geminate consonant
clusters followed by /u/; [u] occurs elsewhere. Thus:

unstressed C C, where C ^ /q/

Jul

Exainples are:

['bug.golj

I'bul.lod]

J'lu.qun]

['kud.datl]

['ku.lanj

[•bu.bus]

Ml

[u] / elsewhere

/CCu/, where CC = a homorganic or

geminate consonant cluster

'stooped' I 'bud. Jan] 'maiden'

'mountain ' J ' lun . su}] ' stroll '

'present at' ['bu.kotlj 'back'

' surprised' [ 'ba. lu] 'widow'

'lacking'

'fall c3ff, as
leaves'

[* turn. pun J 'money collection
box'

The Phonologsr O^ Sibutu 8l

3.2.3 /e/

The phoaaeiae /e/ has allophones Je] and £ej . [e] is amid half-
close front xmroxoaded vocoid; and Je] is a mid close front unroomded
vocoid. [e] occxirs in unstressed closed syllables (except vhere the
onset or coda is filled hy a glottal stop); and preceding homorganic
and geminant consonant clxisters followed Ify /e/; [e] occiirs elsevhere.
Thus:

/e/

U]/

unstressed C C, where C^ /q/

/CCe/, where CC = a homorganic or

geminate consonant cluster

le]/ elsewhere

Examples are:

[»be.teq]
[^hel.leqj
[•be. lad]
[»bel»l3d]

'similar'
'sea eagle'
'dirty-eyed'
'slow-learner'

['bet.teq] 'trip one's feet'
['ben. ten] 'cany by hand'
I ben. 'te.ni^n] 'cany it'
['be.len] 'turn ajround'

Ibe.'leT^-ku] 'I'll turn it'

3.2. U /o/

The phoneme /o/ has allophones [o] and [o] . [o] is a mid half-
close back rounded vocoid; and JoJ is a mid close back rounded vocoid.
T ;>] occtirs in unstressed closed syllables (except where the onset or coda
is filled by a glottal stop), and preceding homorganic and geminate
consonant clusters followed by /o/; and (;o ] occurs elsewhere. Thus:

unstressed C C, where C ^ /q./

[O] / ^^CCo/ where CC = a honorganic or

/q/ geminate consonant cluster

[o] / elsevhere

Exajcples are:

I'tok.k^d] 'guess' [»bo.b>k^]

Xt;>k. 'ko.ran] 'guessing something' ['ha.lo]

I"bDl.loq. 'bsLloqi] 'pretending' ['bon.n^d]

I'd>n.d?n] 'stare' [HDm.pDl]

•trash'
•lagcKxi'
'numb'
'dull'

82 The Phonology of Sibutu

[*kom.pan] 'vaist'

3.2,5 /a/

The phoneme /a/ has allophones [a] and [a]. [a] is a mid open
central \inrounded vocoid; and [a] is a lov open central imrounded vocoid.
[aJ occurs before /u/; and before /v/ followed by a consonant or silence.
[a] etlso varies freely with [a] before homorganic and gejoodnate con-
sonant cl\isters followed by /a/, [a] occxirs elsewhere. Thus:

/a/

[A] /

_/vC/ ,/^/

[A]*^[a] / /CCa/, where CC = a homorganic or

geminate consonant cliister

[a] / elsevhere

Examples are:

^kAs.saq.l'^t'kas.saq] *bottle*

»bAd.daklJ'^'[*bad.daK] »faoe powder*

' lAn . dan]*^ [ * Ian . dan]

•b\n.ta]'^[*ban.ta]

»kan.t^l]

» tAn. daoJ'^r'tan. daqj

* ban. tug]

»dAn.dajM'danda3

♦bN^.lu]

'sN.uk ]

'fry fish'

'enemy'

'bed'

'sign'

'well-known'

'female'

'k.o. rice cake' I'sa.pA^]
'dipper' I'bA^.kal]

['b^n.nalj'^t'han.nal] 'true'
I'bAl.la(i]'^['bal.l8qJ 'cook'
['gad. dun] 'green'

C'tam^pDl] close x?)'

I'lAl.la]'>'['lal»la] 'male'
I'kAn,8an]'^['kan.6an] 'always'
I'qan.damJ 'cloudy'

[.Vg/»ga.tal]'^[gan#tal] 'rainbow'

'roof
'shrub'

U. The Syllable

Both vowels and consonants have been fotmd to function as syllabic
peaks of resonance within the syllable in Sibutu Sama. Vowel-peaked
syllables have unlimited distribution in the phonological word, but
consonant-peaked syllables are limited to occurrence in stem-initxal
word position. Certain vowel-peaked syllables may occur in isolation
(e.g., single-syllable word forms), but a consoi^ant-peaked syllable
never does.

The Phonology of Sihutu 83

U.l Vowel-Peaked Syllable

There are four non-suspect syllable patterns: V, VC, CV and CVC.
Exaaqples illustrating these in comhination are as follows:

VC

[ea]

'sigentive particle'

v.vc

[•o.ekl]

'yell'

7.CV

[•a.sa]

'depend on'

CV

[ba]

'certainly'

cv.v

[•bo. a]

'carry'

cv.vc

[•bo.aqj

'mouth'

cv.cvc

I'bo.baklJ

'trash'

cvc.cvc

['la«r^.kat1]

'dismantle'

cv.cv.cv

Ipa. 'ka.lel

'listen'

From these and similar eacanrples it can readily be seen that the
vowel-peaked syllable consists of a vowel as syllable peak with optional
onset and coda positions filled by consonants, i.e., (C)v(C). Syllables
of this type may occur freely in any combination. A consonant that
occurs intervocalically between two syllable peaiks is always the onset
of the following syllable. When a consonant cluster occurs intervocal-
lically, the first member of the cluster functions as a syllable coda
and the second member as a syllable onset. For example:

I'ka.palJ ^ thick' ['ke.sPg] 'strong'

l%p.pal] 'ship' ["ke. 'so.g^^n] 'use strength'

Any vowel may occur as a syllable peak and any consonant as a
syllable onset. All the consonants except /r? / and /dz/ may also freely
occTir as a syllable coda. The nasal alveopalatal /n^/ never occurs in
coda position; and as observed earlier the voiced grooved affricate
/dz/ occurs as coda only in borrowed words.

In the non-siispect data, consonant clusters never function as
unitary fillers of a single onset or coda position.

U.2. Consonant-Peaked Syllable

A syllable with consonant peak is posited for this language. Evi-
dence supporting this interpretation is presented in section 2.k. Con-
sonants that may occur as syllable peaks include the sinqple stops
(except the glottal stop), the grooved fricative /s/, and the resonanta,
except [n^] . Examples of words with syllables of this type are given

&k The Phonology of Sihutu

in section 2.3. Some additional exanrples follow:

['m.maq] 'father' ['m.boqt] * mother'
['n.doq] 'to see' ['ng.gey] 'don't'
['s.sa ] 'taste' ['d.dzu] 'criticize'

5. The Phonological Word

The phonological word consists of one or more syllables bounded hy
Jioncture, plus the occurrence of stress. Observe the following examples:

(la) ['hu.nun + "kA .'ka.nat + '.anu + 'tu.tu] 'are these willing to

be s cattered (i.e.,
separated)? '

Clb) I'hu.nun + 'kA + 'ka.nat + 'a.nu + 'tu.tu] 'are you willing (that)

these scatter?'

(2a) I'a.ne ^ + 'kA^-sun + 'tu.tu] 'why is this brown (and not some

other color)?*

C2b) I'a.ne^ + 'k\^ + sun. 't\ak.nu] 'why are you hitting yourself?

Utterances (la) and (lb) contain identical syllables and near-
identical stress patterns. However [kA ] 'you' is a separate morpheme
in (lb), while in (la) it is the integral first syllable of [kA .'ka.nat]
'scattered' (which cannot be divided further into morphemes). The
difference, clearly discemable to a native speaker, appears to be a
f\anction of both stress and the timing between the phonetic seqtiences.

In (2a) and (2b) the same type of phenomenon occurs. Here the
stress pattern and the number of syllables are identical. Yet again,
I'kA^J 'you' is a separate morpheme in (2b), but cannot be separated
from I'kAT.sunJ 'brown' in (2a). In these utterances both stress and
the timing between words functions to keep words apart. The feature of
timing is accounted for by positing the Juncture phoneme /+/.

5.1 Jvmcture /+/

Jmicture in this language, unlike juncture in English, appears to
be characterized primarily by time-lapse transition between words
(rather than the complex of articulatory features plus timing as "crisp"
versus "muddy" transitions and the like). The length of the time-lapse
is probably conditioned by word stress, which has an effect on the
length of the word. However, the exact nature of the relationship bet-
ween Juncture and stress still requires investigation.

It should be pointed out that the phonological word does not always
coincide with the semantic fonn. Note the following:

The Phonology of Sibutu 85

(3a) [*i. a + pa. 'ra.gan + "ma.ka.lu, 'ma^anj *he runs and walks*

(3b) I*i. a + "ma. ka. 'ra.gan +"ma.ka.lu. 'ma.anj *he can run and can

valk'

(3c) pi. a + pa. 'ra.gan + "ma.ka.lu. ' a.qan] 'he is running outside'

In utterance (3a) the word {"ma.ka.lu. 'ma. an] is grammatically
['ma.ka] 'and' plus [lu. 'ma.an] 'walks'. In (3b) ["ma.ka.lu. 'ma.an] is
a combination of the prefix [ma.ka-] 'caii, is able' plus [lu. 'ma.an]
'walks'. In utterance (3c) ["ma.ka.lu.' a.qan] represents [ma] 'at'
plus [ka-J 'nominalizing prefix' plus the suffixed form [lu. ' a.qan]
'outside'. Yet all three of these examples appear phonologically to be
a single word.

5.2 Stress

The accentual system consists of two stress levels, primary ['] and
secondary ["] , both of which axe reewiily piredictable. Stress occurs on
a syllable peak, whether vowel or consonant, and any syllable which does
not carrY either, primary or secondeuy stress is said to have zero
stress.

Stress has features of both length and prominence (relative loud-
ness). A stressed syllable is normally both louder and of sli^tly
longer duration than other syllables in a word.

The particle class of words have zero stress • All other words re-
quire primary stress, plus as many secondary stresses as word length
permits. The rules for stress prediction are described and illustrated
in the following paragraphs.

5.2.1 Any one-syllable word, excepting particles, carries primary
stress. One-syllable peo^icles have zero stress.

{'boqj 'just now' [du] 'indeed' (emphatic

particle)

I'soq] ^but' [giq] 'yet, still' (in-

completive peurticle)

5.2.2 Primary stress always occiirs on the penultimate syllable of words
having two or more syllables. The following examples show how primary
stress permutes to the peniiltimate position when suffixes are added to a
word stem. (Prefixes do not cause perturbation of primary stress.)

^> I'ba.li^kl] 'return' [ba. 'li.k^^n] 'repeat'

Imag. 'ba.l^kl] 'returning' [ba.li. 'kan.nu] 'you are

repeating'

86 The Phonology of Sibutu

5 •2. 3 Words having two and three syllables cajny only primary stress.

["m.bal] 'no' [^n-goq] 'mother*

I'se.heqJ 'companion' Ih^^s. 'sa.la] 'talk'

[pa. 'n a. am] 'pancake' {qam. 'bu.un] 'type of starch'

5.2.i+ Words having only four syllables carry a single secondary stress
on the first syllable, in addition to the primary vord stress.

["bi.tu. 'qa.nan] 'divorcee'

["ka.Ja. 'lar^.k^^n] 'scorpion'

["ka.bwi. 'nal.an] 'agreed'

["mag.sa. 'b/\n.neQ.] 'telling the truth'

["ba.li, 'kan.nu] 'you are repeating'

["b [S . sa. ' la. han] ' persuading '

5.2.5 Words having more than four syllables must be considered in terms
of unprefixed and prefixed forms.

5.2.5.1 Unprefixed words having more than four syllables carry a single
secondary stress on the first syllable, in addition to the primary word
stress.

["d/gi.da.le. 'qe.t (^n] 'remove the thorns'

["b\^s.sa.la. 'han.na] 'he is persuading'
["b^^s. sa.la. han. 'ka. mi] 've are persxiading'

I"b|^s. sa.la. han. si. 'ge. a] 'they are pers\iading'

5.2.5.2 When prefixes are added to a word of moire than four syllables,
perturbation occurs in the secondary stress in certain cases, but the
primary stress is unaffected.

5.2,5.2.1 A one-syllable prefix causes fluctuation of the secondary
stress between the first and second syllables.

["pa.m\^s.sa. 'la.han]^'|pa."m^^s.sa. 'la. ban] 'instrument for

speaking'

['^pag.b^s.sa. 'la.han]AiXpae."b(^s.sa. 'la. han] 'the thing

spoken about'

["ta.ba.li.'kan.nu]Nlta.''b».li.'k«i.au] 'you can repeat'

The Phonology of Sibutu 8?

5.2. 5-2.2 A tvo syllable prefix carries obligatory secondary stress on
its first syllable, and any secondary stress on the vord stem

remains lanchanged.

["ma.ka.b^^s. 'sa.la] 'able to talk'

["pi.na."b^^s. sa. 'la.hanj'^'{"ni .pa."b^^s. sa. 'la.han] 'to be

persuaded'

["pi.nag."bi^s.sa. 'la.han]'X'|"ni.pag."b|^s.sa. 'la.han] 'the thing

being spoken
about '

5.2.5.2.3 Combinations of tvo one-syllable prefixes are stressed and
function as if they were one tvo-sy liable prefix.

["ka.pag.b(^s. 'sa.la] 'able to talk to each other'

I"ta.pag."b|^s.sa. ' la.han] 'the thing able to be spoken about'
["mag.pa.b^^s. 'sa.la] 'allowing to speak'

5.2. 5.2. U In combinations of two, two-syllable prefixes, each prefix
carries stress on the first syllable and the secondary stress on the
word stem disappears.

["ma.ka, "pag. pa. bi^s.sa. ' la.han] 'able to cause persuasion'

5 ,2. 5. 2. 5 In combinations of two-syllable pl\is one-syllable prefixes,
one secondary stress occvirs initially on the two-syllable prefix and
another fluctuates between the one-syllable prefix and the word-stem
initial syllable.

["ma.ka.pag."b\^s.sa. 'la.han]'V'["ma.ka."pag.b\^s.sa. 'la.han] 'able

to persuade them'

["ta.pag.pa."b|^s.sa.la. 'han.bi]'V'["ta.pag."pa.b^s.sa.la. 'han.bi]

'yo^ (pl) Q^^ able to make them
persuade s.o.'

5.2.6 When reduplicated word stems occur, each of the reduplicated
portions are stressed in accordance with the forgoing rules, except that
(1) the stress on the first word stem, which voiold normally be primaiy
stress, is replaced by secondary stress, and (2) word-initial stress
does not fluctuate between the first two syllables as described in
5.2.5.2.1.

["'ha.^an. 'ha.^an] 'breezy, fresh'
[mag. "ha. ^an . ' ha. ^an] ' airing'
[pa."tDg.g5l.t3g. 'go.lun] 'leave it longer'

88 The Phonology of Sihutu

^mag.hi^s/'sa.la.b^^s. 'sa.la 3 'talking and talking
^"pi.na."'b\^s. sa.b^^s. 'sa.han^ 'being scolded by

I
I

5 •2. 7 Personal names and kinship terms used as vocatives have a
lengthened final syllable vith the usiial accompanying stress shift.

[si 'putl.lij 'girl's name [potl.li.i] 'name as

vocative'

I'n.goq] 'mother' [n.'go.oq] 'oh, mother'

FOOTNOTES

Other languages in the Southern Sama group include Tandubas,
Simunul, Manuk Mankaw^ Pahut, Sempoma (Sabah) and various subdialects
on Sibutu and Simunul Islands. There are no doubt additional languages
belonging to this family in both Sabah, Malaysia, and Kalimantan, In-
donesia, but a full investigation has not yet been conducted.

2
Pallesen, A. Kemp, "Culture Contact and Language Convergence,"

Ph. D. Dissertation, University of California at Berkeley, 1977.

3
The figures are based on the 1975 integrated census of population

for Tawi-Tavi province, corrected for an estimated nvimber of Tausug

speakers.

The data for this study were collected between 1976 and 1978 in
the barrio (township) of Sibutu Proper, on the island of Sibutu, in the
province of Tawi-Tavi » undex the auspices of the Summer Institute of
Ling\iistics. The principal language assistant was Wilhelmina Mandaling,
a female 20 years of age. Some work was also conducted with the same
assistant in the city of Zamboanga.

Pallesen, Kenp and Anne. "Phonemes of Samal of Sulu", an un-
published paper in the files of the Summer Institute of Linguistics,
Philippine Branch, Manila. No date.

The Phonology of Sibutu 89

This interpretation requires that the stop phonemes be understood
as functioning in syllable peaks, a most unusual phenomenon among the
world's languages. In addition to the synchronic data given in the text,
there is also diachronic evidence supporting this interpretation • Com-
parative studies (Pallesen, fn.2) show that forms with stem-initial
homorganic and geminate consonant clusters are reflexes of Proto-Sama
forms in which a schwa */9/ original .ly preceded the consonant cluster.
Thus: I'p.paq]<*['3p.paq], pt.tuq]<*I 'Bt.tuqJ ,[ 'k.kaq]<* [ 'Sk.kaq] ,
etc. The proto-schwa in Sibutu Sama lost its contrastive status and
disappesLred stem- initially, leaving the homorganic clusters in stem-
initial position. Now, most of these forms comprise only two syllables,
and carry stress on the pen\ilt, both in the proto-form and in the modem
form. This stress did not disappear along with the schwa, but has been
retained, being carried by the first member of the initial consonant
cluster. Pallesen also notes for Siasa Sama the disappearance (phonetic-
ally) of /9/ in stem-initial position, but the retention of the stress.
The process is similar for both Sibutu and Siasi Sama, except that in
the case of the former, phonemic status of schwa is lost, while for the
latter it is retained. In Siasa Sama the schwa is realized when a con-
sonant-final prefix is added to the stem, but this does not occur in
Sibutu Sama.

This statement is a convenient generalization. The actual
situation is somewhat more complex, in that the released-unreleased
variation appears to be conditioned by the time lapse between the end of
one word and the beginning of the next. If the timing is very short,
the released phone will occur. If the timing is relatively long, the
unreleased phone will occur. This relative timing, of course, varies^
with each individual speaker and cannot be predetermined. Hence, it is
not unrealistic to speak here of free variation.

It is posited that each of the vowel phonemes except /a/ has an
unstressed allophone occurring in closed syllables, namely, [J , [^]>
[e] and [:>]. While these phones are readily distinguished in the
environment preceding geminate and homorganic consonant cloisters, there
are problems in their perception in unstressed closed syllables (C — ^C)*
[J and [u] are the only two which are clearly perceptible in this
environment, [e] and [:>] are so close to [e] and [o] (respectively)
that distinction is almost totally obscured. However, the adoption of
this inteipretation seems reasonable in view of the perceptible dis-
tinctive differences between [i] , [(\ and between [u] , [u] which
establishes a pattern that miy be extended to [e] , [e] and [o] , [d] on
the basis of phonetic symmetiy. With regard to /a/, however, there is
no question that the allophone [A] does not occur in the unstressed
C ^C environment.

^The variation [Aj-vfaJ appears to be spreading to words in which
the vowel following the homorganic or geminate cluster is /i/, although

90 The Phonology of Sibutu

the process is not yet generalized. Examples are:

I'JAn.tiqJ'vpjan.tiqJ 'pretty'

TpAp.JiJ'vI'pan.jiJ 'flag'

I 'pAn. di]'^]; 'pan. di] 'bathe'

Zero stress is a technical term standing for the absence of
primary and secondaiy stress. However, even when the primary and
secondary stress are abaftnt, some form of stress is obviously still
present, inasmuch as no syllable can be uttered vithout both relative
loudness and length. The norm that occxirs vithout specieO. stress
accentuation is here referred to as zero stress.

STUDIES IN PHILIPPINE LINGUISTICS

Edited by
Casilda Edrial-Luzares

Austin Hale

Managing Editor
Marjorie Cook

VOLUME 3 1979 NUMBER 2

LINGUISTIC SOCIETY OF THE PHILIPPINES
SUMMER INSTITUTE OF LINGUISTICS