COLONIAL INSTITUTE
3 ^ mm
REPORT OF PROCEEDINGS
PEOOBEDINGS
ROYAL COLONIAL INSTITUTE.
VOLUME THE SEVENTH.
1875-76.
PUBLISHED BY THE INSTITUTE,
15, STEAND, W.C.
1876.
(The rights of Publication and Translation are reserved.)
Dft
10
The Council of the Royal Colonial Institute are not responsible in
any way for the opinions expressed by the Authors of the several Papers
inserted in this Volume .
Members on changing their addresses are particularly requested to
notify the change to the Honorary Secretary, in order that delay in
forwarding the transactions and other communications may be avoided
as much as possible.
FREDERICK YOUNG,
Honorary Secretary.
ROYAL COLONIAL INSTITUTE,
15, Strand, W.O.
July, 1876.
THE ROYAL COLONIAL INSTITUTE.
ROOMS: 15, STRAND, W.C.
COUNCIL OF 1876-77.
PRESIDENT.
HIS GRACE THE DUKE OF MANCHESTER.
VICE-PRESIDENTS.
HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS THE PRINCE CHRISTIAN, E.G.
HIS GRACE THE DUKE OF ARGYLL, K.T.
HIS GRACE THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM AND CHANDOS, G.C.S.I.
THE MOST NOBLE THE MARQUIS OF NORMANBY, K.C.M.G.
THE RIGHT HON. THE EARL OF CARNARVON.
THE RIGHT HON. THE EARL OF DUFFERIN, K.T., K.C.B., G.C.M.G.
THE RIGHT HON. THE EARL OF GRANVILLE, K.G.
THE RIGHT HON. VISCOUNT BURY, K.C.M.G.
THE RIGHT HON. LORD CARLINGFORD.
THE RIGHT HON. SIR STAFFORD H. NORTHCOTE, BAET., C.B., M.P.
THE RIGHT HON. GATHORNE HARDY, M.P.
THE RIGHT HON. STEPHEN CAVE, M.P.
THE RIGHT HON. LORD LISGAR, G.G.B., G.C.M.G.
THE RIGHT HON. VISCOUNT MONCK, G.C.M.G.
EDWARD WILSON, ESQ.
COUNCILLORS.
HENBY BLAINE, ESQ.
SIE CHAELES CLIFFORD.
MAJOB-GEN. SiE H. C. B. DAUBENEY,
K.C.B.
F. S. DUTTON, ESQ., C.M.G.
H. W. FBEELAND, ESQ.
A. R. CAMPBELL-JOHNSTON, ESQ.
H. J. JOUEDAIN, ESQ.
F. P. LABILLIEBE, ESQ.
SIE RICHAED GEAVES MACDONNELL,
K.C.M.G., C.B.
SIE GEOEGE MACLEAY, K.C.M.G.
GlSBOENE MOLINEUX, ESQ.
JACOB MONTEFIOEIE, ESQ.
H. E. MONTGOMEBIE, ESQ.
SIE CHAELES NICHOLSON, BAET.
ALEXANDEE RIVINGTON, ESQ.
S. W. SILVEB, ESQ.
SIE CHAELES E. F. STIELING, BAET.
H. B. T. STBANGWAYS, ESQ.
J. DUNCAN THOMSON, ESQ.
SIE R. R. TOEEENS, K. C.M.G.
WILLIAM WALKEE, ESQ.
SIE C. WINGFIELD, K. C.S.I., C.B.
LEONAED WEAY ESQ.
JAMES A. YOUL, ESQ., C.M.G.
TRUSTEES.
SIE JOHN ROSE, BAET., K. C.M.G. j HON. AETHTTB KINNAIBD M.P.
JAMES SEAEIGHT, ESQ.
HON. TREASURER.
W. C. SAEGEAUNT, ESQ., C.M.G.
HON. SECRETARY.
FEEDEEICK YOUNG, ESQ.
TABLE OF CONTENTS,
1875-76.
FAGB
Council of 1876— 77 iii
Objects of the Eoyal Colonial Institute vii
List of Fellows ix
Colonial Museum Deputation 1
Report on the Newfoundland Fishery Question 6
Ordinary General Meeting : Acclimatisation, by Edward Wilson, Esq. ... 36
Eeport on the Gambia Question 68
Ordinary General Meeting: South Africa and her Colonies, by Lieut.-
GeneralJ. J. Bisset, C.B 86
Memorial on the Cession of the Gambia 122
Memorial to Her Majesty on recognition of the Colonies in the Eoyal
Title 124
Ordinary General Meeting : Adjourned Discussion on Lieut.-General
Bisset's paper on South Africa and her Colonies 125
Ordinary General Meeting : Civilisation of the Pacific, by Coloman
Phillips, Esq 149
Ordinary General Meeting : The Progress of Victoria, by the Eight
Eev. Bishop Perry 214
Ordinary General Meeting : New Zealand, by the Hon. William Fox ... 247
Ordinary General Meeting : Colonisation of Central Africa, by Lieut.
V. Lovett Cameron, E.N., C.B 274
Ordinary General Meeting : Wines of Australia, by J. T. Fallen, Esq. ... 297
Conversazione 326
Annual General Meeting 331
General Index . 338
THE ROYAL COLONIAL INSTITUTE,
15, STRAND, LONDON.
ESTABLISHED 1863.
IMIOTTO— " TJl^ITEID
OBJECTS.
"To provide a place of meeting for all Gentlemen connected
with the Colonies and British India, and others taking an interest
in Colonial and Indian affairs ; to establish a reading-room and
library, in which recent and authentic intelligence upon Colonial
and Indian subjects may be constantly available, and a museum for
the collection and exhibition of Colonial and Indian productions ;
to facilitate interchange of experiences amongst persons represent-
ing all the Dependencies of Great Britain ; to afford opportunities
for the reading of papers, and for holding discussions upon Colonial
and Indian subjects generally ; and to undertake scientific, literary,
and statistical investigations in connection with the British Empire.
But no paper shah1 be read, or any discussion be permitted to take
place, tending to give to the Institute a party character." (Eule I.)
MEMBEBSHIP.
There are two classes of Fellows, Kesident and Non-Eesident,
both elected by the Council on the nomination of any two Fellows :
the former pay an entrance-fee of £3, and an Annual Subscription
of £2 ; the latter £1 Is. a year, and no entrance-fee. Resident
Fellows can become Life Members on payment of £23, and Non-
Resident Fellows on payment of £10. The former, after the pay-
ment of five or more annual subscriptions, may commute for the
sum of £15.
PRIVILEGES OF FELLOWS.
Use of rooms, papers, and Library. All Fellows, whether re-
siding in England or the Colonies, have the annual volume of the
Proceedings of the Institute forwarded to them.
The support of all British subjects, whether residing in the
United Kingdom or the Colonies — for the Institute is intended for
both — is earnestly desired in promoting the great objects of extend-
ing knowledge respecting the various portions of the Empire, and
in promoting the causes of its permanent unity. Contributions to
the Library will be thankfully received. A Fund has been opened
for increasing the Library, to which money donations are invited.
FREDERICK YOUNG, Hon. Kec,
LIST OP FELLOWS.
(Those marked * are Honorary Fellows.)
(Those marked t have compounded for life.)
*farof RESIDENT FELLOWS.
Election
1872
1875
1874
1874
1868
1872
1875
1874
1876
1873
1868
1876
1874
1874
1872
1872
1874
1874
1868
ABRAHAM, AUGUSTUS B., Eeform Club, Pall Mall, S.W.
ACTON, EOGEE, 11, Crescent Place, Mornington Crescent, N.W.
ADDEBLEY, AUGUSTUS J., 3, Porchester Gate, W.
ADLEK, J. H., 79, Coleman Street, E.G.
, THE EIGHT HON. THEEAKL OF, Airlie Lodge, Campdeu Hill,
Kensington, W., and Brookes' Club, S.W.
ALCOCK, COLONEL T. ST. L., 22, Somerset Street, Portman Square,
W.
fANDEESON, EDWAED E., 39, Eastbourne Terrace, Hyde Park, W.
ANDERSON, WILLIAM MATHEE, Oriental Bank, 40, Threadneedle
Street, E.G.
ANNAND, WILLIAM, 42, Belgrave Eoad, S.W.
ARBUTHNOT, MAJOR, E.A., Carlton Club, S.W.
ARGYLL, His GEACE THE DUKE OF, K.T., Argyll Lodge, Campden
Hill, Kensington, W.
AENEY, SIE GEORGE A., Hanover Square Club, W.
ASHLEY, HON. EVELYN, M.P., 61, Cadogan Place, S. W., and 2, Hare
Court, Temple, E.G.
ATKINSON, CHAELES E., Algoa Lodge, Beckenham, Kent.
AULD, PATEICK, Auldana Vineyard Office, Mill Street, Hanover
Square, W.
BADENOCH, EEV. DR. G. E., Clarence Chambers, 12, Haymarket,
S.W.
BANNER, EDWAED G., 11, Billiter Square, E.G.
BARCLAY, SIR DAVID W., BT., 42, Holland Eoad, Kensington, W.
BARE, E.G., 76, Holland Park, W.
x Royal Colonial Institute.
Year of
Election.
1870
1869
1876
1873
1874
1868
1869
1868
BEDINGFELD, FELIX, C.M.G., 86, Green Street, Grosvenor Square, W.
BEEE, JULIUS, 28, Park Crescent, Portland Place, W.
BEETON, H. C., 2, Adamson Eoad, South Hampstead, N.W.
BELL, WM. MOOEE, Bolton Hall, near Wigton. Cumberland.
BENJAMIN, Louis ALFRED, 65, Eussell Square, W.C.
BENNETT, C. F., 55, Queen's Square, Bristol.
BERGTHEIL, J., 38, Warwick Eoad, Maida Hill, W.
BLACHFORD, THE EIGHT HON. LORD, K.C.M.G. ; Athenaeum Club,
S.W. ; and Blachford, Ivybridge, Devon.
ELAINE, D.P., 2, Suffolk Lane, Cannon Street, E.G.
BLAINE, HENRY, 2, Cleveland Eoad, Castle Hill, Baling, W.
BONWICK, JAMES (care of Mr. Beddow), 22, South Audley Street, W.
BOURA, F. W.
BOURNE, C. W., Eagle House, Eltham, S.E.
BOUTCHER, EMANUEL, 12, Oxford Square, Hyde Park, "W.
BRAND, WILLIAM, 109, Fenchurch Street, E.G.
BRIGGS, THOMAS, Homestead, Eiclimond, Surrey.
BROAD, CHARLES HENRY, Castle View, Weybridge, Surrey.
BROGDEN, JAMES, Seabank House, Portcawl, near Bridgend,
Glamorganshire.
BROWN, J. B., F.E.G.S., 90, Cannon Street, E.G., and Bromley,
Kent.
BROWN, COL. SIR T. GORE, KC.M.G., and C.B., 7, Kensington
Square, W.
BUCHANAN, A., M.D., 48, Eastbourne Terace, W., and Junior
Athenaeum Club.
BUCKINGHAM AND CHANDOS, His GRACE THE DUKE OF, G. C.S.I.,
Chandos House, Cavendish Square, W.
BURGESS, EDWARD J., 29, Palmerston Buildings, E.G.
BURTON, W. H., Auldana Vineyard Office, Mill Street, Hanover
Square, W.
BURY, THE EIGHT HON. VISCOUNT, K.C.M.G., 65, Prince's Gate, S.W.
BUTTERWORTH, EGBERT L., 70, Basinghall Street, E.G.
BYL, P. G. VANDER (Consul-General for the Orange Free State
Eepublic), 102, Harley Street, W.
CAMPBELL, DONALD, Christchurch College, Oxford.
CAMPBELL, EGBERT, Union Bank of Australasia, Prince's Street, E.G.,
and Buscot Park, Berkshire.
CARDWELL, THE EIGHT HON. VISCOUNT, 74, Eaton Square, S.W.
fCARLiNGFORD, THE EIGHT HON. LORD, 7, Carlton Gardens, S.W.
CARNARVON, THE EIGHT HON. THE EARL OF, Colonial Office, S.W.
Resident Fellows. xi
CARPENTER, MAJOR G., K.A., Army and Navy Club, Pall Mall, S.W-
CARVILL, P. G., J.P., Beuvenue, Eosentrerer, Co. Down; 23, Park
Crescent ; and Reform Club, S.W.
CAVE, THE EIGHT HON. STEPHEN, M.P., 35, Wilton Place, S.W.
CHALLIS, J. H., Eeform Club, Pall MaU, S.W.
CHESSON, F. W., 3, Lambeth Terrace, S.E., and Canadian Govern-
ment Buildings, King Street, Westminster, S.W.
CHILDERS, THE EIGHT HON. HUGH, M.P., 17, Prince's Gardens, S.W.
CHOWN, T. C., 29, Pembroke Gardens, Kensington, and Thatched
House Club, S.W.
CHRISTIAN, H.R.H. THE PRINCE, K.G., Cumberland Lodge, Windsor
Great Park.
CHURCHILL, LORD ALFRED SPENCER, 16, Rutland Gate, S.W.
CLARK, CHARLES, 20, Belrnont Park, Lee, Kent.
ICLARKE, HYDE, D.C.L., 32, St. George's Square, S.W.
CLIFFORD, SIR CHARLES, Hatherton Hall, Cannock, Staffordshire;
CLOETE, WOODBINE, 3, Clement's Lane, E.C., and St. Stephen's
Club, Westminster, S.W.
CLOETE, HENRY, 11, King's Bench Walk, Temple, E.G.
COLE, MAJOR-GENERAL J. AMBER (late 15th Foot), United Service
Club, PaU MaU, S.W.
COLOMB, CAPTAIN J. C. E., Droumquinne, Kenmare, County Kerry,
Ireland.
COLTHURST, J.B., 4, Danes Inn, Strand, W.C.
COODE, SIB JOHN, 35, Norfolk Square, W., and 2, Westminster
Chambers, S.W.
|CooDE,M. P., Cooper's Hill College, Staines.
COOPER, SIR DANIEL, BART, 20, Prince's Gardens, S.W.
*CORVO, H. E. SUR JOAO ANDRADA, Minister of Foreign Affairs,
Portugal.
COSENS, FREDERICK W., 27, Queen's Gate, S.W.
Cox, SLOPER, Highlands, Gipsy Hill, S.E,
jCRAwsHAY, GEORGE, 23, Upper Thames Street, E.G.
CROLL, ALEXANDER, Mavas Bank, Grange Eoad, Upper Norwood.
CROLL, COLONEL ALEXANDER ANGUS, 10, Coleman Street, E.G., and
Granard Lodge, Eoehampton.
CROSSMAN, COLONEL W., E.E., 30, Harcourt Terrace, Eedcliffe
Square, S.W., and Junior United Service Club.
CURRIE, DONALD, 13, Hyde Park Place, W.
GUMMING, GEORGE, Junior Athenasum Club, Piccadilly, W.
CURWEN, EEV. E. H., Plumbland Eectory, Carlisle.
CURWEN, EEV. A. J., Harrington Eectory, Cumberland.
xii Royal Colonial Institute.
Year of
DAINTREE, EICHABD, C.M.G., 82, Charing Cross.
DALGETY, F. GONNEBMAN, 16, Hyde Park Ten-ace, Hyde Park, W.
DAUBENEY, MAJOB-GENEBAL SIE H. C. B., K.C.B., 36, Elvaston
Place, S.W.
DAVIS, STEUAET S., 1, Taviton Street, Gordon Square, W.C.
DEVEBELL, W. T., 27, Queen Street, E.G.
DOMVILLE, MAJOB-GENEBAL J. W., (B.A.,) Kushgrove House,
Woolwich, S.E.
DONELLY, NICHOLAS (care of J. Farmer, Esq.), 22, Basinghall Street,
S.W.
DOUGLAS, STEWAET, 5, Chester Terrace, Eaton Square, S.W.
Du CANE, SIE CHABLES, K.C.M.G., 8, Chesterfield Street, Mayfair,
W.
fDuciE, THE EIGHT HON. THE EAEL OF, 16, Portman Square, W.
DU-CBOZ, F., 52, Lombard Street, E.G.
DUDDELL, GEOEGE, Queen's Park, Brighton.
DUFF, WILLIAM, 11, Orsett Terrace, Bayswater, W.
DUFFIELD, ALEXANDEE J., Savile Club, Savile Eow, W.
DUNCAN, MAJOE F., M.A., D.C.L., Eoyal Artillery, Woolwich.
DUNCAN, WILLIAM, 83, Gloucester Terrace, Hyde Park, W.
DUPEAT, M. LE VISCOMTE, Consul-General for Portugal, 8, St. Mary
Axe, E.G., and 46, Palace Gardens Terrace, W.
DUEHAM, JOHN HENEY, 31, Great St. Helen's, B.C.
DUTTON, F. H., 11, Cromwell Crescent, South Kensington, S.W.
DUTTON, F. S., C.M.G. (Agent-General for South Australia), 8,
Victoria Chambers, Westminster, S.W.
DUNN, JAMES, 47, Prince's Gardens, South Kensington, S.W.
EDWAEDS, STANLEY, 17, Chapel Street, East Mayfair, and 6, King's
Bench Walk, Temple, E.G.
ELCHO, THE EIGHT HON. LOBD, M.P., 23, St. James's Place, St.
James's, S.W.
ELDEE, ALEXANDER LANG, Campden House, Kensington, W.
ELLIOTT, EOBEET H., 88, Park Lane, W., and Clifton Park, Kelso,
Eoxburghshire, N.B.
ENGLEHEAET, J. D. G., Duchy of Lancaster Office, Lancaster Place,
W.C.
FAIEFAX, T. S., Middle Temple, E.G., and Junior Carlton Club,
Pall Mall, S.W.
FANNING, WM. BOZEDOWN, Whitchurch, Beading.
FABMEE, JAMES, 6, Porchester Gate, Hyde Park, W.
1872
Resident Fellows.
, FREDERICK (Secretary of the Trust and Loan Company of
Canada), 7, Great Winchester Street Buildings, E.C.
?ERGUSSON, THE EIGHT HON. SIR JAMES, BART., K.C.M.G., Carlton
Club, Pall Mall, S.W., and Kilkenan, N.B.
?ILBY, M.B., East Croydon, and Jerusalem Coffee House, E.C.
LOCKING, ADOLPHUS, 106, Fenchurch Street, E.C.
?ORSTER, ANTHONY, Finlay House, Brittany Eoad, St. Leonards-on-
Sea.
FORSTER, EIGHT HON. W. E., M.P., 80, Eccleston Square, S.W.
FORTESCUE, THE HON. DUDLEY, 9, Hertford Street, Mayfair, W.
FRANKLIN, SELIM, 43, Albemarle Street, W.
^FREELAND, HUMPHREY W., 16, Suffolk Street, S.W. ; Athenaeum
Club ; and Chichester.
FRERE, GEORGE, 16, Great College Street, W.
FRESHFIELD, WILLIAM D., 5, Bank Buildings, E.C.
*FROUDE, J. A., M.A., F.E.S., 5, Onslow Gardens, S.W.
IGALTON, CAPTAIN DOUGLAS, C.B., 12, Chester Street, Grosvenor
Place, S.W.
GAWLER, COLONEL J. C. (late 73rd Foot), Tower, E.C.
GILLESPIE, EGBERT, 55, Onslow Square, S. W.
GODSON, GEORGE E., 8, Albert Mansions, Victoria Street, S.W.
GOSCHEN, THE EIGHT HON. G. J., M.P., 69, Portland Place, W.
GOULD, CHARLES.
GRAIN, WILLIAM, 50, Gresharn House, Old Broad Street, E.C.
GRANVILLE, THE EIGHT HON. THE EARL OF, K.G., 18, Carlton House-
Terrace, S.W.
GREAVES, EDWARD, Avonside, Warwick.
GREENE, FREDERICK, 142, Westbourne Terrace, Hyde Park, W.
GREEN, GEORGE, Glantou House, Sydenham Eise, S.E.
GREGORY, CHARLES HUTTON, C.M.G., 2, Delahay Street, West-
minster, S.W.
GRIEVE, THOMAS K., 48, Jewin Street, Aldersgate Street, E.C.
GRIFFITH, W. DOWNES, 57, Harcourt Terrace, S.W.
GUY, GEORGE, 42, Haverstock Hill, N.W.
GWYNNE, FRANK A., Eoyal Thames Yacht Club, Albemarle Street,
Piccadilly, W.
HALIBURTON, A. L., K6, The Albany, Piccadilly, W.
HALIBURTON, E. G., National Club, Whitehall Gardens, S.W.
HALL, ARTHUR, 35, Craven Hill Gardens, W.
HALL, HENRY, 4, Glynde Terrace, Lavender HiD, S.W.
xiv Royal Colonial Institute.
Year of
lecti n.
HALL, JOHN F., 79, Cannon Street, E.G.
HAMILTON, ABCHIBALD, 17, St. Helen's Place, E.G.
HAMILTON, EGBERT, 17, St. Helen's Place, E.G.
HAMILTON, THOMAS, J.P., 32, Charing Cross, S.W.
HARDY, THE BIGHT HON. GATHOENE, M.P., War Office, and 17, Gros-
venor Crescent, S.W.
HARRINGTON, THOMAS MOORE, National Bank of Australasia, 149,
LeadenhaU Street, E.G.
HARRIS, JOHN M. YELBANA, Anerley Koad, Norwood, S.E.
HAUGHTON, JOHN, Manor House, Long Stratton, Norfolk.
*HECTOR, THOMAS, M.D., C.M.G.
HENTY, WILLIAM, 12, Medina Villas, Brighton.
HILL, JOHN S., 32, Great St. Helen's, E.G.
HINCKS, CAPTAIN A. S., Junior United Service Club, S.W.
HODGSON, ARTHUR, Clopton, Stratford-on-Avon, and Windham Club,
St. James's Square, S.W.
fHoGG, QUINTIN, 5, Richmond Terrace, Whitehall, S.W.
HOLLINGS, H. DE B., M.A., New University Club, St. James's Street,
S.W.
HOLMS, JOHN, M.P., 16, Cornwall Gardens, South Kensington,
S.W.
HOUGHTON, LORD, Travellers' Club, Pall Mall, S.W.
fHousTouN, G. L., Johnstone Castle, Johnstone, Eenfrewshire, N.B.
HUME, WILLIAM BURNLEY, 124, Harley Street, W.
IRWIN, J. V. H., 4, Boscobel Gardens, Regent's Park, N.W.
JAMIESON, HUGH, Junior Carlton Club, PaU Mall, S.W.
JAMIESON, T. BUSHBY, Windham Club, St. James's Square, S.W.
JENKINS, EDWARD, M.P., 20, Southwell Gardens, South Kensington,
S.W.
JOHNSTON, A. E. CAMPBELL, F.E.S., F.B.G.S., Heatherley, near
Wokingham, Berks ; Athenaeum Club ; and 84, St. George's
Square, S.W.
JONES, SIR WILLOUGHBY, BART., Cranmer Hall, Fakenham, Norfolk.
JOURDAIN, H. J., 54, Gloucester Gardens, W.
JULYAN, SIR PENROSEG., K.C.M.G. and C.B., Downing Street, S.W.
KARUTH, FRANK, Oakhurst, The Knoll, Beckenham, Kent.
KIMBER, HENRY, 79, Lombard Street, E.C.
KING, HENRY S., 65, Cornhill, E.C.
Year of
Election.
1869
1875
1876
1873
1869
1875
1876
1876
1875
1873
1869
1874
1869
1869
1874
1874
1875
1871
1872
1869
1873
1874
1868
1872
1874
1873
1869
1874
1874
1869
1869
1872
Resident Fellows. xv
, HON. ARTHUB, M.P., 2, Pall Mall East, S.W.
KNIGHT, A. H., 62, Holland Park, Kensington, W.
KNIGHT, JOSEPH J., Mera Lodge, Bexley Heath, Kent.
KNIGHT, WM., 4, Old Square, Lincoln's Inn, W.C.
LABILLIERE, FRANCIS P., 5, Pump Court, Temple, E.G., and 5,
Aldridge Koad ViUas, W.
LANDALE, EGBERT, Dulwich Hill, S.E.
LANDALE, WALTER, 15, Bury Street, St. James's, S.W.
LARDNER, W. G., 2, Burwood Place, Hyde Park, W.
LAWRENCE, W. F., New University Club, St. James's Street.
LAVINGTON, J. W., 14A, Austin Friars, E.G.
LEVESON, EDWARD J., Cluny, Sydenham Hill, S.E.
LEVIN, NATHANIEL, 44, Cleveland Square, W.
LINDSAY, LIEUT. -COLONEL LOYD, V.C., M.P., 2, Carlton Gardens,
S.W.
LISGAR, THE EIGHT HON. LORD, G.C.B., G.C.M.G., Arthur's Club,
St. James's Street, S.W.
LITTLETON, HON. HENRY, Teddesley, Penkridge, Staffordshire.
*LLOYD, SAMPSON S., M.P., President of the Associated Chambers
of Commerce of the United Kingdom, Birmingham.
fLow, W. ANDERSON, 59, Eadcliffe Gardens, South Kensington,
S.W.
LUBBOCK, SIR JOHN, BART., M.P., 15, Lombard Street, E.G.
LYONS, GEORGE, M.A., 66, Old Broad Street, E.G.
MACARTHUR, ALEXANDER, M.P., Kaleigh Hall, Brixton, S.W.
MACARTHUR, WILLIAM, M.P., 1, Gwyder Houses, Brixton, S.W.
MACCARTHY, JUSTIN, 48, Gower Street, W.C.
MCDONALD, H. C., 116, Fenchurch Street, E.G.
SIR EICHARD GRAVES, K.C.M.G., and C.B., 66, Onslow
Gardens, S.W.*; Athenasum Club ; and Sorrento House, Co.
Dublin, Ireland.
MACEWEN, JOHN T. HOWIE, Old Swan Wharf, E.G., and 3, Stanley
Gardens, Kensington Park, W.
, ALEXANDER, 25, Sackville Street, W.
MACFIE, E. A., Eeforni Club, S.W. ; and Dreghorn, Colinton,
Edinburgh, N.B.
MCKERRELL, E. M., Junior Carlton Club, Pall Mall, S.W.
, C. W., 69, Cromwell Eoad, South Kensington, S.W.
MACKINNON, W., Balmakiel, Clachan, Argyleshire, N.B.
MCLACHLAN, ARCHIBALD, Hatherley Hall, Cheltenham.
MACLEAY, ALEXANDER D., Carlton Club, Pall Mall, S.W.
Royal Colonial Institute.
MACLEAY, SIR GEORGE, K.C.M.G., Pendell Court, Bletchingley,
Surrey
MACNAB, D. M., Union Club, Trafalgar Square, S.W.
tMAcPnERSON, JOSEPH, Devonshire Club, St. James's, S.W.
MAITLAND, WILLIAM, 2, Eoyal Exchange Buildings, E.G.
MANBY, LIEUT.-COLONEL CHARLES, 60, Westbourne Terrace, Hyde
Park, W.
•[MANCHESTER, His GRACE THE DUKE OP, 1, Great Stanhope Street,
W., and Kimbolton Castle, St. Neot's.
MARSH, M. H., Eamridge, Andover, Hants.
MARTIN, EDWARD, 2, New Square, Lincoln's Inn, W.C.
MATTHEWS, WILLIAM, 46, Avenue Koad, Eegent's Park, N.W.
MEREWETHER, F. S. S., Peacocks, Ingatestone, Essex.
MAYNE, EDWARD GRAVES, M.A., 40, Elgin Eoad, Dublin.
MILLER, JOHN, Sherbrooke Lodge, Brixton, S.W.
MILLIGAN, DR. JOSEPH, 6, Craven Street, Strand, W.C.
MILTON, THE EIGHT HON. VISCOUNT, 17,' Grosvenor Street, W.
MOLINEUX, GISBORNE, 1, East India Avenue, E.G.
MONCK, ET. HON. VISCOUNT, G.C.M.G., 14, St. James's Place, S.W.
MONTAGU, J. M. P., Downe Hall, Bridport, Dorset, and 51, St.
George's Eoad, Pimlico, S.W.
MONTEFIORIE, JACOB, 1, Oriental Place, Brighton.
IMoNTGOMERiE, HUGH E., 17, Gracechurch Street, E.G.
MOOR, HENRY, Sussex Square, Brighton.
MOORE, WM. FREDK., 5, Queen's Eoad, Eichmond, Surrey.
MORGAN, SEPTIMUS VAUGHAN, 6, The Boltons, South Kensington,
S.W.
MORT, W., 1, Stanley Crescent, Notting Hill, W.
MOSENTHAL, JULIUS DE, 1, Bier Lane, E.G.
MUIR, HUGH, 32, Lombard Street, E.G.
MUTTLEBURY, JAMES W., Junior Carlton Club, Pall Mall, S.W., and
47, Leinster Gardens, W.
+NAZ, VIRGILE, C.M.G., care of Messrs. Chalmers, Guthrie, & Co.,
9, Idol Lane, E.G.
NELSON, WILLIAM, Moorlands, Kenilworth.
NICHOLSON, SIR CHARLES, BART., 26, Devonshire Place, Portland
Place, W.
NORTHCOTE, THE EIGHT HON. SIR STAFFORD H., BART., C.B., M.P.,
86, Harley Street, W.
NORTON, GEORGE, Wyvil's Court, Swallowfield, Beading.
NUTT, E. W., Conservative Club, St. James's Street, S.W.
Year of
Election.
Resident Fellows. xvii
OMMANEY, H. M., 24, Surrey Street, Strand, W.C.
O'NEILL, JOHN HUGH, Canada Government Buildings, King Street,
Westminster, S.W.
I OPPENHEIM, HERMANN, 17, Eue de Londres, Paris.
OPPENHEIMER, JOSEPH, 52, Brown Street, Manchester.
OTWAY, AJRTHUK JOHN, 19, Cromwell Eoad, S.W.
PALMER, HENKY POLLARD, 15, Coleman Street, E.G.
PAGET, JOHN C., 90, Albert Street, Eegent's Park, N.W.
PATERSON, J., 15, Coleman Street, E.G.
PATTERSON, MYLES, 28, Gloucester Place, Hyde Park, W.
PERCEVAL, AUGUSTUS G., Langfords, Buckhurst Hill, Essex.
PERRY, THE EIGHT EEV. BISHOP, 82, Avenue Eoad, Eegent's
Park, N.W.
PETER, JOHN, Conservative Club, St. James's Street, S.W.
PHILPOTT, EICHARD, 3, Abchurch Lane, E.G.
fPiM, CAPTAIN BEDFORD, E.N., M.P., Leaside, Kingswood Eoad,
Upper Norwood, S.E.
fPooRE, MAJOR E., Old Lodge, Stockbridge, Hants.
PORTER, EGBERT, Westfield House, South Lyncombe, Bath.
POTTER, EICHARD, 21, Old Broad Street, E.G.
PRANCE, EEGINALD H., 2, Hercules Passage, E.G., and Frognall,
Hampstead, N.W.
PRATT, J. J., Consul-General, South African Eepublic, 24, Coleman
Street, E.G.
PBINCE, J. SAMPSON, 34, Craven Hill Gardens, W.
PUGH, W. E., M.D., Victoria Lodge, Hurstpierpoint, Sussex, and
Junior Athenaeum Club, Piccadilly, W.
PUNSHON, EEV. DR. MORLEY, 64, Holland Eoad, Kensington, W.
QUIN, THOMAS F., F.E.G.S., Whitelands, High Street, Clapham,
S.W.
EAE, JAMES, 32, Phillimore Gardens, Kensington, W.
fEAE, JOHN, LL.D., F.S.A., 9, Mincing Lane, E.G.
EAMAGE, W. W., London and Colorado Co., Winchester Buildings,
Old Broad Street, E.C.
EAMSDEN, EICHARD, Camp Hill, Nuneaton, Warwickshire.
EENNIE, J. T., Aberdeen, and 52, Lime Street, E.C.
EICHARDSON, WILLIAM, Limber Magna, Ulceby, Lincolnshire.
EICHMAN, H. J., 46, Clanricarde Gardens, Bayswater, W.
EIDGWAY, LIEUT.-COLONEL A., 2, Waterloo Place, Pall Mall, S.W.
b
xviii Royal Colonial Institute.
Year of
Election.
1872
1869
1868
1869
1874
1875
1875
1875
1876
1874
1874
1868
1873
1869
1872
1868
1871
1874
1868
1869
1873
1874
1873
1874
1875
1868
1872
1868
1868
1875
1874
1872
, ALEXANDER, Brooklands, Upper Norwood, S.E.
IOBINSON, MAJOR CHARLES W., Eifle Brigade, South Camp, Alder-
shot.
KOCHE, ALFRED E., 81, Palmerston Buildings, E.G.
ilosE, SIR JOHN, BART., K.C.M.G., Bartholomew House, Bartholo-
mew Lane, E.G., and 18, Queen's Gate, S.W.
Eoss, HAMILTON, Lane's Hotel, St. Alban's Place, S.W.
RUSSELL, G. GREY, care of Messrs. Eussell, Le Cren, and Co., 37,
Lombard Street, E.G.
RUSSELL PHILIP, Palace Hotel, Buckingham Gate, S.W.
RUSSELL, THOMAS, Haremare Hall, Hurstgreen, Sussex.
EYALL, E., 1, Guildhall Chambers, E.G.
ST. JEAN, M. LE VISCOMTE ERNEST DE SATJE, Junior Athenaeum
Club, Piccadilly, W., and Malvern Wells, Worcestershire.
[•SANDERSON, JOHN, Buller's Wood, Chislehurst, Kent.
•JARGEAUNT, W. C., C.M.G., New Government Buildings, Downing
Street, S.W.
SASSOON, ARTHUR, 12, St. George's Place, Hyde Park Corner, S.W.
, HELMUTH, Osnabruck House, Denmark Hill, S.E.
SCOTT, ABRAHAM, 12, Farquhar Eoad, Upper Norwood, S.E
SEARIGHT, JAMES, 7, East India Avenue, E.G.
SEROCOLD, G. PEARCE, Eodborough Lodge, Stroud, Gloucestershire.
SHIPSTER, HENRY F., 10, Gloucester Place, Hyde Park, W.
, S. W., 4, Sun Court, Cornhill, E.G.
SIMMONS, P. L., 29, Cheapside, E.G.
SMITH, W. H., M.P., The Greenlands, Henley-on-Thames, and 2,
Hyde Park Street, W.
SOPER, W. G., 14, Fenchurch Street, E.G.
SPENCE, J. BERGER, F.E.G.S., &c.., Erlington House, Whalley
Eange, Manchester.
SPICER, JAMES, 50, Upper Thames Street, E.G.
STEIN, ANDREW, Protea House, Cambridge Gardens, Netting Hill, W.
SPOWERS, ALLAN, 33, Queensboro' Terrace, Hyde Park, W.
STANFORD, EDWARD, 55, Charing Cross, S.W.
STEPHENS, WILLIAM, 3, Apsley Terrace, Acton, W.
STEVENS, JAMES, Eeform Club, Pall Mall, S.W.
STEVENSON, L. C., Hall Place, Bexley.
Sm CHARLES, BART, Glorat, Milton of Carnpsie, Stirling-
shire, N.B., and Junior Carlton Club, Pall Mall, S.W.
STOVIN, EEV. C. F., 59, Warwick Square, S.W,
Year of
Election.
Resident Fellows. xix
STKANGWAYS, H. B. T., 21, Denmark Hill, Wimbledon, and 5,
Pump Court, Temple, E.G.
BUTTON, HON. GRAHAM MANNERS, Arthur's Club, St. James's St.,S.W.
SWALE, REV. H. J., M.A., J.P., The Elms, Guildford, Surrey.
SWANZY, ANDREW, 122, Cannon Street, E.G., and Sevenoaks, Kent.
SYNGE, MAJOR-GENERAL MILLINGTON, E.E., Old Hall, Southborough,
Kent.
SYMONS, G. J., 62, Camden Square, N.W.
TAIT, SIR PETER, Southwark Street, S.E.
TAYLOR, CHARLES J., 61, Leinster Square, W.
*TENNYSON, ALFRED, D.C.L., 16, Albert Mansions, S.W.
THOMSON, J.D., St. Peter's Chambers, Cornhill, E.G.
TIDMAN, PAUL FREDERICK, 84, Leadenhall Street, E.G.
TINLINE, GEORGE, 17, Prince's Square, Hyde Park, W.
TOOTH, FREDERICK, The Briars, Eeigate, Surrey.
TORRENS, SIR EGBERT E., K.C.M.G., Eeform Club, PaU Mall, S.W.
TRIMMER, EDMUND, 75, Cambridge Terrace, W., and 41, Botolph
Lane, E.G.
UNNA, FERDINAND, 12, Lancaster Gate, and 1, Colemau Street
Buildings, Moorgate Street, E.G.
WALKER, EDWARD, 17, Gracechurch Street, E.G.
WALKER, SIR JAMES, K.C.M.G. and G.B., Hillmore, near Taunton.
WALKER, WM., F.E.G.S., 48, Hilldrop Eoad, Tufnell Park, N.W.
WALLS, ANDREW M., 11, Leadenhall Street, E.G.
WATSON, PETER, 64, Old Broad Street, E.G., and Sutton House,
Hounslow.
WATTS, HENRY, E., Marlborough Chambers, 49, PaU Mall, S.W.
WEBB, WILLIAM, Newstead Abbey, near Nottingham.
WELLINGS, HENRY, New Travellers' Club, George Street, Hanover
Square, W.
WESTERN, CHARLES, E., 96, Inverness Terrace, W.
WESTGARTH, WILLIAM, St. Andrew's House, Change Alley, E.G.,
and 10, Bolton Gardens, S.W.
WHITE, EGBERT, Mildmay Chambers, 82, Bishopsgate Street Within,
E.G.
WHITEHEAD, HERBERT M., Conservative Club, St. James's Street,
S.W.
WILLS, GEORGE, White Hall, Hornsey Lane, N., and 26, Budge
Eow, E.G.
xx Royal Colonial Institute.
Year of
Election.
1874
1868
1874
1869
1872
1873
1828
1873
1868
1875
1868
1874
1869
WILLIAMS, W. J., Clarence Club, 1, Eegent Street, S.W.
WILSON, EDWARD, Hayes, Kent.
WINGFIELD, SIR CHARLES, K.C.S.I., C.B., 31, Park Street, Grosvenor
Square, W.
WINGROVE, E. W., South End House, Twickenham.
WINGROVE, E. P., 24, Abbey Place, St. John's Wood, N.W.
WOLFEN, AUGUSTUS, 8, Philpot Lane, E.G.
WOLFF, SIR HENRY DRUMMOND, K.C.M.G., M.P., 44, Park Lane, W.,
and Boscombe Tower, Eingwood, Hants.
WOOD, J. DENNISTOUN, 2, Hare Court, Temple, E.G.
WRAY, LEONARD, Eagle Lodge, Eamsgate, and Lonsdale House,
Fulham, S.W.
YARDLEY, S., 8, Victoria Chambers, Westminster, S.W.
YOUL, JAMES A., C.M.G., Waratah House, Clapham Park, S.W.
YOUNG, ADOLPHUS W., M.P., 126, Mount Street, W.; Eeform Club,
S.W.; and Hare Hatch House, Twyford, Berks.
YOUNG, FREDERICK, 5, Queensberry Place, South Kensington, S.W.
Non-Resident Fellows. xxi
KteoJo?. NON-RESIDENT FELLOWS.
1874 ALBERGA, D. J.
1872 | ALLAN, THE HON. G. W., Moss Park, Toronto, Canada.
1873 f ALLAN, SIR HUGH, Montreal, Canada.
1875 • fALLPORT, MORTON, Hobart Town, Tasmania.
1876 j ALMON, M. B., Maplewood, Halifax, Nova Scotia.
ANDERSON, DICKSON, Montreal, Canada.
ANDERSON, W. J., Cape Town, Cape of Good Hope.
ARCHER, A., Queensland.
ARMITAGE, GEORGE, Victoria, Australia.
ARNOT, DAVID, Eskdale, Griqualand West, Cape of Good Hope.
ATHERSTONE, DR. GUYBON, Grahamstown, Cape of Good Hope.
(Corresponding Secretary.)
BABBER, A. H., Wairarapa, Wellington, New Zealand.
BALDWIN, CAPTAIN W., Dunedin, New Zealand.
BAM, J. A., M.H.A., Cape Town, Cape of Good Hope.
BARRY, His HONOUR MR. JUSTICE, Griqualand West, Cape of Good
Hope.
BAYNES, HON. EDWIN DONALD, President of Antigua, St. John's,
Antigua, West Indies.
BEERE, D. M., Waipukurau, Hawkes Bay, New Zealand.
BENSUSAN, RALPH, Cape Town, Cape of Good Hope.
BERKELEY, T. B. H., M.L.A., St. Kitt's, West Indies.
BIRCH, His EXCELLENCY A. N., Lieut.-Governor of the Straits
Settlements.
BIRCH, W. J., Lake Taupo, and Napier Club, Napier, New Zealand.
BIRCH, W. J. (Jim.), Lake Taupo, New Zealand.
BLYTH, CAPTAIN, Transkeian Territory, South Africa.
BOURINOT, J. G., Clerk of the House of Commons, Ottawa, Canada-
BOWEN, EDWARD, Sherbrooke, Quebec, Canada.
BOYD, JAMES, Hobart Town, Tasmania.
BRADSTREET, ROBERT, Natal, South Africa.
BRIDGE, H. H., Hawkes Bay, New Zealand.
BRODRIBB, W. A., Brookely, near Brighton, Melbourne, Australia.
BRODRIBB, W. A. (JuN.), Cape of Good Hope.
BROUGHTON, FREDERICK, Great Western Railway of Canada, Hamil-
ton, Ontario.
BROUGHTON, J.
BROWN, HON. CHARLES, M.L.C., Queenstown, Cape of Good Hope.
BROWN, THE HON. THOMAS, Bathurst, River Gambia, West Africa.
xxii Royal Colonial Institute.
Year of
Election.
1876
1876
1869
1876
1871
1873
1872
1872
BRUCE, J., Cape Town, Cape of Good Hope.
BUCHANAN, ARCHIBALD B., Brisbane, Queensland.
BULWER, SIR HENRY ERNEST LYTTON, K.C.M.G., Governor of Natal.
BURGERS, HON. J. A., M.L.C., Cape Town, Cape of Good Hope.
BURKE, SAMUEL CONSTANTINE, Assistant Attorney-General, Jamaica.
BURNS, A., Halifax, Nova Scotia.
BUTLER, MAJOR W. F., C.B. (late 69th Eegiment).
BUTTON, EDWARD, Transvaal Eepublic, South Africa (care of S. B.
Garrard, Esq., 57, Westbourne Grove, W.)
CAMPBELL, A. H., Toronto, Canada.
CAMPBELL, HON. C. J., Halifax, Nova Scotia.
CAMPBELL, CHARLES J., Toronto, Canada.
CAMPBELL, W. H., LL.D., Georgetown, British Guiana.
CARON, ADOLPHE P., M.P., Quebec, Canada.
CATTANACH, A. J., Toronto, Canada.
CHADWICK, F. M., Grenada, West Indies.
CHARNOCK, J. H., Lennoxville, Quebec, Canada.
CHASE, HON. J. CENTLIVRES, M.L.C., Port Elizabeth, Cape of Good
Hope.
CHIAPPINI, Dr., Cape Town, Cape of Good Hope.
, HURRYCHUND (Political Agent for Native Princes).
, H. B., Port Elizabeth, Cape of Good Hope.
CLARK, COL. SIR. ANDREW, K.C.M.G., C.B., K.E., Commissioner
of Public Works, Simla, India.
fCLEGG, THOMAS, West Africa.
COLLIER, CHARLES FREDERICK, Barrister-at-Law, Hobart Town,
Tasmania.
COMMISSIONG, W. S., Grenada, West Indies.
CORNWALL, CLEMENT FRANCIS, Ashcroft, British Columbia.
CORNWALL, HENRY, Ashcroft, British Columbia.
CRAUFORD, CAPTAIN F., E.N., Eiver Plate, Brazil.
CRAWFORD, JAMES D., Montreal, Canada.
CRESWICK, HENRY, Melbourne, Australia.
CROOKES, HON. ADAM, Q.C., LL.D., Toronto, Canada.
CUMBERLAND, COLONEL FREDERICK W., Toronto, Canada.
CURRIE, JAMES, Mauritius.
DANIEL, S. C., Grenada, West Indies.
DANGAR, W. J., Sydney, New South Wales.
N. DARNELL, Postmaster-Geueral of British Guiana,
Georgetown, Demerara, West Indies.
1875 j DAVIS, P. (JuN.j, Pietermauritzburgh, Natal.
Non- Resident Fellows.
xxni
DAWSON, G. P., Halifax, Nova Scotia.
DENNISON, LIEUT-- COLONEL GEORGE T., Commanding the Governor
General's Body Guard, Toronto, Canada.
DE EOUBAIX, P. E., Cape Town, Cape of Good Hope.
DOMVILLE, CAPTAIN JAMES, M.P., St. John's, New Brunswick.
DOUTRE, JOSEPH, Q.C., Montreal, Canada.
DOUGLAS, ARTHUR, Hilton, near Grahamstown, Cape of Good Hope.
DOYLE, SIR HENRY W. H., KT., Chief Justice, Bahamas.
DUFFERIN, EIGHT HON. THE EARL OF, K.P., K.C.B., G.C.M.G.,
Governor- General of Canada.
, HON. MR. JUSTICE, Judge of the Supreme Court for
Lower Canada, Knoulton, Quebec, Canada.
ELLIOTT, WILLIAM THOMAS, Rockhampton, Queensland.
EDGAR, J. D., Toronto, Canada.
•[EDWARDS, DR. W. A., Port Louis, Mauritius.
ELMSLEY, HENRY, Toronto, Canada.
ERSKINE, MAJOR HON. D., Natal, South Africa.
ESCOMBE, HARRY, Durban, Natal, South Africa,
FALLON, J. T., Albury, New South Wales.
FIFE, G. E., Brisbane, Queensland.
FINLAYSON, J. H., Adelaide, South Australia.
FITZGERALD, CHARLES (late 38th Foot and 1st West India Eegiment).
FITZGIBBON, E. G., Town Clerk of Melbourne, Australia.
FITZHERBERT, .HON. WILLIAM, C.M.G., M.H.E., Wellington, New
Zealand.
FLOWERS, JAMES, Cape Town, Cape of Good Hope.
FORSYTE, WILLIAM L., Montreal, Canada.
Fox, HON. WILLIAM, Wellington, New Zealand.
FRANCIS, HON. J. G., Melbourne, Australia.
GHINN, HENRY, Australia.
GIBB, COLONEL, E.A., Calcutta, India.
GIBBS, S. M., Colran Station, Murumbidgee, New South Wales.
GIDDY, E. W. H., Treasurer-General, Diamond Fields, South Africa.
GILPIN, EDWARD, M.A., F.G.S., Halifax, Nova Scotia.
GLANVILLE, THOMAS B., Grahamstown, South Africa.
GLOVER, THOMAS, Quebec, Canada.
GOLLAN, DONALD, Mangatata, Hawkes Bay, New Zealand.
GOODLIFFE, FRANCIS GK, Cape Town, Cape of Good Hope,
GOODLIFFE, JOHN, Durban, Natal, South Africa.
GOODRICKE, D. G., Durban, Natal.
GOODHICKE, J. E., Durban, Natal.
GORDON, JOHN, Toronto, Canada.
xxiv Royal Colonial Institute.
Tear of
Election.
GRAHAM, JOHN, Victoria, British Columbia.
GRAVES, JOHN BULLER, Biverina, New South Wales.
GRIFFITH, T. B., Grenada, West Indies.
GURNEY, FBANK, Grenada, West Indies.
HARDY, C. BURTON, Adelaide, South Australia.
HADDON, F. W., Melbourne, Australia.
HARRIS, MAJOR G. DOUGLAS, B.A., Mexico.
HART, LIONEL, British Sherbro, West Africa.
HECHLER, BEV. PROFESSOR W. H.
HELLMUTH, THE BIGHT BEV. ISAAC, Lord Bishop of Huron, Norwood
House, London, Canada.
HEATHERINGTON, A., Halifax, Nova Scotia.
HENDERSON, JOSEPH, Pietermauritzburgh, Natal.
HENNESSY, JOHN POPE, C.M.G., Governor of Barbadoes.
HETT, J. BOWLAND, Clerk of the Legislative Assembly, Victoria,
British Columbia.
HEWAT, CAPTAIN J.
HEWETT, — , Cape of Good Hope.
HIDDINGH, HON. J., M.L.C., Cape of Good Hope.
HIGGINS, D. W., Victoria, British Columbia.
HILL, P. CARTERET, Halifax, Nova Scotia.
HUGEL, ADOLPHE, Midland Bailway of Canada, Port Hope, near
Toronto, Canada.
HUGHES, HENRY KENT, Adelaide, South Australia.
t HUGHES, W. W., Wallaroo, South Australia.
HULL, HUGH MUNRO, Clerk of Parliament, Hobart Town, Tasmania.
(Corresponding Secretary.)
HUMAN, J. Z., M.H.A., Cape of Good Hope.
HUNTINGTON, HON. L. S., Montreal, Canada.
HYAMS, ABRAHAM, Golden Spring, Jamaica.
HYDE, CHARLES TUNSTAL, Provost Marshal, Barbadoes.
IRVING, HENRY T., C.M.G., Governor of Trinidad.
JACKSON, THOMAS WITTER, Chief Magistrate of the Gambia.
t JENKINS, H. L., Indian Civil Service.
JETTE, L. A., Montreal, Canada.
JOHNSON, MATTHEW TROTTER, Victoria, British Columbia.
JOHNSON, G. CUNNINGHAM, J.P., Grenada, West Indies.
JOHNSON, Boss, M.L.A., Cape Town, Cape of Good Hope.
JONES, S. TWENTYMAN, Stanmore, Rindebosch, near Cape Town.
JORDAN, HENRY, Tygum, Logan Kiver, Queensland.
Non-Resident Fellows. xxv
Year of
Election.
1875 KEEFEE, SAMUEL C. E., Brooksville, Ontario, Canada.
1872 KELSEY, J. F., Bowen, Port Denison, Queensland.
1869 KEB, KOBEKT, Auditor-General, Victoria, British Columbia. (Corre-
sponding Secretary.)
KINGSMILL, JOHN JACHEREAU, County Judge, Walkerton, Ontario,
Canada.
KINGSMILL, NICOL, Toronto, Canada.
KBIEL, BEV. H. T., Aliwal, North, Cape Colony.
LAUBIE, COLONEL (Staff), Halifax, Nova Scotia.
LEEB, P. G., Cape Town, Cape of Good Hope.
L'ESTBANGE, CAPTAIN CHAMPAGNI, Nova Scotia.
LEVEY, CHABLES E., Quebec, Canada.
LEVEY, G. COLLINS, Melbourne, Australia.
LEWIS, ALBERT, St. Vincent, West Indies.
LIARDET, LIEUT. E. A., B.N., Her Majesty's Consul, Navigator's
Islands.
LOGGIE, J. CBAIG, C.M.G., Inspector-General of Police, Freetown,
Sierra Leone, West Africa.
LONGDEN, SIB JAMES B., K.C.M.G., Governor of British Guiana.
LOVESY, CONWAY W., Puisne Judge, British Guiana.
LYNN, W. FBANK, Winnipeg, Manitoba.
Louw, M. J., M.L.A., Cape Town, Cape of Good Hope.
MACDONALD, A. J., Port Elizabeth, Cape of Good Hope.
MACDONALD, MURDO, Port Elizabeth, Cape of Good Hope.
MACDOUGALL, HON. WM., C.B., M.P., Montreal, Canada.
MACIAS, COLONEL J. M., Havana, Cuba.
MACKENZIE, GEOBGE POYNTZ, Toronto, Canada.
McMASTER, ALEXANDER, Waikaura, Otago, New Zealand.
MoMuKBAY, J. S., Barrister, Toronto, Canada.
MACNAB, BEV. DR., Bector of Darlington, Canada.
MACPHEBSON, ALEX., Port Louis, Mauritius.
MACPHEBSON, COL. HEBBEBT, V.C., C.B., Bengal Staff Corps.
MASON, HENBY SLY-, Victoria, British Columbia.
MABAIS, P. J., M.L.C., Pretoria, Transvaal Bepublic.
MAUDE, COLONEL, F.C., V.C., C.B., Boyal Artillery, Ontario, Canada.
MELBOUBNE, CHABLES SYDNEY DICK, Bockhampton, Queensland.
MENDS, W. FISHEB, Grenada, West Indies.
MILLS, CAPTAIN CHARLES, Under- Colonial Secretary, Cape Town,
Cape of Good Hope.
MILNER, HENRY, Natal, South Africa.
MOLTENO, HON. J. C., M.L.A., Cape Town, Cape of Good Hope.
xxvi Royal Colonial Institute.
Tear of
Election.
MOODIE, G. P., Member of the Volksraad, Transvaal Republic,
South Africa.
MOODIE, THOMAS, M.L.A., Swellendam, Cape of Good Hope.
MORTLOCK, W. E., Adelaide, South Australia.
NAIRN, CHARLES J., Pourerere, Hawkes Bay, New Zealand.
NAIEN, JOHN, Pourerere, Hawkes Bay, New Zealand.
t NELSON, FREDERICK, Havelock, Hawkes Bay, New Zealand.
NIOHOLLS, C. J. H., Kerry, Queensland.
NIND, PHILIP HENRY, M.L.A., Brisbane, Queensland.
NORDHEIMER, SAMTiEL, Toronto, Canada.
NORMANBY, THE MOST NOBLE THE MARQUIS OF, K.C.M.G., Governor
of New Zealand.
NOWLAN, JOHN, M.H.A., Sydney, New South Wales.
O'HALLORAN, J. S., Clanfergeal, South Australia.
O'MALLEY, EDWARD L., Attorney-General, Kingston, Jamaica.
ORGIAS, P., M.D., Grenada, West Indies.
OUSELEY, GORE, Indian Civil Service.
OUSELEY, MAJOR RALPH, Bengal Staff Corps.
t PAINT, HENRY L., Halifax, Nova Scotia.
PARKES, SIR HARRY, K.C.B., Ambassador at the Court of Japan,
Yedo.
PARKER, WILLIAM ALEXANDER, Chief Justice, British Honduras.
PEARCE, BENJAMIN W., Victoria, British Columbia.
PmLEppo, HON. MR. JUSTICE, Straits Settlements.
PHILLIPS, COLEMAN, Auckland, New Zealand.
PINE, SIR BENJAMIN, K.C.M.G.
PINSENT, ROBERT J., Q.C., St. John's, Newfoundland.
POOLE, HENRY, Cape Breton, Nova Scotia.
fPoRTER, W. (late Attorney-General), Cape Town, Cape of Good
Hope.
POTTS, THOMAS, St. John's, New Brunswick,
t PRENTICE, EDWARD ALEXANDER, Montreal, Canada.
PRESTOE, HENRY, Trinidad, West Indies.
REINECKER, BERNHARD HENRY, Auditor of the Gold Coast Colony,
Cape Coast Castle, West Africa.
RHIND, W. G., Victoria, Australia.
RHODES, J. Hawkes Bay, New Zealand.
ROBERTSON, HON. J., M.P., St. John's, New Brunswick.
ROBINSON, CHRISTOPHER, Q.C., Beverley House, Toronto, Canada.
ROBINSON, JOHN, M.L.C., Durban, Natal.
Tear of
Election.
Non-Resident Fellows. xxvii
EOGEES, HON. ALEXANDER, M.L.C., Acting Judge, Bombay.
EOLFE, GEORGE, Melbourne, Australia.
ROLLESTON, CHRISTOPHER, Auditor-General, Sydney, New South
Wales.
RONALD, A. B., Victoria, Australia.
ROWE, SAMUEL, C.M.G., Governor of Sierra Leone, West Africa.
RUSDEN, GEORGE W., Clerk of Parliament, Melbourne.
RUSSELL, H. C., Government Astronomer, Sydney, New South
Wales.
RUSSELL, HON. HENRY ROBERT, M.L.C., Mount Herbert.Waipukurau,
Hawkes Bay, New Zealand.
RUSSELL, JOHN, Melbourne, Australia.
RUSSELL, LOGAN, D. H., M.D., Government Park, near Spanish
Town, Jamaica.
RUSSELL, PURVIS, Woburn, Hawkes Bay, New Zealand.
RUSSELL, ROBERT, LL.B., Barrister, Government Park, near
Spanish Town, Jamaica.
RUTLEDGE, WILLIAM, Belfast, Port Ferry, Victoria, Australia.
fSi. GEORGE, HENRY Q., Toronto, Canada, and Montpelier, France.
SAMUEL, HON. SAUL, C.M.G., Sydney, New South Wales.
SANJO, J., Yedo, Japan.
fScoiT, SIR J. (late Governor of British Guiana).
SEWELL, HORACE R., Quebec, Canada.
SHARPE, HENRY (Provost Marshal), Grenada, West Indies.
SHAW, CAPTAIN E. W., Indian Staff Corps.
SHEPSTONE, HON. THEOPHILUS, C.M.G., M.L.C., Pietermauritz burgh,
Natal.
SHEPSTONE, THEOPHILUS, JUN., Pietermauritzburgh, Natal.
SHERIFF, HON. W. MUSGRAVE, Attorney- General, Grenada, West
Indies.
SIMMONS, HON. CHARLES, M.L.C., Grenada, West Indies.
SMIDT, ABRAHAM DE, Cape Town, Cape of Good Hope.
fSMiiH, HON. DONALD A., M.P., Montreal, Canada.
SMITH, SIR FRANCIS, Chief Justice of Tasmania, Hobart Town.
SMITH, JAMES F., Barrister, Toronto, Canada .
SNAGG, SIR WILLIAM, KT., Chief Justice, Georgetown, British
Guiana.
SPENSLEY, HON. HOWARD, M.L.C., Melbourne, Australia.
STAHLSCHMIDT, THOS. LETT, Victoria, British Columbia.
STANFORD, J. F., Diamond Fields, South Africa.
STANFORD, ROBERT HARLEY, Cape Town, Cape of Good Hope.
•^STEPHENS, ROMEO, Montreal, Canada.
xxviii Royal Colonial Institute.
Year of
Election.
1873 STEWART, EGBERT, General Manager, Standard Bank of British
South Africa, Port Elizabeth, Cape of Good Hope.
STUDHOLME, JOHN, Canterbury, New Zealand.
ITENNANT, THE HON. DAVID, M.L.A., Speaker of the House of
Assembly, Cape of Good Hope.
THIBANDEAU, ALFRED, Quebec, Canada.
THOMPSON, J. EOGERS, Levuka, Fiji.
THOMPSON, THOMAS, Transvaal Eepublic, South Africa.
THOMSON, MATTHEW C., Eockhampton, Queensland.
THOMSON, W. A., M.P., Eideau Club, Ottawa, Canada.
THORNE, CORNELIUS, China.
THOZET, ANTHELME, Queensland.
TIFFIN, HENRY H., J.P., Napier, New Zealand.
TROUPE, H. E., Auckland, New Zealand.
TRUTCH, HON. J. W., Lieut.-Governor of British Columbia.
TYSSEN, G. E., Victoria, Australia.
UNIACKE, A.M., Halifax, Nova Scotia.
VEITCH, DR. J. T., Penaiig, Straits Settlements.
VERDON, SIK GEORGE, K.C.M.G. and C.B., Melbourne.
WALKER, EDWARD NOEL, Assistant Colonial Secretary, Kingston,
Jamaica.
WALKER, MAJOR JOHN, London, Canada.
tWALKER, E. B. N., M.A., F.E.GKS., Gaboon, West Africa.
WARD, J. H., Grenada, West Indies.
WARD, WILLIAM CURTIS, Victoria, British Columbia.
WATSON, THOMAS, Chairman of the Chamber of Commerce, Cape
Town, Cape of Good Hope. (Corresponding member.)
WELD, HON. FREDERICK A., Governor of Tasmania.
WHITE, THOMAS, Bloemfontein, Orange Free State, South Africa.
WHITEHEAD, PERCY, Leolrop, Harrismith, Orange Free State, South
Africa.
WHITFIELD, E. H., Georgetown, British Guiana.
WHITMAN, JAMES, Annapolis Eoyal, Halifax, Nova Scotia.
WILMOT, ALEXANDER, J.P. Port Elizabeth, Cape of Good Hope.
WILSON, JOHN N., Napier, Hawkes Bay, New Zealand.
WOODS, EGBERT STUART, Q.C., Chatham, Canada.
WYATT, CAPTAIN (late Cape Mounted Eifles).
WHITMORE, COLONEL, The Grange, Hawkes Bay, New Zealand.
YOUNG, SIR WILLIAM, Chief Justice of Nova Scotia, Halifax,
Nova Scotia.
THE ROYAL COLONIAL INSTITUTE,
SESSION 1875-76,
COLONIAL MUSEUM DEPUTATION.
A DEPUTATION from the Council of the Eoyal Colonial Institute
waited upon Lord Carnarvon at the Colonial Office 011 Saturday, the
7fch August, 1875, on the subject of establishing a Colonial Museum
i:i London. The deputation was introduced by the Hon. Arthur
KINNAIRD, M.P., and consisted of Messrs. H. W. Freeland, Or.
Molineux, J. A. Youl, Edward Wilson, Alexander Eivington,
Sir Charles Clifford, Sir Eichard Graves MacDonnell, F. P.
Labilliere, and Frederick Young, Hon. Sec.
The Hon. ARTHUR KINNAIRD, M.P., said he had been asked to
introduce the deputation of the Council of the Eoyal Colonial Insti-
tute. He was quite sure his Lordship felt as much interest as
the members of the Institute in this important subject, and knowing
that his Lordship's tune was so occupied, he should without
further remark call on Mr. Young to read the Memorial.
Mr. FREDERICK YOUNG, Honorary Secretary, accordingly read the
following : —
To THE EIGHT HONOURABLE THE EAEL OF CARNABVON,
SECEETAsy OP STATE FOE THE COLONIES.
The Memorial of the President, Vice-Presidents, and Council of the Royal
Colonial Institute— Sheweth,
That this Institute has been founded for the purpose of promoting the best
interests and strengthening the ties between England and her Colonies.
That among the most effective means of attaining this object is the diffusion
as widely as possible among the people of the various parts of the Empire,
•whether residents in Great Britain itself or the Colonies, of the most extensive
practical information on all Colonial subjects.
For this purpose, a knowledge of all the natural productions, as well as the
raw and manufactured materials of every description coming from the Colonies,
is most essential. In order to attain this object, it is of the utmost importance
that a permanent Colonial Museum, worthy of the Nation, should be established
in London, as the centre and Metropolis of the Empire.
That your Memorialists are anxious that steps should be taken, without further
delay, to found a Museum of this description.
2 Coloniul Museum Deputation.
They are aware that the subject has already been brought under the con-
sideration of both the Home and Colonial Governments, but up to this time no
practical result has been attained.
They are also informed that a site has already been obtained for the for-
mation of an "Indian" Museum, and they respectfully submit that, con-
sidering1 the vast number of English people who emigrate to the varioixs
Colonies, it is at least equally important that a Colonial Museum should also be
established in London.
That the importance of the Colonies is not secondary to that of India is
illustrated by the returns for 1874, which show that the trade of the United
Kingdom, with the Indian possessions, is about £66,000,000, while the trade
with the other British possessions for the same period is £92,000,000. In
addition to this, it must always be remembered that the Colonies are inhabited
by people of English origin, and speaking the English language.
They venture to think that if Her Majesty's Government would avail them-
selves of the present favourable opportunity of granting a site in some central
position in London for a Museum, the various Colonies would be induced to
contribute towards the erection of a suitable building, and an adequate pro-
vision for its maintenance.
It is hardly necessary to draw your Lordship's attention to the fact, that it
would be of the most inestimable advantage to all Colonists visiting this
country to be able to see the productions of their own Colonies, and to have
the opportunity of comparing them with those of others, while it would be
no less advantageous to English capitalists as well as to the mass of the
people of this country, whether they contemplate — as many of them do —
becoming Colonists themselves, or remaining at home, to be practically ac-
quainted with the vast and varied riches and resources of their own great
Empire.
Your Memorialists venture therefore to press on your Lordship the earnest
desire they feel that you should take into your early and favourable considera-
tion the suggestion they have now the honour to make to you, feeling that
the question is one of the deepest importance, which if taken up in a liberal
and comprehensive spirit cannot fail to be of the greatest benefit to the whole
Empire.
August 1th, 1875.
Mr. FKEDERICK YOUNG said, in presenting the Memorial to his
Lordship, he did not think it was necessary to add any remarks of
his own, as it expressed so fully the object for which they waited on
him that morning ; he therefore contented himself with handing it
in without further observation, as he knew that his Lordship was
extremely pressed for time.
Mr. H. W. FREELAND said, that having moved a resolution at the
Annual Meeting of the Koyal Colonial Institute to the effect that
the Council should open communications with the Home and
Colonial Governments on the subject of a Colonial Museum, he
begged to be allowed to offer a very few remarks. His remarks might
have been more practical if he had had the opportunity of seeing the
answers of the different Colonial Governments to the Circular of
Lord Kimberley of the llth of March, 1875, but as Lord Carnarvon
had told their President that he did not think it advisable to pro-
duce those answers at present, no doubt he had good reason for
that course. The importance of the project spoke for itself, and
was sufficiently dwelt on in the Memorial. The advantages of cuch
Colonial Museum Deputation. 3
a Museum could hardly be exaggerated. They were chiefly twc-
fold — commercial and educational, but they were also great in a
scientific, ethnographic, mechanical, social, and political point of
view. He should have said something on the subject of the value
of such a Museum to intending emigrants, but that matter had
been dealt with in the Memorial. As to the nature of the objects, he
thought that they should illustrate not only the material resources
of the different Colonies, but also, as far as possible, where such
existed, their ethnographic peculiarities. The mode of arranging
objects was matter of detail for the future. They might be
arranged according to classes of objects or according to the Colonies.
Commercial men might perhaps prefer the former method, the
Colonies the latter, as preserving their several individualities. There
was then the important question of site, which he thought should be
left open for the present. On the subject of a site for the Indian
Museum, opinions at present were divided. He thought that they
might all agree on the principle that the site of the Colonial
Museum should be independent of, but if possible contiguous to,
the site that might be ultimately fixed on as the site of a Museum
for India. In conclusion, he thought that if Her Majesty's Govern-
ment would deal energetically with this question, they would take
an important step in cementing more closely together the mother
country and the Colonies of our widely-scattered Empire, and in
rendering that Empire perpetual.
Mr. EDWARD WILSON remarked that his Lordship must fully
appreciate the great importance of establishing such a Museum in
this country, if for no other reason than the necessity of dispelling
the ignorance which exists, even amongst well-informed people,
respecting Colonial matters. His Lordship probably had experience
of the extent of such ignorance, but it was conspicuously observable
by Colonists mingling in English society. (Lord CARNARVON : It is
quite true.) He described the admirable manner in which the
Algerian museum in Paris was arranged, and remarked that when
the French, who had had such small success in colonising, were
able to show so much, it was not to our credit that, with the vast
and extensive regions from which we should be able to draw a
collection of objects, we had not yet attempted to establish any
museum of the description mentioned. He hoped that his Lordship
would assist them to do so. It was difficult, considering the local
jealousies which existed in the Colonies, to induce any of them to
initiate any great undertaking of general advantage, but if the
Imperial Government were to make a sufficient commencement,
there was every hope that the Colonial Governments might COE-
4 Colonial Museum Deputation.
tribute their support to the establishment of such a work of general
importance to the whole Empire.
Sir CHARLES CLIFFORD would only allude to one practical proof
that the Colonies would thoroughly support an institution of this
kind if patronised and earned out under the sanction of the
Government. As a Colonial Commissioner for New Zealand at the
Vienna Exhibition, he witnessed the anxiety of all the Colonies to
•vie with each other in displaying all the products of their countries
to the best advantage, and, as most of these were afterwards pre-
sented to Vienna museums, it is certain the Colonies would be too
glad to be represented in a similar manner in a country where it is
tenfold their interest to be thoroughly known and appreciated.
Sir KICHARD GRAVES MACDONNELL said that, not having been
able to attend the last meeting of the Council of the Colonial
Listitute, he had no opportunity of there stating his views on the
important question submitted to his Lordship. As to its importance,
he entirely agreed with Mr. Wilson's excellent remarks on that
point. Individually, however, he felt that it would be wisest to
connect the proposed Colonial Museum with that for India, which
had already a more or less established existence. Bearing in mind
also those occasional local and narrow jealousies amongst the
Colonies, alluded to by Mr. Wilson, he felt that they would
probably be diminished, if not wholly removed, by blending
together in one comprehensive whole, for the purposes of a
Museum, all the dependencies of the British Empire, whether Indian
or strictly Colonial. That might be called a sentimental, but not on
that account a less potential, consideration. He suggested also the
practical advantages and facilities which anyone in quest of infor-
mation on such subjects would derive from the proximity of the
exhibitions of Colonial and Indian produce, and from their being all
brought together under the patronage of the Imperial Government,
under one suitable uniform management, beneath one roof, and in a
building worthy of Great Britain and her splendid dependencies.
Added to these considerations, he felt that it might probably be a
convenience to the Government, if disposed to advance the vieAvs
o? the deputation, to have the option of giving one large suitable
site, instead of seeking for two sites. There were other reasons he
could urge, but he would not detain his Lordship further than to
state that he had been expressing his own views only, not having
had an opportunity of conferring with his colleagues in the
Council.
Lord CARNARVON, in reply, said he fully appreciated the object of
the deputation, having been in correspondence since he came into
Colonial Museum Deputation.
office with some of the Colonies on the subject. There were
difficulties in the way, but he was not without hope of bringing
matters to a satisfactory conclusion. He might say that he had
already received offers in support of the proposal to the extent of
£9,000 or £10,000, but that was barely more than one-third of the
amount required. He was heartily in favour of the project, and
would lose no opportunities of pushing it forward. As to the
suggestion of annexing the Indian and Colonial Museums, he
thought there might be an advantage both in the administration and
possibly in the expense if the two were contiguous to each other,
without necessarily being combined. With regard to the selection
of a site, that was as difficult as it was to obtain the money from
the Treasury. However, he was entirely in accord with their
wishes, and they might rest assured that he would take every
opportunity of furthering the objects held in view by the deputation.
(6)
REPORT ON THE NEWFOUNDLAND FISHERY
QUESTION.
His GRACE THE DUKE OF MANCHESTER, the President of the Royal
Colonial Institute, having called the attention of the Council to the
subject of the Fisheries of Newfoundland, they appointed a Com-
mittee, in the month of March last, for the purpose of collecting
information and drawing up a Report upon this important Imperial
question.
Having occupied much time in preliminary researches into kthe
past history of the question, and collected a variety of important
documents bearing upon the subject, the Committee have agreed
to the following Report, setting forth all the facts of interest and
importance relating to it.
They have to acknowledge the valuable information they received
in the course of its preparation from the Hon. F. B. T. Carter, the
Premier of Newfoundland, during his recent visit to England, as
well as the assistance rendered by the Hon. C. F. Bennett, and Mr.
R. J. Pinsent, the late Solicitor-General of Newfoundland.
The Council have accepted the Report of the Committee, and now
present it to the Fellows of the Royal Colonial Institute. They can-
not doubt that it will be read with the deepest attention, contain-
ing, as it does, in their judgment, a complete, succinct, impartial,
and exhaustive exposition of the facts of a question of most vital
importance to the interests, not only of the inhabitants of New-
foundland, but of the whole British Empire.
From this Report it will be seen —
1. That the French have only been allowed certain rights of
fishing in the waters of Newfoundland concurrently with British
subjects, and not to the exclusion of the latter.
. 2. That the French have only a right to occupy temporarily por-
tions of the shore for fishing and for drying fish, and that they may
occupy no more of the shore than is requisite for such purpose, nor
for any time beyond the fishing season, the right of occupation
ceasing at the end of each season.
8. That the concurrent right of fishing was limited to the sea, at
distances from the shore, varying at different periods, for the pur-
pose of taking codfish.
Report on the Newfoundland Fishery Question. 7
4. That British fishermen are not prohibited from using, nor
have the French any exclusive right of using, any engines or
machines for taking fish.
5. That the French have no right to take fish of any description
in the estuaries or rivers of Newfoundland, whether on the so-called
" French Shore " or elsewhere.
6. That no judicatory rights are conferred on the French by the
Treaties, and therefore the interference exercised by their cruisers
in disputes between subjects of the two nations is unjustifiable.
7. That there is nothing in any of the Treaties to justify the as-
sertion of a right to exclude British subjects from occupying and
settling on the land on that part of the coast called the " French
shore," between Cape St. John and Cape Kay. Such a claim, in
fact, affects the right of sovereignty in Newfoundland.
FEEDEEICK YOUNG,
London, November, 1875. HONORARY SECRETARY.
REPORT ON THE NEWFOUNDLAND FISHERY QUESTION.
The Committee appointed by the Council of the Eoyal Colonial
Institute to investigate the French claims respecting the Newfound-
land Fisheries have agreed to the following Eeport : —
The claims now put forward by France upon the coast of New-
foundland, and virtually enforced by her squadron there, may be
resolved into two classes :
CO
A claim to the exclusive right of fishery on that part of the coast
extending from Cape St. John to Cape Eay, a distance including
abcut one half oHhe entire coast of Newfoundland, to which the
Treaty of Paris (1763) only gave her a concurrent right.
(II.)
A claim to prevent the British inhabitants of Newfoundland from
any occupation of land, situated within such limits, for mining,
agricultural, or other purposes ; in fact, a claim to virtual territo-
rial sovereignty of the same.
From a strict investigation of the whole question in regard to
both these claims, it appears —
8 Report on the Newfoundland Fishery Question.
First, That the following list embraces the whole of the Treaties,
Declarations, Acts of Parliament, Conventions, and Decrees, ever made
and entered into by Great Britain with France in relation to the
Newfoundland fisheries, viz. : —
Treaty of Utrecht llth April, 1713.
Treaty of Paris 10th February, 1763.
Treaty of VersaiUes 3rd September, 1783.
British Declaration 3rd September, 1783.
* Expired with Treaty of 1783, which was annulled by war, 1793.
Act of Parliament, 28 Geo. HI. c. 35 1788.
Expired with Treaty, 1783, which was annulled by war, 1793.
Treaty of Amiens, Art. 15 1802.
Merely confirms Treaty of Versailles.
Definitive Treaty of Peace, Art. 13 30th May, 1814.
Confirmed by Art. 11 of the Definitive Treaty of 20th November, 1815.
Act of Parliament, 5 Geo. IV. c. 51 1824.
Expired 31st December, 1834 ; see Act 2 & 3 Wm. IV. c. 79.
Convention 4th April, 1857.
Not confirmed by Local Government of Newfoundland.
Decree (France) 4th April, 1857.
Relates to the above Convention.
Act of Parliament, G.B. 2 & 3 Wm. IV. c. 79 1832.
Expired 31st December, 1834.
So that in the history of British Imperial legislation in connection
with France in reference to the Newfoundland fisheries, there are
now only in force —
1. Treaty of Utrecht 1718.
2. Treaty of Paris 1763.
3. Treaty of VersaiUes 1783.
4. Definitive Treaty of Peace, Art. XIII 1814.
and as all these are very brief, we propose to give them in their
order.
(1)
TREATY OF UTRECHT.
"Treaty of peace and friendship between Great Britain and
France, signed at Utrecht, llth April, 1718.
•The annotations of Treaties, &c. are given as they appear in the collection of
Mr. Hertslett, Librarian, Foreign Ofiice.
Report on the Newfoundland Fishery Question. 9
Extract (Translation).
" XIIL* The Island called Newfoundland, with the adjacent Is-
lands, shall, from this time forward, belong of right wholly to Great
Britain ; and to that end the town and fortress of Placentia, and
whatever other places in the said Island are in the possession of the
French , shall be yielded and given up within seven months from
the exchange of the ratifications of this treaty, or sooner if possible,
by the most Christian King, to those who have a commission from
the Queen of Great Britain for that purpose. Nor shall the most
Christian King, his heirs, and successors, or any of their subjects, at any
time hereafter lay claim to any right to the said Island and Islands, or
to any part of it or them.
"Moreover it shall not be lawful for the subjects of France to
fortify any place in the said Island of Newfoundland, or to erect
any buildings there, besides stages made of boards, and huts neces-
sary and usual for drying of fish ; or to resort to the said Island
beyond the time necessary for fishing and drying of fish. Bvt it
shall be allowed to the subjects of France to catch fish and to dry them on
land, in that part only and in no other besides that, of the said Island of
Newfoundland, which stretches from the place called Bonavista, to the
Northern point of the said Island, and from thence running down
by the western side, reaches as far as the place called Point Eiche. t
But the Island caUed Cape Breton, and also all others, both in the
mouth of the river St. Lawrence, and in the gulf of the same name,
shall hereafter belong of right to the French ; and the most Chris-
tian King shall have all manner of liberty to fortify any place or
places there.
" Done at Utrecht, the llth April, 1713.
" (Signed)
" JOHN BRISTOL, C.P. (L.S.) HUXELLES (L.S.)
" STKATFORD (L.S.) MESNAGEK (L.S.)."
(2)
TREATY OF PARIS.
' ' Definitive Treaty between Great Britain and France (and
Spain), signed at Paris, the 10th February, 1763.
Extract (Translation).
" V.J The subjects of France shall have the liberty of fishing and
drying on a part of the coasts of the Island of Newfoundland, such
* Renewed by Art. V. of the Treaty of Paris, 1763.
t These boundaries are altered by the Treaty of 1783.
j Renewed by Art. VI. of the Treaty of Versailles, 1783.
10 Report on the Newfoundland Fishery Question.
as it is specified in Article XIII. of the Treaty of Utrecht ; which
Article is renewed and confirmed by the present Treaty (except
what relates to the Island of Cape Breton, as well as to the other
islands and coasts in the mouth and in the Gulf of St. Lawrence).
And his Britannic Majesty consents to leave to the subjects of the
Most Christian King the liberty of fishing in the Gulf of St. Law-
rence, on condition that ilie subject? of France do not exercise the said
fislwry but at the distance of three leagues from all the coasts belonging
to Great Britain, as well as those of the Continent, as those of the Islands
situated in the said Gulf of St. Lawrence. And as to what relates to
the fishery on the coasts of the Island of Cape Breton out of the
said Gulf, the subjects of the Most Christian King shall not be per-
mitted to exercise the said fishery but at the distance of fifteen
leagues from the coasts of the Island of Cape Breton ; and the
fishery on the coasts of Nova Scotia or Acadia, and everywhere else
out of the said Gulf, shall remain on the footing of former Treaties.
" VI. The King of Great Britain cedes the Islands of St. Pierre
and Miquelon in full right to His Most Christian Majesty, to
serve as a shelter to the French fishermen ; and his said Most
Christian Majesty engages not to fortify the said Islands ; to erect
no buildings upon them, but merely for the convenience of the
fishery ; and to keep upon them a guard of fifty men only for the
police.
" Done at Paris, the 10th February, 1763.
"(Signed) CHOISEUL, Due DE PEASLIN(L.S.)
"BEDFORD, C.P.S. (L.S.) EL. MARQ. DE GRIMALDI (L.S.)."
(3)
TREATY OF VERSAILLES.
" Definitive Treaty between Great Britain and France, signed at
Versailles, 3rd September, 1783.*
Extract (Translation as laid before Parliament).
" IV. His Majesty the King of Great Britain is maintained in his
right to the Island of Newfoundland, and to the adjacent Islands,
as the whole were assured to him by the Thirteenth Article of the
Treaty of Utrecht ; excepting the Islands of St. Pierre and Mique-
lon, which are ceded in full right, by the present Treaty, to His
Most Christian Majesty.
"V. His Majesty the Most Christian King, in order to prevent
the quarrels which have hitherto arisen between the two nations of
* Renewed by Art. XIII. of the Definitive Treaty of Peace, 1814.
Report on the Newfoundland Fishery Question. 11
England and France, consents to renounce the right of fishing,
which belongs to him in virtue of the aforesaid Article of the Treaty
of Utrecht, from Cape Bonavista to Cape St. John, on the eastern
coast of Newfoundland, in fifty degrees north latitude ; and His
Majesty the King of Great Britain consents, on his part, that the
fishery assigned to the subjects of His Most Christian Majesty, be-
ginning at the said Cape St. John, passing to the north, and de-
scending by the western coast of the Island of Newfoundland, shall
extend to the place called Cape Eaye, situated in forty-seven de-
grees fifty minutes latitude. The French fishermen shall enjoy the
fishery which is assigned to them by the present Article, as they had the
right to enjoy that which was assigned to them by the Treaty of Utrecht.
" VI. With regard to the fishery in the Gulf of St. Lawrence,
the French shall continue to exercise it conformably to the Fifth
Article of the Treaty of Paris.
" Done at Versailles, the 3rd of September, 1783.
« (Signed)
" MANCHESTER (L.S.) GRAVIEB DE VERGENNES (L.S.)."
(4)
" Article XIII. of the Definitive Treaty of Peace, 1814.
"Definitive Treaty between Great Britain and France. Signed
at Paris, the 30th May, 1814.*
" XIII. The French right of fishing upon the Great Bank of
Newfoundland, upon the coasts of the Island of that name, and of
the adjacent Islands in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, shall be replaced
upon the footing in which it stood in 1792."
The Articles of these four Treaties are now the sole basis on
which France can found any legal ground to fishery rights on the
coast of Newfoundland.
Now, what are those rights, as so curtly and graphically therein
set forth ?
The Article XIII. of the Definitive Treaty of Peace of 1814 states,
that it (the right of fishing upon the coasts of Newfoundland) " shall
be replaced upon the footing in which it stood in 1792 "—that is,
on the footing it derived under the three Treaties of Utrecht, Paris,
and Versailles. It can stand upon no other, for no other noiv exists ;
and if any others ever have existed, giving any greater extension of
privileges, they have expired or been annulled.
Firstly, — The last Treaty of Versailles, prior to 1792, after merely
changing the locality of the previous right, states with regard to it :
* Confirmed by Art. XI. of the Definitive Treaty of 28th November, 1815.
12 Report on the Newfoundland Fishery Question.
" T/M French fishermen shall enjoy the fishery riyht which is assigned to
them by the present Article, as they had the riyht to enjoy that ichich icas
assigned to them by the Treaty of Utrecht." Passing over the Treaty
of Paris (1763), which restricts and binds the rights of French
fishermen upon the coasts of Newfoundland to a far greater extent
than is now sought to be enforced against them, the language of
Article XIII. of the Treaty of Utrecht is not only sufficiently plain
to show that there never was any intention to give the French the
sole and exclusive right of fishing upon any part of the coast, as will
appear from the words themselves, viz. : " It shall be alloived to the
subjects of France to catch fish, and to dry them on land, in that part
only, and in no other besides that, of the said Island of Newfoundland,
which stretches" &c., but even goes so far as to state, as if from the
fear that such a sole and exclusive right might be claimed, " nor
shall the Most Christian King, his heirs and successors, or any of their
subjects, at any time hereafter lay claim to any right to the said Island
and Islands, or to any part of it for them.'1
Therein an exclusive or sovereign right to any part was distinctly
and expressly ignored and forbidden, while granting to the French
only a certain limited and permissive right to catch and dry fish.
Secondly, — It appears that custom has never given to the French
any sole or exclusive right of fishing upon a certain portion of the
coast of Newfoundland. On the contrary, in practice, the British
there have ever exercised concurrent rights of fishing with the
French.
Persistent in their exertions to obtain concessions from the
British Government, the French have construed the desire of Eng-
land for peace, as giving them a right which we contend has no
legal basis. By the bare fact of usurpation they are now claiming,
and to a certain extent exercising, a sovereign right over portions
of an English Colony which is totally incompatible with the dignity
of the British nation.
Among the best works upon that Colony is a " History of its
Government, &c.," by John Keeves, Esq., a former Chief-Justice of
Newfoundland, published in London, 1793 ; and to show how early
after the peace of Utrecht the French commenced their aggressive
measures upon the coast, and how steadfastly their unwarrantable
claims have been opposed, it is only necessary to refer to Mr.
Eeeves's book.
In Part II. page 63, Mr. Keeves states : " At the peace of Utrecht
we were put into possession of Newfoundland in a way we had not
enjoyed it before for some years. Placentia, and all the parts occu-
pied by the French, were now ceded to the King of Great Britain,
Report on the Newfoundland Fishery Question. 13
in full sovereignty; the French retaining nothing more than a license to
come and go during the fishing season"
Again, page 55 : " It had become a doubt whether that part of
the Island, lately ceded by the French, was subject to the provisions
of Stat. 10 and 11 Will. III." (a Statute passed in the year 1698,
intituled, " An Act to encourage the trade to Newfoundland)," " the
point was brought forward in consequence of the Lieutenant-
Governorof the garrison at Placentia, and some of the French planters,
having, on leaving the place, disposed of their plantations for
money, and in this manner attempted to convey a riylit of property, &c.
This matter was brought before the Board of Trade, and their lord-
ships were of opinion that Stat. 10 and 11 Will. Ill- extended to the
ceded lands, and that all the beaches and plantations there ought to le
left to the public use, and be disposed of as directed by that Act;" thus
showing how strong the right was against any exclusive claim, and
how clearly the public right to use every portion of the coast of
Newfoundland was recognised.
The same author continues, page 59 :" The parts that had been
surrendered by the French occasioned in various ways great con-
test and discontent. We have before seen that it was the opinion
of the Board that those parts all fell under the regulations of Stat. 10
and 11 Will. III. ; and this ic as confirmed by the 'opinion of the law
officers." And as further showing that concurrent rights were then
exercised by the British with the French, Mr. Keeves (page 92)
states it to be a matter of serious complaint on the part of the mer-
chants of Newfoundland (1798), " that the French parts were not so
open far fishing-ship* to get room as they should be."
The interests of Newfoundland seem to have been sadly neglected
by the Imperial Government, whereas, from the importance of its
fisheries a sa nursery and training-school for British seamen, that
Colony has probably contributed more than any other of the same
population to the maritime strength and renown of England.
In a debate in the House of Commons, March 25th, 1823, Dr.
Lushington said : " There never had been a Colony so neglected as
that of Newfoundland;" and in a subsequent debate, April, 1829,
on the Newfoundland Fisheries, Mr. Eobinson stated : " The truth
was, that up to the present time the interests of the inhabitants of
Newfoundland had given way to the interests of private individuals
in this country."
It seems unfair that such a hardy and gallant race should have
to struggle not only with the unjust discrimination of bounties paid
by the French and other foreign Governments, but also with the
keenly felt neglect of the mother country, to whom they naturally
14 Report on the Newfoundland Fishery Question.
turn for protection in those rights which by solemn Treaties she
has assured them.
Anspach's " History of Newfoundland," published, London, 1827,
contains much valuable information relative to the Island and its
Fisheries ; but nowhere is the subject of the French concessions
treated as the absolute grant of a sole and exclusive right ; indeed,
had it been so then considered, the inhabitants of Newfoundland
would have taken up arms at once to resist the claim ; and Mr.
Anspach throughout his able history speaks of the fish-trade to
Newfoundland being allowed to France " under restrictions," and of
the strong feeling against its being so allowed even " under restric-
tions."
A subsequent history of Newfoundland by the Rev. Charles Ped-
ley, published, London, 1863, deals minutely and conclusively with
the French claims to an exclusive right of fishery on any portion of
the coast, as unfounded in law and unsanctioned by treaty. The
opinions of Mr. Pedley "are of great value from his residence in
Newfoundland, and his laborious researches into the Ancient Ec-
cords of the Colony since 1764, placed at his disposal by Governor
Bannerman. On page 48 Mr. Pedley states: "By the Treaty of
Utrecht, Great Britain was solemnly confirmed in the exclusive
sovereignty of the entire territory ; but the French were recognised
as having the right of fishing concurrently with the English along
certain portions of the shore."
On page 105, speaking of Sir Hugh Palliser, the Governor of
Newfoundland in 1764, as sent to devise and carry out the local
rules necessary to give effect to the Definitive Treaty of Paris, " by
establishing on a practical basis the intercourse between the sub-
jects of two rival nations having a concurrent right of fishing on
the same coast," Mr. Pedley states: " The instructions from the
Governor were careful to show that within those boundaries the
French had no superior rights or privileges over the British fisher-
men ;" and he quotes a portion of such rules issued by Governor
Palliser (June 19th, 1764), for tho guidance of the commanders of
King's ships, Admirals, &c., as follows : " To take the most exact
and particular care that the said subjects of France be permitted
and allowed in common with the King's subjects, to choose their
stations there during the fishery season."
The Act of 28 Geo. III. cap. 35, which expired with the Treaty of
1783, was regarded by the authorities of France as having enlarged
their former privileges, and as having conferred on them an exclu-
sive rijht over the coasts and waters in question. Mr. Pedley states
this (page 153) " to be a conclusion which has always been success-
Report on the Neii'foundland Fishery Question. ' 15
fully resisted by those entrusted with the charge of the British
fisheries." The reason for its being found necessary to pass the
Act referred to clearly appears in ths 5th Clause of the Joint Ad-
dress to Her Majesty of the Legislative Council and House of
Assembly of Newfoundland, dated the 24th of April, 1872.*
The despatch No. 67 of Governor Hamilton, to his Grace the
Duke of Newcastle, dated 28th September, 1853, goes into the
whole question, and is a most excellent argumentative paper in de-
fence of British rights in Newfoundland. Upon this point Governor
Hamilton states : —
" Under that Treaty (Utrecht) the fishery was always concurrent.
The mode in which that fishery has been carried on concurrently
by the two nations is clearly evinced by the proclamations of
Governors Palliser,! Shuham,J and Duff,§ set out in the printed
papers accompanying your Grace's despatch."
Governor Darling, also, in the enclosure with his despatch to Mr.
Labouchere, No. 66, July 23rd, 1856, states :—
" Several proclamations of the Governors of Newfoundland,
between the years 1763 and 1783, warning British subjects against
improper interference with the French in the exercise of their rights,
advert to these rights as rights in ' common,' or ' concurrent' rights,
with those of British subjects;" and he also mentions the names
of Governors Palliser, Shuhara, and Duff.
Lord Stanley, then Colonial Secretary, in his despatch to Gover-
nor Sir John Harvey, No. 104, 29th July, 1843, acknowledges the
concurrent rights of British subjects. The following is a portion of
his lordship's despatch : —
" Sir, — I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your
despatch of the llth of last November, relative to the claim of the
French to the exclusive right of fishing on those parts of the Island
of Newfoundland, on which a right of fishing for, and curing cod,
has been conceded to French subjects by treaty.
" Having referred this despatch for the consideration of the Earl
of Aberdeen, I have received two letters in answer, dated 28th of
February and the 19th of this month, which convey his lordship's
opinion, that Great Britain is bound to permit the subjects of France
to fish during the season, in the districts specified by the Treaty and
Declaration of 1783, free from any interruption on the part of British
subjects ; but if there be room in these districts for the fishermen of
both nations to fish, without interfering with each other, this
country is not bound to prevent her subjects from fishing there."
* Sec Appendix, page 31. f Palliser, 19th June, 17G4 ; 27th July, 17GJ.
i Shuham, 24th June, 1772 ; 27th July, 1773. § Di:ff; 7th July, 177.3.
16 Report on the Newfoundland Fishery Question.
Had Lords Aberdeen and Stanley understood the French to pos-
sess the exclusive right of fishing on the coast referred to, no question
as to "room" could give the British any right to fish there; but
the principle is the same in fishing as in the erection of fishing
establishments, neither must be done so as to interrupt the French,
and if so proved on complaint to have been done, both must be
removed by the British Government or authorities, but not by the
French ; for the Declaration states : —
"For this purpose," namely, to prevent British subjects from in-
terrupting the fishery of the French, " His Britannic Majesty will
cause the fixed settlements which shall be formed to be removed."
The provision which secured the French fishermen from interrup-
tion was not intended to limit the natural right of fishing possessed
by British subjects. The object was merely to prevent them from
depriving the French of the concurrent right of fishing ceded to
them by treaty.
Now it must first, under the Declaration on which the French
base the claim to an exclusive right, be proved to the satisfaction of
His Britannic Majesty that such fishery of British subjects, and the
fixed settlements which they may form there (where the French
are allowed to fish), do interrupt the French fishery, before they can
be removed, and then His Britannic Majesty, or the British autho-
rity, not the French, is the only power entitled to remove them.
But the French now usurp a territorial sovereignty on the soil of
a British Colony, take the law into their own hands, and destroy
British property.
This system cannot last much longer. It is the British, not the
French, who have cause to complain of violation of their rights.
The Assembly of Newfoundland is overwhelmed with petitions from
poor fishermen who have had their sole property destroyed by the
unwarrantable action of the French cruisers, to which the reports
of British naval officers bear testimony. Among others, those of
Captain Hosldiis, of H.M.S. Eclipse, and of Commander Kuowles,
of H.M.S. Lapwing, may be found in the Newfoundland " Journal
of Assembly " for 1873, pages 708 to 739.
Commander Knowles writes : —
" The French prohibit the English the use of cod seines, salmon,
and herring nets, and bultows (all of which engines they themselves
use) ; the English are therefore restricted to the use of the hook
and line and jigger alone.
During my second cruise in September, 1872, I found that the
French naval officers were talcing more active measures to prevent
the inhabitants encroaching on their rights, having made several
Report on the Newfoundland Fishery Question. 17
seizures of nets, and cutting moorings, &c." of English vessel",
" even in places where their own people were not actually fishing"
Captain Hoskins reports (page 738), under date October 9th,
1872 :—
"In the earlier part of my report I have alluded to the gocd
sense and good feeling usually shown by the French naval officeis
charged with the protection of their fisheries in dealing with our
people settled on the French shore, and their readiness to meet us
half way in preventing the unparalleled state of affairs created there
by the treaties, from resulting in national animosities and acts of
violence.
"I must regret that the commander of the Diamant has thought
fit to depart from this wise course, and to make a raid on the nets
of our fishermen throughout, as far as I can learn, the whole of the
French shore, without asking for the intervention of one of our
vessels, and without (in many cases certainly) any warning or
notice having been given to the sufferers.
" Each such departure from the conciliatory policy hitherto pur-
sued must accelerate the inevitable crisis, and if, as appears probable,
the French having put a construction on the treaties at variance with
the wording, and entirely in their own favour, are preparing to
enforce their claims in their own way and without consulting us,
that crisis cannot be far off."
It seems to be a most anomalous state of things that the citizens
of the United States should fish on that coast without interruption
from the French, and that the natives of the soil should alone be
exposed to such high-handed treatment and precluded from the
exercise of their natural rights.
Before closing this division of the report, it would be well to call
attention in a special manner to the fact that the Treaty of Utrecht
gave to the French the concurrent right only of fishing at the
islands of St. Pierre and Miquelon ; that subsequently those islands
were conveyed in full right to the French, subject to conditions.
Now if it had been intended to convey to them an exclusive right of
fishing on the whole of the so-called French shore, suitable language
would undoubtedly at that time have been used to convey such
meaning.
Thirdly, — It is strong evidence in favour of the right of the
British to enjoy with the French the fisheries in Newfoundland, that
a continuous struggle has been made to resist the exclusive claims
of the latter ever since they were put forth ; and we now propose to
devote a portion of the remainder of this report to a brief history
of such struggles as shown by the Parliamentary debates, first pre-
18 Report on the Newfoundland Fishery Question.
mising that it is mostly due to the laxity of the British Imperial
Government in not enforcing its treaty stipulations with France,
that the latter has heen emboldened step by step to put forth un-
justifiable pretensions, until she has reached the length of assuming
virtual sovereignty over British soil.
In the House of Commons, June 5th, 1834, Mr. George Kobinson
directed attention to the question "whether France by the terms of
the Treaty of Utrecht (for no others were important) had an exclu-
sive right to that fishery, or only in participation with this country;"
adding in the course of his speech, " For his part, he was convinced
that there was not a word in the treaties which conveyed to France
the exclusive right of fishing on the coast in question. Not only had
they no right of exclusive possession of the fishery, but the French
were prohibited from remaining permanently 011 the coast ; and it
was provided that they should go from France to the fishery, and
at the end of the season return to France. On what grounds, there-
fore, the assumption rested he did not know."
On behalf of the Government, Mr. Poulett Thomson (afterwards
Lord Sydenham) replied: —
" The House was probably aware that this subject had been under
the consideration of successive Governments in this country since
1783 . . . and he recommended the hon. member (Mr. Bobinson)
to withdraw his motion, assuring him that attention should be paid
to it."
In the same debate, Mr. Baring said : —
" He must say that the British fishermen, whether on the coast
of Newfoundland or in the Channel, had not the attention paid to
them which they formerly received ; and that the British Govern-
ment evinced an apathy with respect to our fisheries which was
highly reprehensible."
Again, in May, 1835, Mr. Kobinson brought forward his " motion
relative to the rights of British subjects to a concurrent fishery on
that part of the coast of Newfoundland commonly called the French
shore ; " and stated in his speech, " The question arose out of the
construction put upon a treaty entered into between England and
France in 1813, and though so long a period as twenty- one years
had elapsed, the Government had given no answer to the persons
engaged in this fishery as to how the treaty was to be construed.
This was very strange, and he would ask the Government how long
after twenty-one years were British subjects to wait before they were
told whether they had a right concurrent with the French of fishing
on their own coast ... He protested against any further delay
in adjusting this question. The French had an interest in having
lleport on the Newfoundland Fishery Question. 19
the settlement of tlie question indefinitely postponed, because whilst
it was so, they arrogated to themselves the right of interrupting all
others fishing on the coast. France had no other right of fishing
than that given by the Treaty of Utrecht, and that was nothing
more than a permissive right to fish."
The Government again on this occasion postponed giving any
definite reply.
The main grounds on which the French base their claim to an
exclusive right of fishing would seem to be drawn from the Decla-
ration— usually called the British Declaration — attached to the
Treaty of 1783. This Declaration is marked in Herstlett as having
expired with the Treaty of 1783, which was annulled by the war
between Great Britain and France of 1793. But even supposing
the Declaration still in force, no better refutation can be given to
such an assumption than the despatch of Mr. James Crowdy — the
officer then administering the Government of Newfoundland — to the
Bight Honourable Sir John S. Packington, Colonial Secretary of
State, dated 22nd September, 1852, and to be found (page 195) in
the " Journal of Assembly "tof Newfoundland for 1857.
In Section 4 of that despatch, Mr. Crowdy most aptly states : —
" The very terms of the Declaration in question, whilst forbidding
the English fishermen « to interrupt by their competition, or to
injure the stages ' &c. of the French, recognise their presence ; and
the whole question would appear to be settled by the concession on
the part of our Government to the citizens of the United States in
the Treaty of 1818, of the same rights which had been conceded to the
French in that of 1783."
But for conclusive proof of the utter invalidity of these French
claims, we come to a period in their discussion under an authority
which ought to settle the question. We refer to the note of Lord
Palmerston, July 10th, 1838, to Count Sebastiani, the French Am-
bassador, of which the following extract is copied from the " Journal
of Assembly " of Newfoundland for 1857. His Lordship says : —
" I now proceed to answer that part of your Excellency's note
which relates to the conflicting opinions that are entertained as to
the true interpretation of the Declaration annexed to the Treaty of
September 3rd, 1783, and in which your Excellency urges the
British Government to disavow the claim of the British subjects to
aright of fishery upon the coasts in question" (Newfoundland)
" concurrent with the rights of the subjects of France.
" And in the first place, I beg to observe that it does not appear
to the British Government that either your Excellency's represen-
tation, or that of your predecessor, has shown that any specific
20 Eeport on the Netvfoundland Fishery Question.
grievance lias been sustained by French subjects, in consequence of
the doubts which are said to be entertained upon this question, so
as to prove that there is any pressing necessity for the call which
the French Government makes in this respect upon that of Great
Britain.
" But the British Government is, nevertheless, willing to enter
into an amicable examination of the matter, with a view to set-
those doubts at rest, although it is my duty to say that the
British Government are not prepared, according to the view
which they at present take of the matter, to concede the point in
question.
" The right of fishery on the coast of Newfoundland was
assigned to French subjects by the King of Great Britain in the
Treaty of Peace of 1783, to be enjoyed by them by the Treaty of
Utrecht.
"But the right assigned to French subjects by the Treaty of
Utrecht was ' to catch fish and to dry them on land ' within the
district described in the said Treaty, subject to the condition not
' to erect any buildings ' upon the island besides stages made of
boards, and huts necessary and usual for drying offish,' and not to
' resort to the said island beyond the time necessary for fishing and
drying of fish.'
"A Declaration annexed to the Treaty of 1783, by which the right
assigned to French subjects was renewed, contains an engagement
that ' in order that the fishermen of the two nations may not give a
cause for daily quarrels, His Britannic Majesty would take the most
positive measures for preventing his subjects from interrupting, in
any manner, by their competition, the fishery of the French during
the temporary exercise of it, which was granted to them,' and that
His Majesty would ' for this purpose cause the fixed settlements
which should be found there to be removed.'
" A counter declaration stated that the King of France was satis-
fied with the arrangement concluded in the above terms.
" The Treaty of Peace of 1814 declares that the French right 'of
fishery at Newfoundland is replaced upon the footing upon which it
stood in 1792.'
" In order, therefore, to come to a right understanding of the
question, it will be necessary to consider it with reference to histo-
rical facts, as well as with reference to the letter of the Declaration
of 1783 ; and to ascertain what was the precise footing upon which
the French fishery actually stood in 1792.
" Now, it is evident that specific evidence would be necessary, in
order to show the construction which the French Government now
Report on the Newfoundland Fishery Question. 21
desire to put upon the Declaration of 1783, is the interpretation
which was given to that Declaration at the period when the Decla-
ration was framed ; and when the real intention of the parties must
have been best known. It would be required for this purpose to
prove that, upon the conclusion of the Treaty of 1783, French sub-
jects actually entered upon enjoyment of an exclusive right to catch
fish in the waters off the coast in question ; and that they were in
the acknowledged enjoyment of the exercise of that right at the
commencement of the war in 1792. But no evidence to such effect
has been produced. It is not indeed asserted by your Excellenc}',
nor was it contended by Prince Talleyrand, in his note of 1831, to
which your Excellency specially refers, that French subjects were,
at the breaking out of the war in 1792, in the enjoyment of such an
exclusive right ; and, moreover, it does not appear that such right
was claimed by France, or admitted by England at the termination
of the war in 1801, or at the peace of 1814.
" It is true that the privilege secured to the fishermen of France
by the Treaty and Declaration of 1783 — a privilege which consists
in the periodical use of a part of the shore of Newfoundland for
the purpose of drying then: fish — has in practice been treated by the
British Government as an exclusive right during the fishing season,
and within the limits prescribed ; because from the nature of the
case it would scarcely be possible for British fishermen to dry their
fish upon the same part of the shore with the French fishermen,
without interfering with the temporary establishments of the French
for the same purpose, and without interrupting their operations.
But the British Government has never understood the Declaration
to have had for its object to deprive the British subjects of the
right to participate with the French in taking fish at sea off that
shore, provided they did so without interrupting the French cod-
fishery ; and although, in accordance with the true spirit of the
Treaty and Declaration of 1783, prohibitory proclamations have
been from time to time issued, on occasions when it has been found
that British subjects, while fishing within the limits in question,
have caused interruption to the French fishery, yet in none of the
public documents of the British Government, neither in the Act of
Parliament of 1788, passed for the express purpose of carrying the
Treaty of 1783 into effect ; nor in any subsequent Act of Parlia-
ment relating to the Newfoundland fishery ; nor in any of the
instructions issued by the Admiralty or the Colonial Office ; nor in
any proclamation which has come under my view, issued by the
Governor of Newfoundland, or by the British Admiral upon the
station ; does it appear that the right of French subjects to an
22 Report on the Newfoundland Fishery Question.
exclusive fishery, either of cod-fish, or of fish generally, is specifi-
cally recognised.
" In addition to the facts above stated, I will observe to your
Excellency, in conclusion, that if the right conceded to the French
by the Declaration of 1783 had been intended to be exclusive
within the prescribed district, the terms used for defining such
right would assuredly have been more ample and specific than they
are found to be in that document ; for in no other similar instru-
ment which has ever come under the knowledge of the British
Government, is so important a concession as an exclusive privilege
of this description accorded in terms so loose and indefinite.
" (Signed) PALMEKSTON.
" To His Excellency Count SEBASTIANI."
This despatch of Lord Palrnerston might have been considered
conclusive on the question.
In May, 1857, upon a question put by Sir John Packiiigton in
the House of Commons as regards the then proposed Convention
bstween Her Majesty and the Emperor of the French, upon the
subject of the Newfoundland fisheries, Mr. Labouchere, Secreta-ry
for the Colonies, stated : —
" The right hon. gentleman was aware that questions of a very
complicated and embarrassing nature had arisen between the
Governments of England and France with regard to fishery rights
of the latter in the waters of Newfoundland, and that these ques-
tions arose out of Treaties. The two Governments had for several
years attempted to arrive by negotiation at a satisfactory solution
of the questions, and the Government of this country had also been
in constant communication with the Colonial authorities upon the
point ; but unfortunately those communications and negotiations
had never led to any satisfactory result. At length an attempt
had been made by Her Majesty's Government to arrive at a termi-
nation of the difficulty by taking another course ; and having had
all the facts before them, they had thought the best chance they
could have — for it was but a chance — of coming to a resolution
that would be satisfactory to the two Governments, was to conclude
a Convention with France, without any previous communication
with the Colony, while an express stipulation should be inserted in
that Convention that it should have no effect unless it should be
ratified by the Colonial Legislature. Such a Convention had been
framed and sent over to Newfoundland ; but, he was sorry to say,
that the result had been that the Colony had most unequivocally
refused to adopt it, and it had therefore of course become inopera-
tive."
Report on the Newfoundland Fishery Question. 23
The above Convention would have suited France well enougl1,
for it would have entirely ruined the British fisheries in Newfound-
land.
In this Convention we first find the term exclusive right to fish
stipulated for, and accorded to, the French, and we find it stipu-
lated that the French naval officers should be entitled to enforce tbe
said French exclusive right of fishing, by expulsion of vessels cr
boats attempting concurrent fishing.
Article XVI. says : " The privilege of French subjects to cut
wood for the repair of their fishing erections, and fishing vessels
from Cape St. John to Kock Point may be exercised, as far as re-
quired, for the purpose, but not on private land, without consent of
the occupier." It appears, therefore, that at the time this Conven-
tion was drawn up, the French Government did recognise our rights
to occupy laud on the shore in question.
In 1845 a Commission, of which Mr. Thomas, a merchant of
Newfoundland, was a member, representing English rights, and
Captain Fabvre, on the part of the French Government, in vain
attempted to settle the question.
In 1859 Captain Dunlop, E.N., and the Hon. Mr. Kent, on the
part of England, and Captain Montaignac de Chauvance and M. de
Gobineau, on the part of France, were sent to Newfoundland to
investigate and report on fishery questions, and made separate
reports to their respective Governments, having generally agreed
upon all the points, except some of no great importance. In
reference thereto, on a question put by Mr. Arthur Mills to the
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, in the House of Commons,
12th March, 1861, Lord John Russell replied : —
" The Commission on the Newfoundland fisheries made their re-
port in August, 1859, and in March, 1860, a gentleman (Captain
Dunlop, E.N.) was sent to Paris with a view to his coming to some
arrangement with the French Government on the subject. He
stayed in Paris some time, and came to an arrangement with the
Government which had been all but completed, but there were two
points upon which a difference prevailed. In November Her
Majesty's Government made a proposition to the French Govern-
ment in regard to those two subjects, and they have not yet received
an answer."
But probably, from the reasons given before by Mr. Eobinson, the
French interest in keeping the question indefinitely postponed, no
settlement was arrived at.
We beg, in conclusion, to advert briefly to the second class or
heading into which this question has resolved itself : a claim on
24 Report on the Newfoundland Fishery Question.
the part of the French to prevent the inhabitants of Newfoundland
from any occupation of land within the disputed district for
mining, agricultural, or other purposes ; hi fact, a claim to virtual
territorial sovereignty of a great portion of the coast of Newfound-
land.
In the House of Lords, May 22nd, 1868, Lord Houghton, on
rising to present a Petition from the House of Assembly of New-
foundland, praying that the restrictions with regard to grants of
land on the so-called French coast, imposed on them by Her
Majesty's Secretary of State for the Colonies, in a despatch dated
7th of December, 1866, may be removed, said : —
" That, as the Petition proceeded from so important a body as
the Colonial Legislature, he felt it proper to accompany its presen-
tation with a few remarks."
The Petitioners stated that :—
" Your Petitioners desire to bring under the consideration of
your most honourable House a grievance to which your Petitioners
in this island are now subjected. Her Majesty the Queen has the
territorial dominion over the island of Newfoundland and its depen-
dencies, and, as a consequence, Her Majesty's Government of this
Colony has the authority to issue grants within the island for min-
ing, agricultural, and other purposes.
" This right was never questioned until the year 1866, when, by
a despatch from the Eight Honourable the Earl of Carnarvon,
Secretary of State for the Colonies, to His Excellency Governor
Musgrave, bearing date the 7th day of December, 1866, the issue
of grants of land in that part of this island called the ' French
shore ' was prohibited.
" The French shore referred to in the said despatch includes at
least one half of the territory of Newfoundland, and the restriction
thus placed upon the Local Government is in effect a denial of the
exercise of those rights which your Petitioners most humbly sub-
mit belong to the British Crown, and therefore to their enjoyment
by Her Majesty's subjects in this island.
"Believing that the Government of this Colony has a clear right
to issue grants for mining or other purposes, the Legislature, on
the 9th day of April, 1867, in reply to the said despatch, passed
certain resolutions and addresses declaratory of such rights, and
transmitted the same to the Secretary of State for the Colonies,
through His Excellency Governor Musgrave, to which neither His
Excellency nor your Petitioners have received any reply.
"The restriction contained in the said despatch has had the
effjct of preventing the exercise of British territ rial dominion,
Report on the Newfoundland Fishery Question. 25
and of depriving Her Majesty's subjects of the power of taking
advantage of the mineral and other resources which exist within
the said French shore.
" The importance of this subject to the people of this Island
is such that your Petitioners feel aggrieved that no reply has been
received to the remonstrance of the Legislature, and that, so far as
your Petitioners are informed, no action has been taken by the Im-
perial Government to assert the undoubted right of the British
Crown, and to place within the reach of Her Majesty's subjects in
this Island the mineral and agricultural resources which exist within
the said territory.
" For some years past the Legislature of this Island, though em-
barrassed by financial difficulties arising from the distress prevalent
amongst the labouring population, have voted large sums of money
for the purpose of obtaining a mineralogical survey of the Island,
which will, to a great extent, be valueless if that portion of the
Island be withheld from the use of Her Majesty's subjects.
" Your Petitioners therefore humbly pray that your most honour-
able House will be pleased to make inquiry into the matter, and to
cause the restriction contained in the Eight Honourable the Earl of
Carnarvon's despatch to be removed, so as to place the Local
Government in a position to exercise those functions necessary to
ensure to your Petitioners their territorial rights."
In the course of his remarks Lord Houghton stated : —
" The colonisation of the French coast had begun long since ;
several populous settlements had been made on that coast, and no
other attempt was ever made to move them. At the present
moment a very large population, in some thirty or forty consider-
able stations of English subjects, on the coast were living in a
condition of society such as existed nowhere else on the face of the
globe. They were squatters living without jurisdiction, without
law, without any punishment of crime or enforcement of rights,
acknowledging as it were no sovereign."
It appears strange that such a state of things should exist after
the language of Mr. Labouchere, once Secretary of State for the
Colonies, who, in a speech made in the House of Commons upon a
motion by Viscount Bury upon this question, March 10th, 1859,
said : —
" I think the people of Newfoundland should have clearly secured to
them the right to cultivate and build upon their own territory"
The Hon. Mr. Little, then Attorney- General of Newfoundland,
under date 14th September, 1872, writes : —
" Earl Kimberley, in his letter to the Under- Secretary of State,
26 Report on the Newfoundland Fishery Question.
bearing date the 26tli of June, 1872, fairly and plainly states ' that
the territory (so called French shore) witJiout doubt belong* to Her
Majesty,' consequently I respectfully submit that Her Majesty has
the undoubted right of directing the management and government
of that territory in such manner as Her Majesty may deem most
conducive to the interests of Her subjects resident there."
Keferring to Lord Kimberley's Despatch,* No. 42, to Governor
Hill, dated 6th of August, 1873, his Lordship states (Sec. 5) that
" in May, 1872, an address from the Legislative Bodies " (of New-
foundland) " was presented to Her Majesty, praying for the removal
of restrictions affecting the territorial rights of the people of the
Island."
This joint address from the Legislative Council and House of
Assembly of Newfoundland is so emphatic in its respectfully
earnest appeal for the acknowledgment of an undoubted right, that
we recommend its careful perusal as given in full in the Appendix.
In the concluding section (No. 9) of the same Despatch, his
Lordship states : —
" It appears to Her Majesty's Government that the suggestions
contained in the Report of the Joint Committee of both Houses,
which was transmitted in Governor Musgrave's despatch of the
29th of April, 1867, will afford a reasonable basis for the negotia-
tions which are now to be resumed ; but before proceeding further,
they desire to learn the views of the Colonial Government, and I
have to request you to bring this despatch under the notice of your
Ministers, and to report to me at an early opportunity whether they
have any objection to the course proposed."
In accordance with this request, a series of Joint Resolutions
from both Houses of Newfoundland were passed on the 23rd of
April, 1874, stating in preamble, " That, with the view of termi-
nating the long-pending contentions that have arisen respecting the
rights of both nations under the Treaties, it is expedient that nego-
tiations should be resumed for that purpose on the basis of the said
report (1867) as suggested in the said (Lord Kimberley's) Despatch."
This report, with some amendments, is given in full in the Appen-
dix, page 81, to which we beg to refer.
These Resolutions are now believed to form the basis of negotia-
tions between the English and French Governments in regard to
the settlement of this question. It must be admitted that the sug-
gestions of the Legislature of Newfoundland are most moderate,
and amply meet all the just claims of the French.
* See Appendix, page 28.
Report on the Newfoundland Fishery Question. 27
On the 4th of June, 1874, in the House of Commons, Mr.
Bourke said : " He wished to appeal to the right honourable and
gallant Member for Stamford (Sir John Hay) to postpone a motion
of which he had given notice in reference to the Newfoundland
Fisheries. He did so on these grounds — the subject had been, and
then was, under consideration, and negotiations were going forward
both with the Colony of Newfoundland and the French Govern-
ment on the subject. What he wished was that the right honour-
able and gallant baronet would postpone his motion until Her
Majesty's Government were prepared to make a statement on the
subject."
Sir John Hay replied : " He had no difficulty in acceding to the
request of his honourable friend, inasmuch as his sole object was
to assist in settling a very difficult question."
Such is the position of the question at the present time. The
temper and patience of the people of Newfoundland have been
sorely tried for over one hundred years. But this state of things
cannot be expected to last for ever. The time has arrived when
national policy imperatively demands that the question should be
finally settled ; so that British subjects may no longer be deprived
of the right of fishing in their own waters, and colonising and
developing the resources of their own territory. The interests of
Newfoundland are most seriously affected by its being kept open,
and those of the Empire require that its rights of sovereignty
within its own dominions should be maintained inviolate.
APPENDIX.
FT may bo added, by way of Appendix, that the value of the products of
the Newfoundland Fisheries, as furnished from Custom-House returns for
1874, was 8,500,960 dols., equal to £2,127,490 Newfoundland currency;
that the shipping employed therein amounts to 60,405 tons, that the num-
ber of persons engaged in said fisheries was 48,200, and the capital invested
,£1,340,000 sterling. " Besides " (as Lord Houghton stated in his speech
referred to) " its value as a fishing station, there had been discovered large
copper mines, mountains of statuary marble and mineral wealth, and also,
more lately, the existence of petroleum in large quantities — all of which, if
these restrictions on the grants of land were continued, would be excluded
from the profitable enjoyment of the Colony."
The following documents bearing further on the question are also
appended : —
28 Report on the Newfoundland Fishery Question.
LORD KlMBERLEY TO GOVERNOR HlLL.
Newfoundland. No. 42.
Downing Street, §th August, 1873.
g1Rj — With reference to previous correspondence, I have the honour to
transmit to you a copy of a letter from the Foreign Office covering a copy of
a despatch from Her Majesty's Ambassador at Paris, and of a note from
the Due de Broglie, expressing the readiness of the French Government
to resume negotiations respecting the Newfoundland Fisheries, and pro-
posing that the two Governments should be represented by Special Com-
missioners.
2. Her Majesty's Government cannot doubt that this announcement will
be received with satisfaction by your Ministers and the Colonists generally,
as representations on this subject have been repeatedly made to them by
the Newfoundland Government and Legislature since the former negotia-
tions were broken off.
3. In 1866 the Executive Council, by a minute, which was transmitted
iu the Governor's despatch of the llth June, urged upon him the propriety
of re-opening correspondence with Her Majesty's Government upon the
question connected with the exercise of territorial rights on the so-called
" French Shore ; " and in April, 1867, Her Majesty's Government were
requested, by a report of the Joint Committees of the Legislative Bodies, to
resume negotiations with the French Government, certain propositions being
stated as the basis of such negotiations.
4. The subject was again considered in 1868, and in March, 1870, en
Address relating to the so-called " French Shore " was presented to the
Governor. The Legislative Council were informed, in reply, that the ques-
tion was under the consideration of the respective Governments of Great
Britain and France.
5. In August, 1870, Mr. Bennett and some of the Newfoundland Minis-
ters who were then in England urged upon Her Majesty's Government the
importance of settling these questions; and in May, 1872, an Address from
the Legislative Bodies was presented to Her Majesty praying for the re-
moval of restrictions afTecting the territorial rights of the people of the
Island.
6. Her Majesty's Government are fully alive to the considerations which
render it important that the long-standing differences as to the French fish-
ing rights and the settlements of the so-called " French Shore " should, if
possible, be adjusted.
7. They regret that impediments should be thrown in the way of the colo-
nisation of a large portion of valuable territory, and that the development
of the mineral and other resources of the Colony, which are believed to be
very considerable in the vicinity of the so-called " French Shore," should
be delayed by the want of a clear understanding with the French as to free
access on the part of the British settlers to the seaboard. The fact that the
population of certain places near that Shore has been rapidly increasing,
makes it on this account alone most desirable to arrive at a definite agree-
ment with the French Government, with a view to prevent the recurrence
Report on the Newfoundland Fishery Question. 29
of collisions and misunderstandings which, but for the forbearance and co-
operation of the Naval officers of the respective Governments, might lead
to serious difficulties between the two Governments.
8. With respect to this latter point, I need only refer to the complaints
made in the yeare 1869, 1870, and 1871 ; and more especially to the seizure
and confiscation, by a French officer in August, 1872, of nets the property
of British subjects ; and to a collision which threatened to take place this
year owing to the announcement that the French officers were prepared to
insist on enforcing the claim of the French to an exclusive right of fishing,
but which has been happily averted by orders recently given to the officers
of both Governments.
9. The whole subject has not been lost sight of by Her Majesty's Govern-
ment, who have from time to time been in communication upon it with the
French Government ; but for reasons which your Ministers will understand,
no favourable opportunity has recently presented itself for resuming nego-
tiations. It appears to Her Majesty's Government that the suggestions
contained in the Report of the Joint Committee of both Houses, which was
transmitted in Governor Musgrave's despatch of the 29th April, 1867, will
afford a reasonable basis for the negotiations which are now to be resumed ;
but before proceeding further, they desire to learn the views of the Colonial
Government, and I have to request you to bring this despatch under the
notice of your Ministers, and to report to me at an early opportunity whether
they have any objection to the course proposed.
I have, &o.
(Signed) KIMBERLEY.
Governor HILL, C.B., &c. &c. &c.
MB. E. HAMMOND TO THE UNDER-SECRETARY OF STATE, COLONIAL OFFICE.
Foreign Office, July Uth, 1873.
SIR, — With reference to my letter of the 9th instant, and to previous cor-
respondence, I am directed by Earl Granville to transmit to you, for the
Earl of Kimberley's consideration, a copy of a despatch from Her Majesty's
Ambassador at Paris, enclosing a copy of a note from the Due de Broglie
expressing the readiness of the French Government to resume negotiations
respecting the Newfoundland Fisheries, and suggesting the appointment of
a Special Commission with the object of settling the questions at issue.
I am, &c.
(Signed) HAMMOND.
The UNDER-SECRETARY OF STATE, Colonial Office.
LORD LYONS TO EARL GRANVILLE.
Paris, June 12th, 1873.
MY LORD, — With reference to my despatch, No. 629, of the 2nd instant,
and to your Lordship's, No. 317, of the 9th instant, I have the honour to
enclose a copy of a note dated also the 9th instant, which I received last
night from the Due de Broglie.
30 Report on the Newfoundland Fishery Question.
It expresses the willingness of the French Government to resume nego-
tiations respecting the Newfoundland Fisheries, and proposes that the two
Governments should be represented by Special Commissioners.
I have, &e.
(Signed) LYONS.
The EARL GRANVILLE, K.G., &c. &c. &c.
THF DUKE DE BBOGLIE TO LORD LYONS.
Versailles, July Qth, 1873.
AMBASSADOR, — In recent circumstances your Excellency has shown the
advantages that an understanding on the question of the Newfoundland
Fisheries would initiate for France and England ; and you added that the
Government of Her Britannic Majesty was prepared to enter upon the
subject in amicable discussion with us.
I hasten to acquaint you that the French Government, who desire equally
to see abolished a state of affairs of which the disadvantages are not disputed,
are quite disposed to renew negotiations, and to adopt measures to arrive at
a conclusion so desirable in their eyes.
The Cabinet of London will judge, I hope, that the best course to follow,
in order to facilitate a solution, is to entrust, as in preceding circumstances,
to Special Commissioners the duty to represent the respective interests ;
and I will be thankful to your Excellency to be good enough to acquaint
me if it accepts this proposition.
Accept, &c. &c.
(Signed) BBOGLIE.
His Excellency Lord LYONS, &c. &c. &c.
LORD KlMBERLEY 10 GOVERNOR HlLL.
Newfoundland. No. 57.
Downing Street, October 6th, 1873.
SIB, — I have the honour to acknowledge your despatch, No. 79, of the
Jtlh ultimo, transmitting certain Resolutions adopted at a meeting of your
Executive Council upon the subject of the rights of Fishery claimed by the
French Government under Treaty, oa that part of the coast of Newfound-
land commonly called the French Shore.
Her Majesty's Government regrets to find that your Ministers are not
prepared to adopt, as a reasonable basis for negotiations with the French
Government, the suggestions contained in the Report of the Joint Com-
mittee of both Houses ; but they regret still more the tone and language of
these Resolutions. Her Majesty's Government are prepared to uphold the
legitimate rights of British subjects under the Treaty, but your Ministers
must be aware that the exact limits of those rights have been in dispute for
many years, and a settlement of grave questions of this kind, which is so
Report on tiic Newfoundland Fishery Question. 81
much to be desired in the interest of all parties, can only be obtained by
mutual forbearance and concession, and iiot by characterising the claims of
the French Government as preposterous and untenable, nor by assuming
that the construction of the Treaty adopted by the Colonial Government is
not open to difference of opinion.
I have, &c.
(Signed) KIMBERLEY.
Governor HILL, C.B.. &c. &c. &c.
JOINT ADDRESS TO HER MAJESTY
Journal of the House of Assembly of Newfoundland for 1872. Page 173.
Wednesday, 242ft April, 1872.
" The Hon. the Premier, from the Joint Committee of the Legislative
Council and Assembly appointed to prepare an Address to Her Most Gra-
cious Majesty, praying Her Majesty to cause to be removed the restrictions
in connection with the French Shore under which this Colony so incon-
veniently labours, presented the Report, which he handed in at the Clerk's
table, where it was read as follows : —
" To the Queens Most Excellent Majesty.
" MOST GRACIOUS SOVEREIGN, —
"We, Your Majesty's loyal and dutiful servants, the Legislative Council
and House of Assembly of Newfoundland, beg most humbly to approach
tbe foot of the Throne and to state as follows: —
" 1. The present relations of British and French subjects resident on that
portion of the coast of this Island commonly designated the French Shore,
are of such a nature as to press inj uriously upon the interests of British
subjects, and at the same time to endanger the peace and harmony that
should subsist between the subjects of Great Britain and France in the
exercise of those rights secured to them respectively by existing Treaties.
" 2. By the Thirteenth Article of the Treaty of Utrecht, ' the Island
called Newfoundland belongs of right to Great Britain,' but it is ' allowed
to the subjects of France to catch fish and to dry them on land,' within
certain limits mentioned in that Treaty, while they are forbidden ' to erect
any buildings there, besides stages made of boards, and huts necessary and
usual for drying fish, or to resort to the said island beyond the time neces-
sary for fishing and drying fish.'
" 3. By the Fourth Article of the Treaty of Versailles, 1783, ' His Majesty
the King of Great Britain is maintained in his right to the Island of New-
foundland,' as it was assured to him by the Thirteenth Article of the Treaty
of Utrecht, while the French fishermen shall ' enjoy the fishery which is
assigned to them by the present article as they had a right to enjoy that
which was assigned to them by the Treaty of Utrecht.'
" 4. The only alterations effected by the Treaty of Versailles, as regards
the fishery rights assigned to the French by the former Treaty of Utrecht,
32 Report on the Newfoundland Fishery Question.
" First, — An exchange of the line of coast from Cape Bonavista to Point
Richo for that extending from Cape St. John to the northernmost point of
the island, and thence southward to Cape Bay, which, in point of fishery
privileges, was a greatly increased concession to the French.
" And, secondly, — The islands of St. Pierre and Miquelon were ceded in
full right to France, subject to the modification in His Majesty's Declara-
tion accompanying the Treaty. V\'.i.i, ihese exceptions the Treaty of Utrecht
forms the basis of our territorial and fishery rights.
" 5. There are certain portions of the strand which the French have
during peace continuously occupied, but which in time of war were taken
possession of and occupied by British settlers, who refused to surrender
them on the restoration of peace ; and in order to carry out the terms of
the Treaties, it was found necessary to pass the Act of His Majesty 28th
George III., cap. 35, to enable His Majesty to remove them, which Act was
never put in force for any other purpose. The last time it was put in
operation was at the termination of the war in 1814, in compliance with
the requirements of the Treaty of Paris. There were at the same time other
portions of the strand in like manner permanently occupied by British sub-
jects, and have continued to be so to the present time. There is no desirr,
nor have any attempts been made, to dispossess the French of the premises
occupied by them. On the contrary, British subjects have been employed
to take care of them, and are still so employed during the absence of the
French in winter, and it rarely happens that any such property is injured or
molested.
u 6. On some occasions disputes between British and French fishermen
have occurred during the exercise of their rights, and thus serious collisions
have happened. In order to prevent such collisions the Governors of New-
foundland have from time to time appointed magistrates on that shore ftr
the preservation of law and order ; but from the departure of Sir J. Gaspard
Le Marchant, about the year 1852, succeeding Governors have been restricted
in making any such appointments.
" 7. The population of that portion of the Island has been of late years,
and is still, greatly on the increase ; but such now is the anomalous, incon-
venient, and unsatisfactory state of things arising from the absence of any
recognised jurisdiction or established system of law and order, that life and
property are rendered insecure, and collisions of the gravest character occur,
not only among the British settlers themselves, but also between them and
the French fishermen.
" 8. It was not until the year 1866 that any restrictions were placed on
the exercise of our territorial rights, and the limits from the coast inwards
subsequently prescribed were, from the nature of the case, inoperative and
in fact nugatory, inasmuch as the British population for the greater part
were, and still are, actually resident within those limits in the prosecution of
their fisheries.
" 9. The temporary right of the French to the use of the land, as may be
seen by reference to the afore-mentioned Treaties, is immediately upon the
sea-coast, and rarely extends beyond a few hundred yards inland. It is
limited simply to the strand immediately bordering upon the sea, and this
Report on the Newfoundland Fishery Question. 33
only for the purpose of ' curing and drying their fish ' during the fishing
season. In point of fact, the French only occupy a fractional part of the
large extent of coast on which they are permitted the right of fishing ;
whereas British subjects are resident on all parts of the coast where there is
safe anchorage.
" 10. It is important to observe that this part of the coast embraces by far
the best portion of the Island for agricultural, lumbering, mining, and other
industrial pursuits. And were these restrictions to be continued, settlers
would be deprived of the right of roadways, and of water privileges whence to
ship the produce of their industry to market.
" 11. Another and most seriously prejudicial circumstance arising from
the existing state of things is, that the Colony is deprived of the revenue
which would otherwise be derived from the trade on that part of the coast,
besides which shelter and encouragement are thus afforded for smuggling.
" 12. Were a well-organised judicial system established there, it would
tend not only to the preservation of peace and good order, but also to the
protection of Colonial and French Treaty rights.
" 13. On a review of the whole case it is evident, we humbly submit, that
the policy, comparatively recent, pursued by the Imperial Government
towards this Colony, in the restrictions so imposed, have placed the large
British population resident on the so-called French shore in a position
the most deplorable, and such as is unparalleled in any other civilised
country in the world. Life and property are insecure, the vast resources
which are known to exist on that portion of the coast are rendered
unavailable, and the revenue which should flow into the Colonial Exchequer
under the influence of a regularly-constituted order of things is lost to
the country.
" 14. We do not deem it necessary to repeat those further arguments
which have so often been urged before in support of British rights upon that
part of the coast. We most humbly and earnestly pray Your Majesty to
cause to be removed the restrictions in reference to the appointment of magis-
trates, and also those affecting our territorial rights, which press so in-
juriously and inconveniently upon the interests of Your Majesty's subjects in
this Colony, and which we should humbly observe are at variance with the
rights secured to this Colony by Acts of the Legislature, which Acts were
subsequently ratified by Your Majesty.
" Passed the Legislative Council, 24th April, 1872.
" (Signed) EDWARD MORRIS, President.
" Passed the House of Assembly, 24th April, 1872.
" (Signed) THOMAS R. BENNETT, Speaker."
JOINT RESOLUTIONS.
Journal of the House of Assembly of Newfoundland for 1874. — Page 104.
23rd April, 1874.
" The Chairman reported from the Committee, that they had considered
the business to them referred, and had come to certain resolutions thereon,
which they had directed him to report to the House, and he handed the
resolutions in at the Clerk's table, where they were read, as follows : —
D
34 Report on the Newfoundland Fishery Question.
" Resolved, — That this Committee having had under consideration the
report of the joint Committee of the Legislative Council and this House,
adopted by both branches in the Session of 1867, on the subject of French
right of fishery on the coast of this Island, together with the despatch of the
Right Hon. the Earl of Kimberley to his Excellency the Governor,
bearing date the 6th August, 1873, are of opinion that with the view of
terminating the long-pending contentions that have arisen respecting the
rights of both nations under the Treaties, it is expedient that negotia-
tions should be resumed for that purpose on the basis of the said report,
as suggested in the said despatch, which report, with some amendments, is
as follows : —
"1st. Your Committee submit that no question can arise, under the
Treaties, as to the dominion of the soil on the so-called French shore, in
common with the whole I4and of Newfoundland, belonging to the Crown
of Great Britain ; and such right in all negotiations between the two nations
on the subjeet of the Treaties has never been impeached ; but certain pri-
vileges are claimed by the French under these Treaties and accompanying
Declarations, in making erections and otherwise on the coast for fishing
purposes; and it is contended that British subjects are prohibited from
having fixed settlements there.
" 2nd. Your Committee further submit that, without French permission,
it is lawful for British subjects to construct buildings and reside therein for
purposes apart from those of fishery, and to make use of the strand for all
purposes essential to the exercise of the territorial dominion of the interior
land, and that the term ' fixed settlements,' referred to in His Britannic
Majesty's Declaration, applies only to such as are in connection with the
fisheries. On the coast are French establishments of a substantial character,
unauthorised by the Treaties.
" 3rd. It would appear to your Committee that the objection to issuing
grants and licenses has arisen from the construction given by the French to
their Treaty rights to the use of the shore in connection with the fishery ;
and whilst it is advisable that any uncertainty on this point thould be
removed by amicable arrangement, yet your Committee submit that the
territory being unquestionably in Great Britain, the local executive is
authorised to issue grants and licenses for agricultural, mining, and other
purposes, which have not for their object the interruption of the French by
competition in the fishery. Your Committee are, however, aware that in the
construction of the Treaties as regards the respective rights and privileges of
the subjects of both notions, there has not been general acquiescence, and
they would recommend a concurrence in any fair adjustment for the better
observance and execution of existing Treaties which did not concede any
further rights of fishery to the French on the coast of this Island, nor any
rights or privileges whatever at Belle Isle and Labrador.
" With this view, and in the acceptance of the suggestions of Her Majesty's
Imperial Government for resumption of negotiations with the Government
of France, in order that the utilisation of territorial rights may no longer be
obstructed —
"Your Committee recommend that the Legislature should state to Her
Report on the Newfoundland Fishery Question. 35
Majesty's Government that they are not prepared to agree to any concessions
to the Government of France which should convey to the French rights of
fishery which they do not now possess, under existing Treaties ; but they
would recommend the Legislature to consent that the valuable and im-
portant right to purchase bait, both herring and caplin, on the southern
coast, be conceded to the French, at such times as British subjects may law-
fully take the same, upon the terms herein contained being agreed upon.
" It being thus clearly understood that any further concession with regard
to rights of fishery are to be excluded from the negotiations, your Committee
are of opinion that it would be desirable, for the interest of all parties, if Her
Majesty's Government should be able to make such an arrangement with the
Government of France as would embrace the following matters, viz. :—
" 1st. The establishment of a Joint Naval Commission, which shall only
take cognisance of such matters as relate to the fisheries, and in case of dis-
agreement reference be made to the respective Governments; all other
questions to be dealt with by competent authorities.
" 2nd. That the existing British Settlements in St. George's Bay, Cod
Roy and Bay of Islands, Bonne Bay, and White Bay shall remain undis-
turbed ; and there shall be no interruption by the French to fishing by the
British in those Bays, nor interference with their buildings and enclosures
there, nor with any erection or buildings on any part of the coast where the
French have a temporary right of fishing, which do not actually interfere
with the fishing privileges of the French, as shall be determined by the
Commissioners ; nor shall British subjects be molested in fishing on any
part when they do not actually interrupt the French by their competition,
the claim asserted by the French to the exclusive right of fishery not being
warranted by the terms of her Treaties.
" 3rd. That no building or enclosure which shall have been erected for five
years shall be removed as interfering with the French fishing privileges,
without compensation, to be determined only by the Commissioners ; but no
compensation shall be payable for any such building or enclosure hereafter
erected without consent of the Commissioners.
" 4th. That the Commissioners should determine the limit or boundary
line to which the French may prosecute their fishery ; the British having the
exclusive right of salmon and all other fishing in rivers.
" 5th. That the breadth of strand of which the French should have the
right of temporary use for fishing purposes should be defined, thus removing
objections to grants of land for all purposes beyond the boundary so to be
defined, and within the same for mining purposes, right being reserved to
the British Government to erect on such strand works of a military or other
public character; and to British subjects for wharves and buildings neces-
sary for mining, trading, and other purposes, apart from the fishery, in places
selected with the permission of the Commissioners.
" Passed the House of Assembly, 23rd April, 1874."
D 2
(86)
FIEST OEDINAKY GENEEAL MEETING.
THE First Meeting of the Session 1875-6 was held on Tuesday,
December 14th, at the Pall Mall Bestaurant. ,
In the unavoidable absence of his Grace the Duke of Man-
chester, the chair was taken by Major-General Sir CHARLES
DAUBENEY, K.C.B.
Mr. F. YOUNG (Honorary Secretary) having read the minutes of
the last Ordinary General Meeting, the same were confirmed. He
also announced that since last meeting sixty-two new Fellows had
been elected — twenty-nine resident and twenty-three non-resident,
and read a long list of books which had been presented to the
Institute.
Mr. F. YOUNG stated that it had been proposed by the Council to
make a slight alteration in one of the rules of the Institute, so that
the number of Vice-Presidents may be increased; and such inten-
tion had been notified in the usual way, by being put up in the rooms
for one month before the first General Meeting. The alteration
which was now submitted to the members for approval was as
f jllows : —
" That instead of the words not exceeding ' twelve ' in cap. 1 sec. 3 of
the Rules, the words not exceeding ' twenty ' be inserted."
The resolution, having been put by the CHAIRMAN, was unani-
mously carried.
Mr. WILSON then read the following paper :—
ACCLIMATISATION.
To such of us, at all events, as have had any experience of
Australia, it should not be necessary to say much in favour of the
project of acclimatisation, for there, indeed, we are pretty nearly
all acclimatised together. Having brushed aside — perhaps in a
somewhat too peremptory manner — our dusky fellow-subjects, the
original occupants of the soil, we have occupied their lands, with
what success my hearers very well know. We have taken with
us almost all — if not absolutely all — the useful and beautiful
animals by which we have been accustomed to surround ourselves.
And we have found, I think without a single exception, that they
thrive at least equally well as in their old homes, — some of them
certainly very much better than in the lands from which we
brought them.
In ventilating the idea of acclimatisation, we have long felt the
want of a new word more accurately defining our meaning. What
Acclimatisation. 37
we seek to do is rather to distribute the good things of the earth
than necessarily to acclimatise them. In what we have done we
have discovered some wonderful facilities for adaptation to a new
climate and a new set of surroundings ; but, as a rule, our principal
efforts should probably be directed to simpler forms of distribution
— taking the good things of one country to some other country, or
rather, to all other countries, in which all those good things might
be advantageously introduced and established.
It seems a singular factthat in the complete furnishing of the earth,
so much has been left for us to do. A bountiful Providence has
showered upon mankind a profusion of good things, but whether
from wanton disregard, from a lazy want of observation, or from
whatever other cause, there seems to have been a singular
negligence in the use of opportunities of distributing them. It
seems as if the task had been left to us of conveying suitable things
from one place to another, and we have been contented to perform
this task in a very perfunctory and hap-hazard way.
We are assured by our scientific friends that animated nature
presents us with, I think, about one hundred and forty thousand
varieties ; and of all this prodigious wealth of beauty and ex-
cellence of various forms, we have practically — at least so far as
domestication is concerned — only availed ourselves of some thirty
or forty ! In fact, I think it would puzzle our friends to enumerate
more than that number of things with which we have thoroughly
identified ourselves.
Much has undoubtedly been done in the acclimatisation or dis-
tribution of useful things, but what has been done seems to be almost
trivial in comparison with the possibilities ; and I have long
argued that what has been done, whether by private enterprise or
by public effort, is a mere fraction in the work that we have to do.
I hold that this is the proper interpretation of the original command
to man : " Be fruitful and multiply, and replenish the earth, and
subdue it ; and have dominion over the fish of the sea, and over the
fowl of the air, and over every living thing that moveth upon the
earth." I consider that it is a waste of opportunity to have done so
little, and that, having paved the way by opening up fresh
countries by conquest or colonisation, the grand scheme of
distribution should be elaborated scientifically, systematically, and
exhaustively. I hold that we should never rest until every country
on earth is duly furnished with every good thing which that
country is capable of maintaining.
And here I wish to say explicitly that in the term " good " I
refer to things not simply useful in a practical and economic or
38 Acclimatisation.
mercantile sense, but good in the sense of adding in any way to
the legitimate enjoyment of mankind.
Having helped to agitate this idea in many circles for many
years, and in that process having been associated with many most
excellent and philanthropic men, I have been struck with the
difficulty of impregnating the minds even of such men with tho
entirety of this idea. One has a speciality of one kind — another is
apt to have formed a very energetic opinion in some other
direction ; but I have rarely found any man capable of enter-
taining the idea of the exhaustive application of the process of
distribution.
I have somewhere endeavoured to illustrate my meaning by
remarking that with no wish to underrate the value of any
contribution to any section of society, it has been my object to apply
the adaptation of this principle literally to all, to fairly grapple
with the grandest of such efforts, but never to rest in dealing
even with the comparatively insignificant. I do not seek
simply to furnish new articles of export or import to the merchant
and manufacturer. I do not wish to limit ourselves to adding
new forms of useful productions to the gardener or the agri-
culturalist. I do not ask you to stop at a desire to supply fresh
forms of amusement to the sportsman. I wish to do all that can be
done legitimately in all these directions. But, as I have stated
elsewhere, my interpretation of the project of acclimatisation has a
scope beyond all this, and which will never be adequately fulfilled till,
including all the good things of the various sections of the
community to which I have alluded, we have exhausted everything
that a beneficent Creator has afforded. A prominent feature in
our scheme is, by attention to even seeming trivialities, to lighten
the path of the wayfarer and to furnish new pets to the child.
To those who have studied what can be done in this way, and
have had some little opportunity of observing the wonderful effects
of efforts to render the world more interesting and beautiful, it
becomes a matter of the most pleasurable contemplation as to how
interesting and how beautiful the world would become, if full
justice were done to this scheme.
We have all felt in our trips by land or by water what interest
was given to the day in putting up a few coveys of partridges ; in
the rousing of a hare, springing from her lair close under our
feet ; in a flight of flying fish ; or in a sudden flitting across the
landscape of a flock of bright-coloured paroquets.
There is no vast practical value in any of these things, but their
passing across our fields of vision adds life, and colour, and
Acclimatisation. 39
incident to our daily existence ; and I want to see a great deal
more of this. At present it seems as if the world were only
partially furnished, as if, in point of fact, we were contented to
drag on existence in a world ludicrously unfurnished, as compared
with its capabilities. What should we think of Her Gracious
Majesty, if we heard that she entertained her guests at her splendid
palace at Windsor upon bare deal tables, and allowed them to sleep
on the ground ? How would our club-houses in Pall Mall and
St. James's-street look if supplied only with the fittings of an
ordinary barrack or national school ? We have long since been
told, in his own cheery way, by our noble President, how happily
he passed the day of attaining his majority, riding over the wilds
of North America in a pair of corduroy trousers, much split across
the knees. But we should feel greatly surprised if he had carried
such primitive doings into his maturer life, and startled his friends
at the " Carlton," the House of Lords, or in the stately halls of
Kimbolton, with -any such apparition as he described. And yet
this represents the condition with which we content ourselves
in regions which, however delightful and however capable of beauty,
would be infinitely more beautiful and infinitely more delightful, if
adequately furnished with everything that Nature has so bountifully
supplied.
I was riding, recently, through one of our English parks —
exceedingly beautiful, umbrageous, and furnished with all that
hydrangea, fern, and rhododendron could supply ; but as I
passed out at the gate, after a ride of something like three miles,
I remarked to my companion that I thought we had not seen
a single living thing !
Now let us fancy what a dreadful waste of opportunity is here
represented. Without any great stretch of the imagination
perhaps fifty things could be suggested which would have lent
variety and animation to the scene— not necessarily expensive,
not necessarily entailing any elaborate treatment or care — to
render a ride through such regions one continuous round of
enjoyment, instead of leaving upon the mind that dreary sense of
solitude and of wasted opportunity.
In the remarks with which I am intending to trouble you, I wish
to make it distinctly understood that in the project of acclima-
tisation according to my interpretation, is included the whole
vegetable as well as animal kingdom, although those who know me
best consider that having rather a craze in the latter department,
I may not be very earnest in the former. On the contrary, no one
can have formed a higher estimate than myself of our duty in
40 Acclimatisation.
covering the earth with beautiful forms of vegetation, and adding
to our useful products of the garden, the orchard, the farm, and the
forest.
After glancing hastily at the remarkable successes lately achieved
ia India through the introduction of the tea-plant and the cin-
chona, and trying to estimate the future results of those valuable
plants, let us look for a moment at what is being done in various
parts of the earth by some of the native trees of Australia. We
have, of course, all heard of the Eucalyjrtus globtihis, and may notice
the very frequent references to that wonderful tree which meet us
constantly in the papers. Opinions are divided as to the merits
associated by enthusiasts with this tree ; and men of high scientific
attainments still challenge the authenticity of the reports of its
more sanguine adherents. At the same time, it is worth while
remembering the very important fact that, from some cause or
another, where the gum-tree grows swamps appear to lose their
deadly character. The astonishing power of this tree in the con-
sumption of stagnant water has been tested by actual experiment
by a scientific American, who calculates that a moderate-sized tree
will drink up something like seventy gallons of water in twenty-
four hours, giving out in return that peculiar aromatic odour which
many people believe to be a specific against miasma.
I have always taken humbler ground in advocating the claims of
this won'derful tree. It is adapted for a very large area of the
more temperate regions of the earth. It is stated by Dr. Mueller
to be the fastest-growing tree in the world ; and if it has no other
merit, it has that very important one of being good fuel.
But trees have other uses than this. We have reason to believe
that the welfare of many nations has been seriously compromised
by the reckless destruction of their timber ; that the climate has
been thereby modified, the rainfall influenced, and the whole order
of the seasons greatly affected. We are accustomed to hear Spain
referred to warningly in this respect ; and those of us who have
travelled through that country must have been impressed with the
parched and arid look of immense portions of its surface.
We may then glance at the wonderful results of the cultivation
of the larch in Scotland. The larch is not indigenous to Scotland,
and yet what wonderful effects have been produced by its diligent
cultivation ! Hill-sides have been clothed, the landscape has been
beautified, shelter has been given to varied crops and varied forms
of stock ; and it would be difficult to enumerate the advantages
that the introduction of this one beautiful tree has conferred upon
our industrious and intelligent neighbours in the North. I was
Acclimatisation. 41
lately speaking to a very competent authority about the condition
of New Zealand, and was assured that unless attention were paid
to the effective clothing of that country with some form of timher,
before the native forests are destroyed, the results could not fail to
be most disastrous. From the peculiar form of those islands, and
their situation in latitudes liable to prodigiously high winds, the
whole country would be so blown over by perpetually recurring
tempests, that, without adequate tree protection, it would be
impossible to do justice to their otherwise great opportunities.
It is only the student of trees who can heartily appreciate the
value of this form of addition to our landscape ; but, considering
the illimitable variety available in form and colour, there seems
something really sad in the small devotion of public attention to
this department of the development of the resources of the different
nations, particularly of the temperate zones.
It was with great pleasure that I lately came accidentally into
contact with a gentleman at the head of the Forest Department of
one of the Indian Presidencies, and found how thoroughly they
were impressed with their necessities in this way, and what admi-
rable steps they were taking to do justice to the occasion. I was,
however, very grieved to learn from him that so little attention is
devoted to forestry as a national object in England, that we had to
send away our young men, preparing themselves for forest cultiva-
tion, to schools in Germany to fit them for future usefulness in
such work. Is it not a little shocking that a country with the
dependencies of Great Britain, with all their splendid varieties of
soil and site and climate, should not recognise as thoroughly as
any people the importance of this special branch of what we call
acclimatisation ?
I now wish to'point to a particular feature of this great scheme,
to which I want energetically to direct the attention of my hearers.
The project being large, and the subjects to be dealt with being
very various, it seems obvious that different forms of enterprise are
not only permissible, but requisite. Some things may be fairly
introduced by the individual, some things may be properly left to
the enterprise of associations, some things rise to the dignity of
national effort, and can only be properly dealt with by national
resources. It is in this latter department that I think we shall
find a lamentable deficiency. Statesmen and politicians are too
absorbed, forsooth, in the details of their several routines to con-
descend to such forms of usefulness as these. Yet, allowing great
scope to private enterprise and to co-operative association, there
still seem some things so large that only national resources can
42 Acclimatisation.
properly cope with them ; and it seems a pity that Government?,
naturally humane and beneficent, should not spare some portion c f
their attention for such directions as these. In point of fact, it
seems almost as if we were going backward. It would, I think,
puzzle my hearers to quote any great national effort of this kind in
recent years ; although we all know that in the romantic catas-
trophe of the Bounty resulting in the formation of one of the
most interesting communities in the world, that of the Pitcairn
Islanders, Captain Bligh was at the time of the mutiny engaged
in a Queen's ship in conveying the bread-fruit tree from the South
Sea Islands to the West Indies.
I shall not soon forget the circumstance of my broaching a pro-
position of a similar nature to the late Duke of Newcastle. In
those days we were stumbling about in the preliminary stages of
the experiment of conveying the salmon to Australia, a project in
which our friend Mr. Youl has since been so brilliantly successful.
I tried to convince his Grace that amongst the less employed of
the vessels of the Eoyal Navy some one might be set apart for so
interesting an experiment as this. It is something, in these
matter-of-fact modern days, to be able to stagger an English Duke
and Cabinet Minister ; and I shall not readily forget the expression
with which the Duke asked me what I thought John Bright would
say if he heard that the Queen's ships were being converted into
herring-boats ? I need scarcely add that my very startling pro-
posal received no acceptance ; although I must say, in justice to
the Duke of Newcastle, that he always showed the most sympa-
thetic feeling for the whole project of acclimatisation, and once
encouraged us with the remark, that " it assumed almost a form of
creation itself."
Here I would, by the way, render hearty homage to the ready
reception of our overtures on the part of another Duke and Cabinet
Minister, and especially as the concession then so frankly made
is capable, I believe, of being utilised to a much greater extent than
wo are at all at present aware of. I went as one of a deputation,
many years ago, to the Duke of Somerset, who was then the First
Lord of the Admiralty, and endeavoured to interest him in our
project, and to secure his co-operation through the vessels of Her
Majesty's service. We were received in the most kindly and sym-
pathetic manner, and there and then was issued an order, still
existent, to all captains in the Navy to render to our cause every
service in their power.
Of this very much greater use may be made than what at first
may seem probable. In the process of distribution those things
Acclimatisation. 43
seein most thoroughly adapted to a country which come from some
other country corresponding in climate, latitude, &c. For instance,
take the three countries of nearly corresponding latitudes — South
America, South Africa, and Australia. We find them provided, in
the one case, with the cassowary ; in the second, with the ostrich ;
in the third, with the emu — three birds in many respects ana-
logous, and leading to well-founded expectations that where any
one of the three can live, all three can live equally well. But
between countries of corresponding latitudes there is but little
opportunity of traffic, as the productions of those countries so
nearly correspond that there is not much opportunity of inter-
change, and consequently of inter-communication by ship. In
such circumstances, it seems obvious that a little timely assistance
rendered by unemployed vessels-of-war might greatly hasten on
this replenishing of the earth, for which I am humbly pleading,
and supply new forms of beauty and usefulness in directions to
which it would be otherwise difficult to convey them.
I have .often looked at the fine, roomy decks of those large ships,
and thought of the more than motherly care bestowed by honest
Jack upon anything in the nature of a pet confided to his charge,
and have mourned over the small results from such splendid
opportunities.
Let us take a case in point. I select the herring of our northern
seas. Let us reflect, in the first place, upon the prodigious num-
bers in which it visits our coasts ; the rich harvests it affords to
some of the most manly and enterprising of our race ; the oppor-
tunity it gives for the cultivation of the very best seamen in the world.
That my hearers may form some adequate idea of the importance of
this fish, both as an article of export and as one contributing to
the food of the people, it may be stated that in the year 1874
no fewer than 2,047,599 barrels, containing on an average 700 fish
each, were caught by boats owned by Great Britain and Ireland,
and of this quantity more than a million barrels were exported.
Then let us consider the ease with which this useful fish is pre-
served, and rendered capable of transmission to the very ends cf
the earth, and its astonishing savoriness when it gets there. Let
us, last and not least, trace its power, in rendering palatable food
otherwise insipid. I ask you to accompany me to the Irish cabin,
in which poverty and unsatisfied appetite are apt to take such
sorrowful forms, and appreciate, as far as one can appreciate, the
virtues of that highly-flavoured little fish, which is reported to add
relish to the family dish, and even when reduced to its infinitesimal
form, at once leads to the economising of the family resources,
44 Acclimatisation.
and stimulates the imagination of the child, in constituting an
ingredient of the meal known as " potatoes and point."
We have already, I understand, in the Southern Hemisphere, a
very excellent fish nearly related to the hen-ing — I mean the
pilchard, which sometimes shows iDaulf in shoals upon our coasts
in Australia, and of which I have recently heard very favourable
reports when found along the shores of South Africa. The exist-
ence of so nearly related a congener would seem to point to the
obvious suitableness of the vast southern oceans for the herring ;
and I ask my hearers to imagine the service rendered to mankind
by the transmission of such a fish to seas of such expanse. It does
not seem as if the transmission of the herring to the south should
be a matter of any serious difficulty. It would not require to be
nursed during long months with the'paternal care lavished by Mr.
Youl upon his favourite salmon. It seems as if all that would be
necessary would be to secure the ova in a fertile condition in these
temperate seas, and convey it as rapidly as possible into seas of
corresponding latitude in the southern hemisphere. Set Mr. Frank
Buckland a job like this, and within a few weeks the thing would
be done, and we might leave it to the herring itself to indicate its
arrival on all our coasts in its own peculiar way, and in its charac-
teristic wealth of numbers.
If it be argued that there is anything infra dig. in the employ-
ment of ships provided for the noble game of war in offices com-
paratively so insignificant as the conveyance of the spawn of fish,
I think it would be well for us occasionally to remodel our estimate
of the relative value of the victories of war as compared with the
less pretentious victories of peace. To the practical mind, influ-
enced fairly, if not extravagantly, by conceptions of utilitarianism,
there is something exceedingly horrifying in the waste apparent in
the simple preparation for possible wars. We go on board one of
the splendid vessels constituting, for instance, our Channel Fleet,
and we see expensiveness of the most pronounced type meeting us
at every step. Thousands of the finest fellows in the world are
idling away their time, and pining for more active and more intel-
ligent employment. We may, unhappily, want them some day for
the final purpose for which they are engaged ; but that day may
never come, and meantime it seems to me a form of waste amount-
ing to absolute sinfulness to lose any opportunity of utilising such
tremendous forms of usefulness. The men themselves would be
very much better occupied by some simple form of employment,
and they would feel prouder and more contented in their several
spheres if they were impressed with the idea that they were doing
Acclimatisation. 45
something of a useful character. These ships, during the winter
months, are many of them ordered off to milder climates for the
sake of the health of the crews. They go to Madeira, Lisbon,
Oporto, or wherever else it may be. It seems to me that they
might still go to a mild climate, and be employed in the meantime.
They should, of course, be kept within reach of recall. For, if the
worst came to the worst, even Prince Bismarck, in his most fero-
cious mood, will never be able to eat us up in a week ; and, in any
case, vessels might be better employed in such work in pleasant,
sunny seas, than in running one another down in an Irish fog.
We ought, I think, as a nation, to do a great deal more than we
do in such directions. It might save us from imputations very
unpleasant, and not unattended with formidable danger. In recent
years, for instance, we have shown our hatred of war and its
horrors to such an extent that we are apt to be charged by our
Continental neighbours with having lost our grand old heroic
spirit — with having become tainted with a low mercenary sentiment,
and with having sunk into liability to pusillanimous terrors. This
is a very bad character to have, and the fact of such a suspicion
existing may lead some day to such insult or line of policy upon
the part of other powerful States as may result in a terrible retri-
bution. Would it not be better to be able to say to such Powers,
" We do not believe in wars. We see the folly of such prodigious
expenditure in preparation for such murderous business. We
think we can employ the flower of our youth better than in dress-
ing them in special array, and reserving them for the murder of
then- fellow-creatures. We do this because we have become con-
vinced of the mischiefs and horrors of war — not from cowardice,
not from having lost that warlike spirit, of which we have shown
some signs in tunes past, not even from motives of a narrow
economy. The same sums which you waste in so objectionable a
manner we spend in exploration, in colonisation, in the interchange
of all kinds of valuable commodities, and in covering the earth with
all manner of good things. If you ask us what we are doing with
the flower of our manhood, we point to the Northern and Southern
Poles, to the least known regions of the sources of the Nile, to the
centre of Australian deserts, to the heights of the Kocky Mountains
and the Himalayas. As the principal explorers, colonisers, mer-
chants, and acclimatisers of the earth, we find an ample and an
adequate mode of expenditure. And we ask you whether it is not
better so to employ our more energetic spirits than in condemning
them to the barracks and the parade-ground : so to employ our
money than in wasting it in gunpowder and pipe-clay."
46 Acclimatisation.
Let us take another case, adapted apparently for national effort
— the transference from South Africa to Australia of some of that
prodigious wealth of animal life in which the former so abounds.
In Australia there is no indigenous deer or antelope. In South
Africa there are such varieties of animal life that their enumera-
tion would be tedious. How interesting to introduce amongst our
Australian colonies some of those beautiful types. But South
Africa, like Australia, produces wheat, and wool, and wine,
the orange, the fig, and the olive. And the very similarity of pro-
ducts, which seem to indicate ease of adaptation in a new thing,
arrests intercommunication and prevents traffic. A Queen's ship or
two, in their passages round the Cape, might render services which,
not so offered, might never otherwise be available.
And now for a glance at our fresh-water fishes. Has it ever
occurred to my hearers to calculate the awful waste of space and
opportunity in the still waters of this country ? While we have
the lordly salmon sailing up and down our rivers, we can, perhaps,
have little to urge as to the occupation of our running waters. Of
course, much more scope should be given him by sweeping away
the little, miserable obstructions by which one landholder tries to
steal a march upon another in securing more than his fair share
of the salmon as they pass to and fro. Still, at all events, the
rivers are tolerably provided with very beautiful fish. But what
can we say of our ponds, canals, and some of our smaller lakes ?
We can say carp, and tench, and roach, and pike. Is there no
better fish in all the world for such purposes than these ? It is
urged that with proper attention in the preparation even they may
be made eatable ; but I demur altogether to the recognition of a
fish which is greatly dependent on its cooking for becoming pala-
table food. A fish, like every other animal, should have some
decided excellence in itself ; and I have every reason to believe
that there are plenty of better fishes in the world which might
easily be introduced and cultivated in our still fresh waters to very
much better effect than our little bony and muddy friends that I
have enumerated. We once succeeded in sending home living
specimens of the Murray cod of Australia, which does very well
there in our waterholes, stagnant during several months at a time,
and which might be found to suit the English climate. I am far
from saying that this is the most suitable of all fish ; on the con-
trary, I should think that there must be many others much more
suitable. I believe there are several kinds of fish in the North
American waters which might easily be introduced. And I have
seen the sterlet in the tanks of the Brighton Aquarium, which I
Acclimatisation. 47
have also seen swimming in the tanks of the markets in North
Germany, and which is reported to be a very manageable and pala-
table fish.
If we once get a good fish, we ought then to utilise our still waters
much more thoroughly than we do, combining perhaps with
that utilisation the forms of amusement which seem to be so
popular. A pond should be treated like a poultry-yard — furnished
Tv'ith a certain quantity of its special occupants, and these duly
supplied with some sort of food, causing them to pass rapidly to a
useful and edible stage, and constituting the water, like the land,
11 u available addition to our resources in the way of food supply.
What can be done in that way may be judged of by a statement
made to me by the late Mr. Fennell, that one of the proprietors on
the Tay had let his fishing for something like six thousand a year ;
but by mismanagement the tenants had rendered the thing unpro-
fitable, and had to give up the arrangement. On this the proprie-
tor took the matter into his own hands, placed it under proper
supervision, cleared a profit of twelve thousand a year, paying
him a better rental per acre, Mr. Fennell assured me, than any
dry laud he had in the county.
Let us imagine, then, the enormous space devoted to ponds,
minor lakes, canals, &c., over the United Kingdom, now almost
useless ; and let us try to estimate what that area would produce in
circumstances of proper scientific and systematic cultivation.
Thus far I have instanced those things the treatment of which I
consider either suited to national effort or to the action of asso-
ciations. When we come to minor matters with which individuals
are in the highest degree competent to deal, I wish, after some
little experience in such matters, to give my hearers a hint which,
if accepted, may be a source of very great happiness to them.
While surrounded more or less continuously by such beautiful
things as those whose cause I am pleading, the mere happiness of
.such surrounding is dependent to a great extent upon the associa-
tion of idea. The same thing will supply a very varying amount
of enjoyment to different individuals. One person may have an
extreme appreciation of colour, of beauty of form, of special ele-
ments of movement, of excellence of song, or of some other quality
in an object. And thus it is that one person walks through the
country or lounges in a garden absorbed in some consideration
miles away from the objects by which he is surrounded, while
another plunges with an ecstacy beyond expression into every little
detail of which alone the educated and sympathetic nature is
capable. But imagine the pleasure of appreciation of a particular
48 Acclimatisation.
form of beauty, of whatever kind, to one who has done something
to introduce that particular form of beauty into new regions, and
to bring it under the notice of other appreciative eyes and ears.
I wish to make this distinctly understood, and I would take an
illustration which occurs to me very frequently in my country
walks.
In the year 1858 I sent out to Melbourne, under the care of a
kind and attentive friend, a consignment of the common song
thrush of England. They were turned out in the neighbourhood
of Melbourne, soon bred, and freely scattered over a considerable
area, and when I was last in the colony I noticed them in the
gardens around Melbourne fluttering about the bushes, and singing
as cheerfully as in their native land. Since that day the song of
the thrush has been productive of a degree of pleasure to my ears
very difficult to describe ; for admiring, as one must admire, the
wonderful richness and beauty of its note, I always feel that in
having done something to introduce to new observers that admir-
able quality of song, the song itself reaches my ears with very
greatly enhanced agreeableuess. Indeed, I often think that nobody
in the world hears the thrush sing with the pleasure that I hear it.
And I say to any one who may feel inclined to challenge this state-
ment, " Go and try the experiment."
Is it too much to hope that out of the large number of men who
have attained such brilliant success in the splendid dependencies of
the Empire, it should become a sort of fashion for each one to take
up some one or two obviously suitable additions to the country with
which he has been specially identified, and never rest until he has
made it his own ? Is it not a sort of duty that we owe to the
countries which have done so well by us ? Such service would be
a graceful tribute, and free us from imputations which I am afraid
many of us deserve ; in showing a disposition on our part to regard
success of a very remarkable degree more as a result of the magni-
ficent opportunities which have been afforded us, than as proceeding
from any transcendent merits of our own.
There are small things and inexpensive coming within the scope
of our scheme as well as the more pretentious things to which I
have alluded. For instance, by a recent ship I sent out to Mel-
bourne a consignment of the common glow-worm, having twice
before succeeded in landing them in the colony apparently quite
healthy, and lighting their beautiful little lamps as cheerfully as
in an English lane. One might be asked, " Why send out
such trivial things as glow-worms ? " But I have all along
endeavoured to vindicate the claims of the comparatively trivial.
Acclimatisation. 49
Let us fancy what an addition might be made to our beautiful
summer evenings in Australia by a few things like these ! The
young people of those lands, like the young people of other lands,
will fall in love with one another, and will indulge in their evening
rambles ; and, as in other lands/probably they will occasionally fall
a little short of topics for conversation. What debt of gratitude
would they, so circumstanced, not owe to anyone who should pro-
vide them with such materials as the light of the glow-worm and
the song of the nightingale ?
Another hint — trivial, but suggestive. At my own place I have
a sheet of water, with a small island in the centre, covered with
rhododendrons, magnolias, and some larger trees. In the course
of last summer it occurred to me, as a happy inspiration, that
this little island had worn sufficiently long its comparatively un-
tenanted look, and that I ought to take steps for its occupation. I
consequently placed on it a couple of the little monkeys which our
kind friend, Mr. Jamrach, so readily supplies at so moderate a
price. And the success has been so pronounced as to elevate the
whole thing into a distinct discovery. I really do not know when
I have seen anything mpre enjoyable than the darting about over
the upper branches of the trees of these playful and beautiful little
creatures. They have, of course, to be taken in for shelter during
the winter months ; but during summer they have retained their
health perfectly, and have seemed to be as happy as the day was
long. Having myself seen the wild monkey in Ceylon, and also
watched the little party which has long delighted the inhabitants
of the Rock of Gibraltar, I knew pretty well the amusement that
these little things would afford in a semi-wild condition ; but I had
no idea, until I had the opportunity of watching leisurely the
doings of these little creatures, of the great enjoyment derivable
from their wonderful playfulness, gracefulness, and agility. Indeed,
I have often found myself led to think that our good friend Mr.
Darwin, when he walked off with our tails, has also, perhaps, been
guilty of depriving us at the same time of many of our most en-
gaging and attractive qualities.
The peopling of the little island with such interesting inhabitants
lias also had another good effect ; for their fame has spread rather
widely through the neighbourhood, and the young people are pro-
mised by affectionate parents that if they will but keep quiet and
behave prettily for a certain length of time they shall be brought
down the first fine day to see me and my monkeys. And, in thus
being able to hold out an incentive to youthful virtue, it is a
pleasure to feel that there still lingers in one's path some forms
E
50 Acclimatisation.
of usefulness ; and, rapidly waning as one's opportunities may be
in larger matters, it is a great comfort to find oneself fit to be thus
classed with Mrs. Winslow's Soothing Syrup, and other mucli-
prized narcotics, as a "real blessing to mothers."
There is a deeper value in all this than at first sight appears to
be the case. In devoting one's attention to matters like these, little
by little grows up the unspeakable love for all these things. It is
singular to notice how rapidly and inevitably that love grows ; and
in varying and enhancing the attractions of a country life to our
young people, we lead their thoughts into healthier channels than
they are apt sometimes to find, and do more than we can well
calculate in diverting their ideas from the frivolities and dissipations
of the town.
And to the grown man not less than to the child are hints like
these capable of useful application. How many of us do we see
impressed with too great earnestness in a special pursuit, and that
pursuit running more immediately in the direction of money !
Over and over again have I pleaded seriously with most estimable
men so situated, and have begged of them, almost on my knees, to
consider whether some modification of life would not be advantageous
to them and all belonging to them. " You are rich enough," I have
said, "too rich probably; for, when you are no longer here, the
money which you are so anxious to store up will probably make
your sons idle and hand over your daughters to the fortune-hunter.
Modify your efforts in that way — accept the relaxation of a little
holiday-making, pleasantly applied, and keep yourselves alive as the
advisers of your sons and daughters during the more critical phases
of their careers, instead of hurrying through the counting-house to
the grave, leaving behind you overloaded coffers, which will work
more harm than good even to those you love the best."
It is sad to one of country tastes to notice most intelligent people
habitually rushing into the narrow courts and alleys of this murky
city, spending the long hours of every week-day in gloomy, half-lit
offices, and burying themselves in what I call the rabbit-warrens
and rat-holes of E.G., when they might beneficially afford a certain
percentage of their time for purer air, and for identification with
things which they would find more delightful than they can believe,
if they would but take the trouble to become intimate with them.
We must now turn to a very serious department of this scheme.
I allude to the possible mischiefs which may be done by the intro-
duction, by accident or mistake, of something which may turn out
to be objectionable ; and this is a matter which deserves very grave
consideration, as any mistake is calculated greatly to add to the
Acclimatisation. 51
influence of that very large section of mankind who sneer at all this
kind of enterprise. Any fool can sneer. In fact, as far as niy
observation goes, the more complete the fool the more perfect he is
apt to be in this very mischievous accomplishment. This is an
animal which there is no necessity to acclimatise or distribute.
He is able to take good care of himself. You find him in every
land, making himself perfectly at home, and indicating powers
of reproduction which leave far behind even the rabbit, the rat, or
the house-fly. Poor patient labourers in the cause which I am
advocating have been, and are even now, seriously encumbered by
the sneers of those who, doing little or nothing for the world
themselves, try to compensate for then: apathy and uselessness by
seeking to disparage the work of others.
Meantime, grave mistakes may easily be made, and we must
always be on our guard against the accidental introduction, probably
through the agency of some lurking parasite or seed of noxious
weed, of something which may perhaps creep in amongst more
eligible associates. It has always been held that we owe the
Bathurst Burr, which for a long time gave such trouble to our
settlers in New South Wales, to seeds introduced originally in the
mane? and tails of horses from Valparaiso. We know what the
thistle has done for us in Australia, and remember the aggressive
yellow " Capeweed," which is establishing itself in many parts of
the colonies. We have, of course, heard of the misdeeds of the
sparrow and the rabbit ; and while we are certain to introduce
incidentally such things as the house-fly and the bug, and our
faithful companion the Norway rat, and other troublesome camp
followers which hang on the track of civilised man, we ought to
be always on our guard to minimise these evils as far as possible.
But in dealing with great work we must not be deterred by
craven fear of possible danger. Are we not to have the vine
because of the Pliyloxera vastatrix ? Are we to forego the potato
because some vigilant eye has detected the American beetle ? The
very nature of civilisation involves many such troubles, and we
must deal with them in an intelligent spirit, seeking out the
best mode of coping with a particular trouble, and opposing its
progress with a stern hand. We hear of certain wealthy gentle-
men in Victoria who have been committed to the expenditure of
thousands a year in endeavours to keep down the rabbit. I recol-
lact seeing a paragraph in the Field newspaper many years age,
iatimating that the natural enemy of the rabbit was the black pole-
cat, and that the introduction of a few specimens of that animal
would save all those thousands a year. And, perhaps, when so
E 2
52 Acclimatisation.
modifying natural action as we do by the prosecution of our special
form of enterprise, we ought to accustom ourselves to look to
natural modes of checking nuisances rather than to artificial
modes. Nature has a wonderful faculty for balancing the various
forms of animated life with which she has to deal. If a bird
becomes too numerous, a special hawk appears to have been sent
to keep it in check ; and so throughout the piece.
The sparrows, which are apt to do so much mischief in the
gardens in neighbourhoods to which they have been recently
introduced and in which they most congregate, should have been
dealt with in a very resolute way long before they attained such
a position. A sparrow which comes over the garden-wall in
the early summer after the young peas or ripening fruit, should be
shot in flagrante delicto. When he has once tasted these delicacies
he is perfectly certain to come back, and very soon will bring his
father and mother, brothers and sisters, wife and little ones. He
takes some time to make the discovery, but, having made it, he
becomes a very inveterate character indeed. We unfeathered
bipeds, alas ! have no monopoly of criminality. Amongst sparrows
and wild animals generally there is the convict character, easily dis-
cernible, and just as pronounced as amongst ourselves ; and the
convict must be dealt with as we ought to deal with our own con-
victs— in a very uncompromising manner indeed. A false senti-
mentalism amongst them, as amongst ourselves, may gradually
convert an ordinary well-doer into a very objectionable character.
Crime in pea-stealing, as crime in watch-stealing and bank -breaking,
should be nipped in the bud.
Wild animals are a great deal more amenable to a form of
education than is generally supposed. I say this advisedly, as I
have had many illustrations of it in my own case. On one occasion
I rented a very excellent vineyard, in the fruit of which I was
greatly interested. At the bottom of an adjacent paddock was the
slaughterhouse of the neighbouring village, haunted, as such places
usually are, by the carrion crow of the colony. As my grapes began
to ripen, my men told me that they were so attacked by the crows,
that unless something were done I should not have a single grape.
I gave them a gun or two, and told them when they shot crows to
hang them up by the heels ; and I rigged up in the vineyard a few
scarecrows of more than usually ferocious aspect. My success in
thus checking the attack at its outset was a matter of profound
surprise, and has impressed me ever since. After a few days, not
a crow ever came into that vineyard. I used to see them sailing up
and down along the outside of the fences, glancing towards my
Acclimatisation. 53
grapes with a disdainful eye, and describing me one to another, in
as plain language as a crow could use, as a very bloodthirsty
and disreputable person, with whom no properly-constituted
carrion-crow would be justified in holding any communication
whatever.
It is all very well to laugh at this remark, but those of us who
have mixed, as all of us should seek to mix, with what are some-
times playfully termed "dumb animals," will soon get to learn their
language quite as well as we understand the language of each other;
and in many instances it will be found a much more agreeable lan-
guage than what has been somewhere quaintly described as the
cackle of the daws of parliaments, or the shrieks of the kites of
officialdom.
Perhaps amongst the legitimate functions of acclimatisation
may be enumerated Eradication. In setting about so serious a task
as that of remodelling the arrangements of Nature herself, we ought,
I think, to assert our right to destroy some things for the purpose
of smoothing the path of more valuable things. Many of my
hearers will recollect the terrible ravages of the wild-dog in Aus-
tralia, and the serious expense and anxiety consequent upon his
once almost ubiquitous existence there. We have stood upon very
little ceremony with this rapacious rascal ; and over hundreds of
miles of country where he once roamed, not a single specimen is
now ever seen. Our Indian fellow-subjects ought long since to
have taken example by what we have done in Australia with the
wild dog, in coping with that dreadful character, the tiger. It was a
most shocking thing to hear in the discussion upon the paper read
by Lord Napier of Ettrick to the Society of Arts, that the wild beasts
of India are calculated to destroy annually something like ten
thousand of our fellow-subjects ; ravaging whole districts, condemning
large and fertile tracts to sterility, and horrifying us with the
knowledge that individual animals have been known to have
destroyed one or two hundred of our fellow-creatures. It was a
shocking thing, when the discussion recently occupied the columns
of the daily press, to find any man coming forward to justify the
preservation of the tiger, on the plea that without his existence India
would be so intolerably dull, that the more active spirits amongst
the military and officials would not consent to accept service there.
It is surely a dreadful thing when " sport," as it is called, is pur-
chased at such a price as this.
Eradication may appear a singular form of acclimatisation, but
it is not the less necessary to clear a way for the introduction of a
good thing by the removal of something not so good. And in
54 Acclimatisation.
venturing upon so serious a business as that modification of natural
resources with which it seems to have been a part of the designs of
Providence that we should be charged, one must be prepared to
deal resolutely with an injurious thing, whenever its mischievous -
ness becomes apparent. And we should deal with it not only
resolutely, but with intelligence. I think there is great opportunity
for reducing to a sort of science the process of dealing with
objectionable things. We neglect this too much, and, consequently,
are not only subjected to endless annoyances, but the very process
which I am advocating is objected to by timorous men on the
ground that, in attempting to introduce a good thing you may bo
unconsciously introducing something very seriously objectionable.
Man ought to be more confident in his superior intelligence, and
should be prepared to use that intelligence in keeping the upper
hand of such forms of even serious annoyance. To the sparrow
which comes over the wall, at least as promptly as to the Emperor
who audaciously strides across the boundary of international rights,
one should always be prepared to say — "My friend, I am essentially
a man of peace. But it is as well that it should be always un-
derstood, with the utmost distinctness, that I do not intend to stand
any nonsense of whatever kind." For want of this resolution, and
the knowledge of the necessity of its exercise, with what annoyances
are we not constantly met. We know so well the fussy and incom-
petent house-mistress, helpless in presence of the minor troubles
with which every establishment is apt to be beset. What can we
think of the competency of a poor creature, who babbles of flies,
and gnats, and ants, and who considers that black-bettles and
mice are the necessary accompaniments of cheese and jam ? We
know the ignorant and cowardly gardener, who quails before the
cricket, the woodlouse, the aphis, and the red-spider; and the farmer,
who despairs of his root crops because the turnip-beetle flies forward
open-mouthed and barks at him as he enters the paddock. Wo
ought to accustom ourselves to deal peremptorily and effectually
with all such things. A man has more sense than a sparrow, an
aphis, or a turnip-beetle; and a woman, if she is good for anything,
has more sense than a mouse or a cockroach ! And it is the duty
of people to keep such things in proper subjection.
In a recent paper I saw a notice that the wolves in France num-
bered, with their whelps, each spring about two thousand, and that
each, preying upon live stock to the extent of £40 a year, cost tho
farmers many times that amount in the necessity of folding some-
thing like twenty millions of sheep ! We know what this means by
our experience of Australia, where, as I have said, the dingo has,
Acclimatisation. 55
under the beneficent influence of strychnine, been very extensively
annihilated. A large settler there told me that, in a country once
very subject to their ravages, he has now never seen a single speci-
men for more than fifteen years.
In ah1 that I have said I wish to let it be distinctly understood that
I have dealt with the subject in the capacity of a lover of nature —
in no sense as a sportsman. I wish to see the earth filled up with all
manner of good things, to be utilised in their several ways ; but I
have small sympathy with the man so quaintly described by the
French critic as rising in the morning and saying : " What a fine
day ! Let us go out and kill something !" I cannot understand the
pleasure of inflicting death. It seems to me that the logic of the
thing would point rather in the way of increasing life, to enjoy the
fineness of the morning, than in signalising the pleasant weather
by an act of destruction.
No one, I am certain, can enjoy his walks in the country more
than I have done, although I never saw a fox-hunt, or a hare
coursed, or shot a game bird, in my life. Even in this country,
addicted to sport as it is, I cannot help expressing the belief that
worthy paterfamilias, with an affectionate wife and loving children
dependent upon him, may be better employed than in breaking his
neck over our fences. And it seems singular that a man cannot
enjoy the pleasures of a ramble in the country without seeking for
something to kill ; without encumbering himself with a piece of
complicated ironmongery, weighing from six to nine pounds,
troublesome even when quiescent, and in action noisy, ill-smelling,
and liable to serious accident to oneself or friend.
I now have, in approaching the conclusion of my paper, to
address a few words of friendly remonstrance to a class to which I
think this remonstrance should not have been required. I allude
to our scientific men ; and I say, with some sadness, that it appears
to me that, with a few most honourable exceptions, our scientific
friends have not devoted their attention, and have not given the
assistance to this cause, which the world has a right to have
expected from them.
Such successes as have been achieved have been worked out by
the more ordinary practical men of the world ; and the blunders
that have been made, the expenses that have been uselessly incurred,
the time that has been lost, and the want of perfectness in the
elaboration of the whole scheme, I believe, is in some sort attribu-
table to the want of sympathy with us in quarters in which, I think,
we have had the best title to look for it. One would unwillingly say
anything to hurt the feelings of men, earnest enough in their
56 Acclimatisation.
careers, and favouring the world with invention, discovery, and good
effort of various kinds. But in such work as I have endeavoured to
depict here, it is a sorrowful spectacle to contemplate (if there be
any justice in the suspicion which I throw out) that Science shows
a disposition to stand with folded hands — with a sort of incredu-
lous smile upon her intelligent face, and conveying to us more
earnest spirits a kind .of misgiving that she really does not wish us
to succeed. Why this should be, I am utterly at a loss to conceive.
My interpretation of Science is that one of its special uses is to ren-
der its learning and discovery lyractically useful to the busy world.
And I think that scientific man is false to the great cause which
he represents, who is content to arrange, guard, and survey his
wonderful collections, without being constantly impressed with the
wish to utilise each several thing to the utmost extent of which it
is capable.
One sometimes is driven to wonder whether the only explanation of
such laxity as I seem to see, may be found in the misgiving that
on a future day — thanks to the enterprise of such as are doing so
much to modify the surface of the earth — they will be driven to
the necessity of re-writing their catalogues, and remodelling their
musty old cabinets. But it is sad to think of such knowledge,
stored up in abundance in so many varied quarters, and not as
practically available as it seems that it might be and should be made.
I know what severe things may be said of me in speaking thus
plainly of a section of society for which we all feel so great a res-
pect and affection. I throw out the hint, however, in the most
friendly spirit — in sorrow, not in anger — and I only beg of them,
however indignant they may be with me, to occasionally ask them-
selves whether they have really endeavoured to popularise their
favourite science to the utmost extent of which they conceive it capable.
In this brief review of the arguments for and against this scheme
of acclimatisation, I have said that I have rarely met a man readily
appreciative and receptive of the entire scheme, and that, amongst
many reasons for justifying neglect, it is not very common to find
a good one. One such man I found, and one such reason; and
with a reference to them I will conclude my paper. My friend had
himself done " yeoman's service " in the good cause, and had a heart
for further effort as expansive as the cause itself. We had been
one day discussing its varying phases, when he somewhat startled
me with the most formidable objection I have yet heard to it :
" Why, if the world ever became as varied and interesting, and
bright and beautiful, as this project seeks to make it, we should
none of us ever wish to go to Heaven."
Acclimatisation. 57
DISCUSSION.
Mr. TOMKINSON said his friend Mr. Wilson would be glad to
know that glow-worms had existed to his knowledge in South
Australia for some time. Eabbits, also, were so plentiful there that
it had been found necessary to pass an Act of Parliament to eradi-
cate them; and on one estate above 13,000 rabbits had been
killed in four months. With regard to the suggestion that the
polecat was the natural enemy of the rabbit, he might mention
that a friend of his hi Australia had tried the experiment of placing
cats with their litters into the wombat holes where rabbits bred,
but without success. The kittens and the rabbits fraternised with
each other as a happy family. They had the natural wild cat, a
very destructive creature, which, however, preferred sucking the
blood of domestic fowls.
Mr. J. B. BROWN thought they were greatly indebted to Mr.
Wilson for his excellent paper, so full of truly valuable suggestions.
He hoped the members of the Institute would be especially guarded
on this occasion against taking narrow or contracted views of this
important and interesting subject, as it well deserves to be treated
in the like sympathetic spirit, and on the broad and liberal basis,
Mr. Wilson has himself treated it. He trusted that members
would . direct their earnest attention to the practical question of
how Mr. Wilson's wishes — which might well be the wishes of every-
one who had listened to him — could be carried out, and how some
grand scheme could be brought into immediate use, in which
scientific men, as well as our intelligent Colonial officials, and both
our merchant and Queen's ships could largely and gracefully assist.
He was sure the noble Lord, who now so worthily occupies the
post of Colonial Secretary — and of whose Colonial administration
they all had, irrespective of party, reason to be proud — would give
all the assistance in his power to promote any such beneficent
scheme, and he hoped the subject would in the discussion to-night
be grasped with that grasp and in that spirit to which it was so
eminently and worthily entitled.
Mr. KERBY-NICHOLLS considered the subject of acclimatisation
formed an important link in the great chain which they hoped would
long bind the interests of the Colony to those of the mother country.
The paper referred to what should be done, but they might also
glance at what had already been accomplished. In the Australian
Colonies an inestimable benefit had been conferred by acclimati-
sation in various ways. They all knew that the Continent of
53 Acclimatisation.
Australia possessed a fauna and flora peculiar to itself, both of
which were ill- adapted to the requirements of a white population ;
and some might remember that when Captain Cook first dis-
covered that country, the largest indigenous animal was the kan-
garoo. But what a change had been brought about since then by
a careful system of acclimatisation ! Australia could now boast a
large white population, owning, according to the latest statistics —
he would give the figures in round numbers — 1,000,000 horses,
5,000,000 horned cattle, and 43,000,000 sheep. Nor were these
animals of an inferior class : the cattle were remarkable for their
good points, the sheep for the excellent quality of their wool, while
the breed of horses would, all things considered, compare favour-
ably with that of this country. As a further result of acclimati-
sation, South Australia, one of the youngest Colonies of the group,
now exported annually about 200,000 tons of bread-stuffs, while
her vineyards produced large quantities of excellent wine. In
Victoria and New South Wales the benefits of acclimatisation
might be seen in many ways, and notably in the introduction of
European grasses into the vast pastoral districts, and which were
rapidly taking the place of the less nutritious1 native grasses. In
Queensland — which afforded, perhaps, one of the finest fields in
the world for acclimatisation — the sugar cane had been introduced
with very beneficial results in the alluvial districts bordering the
principal rivers. He believed that if the coffee-tree were intro-
duced into the northern territory it would be found to flourish re-
markably well, and if the swamp lands in the vicinity of the Gulf
of Carpentaria were brought under cultivation, rice might be ad-
vantageously grown. Mention had been made in the paper before
the meeting of the Eucalyptus globulus, the medicinal properties of
which were being widely recognised. He might state that this
tree had been introduced into various countries of late. He had
seen the tree growing in Hong Kong, in various cities of Japan, in
San Francisco, in Southern California, in Northern California,
and in New York. He was not aware whether it had been intro-
duced into this country, and would like to know whether it was
capable of being cultivated here. It had been introduced into
Italy, and had also been cultivated with great success in India.
He might, perhaps, be excused for reading the following remarks
upon the tree from the Acclimatisation Society of Paris : —
" THE EUCALYPTUS GLOBULUS. — The experiment of planting this tree in
the unhealthy Campagna of Rome with the object of destroying the influence
of the miasmatic exhalations from the ground has been tried for several
years, particularly in the locality of the Monastery of St. Paul Trois
Acclimatisation. 59
Fontaines, where a priest named Gildas has had the plants under culti-
vation. In some communications addressed to the Societe d'Acclimatation
de Paris, M. Gildas states that the trees have thriven, and that he believes
they have given indications of their power in arresting disease, though a s
yet they are not sufficiently numerous to produce much effect. The most
important statement made by him, however, is that a decoction made from
the leaves of the tree possesses valuable properties in cases of fever, and
that many persons have'bsen cured of that disease by drinking the ' elixir,'
which is also a preventive of fever. A similar preparation of the leaves in
the form of a powder is also made, which has the advantage of keeping
good longer than the decoction. The merits of the discovery will be placed
under the notice of the medical profession, and a more reliable report will
probably soon be made."
With regard to the power this class of tree possessed of destroying
the injurious influence of miasma and thereby averting disease, it
was his belief that the wonderful absence of epidemic diseases in
Australia arose principally from the wide distribution of this
peculiar growth or family of trees, which extended from one end of
the Continent to the other. In fact, comparatively speaking, there
was hardly a square foot of land in Australia without its gum-tree.
Its only fault was that it afforded but little shade in a hot climate,
through its leaves being small and hanging perpendicularly.
Mr. MICHIE said that from various experiments he had made on
the gum-tree in Australia, he was satisfied that nothing could
exceed their efficacy in converting swamps into dry land. The
medicinal properties of the tree also appeared, by respectable scien-
tific authority, to be pretty well established on both sides of the
world. He, as well as Mr. Wilson, felt considerable reliance and
confidence in the wisdom with which Providence had distributed the
infinitely various plants and animals throughout the globe, and ho
(Mr. Michie) therefore thought they should be extremely careful
how they proceeded when undertaking to improve on the opera-
tions of nature, inasmuch as lamentable mistakes had already been
made in connection with this subject. Sir Arthur Helps, in one of
his most interesting works, had shown that in a particular district
in the South American Continent the rabbit had taken possession
of the land, and had nearly extinguished every other form of life ;
and it was a curious fact that something like the same result had
come about in portions of Australia. Mr. Wilson, in his en-
thusiasm, was disposed to make light of these consequences, and
appeared to forget unfortunate people who suffered from them.
It might fairly be doubted whether the redoubtable polecat or any
other distinguished exterminator would be found competent to put
down the rabbit. He knew of an instance where the rabbit had
60 Acclimatisation.
taken possession of a paddock of 6,000 acres, and its owner had
agreed to give a person, who considered himself accomplished in
suppressing this form of nuisance, £1 per acre for the destruction
of these animals. The task was rrul^rtaken, the work supposed to
be completed, the £6,000 paid, but shortly afterwards in that ex-
tensive paddock rabbits abounded as before. Fortunately, per-
haps, for the perplexed proprietor, the country was shortly after-
wards visited by a flood, which did the work better than the pro-
fessed rabbit extinguisher. He considered it was a mistake to
introduce a prolific creature like this into a sparsely-populated
country, for the American and Australian experience alike showed
it must become an almost impracticable nuisance. Again, what
had been the result of the feat of that patriotic Scotchman who
had, it was said, introduced the thistle into Australia ? Victorian
legislators, again, had been driven to vote large sums of the public
money to put down this particular form of the Scotchman's en-
thusiasm. In the Kilmore, and some other districts, you could
not travel many miles without finding large tracts of this thistle —
a plant, be it remembered, not of the modest character and pro-
portions of the poet's " symbol dear," but a gigantic fellow,
two-thirds the height of that room ; for everything, animal or vege-
table, grew larger in that part of the world than in this. It was,
therefore, quite futile to think that the thistle would ever be ex-
tinguished in that country, and our Scotchman had thus become
as immortal as his own work He had listened with some as-
tonishment [io Mr. Wilson's statement about the thrush, and he
was disposed to attribute this also to his enthusiasm ; and he
could not help thinking that when Mr. Wilson came out, as he had
stated, to East St. Kilda, and had, as he supposed, listened with
such charmed ear to the note of the thrush — being in that respect
so much more fortunate than himself (Mr. Michie), who had lived
there upwards of eighteen years, and had never heard the thrush
once — he must, in fact, have been listening to the chirruping of
his (Mr. Michie's) sparrows, which Mr. Wilson's ardent imagina-
tion had converted into the mellifluous notes of the thrush. The
sparrow within two years of his introduction had established him-
self as the same little impudent, dominating, irrepressible fellow
with whom they were all so familiar in their own streets, When
he first came to question the alleged virtues of the sparrow, he was
told he was prejudiced against him, and that if he lost his fruit he
should consider the compensation he received. He was anxious
to be reasonable, and he patiently awaited the promised compen-
sation. He was told to bear in mind the number of insects which
Acclimatisation. 61
were got rid of by the sparrows. He had done so, and made a
study of the subject. He had frequently collected all sorts of
insects to test the sparrow appetite, and had drawn the sparrows
to the prepared feast ; but with what result ? "Why, they turned
up their noses, he was going to say, but certainly they turned
away their beaks with contempt, but whenever his fruit was ripen-
ing, they were, to use a common expression, " all there." It
should, therefore, be always kept in view that, as a condition pre-
cedent to trying any experiment in what was called acclimatisa-
tion, a careful and discriminating regard should be had to all the
conditions surrounding the work, and a sort of debtor and creditor
account, as it were, should be made ; and not until they felt as-
sured that the proposed experiment was of a character which would
really carry with it a balance of good to the country proposed to be
benefited, should the work be carried out. He had tried to obtain
some satisfactory information as to the success of the introduction
of salmon into Australia, but regretted that he had not been
successful. He had heard of one salmon having been actually
caught, but the evidence even on this point seemed to be obscure
and unsatisfactory. Whether the hitherto uncertain fruits of this
unquestionably valuable experiment of Mr. Youl's— to whom their
respect should not be measured merely by results — was to be re-
ferred to one cause or another— difficulty of obtaining appropriate
food, or the presence of too many predacious fish in the southern
hemisphere — could be only matter of speculation as yet, but at any
rate they could aU congratulate themselves as well as Mr. You],
that the trout, a fish scarcely inferior to the salmon, was now well
established in Australia and Tasmanian waters. In conclusion, he
desired to express the gratification with which he had listened to
many passages of Mr. Wilson's carefully-prepared paper, although
he had not been able to go with him in every particular towards
which he had invited their concurrence.
Mr. STKANGWAYS did not quite agree with Mr. Wilson in some
respects. In South Australia a thrush was known as a thrush, but
in Victoria it appeared from Mr. Michie's remarks that it was
known as something else. With reference to the Scotch thistle in
South Australia, he wished to make two remarks : first, that the
plant never came from Scotland, and was not a thistle at all ; and
in the second place, it was not introduced by a Scotchman but by
an Irishman. This man had some seeds sent to him, and not
knowing what they were he distributed them amongst his friends,
who planted them, and up came the wild artichoke, which was now
called the Scotch thistle. He had shot a few rabbits in England
62 Acclimatisation.
and in Australia, and if Mr. Michie could get him a contract to
clear an estate of rabbits, in any part of the world, at £1 per
acre, he should be very glad to undertake the work. No doubt
rabbits had become, in some parts of Australia, a considerable
nuisance, but it was owing to the fact that no one took the trouble
of looking after them ; some landowners had made them a nuisance
to themselves and their neighbours, and now the neighbours in
South Australia were to be rated to have them destroyed. As to the
acclimatisation of animals, he agreed with what Mr. Wilson had
said, although it must be remembered there was scarcely an animal
of any description in Australia that was not the result of acclimatisa-
tion. The whole of the people there, as well as in this country,
were acclimatised. He had no faith in voting large sums of public
money for works of acclimatisation, as it invariably led to jobbery :
the best way for its being properly done was by being looked after
by the people who subscribed the money. As to using ships of war
for sending fish out to the Colonies, he did "not agree with Mr
Wilson ; and he should be very sorry if it went forth to the world
that the opinion of the Colonial Institute was that England should
incur the serious risk of disarming, for he maintained the best way
to preserve peace was to always be prepared for war.
Mr. WILSON said he had not mentioned anything about disarming
in his paper.
Mr. STEANGWAYS said that Mr. Wilson had alluded to his ex-
perience of the carrion-crow of Australia, and that he thought he
was a very cunning sort of bird ; but if that gentleman had let that
crow alone, no doubt he would have found out that the vegetable
diet did not agree with him, and would soon have returned to
its ordinary food. The Eucalyptus ylobulus was the blue-gum of
Tasmania, and was an exceedingly valuable wood for many pur-
poses ; but as to its medicinal properties, he had very lately read that
some chemists, having made a careful examination of it, had been
unable to find any alkaloids from which its medicinal value was
supposed to be derived. It would be very strange if it should turn
out that the tree had such a remarkable value, for no one living in
Australia knew that they had such a valuable thing close to them.
He believed that its real service was that of an evaporating pump.
He knew several instances in South Australia where, after the
gum-trees had been destroyed, springs of water had appeared where
there was no spring before. The gum was a tap-rooted tree, and
being an evergreen would draw a large quantity of moisture from
the soil, and as the soil dried, miasma would cease to be produced.
Dr. HOOKER, of Kew, said that Mr. Wilson had assumed that
Acclimatisation. C3
the Government and scientific men had done nothing for the
acclimatisation of plants abroad ; but when he made that state-
ment, he could hardly have remembered what his fellow-colonist,
Dr. Mueller, had done by his labours and writings ; he surely must
have forgotten Allan Cunningham in New South Wales and Walter
Hill in Queensland ; and he could not have visited India or the West
Indian Colonies, where for fifty years scientific men under the Go-
vernment had been exerting their influence in introducing useful
plants. It might be true that only thirty to forty different kinds of
animals — though he should have thought that there very many
more — had been acclimatised, but certainly one hundred times that
number of useful and ornamental plants had been dispersed over
the globe by scientific men. Mr. Wilson had mentioned the bread-
fruit, but had forgotten that it was introduced in the West Indies
by Government, and through the exertions of a scientific man (Sir
J. Banks). He had said that it would be difficult to instance a
case of the Government having introduced a plant, forgetting
that the cinchona — which was already returning thousands of
pounds to the Indian Treasury — was introduced by the Govern-
ment, and wholly through the agency of scientific men. At
present the Government was actively engaged in introducing
Liberian coffee into all parts of the world. Mr. Wilson had
objected to the word " acclimatisation," but suggested no other :
would he object to one to which scientific men could help him,
viz. " naturalisation," a word which covered everything meant by
acclimatisation, and was equally practical, scientific, and more
harmonious ? He had listened with great attention to Mr. Wilson's
paper, but there were many difficulties in the way of acclimatisa-
tion which had been overlooked. It was true, science had not done
everything, and practice had often failed, and there were many
things had been, and more which could -only be, introduced by
heavy scientific labour. One difficulty was, that no one ever knew
exactly whether such and such a climate was suited to such and
such a plant. For instance, the Eucalyptus ylolulus, the most
southcrnly of Australian gums, would not grow in the neighbourhood
of London, and yet another kind of gum-tree withstood many
winters at Kew, though it came from the hottest part of South
Australia. Dean Herbert used to say: " Plants do not grow where
they like, but they grow where other plants will let them ;" and
this he believed was a perfectly true saying, and one worthy of the
careful consideration of all acclimatisers of plants.
Mr. YOUL said, with refereucej to the salmon experiment at the
British Museum, three fish might be seen, sent home from Tasmania
64 Acclimatisation.
by Mr. Morton Allport, one of the Salmon Commissioners, to Dr.
Gunther, for his opinion upon them. He pronounced two to be
brown trout, and the other a salmon trout, the latter having in its
stomach several undigested sardines, a fish never found except in
salt water — a proof, therefore, that this fish had only just returned
from the sea. Mr. Morton Allport has made the natural history of
fish his study for many years, and he disagrees with Dr. Gunther,
and declares his conviction that the fish is a true salmon, and not
a salmon trout — a grilse, in fact, just returned from the sea.
Several fish of a similar character have been caught in the Der-
went, and, after careful examination, judged to be the grilse of the
true salmon. It seems almost incredible that, as at least 6,000
salmon smolts have been liberated from the breeding-ponds of the
Plenty, and only 150 salmon-trout smolts,that they should be continu-
ally catching the latter, and not one of the former. He had received
many letters from residents and non-residents of Hobart Town,
telling him that they were certain that the salmon are naturalised in
the Derwent ; and they have seen many hundreds of young fish,
and some big salmon. With reference to the Eucalyptus globtdus,
the blue-gum of the Colonies, to which reference had been made,
he did not believe it indigenous anywhere except in Tasmania,
and there it was only found growing on the northern side of the
island. It was the leaves of this tree which had been found so
beneficial in medicine ; and it is possible that the leaves of the
other Eucalypti spread over Australia had not this quality. Dr.
Mueller is reported, some two years ago, to have discovered it grow-
ing some 100 miles from Melbourne. One word with regard to the
interesting paper read by Mr. Wilson : no one could with greater
propriety have prepared such a paper, for he had for many years,
and to a great extent, practised what he has preached.
Mrs. LEWIS, as working in the same cause with Mr. Wilson,
begged to say that the various speakers who had more or less ably
spoken, had lost sight of the wider and larger bearing of the paper.
The question was not what was to be done with the overwhelming
Scotch thistle, with the impudent sparrow, with the too prolific
rabbit, or anything of that kind, but how far human endeavours
could increase the value of life by enriching those regions into which
perhaps then: erratic tendencies led them. There had never been
a nation since man lived on the face of the globe so colonising as
the British islanders, for in the first record given to them, long before
the remarkable men came from Marseilles, there was this little
passage left by the Carthagenian explorers : " The Britishers exist
in large numbers, and are commercially inclined." Those first
Acclimatisation. 65
Britishers then went, and could go no further, than the shores of
the Baltic, but from those shores they had gone to every place, and
taken something with them to enhance its value. The principle
they had to decide that night was the appropriation or assimilation
of various vegetables and various animals, and whether they would
increase the value of the lands to which particularly English people
go. Surely there could not be a doubt about it. There was no
lady or gentleman present who would like to leave and return back
to Australia simply with the kangaroo ; and there was no honest
person present who could say that he quarrelled with Mr. Wilson's
principle. She spoke first for his principle, and secondly for the
beautiful and ideal shape in which he had clothed it ; and no man
had a right to disclothe it. Mr. Wilson wished to impress upon
them that there was a great ideal in really introducing whatever
nature and God had given in one land into another, as far as
climate would allow. She went further than Mr. Wilson, and
would say they wanted assimilation in England. There were things
that would allow larger numbers to live well and to be happy ;
and it was a first principle — and all the Australian colonisation
showed nothing more clearly than — that every man and woman,
according to their ability to gain their livelihood, had a right to
make life as happy and enjoyable as possible. It was on these
broad grounds that Mr. Wilson brought forward his paper. He had
clothed his opinion in an ideal shape, and the Colonial Institute
had a right to recognise the leading feature of the idea, that the
mother country should try by all its power, by Government or by
private endeavour, to make the lands which England colonised as
happy and as comfortable as possible.
Dr. OKD thought no one having listened to the paper could have
failed to see two things : first, very lofty thought, and second, keen
and incisive intelligence. Most of the discussion of the evening
seemed to have consisted in fault-finding, but wherever great
things had to be done much more might be accomplished by seeing
the good than by dreading the bad. When facing difficulty, men
were either weak or strong. It was the strong men who knew how
to take the good out of things and how to crush the bad, and that
was exactly what Mr. Wilson had been steadily enforcing. They
had reason to thank themselves for acclimatisation, for he did not
know what they would have done in England if some sturdy
adventurers — some Hawkins, or Drake, or Ealeigh — had not in
Queen Elizabeth's time brought over from the West two weeds of
the night-shade family, the potato and tobacco. The potato was
spoken of as a "restorative" in the writings of that period,
66 Acclimatisation.
although, perhaps, now it might not be considered as such ; and
from botanical books of that time it might be seen that grasses
were collected from all manner of places for the sake of certain
salts contained in them. The meaning of all this was, that the
diet of the people was deficient in a kind of material absolutely
necessary to health, for the prevention of scurvy and allied dis-
eases, which were then, owing to bad diet, frightfully destructive.
These things are hardly heard of now, and beyond all doubt the
potato has had a predominant share in sweeping them away. A
little bit of acclimatisation effected by a rough sailor has thus pro-
duced a widespread and permanent benefit to mankind in Europe,
and such considerations might remind the Society (as had been
suggested by the preceding speaker) that there was work to be
done at home as well as in the Colonies.
Mr. WILSON, in reply, said if Dr. Hooker had not left he should
have reminded him of a passage in the paper where he said,
speaking about scientific men, " with some most honourable
exceptions," and amongst those exceptions Dr. Hooker and his
father would occupy a very prominent position. Mr. Michie was
an excellent man, but his path had fallen in stony places, and if he
got confused between a sparrow and a thrush they must have every
consideration for him. He (Mr. "Wilson) had certainly not mis-
taken the twittering of the sparrow for the song of the thrush, as
suggested by Mr. Michie. He had referred in his paper to some
persons who were so occupied with other subjects that they
wandered amongst beautiful things without appreciating them. He
knew such men by the dozen, and from the bottom of his heart he
pitied them.
The CHAIRMAN said they were indebted to other countries for a
very large proportion of the vegetables now naturalised in this
country, and this was one result of people travelling about and
bringing home with them the products of the various countries
they had visited, and he thought it was only natural when people
resided in Colonies such as Australia that they should try and
grow everything they could for their comfort and gratification.
The lady who had addressed them had very properly called them
to order by bringing them back to the real question before them,
and he would not spoil anything she had said so well by attempt-
ing to repeat it. He would merely say that he thought Mr. Wilson
had endeavoured to show that it was not only the absolute neces-
saries of life which he proposed to naturalise (for that he thought
was a better word than acclimatise), but that they should also, as
far as possible, endeavour to produce those things which rendered
Acclimatisation. 67
nature beautiful as well as useful. In conclusion he begged to
propose a vote of thanks to Mr. Wilson for his very able and lucid
address.
The resolution was carried unanimously.
The HON. SECRETAEY announced that the next meeting would be
held on the 18th of January, at which General Bisset would read
a paper on South Africa.
(68)
EEPOET ON THE GAMBIA QUESTION.
THE Committee to whom the question of the Cession of the Gambia
to France was referred, beg to submit to the Council of this
Institute the following facts bearing on the subject : —
To begin with the commercial aspect of the question, it appears
by the following table that the trade of the Gambia since 1869 has
been gradually increasing : —
Imports. Exports. Total.
1869 £94,027 £109,312 £203,3-39
1870 91,996 142,517 234,513
1871 102,064 153,100 255,164
1872 » 123,088 127,225 250,313
1873 114,404 110,816 225,220
1874 Returns not yet published.
For 1874 the trade will show great improvement, for the ground-
nut export for that year was —
Ground Nuts 20,053 tons £191,303
Hides No. 18,823 5,700
Wax 91 tons 13,000
Showing a total in these items alone of £210,003
There is no doubt that these returns do not exhibit the trade in
as favourable a light as the facts justify. The exports of ground-
nuts, for instance, have exhibited since 1837 a steady increase in
quantity ; but as the Customs authorities at Bathurst do not accept
the market value at the place and time of shipment, adopting an
arbitrary valuation of their own, the exports are made to appear of
less value than they really are.
As a further instance it may be added that just prior to 1869,
when the previous proposal of cession was mooted, the Custom-house
officers reduced the declared value of the ground-nuts from £10 to
£9 a ton, and now they have further reduced it to £8, whereas
the real average selling price at Bathurst has been £9 10s. to
£10 for that period.
The different methods adopted at the various ports of ship-
ment along the West Coast prevent any fair comparison being
made between the different Colonies. At one place the price in
the English or other market is adopted ; at another the shipping
value at place of shipment ; at another an arbitrary valuation,
fixed at the pleasure of the local officials.
The Gambia Report." G9
An example of the manner in which the Customs returns are
prepared at various ports will suffice. At Sierra Leone the ground-
nuts exported were valued at £10 per ton in 1869 and 1870, while at
the Gambia they were put down at £8 10s. to £9, and this in face
of the fact that in England the Gambia ground-nut brings from
20s. to 30s. higher price than the Sierra Leone article.
The export of hides from the Gambia has been very con-
siderable, as many as 120,000 being in store at Bathurst at
one time ; but it suddenly fell in 1865, owing to pleuro -pneumonia
breaking out, and destroying the cattle all over the country. It is,
however, now recovering, and is again becoming an important item
in the trade.
Beeswax also is an important article of the commerce of the
Gambia, averaging about 95 tons a year, valued at £145 per ton.
Much has been urged about the greater proportion of the trade
of the Gambia, principally ground-nuts, being with France ;
but this is no argument on which to support the assertion that
the trade is mostly in French hands.
It simply arises from the fact that British merchants on the
Gambia find the best market for their goods in France. The truth
is, that the great bulk of the trade is in British hands. The goods
purchased with the money produced by it are principally British,
which would not be likely to continue, were the Gambia given up
to France. But it is not only on the Gambia that the principal
trade is with France. The bulk of the ground-nuts and palm-
kernels from Sierra Leone generally goes also to France, as may be
seen by official returns : —
Great Britain. France,
Ground Nuts, 18C8 ... 7£ tons .... ... 6,624 tons
1869 ... £3,816 value ... £56,502 value
1870 ... 69 tons 8,680 tons
Palin Kernels, 1868 ... 787 „ 4,905 „
1869 ... 5,847 „ 2,700 „
1870 ... 1,276 2,634 „
Again, the whole export trade of Sierra Leone shows a strong
foreign tendency, as appears by the following figures : —
1868. 1869. 1870.
Exports to Great Britain £66,077 ... £140,042 ... £ 81,456
France 90,153 ... 105,585 ... 147,199
United States 45,509 ... 57,001 ... 39,118
Other parts 94,668 ... 83,103 ... 81,715
Total £290,467
70 The Gambia Eeport.
Although the Gambia has been upwards of 250 years in British
possession, it must be borne in mind that our establishments
there, in the earlier days, were kept up for the export of slaves
to the southern parts of North America and the West India
Islands.
When the slave trade was abolished, there was no legitimate
commerce to replace it, until the British merchants, who had
established themselves during our temporary occupation on the
Senegal and at Goree, finding it impossible to carry on their trade
under the French flag, in consequence of the vexatious restrictions
imposed on them, emigrated to the Gambia, where they established
themselves after the peace of 1814.
They and their descendants have opened up and carried on a
legitimate trade, and introduced the cultivation of the ground-
nut along the banks of the river and its tributaries for a distance
of 400 miles.
The capability of the country for this particular product is
unlimited, provided roads were established from the adjacent
countries, and proper protection afforded. The country also pro-
duces excellent cotton, and large quantities of beeswax and ivory
can be collected. Bathurst is only ten days' by steamer from Liver-
pool, and in three days more goods can be landed 870 miles in the
interior — facilities possessed by no other Colony on the coast,
French or English.
Since 1870 all the troops have been withdrawn from the Gambia,
and also the parliamentary grant in aid of revenue, which for that
year was £1,000.
There is no public debt, and the Colony is entirely self-supporting.
The revenue, which in 1870 was estimated at £17,000, was in
1874 very materially augmented by increased taxation, the
estimated amount for this year being over £22,000.
With the Colonial funds, a small steamer has been purchased
for the police of the river, and other Government purposes ; and a
force of armed police is also maintained at the sole expense
of the Colony. The Civil List includes pensions to former
officials. Neither in the expenditure of the revenue, nor in the
appointment of the officials, have the taxpayers any voice.
When the cession of the Gambia was last advocated, Sir A.
Kennedy adduced as a reason for the transfer the insignificance of
the trade of the Colony. This argument if admitted would
apply with greater force to the following possessions, for
their total annual imports and exports, as taken from the Blue-
Book for 1873, faU far short of those of the Gambia :—
The Gambia Report. 71
St. Kitts £135,514
Dominica 124,572
Montserrat 57,483
Turk's Island 45,030
Tobago 89,323
Virgin Islands 10,441
whereas the trade of the Gambia, in a bad year, as shown by the
peculiar system of valuation adopted by the local Customs officials,
has amounted to £225,000.
Doubtless we may be told that British interests will be protected
by treaty stipulations and guarantees. Past experience, however,
proves that little value is to be attached to engagements of this
kind. Take, for instance, the Treaty of 1814, when Senegal was
restored to the French ; in a very few months the English
merchants were obliged to sacrifice their property, and quit tho
place. Take the late case of Fernando Po, when that island was
given up to the Spaniards. And it is a significant fact in support
of this view, that while in the British Settlements of the Gambia
and Sierra Leone are to be found many French merchants settled,
and carrying on a large and profitable trade, not a British subject
is to be met with at Goree or on the Senegal.
On this point Sir Arthur Kennedy wrote, in a despatch to Lord
Granville in 1869 : "I believe the transfer would be far from popular
with the French residents, who greatly prefer carrying on business
under British rather than French rule."
At the present time the French merchants on the Senegal are
petitioning their Government to put on, not only differential, but
almost prohibitory duties on certain British manufactures, as also a
differential tax on British shipping, without which protection the
French merchants admit they are unable to cope with the mer-
chants of the English settlements in selling ground-nuts in their
own market.
To proceed to the political aspect of the question.
The argument used to depreciate the importance of the Gambia
as a British possession applies with far greater force to Sierra
Leone, where so much money has been expended, both by the
Imperial Government and Public Societies, while little or nothing
has been done for the Gambia in that way.
The extended area of land brought yearly under cultivation
is the means of affording maintenance for large numbers of people,
besides instilling habits of industry, and inducing them to give np
their predatory warfare as a means of livelihood. This is surely
some proof that civilisation is taking root among the natives.
It is also worthy of serious consideration by Her Majesty's
72 The Gambia Report.
Government, before handing over the Gambia to France, whether
they are prepared to abandon the opportunity of extending British
influence and civilisation, and to sacrifice the trade of the Niger,
as well as that of the Gambia ; for with the latter river in their
possession, the French will be in Timbuctoo long before we could
reach that place from the mouth of the Niger, as that river is not
navigable above Egga.
The importance of the Gambia (a river navigable at all seasons
of the year for 400 miles from the sea) as a direct means for pene-
trating, by a short and accessible route, into the interior, and
striking the trade of the Upper Niger, is determined by the fact
that native caravans now carry on an overland trade by a
road from the head of the Gambia navigation to Segou on the
Niger. From an itinerary given a short time ago to the present
acting Governor of the Gambia by one of the native traders who
frequently passes over this route, it appears that Timbuctoo can
be reached from Bathurst by a combined water and land journey in
46£ days. This road is so much traversed by native traders and
the natives of the interior coming down to the Gambia to cultivate
the ground-nut, that, compared with other trade routes in those
parts, it is comparatively secure from danger to life.
The proposed cession would hand over to a foreign power
the possession of a noble water highway, giving easy access to the
interior, and of all the territorial rights which the undisputed pos-
session of it gives ; also of settlements on the banks, formed by
the enterprise and industry of British subjects, who have given
value to the land, and formed establishments suited to the require-
ments of civilised life.
The parts of the coast, it is understood, from which the French
are to withdraw, if the cession takes places, are not French
territory, but merely small trading stations established on native
soil They are without Government staff or public buildings, and
without mercantile and other establishments, such as there are on
the Gambia. Nor do they contain any considerable popula-
tion.
The French are to retire, it is said, from the Mellicourie, Assince,
Grand Bassam, and Whydah.
The Mellicourie is a native river, the sovereignty of which the
chiefs offered to Great Britain eleven years ago, but it was
declined.
The French have there a small comptoir, or trading-post, with
a resident Consular Agent, for which they pay annual rent to the
native chiefs. Beyond that there is no Government establish-
The Gambia Report, 73
ment, and outside the factory they exercise no jurisdiction
whatever. English and other merchants enjoy equal rights of
trade there with the French. Even if the latter retire the
difficulties are not removed, as the other foreign traders would
have to be dealt with, and the Island of Matacong, off the mouth
of the Mellicourie, has fallen into the hands of Americans.
The revenue of Sierra Leone undoubtedly suffers from the
contiguity of a foreign trading-post ; hut Her Majesty's Govern-
ment could, we feel assured, find other remedies for this inconve-
nience than the sacrifice of the Gambia.
At Assini there is a French merchant, who is the only re-
presentative of his country. The English trade there already on
equal terms.
The case of Grand Bassam is similar to that of Assini.
At Whydah there are two old forts, occupied respectively by
an English and French trader, under the sovereignty of the King
of Dahomey.
Should the exchange be effected, the French would retain between
the Gambia and Sierra Leone two very important rivers, viz. the
Nunez and Pongas, which would remain as injurious to Sierra
Leone trade, as the Mellicourie is now.
The greater portion of the public works and property of the
Gambia has been created by Colonial taxation, and in equity should
be regarded as the property of the Colonists, and not of the Imperial
Government.
The gravest aspect of the question is, however, presented in the
contemplated transfer against their consent of some 15,000 native
British subjects to a foreign power, whose religious and political
institutions they view with aversion, and with whose language
they are unacquainted. It is surprising that such a project should
be entertained, when we call to mind how severely enforced transfers
of populations have been condemned by the public opinion of Europe ;
and when it is remembered that on an exchange being made a
few years ago of English and Dutch Settlements on the Gold Coast,
the inhabitants of Commendah had to be coerced by arms
into renouncing their allegiance to Her Majesty, and passing under
another flag.
Eeprehensible as such instances of disposing of the property
and persons of a people against their wih1 have been justly held
to be, this procedure is still more open to censure in the present
case, where the native population consists mainly of the de-
scendants of Africans rescued from bondage by our cruisers,
who have been brought up in the Protestant religion, and have
74 The Gambia Report.
been led to regard themselves as the especial objects of British care
and protection.
Moreover it does not appear that any effectual step has been
taken to consult the disposition of the people of the Gambia,
while it stands on record that when the transfer of that settlement
was first mooted in 1869, they protested strongly against it. What
their views now are on the subject may be learnt from the
petition (see Appendix A), in which their repugnance to the pro-
posed change is expressed in forcible terms.
In adopting this Eeport of the Committee, the Council of the
Eoyal Colonial Institute therefore feels that it is its duty to enter
an emphatic protest against the cession of the Gambia, on com-
mercial, political, and Imperial grounds, as well as from a sense of
the obligations imposed upon the British Empire not to abandon
or hand over without their consent, to a Foreign power, any of its
subjects, who desire to retain the privileges and benefits of its rule.
The Council therefore trusts that the project of this cession may
be immediately given up, even were the advantages to be expected
from it more obvious than they appear.
FBEDEBICK YOUNG,
January, 1876. HONORARY SECRETARY.
APPENDIX A.
To the Right Honourable EARL CARNARVON, Her Majesty's Secretary of State
for the Colonies.
The humble petition of the undersigned inhabitants of the settlements on
the River Gambia respectfully showeth : —
That your petitioners are merchants, traders, artizans, and other inhabi-
tants residing in the settlements on the River Gambia.
That your petitioners have been informed that the transfer of these
settlements to the French is now being negotiated by Her Majesty's
Government.
That your petitioners were at first reluctant to give credence to the report
of the intention of Her Majesty's Government, as your petitioners would
not believe that Her Majesty's Government would undertake a transfer
involving an interference with the social habits and opinions of thousands
of Her Majesty's loyal and dutiful subjects without consulting their wishes,
or giving them any official notification of their intention.
That in the year 1870, when the subject of the transfer was first ap-
proached, your petitioners had the honour of addressing a petition to Lord
The Gambia Report. 75
Granville, the then Secretary of State for the Colonies, deprecating the
transfer as being opposed to their wishes and interests, and respectfully but
firmly submitting their protest against being denationalised.
That your petitioners still view the prospect of the cession of these settle-
ments to France with great alarm, and naturally feel a great aversion to
being summarily transferred into the hands of a foreign power whose
language, habits, and institutions are diametrically opposed to their own,
and whose policy, as evidenced at Senegal and Goree, your petitioners feel
sure will materially interfere with their social and religious rights.
That your petitioners beg to assure your lordship that the whole popula-
tion of these settlements is opposed to this transfer, because they are averse
to French rule ; because, as loyal subjects of the Queen, they are attached
to British institutions ; because they love political and religious liberty,
and because by their industry they have acquired property in these settle-
ments which the projected transfer would materially affect.
That, besides other advantages, these settlements afford to the geogra-
phical or scientific explorer easy access to the vast interior of Africa, which,
notwithstanding recent explorations, still remain a terra incognita to the
European world.
That your petitioners beg to call your lordship's attention to the fact that
the settlements are self-supporting, and practically independent of the
mother country, that they have no public debt to liquidate, that they have
a revenue at present sufficiently adequate to their requirements, and which,
with a little retrenchment and economy, would be more than ample to meet
the requisite expenditure.
Should it be necessary, your petitioners are ready and willing to submit
to an extra taxation rather than be given over to a foreign power.
That the results consequent on the transfer of these settlements to France
are matters of great concern to your petitioners: those who have commer-
cial and landed interests in the settlements will either be forced to sell out
at a sacrifice and seek new homes elsewhere, or else adopt the unpleasant
alternative of remaining under a government obnoxious to them; and those
who have no property to dispose of will of necessity be obliged to adopt the
latter course.
For the foregoing and other reasons too numerous to set forth, your peti-
tioners are anxious here to record their dissent from and firm opposition to
a scheme so summary in its nature, and fraught with such evil conse-
quences to your petitioners and their children.
In conclusion, your petitioners would humbly pray that your lordship
would move Her Majesty's Government to forego any further negotiation
on the subject of the transfer, and abandon a scheme so detrimental to the
social and religious interest of your lordship's petitioners.
And your petitioners, as in duty bound, will ever pray.
(Signed) J. D. RICHARDS,
S. J. FORSTER,
Bathurst, River Gambia, H. G. DODSON,
7th October, 1875. and 149 others.
76 The Gambia Report.
APPENDIX B.
(COPY.)
Downing Street, September 15, 1871.
SIR, — I am directed by the Earl of Kiraberley to acknowledge your letter
of the 14th ultimo, enclosing the reply of certain Gambia merchants to Sir
A. Kennedy's despatches, regarding the proposed transfer of that settlement
to the French.
As Her Majesty's Government have abandoned the project of this transfer,
Lord Kimberley thinks it would be useless to continue the controversy, and
his lordship feels sure that Sir A. Kennedy will be found fully disposed to
further the interests of the settlement, and to co-operate with the Adminis-
trator in all measures which may be calculated to promote its prosperity.
I am, Sir, your obedient Servant,
(Signed) H. T. HOLLAND.
T. F. QUTN, Esq.
APPENDIX C.
On the debate on Sir John Hay's motion in the House of Commons for
pflpers, 16th July, 1870, Mr. Monsell made certain statements which, not
being in our opinion correct, we, the undersigned, submit for the informa-
tion of Members of both Houses of Parliament the following replies : —
MR. MONSELL'S STATEMENTS.
The settlement has been in our possession 280 years, and comprised only
thirty-nine males and eight females.
REPLY.
The hon. member has gone back to the reign of Elizabeth, who, in 158P,
granted a patent to some merchants of Exeter to trade there ; this was sub-
sequently abolished, and the present settlement was formed on the island of
St. Mary's in 1816, that is, 54 years ago instead of 280.
It is clear that Mr. Monsell entirely ignores the existence of the coloured
and native population, when he says the settlements did not contain more
than 39 males and 8 females — even for the white population the last census
gives 117 males and 14 females. Numbers, however, should not influence
the discussion of the principle involved.
MR. M.
Mr. Monsell, in quoting a letter of Mr. Brown's, August, 1859, desired to
show a discrepancy between the statement therein contained and Mr.
Brown's statement of facts as to the population of these settlements.
REPLY.
The date of the letter is 1869 (not 1859), and if the honourable member
had given the letter in extenso no discrepancy would have appeared, because
in the letter of 1869 Mr. Brown was describing only the island of St. Mary's
The Gambia Report. 77
and the number of its inhabitants; whereas, in the statement of facts
quoted by Sir John Hay, the number of inhabitants given comprise those
of all the settlements, viz. Bathurst, British Combo, Fort Bullen, Albreda,
and McCarthy's Island.
MB. M.
The question of the cession of the Gambia was suggested by the Governor-
General, Sir Arthur Kennedy, and his statement of 13th March, 18G9, was
still more specific, that it would be for the interests of the Colony to cede
the Gambia, that the situation of the settlement rendered it unhealthy for
four months in the year.
KEPLY.
What can the opinion of Sir Arthur Kennedy be worth ? He never spent
ten days in the Gambia, never went up the river beyond Bathurst, knows
nothing of the trade and resources of the river, or of the different tribes
inhabiting the banks of it. Why should not the opinions be taken of such
men as Sir Richard Graves McDonnell (now Governor of Hong Kong),
who spent over eight years in the colony, filling respectively the offices of
Chief Justice and Governor, thoroughly knew the character of the natives,
as well as the sources of the river and the trade thereof ; or Sir John Isles
Mantell (now one of the Stipendiary Magistrates for Manchester), who for
twenty-seven years resided in the Gambia, holding the appointments of
Queen's Advocate, and subsequently that of Chief Justice ; or Brigadier-
General O'Connor, who for over six years was Governor of the Gambia, and
is now Commander-in-Chief in Jamaica; or of Colonel S. J. Hill (now
Governor of Newfoundland), who resided for some time at McCarthy's
Island and at Bathurst, and subsequently held the appointments of Gover-
nor of Cape Coast and of Sierra Leone; or of Daniel Robertson (late
Colonial Secretary of the Gambia), who resided there upwards of thirty
years, and has now retired on his well-earned pension. These gentlemen
have all held high official situations, and, from their long residence and
local knowledge, are far better able to give an opinion upon the question of
the proposed cession than an officer having so little personal experience as
Sir Arthur Kennedy.
MR. M.
In the Blue Book published in 18G6 or 1867 there was a statement, that
between the years 1857 and 18CG the number of births was about 1,200, and
the number of deaths 2,300.
REPLY.
The Blue Book for 1867 gives the number of births for Bathurst and
McCarthy's Island at 118, and the deaths at 66. No I'egister is kept for
British Combo, Barra, or Albreda.
Mu. M.
Sir Arthur Kennedy went on to say that the revenue depended mainly on
the export of gold dust (sic in Report), meaning probably ground-nuts,
which must be precarious and fluctuating.
78 Tlie Gambia Report.
REPLY.
Sir Arthur Kennedy is incorrect in so stating. Take the revenue for 1867
— the last one published — and it will be seen by the Blue Book, at page 15,
that the revenue raised was .£21,641 5s. 10d., of which only £-4,783 6s. was
on ground-nuts, the balance being from other sources. Of course, ground-
nuts, like all cereal crops, are dependent upon the seasons, the harvests
being good or bad, in all countries, in proportion as the weather is favour-
able or otherwise.
MR. M.
The deficiency of the revenue in 1869 was £3,667. The value of the
imports to the Gambia in 1869 was £94,207, and of the exports £91,000,
about one fifth of which came from Great Britain.
REPLY.
It is notorious to everyone connected with the Gambia that 1869 was a
very exceptional year, and owing to native wars, famine, cholera, and the
early cessation of rain, there was an immense failure of crops. It is not,
therefore, fair to form an estimate of the Gambia trade on the result of such
an exceptional year. According to the Blue Book for 1867, the total imports
to Gambia were £193,420 10s. 8d., of which the imports from the United
Kingdom amounted to £104,367 8s., whilst from France it was only
£37,565 13s. The total exports were £214,382 7s., of which
£157,643 11s. 6d. went to France, not wholly as the proceeds of French
trade, but chiefly of English, because Marseilles is a better market for all
oleaginous seeds than England. The money for the English portion came
to England for the purchase of goods to be again employed in the trade.
MB. M.
So far as regarded the feelings of the native population, Sir Arthur Ken-
nedy had made inquiries on the subject, and was of opinion they would
not offer any serious opposition to the transfer of the Colony to France.
REPLY.
The whole of the British population of the Settlements on the Gambia,
European as well as native, are strongly opposed to the proposed cession,
and expressed themselves so to Sir Arthur Kennedy. The Aborigines are
well known to be against it to a man.
THOMAS BROWN.
THOMAS F. QUIN.
Thatched- House Club, St. James's Street, 26*7t July, 1870.
The Reply of the undersigned Merchants of the Gambia to the Des-
patches of Sir Arthur Kennedy, C.B., to the Secretary of State for the
Colonies, urging the Cession of the Settlements on the River Gambia to
France (printed by order of the House of Commons, 10th August, 1870, on
the motion of Admiral Sir John Hay, Bart., C.B.), exposing their sophistry
and the gross incorrectness of alleged facts.
The Gambia Report. 79
NOTE. — In the printed papers laid before Parliament, Sir Arthur Kennedy
is addressed as the Governor of the Gambia; this is in virtue of his office
as Governor in-Chief of the West African Settlements. It is essential,
however, to bear in mind he never resided ten days consecutively in the
Gambia, never went up the river, and knows nothing of the native tribes
about whom he writes.
SIR A. KENNEDY'S DESPATCHES.
Sir A. Kennedy to Earl Granville, dated 29th April, 1869 (Paragraph 10) :
— " But I must at the same time assure your Lordship that the natives of
tie country in question, who are highly intelligent, would regard any nego-
tiations with a view to giving over their country to French occupation in the
light of a sale of their country by Great Britain to France, and that it would
irretrievably damage our prestige on the Coast, and raise a spirit of uni-
versal distrust against us."
REPLY.
We must confess it is with very much surprise that we read such
words written by Sir A. Kennedy, who, in all his letters on the subject of
tlie cession of the Gambia, an old-established British colony, so ardently
advocates the very principle which he herein so strongly recommends the
Government not to adopt. What possibly could raise a spirit of universal
distrust against us more than the cession of the Gambia to a Foreign
Power, contrary to the wishes of its inhabitants ; and what would more irre-
trievably damage our prestige on the Coast than such a line of policy ?
SIR A. K.
Sir A. Kennedy, in his letter No. 4, of 23rd September, 1869, gives the
following reasons for recommending the cession of the Gambia : —
1. The expense of maintaining troops in the Settlement— about .£20,000
a year — which sum I believe to exceed the whole mercantile profits of the
place.
REPLY.
This expense is no longer incurred, as the troops have been removed over
a year. As to Sir A. Kennedy's appreciation of the whole mercantile profits
of the place, it is so manifestly absurd that it does not merit any detailed
refutation from us.
SIR A. K.
2. The hopelessness of extending civilisation among the peculiar popula-
tion which surrounds and composes the bulk of the settlement.
REPLY.
This is an assertion of Sir Arthur Kennedy's which, we submit, arises
from his want of knowledge of this River.
Before 1837 we had a large mahogany trade, and the soil was compara-
tively very little cultivated. The mahogany trade declined at home in
value, and the attention of the natives was directed to the cultivation of the
ground-nut by the merchants. In 1837 the whole export was 071 tous ; in
1867 the export was 19,133 tons !
80 The Gambia Report.
The effect of this increased production has put under cultivation very
large tracts of land, and has given employment and maintenance to great
numbers of people. It has attracted the natives from the far interior to
come down to the banks of the River to grow these nuts, and they have
lately cultivated cotton to a large extent, and have learnt to manufacture
country cloths, the demand for which is so great that it is only when there
is a superabundant crop they can be induced to sell the raw material to the
merchants at the present low prices. We think we have, by these fact?,
abundantly proved that the Colony has progressed, and is capable of further
improvement.
And as to the hopelessness of extending civilisation among the ''peculiar
population which surrounds and composes the bulk of the Settlement," with
all due deference to Sir A. Kennedy's vague assertion, we maintain, that if
" civilisation " means education and the adoption of European habits and
customs, the Gambia Settlements have made extraordinary and remarkable
progress within the last quarter of a century.
Sm A. K.
3. The precarious nature of the revenue and probability of ultimate
failure of the ground-nut crop, which forms the staple export of the
Settlement.
REPLY IST.
All crops — whether wheat, barley, cotton, potatoes, &c , &c. — are occasion-
ally liable to failure, but we are not aware that the ground-nut is more
subject to it than other vegetable productions.
The ingenious inference sought to be drawn is, that the revenue is chiefly
dependent on the export duty of those nuts ; but a reference to the Blue
Book and Estimates, with which Sir Arthur Kennedy is supposed to be
acquainted, will show that out of a revenue of 115,518 15s. for 1869 the
export duty on the ground-nut was only .£2,342 Os. lid.
REPLY 2ND.
Sir Arthur appears wholly to have omitted from his calculation the ex-
portation of wax and hides, the trade of which is entirely in the hands of
the English. Previous to the cattle plague in 1885, which almost extermi-
nated the oxen, we had a large trade in hides. The exportation in ISC 5
was 104,122 hides, which has materially fallen off owing to the dearth of
cattle ; but it is now gradually recovering, and we anticipate it will again
reach its former standard. The exportation of beeswax for 1869 was
£15,495 5s. 10d., all British.
SIR A. K.
4. That the trade is now almost exclusively French, and will become
more so yearly.
REPLY.
Mr. Fowler, in his statement, which is almost entirely
adopted by Sir Arthur, puts the exports thus : Ground-nuta
exported by English houses, £45,233 10s. ; by French houses,
£28,732 10s. Hides exported by the English, £1,734 18s. ;
and by the French, £245 5s. Here, then, out of an exporta-
The Gambia Question. 81
tion of .£74,946 5s., the English portion is .£46,968 8s.; to £46,968 8 0
this we must add, as per Blue Book and Custom House
Keturns for 1869, the following exports by the British : —
Beeswax £15,495 5 10
Ivory 262 16 0
Oxen 192 0 0
Kaw Cotton 32215 0
16,272 16 10
£63,241 4 10
Do these figures show the trade to he exclusively French ? We assert, and
challenge Sir Arthur to deny, that, by official statistics, it is shown that four-
fifths of the ground-nuts, palm kernels, and benniseed, raised and collected
at Sierra Leone, Sherbro', the Moriah and Samo Country (better known as
die Rivers Malicoree and Fourecaria), are exported to France, and all their
hides and much of their ginger to America. But what does this prove
beyond the fact that every sensible merchant endeavours to sell in the
dearest and buy in the cheapest market? But is this any reason why his
nationality should be changed ?
SIR A. K.
6. The probability, if not certainty, of frequent collisions with the sur-
rounding native tribes, which renders the maintenance of an expensive
protective force necessary.
REPLY.
We have now been more than twelve months without any protective
force, and had no frequent, or indeed any, collision with the surrounding
tribes. We do not deny the necessity of a protective force, the expenses of
which we are ready to defray if allowed the requisite control over the
management of our finances.
SIR A. K.
7. The responsibility of maintaining the settlement without any result or
prospective advantage. I have, on the other hand, pointed out in former
despatches the advantages which would accrue to our commerce generally,
and the prosperity of the settlement of Sierra Leone in particular, if the
Samo and Moriah countries were freed from French domination, and left to
manage their own affairs under their existing treaties with Great Britain.
REPLY.
All troops being withdrawn, and these settlements now requiring no aid
from Imperial funds, the annual consumption of British manufactures is a
profit to Great Britain. This is clear proof, in the opinion of Sir Arthur
Kennedy, that the prosperity of the Samo and Moriah country is " inju-
riously affected by the domination of the French ;" yet he does not hesitate
to advocate the infliction of such "injurious domination " on the Gambia
settlements.
SIR A. K.
I believe that the transfer would be far from popular with the French
residents, who greatly prefer carrying on business under British rather than
French rule.
82 The Gambia Report.
REPLY.
Is not this an additional proof that "French domination " is " injurious to
conamerce," when French merchants prefer to remain under English rule ?
Why, then, force English, French, and native-born subjects, against their
will, to accept it? It is a significant fact that not one English mercantile
firm is to be found established in the French settlements of Senegal or
Goree.
SIR A. K.
At present all the advantages derived from the settlement are enjoyed by
the French, while the responsibility of its maintenance devolves upon
Great Britain, the French trade contributing little or nothing towards its
expenditure or protection ; and the French houses settled there fully appre-
ciate this (to them desirable) state of things.
REPLY.
Can any sensible person suppose that English merchants would for along
series of years continue a trade that was not advantageous to them ? We
leave Sir A. Kennedy to explain the contradiction apparent in his argu-
ments when he says that the French trade contributes little or nothing
towards the expenditure or protection of the settlements. For our parts, we
are totally at a loss to understand either his statement or the language in
which he attempts to convey it.
SIR A. K.
Any opposition which would probably be offered would be the noise made
by a few persons locally interested to enhance the value of their property.
REPLY.
The remonstrances of the merchants, the protest of the King of Combo,
and the petition from the native population of Bathurst, in reporting upon
which the late Administrator, Major Bravo, in writing to Earl Granville,
said, " I feel bound to inform your lordship I am of opinion that whatever
intelligence, respectability, property, or feeling there may be in natives of
these settlements, it is almost unanimously represented by the petitioners,"
fully negatives Sir Arthur Kennedy's assertion.
SIR A. K.
The rivers Gambia and Senegal run nearly parallel to each other ; the
former navigable for 300 miles, and nearly uniting at their sources, would
give the French a valuable and cheap means of controlling the territory
lying between them, which is valueless to us.
REPLY.
Sir Arthur Kennedy's geographical knowledge appears to be greater than
that of the Geographical Society in London, as the sources of the Gambia
have never yet been visited, but are supposed to exist among a range of
lofty mountains.
SIR A. K.
The inhabitants of Bathutst are a mixed body, unwarlike, and, as has
been proved by the military protection we have been often compelled to
The Gambia Report. 83
afford them, quite incapable of defending themselves against their warlike
and fanatical Mahomedan neighbours, who are steadily increasing in num-
bers and influence, and who can only be kept in check by military control.
REPLY.
The island of St. Mary's has never been attacked, but on all occasions
when British interests have been menaced the inhabitants have readily
enrolled themselves in the militia, and in volunteer coi-ps have co-operated
with the regular troops, rendering such effective assistance as to earn the
thanks of the officers in command and the governors for the time being.
We may state the fact that M'Carthy's island has now been five years
without regular troops, and although the tribes surrounding it are the most
warlike and fanatic in the river, the small militia force there (only occa-
sionally called out) has been sufficient to deter them from attacking the
island. But it must be borne in mind that Colonel G. D'Arcy, our Ad-
ministrator, and Governor-in-Chief Major Blackall, did not denude the
island of all arms and ammunition, as Sir Arthur Kennedy has done with
Bathurst.
SIB A. K.
Sir Arthur Kennedy to Earl Granville, in his letter of 29th July, 1870,
No. 61, writes : —
" I am informed, on authority which I consider reliable, that the King of
Combo, so far from being opposed to the contemplated transfer, will be
glad to see the settlement transferred to the French;" and Sir Arthur
Kennedy instructs Colonel Anton, the Acting Administrator in the Gambia,
to ascertain the feelings of the King of Combo, whereupon the Acting
Administrator sends Mr. Smith, the manager of British Combo, to see
the King of Combo.
REPLY.
By the report of Mr. Smith, the manager of Combo, given at page 105 of
the printed papers, the King of Combo's reply does not justify Sir Arthur
Kennedy's report that the King would be glad to see the settlement trans-
ferred to the French ; and in April last, when disturbances were anticipated
from his kingdom, Mr. Fowler's threat of handing them over to the French
had the effect of quieting them. Is this any evidence of their desire for
this settlement to be occupied by the French ? We are aware, from per-
sonal knowledge of the King and his subjects generally, that they are
utterly and unanimously opposed to the transfer; and this assertion of ours
can be easily verified.
SIB A. K.
A single gun-boat can protect Bathurst, if it be worth protecting; and if
the settlement be retained under British rule, I think the inhabitants
should be distinctly informed that Her Majesty's Government cannot be
. responsible for defensive aid beyond those limits.
REPLY.
We quite agree with this, which shows that a very small protective force
only is necessary ; and we quote from Admiral Patey's report, dated 4th
August, 1869 (Blue Book, page 16), where he writes :—
G 2
84 The Gambia Report.
" I conscientiously believe that a small steamer, costing about .£3,000,
with a couple of guns, would be more effective, and produce a greater im-
pression amongst the natives up the river, where the vessel could penetrate,
than the mere display of troops at Bathurst, who cannot be seen by those
who require the most effect to be made on them."
SIR A. K.
In paragraph 6 he writes : —
" I'believed that they would be wholly defenceless against native aggres-
sion when Great Britain renounced all further responsibility on behalf of
the settlement, and hence they would be placed under the protection of
France, who was able and willing to defend and forward civilisation
amongst them."
REPLY.
Sir Arthur Kennedy did all he could to make us so, leaving the Colony
without a field-piece, a rocket-tube, a rifle, or a cutlass, and also without
ammunition.
Sir Arthur Kennedy, in his letter to Earl Granville, No. 4, 23rd Septem-
ber, 1869, page 3, gives as one of the reasons of the transfer the liopeless-
nfts of extending civilisation.
SIB A. K.
In Despatch No. 1, dated 29th April, 1869, at page 1 of the printed
papers, he writes: —
" I have before stated that the possession of Gambia and Bulama is
greatly desired by Mr. Braouezec, who represents France on this coast ;
and I feel sure that the cession of either of these would prove more than an
equivalent, from a French point of view, for their abandonment of the right
of sovereignty claimed by them over the Moriah and Samo country.
" This arrangement would tend to consolidate the territory belonging to,
or under the protection of, both nations. Moreover, the French mode of
colonisation on this coast would be better suited to the natives surrounding
Bulama, and bordering on the River Gambia, than the mild sway of Great
Britain."
N.B. — Bulama was afterwards given up to Portugal on the decision of
the President of the United States, who was requested by the British and
Portuguese Government to act as arbitrator.
REPLY.
Surely Mr. Braouezec's desire is no reason for making the transfer.
The Rivers Mallecoree and Fourecaria, or, as Sir Arthur Kennedy de-
signates them, the Moriah and Samo country, are not French, but native
rivers, where, under treaties with the native chiefs, French and English
subjects have factories or trading stations ; and to get the French Govern-
ment to withdraw from these native rivers, the Gambia is to be transferred
to the French. There is no mutual exchange of territory, or, as the French
journal La Qironde of the 2nd of April, 1871, expresses it —
" Lord Granville, L'a cede a la France, sans aucun equivalent pecu-
niaire, quoiqu, une evaluation recente eut porte a un demi-million sterling
The Gambia Report. 85
la valeur des possessions Anglaises. La cession faite par les Franqais de
leurs droits acquis au sud de la Gamble parait, aux yeux des redacteurs du
Globe et de quelques autres feuilles, une chose insignifiante. Tel est 1'etat
des choses, et il n'est pas sans importance pour les negociants Frangais en
rapports assez actifs d'affaires avec la cote d'Afrique d'etre renseignes a cet
As we have shown by reference to official documents that Sir Arthur
Kennedy's statements are so at variance with facts, we think further com-
ment unnecessary.
Is it on such evidence as this that a British settlement is to be trans-
ferred to a foreign power against the wishes of the whole community?
THOMAS BROWN & Co.
THOMAS C. CEJOWN.
THOMAS F. JOHNSTON Qum.
THOMAS F. QUIN;
SECOND ORDINARY GENERAL MEETING.
THE Second Ordinary General Meeting of the Session was held
at the Pall Mall Eestaurant on the 18th January, 1876, His Grace
the DUKE OF MANCHESTER, President, in the chair.
Mr. FREDERICK YOUNG, Honorary Secretary, having read the
minutes of the First Ordinary General Meeting, which were con-
firmed, Lieut.-Gen. BISSET, C.B., read the following paper : —
SOUTH AFRICA AND HER COLONIES.
YOUR GRACE, Members of the Institute, Ladies and Gentlemen, —
Having been invited to give an address on the subject of South
Africa and her Colonies, I have not hesitated from doing so,
although I am quite sure there are many in this room more com-
petent than myself. I will, however, endeavour to give a short
account of the country with which I have been so long associated.
I purpose dividing the subject under consideration into three
epochs, viz. the past, the present, and the future ; and I shall pro-
pose to give a brief account of each of the four Colonies — the
Cape, Natal, the Orange Free State, and the Transvaal Republic.
I will not refer to the first discovery of the Cape of Good Hope, in
1486, for that is a matter of history, as is also that the Colony was
first founded by the Dutch in 1652 — a small settlement extending
gradually, until the frontier reached the great Fish River.
In 1796 the Cape was taken by England, given back to the
Dutch in 1803, and retaken in 1806, since which time it has been
a dependency of the British Crown. The area of the Colony is about
350,000 square miles, divided into thirty-three electoral districts,
with a population of about 600,000, which gives a proportion of
about two individuals to the square mile. The inhabitants may
be roughly divided as follows : Europeans, 185,000 ; Hottentots,
80,000 ; Kaffirs, 110,000 ; other coloured races, 137,000. In
British Kaffraria, a province lately incorporated into the Colony,
there are about 8,000 Europeans and 80,000 Kaffirs.
The first British settlers proceeded to the Cape of Good Hope in
1820, and from that date the country has advanced to its present
great prosperity. These early settlers had great privations to
endure, but that indomitable pluck and perseverance which always
accompany an Englishman prevailed, and they are now reaping
their reward.
In fifteen years the settlers had increased their flocks and herds,
and were living in comparative prosperity, when, in 1835, a Kaffir
war broke out, which devastated the whole of the frontier districts.
South Africa and her Colonies. 87
Sir B. D'Urban was at the time Governor of the Colony, a far-
seeing and humane statesman. The Kaffirs were punished, and in
a measure conquered, for they had not up to that time become
possessed of fire-arms, or aware of their own power. Their country
was taken possession of up to the Kie Kiver, under the name of the
Province of Queen Adelaide, and held by military occupation ; had
this been continued, the Kaffirs would have been civilised years ago.
Unfortunately, this policy was not approved by the Home Govern-
ment, and the country was given back to the Kaffirs, the Governor
recalled, and a Lieutenant-Governor sent out, with power to make
treaties. Not only was the Province of Queen Adelaide abandoned,
but a tract of country between the Fish and Keiskama Eivers, here-
tofore kept neutral, was also relinquished to the Kaffirs.
These concessions were taken as weakness on our part, and
were the cause of the two great Kaffir wars which followed. I
cannot here help relating that one of the military posts abandoned
in the neutral territory above alluded to, which had cost £60,000,
fell to the possession of the Kaffir chief, Maccomo, who immediately
sold it "as it stood" to a trader for two cows, valued at the out-
side £5.
The Lieutenant-Governor, acting under the influence of the
" Philipine party" then dominant in England, made "treaties"
with the Kaffirs most unjust towards the frontier farmers. The Kaffirs
are the greatest cattle robbers in the world, and these treaties held
out a premium for them to steal : for instance, a farmer was not
allowed to claim compensation for losses of cattle unless he could
prove that an armed herd was with them at the time they were
stolen ; and if he saw his own cattle in Kaffirland, with his own
"brand mark" on them, he could not recover them unless he
proved that he traced the "spoor" from his farm, and handed it
(the spoor) over to the authorities on the border of Kaffirland.
These and similar conditions were most unjust to the Colonists,
and were among the causes which led to the emigration of the
Dutch into the interior of Africa. Another cause of discontent
was the liberation of their slaves — not so much from the act itself,
but from the injudicious manner in which it was done. The slaves
were valued by English Commissioners far below then* real value ;
they were paid for by drafts payable in England, and there was
then little or no circulating medium in the Colony; the consequence
was that the Dutch had to part with their drafts for one-tenth of
their value.
This portion of the Cape inhabitants became so dissatisfied with
the English Government about this period (1836-7) that they
88 South Africa and her Colonies.
formed into bands, and passed over the Colonial frontier to the
North, became the pioneers of the vast continent of South Africa,
and the names of the leaders of these bands will ever be memor-
able in the annals of that portion of the world — viz. Pieter Eetief,
Gert Mauritz, Peit Uys, Potgieter, Pretorius, Erasmus, &c.
The history of these people after leaving the Colony, their wan-
derings in the wilderness with their flocks and herds, their primitive
habits and customs, and then- battles with the natives, would record
facts more thrilling than many a romance.
After the war of 1835, the Colonists again prospered until another
Kaffir war broke out, in 1846-7, when the frontier districts were a
second time reduced to poverty and desolation. During this war,
Kaffirland, up to the Kie Eiver, had to be re-taken possession of,
and, after peace was proclaimed, held by a military force. A third
war broke out in 1850, which lasted for three years, and cost this
country over £3,000,000 of money. These wars were most ruinous
to the country, and nothing but the perseverance of the Anglo-
Saxon race could have overcome such disasters.
Since the war of 1850-1853 there has been no collision with the
natives of the Cape Colony, and it is to be hoped that such a general
understanding will be come to in South Africa, on native policy, as
will make them matters of the past.
Before proceeding to the present prosperous state of the country,
it might be well for me to give a short sketch of the Kaffirs them-
selves, although little is yet known of their early history or origin
beyond mere tradition.
The Kaffir tribes, under the name of Amaxosas, inhabited the
country between the great Fish Eiver and the Umtata Eiver, where
they join the Abatembee, or Tambookee tribes ; these again join the
Amapondas, who extend east ward along the coast until they amal-
gamate with the Zulus in Natal. From 60 to 100 miles inland
from the sea there is a range of mountains, running east and west,
which divides these several tribes from the races of the interior.
The numbers of the coast tribes inhabiting the country between
the Cape Colony and Natal may be put down something as
follows : — •
The Amaxosas, or Kaffirs about 250,000
The Tambookees, or Abetembu „ 100,000
Minor Independent Tribes „ 50,000
The Amapondas, or Faku's People ,, 125,000
Making a total of near 525,000
As I said before, the origin of these races is yet a matter of con-
South Africa and her Colonies.
89
jecture ; the Amapondas and Tambookees were no doubt the Abori-
gines of Natal before Chaka drove them out of that country. But
OE KAFFIR
3, Ngeweleslie, Sonlo
Gwali
Titi
Kobel, i
Mate
the country, the mineral wealth is something enormous, and in
the future of South Africa will be quite beyond conception.
I need not tell many of those present that the first diamond
was discovered in South Africa in March, 1867, and up to the pre-
sent time over £12,000,000 worth have been found at the Diamond
88 South Africa and her Colonies.
formed into bands, and passed over the Colonial frontier to the
fiftftTTift t.lifi T>ioneers of the vast continent of South Africa,
Minor Independent Tribes „ 50,000
The Amapondas, or Faku's People „ 125,000
Making a total of near 525,000
As I said before, the origin of these races is yet a matter of con-
South Africa and her Colonies. 89
jecture ; the Amapondas and Tambookees were no doubt the Abori-
gines of Natal before Chaka drove them out of that country. But
the Kaffirs claim a separate history, and by their traditions are
said to have sprung from a chief named Xosa, from whom they
take their name ; their descent is thus carried back for twelve
generations — viz. Xosa, Tshawe, Ncwangu, Sikomo, Togu, and
Gconde — from whom again sprang the present divided tribes,
according to the accompanying genealogical table.
This " tree " brings the Kaffir nation down to the present day ;
but some of the old chiefs have died since I left the Cape in 1867,
and have been succeeded by their sons. It will, I fear, with all I
have before me, take up too much time to go into the laws and cus-
toms of these people ; suffice it to say that many of them are
curious and interesting, and throughout bear a Jewish or Hebrew
type. I have, since leaving South, visited North Africa, and
observed many habits and customs amongst the Moorish tribes
similar to those of the Kaffirs. You are aware that all these
tribes still carry out the primitive custom of polygamy ; that they
have their great wife, and their right-hand and left-hand wives and
children, each of these having certain tribal rights (some of them
of recent introduction), which tend more and more to break up
the magnitude of the tribes into petty chieftainships, and thus
lessen their power for combination. Did time admit, I would enter
more into this subject ; as it is, I must pass to the present of the
Cape Colony.
Ladies and gentlemen, when I tell you that the revenue of
the Cape in 1836 was only £180,000, that in 1873 it had risen to
£1,280,000, and will this year exceed £2,000,000, I am sure I need
not add how prosperous that Colony is at the present moment. The
exports were, in 1856, £1,300,000 ; in 1873, £4,000,000 ; in 1874,
£4,500,000; and will this year exceed £5,000,000.
The chief article of export is wool, merino sheep having been
first introduced into the country about the year 1836 ; of this
article 43,000,000 Ibs. weight were exported in 1874, valued at
£3,000,000, over 33,000,000 Ibs. of it having been shipped from the
Eastern Provinces — the homes of the British settlers of 1820 — and
1,500,000 Ibs. from the new Province of British Kaffraria. Next
to wool, which will always remain the chief staple commodity of
the country, the mineral wealth is something enormous, and in
the future of South Africa will be quite beyond conception.
I need not tell many of those present that the first diamond
was discovered in South Africa in March, 1867, and up to the pre-
sent time over £12,000,000 worth have been found at the Diamond
90 South Africa and her Colonies.
Fields, which is at the rate of £2,000,000 a year — over £150,000
a month ; but, to bring it nearer home, say £5,000 worth a day.
This, as you will perceive, is alone a great source of wealth to a
country ; and by accounts received by recent mails it appears that
large diamonds of great value have lately been found ; and in
addition to the known sources of mineral wealth it is now reported
that a silver mine has also been discovered.
South Africa has also " black diamonds" as well as white and
yellow ones — •! do not mean the Kaffirs and the Hottentots, I mean
coal. In Natal vast coal fields exist, extending over an area of
above 300 square miles, and, strange to say, they were discovered
in the county of " Newcastle," bringing forcibly to mind the old
English saying.
While Lieutenant-Governor of that Colony I visited these black
diamond fields, and saw seams quite twelve feet thick, with only
a few feet of soil above this strata of coal ; at other places layers
of it run horizontally into mountains, so that there would be
no necessity to go down into the bowels of the earth, as in Eng-
land, to the great risk of human life ; but it would be brought
along its own plane, and run down into trucks on to the rail-
way.
The railway now being constructed at Natal — from Durban to
Pietermauritzberg — must, and will eventually, be continued on
to this deposit of wealth, and it will mingle with, and impel the
trains on the same line with grain of every description, for which
the country is so highly adapted ; with wool, and with all other
varieties of produce — to say nothing of the vast productions from
the Transvaal and the interior of Africa.
I have so far only alluded to the two most valuable minerals,
viz. that of " black" and " white" diamonds, but the whole con-
tinent of South Africa is a mine of future wealth, for I am aware
that metals of every description are there in abundance. Many of
the hills are composed of " iron," another great material of the
future : the hills around Graharnstown, the capital of the
Eastern Province, abound in it, and only require access to coal
and capital to convert it into iron roads, and articles of agriculture
and commerce now imported from other countries. This valuable
ore exists in all the Colonies and States in South Africa.
Copper also extensively exists, and the Narnaqualand Mines
are said to be the richest and most paying in the world ; the
supply, I believe, unlimited. I need only say that the original
price of the Cape Copper Mining Company was £5 per share, and
they are now £38 10s. This metal crops up in many other parts
South Africa and her Colonies. 91
of the country, and only requires the development of coal to be
worked to advantage. The great mountain ranges extending from
Cape Town to the Eastern Provinces, and from thence to Natal,
contain this and other valuable metals, while quantities of lead
ore of a very pure description (containing a large percentage of
silver) is found in the Trans Vaal Republic, and I am not
therefore surprised that a silver mine has been discovered.
Iron, coal, copper, plumbago, and, ''last but not least," gold is
known to be there in abundance, and I have no doubt but that all
these metals will be further discovered in the Cape and Natal
Colonies.
Before concluding this part of my subject I must allude to one
other deposit, which will in the future enable the princes of Africa
(as it has done the princes of England and other countries)
to build their marble palaces. I do not mean our noble royal
princes only, but the princes of wealth, of civilisation, of Chris-
tianity, and of progress. I must tell you that in 1866, while in
company with Mr. Shepstone and Dr. Sutherland, we came upon
a deposit of marble in Natal, extending over an area of thirty square
miles, many hundred feet thick, and within four miles of the
Umzimkulu mouth, which will one day become a most important
port in that part of the world.
To return to the Cape Colony : I need scarcely tell you that
the geographical position of Green Point is in latitude 34°- 21',
and longitude 18° 29', the mean temperature is 61° 26' Fahr. in
the shade, and the annual rainfall about 25 inches ; but the latter
varies greatly in different parts of the Colony, the greater portion
falling in the Cape districts during the winter months, while the
reverse is the case in the Eastern Province.
During 1874, 1,171 English, and 249 foreign ships were entered
at the several ports in the Cape Colony, with a tonnage of
615,000, and 77,000; making a total of 1,458 ships, with a ton-
nage of 700,000, and employing 30,000 sailors. The number of
ships proceeding from the Colony would naturally be about the
same.
Many of these ships are steamers. The Union Steamship Com-
pany, and Messrs. Donald, Currie, & Co., now run five ships monthly
to and from the Cape and from the Cape coastways to Natal ; their
combined tonnage in 1872 was about 20,000 ; in 1875 it increased
to over 40,000, with an average passage of twenty-five days, as
against from thirty-two to thirty-three days in 1872.
The Union Company has been subsidised by Government for the
conveyance of mails since 1857. Under the new contract (1876)
92
South Africa and her Colonies.
the mail service will be performed alternately by the above two
companies running weekly, and very superior ships are being
constructed.
The chief articles of produce taken from the Colony by these ships
were (1874) :—
1. Wool
2. Ostrich Feathers
3. Goat Skins
4. Sheep do.
5. Angora hair
6. Copper Ore
... 42,620,481 Ibs. valued at £2,948,571
36,829 „
1,478,761 „
1,462,367 „
1,036,570 „
13,646 tons
205,640
194,323
144,538
107,139
321,434
These are the chief items, but the declared value of the total
export of produce for the year 1874 amounted to £4,138,838
sterling. During the year just come to a close (1875), the ratio
of progress has been still greater, as is manifested by an increase
of over £400,000 to the revenue.
Thus the present epoch of the Cape of Good Hope must be con-
sidered most prosperous ; but I look forward to the future with
still more hope. The inauguration of a system of railways through-
out the country will add greatly to its prosperity. The want of
transport and white population has heretofore been a great draw-
back : the one will be overcome by the carriage by "rail," and the
expenditure in the construction of the railway will draw the other.
Some idea may be formed of the amount paid for carriage of in-
land transport when I tell you that in one year (1872) over
£600,000 was paid for waggon hire between Port Elizabeth and
Grahamstown alone, a distance under 100 miles.
You are, no doubt, aware that £5,000,000 of money is about to
be spent in the construction of railways in the Cape Colony, while
£1,000,000 is also about to be expended in the same manner in
the sister Colony of Natal.
Gentlemen, with all the virtues of the Dutch colonists, they are
nevertheless a non-progressive people, and it has been the Dutch
interest (and that of some influential Englishmen who have inter-
married with them) which has so long resisted the advance of rail-
way communication. And they themselves will derive the greatest
benefit from it, for this reason : heretofore, the Eoman-Dutch law of
inheritance has prevailed in the Cape Colony, and the large estates
of the old Dutch farmers have been so subdivided within the last
two or three generations that their offspring have become very
small holders of land ; and where once the old possessors lived in
South Africa and her Colonies, 93
affluence and riches, on the produce of their flocks and herds,
the present generation can scarcely exist for want of room, and
their persistence in following the pastoral pursuits of their
ancestors ; the cultivation of the soil for export purposes
being heretofore out of the question for want of railway con-
veyance.
A railway will revolutionise all this as the iron road passes
through the fertile districts of the Colony, every one of which is
capable, more or less, of being brought under agricultural process.
These small farmers will reap the benefit, and the large
holders of land will be able to subdivide and sub-let their estates,
and become (as in England) the landed gentry of the country, with
their tenant farmers and tenants, the latter the yeomanry of the
Colony,
The whole of the Cape Colony is capable of maintaining at least
ten persons to the square mile, whereas now, in many parts, one
farmer possesses nine square miles to himself. All the land in the
Western Provinces is particularly adapted to the cultivation of
wheat, and other kinds of grain. Large tracts in the Cape,
Stellenbosch, Paarl, Malmesbury, Piquet Berg, Clanwilliam,
Worcester, Caledon, Swellendam, and Kiversdale, and part of
George, are particularly so suited, the soil consisting of loam and
clay mixed with decomposed gramte and gravel ; while Victoria
West, Beaufort, and Oudtshorn are still more fertile, but the soil of
a drier nature and therefore requiring irrigation, which capital and
reservoirs will in time produce. In the remainder of George, and
thence on to Uitenhage, the soil is of a most prolific nature, and
includes a belt of forest lands from the Knysna to the Zietzakama,
capable of maintaining a very large population ; it is well watered,
and the soil most productive. This tract of land is bounded on the
south by the sea, and to the north by a range of mountains running
east and west varying from twenty-five to fifty miles from the sea.
This locality is wonderfully suited for European emigrants. North
of this range are the splendid valleys of the Long-Kloof, capable of
producing anything in the world. They were formerly large stock
farms, but are now so subdivided, that for the want of roads, and
the means of transport, the sons of the old rich Dutch proprietors
are very poor.
Uitenhage, the first of the Eastern Province Districts, is of
a mixed nature ; a portion of the soil is fertile, but much of it
is of a dry nature and poor. The village of Uitenhage will, not-
withstanding, one day become a flourishing town, when the railway
is opened from Port Elizabeth. Port Elizabeth itself is the great
94 South Africa and her Colonies.
sea-port of the Eastern Provinces, and is a town of very great
commercial importance, as may be judged by its exports, amount-
ing in value during 1874 to the sum of £2,863,975, while the
custom dues yield £360,000 a year towards the Colonial revenue.
Albany is one of the richest counties in the Eastern Province; it
formed the original locations of the British settlers of 1820, and
from the energy of these men sprang the present prosperity of the
Colony. Lower Albany, the land of my youth, is still to me a
" fairy land;" it embraces hill and dale, park and pasture lands,
and is withal fertile to a degree. This "district" embraces the
second Port of the Eastern Province, named after H.E.H. Prince
Alfred. Extensive marine works are still being carried on there.
The exports are considerable, and the Custom duties amount
to £50,000 per annum. Victoria East adjoins it, and is of the
same nature of country.
The districts north of Grahamstown (the capital of the
Eastern Province), viz. Fort Beaufort, Somerset, Cradock, Graaf
Kienet, Eichmond, Colesburg, Albert, and Aliwal North, are more
pastoral counties, although capable of great agricultural resources,
and with the aid of water would be the most productive in the world.
I have now only to include Queenstown, lying north of British
Kaffraria, one of the richest provinces in the Colony for all
purposes, and British Kaffraria itself, to complete my little history
of the Cape Colony. The latter province is also one of the most
productive in South Africa, and has a great future before it ; a
railway is now being constructed through its capital (King William's
Town) to Queenstown, in direct communication with the interior
of the country, and it has its own little sea-port of East London.
The only drawback to this province is the great disproportion of
white to black population, which may any day become a source
of danger, unless a very judicious policy be maintained in regard
to the natives. The country east of Kaffraria, which extends
between that province and Natal, is of the same fine nature of soil,
is entirely inhabited by native tribes, but becoming more and
more fertile as you proceed eastward.
This terminates my account of the Cape Colony, and I shall in
the next place proceed with some account of Natal.
NATAL.
The Colony of Natal was thus named from the auspicious
day on which it was discovered by the Portuguese in 1497. The
Dutch Government visited the country in the seventeenth century,
claimed it as a sort of dependency of the Cape Colony, and in that
South Africa and her Colonies. 95
way it became ceded, with the Cape of Good Hope, to the English
Government in 1806.
In 1823 two English officers, named Farewell and King, visited
the country with a view to open up trade with the then powerful
and despotic chief of the Zulus, named Chaka. Very little inter-
course, however, took place.
In 1828 Chaka was assassinated, and was succeeded by his brother
Dingaan, who ruled the country with great power, until the arrival
of a portion of the Dutch emigrant farmers from the Cape
Colony at the latter end of 1837, the remaining portion of these
farmers continuing their wanderings to the north into what is now
the Orange Free State and Transvaal Eepublic.
Dingaan received the Dutch with apparent friendliness, and on
February 4th, 1838, made a cession to the " Boers" of the country
extending from the Umzimvubu Eiver to the Tugela Eiver, almost
identical with the present limits of Natal. The Dutch were located
in camps or " laagers," in different parts of the country between
the Dragonsberg and the sea.
Soon after signing this cession to the Dutch, and profess-
ing great friendship towards the " white man," Dingaan invited a
large number of them to visit him at his " great place." Pieter
Eetief and about seventy emigrants complied with this apparently
friendly invitation. I must tell you that these " great places "
are peculiar constructions — a sort of village of huts, surrounded
with a double fence or stockade of interwoven bush. On the third
day of the conference (4th February, 1838) when the Dutch had
entered this "trap," they were invited to lay aside their arms
and join in friendly intercourse, when, on a given signal, the
Zulus rose upon them, and murdered them almost to a man. One
or two only escaped to carry the evil tidings to the wives and
families of the slaughtered fathers and sons. Pieter Eetief and
many leaders of the Dutch fell on this occasion.
This treachery had been so preconcerted that, simultaneously
with the onslaught at the "great place," thousands of the Zulu
warriors fell upon the almost defenceless camps, and in one day
no less than 600 men, women, and children were butchered by
the enemy. A terrible state of war continued until the follow-
ing December, by which time the Dutch had been augmented by
their relations from the north of the Dragonsberg, when Dingaan
was attacked and defeated.
Dingaan was thereupon deposed, and Panda, a younger brother
more favourable to the white man, was installed chief of the Zulu
nation north of the Tugela Eiver, Natal remaining in possession
96 South Africa and her Colonies.
of the Dutch. Panda remained king of the Zulus until he died at
the end of 1872 ; and in 1873 his son Cetywayo was formally
installed by Mr. Shepstone, Secretary for Native Affairs at Natal,
as his successor.
Notwithstanding the defeat of Dingaan, strife with the other
tribes in Natal did not cease ; and in November, 1838, the English
Government sent the first British force there from the Cape. It
consisted of Major Charters, E.A., Commanding ; Lieut. Levinge,
E.A., Lieut. Fuller, E.E., Captain Jervis, Lieut. Sherson, Lieut.
Harding, Assistant-Surgeon Malcolm, and 100 rank and file 72nd
Highlanders, twenty gunners E.A., and Deputy-Assist.-Com.-Gen.
Home. This little force arrived by sea in the barque Helen, landed
at the " Point," and took possession of a "rayon" of two miles round
the present port of Durban. Four Englishmen were found to be
residing at Natal at this time — viz. Dunn, Tohey, Ogle, and King ;
also one American missionary, who was devoting his life to propa-
gate Christianity.
This British force was sent to Natal, not so much to help the
Dutch, as to prevent the further effusion of blood; and as the
magazines of powder belonging to the Dutch were at the " Point,"
and taken possession of by the English, they had no alternative
but to make peace with the natives.
The Dutch held possession of Natal at this time (1838-9) by six
rudely-fortified! positions, viz. one on the Tugela Spruit, composed
of a turf rampart, commanded by Pretorius (late President of the
Transvaal Eepublic) ; one on the present site of Pieterniauritzberg,
a stockaded camp commanded by Eudolph ; one called the Upper
Umlas Laager, with abbattis of bush, commanded by De Lange ;
one the Lower Umlas Laager, a stockaded camp, commanded by
Landman ; one, the present site of D'Urban, stockaded camp, com-
manded by Kemp ; and one other, called the Umgene Laager.
There were other camps in different parts of the country, formed
by the waggons in which these migratory people travel about,
interwattled with bush. It was at some of these camps that the
great slaughter of the Dutch families by the Zulus took place, and
the bra very displayed by some of the women would rival the courage
of the Middle Ages.
Peace having been established between the Dutch and the
native tribes in Natal, the British troops were withdrawn to the
Cape towards the end of 1839, the Dutch retaining possession of
the country, and hoisting the tricolor flag. There was very little
intercourse with the Cape Colony, as it took a month to perform
the journey with a waggon, or a fortnight on horseback.
South Africa and her Colonies. 97
The Dutch remained in possession of Natal from 1839 until
1842. In the latter year they threatened to attack the Amaponda
nation, residing on the Umzimvubu, or St. John's Eiver. These
tribes had always been in alliance with the Cape Government, and
they numbered about 120,000 souls. The Governor of the Cape
Colony (Sir George Napier) thereupon sent a military force over-
land to protect " Faku's people," and then to march on and retake
Natal. I had the honour to accompany that expedition ; but tune
does not admit of my giving a detailed account of the march
through a wild and unknown country, &c. &c. Suffice it to say,
that the troops reached Natal, and after some fighting with the
Dutch, and the brave defence made by Major, now Lieut.-
General, T. C. Smith, and his little handful of men, who were
"shut up" and besieged by the Boers (having to live on horse-
flesh), until they were reinforced by troops from Capetown (by
sea) under the command of, now, General Sir J. Cloete, negotia-
tions were entered into, and peace was made.
In 1845 Natal was proclaimed a portion of the Cape of Good
Hope, and in 1856 it became a separate Colony. The area of
Natal is about 15,000 square miles, or 10,000,000 acres. It is
divided into nine counties or districts, and may be called the gem
of South Africa. Port D'Urban is situated in latitude 29° 58',
longitude 31° 4', while latitude 30° south and longitude 30° east
crosses exactly in the centre division of the Colony. It is more
fertile and tropical than the Cape Colony, and the rains are more
regular and abundant, the average fall being about thirty inches.
The rain falls during spring and summer. The weather in winter
is clear and dry.
The soil of Natal is very productive, and suited for almost every
description of produce. The coast lands yield sugar, coffee, arrow-
root, rice, tea, cotton, tobacco, &c. &c. ; whilst the Colony generally
produces wheat, maize, millet, sweet potatoes, and all kinds of
cereals, &c. &c., and as a pastoral country is suited for horses,
cattle, sheep, goats, &c. &c.
Taking the year 1874, which was not considered a favourable
one, the English farmers raised over 100,000 muids of maize
(Indian corn), over 10,000 tons of sugar, 1, 200,000 Ibs. of coffee,
and 70,000 Ibs. of tobacco; whilst the natives produced 366,557
rnuids of maize, 140,000 of millet, 41,000 of sweet potatoes,' 1,800
cwt. of coffee, and 527 tons of sugar — the natives cultivating in all
141,000 acres of land. The average yield of sugar, taking the
whole country, is l£ tons per acre.
The " stock" in the Colony in 1874 was somewhat as follows :
H
98 South Africa and her Colonies.
In possession of Europeans— 14,000 horses, 126,000 cattle, 250,000
sheep, 32,000 Angora goats, 25,000 common goats; while the
natives possessed 10,000 horses, 376,000 cattle (about one to each
soul), 50,000 sheep, 173,000 goats, and 3,000 pigs — the latter, in
my idea, showing a great sign of progress.
The shipping entered for Natal during that year was 173 vessels
with a tonnage of 64,156 tons, 130 of the ships being English.
The value of exports for the year was £770,000, the chief articles
being—
136,655 cwt. of Sugar, valued at £159,078
7,888,994 Ibs. of Wool „ 338,935
202,802 Hides „ 86,028
183,690 Sheep Skin ... 28,596
249,368 Game Skins'...
Gold Dust and Bars . . .
Gold Quartz
Ivory
Cotton, 40,960 Ibs
54,387
24,710
380
9,036
1,167
I merely mention these articles to show you that they are becom-
ing material articles of export ; while there are others equally so,
although yet not so productive.
With regard to the pasture lands, as you see by the stock, it is
suited for every description of useful animals, the uplands being
best suited for wool sheep and other small stock ; and I have myself
no doubt that a belt of country, between the coast and up-country,
will yet be a great cotton-producing tract. On the coast the
vegetation is so great that cotton produces "bolls" all the year
round, and is therefore not a paying crop, owing to the continued
labour of picking.
The Colony of Natal is capable of carrying a very large Euro-
pean population. The soil is very prolific, and it only requires
railroads and means of transport to make it one of the most pro-
ductive export countries in the world.
There is but one drawback to the country, and that is the great
preponderance of native population over the white or Europeans.
These numbers are as follows : White inhabitants, 18,000 ; natives,
350,000 ; while between Natal and the Portuguese settlement at
Delagoa Bay there are over 400,000 more natives, and to the
south-west, between Natal and the Cape Colony, there are about
250,000 natives. This, gentlemen, is a most serious consideration
in the future of Natal, and of South Africa itself.
Up to the present time there has been no war between the
South Africa and her Colonies. 99
natives in and about Natal and the English, with the exception of
the unfortunate collision with the chief Langalibalele, peace
having chiefly been maintained through the great influence of Mr.
Shepstoiie, the Secretary for Native Affairs. The Zulus in Natal
have heretofore looked upon the white man as their protector
against their former despotic chief Panda, beyond the Tugela
Eiver, but they are now nearly as numerous, and certainly, if
united, as powerful as those whom they were formerly afraid of ;
and if universal pressure or coercive measures are suddenly brought
to bear on them, the Zulu people within Natal will unite together,
and there will be a war with the Colonists.
Nothing but the most prudent legislation towards the natives
in Natal, until both civilisation and progress do their work, can
prevent a war in that country. Eailroads, European emigration,
civilisation, and progress may prevent it. In the meantime, the
Government must be firm, but most just, towards them.
The great mass of this vast population have really no claim on
the lands of Natal, for they are mostly refugees from Zululand
proper ; but they have been allowed to come into the Colony, and
encroach upon the locations originally allotted to the tribes in the
country, iintil they are now so crowded that they have become
discontented.
The native tenure of land in Natal is, I consider, on a wrong
principle. It is given out in territorial locations, and the chief's
followers do not thereby acquire individual rights. An alteration
in this respect should be introduced, granting individual titles to
each man or head of a family, which would induce them to improve
the land, thus become loyal subjects, and attached to their own
homesteads, and so be weaned from the chiefs to the paramount
Government. So far as the past is concerned, this should be done
with the consent of the chief ; but I would enlarge the locations,
while there is still Government land available, giving out the new
lands on these conditions only, and to natives who are willing to
give up polygamy and other objectionable native customs ; but this
istoolong and importantasubject to enter into in an address like this.
While on the native subject, however, I propose to give you a
brief account of the origin of the Zulu nation, as it maybe interest-
ing to many in this country, if not in the room. I am indebted for
much of the information I am about to relate to my old friend and
companion, the Hon. T. Shepstone.
Towards the end of the seventeenth century the present territory
of Natal was populated by nearly 1,000,000 natives belonging to
different tribes, who lived at peace with each other in a primitive,
H2
100 South Africa and her Colonies.
rural, and happy condition. This state of things continued until
about the year 1812, when the first great disturbance took place,
caused, as in the days of Adam, by the first fruit of " knowledge."
Up to this time the tribes between St. John's River and the Tugela
had lived at peace; plenty abounded, flocks and herds were
numerous, and as the soil is productive, corn and grain " filled the
land."
Little quarrels between tribes would and did take place, but it
was then the custom for the " men " to meet and fight it out in
" one day," and not let the sun go down upon their wrath. After
the fight young warriors would hand their weapons to those
returning home, and they would themselves proceed with the
conquerors or vanquished to court and win their lady-loves.
The country was thickly populated, mostly under petty but
independent chiefs, there was little or no rivalry, and when these
minor disputes did take place, the women would look on and
witness the result, mingling together on the termination of the
quarrel.
In 1812 these peaceful tribes first tasted the fruit of the " tree
of knowledge," the seed of which fruit came from the white man
and the Cape Colony, inaugurating what I shall call the second, or
turbulent, phase of the Natal native history.
North of the Tugela Eiver there resided about this time a very
powerful tribe called the Umtetwas, under a chief named lobe.
All minor tribes living in his neighbourhood were tributary to him,
and amongst these petty tribes were the now powerful Zulus.
lobe had two " great sons," who were ambitious, and wishing to
usurp their father's kingdom, formed a plot to kill their sire.
The conspiracy becoming known, the chief ordered their execution,
and sent a party to carry the mandate into effect. Tana, the
eldest son, was killed ; but Godongwana, the second son, escaped
by jumping over a very high palisade which surrounded the kraal,
and over which none of the warriors could follow him. While
jumping, however, a barbed assaigai was hurled at him, and entered
his back, but he escaped under cover of the night, and was found
the next day by his sister, who extracted the spear, secreted and
tended him, and when able to move assisted him to escape dis-
guised in her own robe or garment.
He fled to neighbouring tribes, but these not only feared to
protect, but endeavoured to kill him ; and it is said his escapes were
miraculous, owing to the virtues of his sister's " kaross." This
young prince was thus driven from "pillar to post," and eventually
fled into the Cape Colony, where he entered into service.
South Africa and her Colonies. 101
The old chief, his father, forgave his absent son before he died,
and nominated Godongwana as his successor ; but the tribe, be-
lieving him to be dead, raised a younger brother to the chieftain-
ship. Things thus went on for many years, when in 1812 rumours
reached the Umtetwa tribe that Godongwana was alive, and
returning to claim his kingdom. He was described as a " mighty
man and beast," or as a man sitting upon an animal called
" Injomane," known afterwards as a horse ; for up to that time
no horse had been seen by the natives of Natal.
This semi-civilised chief soon arrived, deposed his younger
brother, who was killed, and was himself proclaimed King of the
Amatetwa tribes ; for the nation declared that his " wound was
his witness," and his name was from thenceforward changed to
Dingiswayo, or the " Wanderer."
While in the Cape Colony he saw regiments of regular soldiers for
the first time, learned the value of discipline and trained armies as
compared with the rude warfare of his own people, and at once,
therefore, organised his own warriors into trained bands of regiments
and companies, and very soon established a formidable army : with
these he waged war, and conquered all the minor undisciplined
tribes.
He was not, as is usual with savages, a bloodthirsty chief,
for he spared both women and children, nor did he capture the
cattle of the vanquished or destroy their corn, but merely subju-
gated them to his own rule, making them his vassals.
His more powerful neighbours, however, began to inaugurate the
same military system, and Dingiswayo afterwards fell a victim
to his own mode of attack, for he and his guards were overpowered
when in advance of his army, taken prisoners, and he was put
to death by a chief who had often been his own prisoner, and
released from the circumstance of having been a " companion of
his father."
Dingiswayo was only the introducer of this military system ; it
was perfected under a much more powerful and bloodthirsty chief.
Senzangakona, then chief of the small tributary tribe of Zulus,
owing allegiance to Dingiswayo, had an illegitimate son of great
talent and ambition, named Chaka, who, while still a very
young man, assumed so much authority that he was banished,
together with his mother, from the tribe. Chaka took refuge with
the Unitetwas, about the time Dingiswayo was organising his army,
and full of fire and energy, at once entered one of the regiments
as an ordinary warrior, and soon became of great repute as a
soldier.
102 South Africa and her Colonies.
Chaka did not approve of Dingiswayo's forbearance towards the
conquered tribes, believing that they would afterwards form com-
binations against the supreme ruler ; he himself being of opinion
that a conquerer should inflict such injury as would utterly disor-
ganise, if not destroy, those conquered, a system which he after-
wards ruthlessly carried out.
While Chaka was still serving in Dingiswayo's army, and
making himself acquainted with his system and what he con-
sidered its defects, his father Serzangakona died, and although he
was not, as an illegitimate child, entitled to assume command of
the tribe, yet the question was referred to Dingiswayo as para-
mount chief, and he nominated Chaka over the Zulus, from
knowing his qualities as a soldier, and being aware of his loyalty
to himself.
Chaka requited this friendship by remaining faithful to Dingis-
wayo up to the time of his death, and it was a combined movement
of the two chiefs that drove the first defeated tribes from beyond
the Tugela into the 'present territory of Natal, in 1812, which
was the prelude to the extermination or dispersion of its hitherto
peaceful inhabitants.
After Dingiswayo's death Chaka became paramount ruler north
of the Tugela, and the numerous tribes which he defeated retreated
into the Natal country, falling again upon the unwarlike tribes,
plundering and scattering them in turn. From that date wave after
wave of desolation swept over the land in the shape of retiring
tribes before Chaka, carrying all before them ; terror and self-pre-
servation turning friends into foes, and every man's hand was raised
against his neighbour : atrocities of a most shocking nature were
perpetrated.
This was only the prelude to horrors to come, for after Chaka
had subjugated the tribes north of the Tugela, he sent his armies
into Natal to ravage that country, and to spare neither man,
woman, or child, and to burn and destroy everything : his theory
being to destroy all human beings except those under his own
sovereignty. Some tribes did become his vassals, joined his army,
and in like manner fell upon their former Mends with greater
animosity.
These wars of extermination, as they were called, were carried
on from year to year, incorporating some of the tribes, and entirely
destroying others, or driving them back into Kaffirland on the
eastern border of the Cape Colony. It was thus that the Fingoes,
once a powerful tribe at Natal, were driven in amongst the Kaffirs,
and became their dogs — a synonymous term with that of bonds-
South Africa and her Colonies. 103
man or slave — until they were released by that humane Governor
Sir B. D'Urban, in 1835 ; and it is curious that Mr. Shepstone and
myself were the officers who escorted them into the Cape Colony.
Those tribes who tried to hold out against Chaka, or to remain
in their own country, had great privations to endure, and had
to live in rocks, glens, and caves. First their cattle were captured
by the " exterminators " (army), then the stores of grain were
destroyed ; nor could they cultivate, as it drew attention to the
locality ; so the people had at last to live upon their own starving
dogs and wild roots. No wonder, therefore, that the country
became depopulated, and filled with the dead and dying, and as
the remnant of the old residents express it to this day, " The
assaigai killed the people, but hunger killed the country."
One would think this bad enough, but worse befel these poor
creatures, for one man, more vile than the rest, conceived the
horrible idea of feeding on his fellow-man : numbers of starving
wretches soon rallied round him and formed a band of cannibals,
augmented by similar bands in other parts of the country, who
hunted for human beings as dogs hunt for game, and thus
acquired a taste for human flesh, which continued long after the
necessity ceased. They became so formidable that it was not until
after the arrival of the Dutch emigrant farmers, in 1837, that
the last of their bands were dislodged from the Beggersburg and
driven out of the country, and old men still alive relate their
escape from the hands of these cannibals, after hearing them-
selves discussed as to whether they would, when killed, eat tender
or tough.
In less than ten years Chaka depopulated more than two-thirds of
the whole of the country now constituting Natal, and in 1828 had
become the undisputed sovereign of all South-eastern Africa, from the
Umzimvubu, or St. John's Eiver, to King George's Eiver, far north
of Delagoa Bay, including a large portion of what is now the
Orange Free State and Transvaal country, and also of the tribe
and territory of his former patron and master, Dingiswayo.
Thus the Zulus passed through three important phases in less
than half a century : first we have a simple, primitive people with-
out civilisation ; secondly, the same people with a little knowledge,
reducing their own happy country into a wilderness, causing
rivers of blood to flow, and annihilating whole communities ; the
third phase is the present state of Natal, and the future yet to come.
The railway now in progress from Durban to Pietermauritzburg
and along the coast, will be the first stepping-stone towards this
future ; the second will be the continuation of the railroad to the
104 South Africa and her Colonies.
coal mines and iron deposits in the Newcastle Division, and thence
on to the Orange Free State and Transvaal Kepublic.
These measures will bring European emigration to the country,
it will bring wealth and progress, and enable a vast population
to raise and export a great variety of produce, which cannot now be
done for want of transport ; and in a military point of view, it will
enable you to move troops with facility to any part of the country.
ORANGE FREE STATE.
Your Grace, I shall now proceed to give a short account of the two
Dutch States adjoining the English Colonies in South Africa. They
are both of them off-shoots, as it were, from the Cape Colony.
The Orange Free State was, up to 1835, inhabited by small native
tribes under petty chiefs, viz. Betjouanas, Korannas, Basutos,
Borolongs, &c. and also by some settlements of Hottentots and half-
castes from the Colony under Captain Adam Kok, Waterboer, and
others. The country up to that time was covered with vast herds
of game of every description.
When the Dutch emigrant farmers passed over the Orange
Eiver (the boundary of the Cape Colony) in 1836, large tracts of
this country fell an easy conquest to them ; a few of them re-
mained in occupation of the country, living in their waggons and
tents, tending their flocks and herds, but being almost as migratory
as the game. The great body of these " pioneers of South Africa"
passed on, however, inland, one portion of them diverging over
the Dragonsberg into what is now Natal country, where those
battles previously described took place with the Zulus.
The other portion of these Dutch farmers also had their troubles
with the natives of the interior, and had a good deal of fighting with
the then powerful Matebelee nation under Mazulekatze, before
they conquered the country which is now the Transvaal Eepublic.
The Orange Free State and Transvaal Eepublic were for a
long time under one general government, if such it could be
called, and the names of Boshoff, Potgieter, Pretorius, and others,
will be found enrolled as their chief magistrates. In 1861 the
last-named was at the head of both states ; in that year a separa-
tion of the governments took place, and they are now two distinct
governments, with a President and Volksraad, or council, to each.
The Free State has passed through two or three phases, and two
collisions with the British troops, before it was recognised as an
independent state. In 1846 Sir Harry Smith as High Commis-
sioner took possession of the country, and it was held by the British
South Africa and her Colonies. 105
Crown, under the name of the " Sovereignty," until January 1852,
when it was surrendered by Sir G. Clarke, who was sent out from
this country as Her Majesty's Special Commisioner, with full powers
to relinquish the territory.
Under his authority a convention was entered into by two
commissioners (Messrs. Hogge and Owen) on the part of Her
Majesty's Government, and a deputation of Dutch authorities on
behalf of the emigrant farmers. Under the terms of this convention
the country was relinquished to the Dutch, who now claim and hold
both these States.
It was most unwise policy to relinquish this country. Many
English subjects had settled there on the faith of its being British
territory, and petitioned, without avail, that it should not be
surrendered.
The capital of the Free State, Bloemfontein, is situated in lati-
tude 29° south, and is from 90 to 100 miles from the diamond
fields. The level of the country is about 5,000 feet above the sea,
with splendid pastoral plains, intersected here and there with low
ranges of hills, and dotted over with little hillocks called " koppies,"
apparently upheaves of rock. It is a very healthy country for
Europeans, and suited for all kinds of stock, particularly for wool
sheep.
This State held a portion of its" present territory by agree-
ment from Adam Kok, Captain of the Griqua people (Hottentots
and half-castes), but as many disputes arose therefrom Sir George
Grey, Her Majesty's High Commissioner, offered that chief a portion
of " No-man's-land," then vacant, between the Cape Colony and
Natal, to which he and his people removed in 1864-5, selling his
lands over the Orange Eiver to the Free State.
They also acquired about 2,000,000 acres formerly belonging
to the Basutos ; this addition to the Free State was ceded by the
Chief Moshesh as war indemnity, in 1865, and confirmed to the
Dutch by the award of Her Majesty's High Commissioner in 1869.
The Free State now contains an area of about 70,000 square
miles, with a population of nearly 50,000 Europeans, and about
the same number of coloured races, including servants and farm
labourers.
The country abounds in mineral wealth. Diamonds, garnets,
and other precious stones are found in considerable numbers, and
the State has a great future before it. Wheat and grain of all
sorts can be raised there to any extent, only requiring capital and
enterprise, and means of carriage to a port.
It is divided into fourteen districts, with twenty-five towns and
106 South Africa and her Colonies.
villages, each returning so many members to the Volksraad or
Council, presided over by His Honour President Brand, a gentle-
man of Dutch descent, and formerly a barrister of the Cape Colony.
TKANSVAAL EEPUBLIC.
The Transvaal Eepublic is the second Dutch state in South
Africa, but by far the most important one of the two; it
extends at present between latitudes 22° to 27° south, and
from longitudes 25° to 32° east, but to the north its real limits
are almost unbounded. It adjoins the Orange Free State,
part of Basutoland, Natal, Zululand north of the Tugela, and
there is only a small tract of country in possession of natives
between the Transvaal territory and the Portuguese settlement
at Delagoa Bay.
The area is said to be 120,000 square miles, with a population of
40,000 whites (Europeans) and 250,000 coloured. The revenue and
expenditure is about £72,000 a year, but this sum gives very little
idea of the present or future of the country ; the people are of
primitive habits, and object to taxation, but they are rich in lands
and in flocks and herds.
The Transvaal, like the Free State, is situated on a higher
plateau than the English Colonies, and embraces a healthy climate
for Europeans, but as you proceed north-east, some of the districts
are subject to fever and the " Tzitse" fly.
The pasturage is well adapted for all kinds of stock, and the soil
most productive. The country is divided into twelve districts, viz.
Potchefstroom, Pretoria, Eustenberg, Lydenberg, Marabastad,
Waterberg, Heidelberg, Wakkerstrom, Utrecht, Christiania,
Nazareth, and Marico.
The country is governed by a President (His Honour Thos. F.
Burgers), elected in 1872, with an Executive Council, and a Legis-
lative Council, consisting of a Speaker and thirty members.
The great future of the Transvaal exists in its mineral wealth.
The first diamond discovered in South Africa was found north of
the Vaal Eiver in 1866, in a portion of the country claimed by the
Griqua chief Waterboer, a territory the boundaries of which are
in dispute between the English, the Free State, and the Trans-
vaal Republic.
Diamonds have since been found in the districts of Pretoria,
Marico, Eustenberg, and Waterberg. Gold is found in alluvial
deposits, and in reefs of quartz, in Marabastad and Pretoria ;
while the gold-bearing strata extend for 200 miles north of the seat
South Africa and her Colonies. 107
of government (Pretoria) ; auriferous quartz existing also through
Lydenburg and Rustenburg districts down to the Griqua country.
The Transvaal is also rich in coal, iron, cobalt, copper, nickel,
lead, tin, and silver, besides sulphur and saltpetre.
The country is well watered and healthy for both human beings
and for stock of every description. The soil is fertile, and suited
for the production of all sorts of grain and cereals ; some of the
districts are semi-tropical, and produce coffee, sugar, cotton, rice,
&c., particularly the districts of Eustenburg and Marabastad.
The white population consists mostly of emigrant farmers from
the Cape Colony and Natal ; the Republic was first formed in
1840, and is recognised as an independent State by the Sand
River Convention of 1852. The revenue is derived from simple
taxes, viz. quit-rent on farms, transfer, and import duties, capita-
tion tax, and Kaffir taxes. The exports consist of gold and other
metals ; wool, hides, skins, ostrich feathers, and stock — many
thousands of oxen being sent to the Cape Colony and Natal for
slaughter and draught purposes, and thousands of sheep for the
butcher.
The relationship between the Dutch States and the English
Colonies in South Africa has not heretofore been very cordial.
Both States consider they have grievances : the one for our
assumption of Griqua-land West, and for taking the Basutos
under British protection, just at the time they were about to be
conquered after a protracted war ; and the other, on the long-
disputed boundary question between the Republic and the natives
on the Vaal River, the Free State, and Griqua-land ; and also on
their construction of the terms of the Convention of 1852, claiming
that the words "free trade" include exemption from custom dues
at English ports.
While Lieut. -Governor of Natal in 1866 I induced the then
President of the Transvaal (Pretorius) to pay me a visit. I
received him with the usual honours, and from that time a better
feeling has existed with that Colony. I submitted the question
of" custom dues " to the Legislative Council, and obtained a remis-
sion of duty on all Government stores and on machinery ; but this
has not entirely satisfied the Republic, and they are now about to
open up a trade through Delagoa Bay with a view to save the im-
port duties charged at English ports, and have entered into a treaty
with the Portuguese Government upon the subject.
Since the discovery of gold and mineral wealth in the Trans-
vaal, an influx of many thousands of English and other nationali-
ties have proceeded there, and very marked effects have been
108 South Africa and her Colonies.
produced. Land and fixed property has considerably risen in value,
and that country will soon occupy a most important position in
South Africa.
GRIQUALAND WEST.
Griqualand West, or the Diamond Fields, is but a small terri-
tory in South Africa, but I need not say it is a most important one,
for since the discovery of the first diamond in 1866, the prosperity
of that small dependency, and of the South African Colonies and
States generally, has rapidly advanced.
The country was at the time occupied by a Griqua captain
named Waterboer and his people, who declined to migrate with
Adam Kok when Sir George Grey offered a portion of " No-man's-
land" to them. Between 1868 and 1870, so many thousands of
Europeans flocked to the diamond fields, that it became neces-
sary for some sort of government to be organised.
From the pressure of these circumstances Captain Waterboer
offered his territory to the British Government, and on the 27th
October, 1871, a proclamation was issued accepting the proffered
allegiance of the Griqua chief and his people, while other procla-
mations were also issued extending Colonial law to the new pro-
vince and appointing commissioners to administer the government.
Subsequently a Lieutenant-Governor and a regular Government
staff was appointed, and the territory vested by commission in the
" Governor" of the Cape Colony; but the Province has not yet been
regularly annexed to the Cape Colony, and is consequently a
matter of dispute between the Dutch and English Colonies in
South Africa.
It now includes a large tract of land heretofore claimed by petty
native tribes, including Waterboer and his people, the country
being but sparsely populated.
Since the diamond discoveries the population has increased to be-
tween 60,000 and 70,000, of which about 15,000 are Europeans, but
the numbers vary by emigration to and going from the fields.
The revenue is already about £70,000 a year.
The " farm " on which the town of Kimberley has been
erected was purchased by the Local Government only the other
day for £100,000, since which time more than that sum has been
realised in building lots sold to residents, while the mines on it
remain in the hands of the Government.
The pasture lands of the country are very good, and the Govern-
ment have lately sold a number of farms, realising about £25,000
for the land, but retaining the mineral rights.
South Africa and her Colonies. 109
BASUTOLAND.
Basutoland is a native territory adjoining the Orange Free State,
north of the Orange Eiver, annexed to the Cape Colony by Sir
P. Wodehouse, in 1871. It contains about 7,000 square miles,
with a native population (Basutos) of 120,000 souls. The lowlands or
plains are, like the Free State, about 5,000 feet above the sea, but the
mountains which bound the country on the south and east are
from 7,000 to 9,000 feet high. It is a very rich, fertile, and pro-
lific territory. Large quantities of grain and corn are annually
raised, and the pasture lands are good for all kinds of stock ; while
coal, copper, and iron also abound.
The Basutos were at war with the Orange Free State when
the former applied to come under British protection, and the war
was thus put an end to. They now pay a hut-tax to the Govern-
ment which yields a revenue of about £12,000 a year, and is more
than enough to pay their able chief magistrate (C. Griffiths, Esq.),
and other officers who govern the country by special laws and
regulations. French, London, and Wesleyan missionaries have
laboured amongst these tribes for many years, with more success
than is usual amongst South African tribes.
In 1852, whilst what is now the Orange Free State was still in
British possession as the " Sovereignty," and while the Cape Colony
and the Kaffirs were at war, the Basutos threatened the small
English force left to protect the country, and Sir George Cathcart
marched a column of troops over the Orange Kiver, when an en-
gagement took place with the Basutos, and they showed themselves
to be formidable enemies.
In 1865 a portion of this tribe also made an inroad into Natal
and carried off a considerable quantity of stock, for which compen-
sation was not fully made. They were then at war with the Free
State, and hostilities continued until they were taken under British
protection in 1868.
The tribe itself is of recent origin, and became powerful from the
ability of the chief, Moshesh. There are several table-topped
mountains in the country, with almost inaccessible approaches, to
which the natives retreat in war time, and from which it is almost
impossible to dislodge them. Thaba Bosigo has never been
taken, although attacked several times by the Dutch forces. The
area on the top of the 'mountain is considerable, water and pastur-
age abundant, while the approach is narrow, steep, and easily
defended.
110 South Africa and her Colonies.
Moshesh partly made his tribe by what is called "lending
•wives " to his people. The African custom is to buy your wife, and
when a follower could not afford to pay for the luxury he would go
to the chief, who would buy the wife for him, and according to
native law the children would owe double allegiance to the chief.
I shall only allude to two other native reserves which are under
British protection : one under Mr. Austin, near the Wit-berg,
on the left bank of the Orange River, numbering about 15,000 ;
the other a Fingoe settlement formed in a portion of Krilli's
country, east of the Kei Eiver, from which that chief and his tribe
were expelled in 1857-8.
These Fingoes were a portion of those residing in the Cape
Colony, where the settlements became overcrowded ; the country
was offered to them while vacant, and from 40,000 to 50,000 moved
into it, and are now very prosperous.
FEDERATION.
Mr. President, ladies, and gentlemen, — I purpose conclud-
ing this address with a few words on a subject which I consider
most important for the future prosperity of South Africa,
and that subject may be summed up in the word Federation.
I do not bring forward this "idea" from any recent excitement
prevailing in the South African Colonies ; I bring it forward from
conviction that South Africa, as a whole, can never become a great
and prosperous country without it.
I was stationed in Canada soon after a similar scheme had been
carried into effect in that now great Dominion ; a country that had
hitherto been divided against itself, with a series of petty govern-
ments, the one antagonistic to the other, their rules and regulations
clashing, and the people almost at enmity with each other.
At the present moment it is one united power for all good and
general purposes, each State, nevertheless, arranging and providing
for its own local Government. It is at once apparent how strong
such unity makes a country, when I tell you that there are now
630,000 fighting men enrolled in Canada, and that 40,000 of them
come out voluntarily for drill every year. This will evince how
strong she has become within herself, and what an adjunct to the
British Crown.
So also must South Africa, in my opinion, federate into one
great Colony. Canada has no internal enemies ; South Africa has
vast hordes of savages, and without unity each separate Colony is
powerless to stem or oppose a rising of the natives, or to enact
South Africa and her Colonies. Ill
universal regulations for the good government of them, particularly
as regards the acquisition of arms and ammunition. At present one
Colony prohibits the possession of arms by the natives, except under
certain circumstances, while the other Colony admits free-trade in
fire-arms, and no less than 500,000 have been sold to the coloured
races within the last five or six years, and 500,000 Ibs. of powder
were imported last year alone. This bears a most serious aspect
for the future of South Africa, for these arms will certainly circulate
throughout the whole country, while separate legislation is likely to
bring on local wars.
This is only one feature of the case, but unity is equally neces-
sary in a commercial point of view. I have endeavoured to show
you the wealth of the country lying within the limits of the four
Colonies — viz. the Cape, Natal, the Orange Free State, and the
Transvaal Eepublic — the exports and imports of which now
yearly amount to over seventeen millions of pounds sterling ; but I
will not again go into statistics. My object is to show you the im-
portance of federation. The interior of South Africa is boundless,
the future wealth of it is enormous, the high table-lands and fertile
valleys are capable of producing everything in the world, and Dame
Nature has been so lavish in her bounties that, in some of these
tracts, man does not live by the " sweat of his brow," but
subsists, like the beasts of the field, on what nature provides. The
very grass yields seed like corn, and I have seen it sold in the mar-
ket at Grahamstown under the name of " manna," the food from
heaven .
Well, sir, as the blood circulates through man, going from and
returning to the heart, so, with federation, will commerce flow
through South Africa, to and from England ; but without this
unity, the great interior will be tapped by arteries, that will run
crossways and cut off the smaller streams flowing inwards, thus
carrying the commerce of the great future eastward, away from
England and into other countries. Gentlemen, this is a most im-
portant consideration for this country and for South Africa.
But, sir, I go beyond this in my idea of federation : I say that
England should herself federate with all the British Colonies. The
present ties are becoming more and more broken, whereas they
should be brought closer and closer together. You may ask, How
is this to be done ? and I will tell you. Each British Colony should
have a representative in this country, and that representative should
have a seat in the British House of Parliament. It might be said
that such a member would be incompatible with the Constitution,
as the Colonies do not directly contribute to the expenditure of this
112 South Africa and her Colonies.
country. Granted ; but let the representative member sit in the
House all the same. Do not let him vote, but let him speak, par-
ticularly upon all Colonial subjects.
I say, sir, that the ignorance displayed in the House of Com-
mons when any Colonial subject crops up is something monstrous,
not only by members, but by ex-Colonial Ministers, who ought to
know better j and I am sure this fact will present itself to most
colonists here to-night.
It would be the duty of such representative to bring forward the
requirements and wishes of the Colony from which he is deputed,
and when any case arises in the House concerning the Colony,
he should be able to rise and make a clear statement of facts on
the subject. This would bring the bond of union between England
and her Colonies into more harmony.
I would go beyond even this. I would offer federation to every
people or nation speaking the English language. I would offer it
to the great Anglo-Saxon Eace who parted from England on this
very question ; it would be holding out the right hand of fellowship
to the great American people, and if it did nothing else it would
draw us closer together in friendship and alliance.
Such nationality has become the great policy of the day. Look
at Italy : look at Germany and Prussia. The latter, from a series
of independent kingdoms, has become a vast empire, and almost a
standing menace to Europe. Her organised army now consists of
2,420,000 men, with a standing army in peace time (1874) of
401,659, exclusive of the one-year volunteers. In opposition to
this, I say, gentlemen, that if England federated with her great
Colonies, they could and would, in the event of war or any great
calamity, bring great resources in both men and money to aid the
parent country.
Ladies and gentlemen, looking round me, and seeing as I do
many Cape friends and South African Colonists, I am impelled as a
last word to pay a tribute of respect to the memory of one of South
Africa's most worthy heroes and defenders — a man who would
have been great had he lived in any part of the world, but
one who made that country his home, gave his substance for
the good of it, and his life in its defence. I am sure I need not
tell you that I allude to the late Sir Walter Currie, a man loved
and respected by his friends, and respected yet dreaded by his
country's enemies ; — followed so soon to the grave by his devoted
wife, a lady beloved equally by rich and poor — by the one for her
virtues and hospitality, by the other for her friendliness and
charity.
South Africa and her Colonies. 113
DISCUSSION.
Mr. CAMPBELL-JOHNSTON, who has recently returned from the
Cape, said the interesting paper they had just heard read, had
doubtless instructed them concerning points of information little
known, but which ought to be better known, he would not say
respecting the Cape only — for they were all too apt to call South
Africa " the Cape " — but respecting vast territories fully equal to
Europe in dimensions. (Hear, hear.) The country marked on
the large map before them as the Cape Colony was as great as the
empire of Germany and Prussia put together in 1871. Perhaps
it would make the subject more familiar to their minds if he drew
a parallel respecting Natal, also the two Free States of South
Africa, with other places. The Colony of Natal was about the size
of Switzerland. The Orange Free State was nearly as large as
England and Wales together with Scotland. The South African
Free State of Transvaal equalled, if taken only up to the Limpopo
river, half the size of the Cape Colony, or was as large as England,
and Scotland and Ireland if they liked, for it could be extended to
any distance. (Laughter.) There was plenty of room for it to
spread out, as we had done in India and elsewhere. He mentioned
these facts concerning some of the countries of South Africa
because, he regretted to say, that he found most maps unreliable.
The one before them, however, seemed to be an exception, being
more truthful, as it took in more of South Africa than most of
them, and allowed the background of the Transvaal to be extended
as far as you choose. Pointing to the spots on the map, he said :
" There is the Kalahara Desert on the one side, and the territory
towards the sea-coast and Delagoa Bay, so recently awarded by
President MacMahon to the Portuguese." (Lieut.-General BISSET :
" Yes, that's what you will get from your enemies when you go to
arbitration.") Well, he (Mr. Campbell-Johnston) had the honour
to know the President of the Transvaal Eepublic— Mr. Burgers.
He was at present in Holland, and had contrived to make arrange-
ments with the Portuguese, as many present would be aware, for a
railway from Delagoa Bay up to the Transvaal frontier, and this
railway would be carried on to Pretoria, the capital of the Trans-
vaal, and have Delagoa Bay as a port. From this line another
might go on to the Orange Free State — say to Bloemfontein, its
capital, and further on amongst the diamond-fields — thus connect-
ing the whole of the Transvaal with the sea-coast by a shorter
route than any other — by, in fact, the shortest route feasible. As
they had already heard to-night, this great country called South
114 South Africa and her Colonies.
Africa was teeming with undeveloped wealth, and the interior por-
tions of it required the shortest communication with the sea-coast.
This was a good sign, and showed that ideas of progress were in
the minds of the people. For too long a sort of contentedness with
a sleepy condition of things had prevailed, and that much to the
prejudice of the best interests of South Africa — our Colonies
included. There had been an absence of competition or rivalry,
the soul of trade and enterprise. He was not a Dutchman, but a
loyal Englishmen ; yet he believed that a railway over forty miles
of land from Delagoa Bay into the Republic would be felt bene-
ficially over the whole of the Transvaal, and the Orange Free State,
and everywhere in South Africa — beautiful countries, well watered,
and in some places timbered ; all, except just on the coast, most
healthy ; abounding with mineral wealth ; and which would soon be
populated not by English people alone, but by people from all
parts of Europe and the rest of the world — Germans, Chinese, and
others — as it was now by some of the best families of a past era —
descendants of Dutch and of French Huguenots. After all, the
Dutch — slow though they may be — were a fine people. Although
slow, they were methodical, and established their ways where they
went, which many other people did not do. The Dutch in South
Africa had not merely passed through the country, they had stayed
— they had adopted it — it was their home. He had been a good
deal amongst them, and might have occasionally pointed with his
finger to a spot, and said, " Why do you not make a railway here,
a canal there, or put up a bridge at this spot, or do something else
at that." But they would answer, and with great justice he
thought, " We have to live here, and to bear the consequences of
our acts, whilst you are a mere traveller, passing through the
country, and perhaps judging hastily of what might be best to do
here or there." There is no doubt they were impatient of taxation,
and ever had been ; but if history tells the truth, so were we, and
we have no particular love of taxation now. He had in some
measure given them a geographical outline of the country, and
tried to point out the way in which one should look at South Africa
to understand it. He began his trip at Port Elizabeth, in the
eastern province of the Cape Colony, situated, as they knew, in
Algoa Bay, a very different place from Delagoa Bay. He was
advised by some friends to travel with horses, and in an " American
spider," as it is called. He did so, but soon found that he had
made a great mistake. Horses were not suitable animals for
travelling any long distance in South Africa. In the first place a
considerable sum had to be paid for them, and they were liable to
South Africa and her Colonies. 115
many accidents and diseases, and were not easily replaced every-
where. In the next he had to pay not unfrequently fifteen shillings
a day for days together for each horse, and as he had always four —
most of the way six and sometimes seven — this would not suit.
Although the price of their food was most exorbitant, it was mostly,
at the season he travelled, very bad, and could not sustain a horse
for the purpose of a good day's journey. At Bloemfontein his
horses were knocked up, and he had to go by public conveyances to
the diamond-fields and back while the horses were recruiting.
These are the fields for the ownership of which there was now a
great dispute between us and the Orange Free State. If those in
this room would observe the map before them they would think
these fields should from their position belong to the Orange Free
State — it looked as if they were cut out of the Orange Free State.
They were on the east side of the Vaal Eiver, so was the Orange
Free Slate, and they were not on the Cape Colony side of the
Orange Eiver. The Orange Eiver, after much consideration and
debate at home, had been many years ago declared the boundary
to the Cape Colony on the north. As they had heard from General
Bisset, what is now called the Orange Free State, had been held
by us under the name of the " Sovereignty" until January, 1852,
when it was given up by Sir G. Clarke, who was sent out from
this country as Her Majesty's Special Commissioner, to relinquish
that territory — to, in short, cast it off, and all those who were there
and had acquired property there. This was done much against the
wishes of some of the inhabitants. These even implored and
begged that they might not be cast off. But once cast off, through
their enterprising character they soon prospered. Fatally, in
some respects for them, a few years ago, diamonds were found on
the Vaal Eiver ; and then, under one pretext or another, that portion
on which is situated the diamond-fields was snatched back, and as
the Orange Free State considers, not without good cause, in a most
unjust manner. Under these circumstances, it is difficult to
understand how we can ask or invite the Orange Free State to
join us in a system of confederation. Was it likely that the autho-
rities in the Orange Free State could swallow their feelings, and
bring their hearts to join in a confederation with their spoilers ? He
thought it would be best, first, to do justice to the Orange Free State,
and then he believed the way would be open, after wounds had been
healed up, to think of confederation. He knew President Brand
of that State — an Africander, who might be proud of his descent
— the name defines from whom. His father before him —
who recently died Speaker of the Cape Colony House of Assembly
i2
116 South Africa and her Colonies.
— was a man in whose soul a spirit of independence ever burnt, and
who in his youth had suffered for his declaration of those senti-
ments publicly and in print — also born of parents in South Africa.
Mr. Burgers, the President of the Transvaal, is another Africander.
Again, Mr. Molteno, the Premier of the Cape Colony, is another, or
as good as one, for he has been in South Africa from his early
youth; and there are hundreds besides, all men of mark and
of education, good types of the South Africanders. Under such
men confederation or unity will, as a matter of course, come
about. It may be right to keep this in view. All in England
seem to be in favour of some scheme of federation, but I think it
is advisable to allow it to shape itself out in South Africa. It will
be accomplished in tune, but it will never be secured but with
deference to the opinions of the South Africanders, and if not
treated with delicacy may be postponed for a long time — possibly,
by rough management, for ever. Justice, dignity, and carefulness,
not to interfere in the local politics of the country, especially in
those of the two Free States, may assist the measure — the reverse
may be fatal to it, for ever. The two Free States are not vassals,
and if they desire it should be most assuredly acknowledged in the
proper quarter, as other independent States are. He had been led
to enlarge more than he intended on these points in consequence of
what had been remarked by General Bisset, with reference to the
descendants of the Dutch in South Africa. Before sitting down, he
would also say that he had not only travelled through the Cape
Colony and the Orange Free State, but had made some stay in the
Transvaal, at Pretoria, as well as elsewhere. He had visited the
gold-fields, Pilgrim's Best, and Mac Mac ; had traversed Natal from
one end to the other, from the west to the east coast, from New-
castle to Durban deliberately, in his own private waggon with
oxen, and must say he found the Dutch descendants conservative,
and averse to much change. What had been remarked about
Natal and Zululand should be seriously considered. Certainly,
twelve or fourteen Kaffirs to one white man (and he believed they
were nearer twenty to one white man) was a state of things
pregnant with danger, especially as the natives could not be induced,
under the present system of management, to work. There is an
awkward saying about the devil finding mischief for idle hands
to do. He could not see how federation could alter the Kaffir
difficulty. As to the two Free States, they have no reason- to be
afraid of Kaffirs. They are not in the same position as Natal is in
regard to them, and were never likely to become so ; and they are
inhabited by a practically religious people, and our fellow-Christians.
South Africa and her Colonies. 117
Dr. ATHERSTONE, whom his Grace introduced as a leading geolo-
gist from the Cape, said, as a colonist, fifty years of whose life had
been spent at the Cape, he should fail in his duty were he to be
silent on a subject of such vast importance not only to the Cape
but to the parent country. He felt that he must congratulate his
friend upon the admirable paper he had read, and the skill with
which he had interwoven the personal and public experience of
well nigh a lifetime spent in the Colony with the mass of valuable
and interesting information — commercial and political — which he
had laid before them. On his arrival from the Cape, after an
absence of thirty-five years, he must confess that he was not a little
surprised at the profound ignorance which appeared to prevail in
England on subjects connected with South Africa. (Hear, hear.)
He found that there was a vague kind of notion that South Africa
was a Kaffir-breeding island somewhere in the South Seas— (laugh-
ter)— which it was perhaps wisest to let alone. He was indeed
astonished, but he thought he had discovered some slight explana-
tion of this marvellous want of information. Last week, at the
Educational Congress held at King's College, he saw in the show-
room the maps used in the elementary schools, and looking at their
unequal and disproportionate size, it occurred to him that the
reason for the erroneous ideas he found so prevalent might be
traced to the varying scale on which these maps are drawn. In
fact, he attributed it to the imperfect knowledge of physical geo-
graphy imparted in these elementary schools. An uniform scale
should be adopted ; but he found England represented as ten times
as large as the whole of the South African Colonies — (laughter) —
(and these impressions, recollect, were made in childhood, when the
brain is soft and impressionable, and retains them for life) whereas,
in point of fact, the Cape Colonies were nearly ten times as large
as all England, their area being 500,000 square miles, and that of
England only 58,000. In fact, the only country in Europe of
superior area was Russia. It might have been expected that their
commerce, chiefly with Great Britain, amounting to some ten
millions of exports and seven millions sterling of imports yearly,
would have sufficed to correct these inadequate ideas about our
vast possessions in South Africa. The mineral resources were as
unlimited as the country was extensive. Her diamond-fields and
copper mines were the richest and most productive in the world.
Her undeveloped gold-fields, coal, lead, iron, awaited but the aid of
British enterprise and capital. The climate of South Africa is, as
is well known, the most salubrious in the world. All these con-
siderations ought to be sufficient to draw attention more closely to
118 South Africa and her Colonies.
the material welfare, the social condition, and the progress of the
inhabitants of that portion of the British Empire. But what had
been the case ? In consequence of the neglect of the Home
Government for the last fifty years, instead of progress proportion-
ate to the vast resources which the country possesses, there had
been war after war, costing the parent country over £8,000,000
sterling for Kaffir wars alone, to say nothing of the cost to the
Colonies themselves. He thought the principal cause of all the
dissatisfaction which prevailed might be summed up in one word.
It was the same which lost to England her American Colonies —
the want of fair representation. (Hear, hear.) The extreme con-
stituencies of the eastern and western provinces of the Cape were
so far distant that unequal representation existed. On the frontier
districts, 600 miles away from Capetown, it was impossible, from
the social condition of the inhabitants, to find competent men
willing to travel 600 miles to attend Parliament for three months
in the year. It was, indeed, too great a sacrifice to make. The
only men fit for the position and available were professional men,
who, as a rule, had other engagements. The result was that in the
eastern province, so far distant from Capetown in the extreme west,
any person had to be accepted who volunteered to undertake the
duties of representation. To this fact was to be attributed most of
the dissatisfaction and excitement which for years past had caused
so much "inconvenience" and discontent. "We had the apparent
boon of representative institutions without representation, and
until some means were devised for being virtually and equally
represented, instead of one section or other being virtually dis-
franchised by distance, it was not likely there would be harmony
in the Cape Colony. The means of communication were also very
difficult and tedious. If the bullock-waggon be discarded, with all
its uncertainties and delay, the only alternative was a sea voyage
in the worst season of the year. He was aware that the Constitu-
tion Ordinance provided for this difficulty by the insertion of a
clause empowering the Governor to assemble Parliament in the
eastern province if found to be desirable, and on one occasion of
unusual political excitement a Parliament was accordingly held at
Grahamstown, the eastern capital ; but since then, which was
some ten years ago, Parliament continued to be held in Capetown,
at the extreme end of the Colony. There was another subject in
the paper to which he wished to draw attention. They had some
very sunny pictures drawn of the Cape Colony — they were, in fact,
quite coleur de rose. But there was a shady aspect as well. The
population of the Colony was about one million, of which 275,000
South Africa and her Colonies, 119
natives were massed on the frontier. They existed there as so
much dynamite — (laughter) — requiring the utmost care and man-
agement and knowledge of native character to prevent explosion.
One would have thought that the directing and controlling power
would be near at hand in case of need ; but what was the fact ?
With all this explosive material on the frontier the heads of
Departments — Governor, Lieut.-Governor, Legislature, and even
the Commander-in- Chief of the Cape forces — reside as far as pos-
sible from the seat of danger — some 700 miles off ! The frontier
and the eastern border are the most populous and productive,
owing to simple and natural causes, namely, that the eastern sides
of all continents are watered by the moisture condensed and
thrown down by the mountain ranges, producing fertility and a
loosened soil. From the same causes, the winds passing over,
deprived of their moisture, the western sides are scenes of compara-
tive desolation. He had travelled lately far beyond Natal many
hundred miles over the Drakensberg Mountains, through the
Transvaal and Free State, and on a former occasion all through
Namqualand also, examining all these countries. He was elated
with joy at finding so much mineral wealth, but it was all left to
chance development, and the risk of another explosion. Steps
are, however, now being taken in the Cape Colony to break down
the feudal power of the native chiefs by substituting British law
and individual rights of property, and the people had now the
right of purchasing land. He had been recently on the Fish Biver,
and had seen a Kaffir chief offering £2,000 for a farm. This was
the only mode of preventing Kaffir wars, and he was glad that his
friend in Basutoland had been so successful in his efforts to restrain
the power of the chiefs for mischief. Still this work must be done
with the utmost care and judgment. It was the only feasible plan
which could be adopted, for when the Kaffirs had a stake in the
country, and enjoyed the protection of British power, they would
be always anxious for peace. (Hear, hear.) He hoped, in conclu-
sion, that the wise measures of Earl Carnarvon for the construction
of a system of federation would proceed. (Hear, hear.) He could
not see why the English could not act in harmony with their
former fellow-colonists, the Dutch. They had been driven away
by the same grievances of which we complained, the want of pro-
tection and equal justice, and when they find that we are prosper-
ing they will naturally wish to be incorporated in the general
scheme of federation. But the only means of accomplishing this
was by a sound system of representation. Let these reforms and
changes be effected, and South Africa would become one of the
120 South Africa and her Colonies.
most valuable, as it was one of the most extensive, dependencies of
the British Crown. (Cheers.)
Mr. THOMAS WATSON, President of the Cape Town Chamber of
Commerce, in answer to a call from the Chairman, said he could
fully endorse the remarks of the last speaker in regard to the pro-
found ignorance which had hitherto prevailed in England — even
amongst the otherwise intelligent classes — respecting South Africa.
The only effective way perhaps to get rid of such want of informa-
tion would be the reading and publication of such papers as we had
just been listening to, and to have such meetings of the supporters
of this institution as we saw this evening. He was sure that
General Bisset well merited the thanks of all present, as well as
of the public generally, for the trouble and care he had taken in
drawing up his address. He had, however, made one or two slight
mistakes, more especially in regard to the construction of railways.
He had said " that if a line was open between Port Elizabeth and
Uitenhaye, communication and commerce would be greatly bene-
fited," while the fact was that the railway in question had already
been open for traffic for several months. General Bisset had also
told us that a line of railway between Durban and Pietermaritz-
burg, in Natal, was in course of construction. He (Mr. Watson)
was not aware that the actual making of such a line had yet been
commenced. However, these might be matters of little conse-
quence. When he first arrived in South Africa, some thirty-three
years ago, he found great dissatisfaction prevailing in some
quarters in consequence of the sudden setting free of all the slaves
at one time. This, he believed, was the principal cause of the great
antipathy felt by many of the Dutch farmers against the Govern-
ment of England, In an inland district in which he resided for
some years these people had abandoned their farms, previously
occupied, not for the rearing of woolled sheep, as now, but prin-
cipally for the breeding of the common Cape sheep, goats, and
cattle, without receiving any compensation whatever, and pro-
ceeded with their flocks and families to the northward, beyond the
Orange Eiver. There were certain prejudices still existing in the
minds of some of these people which he feared might be a serious
obstacle in carrying out the idea of federation. He believed that
there was a large majority of colonists in both provinces in favour
of the scheme, but he saw great difficulty in carrying it into effect.
Even if the general question of confederation were agreed to to-
morrow, he would like to see the man capable of framing a work-
able programme. He was sorry that his friend, Dr. Atherstone,
in the course of his remarks had referred to the eastern and
South Africa and her Colonies. 121
western provinces, because this was a sore subject at the Cape, and
it would be better for all parties if no direct reference to it were
made. He had intended to touch upon several other points, but at
that late hour of the evening he would not detain the meeting by
going further into particulars, but must say that, in his opinion,
the Cape Colony had not been slow in its progress during the last
eight or ten years. Within a period of six years its revenue had
more than doubled — (hear, hear) — and it was moreover satisfactory
to find that it was still increasing. Dr. Atherstone had referred to
the inconvenience of Parliament meeting at Capetown, on account
of the distance many of the members had to travel ; but when all
the railways now projected were completed, with quicker steam
communication along the coast, it would not be of so much con-
sequence whether the Parliament met in the eastern or western
province, more especially now when the Colony is extending tele-
graphic communication in various directions inland — an advantage
which he hoped before long to see extended to Europe, by which
the colonies of South Africa would be united by an additional tie
to the mother country.
On the motion of Mr. FREDERICK YOUNG the discussion was
adjourned to February 15th.
His Grace the DUKE OF MANCHESTER hoped that when the dis-
cussion was re-opened he should again see a number of gentlemen
present able to take part in the consideration of the topics
advanced by Lieut. -General Bisset. But before they separated
to-night he wished to say cursorily that he did not entirely agree
with his friend's plan for a federation of the Empire, and that at
the next meeting he should state what the ideas were which he
preferred to those advanced by Lieut. -General Bisset.
Mr. FREDERICK YOUNG said he felt that he must endorse the state-
ment which his Grace had made.
The company then separated.
(122)
MEMOEIAL ON THE CESSION OF THE GAMBIA.
FORWARDED 16iH FEBRUARY To THE RIGHT HON. THE EARL OF
CARNARVON, SECRETARY OF STATE FOR THE COLONIES.
The Memorial of the President, Council, and Fellows of the Eoyal
Colonial Institute— Sheweth,
That although the Council of the Royal Colonial Institute have had the
honour of acquainting your Lordship with their views upon the proposed
cession of the Gambia, through the medium of a Report, recently adopted
hy the Council, your Memorialists are so convinced of the importance of the
question that they now desire to press upon your Lordship the reasons which
lead them to the conclusion at which they have arrived. Those reasons are
as follows : —
(1.) That this country has contracted obligations to some thousands of
native subjects, which cannot with honour be abandoned against the will of
such subjects.
(2.) That to transfer them to a nation of a different religion, and which
does not carry out the principles of toleration so completely as they are
acted upon by Great Britain, would be to add additional injury to the
wrong of handing them over against their consent to a Foreign Power.
(3.) That to transfer aboriginal subjects, understanding our language and
government, in exchange for those claimed by another Power unacquainted
with both, is very likely to give rise to much confusion and inconvenience,
as well as to occasion native wars.
(4.) That, except for advantages of the highest and most undoubted Im-
perial importance, which your Memorialists submit cannot be shown to be
likely to result from the proposed transfer of the Gambia to France, it is
most undesirable to part with any of the territories of the Empire. Where
such abandonment and loss of territory have taken place in the past, they
have, as a rule, invariably been the cause of subsequent regret. As notable
examples, the abandonment of the Orange Free State in South Africa, the
loss of San Juan, and the exchange of the West African Settlements of the
Dutch, leading to the Ashantee war, may be mentioned : the value to the
Empire of the two former, and the policy with regard to the latter, being
quite disregarded at the time when, through the action of the Imperial
Government, or from want of proper steps being taken, they were lost to the
Empire. The importance of the interests involved in all of them is now,
when too late, fully appreciated.
Memorial on the Cession of the Gambia, 123
(5.) Your Memorialists are convinced that the same will be our future
experience with regard to the Gambia should we give up its possession. Our
commerce with the interior of Africa js clearly only in its infancy ; in fact,
it cannot be said to have been opened up ; but just at the time when its im-
portance is beginning in some degree to be appreciated, it is proposed that
we should give up a river which is admitted to be the most extensive and
important which we possess.
There are two arguments in favour of the cession or exchange, to which
your Memorialists desire to reply. It is urged that by extending the author-
ity of the British Government over a continuous line of coast of consider-
able length, the importation of arms may be prevented, and the injury to
the revenues of the British Settlements, occasioned by importation of goods
into ports not within our control, would be prevented. The other argument
is that the revenues of the Gambia will not be sufficient for the require-
ments of the Settlement without aid from this country.
With regard to the former, your Memorialists submit that it is highly im-
probable that either the importation of arms would be prevented, or the
injury to the revenues of the other settlements remedied, by the exchange
of the Gambia for such rights as the French claim over other places on
the coast.
At Whydah, for instance, the Portuguese claim supreme authority, and
your Memorialists are unaware of any guarantees against claims being put
in by them, or any other nation hereafter, to this trading port.
It is also by no means improbable that any claims which we might set up
in certain parts of the coast, in virtue of the proposed arrangement with the
French, might be resisted by the King of Dahomey, who already, we under-
stand, has proclaimed his authority over Whydah.
The risk of serious complications and even war with him or other native
chiefs will, therefore, be incurred, which would cause far greater financial
derangement and expense than could ever be compensated by any improved
means of collecting revenue on the coast. The justice of sacrificing one
Settlement for the financial convenience of another cannot, it is submitted,
be maintained.
With regard to the revenues of the Gambia not being sufficient for the
maintenance of the Settlement, your Memorialists would point out that the
expenditure was augmented in consequence of the withdrawal of the pro-
tection which, up to May, 1870, had been afforded by the Imperial Govern-
ment. There is little doubt, however, that if the Gambia had had the advan-
tages bestowed in its development, with which other settlements along the
coast have been favoured, its trade and revenues would now be in a much
more flourishing condition.
Your Memorialists submit that, considering all the circumstances of the
case, there is no reason for Great Britain to abandon so important a posses-
sion, which secures her such a valuable highway into the interior.
(Signed), MANCHESTER,
President*
(124)
MEMOBIAL TO HEE MAJESTY ON EECOGNITION OF
THE COLONIES IN THE EOYAL TITLE.
FORWARDED 10 LORD CARNARVON ON 24TH FEBRUARY.
To the Queen's Most Excellent Majesty —
The humble petition of Her Majesty's loyal and dutiful subjects,
the President, Vice-Presidents, and Council of the Royal Colonial Institute,
— Sheweth,
That your petitioners desire to approach Your Majesty with the expression
of the most profound veneration and loyalty for Your Majesty's Throne and
Person.
That in common with the rest of Your Majesty's subjects, your petitioners
hail with great satisfaction Your Majesty's gracious intention, as announced
in your speech to Parliament, of taking an additional style and title in
connection with your Indian Empire.
That your petitioners venture to express their belief that Your Majesty's
loyal subjects inhabiting your vast Colonial Dominions would derive the
highest gratification if some similar recognition were accorded to them.
That your petitioners are led to think that their Memorial will receive
Your Majesty's gracious consideration, from the fact that in the Proclamation
issued in 1858, notifying Your Majesty's assumption of the Government of
India, Your Majesty was designated as " Queen of the United Kingdom of
Great Britain and Ireland, and of the Colonies and Dependencies thereof in
Europe, Asia, Africa, America, and Australasia."
Your petitioners therefore pray that Your Majesty will be graciously
pleased to assume such additional style and title as shall distinctly indicate
Your Majesty's sovereignty over the whole of the Colonial Dominions.
And your petitioners will ever pray &c.
(Signed) MANCHESTER,
President of the Royal Colonial Institute.
(125)
THIKD ORDINARY GENERAL MEETING.
The Third Ordinary General Meeting was held at the PaU Mall
Restaurant, on Tuesday, February 15th, 1876, His Grace the DUKE
OF MANCHESTER, President, in the chair.
Mr. FREDERICK YOUNG, Hon. Secretary, read the Minutes
of the last meeting, which were confirmed.
The adjourned Discussion was then resumed on the Paper of
Lieut.-General Bisset, C.B., on
SOUTH AFRICA AND HER COLONIES.
Mr. FREDERICK YOUNG said, in rising to continue the discussion
which was adjourned at their last meeting, he hoped the company
would understand that he did so in conformity with a well-
established rule, that any gentleman moving the adjournment of
a debate should commence the discussion at the next meeting.
He had no wish to usurp the position of those gentlemen he saw
around him, who from their practical experience were much better
qualified to speak on the subject of General Bisset's paper. In
the few remarks he intended to make, he would not stop to pass
in review the observations of the General on the beauties, and also
of the importance of the great and flourishing Colonies of South
Africa. He would confine himself principally to the question of
federation. But before speaking on that subject he desired to
thank the General individually for his very valuable paper. He
(Mr. Young) agreed perfectly in all that the General had said with
regard to the importance of the federation of the whole of the
South African Colonies. The author had shown most conclusively
that, commercially, socially, and politically, the advantages of a
perfect federation of those Colonies would be very great indeed.
From a commercial point of view there could be little doubt of
the great advantages that would accrue to them all. Then, as
regards the social aspect of the question, we knew very well
how, from an intimate relationship between nations as well as
individuals, prejudices were removed and good feeling was es-
tablished. Again, with respect to its political side, the General had
made out his case most conclusively, for as the whole of that vast
country was surrounded by a native population, both warlike and
enterprising, it was of the greatest possible importance, for the
126 South Africa and her Colonies.
sake of mutual protection, that all those Colonies should be united.
(Hear, hear.) Whatever views we might hold upon the subject
or upon the plan suggested by the present Colonial Secretary for
producing such a federation, he (Mr. Young) thought that both
the people of this country and our fellow-countrymen in the
Colonies had to thank Lord Carnarvon for his persistent and
energetic action in the matter. The motive which dictated his
Lordship's views ought to be looked at broadly, and we ought to
give him the greatest credit for the desire he felt to produce such
a grand result. He hoped and trusted that his Lordship's pro-
position to federate all these Colonies would be successful, and
that it would be received by the people in South Africa as the
wisest solution of the present difficulty. (Hear, hear, and cheers.)
General Bisset, in his paper, said he looked forward to something
higher than the federation of South Africa ; and with that remark
he (Mr. Young) entirely concurred. He hoped the question of
federation, the key-note of which was now being struck in South
Africa and in the Australian Colonies, might some day culminate
in Imperial federation, so that the Colonies might be represented
in one Imperial Assembly. "Whilst acknowledging, however, that
he was a most pronounced federalist, he could not agree with
the way General Bisset proposed that the federation of the
Empire should be brought about. The General suggested that the
Colonies should send representatives to our present Parliament,
and that they should have a voice in that Parliament, but no
votes. Now that proposition, attractive as it looked, would not
accomplish the great end he hoped to see, whilst he (Mr. Young)
was sure such a proposal would be distasteful to the Colonies.
(Hear, hear.) The Colonies would not be satisfied unless they
had equal representations with ourselves, and could express their
views on the same platform. Another point of the General's, to
which he took exception, was his remark that all English-speaking
people should have a voice in the English Parliament. Really, if
the question was not a grave and solemn one, he hoped the
General would excuse him if he told him that that idea seemed
almost ludicrous. Why, a scheme might just as well be suggested
in which every foreign nation should be represented in the Eng-
lish Parliament. (Hear, hear.) The United States of America
was undoubtedly a foreign nation, and what should be desired
would be, that every part of the British Empire only should be
represented in the English Parliament. There was another
point upon which he wished to say a word or two. It was
now happily the order of the day for the Colonies to be
South Africa and her Colonies. 127
recognised in the Eoyal Speech to Parliament, and the present
occasion was no exception to the rule. In the Queen's Speech,
delivered on February 8th, there was a clause which must have
struck all the members of the Colonial Institute most forcibly,
and that was the clause wherein Her Majesty expressed her in-
tention of adopting another title. (Hear, hear.) He had no
objection to Her Majesty's recognising the great country of India
in this way, but he thought if it was determined that Her Majesty
was to assume a new title at all, there was a much larger
portion of her dominions even than India which ought to be
taken into consideration in connection with this subject — her
Colonies. It might be difficult, and no doubt would be, to find a
title sufficiently comprehensive to take in all the Queen's domin-
ions, but at the possible risk of being called presumptuous, he
would suggest that Her Majesty should assume some such title as
that of Queen or Empress of Britannia, or Colonia, or of the
British Dominions — some title, in short, which would be ex-
pressive of the fact that Her Majesty was the ruler of the whole
Empire in its integrity. He hoped that this subject would come
under the consideration of the Council of the Institute at an early
day, in order that a memorial might be presented to Her Majesty,
praying her to assume some such title as he had mentioned, for
the purpose of showing our fellow-countrymen in the Colonies
that they were considered as an important portion of the ancient
English monarchy, and as integral parts of the Greater Britain of
the future. (Applause.)
Mr. HENRY CLOETE said that, as a Cape Colonist, and one who
naturally took a great interest in anything connected with South
Africa, he desired to make a few observations on General Bisset's
paper. What he was about to say on the subject he would distribute
under three heads. (1) He would criticise General Bisset's paper,
stating wherein he disagreed with him, supplying omissions, and
leaving that wherein he agreed with him to be collected from that
which he passed by unnoticed. (2) He would make some remarks
with reference to Dr. Atherstone's address. (3) He would do likewise
with reference to Mr. Campbell-Johnston's address. That General
Bisset's paper was an exceedingly interesting, comprehensive, and
instructive one, that it must have cost him a great deal of trouble
and research to have' placed on record so many facts relating to
the historical, political, financial, commercial, and social condition
of South Africa and her Colonies, he need hardly state. The manner
in which the address was received manifestly showed that its value
was appreciated by the audience. He was sure every South African
128 South Africa and her Colonies.
Colonist present joined with him (the speaker) in thanking the
General for expending so much time and labour in endeavouring,
as he himself remarked, " to dispel those mists and ignorances
which existed in the minds of the English public with reference to
matters relating to South Africa." Seeing, then, his appreciation
of the paper, the General would, he was sure, not take it amiss
when he criticised some details wherein he disagreed with him, but
would rather accredit to him the honest motive of putting things in
that light which appeared to him to be truest. Upon referring to
the paper read, he found the statement, " that the Kaffirs were the
greatest cattle robbers in the world." That statement, no doubt,
was true in the main — cattle-lifting certainly was their speciality ;
but then it was subject to some qualification. Upon first sight that
statement would lead one unacquainted with the Kaffirs to conclude
that they were, without exception, the greatest thieves in the world.
Now that was not so, for the Zulus — a Kaffir tribe — were a very
superior race, being, as a rule, very honest and trustworthy, and
having a great sense of honour ; such, at least, had been his expe-
rience of them. (General BISSET : The Zulus are quite distinct
from the Kaffirs.) Mr. Cloete said he thought he would challenge
that statement, because he considered it too sweeping, and cal-
culated to create wrong impressions concerning the character of
that class of South African natives. The General had related to
the meeting the treachery that Dinghaan and his followers (who
were Zulus) practised upon the Dutch Colonists in 1838, and doubt-
less he would plead that as a justification for including the Zulus
amongst the other Kaffir tribes, and stigmatising them with the
common name of thieves and untrustworthy persons. Now he
(Mr. Cloete) contended that that was no proof whatever of the
character of the Zulus individually, for anyone acquainted with
native character would admit that the chiefs exercised great influence
over their tribes, taken as a whole. If a tribe was governed by a
cruel chief, such as the General admits Dinghaan to have been,
the tribe collectively would be guilty of inal-practices which, under
another and more humane chief, they would naturally shrink from.
In short, individually, the character of the Zulus was, as he (Mr.
Cloete) had stated, but if under the governance of a cruel ruler,
there was no knowing to what extremes they might be goaded by
his evil influence. The General, in his enumeration of the staple
commodities of the Cape Colony, forgot to mention, if not the chief,
at least one of the principal, commodities — wine. He might have
had an innocent object in view for his conduct— namely, not to
speak of anything which was in disfavour with his audience ; and
South Africa and her Colonies. 129
Cape wine certainly was in bad odour with the wine-drinking section
of the community in England. Well, whatever opinions the English
people might entertain as to the quality of Cape wines, he (Mr.
Cloete) might assure them that they often drank it under a disguised
name. Again, much of the Cape wine sold in London was not
Cape wine at all, but stuff manufactured for the purpose of keeping
the Cape wine in as low repute as possible, so as to enable the
dealers to procure the latter at as low a rate as possible, in order
to make the largest possible profits. Englishmen might ask, Why
don't the Cape people remedy this ? There was the rub. The
only effectual remedy, to his thinking, was to be found in the esta-
blishment of a company or agency in London for the sale of Cape
wines — like the Bodega, for Spanish wines — and a combination on
the part of the producers at the Cape for the avowed purpose of
selling their wine only to their company or through their agency,
who would dispose of the genuine wine, and not rubbish, as Cape.
Then he was sure the public would desist from despising Cape
wines, for he knew that there were good wines made and to be had
at the Cape, and if once the English public had the opportunity of
tasting the genuine article, they would think so too. (Hear, hear.)
The General attributed the non-advancement of railway communi-
cation in South Africa to the non-progressive tendencies of the
Dutch. He (Mr. Cloete) would like to ask him whether the fact
that railway communication was slowly developed was not rather
due to the force of circumstances, namely, that the country was
then too poor to undertake such gigantic public enterprises with
regard to railways as it undertook now ; whether their old form of
government (the being governed from Downing- street), which lacked
Colonial representation, and consequently the advancement of
Colonial interests, had not to answer for a deal ; and whether the non-
development of the country and its resources at that time required
the means of transport which now, since the increased development
of the country, was an absolute necessity. That his argument was
the correct one, was proved by the fact that there were as many
Dutch Colonists now as there were then, and yet see what was
being done for railway communication now when circumstances
had altered, and a demand for transport was felt. The General
further remarked, that it was due to the Eoman Dutch law of
inheritance which until lately had prevailed in the Colony, " that
the large estates of the old Dutch farmers had been so subdivided
within the last two or three generations that their offspring had
become very small holders of land." Further on he said, " One
farmer possessed nine square miles to himself." Evidently there
130 South Africa and her Colonies.
was some discrepancy between those two statements. The fact of
the matter was, that the Roman Dutch law did not subdivide the
estates to such an extent as the General would lead his audience to
suppose, but he was quite correct in saying that in many parts one
farmer owned nine square miles. What the Koman law of inheri-
tance did, was to subdivide the interests in the property, and not
the property itself. The modus operandi of the Eoman Dutch law
was as follows : The ancestor died ; his descendants as a rule
succeeded to his property equally, whether by devise or intestary ;
the property was then either sold, each child receiving his or her
proportionate share out of the proceeds, or one of the descendants
took over the interests of the others in the property at a valuation.
The effect of the proceeding was manifestly that the property fre-
quently changed hands, or that the descendants who took over the
property at a valuation became impoverished, not that the estate
itself was subdivided. Where the estates had been so subdivided
other causes had been at work — causes which he would not stop to
explain for fear of wearying his listeners, and which were quite
irrelevant. Further on in his paper the General said, speaking
about the British settlers of 1820, " And from the energy of these
men sprang the present prosperity of the Colony." Now he (Mr.
Cloete) thought that assertion was hardly fair, seeing that only the
Eastern Province — a designation which he used with great reluc-
tance, for he considered that there ought not to be any distinction
between the Eastern and Western Provinces — was populated by
the settlers of 1820. What about the inhabitants of the Western
Province — Dutch settlers and their descendants, had they not added
their quota towards raising the united provinces to their present
prosperous condition ? He took the same objection to that state-
ment which he took to a previous one, namely, that it was too
sweeping, and ought to be qualified. The General next alluded to
the discontent of the natives. He (Mr. Cloete) took exception to
that statement, because he had no evidence to that effect, and that
was the more curious, seeing that he read the Colonial papers re-
gularly. The information he had gained through those and official
sources went to prove that the natives were as contented as they
well could be. (Hear, hear.) That they were becoming more
civilised, was proved by the fact that they contributed largely
towards the establishment of schools and churches amongst them ;
and the fact that they bought largely agricultural implements,
showed that they were becoming more industrious. Another
inconsistency occurred in the General's paper where he spoke of the
discovery of diamonds on the banks of the Vaal. In one place he
South Africa and her Colonies. 131
stated that the first diamond was found in 1866, in another in 1867.
(General BISSET : A misprint.) Of course he knew full well that that
was merely an oversight on the part of the author ; but the reason
why he stopped to comment on that statement was, because bethought
that nobody knew when the first diamond was found, for he had it
on authority from the farmers residing in the vicinity of the Vaal river
and from the natives, that traders actually had bought diamonds
long before the fact that diamonds were to be found in that locality
was made public. When the General said, "The relationship
between the Dutch States and the English Colonies in South
Africa had not heretofore been very cordial," he (Mr. Cloete)
thought he must have meant to say, that the relationship between
the Dutch States and the Imperial Government had not been as
cordial as it might have been. As regards the relationship of the
Colonies, inter se, they had been very cordial. Speaking of Griqu-
land West, the General said, " But the province has not yet been
regularly annexed to the Cape Colony." Mr. Cloete said he could
assure the General that it never would be annexed until its finan-
cial condition appeared more rosy. The occupation of that province
had been a mistake from beginning to end. When drifting on to
insolvency, the Cape Legislature was requested to annex the
province, but they graciously declined doing the Imperial Govern-
ment that little favour. Lastly, then, was the question of federation.
He agreed with the General absolutely that if South Africa was to
become a great country, it was expedient that they should federate.
(Hear, hear.) The old maxim that " Unity makes strength," was
too true ever to be controverted. But voluntary federation — and
by voluntary federation he meant where no coercion was employed,
for if the Colonies were coerced the result would be a vicious
federation, and one which would tend rather to sever the links of
unity and brotherhood, instead of bringing them closer and riveting
them — was, as Mr. Watson had remarked, impracticable just now.
Federation as he (Mr. Cloete) understood the term, and as it was
defined by Mr. Austin, meant, " That the several united govern-
ments of the several united societies, together with a government
common to those united societies, are jointly sovereign in each of
these societies, and also in the larger society arising from the
federal union." A federation of that kind required the relinquish-
ing of some sovereignty on the part of the States joining the federal
union. Did the General imagine for a moment that the Dutch
Independent States were prepared to adopt such a course ? Did he
picture to himself South Africa united under the British flag ? If
he did so, he could assure him his imagination was indeed vivid.
132 South Africa and her Colonies.
Did not the General in bis paper state that the Dutch Eepublics
had reason to complain of the treatment they had received at the
hands of the Imperial Government ? And did he think that old
sores were healed in a day, or that deep-rooted antipathies could he
removed in a hour ? Again, the General referred to the Canadian
federation, and drew a parallel between that federation and the
proposed South African one. He forgot that the Canadian States
before they were united were composed of people as a rule of the
same nationality, or if not of the same nationality, at least they
were so assimilated, that the 'distinction was rather nominal than
real. The people in the South African States were, on the other
hand, of different nationalities, widely distinct ; still speaking
different languages, their habits and customs were different, and
they had opposite interests. Though he regretted it very much,
Mr. Cloete said he was compelled to say that he thought there
would be no federation of South Africa just yet. When their
railway systems were so developed that the States were upon
intimate intercourse with each other, and the Imperial Government
more conciliatory in its tone towards the Dutch Eepublics, then,
ex necessitate rerum, federation would follow. (Hear, hear.) It
might not be out of place here to remark that he considered the Cape
Ministry had acted rightly in the matter of the federation contro-
versy. (Hear, hear.) They, as the repositories of the rights of the
people, ought, as they did in this case, to guard them jealously.
Every young State was jealous of its rights, and justly too, if bad
precedents were sought to be established. Eesponsible government,
as he understood the term, was local self-government, restricted
only in this, that its actions must not conflict with Imperial
interests. From that definition it followed that the internal
administration of such a State as had responsible government,
ought to be controlled entirely by the responsible Ministry of that
State. Was that done in the case he was speaking of? No ; Lord
Carnarvon not only named the number of delegates, but also the
individual delegates. Further, an Imperial agent was sent out, apro-
ceedingwhich he (Mr. Cloete) considered most insulting to Sir Henry
Barkly, for, to his thinking, Sir Henry was virtually superseded
as representative of the Queen in South Africa. When the Imperial
agent took the management of the federation scheme into his own
hands, what did the Imperial agent do ? Stumped the country,
agitated the people, and stirred them up against the existing Minis-
try by inflammatory speeches. Was that constitutional ? He (Mr.
Cloete) thought that no rational being would say that it was. The
position taken up by the Cape Ministry, namely, that Lord Car-
South Africa and her Colonies. 183
narvon had no right to initiate such a federation scheme without
consulting them — although he would not deny that it would not
have been more gracious if he had — he considered untenable.
There was no doubt in his (Mr. Cloete's) mind, that such a scheme
ought to emanate from the parent country. (Hear, hear.) That
the Ministry might have been more polite in their minute, when
replying to Lord Carnarvon's despatch, he would also acknowledge ;
but then Mr. Molteno confessed that he was not a polite letter-
writer. No, he was something more than that : he was honest to
a degree — (hear, hear) — straightforward, and had the welfare of the
whole, not any particular part, of the Colony at heart. When the
time came for the Premier to resign office — which he hoped for the
interests of the Colony might be long deferred — he was sure
the country would unanimously declare that John Molteno had
been a benefactor indeed to them, and if it did not, his works
would be monuments of his usefulness. He would now proceed
with his remarks upon Dr. Atherstone's address. From what had
fallen from that gentleman, Mr, Cloete said he implied that he had
brought his pony " separation" with him from South Africa, after
riding him almost to death there. But what seemed most remark-
able was, that Dr. Atherstone advocated " federation," and almost
in the same breath urged "separation." Mr. Cloete said, to his
mind, those positions seemed diametrically opposed. His opinion
respecting federation he had already expressed ; his views on
separation were summed up briefly thus — ruin and destruction to
the now prosperous Cape Colony. (Hear, hear.) Had the expense
of keeping up petty governments entered into the mind of Dr.
Atherstone ? Had he considered other collateral antagonisms that
must arise when a large State was split up into several smaller
ones ? And what were the arguments by which Dr. Atherstone
justified the adoption of such a course as separation? He said
the distance of the Western from the Eastern districts was the
cause of unequal representation, and rendered the Eastern districts
virtually disfranchised, because the services of no fit men could be
procured by the Eastern constituencies to represent them in Par-
liament. What would Messrs. Paterson, Spragg, Godleinton,
Watermeyer, Wood, and many other leading men of the Eastern
Province, in both the Lower and Upper Houses of Parliament, say
to that statement ? Mr. Cloete said his opinion was that the
Eastern districts were as well, if not better, represented in Parlia-
ment, as regards the fitness of their representatives, as the Western
districts were. Dr. Atherstone's next argument was that the Cape
was at the end of the Colony, and that therefore it was not the
134 South Africa and her Colonies.
proper seat of government. The transference of the seat of
government to Grahamstown was what was aimed at in that
remark. But saying nothing about the expense of removing a
government and staff, and accommodating them, unfortunately
Grahamstown — being situated at the other end of the Colony — was
on that account liable to the same objection as Capetown as a seat
of government. A few remarks on Mr. Campbell-Johnston's ad-
dress, in conclusion. That gentleman seemed to have singled out
the Dutch Kepublics, especially the Transvaal Eepublic, as the
object of his address. Why he should have done so, seeing that the
title of General Bisset's paper was " South Africa and her
Colonies," of course he (Mr. Cloete) knew not, unless it was due to
the friendship which existed between Mr. Campbell-Johnston and
the presidents of the Kepublics. But be that as it may, he (Mr.
Cloete) took a decided exception to a remark of his, which amounted
simply to this, that the British Government knowingly swindled
the Free State out of the diamond-fields. (Mr. CAMPBELL- JOHNSTON :
I said snatched, not swindled.) Now as a Colonist and a British
subject, he felt hurt whenever the justice and uprightness for which
England had been and still was so justly famed over the known
world, was assailed. If Mr. Campbell-Johnston had given his
reasons for his assertion, he (Mr. Cloete) would not perhaps have
felt so strongly upon the point, but here he came and made a
serious accusation unsupported by any proof. Mr. Cloete did not
for a moment believe that the British Government knowingly
defrauded the Free State out of then* just dues, but he thought that
misconceptions arose, and sometimes were complicated, through
obscure and imperfect representations made to the Colonial Office
in London. He was sure that the British Government would be
only too ready to make reparation, if it could be proved that they
had been, even unintentionally, the cause of any wrong. He con-
cluded by thanking the audience for having accorded him such a
patient hearing. (Applause.)
Mr. KEEKT-NIOHOLLS contributed a few remarks upon Imperial
federation. He was not acquainted with the internal government
of the Cape, and therefore would only speak on the general merits
of General Bisset's paper, which all must acknowledge con-
tained much valuable information. (Hear, hear.) Those who had
studied the external and internal problems of Colonial politics
could not fail to perceive that the question of Imperial federation
was of vast importance, not only when considered in relation to
the political and commercial prestige of the mother country, but
likewise when considered in its bearing upon the welfare of the
South Africa and her Colonies. 135
Colonies, which were rapidly assuming the position of wealthy and
powerful States. That the question was a very difficult one to
deal with there could be no doubt, and although many ideas had
been advanced concerning it, he did not see that it had yet met
with any practical solution. Although they might not all concur
in the views set forth by General Bisset, he thought they would
be unanimously of opinion that the gallant General's ideas might
lay claim to a certain degree of candour, not to say originality.
While fully acknowledging the importance of Imperial federation,
General Bisset frankly showed them how it was to be brought
about. He said that each Colony should send a representative to
the British House of Commons, and that these so-called repre-
sentatives should be allowed to speak, but not to vote. Now the
question of Imperial federation was one in which great and vital
interests were involved, and before a satisfactory solution could be
arrived at, the subject must be impartially considered from two
distinct points of view — Imperial and Colonial. If we offered to
the Colonies any form of Imperial federation based upon repre-
sentation in the Imperial Councils of the State, we must extend to
them a proportionate representation and voting power. We could
not say to them, "We shall be happy to have your representation and
hear your voice, but you must not vote ; in other words, you may
bark, but not bite." How was it to be expected that the Colonies
would agree to such a form of representation as that, which was
in direct opposition to the spirit of our own constitution, and con-
trary to the acknowledged principles of free representative govern-
ment ? Supposing, to illustrate the point, that these Colonial repre-
sentatives did find themselves in the House of Commons under
such circumstances. What position could they occupy ? What
weight would they carry with them ? They would by their
peculiar and limited powers be left entirely " out in the cold,"
and to his mind they would be like so many flies in amber, and
the world would be apt to wonder not only how they got there, but
why they got there. The relationship existing between Great
Britain and her Colonies was without a parallel in history. The
Greeks and the Eomans created vast Colonies, which were founded
by conquest and retained by force of arms. We also had
dependencies which we had acquired in the same way, such as India
and other places ; but, on the other hand, we had gone forth and
peopled new and sparsely-populated countries, and had raised power-
ful Colonies, which, to judge from their rate of progress, bid fair to
outrival the mother country in population and greatness. But we
had gone further than that. We had extended to these Colonies,
136 South Africa and her Colonies.
speaking the same language and adopting the same laws, a form of
representation to all intents and purposes identical with our own ;
we had permitted them to assume a responsible form of govern-
ment ; we had withdrawn State aid, and had, if he might use the
expression, allowed them to sink or to swim according to their
power of flotation. Now that power of flotation had been, happily
for the Colonies, wonderfully great. Buoyed up with high hopes
and aspirations, and placed in new countries possessing a bound-
less material wealth, they had come to the surface, and had not
only assumed the importance of flourishing States, but almost of
powerful nations. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) Although the
Colonies were called dependencies of .the Crown, it must be
conceded that there was very little spirit of dependence amongst
the Colonists themselves. Eesponsible government, the sentiment
of nationality which had sprung up with it, and other causes, had
taught them to know their political and material strength and im-
portance ; and whilst he believed they would hail with readiness,
nay, even with pride, any form of Imperial federation in which
their interests would be fairly represented, he was sure they would
stand firmly aloof from any scheme of Imperial federation in
which they could not enjoy relatively the same privilege with our-
selves. The Colonies, mindful of the important position they had
acquired for themselves in the world, would be apt to look upon
Imperial federation in a very matter-of-fact way. They would say, Qui
bono ? and if arguing the point with the mother country they might
justly add, " You gave birth to us, you nursed us when in our
swaddling-clothes, you sent us to school in our own parliaments to
learn how to govern ourselves, and now that we have attained our
majority, and are likely to cut a big figure in the world, you talk
about Imperial federation, and ask us to enter into a bond of
eternal fellowship." Or they might say, in reply to the gallant
General, " You invite us to your home like so many good little
children, you ask us to sit at your table and tell you all we know of
our far-off countries ; but then, with the air of a stern mentor, you
give us a tremendous rap over the knuckles that makes us wince
again, and you say, My little dears, you must keep your fingers out
of the pie." Mr. Nicholls said, recognising, as we must, the great
political and commercial eminence to which the Colonies had
attained, it seemed clear to his mind that any form of Imperial
federation must be based upon measures of equality, and
assimilated as near as possible to our present constitution and
form of government. In other words, if we invited the Colonies
to enter into an Imperial federation, we must meet them as near
South Africa and her Colonies. 137
as circumstances would allow upon an equal footing, and extend to
them relatively the same constitutional privileges with ourselves.
We could not at this late stage say to the Colonies, " You shall do
this," nor could the Colonies say to us, " You shall do the other."
There must be an equal, voluntary, and conjoint action on the part
of the mother country and the Colonies, and community of com-
mercial interest in time of peace, and a firm and united action in
time of war, must form the principal links in the great hond of
union. It could not be denied that Great Britain at the present
day occupied the most important position among nations. But how
had that been brought about ? Had not the Colonies had a great
deal to do with that wonderful supremacy ? Had they not poured
wealth into our coffers ? Had not their ships gone forth carrying
our flag into every corner of the world ? If any further proof of
that were wanted, he might mention that according to the latest
statistics, those of 1874, the exports from Great Britain to Canada,
Australia, New Zealand, and the Cape amounted to £35,000,000,
while the imports to the United Kingdom from those countries
were £38,000,000, thus leaving a surplus in favour of the Colonies
of over £3,000,000. The question naturally suggested itself how
long would this state of affairs last, and what could be done to
consolidate this rapidly-increasing power. He did not wish to
speak in the spirit of an alarmist, but he believed that the political
millennium had not arrived when we might turn our swords into
ploughshares and their spears into pruning hooks. With 7,000,000
of armed men upon the Continent, practically within a few miles
of our shores and with a powerful nation creeping up to the con-
fines of our Indian Empire, there was no telling how soon a
change might come over the spirit of our dream ; and he was firmly
of opinion that if anything was to be done in the matter of
Imperial federation, there might never be a better opportunity
than the present to take the initial step in that direction. So far
as his own experience taught him, he believed that the spirit
animating British Colonists at the present time was that of love
for the mother country and loyalty for the Crown ; but it should
not be forgotten that the population of the Colonies was composed
of various elements, which might now be said to be in a transitory
state, and that, irrespective of the foreign element which was
being constantly introduced, a race of native-born Colonial sub-
jects was rapidly taking the place of the old British blood; and
unless some intimate bond of union was brought about to
strengthen and to foster this spirit of love and loyalty for British
power and influence, it was one that would, in the ordinary course
138 South Africa and her Colonies.
of circumstances, become gradually less, and finally die out ; and
when once secession had set in and the time for action had arrived,
we might see a host of Eepublics spring up around us — as we had
before seen in our early colonisation of America — in place of a
loyal people, ready to do battle in the cause of a great and united
Empire. (Cheers.) He concluded by testifying his appreciation
of General Bisset's interesting paper.
Mr. H. E. MONTGOMERIE contributed a few remarks respecting
the Canadian scheme of federation. That Dominion, he said, had
been quoted by General Bisset as a somewhat parallel case to that
of the South African Colonies, and exception had been taken by a
previous speaker to the Canadian scheme on the ground that while
in South Africa there was a great diversity of language, in Canada
they had not such an element to deal with. Now he might
mention that in the province of Quebec the majority of the people
were French, and to such an extent did their interests predominate,
that the proceedings in the Quebec Assembly were carried on both
in French and English, and all documents had to be printed in
both languages ; the same rule also prevailed in the Dominion
Parliament. He did not think the Dutch element in South Africa
would be more difficult to deal with. The progress and success of
federation in the North American Colonies was, he considered,
such as to give the greatest encouragement to future efforts in that
direction. He thought the very name of the Dominion of Canada
suggested an excellent appendage to the title of Her Majesty the
Queen. We had a Canadian Dominion, and there was no doubt
that in time we should have a West Indian Dominion, an Australian
Dominion, and a South African Dominion, and if the Queen were
to assume the title of " Queen of the British Dominions," in
addition to that by which she is now known, he thought it would
be at once comprehensive and sufficient. (Hear, hear, and cheers.)
Mr. STRANGWAYS (late Attorney- General for South Australia)
said he could quite agree with what was said by Mr. Cloete to the
effect that there was as good wine made at the Cape as anyone
could wish to drink. There was the " Constantia," which was ex-
cellent and had a world- wide fame, but some of the Cape sherry
was very bad, and yet this latter wine, which was, he thought,
largely advertised in the Times and other daily newspapers under
other names, was much admired by people in this country. He
had drunk at the Cape as nice a sherry as he would wish for. But
with regard to the main question of the paper — the question of
federation — General Bisset would have the Colonies send repre-
sentatives to the English Parliament who should not vote, but
South Africa and her Colonies. 139
speak. All lie (Mr. Strangways) knew was, that when he was in
the Legislative Assembly of South Australia it was the vote he
cared for, and he thought Mr. Disraeli, if asked, would say that
the principal thing he looked to was the number of names on the
division list. Mr. Strangways said he felt sure the General's
scheme would not work. Fancy, if America was introduced and
the hon. member for the Eocky Mountains made. his appearance —
a tall, thin, gaunt Kentucky back-woodsman, walking up the centre
of the House and fmaking his way towards some old county
member, who perhaps might be doing what he might facetiously
call attending to his duties in Parliament, namely, having a snooze
in a quiet corner with his hat over his eyes, and fancy the hon.
member for the Eocky Mountains patting the county member on
the back and saying, " Wall, old 'hoss? " what would be the effect
upon the members of the British Parliament ? The effect he (Mr.
Strangways) considered might be more easily imagined than
described. He thought he was one of the first who ventured in
June last to make some remarks in favour of Lord Carnarvon's
views of the federation of the Cape Colonies, and now he would
refer to some of the blunders that had been made. In the
Langalibalele affair the Cape Legislature was snubbed by Lord
Carnarvon, who had afterwards to be content with the removal of
the chief from Eobin Island to another place, to be kept at a
greater expense to the Cape Government. Then Sir Garnet
Wolseley was sent out to Natal to see all that was to be seen. He
reduced the proportion of elected representatives in the Legislature
and substituted nominee members, and was freely accused in the
local papers of drowning the liberties of the country in sherry and
champagne, and, after he left, the Colonists found that they had to
pay a bill of some £4,000 for expenses. Then there was Mr.
Froude's visit. "When it was arranged that that gentleman should
go to the Cape, people began to ask, Who is Mr. Froude ? All that
was said was that Mr. Froude was a great admirer of Queen
Elizabeth. (A laugh.) The arrival of Mr. Froude in the Colony
was undoubtedly considered as a slur upon the Government. It
was true he was well received in places, but the Cape people cared
little or nothing about his opinions ; they merely went to see him
just in the same way as people in this country would go and see a
black boy at a country fair. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) Now
these were the three points on which Lord Carnarvon started his
scheme of federation. He (Mr. Strangways) knew the feelings of
Colonists as well as anyone in that room, and while he would
admit that it was possible to lead our fellow-countrymen on
140 South Africa and her Colonies.
the other side of the world, he was sure it would be impossible to
drive them ; and he had no hesitation in saying that had Mr.
Froude been sent out to Australia to act ill the same way as he had
done in South Africa, he would have been sent back in double
quick time. (Hear, hear.) Very serious mistakes had been made
with regard to the proposed federation of South Africa — mistakes
which would postpone the carrying out of that federal union which
they all so much desired to see ; and he (Mr. Strangways) thought
the best thing now was to let the subject remain in abeyance for
some little time, until the ill-feeling which now existed had passed
away. So far as regards the Dutch not joining in any scheme of federa-
tion, that was merely a question of £ s. d. Give them some rail-
ways and telegraphs, and they would most probably not object to
join. After insisting upon his suggestion made some time ago in
the press of establishing a line of telegraphic communication
through Central Africa between Cairo and Capetown, Mr.
Strangways concluded by remarking that he thought the Colonial
Office seemed to desire to go back to its old traditions in respect of
treating the Colonies as children. He was confident they would
rebel against such treatment, and, if persisted in, great disturbance
must be the result.
Mr. F. P. LABILLIEEE said it seemed to him that one promi-
nent fact was brought out by every discussion of the Institute,
and appeared conspicuously in General Bisset's paper, namely,
that there was a unity not only of interests and sympathies,
but also of political questions and political policies, existing
in the various portions of the Empire. (Hear, hear.) For
instance, the question of inter- colonial federation, which had
been so much considered in this discussion, was identical with
that which was discussed and, by the force of circumstances,
settled in Canada ten years ago. Similar pressure — the need
of joint action for purposes of greater general security — had
brought forward the question in South Africa, and he had no
doubt it would soon have to be discussed in connection with Aus-
tralia. He should first like to refer to what General Bisset had
said upon the surrender of the Orange Free State. He (Mr.
Labilliere) maintained that amongst political blunders perpetrated
in connection with the Colonies, none had been more glaring
than that of parting with that State. It had to a considerable
extent brought about the present unsatisfactory condition of affairs,
for it had strengthened the Free State influence, which was one of
the most serious difficulties in the way of South African federation.
With all our knowledge of the Colonies, he was afraid we had yet
South Africa and her Colonies. 141
to learn wisdom by experience, and to be taught the value of all
our territories and of many tracts adjacent to them. Judging by
the action of the Imperial Government, New Guinea and other
islands were worth little or nothing ; but he ventured to say that if
we allowed those desk-able places to slip from our hands, ten or
twenty years hence people would look upon the present indifference
with regard to them as a blunder on a par with the abandonment
of the Orange Free State. During the present week, Parliament
was to be asked to give up one of our great highways to the heart
of Africa — the Gambia. Should this be carried out, another cause
of future regret and reproach will be furnished. It was to be
hoped that Downing Street would learn the lesson the neglect
which caused the loss of the Island of St. Juan, and the deliberate
abandonment of the Orange Free State, should assuredly teach.
He would now say a few words upon federation. He was one of
those who, with Mr. Young, thought there was something higher
and grander even than inter- colonial federation, and that
was Imperial federation. In arranging for the former, we
should always bear in view the latter. He would not enter
into details with respect to federation From the earliest times
down to the present, we had examples of that form of govern-
ment, and therefore no student of history required to be told what
a federal government meant. Though an advanced Imperial
federalist, he did not agree with General Bisset's scheme. In
fact, when the gallant General mentioned that the United States
should form part of our confederation, he fairly took his (Mr.
Labilliere's) breath away. He deeply regretted the separation of
the United States, and the causes which produced it, but feared
it could not be recalled. It was not in general profitable to
speculate as to what would have happened if the events recorded
in history had not taken place ; but if the relations between
England and her American Colonies had been as happy a century
ago as are those with her Colonies at the present day, we can easily
perceive what shape events would have taken. The colonists were
Americans of the third or fourth generation, and, though the
grandsons and great-grandsons of the persecuted Puritans, whom
Stuart oppression had driven from this country, were as true and
loyal to the British Crown as any men could possibly be. George
Washington wore the British uniform and fought under the
British flag, and he would have been perfectly willing to have died
under it if he had been allowed to do so — (hear, hear) — but he was
compelled to revolt. We can therefore well perceive, and may,
with the greatest advantage, reflect upon, the course events would
142 South Africa and her Colonies.
have followed had the unhappy cause of separation between
England and the United States not arisen a hundred years
ago. A little later, England became engaged in the great war
with Napoleon ; and would the Colonies have taken advantage
of that to have broken away from her ? As a colonist by birth
and feeh'ngs, he indignantly repudiated the imputation of mean
cowardice — for it was nothing less — made against them by those
who assert that the Colonies will choose the time of some foreign
war to separate from the mother country. Never ! Nothing would
be more calculated to link the bonds of union closer than a great
war. Well, then, how would the Americans have acted in the
war of Napoleon ? Can we doubt that they would have thrown
themselves heartily into it in support of this country? Ships
equipped by them would have fought under Nelson at Trafalgar,
and regiments of them would have served under Wellington in the
Peninsula and at Waterloo. Thus their claim to some share in the
Imperial Government would have become conspicuous, and the
foundation would have been laid of their federal union with this
country, which, by this time, would have become more complete.
He would conclude with a quotation from a leading article in the
Times of Nov. 80th, 1872, in which the question was considered
whether the Independence of the United States was necessary.
Speaking of Mr. Gladstone's remarks at a dinner given by Mr.
Cyrus Field, the article suggests the following weighty reflections :
" To quarrel now because George III. and Lord North vainly en-
deavoured to lay a tax on the Boston trade, would be an extra-
vagance of pugnacity only to be paralleled by an Irish faction fight ;
and if we disagree at all from Mr. Gladstone's remarks on the
original causes of separation, we disagree from him in regarding
that separation as inevitable. When he says that Great Britain
was struggling against nature, and even against Providence, in
opposing American independence, we take leave to doubt whether,
if both nations had then known their own interests, American
Independence would ever have been proclaimed. Since it is now
too late to undo, it is safe to regret events which passed a century
ago ; and we hold ourselves perfectly free to believe that, but for
George III. and Lord North, these islands and the United Provinces
might have continued under the same Government — modified, no
doubt, by the very nature of such association, yet still embodying
the spirit of that constitution which Burke's genius would have
known how to develop." He thoroughly sympathised with all
the projects of inter-colonial confederation, but in working them
out we should ever remember that Imperial confederation should
South Africa and her Colonies. 143
be the keystone of the arch of all our systems of government in
the Empire.
Mr. BAM, M.L.A., Cape of Good Hope, on being called upon to
make a few observations, remarked that after what had been stated
by General Bisset, and by Mr. Glanville on a former occasion,
very little remained to be said about South Africa. They had
heard of the vast extent and the numerous resources of those
Colonies ; they had been made acquainted with the number of the
natives, and had learnt what was being done to civilise them; and
General Bisset had told them that, notwithstanding the wealth
and resources of the country, it had made but slow progress. Now,
whilst admitting that in years past the condition of the Cape was
anything but satisfactory, yet since they had been given a free
constitution and responsible government, the Colony had made
rapid strides, and it was now one of the most hopeful of the
British possessions. The present population of the Cape Colony
(to which he would specially confine himself) was considerably over
600,000, exclusive of the natives of Kaffirland and Basutoland, and
its revenue was about £1,250,000 sterling. On referring to Mr.
Noble's descriptive handbook of the Colony — which book all who
desired to become more acquainted with the Cape should read — he
found some interesting statistics with reference to the live stock of
the Colony. In 1865, the number of horses in the Colony, quoting
them in round numbers, amounted to 228,000 ; in 1875 they had
decreased to 207,000, owing to a prevailing horse sickness a few
years ago. On the other hand, mules and asses had increased
from 24,000 to 30,000 during the same period : that was because
the country farmers now generally use mules. The draught oxen
and other cattle in 1865 numbered 692,000 ; in 1875 there were
1,097,000. The wool sheep during the same time had increased
from 8,000,000 to 10,000,000, while the Cape sheep had decreased
from 1 ,470,000 to 944,000. He might mention that some of the tails
of these sheep weighed upwards of 20 Ibs., the average being from
6 to 8 Ibs. They were melted into fat, which served as an excel-
lent substitute for butter ; at one time it was sold at 3d. to 6d. per
lb., but when he left the Colony it could not be purchased for less
than 2s. 6d. per lb. In 1865 the angora goats amounted to
121,000 ; in 1875 they had increased to 973,000. On the other
hand, Cape goats decreased during the same period from 2,148,000
to 2,123,000. Pigs in 1865 numbered 78,000, in 1875 ; they had
increased to 110,000. As regards ostriches, in 1865 there were
only 80 ; in 1875 the number as given by Mr. Noble, was 22,257;
nearly £250,000 in value of feathers was exported during last
144 South Africa and her Colonies.
year. With all these facts before him, he thought the Colony bade
fair to be an excellent one for emigrants, and he was glad to note
that since 1873 Mr. Fuller, the Cape Emigration Agent in London,
had sent out over 8,000 people. It was very gratifying that the
Colony had lately been brought so very prominently before the eyes
of the world, and this led him to a subject of importance not only
to the Cape Colony, but also to the Home Government : he need
hardly say that he alluded to the question of federation. A great
deal had been said and done with regard to that matter. Upon
the arrival of the first despatch in the Colony a great deal of dissatis-
faction prevailed, because the Cape Ministry considered it to be
dictatorial, and they would not allow themselves to be dictated to by
the Home Government ; but he believed Lord Carnarvon did not
intend to disturb their equilibrium. Personally he (Mr. Bam) was
in favour of the proposed conference. Not many years ago the
subject of the federation of South Africa was taken into consideration
by a commission, who reported that federation was desirable ; and,
so far as he could see, the matter remained the same as it was
then. He considered Lord Carnarvon acted very indiscreetly when
he selected his own Commissioner, and so did Mr. Froude, when he
unnecessarily agitated the minds of the people of the Colony. (Hear,
hear.) There were very few South African colonists who were
not in favour of a conference. It had been said by several that the
time was inopportune, but he (Mr. Bam) thought that the present
time, when complaints were being continually sent home, was most
opportune. He had no doubt that the Orange Free State and the
Transvaal would ultimately join in a confederation, but nothing
better than a conference would help to solve that question. With
regard to Mr. Molteno, he maintained that that gentleman had
acted fairly throughout. Doubtless a more liberal spirit would
soon come over " the spirit of his dream," and he would conclude
that, as the South African Colonies were ah1 members of one family,
a closer union was necessary. Circumstances were so rapidly
advancing, and events moved on so quickly, that it was not un-
reasonable to suppose that the present state of feeling might
soon change, and that at no distant date we might hear of
one prosperous South African Dominion. (Hear hear, and
cheers.)
Mr. DONALD CUBRIE, who had the disadvantage of speakin-
when the time for continuing the meeting had already been very
much protracted, rose in answer to the request of the noble Chair-
man, and made a few remarks which were well received by the
whole meeting, as dictated by the spirit of conciliation and har-
South Africa and her Colonies. 145
mony. Mr. Currie pointed out with reference to the question which
has been raised with respect to confederation generally of all the
British Colonies, and the admission to Parliament of representatives,
that this would involve a disadvantage and a necessity : a disadvan-
tage, seeing that the colonists would not like to have any share of
the National Debt and Imperial Taxation — a necessity that, in his
opinion, such confederation could only take place after Australia,
the Cape, and other Colonies, had seen their way to follow the
example of the North American Colonies, and formed themselves
into confederacies. With respect to the interest of South Africa,
which he said was the special object before the meeting, Mr. Currie
pointed out the gravity of the present crisis. He considered there
was no time so important in the interests of the Cape Colonies
and Natal as the present. From certain proceedings during last
year, embarrassment and complications had arisen between the
Cape and the mother country, which, added to the already existing
and somewhat long-standing conditions of affairs between England
and the Eepublics, required to be smoothed away. He urged the
necessity for the exercise of sound judgment and tact in present
circumstances ; the duty of everyone — colonist or dweller at home
— was to avoid irritating language. He deprecated the severe
criticism upon public men which had characterised the speeches of
some of the preceding speakers, and also the spirit of jocularity
which was allowed to trifle with so important a subject on the part
of others. Mr. Currie insisted that Mr. Molteno, as Prime Minister
of the Cape and head of the responsible government, was bound and
entitled to express his views with independence and freedom.
He protested against remarks which had been made derogatory to
Mr. Froude ; while as respects Lord Carnarvon, he declared that
no Colonial Minister had shown so deep an interest in South
Africa, and that it would be a foolish and impolitic course for any
one, colonist or other, to use any language calculated to moderate
the earnestness with which his Lordship sought the welfare of their
country. Mr. Currie earnestly urged everyone to do what he could
for the practical development of what was best for the social,
political, and material interest of South Africa as a whole. He
expressed regret that DelagoaBay had been adjudged a foreign pos-
session, but showed in clear terms that in the long run the good of
South Africa would be furthered by the energy of the Dutch capi-
talists, who had in Holland (as he was informed by President
Burgers) agreed to assist the Transvaal in its railway enterprise.
Mr. Currie pressed upon the colonists to hurry forward their own
new colonial lines of communication with the interior, and prog-
146 South Africa and her Colonies.
nosticated for their large inland territory a great and increasing
progress and prosperity.
Mr. WATSON said he was anxious to offer some explanation
respecting the few remarks he made on Lieut. -General Bisset's
paper at the last meeting. From what he had subsequently heard,
he was afraid an impression had got abroad that he was opposed
to federation. Now this] was a great mistake, because he was
decidedly in favour of a confederation of the States of South Africa,
if such a measure could be satisfactorily carried out ; at the same
time, he could not shut his eyes to the fact that considerable diffi-
culty would be experienced in its accomplishment. He wished also
to explain that, while speaking of the dissatisfaction which prevailed
amongst the Dutch farmers when he first arrived at the Cape, in
1842, he never meant to infer that the abolition of slavery was a
mistake in itself, because no true Englishman could maintain that ;
but he thought the process of emancipation was carried out in a
somewhat objectionable manner, by which the owners of slaves
were suddenly deprived of their usual supply of labour.
Dr. ATHERSTONE said Mr. Cloete had accused him of riding a
hobby-horse " separation," and at the same time of advocating
federation. On reference to the printed speech, he considered Mr.
Cloete would find he had made a mistake. He (Dr. Atherstone)
thought it was singular bad taste on the part of Mr. Cloete to
criticise General Bisset's paper in the way he had done.
The noble PRESIDENT said : In the few remarks I shall make I
shall endeavour to set a better example by not speaking at so great
a length as many here present have done to-night. The subject
has indeed been so very fully discussed and treated of, that there
are few points to which I wish to refer. I should like first to say
a word upon irrigation. It struck me when I was at the Cape that
no other country in the world was capable of greater improvement
by means of irrigation than South Africa. (Hear, hear.) The soil
gets hardened by the great heat of the sun, and the water from the
clouds runs away very rapidly, but if that water could be stored it
might soften and enrich the land, and make it prolific instead of
being, as it sometimes is, a nuisance. (Hear, hear.) Now I wish
to say that I can bear testimony to the excellence of some of the
Cape wines. As long ago as 1844 I bought a quantity of a wine
called " Dry Pontac," which I found to be of excellent quality. I
will now say a word upon a very important question which has been
alluded to to-night — namely, the proposal which has been made by
Government, that the Queen should make an addition to her title.
It has been said, and very properly, that if Her Majesty recognises
South Africa and her Colonies. 147
the country of India, she should also recognise the magnificent
territories which have been won, not by blood or by fighting — very
few have been gained by wars — but which have been won from the
wilderness by the enterprise and perseverance of our fellow- country-
men ; and I quite agree that it would be a graceful act for the
Ministry to advise the Queen to add to her title one which should
acknowledge the success of the British race in peopling the desolate
parts of the world. (Hear hear, and cheers.) I think the suggestion
to add to the title of " Queen of Great Britain and Ireland," the
"Dominions" would answer every purpose, and make it as concise
and effective as any. But a still more important point to which I
wish to refer — and one on which I think I rather ruffled the
General's temper on the last occasion— (a laugh) — is the question
of Imperial federation. (Hear, hear.) I highly approve and praise
the idea of a confederation of the whole of the South African
Colonies. As Mr. Currie remarked, the first step towards the
federation of the Empire must be the federation of the Colonies —
(hear, hear) — and I welcome every step in that direction, as I think
such steps must lead to Imperial federation. (Hear hear, and
cheers.) So far I agree with General Bisset, but I do not agree
with the way in which he proposes that Imperial federation should
be carried out. I do not believe that such federation can be carried
out by bringing representatives to sit in the British House of
Commons. They would only be there in small numbers, and if
they voted their votes would always be outnumbered — (hear, hear) —
and I certainly do not think it would be wise for the representatives
of a single Colony, much less of a group of Colonies, to sit in the
English Parliament, unless they were allowed to vote. I have no
doubt, however, some means may be found by which our Colonies
may be represented here. I have myself suggested, on more than
one occasion, that representatives should be sent to form a council,
such as the Indian Council — which, by the way, I have recently
learnt has alone the power to sanction expenditure — to sit around
the Secretary of State for the Colonies. I think in the Indian
Council we have a model which might be followed in the federation
of the Empire ; and if the Colonies, when they send their repre-
sentatives, would place some money in their hands, and offer to
assist in the development of the power, the grandeur, and the unity
of the Empire, those representatives would have as much influence
and as much power over the policy of the Empire as the British
House of Commons itself. (Hear hear, and cheers.) The idea of
Imperial federation I consider an admirable one, and in seeking to
develop it I think we cannot do better than take hints from the
L2
148 South Africa and her Colonies.
system adopted in the India Office by the India Council. I will
now offer your best thanks to General Bisset, and congratulate you
and him upon the most interesting discussion his paper has called
forth. (Applause.)
General BISSET said, at that late hour he would not detain those
present by replying seriatim to the remarks made by the several
gentlemen who had spoken, but would only express his satisfaction
at the interesting discussion which his address on South Africa
had called forth — a discussion of much importance to the future of
the Colonies and to this country. He felt much gratified by the
manner in which his paper had been received by the press, and by
the interest evinced by the assemblage on each occasion.
(149)
FOUKTH OKDINABY GENEEAL MEETING.
THE Fourth Ordinary General Meeting was held at the Pall Mall
Eestaurant, on Tuesday, 21st March, 1876. His Grace the
PRESIDENT in the chair.
Mr. FREDERICK YOUNG (Hon. Sec.) read the minutes of the last
meeting, which,were confirmed ; he then read the following Paper,
by Mr. COLEMAN PHILLIPS, of Auckland, New Zealand, on the
CIVILISATION OF THE PACIFIC.
PRELIMINARY REMARKS.
THE civilisation of the Pacific should be at the present time an
interesting subject for discussion. We have lately added Fiji to
our Colonial dominion. France is acquiring a firm foothold in the
South Seas, and is rapidly peopling New Caledonia with convicts.
Germany and America are becoming interested in some of the
groups of fertile islands. War vessels of all nations are cruising
amongst them, ready at any moment to plant the flag of the par-
ticular country which they represent, and indelibly mark their
name upon the page which the history of the Pacific will occupy in
the annals of the world. The Australasian Colonies are agitating
for the annexation of the islands to England, whilst at home
deputations have waited upon Ministers in order to suggest Im-
perial action. It may therefore be advisable to consider their past
and present history.
GEOGRAPHICAL DESCRIPTION.
By the Pacific is meant the central portion of the Pacific Ocean,
including all those groups of islands between 30° north and south
of the equator, and stretching eastward from the Pelew Islands to
Easter Island. This immense area, commonly called Polynesia,
is divided by the equator into the North and South Pacific, which
division may be again best divided into Eastern, Central, and
Western Polynesia. The names of the principal groups of islands
contained within these divisions, together with their population,
area, &c. &c. will be found in Appendix (A).* I include New
Guinea in Polynesia, although it is doubtful to which of the three
* Melanesia and Micronesia are somewhat indefinite titles given to certain
islands inhabited by the Papuan or black races. Micronesia principally com-
prises the Gilbert, Marshall, and Caroline Islands, amongst which, however,
many pure Polynesians are found. Melanesia is simply Western Polynesia.
150 Civilisation of the Pacific.
divisions it should belong, Malaysia, Australasia, or Polynesia.
Few persons are much acquainted with this portion of the Pacific
Ocean or its extent. It is only when we are led to consider the
present or future welfare of the islands which it contains, that we
find ourselves dealing with so vast an area of the earth's surface, some-
thing like 20,000,000 square miles.* The importance of this fact
it is necessary to remember, for the water which separates the
various groups of islands is not only valuable in itself, but at the
same time so much a naturally prepared highway for future inter-
insular commerce.
DISCOVERY.
The Pacific Ocean was discovered and formally taken posses-
sion of for Spain by Vasco Nunez de Balboa in the year 1513.
Crossing the American Isthmus, he was the first European who
gazed upon it. Descending, he stepped into its waters, and with
drawn sword and in full armour took possession for his Sovereign
of all lands and islands the Ocean might contain, even unto the
Poles. In 1520, Magellan, a Portuguese, in the Victory, f pass-
ing through the Straits which now bear his name, was the first to
sail across the Pacific (so called by him from the tranquillity of his
voyage through it, in comparison with the stormy sea he en-
countered at and near the Straits). Magellan discovered the
Ladrone and Philippine Islands. Alvaro de Mendana discovered
and took possession of the Solomon Islands for Spain. He also
discovered the Marquesas and Santa Cruz, which he attempted
ineffectually to colonise, and where he died.
The Dutch are represented by Tasman, who in 1643 discovered
the Friendly Islands and Fiji. Also by Commodore Eoggenein,
who in 1772 discovered Easter Island — that curious spec of isolated
land upon which stand colossal images of stone men. Sailing
from thence to the East Indies, the Commodore touched upon
Samoa, New Britain, and New Guinea.
England, however, mainly achieved the exploration of the Pacific.
Many expeditions were fitted out by the British Government
during the reign of George III., although I must not pass over in
silence the voyages of English navigators of a much earlier period,
amongst which stand those of Sir Francis Drake and old Sir
Constantine Phipps, first Lord Mulgrave (the founder of the family
of a distinguished Vice-President of this Society, the Marquis of
* The Pacific Ocean contains a superficial area of 70,000,000 square miles,
t The Victory performed the first voyage round the world.
Civilisation of the Pacific. 151
Normanby), who in William and Mary's reign discovered and
named the Mulgrave Islands. But of all English navigators in
the Pacific, the name of James Cook stands pre-eminent. He
discovered New Caledonia, so named for its resemblance to Scot-
land, Norfolk Island (part of the Society Group), the Sandwich
Islands, and many others. He surveyed the New Hebrides,
Society and Friendly Islands ; determined the insularity of New
Zealand by passing through Cook's Straits ; * explored the then
unknown Eastern Coast of Australia for 2,000 miles, and
circumnavigated the globe in a high southern latitude, in order
to decide the question whether any continent existed north
of a certain parallel. Captain Cook performed three voyages.
The first left Plymouth in 1768, fitted out for the purpose of
observing the transit of the planet Venus at Tahiti (the Society
Islands were so named by Cook in honour of the Koyal Society,
which had induced the Government to fit out the expedition). The
second left England in 1772, in order to settle the vexed question
of the existence of a Southern Continent. The third left in 1776,
for the purpose of discovering a passage to the Pacific in the
direction of Hudson's and Baffin's Bays, or as Cook preferred, from
the Pacific to the Bays. It was at the Sandwich Islands, which he
then discovered and named after his patron the Earl of Sandwich,
that he met with his death — December 1778. James Cook was,
indeed, a great discoverer and navigator. The correctness and
minuteness of his surveys have won the admiration of the most
accomplished seamen who have succeeded him.
Beside Cook, the names of Anson, Byron, Wallis (who in 1767
discovered and took possession of Tahiti for George III.), Marshall,
Gilbert, and other English navigators are indelibly marked on the
history of the Pacific.
France is represented in the Pacific by the names of La Perouse
and D'Entrecasteaux, whose expeditions encountered more than
ordinary misfortunes.
MISSIONS.
During the latter portion of the last century, the accounts pub-
lished by Wallis, Cook, and other voyagers in the South Seas, the
visit to London of Omai, the Society islander, concerning whom
Cowper wrote, the tragic death of the great navigator himself,
and the mutiny of the Bounty, kept public attention in England
* New Zealand was formerly supposed to be a portion of a great southern
continent.
152 Civilisation of the Pacific.
fixed upon the Pacific and the state of the Polynesian islanders. A
strong desire was expressed for the religious improvement of the
natives, and the London Missionary Society, at that time but
newly formed, gratified that desire by sending away eighteen mis-
sionary clergymen to the Society Islands. On March 3rd, 1797,
the Duff, the first missionary vessel, anchored in Matarai Bay,
Tahiti, where Cook in 1768 observed the transit of Venus.
When the history of the Pacific is written, the year 1797 will be
noted for the actual commencement of civilisation therein. Pre-
vious to that date the Islanders had been taught to fear rather
than admire modern civilisation. The teachings of the Spaniards
can hardly be caUed civilised. Between 1668 and 1681 the Island
of Guam, in the Ladrones, was nearly depopulated by them of its
40,000 inhabitants — a notable instance of Spanish dealings in the
Pacific. Our missionaries have carried out a totally different
policy to that formerly pursued by the Spaniards. From 1797 to
the present date, the loss of life has been always on the missionary
side. Quietly and bravely have English missionaries advanced,
reclaiming island after island from barbarism, at what cost only
the missionary records tell, until there are few islands now left
which have not yielded to their gentle influence. No monument
exists to commemorate this noble work, or to tell of the many lives
which it has cost. Cannibalism, immolation, suicide, idolatry,
infanticide, tabu, polygamy, domestic slavery, tribal and internecine
strife, have all been conquered. The rising generation is almost
entirely ignorant of the dark deeds of its predecessors.
The London Missionary Society commenced the work of plant-
ing missionaries simultaneously at the Society, Marquesas, and
Friendly Islands. The Wesleyan Missionary Society began its
labours in the Friendly Islands in 1831, and in Fiji in 1835. The
Church of England (or rather the Society for the Propagation
of the Gospel) about the year 1850 directed its attention to the
Loyalty, New Hebrides, Banks, Santa Cruz, and Solomon Groups,
or, briefly, Milanesia. In 1820 the American Board of Foreign
Mission took charge of the Sandwich Islands. The Presbyterian
clergy are endeavouring to Christianise the New Hebrides. Eoman
Catholic missionaries have spread themselves wherever they
thought that their labours were required, and two or three local
bodies have been formed for the especial purpose of assisting the
cause. It would be unfair to mention conspicuously the name of
any single clergyman. All have zealously devoted their energies,
and so many their lives, to the great work of Christianity and civili-
sation— Williams, Gordon, Baker, Patteson, are almost household
Civilisation of the Pacific. 153
words. Too much praise cannot be bestowed upon missionary
labour in the Pacific.
COMMEECE.
Such is a brief outline of the past history, first discovery, and
then missionary zeal. Unlike India, Africa, America, and Aus-
tralia, wherein discovery was followed by commerce and then by
religious teaching, Polynesia first received religious civilisation,
and now commerce is stepping in, and we are becoming still more
deeply interested in the welfare of the islands. As yet commerce
has been of very slow growth, although the exceeding fertility of
the islands, their tractable inhabitants, and the general wealth of
the Pacific, have long been all known. The great distance of
Polynesia from the principal centres of commerce must have been
the cause of this slow progress. Steam, however, is lessening the
distance ; population is flowing over from the Australasian
Colonies, and a large trade is springing into existence. It was not
until some few years since, when the Colonies of Australia began
to take an interest in the islands, that commerce assumed any
degree of importance. The American War turned the attention of
those Colonists to cotton-growing, and many persons from the
Colonies commenced to form plantations. Previous to that date a
few merchants in the principal groups carried on a small traffic,
and one or two associated companies endeavoured to profit by the
evident wealth of the Islands ; the celebrated South Sea Company
of the last century, which resulted in what is commonly called the
" South Sea Bubble," being the first attempt. There were also, as
there still are, many traders, who, fitting out in Australasian
ports small vessels with suitable articles of trade, cruised amongst
the islands and bartered with the natives, as the Carthagenians of
old bartered with the Africans. (This sort of trading appears to
be very suitable to Polynesia, and is likely to increase. When the
resources of the islands are better opened up, trading schooners
will give place to resident merchants.) Trade, however, is entirely
in its infancy. The natives are hardly sufficiently educated to
demand much from us. As yet their wants are few. The people
of Western Polynesia, and nearly all Central Polynesia, have
not sufficient civilisation to want at all ; a little calico and
a few knives being all that is at present required. I do
not suppose that the Pacific Islands import more than
£700,000 per annum, one half of which is for the use of the
resident whites, the other half for native use. As the population
of the Pacific, exclusive of New Guinea, must number something
154 Civilisation of the Pacific.
over a million, it will readily be seen that trade is in its infancy.
Nearly all that we have yet obtained is the surplus natural pro-
duction— cocoa-nut oil, beche-de-mer, pearl shell, whale oil, sandal
wood, &c. Other productions, such as cotton, coffee, sugar,
tobacco, &c. &c. have yet to be 'raised. An attempt has been
made to grow cotton, but the uncertainty of obtaining the neces-
sary labour has almost caused its abandonment. How sadly the
Pacific needs protection, and how necessary it is for commerce to
be under some sort of regulation, is shown in the fact that imme-
diately an exotic production was attempted to be raised, the poor
islanders suffered one of the greatest wrongs which the white race
could inflict — the wrong of slavery.
" BEACH-COMBERS."
In addition to the merchants and traders, who followed the
footsteps of the missionary clergy, and opened up the resources of
the islands, there also existed a class of men who have played a
most important part in the civilisation of the Pacific, and done
much harm to the cause. These men are commonly known by the
name of "beach-combers" (degenerate whites, principally escaped
convicts and runaway sailors). Taking up their residence with
some tribe, it was easy for them to gain a livelihood. At first the
natives naturally regarded them as far superior to themselves. In
war, manufacture, and cultivation, their better knowledge soon
placed them in the position of right-hand men to ambitious
chieftains. Acting, however, more like demons than reasonable
beings, they quickly lost the respect of the islanders, who, in many
instances, were glad to relieve themselves of their presence. The
history of any particular island will prove that the doings of the
"beach-combers" were more conspicuous for their wickedness than
for anything else. From such men as these the natives first gained
their intimate knowledge of the white race ; the consequence being
that the task of the missionary was and still is rendered more
difficult from the knowledge. The beach-combers, however, as-
sisted in teaching the natives the first principles of trade and
industry, so that a little good sprang from much evil. There were
also a few God-fearing men amongst them, although the majority
were sad specimens of civilisation.
SLAVERY.
That a species of slavery in the form of kidnapping did exist
there is but little doubt. Spanish and Peruvian atrocities, the
Daphne, Peri, and Carl investigations, besides other well-authenti-
Civilisation of the Pacific. 155
cated instances, amply prove that fact. I happened to go on board
the Carl, in Fiji, after her return from her slaving cruise, and I
shall never forget seeing the badly-obliterated blood-stains and shot-
torn timbers of the vessel's hold, in which so many unfortunate
natives had lost their lives. The planters of Queensland and Fiji
may attempt to exculpate themselves from all blame, but it was
not at their suggestion that the kidnapping was suppressed. Had
the Home Government refrained from interfering, kidnappers
would still be gathering their ill-gotten gains. It is true that the
Queensland Government, as soon as it recognised the evil, en-
deavoured to prevent it ; but a young Colony was powerless to
suppress it. Not that any individual planter perhaps was to blame.
Three-fourths of the cotton-growers in Fiji desired the suppression
of the traffic, but if any person wanted labourers, and these
labourers had "passed the Consul," little inquiry was made as to
how they were originally obtained. Fortunately kidnapping has
had but a short reign. On June 27th, 1872, the British Parlia-
ment passed an Act for " the prevention and punishment of out-
rages upon natives of the islands in the Pacific Ocean." Our
cruisers will see that the Act is enforced, and the disgraceful blot
upon the fair face of the Pacific will soon disappear. It still exists
in a modified form. Degraded Englishmen can still find sufficient
protection under a foreign flag to carry out the nefarious practice,
and late accounts state that New Caledonia is supplied with kid-
napped natives. All labour vessels under a foreign flag should be
regarded by our cruisers with the utmost suspicion. The British
Parliament has gained the gratitude of the natives by acting as it
has done. The enforcement of the Act has much strengthened the
widespread opinion that England is the natural protector of the
Pacific.
With regard to domestic slavery, I have before stated that this
form of servitude yields readily to missionary teaching. Mission
history affords numerous instances of this fact.
INHABITANTS, FROM WHENCE DERIVED.
The Pacific Islanders appear to be principally derived from two
stocks — the Malayan, long-haired and light-coloured, and the
Papuan, crisp-haired and dark-coloured. Those islands in close
proximity to the Australian Continent are principally inhabited by
the latter race — New Guinea, or Papua, New Britain, New Ireland,
the Solomon, Santa Cruz, Banks, New Hebrides, Loyalty, and New
Caledonia groups, or, briefly, Milanesia. The remaining islands of
the Pacific, or Polynesia, excepting Fiji and the New Hebrides, in
156 Civilisation of the Pacific.
which groups both races appear to combine, are inhabited by the
former type. It was formerly understood that New Guinea was
solely peopled by the crisp-haired race, but late travellers inform
us of other native types. The origin of the Papuan, Australasian,
and Polynesian races is a most interesting question. Many of the
characteristics of the negroes of the Australian Continent will be
found in New Caledonia. When we become better acquainted with
New Guinea we may perhaps be able to discover whether the pecu-
liar features of the Papuan race, dark colour and crisp hair (the
Australian negroes have long, wavy hair) owe their origin to Africa
or Madagascar, or simply to the fact of residence upon so large an
island situated under the Equator. In Ellis's " Polynesian JRe-
searches " the following passage occurs : " The striking analogy
between the numerals and other parts of the language, and several
of the customs of the aborigines of Madagascar and those of the
Malays who inhabit the Asiatic islands, many thousands of miles
distant in one direction, and of the Polynesian, more remote in
another, shows that they were originally one people, or that they
had emigrated from the same source."* I imagine that the author,
by using the term Polynesia meant also to include Melanesia, as he
must have been acquainted with the difference which exists. In
an able paper upon the native ownership of land in Fiji, Mr. J. B.
Thornton remarks, " The highly elaborate Fijian system of rela-
tionship, which resembles in almost every particular that of the
Seneca, Iroquois, and other American Indians on the one hand,
and that of the people of South India, speaking the Dravidian
language (Tamil) on the other, points to a bygone existence of the
communal family, a state now regarded with horror and disgust,
and forbidden by stringent and elaborate laws." Indian writers,
also, have often been struck with the resemblance of many Poly-
nesian habits and customs to those of the Hindoos. It will thus
be seen that, when fairly investigated, the origin of the Polynesian
islanders will not be a very difficult problem to solve. But, what-
ever may be their origin, in future dealings with the natives we
have only to consider the marked peculiarities of the two races.
The inhabitants of Western Polynesia are more treacherous and
cruel than the Polynesians proper. We should be more careful
in trusting them. Both, however, are much less ferocious than
either the Maoris, Malays, or American Indians. I do not think
that the whole of the inhabitants of Polynesia will give as much
trouble to any colonising power as New Zealand gave to England.
* Vol. II. P. 48.
Civilisation of the Pacific. 157
COLONISATION.
The actual work of colonisation has as yet been small. Tradi-
tion does not even give the name or race of the people who cut the
stone images on Easter Island, or erected the immense buildings
whose ruins exist upon many islands in the Caroline group,
" Hundreds of acres in some localities being covered with the
remains of walls, canals, and earthworks of the most stupendous
character." *
SPAIN.
Spain was the first colonising nation in the Pacific, but the
attempts of the Spaniards have met with very poor results. They
were compelled to abandon many of their settlements. That
Government now only possesses the Ladrone and Bonin groups.
(The Philippine Islands belong rather to Malaysia than Polynesia.)
The aboriginal inhabitants of the Ladrone Islands have simply
been exterminated. We have to congratulate ourselves upon the
fact, that the Spaniards confined their colonising efforts to so
small a number of islands. Anga's " Polynesia"! supplies the
following information : " It is said that Americans and Sandwich
Islanders have been allowed to settle themselves of late years on
the Island of Agrigan (Ladrone), on condition of acknowledging alle-
giance to Spain ; also, that the island is being peopled with natives
kidnapped from other ports of Polynesia." " The Bonin Islands
have no native population. Japanese junks occasionally visit the
group : a few Japanese have established themselves on the Northern
Islands. On some of the others there are British subjects located,
for the purpose, it is supposed, of carrying on a contraband trade
with Japan."
Spain also claims dominion over some of the neighbouring
islands in the Pelew and Caroline groups, yet hardly a dozen of her
subjects are settled upon them.}
FRANCE.
In 1842 France obtained the sovereignty of the Marquesas by
* H. B. Sterndale. t 1866 Edition.
J The "Statesman's Tear Book" for 1875 gives the folio-wing information
concerning the Spanish possessions in the Pacific : —
Name- GeographteS'MilM. Population.
Philippine Islands 3,100
Caroline Islands and Palaos 43. 1
Marian Islands (Ladrone) 19.6
3,162.7 4,352,879
158 Civilisation of the Pacific.
treaty, and established a military colony upon Nukuhiva. In 1859
that experiment was abandoned. A few officials, and a couple of
Roman Catholic missionaries, who have given up all hope of con-
verting the natives, and taken to planting, alone remain on the
group.
In 1844 the French Government established a protectorate over
Tahiti, or the Society Islands, and consequently over the Paumotas
(Low Archipelago), as there has always existed a close connection
between the two groups.
In 1853 France took official possession of New Caledonia.
With the exception of soiling a fair island with the refuse of her
population, France has not made any colonising effort. The natives
are not benefited by the contact, and the resources of the islands
are not developed. No matter how anxious the authorities at home
may be for the progress of the Colonies, French officials abroad
alone represent their country : the nation does not appear to follow
Government action. French occupation in the Pacific deteriorates
but does not improve the native islanders, who are first awed into
submission, and then demoralised. Eeligious instruction is supplied
by the Eoman Catholic missionaries, who can always rely upon the
bayonets of the gens-d'armes for assistance. France has found it
impossible to do anything with the Marquesas, although a finer or
more intelligent race of natives does not exist. The immorality of
the Tahitians is a standing disgrace to French occupation. The
natives of the Loyalty Islands, over whom France, I suppose,
claims sovereignty (I have not seen any official notification of the
fact), would much prefer our English missionaries to the Eoman
Catholic missionaries and French bayonets. If the English mission-
aries would but speak out, what a charge-sheet could they bring
against France and the French in the Pacific ! Oppression of white
industry, bribery, forcible conversion of the natives, kidnapping,
&c. &c. would be but a few of the charges.
Whether France claims the sovereignty over any other groups
of islands is uncertain. Her right to claim anything at all is a
matter of dispute. The manner in which the Protectorate was
established over Tahiti was quite unworthy of a great nation.
New Caledonia was taken possession of without even the nominal con-
sent of the native population. They hardly knew anything of the
circumstance. The treaty made with Admiral du petit Thuars, by
which France claims the sovereignty of the Marquesas, is no doubt
a curious document. Neither were the interests of the many Pro-
testant missionaries, the only foreigners who could well claim any
interest, considered. The natives generally knew nothing of France,
Civilisation of the Pacific. 159
had never committed any offence against that Government, and
did not desire its interference. They had been accustomed to
regard England and the English as their friends, and next to Eng-
land, America. English missionaries, English men-of-war, and
English traders, were always beside them, and many American
whalers ; of France they were utterly ignorant. But they were
powerless ; the English Government did not think it necessary to
support the Queen's subjects resident in the islands, and France
acted as she pleased. It must be very mortifying to our mission-
aries to see so much of their labour completely thrown away.
After devoting many years to the Loyalty group, after rendering
these islands habitable, France steps in and reaps the advantage.
Our clergymen have to leave the group, for although France pro-
fesses the greatest religious tolerance, it is of no use their staying.
The Eoman Catholic missionaries will not work amicably with
Protestant clergymen ; and as the first receive the active support
of the Government, the second had better leave the field. The
New Hebrides are about one hundred and fifty miles from New
Caledonia. Nearly every island in the group has been stained with
the blood of English missionaries. Sydney and New Zealand
traders have opened up the resources of the group, and a few Eng-
lishmen are settled there. France may claim the New Hebrides,
and the English 'Government may allow her to quietly take pos-
session of that which British energy has rendered valuable, but
England would hardly be acting fairly either to the natives or to
English subjects.
In the case of New Caledonia, the action of the Home Govern-
ment is hardly to be admired. In 1774, as I have already re-
marked, New Caledonia was discovered by Cook, who so named it
in consequence of its resemblance to Scotland. It was duly taken
possession of for George III., and was at one time included either
in the commission of the Governor of New South Wales, or in that
of Sir George Grey's commission as Governor of New Zealand.
In 1854 the French took possession. Hearing that military bar-
racks, &c., were being erected, Sir George Grey went down and
informed the French Admiral that New Caledonia was British
territory. On his return to New Zealand, he reported the cir-
cumstance to the Colonial Office, and the matter ended by his
commission being cancelled so far as concerned New Caledonia. The
Government of the time did not wish to go into the question.* The
* My authority for this statement is Sir George Grey himself.
160 Civilisation of the Pacific.
Sydney papers of the day bitterly lamented the inaction of the
Home Authorities.
With regard- to Tahiti, French occupation means absolute
authority. Now, the British public contributed thousands of
pounds to the cause of civilisation in this group, and the records
of the London Missionary Society testify to the loss of life which
the work entailed. For nearly fifty years the head-quarters of our
missionaries in the Pacific were established in the group ; yet the
French were quietly allowed to add it to their Colonial possessions.
In Appendix B will be found a short account of the manner in
which France established the Protectorate, also a copy of the peti-
tion for protection, which is a most curious document. It will be
seen that the poor Queen had to especially stipulate for the Eng-
lish missionaries to be allowed to pursue their calling unmolested.
That the clause was necessary, is shown in the fact that our clergy-
men, since that date, have been expelled from the group, only one
remaining. I believe, however, that it is their intention to again
return.*
Writing upon the civilisation of the Pacific, one is almost in-
clined to say, that the advent of the French drove the true civilisers
— the English missionaries — from the field. Is it not time that this
portion of international law should be looked into, especially as
regards the Pacific ? English Missionaries are also British sub-
jects. Surely no foreign power has the right to occupy lands in
which they reside, without paying some deference to their interests.
If any nation has acquired a vested interest in the Pacific, England,
through her missionaries, planters, and traders, has most assuredly
done so. Certainly no foreign power ought to occupy any such
islands without at least informing the British Government of its
intention so to do.
I purposely use the word occupy, as it possesses a peculiar
meaning. Colonies are acquired by conquest, cession, or occupa-
tion. No power, with the exception of Spain, has acquired a
colony in the Pacific by conquest, neither does any power wish to
do so. Cession and occupation appear to be the favourite modes
of acquiring possession therein. In a ceded group of islands, such
as Fiji, the voice of all interested is taken, and no injury to any
foreign interests is committed. France, however, chooses to
occupy certain islands, viz. New Caledonia and the Loyalty
Groups, whereby that Government greatly injures all foreign
interests, besides ignoring the native population. In my opinion
* Statistics of the Protestant Missionary Society, 1872 to 1873.
Civilisation of the Pacific.
161
the only fair and international mode of acquiring these islands
is by cession. Civilised nations ought to treat the Pacific
Islands somewhat differently to their usual customs. It must
be remembered that the islanders can make use of all then-
islands. There are no vast tracts of unused land in the Pacific,
such as there were, and still are, in Australia and New Zealand,
upon which the surplus population of Europe can find place.
Every acre of land in Polynesia has an owner, and every man
knows his land. The manner in which New Zealand was taken
possession of was, I suppose, international, but certainly most un-
dignified—two war vessels, belonging to two great Powers, actually
racing to see which should first raise the flag of the country which
they represented, and by that simple operation claiming the land.
International law, so far as regards this portion of the globe, sadly
requires some little alteration.
The nation whose subjects have devoted many years to the
civilisation of any particular spot, or whose protection is sought
for, is the one entitled to the sovereignty of the land. No disin-
terested power at the caprice" of a moment has the right to raise
its flag and occupy the land, That proceeding partakes more of
conquest than of occupation. France by nominal fair means has
acquired Tahiti, the Pamnotas, and the Marquesas, and by actual
might New Caledonia. Our Government should not acknowledge
her right to any other islands. If a notification were sent to the
French Government that British subjects have certain vested
interests in the Loyalty, New Hebrides, and other groups of islands
near to French possessions, a great deal of trouble may hereafter
be prevented.*
* The " Statesman's Year Book " for 1875 affords the following information
concerning French possessions in the Pacific :—
Name.
Date of
Acquisition.
Area, Square
Kilometres.
Population.
1. COLONIES —
New Caledonia
Loyalty Islands
Marquesas
1854
1864
1841
17,400
2,147
1,244
29,000
15,000
100CO
IT. PROTECTED COLONIES
20,791
54,000
Tahiti an d Dependencies
Touamoton Islands
Gambier
Touboua'i and Vaoiton . ...
1841
1844
1844
1845
1,175
6,600
30
103
13,847
8,000
1,500
550
7,908
23,897
1G2 Civilisation of the Pacific.
It appears to me that the entire action of the French Government
in the Pacific was taken for the purpose of establishing a good con-
vict station, and at the same time obtaining good naval stations.
England was making use of Australia and Tasmania for a similar
purpose, and France desired to do likewise in the Pacific ; the civili-
sation of the native being the last consideration. England fore-
stalled France in the acquisition of New Zealand, and so saved that
Colony from being a French convict station. French official docu-
ments testify that neither Marquesas nor Tahiti were considered
suitable for the purpose. New Caledonia was chosen, and there
are now nearly 10,000 convicts on the island. I attach (Appendix C)
a copy of the official notification of the act of taking possession,
which was made in the presence of the officers of the corvette Le
Phoque and the French missionaries. The Admiral was compelled
to build a block-house for the protection of the very flag which he
erected.
With regard to the convicts at present upon the island, they
will no doubt in time gradually extend themselves over Australasia
and the Pacific. It can hardly be said that they will be of any ad-
vantage to the cause of civilisation therein ; rather the opposite. I
sincerely trust that the Australasian Colonies will endeavour to
prevent any other European Power following in the footsteps of
France. Every country should maintain its own degraded citizens.
Colonising from a convict root may be a problem, but the time has
gone by for its solution. It is, in my opinion, almost an impera-
tive duty for the Australian Colonies to discourage by every means
in their power the continuation of the convict station at New
Caledonia. If France requires a Colony in the Pacific so near to
our own, let the Colonies see, for their own benefit and for the
benefit of the Pacific, that free emigrants are sent, no matter how poor.
GEKMANY.
Germany is principally represented in the Pacific by the well-
known firm of Messrs. Godefroy & Co., of Hamburg, who in 1858
established their head-quarters at Samoa. From Samoa they have
" pushed their agencies southward into the Friendly Archipelago
(Tonga) and other islands ; northward, throughout the whole range
of the Kingsmills and the isles in their neighbourhood, that is to
say, Tokeran, the Ellice, and Gilbert Groups, and the Marshalls or
Kalicks, through the Carolines, and to Yap, a great island at the
entrance of the Luzon Sea, where they purchased 3,000 acres of
land, formed a settlement, and established a large depot intended as
an intermediate station between their trading posts at the Navigator
Civilisation of the Pacific. 163
Islands (Samoa), and their old-established agencies in China and
Cochin. Between Samoa and Yap (one of the Pelew islands), a
distance of 3,000 miles, the firm have, or had lately, an agent at
every productive island inhabited by the copper-coloured race
(Malay), upon which the natives are as yet sufficiently well dis-
posed to permit a white man to reside." *
The Germans make good settlers, although mere traders. It is
doubtful whether they have added much to the civilisation of the
Pacific. They barter such a quantity of firearms, or so much calico,
for an equivalent in copra (dried cocoa-nut, from which the oil is
extracted after its arrival in Hamburg). In order to obtain a mo-
nopoly of this material, one of the principal instructions to their
agents is to oppose the missionary. The minds of Polynesian chiefs
are systematicaUy poisoned against missionary teaching. If it were
possible, German traders would keep the natives in their present
savage state in order to profit by their labour ; of course, the mis-
sionary prevents this. The result of German opposition to mis-
sionary teaching even in Samoa is lamentable, civil war amongst
the native tribes being constant. The Germans fan the flames by
supplying the belligerents with arms. In Fiji the German residents
strongly supported Maafu in his opposition to King Thakombou,
and the desire of the chiefs to cede the country to England. Had
we not taken possession, Maafu, with German aid, would have been
King of Fiji. The German settlement in Apia (Samoa) consists of
some 2,500 acres of land, purchased at about ninepence per acre,
and paid for by arms and ammunition. What this means anyone
acquainted with natives can easily understand. It is a pity that so
enlightened a firm as Messrs. Godefroy should thus oppose the ad-
vance of civilisation. A present profit may be made out of the civil
war among the natives, but it will be of no advantage in the end,
when Samoa becomes depopulated of its inhabitants. As to the
missionary, Messrs. Godefroy should remember that had it not
been for his teaching they would not now be established where they
are, and also the fact that every year the missionary is opening up
new fields for commerce. The Germans treat their labourers well,
but are not very particular as to how they are obtained. A German
man-of-war occasionally visits the Pacific in order to look after the
interests of the colonists. German policy at the present time is not
a colonising policy, otherwise Samoa would long since have fallen
under their flag. At any moment, however, Germany may take
possession of the group.
*H. B. Sterndale.
M 2
164 Civilisation of the Pacific.
AMERICA.
America is but slightly interested in the Pacific : there are a few
merchants in the Sandwich group and a few whalers amongst the
islands. The masters and crews of American whalers have done
much harm during the past fifty or sixty years ; they have been the
cause of a great many of the atrocities which have occurred.
Wantonly did the ignorant captains murder and wrong the natives,
who revenged themselves upon the next vessel which happened to
touch their shores. Numerous acts of cruelty on the part of the
islanders must be excused ; all accounts prove that they have gene-
rally acted from a spirit of revenge. The whites, and especially
the American whites, must bear a great part of the blame. Luckily
these occurrences are becoming less frequent. At the same time,
it is only fair to state that there are many whaling captains who
treated the natives in a Christianlike manner. Of late years the
whaling industry has greatly fallen off. Whether the United States
Government will claim any portion of the Navigator Group is an
open question. On February 17th, 1872, Maunga, chief of Pango
Pango, Tutuila, signed a treaty or agreement with Commander
Mead, of the United States S.S. Narrgansett granting the ex-
clusive right to the U.S. Government of using that harbour as a
coaling and naval station for a private line of steamers running
between San Francisco and New Zealand and their own ships of
war, and binding himself not to grant a like privilege to any other
power. This agreement was made to depend upon its ratification
by the U.S. Government. In the same year the chiefs of Samoa
petitioned that Government for protection ; no action has yet been
taken by the Senate in either of these matters.
ENGLAND.
Until October, 1874, English action in the Pacific was confined to
private energy and enterprise ; the Imperial Government paid no
attention to the hoisting of ensigns and taking possession of islands
in England's name by discoverers and captains of men-of-war ;
Pitcairn Island, however, being an exception. On November 29th,
1838, Captain Elliot, in H.M.S. Fly took possession of this
island, memorable for having afforded refuge to the mutineers of
the Bounty A brief account of the matter may be interesting.
Captain Bligh stated that the original cause of the mutiny was the
connection formed by the crew while at Tahiti with the Tahitian
women ; but the islanders flatly deny the assertion, and attribute it
to his own perverse temper and tyrannical conduct. Putting Bligh
Civilisation of the Pacific. 165
and seventeen of the crew in an open boat, off lofoa, one of the
Friendly Islands, April 28th, 1789, the mutineers sailed for
Tonbouai, where they attempted to establish themselves, but the
natives were too hostile. Eeturning to Tahiti, some of the muti-
neers landed, but the remainder (Christian and eight men), keeping
their place of destination secret, took the vessel on to Pitcairn
Island, where they burnt her January 23rd, 1790. Those who
remained at Tahiti were picked up by the Pandora which frigate
was sent out in search as soon as Bligh returned to England. In
1808 the American ship Topaz discovered the retreat of the
mutineers, and in 1814 H.M. ships Britain and Tagus touched
at the island. In 1888 it was taken possession of by Eng-
land, and in 1850 the greater number of the inhabitants at their
own request were removed to Norfolk Island, having outgrown
their diminutive home. Norfolk Island is also British territory,
the English Government having twice used it as a convict station.
Captain Cook was its discoverer. Until 1788 the island had
remained uninhabited, but in that year a small number of convicts,
with a party of marines, were sent there from Australia. It was
finally abandoned in 1855, and is now the head-quarters of the Mela-
nesian Mission, and the residence of the Pitcairn islanders. Nor-
folk Island is included in the Commission of the Governor of New
South Wales.
In 1864 the inhabitants of Earotonga, the principal island of the
Hervey or Cook's Group, petitioned Queen Victoria, through the
Governor of New Zealand, for protection ; but Her Majesty's
Government did not grant the prayer.
On October 10th, 1874, Fiji was unconditionally ceded to the
British Crown. The history of that cession is contained in a valu-
able and concise paper, read before this Society by F. W. Chesson,
Esq. In Appendix D will be found a copy of the ^Resolution arrived
at by the King and chiefs to cede their country to England.
A few private individuals, British subjects, claim certain islands
by right of purchase or occupation. For example, Messrs. Houlder
Brothers, of London, own three small guano islands in Eastern
Polynesia ; Mr. Brander, of Tahiti, Palmerston Island, in Central
Polynesia ; one Eli Jennings owns and lives upon Quiros Island ;
and Messrs. Godefroy & Co. claim and own many others. There
are hundreds of similar uninhabited islands in the Pacific which
may thus be acquired. In what manner the title to such acquisi-
tion will be treated by the great Powers is a question for the pur-
chaser or occupier to consider.
At the present time, therefore, Spain actually possesses and
166 Civilisation of the Pacific.
occupies the Ladrone and Bonin Groups, together with a few islands
in the Pelew and Caroline group ; France, Tahiti and a few of the
Georgian Islands, the Paumota, Marquesas, and New Caledonia
Groups ; England, the Fiji Group, Pitcairn and Norfolk Islands ;
and America has, or has not, a certain claim upon the Navigators'
Group, according to the decision of the United States Government.
NATIVE GOVERNMENTS.
The other islands are under the rule of their native chiefs. Three
of the principal groups aim at possessing certain forms of Constitu-
tional government — the Sandwich, Navigator, and Friendly Islands.
This movement has been brought about by the influence of the resi-
dent whites, principally Englishmen. Many other islands have also
certain forms of Monarchial government, such as Earotonga and
Huahine, together with fair codes of laws, framed by the missionaries.
In 1863 the reigning chief of the Sandwich Islands, King Kame-
hamha V., granted his subjects a new Constitution (the first Consti-
tution of 1840 was granted by Kamehamha III.) based upon the
English model — King, Lords, and Commons.
I may be allowed to make a slight digression in order to explain
the position of America with regard to the Sandwich Islands and
Samoa. The United States, it appears, cannot protect foreign lands
without altering certain clauses of the Republican Constitution,
which are antagonistic to the Government despotically ruling foreign
possessions. The President is very anxious to protect Cuba, San
Domingo, the Sandwich Islands, and perhaps Samoa ; but protection
means annexation, and the Senate will pause before breaking down
the fundamental principles of the Constitution. Cuba may be ad-
mitted into the Union as a new State, as it very nearly approaches
the standard of landed area and population required to constitute a
State ; but the other three places will require different treatment.
Indirectly, American citizens are being encouraged to take such
action as will afford the Senate an opportunity of publicly endors-
ing national claims over these particular spots, should it at any time
wish to do so. The cordial reception at Washington of any member
of the reigning family of the Sandwich Group, the Sarnana Bay
Company in San Domingo, Commodore Meade's action with respect
to Pango Pango harbour, Samoa, and the appointment of an Ameri-
can citizen to the chief administrative post in that group, are
instances of this movement, all of which, I believe, receive the pri-
vate support of the President, who is a very strong Protectionist.
There is very little doubt but that the Sandwich Islands will fall
eventually under the American flag.
The Friendly Archipelago, or Tonga, is ruled by a native king and
Civilisation of the Pacific. 167
council of chiefs : this group possesses the best native Government
in the Pacific. King George Tabou administers the greater portion
of the executive duties of the Government personally, and he ad-
ministers them well. His power is almost absolute. The laws are
simple and well framed, the King paying much attention to the
advice of the missionaries, who, having no direct interest in com-
merce, can best advise him upon questions of a conflicting nature.
There are many English planters upon the islands, and more flock-
ing in : the group is becoming very valuable. One great trouble is
looming before it — the succession to the crown. The King is over
70 years of age, and the heirs- expectant are beginning to talk of
his successor. In the Pacific there are always many claimants for
the chief authority, and they have each their supporters. The ques-
tion is generally settled by war, and these wars of succession are most
cruel and devastating — might usuaUy overcoming right. A similar
war is likely to happen in Tonga. The real well-wishers of Tonga
hope that England will interfere and prevent the dark cloud from
bursting, for it most assuredly will devastate the island and cost
hundreds of lives.
The Tonguese are a most warlike race, and the most daring
navjgators in the Pacific. Their sympathies are entirely English,
and their chiefs have steadily assisted the work of the Wesleyan
missionaries ; indeed, but for them, Fiji would still be a land of
cannibals. The Tonguese for more than a century have had much
influence in Fijian matters — their warriors playing the part of
powerful mercenaries to the quarrelling chieftains. Maafu, a
Tongan, carried out for himself a chieftainship in the Windward
Islands of that group, and would have ousted Thakombau, had it
not been for our interference. He is the most likely man to succeed
King George in Tonga, although he has no just right to the crown.
Maafu is a great chief, and his friendship is worth cultivating. He
rules his subjects well ; white settlers upon his islands can plant and
trade in perfect safety.
The action of Sir Hercules Eobinson, in inviting Thakombau to
Sydney, is highly to be commended ; it would be a great advantage
if similar hospitality were extended to Maafu. Is it not advisable
for the Australian Colonies to pay some such attention to the prin-
cipal Polynesian chief ? The practical lesson of civilisation would
be a great one, and the bond of friendship between the islands and
the Colonies much strengthened. It can hardly be doubted but that
the Sultan of Zanzibar will derive much benefit from his late visit
to England, and the advancement of civilisation in Eastern Africa
be consequently strengthened.
168 Civilisation of the Pacific.
The Navigator Group, or Samoa, is, I believe, desirous of obtain-
ing a representative form of government, but matters are in a very
unsettled condition. Colonel Steinberger, U.S.A. (who is said to
have been a special Commissioner sent by President Grant to inves-
tigate and report upon the petition for American protection made by
the chiefs) has very lately been appointed, or, more correctly speak-
ing, has obtained the appointment of, Prime Minister for life. It
is to be hoped for this gentleman's sake that the office mil continue.
I am also informed that a gentleman in the Civil Service of the
United States Government, Mr. Platt, has been very lately sent to
assist Colonel Steinberger.
The desire of these little communities to possess some form of
government which can administer internal affairs, and be recognised
by foreign Powers, is very laudable ; but it is doubtful whether any
of them will long maintain the position which they have assumed.
They will find themselves far better off under the rule of some
great Power than under their own. Eepresentative Constitutions are
quite unsuitable to them. Democracies cannot exist within the
tropics. The great body of the natives implicitly obey the orders of
their chief.
Previous to the cession of Fiji, the native Government passed an
Act allowing manhood suffrage to both natives and Europeans. The
consequence would have been that the power of nominating and re-
turning the whole of the representatives would have fallen into the
hands of about four chiefs. Our form of government — Queen,
Lords, and Commons — is not found to work well in the West Indies,
neither will it in the Pacific. The people may eventually be taught
to exercise the power of election, but at present they cannot be en-
trusted with it. Neither is the aristocratic form of government —
king- elected and chiefs — suitable, as the white settlers must possess
a powerful voice in the administration. In my opinion, the only
form of government suitable is an absolute monarchy, the Crown
being assisted by a mixed council of native chiefs and influential
white residents, this being analogous to one of our pure Crown
Colonies.
In such tropical islands as these there can only be two classes —
labourers and employers of labour ; there cannot, for many genera-
tions to come, be a middle class. Employers of tropical labour
must therefore be rulers, unless a power steps in to protect the
labourer ; that power, for the benefit of all concerned, must rule
absolutely or not at all. Wherever coloured labour is used the
white employers look upon it degradingly. The planters require to
be held in check just as much as the natives. The whites in Fiji
Civilisation of the Pacific. 160
utterly ignored the existence of the native population, except as
consumers of imported goods, possible labourers, and payers of a
tyrannical poll-tax. In many other islands the same feeling pre-
vails. It is to be hoped that white settlers will be more liberal in
their ideas, and recognise the advantage of absolute government.
It is not at all unlikely that many other groups of islands will set
up certain forms of government.
ISLANDS STILL RETAINING OLD CUSTOMS.
The following are those islands which still follow their old forms
of government, or rather old customs : In the North Pacific : the
Caroline, Marshall and Gilbert, or Kingsmill Groups ; a few islands
in Eastern Polynesia ; the Phoenix and Ellice Groups in Central
Polynesia ; all the isles of Western Polynesia, with the exception of
New Caledonia, and the numerous small islands which lie scattered
amongst all the principal groups. In most of these islands the
missionary clergyman alone represents the bright side of modern
civilisation, and tempers the savage habits of the chiefs. In
Western Polynesia, however, it is hardly yet safe for a missionary
to land or a trader to leave his vessel. New Guinea is a terra
incognita, and its inhabitants are but little known. New Britain and
New Ireland, the Admiralty and the Louisade Islands, are almost
in a similar position.
From some of these islands the principal portion of the labour
employed in Queensland and the Pacific was, and still is, obtained.
Possessing no government, or any power which the whites could
respect, the simple inhabitants were at the mercy of those who
resorted to their shores ; luckily, our cruisers will now be some
protection to them.
LABOUB TKADE.
Placing upon one side the painful incidents connected with kid-
napping, I am inclined to believe that the employment of native
labour by cotton-planters and others has been beneficial, especially
the employment of labour foreign to any particular locality. The
mere fact of seeing other islands, other tribes, and a higher civilisa-
tion, has led thousands of natives to reconsider and abolish their
barbarous customs, and to listen more readily to missionary teach-
ing. Anyone who has seen a large number of natives collected from
perhaps ten different islands of Western Polynesia or the Equator
upon a well-ordered plantation, would hardly doubt that the lesson
170 Civilisation of the Pacific.
those natives received during their three or five years' residence upon
that plantation tended to make them better members of the human
family on returning to their respective homes. Official papers con-
cerning the annexation of Fiji testify that Polynesian labourers
upon Fijian plantations aie far better off, so far as regards food,
clothing, and house accommodation, than when upon their native
islands.
On the other hand, the Melanesian Mission Report for 1873
totally disagrees with this opinion. The report states, with refer-
ence to the New Hebrides and Banks' Islands, "that the labour
trade is depopulating them, and that the returned labourer does not
convey back the knowledge of any useful art, or even anything of
civilisation. It is therefore the business of those who carry on the
Mission to do all they can to prevent and oppose a traffic the effects
of which they see to be pernicious."
In this I think that the Mission is decidedly in the wrong. Bishop
Patteson himself never demanded the entire suppression of the
traffic ; he only demanded its proper regulation. Neither do I
think that the trade, except in one or two minor instances, is
depopulating the islands ; it may lessen the population of any par-
ticular spot, but only for a time. When the report above referred
to was written there were many hundreds of New Hebrides and
Banks' Islanders in Queensland and Fiji, waiting to be returned
to their different homes. That the labourer returns without having
gained any knowledge of civilisation or useful arts is a statement
which can only be excused on the ground of missionary zeal. It is
to be hoped that the clergy will not oppose the labour traffic, but
suggest proper rules for its management, and lend their aid in
seeing them earned out. The extension of commerce and the em-
ployment of labour will assist rather than retard missionary work.
The Presbyterian Report for 1873, concerning their mission in
the New Hebrides, contains the following significant statement :
" We expected to find a people who would at least hear the Word of
God and receive instruction, but, on the contrary, the great majority
of those among whom we are stationed literally close their eyes, and
refuse to be taught anything either sacred or secular."
When it is remembered that thirty-five years of missionary labour
have been devoted to this group, such a statement is very sig-
nificant.
Missionaries cannot ascribe this to the labour traffic, for that has
only been in operation of late years. In my opinion, it results from
the fact that commerce does not properly support missionary teach-
ing, In Eastern and Central Polynesia commerce has followed in tlie
Civilisation of the Pacific. 171
footsteps of the missionary, and the natives are now orderly and
well conducted ; but in the New Hebrides commerce has no footing,
and the natives listen to nothing, either sacred or secular. It is true
that a few natives return to their islands somewhat demoralised. If
they carry back a gun and a little ammunition, they are not slow in
using them against their old enemies, but they would do the same with
bows and arrows. It is a question whether even the vices of civili-
sation are not better than their own previous savage customs :
unfortunately they are apt to add the two together. Still, mission-
aries cannot expect to keep the islands closed until they have
evangelised the natives ; commerce must spread, and the first step
is to take advantage of native labour. When the excitement con-
nected with kidnapping has passed away, it will be found that the
employment of labour has been beneficial, especially in spreading
the power and superiority of the white race among the islands yet
unvisited by missionary clergymen.
WILL THE NATIVE POPULATION DIE OUT ?
Whether the native population will die out, is an important
question. The labour traffic may have somewhat thinned the popu-
lation of a few islands, not from rough usage at the plantations, but
from the mere fact of a certain number of the natives being unable
to stand the change of climate. Change of residence may or may
not be good, but that question is subordinate to the great one
before us — Whether the natives generally will survive the contact
with the white race ? I believe they will. The idea that native
races die out upon the appearance of the white race is true only in
a limited sense. In my opinion the statement only applies to lands
situate in temperate or cold zones, which happened to possess or do
still possess an aboriginal population ; it does not apply to tropical
or semi-tropical lands — they are beyond its influence. Thus the
Indians in some parts of America, and the Maories in New Zealand,
are certain to die out, being unable to survive the contact in tempe-
rate zones with the more fitting white race. The American Indians
are being gradually driven into the central part of the continent,
which is their proper residence. They will for a time range free
over the southern portion of the continent, because circumstances
are still favourable for their habitation. The Maories are gradually
dying out, because it was an error for any portion of the Malayan
race to wander so far south. Certain climates kill native races just
as surely as contact with the white race. We found very few Mao-
ries or Malays in the middle island of New Zealand : they could not
exist there. The American Indians have also much Malayan blood
172 Civilisation of the Pacific.
in their veins; their place is within the tropics. Tropical races
cannot compete with the more fitting races beyond the tropics, and
white races cannot compete with native races within the tropics.
No one could possibly assert that the white race will extinguish the
East Indian, the Chinese, or the Malayan, neither will it the Poly-
nesian. I am well aware that the aboriginal inhabitants of the "West
India Islands have nearly disappeared, but in the first instance they
were almost exterminated by the Spaniards. I do not think that it is
for our interest to exterminate the Polynesians. "When the epidemic
of measles was lately devastating Fiji, I heard many well-informed
persons remark that if 50,000 natives, more or less, died off, the less
trouble would be given to the Colonial Government. Now a greater
mistake could not possibly be made. Every native dying is a loss
to the Government. It is t® be hoped that not only the health, but
the natural increase of the Fijians, will be carefully looked after.
Figures purporting to show the decrease of any particular island
cannot be relied upon. It was formerly supposed that the Sand-
wich Islands contained a population of 400,000 inhabitants, and
New Zealand 200,000. Later calculations inform us that they
now contain respectively 58,000 and 30,000. It is doubtful whether
the first ever numbered more than 100,000 or the second 50,000.
Captain Cook, generally so correct, was sadly out in his estimate of
native population.
As soon as certain sanitary regulations are attended to, and infan-
ticide put a stop to, I believe the population of the Pacific will
increase. That of Java has nearly quadrupled itself since 181G,
and it is a curious fact that the few remaining aboriginal inhabitants
of the West India Islands are of late years increasing in numbers.
EESIDENT LABOUR.
It is also important for us to know whether the Polynesians will
supply a fair amount of voluntary labour. I consider that they will
do so, but too much cannot be expected of them at first. That
natives, unaccustomed from their birth to work or even to be provi-
dent, will suddenly labour twelve hours a day for six days in the
week, cannot surely be expected. The galling bitterness of labour
to those indolent kidnapped natives must indeed have been great.
Twelve hours' constant labour in the tropics means the most rigo-
rous slavery, and only obtainable under compulsion. Nature is so
bounteous that there is no necessity for the natives to work ; the
cocoa-nut, the bread-fruit, and the plaintain are amply sufficient to
supply their wants, and those trees require but little attention. One
bread-fruit tree will almost entirely support a small family. Besides
Civilisation of the Pacific. 173
yielding three or four crops a year, its bark furnishes them with
native cloth for clothing, and its timber is the most valuable for
canoe and house building. Natives require but very little more.
The taxes which the chiefs levy are paid by the labour of the
women ; the men never work. As soon as the Fijians (for instance)
fully understand that their chiefs have now no right to levy uncer-
tain taxes, their cup of happiness will be complete. The present
generation will settle comfortably down for the rest of their lives,
and do little or nothing.
We must accept this state of things, and endeavour to provide a
remedy. In my opinion the remedy is to be found in the coming
generation, which should be taught to labour six or eight hours each
day of its own free will. I think that it lies in our power to teach
them. Education, example, and necessity (resulting from a greater
population striving for existence) are the means at our command.
We have only to use them. The aim is a noble one, the instruments
are well suited to attain it. We have only to guard against errors
at the outset, and there is very little doubt but that we shall be able
to obtain eight hours' labour per day from each male native in
Polynesia.
In the correspondence relating to the cession of Fiji, Sir Hercules
Eobinson, under the heading of " Lala or Service Tenures,"
remarks : " I think that when the Land Commission shall have
decided on the native reserves, that the chief of every qali should be
acknowledged as the owner of the lands of the qali or tribe, and the
guardian of the interests of his people in such lands. The people
of every qali should be viewed as tenants of such lands under the
chief, with hereditary rights of lesseeship, subject to the duties of
lessees towards the chief proprietor, to whom they should pay, as a
head rent for his support, such lala as may be mutually agreed on,
in the shape of labour or produce."
In support of this opinion, Sir Hercules alleges the following
reasons : " It appears to me that it would be impolitic on the part
of the Government, and unjust towards the chiefs and the people,
to interfere, for the present at all events, with this system, which on
the whole works well, and is cheerfully acquiesced in by all con-
cerned. For many years to come, Fiji can only be governed as a
British Colony through the instrumentality of the native chiefs.
The effect of abolishing these service tenures would therefore be to
weaken the power of the only subordinate agency available at
present for the good government of the country : and the people,
freed from existing restraining influences, would give way to their
natural improvident and slothful inclinations, and would become,
174 Civilisation of the Pacific.
as pointed out by Mr. Thurston, in his able and interesting paper
on the native ownership of land in Fiji, useless and perhaps
troublesome."
I am sorry that I cannot agree with Sir Hercules Eobinson. Our
acting in the manner suggested simply means recognising the chief-
tains as a class, and supporting their position. This in my opinion
is inadvisable for two reasons : firstly, because we desire to obtain
the voluntary — not compulsory — labour of the natives ; and
secondly, because we do not require any native aristocracy to assist
us in governing the islands.
With regard to my first objection, it must be remembered that up
to the present time contracts for Fijian labour have always been
made with the chiefs. So many labourers have had to bind them-
selves to the planters for a certain time at the will of the chief.
This is a form of domestic slavery which will most assuredly be
continued, if we acknowledge the chiefs as owners of the tribal
lands and guardians of the interests of the people. The chiefs are
certain to influence any labour contract : the native will never be a
free agent. Ought we not to avoid this, not so much for the benefit
of the present generation — which would, perhaps, be kept out of
mischief by being compelled to work — but for the sake of the popula-
tion to come, whose voluntary labour we desire to obtain ? The
interference of any persons, especially chieftains, may be found
disastrous. The islanders should work of their own free will, and
it is for us to educate them into habits of industry. Whether the
present generation will labour or not is a matter of no particular
importance. Our planters can import labour from elsewhere, but
for the future our object should be to have a resident voluntary
labouring population upon every island. In my opinion all com-
pulsory means, such as recognising a native aristocracy, should be
avoided.
As to my second objection, anyone acquainted with the Pacific
knows how unjust and tyrannical is the system pursued by the
chiefs in their method of taxation. The greater number of the
natives live in a state of pure villenage, which Blackstone describes
as "one where a man holds upon terms of doing whatsoever is
commanded of' him." Now, nothing can be more demoralising than
such a state of things. Of ail taxes an uncertain tax is the worst,
and the sooner we put a stop to the practice in Fiji the better. If
we recognise and support the chiefs as a class we shall not put a
stop to the practice. The natives, in spite of every regulation, will
still regard their chiefs as divine and obey their commands, espe-
cially when they find them supported by the Government. We
Civilisation of the Pacific. 175
ought not to make the mistake of treating the Polynesians in the
same manner as we treat the Indians or Cingalese. India and
Ceylon contain so numerous a population, that it is found very
difficult to interfere with established customs. In the Pacific
islands, however, the population is so small that we can deal with
it directly. Besides, we have to raise up a population, and we
surely do not require the assistance of a native aristocracy.
Fiji contains about 140,000 natives, upon a superficial area of
7,400 square miles. Jamaica has a population of 506,000, upon an
area of 4,256 square miles ; there is every likelihood of the popula-
tion of Fiji soon rivalling in numbers that of Jamaica. Will it not
be far better for us to deal with that population directly than through
the intervention of chiefs ? Sir Hercules Kobinson observes that
we must be just towards the chiefs. True enough; but there is no
necessity for us to acknowledge them as owners of tribal lands.
We can recognise the present generation as guardians of the tribal
interests by appointing them, as Sir Hercules has done, to magis-
terial posts in their different districts. This would fully suffice, and
indeed is all that is required. The chiefs desire to retain their
dignified position, and we allow them to do so ; but they have ceded
their country for their country's benefit, and I cannot but consider
that the existence of a native aristocracy is hardly required. The
lands should vest, as far as possible, in each native, not in the
chiefs, the Government alone retaining the final right of disposal*
To the chiefs will be allotted a larger share of land than to simple
members of a tribe. They will also receive a small salary from the
Government. Let them be given to understand — and they are
highly intelligent — that their sons must be taught to cultivate their
lands, that industry in itself is a golden precept, that idleness has
been the root of all the wars and troubles of Polynesia, and I believe
the chiefs themselves will agree with me that the sooner a native
aristocracy is allowed to disappear, and all natives alike bred up in
habits of industry, the better it will be for their future interests. If
the sons of chiefs choose to educate themselves for magisterial posts,
and if a native magistracy is required, let them by all means occupy
their father's position ; but for us deliberately to recognise and
support a native hereditary aristocracy, by vesting in them the tribal
lands, to winch even now they are not entitled, would, in my
opinion, be a terrible blunder.
* The natives are too improvident, even the chiefs themselves, to be entrusted
with the power of absolute sale. In my opinion, the term " fee-simple" is not
applicable to tropical countries, a title by leasehold being all that is required.
176 Civilisation of the Pacific.
IMPORTED LABOUR.
I have before stated that the true wealth of the Pacific, and indeed
of all tropical countries, does not rest in the soil nor in its productions,
but in the amount of resident voluntary labour obtainable to
cultivate the soil. To prove this statement it is only necessary to
refer to the West Indies. Immediately after the emancipation of
the slaves, estates which were worth £50,000 would hardly realise
£5,000 ; the liberated negroes refused to work, and the planters
were ruined. It is therefore the primary duty of any Government
to superintend and supply the demand for labour, if it desires to
advance the prosperity of tropical lands.
Hitherto the labour supply has been conducted by private indivi-
duals, and the evils which have arisen to both labourers and
employers prove the necessity of Government interference. In
Fiji, Samoa, and Tahiti the greater portion of the labour used has
been imported from the neighbouring islands ; but the supply is un-
certain and very small. It may almost be said that there is no
labour to be obtained in the Pacific. The removal of a few natives
from one group of islands to another, whereby the first group be-
comes depopulated for a time, means no supply : it is doubtful
whether such a transfer is advisable either for the sake of economy
or for health. Neither is any certain supply to be found in the
resident population.
The existence of 140,000 men, women, and children upon 7,400
square miles of tropical land, as is the case in Fiji, affords no supply —
hardly twenty to the square mile. Java contains a population of
337 to the square mile, and Ceylon 87. My general estimate of the
population of the Pacific (vide chart) is 1,200,000, upon a superficial
area of 98,000 square miles, giving about twelve to the square mile.
Tropical lands require a far denser population, and the Pacific
must look either to the natural increase of the population or to
foreign countries, in order to obtain a fair supply of labour. The
natural increase will be found much too slow a process, and the
only remaining alternative will be to import labour from abroad
under Government superintendence. In South Eastern Asia there
exists a labour market able to supply the world. China and India
contain a population which is commencing to burst the bounds that
have so long restrained them within certain limits. That popula-
tion is beginning to emigrate, and soon a flood of Asiatics will pour
through the long-closed gate of South-Easteru Asia, and scatter
themselves over the eastern and western tropical and temperate
zones.
Civilisation of the Pacific. 177
Now tlio Pacific islands lie close at hand, and a little regulation
will direct a stream of labour which will amply supply any demand.
This simple fact, this proximity to India and China, renders the
Pacific islands the most valuable within the tropical belt ; the cost
of passage (a very great consideration) will be small compared
with that to the West Indies. A two or three years' contract with
the Asiatic labourer will pay in the Pacific, whereas a sis or seven
years' contract will hardly pay in the West Indies. Employers of
tropical labour will soon perceive this important fact, and a great
number will flock to the islands of the Pacific as soon as they are
assured of sufficient Government protection.
In Fiji, Sir Arthur Gordon will doubtless look after these matters ;
but ought not the Imperial Government to take up the subject ? If
the statement is correct that the true wealth of tropical countries
rests in the labour, should not the Imperial Government look after
the interests of all its tropical possessions by superintending and
regulating the supply of foreign labour. The West Indies, the
Mauritius, Natal, Ceylon, Northern Australia, Queensland, Fiji, &c.
all demand tropical labourers, which India and China can easily
supply. The Eegistrar-General of Bombay informs us that the
population of India is increasing two millions annually. It is quite
impossible for India to support its present population, together with
such a yearly increase ; should not, therefore, a proper system of
emigration be determined upon ? Our tropical possessions and the
Pacific can easily absorb a vast number of labourers, and India
would be greatly relieved. If, however, caste, prejudice, or custom
cannot be overcome, there is a plentiful supply of labour to be
obtained from China : many Chinese are already in the islands, but
many more are required. The Chinese make good settlers, and
infuse some of their own untiring energy into the people around
them. It is to be hoped that the Imperial Government will remove
the restrictions which were lately imposed upon Chinese emigrants
from Hong Kong.
There is very little doubt but that the Imperial Government can
easily arrange a liberal labour supply from Asia if it favourably
considers the proposal ; but we have something else to consider be-
sides the mere importation of labourers — we must endeavour to retain
them after their term of service has expired. Increase of population in
Polynesia means increase of wealth. Fiji can well support a
million inhabitants, and when the little Colony contains that popu-
lation it will also possess a very fair supply of voluntary labour.
Necessity will then compel the natives to work more strenuously
than they do at present ; the struggle for existence will be greater,
178 Civilisation of the Pacific.
and a greater amount of labour must result. It will therefore be
seen that the present inhabitants of Fiji are not alone to be con-
sidered— a large increase must be provided for, and it is consequently
necessary for the Government to gravely consider the land question.
As much land as possible should be retained, in order to provide for
future increase, and foster future settlement. Sir Hercules Bobin-
son might not have fully considered this subject when he proposed
that tribal lands should vest in the chiefs.
An unavoidable mistake has been made in the "West Indies, which
should, if possible, be avoided in Polynesia. The supply of female
to male coolies, in anything like proportionate numbers, has been
much too small, and the result has been found to be thoroughly
demoralising — marriage laws have been completely thrown aside.
Too many male labourers ought not to be introduced without a
proportionate number of females.
FEMALE LABOUB.
If we ever wish to arrive at voluntary labour, we must put a stop
to female labour. The social status of the female in the Pacific
sadly requires raising. At present she is a mere domestic slave,
her very life being often in the power of her husband. It lies in
our power to ameliorate her condition so far at least as regards
labour in the fields. Such a step, of course, will- be antagonistic to
the planting interest ; but the question is not one of competition
between sugar and cotton growers. We cannot regard these
islands solely in a planter's light — the country must be ruled for
its own benefit ; and the prohibition of female labour in the fields,
except perhaps at crop-tune, is greatly to be desired. If Fiji, for
instance, offers a cheerful residence, certain hours of male labour
only, and fair opportunities for independent cultivation, it will more
readily obtain a greater population than, say, New Caledonia, where
opposite rules may prevail. If the West Indies, by using female
labour, can produce slightly cheaper than Polynesia, the dis-
advantage must be put up with, although I fancy that compensating
advantage will be found in the Pacific. I trust that the time is not
far distant when female labour in the fields will be prohibited in all
our tropical possessions : it is only a remnant of slavery, and
should be abolished. The female can cultivate the home plot if she
chooses to do so, while the husband works upon the plantation of
the white settler ; but no contract should be allowed to be made for
her services. For the benefit of coming generations the position of
the female must be raised.
Civilisation of the Pacific. 179
INFANTICIDE.
The suppression of infanticide is also one of the most important
subjects which demands our consideration. At first the mission-
aries found it a very hard task to overcome the wide-spread
custom ; and even now in Christianised Fiji the custom is still
secretly observed. Women who, by contract made with the chiefs,
are compelled to perform a certain amount of field labour upon white
plantations, find it necessary to kill their children either before or
immediately after birth. They cannot work upon plantations,
attend to their husbands, pay their husband's taxes, and also look
after their children. Naturally enough the children are neglected,
Formerly three or four women shared the work required to be
fulfilled at the husband's command ; but polygamy was very rightly
suppressed. Unfortunately, all the work of a household is now to be
performed by the one wife.
Until very lately, a great portion of the female children were
killed and the male children preserved for warriors. The mother
of a boy waited upon him like an obedient slave — the boy was his
mother's master ; so he grew up, and so the man became ; the boy
was not taught to be industrious, and industry could not be
expected from the man. Now if we put a stop to female field
labour we shall also put a stop to infanticide. A mother will have
time to look after her children of both sexes, and she will teach
them all to assist her in her duties. The boys as well as the girls
will be taught habits of industry, and the race generally will be
improved.
Travellers in the Pacific know how graceful the young girls are,
and how hideous they become immediately after marriage : the
work which they have to do is the cause of this, for they are mere
beasts of burden. They cannot avoid the marriage state, otherwise
they would willingly do so. Women formerly strangled themselves
upon the death of their husbands, but the custom was prohibited.
I almost believe they were glad to escape from their weary life.
The scanty population of Polynesia results from female degrada-
tion and consequent infanticide. A woman's life is so degraded
that she has no interest in rearing the children she bears, especially
female children.
Besides direct, indirect infanticide, resulting from carelessness,
bad feeding, and neglect, prevails to an alarming extent. The mor-
tality amongst infants is something frightful. It would well repay
the Government to erect public nurseries for the preservation of
infant life in every village in Fiji.
H 2
180 Civilisation of the Pacific.
In the French Colonies the practice of concubinage is general,
and it is well known that such a system is not at all conducive to
the increase of the population.
In Western Polynesia both direct and indirect infanticide is very
common, children in the New Hebrides and Solomon Islands being
frequently buried alive. I sincerely trust the missionary clergy will
soon be able to thoroughly establish themselves in those islands.
HEALTH OP THE ISLANDERS.
As yet the natives have not considered any sanitary regulations :
their houses, although comfortable and suited to the tropics, are
badly drained and ill ventilated, the greater number of them being
extremely unclean habitations. Mat upon mat is often piled upon
the naked earth, until the bottom layer is a mass of decomposition ;
the consequence is that vermin abound, and the natives have to re-
sort to the use of lime in order to keep themselves personally free
from the pest. Contagious diseases of every kind spread amongst
them like wildfire : an epidemic kills them off by thousands. Should
we not endeavour to prevent this ? The natives should be induced
to build their houses upon higher ground, not upon the sea-shore,
also to keep them in open spaces. In many inland villages I have
seen the rank vegetation clustering around the very walls of the
huts, which sometimes it is even difficult to discover ; a traveller all
at once stumbles on a native village buried in the luxuriant growth
of the tropics. More wood and stone should be used in the con-
struction of the private dwellings ; coral will make a good floor,
when wood is not to be obtained ; the mat should not be so much
relied upon.
The natives are also very improvident in their domestic habits,
sometimes gorging to excess, at other times almost starving: they
have no regular hours for taking food, but the principal meal is
towards evening. Their chief article of diet is vegetable, which ren-
ders them incapable of sustaining any very prolonged labour. It is
doubtful whether the free use of the cocoa-nut is beneficial to health ;
in my opinion maize would be found far more nutritious. The
dense coast population of Ceylon is chiefly supported by the cocoa-
nut ; and we often hear of great epidemics raging in that island —
some 10,000 natives were carried off by cholera in 1867.
Hardly sufficient attention is paid to the purity of the water
supply, upon which health in the tropics so greatly depends. Where
running water is used, the streams are generally fouled by the
natives, and standing water ought to be avoided : the great amount
Civilisation of the Pacific. 181
of vegetable decomposition constantly taking place soon charges
standing water with a pestilential deposit.
Some of the islands are, however, in themselves very unhealthy.
These are principally to be found in Western Polynesia. Why they
should be so is a difficult matter to determine. In many instances
the islands surrounding any particular spot are healthy, whilst the
spot itself is the abode of fever and ague. Indeed, it is oftentimes
found that three sides of an island are healthy, while the fourth is
totally the opposite.
The prevailing winds have much to do with the subject, and like-
wise the neighbourhood of the Australian continent. Large deposits
of vegetable matter in a state of decomposition will also be found to
greatly influence the healthy condition of the atmosphere. For
these reasons the windward side of any island is more healthy than
the leeward, in consequence of receiving the steady current of the
south-east trade winds.
In the report of Commissioners Commodore Goodenough and Mr.
Layard concerning the cession of Fiji, there is a paper containing
some observations by Dr. Messer upon the health of the islands.
That gentleman states that the Fijian Archipelago is singularly
free " not only from tropical diseases, but also from most of those
diseases which in England and other countries yearly cause a large
amount of sickness." This is saying a great deal for future white
residence in that group. It would be of the utmost advantage if our
medical officers, generally, in the Pacific would report upon the
health of the islands, as the most healthy are the most valuable for
European residence. The climate of an unhealthy island will greatly
retard the work of colonisation. Our information on the subject is
at present very vague, but I think I am fully entitled to say that
the Pacific islands are more healthy and more suitable for Euro-
pean residence than the West Indies or British Guiana.
LANGUAGE AND EDUCATION.
The education of the islanders has been principally confined to
religious teaching. Nothing else could possibly have been expected
nor anything better imparted. Whilst, however, perfectly agreeing
with what has already been done, I think that it will be found abso-
lutely necessary to pay more attention to secular and industrial edu-
cation, especially in those islands which have been Christianised.
The Melanesian Mission in Norfolk Island, and the Wesleyan Train-
ing Schools in Tonga and Fiji, combine the three : an extension of
this plan is alone required. I am quite certain that the mis-
182 Civilisation of the Pacific.
sionarieg will cordially assist in any matter connected with the
welfare of the natives.!
Both secular education and industrial habits must be inculcated,
and the more compulsory the system, the better it will be for the
natives. There should not be any hesitation in the course to be
pursued. The lazy habits of past generations have to be rooted out,
and compulsory means are the most suitable for the work. Boys and
girls should be compelled to attend the schools, and the Fijian
Government should consider the advisability of establishing such
schools in every village. Public nurseries and public schools might
well be combined. One great difficulty exists with regard to secular
education. Each group of islands has not only one language, but
in many instances distinct district dialects, — the missionaries say,
distinct languages. The Eev. H. Codrington, in one of his early
lectures, remarks : " It is not that each island has its own language,
but that there are many languages, mutually unintelligible, on one
island. I have a little chart of a part of the New Hebrides — the
Shepherd Islands, including Tisiko and Fate : there are twelve
islands and thirteen tongues, mutually unintelligible."
Western Polynesia, however, possesses a greater diversity of lan-
guage than Eastern or Central Polynesia, in consequence of having
been populated not only by colonies of Asiatics, and Papuan, and
Australian negroes, but also by many wanderers from Polynesia
itself, driven westward by the trade winds. New Hebrides and the
Solomon Islands contain many settlements of pure Polynesians. In
Eastern and Central Polynesia the different dialects of the parent
Malayan tongue are not so numerous. They must, however, rank
as distinct languages in consequence of the missionary clergy having
been compelled to erect them into that position. The Sandwich,
Society, Cooks, Samoan, Tongan, and Fijian islands have each their
published Bibles, grammars, dictionaries, and vocabularies : portions
of the Scriptures have also been translated into some of the lan-
guages spoken in the following islands : Marquesas, Caroline, Mar-
shall, Gilbert, New Hebrides, Banks, Loyalty, New Caledonia
Groups. The press has indeed aided Christianity in the Pacific.
Whether it is advisable to continue this bountiful supply of lan-
guage is very doubtful. A population of little over a million does
not require twenty-five to thirty different languages ; it would be
much better for the natives to learn one useful language, which could
be used as a medium for imparting secular education, than the pre-
sent numerous dialects of one or two parent tongues. One language
is amply sufficient for Eastern, Central, and Northern Polynesia,
another for Western Polynesia. In my opinion two languages are
Civilisation of the Pacific. 188
alone required — one founded upon a Malayan, the other upon a
Papuan basis. The subject is very important, as the future work of
government in the Pacific will be much aided by such a simplifica-
tion, as the cost of ruling the islands will be increased in proportion
to the number of languages. It is also doubtful whether the Eng-
lish language is suitable to the tropics ; the natives under our rule
will pick it up, but it is much too harsh to become the popular lan-
guage in Polynesia ; French and Spanish are both more suitable.
It would, however, be better for the English language to be taught
than the numerous native languages which are at present being in
a manner built up. Australia will contribute a large number of
English-speaking people to the population of the Pacific, and
South Eastern Asia many Indian and Chinese. The necessity for
having one language common to all and easy of acquisition is hence
evident.
POSITION OF THE AUSTRALASIAN COLONIES.
The position of the Australasian Colonies with regard to these
islands is very important, as the trade of the Pacific is almost cer-
tain to be conducted from their ports for many years to come.
There are few safe harbours in Polynesia, and the rise and fall of
tide is very slight ; consequently the Australasian ports must be
largely relied on for many purposes.
The carrying trade of the Pacific will have to be principally con-
ducted by means of small vessels of 80 to 150 tons, either steam or
sail, or a combination of both. Auxiliary screw wooden schooners
will be found most suitable. Australasia can supply these vessels
better and cheaper than any other country. One or two ports of
the Western Coast of America may share in the trade, but the
Australasian ports are likely to be the most relied upon.
Colonial shipping will also supply a cheap freight for island pro-
duce to European markets. At present, outward English shipping
to Australia cannot always rely upon a homeward freight. Vessels
have constantly to go from Melbourne, Sydney, and New Zealand to
India and China, in order to obtain a return cargo. The trade of
the Pacific will supply that shipping with a return freight, and both
will mutually profit. Of course, eventually, the islands will require
their own lines of vessels, and accommodation will be required in
the English docks for the Pacific trade, just as it is required for
the West Indian.
The islands will draw from the Colonies their supply of coals,
building materials, flour, and other standing articles of consump-
tion ; also a vast quantity of material. Towns are yet to be built,
184 Civilisation of the Pacific.
roads and bridges to be constructed ; small dry docks, mills, foun-
dries, machinery, water, and gasworks, lighthouses, telegraphs con-
necting group to group and island to island ; indeed, all the wants
of civilisation have yet to be supplied, and the Colonies are certain to
share largely in the supply. At present the islands possess abso-
lutely nothing — cultivation and production have hardly commenced.
The imports and exports of the British possessions alone in the
West Indies amount to fifteen million sterling. The Pacific hardly
imports more than £700,000 per annum. The "West Indies employ
a million tons of English shipping; not a vessel leaves an English
port for the Pacific.
It is almost certain that the resources of the Pacific will shortly
be greatly developed, and the position of Australasian Colonies with
regard to that development is a very important consideration.
Australasia is as valuable to the Pacific as the Pacific is to Austra-
lasia ; indeed, if the islands would consult their best interests, and
also look to their geographical position, instead of seeking protection
from America, France, and Germany, they would petition the Aus-
tralian Colonies for assistance. It is for the interest of these Colo-
nies to render such assistance, whereas the Powers above named
have no particular interest in the matter.
Which of the Colonies will take the lead in the island trade is
uncertain, but in my opinion New Zealand from its position is likely
to do so. Auckland is 1,200 miles nearer the greater number of
the groups than Sydney or any Australian port. For nine months
in the year the south-east wind prevails, and New Zealand lies to
the windward of Australia. Auckland is likely to become the soat
of a large ship-building trade, possessing as it does a good harbour,
and plenty of iron, coal, and timber. Sydney will supply a grcai
amount of merchandise, Queensland meat, and South Australia
flour, &c.
New Zealand likewise possesses another great advantage over
Australia — its beautiful climate, a fit sanitarium for tropical in-
valids ; many planters even now resort to that Colony in order to
recruit their health. Ladies and children will find it of the utmost
advantage to annually leave the islands for a couple of months, in
order to escape the summer heat.
The bond of union between tho Colonies and the islands must
become a very strong one ; population is gradually overflowing ;
Colonial merchants are establishing agencies in the Pacific ; and
there will hardly be a planter who will not possess many friends in
one or other of the Australian Colonies.
Civilisation of the Pacific. 185
CULTIVATION AND PRODUCTION.
It is to be hoped that the productions of the Pacific will not be
confined to almost one article of consumption, viz. sugar, as is
the case in the West Indies. Demand willl doubtless regulate cul-
tivation, but it is, nevertheless, a fact that planters possess a
strange habit of following a given lead : if one produces cotton, all
produce cotton ; if sugar cultivation is determined upon, cotton trees
are rooted up, and cane planted. Now there is ample room in the
Pacific for the cultivation of many tropical productions, and it will
be found more payable to rely upon many than upon one. Fiji, for
instance, may be divided into three zones : the low river or water
lands, suitable for the sugar-cane ; the higher lands, suitable for
cotton ; and the hill or uplands, suitable for coffee.*
The West Indian planters, after suffering great losses, are be-
ginning to perceive that it is advisable to increase the number of
their productions. In the Pacific, sugar, cotton, and coffee will not
be found the only payable crops. In fibrous productions the supply
of the raw material is unlimited. The owners of paper-mills in
England are seeking for new fibres ; the Pacific islands possess
numerous payable plants : coir, ramie, alue, pine-apple (the cele-
brated "pina" of the East), Chinese nettle-grass, and others of a
similar rich variety. Manilla hemp can be obtained in any quantity ;
the plant from which this hemp is prepared being an ordinary
plantain tree, indigenous to the islands, and regarded almost as a
weed.
Of the cocoa-nut tree itself little need be said ; its value is well-
known. In Ceylon, each tree is reckoned to be worth four shillings
annually. There are millions of cocoa-nut trees in Polynesia ; scores
of small islands are to be found covered with them, and totally un-
inhabited, oil and fibre wasting at the rate of thousands of pounds
annually. Those planters who gave up cotton-growing a short time
ago in Fiji, and took to cultivating and producing from the cocoa-
nut, gained much profit by the change. In my opinion, the prepa-
ration of cocoa-nut fibre and oil, and Manilla hemp, would afford
home employment for the whole of the native population.
Tea, rice, arrowroot, indigo, ginger, cinnamon, tobacco, fruits,
and innumerable other tropical productions will all pay for culti-
vation.
Whale oil, Beche-de-mer, fungus, pearl-shell, sandal-wood, tor-
* The coffee plant requires to be cultivated at an elevation of at least 1,200
feet above the sea level. Ceylon exports about £2,000,000 -worth of coffee
annually.
186 Civilisation of the Pacific.
toise-shell, &c. have to be collected, and valuable timber to be cut
and exported.
The islands possess a great number of very valuable woods.
Timber in the tropics is either very hard or very soft ; there is no
medium. The soft wood is useless ; but the hard wood, such as
teak, mahogany, &c. is very valuable. In many islands there are
virgin forests of hard- wood trees, in which civilised man has hardly
yet placed a foot.
Planters, however, must not be too much led away by the appa-
rent resources of the Pacific. I have before remarked that the true
wealth of the islands lies in the available labour, not in the produc-
tions : they should, therefore, as a preliminary to cultivation, make
certain of their labour supply. No reliance can be placed upon
resident labour for the present. A native does not care about work-
ing upon his own island ; the planter must, therefore, import from
abroad a certain number of hands required to perform the principal
work of the plantation all the year round. He should select suitable
lands near some large native village, and only rely upon the resi-
dent natives in crop-time — even then as'sparingly as possible. In
Ceylon, Tamil labourers are principally employed, the Cingalese
doing all the light carrying work.
Neither is money to be hurriedly made. A planter ought to erect
a comfortable home upon his plantation : it is a great mistake for
a European to live in the wretched manner that I have witnessed
upon various plantations. A fortune is not to be made in a year
or two ; planting in the Pacific requires as much careful considera-
tion and calculation as farming in England. Only a percentage
upon the capital employed can be expected — perhaps fifteen, per-
haps twenty per cent., perhaps more, according to circumstances
and the experience of the planter. In some islands a greater per-
centage may be relied on than in others ; certain productions
succeed better in certain localities. First of all choose a healthy
island ; consider whether it is fairly situated out of the track of
hurricanes,* and cultivate the productions most suitable to it. Where
a British subject now resides makes little difference : the last Poly-
nesian Act empowers the High Commissioner, Sir Arthur Gordon,
to protect all British subjects in the Pacific.
The rainfall also requires consideration. It is to be hoped that
observations will be systematically commenced in the English and
French possessions, and also by the missionaries, in order to arrive
* Information concerning the hurricane-track is as yet somewhat scanty :
the statistical chart attached affords some little information upon the point.
Civilisation of the Pacific. 187
at a fair estimate of this very important subject. The observations
of any private gentleman periodically forwarded to one of the Colo-
nial observatories would be of much public value.
A safe principle to be guided by is to separate agriculture from
manufacture as much as possible. Unless the greatest care is
taken, the profit which may be realised by the one will be lost in
the other. I am induced to make these remarks in the hope that
they will at least direct the attention of intending planters to past
experience. The West Indies, Ceylon, Mauritius, and other islands
supply volumes of experience, which only requires to be studied in
order to make cultivation in the Pacific a most profitable pursuit.
THE POLYNESIAN SCHEME.
With regard to the profits which commercial speculation is likely
to realise in the Pacific, I cannot do better than refer to the Poly-
nesian scheme lately proposed by the New Zealand Government,
for opening up the resources of the islands, and so warmly taken
up by Sir Julius Vogel. Having originated the scheme, I think
that I can give a fair explanation concerning its intention : its scope
may be misconceived unless some such explanation be given.
Whilst cruising amongst the islands in 1872, I was struck with
the necessity which plainly existed for bringing capital to bear upon
the undeveloped resources of the Pacific. The only plan which
occurred to me was the natural one of an Associated Company.
Certain of the groups possessed forms of Government quite un-
suitable to them, while others had no Government at all. A power-
ful company would not only be liable to govern itself, but also
establish numerous stations to which all classes of settlers would
look for assistance and protection. The objects of the Company
were three : (1) To trade, cultivate, and manufacture ; (2) To supply
labour ; (3) To acquire ultimate dominion.
Of the first, little need be said. The opening for trade, cultiva-
tion, and manufacture is well known.
Our possessions in the West Indies import and export annually
about £15,000,000, Ceylon £8,000,000, and Mauritius £5,000,000,
whilst the Pacific hardly does anything in comparison. The only
consideration was, firstly, whether it was advisable to go into the
matter upon a large or small scale ; and, secondly, whether a
monopoly was advisable. I suggested the advisability of taking up
the subject in the widest sense, in consequence of so many small
attempts having failed. An influential company would be able to
command! good men and far better experience than a small com-
pany : it has generally been found that small companies do not
188 Civilisation of the Pacific.
pay. With regard to a monopoly, I failed to see its utility. There
is plenty of room in the Pacific for half a dozen such companies as
I proposed. The history of the Java Trading Company is not such
a one as to recommend its repetition elsewhere.
As to the second object, the labour supply. In 1872 the labour
supply was carried on in a most wretched manner. Men and
vessels were engaged in it utterly unfitted for the traffic. The
greater number of the men were not very desirable citizens in any
country, and most of the vessels were small, rotten slavers, of a
few tons burthen". Twenty and thirty labourers, sometimes more,
were often carried 400 and 500 miles in a vessel of ten tons or so.
I need not refer to how the labourers were obtained. Names were
painted out, canoes were run down, clergymen were vilely personi-
fied, and all sorts of shameful ruses were carried on to decoy the
natives. Matters sadly required mending, and it struck me that
the company could mend them by supplying good men, good vessels,
and being responsible to Government officers for all transactions.
Since that time I have found no reason to alter my views ; I still
think that the labour traffic should be under direct Government
inspection. All our tropical possessions require labourers; and
dealing in men's lives — whether Polynesian, Indian, or Chinese —
should be a Government question. The trade is of sufficient
importance to merit the attention of a powerful company.
The third object, ultimate dominion, can be briefly dismissed.
There is little likelihood of the Imperial Government, now that it
has taken action by annexing Fiji, supporting or favouring any
undertaking which has for its object the acquisition of vested in-
terests. Great companies give too much trouble to be encouraged.
At the time when I proposed the scheme, England had not taken
action, and the attempt of t the white settlers to erect petty inde-
pendent native states appeared to me open to failure. A powerful
company might gradually attain such a position, that it eventually
would be enabled to hand over the sovereignty of any island to
Great Britain, should the Imperial Government choose to accept
it. The East India Company, the Hudson's Bay Company, the
New Zealand Company, the African Company, and many others
are precedents for my proposal, and no one can deny that those
companies have done much for England.
A Polynesian Company would greatly benefit the cause of civili-
sation in the Pacific, not by regenerating the natives, but by assist-
ing the missionary. I especially proposed that it should work
hand in hand with the missionary clergy, and in Western Polynesia
they sadly want such assistance. There, commerce does not follow
Civilisation of the Pacific.
189
religious teaching sufficiently fast ; petty warfare and all the
horrors of barbarism reign supreme. A white man dares not land
upon many of the islands. Even the lives of the commanders of
our men-of-war are not respected. The company could mitigate
these evils by simply supporting missionary effort and offering
constant rewards for voluntary labour. The missionaries, on the
other hand, would find it far better to work with such a company
as I proposed than to combat the numerous adventurers who only
vilify them.
Such, briefly, was the design of the scheme. In whatever
manner it may be commented upon I can only say that its designs
were based upon the broadest and most beneficial principles. I am
not responsible, neither do I exactly agree with the form in which
the scheme was proposed; but its promulgators can easily
amend any defects should they deem it necessary. I believe the
idea will be carried out, as capital must be introduced into the
islands, and the associated or contract principle is the principle of
the age. That it will benefit the islands I am certain, as also the
Australian Colonies, for it would vastly assist in strengthening the
bond of union which is beginning to grow up between them.
SHALL ENGLAND COLONISE ?
Having now briefly touched upon the principal matters connected
with the civilisation of the Pacific, it is time to consider the action
which England, as a colonising Power, should take with regard to
those islands.
It is quite impossible for them to remain in their present con-
dition ; foreign Powers are certain to interfere.
I have pointed out that the petty native kingdoms are too weak to
properly administer the duties of government for any length of
time. The natives cannot rule themselves, neither can they rule
the white people who are settling amongst them. They know
this, and they are anxious for annexation or protection by some
strong Power. Nearly the whole of Eastern and Central Polynesia
look towards England. The natives have been accustomed from
their infancy to regard our good Queen as their Queen, and our
men-of-war as their natural protectors ; even in Samoa, the chiefs
of which have been induced to petition the United States Govern-
ment for protection, this feeling prevails. In my opinion, the
general body of the natives of Samoa prefer to be annexed to Eng-
land rather than to any other nation. In 1869 the Fijian chiefs
petitioned the United States Government for protection ; it is very
easy to get up such a petition.
190 Civilisation of the Pacific.
The only question to consider is whether it is advisable for us to
take any further and immediate action. Fiji has been annexed,
and the labour traffic is being regulated. Shall we leave matters
for time to arrange, or is it worth while to lay down a definite
policy with regard to Polynesia ? For myself, I believe that it is to
our interest to acquire every spot of land in the Pacific, not only
for its intrinsic value, but in order to prevent other Powers obtaining
such valuable possessions. As Colonies, they would become very valu-
able, for we should then possess nearly all the insular land in the
tropics, and such land is of far greater value for certain tropical
productions than continental lands.
As naval stations they are very important. In the uncertain
state of naval warfare we ought to take every precaution to main-
tain our supremacy at sea. Ironclads are at present relied
upon for national safety ; in a short time ironclads may be con-
demned to coast defence purposes. Smaller, lighter armed, and
more numerous vessels may be considered a better fighting fleet.
Short distance stations, and many coaling depots, will consequently
be required. If we took possession of the Pacific islands we should
gain a great advantage over the war vessels of any European
nation, as the Pacific is almost the only portion of the globe in
which foreign Powers can establish naval stations. We have it in
our power to thoroughly command the Indian and Pacific Oceans,
and we should be careful of throwing the chance away. France is
as yet the only European Power which has perceived the advantage
of having naval stations in the Pacific ; it is to be hoped that other
European Powers will not be allowed to follow her example, as the
acquisition of such positions affords them an admirable basis of
operations against our Asiatic and Australian possessions. In the
event of war we should have to guard against a great nest of Pacific
hornets, which might cost far more than preliminary precaution.
It would be almost a pity to see these islands fall into the hands of
many nations, and so eventually become merely the fortified ren-
dezvous of half a dozen great Powers. The argument that the
Malay islands are open to occupation does not apply. They are, in
the first place, too far away to be of any use as coaling stations ;
and, secondly, are too difficult of acquisition. The Dutch find it a
difficult task to subdue the Malays. The Pacific islands are easily
acquired, and for this reason they should be especially valuable to
us, as they will entail no expense. A regiment of British soldiers
will never be required in Polynesia. Our present Australasian
squadron is almost sufficiently powerful to keep order in the whole
of that portion of the globe.
Civilisation of the Pacific. 191
Another reason for the Imperial Government taking action is the
fact that our Australasian Colonies would be greatly benefited
thereby. They are constantly petitioning the Home Government
to take action, and then- leading statesmen even offer monetary
assistance. It appears to me that their petitions should be
attended to, but then- offers of monetary assistance declined. I
take it that whatever benefits the Australasian Colonies also benefits
the mother country ; for although the Colonies reasonably imagine
that they will derive much profit from the trade of the Pacific being
supplied from then.' ports, yet we must not forget that the Colonies
themselves are supplied from England. English shipping and
English manufactures will be principally used — in fact, nearly all
that the Pacific requires will be drawn from the mother country.
With regard to the offer of monetary assistance, it appears to me
that it would hardly become the mother country to charge one
group of Colonies for that which benefits general interests. Indeed,
I do not see how the Imperial Government could accept it unless
they were allowed to have some voice in the administration of those
particular islands the cost of whose government they were partly
defraying. It is the desire of the Colonies to develop the trade
of the Pacific, and by doing so they will simply extend English
commerce.
At present the Colonies petition the English Government to take
action, but we must not forget that in a short time they will be
sufficiently powerful to act for themselves. Had they possessed the
slightest voice in foreign affairs, France would never have been
allowed to take possession of New Caledonia. If the Imperial
Government will only consider Australasian interests, the Pacific
islands may yet form a part of a future Australasian Confederation.
I have no wish to hint at the various obstacles which may pre-
vent Ministers from taking any further and immediate action in the
Pacific : I only desire to point out that some definite policy is
necessary. It is not always advisable to leave time to solve difficult
questions. We may not find in Samoa that which we found in Fiji,
— another Thurston to advise the chiefs as to what is best for their
country's interest, neither will the suppression of the labour traffic
afford a stalking-horse for future action. The broad question to
be considered is, whether England should pursue the old policy of
colonisation, which has helped to make her what she is, or whether
we should allow the Pacific to work its own civilisation. Our mis-
sionaries have opened the way to commerce : is France alone to
profit by it ? Are the Australian Colonies quietly to witness the
trade which they are fostering absorbed by foreign nations ? Are
192 Civilisation of the Pacific.
our Eastern possessions to be left unguarded ? Is it advisable to
allow the Pacific islands to fall into the hands of many nations ?
These questions are worthy of attention, and I trust that they will
receive some little consideration.
FINAL REMARKS.
I must now bring the paper to an end. The subject upon which
it treats is so extensive that the great difficulty under which I have
laboured is, not to find what to say, but what to leave unsaid. In
a paper such as this it is almost impossible to do justice to so great
a subject. Many important matters have been omitted. But slight
reference has been made to New Guinea : the civilisation and colo-
nisation of that island must be a task of tune. In my opinion the
various groups of islands referred to require far more immediate
attention than New Guinea. Their colonisation is forcing itself
upon our attention, although it has taken nearly a hundred years
for the question to ripen into its present importance.
New Guinea, as I have before remarked, is a terra incognita : there
is not much danger of any great Power attempting to colonise it for
some time to come. All that we require at present is the protection of
our trade through Torres Straits, and the Eoyal Colonial Institute has
duly brought that important point before the notice of the Imperial
Government. That the civilisation of New Guinea will be found a
more easy task than that of the Malay Islands is true, but there is
no necessity for us immediately to perform the task. Our mission-
aries will first lead the way. I notice that in May last the Wesleyan
missionary barque, John Williams, left Fiji with a deputation of
white missionaries and about fifteen native teachers for the purpose
of taking the first steps to plant Christianity on the north-west of
the island, and at the same time the islands of New Britain and
New Ireland. The London Missionary Society has selected the
south coast. There is very little doubt but that these noble efforts
will succeed : yet the task is a difficult one. The natives are some-
what fierce and treacherous, and the climate, so far as we are
acquainted, very unhealthy. It would be of much advantage if the
Home Government directed our war schooners to visit the new
stations occasionally. Nothing has been found more hurtful to
missionary enterprise than the solitary condition of the clergy. For
many months they are left to themselves to straggle with their
numerous difficulties. The one or two mission vessels cannot per-
form the necessary work of visiting all the stations. I trust the
Societies at home will seek a little co-operation in this matter
from the Imperial Government.
Civilisation of the Pacific. 193
In the body of the paper it will be observed that reference has
often been made to the West India Islands. In my opinion the
past history of those islands will be found a very valuable precedent
for future action in Polynesia.
The opening of the Isthmus of Panama by a canal has a most
important bearing upon the future of the Pacific. The successful
accomplishment of that great work will vastly increase the value ol
the islands. Through them will pass a great trade to Australasia
and Eastern Asia, and back again to the Western hemisphere.
Great circle tracks are almost certain to be followed, and one or two of
these tracks cut the islands. Such a traffic must greatly benefit tho
Pacific. The opening of the canal will also permit the island trade
going direct to English markets, as the distance will then not be
much greater than to any other.
That the canal will be constructed is almost a certainty ; a late
American Commission upon the subject does not consider the diffi-
culties insurmountable. The cause of civilisation would be greatly
advanced if America, France, and England warmly took up the
subject ; our own Government, I believe, is fully alive to its
importance.
In conclusion, I may be allowed to express an earnest wish that
the Imperial Government will consider the advisability of pursuing
some definite policy. Action in Polynesia should not be made to
depend upon the mere question of the suppression of slavery. It is
not too much to consider that the islands will eventually form a
great confederation, but much depends upon the manner in which
they are acquired by the Great Powers. The tendency of late
years in the West Indies has been towards such a confederation.
Under a Federal system the cost of government will not be so
great, taxes will be more uniform, and the labour supply can be
better regulated — three very important considerations in tropical
countries. I trust that Great Britain will act in such a manner as
to enable the islands eventually to form a powerful confederation.
I cannot close this paper without adding one tribute of respect to
the memory of the latest martyr to the cause of civilisation in the
Pacific, Captain James Graham Goodenough, Commodore of the
Australian station. Admired and respected by all who knew him,
loved and esteemed by all his officers, his loss will be deeply felt.
He fell a martyr in the attempt to restore confidence in the minds of
the savage natives of Santa Cruz, after having successfully brought
about the annexation of Fiji to the British Crown. Few events,
since the death of Captain Cook, have created so powerful an im-
pression upon the public mind. Bishop Patteson and Commodore
194 Civilisation of the Pacific.
Goodenough have both fallen victims to the treachery of these parti-
cular islanders. When are these losses to cease ? Almost a cen-
tury since, La Perouse and his unfortunate comrades were cast away
upon these very islands, and not one returned to tell the tale. Is it
not time for us to regard these natives as dangerous to humanity ?
The lives of our sailors and traders in the Pacific are at their mercy.
The late Commodore would not allow them to he punished ; but
have we not a duty to perform ? Should we not at once take steps
to prevent the future loss of valuable lives ? England cannot afford
to lose such sons as John Coleridge Patteson and James Graham
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APPENDIX (A.)
EXPLANATION OF CHART.
As the accompanying statistical chart of the Pacific Islands is the first of
the kind attempted, I trust that every allowance will he made for inaccura-
cies. I have found it very difficult to ohtain any reliable information;
even the missionary accounts vary considerably.
Notice has only been taken of the principal groups, although scattered
amongst them are numerous solitary islands of much value. For example,
Savage Island, or Nine, population 5,000, discovered by Cook 1773 ; Wallis'
Island, population 3,000, the residence of the Roman Catholic Bishop of
Oceania ; Ocean Island, population 2,000 ; Pleasant Island, population
1,400, so named from its beauty; Gambier Island, population 1,500, under
French protection ; Easter Island, Fanning Island, and many others.
The names of the various groups are somewhat confusing; in many
instances I have given those by which they are most popularly known. It
is difficult to name correctly the two groups generally called the Society
Islands.
Captain "Wallis, I believe, named them the Georgian Islands, in honour of
George III. Cook called them the Society Islands, in honour of the Royal
Society. Mr. Ellis calls the Eastern Group (Tahiti) the Georgian Islands,
and the Western Group the Society Islands. I think that Tahiti should be
called the Society Islands, as it was there that Cook made his observations.
With regard to the number of islands which each group is stated to
contain, it is necessary to explain that most of them are mere rocks, or
chains of islets upon one great reef, or numerous islands enclosed by one
reef; there are very few large volcanic islands in any particular group.
Fiji, for example, stated to contain 200, has only three or four large
islands, and six or seven small ones, whilst the remainder are mere
spots, containing perhaps two, perhaps a thousand, acres each. The Island
of Hogolue, commonly so called, in the Caroline Group, is an immense atoll,
or coral reef, enclosing a vast lagoon, having a circumference of some 300
miles. Within the lagoon are four great islands, each from twenty to twenty-
five miles in circumference, and more than twenty smaller uninhabited cays,
covered with cocoa-nut and other trees.
The difference between the volcanic and coral islands it is important to
distinguish, as the former are more suited for the growth of coffee, cotton,
sugar, tobacco, &c. than the latter.
Exclusive of New Guinea, the area of the islands maybe about 03,000
square miles, or five times as great as our West Indian possessions, except-
ing of course British Guiana. The gross area of any group is only un
approximation, and cannot be relied on. By reducing kilometres into miles,
I have been enabled to arrive at some idea of the superficial area of the
French possessions.
Civilisation of the Pacific. 199
A further survey of the Pacific is sadly needed. Since the Herald and
Commodore Wilkes' expedition, but little has been added to the Admiralty
charts; I am, however, somewhat uncertain whether the Imperial Govern-
ment has not lately directed a few necessary surveys to be undertaken.
The population of any group marked with an asterisk is purely conjec-
tural. One writer supposes the New Hebrides, for instance, to contain
200,000 natives, another 60,000. I prefer to underrate, rather than over-
rate, the native population. The total of the numbers given in the chart
amounts to 843,612, to which must be added the population of the Phoenix,
Santa Cruz, New Ireland, New Britain, Louisade, and Admiralty groups,
and also the inhabitants of the numerous solitary islands before referred to.
Exclusive of New Guinea, the population of which it is quite impossible to
conjecture, there cannot be less than 1,200,000 natives in Polynesia.
The foreign residents are principally European. I do not consider that
there are more than 25,000 whites in the Pacific, of which number about
15,000 are in New Caledonia.
The total of the imports amounts to ^557,829, and exports .£598,215.
Add to these sums the imports and exports of the Tongan Archipelago, the
only remaining group of any present commercial importance, also the goods
sold by the trading schooners in exchange for island produce, and the grand
total of imports and exports will not exceed ^61,450, 000 per annum. The
supply of the French convict station at New Caledonia can hardly be in-
cluded under a commercial heading.
The following table gives a few statistics concerning other tropical
countries : —
Population. Imports. Exports.
British Possessions in £ £
the West Indies ...1871 19,988 1,089,818 5,186,086 5,804,093
British Guiana ......... 1871 76,000 193,491 1,897,183 2,748,720
Mauritius ............... 1871 708 316,042 1,807,382 3,053,054
Ceylon .................. 1872 24,454 2,405,287 5,169,524 3,163,153
Java ..................... 1871 51,336 17,298,200 4,213,428 7,459,735
Philippine Islands* ... 65,100 4,319,269
In comparison with these figures, the result of my calculations and
approximations may be given as follows: —
SquSeaMiles Copulation. Imports. Exports.
£ £
Pacific Islands ............... 98,000 1,200,000 700,000 750,000
New Guinea .................. 260,000 130,000
It will therefore be seen that the Pacific Islands, possessing a superficial
area of five times the extent of our possessions in the West Indies proper,
and a greater population, does not at present consume one-eighth of the
amount annually imported by those islands.
* In 1871, the Philippine Islands exported to Great Britain alono £1,391,254,
and imported £463,359.
200 Civilisation of the Pacific.
APPENDIX (B.)
A SHORT ACCOUNT OF THE CIRCUMSTANCES THROUGH WHICH TAHITI FELL
UNDER THE PROTECTION OF FRANCE.
(Extract from a Narrative of a " Trip to Tahiti." By W. K. BULL, 1858.)
THE French deserve credit for the way the town of Papeti is laid out; the
Government Offices and Government House are very good buildings. T
believe the French are anxious for the advancement and prosperity of the
island, if they only knew how to accomplish it. They have lately offered
premiums for the cultivation of the sugar-cane and for coffee ; but what
puzzles me is what the French want with Tahiti at all— in fact, it is only a sort
of toy for them, it brings them in nothing. The revenues from fines, and their
little petty regulations, must be all absorbed in the collection ; it is in no
way self-supporting, and the expense of government must be so much every
year out of pocket. As a naval station it must be entirely useless, as in
the event of a war between England and France, in about the first ten
minutes, not only Tahiti, but every other French possession in the South
Seas, would of course be taken from them. It may be proper that I
should now give some information relative to the possession of Tahiti by
the French, and ho\v it was accomplished. It has been under French
government for about fifteen years ; for many years previously it was known
to the world as the head-quarters of Protestant missionary enterprise.
Protestant Missions were established there in about 1790, the attention of
the Christian world having been directed to Tahiti by the very interesting
account given of the natives by Capt. Cook, in his voyages round the world.
It was at Tahiti, Protestant missions were first established, extending on to
the other Society Islands, the Harvey Group, &c. &c.
The French had a Koman Catholic missionary station at Gambier, a
small island lying due east of Tahiti ; it was the wish of the Propaganda at
Rome to extend operations and spread their faith ; for this purpose, in about
1840, they instructed some French Roman Catholic priests, from their station
at Gambier, to proceed on to Tahiti. At Tahiti we are told that a law
existed relating to strangers landing on those shores, none being permitted
to land or reside there without consent of the sovereign and chiefs. The
Roman Catholic priests in due time arrived, and you may easily imagine
that, with the Protestant missionaries, they were the very last persons they
wished to see ; in answer to inquiries, they announced the object of their
coming was to teach the Roman Catholic religion ; the priests were told that
they, the Tahitians, had already teachers, and were perfectly satisfied with
them ; to this a rejoinder is given by the priests that these teachers were
teachers of a false religion ; this led to a decided answer being given them
by the sovereign and chiefs assembled. Permission to stay at the island
was refused. Their attention was directed to the law upon the matter
relating to strangers, and they were ordered forthwith to depart.
The French Consul stated he knew of no such law in existence as that
referred to ; that, if any, it was only missionary law, made for the sovereign
and chiefs, and not by them.
Civilisation of the Pacific. 201
The French Consul gave them a house to reside in, but here they were
not permitted to stay ; the natives, acting by instructions from the authori-
ties, took the roof off the house, carried the priests by force to the boats, and
made them return to the ship. When information of this affair reached
Rome, indignation was roused, France was appealed to, and a man-of-war
sent to Tahiti, demanding satisfaction, an indemnity of 4,000 dollars, a
treaty also was insisted on, and that for the future there should be toleration
for the Roman Catholic religion, and grants of sites of land for places of
worship. The captain of the French man-of-war threatened to fire on the
town in case of refusal. Capt. Thomas, of the Talbot, an English man-of-
war, was lying in the harbour at this time, and it may easily be imagined
these proceedings were most repugnant to his feelings, but having no power
to act, all he could do (to use his own phrase) " was to show his teeth, but
not bite." During the negotiation the French captain spoke in insulting
terms of Pomare, calling her a " liar ; " to resent this the English captain
double shotted his guns, placed his ship between the two French frigates,
and demanded an apology : the apology was promptly given. This affair
naturally led to a period of excitement, and there was no knowing any
moment biit the inflammable materials might burst into a flame ; as for the
English sailors, they enjoyed the fun immensely, for Jack had his feelings
as well as his officers, and every night they would sing at the top of their
voices in the ears of the Frenchmen, " Rule Britannia," making the harbour
ring again. Ultimately, to prevent the destruction of property at Papete, the
amount of the fines inflicted by the French was paid by the European resi-
dents, and the quarrel in the meantime settled. A short time only had
elapsed, however, when another source of quarrel was opened up. Pomare
was willing to give land to the Roman Catholics for religious purposes from
her own property, but the priests insisted upon land which belonged to her
people, and was not hers to give. At Tahiti, as well as other islands in the
South Seas, a very different state of things prevails to that of the aborigines
of Australia. Every man has his land, the boundaries of which he knows
as well as any nobleman in England does his estate. Pomare's refusal was
construed by the priests into an infraction of the treaty ; in addition to this,
complaint was made that an outrage had been committed upon some
Frenchman ; another French man-of-war arrived, 10,000 dollars was this
time insisted upon, and demand made that if unpaid Tahiti should be
placed under French protection. The Queen fled to Eimeo, an island
opposite, where, separated from her advisers and unable to raise the money,
she was bamboozled into signing a document, praying for Tahiti to be a
French protectorate ; the result is, that Pomare is Queen of Tahiti now only
by name, receiving an income of .£2,000 a year from the French Government,*
and all laws are made and administered by the French. Thus, after a
period of sixty years of toil and congratulation (sic), was the Protestant
Mission in Tahiti annihilated.
With the occupation by the French came stringent restrictions on the
Protestant missionaries— their independence and usefulness was at an end
* Had it not been for the Empress Eugenic the allowance would have quickly
been discontinued.
202 Civilisation of the Pacific.
(for ba it known the toleration and religious liberty insisted on by Roman
Catholics, when subordinate, is very different to that accorded by them when
dominant), the place was made too hot to hold them, and only one Protes-
tant missionary now resides in Tahiti, and he is not permitted to preach to
the natives. The desire on the part of the Roman Catholics to introduce
their religion in Tahiti, after it had been for so many years the field of labour
and suffering on the part of the Protestant missionaries, would appear to
some a great hardship, and the act of refusing them to reside there was per-
fectly unjustifiable; others would view it in a different light, and contend that
the refusal came altogether from" missionary" influence; that the simple
circumstances of the missionaries acting as religious teachers in the island,
in no way warranted the assumption of such a power, that to use it was to
exercise on their part all the rights and privileges of sovereignty without
any of the legal pretensions, and that the Protestant missionaries have no
just right or claim to have the whole field undisturbed to themselves. But
whatever difference of opinion may prevail upon this matter, it cannot be
denied that the way in which the French possessed themselves of Tahiti,
was both pitiful and contemptible, and altogether unworthy the part of a
great nation ; independently of this, it was anything but an agreeable sight
in the eyes of the world to see a polite and gallant people like the French
engaged in despoiling a defenceless woman of her rightful dominions. The
possession of Tahiti by the French, with the overthrow of the Protestant
missions there, created a great stir at the time in the religious world, but
Great Britain refused to enter into the strife ; she had just got the start of
France in the race for New Zealand, and was unwilling to embroil the
nation in war for so small a possession as Tahiti.*
ACTE DU pROTECTORAT.
Tahiti, le 9 septembre 1842.
Parceque nous ne pouvons continuer a gouverner par nous-meines, dans
le present etat de choses, de maniere a conserver la bonne harmonie avec les
gouvernements etrangers, sans nous exposer a perdre nos lies, notre liberte ,
et notre autorite, nous les soussignes, la Reine et les grands-chefs de Tahiti,
nous ecrivons les presentes pour solliciter le Roi des Francais de nous
prendre sous sa protection aux conditions suivantes :
1° La souverainete de la Reine et son autorite, et 1'autorite des principaux
chefs sur leurs peuples sont garanties ;
2° Tous les reglements et lois seront faits au nom de la Reine Pomare, et
signes par elle ;
3° La possession des terres de la Reine et du peuple leur sera garantia. Ces
terres leur resteront. Toutes les disputes relativement au droit de
propriete, ou des proprietaries des terres, seront de la juridiction speciale
des tribunaux du pays ;
4° Chacun sera libre dans 1'exercice de son culte ou de sa religion ;
5° Les eglises existant actuellement continueront d'etre, et les missionnaires
anglais continueront leurs fonctions sans etre molestes, et il en sera de
* A more correct but lengthier account of the matter is to be found in
<( Pritchard's Polynesian Reminiscences."
Civilisation of the Pacific. 203
meme pour tout autre culte; perscmne ne pourra etre moleste ni con-
trarie dans sa croyance.
A cette condition, la Heine Pomare et ses grands-chefs demandent la pro-
tection, du Hoi des Fran9ais, laissant entre ses mains ou aux soins du
gouvernemeut fran9ais, ou a la personne nominee par lui et avec 1'approbation
de la Heine Pomare, la direction de toutes les affaires avec les gouverne-
ments etrangers, de meme que tout ce qui concerne les residants etrangers,
les reglements au port, etc., etc., de prendre telle mesure qu'il pourra juger
utile pour la conservation de la bonne harmonic et de la paix.
(Signe) POMARE,
PARAIRA, Eegent, UTAMT, HITOTI, TAT!.
Je, soussigne, declare que le present document est une traduction fidele
du document signe par la Reine Pomare et les chefs.
(Signe) ARI TAIMAI, Envoye de la Heine.
APPENDIX (C.)
THE Moniteur, of February 14th, 1853, contains the following note concern-
ing the taking possession of New Caledonia : —
" Le gouvernement frangais etait desireux depuis longtemps de posseder
dans les parages d'outre-tner quelques localites qui puissent au besoin recevoir
ses etablissementspenitentiaires.
" La Nouvelle-Caledonie lui ofFrait toutes les conditions desirables.
"En vertu des ordres de 1'Empereur, les ministres de la Marine et des
Colonies a prescrit, le 1" mai dernier, a M. le contre-amiral Febvrier-Des-
pointes, commandant-en-chef des forces navales fra^aises dans 1'Ocean
Pacifique, de se diriger vers la Nouvelle-Caledonie.
" Conformement aux instructions qui lui avaient ete transmiscs, le contre-
amiral Febvrier-Despointes, apres s'otre assure que le pavilion d'aucune
nation maritime ne flottait sur la Nouvelle-Caledonie, a pris solennellement
possession de cette ile et de ses dependauces, y compris 1'ile des Pins, au
nom et par ordredeS. M. Napoleon III., Empereur des Frangais.
" Aussitot que le pavilion de la France a ete arbore sur les terres do la
Nouvelle-Caledonie, il a ete salue de vingt-et-un coups de canon, et des cris
repetes par 1'etat-major de Tequipage de : ' Vive 1'Empereur ! '
" Les rapports olQciels constatent que cette prisede possession s'est effectuee
non-seulement avec les formalites legales usitees en pareille circonstance,
mais sans resistance aucunede la part des naturels.
" Toutefois,l'on a du prendre provisoirement des rnesures defensives en cas
d'attaque, etjusqu'a present 1'occupation de File est toute militaire, en atten-
dant qu'elle puisse otro soumise au regime ordinaire de nos autres colonies.
" Voici la copie des proces-verbaux de la prise en possession de la Nouvelle-
Caledonie et de 1'ile des Pins, en date des 24 et 29 septembre 1853 : —
" Je soussigno, Auguste Febvrier-Despointes, contre-amiral, commandant-
en-chcfles forces navales francaises daus la mer Pacifique, agissant d'apres
les ordres de mon gouvernement, declare prendre possession de 1'ile de la
Nouvelle-Caledonie et de ses dependancas, au nom de S.M. Napoleon III,
Empereur des Francais.
204 Civilisation of the Pacific.
" En consequence, le pavilion fra^ais est arbore sur ladite ile (Nouvelle-
Caledonie), qui, a partir de ce jour, 24 septembre 1853,devientainsi que ses
dependances, colonie francaiso.
" Ladite prise de possession est faite en presence de MM. les officiers de
la corvette a vapeur le Phoque, et de MM. les missionnaires fra^ais qui ont
signe avec nous.
"Fait a terre, au lieu de Balade (Nouvelle Caledonte), les heure,jour,
mois et an, qua dessus.
" Ont signe : E. de Bovis, L. Candeau, A. Barazer, Roui/eyron, Fores-
tier, J. Vigouroux, A. Cany, Muller, Butteaud, Mallet, L. Deperiers, A.
Amet, L. de Marce, le contre-amiral Febvrier-Despointes.
" Ce jourd'hui, jeudi, 29 septembre 1853.
" Je soussigne, Auguste Febvrier-Despointes, contre-amiral, commandant-
en-chef les forces navales fra^aises dans la mer Pacifique, agissant d'apres
les ordres de mon gouvernement, declare prendre possession de 1'ile desPins,
au nom de S.M. Napoleon III., Empereur des Francais.
" En consequence, le pavilion franQais est arbore sur ladite ile des Pins,
qui a cornpter de ce jour, 29 septembre 1853, devient, ainsi que ses depen-
dances, colonie frar^aise.
"L'ile continuera a etre gouvernee par son chef, qui relevera directement
de 1'autorite fran9aise.
" Ladite prise de possession faite en presence de MM. les raissionnaires
fran^ais, des officiers du Phoque, et du chef Ven-de-Cyon, qui ont signe avec
nous.
•' Fait a terre en double expedition, les jours, mois, et an, que dessus :
" Ont signe: E. de Bovis, A. Barazer, L. Candeau, A. Cany, L. Deperiers,
Mallet, Muller, Chapuy, Goujon, A. Galle, A. Amer, le chef de 1'ile, V. X.,
le contre-amiral commandant Febvrier-Despointes."
APPENDIX (D.)
RESOLUTION OF THE KING AND CHIEFS OF FIJI TO CEDE THEIR COUNTRY TO
ENGLAND.
Resolution of Thakombau, Tui Viti, and Vunivalu, and other high cbiefs
of Fiji, in Council assembled, handed by them to His Excellency Sir Hercules
George Robert Robinson, at an interview held at Nasova, on Wednesday,
September 30th, 1874.
Unto Her Majesty Queen of Great Britain,
We, King of Fiji, together with other high Chiefs of Fiji, hereby give our
ountry, Fiji, unreservedly to Her Britannic Majesty, Queen of Great
Britain and Ireland; and we trust and repose fully in her that she will rule
Fiji justly and affectionately, that we may continue to live in peace and
prosperity.
And we, desiring these Conferences may terminate well and satisfactorily,
request Her Britannic Majesty's Ambassador unto us, Sir Hercules George
Robert Robinson, will confer with our advisers who have our confidence in
these matters.
(Signed) CAKOBAU R.
D. WILKINSON, Chief Interpreter.
Civilisation of the Pacific. 205
DISCUSSION.
The Kev. Dr. MULLENS, Foreign Secretary of the London Mis-
sionary Society, said he was sure the audience would all be of one
mind as to the unusual excellence of the paper read to them by Mr.
Young. It was something marvellous that Mr. Phillips had been
able to include the vast amount of information he had gathered on
his subje'ct into one paper. He had told them about the races of
Polynesia, and had given them a geographical lecture, while at the
same time he had spoken upon their relation to the religious world,
and to the commercial enterprises of the Australian Colonies.
There was not one of those subjects upon which he had touched
without throwing light upon it ; indeed, he had left very little for
anybody else to say. Interested largely, however, in a number of
these Polynesian islands through his connection with the London
Missionary Society, perhaps the audience would kindly permit him
to say a little respecting them. Mr. Phillips had mentioned the
names of several missionaries who had gone to the Pacific — men
connected with the London Missionary Society, the Wesleyan
Missionary Society, and the Church Missionary Society — and he
was glad to hear him bear testimony to their usefulness and to the
importance of their work. In one part of his paper Mr. Phillips
said: "I do not think these Polynesians are capable of receiving
much higher education than they have received ; " but he (Dr.
Mullens) hoped that as days went on attempts would be made to
increase very largely the general knowledge of these interesting
tribes. The introduction of a larger number of honourable mer-
chants tha-oughout the Pacific would be most welcome. For several
years past very friendly relations had subsisted between the natives
of the Hervey Group and some merchants in the province of
Auckland. Whalers were in the habit of running up to the islands
for refreshment after the hard work of then- whaling life, to get
coffee, tea, fresh beef, and the like, and to be reminded of their
English friends and English homes. The natives of the Austral
Islands also sent their produce to Auckland in return for timber,
which they used for building purposes ; and he could assure the
company that some' of the buildings in those islands were of a very
superior kind, and greatly to be admired.
In connection with the present discussion, it was interesting to
notice the number of the Pacific groups which had been Christian-
ised during the last eighty years in the East. Tahiti and its
neighbours were the first to receive civilising influences. The
206 Civilisation of the Pacific.
Paumota group are coral islands connected with them ; and they
and the Austral Islands were the next that were Christianised.
The Hervey Islands, including Earotonga, foUowed next, and they
have been Christian for fifty years. The Marquesas were up to
the present only partially so. The French tried their hands at
civilising them a little while ago, but they only partially succeeded.
There was, however, a hope that the 3,000 or 4,000 natives still
living in the Marquesas would at no distant date yield to the
influences of civilisation, under the teaching of native missionaries
from Hawaii. Turning to the west, the Samoan Group were
thoroughly civilised. The Messrs. Grodefroy, a German firm, by
their trading operations had done a great deal of good in those
islands, also in the Ellice Group and the Gilbert Islands. Their
trade was so good that not only did they have vessels running to
the Australian Colonies, but also to England and Germany. The
Friendly Islands, which had for a long time been under the govern-
ment of one king, were highly civilised through the teaching of the
Wesleyan missionaries. The Fijis, he trusted, would make pro-
gress, though they had been very backward, owing to the supersti-
tions of the natives and the inveterate habit of cannibalism. The
intelligence from Sir Arthur Gordon that the Fijians would now
relinquish their cannibalistic practices and come under order and law
as administered by him in the name of the Queen, must be con-
sidered as highly satisfactory. Looking beyond Fiji, their eyes
alighted upon places which were as yet dark and uncivilised. The
Loyalty Islands were all Christian ; but the French would not allow
missionaries in New Caledonia, and the people in that great island
were to this day barbarous. The New Hebrides were occupied by
Presbyterian missionaries ; the Banks and the Solomon Groups were
the sphere of Bishop Patteson. The inhabitants of the Caroline
Islands were under the instruction of American missionaries, who
were connected with the Sandwich Islands, and everyone knew the
great progress which the latter had made since they had accepted
Christianity from American missionaries. They had a King, a
Parliament, a Prime Minister, a Chief Justice, and a great many
other pleasant institutions, for the benefit of about 55,000 people.
It was impossible to look, except with pleasure, at the change which
had been effected in the Pacific during the last eighty years. One
thing he must notice here. The author of the paper seemed rather
scandalised that the natives of the Pacific did not like to work
twelve hours a day ! Now working twelve hours a day was a very
English institution, and " the hard drive " and competition among
the English might be considered the cause of it. The natives
Civilisation of the Pacific. 207
thought life not worth having at such a price ; and probably many
present would say that they were in the right. Mr. Phillips thought
the remedy for the present state of things was to be found in the
coming generation, which he would have taught to labour six or
eight hours a day of its own free will, and no doubt all would like
to see them more diligent. Passing to another question — the
exchange of commodities — much good had been done by the intro-
duction of new articles amongst the natives. For instance, a
considerable orange trade was at the present time being carried on
between Tahiti and San Francisco, by schooners built in Tahiti.
These oranges had been introduced all over the Pacific by the
missionaries. It was from them that the natives had learned ship-
building, navigation, carpentery, smiths' work, and the like. It
was the missionaries who had first written and printed their many
languages. In this way the resources and the comforts of the
Polynesian Islands were constantly increased and developed.
Mr. Phillips thought that a trade of .£700,000 a year was a small
one ; but he (Dr. Mullens) considered that for £700,000 worth of
goods to go out to the Pacific in a single year was highly satisfac-
tory. But Mr. Phillips was rather ambitious. He would stimulate
them to build towns, to construct roads, bridges, docks, water-
works, gas-works, and what not. He seemed altogether to forget
the famous lines —
" Man wants but little here below,
Nor wants that little long."
But tune would show what was in store for these interesting races,
and he was sure that everyone would wish to see them take an
honourable place in the future history of the world.
Mr. ALEXANDER MACAETHUK, M.P., thought that Dr. Mullens
had misunderstood what Mr. Phillips said about the education
of the islanders. He would read the author's remarks on the
subject. He said : " The education of the islanders has been
principally confined to religious teaching. Nothing else could
possibly have been expected, nor anything better imparted.
Whilst, however, perfectly agreeing with what has already been
done, I think it will be found absolutely necessary to pay more
attention to secular and industrial education, especially in those
islands which have been Christianised. The Melanesian Mission
in Norfolk Island and the Wesleyan training-schools in Tonga and
Fiji combine the three : an extension of the system is alone re-
quired." Now he (Mr. MacArthur) thought the author was quite
right when he said the natives were capable of receiving higher
208 Civilisation of the Pacific.
education, and should have it. He remembered looking over a
report of an examination of a school or college in one of those
islands not long ago, and he noticed with pleasure that mathematics
and the higher branches of secular education had been successfully
studied. With reference to the civilising influence of missionaries in
those islands, he might mention that some years since, while travel-
ling, he had the gratification of seeing Rarotonga, where the agents
of the London Missionary Society were, and he was told by a gentle-
man on board the vessel who had visited the island, that " there
was not a single child, unless those of very tender age, in Rarotonga
who could not read and write." In proportion to the population, in
fact, the state of education in those islands was much better than
it was in this country. He had the pleasure of seeing King George
in Sydney, and he must say he considered him highly intelligent.
As a ruler he had been very successful. He hoped when the King
died, the civilising influences of mission work in Tonga, largely
encouraged by him, would prevent the evil consequences which the
author feared might then occur. "With regard to the state of affairs
in Tahiti he could endorse all that Mr. Phillips had said. Of its
present position it might be said that —
" Every prospect pleases,
And only man is vile."
Previous to 1844 Tahiti was in a very moral state, the natives
were being educated, and, in fact, they were as much civilised and
Christianised as they well could be under the circumstances. But
when the French went there the natives became demoralised. He
was glad to learn, however, from Dr. Mullens that affairs in Tahiti
were now in a much better condition. He had heard statements
made respecting the French authorities, to which he could not give
expression in a meeting like that. With regard to the trade of the
Pacific, he thought with Dr. Mullens that £700,000 a year was a
very considerable amount, but it must be remembered that that trade
was gradually increasing. He was sure the natives would welcome
merchants who would deal honourably with them. Unhappily,
many had gone there for the purpose of swindling, and by in-
troducing spirits had, by deception and unfair dealings, irritated
the natives and greatly embittered them against Europeans. In
conclusion, he trusted that missionary work would be extended
throughout all the islands of the Pacific. He felt sure they had a
bright future before them.
Sir WILLIAM YOUXG (Chief Justice of Nova Scotia) said he had
been much interested in the discussion and in the many curious
and striking facts that had been brought out and given its value.
Civilisation of the Pacific. 209
There was one principle that lay at the root, which, as he thought,
should never be lost sight of when contemplating the missionary
labours that had done so much for the Pacific. Both in the early
history of the East India Company and in the Western hemisphere
there had- been, as they all knew, a great jealousy of missionaries.
But this feeling had passed away, and now they attracted
admiration in place of scorn. The principle he sought to enforce
was that science, commerce, and Christianity were no longer to be
accounted as hostile powers, but should move in harmony, sup-
porting each other, and effecting by their combination results
which neither of them could achieve unaided and alone. He
desired to mention also some facts unknown to the essayist, and
which showed that British- Am erica had not been indifferent to
the progress of Christianity in the Pacific. Missionaries from his
own and the adjoining provinces had done a great work in the
Hebrides. One enthusiast and his helpmate had set a noble
example in founding churches and schools among a savage race,
and two or three devoted men had fallen victims in the cause.
There was one little incident, too, that was worth preserving,
A missionary vessel had been built and equipped mainly by the
Sunday-school children, and as she sailed for the distant shores of
the Pacific, with her flag fluttering at the fore, he could not help
thinking that she reflected a purer glory on the people than a ship
carrying in her bosom the instruments of destruction and armed
with all the panoply of war.
Mr. EDWARD WILSON remarked that while doing honour to the
paper they had heard read, they ought also to do honour to the
magnificent map exhibited. It had been so stimulating to his
imagination that he felt quite surprised at the vastness of the
future which was there exhibited. Some little misgiving naturally
came across one's mind in times like the present, and that was,
supposing they carried out the idea of the author to the letter and
annexed the whole of those islands, what effect would it have upon
the Queen's title, now such a topic for discussion. They must be
a little on their guard in that respect. The subject of the civilisa-
tion of the Pacific had for long been an exceedingly interesting one,
and a very exciting one to the imagination, since Sir Julius Vogel
startled the world with his lion-hearted proposition to annex the
whole lot. When one came to consider the details of that proposi-
tion it was found that there was a great deal that was very well
worth looking at. We dwellers in a northern country, with very
limited sources of production, had some difficulty in realising the
capacity of those tropical regions heated by a vertical sun, watered
210 Civilisation of the Pacific.
by frequent rains, many of them of volcanic origin, possessing very
rich soil, and capable of producing such a large variety of material
as to puzzle even those bred and born upon the land. Some few
years ago he remembered reading a statement of an American
captain — a man of science and a competent authority — who,
speaking of some almost unknown island of the Malay Archipelago,
differing in no material respect from several of the islands so admir-
ably described by Mr. Phillips, startled his audience by stating that
if all mankind were starving they might come to that one island
and be fed. The article to be supplied in such profusion was not
one of a particularly tempting character : it was sago. Still, such
a statement was something astounding, even if sago should be all
they had to look to. Whilst listening to the author's remarks on
the future of the Polynesian Group, he was reminded of a conversa-
tion with which he had been much impressed at the time with a
very intelligent man — a travelled soldier — some years ago. The
discussion was upon Australia and its future, and the gentleman
remarked : "I have long since come to the conclusion that the
time will come in which Australia will be the great naval power of
the world. I say this for many reasons. Her immense coast line
will rapidly develop great activity in shipping, steam communica-
tion, &c. The Colonies, steadily developing in trade and resources,
will become like some other new country, audacious and aggressive.
After a while you will annex the whole of the islands in the Pacific,
and developing them you will become a very potential empire."
Then he added : " Never having any need to fear military aggression,
your efforts at defence will all be directed towards the sea, and you
will become the greatest naval power in the world ; " and he wound
up by saying, " and the future mistress of India." Well, to say the
least, here was a man of large imagination. There was no doubt
the resources of the Pacific were very great, and under the guidance
of our intelligent race they might be almost indefinitely developed.
He thought that they were all very much obliged to Mr. Phillips
for his paper, and he only hoped that it would make an impression
upon the minds of people here, and cause them to consider what
the Polynesian Islands were capable of doing for us, for themselves,
and for the world at large.
Mr. MONTGOMEEIE said it might be as well to add as a foot-note to
the author's remarks on the Samoan Group that Colonel Steinberger
had signally failed in his endeavour to set himself up as monarch
of those islands. His navy, in the shape of a small schooner, had
been seized by the British and American Consuls, and the islands
had reverted to their former state.
Civilisation of the Pacific. 211
Mr. LABILLIEEE said that considering the interest which the
question of the annexation of New Guinea had excited in the
Institute, it was undesirable that the remarks upon that subject of
the author — with whose views he (Mr. Labilliere) was disposed in
almost every other respect to agree— should go unchallenged.
Important, as it no doubt was, that England should acquire pos-
session of all the Polynesian Islands, he thought they only had to
look on the map to see that the position of most consequence to us
was New Guinea. The new route discovered by Captain Moresby,
which shortened the distance to China by 800 miles, was of itself a
sufficient reason for annexation, and it was still more important to
British interests that we should have the entire control of Torres
Straits. Besides, whereas the other Pacific Islands comprised only
98,000 miles, New Guinea covered an area of 260,000 square miles,
only about one-half of which — 130,000 — comprised the territory
which had been claimed by the Dutch. Again, Mr. Phillips had
stated that there were not very many valuable harbours in the
Pacific, whereas Captain Moresby had told them that there were
several very important harbours in New Guinea, besides those
previously known. Whatever the extent of country available for
European settlements in New Guinea — be it little or much — it was
of the utmost importance that England should secure every avail-
able part of the coast, and all the valuable harbours. He therefore
thought the author's idea in placing more importance on the Pacific
Islands than on New Guinea was altogether erroneous. With
respect to the defences, it was quite evident that England would
require to keep up a larger force in the Pacific if the Polynesian
Islands were taken possession of by other Powers, than if she owned
the whole of them herself.
Mr. KERKY-NICHOLLS described the various islands he had visited
in Western Polynesia with much exactness. The author, he said,
had pointed out that New Caledonia was discovered by Cook in
1774. He might add that the French first formally took possession
of it in 1853, landing at a place called by the natives Balade, where
Cook first sighted the island. Cook endeavoured to circumnavigate
the island, but was baffled in his attempts by the numerous out-
lying reefs which encircle it. Sailing to the southward, he dis-
covered the small isle called by the natives Kunaie, twenty-eight
miles distant from the mainland, and named it the Isle of Pines,
from the number of pine-trees he found growing there. New
Caledonia was two hundred miles in extent from north to south,
with an average breadth of thirty miles, giving an area of 6,000
square miles. Although one of the least fertile, it was one of the
p2
212 Civilisation of the Pacific.
largest islands in the western part of Polynesia. It was traversed
from north to south by a high mountain range, and although the
country was generally mountainous, there was some good land in
the vicinity of the coast. When the French took possession of New
Caledonia they formed a convict settlement at Port de France, on
the south-west coast, now called Noumea. The present population
of New Caledonia consisted of about 40,000 natives, 3,000 free
colonists, 1,400 officials, 600 soldiers, 4,000 deporte, or political
prisoners, and 7,000 convicts. The Loyalty Islands, to the east-
ward of New Caledonia, from which they were separated by a fine
channel of forty miles in width, also belonged to the French, and
possessed much the same natural features as New Caledonia.
The New Hebrides, to the north-east of New Caledonia, were a
fertile group of volcanic islands, about 400 miles in extent. The
largest of them was first discovered in the sixteenth century by the
Spanish navigator Don Quiros, when in search of the Great
Southern Continent. He named the island Australia del Esperitu
Santa-Australia of the Holy Spirit, believing that he had in reality
discovered the long looked-for Continent of Australia ; but he made
no further explorations to satisfy himself as to the truthfulness of
his conjectures. In the different narratives which had been brought
to light on this important voyage, no mention was made of any
other island. Quiros spoke of only one "Big Land," and in his
memorial to Philip III. on the colonisation of the supposed new
continent, he described it as abounding in gold, silver, and pearls.
These visions, which seemed to shadow forth to the adventurous
Spaniards the prospect of a new Eldorado, were soon after dispelled
by the French navigator Bourgarville, who discovered many of the
northern islands of the Archipelago, and named them the Great
Cyclades. Captain Cook, after discovering the Friendly Islands in
1774, sailed to the northward, and sighted one of the southern
islands of the New Hebrides, called Tanna, and found a fine port
on its eastern side, which he named after his vessel Port Ecsolu-
tion. Cook afterwards circumnavigated most of the other islands,
and gave to them the name they now bear. Mr. Nicholls described
the New Hebrides as being exceedingly fertile, possessing high
mountain ranges, fine harbours, and spacious bays, and inhabited
by a very warlike race. The islands were separated from each
other by navigable straits. Banks' Islands, a small group to the
northward of the New Hebrides, were discovered by Captain Bligh
in 1789, during his remarkable voyage in an open boat from Tefooa
to Timor, after the mutiny of the Bounty. The Santa Cruz
Group, to the northward of Banks' Island, would long be remem-
Civilisation of the Pacific. 213
bered as the scene of the most disastrous events connected with the
history of the Pacific Islands. The two discovery ships under La
Perouse was wrecked there in 1788, and most of the crews murdered.
Captain Carteret, an English captain, also had a boat's crew
murdered there. Bishop Patteson was shot on the island of
Mikapau, and the brave Commodore Goodenough fell a victim to
the treachery of these savages only a few months since. He might
add that before Bishop Patteson went there he narrowly escaped
being murdered himself. The Solomon Islands somewhat resem-
bled the New Hebrides in appearance, but were, if anything, more
beautiful and attractive to the eye. The natives there were very
warlike and treacherous. With regard to New Guinea, the value
of that country both in a commercial point of view and as a strategic
position, when considered in relation to our Australian Colonies,
was now fully recognised. He had visited the southern end, and
found the country much as it had been described by other travellers.
Something had been said about the labour -trade, for which the
islands had become notorious. His own opinion was that great
advantage had resulted to the islanders by being brought into con-
tact with civilisation, and he was confident that the efforts of the
missionaries would be more successful as the natives were brought
further to the 'centre of civilisation, and one of the first steps in
that direction had been the introduction of them into the Austra-
lian Colonies. In conclusion, he said he had no doubt that the
proposed canal through the Isthmus of Panama would be of great
commercial value to the Pacific.
The PRESIDENT said : I do not propose to address you at
any length. I have not had the advantage of being nearly murdered
in Santa Cruz, and I am not in a position to give you any informa-
tion upon the Polynesian Group. I am glad to hear, however, that
the island which the French hold is not one of the best of the
Eastern Archipelago. I am sure I only express the feeling of every
one present when I propose that Mr. Young should convey our best
thanks to Mr. Phillips for his most able and interesting paper, and
our admiration of it. I think we might also thank Mr. Young for
the labour he undertook in reading so lengthy a paper. I have
only further to state that it is proposed that the next meeting of
the Institute should take place on Tuesday, the 25th of April.
Mr. FKEDK. YOUNG, in announcing the subject for the next meet-
ing, remarked that it would afford him the greatest pleasure to
convey the thanks of the meeting to Mr. Phillips in New Zealand,
and he hoped many more non-resident Fellows would send home
such papers as he had the honour of reading that evening.
214
FIFTH OKDINAEY GENEKAL MEETING.
THE Fifth Ordinary General Meeting took place at the Pall Mall
Restaurant, on the 25th April, His Grace the DUKE OF MANCHESTER
in the chair.
The Minutes of the last Meeting having been read by Mr.
FREDERICK YOUNG, Honorary Secretary, and confirmed, the Right
Rev. Dr. PERRY, Lord Bishop of Melbourne, proceeded to read the
following paper, entitled
THE PEOGEESS OF VICTOEIA.
The subject on which I have undertaken to read a paper this
evening, is " The Progress of Victoria ; " but it may be well for me,
before speaking of the progress, to describe briefly the position, ex-
tent, and chief physical characteristics of the Colony. Some of my
hearers are perhaps as well acquainted with them as I am ; but
many probably have a very imperfect knowledge of them, and will
be glad to receive more exact information. If I may judge from
the remarks which I have frequently heard, very few persons who
have not visited Australia realise the great size of this southern
island, and its consequent variety of climate and the diversified
features of its several parts ; so that Queensland, which is the
northernmost Colony, and Victoria, which is the southernmost,
are usually regarded as having the same near resemblance to each
other as two adjacent provinces of France or Spain. This latter
Colony, Victoria, of which I am going to speak, is only about one-
thirty-fourth of the whole island ; and, although some part of what
I shall say may be applicable to all, much will be true only of that
small portion of it.
Victoria, as you will see from the map, borders on one side
upon N.S.W.,from which it is separated by a straight line from its
south- easternmost point, Cape Howe, to the source of the Murray,
and thence by that river as far as the 141st degree of east longitude,
which separates it on its western side from South Australia. On
the south it is bounded by the ocean. Its extent is estimated at
about 3,000 square miles less than Great Britain. Its climate is
salubrious, and, except during the hot winds, pleasant. These
frequently occur during the summer months, and are certainly very
disagreeable to those who are exposed to them ; but they are not
unhealthy, and very seldom last more than three days. They are
The Progress of Victoria. 215
always followed by a cool breeze, and sometimes by rain from the
south — a most acceptable relief from the suffocating dust which
usually accompanies them. The deficiency of water for a large
portion of the year throughout almost the entire country is its great
natural drawback. Very few of the rivers marked upon the map
are perennial. During the summer they in most cases become a
series of pools, or, in Colonial language, water-holes ; and in these the
water is generally brackish. Springs are very rare, and the water,
obtained by sulking, like that of pools in the beds of rivers, isgener
ally unfit for use. The supply of rain, however, in most years is on
the whole plentiful, so that water may be stored up in tanks and
reservoirs, and thus the injurious consequences of droughts be in a
great measure prevented.
A remarkable peculiarity in Victoria is, that it contains no
indigenous plants or fruit-trees, nor, with the exception of waterfowl
and a few other birds and fish (the kangaroo can hardly be con-
sidered an exception), any native animals, fit for the sustenance of
Englishmen. But all the best fruit-trees and vegetables of the
temperate zone, and all useful domestic animals which have been
introduced, thrive exceedingly. The Colony is estimated to contain
upwards of 40,000,000 of acres of land available for pastoral or
agricultural purposes, and much of this is exceedingly rich. In
some districts the climate and soil are favourable for the cultivation
of the common cereals, wheat and oats ; in others for that of maize,
hops, and arrowroot. Besides apples and pears and other English
orchard fruits, apricots and peaches, grapes and melons, and even
oranges and olives, ripen freely on standard trees in the open air.
So likewise, besides roses and pinks and other flowers, which are
commonly seen in gardens here, the cottage gardens there exhibit
the geranium, the myrtle, the oleander, the azalea, the cactus, and
other choice plants, which usually require for their preservation in
England the warmth of a conservatory in the winter, and a sheltered
spot or sunny wall in the summer. Hence the difference between
the gardens and orchards of the two countries is very marked, and
the more so from the rapid and luxuriant growth and the profuse
blossoming of all flowers and shrubs, and from the abundant crops
and large size of fruit in Victoria. I have been particularly struck
with mulberries which I have seen, each equal to at least two of
any that I ever saw in England. And here I may mention that re-
cently, through the enthusiastic exertions of a lady (enthusiasm in
a good cause is a very valuable quality), the white mulberry, with a
view to the breeding of silk- worms and manufacture of silk,
has been largely planted, and found to flourish. As I have
216 The Progress of Victoria.
already intimated, sheep and cattle and horses, together with
poultry of every kind, breed prolificly, as in a congenial home, in
Victoria.
If the country contains scarcely any native animals fit for the
food of man, on the other hand it contains none, except snakes,
which are dangerous to the life of man. No carnivorous quadruped
larger than the native dog, which is destructive only of sheep, and
now almost extinct, is to be found there. Snakes, I believe, are
objects of terror in the imagination of most Englishwomen, if
not most Englishmen ; but they seldom cause alarm to the Colonist.
They are not often seen, except in out-of-the-way places. In all my
journeys through the length and breadth of the Colony I do not
think that I saw a dozen alive. Nor, unless under provocation of
some kind or other, will they ever attack you. They are always as
glad to get away from you as you can be to get away from them.
It has been remarked that "the insect world is nowhere so
variously and widely distributed " as in Australia ; and this is
certainly true of Victoria. Flies and mosquitoes, spiders, moths,
caterpillars, and hoc genus omne abound. Some of these in par-
ticular seasons are very destructive of the crops, and others,
e.g. the mosquitoes, are exceedingly annoying, especially to new-
comers.
Victoria is diversified by mountains and lakes, forests, open
plains, and tracts of lightly-timbered, park-like, undulatory land.
In many parts the scenery might be described as beautiful, were it
not for the dull, monotonous foliage of the trees. These are for the
most part of the Eucalyptus family, and are distinguishable from
one another, not by their leaves, which are all alike, long and
narrow, and of a dull, dry green, but by their bark, which is exceed-
ingly various, and in some species of a very peculiar character.
Many of the forest trees grow to an enormous size. Mr. Trollope,
in his truthful and interesting work upon Victoria, alludes to one
which the Inspector of State Forests met with lying prostrate across
a river-bed, and found by measurement to be 435 feet in length to
the top of the trunk, where it had been broken by its fall, and to be
in diameter 18 feet at five feet from its root, and three feet at its
smaller end. Its height before it fell he estimated to have been
not less than 500 feet, which is greater than that of any other
known tree in the world.
From this brief description of the country, you will perceive that
it is well fitted to become the home of millions of the British race ;
but its distance — a ten or twelve weeks' voyage in a sailing ship from
England — would have prevented it under ordinary circumstances from
The Progress of Victoria. 217
being, for many generations to come, thickly peopled. Already
however, although little more than forty years have elapsed since
the first Englishman built his hut there, it has become one of the
most populous and wealthy provinces of the British Empire ; and I
will now proceed to describe to you the stages and causes of its pro-
gress.
The first settlers in this south-east corner of Australia were ad-
venturers, who crossed over with some sheep and cattle and a few
horses from the adjacent island, then known as Van Diemen's
Land, now Tasmania, in 1834 and 1835. These were shortly after
followed by others from the Sydney side of the Murray, and thus
gradually a number of squatters, as they were termed — i.e. persons
sitting down upon unoccupied and previously unknown land — esta-
blished themselves with their flocks and herds. For importing the
various goods which they required, and exporting their wool, &c.,
the seaport towns of Melbourne and Geelong on Port Philip Bay, and
Portland, about 225 miles to the westward, were founded, at each
of which a few merchants established themselves, and opened com-
mercial relations with England. In 1836, the Government of New
South Wales, in which Colony it was situated, sent a magistrate to
preside over the settlement, which received the name of the District
of Port Philip. The climate and land proving favourable for the
breeding and feeding of their stock, the squatters, as a body,
although subjected to some reverses, greatly prospered, and spread
themselves further and further over the interior; and the progress of
the district was such that the population, which in 1836 numbered
only 234, had in January, 1848, when I first landed in Melbourne,
increased to upwards of 30,000. Melbourne itself then contained
about 12,000 inhabitants, Geelong about 8,000, and Portland and
Belfast, another seaport town which had risen up about 45 miles
east of Portland, a few hundred each. There were, besides, two or
three suburban villages round Melbourne, and one in the midst of a
small agricultural district about 40 miles inland. During the next
three years • and a half the population and wealth continued
gradually to increase, and in the beginning of October, 1851 — i.e.
fifteen years after the settlement had been first officially recognised
— its inhabitants amounted to nearly 80,000. This progress,
though rapid, was not very extraordinary, and while it afforded a
reasonable ground for demanding its separation from New South
Wales, and constitution as a distinct Colony, gave no reason to
expect that it would speedily reach any high degree of prosperity.
Its western neighbour, South Australia, with its rich copper mines,
seemed likely to leave it far behind. But in that month an event
218 The Progress of Victoria.
occurred which produced, in the course of the next twenty-five years,
the most remarkable change ever I believe known within so short
a space of time in any part of the British Dominions. How great
that change has been the following statistics will serve to show you.
In 1851 the population was under 80,000 : it now exceeds
800,000. Then the city of Melbourne contained about 20,000
inhabitants, now, with its suburbs, it contains upwards of 180,000:
Whitaker's Almanac for 1875 says 200;000 ; but I think that is an
exaggeration. Geelong, also, has greatly increased, as have like-
wise Portland and Belfast ; and "Warrnambool, another seaport on
the same coast, has grown into an important town. Moreover, in
addition to these, there have sprung up the large inland towns of
Ballaarat, Sandhurst, and Castlemaine, together with a number of
smaller size, and scores o? villages and hamlets scattered through
the whole extent of the Colony. In 18oO the exports amounted to
somewhat less than £1,000,000. I have not had an opportunity of
ascertaining the amount of the imports, but may assume that they
did not greatly, if at aU exceed that sum. In 1873, the last year
for which I have seen the returns, the exports had reached
£15,000,0000, and the imports £16,500,000. The revenue, which in
1850 was less than £260,000, in 1873 amounted to about £4:000,000.
During this period the quantity of land under tillage increased
from, it might be, a few thousand to nearly 1.000,000 acres. I
might multiply particulars of a similar kind, but perhaps I shall
convey a more vivid idea of the greatness of the change by
narrating some circumstance of my own experience.
In October, 1851, my wife and I could mount our horses in Mel-
bourne and take our afternoon ride in whatever direction we pleased,
without meeting any obstacle, over miles of unenclosed country
whereas in February, 1874, when we left Victoria, all the land
around and in the vicinity of the cUy was occupied, either by public
parks or gardens, or by suburban towns, or by private mansions or
villas. Before the discovery of the gold-fields, when I made a
visitation tour — which I was accustomed to do every autumn
(driving my wife in a Whitechapel cart, with a shaft horse and an
outrigger, then the safest and most convenient mode of travelling),
whatever course I took I drove along bush roads or no road at all,
unimpeded by fences, but obliged by the nature of the country or
want of bridges to deviate continually from the direct route ; not
seeJng for hours together any living creature except a flight of par-
rots or cockatoos, or a herd of kangaroo, with now and the a, at
rare intervals, a shepherd and his sheep, or a bullock-c3 uver and his
team of oxen. No dwelling or trace of cultivation '"'.dicated the
The Progress of Victoria. 219
presence of man until the squatter's hut, where we were to make a
meal or spend the night, and its wool-shed and little garden and
cultivation paddock (the name given to the piece of enclosed land
where the oaten hay for the horses was grown) appeared in the
distance. There we were always sure of a kindly welcome from the
inmates, and the best accommodation which their 'rough and homely
mode of life admitted of. Sometimes, but not often, we were
obliged to take up our abode at a bush inn, such as I will not under-
take to describe. Very different was the character of these same
journeys before we left Victoria. Then we travelled in a comfortable
carriage, driven by a London coachman, along macadamised roads,
over substantial bridges, between fences, which were often the
boundaries of eviensive corn fields ; passing from time to time some
farmer's comfortable homestead, going through small villages and
occasionally a considerable town, until we reached our home for the
night at a substantial parsonage, or the comfortable house of a
country gentleman, or perhaps a bank manager's hospitable apart-
ments, or, if none of these were to be had, at rooms in a well-
furnished and well-managed inn, or, as it was called, hotel. This
was our experience when we travelled in our own ca.rriage ; but we
were able to visit many of the inland towns by the various railways,
which now connect them with Melbourne and one another, and thus
journeys, which formerly had occupied several days, could be accom-
plished in a few hours.
In reviewing the progress of Victoria, the construction of these
railways deserves special notice. There is now one from Melbourne
to Geelong (45 miles), thence in a north-westerly direction to Bal-
laarat (55 miles), and on to Ararat (52 miles further), a total length
of 152 miles. There is another from Melbourne northward through
Castlemaine and Sandhurst to Echuca upon the Murray — the river
which, as I have mentioned, separates Victoria from New South
Wales— a distance of 156 miles ; and a third, 187 miles in length,
in a north-easterly direction to Wodonga, a village at another point
of the Murray, opposite to Albury, a town of New South Wales,
which is the centre of a rich wine-producing d;strict. One has also
recently been completed, connecting Castlemaine with Ballaarat, and
passing through the towns of Maryborough, Chines, and Creswick.
Another has, I believe, already been commenced from Melbourne to
Sale, the chief town of Gippsland, which is the eastern district of
the Colony. Besides these, one branches off from the Geelong rail-
way to Williams town, the chief port of Melbourne, and another
belonging to a private company connects the city with Sandridge,
its other port, and also with its various suburban towns and villages.
220 The Progress of Victoria.
The facility of conveyance, both for persons and goods, afforded by
the formation of macadamised roads, the erection of bridges, and
above all the construction of railways, is to those who can remember
the difficulty of transport in the early days of the Colony as aston-
ishing a change as any that they have witnessed.
Another particular, in which the progress of the Colony has been
very remarkable, is the multiplication of post-offices and the estab-
lishment of telegraphic communication. During the early years of
my episcopate, when we were upon a journey in the interior, we
had often no opportunity for many days together of sending or re-
ceiving letters ; whereas now " Bradshaw's Guide," a Colonial
imitation of the well-known English monthly publication, contains
the names of about 800 places at which there is a post-office, and
120 at which there is a telegraph-office. I well remember the feel-
ing produced in me by the first sight of a straight line of telegraph
posts, extending for many miles along an opening cut for them in a
primeval forest, which had never previously been traversed by
man.
I might speak of the transformation of Melbourne by the improve-
ment of old and construction of new streets, the erection of various
public edifices, the laying out of gardens and parks, the building of
handsome private residences, and the multiplication of banks, mer-
cantile houses, and all kinds of shops ; also of the increase of
shipping in the bay, the formation of docks at Williamstown, the
establishment of steam communication with England and the
neighbouring Colonies, and many other particulars. But I should
probably weary you if I were to dwell any longer upon such mate-
rial statistics.
I pass on, therefore, to a change of another kind, viz. that which
has taken place in the character of the people. I know that in
England the Colony is generally supposed to have suffered from,
instead of benefiting by, the discovery of gold in this respect, and
that some old colonists share in that opinion; but in my judg-
ment it is altogether erroneous ; for, whereas before the gold-fields
were discovered the educated class consisted only of the superin-
tendent of the district, a single judge, a few officers of Government,
magistrates, and military men, a few clergymen, half a dozen law-
yers, two or three bankers, three or four medical men, a few — very
few — merchants, and some score or two of squatters, together with
their wives and families, the proportion of ladies, especially in the
interior, being very small ; now, besides the Governor and his staff,
there are a Chief Justice and four other judges of the Supreme Court,
a large number of county court judges, police magistrates, and
The Progress of Victoria. 221
officials of every description, a numerous bar and body of solicitors,
an abundant supply of physicians, surgeons, and general practi-
tioners, together with bankers, merchants, and country gentlemen
(no longer squatters), clergymen (both of our own and other
Churches), and, not least valuable, university professors and masters
of public and other schools. Nor is there any longer a manifest
disproportion between the sexes. The society which we enjoyed in
Melbourne before we left the Colony was not inferior, either in quantity
or quality, to what one in our rank of life can ordinarily enjoy, else-
where than in London, in this country ; and I should not have been
at all afraid to ask an English friend to join a company, not speci-
ally selected to meet him, at my table at Bishopscourt. Besides this
upper, there is a large, intelligent, and, speaking generally, upright
middle class, consisting of shopkeepers and others, who need not
fear comparison with those of a corresponding class in England.
And, lastly, whereas before the discovery of gold many of the work-
ing men were expiree convicts (no convicts were ever transported to
Victoria itself), and those who were free immigrants were largely
addicted to intemperance, now artisans and labourers of all kinds,
including the miners, are, as a class, equal if not superior, intel-
lectually and morally, to their fellows in England.
One class, however, and that perhaps the most influential in Eng-
land, is lacking in Victoria, viz. that of intelligent, highly-educated
men of fortune, living upon their incomes, who, having their time at
their own command, can devote their attention to public affairs,
and, being perfectly independent, are not liable to be biassed by any
personal pecuniary consideration. It is to be remembered that
almost all above 25 years of age now in the Colony were born in
the British Isles, and that either they themselves or their parents
emigrated thither for the purpose of making money. As yet, there-
fore, scarcely a single individual (I cannot recollect one) is living
quietly upon his own private means. All are engaged in business
of one kind or another. Men of property without any special
employment are almost, if not altogether, unknown, and the want
of them is greatly felt. Such men, whatever may be said against
them, constitute a most valuable class in any country.
Such has been the marvellous progress of Victoria since October,
1851. I now proceed to mention the causes to which it is to be
ascribed. It is owing, as you all know, to the discovery of the gold-
fields ; but that discovery, considered by itself, does not afford a
sufficient explanation of the results which followed. None such
were anticipated when it was made. Most thoughtful men then
foretold nothing but evil from it. In a conversation which I had
222 The Progress of Victoria.
with an old friend, a clergyman, who had just come to labour with
me in the ministry, he contended that in no gold-producing country
could there exist the domestic virtues, the social order, the moral
and religious principles which are essential to the real prosperity
and happiness of a people. I argued against his gloomy prognos-
tications upon the ground that the purpose of God in originally
storing up the metal in the earth, and afterwards bringing it to
light, must be for good, and not for evil. At first, however, he
seemed likely to turn out the truer prophet, for the immediate
results of the discovery were all confirmatory of his apprehen-
sions.
On its announcement in Melbourne there was a sudden, complete
upturning of society. So great was the excitement that men of all
classes, lawyers and medical men, merchants, clerks, and officers of
Government, as soon as they could free themselves from their exist-
ing engagements, abandoned their previous employments, and started
for what was not improperly called "the diggings." Passing
through the city one day shortly afterwards I did not see in it, I
believe, more than a dozen men, and most of these were packing
drays for Golden Point. This first effect of the discovery is well
described by Mr. Trollope.
A few weeks afterwards a number of successful diggers returned
to town to keep their Christmas holidays, which they did in a very
different manner from that in which this holy season ought to be
observed. Having suddenly acquired sums of money far beyond
what they had ever dreamed of possessing, they knew not how to
spend their riches except in rioting and debauchery, and the most
foolish and useless extravagance. It was reported at the time, and
very probably with truth, that one man lighted his pipe with a
pound note, and that another put a five-pound note into a lady's
hand in the street, bidding her go and buy a new bonnet with it.
In consequence of this influx of wild holiday-makers, the city was
for a time a scene of the wildest intemperance and confusion.
And this was not the worst ; for, so soon as the news reached the
neighbouring Colonies of Van Diemen's Land and New South Wales,
there began to pour in from these a stream of men and women of a
character by no means such as to improve the social and moral
condition of Victoria. Of this immigration the result, as might be
expected, was a large amount of crime. Bobbery and murder,
before almost unknown, became common. Even in the immediate
vicinity of the city, on the public road, a gentleman known to have
money with him was fired at and wounded as he was on his way in
the morning to his office. The Superintendent, Mr. La Trobe, and
The Progress of Victoria. 223
his wife, narrowly escaped being, in Colonial language," stuck up,"
with a number of others, during an afternoon's drive.
Nor was tVe prospect encouraging when, upon the arrival of the
intelligence in England, a multitude of people of various classes
and characters and habits, all hoping in some way or other, if not
to make large fortunes, at least to obtain a comfortable main-
tenance, flocked to the land of promise. In 1852, and each of the
foUowing years, tens of thousands— 50,000, 60,000, and even 70,000
in one year — men, women, and children, poured out of the British
Isles into Melbourne. Very grievous was the disappointment that
they experienced on their arrival. Men with wives and families,
and with only a few pounds in their pockets, instead of procuring
at once, as they expected, lucrative employment, could obtain no-
thing suitable to do, and were obliged to pay the most exorbitant
prices for the necessaries of life. As no accommodation for such
numbers could be found in the city, leave was given them to pitch
tents, which many had providentially brought, on a waste piece of
suburban land. Thus there grew up what was known as Canvas
Town, an encampment of hundreds of families, crowded together
without any order or sanitary arrangements, and consequently the
scene of much disease and suffering, and of many deaths.
At this time also there prevailed a great scarcity of the neces-
saries of life. The exorbitant prices of all agricultural produce may
be judged of from the fact that hay was sold at £40, £50, and in
one instance that I heard of, £70 a ton ; even in Melbourne the
price was as high as £30.
Gradually, however, and almost imperceptibly, these evils dis-
appeared. Murders and robberies were, by the exertions of a
numerous and efficient police, so far put a stop to that life and pro-
perty became as secure in Victoria as in England. Immigrants of
ah1 classes found employment suited to their respective qualifications
and former habits of life. Agriculture, trade, and commerce
flourished, and the Colony grew up to its present height of pros-
perity.
The providential circumstances by which all this has been accom-
plished are very remarkable. I have often when in Victoria directed
public attention to them, and I will now relate them to you.
(1) The first is the time at which the gold-fields ivere discovered.
Herein was very manifestly displayed the over-ruling providence of
God. For, if the discovery had been made some years earlier,
before the squatters with their sheep and cattle occupied the country,
the thousands of immigrants who poured into it must have perished
for want of food. But, in consequence of it being deferred for a
224 The Progress of Victoria.
period of fifteen years, an abundance of beef and mutton was pro-
vided for their sustenance. Moreover, during those years commer-
cial relations had been established with Europe and America, so
that supplies of all other articles that were required could speedily
be imported. Nor, although the new population were very inade-
quately supplied with the ordinances of the Church, was the
restraining and sanctifying influence of the Gospel altogether want-
ing ; for a bishop and a small body of clergy of our own Church, and
some clergymen of the Presbyterian Church, together with ministers
of other denominations, had arrived, and were engaged in the duties
of their sacred office.
The delay in the discovery during all these years is the more re-
markable, because no reason, except the will of God, can be assigned
for it. In some places the ore was actually lying upon the surface
of the ground. I have myself seen a nugget coated with moss. It
had also been found, as I have been assured by trustworthy persons
(and the fact is mentioned in the " Life of the late Sir Roderick
Murchison ") in small quantities, some years previously, in different
parts of the country. Nay, in the preceding year, 1850, a large
nugget, weighing several ounces, of which a piece was shown to me
by Mr. La Trobe, had been brought into Melbourne. Yet, although
it was known with tolerable certainty whereabouts this had been
found, and a rich field was afterwards discovered in the vicinity,
the crowd who flocked thither " to prospect," as the phrase is,
returned unsuccessful. I mention this last circumstance, because
the delay of a single year was at that time a matter of great im-
portance. Not until July 1st, 1851, did the separation from New
South Wales, so long desired and urgently demanded, take place,
and the Colony of Victoria come into existence. Up to that time all
the revenue of the district was paid into the Treasury at Sydney,
and the Superintendent received all his orders from the Government
there. Hence, if the gold-field of Ballaarat had been discovered in the
previous year, the promptitude of action and large expenditure,
which the emergency required for the maintenance of order and
settlement of the many difficult questions that arose, would have
been impossible. Seeing, then, how needful this delay in the dis-
covery of the gold-fields was for securing a supply of food for the
crowds of immigrants, and for the maintenance of law and order,
and the preservation of religious principles, the time of the dis-
covery is a providential circumstance, which, when we are consider-
ing the progress of Victoria, ought to be especially noticed.
(2) The second remarkable providential circumstance deserving
of notice is the character of the gold-fields which were first discovered.
The Progress of Victoria. 225
They were literally gold-fields ; tracts of alluvial soil, in which
the gold lay at depths of a few feet below the surface, and whence
it could be extracted without any mining skill or costly machinery ;
merely by the use of a common pickaxe, a shovel, a cradle (i.e. a
wooden trough, sloping downwards, with ledges in it, which could
be rocked like a cradle, and was something like one in shape), and
a shallow tin dish. The ore found in the fields was also so abun-
dant that a party of diggers, usually consisting of three or four
men, almost invariably succeeded in obtaining an ample remunera-
tion for then: labour. At the same time the work was very laborious,
and the life, without any shelter but a miserable tent, and with no
one to cook for them or perform other domestic duties, was one of
much hardship and privation.
The beneficial results of this divine arrangement will be apparent,
if you call to mind the condition of the Colony at that time, and
for several years afterwards. Immigrants, as I have said, were
pouring into it at the annual rate of 50,000 or 60,000 ; and a large
number of these were husbands and fathers, and were unable to
obtain employment in the trades and professions in which they had
been engaged in their native land. What was this multitude to do
for the support of themselves and their families ? The only course
open to them was to go to the gold-fields, and accordingly crowds
flocked thither, leaving their wives and children behind in Mel-
bourne or Geelong. But if skill in mining or costly machinery
had been required for extracting the ore, it would have been useless
for them to go ; for they had neither skill nor money. All that
they had was bodily strength and a will to work. The character of
the gold-fields, however, was such that these were sufficient. Three
or four could form a party, get a tent, tools, &c., select a piece of
ground and have it marked out for them (there was enough for all
applicants, and the Government wisely put no hindrance in their
way), and proceed to work. Digging down until they came to the
"wash dirt," the stratum containing the ore, and laying this care-
fully aside on the surface, they had afterwards only to wash away
the stones and greater part of the earth with which the gold was
mixed by rocking it in the cradle, taking out any nuggets which
showed themselves in the process, and then, by means of the tin
dish with a little water in it, held in a sloping direction and gently
shaken, get rid of the remainder of the earth. The grains of gold
left at the bottom were the reward of their labour.
In this manner the mass of immigrants were enabled on their
arrival to obtain enough to support themselves and their families,
until they found an opportunity of betaking themselves to some
Q
226 The Progress of Victoria.
more congenial occupation. This the greater number were very
glad to do ; for, as I have observed, gold digging was laborious
work, and entailed upon those engaged ha it great hardships and
privations. This was not then generally known in England, and I
had once a very amusing instance of the extent of misconception
which might exist upon the subject. One morning an elderly gen-
tleman called, and told me that he had come to Melbourne with his
son, who was bent upon going to the gold-fields, and that they had
brought with them a landing-net, for the purpose of fishing out
nuggets from the streams, in which he fancied they were to be
found, and bringing them to shore like a salmon which had been
hooked by a fisherman.
Such an idea was probably entertained by few, if any, besides
this gentleman and his son ; but a belief that the gold was attain-
able with very little trouble was certainly prevalent, and hence it
was supposed that the digging population was an idle, lawless
class. This character, as a body, they never deserved. Undoubtedly
there were upon the gold-fields, especially when first discovered,
many ruffians and dishonest men, but these were seldom diggers.
Digging was too hard labour for them. The keeping of sly grog-
shops and stores of various kinds was an employment more suited
to their habits and tastes. The unattractive nature of a gold
digger's life was a providential safeguard against it being adopted
by lazy, profligate fellows ; and if such were not always deterred
from entering upon it, they were prevented from continuing in it.
Hence the diggers soon became, on the whole, an honest, hard-
working, orderly class. The only outbreak which ever occurred
among them was caused by the licensing system — a mode of taxing
them exceedingly irritating in itself, and the more so from the
means used by some officers of Government to prevent its evasion.
After that obnoxious system was discontinued, and a duty on the
exportation of gold substituted for it, no further resistance was ever
offered to the administration of the law on the gold-fields.
Before passing on I would mention another thought which has
occurred to me in connection with those early rich alluvial fields.
Often formerly, when I looked upon a large tract of land with
scores of pits of a few feet square or round, as the case might be,
at just such a distance from each other as to allow of the earth dug
out being heaped up between them, I have inwardly lamented the
enormous waste of labour which the scene before me indicated, and
regretted that the work had not been carried on in a scientific
manner, and no more of the surface been disturbed than was requi-
site for obtaining the ore from beneath. But one day it flashed
The Progress of Victoria. 227
upon my mind that that very waste of labour— the working with
simple implements by small parties, who appropriated to them-
selves the gold which they severally found — was the very means of
producing the beneficial results of which I have already spoken.
If machinery had been employed, the multitude of immigrants
would have been deprived of their only remunerative occupation.
Thenceforward I always looked upon an old worked-out alluvial
gold-field and its multitudinous pits and heaps of earth, a most
desolate spectacle in itself, with a feeling of thankful satisfaction.
(3) A third remarkable providential circumstance, which has greatly
promoted the progress of Victoria, is the manner in u-hich the gold-
fields and gold-mines are distributed. I have already observed, that
after a little while the great majority of the new immigrants,
abandoning the work of digging for gold, resumed in their new
country the various occupations which they had pursued in the
old ; and it will readily be perceived how the opportunity for so
doing occurred. For a gold-field, and still more a number of con-
tiguous gold-mines (which, as I shall hereafter explain, are to be
distinguished from gold-fields), becomes almost immediately the
centre of a mixed population. The diggers and miners require to
be fed and clothed, and to be supplied with tools, and, when sick,
with medicine and medical advice. Hence arises a need for all
kinds of tradesmen, and for artisans and other workmen. Very
soon also, if the gold digging or mining continue, there will be
transactions in business and disputes, wherein the aid of lawyers
will be wanted. Books and amusements of all sorts will likewise be
desired, andthus a town, larger or smaller, according to the abundance
and permanence of the ore, will spring up. Moreover, the agricul-
tural land in the neighbourhood will be brought under cultivation,
and the adjacent country become occupied by a rural population.
In this manner the various inland towns have been formed.
Ballaarat, Castlemaine, and Sandhurst, with the smaller towns of
Creswick, Climes, Talbot, Maryborough, Dunolly, and others, in the
centre and northern part of the Colony, Beechworth and other
small towns in the north-east, Ararat and others towards the
west, with others eastward in the mountains of Gippsland, and
some small ones near to Melbourne and Geelong, have all been
centres of alluvial gold-fields, and are still centres of more or less
important mining districts ; while Kyneton in the centre, Wanga-
ratta in the north-east, Sale in Gippsland, and Hamilton in the
west, together with a number of small towns and villages, are
centres of agricultural districts, and owe their existence and
growth to the farmers around them.
Q2
228 The Progress of Victoria.
Now what I wish you to observe is that, if gold had been found
only at or near to Golden Point, in the vicinity of Ballaarat, where
it was first discovered, the great mass of the people would have
been crowded together there ; Ballaarat would have been the only
large inland town, and the land in its neighbourhood alone would
have become valuable for cultivation. But a few weeks afterwards
another gold-field was discovered at Forest Creek, in the vicinity
of Castlemaine, and another at Bendigo, near to Sandhurst, whence
the origin of these two towns. Then, at intervals during the next
few years, gold-fields or mines were found at all those places along
the whole length of Victoria, from the mountains of Gippsland on
the east to the foot of the Grampians on the west, where the
several mining towns to which I have referred are situated. Owing
to this providential distribution of the gold the population, instead
of being crowded around one spot, is spread over the whole Colony,
and the produce of every part is within a convenient distance of
some inland market. To this also is to be ascribed the compre-
hensive character of many of the improvements of which I have
spoken, the extension of metal roads, followed afterwards by
railways, from Melbourne and other seaports in all directions, and
the construction of them from one inland town to another,
together with the erection of bridges in every part of the country.
Very little reflection is required to perceive how greatly the wealth
of the Colony has been increased, and the prosperity and comfort
of the people promoted by its entire area being in this way made
available for the various uses for which the soil and climate of its
several parts render them suitable.
(4) One other providential circumstance remains to be noticed,
viz. the manner in which the gold-fields, when they had served the purpose
of providing a maintenance for the thousands of newly-arrived im-
migrants, were gradually worked out, and their place occupied by the
gold-mines. In a few years after its discovery each alluvial gold-
field ceased to yield a remunerative amount of ore, and there-
fore was deserted, or taken possession of by the Chinese. The
consequences of this, if the precious metal had not been dis-
covered elsewhere, would have been most disastrous. For, notwith-
standing the fertility of the soil and excellency of the climate,
agriculture and pasture would not alone have supplied adequate
occupation for the thousands whom the gold had attracted to
Victoria ; nor would wool and other articles of export have sufficed
for maintaining its commercial prosperity. The revenue must
have fallen off, trade must have declined, professional men must
have lost their practice, and the artisan and labourer, from want
The Progress of Victoria. 229
of employment, sunk into destitution. No such evils, however,
occurred ; for, before the yield of the gold-fields hegan to diminish,
gold mines had been discovered, and the failure of the former was
more than compensated by the increasing number and richness of
the latter.
Nor has this been the only benefit resulting from the discovery
of gold-mines. Another, and one of great importance, has been
conferred upon the Colony by the altered mode of obtaining the
ore. For enabling you to understand this, I will briefly explain
the character of these mines. They are of two kinds, deep-sinkings
and quartz-reefs. In the former the gold is found in the earth at
great depths, sometimes several hundred feet below the surface ;
in the latter it is found in its matrix, the quartz. Both require
for their working capital and skill. For deep -sinkings shafts must
be sunk, the sides boarded up to prevent the earth from falling in,
the water pumped out, and then, when the auriferous soil has been
reached, the lead followed by galleries underground. For reefs the
rock must be quarried, the auriferous stone, which often lies at a
great depth, taken out, burnt, and crushed to powder ; then the mass
of quartz-dust washed away, and the gold-dust, by processes which I
need not stop to describe, separated from the residue. Thus gold-
mining has become, like other mining in this country, a business, in
which men of capital may invest their money, for which steam engines
and other machinery are required, and which furnish regular employ-
ment for a number of both skilled and unskilled labourers. The men
engaged hi it have not to endure any peculiar hardships or priva-
tions. They receive wages, and go to their work and leave off at
fixed hours, living usually with then: wives and families at the
towns or villages which the mines have brought into existence ;
and if they differ in any respect from the corresponding class in
this or other countries, I believe it to be in their greater desire to
improve their condition, and raise themselves in the world. Such
is the opinion which my observation has led me to form of the
present mining population of Victoria.
The commercial progress of the Colony, and the growth and im-
provement of Melbourne and its suburbs, have been only the
natural results of the enormous increase of the population, the
general prosperity of all classes of the people, and the large revenue
derived from the export duty on gold, and the sale of the public
lands. I need not therefore occupy your time by describing the
operation of these causes in the crowding of the Bay with shipping,
the multiplication of banks and insurance offices, the establishment
of mercantile firms and various houses of business, the erection of
230 The Progress of Victoria.
great public buildings, such as the Houses of Parliament, the
Government offices, the Library, and Post-office, the construction of
docks and piers for the landing of goods and passengers, the
opening of railway communication between the city and its ports,
the foundation of hospitals, benevolent asylums, and other charitable
institutions, the establishment of a university, together with public
and private schools adapted to the various classes of scholars ; and,
lastly, the springing up around the city of large suburban towns,
together with a multitude of detached villas, the residences of
officers of Government, professional men, and others. All this you
can picture for yourself. I may, however, mention that, although
Melbourne cannot be compared with Sydney or Hobart Town for
beauty of situation, yet in its vicinity is much pretty scenery, and
many pleasant sites have been and still may be found for such
villas as I have referred to. Also that, when it was laid out,
through the foresight of Mr. La Trobe, a large quantity of land was
reserved and permanently set apart, as in London, for public
gardens and parks, and thus every facility is afforded to the
people for the enjoyment of fresh air and healthful recreation.
Another advantage which the city possesses is an abundant supply
of excellent water. This is furnished by underground pipes from
a reservoir constructed at a distance of twenty miles, and usually
designated from the place in which it is situated, the Yan-Yean.
The comfort which this affords for laying the dust in the street, and
for the use of gardens, as well as for household purposes, is
unspeakable.
In this description of the progress of Victoria and its causes, I
have expressed freely my own views both as to the character of
the people, and as to the remarkable combination of providential
circumstances, by which the Colony has attained to its present
height of prosperity. Some of my hearers will probably think the
picture I have drawn is too highly coloured, and that neither do the
people deserve the commendation I have bestowed upon them, nor
is the condition of the Colony really so prosperous as I have repre-
sented it. In support of their opinion they may refer to the
unseemly proceedings which on several occasions have disgraced
the Legislative Assembly ; to the charges of corruption, which have
been formerly current against certain members of Government ; to
the unwise restrictions upon commerce, and the successive impo-
tent attempts to prevent capitalists from investing their money in
the land. They may point also to the recent diminution of the
revenue (I am glad to see by the papers that there has been an
increase during the past year), the prevalent complaints of the
The Progress of Victoria. 231
stagnation of trade, the emigration which has been going on to
the neighbouring Colonies, and other evidences of retrogression.
Nor do I deny that there is a dark side of the picture ; and upon
this, although I do not intend to dwell upon it, I will, before con-
cluding, make one or two remarks.
In the Act of the Imperial Parliament, by which a Constitution
was given to the Colony, a clause was introduced, authorising the
local legislature to modify it from time to time without reference to
the mother country. This always appeared to me very unwise.
For the possession of such a power by a young community
naturally excited a desire to exercise it, and within a little while
the right of manhood suffrage was demanded and conferred. Now,
bearing in mind that, as I have noticed, the class of educated men
with independent fortunes and their time at their own disposal,
which exercises so great an influence in England, does not exist in
a young country like Victoria, you will easily understand how the
other classes, and especially the labouring classes, are liable to be
led away by mob oratory and specious arguments. Hence men,
utterly unworthy of such a position, frequently have been elected
to sit in the Legislative Assembly, and sometimes succeeded in
obtaining high offices in the Government. The consequence is, that
not only has the character of the Colony greatly suffered in the
estimation of the English public, but also a line of policy has been
pursued greatly detrimental to its interests. While residing at
Melbourne I deemed it right, in the position I held, to abstain alto-
gether from the discussion of political questions, which did not
affect the religious or moral welfare of the community ; but now,
having ceased to exercise any episcopal functions, and being per-
manently settled in England, I do not feel myself under any
obligation to continue silent. I therefore do not hesitate to express
my opinion that unwise, not to say unjust, legislation as to the land
has wasted the public estate, driven away some and ruined other
valuable colonists, and, by inducing men who were utterly unfitted
for the work to betake themselves to farming, has subjected many
families to want and misery. Neither do I doubt that the legisla-
tion as to commerce has greatly retarded the growth of the Colony,
and operated very injuriously upon its material prosperity.
Nevertheless, notwithstanding these drawbacks, which are owing
to the infirmities of human nature, the progress of Victoria has not
been, so far as I can judge, seriously interrupted. Although many
have been disappointed of acquiring wealth so rapidly as they
expected, and some have been subjected to privation and suffering
which they did not anticipate, yet it may, I believe, be said that
232 The Progress of Victoria.
in every class of the community uprightness, diligence, and
sobriety, have been generally rewarded with an adequate measure
of success. I entirely concur with Mr. Trollope in the opinion that,
"As to the substantial prosperity of Victoria, no one who has
visited the Colony can entertain a doubt. It is to be seen in the
daily lives of the colonists, in the clothes which they wear, in the
food which they eat, in the wages which they receive, in the
education of the children, and in the general comfort of the people."
One circumstance certainly does cause me apprehension for the
future — the establishment of a system of public education by the
State, which seems to me to combine in it almost every possible
evil. The instruction, up to the standard of an ordinary English
parochial school, is given gratuitously, which is quite needless in such
a Colony as Victoria, and puts the country to an enormous expense.
The schools are entirely under the control of the Ministry for the
time being, and thus constitute a Government monopoly, which,
according to the principles of political economy, is most objectionable.
Worst of all, the law positively forbids not only all religious
instruction, but all recognition of such a being as God and such a
thing as religious obligation. The necessary result of such atheistic
education would seem to be that a large proportion of the young
will grow up in absolute ignorance of Christianity, and without any
moral principles to restrain them from giving way to every passion,
and indulging to the utmost every sensual and covetous desire. I
can only hope — but I do confidently hope — that somehow or other,
in the providence of God, the pernicious effects of this system may
be counteracted, and Victorian children trained up to lead that
godly, righteous, and sober life, which is essential for the enjoy-
ment and the imparting of true happiness. This hope I confidently
cherish from the several instances which I have brought under your
notice of the good providence of God in the history of the gold-fields,
and yet more from the harmony which subsists among the ministers
and earnest members of the several branches of the Church of
Christ in the Colony, and which must ere long make their influence
effectual for the remedying of so flagrant an evil.
I may venture therefore to close this Paper with the favourite
motto of the Colony —
ADVANCE, VICTOEIA !
DISCUSSION.
Mr. ALEXANDER M'ABTHUB, M.P. : I have been waiting in the
hope that some gentleman from Victoria would rise. I have never
had the privilege of being an inhabitant of Victoria ; but I have
The Progress of Victoria. 238
visited that Colony frequently, and have been there before the Lord
Bishop arrived in the Colony, and can endorse his description of
that time. I think there was, when I first visited Melbourne, the
stump of one of the old forest trees standing in one of the streets
of Melbourne. There were no footpaths ; and to show what the
condition of the streets was, I may say I remember making the
observation to a friend of mine, that it was a capital place to learn
to ride, for you frequently had to jump over a chasm in the road-
way. We must all feel grateful to the Lord Bishop for the history
he has given us in the interesting paper he has read. He has
traced the history of the Colony of Victoria from the commence-
ment, and in everything he has said, gentlemen connected with that
Colony will fully agree. There is one thing to which I may refer,
and that is, to his remarks on the want of men of intelligence and
position who have time to devote to the work of the government
of the Colony. It is quite true that such a want exists, and it is
true that mistakes have been made; but I think, taking the
Colonies as a whole, and taking into account that the gentlemen
engaged in the work have had no previous experience with regard
to legislation, and must have been engaged in active business even
while devoting some of their time to legislative duties, I think on
the whole the legislation has been very satisfactory. (Cheers.)
It has been as good] as we could have expected, notwithstanding
there have been some mistakes. Mistakes are made in older coun-
tries on the Continent of Europe, and mistakes have been made
even in England. (Cheers.) Allowances must be made for men
who have not been used to legislation in this country, and who are
therefore comparatively new to the work. "We must congratulate
ourselves that so many of our own people have gone out to Aus-
tralia ; and we cannot help regretting that we could not direct into
the Australian Colonies that stream of emigration which has been
flowing to America. (Cheers.) In the first place, we send out
numbers to America (I will not say to a hostile country, but where
those who go out, from Ireland especially, often become bitter
enemies of England), whereas, if we could send them to our
southern Colonies, they would not only increase the prosperity of
those Colonies, but would strengthen the British Empire. (Cheers.)
There is another remark of the Lord Bishop's which I fully endorse,
and that is, what he has said as to the mistake made in legislation,
which, I believe, has retarded the progress of the Australian
Colonies, and especially the Colony of Victoria — I mean the de-
parture from the principles of free trade. (Cheers.) I believe it
has retarded them much ; but they have begun to see their error
234 The Progress of Victoria.
at length, and I hope no very long period will elapse ere they
return to the principles of free trade. The Bishop has referred to
the difficulty of travelling in the early days of the Colony. I recol-
lect going up to Castlemaine, and going over to Bendigo, where
I was invited to take tea with a party of diggers. We had mutton
chops, a cake called " damper," and tea, and we had but one knife
among the whole party ; this happened to be my own pocket-
knife, and with this and a wooden skewer, which did duty for a
fork, we made a capital meal, after which I returned to Castle-
maine and spent the night, for the first and last time in my life,
under a bullock-dray, where I slept very comfortably. At that
time, at Bendigo, the gold was found, as described by the Bishop,
at the depth of about two feet under the surface, and the nuggets
were about the size of small beans or peas. Now, gold-mining has
become a work for capitalists, and the gold reefs of Victoria and
New South Wales are likely to last for ages to come. I endorse,
too, to a great extent the sentiments expressed as to education.
It is a difficult matter to deal with even here, and more difficult
there; but I think a system like that adopted by the London
School Board would be the best, by which, though religious edu-
cation may be given, no one is compelled to receive sectarian
education ; and I think if such a system had been adopted in
Victoria, it would have been better for the Colony than the present
system there. The Bishop has also referred to the harmony exist-
ing between the different ministers of religion in the Colony. I
have frequently observed this, and I believe a great deal of that
harmony arose from the conduct of the Lord Bishop himself —
(cheers) — for he was always ready to join with the ministers of
other denominations in any good work, and ever ready to promote
and maintain a Christian spirit of love and charity. I beg to
propose a vote of thanks to his Lordship for his highly interesting
and valuable paper. (Cheers.)
Mr. H. CRESWICK (of Melbourne) : I rise to second the vote of
thanks to the Lord Bishop, and at the same time say that I have
felt the greatest regret at hearing that the Bishop has almost
separated himself from Victoria, which is largely indebted to him
for its position as one of the first of our Australian Colonies.
Having grown up with Victoria, I can say that his Lordship has
given us a most comprehensive paper on that Colony. There is
no question on which he has not touched, and that in such a mode
as to make us all feel obliged to him. Our southern Colonies have
experienced a growth which is not only important to themselves,
but which is also an additional glory to this country, (Cheers.)
The Progress of Victoria. 235
I think we are not altogether done justice to in England ; we are
not sufficiently considered as an integral part of the mother-
country. We hand into it month by month our produce of gold
and of other valuable commodities. I do not think the question of
free trade has been altogether fairly considered with reference to
Victoria. While in England I am a free trader ; I am not so in
the Colony. This may seem a contradiction, but protection to a
young Colony is that which free trade is to England. We have a
beautiful climate, and we have a very mixed rising population,
which has to be directed in industrial pursuits, and I am in favour
of protection for that reason. I ask you to consider to what extent
protection may be beneficial for a rising country before condemning
it. I now come to the question of education, which is a very im-
portant one. I think the secular system is sound. (Cheers.) If
the clergy want to influence the young, as they should do, let them
do it by means of Sunday-schools, and by religious classes and
lectures. I certainly would force the Bible upon everyone if I
could, but not any special dogma. Let each denomination support
its own religious instruction. It would be impossible for me to
add much to what his Lordship has said, and I am delighted that
he has been able to devote so much time and thought to our
interests. Doubtless, it will do us good. We ought to be con-
sidered a part of England — (cheers) — and I do not see why we
should not, nor why we should not be represented in Parliament.
Some gentleman near me says there is not room ; but there is room
enough. Why should not the House of Commons contain 1,075
members as well as 675. I have children born in the Colony who
care little for the mother-country ; but feeling myself an English-
man, I wish to do all that can be done to promote and maintain in
my children, and in the Colonies generally, the English feeling, and
we ought to consider to what extent some representation at home
would further and strengthen such a feeling. (Cheers.)
Mr. H. W. FKEELAND : I plead guilty to having made the remark
that there is not room enough for representatives of the Colonies
in the House of Commons. (Cheers and laughter.) I believe that
my honourable friend the Secretary entertains a different opinion.
He is entitled to hold and to express his opinion ; but I am equally
entitled to hold mine, which I wish to express, upon this question,
as to whether it is desirable or very feasible to associate the
Colonies in this way with the mother-country. I hold the opinion
that there is not room. We are all, no doubt, liable to make
mistakes ; but, if you look at the work of the House of Commons,
you will see that it is overburdened with work already. I don't
236 The Progress of Victoria.
mean to say that the House, of which the noble Duke in the chair
is a member, is overburdened with work — (laughter) — and if any
means could be devised to make that House the representative of
the Colonies, I think that there might be then an opening through
which the Colonies might find a mode of making their voices heard
in the Legislature of the mother-country. I think this is a plan
which may be considered Utopian, and all such ideas may be called
Utopian ; but the House of Commons is at present burdened with
work which it is incompetent to discharge, and unless you reduce
the work of the House of Commons by expanding our small and
frequently corrupt municipalities into district parliaments, and in
this way disburthen Parliament of duties and local business, which
it is now incompetent to discharge, I can hardly see how you can
make room for Colonial representatives in the House of Commons.
As regards the representation of the Colonies in Parliament, we
must consider that they can only have a few members —
Mr. FREDERICK YOUNG ; No, no.
Mr. FREELAND : If you take representatives according to numbers,
where will England be ?
Mr. YOUNG : In her proper place.
Mr. FREELAND : But will she consent to this ?
Mr. YOUNG : The Colonies are English too.
Mr. FREELAND : And I hope they will remain English ; but the
further you go into this question, the further you get into difficulties
and confusion. Again, it seems to me that at present there is no
Colony where they are asking for representation ; and not only do
they not ask it, but England would not at present consent to give
it. That being so, I do not see the practical utility of discussing
this question at present. I should not have gone into it had I not
been challenged on account of my hasty remark. As to the progress
of Victoria (and everyone will thank the Lord Bishop for his able
and exhaustive paper), I can only hope that, whether the Colony be
represented in Parliament or not, its progress may continue to be
such as he has represented it at present to be. And now, turning
to a subject on which difference of opinion is strong, and which is
a subject of great importance, I hope that in the Colony of Victoria
education will continue to be conducted upon the broadest and the
most unsectarian basis that the advocates of School Boards and
the heads of Government Departments can by any means devise.
My blood boils when I hear people talk of godless education, as
if any education which leads a man to study the God of nature in
His works could be godless; as if what leads us to look at
astronomy, and the wonders of the heavens, and of orbs sustained
The Progress of Victoria. 237
in space, could be godless ; or as if what leads us to look at the
works of nature, at the material universe, and at its infinite per-
fections, could be godless. When I hear the words " godless
education," they call forth a feeling which I cannot find words in
the English language to give adequate expression to. Science is
godly ; the works of nature are godly ; and the education which
men call godless, because it is unsectarian, is godly, because it is
the true way of leading up the mind through the works of nature
to nature's God.
Mr. F. P. LABILLIEEE : I rise to call attention to the fact that the
subject of the evening is the progress of the Colony of Victoria,
not that of the representation of Colonies, nor the interesting
question of Imperial federation, nor even sectarian education.
(Laughter and cheers.) I am rather tempted to follow Mr. Free-
land, but shall resist the temptation. (Laughter.) The fact that
my friend, who has so often twitted me with being an enthusiast
on the question of Imperial federation, should have gone out of his
way to drag the subject into this discussion, shows to what a
great depth it has settled in men's minds. Federal government
does not mean representation of the Colonies in the House of
Commons by a few members who could be counted on one's
fingers, it means the creation of a distinct federal Parliament,
like that of America, or like that of Germany or Switzerland. I
have been so far led astray from the subject by the last speaker,
but must now return to it. Having been born in Victoria, I am,
of those present this evening, almost, if not quite, that very veri-
table and extremely venerable person, the oldest inhabitant.
(Laughter.) My recollection cannot, however, extend as far as
that of some gentlemen who did not come to the Colony until after
I was born there. I first distinctly remember Melbourne just this
time twenty-nine years ago — shortly before the Bishop's arrival —
and also two circumstances connected with a visit to the town a
year or two years previously. I can just remember seeing the
boys riding the goats, which at that time used to browse about
Collins-street; and I recollect seeing for the first time soldiers
in the British uniform — a sight which, by the total withdrawal of
the red-coats, Colonial children can now no longer see. I think it
might have been well to have left a few troops in our Colonies, that
at least the uniform of the Imperial army might be familiar to
native-born colonists. I don't know how far my very strong
Imperial feelings may have had their origin in the fact of my
having seen these soldiers marching through the streets of Mel-
bourne. I was speaking as recently as Saturday to Mr. Stead, one
238 The Progress of Victoria.
of the last, if not the only, survivor of those who landed at Port
Philip Bay about the same time as Batman, and he said that he
remembered Melbourne when it consisted of two sod huts — one
sheltering Mr. Batman's party, and the other the party of Mr.
Fawkner. I think it is desirable that the early history of
Colonies which have made such progress should be recorded in our
transactions. There is one gentleman I see opposite who will, I
hope, give us some account of his experience, that is Mr. Henty ;
he is identified with the early history of Victoria, for his family
founded the first settlement in the Colony at Portland in November,
1834, some months before the other parties arrived at Port Philip
Bay. I most heartily concur with everything that has been said in
praise of the zeal, energy, and wisdom with which, during his
episcopate of a quarter of a century, the Eight Eev. Prelate devoted
himself to develop the social, moral, and religious progress of
Victoria.
Mr. JAMES A. YOUL: My Lord Duke, in compliance with the
request of the previous speaker, Mr. Labilliere, that he would be
glad if there was anyone present who knew personally anything
connected with the first settlement of Victoria, to state it for the
information of the Fellows, I may say that Mr. John Batman, who
no doubt was the founder of Melbourne, was once my overseer,
afterwards rented a small farm of mine, but at the time he crossed
Bass's Straits for Port Philip was living on his own freehold pro-
perty in Tasmania. But it should not be forgotten that previously
to Mr. Batman's party taking possession of the country where
Melbourne now stands, that part of the Colony of Victoria had
been occupied by some members of the family of Henty, one of
whom I now see before me in this room. They at first formed a
whaling establishment at Portland Bay, about 100 miles west of
Melbourne, and afterwards a sheep station in the interior, which
they called Merino Downs. When Sir Thomas Mitchell made his
famous journey from New South Wales, and passed some fifty miles
inland from where Melbourne now stands, on his way to the sea-
coast, to his astonishment, on approaching Portland Bay, he saw
at some distance huts and cottages, and supposing the inmates to
be runaway convicts, he approached them with great caution, when
he was agreeably surprised to find the head of the establishment
was a perfect gentleman, and by name Henty. It is rather sin-
gular the circumstances which led to Mr. Batman's going over to
Port Philip. While Col. Arthur was Governor, Tasmania was
overrun with bushrangers, and a very alarming attack having been
made by a large party of armed men on a gentleman's residence
The Progress oj Victoria. 239
near Launceston, and that town threatened by them, the Governor
thought it his duty to leave Hobart Town, the seat of Government,
and proceed to Launceston to organise more efficient parties of
military and police to go in pursuit of these marauders. It so hap-
pened that Mr. Batman, then a tenant of mine, succeeded with a
party under his command in capturing the leader, Brady, and some
of his gang ; hearing the Governor was crossing the country, he
met him, and was the first to tell the good news. The Governor
was so very much struck with his intelligence and enterprising char-
acter, that he frequently afterwards employed him in pursuit of the
aboriginal natives, in which he was most successful. Tasmania
becoming, as was then thought, pretty well stocked with cattle and
sheep, Batman determined to make an expedition over to Port
Philip, to see if there was plenty of good land to be found
there. He chartered a small schooner for this purpose, and suc-
ceeded in finding the river Yarra and plenty of good land on its
banks. Eeturning to Tasmania, he made his discoveries known to
a few capitalists and to the Governor, and by the latter 's influence
succeeded in forming a company, with Batman at its head, who
chartered vessels and conveyed sheep, cattle, horses, stores, &c.,
&c., with servants, in fact everything necessary to found a new
Colony, which they did on the river Yarra, where the city of
Melbourne now stands.
Mr. FOSTER FITZGERALD : I had hoped that Mr. Henty would
have been induced to give us an account of his political experience.
I shall only make one remark on the Imperial question, which is
to corroborate the statement of the Bishop of Melbourne, as to the
great want of men of education and leisure, who could turn their
attention to the Government of the Colony. It strikes me, how-
ever, that in his remarks he has not sufficiently brought foward,
that there is a large number of highly educated men, and that the
intellectual culture of the place has reached a higher standard
than perhaps would be inferred from his Lordship's remarks. He
also had omitted a subject of great interest, which I can state of
my own knowledge : when the Bishop first arrived in his diocese
there were only two Church of England clergymen in the whole
of it ; at the present time the diocese had been divided into two,
and in the two divisions of Melbourne and Ballaarat there were 120
clergy of the Church of England. I quite agree with what Mr.
Creswick has stated as to the conciliatory character of his Lord-
ship's conduct, and as to his readiness to co-operate with other
denominations in the promotion of laudable objects. My chief
reason for making these remarks was, that from the omission
240 The Progress of Victoria.
of any observation of his Lordship to the intellectual progress
of the country (he had only referred to primary education) an im-
pression might be left on the minds of those who did not know the
Colony, that society was less advanced than was really the case.
Mr. WILLIAM HENTY : I belong not to Victoria but to Tasmania,
and when I went out there emigration from England was not what it is
now — it was going to an almost unknown sphere, when separation
from English friends was supposed to be almost for ever. Our
family represented for those days a good type of family colonisation,
consisting of father, mother, sister, and seven brothers. I am not
able to give much information as to the Colony of Victoria. Mr.
Youl has told you of my brothers having settled at Portland Bay,
close to the region which Sir Thomas Mitchell passed through.
Sir Thomas came out at Portland in high spirits at the discovery
of such a rich country, and then said he should name that district
Australia Felix. Hearing from one of the farming men the name
of Henty, he searched for them, and riding up to the blacksmith's
shop, where my brother Edward happened to be engaged mending
some bullock chains, he addressed him, " My man, can you tell
me where I can find Mr. Henty ? " " Yes," said my brother, " I
can; he is in the blacksmith's shop mending bullock chains."
Many stories are told of the time of the gold discoveries. For
instance, so universal was the rush of the labouring classes, that
it was said Geelong was almost denuded, only one man being
left, and he had but one leg, and that had to be tied to a post by
a rope, and at the last the rope broke. There is one point worthy
of note, which may be added to those so well introduced in his
Lordship's interesting address: I mean the way in which the
courts of justice were administered ; and though I don't want to
reflect on another country, I must point to the contrast in this
respect which Australia offered to California, where the judges
were bribed and justice became a mockery, till the scandal led to
the organisation of vigilance committees. Nothing of the sort
ever occurred in Victoria, where order was constantly maintained
and justice regularly administered.
Mr. KERBY-NICHOLLS remarked, that the very able paper read by
the Bishop of Melbourne treated of a settlement which stood fore-
most amongst the rising Colonies of Australia. Tracing, as his
Lordship had, in a very lucid way, the rise and progress of Victoria
from its earliest history up to the present time, they had been able
to form a very accurate idea of the rapid, and he might say un-
paralleled, strides which the Colony had made towards that politi-
cal and social advancement which had secured to it such a marked
The Progress of Victoria. 241
pre-eminence, not only in the southern hemisphere, but likewise in
this part of the world. (Cheers.) In fact, it was impossible to con-
template the progress made by the Australian Colonies generally,
within the past thirty years, without wonder and admiration. At
the beginning of that period the white population of Australia
was considerably below 200,000. The vast interior of the country
was unexplored, New South Wales, the parent Colony, possessed
two settlements, the one of 2,500, the other of 2,000 souls ; these
were now known to the world as the flourishing and important
Colonies of Victoria and Queensland. South Australia was at this
time a mere baby of eight years old. But if they looked at these
countries now, they saw at once how great had been the change.
Australia had been explored from its nearest to its farthest shores.
Its vast coast line of 8,000 miles was encircled with thriving towns
and prosperous communities ; railways had been laid down, and
the interior of the country, which was at one time supposed to be
a desert, was now traversed by a telegraph line nearly 2,000 miles
in length, while the gunyah of the savage had given place to mag-
nificent cities, which for wealth, beauty, and commercial import-
ance, might rank with many of the foremost cities of the old
world. (Cheers.) When, in 1851, Victoria was proclaimed an inde-
pendent Colony, the inhabitants found themselves the undisputed
possessors of a vast and magnificent territory, well watered, fertile
beyond comparison, endowed with resources of the most varied
order, and possessing every bounty of nature that could give the
assurance of national greatness. How Victoria had profited by
those advantages both politically, socially, and in a commercial
point of view, had been abundantly shown in his Lordship's ex-
haustive paper. But notwithstanding all that rapid advancement
and commercial prosperity, which at one time bid fair to make
Melbourne the capital of Australia and the emporium of Colonial
trade, he believed that the first and most dangerous step towards
retrogression made of late years by the Colony had been the mis-
taken policy of protection. (Hear, hear.) Whatever the advocates
of protection might say to the contrary, it must be conceded that
the principle, when applied to a new country where labour was
scarce, was a mistake from beginning to end. In setting up that
policy Victoria had aimed to become the great producer of the
south, and although she might have the capital "and the material
resources within herself, she had not the labour, and what, he
would ask, were the two former without the latter; and, further-
more, he believed that a great deal of valuable labour had been
diverted from the Colony by the protective policy, which had caused
242 The Progress of Victoria.
many of the ordinary necessaries of life to become dearer than
they otherwise would be, for it should not be forgotten that the 10
and 20 per cent, ad valorem duty imposed by Victoria upon imported
articles, became as 50 and 100 per cent, to the needy immigrant,
and to the man who had to support a family. (Cheers.) If they con-
sidered protection as embodied in the present tariff of Victoria, the
principle was both unsound and indefensible — firstly, by causing
the country to pay a higher duty than the exigencies of the public
service required ; and, secondly, by compelling the individual to
pay a higher price for every article he purchased than it was
actually worth. That such a policy might suit the views of a few
wealthy capitalists was probable — (cheers) — for it enabled them to
make experiments in local industries which might or might not
thrive ; but, on the other hand, it was incontestably proved by the
Customs Eeturns, that the people of Victoria were at that moment
actually paying at the rate of £500,000 a year for this costly in-
cubus of protection. (Hear, hear.) Now it was a well-ascertained
fact that the industry, and therefore the labour of a country,
throve most when capital was employed to the greatest advantage ;
if, therefore, it could be proved that the prosecution of profitable
industry had reached its maximum in the Colony, and that there
was still surplus labour unemployed and in distress, perhaps a
protective policy of a judicious and discriminating character might
become tolerable as the best form of a poor-rate ; but it would be a
ridiculous libel on Victoria to assert that, while yet in her infancy,
there was any necessity to devise means for the relief of distress,
owing to the want of employment for a population that numbered
only eight individuals to the square mile, which possessed one of
the finest countries in the world as yet comparatively undeveloped,
which had over 12,000,000 head of live stock on its pastures, whose
yearly exports amounted to over £15,000,000, and whose mines
had yielded, in less than a quarter of a century, gold to the almost
fabulous amount of 168,000,000 pounds sterling. If such a country,
whose present population was considerably under a million, and
which was capable of supporting with ease the whole population
of the British Isles, and whose policy should be to attract popula-
tion to its shores, raised a stockade, or might he say a " stone
wall" of monopoly and protection against the free trade of the
outer world, they could not be surprised if they saw that country
lose ground in its struggle for Australian supremacy. But another
of the grave evils attending protective tariffs of the strongest kind
imposed by Victoria, was to lessen the chances of a united con-
federation of the Australian Colonies. If the Colonies were kept in
The Progress of Victoria. 243
a constant state of ebullition by commercial jealousies, and divided
against themselves by hostile tariffs, slight provocation would convert
diplomatic disputes into lasting quarrels, whereas a liberal free
trade policy and the establishment of a uniform system of tariffs
throughout Australia, would be the first and most lasting step
towards confederation, by sweeping away existing intercolonial
jealousies, and extending that friendly intercourse and interchange
of commodities which ought to exist between . these young and
rising communities. But setting aside the drawback of protection,
and considering the past history of Victoria, they could not but
admire that spirit of industry and enterprise which had char-
acterised the Victorians in most of their undertakings. To any
one who had visited their magnificent country, who had seen their
fine cities and rising towns, who had travelled on their network of
railways, and become acquainted with their vast pastoral, agricul-
tural, and mining industries, that spirit of progress must have
become strikingly apparent in many ways, and he considered that
it behoved Victoria to endeavour to maintain her superiority by
entering upon that free trade policy pursued by the neighbouring
Colonies. In conclusion, he might add, that it must be a matter
for congratulation, not only to all Australians present, but more
especially to Victorians, when they found in the foremost minister
of their Church a gentleman so able and so willing to come forward
and bear testimony to the prosperity and greatness of their country;
and he could not conceive that there was anything more calculated
to foster and develop the friendly feeling which ought to exist
between the mother country and the Colonies, than the reading of
such a paper as that to which they had had the privilege of listen-
ing to at that meeting. (Cheers.)
The PRESIDENT, the Duke of Manchester : I may now, I think, make
a few remarks before conveying your thanks to the Eight Kev. Prelate
to whom we must all feel indebted for the excellent paper we have
heard. I would remark that, referring to the want of birds and
animals in Australia, I am led to hope that Mr. Youl will take note
of that remark of the Bishop, and will extend to the birds that pro-
cess of acclimatisation which he has extended to the salmon in Tas-
mania. (Laughter.) This is not a joke, as I am disposed to think
that this very want of balance, arising from the absence of small
animals and especially birds, has much to do with the great abun-
dance of insects in Australia. Mr. Henty made some remarks
which were most complimentary to the miners and to the popula-
tion of Victoria, with regard to their conduct during the raining
fever, and showing a strong contrast as compared to the conduct
R 2
244 The Progress of Victoria.
of the miners in California, which gave rise to the saying that
" gold was of use to the country in which it was found, hut not to
the men who found it." This was, because finding the gold was
likely to make the men desperados, and they became turbulent and
lawless. I am glad to find that this was not the case in Australia.
I may, perhaps, relate an anecdote of this period ; it concerns a
man who had been employed by my father in Ireland. He was a
mason, and had emigrated to Australia ; he was engaged in build-
ing a house when the gold discovery was announced, and his
comrades all went off to the diggings. He went to the quarry,
quarried a load of stones, loaded them and drew them to the house,
made up mortar, used the load of stones, then went back for
another, and persevered in this way till he had completed the
house. He then built another, and so on, and ultimately became
proprietor of a whole street in Melbourne. His name is Bennett,
and he was mayor of Melbourne at the time when the Prince of
Wales came of age. He was from Tanderagree. Mr. Labilliere
disclaimed the idea of discussing the subject of representation,
"vowing he would ne'er consent, consented." (Laughter.) I agree
with Mr. Freeland that there would not be room in the House of
Commons, but I do not agree with what he said about the House
of Lords. I have said before now, that I thought it a fault in the
House of Lords that there is no representative of the Colonies in
that House. There are representatives of the Colonial service,
but there are no colonists. But if we are at any time to have
representation of the Colonies here, I hope the Colonies will give
their representatives the power of voting money. They cannot be
thoroughly efficient as representatives unless they have the power
of the purse. This leads me to remark upon what we have heard
from the Right Eev. Prelate about the want of men of sufficient
independence to devote time to politics without having to attend to
business. I have noticed that in Canada this is also the case, and
there a person who has not any active business pursuits is pitied
by his friends as having nothing to do. While I was over there, I
only heard of two persons in this condition. This is not from any
want of means, for there are many enormously wealthy men there
in business, and it would seem as though they cannot well exist
without work. So that there may well be men who could afford
the leisure to give their time to the representation of the Colonies
in this country, if ever such a scheme should be carried out. Mr.
Mac Arthur spoke of a scheme to divert emigration to our own
Colonies, which seems to be very desirable if it could be effected.
I have long thought some such thing should be done. It was tried
Tht Progress of Victoria. 245
by one who has lately passed away from us too soon, the late Lord
Lyttelton. I believe that colonisation on a small scale may be
made profitable, and I myself with some others entered into a
scheme of that kind some years ago. We got a grant of land in
the Northern Island of New Zealand, and I am told that our shares
are now selling at a profit of 60 per cent. Our plan was that of
Belling the land to settlers in lots chequerwise, to be paid for by
instalments. As these lands were cultivated the adjoining lands
became very valuable, and rural lands which we bought from
Government for 15s. per acre were sold at £9 10s., while town lots
sold at £20, and one lot at as high as £224. With regard to the
want of people of independent means, one remark struck me, that
it is evident that they are not without culture and intellect, and
this report coming from the bishop, a man who, as you are aware,
obtainedthe highest distinctions in his college — (cheers) — is no small
praise. I may now thank him in your name for his sympathies
no less than for his services. (Cheers.)
The BISHOP, in reply, said : Of the representation of the Colonies
in Parliament, or any system of confederation, I shall not speak, as
I do not think these subjects have any relation to that of my paper.
(Cheers and laughter.) Nor will I discuss the general question of
education. I will only repeat, that I think the system introduced
into Melbourne to be a very bad one ; and will add, that Sunday-
schools cannot supply the want of religious instruction in day-
schools, and that the clergy have too much to do in the ministry
of the Word, and other duties attendant on it, to be able to devote
sufficient time for the education of children. With respect to any
scheme for promoting emigration, I would observe that some valu-
able export is essential for the prosperity of a Colony. The success
of the Canterbury settlement arose from the pastoral district
behind it. If it had not been for the country at the back of Christ
Church, that Colony could not have succeeded. Hence in planting
a Colony you must always consider what will be the exports, for
unless there be some, you cannot expect the people to be able to
obtain a livelihood. Mr. Henty landed, I think, at Portland Bay in
the year before Mr. Batman went to Port Philip. My friend, Mr.
Fitzgerald, appears to have misunderstood what I said about intel-
lectual culture. What I remarked was, that there was a want of
men of intellectual culture who were not engaged in business, and
so had leisure for attending to the affairs of the Colony. Most
men who have been brought up to business are unwilling to
retire from it, and hence Victorians, even when they have realised
considerable property, are not content to live upon it. I used to
246 The Progress of Victoria.
think it a pity that there were so many men in England who have
nothing to do, but I have learned to change my opinion on that
point, for I now feel that it is this class which gives its peculiar
character to our country. (Cheers.) Mr. Fitzgerald also appears
to have thought that I had given an unfavourable idea of the social
condition of Victoria. Now I meant to do just the contrary ; for I
regard the social condition to be very much higher than people
here generally suppose it to be. My reason for not saying any-
thing respecting the growth of the Church of England in the
Colony was, that I could not properly speak of its growth without
also speaking of the growth of other Churches. The Church of
England has certainly grown very greatly, and yet the proportion
of clergymen to the population is less than it was at the time of
the discovery of the gold-fields, and a much larger number of its
people are now destitute of its ministrations. I did speak of the
absence of lawlessness among the people, but I did not think it
necessary to notice the regular and upright administration of
justice; for our English judges may be assumed to be above all
temptation to receive bribes, and free from all suspicion of a
wilful maladministration of the law.
(247)
SIXTH OEDINAEY GENERAL MEETING.
THE Sixth Ordinary General Meeting took place at the Pall Mall
Restaurant, on Tuesday, 23rd May, the President, the DUKE OF
MANCHESTER, in the chair.
Mr. LABILLIEBE said : In the absence of Mr. Young, which we must
all regret, I am acting for him this evening. Mr. Young looked
forward with much interest to hearing Mr. Fox upon New Zealand,
as he takes particular interest in that Colony ; and I am sure we
must be sorry for the cause of his disappointment in not being
present to-night.
Mr. LABILLIEBE read the minutes of the last meeting, which
were confirmed.
Mr. WILLIAM Fox then delivered the following address on
NEW ZEALAND.
Mr. Fox, referring to the intimation which had been given, that
he would read a Paper that evening, apologised for not having pre-
pared one. He had been too much engaged, and even if he had
had the time, he could not have compressed his thirty years'
experience into the requisite space. He therefore preferred to
address the Institute orally, and would confine himself to such
salient points as might be likely to interest those who listened to
him ; a few words on the past history of New Zealand — its present
condition — and perhaps a suggestion or two as to its future.
The most remarkable feature connected with the origin of the
Colony was that it was one of the only two which had been esta-
blished on what was known as the Wakefield system — a system
which some forty years ago excited considerable controversy, and
had vehement opponents as well as supporters. It was only
carried out in South Australia and New Zealand. As regards the
former, he would leave it to others to describe the undoubted
success of the system in that Colony. As regarded New Zealand,
his verdict was that it had there also been a great success. In the
North Island it was true its operation had been greatly impeded,
and the result less favourable than in the Southern. The opposi-
tion which the New Zealand Company met with at the hands of the
Imperial Government, and other bodies unfriendly to the coloni-
sation of the islands ; the long and exhaustive feuds which resulted ;
the difficulty of obtaining sufficient land from the natives on which
to carry out the experiment; and the refusal of the Imperial
248 New Zealand.
Government to confirm the title to such lands as were obtained —
these circumstances disturbed the conditions necessary for success,
and nearly destroyed the Colony in its infancy. But in the
Southern Island it was different. The feuds between the British
Government and the Company had ceased before operations were
commenced there ; there were no native difficulties ; and every
facility existed for fairly trying the experiment in the settlements
of Otago and Canterbury. And though unforeseen causes had there
to some extent diversified the expected features of the new com-
munities, yet it might be safely asserted that the very remarkable
success of those provinces — the most remarkable of any instance
of modern colonisation — had resulted mainly from the adoption of
the principles of the Wakefield system.
Mr. Wakefield's idea was that a Colony ought to be, as far as
possible, a reproduction of the old society from which it "hived
off" — a selection of what was good, and a rejection of what was
bad, in the parent state. He had observed that the greatest impedi-
ment in the way of creating such a community was the dispersion
of the colonists, which prevented mutual help and that " co-opera-
tion of employments " called by Adam Smith division of labour,
which lies at the foundation of the progress of all civilisation. This
fatal dispersion Mr. Wakefield attributed to the reckless and impro-
vident distribution of the waste lands, which led every colonist to
aim at becoming a large land-owner, whether qualified to use land
or not. He had had the recent example of Swan Eiver before him,
where the dispersion was so great that capitalists were unable to
find the labourers for whose passage to the Colony they had paid,
or if they found them, it was probably not as labourers available
for hire, but as independent owners of vast territories wastefully
thrown away by the Government without any return. Mr.
Wakefield proposed to get rid of this evil by abolishing free grants
of land, and charging for it what he termed " a sufficient price,"
that is, a price to be regulated by and to vary with the circumstances
of each case, and which, he hoped, would prevent the acquisition
of land by those who could not use it, and at the same time provide
the funds necessary to import the labour by which it might be
cultivated, and to construct the roads and other public works by
which it might be made accessible. Though in some particulars
the system has not been fully carried out, yet on this fundamental
point New Zealand has adhered strictly to the leading principle;
and to this day in it alone of the Australasian Colonies the proceeds
of the sale of the waste lands is treated as a sacred fund for the
purposes of immigration and public works, and never placed, as
New Zealand. 249
in the Australian Colonies, to the credit of the general revenue,
or expended for the purposes of the general administration of the
Government. The result of the system on the whole (allowing for
its very imperfect trial in the North and some disturbing causes in
the South) has been to secure concentration of population, and to
promote the execution of public works, the opening up of difficult
country otherwise inaccessible, and its preparation for settlement
by the immigrants whose importation has been largely provided for
from the Land Fund.
The opponents of the Wakefield system seem to be placed on the
horns of this dilemma — either they must contend that it is better
to undertake a great work like that of founding a new Colony, and
annexing a new province to the Empire, in a mere haphazard way
and without any system or method whatever ; or they are bound
to offer some other plan better than that of Mr. Wakefield. They
have had forty years and upwards to do this, and have not done it,
and it may be fairly inferred that no better can be devised. It may
be supposed that the question is not now one of practical conse-
quence, for we have ceased to colonise. The Imperial Government,
at all events, from the time of the Stuarts, has never colonised.
It has what it calls a Colonial policy ; but that only means a policy
of interference, after someone else has founded a Colony and given
it to the Empire, whether systematically as in New Zealand, or
without system as in the Fiji Islands. It is, however, hoped that
a broader view is taken of his functions by the noble lord now at
the head of the Colonial Office, and there are some who would fain
see that institution taking the initiative in colonising New Guinea
and the countless island groups of the Pacific, which may otherwise
slip through our hands, and become the appendages of foreign and
perhaps hostile Powers. America may not care to go south of the
line, but France and Germany are there already, and probably
aiming at further acquisition ; and it will be a national calamity if
the apathy of what ought to be the Colonising — not the Colonial
— Office should prevent the extension of the Empire by the acqui-
sition of the noble heritage of the Pacific, so admirably suited for
the establishment of English-speaking communities and the habits
of English life and civilisation. The existing inhabitants will not
long occupy them. The certain decay and annihilation of the
Polynesian races is a problem full of interest to the ethnologist,
the philanthropist, and the statesman. It is pitiable to note that
these fine races seem destined to disappear at no remote period ;
not owing to the advent of other races, but to causes inherent in
their own social systems and apparently constitutional physical
250 New Zealand.
degeneration. Mr. Fox did not believe in the trite maxim that
" the foot of the white man trod out the life of the red." He was
satisfied that these races, particularly that of New Zealand, were in
rapid decadence when Captain Cook first visited them. Their
communistic habits of life, their habitual cannibalism, not for
luxury or revenge, but as a matter of daily diet, and the incessant
wars carried on to obtain this unnatural food, were quite sufficient
to destroy any people ; and he had no doubt the process of extinc-
tion attributable to these causes had been going on long before Cook's
arrival, and the decadence once commenced continued, though
the causes might have been modified. When the Colony was com-
menced in 1840, it was estimated that the population of natives
was 114,000; it is now, by census, not more than 50,000, and many
believe this to be a great exaggeration, and place it at no higher than
85,000. At this pace it is certain that, unless some entire change of
habit and life can be brought about, of which there seems h'ttle hope,
the days of the Maori are numbered : a very few years will see the
last of them, and many now in this room may live to see the event.
The progress of New Zealand has been greatly retarded by wars
with the natives. Altogether they have had not less than fifteen
years' war — nearly half the existence of the Colony's life. It is diffi-
cult to say what had caused them. He would not like to say that it
was because the Colony had had military Governors. That might
be a case of " causa pro non causa," but he simply stated the fact.
The first two Governors were captains in the Navy, and it was
during the term of office of the second, Captain Fitzroy, that hos-
tilities commenced — hostilities by which we gained little credit,
and which greatly destroyed the prestige of the British soldier,
before believed by the natives to be invincible. Governor Grey,
who followed Captain Fitzroy, had three wars in his first term of
office. Colonel Sir Gore Brown, who succeeded him, got into
the big war which lasted upwards often years, employed Governor
Grey during great part of his second term, and was only brought
to an end when the Colony obtained the luxury of a civilian
Governor in the person of Sir George Bowen. He repeated, he
would not say these things were cause and effect, but he knew the
natives thought so. He was talking with a chief not long after Sir
George Grey's return to the Colony, during the truce of 1861, and
he was pointing out that the Queen had sent out Sir George as a
man to make peace. " We don't think so," said the Maori ; " we
have always regarded him as a man of war. Did he not fight at
the Bay of Islands, at Wanganui, at Heretonga ? Is he not a
soldier by profession ? He'll fight, you will see." He then asked
New Zealand. 251
"It is to make a road," I replied ; "he had no civilians." "All
that is very well," answered my astute friend ; " but I have often
observed that when a man builds a gaol, it is never long till some-
body is put into it.'' It is quite clear that the chief had heard the
story of the tanner who thought that for defending a city there was
nothing like leather ; and he inferred that soldier-governors would
solve political difficulties by the short method of the sword. Mr.
Fox had no doubt the Governors of New Zealand had all acted con-
scientiously, but they might have erred notwithstanding, and some
at least of our wars might have been avoided by better judgment.
But this he was bold to affirm, that the colonists were not in any
case responsible for the wars. The Home Government had, till
long after the commencement of the last of them, most jealously
kept in its own hands the administration of native affairs, of pur-
chases of native lands, and the direction of all military operations.
These, even after responsible government was given to the colonists
in other matters, were retained exclusively in the hands of the
Colonial Governors, who acted without the advice of the colonists
and entirely without their control. There was an impression in
England that all these wars had been brought on by the rapacity
of the colonists to get land. He denied the imputation. The first
war, in 1843, was attributable to the imposition by the Governor
of taxes which drove away a large fleet of whalers from the Bay of
Islands, with which Heke, the local chief, had carried on a not
creditable trade. He defied the British authorities, cut down the
Queen's flag, and burned the town of Kororarika. The second war
was caused by a midshipman of a Queen's ship " skylarking " with
a pistol, which accidentally went off and wounded a chief in the
cheek. The young men of his tribe, to avenge the indignity of
wounding a chief's head, massacred the family of a neighbouring
settler. The military commander of a neighbouring post caught
five of the murderers, subjected them to a process which military
lieutenants call trial by court-martial (a process unknown to
English law), and hung them on the spot, as they no doubt richly
deserved. The tribe rose, and a war of some months followed.
The two other wars — that of the Hutt under Governor Grey, and
the Taranaki war under Governor Brown — did involve disputes
about land ; but the land purchasers were the Governors, the wars
were of their commencing, they carried them on chiefly with
Imperial troops and the British Navy, and no colonist was in any
way responsible. It is hard that the burden of a heavy war debt
should be imposed on their shoulders for the acts of the
representatives of the Imperial Government.
252 New Zealand.
Talking about Governors was a delicate topic, particularly for
him (Mr. Fox), who had been in very close relations with so many.
He might observe, however, that their position had been greatly
changed of late. They could not now initiate wars or carry them
on without the consent of the colonists. It is not very long since
a Governor — not of New Zealand, however — could, and did, order
men and women to be flogged for walking over the Government
House grass-plot.* They could not do that now. Their position
in self-governing Colonies is now analogous to that of Her Majesty
in this country. The business of governing is done by the Ministers,
and it is only in extreme cases, where a Governor may dismiss his
Ministers (subject to the control of Parliament), or cases where
Imperial rights are involved, and perhaps in the prerogative of
mercy in cases of life and death, that the Governor can act inde-
pendently of his Ministers. Still, the Governor is not reduced to a
mere " Amphytrion ou on dine," the mere dispenser of vice-regal
hospitalities, which I am bound to say they do dispense with a very
liberal hand. If a Governor is an educated man, has common
sense, and is familiar with political principles and precedents, he
may be of much use in advising with his Ministers, though it
would be highly improper for him to take a side in party politics,
or engage in political intrigues. It is his duty also to set a high
social example, and to interest himself not only in the general
progress of the Colony, but as far as possible in the personal
welfare and prosperity of the colonists, engaged in the great battle
of Colonial life. And they generally do exhibit much sympathy in
these matters. They make periodical " progresses " through the
Colony over which they rule, and are hospitably entertained in the
centres of population. Of course they are expected to admire a
good deal and make laudatory speeches. There is a story of one
of them (for the truth of which, however, he, Mr .Fox,would not vouch,
nor would he say in which Colony it happened), who, being on a
tour of that sort, had been entertained at a certain place for
several days, when, before the ship arrived which was to take him
away, the programme of sight-seeing ran out. An ingenious
member of the Entertainment Committee suggested an exhibition
of men with wooden legs : there was nothing else left to be shown.
The exhibition took place, and the Governor proved quite equal to
the occasion. He made an excellent speech, declaring "he had
travelled all the world over, but had never seen such a fine lot of
* The fact is stated, with particulars, in a book of good authority—" Clarke's
Colonial Law."
New Zealand. 253
wooden-legged men, and didn't believe there was another Colony in
the British dominions which could have produced them." Colonists
are like Americans — they always like to have the " biggest " show
of the biggest wooden legs, wooden nutmegs, or anything else.
And, now, what sort of people were the New Zealand colonists ?
How did they live — what did they do ? A very eminent member of
Her Majesty's Government had stated the other day that colonists
were men who went abroad to get rich, came home to spend their
money, and get made High- Sheriffs. As there were about eight
million British colonists and only forty High- Sheriffs, this was
rather a flight of imagination. There was another idea of what
colonists were. He had read an advertisement in the Times, in
which they /were asked for " old clothes for the Colonies." He could
assure them they never wore other people's cast-off clothes in the
Colonies ; they dressed, class for class, better than in England ;
and he did not believe there was an old-clothes' shop in any of the
Colonies — at all events in New Zealand. It was a pity that these
gentlemen, whether Prime Ministers or advertising old-clothes' men,
did not restrain their imaginations and give us facts. The wealthier
classes of colonists — merchants, landowners, sheep-farmers — lived
very much as the same classes did here. They had good houses ;
well-furnished, pretty gardens, full of fruit and flowers ; drove
carriages or rode on handsome horses ; and generally lived as
comfortably as large means would enable them. If his hearers
were transplanted to Christchurch, Dunedin, or Auckland, they
would in this respect scarcely know they were out of England. The
humbler classes were relatively still better off. High wages soon
enabled large numbers to purchase estates and become independent.
Men who, if they had remained in England, would inevitably have
died in the workhouse, were to be found owners of fine freehold
estates of hundreds and even thousands of acres, cultivated and
stocked, living in good houses, and their sons and daughters
swarming off in similar positions. These men might, and often
did, become magistrates and members of the Legislature, and
occupied positions to which no ordinary, and few extraordinary,
labourers in England could by possibility aspire. The secret of it
all was that Colonial life was progressive, alnd every man, if he was
industrious and sober, rose as the surrounding society did. Nothing
grieved him so much, on his return to England, as to see nearly all
the philanthropic and religious energy of the country struggling in
a death-throe with the enormous burden of vice, pauperism, igno-
rance, and misery which crushed it almost to the ground, and
engaged it in a perpetual war with social evil. Mr. Bright said, on
254 New Zealand.
one occasion, that every working-man carried another man on his
back. A friend of his (Mr. Fox's), a merchant in Liverpool, had
calculated that he walked to his office every morning with seven pau-
pers on his back. During the thirty-two years he had known New
Zealand he (Mr. Fox) had never seen a street beggar. He did not
say there were no social evils in a new country, but they were in a
comparatively very small proportion. "Whatever energy a man had
he could expend in promoting the progress of good, and need not
be consumed in grappling with corroding evil. In walking among
the population of England's manufacturing or mining districts, he
seldom saw a smile on the faces of the working classes. He saw
brutalised faces, scowling faces — the nearest approach to a smile,
the drunkard's leer. In the Colonies it was not so — people were
bright and cheerful, and he was greatly struck with the contrast in
many parts of England. There was a feeling of what he called
" elbow-roomishness " in New Zealand. Mankind were not treading
on each others' heels. There was not the harassing competition
there is in England. There were only 400,000 Europeans in a
country as big as Great Britain and Ireland. For further par-
ticulars of Colonial life he might refer them to Lady Barker's book
and others. Lady Barker's book left a pleasant taste in the mouth,
but her experience was limited to a particular phase of Colonial
life and a particular locality: the Government handbook, edited
by Sir Julius Vogel, and one by Mr. Silver, contained more infor-
mation, and would repay perusal
They would like to know something about the climate of New
Zealand. It was difficult to describe a climate which was 1,000
miles long. It was like describing the climate from London to
Rome. He had heard the climate of England was the best in the
world, but he had not found it so by experience — very much the
reverse. The New Zealand climate had great varieties. In the
extreme north it approached the tropical : snow was never seen
there. The banana grew and fruited, but he believed did not ripen.
Citrons and lemons ripened; he was not sure about the orange. At
Otago there was snow in the winter, and they had fine crops of
English fruits — currants, strawberries, gooseberries, and so forth.
On the whole, the climate was one of the most equable and healthy
in the world. This was attributable to the fact that the islands
were surrounded by sea, which tempered the winter cold; and
there were mountain ranges running through the centre up to
13,000 feet high, covered with perpetual snow, which modified the
summer heat, so that no extremes were known. Anything that
will grow and flourish in England will do so there, and many
New Zealand. 255
things that will not grow here are quite naturalised there. Peaches
grow as standards ; he counted 480 large grafted ones on a single
tree in his garden — one of a row of eight — on the shore of Cook's
Strait, in the middle of the Colony. After a windy night, seven
wheelbarrowfuls of those fine peaches were given to the pigs.
His neighbours had their own supply. The natural forests were
very beautiful ; except in Ceylon, he had seen none to equal them
anywhere. There was the Bata, a gigantic forest tree, covered all
over with large bunches of scarlet myrtle flowers, making whole
valleys the colour of a soldier's coat. There were the exquisitely
graceful tree-ferns, and the grand Nikau palm. Their forests were
not quite so lofty as the groves of Calaveras or Mariposa, where
the trees were so high that the Americans said it took two men and
a boy to see to their tops. But they were very grand, and nearly
all evergreen ; only a few of the smaller ones were deciduous : so
they had no fall of the leaf and no naked boughs in winter. Bu b
though their forests were of great size in some parts, they were
already finding it necessary to protect them, so great is the
destruction of timber in a new country. The present Prime
Minister, Sir J. Vogel, had taken up the question with great ability,
and inaugurated a Government department of forestry, for pur-
poses of conservation and reproduction. There was an able article
ou the subject, reviewing the New Zealand Parliamentary papers
compiled by Sir Julius Vogel,in the Edinburgh Review for October last.
The question was of vital importance. Destruction of forests means
an entire change of climate — floods and droughts — and a fertile
country possibly rendered uninhabitable ; to say nothing of the desir-
ability of not being dependent on other countries for a necessary life.
There is some of the finest scenery in the world in New Zealand.
There is in the Southern Island a chain of gigantic mountains,
ranging from 8,000 to nearly 14,000 feet high, their bases washed
by the waves of the Pacific, their shoulders clothed with magni-
ficent forest, their sides furrowed with gullies bearing huge glaciers,
and their summits covered for some thousands of feet with per-
petual snow. Of these Southern Alps, Mount Cook is the crowning
peak. The glaciers on its western side are perhaps the most
remarkable anywhere. They descend from the usual "neve," or
solidified snow region, at 8,000 or 10,000 feet high, almost to sea
level, their bases being not more than 600 to 700 feet above the
sea. For hundreds of feet up the sides and alongside of these great
frozen masses grows the semi-tropical forest of New Zealand — a
feature not known in any other glacier he (Mr. Fox) had seen. There
is nothing in Switzerland either grander or more beautiful than tli3
256 New Zealand.
western faces of Mount Cook and the adjacent ranges. He hoped
some member of the Alpine Club, or other person of prehensile
propensities, would come out and try to scale their lofty peaks. He
doubted if Mount Cook would not baffle the best climbers, at least
if approached from its western side. The Northern Island also had
its peculiar scenery. The great central Lake of Taupo, and the
volcanic region which extended on either side of it for nearly 200
miles, was full of beauty and wonderment. There were hot lakes,
in which the inhabitants of whole villages bathed all day ; there
were the exquisite White Terrace and Pink Terrace, formed by
silicious deposits from the active geysers which intermittently burst
from their highest steps and flowed down their delicately-coloured
marble sides, the top of each step containing a bath of hot water,
with the choice of almost any temperature from 200 downwards.
There were mud volcanoes, sputtering wells, fumeroles, solfaterras,
and every variety of volcanic action ; lakes of cerulean blue, and of
brightest emerald green. The traveller needed no blanket : the
ground he lay on was almost too warm, and he might hear beneath
his head the thundering of what seemed some gigantic Nasmyth
hammer, pounding away in the subterranean ^orkshop among the
fires which were but a few feet, perhaps inches, below. Every now
and again there would be the hiss and roar of some fierce geyser
sending out columns of boiling water and clouds of steam a few
yards from his sleeping-place. Nothing could inspire the soul with
a feeling of greater awe than to stand face to face with these great
works of the Creator, and become conscious for the first time of
the existence of those great internal forces which shake the world,
and to know that they are but a few inches from your feet. The
dweller in the black country of Lancashire or the fiats of Norfolk
could not conceive how solemn and how grand a thing it was to
look nature in the face among such surroundings.
He should now say a few words about the sources of the
material prosperity of the Colony. They had two or three great
staple products. The first confirmed the truth of the famous pro-
verb about "the golden foot of the sheep." Sheep had been a
great source of their prosperity. Twenty-four years ago they had
barely sheep enough to afford mutton chops for their then small
population. Now, there are about 12,000,000 sheep in the Colony,
among 400,000 people. He believed New Zealand was destined to
own more sheep some day than all Australia, because it had a
greater capability for growing the English grasses, which, generally
speaking, could not be grown in Australia. The export of wool
from New Zealand already amounted to about £2,000,000 worth
New Zealand. 257
per year. Another great source of wealth was gold. The gold-
fields had been worked for about twenty years and had exported in
that period gold to the value of about £30,000,000 sterling, or
nearly 7,000,000 ounces. There were probably hundreds of miles
long of auriferous mountains, with gold-bearing sea beaches and
alluvial flats.
The Colony had also great agricultural capabilities. There were
vast alluvial plains, particularly in Otago and Canterbury, and
various other parts of the Colony, on which there were already
several millions of bushels of grain grown every year. In 1874
the Colony exported to England not far from a million bushels of
wheat alone, after having provided for the food of its own popula-
tion. * Large quantities of other cereals (oats and barley) are also
grown ; and very large tracts annuaUy broken up by the plough,
and laid away with English grasses. The capacity for carrying
live stock is increased by this operation in the proportion of about
five to one.
The Colony has other exports, as Kauri gum, flax, timber, and
other things, which bring up the total exports to the amount of
more than £5,000,000. It is balanced by a considerably larger
amount of imports, which, however, has been unduly swelled during
the last three years by importation of railway plant. The amount
of imports and exports is very large for a population of 400,000
Europeans and, say, 40,000 natives.
Coal and iron exist in large quantities. Of the former there are
large fields in both islands, of two sorts — common bituminous, and
German, or brown coal. The seams are of great thickness, varying
from ten or twelve feet to between fifty and sixty, and averaging pro-
bably quite twenty-five. These are chiefly accessible from the surface
or horizontally ; what may lie below is not yet known. The iron ores
are also of two sorts : the titanic, which is similar in appearance
to sportsmen's gunpowder, and lies in millions of tons along the
sea-coast generally with, but easily separable from, the sea sand ;
the other is the ordinary carbonate. Not much progress has yet
been made in working either, for want of spare capital and from
other causes. The titanic iron-sand is difficult to smelt, and
hitherto experimenters have failed to give it a commercial value.
But he (Mr. Fox) was assured in America that a similar ore, which
is found in Labrador and New York, is successfully smelted at
* The latest statistics I have access to are for 1874. The exact amount of
wheat exported that year was 933,314 bushels, of which 779,332 went to
Great Britain and -151,913 to other places, chiefly Australia, some of the latter
possibly being reshipped for Great Britain. (Government statistics for 1875.)
S
258 New Zealand.
Chicago and Albany. Lead and silver ores of very great richness
are reported to have been recently discovered at Hoketika.
Now a few words about railroads. Some eight years ago the
Colony was involved in a native war, and its condition was very
discouraging. Entire stagnation prevailed. In ten years little or
no immigration had gone to the Colony, in some parts the popula-
tion was even leaving ; there were few public works in execution,
and little money to execute them with. There seemed to be only
one way out of the difficulty, and that was to re-create the spirit of
colonisation, and to restore permanent peace with the native race.
The Government (of which I had the honour to be a member)
adopted a plan, devised by Sir Julius Vogel, then the Colonial
Treasurer, for borrowing in England a loan of £10,000,000, to be
expended over a term of ten years, on the construction of rail and
ordinary roads, and the revival of emigration. We thought this
might yet pull the Colony out of the abyss into which it appeared
to be falling. The Colonial Parliament endorsed the plan, and the
greater part of the money has been borrowed and expended in the
way intended. Great part of the railways is completed, and as
soon as any portion is open it has so far proved remunerative, and
doubtless will be much more so when the connections are finished.
It is hoped that in less than two years more, about 1,200 miles
(chiefly trunk line) will be finished substantially, uniting the two
ends of the island. He (Mr. Fox) was occasionally asked if the
Colony were not going too fast. He could only say that, though
the plan was originally intended to be executed in ten years, it
would be evidently all the better for the Colony if it were done in
less time. If a ready-made railroad could have been imported at
once it would have been the best thing, and next to that it will be
best to get the work completed as fast as possible, so as to get the
quickest possible return. Friends, therefore, need not fear the
rapidity with which the Colonial borrower has been recurring to
the Imperial lender. The money has been all expended in repro-
ductive work, and remains an asset which will justify the Colony
if it wants more to borrow more on the security of its increased
return. He held that as long as a road remained to be made, or
an emigrant to be imported for whom work could be found, the
Colony would be justified in borrowing, and English capitalists
find advantage in lending. They had better lend their money to
New Zealand colonists than to Sultans and Khedives. Let them
trust men of their own flesh and blood, their own religious faith
and commercial principles, and they need not be afraid of never
seeing their money again.
New Zealand. 259
Two questions were often put to him, and he would now conclude
by answering them. Gentlemen and ladies who had got a " dear
boy " (such boys often " very dear ") would say, " Our dear boy has
been in his father's office, and he does not like it ; and he has tried
so and so, and doesn't like it ; but he thinks he would like New
Zealand: would you advise us to send him?" I always refuse
(said Mr. Fox) to answer that question categorically. I don't
know the "dear boy," and whether he has any qualification for a
Colony or not : New Zealand may not suit him, or he may not suit
New Zealand. His parents may send him out with pocketsful of
money, and he may come back in a year or two with his hands in
his pockets, and nothing else. He would refer papa and mamma to
general results. Thirty-five years ago, a little band got together
under the auspices of the Wakefield system : himself and his friend
Sir Charles Clifford, who was present, were among them. In round
terms, they were nobody and had nothing. Now they had grown
to 400,000 people, with an annual revenue of nearly £2,000,000,
exports and imports of £5,000,000 each : these figures only the
indicators of a vast amount of accumulated wealth ; and to whom
did it belong ? Why, to the little band he had mentioned, and
the rest of the 400,000 who had followed in their tracks with no
greater advantages. They were farm labourers, small tradesmen,
mechanics, young lawyers, doctors, parsons, everybody and nil
sorts. They were the owners of all that fine property. Success
had been the rule, and failure the exception. If, therefore, the
" dear boy " came back and declared the Colony was " no good,"
pray don't believe him; it is he that is "no good" and not the
Colony.
The remaining question is, How about the future of New
Zealand ? He (Mr. Fox) was neither a prophet nor the son of
a prophet, and he could not predict the future, but he might refer
them to the past. He had told them what the. Colony had done ;
why should it not continue to do the like ? They had a fine fertile
country, and though the population at present was not much bigger
than that of Birmingham, there were 70,000,000 of acres with
vast resources in them, all of which had to be developed. Could
that country stand still ? In a very few years it would, under Pro-
vidence, have a million of people in it. Humanly speaking, it
must grow, it must increase in prosperity, and it will reward those
who have faith in it. In conclusion, he begged to thank the Insti-
tute for the patient hearing it had given him, and trusted that
neither his time nor theirs had been altogether wasted by the hour's
occupation.
s 2
260 New Zealand,
DISCUSSION.
Sir CHARLES CLIFFORD : I can only interpret the telegraphic signs
which I see his Grace the Chairman making to mean that he
wishes me to propose a vote of thanks to Mr. Fox for the admirable
and instructive address we have just listened to. It is, perhaps,
hardly proper that I should be the one to do this, not having
gained much information from that address, and therefore not
having so much to be thankful for as many others in this room.
I had the pleasure of landing in New Zealand with Mr. Fox from
the same vessel, in the very earliest days of the Colony. We were
five months making the voyage from Portsmouth to Wellington ;
we could now make the voyage there and back again hi little more
than half the time. From that period to the present I have been
intimately acquainted with him, have witnessed all his exertions,
and well know how much the country is indebted to him, both
socially and politically, for the position it has since attained. There
is no one who could arrive in England from New Zealand more
capable of giving you a full and truthful history of the past, or of
prognosticating the prospects of the future of that country. You
may, therefore, with confidence yield your belief to everything you
have just heard. Mr. Fox commenced by discussing the question
of Colonial government. I perfectly well remember the first ten
years of New Zealand's political existence, when the leading strings
were held in Downing- street. During that period the energies of
the people seemed to flag, few things seemed to prosper, and the
general dulness was such that many of the leading colonists
formed plans for re-emigrating to what they thought might be
more favoured regions. At the end of that time the Colonial Office
and the British Parliament, thinking the Colony might manage its
own affairs better than those who were 16,000 miles away from them,
did us the honour of intrusting to us the first constitution ever
granted to a British Colony. Within two years from the day of
gaining the power of governing ourselves, you would not have
New Zealand. 261
known the country. It sprung suddenly into energy and life.
It commenced those efforts and began that career which has now
developed itself in the manner with which you are all acquainted.
From not being able to borrow ten million shillings, it can now
easily obtain ten million pounds ; and the justifiable belief of the
public in its resources and its honesty is such as to enable it to
borrow any reasonable amount for the purpose of still further
developing those great resources with benefit to it and advantage
to England. Nothing shows so clearly the capacity of the English
race for self-government. The more the Colonies are left to
manage their own affairs, the stronger will be the tie to the mother
country, and greater the strength of the British Empire. Mr. Fox
has alluded to the decay of the native race. He was perfectly
correct. There is not time now to go into that argument, but it
can be clearly shown that they had been rapidly decreasing long
before we took possession of the islands, from causes over which
we had no control, but which have lessened in intensity since
our occupation. If anything can save the remnant now existing,
it will be the fostering care of the present Government. You
have had described to you the social and material resources of the
country with a vividness and reality that I trust you will not easily
forget, and that your knowledge will be imparted to others as
widely as possible. Not only those present, but your friends will
then know there are few places in the world where they can obtain
more useful amusement, real profit, and individual information
than in the islands of New Zealand. His Eoyal Highness the
Prince of Wales the other day strongly advised all those of his
countrymen who could afford it to visit India, whether in search
of health, pleasure, or profit. I would not be so disloyal as to
interfere with His Koyal Higlmess's advice : I would simply re-
commend those who have tried all that Hindostan can offer them,
to extend their journey to New Zealand, convinced that my country
would, at any rate, suffer nothing by the comparison. I beg to
propose that the thanks of this meeting be given to Mr. Fox for
the admirable and interesting address he has favoured us with.
The Eev. PAHTAQUAHONG CHASE, chief of the Ojibbeway Indians,
said it gave him great pleasiire to have the honour to speak to such
an intelligent audience. He felt greatly embarrassed after hearing
such an eloquent speech from Mr. Fox, at being able to convey his
feelings to them. He hailed from British North America, one of Her
Majesty's dominions. He belonged to the Ojibbeway nation of
Indians, and was chief of the natives of that country. His fore-
fathers were the chiefs, and when the British Government, in 1812,
262 New Zealand.
recognised his grandfather, who was chief in possession, he was re-
ceived by King George HI. at Court, and acknowledged by that King
as chief of the nation, and he then wore the plate given by that
King in 1812, which had descended from that time in the male
line. His grandfather exerted his powers for the welfare of his
own nation and the community at large ; and the medal he wore
had descended to him (Mr. Chase), which his son would eventually
succeed to as the hereditary chief. His nation were not people of
letters. They had no institutions of learning, and no laws like
other civilised nations. His forefathers lived by hunting, and
clothed themselves with the skins of the animals, and lived upon
their flesh alone, without such other luxuries as bread, &c. He had
mingled in the society of Englishmen during the last six months,
of whom he had heard and read when a youth. His people were
sitting under a cloud of darkness. They had no laws, no justice,
no authority, excepting the authority of the chief. He had come
to this country for the welfare of his community. They had what
was called a grand Indian council in the two Provinces of Quebec
and Ontario, which were partially civilised and surrounded by a
French community and people from England, Ireland, and Scot-
land, and his people were learning to speak the English language.
He was the President of that Council. No British white man's
blood had ever been spilt by his people. They had always lived
in peace and goodwill with,, the English nation. They had spilt
the blood of the foreign white man, owing to imperfect understand-
ing of treaties, when they had taken the laws into their own
hands, especially as regarded those of the United States ; but he
was happy to say it had not been the case in the British posses-
sions. He was present, empowered and authorised by his people,
to come to England to visit the Queen, and he had had the honour
of seeing Her Majesty, which he should tell the Grand Council on
the 28th of June, which would then meet, as it did every three
years. He was a clergyman of the Church of England, and had
been in holy orders thirteen years. Before being ordained he was
in the Civil Service of Canada for thirteen years, but desiring to
minister to the spiritual welfare of his people, he resigned his posi-
tion, and he had been preaching the glorious Gospel as a missionary
— the Gospel which had elevated England, and which had raised it
so high that the world looked upon it as the city upon the hill
whose light could not be hidden, as a glorious example to
benighted nations. He had three different languages, the Mohawk,
the Iriquois — that of the Indian people — and the Ojibbeway lan-
guage. He had territory ten miles square, with a population
New Zealand. 263
of 1,400 souls. He had been appointed to take charge of the Dela-
wares and the Mohawks, and he had succeeded in building up a
new church for the Mohawk people, and by means of the Gospel
had enabled them to live in peace and blessedness. He had three
congregations, with 260 communicants out of 1,400 souls, and he
spoke with pride of the reformation he had effected amongst his
people. He had come to England to endeavour to get subscrip-
tions for building a third church, and he would return in a few
days to his country and tell his Council that he had succeeded
in obtaining the required amount, and had found a Christian people
in England. If spared, his life should be devoted to the teaching
of his people to] follow the English example of civilisation and
Christianisation.
Sir EICHABD GRAVES MACDONNELL, K.C.M.G. and C.B., said he had
not intended to have spoken, but could not refrain from making
some observations on a matter of extreme interest connected with a
subject to which Mr. Fox had- more than once adverted. He should
not like Mr. Fox's observations recorded amongst their proceedings
without some explanation. He understood Mr. Fox to claim for
New Zealand a special merit in adhering to the Wakefield theory
of expending the money received for sale of public lands in the
Colony on the introduction of emigrants.
Mr. Fox : Yes ; and on public works.
Sir EICHAED MACDONNELL : Quite so ; public works to be carried
out by emigrants imported with the Land Fund. Mr. Fox, how-
ever, had implied that New Zealand had attained her special pros-
perity by treating her Land Fund as entirely sacred and devoted to
those objects, and he had also implied that other Colonies, who had
not done so, had gravely erred. Now that was a subject of ex-
treme importance ; and no such broad statement was really correct,
because circumstances beyond their control had necessarily shaped
the policy of some of the Colonies. He would, however, confine him-
self now to what had occurred with the Australian Colony, which he
knew best — South Australia, whose government he had administered
for nearly seven years. South Australia had been in a very peculiar
position as regarded importation of emigrants. If they would look
at the map before them they would see that New Zealand was pro-
tected by a continuous seaboard, and emigrants once imported there
would find it difficult to escape from it. The very contrary was
the case with South Australia. When he arrived there in 1855, the
furore of the gold-fields excitement had scarcely abated. Moreover,
South Australia was separated from Victoria by merely an imaginary
border-line ; whilst there were many easy means, chiefly by sea, of
264 New Zealand.
going from Adelaide to Portland or Melbourne. At that time the
temptation was, in fact, almost irresistible ; and the emigrants who
would otherwise have tilled their lands and carried on their public
works, left them. Therefore the money expended on their passage
was in this way almost wholly applied to the advancement of the
neighbouring Colony. When he first arrived the Land Fund had
been and was then being used for its legitimate purposes as completely
as ever it was in New Zealand. All of it which was not forestaUed
by the Emigration Commissioners in England, was entirely in the
control of the Governor, but he asked them to consider what
occurred during the first year of his government, 1855-56. The
Land Fund had proved most prolific ; and the Emigration Commis-
sioners in England actually sent out in that year more than 12,000
emigrants, whilst unfortunately the population of the Colony was
at that time less than 80,000. It was impossible, evidently, that
so scanty a population could assimilate and utilise such a sudden
influx of strangers. Nothing could be more wholesome than good
beef as diet for a working-man, and if suitable time were allowed
he could get with advantage through a ton of it ; but an attempt to
force him to eat a stone weight of it at once might kill him. This
was precisely what had occurred in South Australia. The great want
of that and of all new Colonies was of course people — people settled
on the land and working the land ; but when they were sent out
in such numbers there was neither time nor opportunity to settle
them ; and probably not more than 4,000 out of those 12,000 emi-
grants, who had cost so much (about £16 per head) became finally
an addition to the permanent population of South Australia. They
might fancy, moreover, how much the difficulty of the position
was augmented when he told them, that of the above number no
less than 4,004 — for he had good reason to recollect the exact
figures — were able-bodied single ladies. Now he questioned whether
any other man than himself ever had previously such a number of
single women thrust upon him. He saw that they sympathised
with him, and he owned that he had never been so embarrassed.
He did what he could for them — built them barracks, offered to pay
their fare and all expenses to any employers willing to take them
off his hands, for he was sorry to have to add that they were occa.
sionally very unruly. Now, as women in a state of rebellion were
not so easily dealt with as men, he might mention that, by a "happy
thought," they were on one occasion reduced to obedience by the cool-
ing effects of water from a fire-engine. Surely he might put it to Mr.
Fox's candour to say whether, with such experience, the Colony
which soon afterwards obtained control over all the Land Fund
New Zealand. 265
was not justified in using part of it for other purposes than im-
porting emigrants in such numbers as to embarrass them or desert
them for the neighbouring Colony. The meeting must, however,
not suppose because Mr. Fox was so eloquent, that all the talent
and energy of that part of the world was centred in New Zealand.
On the contrary, despite the special difficulties which, as he had
shown, were connected with emigration in South Australia, he
could inform Mr. Fox that in proportion to its population the pro-
gress of that Colony had been more marked and more rapid in the
most important points, than that of New Zealand. Take, for ex-
ample, the number of acres reclaimed and tilled, as given in the
latest statistics (those for 1874), presented by Mr. Hayter to the
Victorian Parliament, and they would find that whilst the 320,000
inhabitants of New Zealand had only about 550,000 acres under
cultivation, the 200,000 settlers of South Australia had cultivated
no less than 1,330,000. In other words, whilst there were nearly
seven acres of cultivated land to every man, woman, and child in
South Australia, there was barely one acre and two-thirds of
an acre per head .to the population of New Zealand. Moreover,
whilst the limited population of South Australia raised nearly ten
millions of bushels of wheat in 1874, New Zealand raised less than
three millions, though it exceeded South Australia in other cereals.
The total trade, or imports and exports, per head in South Australia
is, however, perhaps, much the same as that in New Zealand, viz.
between .£41 and £42 per head, but, unlike New Zealand, with
a large healthy balance in South Australia in favour of the exports.
They might perhaps think that these results have been obtained
by extravagant expenditure, and that they may, therefore, have
been too dearly purchased, and cannot be regarded as durable.
Now, he did not want quite to overwhelm Mr. Fox with figures, but
it was very remarkable that the taxation in New Zealand — viz.
more than £4 per head — is considerably more than double that in
South Australia, which is only £1 16s., whilst New Zealand's debt
at the end of 1874 was more than treble that of South Australia.
He had, however, said already quite enough to prove that the
management of the Land Fund in any Colony must, to a certain
degree, be shaped occasionally by the special circumstances of the
Colony ; and as an old Governor in Australia, he had felt much
pleasure in pointing out that (despite of many adverse circumstances
at starting) the results of a departure for a time from the excellent
Wakefield theory had not made South Australia less prosperous than
New Zealand. On the contrary, British energy had proved quite
as sufficient in the former as in the latter Colony to develop its
266 New Zealand.
resources, and uphold its favourite motto of ''Advance, Australia."
(Applause.)
Colonel THOMPSON wished to offer a few words of protest against
Mr. Fox's suggestion that the frequent wars in New Zealand were
" attributable possibly to the fact of the majority of the Governors
having been members of the naval or military services." He (Col.
Thompson) did not think men who knew what war was, and what
it entailed, more likely to rush into it than those who had no such
practical experience. Under Capt. Hobson, the first Governor, no
war took place. Under Capt. Fitzroy, the aggression was entirely
on the side of the natives, who commenced the war — an equal, if
not the greater, portion of the tribes siding with MS in the contest.
Capt. Grey, the next Governor, found the war going on when he
arrived in the country, and brought it to a close at the earliest
possible period. This was the war in the north of New Zealand
alluded to by Mr. Fox, and having served through it he was per-
sonally acquainted with the facts. The hostile tribes (probably
through a consciousness of being in the wrong) bore no malice to
their foes at its close : in proof of which he might mention an
incident which occurred at a feast of peace given to the enemy by
our allies, at which one of the former called out to the European
officers present to point out to him which of them it was who aimed
the gun that cut their flag-staff in two. Being asked why he wished
to know, he said, " Because the shot that struck the flag-staff also
cut my wife and child in two ; and he thought the least that officer
could do was to come and shake hands with him." He did not
consider the wars in New Zealand were the fault of either the
Governors or the colonists, but were almost inevitable in a country
as larg*e as Great Britain, occupied by a comparative handful of
natives, owning vast tracts unused by and therefore useless to
them, but of which they are as proud and tenacious as any duke
could be of his valuable possessions in this country ; while an
enterprising race had left their native land with the sole purpose of
occupying and cultivating these hitherto unused and uncultivated
tracts. What Mr. Fox had said of the decrease of the native
inhabitants was perfectly true ; but he did not think it was owing
to the advent of Europeans, as they were manifestly decreasing in
numbers before the country was colonised ; one cause he had
heard assigned being, that when the influence of missionaries had
induced them to give up their tribal feuds, they ceased dwelling en
the heights before then selected as defensible positions against their
foes, and built their villages for greater convenience on the low,
and often damp and swampy, grounds, bordering their rivers and
New Zealand. 267
lakes, causing thereby consumption, scrofula, and other diseases.
He thoroughly endorsed all that had been said by Mr. Fox in praise
of New Zealand as a place to settle in, having served in that
country for fifteen years. In proof of the estimation in which it
was held by those who served in it, he might mention that fifteen
officers and nearly one thousand men of the regiment he belonged
to left the service to settle there, and when leaving the Colony he
was beginning to fear there would not be a man left in the regiment
to carry the colours on their arrival home. Mr. Fox had spoken
with favour of different works upon New Zealand, but had modestly
omitted one of not less interest than the others, namely, the
"History of the Wars in New Zealand," by Mr. Fox.
Mr. EDWARD WILSON said, before the last speaker addressed them
he was rising to call his friend, Sir Kichard MacDonnell, to order,
upon a little discrepancy in his eloquent remarks. He was rather
severe about the Colony which used to be a good neighbour to him
while in South Australia, and charged Victoria with running away
with his emigrants in a selfish and hungry manner. But he had after-
wards favoured us with particulars of a large assortment of " able-
bodied females," and said that with so large a tribe had he been en-
cumbered in a single day, that he did not know what to do with them.
He (Mr. Wilson) thought at that critical period of his existence the
Colony referred to might have lent him some assistance, of which
he ought to retain some grateful recollection. But now to pull Mr.
Fox a little to pieces in view of the interesting speech he had made
them — for they must recollect it was not a paper he had read, but
it was something which he had favoured them with viva voce, and
with a great degree of eloquence. Mr. Fox held a very sanguine
opinion of the future of New Zealand, in which he (Mr. Wilson)
most heartily and most gladly participated, but on one point he
thought Mr. Fox allowed his zeal for his adopted country a little to
override facts and observations of adjacent countries. He did not
know what experience Mr. Fox may have had of the large continent
within a few days' sail of New Zealand, when he favoured them
with the idea that English grasses would not grow in Australia.
Where did he get that evidence ? He based on this fact his convic-
tion that the time was coming when flocks of sheep in New Zealand
would quite outnumber the whole of the group of Colonies on the
continent. A little examination into facts would scarcely justify
that statement. He (Mr. Wilson) had been a squatter and an
experimental farmer in those Colonies, and he could only say ho
never saw English grasses grow better than they did there. Mr.
Fox was deceived if he imagined he had a monopoly of English .
268 New Zealand.
grasses. Mr. Fox had favoured them with questions of emigration
as mixed up with the very important scheme of that grand old
colonist, Gibbon Wakefield, and he was interested to note the points
of difference in Mr. Fox and Sir Eichard MacDonnell on that point.
He (Mr. Wilson) was talking to an experienced man on emigration
the other day in reference to Mr. Wakefield's bust, which had
recently been executed, and which was to be placed in the Colonial
Office, and he was much struck by the remark, that he had no
hesitation in saying that if they had had the sense to adhere to
that magnificent scheme introduced by that excellent man, the
Australian Colonies would have been much more prosperous than
they are even without all the gold they have since found. That
being the case, it seemed dreadful to think of the way in which they
had given up that system, and with what a sort of incomprehensible
spirit they had never found a better. Had that system been
maintained, and had they been in the way of improving the popu-
lation which that scheme would have given, they might draw in
vain on their imaginations as to what the present state of those
Colonies would have been. Mr. Fox had favoured them with an
admirable dissertation upon the plucky and spirited way in which
New Zealand had gone into the money market — to the terror of a
great many weak-minded people, who preferred Turkish bonds or
Egyptian securities — and borrowed large sums, and was now pre-
pared to justify what it had done, was doing, and intended to do,
by the result they saw accruing from such a scheme. There
was an important point in dealing with the whole question of
emigration, as to what is the real money value of a man. He had
often tried to elaborate the price of a man — a good hard-working
man, who could do a good many useful things in all the forms of
farm labour — and he had lately come across a paragraph in an
American newspaper in which they had worked out the price of a
good, healthy, vigorous man. With great accuracy they had valued
him at exactly £166 13s. 4d. Well now, New Zealand gets this man
for about £20. Where did the capitalist ever make better invest-
ment than that ? Not in Manchester cotton, in Leeds woollen
goods, or Birmingham ironware, or any other staple commodity.
On that point he heartily congratulated New Zealand, and when
he saw those ships going out full of those £20 people, he was
delighted.
Mr. FITZGIBBON observed that amongst the physical features of
New Zealand which Mr. Fox had described and credited with the
effect of elevating the soul, there were some that had yet another
property, that of restoring health to the body. He referred to the
New Zealand. 269
hot springs, which — and he had excellent reason for being satisfied
with them — furnished a powerful remedy for rheumatic affections,
and which, being now easily and conveniently accessible, were
certain to prove of great medicinal benefit not to the inhabitants
of New Zealand only, but also to those of the Colonies of the main-
land of Australia suffering from such complaints, and for whom
otherwise such a means of cure could scarcely be obtained, except
at the trouble and cost of a visit to some of the older used hot-
springs of Europe.
Mr. DENNISTOUN WOOD thought, in the first place, the meeting
might congratulate itself on the fact that Mr. Fox had been so busy
that he had been unable to commit his thoughts to paper, because
he was sure that the racy and humorous remarks he had made were
in some respects an agreeable contrast to the long statistics with
which they were often regaled. There were one or two points on
which he ventured to differ from him. Mr. Fox had said that the
advent of the white race in New Zealand had had nothing what-
ever to do with the diminution in the number of the Maories, which
proceeded from internecine wars and from their habits of canni-
balism. As far as they knew, the New Zealanders had always
been cannibals, and were always fighting with each other, and if it
were those habits of fighting and eating each other which were
leading to their extinction, how did it happen that if, according to
tradition, New Zealand was peopled by a few canoefuls of Maories,
who landed in the North Island, at no very distant period their
descendants had increased before the English landed on the islands
to 60,000 ? If those habits always prevailed among them, how
was it that the New Zealanders, who at first were only a few hundreds
in number, had reached as many as 60,000 ? Another point on
which he differed from Mr. Fox was with regard to the opinion that
the prosperity of New Zealand was in great measure owing to the
Wakefield system. One of the principal features of that system
was that there should be a sufficient price for land ; the definition
of a sufficient price being a price so high as to prevent people from
becoming landowners too rapidly. As far as he knew, the price of
land had varied in New Zealand from 5s. to £2 an acre. What was
the sufficient price, 5s. or £2 ? Mr. Fox stated that the system had
been in continuous operation, and yet at the end of his discourse he
stated that for a number of years there had been no emigration
going on at all. How was it that there was such a cessation of
emigration for so long a time while yet the Wakefield system still
continued, for it was an essential part of that system that a great
portion of the proceeds of the land should be applied to bring out
*270 New Zealand.
emigrants ? No doubt it was a good thing to apply a portion of the
Land Fund to public works and to emigration, but he apprehended
that that would have been done had Mr. Wakefield never been born.
What had been the operation of the system in Australia ? for he
apprehended that fixing the price of land in that country at £1 per
acre was carrying out the Wakefield system. Did that lead to the
concentration of the population of Victoria ? On the contrary, it was
dispersed all over the Colony. When he (Mr. Dennistoun Wood) first
went out to Victoria, Mr. Wilson, who had that evening proiessed
himself an admirer of the Wakefield system, was continually ex-
claiming, "Unlock the land!" What brought the population to
Victoria ? Not the Wakefield system, but the discovery of gold.
The whole system had been in operation for years, and the whole
population was only 70,000, whereas it was now upwards of 800,000.
The same thing could be observed in other Australian Colonies. If
there was one thing more than another which he detested, it was
the arrogance and self-sufficiency of a man who thought that he
knew better how a man should conduct his own business than the
man himself did. The Government, forsooth, was to prevent a man
going away to some remote part of the Colony where his labour would
be unprofitable ; but if a man found his labour unprofitable, did he
need Mr. Wakefield, or anybody else, to prevent him from following an
unremunerative occupation ? That was in another form the idea
which now prevailed in some of the Australian Colonies — in Victoria
especially. The Governments there had taken it into their heads
that they knew better what occupation the people should follow than
the people themselves did, and they tried to bolster up some occu-
pations at the expense of others, and imposed duties upon certain
articles in order to get people to betake themselves to particular
branches of industry instead of to those which, if the State had
not interfered, they would have found most profitable. Was the
Wakefield system ever heard of in California ? What raised the
population of that country from a few hundreds to tens of thou-
sands, and made it a great country, with large cities, railways,
and all the appliances of civilisation ? The American Government
never attempted by its land system to dictate to the people how
they should employ themselves, and whether they should scatter
themselves over that State or not. New Zealand had prospered,
not because of any theories of Mr. Wakefield, but because of the
enterprise of the inhabitants and its good government, which
inspired the people of this country with such feelings of confidence,
that they sent their money to be invested in a land where they knew
it would yield them a good return.
New Zealand. 271
Mr. EDWARD WILSON : Mr. Wood has made personal reference to
me, and I would say, in reply, that although I raised the echoes
in a vigorous style on the topic, " Unlock the land," yet Mr. Wood
may search any writing of mine, but he will never find a single
word directed to the unlocking the lands upon anything but the
Wakefield system. My cry of " Unlock the lands " was with refer-
ence to the fact that at that time there was not sufficient land in
the market ; but it always inculcated the idea of bringing out
emigrants with certain percentage of the proceeds.
The PRESIDENT : Ladies and gentlemen, before I express your
thanks to Mr. Fox for his most eloquent speech, I would call your
attention to one circumstance which seems to me very interesting.
We heard, first, speeches from two of the pioneers of New Zealand
— that flourishing Colony of Great Britain at the Antipodes — and
those speeches were followed by one from a chief of the ancient
race, which were our predecessors in North America. It reminds
you of the extent of the Queen's dominions and the grandeur of
the British Empire. Mr. Fox alluded to the " dear boys." I am
sorry to say that a good many ladies fancy I may be able to assist
them in providing for their " dear boys." They seem to forget that
the Ministers of the day have not many vacancies to which they
can appoint the " dear boys," and that they have friends of their
own and their own colleagues who would probably have a better
claim than any "dear boy" that I might recommend. But I
have always found it a very convenient answer to give to those
ladies, when they have asked me to help them in that way, to
suggest that they should go and try their fortunes in the Colonies ;
and certainly among those I have not omitted to mention New
Zealand, with which I have been in a certain degree connected for
a quarter of a century, and although I have not yet seen it as I
should like, yet I have received favourable accounts of it, both in a
literary and a pecuniary sense. Another point Mr. Fox referred to
was received almost with a laugh, when he talked about the pos-
sibility of coals being brought from New Zealand to England. He
also mentioned a fact which struck me would have been thought
thirty years ago quite as impossible, that is, that the New Zealand
wheat should keep down the price of wheat in England to such an
extent that it is not worth while to grow it in England. He men-
tions that last year 1,000,000 bushels of wheat were sent from
Canterbury and Otago into England. I find my Colonial papers
show how much has been sent during one month from other parts.
I intend shortly, when I meet my tenants, to call their attention to
the fact that wheat in England now fetches no more than 40s. a
272 New Zealand.
quarter, and they tell me it would not pay them if they could get
45s. for it, and that with the quantities grown in the Colonies
there is no chance of our being able to grow wheat in England at a
profit. The supply of breadstuffs to the manufacturing districts of
Europe is an opening for the colonists, of which they have availed
themselves, and would tend to their advantage, although, perhaps,
not to that of the English farmer. The latter must learn to accom-
modate himself to altered circumstances. I was glad to hear Mr.
Fox's defence of the colonists of New Zealand against the attack
that used to be made upon them, but which I am happy to say is
of late years quite forgotten — accusing the colonists of giving rise
to the native wars, as you all, who are connected with New
Zealand, know to be unfounded. I do not think the Europeans
are to blame for those wars. In the same way the colonists of
South Africa were blamed for the Kaffir wars — I believe, as un-
justly as the colonists of New Zealand ; and I am glad to have
heard so eloquent a defence for the colonists as Mr. Fox gave.
He began his speech by apologising for not writing a paper to read
to us, lest the information he possessed being so full, he might be
tempted to write many large volumes of the history of New
Zealand. I was almost inclined to hope some day that he might
do that, and write at length his experience of the rise and progress
of New Zealand, of which he may say, " Quorum pars magna fui." I
am sure I am only expressing your feeling in thanking Mr. Fox for
his most interesting address on a most interesting Colony.
Mr. Fox, in reply, thanked the meeting very much for the manner
in which they had passed the resolution which had been proposed to
them. He was bound to reply to one or two remarks which had
been urged, in the best possible temper and with the utmost
courtesy, by gentlemen who criticised some portions of what he had
said. Sir Kichard MacDonnell appeared to misunderstand him ;
but he was glad to hear the statement which Sir Kichard made
with regard to the prosperous advancement of South Australia,
because to his mind it was exactly a case in point. He (Mr. Fox)
stated, when he spoke of New Zealand, that South Australia was
one of the two Colonies founded on the Wakefield principle ; and
the more prosperous Sir Eichard showed it to be the more it sup-
ported his (Mr. Fox's) view, that that system was the most satis-
factory for establishing a Colony upon. As to the remarks which fell
from Mr. Wilson with regard to his (Mr. Fox's) ignorance of the
English grasses, he must stand corrected, because Mr. Wilson's
experience of Australia, he presumed, was greater than his own.
What had led him (Mr. Fox) to entertain that view — which to a great
New Zealand. 273
extent he still persisted in— was, that when in South Australia he did
not see one blade of English grass, and a very experienced English
farmer told him that it could not be grown there. In the parallel
latitudes of New South Wales and Queensland, English grasses, he
thought, could not be grown to advantage. However, he would be
glad to find, for the sake of his sister colonies, that he was mistaken,
if it were so. Mr. Dennistoun Wood appeared to doubt the facts
stated restricting the decrease in the native population, and its
being attributable to their cannibalistic and communistic habits.
Mr. Wood had asked when did that decrease commence ? —
how did the race increase with that habit prevailing to the extent
alleged since the arrival of the canoes from some other part of
the Pacific ? But that raised questions of extreme difficulty, and
was a problem which he (Mr. Fox) could not solve. There must
have been a period during which the New Zealand race was an in-
creasing race ; but they could not fix the termination period nor
trace the causes of it, but he contended that with the habits of life
in which they indulged, and which were common to them when
Captain Cook discovered them — they could not have been an in-
creasing people then, but must have been already on the decrease.
With regard to Mr. Dennistoun Wood's remarks on the Wakefield
system, he must leave him on one of the two horns of a dilemma,
he (Mr. Fox) had spoken of : either he thought it better to com-
mence a great undertaking, like that of establishing a new Colony,
without any system at all, or he must come forward and tell them
what was a better system than that of Mr. Wakefield. He (Mr.
Fox) thought they must accept that system, or have no system'at all.
He did not think the instance of California and Victoria with their
gold-field a very happy illustration. It was precisely to prevent such
conditions that the Wakefield system was proposed, and by means
of it that New Zealand avoided Vigilance Committees and other
organisations of the sort. He hoped when they went about found-
ing another Colony, that they would proceed not upon the hap-
hazard system, but upon the wiser system, which would give them
all the advantage of combined capital and labour, which would
make them a happy and a civilised community.
(274)
SEVENTH OEDINAEY GENEEAL MEETING.
ft THE Seventh Ordinary General Meeting of the Session was held
at the Pall Mall Eestaurant, on the 18th of June, 1876, His Grace
the DUKE OP MANCHESTER, President, in the chair.
Mr. FREDERICK YOUNG, Honorary Secretary, having read the
minutes of the last meeting, which were duly confirmed, Lieut.
CAMERON read the following paper : —
COLONISATION OF CENTEAL AFEICA.
I have been asked here to speak to-night on the subject of the
Colonisation of Central Africa. Perhaps people would think
Central Africa, through which I have travelled, is not a place to be
colonised, but before we arrive at any such conclusion we must
remember first that the word " colonisation" bears different interpre-
tations. The idea of European population (new populations)
replacing the aborigines, is not the original meaning of the word
colonisation, nor what I mean by colonisation. The real meaning
of colonisation is that at present exemplified in our tenure of India.
The Eomans were the greatest colonists of the whole world. They
did not send citizens out to take possession of new countries, but
they sent out governors, soldiers, and sailors, to take a country and
rule it for the benefit of the people themselves. That is the way I
hope and believe Central Africa will be colonised. I do not believe
that any large portions of Africa can at any time be profitably
worked by the manual labour of white men, especially of the
Anglo-Saxon race, but I believe the Anglo-Saxons may direct the
course of labour in that country, and employ it so as to make it of
great use to the British Empire. The country which I traversed in
Africa lies between the latitudes of 13° and 4° S., and stretches
from the east to the west coast. The questions to be looked at in
talking on this subject are, What can be got out of that country ?
What does it produce at the present time ? What can it produce
under a wise Government ? What is the state of the country, and
how can it be benefited by the colonisation of the Anglo-Saxon
race?
With regard to the country generally, first of all, on leaving
Zanzibar on the east coast, we pass through a country close to the
Colonisation of Central Africa. 276
sea, of great richness, between the mountains which form the boun-
dary between the low-lands of the coast and the plateau of the in-
terior, where sugar-cane and the most tropical products can be
grown. The island of Zanzibar itself produces more cloves than
any place of equal extent in the world. Passing those mountains
we come to Ugogo, Unyamiwise, &c. from which districts a great
portion of the ivory which we have at present is exported. Of
this ivory, only a small portion comes to England, the Chinese
and Hindoos taking a very large proportion of that exported via
Zanzibar. At Ujiji I struck a country comparatively new, the
previous portions of my route having passed through districts ex-
plored by Burton and Speke, and through which Mr. Stanley and
Dr. Livingstone had also travelled. All these travellers have
brought back reliable descriptions of the country which I had seen
up to this point. On the Tanganyika I struck new ground, at the
south end, and surveyed the southern portion of the lake, being
about two-thirds of its whole extent. A large portion of the
country on the shore of Lake Tanganyika is now depopulated, but
stories are told of it having produced great crops in days gone by.
In one country in particular, on the S.E. portion of the lake,
cotton grows wild, and is also cultivated to a great extent. The
cloths imported from the coast are of little or no value, as the
people make the cloth themselves, which they use for their clothing.
All round Lake Tanganyika there are large mountains, some of
them rising to enormous altitudes. The Tanganyika itself is 2,760
feet above the level of the sea, while the mountains surrounding it
rise in places to the height of 3,000 feet above the lake, on which
mountains admirable sanitaria might be formed in case of the
country being occupied. Passing on from Tanganyika, I went up
to Nyangwe, on the Lualoba, the farthest point reached by Dr.
Livingstone on his last journey. On my way to Nyangwe, I passed
places where coal and iron are to be found. The people were
industrious, though in some places rather uncivilised, and they kept
down the surplus population by the practice of cannibalism. At
Nyangwe I tried to get boats to go down the river Congo, and as I
failed, I then struck south, and went down to the country of Urua,
of which Kasongo is chief. Passing through there I saw immense
quantities of oil palms, these trees in places growing like grass, and
I found Urua to be a great country, under the rule of one
sovereign — a country which might be compared in extent to the
Austrian and German Empires. From there I struck away through
new countries, some of them fertile, and some on the watershed,
where they are flooded every year, produce very little but fish;
T2
276 Colonisation of Central Africa,
and I came to Kibokwe, where the greater portion of the wax im-
ported into this country is produced, and from there I struck down to
Benguela, passing through Bihe on my way. The whole of this
country I traversed, and is one of enormous richness, in which
there are gold, and iron, and other mines. There is no one of these
natural products developed to its true extent. The mines are of
various sorts, and are such as to render it' one of the richest coun-
tries in producing metal in the world. They have gold ; they have
copper; they have iron; and last, but by no means least, they have
coal mines. The people are very fair smiths, and in many places
I have seen then: work turned out equal to much that is turned
out in a country village in England, and it must be remembered
they have none of the means or the appliances that Europeans
have. This country, westward of the Lake Tanganyika, is a mar-
vellously well-watered fertile country, and a country also which is
by no means unhealthy. Before leaving Tanganyika, I had been
down with fever oftener than I care to remember, but since leaving
there I have only had five or six attacks of fever. : And then one
must remember in saying this that in travelling as I did one never
gave the climate a fair chance. One had not got enough to eat, or
proper shelter, or many necessaries; and therefore the climate
always had the best of us. We were not fighting at fair odds. I
believe that to Europeans with proper means, appliances, stores,
and food, the climate would not prove by any means so unhealthy
as the centre portion of British India, and there are many spots
which might be formed into admirable sanitaria. Close to the
coast (within 100 miles of the West Coast of Africa) I was at a
height of 5,580 ft. above the sea, with a comparatively cool climate,
and there is no reason why anybody who has lived in the south of
Europe could not live and work hi the high and elevated countries
of Bihe and Bailunda. With regard to the social state of this
country, at present it is one of the most lamentable things on the
face of the earth. The whole of Africa is one vast slave field. We
can look north at Morocco ; there the Arabs of the desert go travel-
ling to purchase and sell slaves. They travel up all through the
country near Lake Ichad, and from there they export slaves.
Khartoum is a vast depot for slaves. We go south, where we find
all the Kaffirs on the frontiers of the Cape Colony are owners of
slaves. Slaves are taken from Zanzibar to Muscat, and other
Arabian ports. People trading from the west, and going to the
east, buy and sell slaves in Central Africa, and wherever one travels
in Africa the slave trade is going on, and increasing from day to
day ; and I have passed through whole districts which have been
Colonisation of Central Africa. 277
utterly and entirely depopulated, and rendered desolate by the
traffic in slaves. Now this country, if not taken in hand, one day or
another must become simply an overgrown wilderness, and its valu-
able products will be lost. It will become more difficult day by day
to prevent the growth of these crimes, until the country is taken in
hand by a strong and determined Government, or by some great
company, like the East Indian Company, which would have the
power of governing, and be able to carry on its work in a perfectly
upright, independent, open manner, and in a way such as would
defy the cavillings and the evil speaking of anybody and everybody
in the world. Fortunately for the country there are the great
water systems of the Zambesi and the Congo intersecting it in
many directions. From the coast up to the falls of Yelala is a
distance of 160 miles, and large steamers, if they have sufficient
speed, can go up to within ten miles of these falls. The river has
an enormous current at its mouth, and differs from all others in
Africa in not having any bar. From the point to which steamers
can go from the coast, a tramway of thirty miles in length would
be sufficient to carry the materials of the steamers to navigate the
upper waters of the rivers. From there a good steamer could
easily travel to a vast distance. I know by the levels I have taken
myself that any ordinary steamer could navigate the upper portions
of the river. We need not seek those American steamers that can
go anywhere where there is a heavy dew — we do not want one of
those ; we can get a decent boat to go up this river, the Congo, with
the exception of one small rapid, and that rapid has been shot by
native canoes, and therefore any steamer can go up or down it, one
can go to Lake Mocra ; one can go to Lake Lanji and lake Kassali ;
one can go by three branches of the river to latitudes 8° or 9°
south before coming to any important rapids. By navigable
affluents of the Congo we can reach within twenty miles of the river
Zambesi, which debouches at Kilimani. The Zambesi also com-
municates with Lake Nyassa, which, from the investigations of Mr.
Young, we have now discovered overlaps in latitude the southern
end of the Tanganyika, and by a laud journey of 150 miles the
navigable waters of the Congo will be brought into communication
with Lake Nyassa. The Zambesi also comes over nearly to the
west coast. Some of its branches, close to Bihe, are navigable for
steamers drawing two or three feet of water. Indeed, the two rivers
nearly cut the Continent into two halves, and those two rivers can
be joined by a canal twenty miles in length at two or three places,
so as to make an uninterrupted water communication from one
coast to another. My idea in opening this country is, that we
278 Colonisation of Central Africa.
should take possession of the country at the mouth of the Congo.
It belongs to nobody at present, except the natives, who are mostly
pirates, the English Government allowing nobody else to have a
claim to that territory. The Portuguese under one treaty were
allowed up as far as the mouth of the Congo. I think there was a
slave treaty of Vienna, which Lord Liverpool was mainly instru-
mental in carrying, whereby they had a sort of right over it ; but
the Portuguese not fulfilling, but contravening, those treaties, our
Government would not allow the claim of the Portuguese as the
mouth of the Congo being Portuguese territory.
I believe that by putting steamers on the river Congo, above the
falls, we can go over almost the whole of Africa. Now the river
coming from the North into the Congo would bring us into close com-
munication with the traders who come down from Egypt. Here we
shall have open to us the greatest ivory country in the world — and
a country which besides produces spices, pepper, sugar, metals, and
minerals of all sorts and descriptions — by an easy communication
with the West Coast. For traders from Alexandria it is a distance
of 8,000 or 4,000 miles up the Nile to get to this country ; but we
should only want a journey of 700 or 800 miles by water (being a
quarter of the distance), and a much finer river to do it by. The
same is the case with the Zambesi, which, however, unfortunately
is in the hands of the Portuguese. Another means of opening up
the country is by entering it from the East coast, and acquiring a
concession and running tramways from Mombassa, which seems to
be a very good harbour, and then passing a depression in the
mountains. We could run tramways to communicate with the
Tanganyika, and also to bring in the Victoria Nyanza, thus making
one great road right across the Continent. If we are ever able to
get this part of Africa opened up to us, there are many political
considerations which may prove of great utility in the future to
the great empire of which we are proud to be members. Cape
Colony and Natal are all at present talking of Confederation, which
we sincerely hope will come about. But behind them are the
Boers and the Kaffirs. These fellows, as they are now placed, defy
us. They say they can do what they like. " We can depart with
our flocks and our waggons, and ' trek further a-field,' and we can
go into a country where every man can whack his own niggers, and
if the English like to follow us, we can fight them." But the
moral influence of the English in Central Africa behind the Boers
and Kaffirs, to use a Yankeeism, would be that " they would cave
in" at once. The moral influence of the British flag behind those
fellows would prevent them giving our Colonies in South Africa any
Colonisation of Central Africa. 279
trouble whatever. Then the Mahominedan power of Egypt is
spreading south. It has reached Albert and Victoria Nyanza Lakes.
but what is that power doing, notwithstanding its extension is being
partly carried out by British officers ? Those officers have worked
unselfishly and for the best. A man can only answer for what he
has done there while he remains there. Directly they leave, their
labours, except for the acquisition of territory, are rendered of no
effect. As to their exterminating the slave trade, what they have
done is little or no good. Whilst they have been there they have
done marvels; but directly their backs are turned, the disease
breaks out afresh. Thus, by bringing that country into easy com-
munication by trams with the West, we should take away all the
trade from those fellows, the Levantine Greeks, who carry on the
slave trade, and who are the greatest scoundrels on the face of
the world. They are the renegades and offscourings of all nations.
Many of them go travelling there apparently to get what ivory
they may, but really their object is to get as many slaves as they
possibly can. That is the great thing they go for. Portuguese
officials have treated me remarkably well, and I want to render all
due thanks to them for what they have done. But the Portuguese
on both coasts are simply a mere block to the civilisation and the
opening up of Africa. The other day there was a dispute about
Lorenzo Marques, a place to which we have an undeniable right.
The decision was given against us by arbitration. From Delagoa
Bay — that is the southernmost point on the West Coast to Cape
Delgado — the Portuguese claimed the right of sovereignty over
the whole coast. What are those rights of sovereignty ? Ten
years ago the Portuguese, though then they had no guns in their
forts, which were not honeycombed, had lots of slaves waiting the
chance to export them. I went into Ibo ; there were no guns fit
for use. I went a little farther north, and there no foreign ships
could trade, inasmuch as there were Portuguese orders to prevent
any foreign trade. What power had the Portuguese there ? None
whatever. They built a fort, about the size of this room, at Pomba
Bay, and put a garrison in it of ten or twelve men. I do not
know what became of the garrison, but I saw the fort in ruins ;
and that is what they call having possession of a coast line. At
the little colony of Nyumbani they have got a garrison of twenty
men, and twenty or thirty black fellows, which takes the sovereignty
of the coast. On the West Coast it is rather better, as they have
regular custom-houses. Instead of having prohibited the trade,
they have differential duties favouring their own flag in the custom-
houses. The Government of Lisbon are doubtless honest in their
280 Colonisation of Central Africa.
ideas, but they do not go the right way about matters, and their
officials are so badly paid on the West Coast, that in order to get
the means of Irving they are obliged to resort to bribery and
corruption. I know that if they paid their officials ten times as
much as at present, and charged half the duties, they would get about
twenty times the revenue that they do from the African colonists.
Now a nation whose affairs are carried on in that way can never do
anything to open up a country, or do any good for it. Another thing
is, that from the West Coast the traders have penetrated the interior,
flying the Portuguese flag, and calling themselves Portuguese. Some
are whites, some mulattos, and some blacks. These people are
not under the control of the Government of Lisbon. They have
a little country, not quite as big as this country, and on the
whole they have not got the men or the energy to work as
Englishmen work. They have not got the men to send out to
look after these traders, and these traders, who go out without any
restraint, are far worse than people who have a little idea of civilisa-
tion. They go into the interior and procure slaves by the greatest
cruelty, murder, and rapine, and there is no crime of which they
are not guilty. And then the slaves are smuggled away from the
East Coast in the same way that they were smuggled away from the
West Coast. I cannot speak positively, but the ivory that is
brought to England is tainted with the blood of thousands and
thousands of these unfortunate wretches murdered in the centre
of Africa. Now this country of Africa — the country known as
Africa — we have heard it so called to-day, is a country which I
hope some day will belong to England, a country of which the
races, many of them, have very many good points. There are
many of them who, I believe, have a great deal of pith in them,
especially the women, because they are forced to be industrious.
You see large plantations carefully cultivated ; their huts well
built ; their villages arranged in order ; their trees planted alongside
of the streets, and, in fact, to think that people who have been shut
off entirely from the outer world for the number of years which
they must have been, to arrive at such a state, proves that there
must have been a good deal in them. But those people, by their
constant internal wars and squabbles, fermented by the various
traders, instead of advancing in the race of civilisation, are going
back, and will go back, until the country is opened up ; and it can
only be done by means of colonisation. The way I have sketched
out by the river and by the tramway, I believe to be the most
effectual methods for effecting it. To do that, a company is
required with large powers — such powers perhaps as those held
Colonisation of Central Africa. 281
by the East India Company, or something of that sort — a
company that would work and find men to go there and work
thoroughly for it. There is another question which may interest
some here, which is the missionary side of the question. I will
allow that an enormous amount of work has been done by
missionaries, but, at the same time, the best friends of the
missionaries, if they will speak candidly, must allow that there
has been a great deal of harm done by some of them. On
the other hand, of course such men as Bishop Steer, Bishop
McKenzie, Bishops Patterson and Selwyn, and others, the
Church Missionary Society at Moubasa, have done a world of good ;
but the best and most perfect working mission I ever saw was the
French Jesuit Mission at Bagamoyo. Other missionaries I have
seen of various denominations. I do not want to pass a sweeping
condemnation at all on them. For instance, there is Bishop
Crowther : I would honour him for his worthy efforts — a man who,
once a slave himself, now a Bishop of our Church, has gone up
country 500 miles to establish his Mission Stations on the Niger,
and has trained his sons up as gentlemen and clergymen of the
Church of England ; but there are many men who go there who
think they are going to do a great deal, but who are totally unfit
to be missionaries at all ; and the fact is, the black man knows a
gentleman when he sees one, just as well as anyone else would,
and a man who goes out as a missionary to Africa should be a
thorough gentleman by birth, breeding, and education. The man
who goes out to trade, you do not expect to be looked at like a
gentleman. But it is no use sending out as missionaries half- bred
men, or men who have been disappointed as haircutters, or one
who has been seventeen years a cobbler, or one who has been
apprenticed to a carpenter, and who suddenly felt the spirit of
missionary work moving within him. It is no good their going.
They write home (I have seen ridiculous things written by them)
ludicrous letters, which talk of giving up everything for the poor
negro, and that his forlorn condition touched their hearts. No,
they go out there and have a wife sent out to them by contract.
They have £300 or £400 a year, a comfortable house, not only fire
and fuel found them, but they have their champagne and their
luxuries, and then write home of the hardships they are undergoing,
and their suffering, and after being five or six years out there, they
come and retire, and make a sensation in England by talking of
what they have been undergoing for the poor dear negro. I think
the poor dear negro would be better if these cobblers, carpenters,
and haircutters, would return to their original occupations of boot-
282 Colonisation of Central Africa.
mending and haircutting. I only want now to say that that
country, Central Africa, can be easily colonised, as the term coloni-
sation was used by the Eomans ; that we may establish our stations
here and there, wherever we may find it most healthy ; and that
by steamers on the rivers, and by tramways on the land, we could
form the means of communication which would surpass or be done
as cheaply as those of any other country in the world. Perhaps
in order to do this we may call upon our other Colonies to assist us
in an united empire ; every one part should help the other.
We may go to India for troops before we have disciplined the
natives of Africa. We may draw upon some of the fellows I have
seen working in Ansley Bay, hard-working fellows, not above taking
a load upon their shoulders, and working with the pickaxe and
shovel, as well as carrying a musket. I believe those men can be
made intensely useful in Africa. I have seen many Balooches men
in Africa, who are the worst people in the world to ill-treat
slaves, but under the proper control I believe they could be put to
great use. You may go to China to get a superabundance of
population to cultivate the land and cotton ; and you may go to
Natal to get Kaffirs to drive the mules, but on the whole, the
British Empire contains all that is necessary to colonise Central
Africa, and it can be done, and should be done ; and I hope the day
is not far distant when we shall see the Union Jack flying perma-
nently in the centre of Africa, and not merely passing through it,
as when I carried it there. (Cheers.)
DISCUSSION.
Dr. ATHEESTONE : After the highly-interesting remarks we have
heard from Lieut. Cameron, I think there can be no necessity
for me to dwell upon the advantages of colonisation for Central
Africa. It must be obvious to all, inasmuch as I believe it will be
found to be the only feasible plan for effectually preventing that
inhuman traffic in slaves which the British nation has contributed
such an enormous amount to abolish. There is no other praticable
mode of abolishing slavery than by neutralising its causes at its
source and centre ; by dealing with it at its very cradle amongst
those vast productive lake-regions which we have just heard so
graphically described. It appears that the whole of the interior of the
African continent — with the exception of some parts near its
western coast — instead of being, as originally supposed, a desert, is
teeming with life, animal and vegetable, capable of supporting a
dense population ; in fact, as populous as any part of the world.
Colonisation of Central Africa. 283
Some forty years ago the British nation granted twenty millions
sterling for the purpose of buying up and freeing the slaves in its
own colonial empire, by which munificent act the nation stands
publicly pledged to carry out the total abolition of slavery. The
British people, therefore, are clearly the most proper people to
carry out this scheme of African colonisation ; and I hope, as
Lieut. Cameron has said, that the day is not far distant when
we shall see at least the commencement of this grand national
undertaking. Supposing that part of these twenty millions voted
by the nation towards suppressing the slave trade had been spent
in reaching these productive lake regions of Central Africa, by
means of a railway from the fertile and healthy colony of the Cape
of Good Hope,where you have an elevated plateau and level prairie-
lands extending almost the whole of the distance without any break,
and with scarcely a mountain intervening from the diamond-fields,
at Kimberley, to the Zambesi, and on to the lakes, what would
have been the results at the present time ? We should have had
the commerce of England extending over the, whole of Africa;
slavery would have been extinct ; and we should have had an Anglo-
African Empire on the type of our British Indian Empire,
governed, not as Lieut. Cameron advocates, on the old Eoman
military system, but on British principles of conciliation and kind-
ness, where mutual confidence and trust supersedes and renders
unnecessary Eoman military rule. That I believe to be the only
possible way of colonising Central Africa. You will say that the
idea of a railway from the Cape of Good Hope is Utopian — perhaps
so — but it will, I think, be found far more practicable to reach the
central lake regions through the healthy and comparatively level
plateau which I have described, than by either the Congo route,
with its unhealthy swamps and hostile tribes, or by the Zambesi
from the East Coast, with its "tsetse fly," fever, rapids, and all
kinds of obstructions. It is quite clear that we cannot remain
much longer without electric communication with the Cape of Good
Hope, the only Colony at present unconnected by cable with the
parent country. There are at present two lines under consideration
by the Home Government — one an eastern line from Aden, via
Mauritius to Natal, the other on the west, via Madeira and St.
Helena, to Capetown. Along the line which I propose for a railway
to open up to our commerce the lake districts of the interior, we
have already 500 miles of telegraph laid down and completed,
extending from the coast to Kimberley ; from the north also the
Khedive of Egypt has 500 miles from Cairo to Khartoum.
(A VOICE : He has 1,000.) Now, if instead of the ocean cable
284 Colonisation of Central Africa.
lines, either of which will cost at least a million and a
half sterling, these already existing telegraph lines were con-
nected, by continuing the telegraph from Khartoum down the
Nile and through the lake districts over tracts now well known,
and from thence to the Zambesi to the eastward of lake 'Ngami,
through peaceful native tribes, on to Kimberley, I believe it would
not cost more than one-fifth of the sum required for the sea cable.
The actual distance between the two points is not much more than
2,500 miles, but say 3,000 ; our Cape telegraph cost on an average
about £4:5 per mile, but say £100 per mile to give the fullest
estimate for deviations, &c.; we have thus £300,000 for the whole
line, or one-fifth of the estimated cost of the cable line. Here,
then, is a practicable scheme for connecting the Cape with England,
and also the little nucleus of civilisation just established on the lakes,
named " Livingstonia." In time of war the cable may be picked
up by an enemy ; the over- land line would be more secure, and
might easily be protected by subsidising the native chiefs through
whose territories it passes. Perhaps Lieut. Cameron can give us
some idea of the number of chiefs we shall have to subsidise from
Khartoum to Zambesi. South of this there is no necessity at all
for this protection, it would not be interfered with. If these chiefs
were paid in Manchester goods, blankets and goods, the money they
best like and understand, say £2 2s. a month, or £25 a year, and
if there are fifty of them, the charge for protection would be only
£1,000 a year, and payment might be made contingent on the
line being kept free from obstruction. This, I think, may be con-
sidered a reasonably practical commencement of the colonisation of
Africa, and not so Utopian as at first sight it may appear. In
Australia nearly 2,000 miles of telegraph have been successfully
carried from south to north, over a totally unexplored country ; and
when we consider that the line I propose has been travelled by
several travellers, and is now known through its whole length, it
cannot, I think, be deemed impracticable. Of one thing we may
be well assured, that no system of permanently checking slavery
and abolishing the slave trade will prove effectual, except that of
civilising and raising them out of the depth of barbarism, by
giving them wants and making them labour to supply those wants,
for labour is the first stage of civilisation, and when labour is
value, the chiefs will find it to their interest to keep and not sell
then: working subjects. What, I would ask, has been the practical
effect of blocking up the outlets on the coast by war steamers, and
shutting out the markets ? Do not the chiefs, in order to maintain
then- power and prestige, knock these poor creatures on the head,
Colonisation of Central Africa, 285
butcher them by thousands at their annual " Customs " along the
coast and elsewhere ?
Lieut. CAMERON : I beg your pardon, there you are wrong : I have
been on the coast and seen it.
Dr. ATHERSTONE : I quite agree with Lieut. Cameron that civili-
sation is the only means of effectually removing slavery, by
destroying its cause. Instead of damming up its outlets, let in
trade, I say, free commerce and free thought, and so stamp out
heathenism and its institutions, ameliorate the condition of the
people, and render their minds fit to receive the truths which the
Evangelical party are anxious to cram down them without previous
preparation. Thus only shall you succeed in your object, the
abolition of slavery. (Cheers.)
Mr. ALEX. MCARTHUR, M.P. : I had no intention of saying a word
on this occasion, but some remarks that have fallen from Lieut.
Cameron have induced me to do so. I am sure we have all listened
with great attention to the interesting description he has given of
his travels. I am sure we all honour him very highly for the work
he has done, and we are all happy to meet him here this evening.
With respect to the remarks he has made in reference to Christi-
anity in Africa, and to missionaries and missionary reports, I venture
to think he has not seen a very large extent of this missionary
work. I also think he has not seen the most successful part of
missionary work there, or I believe he would have formed a different
opinion to that which he has formed. I recollect hearing a few
years ago a celebrated traveller from Africa take precisely opposite
ground. He argued that the men sent to Africa were too highly
educated, that they were not the right class, that we wanted men
to be sent there who could build their own houses, erect their own
fences, and teach the natives a great many useful things. I believe
the Bush missionaries were very successful in doing that kind of
work, and I have heard them highly extolled for it. But I would
ask Lieut. Cameron what he thinks of such a man as Dr. Moffat.
He was a working gardener. He became a Christian man, and
went out as a Christian missionary, I believe from as pure motives
as ever influenced any man. He laboured in Africa for forty or
fifty years, and a statement made by him a few weeks ago, when a
deputation waited on Lord Carnarvon to remonstrate against the
proposed cession of Gambia to France, will be sufficient to show
that missionary labour has done a great deal towards extending
civilisation and commerce in Africa. Dr. Moffat stated that when
he first went out to the part where he laboured there was no
civilisation, no Christianity — not a pound's worth of British manufac-
286 Colonisation of Central Africa.
tured goods were sold there ; but that now there are hundreds of
thousands of pounds' worth sold annually. I have no hesitation in
saying that that great result was due to the devoted labours of Dr.
Moffat. Then I would ask Lieut. Cameron what he would say of
Livingstone, who was a man of comparatively humble origin, but who
was a man of great energy, indomitable courage and perseverance, and
a man of honour, of whom this country is justly proud. Again, I would
ask him what he thought of Wm. Shaw, who for forty or fifty years
laboured in Kaffirland, and who not only accomplished a great deal
of good there in regard to Christianity and civilisation, but who was
of great use to the British Government, and received their thanks,
I believe, no less than three times for the services he rendered
there during the Kaffir wars. I might give other illustrations, but
I think I have said sufficient to show that whilst it is desirable
to have the best men, the most highly educated, and the most
gentlemanly men you can, still men may have all these qualifica-
tions, and may not be good missionaries. On the other hand, you
may have men whose educational and other advantages have not
been so great, but who are Christian men, who go out there from
Christian motives, and who are doing a great deal of good Christian
work. Lieut. Cameron has not condemned all missionaries. He
has qualified his statements, and I am glad he did so ; but I think
whatever we may do for the extinction of slavery or the extension
of commerce, we shall find that missionary labour is a valuable
auxiliary, and that without it you will never extinguish slavery
or carry on commerce successfully as you might otherwise do. The
two must go hand in hand together in Africa ; and I believe that
just in proportion as they do, so will you succeed. But I do not
think we shall accomplish that work by disparaging the labour of
missionaries, or by trying to produce the impression that many of
them go out there because they cannot live in this country. I have
known many men who went out there, and I never knew a man who
went out from pecuniary considerations. I may also observe, that
while I give Lieut. Cameron credit for pure motives and truthful
statements, as far as his experience has gone, yet he has not had
all the experience in the world. I was last week conversing with
a gentleman who has been through a great part of Kaffirland and
that part of Africa, and who gave a very high character of the good
missionaries have done and are doing in that country. I should
therefore be sorry that this large and influential audience should go
away with the idea that they are impostors, or that they went to
Africa with the intention of doing nothing but living in idleness
and luxury. I think our policy should be to encourage them by
Colonisation of Central Africa. 287
every means in our power, and by doing so we shall but promote
commerce, civilisation, and Christianity in Africa. (Cheers.)
Mr. KNIGHT : My Lord, — It is hard that when the people of this
country have done a logical thing, it should be called in question.
The gentleman (Dr. Atherstone) who so ably began this discussion,
says that we forget that Africa was the cradle of the slave trade
when we spent twenty millions on the emancipation of the West
Indian slaves. But this was not so. The twenty millions so spent
put this country in a position before the world to carry out her
present noble policy with regard to the slave trade.
Eight Eev. Bishop PERRY : Before the last speaker but one ad-
dressed the meeting, I was about to ask Lieut. Cameron, when he
made his reply, to have the goodness to explain more fully what he
intended to say respecting missionary enterprise in Africa. I am
sure he did not mean to cast censure upon it generally ; but he
used some expressions which were likely, I think, to convey a
wrong impression to his audience. I shall therefore be very glad
if he will take the opportunity of stating more fully what his views
are. I understood him to speak in high commendation of some of
the missionaries at the same time that he spoke, apparently from
personal knowledge, of others unworthy of their office.
Mr. MICHIE : My Lord Duke, — I cannot presume to dilate on the
subject on which Lieut. Cameron has given us so much valuable
information this evening ; but as the discussion threatens either to
go off or to be swallowed up in a sort of collateral issue, I venture,
with the indulgence of the audience, to make a few observations.
I quite agree with the right rev. gentleman who has just spoken as
to the caution necessary to any speaker in approaching the subject
of missionaries and their work ; and had Lieut. Cameron been as
politic in picking his phrases as he had been intrepid in his ex-
plorations, he would have escaped the sort of thing he must expect
on the present occasion. Some years ago I met in the streets of
Melbourne a gentleman, a nephew of a late celebrated Lord Chan-
cellor, this gentleman having just then returned from the Fiji
Islands, then in their infancy as a 'British settlement. On in-
quiring of him how they were getting on, the answer was, "That
they would do very well but for those confounded missionaries " —
(laughter) — and, doubtless, there were missionaries and missionaries.
Injudicious selections were, of course, sometimes made for this work
as for every other ; but bad as some of them might be, they could
hardly be worse than were many of their critics — in Fiji, at any
rate, and probably in Africa; whilst, on the other hand, there
were many excellent men engaged in missionary work, and he
288 Colonisation of Central Africa.
might venture to say that the right rev. gentleman they had just
heard, and such men as Bishops Selwyn and Patterson, so far from
scorning the name of missionary, would feel proud of the title.
Coming to Lieut. Cameron's work, I think his views very reason-
able as to the future possible and beneficial colonisation of the
interior of Africa ; and that the cautious and prudent observations
which had been made in that room some months back by the
Governor of a Colony (quoting a Cabinet Minister), to the effect
that we had quite enough black business on our hands, must, like
everything else, be subordinated to experience, which in these
stirring times modifies our conclusions on the most important
subjects almost from day to day. Doubtless there were good
emigration fields, as Lieut. Cameron had said, in the interior of
Africa ; and that being so, all the rest of the business of emigra-
tion was merely the application of means to ends. Christianity
had been a great means of civilisation, no doubt ; but I cannot go
all the way with Lieut. Cameron in his contemptuous reference to
Eoman colonisation. I am glad to see that Lieut. Cameron by a
gesture denies this ; for certainly a colonisation which brought so
large a portion of the world within Koman rule, could not have
been without many merits. The Eomans brought within their
own citizenship the peoples they subjugated, which probably was
the secret of their power. They all recollected the expression,
" Take heed what thou doest, for this man is a Koman " — an ex-
pression which by no means indicated that a man was a Eoman by
birth, a privilege which he might just as well hold by adoption.
The besb of all colonisation, doubtless, was that referred to by
Archbishop Whately, where contributions from every class of our
society, from the highest to the lowest, should go forth into the
waste places of the earth, and thus starting in the new society
with all the moral and social good which had been achieved in the
old, extend human civilisation and happiness by the most effective
means to such noble ends. (Cheers.)
Mr. STRANGWAYS : If Lieut. Cameron had had as much experience
of the delicate touch required in alluding to missionaries as I have
had, he would have known better than to make a disparaging
allusion to them in this city. He might as well attempt to walk
through Donnybrook Fair with the tail of his coat behind him, and
not expect to be molested. (Laughter.) I believe there have been
one or two instances of bad missionaries ; but it is not a good plan,
when alluding to a case of that kind, to do as a Cockney sportsman
does with a covey of partridges — let fly into the bosom of them :
you should mark the old cock-bird, and bring him down, and not
Colonisation of Central Africa. 289
uselessly wound the others. If Lieut. Cameron had done that now,
probably no one would complain ; but the result of what he has
done will be, that very many with missionary tendencies will, be
down upon him, and he will have enough to do for the next three
months in protecting himself. One tiling struck me : I should like
to know where Lieut. Cameron got his information. How does he
know that the missionaries in South Africa had champagne ? Did
he taste it ; and if he did, was it good ? (Laughter.) For my part, I
certainly say I see no greater objection to a missionary drinking cham-
pagne when he can get it than I can to a sailor drinking champagne
if he can get it, and I never knew an instance of a sailor refusing it
when he got the chance. I will say with respect to missionaries, that
unquestionably very many men in the world know that there have
been instances in which curious persons have got into the service
of the Missionary Societies ; but I have seen some uncommon
curious persons who have managed to get into Her Majesty's Navy
now and then; and I am confident, if you are to compare the
missionaries as a body with the Navy or any other service, and take
into consideration the class of work they have to do, the result will
not be so unsatisfactory. I don't think you can have the one class
without occasionally getting the other ; though I must confess that
when I read some of the reports which come from distant parts of
the world, I sometimes have great difficulty in swallowing them.
Lieut. Cameron said that a man going out for missionary work
ought to be a gentleman by birth, breed, and education. I have
no objection to any man in any capacity possessing all three of
these qualifications ; I think it is an advantage to him if he doe?.
(Hear, hear.) But I would take the liberty of saying that some
of the most awful "duffers" I have met with in Australia have
been gentlemen by birth, gentlemen by breed, and gentlemen
by education — (hear, hear, and laughter) — but they were no good
to themselves, no good to their relations, no credit to the
country from which they came, and no benefit to the country
in which they lived. As missionaries and colonisation have been
mixed up so promiscuously this evening, it is almost difficult to
separate them. When a missionary got troublesome in Fiji they
ate him, and so got rid of that trouble. I remember a man, who
had been a missionary in Fiji, being pointed out in Australia as
being the only one who had lived there for a given number of
years, and had escaped consumption. I am glad to find Dr.
Atherstone so warmly taking up the proposal I made in this room
some months ago, and in print some twelve months ago — that is,
for a telegraph through the centre of Africa. The more I think of
290 Colonisation of Central Africa.
it, the more convinced I am that there is no difficulty in doing it.
If Dr. Atherstone will go into the matter, he will find his figures
are not sufficiently large : the distance is much greater, and the
cost must he larger in amount, But having had something to do
with the telegraphs across Australia, which cost some three hundred
and twenty thousand sterling, I believe the telegraph wires from
Cairo can he brought into communication with the telegraph wires
at Capetown at a cost of something like three quarters of a
million. When you consider that, you are not going through
unknown and partly desert country like Australia — and you must
remember that in the latter everything had to be earned an average
distance of over 300 miles — you will see that there is no greater
difficulty in constructing a telegraph in one country than in the
other. Energy and perseverance overcame the difficulty in Aus-
tralia, and the same will overcome the difficulties in Central Africa.
I believe that all telegraph engineers now are united in saying,
that you should never think of laying a submarine cable when you
can lay a land line. The latter you can use at any point by merely
attaching an instrument to it ; the former you can only use at the
termini of the cable ; and if a cable does break down, as they often
do, many months may elapse before you can bring it into operation
again. As to the settlements of Central Africa, I have never been
there, although I have some Mends who have been in the more
southern parts. I believe there is no difficulty whatever in esta-
blishing a settlement, and a successful one, in Central Africa.
Lieut. Cameron has told us that a large portion is some 3,000
feet above the level of the sea. I believe I am right in that
altitude ; and experience tells us that Europeans can live in com-
fort, and keep themselves in good health, even in the Tropics,
where the country is at an altitude of 2,000 to 3,000 feet above the
sea. There is no reason to think that Africa is very different from
other countries under the Tropics ; and I believe that a settlement
might be made there, and maintained there, without any difficulty
whatever. Having paid considerable attention, by reading, to other
countries, as a rule I find that where you have a large number of
grass-feeding animals indigenous to the soil, there is no great
difficulty in Europeans living there as well. The country winch
grows grasses necessary for feeding large animals, almost invariably
will produce food necessary for man. Further than that, I believe
there is truth in the Yankee saying that " A country which will grow
niggers will grow better things." (Laughter.) And whan we find
strong, able-bodied, and intelligent people occupying that country, I
believe that, if they have a sufficient number of Europeans to guide
Colonisation of Central Africa. 291
them and show them how to turn tilings to account, they might
form there one of the finest settlements in the world. At the
present time English trade is utterly stagnant ; men don't know
what to do. There are no orders coming in from abroad, and
people know not what to" do with their money. The miners are
not on strike, but the iron and other works are being stopped. But
here is a large country available, and it only requires capital and
enterprise to develop it. I would separate a statement of facts
from statements of opinion. As to the larger portion of the
country, Lieut. Cameron's statements are not new; but every
statement Lieut. Cameron has made as to the greater portion of
the country that is to the east before he struck off for the Congo
River, has been corroborated by Livingstone, Stanley, Speke,
Grant, and others ; so that we may take it as an unquestionable
fact that the statements which Lieut. Cameron has made here this
evening are not merely individual opinions of himself, but that the
country has produced the same impressions upon the other persons
that have crossed it ; and if that country is as he represents it to
be, and the inhabitants are as he represents them, I repeat that I
believe there would be no difficulty whatever in forming a successful
settlement there. I think we must all feel that whatever may be
the results to Lieut. Cameron personally on account of the attack
that he has made upon the missionaries as a body, we must all feel
exceedingly glad to find that one of our own countrymen is not to
be deterred by any difficulties that may come in his way ; that he
is quite ready to lead a party of natives, or of any other nations,
across any unknown tract of country, and we are glad to see him
back giving us a good account of the country; and he may be
assured that when the time comes, when there are persons to be
again led into that country, he will find there are plenty ready to
follow his brilliant example. (Cheers.)
Mr. T. B. H. BERKELEY : I really hope, in conjunction with the
last speaker, that this will not degenerate into a discussion of
missionaries. It is a great deal more interesting to discuss the
subject we have heard from Lieut. Cameron independent of
what he may have said about missionaries. I did not myself
gather from what he said about missionaries that anything so
disparaging was meant as seemed to be entertained by some of
those that have spoken. We have come here not to discuss Exeter
Hall questions, but as a meeting of the Eoyal Colonial Institute
to do honour to one of whom the British nation is justly proud ; and
I am sure I may say, on behalf of the Institute, that we heartily
welcome Lieut. Cameron here. Lieut. Cameron has entertained
u2
292 Colonisation of Central Africa.
us to-night with his views on the colonisation of a great continent,
and if he has dropped an unfortunate word about missionaries, I
am sure we will not take it in a cantankerous spirit. I know very
little about the map before me. It is an enormous tract of country,
and I have listened with great pleasure to the description which
Lieut. Cameron has given us of his travels ; and I hope that the
day will come when we shall see this vast continent colonised by
Britons. I feel sure that we have all listened with great pleasure
to Lieut. Cameron's able address. (Cheers.)
Mr. H. E. MONTGOMEEIE : Allusion has been made by Dr.
Atherstone to other schemes for the colonisation of Africa, differing
from what has been submitted to us by Lieut. Cameron, and he
proposes that the continent should be opened from north to south,
in preference to Lieut. Cameron's proposal, which is to open it from
west to east. The main feature in Dr. Atherston's plan is the
establishment of the electric telegraph, but I should hesitate to
trust to his estimate of the probable expense, or even to the much
larger figure submitted by Mr. Strangways. One serious drawback
to the keeping up of a telegraphic line has, I think, been overlooked
by Dr. Atherstone. He has certainly made some provision against
its destruction by the natives, by the proposal to subsidise, wliile
it remains intact, the various chiefs through whose territories it
may pass ; but you cannot subsidise the elephants and the giraffes.
We know that in India, where the electric wire is carried through
jungles frequented by elephants, the posts sustaining it were
frequently torn down by these animals, and it became necessary to
erect instead strong pillars of stone, and in some instances
monoliths, at great expense, as the only mode of maintaining the
line in working order. The expense of a line of such pillars along
the 3,000 or 4,000 miles intervening between Khartoum and
Kimberley would, I fear, render it necessary first to civilise the
country and so reduce the wild animals, before introducing the
electric telegraph, instead of reversing the process, as proposed by
Dr. Atherstone.
Mr. LABILLIEEE : There are two subjects to which I would beg
the attention of this meeting for a brief space of time : one, Sir
George Campbell on Central Africa, and the other, the missionaries.
On a previous occasion when I had the honour to address this
Institute on the views of Sir George Campbell, I had, unfortunately,
to differ with that gentleman. Sir George has recently published
an able paper on the subject of the civilisation of Central Africa.
I am rather surprised that no notice has been taken of it in the
course of this discussion. He points out the importance of these
Colonisation of Central Africa. 293
territories to which Lieut. Cameron has called so much attention.
Sir George Campbell speaks of the value of the high lands of the
tropics for the cultivation of certain products, and shows that their
extent is very limited, and he points out that if we could take
possession of this portion of Africa and govern it, as we have
governed India, we should derive from it advantages as great, if not
even greater, than those we have derived from that portion of the
Empire. But Sir George arrives at the conclusion that the work is
altogether beyond our power simply because the population of these
kingdoms is only some 34,000,000, and that, therefore, we are
incapable of undertaking to govern Africa, having already our
hands fully occupied with India. That, my Lord Duke, is a very
important consideration in favour of the maintenance of the unity
of the Empire. The consolidation of the Empire, and the
organisation of some central system of government for it, instead
of its becoming disintegrated, as Sir George would have it — and the
formation and organisation of such a united empire is perfectly
attainable — would more easily enable us to hold and govern
Central Africa than we have held and governed India. And now
a word about missionaries. (No, no.) I shall not attempt to add
to the superabundance of jokes of every description which we
have heard this evening with regard to them. The whole subject
seems to have been treated as a joke ; but I must say in fairness to
missionaries that it is necessary we should remember what they
have done in various parts of the Empire. Who have civilised
New Zealand ? Is it not the missionaries ? (No, no.) According
to the testimony which we have upon our records even this session,
who was it civilised — (Expressions of impatience at the further
discussion of this point). My Lord Duke, the question has
already been discussed, and in fairness I feel bound to answer
certain observations which have been made with regard to mis-
sionaries this evening. We have it upon the records of our
proceedings that we are indebted to missionaries for opening up
and civilising the Islands of the Pacific. We have the testimony
of facts, which may be opposed to these observations, that
missionaries have civilised Madagascar. I think that when one
view of the question, no matter how unsubstantial it may have
been, has been presented to us, as it has been, we are entitled and
we ought as fair men to look upon the other side of the question ;
and if we do so, we shall find the testimony of results in favour
of missionaries, in spite of all the superficial sneers that may be
uttered against them.
Mr. FITZGIBBON : I understand Lieut. Cameron to advocate a
294 Colonisation of Central Africa.
scheme of colonisation for Central Africa, in •which the Govern-
ment should take the initiative, and for which extensive powers,
such as were enjoyed by the East India Company, should be given
by Act of Parliament, whilst my friend, Mr. Michie, praises the
ancient classic plan, where, in the founding of a Colony, each class
of the parent community should have representation from, as we
may suppose with us, a prince of the blood royal and members of
our highest aristocracy, down through the several ranks to the
lowest grade of society. But I venture to think that, if the realisa-
tion of either of these schemes be waited for, the great region of
Central Africa will never be colonised from Great Britain. It is
not the modern practice or policy of the Imperial Government to
initiate colonisation ; the rule is rather that colonisation takes place
without intervention of the Government until the colonists require
to be governed. But towards this, the practical aspect of colonisa-
tion, it seems to me that Lieut. Cameron is doing excellent
service. Some centuries ago a book was published purporting to
describe a newly-discovered country of great wealth and interest,
named Utopia, and the author was immediately applied to by an
enterprising merchant- adventurer for sailing directions by which he
might get there. Now, what Sir Thomas More could not do for
him as to Utopia, Lieut. Cameron has no difficulty in doing
as to Central Africa : he points out the routes by which it can be
reached, describes the kind of colonisation for which it is suited —
not an entire European population, but, as in India, a sufficiency of
Europeans to constitute a governing and guiding class, and develop
the productions, vegetable, animal, and mineral, the principal and
most valuable of which he has enumerated — its spices, ivory, iron,
coal, and greatest of all colonising incentives, gold. In so doing,
he cannot fail to attract the attention of the enterprising men of
the present day, of those who, as a previous speaker has pointed
out, in the stagnation of manufactures and dearth of employment
for capital, are in difficulty as to the profitable investment of their
money, and of thousands of others seeking a wider field of opera*-
tion for their personal energies. If the encouraging description,
which Lieut. Cameron has given of Central Africa as to
climate and otherwise, should induce an organisation of such
capital and men, the colonisation of the country and the suppres-
sion of the slave trade are certain of accomplishment, still more
readily if he can indicate the locality of a payable gold-field, for a
community of English or Australian gold diggers would make
short work with the Levantine Greeks, vagabond Arabs, and such
like, who, as Lieut. Cameron tells us, are the traffickers in slaves.
.Colonisation of Central Africa. 295
His Grace the DUKE OF MANCHESTER : Ladies and gentlemen,
before I make any reference to Lieut. Cameron, I will make
one remark on what Mr. Montgomerie said about telegraphs. What-
ever may be the merits of Mr. Strangway's idea, in support of Dr.
Atherstone, with regard to a telegraph line from the North to the
South of Africa, I scarcely think the question of the posts, on
which such a line would have to be raised, is of any importance to
the question. I can assure Mr. Montgomerie, if he had lived in the
Midland Counties, and seen the constant annoyance and inconveni-
ence arising from the construction of telegraph lines on posts,
owing to the high winds and snow-storms, lately experienced, he
would be convinced, as I am, that we have been under a total mis-
take in raising our telegraph lines upon posts, instead of laying
them in the ground. To leave that point, I am sure I have only to
look around this hall and see such a large gathering, and the fixed
attention with which Lieut. Cameron's speech was listened to,
to be assured that I entirely express your opinion and your feeling,
in offering him. as so many other assemblies of his fellow country-
men have done, a most hearty welcome on his return, and admira-
tion for the pluck, perseverance, and endurance which he has
shown upon his noble enterprise. (Cheers.) I have no doubt that
it was the same bold and impetuous spirit which led him to do
what he has done, which perhaps made him hastily make the
remark, which I am sure he regrets ; at least, if I had made that
remark, I should have most bitterly repented it. For my part, I
have heard quite enough of missionaries, and I hope we shall hear
no more of them this evening : by that, I by no means wish to
depreciate the great and good works they have performed. I con-
gratulate Lieut. Cameron, in your name, for what he has done,
and I thank him also in your name for the suggestions which ho
has made for the further civilisation and development of Central
Africa. In reference to that I may perhaps read a letter, which I
most appropriately received this morning, which shows that the
idea alluded to by Lieut. Cameron has already spread to con-
siderable distance. This letter is dated Cincinnatti, from D. P.
Kennedy. I congratulate the members of the Eoyal Colonial Insti-
tute that the name of our body has reached the centre of North
America, and that our reputation, as I am happy to see, is spreading.
" CINCINNATI, U.S., May 26th, 1876.
<l DUKE OF MANCHESTER,
" President of the Royal Colonial Institute, England.
" Excuse the liberty I have taken in addressing yon. My reason for so
doing is the following : I understand, from newspaper authority and other
296 Colonisation of Central Africa.
sources, that there is every prospect of an African Company being organised
in your country, for the purpose of a general civilisation of the country
known as Africa. What opportunity would there be for a few energetic
young men to obtain positions in such an organisation as the above ?
" If not too much trouble, please answer this letter, or refer to the parties
more directly interested.
" Respectfully,
" (Signed) D. P. KENNEDY."
This gentleman seems to suppose that on the earth there is a
United States, England, and a few other countries, and it is flatter-
ing to the British race that he should think so, and I must say
there is some ground for Ins opinion ; for when we come to look
around the earth and see where the British race has settled itself,
where it has possessed itself of dominion, and that where it does
settle itself it develops the country and makes it part of England
in a way that no other country in the world does, I think Mr.
Kennedy is justified in talking of other countries as a " country
known as Africa." I need not enter further into this question, but I
hope Lieut. Cameron may find, as this Mr. Kennedy suggests,
active and intelligent young men, that he will find numhers of
them, in this country to carry out his scheme. Mr. Fitzgibbon
talked of gold being the great promoter of civilisation. You have
many instances of how it has acted. It is what promoted, originally,
the colonisation of California and Victoria, and in other coun-
tries, where a great quantity of gold has been found, it has pro-
moted the colonisation and the civilisation of them. I hope that
with the other merits and advantages that Lieut. Cameron has
described as being possessed by Central Africa, he may succeed
in some organisation for its colonisation and development. I
thank in your name Lieut. Cameron for his able address, and
for having paid us the compliment of attending here to night.
The vote of thanks was recorded amidst cheers.
(297)
EIGHTH OEDINAEY GENEEAL MEETING.
THE Eighth Ordinary General Meeting of the Session was held
at the Pall MaU Restaurant, on the 20th of June, 1876, Mr.
FBEDEEICK YOUNG in the chair.
The CHAIRMAN announced that the Duke of Manchester would
not he able to take the chair that evening, owing to an unavoidable
engagement elsewhere.
The Minutes of the last meeting were read and duly confirmed.
Mr. J. T. FALLON then read the following Paper on —
THE WINES OF AUSTEALIA.
When I had the honour of appearing in the hall of the Society
of Arts on the 3rd December, 1873, for the purpose of reading my
Paper on "Vines and Wines," I stated that in many favourable
districts in Australia pure natural wines, as a rule, range above the
maximum strength fixed by the English Customs tariff of 26 per
cent, of proof spirit, and I thought it unjust that the Australian
producer should be charged for an article made from the pure juice
of the grape the maximum duty of 2s. 6d. per gallon, which in effect
excludes Australian producers from the English market. A discussion
ensued, in which several gentlemen took part. Dr. Thudichum, in
reply, entered a protest against the statement that Australian wine
was produced from a must which would yield a larger percentage
of proof spirit than 26. The must, he said, " had been measured
by one of the Australian companies, and the result published in
the Australian Mercury * of May 6th, 1865. From the density
there given by simple calculations, it was easy to be seen there was
no grape in Australia, as there was none anywhere else, which by
the ordinary method of vinification could give wine of the strength
mentioned. As to the duty, he could not assume that Australian
wines were above the standard of 26. If in Australia there wore
grapes grown which, by a natural course of fermentation, produced
a wine with 29 per cent, of proof spirit, that fact ought to be
established by a scientific commission and thoroughly authenticated,
* There is no such paper as the Australian Mercury.
298 The Wines of Australia.
because it would simply upset the whole scientific facts established
throughout the world."
In reply to Dr. Thudichum and the other gentlemen who had
spoken on my Paper, I said I had no figures to prove that
Australian wines exceeded 26 per cent., but I nevertheless asserted
most strongly that grapes had been grown on my own vineyard,
which in favourable seasons gave a higher amount of alcohol
than that mentioned. The grapes mentioned in my paper,
Eeisling, Verdeilho, Aucarot, Shiraz, Burgundy, Carbinet, I had
tested frequently, and found them to yield from 26 to upwards of
30 per cent, of proof spirit in good seasons. The same result
could be obtained from many of the vineyards in the country
bordering on the river Murray, from the Albury and Corowa
district on the New South Wales side of that river, from Wagunyah,
the Ovens, and the Sandhurst districts in Victoria, and from the
wines of South Australia as a rule. In fact, the wine-producing
country in New South Wales and Victoria may be said to be fairly
divided by the great Australian Alps, or dividing range. The wines
produced on the south side, although possessing rare excellencies of
their own which commend them to the public, are of a compara-
tively low spirit strength, and very few of them, whether grown in
New South Wales or Victoria, would contain anything approaching
26. On the north side, the climate, soil, and seasons are different ;
the rains, which set in early in autumn along the seaboard seldom
reach north of the dividing range, which acts as a kind of natural
barrier, and as the rain, when it approaches so far inland, expends
itself upon the mountain ridges, the vineyards on the north side
enjoy perfect immunity not only from rain, but from the chilling
influence of the south wind. The grape is exposed for a consider-
able time before and at the vintage to a warm sun from a cloudless
sky. The result is a continuous dry heat, which is considerably
intensified by the radiation from the level forest and plains of
Biverina. By this means a " must " of far greater density is pro-
duced, and consequently wines of a higher spirit strength. Thus
it will be seen that although a correct test may be had of the
wines produced on the south side of the dividing range, it affords
no proof, nor does it even give an idea, of what can be produced on
the north side. It would be as unreasonable to expect a similar
quality of wine from localities as diverse as Spain, France,
Switzerland, or the Ehineland.
Many persons who may have probably had inferior samples of
Australian wine put before them, which had been imperfectly made
and from an unfavourable locality, condemn Australian wines
The Wines of Amtralia. 299
generally. I met a gentleman who was a connoisseur of wine, and
who said he had tasted Australian wines, but did not like them. I
asked him to come and taste some samples which I had. He did
so, and went away with a very different impression. We have such
diversity of climate and soil, and the extent over which Australian
wines are produced is so great, that no wonder that persons not
conversant with these facts should be induced to form erroneous
impressions. To the Australian the above remarks are quite clear,
for he knows that in grapes, as in wheat and other cereals, a far larger
amount of alcohol can be obtained than the European article can
yield. An English farmer would be surprised to learn that because
a bushel of wheat cannot be grown here above 62 Ibs., that in
Australia a bushel of wheat will turn the scale at 69 and even
70 Ibs. Practical experience has often upset theories fixed as a
standard for years by the scientific world. Although fully convinced
myself of the strength of Australian natural wines, I was unable
to place any figures before the meeting to prove what I then most
positively asserted. I promised that as early as possible after niy
return to the Colony I would obtain, through the Governments of the
Colonies of Victoria and New South Wales, the proofs of what I
then asserted ; and that, notwithstanding the doctrine laid down by
scientists and theorists, I would prove I was right in what I
stated.
Having that object in view, and in pursuance of my promise, I
communicated with the Hon. the Commissioner of Trade and
Customs in Victoria, and with the Hon. the Colonial Treasurer,
who is the head of the Customs department in New South Wales,
requesting them to appoint thoroughly competent officers to examine
and report upon the must produced from the vineyards in 1875.
My request was favourably entertained by the respective Govern-
ments, who saw that the interests of an important and leading
industry were at stake, and the result was that the chief inspector of
distilleries in each Colony was appointed to conduct precise technical
examinations, to obtain samples of must and grapes, and by means
of the most rigorous tests, ascertain the spirit strength of our pure
natural wines, with the view of setting at rest a question of much
importance not only to the Australian vigneron, but to the scientific
world.
The officers of both Governments met by appointment in Albury,
viz. Mr. Lesley A. Moody, chief inspector of distilleries, Victoria ;
Mr. Heath, inspector ; and Mr. H. A. Lurnsdaine, chief inspector of
distilleries for New South Wales. The better to enable them to cer-
tify to tests made by them, they operated upon fruit instead of a must,
300 The Wines of Australia.
reduced to a liquid. They took their own men into the vineyard, and
had the fruit picked under their personal inspection, brought to the
press, and the juice expressed under their own immediate directions.
They had the liquid put into jars which they brought with them
for that purpose. The samples collected each day were taken
to Albury and placed in charge of Mr. Singleton, the inspector of
police, who is also an Inspector of Distilleries for the district
of Albury, to be taken care of, and to prevent the samples being
tampered with, until Messrs. Moody and Lumsdaine had done their
researches, and were ready to leave. While Messrs. Moody and
Lumsdaine were selecting samples of grapes from the different vine-
yards on the New South Wales side of the Murray, Mr. Heath was
pursuing his researches among the vineyards on the Victorian side.
The result was that samples were thus secured from the principal
vineyards in the districts bordering on the Murray and Ovens, in
the north-east part of Victoria, and operated upon by the officers
above-named. The results I intend now to lay before you. I may
here observe how much more satisfactory it was to the public and
to myself, instead of having a Eoyal Commission appointed,with an
expensive official staff to superintend the investigation, making a
pretence of inquiring into a matter of which they knew really
nothing, to have had skilled officers of the highest position and
integrity. The appointment of Messrs. Moody, Lumsdaine, and
Heath was beyond question the very best that could have been
made. Their position places them above the suspicion of having
allowed themselves to be influenced by anyone, while to their task
they brought not only practical skill, but scientific experience, and
the results reported therefore come before the British public in a
creditable and authoritative aspect, which conclusively " upset the
whole scientific facts " which Dr. Thudichum believes to be " esta-
blished throughout the world." I submit, therefore, that in this
matter experiment has upset a widely-received scientific " fact."
The authority on which I venture to form this opinion is given in
the following official reports, viz. : —
THE CHIEF INSPECTOR OF DISTILLERIES AND REFINERIES TO THE UNDER
SECRETARY FOR FINANCE AND TRADE.
Department of Distilleries and Refineries,
Cliief Inspector's Office, Sydney,
September 20, 1875.
SIR, — I do myself the honour to submit, for the information of the Hon.
the Finance Minister, the result of experiments conducted by me on
certain samples of Colonial wine made from grape must, personally
The Wines of Australia. 301
collected by Mr. Moody and myself at vineyards in the Albury and adjacent
districts.
My instructions being to act in concert with Mr. Moody, I visited, in
company with that officer, several principal vineyards in the immediate
vicinity of Albury, and procured such samples as were obtainable at the
time of our visit. At a later period of the vintage I collected additional
samples of must at Albury and at vineyards in the neighbourhood of How-
long and Corowa, conveying the samples to Albury, and leaving them in
charge of Superintendent Singleton, of the Police Force, who also holds an
appointment as an Inspector of Distilleries in this Colony, for delivery to
the Chief Inspector of Distilleries of Victoria.
The arrangement being that the samples should bo taken to Melbourne
and remain there till fermented and tested by Mr. Moody, that gentleman
most obligingly and with much care forwarded to me in the latter part of
June ten samples for analysis in Sydney.
Allowing a short interval after the arrival of the wine, I proceeded, with
the help of a gentleman who was then in my department and was well
qualified by his antecedents to assist in the operation, to submit the sam-
ples to very careful analysis — repeating the distillation of each sample three
or four times to ensure accuracy.
The experiments have been conducted according to recognised formula,
and the results are shown in the accompanying statement. There is suffi-
cient agreement between them and those obtained by Mr. Moody to
controvert the opinions which have been pronounced by high authorities as
to the limit within which spirit is capable of being naturally developed in
grape wines.
The hypothesis that 26 per cent., and in rare and very exceptional cases
28 per cent., is the highest percentage capable of development, is certainly
not supported by the recent experiments made in this Colony and in
Victoria.
The value of the experiments now reported is enhanced by the fact that
they were carried out separately by Mr. Moody and myself, and without
the interference of interested persons ; and that the wines operated on were
unquestionably pure and unadulterated.
The reasonable and sufficient agreement between the tests thus separately
and independently made indicates the correctness of the instruments used,
and of the 'procedure adopted. On this point I may observe that I was
fortunate in procuring from the Branch Royal Mint in Sydney a newly-
imported chemical balance, by Oertling, by which I was enabled to obtain
accurately to the tenth of a grain the specific gravity of the several
distillates.
In concluding my observations, I consider it not inconsistent with my
duty to point out that the determination of a higher percentage than 26 and
28 per cent, of proof spirit in Australian wines having now been, as it
appears to me, conclusively established, it will be alike unjust and discou-
raging to the wine-makers of this and other wine-producing Colonies of
Australia if the present tariff be adhered to by the Imperial Government.
Such an adherence is tantamount to a differential duty in favour of meagre
302
The Wines of Australia.
Continental wines, and against many superior wines of New South Wales,
Victoria, and South Australia, which, though containing more natural
alcohol than wines of the Continent, are at the same time richer in other
properties which give excellence to the quality of wines generally.
Having communicated with the proprietors of some celebrated vineyards
in this Colony with the view of obtaining samples of pure and unfortified
wine for the purpose of further investigation, I hope to be in a position to
make another report on the subject which has called forth the present
communication.
In conclusion, I desire to express my acknowledgments to Professor
Liversidge, of the Sydney University, and Mr. C. Watt, Government
Analyst, for assistance cheerfully accorded on more than one occasion of
reference during the course of my investigation.
I have, &c.,
HENRY LUMSDAINE,
' Chief Inspector of Distilleries, £c.
STATEMENT showing the alcoholic strength of the undermentioned samples of
wine, made from grape-must, collected at Albury and other Murray River
vineyards, during the vintage of 1875, by the Chief Inspector of Distilleries
of Victoria and the Chief Inspector of Distilleries, New South Wales, as
ascertained by distillation conducted by the latter officer in. Sydney.
Name and Mark of Wine.
Original gravity
of Must.
Specific Gravity
of Wine before
distillation.
Percentage of
Proof Spirit.
Standard vI96
@ 60° F.
Pineau F
Muscat P
1142-2
. 1132-5
9909
989'0
32-4
31-6
Vcrdcilho F. ...
1123-1
S88-8
28-7
Aucarot S
1142-5
1008-9
29-3
VerdeilhoS
Verdeilho B., No. 7
VerdeilhoR
1132-2
1184*8
1135-5
990-1
1000-1
986-1
31-8
29-2
30-8
Pineau A
1120-0
989-0
28-4
VerdeilhoB., No. 2
VerdeilhoC.'
1120-0
1125-0
988-5
988-7
30-0
*28-0
1 This distillate tried by Hydrometer only.
HENRY LUHSDAINE,
Chief Inspector of Distilleries.
Chief Inspector of Distilleries' Office, Sydney,
September 21, 1875.
The Wines of Australia. 303
Office of Chief Inspector of Distilleries, Melbourne,
September 4, 1875.
SIR, — In pursuance of the investigation of the alcoholic strength of
Australian wines, a progress report of which was made by me on the 10th
June last, I have now the honour to state that, assisted by Mr. George Heath,
Inspector of Distilleries, I have completed the alcoholic analysis of 201
samples of must and wine collected from various vineyards throughout the
Colony, of which I append a tabulated statement.
Of these, 25 are the produce of musts which were collected in the Beech-
worth and Murray districts, as stated in my report above-mentioned, and
treated in a similar manner to those collected by H. Lumsdaine, Esq., the
Chief Inspector of Distilleries, of New South Wales, and myself, in the
neighbourhood of Albury. A certificate signed by Mr. Heath is appended.
The remaining 105 are from wines sent to me from the various vineyards
and persons enumerated ; the senders having assured me that the wines
were perfectly pure, without any addition of adventitious spirit.
Some few samples forwarded were so exceptional in spirit contents, that,
having no written assurance of their not being fortified, I omitted them
from the list.
The quality of the wines tested was in general very good, and in many
cases might be called excellent.
The speciality of most of the produce of the vineyards situated in the
northern portion of the Colony is that it is full-bodied, rich, and fruity,
caused doubtless by the greater warmth and dryness of climate there,
which ripen the grape thoroughly and give a very high gravity Of must.
The characteristics of these wines are similar to those of Spain and Portugal,
while those made in the southern districts resemble the wines of Germany
and the Rhine and the northern and midland districts of France.
The produce of the same description of grape grown in the districts to
the north of the dividing range and that grown to the southward or sea-
ward side, makes wine of a distinctive character.
My experience of some years of the vineyards of the Colony leads me
to the conclusion that the character of the wine made is improving year by
year ; and as Victoria possesses soils and climates of such variety, and so
suitable for the growth of wines of so many descriptions and of a superior
class, I am sanguine of a great future for this produce, when greater expe-
rience, knowledge, and capital are brought to bear on it, and vignerons
can be induced to see the policy of limiting their vines grown to those
only which experience shows to be suitable to the soil and climate of their
vineyards.
One or two good wines will find a readier market, be easier and more
cheaply manufactured, and therefore more profitable, than a large variety
of medium quality.
The return which accompanies this letter shows that the musts collected
by Mr. Lumsdaine, Mr. Heath, and myself, which were pressed in our
presence and fermented under our charge, and therefore could not have
been tampered with by interested persons, contain a percentage of proof
304 The Wines of Australia.
spirits much higher than it has hitherto been supposed a wine would
develop naturally ; the limit, unless under exceptional circumstances, being
supposed not to exceed 26 per cent. (J. B. Keene, Esq., of H.M. Customs,
London, considers that the cases La which the wines of Australia are past
the strength of 28 per cent, of proof spirit naturally are so rare as to be
quite isolated). It cannot therefore be now said that wines which exceed
that limit are necessarily artificially fortified.
I believe that the practice of fortifying wines in Victoria is by no means
general, and only resorted to to bring up wines of a low and inferior
quality and for particular trades ; the better class of wines do not
require it.
The process adopted in the alcoholic analysis of the wines is similar to
that pursued by the Customs in England for ascertaining duty, and laid
down by J. B. Keene, Esq., in his work on gauging, and has been carefully
followed out, except that the hydrometer has not been wholly depended on ;
each sample of the distillate having been weighed to the tenth of a grain,
and the strengths calculated by specific gravity according to Sykes'
tables.
The instrument sused were stills, similarto those employed by the Customs
in England, thermometer and specific gravity bottles tested at the Mel-
bourne Observatory, and delicate Oertling balance ; and in order to ensure
the greatest amount of accuracy, the experiments were conducted by Mr.
Heath and myself at our respective private residences, where our attention
would not be disturbed by our ordinary official work.
I have the honour to be, Sir,
Your most obedient Servant,
LESLEY C. MOODY,
Chief Inspector of Distilleries.
The Assistant-Commissioner of Trades and Customs.
Office of Chief Inspector of Distilleries,
Melbourne, 1st September, 1875.
I hereby certify that the distillates numbered 10G to 130 (25) in the
accompanying list, are from the produce of grapes collected in the Murray
and Beechworth districts of Victoria, in April, 1875, and the juice pressed
out before me. The musts, as pressed, were given into my charge, in which
they remained till distilled in Augast of this year, and the percentage of
proof spirits, British standard, carefully determined according to the English
Customs formula. I further certify that no adventitious spirit whatever
has been added to any of the samples referred to.
GEORGE HEATH,
Inspector of Distilleries.
The Wines of Australia.
305
Statement showing the percentage of Proof Spirits British Standard of
the following Wines collected in Albury, N.S.W., and various districts of
Victoria, and distilled under the supervision of the Chief Inspector of
Distilleries, Victoria.
Name of
Wine.
From whom
received.
Name of
District.
Name of Vineyard.
Colour
of
Wine.
1
i
1
Pineau F . .
Muscatel F
Verdeilho F
Aucarot S. .
Verdeilho S
Verdeilho B
Verdeilho R
Pineau A . .
Verdeilho B
Verdeilho C
Carbinet D
H. Lumsdaiue
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
L. A. Moody,
ditto
ditto
ditto
Albury, N S.W.
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
Brown.
White.
do.
do.
do.
do.
do.
Brown.
White,
do.
Red.
1875 34.1
1875 33 1
167529.7
1875 29 2
187532.6
187529.9
1875 31.8
187529.2
187529.9
1875 31.3
1875 29-6
Shiraz
E. Greer & Co.
ditto
do.
187525.0
Aucarot
ditto
ditto
White.
187530-9
Shiraz
ditto
ditto
Red.
1872 31-6
Malbec ...
ditto
ditto
do.
1872^29-3
Verdeilho . .
ditto
ditto
White.
1873'30.4
Carbinet . .
ditto
ditto
Red.
187327-6
Aucarot ....
ditto
ditto
White.
1871 30-7
Shiraz
ditto
ditto
Red.
187330-9
Muscatel . .
ditto
ditto
Brown.
187329-1
Shiraz
ditto
ditto
Red.
1871 30-2
Tokay
Verdeilho . .
J. T. Fallon . .
ditto
ditto
ditto
Murray Valley.
White.
White.
1873 27-4
187328.
COMMISSION FROM His EXCELLENCY THE GOVERNOR.
L.8.
A. MUSOHAVE.J
Excellency Anthony Musgrave, Esquire, Com-
panion of the Most Distinguished Order of Saint
Michael and Saint George, Governor and Com-
mander-inChief in and over the Province of South
Australia and its Dependencies, dec. :
To the Honourable WILLIAM MILNE, President of the Legislative Council ;
JOHN WILLIAM LEWIS, of Adelaide, Esquire, Collector of Customs;
RICHARD SCHOMBURGK, of Adelaide, Esquire, Dr.Phil., Director of
the Botanic Gardens ; SAMUEL DAVENPORT, of Adelaide, Esquire,
J.P. ; and ROBERT DALRYMPLE Ross, of Adelaide, Esquire, J.P.,
greeting :
KNOW ye that I, relying on your prudence and fidelity, have appointed
you, and by these presents do give unto you, or any three of you, full power
and authority diligently to inquire and report what alcoholic strength is
attained by the juice of grapes shown in this Province by or under the
306 The Wines of Australia.
ordinary and natural process of fermentation, and for the purpose aforesaid
to examine and re-examine, viva voce or in writing, or both viva voce and in
writing, all witnesses who shall attend before you for the purpose of giving
evidence on the matter aforesaid; and I give to you, or any three of you,
full power and authority to do all sirch other acts and things as may be
necessary and lawfully done for the due execution hereof: And I require
you, without delay, to report to me the result of your inquiries in the matter
aforesaid.
Given under my hand and the public seal of the said Province, at
Adelaide, in the Province aforesaid, this eighteenth day of
M arch, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred
and seventy-four, and in the thirty-seventh year of Her
Majesty's reign.
By command,
ARTHUR BLYTH,
Chief Secretary.
The above Special Commission was appointed by the South Australian
Governor, who, after careful examination into this matter, brought up a
very elaborate report, showing results as to the proportion of alcohol,
corresponding to, if not exceeding, the proportion found in the wines of New
South Wales and Victoria.
Notwithstanding the discrepancies which occur in the statements
which I now lay before you, they all pretty fairly agree as to the
specific gravity of the must, and these alone cannot fail to interest
inquirers on this question. They show that Australia is capable of
producing full-bodied natural wines of a high order, and that the
statement made by me upwards of two years ago, " that Australian
wines by the ordinary course of fermentation produced a wine con-
taining upwards of 26 per cent, of proof spirit" was perfectly
correct. The figures which I place before you not only support me,
but prove that those who differed from me, and held that " there
were no grapes produced in Australia, as there were none any-
where else, which by the ordinary laws of fermentation could give
upwards of 26 per cent.," were labouring under a wrong impression
in adopting the popular theory of the day. The discrepancy in
the spirit strength of the samples tested arose partly from some of
the grapes not being thoroughly ripe. Other samples may have
been grown on low-lying situations, and some of the samples of
must were too new, and had not fully generated all the alcohol
they were capable of developing, at the time of distillation. My
experience in shipping wines from Australia to London is, that
whatever may be the spirit strength before shipment, the wine
acquires additional strength during the voyage.
The Wines of Australia. 307
It will be seen from the above statement that the great bulk of
Australian wines exceed 26 per cent, of natural spirit, and could
not be admitted into Great Britain without paying 2s. 6d. per
gallon duty, thus exposing the Australian producer to adverse com-
petition in the markets of the mother country equal to a surcharge
of one hundred and fifty per cent. The effect of this difference in
duty is to exclude almost entirely the colonists from sending
their pure, generous, and unadulterated wines to a market where
they are so heavily handicapped. I believe it was the in-
tention of the framers of the present Customs Act of 1861, to fix
the standard or maximum so as to admit all pure natural wines at
the minimum duty ; and for the'purpose of enabling them to fix the
limit, they adopted the report of a Eoyal Commission which had been
appointed to collect statistics from the different wine-producing
countries in Europe. Now, by the figures shown above, it is clearly
proved that Australian wines exceed the limit stated in that report,
and I therefore submit that the Australian vignerons have a right to
ask the British Government to alter the maximum from 26 to 30.
This would to a great extent meet the case, and would place the
Australian product in fair competition with European wines, and
afford encouragement to an industry which is doubtless destined to
be one of the leading staple articles of produce in Australia, and one
which will not only give healthful employment to a number of
Australian vignerons, but also open up a large field for the occupation
of the surplus labour of Great Britain. In my opinion it would be the
interest, if not the duty, of this country to afford encouragement to
settle her surplus labour in her own Colonies, when the fact is known
that there is a far better field for the industrious labourer there than
is to be found elsewhere. In America at the present time, in the
centres of population, it is more difficult to obtain employment
than it is in England ; in Australia there is a wide field, no com-
petition in this industry under notice, and by honest exertion in a
few years a man could purchase his homestead and be his own
master.
It may here be argued that by altering the maximum from 26 to
80, it would admit brandied Continental wines, and hence would
be a loss to the revenue. I believe the quantity of European wines
that would come within the range of this alteration would be very
small indeed, and inconsiderable as regards revenue. As the wines
of Spain and Portugal are fortified to a much greater extent than
the limit named, and as the taste is formed in this country to drink
those spirituous wines, the producers are bound to furnish the
articles they have been in the habit of supplying this market with,
x2
808 The Wines of Australia.
and upon the continuance of the supply of a uniform article their
reputation is based : they neither could nor would make any alter-
ations in the articles to be shipped to the English market. The
result would be (without any perceptible loss to the revenue), that a
pure and unadulterated wine would be placed before the British
public, and a taste cultivated for the unsophisticated juice of the
grape, instead of strong spirits, thereby encouraging sobriety
and morality among the people of this country. It might be
put in another way : " Why don't you make your wines so as to
come within the Is. duty?" In reply to this I should say : " In ask-
ing us to do so, you ask us to forego the superior advantages
which it has pleased Providence to bestow on Australia beyond
almost any other country, and instead of the rich, generous, full-
bodied wines which we can produce naturally, to reduce the quality
to a low inferior standard. This must be done in either of two
ways, viz. by pulling the grapes before they are properly ripe, or
by adding water to the must, either before or after pressing.
Of the two, I should prefer the latter alternative, for although you
manifestly reduce the quality of the wine, still the component parts
are more evenly balanced, and a better article can be produced than
from unripe fruit ; as, in the latter instance, you invariably
have a superabundance of acid in proportion to the quantity
of saccharine produced, or, in other words, you introduce an adulte-
rated article."
In putting my case forward, it is necessary to point out that the
Australian Colonies form a very considerable portion of Her Majesty's
dependencies, and afford a profitable field for the surplus labour and
capital of this country. Also that the trade, both in imports and
exports, is expanding daily, and at present is only exceeded by India
with her millions of population. We furnish this country with much
raw material, in wool, tallow, gold, copper, tin, wheat, meat, &c.,
and as a rule take as payment various manufactured articles,
thereby to a large extent supporting the artisans and manufacturers
of this country, and proving how much it would be to the interest of
this country to encourage every new industry which has for its
object the advancement of Her Majesty's Colonial possessions.
Under these circumstances, I consider the Australian colonists may
fairly ask the Government to amend the present Customs law, so far
as to alter the maximum strength from 26 to 30, thereby admitting
our wines at the minimum duty; or, if this cannot be granted,
that they may be admitted on such a scale as will allow of a pro
rata advance upon the extra strength.
I trust I have in the preceding remarks sufficiently made it clear
The Wines of Australia. 309
that the alcoholic strength of our Australian wines, in their pure
and unfortified condition, really places them at a serious com-
mercial disadvantage in the markets of this country, and I hope
that I may rely upon any assistance that this valuable society can
render, in giving shape and effect to some practical movement hav-
ing for its object the readjustment of the Customs duty, which, as
I have shown, bears with such peculiar hardship upon our Aus-
tralian wine industry. I feel sure that the Government and the
Legislature only require to be put in possession of reliable infor-
mation on the subject, to give their serious attention to this matter;
and with a view of supplying such information in the most influ-
ential quarters, I would suggest, in conclusion, that some of the
gentlemen now present be requested to act as a committee for the
purpose of bringing the subject under the notice of the Chancellor
of the Exchequer, by deputation or otherwise, and solicit his
assistance in getting a suitable alteration made in the Customs'
tariff. I feel that a practical step of this kind is essential in order
to give effect to the arguments I have brought forward in this
paper, and I earnestly invite your co-operation in the matter.
Since writing the above, I have received a copy of the Melbourne
Argus, of the 18th of April, in which appears an ably-written article
fully bearing out the views I have stated, from which I quote
the following : —
" Mr. Moody is aware of the objection of the Imperial Customs,
that no differential duty in favour of Australian wine is possible ;
and that if the standard is raised to 34 per cent., the result will be
that other countries will be importing brandy in wine casks ; and
he proposes nothing revolutionary. All difficulties, he submits,
would be met by a sliding scale, according to the strength of the
wine. For instance, assuming 26 per cent, of proof as the maxi-
mum for Is. per gallon duty, allow wines of the strength above 26
and under 30 per cent, to be introduced at Is. 3d. per gallon ;
above 30 and under 36 per cent, to be introduced at Is. 9d. per
gallon ; above 36 per cent, and under 42 per cent, to be introduced
at 2s. 6d. per gallon.' As the Imperial law now stands, Mr. Moody
shows that it is capable of evasion, for a wine-merchant can take
a gallon of wine of 26 per cent, strength, on which Is. per gallon
has been paid, and a gallon of wine of 42 per cent., on which
2s. 6d. per gallon has been paid, and by blending the two together
he has a 34 per cent, wine, on which he will have paid a duty of
Is. 9d. per gallon. Thus a manufactured wine can be put upon
the English market at a comparatively low duty, but the natural
wine of Australia — because it is a natural wine — must pay at a
310 The Wines of Australia.
rate which, if not prohibitive, is at least a serious impediment in
the way of an increased demand. And all that is now asked is,
that the same facility should be afforded the honest vigneron in
putting a 84 per cent, wine on the market as is enjoyed by the
judicious blender. This end will be attained by the sliding scale
proposed by Mr. Moody, which would leave 26 per cent, as the
ordinary maximum, and make stronger and better wines pay in
proportion to their superiority, but would free them from a crushing
and undiscriminating burden, and from an unmerited stigma. The
plan commends itself at once as equitable to the revenue and to the
producer ; it would appear to shut the door upon the tricks and
stratagems of which the Imperial Customs have been apprehensive,
and we have Mr. Moody's assurance, first, that it is practicable,
and, secondly, that the Australian vigneron asks for no further
concession. We hope to hear that this report has been brought
under the notice of the select committee (moved for in the House
of Commons by Mr. Cartwright), if it be appointed and if the docu-
ment can arrive in England in time, and that under any circum-
stances it has been pressed upon the attention of a Government
which, we are sure, would not willingly and knowingly do the
Colonies a manifest injustice."
DISCUSSION.
Mr. ALEXANDEK McAfiTHUB, M.P., remarked that he had no inten-
tion of taking part in the discussion had he not been asked to do so.
He fully corroborated the statements made in the paper with refer-
ence to the natural strength of the Australian wines. Australia
was placed at a disadvantage with respect to Continental wines,
having to pay a higher duty in consequence of their superior
strength. Australian wines had also suffered in this country in con-
sequence of inferior samples being sent from different parts of
Australia by parties knowing nothing whatever about wine. Some
of the wines he had tried tasted very much like sugar, vinegar, and
water, and were not likely to commend themselves to the palates of
the English people. On the other hand, there were some excellent
samples ; and were persons making wines to thoroughly understand
how to do so, they would really have a very sound and an excellent
article. Many persons in this country regarded the superior strength
of wines as objectionable ; but, inasmuch as the strength of the
Australian wines is a natural one, and did not arise from their being
fortified by brandy and other spirits, he thought the objection, to a
great extent, was lessened. If they were to have wines, it was much
The Wines of Australia. 311
better to have them of natural strength than to have them supple-
mented by ingredients injurious to health. He had no doubt that the
Government were desirous of doing what was fair and right towards
the Colonies. He believed they never had a more honourable or fairer
Chancellor of the Exchequer than Sir Stafford Northcote ; and it
was certain that if the Government could meet the views of the
colonists they would do so. He thought the proposal for a
Committee to be appointed to consider the matter, and, if necessary,
to wait upon the Chancellor of the Exchequer, a desirable step to
take. If he could render any service in the matter he would be
happy to do so. It was of importance that our Colonies should have
fair play. It was not at all right that we could receive Continental
wines, sometimes of a very inferior quality, which were able to
supplant Australian wines because of the extra duty which the
latter were compelled to pay. So far as his experience went when in
Australia, there really was not much room for exportation of wines,
owing to the consumption of them by the colonists themselves. He
had no doubt that in the course of a few years, however, by proper
skill and management, that Australia would become an extensive
wine-producing country. With regard to the wine question, many
medical men of the present day disapproved of wines altogether ;
but he thought sound wholesome wines were very much better than
adulterated wines. Those who have visited the Continent must have
been struck with the fact that in wine -producing countries there
was very little intemperance. The author of this paper (Mr. Fallon)
had informed him there was a similar result in Australia ; that in
the locality where he resided there had been a great deal of intem-
perance, but that since wine had become a common beverage there
was little or no drunkenness, and it was a rare thing to see a man
the worse for liquor. Looking at the matter also in this light, he
thought it would be very desirable to encourage the introduction of
good sound Australian wines into this country, and he hoped they
would be able to do something to promote the object they had
in view.
Mr. J. B. KEENE (of Her Majesty's Customs) said: The ques-
tion of Australian wines had been one of great interest to him
for many years. He had had many opportunities of testing wines
of various kinds, and from the very first time he saw these wines,
under circumstances very much against them, in 1862, in the
Exhibition, thought they possessed properties of a very high cha-
racter. The difficulty of the question of duty lay in drawing a
line anywhere. If the duties chargeable on wines could be
charged in the manner that would press equally upon them all, they
312 The Wines oj Australia.
would not be charged upon strength, but theoretically upon
value. The main question at issue was that relating to the actual
strength of the wine, and the question of raising the degree at
which the duties change, from 20° to a higher point. They could
not make a change in the duties on natural wines of a high strength
without at the same time admitting with equal freedom wines that
had been fortified, and although he felt sure the Australian vineyards
produced wines of a far higher natural strength than most other
countries, yet the latter were in greater demand. If a line is to be
drawn, marking the point at which the wine should be produced by
the imposition of a certain duty, it struck him the point at which it
should be drawn would be one that would include the bulk of the
very best natural wines, but not stretched so as to include those
which were rare, and not even always best, or so suitable for general
drinking. So far as the report of Messrs. Lumsdaine and Moody
went, he did not doubt the bond fides of their operations ; but he
could not help remarking that there must be a great difference
between a wine manufactured on the large scale in which it is pro-
duced in the vineyards, and the smaller scale in which it would be
produced in the chemical laboratory. In the most careful chemical
operations it was often difficult to produce actually the special
balances of the changes that take place from one organic substance
to another. At the same time the change was such that if a grape
had a large quantity of sugar in it, it naturally would produce a
larger quantity of alcohol. But there were very many instances in
which, though the grapes produced large quantities of sugar, the
sugar would not complete its conversion into alcohol. That was
the case with some Constantia wines from the Cape, which had, in
many cases, not more than 18 per cent, of spirit in them, and
yet the wines were permanent, though still sweet. On the other
hand, the grape that produced the largest amount of sugar would,
if its conversion were complete, be perfectly dry, with more alcohol,
and free from the taste of sugar. There was another element in
the Australian wine question in this way. So far as he could
judge, not merely from examination of the wines, but from reports
from residents in Australia and from manufacturers themselves,
there was a strong tendency to fortify. He did not impute any such
thing to Mr. Fallon, some of whose wines were of excellent
character ; but he remembered a Mr. Bear, from Melbourne, who
brought over some wines to this country. One of these had been
fortified in order to try the experiment of how it would bear the
voyage ; but the samples that were left natural were better in every
way. Some time ago he had his attention called by the Eev. Dr.
The Wines of Australia. 313
Bleasdale, of Melbourne, to discrepancies between the strengths in
his report to the Commissioners of Customs, and those on the same
wines as tried by Dr. Bleasdale before they were sent for exhibition.
It was found that where the Victorian Commissioners had selected
certain wines submitted to them, and left the manufacturers to make
up and forward the samples to England, spirit had been largely
added in the interim ; while, where the Commissioners themselves
forwarded the samples, there was no difference between the two tests
beyond what might be expected between two operators. The change
produced by the voyage here was somewhat over-rated in its action
upon the wine. It was possible in some wines, where the sugar
had not been entirely converted, and which were sent to England
before they had been fully ripened — say under two years old — that
the rolling and shaking of the ship produced an effect upon the wine
which continued the fermentation, and in the case of a good sound
wine would improve it, and although it would arrive here in such a
thick and muddy condition that it would be denominated as simply
rubbish, yet after a few weeks or months it would become fined and
settled, and be more ripened than it would in the same time had it
remained in the Colonies. With reference to the question of the
duty : to take the separate degrees, after the 26th, would be very
difficult to carry out, and, perhaps, would not have as good an effect
as some might anticipate. At the same time, he had often thought
that the difference between 26 and 40 might be met with
an immediate duty ; but he should not consider it proper in his
position to offer any opinion upon the question of duties, as it was
outside his province. He had only to examine the wines for their
alcoholic strength and qualities, and his belief was that the
Australian wines had a great future before them. He would bear
out Mr. Burton's remark as to the great benefit it would be if the
bad wines were left out of the market, and a still greater benefit if
those who made the wines could be convinced of the bad way in
which they made them. He believed the great difficulty arose in
the selection of the grape, and in the want of proper judgment in
the admixture of spirits. The vines from the continent of Europe
transplanted to Australia would produce a different wine. With
reference to the question of the names of wines, it had often struck
him that it was a great mistake on the part of Australian wine
makers that they should call their wines after the names of known
wines. Everybody tasting a wine so named judges it from the wines
he has been accustomed to. English taste was so formed on port
and sherry that there was scarcely another wine to which they could
make comparison, and they would ask if it was not like one of them,
314 The Wines of Australia.
or perhaps sometimes it was like Claret or Burgundy. But Australian
wines had an individuality of character of their own, which, if pro-
perly cultivated and developed, was of great value. Spanish or
German wines were valuable for their own special characters, and
people would not admire a French wine the more if it had the
same character. He therefore urged that they should stop the use
of names that could create comparison between known and high
quality vintages. The Australian names, or some of them, were
highly musical and characteristic, and he liked to see wines named
after the vineyards from which they were made. He should also
like to see the design carried out of cultivating a knowledge of the
vines and of the grape best suited to the various localities. Some
of the best wines he had met with in this country were those made
in the neighbourhood of the Hunter Eiver and in the Adelaide
district, and he had noticed that in some of the finest and most
delicate wines, the average degree of spirit scarcely ever went
beyond 24°, and many of the finest had not exceeded 21°. The
question of the strength had nothing to do with the quality of the
wine, nor with the permanent retention of its qualities. He had
tested a French wine 111 years old, and though containing only
18-9 degrees of proof spirit, it was sound as possible, though not
in the finest drinking order for flavour. This showed that the
endurance of wine did not depend upon the strength. Some years
ago he had tasted a sample of wine made from Portuguese grapes
by Mr. Forrester without added spirit. It was made in 1830, bottled
in the April following the vintage, and tested in 1862. It was
simply undrinkable, being coarse and astringent, and with a strength
of about 28°. It was deep and intense in colour, and anything but
like ordinary port wine, which becomes discoloured by age — a sign
of the action of added spirit on the colouring matter of the wine.
There was a kind of marriage in the case between the spirit which
was naturally in the wine and the wine itself. But in the other case,
there was a connection which was not so permanent, and which
tended rather to its deterioration than to its advantage.
Mr. MICHIE said that although he was prepared to sympathise
with the enthusiasm of Mr. Fallon, he could not be blind to the
practical difficulties of his case. As a drinker of Australian wines
for the last twenty years he could speak as to their merits, but in
dealing with the matter in a financial shape he was confronted
with many obstacles. Mr. Moody had dealt with that portion of
the subject by suggesting a graduated scale of duties, by which
they might to some extent be enabled to escape from the difficulty
in which they were placed. He had discussed this matter some
The Wines of Australia. 815
years ago with the then Secretary of State, and had very soon dis-
covered, as he thought, that to a considerable extent in questions
of this kind the Government must be guided by experts. These
experts in England differed altogether with the Colonial growers as
to the natural strength of our Australian wines. "We were met by
the assurance of competent, practical men that the Colonial
representations were inconsistent with the facts, and that the pro-
ducers apparently laboured under a misconception as to the inherent
strength of these wines. It was suggested by the growers that
the duty of 2s. 6d. upon wines above 26 (being a hard and fast
line) should be relaxed by the introduction and adoption of some
such suggestion as that of Mr. Moody. But, on the other hand,
it was put by those who opposed a change, that even if what they
were contending for were conceded, the effect of the concession
would only be, unless we were to have differential duties (in this
free trade country not to bethought of), to involve us in, possibly, a
still greater difficulty. In the proposal to remove the obstacle to
the introduction of Australian wines, by raising the maximum of
26 up to 30, they would (it is said) necessarily bring in under that
higher standard a number of competing wines from the Continent,
which at the present time pay the higher duty of 2s. 6d. Thus in
the very act of attempting to remove the disability under which
the Colonies labour, they would, it was alleged, expose them to the
further and more effectual competition of foreign growers, whose
wines, ranging up to 30, would come in under the same duty as that
payable by the Australian wines. Mr. Moody was evidently alive
to this, and thus had proposed to meet this aspect of the case by
the suggestion of the graduated scale. Secretaries of State could
not be expected to possess more practical knowledge on such a
subject than the meeting. They must be guided, as all Ministers
were in matters outside the range of their personal experience, by
those who were practically engaged in the business ; and if Mr.
Keene could not report in favour of the suggestions of Mr. Moody,
the committee or deputation, he feared, would be found of very
little use. Some twelve months ago he had read a very able and
exhaustive report by Mr. Keene, which, he must admit, almost com-
pelled him to the conclusion that there was either a mistake or a
want of candour on the part of those gentlemen who had sent pro-
testations from the Colony, to the effect that they were not arti-
ficially fortifying their wines. Mr. Keene, however, was not in the
position of Messrs. Lumsdaine and Moody, nor disposed to ignore
their experience and conclusions, and therefore assuming the facts
to be as stated by those two gentlemen, a deputation might possibly
316 The Wines of Australia.
succeed in carrying conviction to the mind even of the Chancellor
of the Exchequer. But supposing this end gained, there was still
another phase of the case, not altogether agreeable to those who
were proposing largely to import these wines. It was notorious to
consumers that they could get a respectable wine at a far lower price
than Mr. Fallon apparently was prepared to accept. The cheap
clarets coming to the English market had no prejudices to contend
with. They were recommended by long usage, amounting almost
to a superstition, which gave them an immense advantage to start
with over the Colonial product. There was a great prejudice
against the latter, as they all knew. Only that afternoon he
had met a gentleman, who had spent many years in the Colonies,
who expressed himself in unmistakably unflattering terms about
Australian wines. This, doubtless, was an unjustifiable prejudice,
but still he must be recognised as a very fair " foolometer." Pre-
judiced as he was against the Colonial article, such prejudice was
shared by tens of thousands of people here. Only five minutes
ago the hon. member for Leicester had stated in that very room
that much of this wine tasted like " sugar and water." Two or
three years ago a sample of the wine was sent to a gentleman
holding such a position in this country which would have enabled
him to advance the interest in the wines, and from whom he had
hoped to receive a favourable report. Whether the wine had
suffered in transit, or whatever the cause, his friend rather took
him aback by reporting that, although he was averse from looking
at his (Mr. Michie's) gift in the mouth, he was equally averse after
the first taste from taking it into his own. Unless Mr. Fallon
could see his way to putting these wines on the market at a price
which would effectually compete with the cheaper Continental
products, he would not be likely to find a larger additional con-
sumption of his wines than he had at present.
Dr. THUDICHUM said he had listened to Mr. Fallon's paper with
mixed feelings of pleasure and dissatisfaction — pleasure at finding
that the experimental way of solving the question at issue had, by
his advice, been entered upon; dissatisfaction at the manner in
which the experiments relied upon had been performed. Without
entering into details, he would criticise the experiments at their
vital points. Thus it was stated that the specific quantities of the
distillates had been obtained with the aid of a balance which
enabled the operator to weigh to the tenth of a grain. Specific
gravities of alcoholic liquids, however, could not be determined with
such a rough balance, but required a balance which could draw at
least a thousand grains in each span and turn with the one thou-
The Wines of Australia. 817
sandth part of a grain on either side. The reports given by Mr.
Fallon were, therefore, not bulletins of a new science, but records
of blunderings in matters of detail, and were not worth the paper
on which they were printed. As regarded the report of the Eoyal
Commission at Sydney, alluded to by Mr. Fallon, he (Dr. Thudi-
chum) must animadvert strongly on the fact that the details of
that report had been suppressed by the author of the paper. The
chemists appointed by the Commission had all three analysed por-
tions of the same selection of grapes, and yet had come to widely
differing results. If he (Dr. Thudichum) had been a Commissioner,
or the Governor, in this case, he would have declined to receive such
a report, which must discredit the chemists who made it, the Com-
mission which published it, and stultify the very object for which the
inquiry was undertaken. These chemists must at least have agreed
amongst each other, though they might have been uniformly wrong,
as were the employers of the balance which could weigh the tenth
of a grain. But as their differences amounted to several per cents.
in so simple a matter as a sugar determination, one or other, or all,
must be wrong. But they were wrong not only in their facts so
called, but equally so in their arguments. For they assumed that
all the sugar contained in a grape-must would, by fermentation, be
transformed into alcohol. This was a great mistake, an erroneous
assumption, which they had not supported by a single experiment ;
and it was, in fact, begging the question, as the amount of alcohol
obtainable in Australian grape-must was the question to be deter-
mined. Two years ago he (Dr. Thudichum) had made many ex-
periments on must from Spanish grapes, with a view of ascertain-
ing the maximum of alcohol obtainable by fermentation. All arts
were tried that could raise the alcohol, such as exclusion of air from
the must, fanning of air through the must, addition of active yeast,
addition of sugar fermentation with the husks and without the
husks, maintaining of the fermentation vessels day and night at the
best temperature for fermentation, and so on ; no artifice was left un-
tried to produce the strongest wine ; and what was the result ? In
no case out of more than thirty was a wine obtained which con-
tained more than 22 per cent, of proof spirit. These experiments,
therefore, supported fully the teaching of science as maintained by
him hitherto. Thus he had come to the conclusion that the new
matter contained in Mr. Fallon' s paper was rather an exposure
than a scientific achievement, and contained nothing with which to
go before the Chancellor of the Exchequer or a Parliamentary
Committee without the risk of damaging the cause to be advocated.
He took great interest in Australian wines, and believed many to
318 The Wines of Australia.
have excellent qualities, amongst them, first, that they were not over-
alcoholic.* He had records of more than 200 Victorian wines, pub-
lished by the Victorian Government, in none of which the alcohol
was above 26 per cent, of proof spirit. The move which brought
forth the present discussion seemed, therefore, to have at least a very
narrow area even in Australia, and could be controverted easily by
Australian data exclusively. He hoped Mr. Fallen would have the
experiments repeated by persons who could analyse sugar without
differing too widely, who could weigh specific gravities with more
accuracy than the limitation of a tenth of a grain ; in short, repeated
by competent persons, as the term was understood in this country,
and then they might again discuss this matter at a future oppor-
tunity. By that time, also, Mr. Fallon might perhaps see that
"facts" could not be exploded by "experiments," inasmuch as
there were many facts, ascertained by observation, requiring no
experiments, while " experiments," if properly made, would yield
" facts," and could not upset any. But what they would always
upset were fallacies and preconceived opinions.*
Mr. MICHIE, whilst disclaiming any desire to dispute Dr.
Thudichum's pretensions in connection with chemistry, must never-
theless take leave to say that he could not defer to him as a
reasoner. His argument was only paralleled by those persons of
whom they had read, who doubted the existence of ice because it
had never come within their experience to see water take that form.
The Doctor charged the reader with an attempt to upset all previous
reasonings, and "was not going to have his science upset by any-
thing coming from the Antipodes." If Dr. Thudichum had any
respect for inductive reasoning, he must be prepared to keep his
mind open to all experience, whether coming from the Antipodes or
elsewhere. Nor could he or his " minute balances " be admitted to
the privilege of putting a limitation upon the functions of nature.
The salient facts put forward by Messrs. Lumsdaine and Moody
had not been contradicted, nor were they to be disposed of by any
* The statement made in a footnote by Mr. Fallon, that there was no
Australian Mercury is liable to be looked upon as an imputing insinuation
against me. I therefore beg to state that I have not spoken of an Australian
Mercury anywhere in my writings. The publication containing the statement
concerning the densities of Australian must obtained at Dalwood, on the estate
of the " Hunter River Vineyard Association " — a statement, let it be remembered,
given in a speech by Mr. Wyndham, at the Annual Meeting of the Association —
is reported in the Maitland (Australian) Mercury, of May 6, 1865. This full
quotation is given in Thudichum and Dnpre, " On the Origin, Nature, and
Varieties of Wines," p. 642. From his ignoring these and the Victorian obser-
vations, it appears that Mr. Fallon is but imperfectly acquainted with the
Australian as wellasEuropean literature concerning his subject. — (Note by
Dr. Thudichum.)
The Wines of Australia. 319
such process as that proposed to them from the laboratory of Dr.
Thudichum, or anyone else.
Mr. W. H. BURTON, having had great experience in the Customs'
Department of London, and being at present deeply interested in
Colonial wine, ventured to make a few remarks on the subject.
He tendered his sincere thanks to Mr. Fallon for his untiring zeal
in advocating the cause of Australian wine. He thought, however,
he had directed his energies in a wrong direction when he attempted
to get the Government of this country to favour the Australian
wines by any sort of special legislation. His conviction was that
the wines required no such nursing, they had sufficient merit to
make their way in this country, let the alcoholic test be what it
might. Indeed, if the proposed change were made, he could only
anticipate a like fate to the wines of Australia which happened to
the wines of the Cape Colony, when the concession of duty in
their favour was removed in 1860. Instead of the colonists asking
for a special reduction in the duty on wine which would favour
their produce, it would tend more to the permanent benefit of the
Colonies, and to the speedy development of the wine interest, if each
Colony could appoint an export committee, whose duty it would be
to prevent the sending of wines to this country and elsewhere
which would bring discredit on the name of Australian wine. It
would in the end be cheaper to let the wine run into the sea than
allow it to come over here to increase the prejudice which was already
too prevalent. With regard to the question of duties, it ought not
to be overlooked that wine is now greatly favoured as compared to
any other liquid which contains spirit. Wine containing 25 per
cent, of proof spirit can now be admitted at a duty of Is. per
gallon, and wine of 41 per cent, of proof spirit can be admitted at
a duty of 2s. 6d. per gallon. The duty on British spirit being 10s.
r>er proof gallon, it follows that if 25 degrees of spirit are admitted
it Is., 15 of such degrees pass duty free ; or if wine containing 40
degrees of spirit be passed at 2s. 6d. per gallon, it is clear that if
the spirit in wine were taxed according to its alcoholic strength, as
all other spirituous liquids are, the duty charged should be 4s.,
instead of 2s. 6d., to place it on a level with British spirit, which is
charged at the rate of Is. for every 10 degrees. Speaking generally,
it might be affirmed that were the alcoholic test strictly applied,
wine would have to pay Is. per gallon more than the duty now
charged. In the face of such facts, how could the wine importer
ask for further remissions ? His fear was that if the Chancellor of
the Exchequer came to look into the matter, and that more revenue
were required, the wine duties would be increased instead of
320 The Wines of Australia.
loweredi If all articles coming into this country, whether contain-
ing spirit or that spirit were used in the manufacture, pay duty to the
uttermost tenth of such spirit, why should wine be an exception ?
If chloroform, ethers, lotions, and all kinds of medicines intended
for the alleviation of suffering were so charged ; if, for instance, an
article known as " Pain Killer" were charged a duty of 14s. per
gallon, why should the pain producer — the vile decoctions coming
in under the guise of wine — be admitted, because they assume that
name, at a duty of 2s. 6d. per gallon ? He felt sure that the agita-
tion of this question would not benefit the producer or importer of
good honest wine.
Mr. STKANGWAYS said that the question of Colonial wines had
presented itself in different aspects : the producers' view, the official,
and the scientific, which latter, he confessed, he could not under-
stand. He would say a view words on the most important view of
all, i.e. the consumers'. Mr. Fallon asked to be allowed to import
Australian wines into this country at 80 degrees strength at Is.
per gallon duty. That was too strong. With regard to the Conti-
nental wines we are drinking, he referred to a book on the " Adul-
teration of Food," in which he found this passage on wine : —
" Probable adulterations : extracts of the rhatany, logwood, brazil-
wood, elderberry, the berries of the Virginian poke, purple holyoak,
&c. ; colum, glucose, cyder, plain spirit, caramel, catechu, and
water." In another place he found " beetroot, litumus or orchil,
petals of red poppy, privet berries, and myrtle " alluded to. As to the
strength of wines, he found the actual strength of the Continental
wines as made, not as imported here, from 6 to 28 per cent, by
volume, that is, wines as they are made in the country. He was
not a wine-maker, though he had often drunk Colonial wine in
Australia and at the Cape ; but he must say that the Australian
wine-makers had nobody to thank but themselves for the bad
character the wines got in this country. When he came home he
brought some wine with him. When he got to the docks he asked
the Customs' officer how much of it would get through, when
he confidentially assured him that it was quite safe, adding that the
officers had been too often done with such stuff, and he might
depend upon it none of them would touch it. He knew from
experience that Australian wines had increased in production
largely within the past few years, and he was sure that nearly all
the best wines made there would do well to send over to this
country ; but they, until latterly, consumed it all themselves, and it
was only the inferior material that had been forwarded to this
country. The effect of this he took leave to call attention to. In
The Wines of Australia. 821
a paragraph of a London newspaper, published on the 12th June
instant, which professed to be a review of the statistics of South
Australia, the following was the opinion of the reviewer on the
wines : " Much as we sympathise with Australian energy and pro-
gress, we must put in a mild protest against Mr. Boothby's state-
ment that ' the wines of South Australia are, as a rule, of a high
character.' Viler and more acrid compounds we have never tasted."
He had not seen that any person connected with the Australian
wine interest had the public spirit to contradict it. To go to the
question of fortification of wines, perhaps Mr. Michie and himself
had had something to do with the framing of some of the Austra-
lian laws as to distillation and customs, and to hear and receive a
great deal of information on the subject of the strength of wine.
Every South Australian wine-grower had a still — not a common,
old-fashioned still, but generally one with the latest improvements
— wherein they put all the old wines and wine refuse at one end,
and run the spirit out at the other 60 degrees or more over proof.
In making the wine, the wine-makers had told him that they were
obliged to keep in their cellars spirits ready for use, in order, if they
had a second fermentation of the wine, that they might have the
power to check it, and they might consider how much of that added
to the natural strength of the wine ; and they rinse the cask with
spirit, which, owing to the nature of the climate there, became
perfectly dry, and not a drop of moisture in it. The casks were
frequently rinsed out with a strong spirit, 60 over proof. The dry
casks absorb large quantities of the spirit, and when the wine was
put in, all the spirit was absorbed into the wine, and of course
increased its strength. With regard to the difficulty of getting the
wine to England, he had over and over again seen the Australian
wines carted along the roads without any protection, exposed to the
heat of an almost vertical sun ; and he had seen the wines lying on
the wharves hours at the time exposed to the sun. The wines were
generally not bottled before being shipped on board, and were liable
in cask to a further fermentation ; they were frequently sent home
in a wool ship, and were stowed away in places of 93 degrees and
94 degrees of heat. A delicate wine kept in such a temperature for
weeks at a time was likely to get spoilt,unless very strongly braiidied.
Many of the Australian and Cape wines were exceedingly good, and
some no good at all. With respect to the scientific point, his own
impression was that the experience of Dr. Thudichum, with regard
to fermentation carried on by means of bottles in a laboratory, was
utterly valueless in respect of the effect that might be produced
upon the large quantities of wine in a wine-maker's cellar.
822 The Wines of Australia.
Mr. FRED. YOUNG : It is my agreeable duty to propose a vote of
thanks to Mr. Pallon for the interesting paper he has read. In the
discussion which succeeded it, I observe that Mr. MacArthur con-
fined his remarks principally to the doubt he considered there was,
whether the Australians had done sufficient justice to that important
industry by exporting inferior classes of wine. He also stated that
he considered it was an important thing that the good natural wines
of Australia should be encouraged to be drank in this country instead
of the artificial and impure wines of other countries, because he
thought it would produce temperance among the people, and be
productive of other great benefits. Mr. Michie, who followed,
indulged us with one of his interesting and characteristic speeches,
and he called our attention, among other things, to the prejudice
which undoubtedly exists in this country, to a large extent probably
on every subject, and he very properly alluded to that important
personage who occupies such a large amount of attention in this
country, the " foolometer," before whom so many of us are too apt
to bow. I must confess I felt with him on the subject of Australian
wines, as on other subjects, that there is a great deal of undue and
unfair prejudice with regard to them. There are Australian wines
and Australian wines, no doubt ; but there are some which Mr.
Fallon can produce in the English market which are very fine
wines, and merit much greater appreciation than they have hitherto
attained in this country. We have had an important importation
into this discussion of two gentlemen having official experience —
Mr. Burton and Mr. Keene — and I am sure we are much indebted to
them for the testimony they have given, and to the way in which
they have treated this subject from a professional and scientific
point of view. Dr. Thudichum followed, and it was very natural,
as he had been somewhat severely attacked, that he should maintain
his side of the question with vigour and confidence. We all know
the danger we incur, particularly when we do not happen to be
scientific people, if we attempt to upset any of the doctrines of
science ; and it was quite clear, at all events as far as he was con-
cerned, that there could be no question whatever in his own mind
of the truth of his experiments, and that anything militating
against them must be, in his opinion, utterly valueless and worth-
less. I am not here to take one side or the other on such an
abstruse question as this ; but I must leave it in the hands of
those better able to judge than myself. Mr. Strangways fol-
lowed, and gave some exceedingly interesting information ; and
I must confess that I have gathered from the whole of this discus-
sion this impression, that we have all talked about the occasional
The Wines of Australia. 323
inferiority of the Australian wines produced in this country, but
we have not exactly grappled with the particular point which Mr.
Fallen wished to bring 'Jbefore pur attention, viz. that there is a
natural value in |the Australian wines which our national taste
prevents our being able to appreciate, and the mode of levying
our Customs' duties in this country places them at a disadvantage
with respect to other fortified wines. It seems to me that al-
though science has not yet discovered a remedy, still any injustice,
if injustice it is, should be removed by some additional means
being adopted of levying the duties in a proper way, so as to give
the justice and fair play to the Australian wines which their natural
merits demand. I cannot see that there is any difficulty as far as
the Customs are concerned, or as far as any scientific points which
have been brought before us this evening go. Because these wines
are only natural wines, and happen to be of a superior quality, that
they should be compelled to pay the duties which are levied upon
other fortified wines, seems to be unjust. I propose that you should
give a hearty vote of thanks to Mr. Fallon for his excellent paper
of this evening, which is an important one as connected with a
valuable industry of the great Colonies of Australia. I will mention
that it is quite understood on these occasions that, while we are
glad to give a platform to the discussion of any important questions
of this kind, we do not promise to take up deputations, or pledge
ourselves to any subsequent action. We simply desire at these
meetings to give opportunities for gentlemen to ventilate their
opinions and views on questions of importance to Colonial interests.
But as to whether we shall take any special or particular action
afterwards, must be left entirely to those who direct the policy of
the Koyal Colonial Institute.
Mr. FALLON, in reply : As time is late I will just note the remarks
of the different speakers. Mr. Michie, Mr. Keene, and Mr. Burton
appeared to be under the impression that we wished to have dif-
ferential duties with regard to Australia. In my paper I wished for
nothing of the kind. We simply wish to have the tariff altered
from 26 to 30. The principle on which we seek to have this altera-
tion made is quite clear. There can be no question that it was the
intention of the franier of the present Customs' Act in 1861 to em-
brace within the low rate of duty all wines produced from pressure
and fermentation alone, in the usual way from the grape in its
natural state, as it is gathered from the vine. For that purpose a
special Royal Commission was appointed, and upon their report
this Customs' Act of the Government of the day was framed and
the limit fixed. At that time Australian wines were scarcely
Y 2
824 The Wines of Australia.
known ; in fact, it is since that period the Australian wine has
come into existence ; and I simply say now, that as it was then the
intention of the Government to include all natural wines within the
shilling duty, the Government will merely be carrying out its
original resolve by acceding to our wishes. But if this cannot be
done, we are willing to accept and pay a pro rata advance up to 30
per cent., but I think it is unfair to the Australian growers, simply
because the Australian product naturally gives beyond the 26 per
cent., that it should be surcharged 150 per cent, beyond the regular
amount of duty. It is too bad that the Australian producer of
pure wines should be placed on a level with those who send their
brandied compounds measuring up to 42 per cent, of proof spirit.
Indeed, it seems to me very hard that because nature has favoured
us. with soil and climate to produce unusual results, the British
Customs should intervene, and practically force us out of the
market. As to the alterations of the Customs, we do not want any-
thing of the kind. Differential duties have long been expunged
from the British tariff, and it is not our wish that the Government
should reintroduce any such measure by adopting a principle
applicable to Australia alone. All we ask for is a fair field and no
favour. As to the Continental wines, I would not interfere in any
way with the Customs, because all the French and German wines
are below 26 per cent., and the Spanish and Portuguese wines are
far beyond it. With reference to Dr. Thudichum's remarks in
reference to the instruments used by the officer who conducted the
investigations in Victoria, I maintain that a balance that will
measure to the one-tenth part of a grain is quite sufficient for our
purpose. Even Dr. Thudichum's balance, that could measure
to one-hundredth part of a grain, could produce no perceptible
results as to spirit strength, and, if at all definable, would most
undoubtedly tell in favour of the arguments I have endeavoured to
lay before the meeting. The gentlemen who conducted those
experiments are very well known in Australia, at all events, for their
ability and integrity. They went, and, instead — as Dr .Thudicum
would lead the meeting to believe — of handing the must or the juice
to chemists — they did nothing of the kind : they went into the vine-
yard, and took their men with them, and had the grapes pressed
out, carried the juice away with them, and placed in charge of an
officer of their department ; so that the must had never gone out of
their possession until they gave their report ; and you have here
Mr. Heath's certificate to show that the samples he collected never
departed from his possession until he gave his return.
The Whim of Austnditi. 325
Mr. MICHIE : Are some of the Spanish and Portuguese wines
unfortified under 26 ?
Mr. FALLON : I presume they are. The principle on which I ask
for the change is this — that because our wines are pure and natural,
that I think we have a right to ask that the change should he
made ; but if the Government will not alter the maximum from 26
to 30, we are then willing to pay a proportionate advance on the
extra strength. It would be highly satisfactory to us if the Govern-
ment adopted a sliding scale such as that recommended by Mr.
Moody. If it is possible to carry on a sliding scale from 42 and
upwards, then I cannot see why it cannot be carried from 26 up-
wards. With reference to Dr. Thudichum's invitation to carry on
the investigations, I do not think it will be necessary to follow his
advice, inasmuch as the scientific men who have considered this
subject, the general public, and all the vignerons interested, are
fully satisfied that pure natural wines can be produced from grapes
grown in Australian vineyards, which, by fermentation, will yield
a wine possessing up to 80 per cent, and upwards of proof spirit,
notwithstanding Dr. Thudichum's opinion to the contrary. And
although Dr. Thudichum may still remain a sceptic, I think I shall
be perfectly satisfied, and my friends too, to allow him to enjoy his
opinions, and I do not think we shall suffer from it. I thank you
all very much for your kind vote.
The CHAIRMAN announced it was the concluding meeting.
Mr. BUKTON proposed a vote of thanks to the Chairman, which
was seconded and carried unanimously, for which the CHAIRMAN
returned his thanks.
The meeting then concluded.
( 326
CONVERSAZIONE.
THE third Annual Conversazione of the Institute took place at the
South Kensington Museum, on Wednesday, the 28th June, and
was a most successful gathering, every portion of the British
Empire being influentially represented.
The receptions took place in the ground floor of the Museum,
which was handsomely decorated with choice plants and flowers,
and which was, as usual, brilliantly and effectively lighted up.
The band of the Grenadier Guards, under the direction of Mr.
Dan Godfrey, played a choice selection of music during the evening.
Refreshments were served in the corridors.
In the Roman Court were exhibited the valuable collection of
maps belonging to the Institute, and many objects of interest and
value, kindly lent for this purpose by the following gentlemen,
viz. : Messrs. N. Chevalier, William Fox, Quintin Hogg, A. Michie,
F. J. D. Dore, Frederick Young, Thos. Watson, N. Darnell Davis,
J. B. Montefiorie, A. Buchanan, M.D., Thomas Hamilton, &c.
The company were received by His Grace the Duke of Man-
chester and the Council at 9 o'clock.
The following is a list of those present : —
Sir George Arney and lady (late Chief Mr. and Mrs. J. A. Bloxham
Justice of New Zealand) Mr. and Miss Bramwell
The Kev. Bruce Austin and lady Mr. T. B. H. Berkeley (St. Kitts)
(Barbados) Mr. James Brogden and lady
Mr. Raees Udden Ahmed Mr. E. G. Barr and lady
Mr. A. B. Abraham and lady (New Mr. and Mrs. C. W. Bourne and Miss
Zealand) Bourne
Mr. C. E. Atkinson and lady (Cape) Mr. E. J. Burgess and lady
Mr. and Mrs. James Alexander Mr. W. A. Brodribb and lady (South
Mr. William Annand and lady (Nova Africa)
Scotia) Mr. and Mrs. Harley Bacon
Mr. and Mrs. Charles Aitken Mr. J. A. Bam and lady (South Africa)
Mr. and Mrs. Lennox Browne
Sir David W. Barclay, Bart., and lady Mr. and Mrs. Boyd Browning
(Mauritius) Mrs. Browning
Colonel Sir Thomas Gore Browne, Dr. Buchanan and lady (New Zealand)
C.B. and K.C.M.G., and lady Mr. S. A. Braithwaite
Major W. F. Butler, C.B., and lady Mr. Gamaliel Butler
Captain Burgess and lady Mr. P. Leicester Butler
Dr. Brace Miss Briggs
Mr. and Mrs. Buckler, and Miss Miss Brind
Buckler Miss Bisdee
Mr. Henry Elaine. Miss Sarah Bisdee
Mr. and Mrs. Beaumont Miss Constance Bisdee
Conversazione,
327
tviiss Bennett
Miss Brimcker
Miss Burleigh
Miss Louisa Burleigh
Mr. P. G. Vander Byl and lady (South
Africa)
Mr. F. W. Chesson and Mrs. Chesson
Mr. A. H. Barber and Misa Bessie
Barber
Mr. Henry M. A. Black
Mr. A. D. Bryce
Mr. W. F. Barry
Mr. Thomas Baynes (West Indies)
Sir Charles Clifford, Lady Clifford, and
Miss Clifford (New Zealand)
Mr. W. Clifford
Rt. Hon. Hugh E. Childers, M.P., and
Miss Childers
Archdeacon Cooper
Sir John Coode and Miss Coode
Mr. N. Chevalier and Mrs. Chevalier
Mr. and Mrs. Cama
Mr. Hyde Clarke and lady
Mr. Donald Currie and lady
Miss Currie
Mr. F. W. Carr
Mr. Henry Cloete (South Africa)
Mr. J. A. Carfrae
Mr. Clifford and lady
Mr. T. C. Chown and lady
Miss Cay
Miss Cowley
Hon. F. B. T. Carter (Premier of
Newfoundland)
Miss Clark
Miss F. Croft
Miss Croft
Mrs. "W". F. Cronin
Miss Cocks
Miss Mary Cocks
Mr. P. G. Carvill and lady
Mr. William Clarson
Mr. W. A. Clarson
Mr. H. Corrodi
Miss Cumberland
Miss Cnmming
Mr. and Mrs. David Crombie
The Earl and Countess of Denbigh
Mr. F. J. S. Dore (Emigration Agent
for Canada)
Mr. W. T. Deverell and lady
Mr. Stewart Douglas and lady
Mr. F. S. Dutton, C.M.G. and lady
(Agent General for South
Australia)
Mr. Fred. Dutton, jun.
Mr. W. L. Docker and lady
Mr. and Mrs. Dormett
Mr. Alfred Dormett
Mr. aud Miss Daniel
Mr. N. Darnell Davis (British Guiana)
Miss Dowell
Mrs. Deane
Sir Barrow Elles and lady
Major Elles
Captain Evans and lady
Mr. Passmore Edwards and lady
Mrs. Eddy
Mr. Herbert Edwards
Mr. Stanley Edwards
Mr. G. S. Edwards
Mr. and Mrs. Coningsby Erskine
Miss Evans
The Right Hon. W. E. Forster, M.P.,
Mrs. and Miss Forster
The Hon. Dudley Fortescue and lady
The Eight Hon. Sir Seymour Fitz-
gerald and Lady Fitzgerald
Dr. Fortescue and lady
Hon. William Fox and MrB. Fox (New
Zealand)
Mr. H. W. Freeland and lady
Mr. Anthony Forster and lady (South
Australia)
Mr. and Mrs. Vesey Fitzgerald (Vic-
toria)
Miss Vesey Fitzgerald
Miss H. Vesey Fitzgerald
Mr. C. E. French
Mr. Fraser
Mr. J. T. Fallen and lady (New South
Wales)
Miss Foxton
Misses Flint (two)
Mr. and Mrs. Fenn
Mr. E. G. Fitzgibbon and lady (Mel-
bourne)
Mr. Nicholas Fitzgerald and lady
Mrs. Fraeer
Miss Fnllerton
Lord and Lady Fermoy
Colonel Gibb., E.A., and lady
Mr. and Mrs. Gueson
Mr. C. H. Gregory, C.M.G. , and lady
Mr. T. B. Glanville and lady (South
Africa)
Mr. Edward Godsal
Miss Gray
Mr. and Mrs. Greene
Mr. W. D. Griffith and lady (South
Africa)
Mr. G. E. Godson and lady
Mr. Augustus Gibbes
Mr. and Mrs. Henderson Gibb
Mr. and Mrs. Charles F. Gahan
328
Conversazione.
Mr. and Mrs. George Guy
Mr. and Miss James Grierson
Mr. and Mrs. J. W. Gill
Mr. F. A. Gwynne and lady (N. S.
Wales)
Mr. Edward Greaves and lady
Mr. Frank Giles
Sir Stephen and Lady Hill (Newfound-
land)
The Eev. A. Styleman Herring and
lady
Miss Hammond
Mr. J. S. Hill and lady
Mr. H. De B. Hollings
Miss Hislop
Mr. R. E. Harris
Miss Henderson
Mr. Charles Harper and ladies
Mr. Sidney Hillior and Miss Hillior
Mrs. Hutton
Mr. Quintin Hogg and lady (West
Indies)
Mr. C. W. Holden
Mrs. Pearson Hill
Miss Harrison
Mr. Hamilton
Mr. W. Hall and Mrs. Hall
Mr. W. Henty and lady (Tasmania)
Mrs. Hamilton
Mrs. Hirst and Miss Hirst
Miss E. Hirst
Miss R. Hirst
Miss Hawes
Mr. Hartwell Henslowe
Miss Hyoe
Miss Hamilton
Mr. Henry Hall and Miss Hall and
Miss F. Hall (South Africa)
Mr. F. W. Hill
Mr. John L. Hendy
Mr. J. V. H. Irwin and Mrs. Miller
Sir Henry M. Jackson and lady
Admiral and Mrs. Oliver Jones
Mr. and Mrs. A. E. Campbell-John-
stone
Mr. T. B. Jamieson and lady (Victoria)
Mr. Hugh Jamieson and lady (Victoria)
Mr. W.B.Jones
Miss Johnstone
Mr. and Mrs. J. W. James
Mr. Johnson
Mr. E. S. Johnson
Mr. P. A. Jennings.
Mr. Henry Kimber and lady
Mr. Frank Karuth and lady
Mr. and Mrs. Alfred Kingston and
Miss Kingston
Mr. William Knight and lady (Tas-
mania)
Mr. A. H. Knight and lady (Tasmania)
Mr. Eichard Kidner and lady
Mrs. and Miss King (Tasmania)
Mr. Arthur C. M. Keell
Miss Keith
Mr. W. E. Lawson and lady
Mr. George Lee Lord and lady (Tas-
mania)
Mr. and Mrs. F. P. Labilliere
Lient. E. A. Liardet, E.N., and lady
(British Consul, Samoa)
Miss Lamb
Mr. and Mrs. Ludlam
Mr. L'Estrange
Mr. W. Anderson Low and lady
Mr. Nathaniel Levin and lady
Eobert Landale and lady
His Grace the Duke of Manchester
Sir J. W. Clinton Murdoch, K.C.M.G.,
and Lady Murdoch
Sir Eichard Graves MacDonnell,
K.C.M.G. and C.B., and Lady
MacDonnell
Colonel McDonnell and Mrs. Mc-
Donnell
Surgeon-General MacKinnon, C.B.
Mr. Justin and Mrs. MacCarthy
Mr. J. H. MacCarthy and Miss E. C.
MacCarthy
Mr. Gisborne Molineux and lady
(Canada)
Mr. and Mrs. H. E. Montgomerie
(Canada)
Miss Edmonstone Montgomerie
Mr. Ernald Mosely
Miss Mackinnon
Mr. W. J. Mackean
Mr. Sidney Montefiore (Victoria)
Mr. Herbert Montefiore
Mr. J. J. Miles
Mr. J. M. P. Montagu and lady
Sir George MacLeay K.C.M.G. (N. S.
Wales)
Mr. Oswell MacLeay
Mr. Jacob Montefiore
Mr. G. B. Montefiore
Miss Muir
Miss Martin
Dr. Mackenna
Miss E. Meier
Dr. Eichard MacDonnell
Mr. and Mrs. Mewburn
Mr. Miller (Canada)
Mrs. and Miss Miller
Miss Florence Mandnet
Conversazione,
Sir Charles Nicholson, Bar ., and Lady
Nicholson (N. S. Wale-;)
Mr. Frederick Nelson and lady (New-
Zealand
Mr. Kerry Nicholls (Queensland)
Mrs. Bladen Neill and a lady (Victoria)
Mr. T. Nugent
Mr. Philip Henry Nind and lady
(Queensland)
Mr. E. W. Nutt and lady
Mr. and Mrs. Edward L. O'Malley,
(Attorney-General, Jamaica)
Dr. and Mrs. Ord
Mr. John H. O'Neill and lady (Canada)
Sir Julian and Lady Pauncefote
Captain Pallaser
Sir William Tyrone Power, K.C.B., and
lady (Acting Agent-General for
New Zealand)
The Eight Eev. Bishop Perry and
Mrs. Perry (Victoria)
Captain Bedford Pirn, E.N., M.P., and
lady
Mr. C. J. Poole (Victoria)
Professor Bonamy Price and Mrs.
Price
Mr. J. Plummer and lady
Mr. and Mrs. E. Porter
Captain Petrie and lady
Dr. Pearson
Mr. Richard Philpott and lady
Mr. John C. Paget and lady
Mr. J. Sampson Prince and lady (Cape)
Dr. W. E. Pugh and lady (Victoria)
Mr. J. H. Phillips and Mrs. Phillips
(Barbados)
Mr. Myles Patterson and lady (N. S.
Wales)
Mrs. Parsons
Miss Prentice
Mr. T. F. Quin and lady (West Africa)
Sir Eawson Eawson and lady
Sir John Eose, Bart., K.C.M.G., and
lady (Canada)
The Hon. J. B. Eoche
The Hon. Misses Eoche (2)
Captain Henry Eobinson, E.N.
Hon. J. Eobertson and lady (Canada)
Miss M. S. Eobertson
The Eight Eev. Bishop Eyan and lady
(Mauritius)
Mr. and Mrs. Charles Eose
Dr. J. Eae and Mrs. Eae (Arctic
traveller)
Mr. James Eae and lady
Mr. John Eae and lady
Miss Eae
Mr. E. Eyall and lady (South Africa)
Mr. F. E. Round
Mr. E. H. Eussell and Mrs. Eussell
(New Zealand)
Mr. and Mrs. Purvis Russell (New
Zealand)
Mrs. and Miss Rudston Read
Mr. Hamilton Ross and lady (South
Africa)
Miss Eye
Mr. C. Bolleston and lady (New South
Wales)
Mr. and Miss Eayne
Miss Eusden
Mr. Heaton Robinson and Miss Robin-
son
Sir Charles Stirling, Bart., and Lady
Stirling
Captain Strahan, C.M.G. (Governor,
Gold Coast)
Hon. Graham Manners Sutton and
Mrs. Sutton.
Mr. William Saunders and lady
Mr. F. Villeneuve Smith
Mr. John Studholme and lady (New
Zealand)
Major and Mrs. Seddon
Mr. William Smith and Miss Smith
(Canada)
Mr. Allan Spowers and lady (Victoria)
Mr. and Mrs. G. J. Symons
Mr. and Mrs. Henry F. Shipster
(South Australia)
Mr. and Mrs. Andrew Stein (South
Africa)
Mr. Cecil Stein and Mrs. Stein
Miss Stein and Miss Lily Stein
Mr. Charles Stein
Miss E. Summer
Mr. R. H. Scott and lady
Miss Scott
Miss Sturt
Mr. and Mrs. J. B. Spence
Miss Spence
Miss Solater
Surgeon-Major F. P. Staples
Lady Stawell and Misa Stawell
(Victoria)
Mr. Oscar Schmidt
Mr. and Mrs. S. W. Silver
Mr. S. W. Silver, jun.
Mr. J. Spiers
Mr. P. L. Simmonds
Mr. Abraham Scott and lady (South
Australia)
Mr. and Mrs. Henry Scott
M. le Viscomte Ernest de Satze St.
Jean and lady
330
Conversazione.
Mrs. Swan
Mr. Harry K. Smith
Mr. W. C. Sargeaunt, C.M.G. (Crown
Agent for the Colonies)
Mr. Helmuth Schwartze and lady(Cape)
Mr. Rudolf Schwartze and Miss Lou;se
Schwartze
Mr. J. W. Smith
Miss Smith
Miss Sepping
Mr. Edward Stanford and lady
Mr. and Mrs. Anthony Trollope
Mr. and Mrs. W. H. Teschemaker
Sir Kobert R. Torrens, K.C.M.G., and
Lady Torrens (South Australia)
Mr. W. J. Williams and lady
Mr. J. D. Thomson and lady (South
Africa)
Miss Thomson
Miss Tempest
Mr. Edmund Trimmer and lady (South
Australia)
Miss Tinning
Hon. C. J. Taylorand Mrs. Taylor (New
Zealand)
Mr. J. W. Taylor
Mr. Higden Thorwell and lady
Captain Wyatt
Miss Thompson
Mr. and Mrs. Taylor
Mr. A. M. Uniacke and lady (Nova
Scotia)
Miss desVceux
Admiral Wellesley and lady
Mr. H. Whalley and Miss Whalley
Mr. Charles K. Western and lady
Mr. E. W. Wingrove and lady
Mr. and Mrs. William Westgarth
(Victoria)
Miss Westgarth
Mr. Edward Wilson and Miss Wilson
(Victoria)
Mr. and Mrs. John Wilson
Miss Annie Wilson
Miss Wilson
Miss Rosa Wilson
Miss Mary Wilson
Mr. Henry Wilson
Mr. Cracrof t Wilson
Dr. Forbes Watson
Mr. Henry Wellings and lady (China)
Mr. Leonard Wray and lady (Straits
Settlements)
Mr. Thomas Watson and lady (Cape of
Good Hope)
Miss Mary Watson
Mr. Augustus Wolfen and lady
Mr. Edward Walker and lady
Mr. Wallace and lady
Mr. and Mrs. J. Dennistoun Wood
(Victoria)
Mr. and Mrs. Theodore Watson
Mr. William Watson
Mrs. Hampden Wilkieson
Captain Wickham, R.N.
Mr. James A. Youl, C.M.G. (Tasmania
Misses Yonl (2)
Mr. Frederick Young and Miss Young
Mr. Arthur Lyttelton Young
Miss A. M. Young
Mr. A. W. C. Fox Young
Mr. J. C. Young
Miss Young
Mr. S. Yardley and lady
Mr. Yeomans
&c. &c. Ac.
(331)
ANNUAL GENERAL MEETING.
THE eighth Annual Meeting took place at the rooms of the Insti-
tute, 15, Strand, on Friday, the 30th of June, 1876. The chair
was taken at 3 o'clock by the PRESIDENT, His Grace the Duke of
Manchester.
The following Fellows attended :—
Major-GeneralSirH. C. B.Daubeney,K.C.B.; Sir Charles Clifford;
Sir John Coode; Sir Eichard Graves MacDonnell, K.C.M.G. and
C.B. ; Sir Eobert Torrens, K.C.M.G. ; Gisborne Molineux, Esq. ; Dr.
Buchanan ; Edmund Trimmer, Esq. ; J. V. Irwin, Esq. ; Henry
Elaine, Esq. ; J. Duncan Thomson, Esq. ; Eev. H. J. Swale, J.P.;
Myles Patterson, Esq. ; F. P. Labilliere, Esq. ; N. Darnell Davis,
Esq.; Thomas Watson, Esq.; W. C. Sargeaunt.Esq., C.M.G.; J. B.
Brown, Esq. ; H. B. T. Strangways, Esq. ; Leonard Wray, Esq. ;
H. W. Freeland, Esq.; Kerry-Nichols, Esq.; Jacob Montefiore, Esq. ;
Henry Wellings, Esq.; J. Dennistoun Wood, Esq.; James A. Youl,
Esq.; and the Honorary Secretary.
Mr. FRED. YOUNG, Hon. Secretary, read the notice announcing
the meeting, which had appeared in two of the daily papers.
The PRESIDENT then nominated Mr. Henry Blaine and Dr.
Buchanan, Scrutineers of the ballot for the Members of Council
to be elected at the meeting.
The Minutes of the last Annual Meeting were read by the HON.
SECRETARY, and confirmed.
The PRESIDENT then read the following Eeport, which had been
previously circulated among the Fellows : —
EEPORT OF THE COUNCIL.
The Council have the pleasure to present to the Fellows of the
Eoyal Colonial Institute their Eighth Annual Eeport, which in the
number and variety of subjects of unusual interest and importance
has not been surpassed during the existence of the Society.
Before mentioning them, however, the Council desire to refer to
the satisfactory financial condition of the Institute, as exhibited in
the statement of the Honorary Treasurer ; and this notwithstanding
the increased demand upon the funds of the Society occasioned by
the growth and extension of its operations.
'332 A initial General Mfduiy,
Since the last Annual Meeting the number of Members elected
has been 101, of whom 40 are Kesident and 61 Non-Eesident.
Of the questions which, apart from those discussed at the Ordinary
Monthly Meetings, have occupied the consideration and called forth
the action of the Council, the three following are of conspicuous
importance, viz. the Fisheries of Newfoundland, the Cession of
Gambia, and the Colonial Museum.
With regard to the first, the Committee, the nomination of which
was announced at the last Annual Meeting, duly presented a report,
which was adopted and published by the Council.
That report contains a complete sketch of the history of the
question, and presents its leading features in a clear and concise
form ; and the Council feel assured that, whilst it has had the effect
of making the merits of the long-standing dispute with France much
more generally understood, the knowledge thus imparted ought to
further rather than retard negotiations on the subject, and to lead
to a more satisfactory settlement of the question than if the public
had not been so fully informed respecting it.
With regard to the Gambia, the Council has acted with a similar
desire to disseminate such Colonial information and opinion as it
was able to collect and impart. With that view it appointed a
Committee, consisting of some of its own body and several Fellows
of the Institute, possessing an intimate acquaintance with the
Gambia. These gentlemen produced a report, which was adopted
and published by the Council, expressing conclusions decidedly
adverse to the cession of one of the oldest British possessions. The
Council also presented a memorial on the subject to the Eight Hon.
the Secretary of State for the Colonies ; and they have little doubt
that these frank expressions of opinion had a most material in-
fluence in leading to the abandonment of the proposed cession.
Acting upon the suggestion made at the last Annual Meeting,
to consider the best means of forming a Colonial Museum, the
Council on the 7th August last waited upon the Eight Hon. the
Secretary of State for the Colonies to ask him to use his influence
to procure a central site for the proposed Colonial Museum. His
lordship expressed a warm interest in the subject, and promised to
do all in his power to promote it.
A favourable site, in a most central position for a Museum which
is intended for the benefit and convenience of all classes, being 'at
present available on the Thames Embankment, on the old Fife
House Estate, the Council, in conjunction with the Council of the
Eoyal Asiatic Society, have recently applied to the Government to
give the site in question for the purpose, and are at present engaged
Annual General Meeting. 333
in actively endeavouring to accomplish this most important and
desirable object.
The Council feel bound to recognise the great ability and energy
displayed by Dr. Forbes Watson in promoting this movement.
With regard to the Royal Titles Bill, the Council memorialised
Her Majesty, suggesting that, as it was proposed to alter Her
Royal Title in compliment to India, the Colonies, being equally
important, should be similarly recognised. The Council, however,
carefully abstained from suggesting any particular form of title,
and especially avoided expressing any opinion with respect to the
title of " Empress."
The Council regret that as yet no steps have been taken by the
Government to annex the Island of New Guinea ; but notwith-
standing the fact that they are more than ever convinced of the
importance, expressed in their memorial to the Colonial Secretary
last year — of making "good by actual possession the British claim
to the whole of the coast line of the eastern moiety of the island,"
— they have not done anything further to press the subject ; feeling
that the facts and arguments which they urged last Session remain
on record as a warning against the danger to the interests of the
Empire, of leaving a position of such commanding importance open
to any foreign nation or to adventurers who may compromise and
embarrass the future relations of Great Britain with the natives.
i The Ordinary Meetings of the Session have invariably been at-
tended by large audiences of ladies and gentlemen, and the papers
read gave rise to interesting and animated discussions. The sub-
jects have been introduced by gentlemen of distinguished position
and ability, and occurred in the following order : —
1. Acclimatisation. By Edward Wilson, Esq.
2. South Africa and her Colonies. By Lieut.-General J. Bisset,
C.B.
3. The Civilisation of the Pacific. By Colernan Phillips, Esq.
4. The Progress of Victoria. By the Right Rev. Dr. Perry,
Lord Bishop of Melbourne.
5. New Zealand. Address by William Fox, Esq., late Premier
of that Colony.
6. The Colonisation of Central Africa. Address by Lieut. V.
Lovett Cameron, R.N., C.B.
7. The Wines of Australia. By J. T. FaUon, Esq.
These and other transactions of the year will appear in the
Volume of Proceedings, which will be immediately published and
circulated among the Fellows.
334
Annual General Meeting.
The Council desire to thank the donors of various gifts which have
been kindly presented to the Institute.
Wishing to increase as much as possible the Library, the Council
invite donations of money, as well as books, from all those who
may take a kindly interest in the promotion of this object.
Many gratifying and encouraging proofs of the appreciation of
the efforts of the Institute to promote the great objects for which
it was founded have been frequently manifested both in England
and the Colonies, where also the Council rejoice to observe abun-
dant indications of the growth of the strongest feelings of affection
for the unity of the Empire.
By Order,
FREDERICK YOUNG,
June, 1876. Hon. Sec.
LIST OF DONORS.
The Duke of Manchester.
The Right Hon. the Secretary of State
for the Colonies.
Lord Alfred S. Churchill.
Lord Stanley of Alderley.
Hon. T. D. Chapman, Colonial Secre-
tary, Tasmania.
Chief Justice Parker, British Honduras.
Sir Richard Graves MacDonnell,
K.C.M.G. andC.B.
Hon. C. M. Eldridge (President of Do-
minica).
J. Roland Hett, Esq., British Columbia.
Hon. Charles Barter, M.L.C., Natal.
Dr. R. Schombnrgk, Adelaide, South
Australia.
James A. Youl, Esq., C.M.G.
Hugh Munro Hull, Esq., Tasmania.
William Walker, Esq.
Major White, Ottawa.
Right Hon. W. E. Forster, M.P.
Thomas Watson, Esq. , Cape Town.
W. H. Campbell, Esq., British Guiana.
P. H. Kind, Esq., Queensland.
Dr. J. A. Ross, Grahamstown, Cape
of Good Hope.
John Langton, Esq., Ottawa.
S. R. Townsend Mayer, Esq.
P. Russell, Esq.
C. FitzGerald, Esq.
N. Darnell Davis, Esq. (West Africa).
W. E. Stark, Esq.
A. R. Campbell- Johnston, Esq.
Alexander Heatherington, Esq., Nova
Scotia.
Abraham Hyams, Esq., Jamaica.
Captain Burgess.
E. G. FitzGibbon, Esq., Melbourne.
Hon. Adam Crookes, Q.C., Toronto.
John Sands, Esq., Sydney.
Dr. Atherstone, Grahamstown, Cape
of Good Hope.
Felix Bedmgfeld, Esq., C.M.G.
J. V. H. Irwin, Esq.
James Whitman, Esq.
Alexander Rivington, Esq.
Messrs. Adam Stevenson & Co., To-
ronto.
Goorge Street, Esq.
Messrs. Gordon & Gotch.
Lieutenant R. H. Armit, R.N.
Dr. Joseph Milligan.
F. W. Chesson, Esq.
A. G. Perceval, Esq.
R. J. Pinsent, Esq., Q.C., Newfound-
land.
W. B. Thorburn, Esq.
Miss Boucher.
S. Constantino Burke, Esq., Jamaica.
Messrs. Lawrence, Clark, & Co.
Philip Russell, Esq.
G. M. Dawson, Esq., Canada,
M. S. Fife, Esq.
Charles Cowen, Esq., Port Elizabeth,
Cape of Good Hope.
Captain Charles Mills, Cape Town.
Julien de Mosenthal, Esq.
T. C. Just, Esq., Launceston, Tasmania.
James F. Montgomery, Esq.
Alexander Murray, Esq., Newfound-
land.
H. W. Freeland, Esq.
William Smith, Esq., Deputy Minister
of Marine and Fisheries, Canada.
Colonel T. St. L. Alcock.
Frederick Young, Esq.
Annual General Meeting.
335
Hugh Jamieson, Esq.
R. A. Macfie, Esq.
H. E. Montgomerie, Esq.
John C. Paget, Esq.
E. 0. Booth, Esq.
J. H. Charnock, Esq., Quebec.
Thomas White, Esq. Orange Free State.
E. Eathorne Gill, Esq.
F. P. Labilliere, Esq.
The Editor of the "Diplomatic Re-
view."
„ McGill University, Montreal.
„ Royal Geographical Society.
„ Royal United Service Institution.
„ Smithsonian Institution, Washing.
ton, U.S.
„ Anthropological Institute.
„ Victoria Institute.
East India Association.
Melbourne Chamber of Commerce.
Cape Town Chamber of Commerce.
Canadian Institute, Toronto.
Aborigines Friends' Association,
Adelaide.
Tasmanian Club.
Melbourne Club.
Royal Society of Tasmania.
Freedmen's Mission Aid Society.
The Governments of —
The Dominion of Canada.
Ontario.
South Australia.
New Zealand.
Cape of Good Hope.
Tasmania.
British Guiana.
The Library Committee of the Parlia-
ment of Victoria.
The Agent. General for Victoria.
„ „ New South Wales.
„ „ New Zealand.
„• „ South Australia.
The Crown Agents for the Colonies.
Also Files of Papers from the Pro-
prietors of the —
Colonies.
Timber Trades Journal.
Argus and Australian.
Sydney Morning Herald.
Border Post Colonies.
Kapunda Herald.
Illustrated Sydney News.
Darling Down's Gazette.
Hobart Town Mercury.
Otago Guardian.
Southern Mercury.
Toronto Mail.
„ Nation.
Montreal Daily Witness.
Manitoba Standard.
Weekly British Colonist, British
Columbia.
Newfoundland North Star.
Cape Times.
South African Dominion Budget,
Port Elizabeth.
Beaufort Courier.
Fort Beaufort Advocate.
Cape Mercury, King Williamstown
Transvaal Argus.
Friend of the Free State, Oiange
Free State.
Natal Mercury.
„ Witness.
Royal Gazette, Demerara.
Colonist, Demerara.
Demerara Times.
Nassau Times.
Malta Public Opinion. &c. &c.
The PRESIDENT moved the adoption of the Eeport, which was
seconded by Mr. TRIMMER, and carried unanimously.
The HON. TREASURER, in presenting his Eeport, stated that
he had much pleasure in again congratulating the Fellows on the
satisfactory financial condition of the Institute ; the income last
year still showed a steady progress, and was larger than that of any
year since the foundation of the Institute in 1868 : it amounted for
the year ending llth June, 1876, to £1,250 13s. 3d. On the other
hand the gross expenditure was £1,100 2s. 7d., or taking into
account the sum of £189 10s. which had been invested, it amounted
to £910 12s. 7d., or about the same as last year. Forty-four new
Members had been elected between 1st January and llth June,
1876 ; 421 had paid their subcriptions since the 1st January ; and
336 Annual General Meeting.
only eleven had retired by death or resignation. The Rest Fund
of the Institute had been invested in Colonial Government Deben-
tures of the nominal value of £1,200 — actual value at current
market rates about £1,260. He laid before the Fellows various
statistical returns showing the progress of the Institute from its
commencement to the present date.
Mr. Strangways, the Hon. Secretary, and some other Fellows
drew particular attention to the fact that the financial position of
the Institute had decidedly improved since last year.
The following alterations in the Rules, in conformity with the
requirements of Chapter XL cl. 1, were then submitted to the
Meeting : —
The HON. SECBETARY proposed, and Dr. BUCHANAN seconded, the
following new Rule to be called "No. 4 in Chapter III. of the regu-
lations :" "That all subscriptions shall be due and payable on
the 1st January in each year."
Messrs. STRANGWAYS, YOUL, BROWN, FREELAND, Sir CHARLES DAU-
BENEY, DARNELL DAVis.and Sir CHARLES CLIFFORD having spoken on
the subject, the motion was carried unanimously.
It was also moved by the HON. SECRETARY, seconded by Sir JOHN
COODE, and carried unanimously, that the following words be added
to Rule 3, Chapter I. : " Such ad interim appointments or other-
wise to be subject to confirmation at the next succeeding Annual
Meeting."
The foUowing new Rule, in substitution for Rule 2, Chapter IV.,
moved by Mr. MOLINEUX, and seconded by Sir JOHN COODE, was
atao carried unanimously, after a brief discussion : "Whensoever
there shall appear to be cause for the expulsion of any Fellow of
the Institute, the subject shall be laid before the Council ; and if
a majority of the Council shall, after due deliberation, determine
by ballot to propose to the Institute the expulsion of such Fellow,
the President shall in that case, at a Special Meeting of the Insti-
tute summoned for that purpose, announce from the chair such
determination of the Council. The Meeting shall thereupon pro-
ceed to determine the question by ballot ; and on its appearing
that two-thirds of the Fellows present have voted for the expulsion
of the said Fellow, the President shall proceed to cancel his name
in the register."
Mr. STRANGWAYS raised the question of the power of the Annual
Meeting to recommend to the Council alterations in the Rules and
to pass Resolutions . After some discussion, in which Sir CHARLES
DAUBENEY, Messrs. YOUL, FREELAND, LABILLIERE, and DENNISTOUN
Annual General Meeting. 337
WOOD took part, the PRESIDENT ruled that no resolution on the
subject could be submitted to the Meeting.
The Ballot having remained open for an hour, the Scrutineers
reported that the following noblemen and gentlemen had been
unanimously elected as Vice-Presidents and Members of Council
for the ensuing year : —
PRESIDENT.
His Grace the Duke of Manchester.
VlCE-PEESI DENTS.
His Royal Highness the Prince Chris- The Right Hon. Lord Lisgar, G.C.B.
tian, K.G. G.C.M.G.
His Grace the Dnke of Argyll, K.T. The Eight Hon. Viscount Monck,
The Bight Hon. the Earl of Carnarvon. G.C.M.G.
The Right Hon. the Earl Granville.K.G. Edward Wilson, Esq.
The Right Hon. Viscount Bury, The Earl of Dufferin, K.P., K.C.B.,
K.C.M.G. G.C.M.G.
The Right Hon. Lord Carlingford. His Grace the Duke of Buckingham
The Right Hon. Sir Stafford H. and Chandos, G.C.S.I.
Northcote, Bt., C.B., M.P. The Most Noble the Marquis of Nor-
The Right Hon. Gathorne Hardy, M.P. manby, K.C.M.G.
The Right Hon. Steven Cave, M.P.
MEMBERS OF COUNCIL.
Henry Blaine, Esq. Jacob Montefiorie, Esq.
Sir Charles Clifford. H. E. Montgomerie, Esq.
Major-General Sir H. C. B. Daubeney, Sir Charles Nicholson, Bart.
K.C.B. Alexander Rivington, Esq.
F. S. Dutton, Esq., C.M.G. S. W. Silver, Esq.
H. W. Freeland, Esq. Sir Charles E. F. Stirling, Bart.
A. R. Campbell-Johnston, Esq. H. B. T. Strangways, Esq.
H. J. Jourdain, Esq. J. Duncan Thomson, Esq.
F. P. Labilliere, Esq. Sir R. R. Torrens, Esq.
Sir Richard Graves MacDonnell, William Walker, Esq.
K.C.M.G. and C.B. Sir C. Wingfield, K.C.S.L, C.B.
Sir George MacLeay, K.C.M.G. Leonard Wray, Esq.
Gisborne Molineux, Esq. James A. Youl, Esq., C.M.G.
TRUSTEES.
Sir John Rose, Bart., K.C.M.G. Hon. Arthur Kinnaird.
James Searight, Esq.
HON. TREASURER. , HON. SECRETARY.
W. C. Sargeaunt, Esq., C.M.G. Frederick Young, Esq.
A vote of thanks to His Grace the President, proposed by Sir
CHARLES DAUBENEY, and seconded by Sir JOHN COODE, was cordially
adopted.
Mr. LEONARD WRAY proposed, and Dr. BUCHANAN seconded, a
vote of thanks to the Hon. Secretary, Mr. Fred. Young, including
one to Mr. Labilliere. On the suggestion of Mr. STRANGWAYS, the
name of the Hon. Treasurer, Mr. Sargeaunt, was also included in
the motion, which was unanimously adopted.
The Meeting then terminated.
(338)
GENERAL INDEX.
Acclimatisation, 36
Adam, Stevenson & Co., Messrs., 334
Alcock, Colonel T. St. L., 334
Armit, Lieut. R. H., B.N., 334
Argyll, His Grace the Doke of, K.T., a
Vice-President, 337
Atherston, Dr. Guybon, 117, 146, 282,
285, 334
Bam, J. A., 143
Barter, Hon. Charles, 334
Bedingfeld, Felix, 334
Berkeley, T. B. H., 291
Bisset, Lieut.-Gen. J. J., C.B., 86,
125, 148
Elaine, Henry, 331
Member of Council, 337
Booth, E. C., 335
Boucher, Miss, 334
Brown, J. B., 57, 331, 336
Buchanan, Dr., 326, 331, 336, 337
Buckingham and Chandos, His Grace
the Duke of, a Vice -President,
G.C.S.L, 337
Burgess, Captain, 334
Burke, S. Constantino, 334
Burton, W. H., 319, 325
Bury, Et. Hon. Viscount, K.C.M.G.,
a Vice-President, 337
Cameron, Lieut. V. Lovett, E.N.C.B.,
274, 285
Campbell, W. H, 334
Carlingford, Rt. Hon. Lord, a Vice-
President, 337
Carnarvon, Earl of, 4, 334, 337
Vice-President, 337
Cave, Rt. Hon. Stephen, M.P., a Vice-
President, 337
Charnock, J. H., 335
Chase, Rev. Pahtaquahong, 261
Chevalier, 1ST., 326
Christian, H. R. H. the Prince, K.G.,
a Vice-President, 337
Chapman, Hon. T. D., 337
Chesson, F. W., 334
Churchill, Lord A. S., 334
Civilisation of the Pacific, The, 149
Clifford, Sir Charles, 4, 260, 331, 336
Member of Council, 337
Cloete, Henry, 127
Colonisation of Central Africa, The, 274
Coode, Sir John, 331, 336, 337
Cowen, Charles, 334
Creswick, Henry, 234
Crookes, Hon. Adam, 334
Currie, Donald, 144
Daubeney, Major-General Sir H. C. B.,
K.C.B., 66, 331, 336, 337
Member of Council, 3 37
Davis, N. Darnell, 326, 331, 334, 336
Dawson, G. M., 334
Dore, F. J. S., 326
Dnfferin, Rt. Hon. the Earl of, K.P.,
K. C. B. , G. C.M. G., a Vice-President,
337
Dutton, F. S., C.M.G., Member of
Council, 337
Eldridge, Hon. C. M., 334
Fallon, J. T., 297, 323, 325
Fife, M. S., 334
FitzGerald, C., 334
General Index.
339
FitzGerald, Poster, 239
FitzGibbon, B. G., 268, 293, 334
Forster, Kt. Hon. W. E., M.P., 334
Fox, Hon. William, 247, 263, 272, 326
Freeland, H. W., 2, 235, 236, 331,
334, 336
Member of Council, 337
Gambia, Memorial on the Cession of
the, 122
Gambia Report, 68
GDI, E. Eathorne, 335
Gordon & Gotch, Messrs., 334
Granville, Et. Hon. the Earl of, K.G.,
a Vice-President, 337
Hamilton, Thomas, 326
Hardy, Et. Hon. Gathorne, M.P., a
Vice- President, 337
Heatherington, Alexander, 334
Henty, William, 240
Hett, J., Eoland, 334
Hogg, Quintin, 326
Hall, Hugh Munro, 334
Hyams, Abraham, 334
Irwin, J. V., 331, 334
Jamieson, Hugh, 335
Johnston, A. E. Campbell, 113, 334
— Member of Council, 337
Jourdain, H. J., Member of Council,
337
Just, T. C., 334
Keene, J. B., 311
Kinnaird, Hon. Arthur, M.P., 1
— a Trustee, 337
Knight, William, 287
Labilliere, F. P., 140, 211, 237, 247,
292, 331, 335, 336
, Member of Council, 337
Langton, John, 334
Lawrence, Clark, & Co., Messrs., 334
Lewis, Mrs., 64
Lisgar, Et. Hon., G.C.B., G.C.M.G., a
Vice-President, 337
McArthur, Alexander, M.P., 207, 232,
285, 310
MacDonnell, Sir Eichard Graves,
K.C.M.G. and C.B., 4, 263, 331,
334
Member of Council, 337
MacLeay, Sir George, K.C.M.G., Mem-
ber of Council, 337
Manchester, His Grace the Duke of,
121, 146, 213, 243, 271, 295, 331,
334, 335, 337
President, 337
Mayer, S. E. Townsend, 334
Michie, Archibald, 59, 287, 314, 318,
325, 326
Milligan, Dr. Joseph, 334
Mills, Captain Charles, 334
Molineux, Gisborne, 331, 336,
Member of Council, 337
Monck, Et. Hon. Viscount, G.C.M.G.,
a Vice-President, 337
Montefiorie, Jacob, 331
Member of Council, 337
Montefiorie, J. B., 326
Montgomerie, H. E., 138, 210, 292,
335
Member of Council, 337
Montgomery, James F., 334
Mosenthal, Julius de, 334
Mullens, Eev. Dr., 205
Murray, Alexander, 334
Museum Deputation, 1
Newfoundland Fishery Eeport, 6
New Zealand, 247
Nicholls, Kerry, 57, 134, 211, 240, 331
Nicholson, Sir Charles, Bart., Member
of Council, 337
Nind, P. H., 334
Normanby, the Most Noble the Mar-
quis of, K.C.M.G., a Vice-President,
337
Northoote, the Et. Hon. Sir Stafford H.,
Bart., C.B., M.P., a Vice-President,
337
Ord, Dr., 65
Paget, John C., 335
Parker, Chief Justice, 334
Patterson, Miles, 331
Perceval, A. G., 334
340
General Index.
Perry, Rt. Rev. Bishop, 214, 245, 287
Phillips, Coleman, 149
Pinsent, R. J., 334
Progress of Victoria, 214
Rivingtou, Alexander, 334
Member of Council, 337
Rose, Sir John, Bart., K.C.M.G., a
Trustee, 337
Royal Title Memorial, 124
Ross, Dr. J. A., 334
Russell, P., 334
Russell, Philip, 334
Sands, John, 334
Sargeannt, W. C., C.M.G., 331, 335
Honorary Treasurer, 337
Schomburgk, Dr. R., 334
Searight, James, a Trustee, 337
Silver, S. W., Member of Council, 337
Smith, William, 334
South Africa and her Colonies, 86, 125
Stanley of Alderley, Lord, 334
Stark, W. E., 334
Stirling, Sir Charles E. F., Bart.,
Member of Council, 337
Strangways, H. B. T., 61, 62, 138,
288, 320, 331, 336, 337
. Member of Council, 337
Street, George, 334
Swale, Rev. H. J., 331
Thompson, Colonel, 266
Thomson, J. D., 331
Member of Council, 337
Thorburn, W. B., 334
Thudichum, Dr., 316
Tomkinson, Mr., 57
Torrens, Sir Robert R.,K.C.M.G., 331
Member of Council, 337
Trimmer, Edmund, 331
Walker, William, 334
Member of Council, 337
Watson, Thomas, 120, 146, 326, 331,
334
Wellings, Henry, 331
White, Major, 334
White, Thomas, 335
Whitman, James, 334
Wingfield, Sir Charles, K.C.S.I., C.B.
Member of Council, 337
Wilson, Edward, 3, 36, 62, 66, 209,
267, 271
Vice-President, 337
Wines of Australia, The, 297
Wood, J. Dennistonn, 269, 331, 336
Wray, Leonard, 331
— Member of Council, 337
Youl, James A., C.M.G., 63, 238, 331,
334, 336
Member of Council, 337
Young, Frederick, 1,2,36,67,86,121,
125, 149, 213, 214, 236, 247, 322,
325, 326, 331, 334, 336
Honorary Secretary, 337
Young, Sir William, 208
(341)
INDEX OF DONORS.
Adam, Stephenson & Co., 334
Alcock, Colonel T. St. L., 334
Armit, Lieut. E. H., 334
Atherstone, Dr. Guybon, 334
Barter, Hon. Charles, 334
Bedingfeld, Felix, C.M.G., 334
Booth, E. C., 335
Boucher, Miss, 334
Burgess, Captain, 334
Burke, S. Constantino, 334
Campbell, W. H., 334
Chapman, Hon. T. P., 334
Charnock, J. H., 335
Chesson, F. W., 334
Churchill, Lord A. S., 334
Cowen, Charles, 334
Crookes, Hon. Adam, 334
Davis, N. Darnell, 334
Dawson, G. M., 334
Eldridge, Hon. C. M., 334
Fife, M. S., 334
Fitz Gerald, Charles, 334
FitzGibbon, F. G., 334
Forster, Eight Hon. W. G., 334
Freeland, H. W., 334
Gill, E. Eathorne, 335
Gordon & Gotch, Messrs., 334
Heatherington, Alexander, 334
Hett, J. Eoland, 334
Hull, Hugh Munro, 334
Hyams, Abraham, 334'
Irwin, J. V. H., 334
Jamieson, Hugh, 335
Johnston, A. E. Campbell, 334
Just, T. C., 334
Labilliere, F. P., 335
Langton, John, 334
Lawrence, Clarke & Co., 334
MacDonnell, Sir Richard Graves,
K.C.M.G. and C.B., 334
Macfie, R. A., 335
Manchester, Duke of, 334
Mayer, S. R. Townsend, 334
Milligan, Dr. Joseph, 334
Mills, Captain Charles, 334
Montgomerie, H. E., 335
Montgomery, James F., 334
Mosenthal, Julius de, 334
Murray, Alexander,334
Nind, P. H., 334
Paget, John C., 335
Parker, Chief Justice, 334
Perceval, A. G., 334
Pinsent, R. J., 334
Rivington, Alexander, 334
Roes, Dr. J. A,, 334
Russell, P., 334
Russell, Philip, 334
Sands, John, 334
Schomburgk, Dr. R., 334
Secretary of State for the Colonies, 334
Smith, William, 334
Stanley of Alderley, Lord, 334
Stark, W. E., 334
Street, George, 334
The Editor of the "Diplomatic Re-
view," 335
The McGill University, Montreal, 335
„ Royal Geographical Society, 335
J} Royal United Service Institution,
335
„ Smithsonian Institution, Washing-
ton, U.S., 335
Anthropological Institute, 335
Victoria Institute, 335
East India Association, 335
Melbourne Chamber of Commerce,
335
Cape Town Chamber of Commerce,,
335
Canadian Institute, Toronto, 335
342
Index of Speakers.
The Aborigines Friends' Association,
Adelaide, 335
„ Tasmanian Club, 335
„ Melbourne Club, 335
„ Royal Society of Tasmania, 335
„ Freedmen's Mission Aid Society
335
The Governments of —
The Dominion of Canada, 335
Ontario, 335
South Australia, 335
New Zealand, 335
Cape of Good Hope, 335
Tasmania, 335
British Guiana, 335
The Library Committee of the Govern-
ment of Victoria, 335
The Agent - General for New South
Wales, 335
The Agent-General for Victoria, 335
„ „ New Zealand,
335
„ „ SouthAustralia,
335
The Crown Agents for the Colonies, 335
Thorburn, W. B., 334
Walker, William, 334
Watson, Thomas, 334
White, Major, 334
White, Thomas, 335
Whitman, James, 334
Youl, James A., C.M.G., 334
Young, Frederick, 334
INDEX OF SPEAKEES.
(a) Authors and Eeaders of Papers.
Bisset, Lieut.- General J. J., C.B., 86 Fox, Hon. William, 247
Cameron, Lieut. V. Lovett, R.N., C.B., Perry, Right Rev. Bishop, 214
Phillips, Coleman, 149
274
Fallen, James T., 297
Wilson, Edward, 36
(5) Discussors.
Atherstone, Dr. Guybon, 117, 146,282,
285
Baw, J. A., 143
Berkeley, T. B. H., 291
Bisset, Lieut-General J. J., C.B., 148
Brown, J. B., 57, 336
Buchanan, Dr., 336
Burton, W. H., 319
Cameron, Lieut. V. Lovett, R.N., C.B.,
285
Chas, Rev. Pahtaquahong, 261
Clifford, Sir Charles, 260, 336
Cloete, Henry, 127
Coode, Sir John, 336
Creswick, Henry, 234
Currie, Donald, 144
Daubeney, Major-General Sir H. C. B.,
K.C.B., 66, 336
Davis, N. Darnell, 336
Fallen, J. T., 322, 325
FitzGerald, Foster, 239
FitzGibbon, E. G., 268, 293
Fox, Hon. William, 263, 272
Freeland, H. W., 235, 236, 336
Henty, William, 240
Johnston, A. R. Campbell, 113
Keene, J. B., 311
Knight, William, 287
Labilliere, F. P., 140, 217, 237, 247, 292
Lewis, Mrs., 64
McArthur, Alexander, M.P., 207, 232,
285, 310
Index of Speakers. 343
MacDonnell, Sir Richard Graves, Thompson, Colonel, 266
K.C.M.G. and C.B., 263 Thudichum, Dr., 316
Manchester, Duke of, 121, 146, 213, Tomkinson, Mr., 57
243, 271, 295 Watson, Thomas, 120, 146
Michie, Archibald, 59, 287, 314, 225 Wilson, Edward, 3, 62, 66, 209, 267,
Molineux, Gisborne, 336 271
Montgomerie, H. B., 138, 210, 292 Wood, J. Dennistoun, 269
Mnllens, Eev. Dr., 205 Youl, James A., C.M.G., 63, 238, 336,
Nicholls, Kerry, 57, 134, 211, 240 Young, Frederick, 121, 125, 236, 322,
Ord, Dr., 65 336
Perry, Eight Rev. Bishop, 245, 287 Young, Sir William, 208
Strangways, H. B. T., 61, 62, 138, 288,
320, 336
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